v
JACOB GOULD SCHURMAN, LL.D.
See page 15
. -
GUNTON'S
AZINE
REVIEW OF THE MONTH
In Memory
of Washington
On the 1 4th of December, just one hun-
dred years after his death, impressive
Masonic services were held at Mount
Vernon in memory of George Washington. Seldom if
ever has this anniversary been more significant and
suggestive. A century ago the four or five million
people of this country were starting on a national ca-
reer. To-day, at the centennial anniversary of Wash-
ington's death, the nation itself is in a sense entering
upon a larger world career. This will be true whether
or not we retain possession of the Philippine Islands,
or whether we govern our other island acquisitions as
colonies or as inherent parts of the republic. The
movement of the nations to-day is tending toward a
great collision between the Teutonic and Slavic civili-
zations in the Orient. Our interests, commercial more
than political, are reaching into that quarter of the
globe, and we can hardly avoid, if we would, having a
large share in the influences that are to shape world
destinies there in the next few decades. Success in
that great contest, and our own continuous progress,
will depend greatly upon whether our part in it is one
of high-minded cooperation for the advance of civiliza-
tion, or mere booty-hunting " entangling alliances"
with foreign nations, against which Washington warned
the young republic.
1
G C/NTON'S MA GAZINE I January,
The character of President McKinley's
President's message to congress is an index to this
Message new trend. Problems of foreign posses-
sions, some near us and some far away, are unfamiliar
subjects in our presidential messages. This time they
occupy a large part of the document. Of course the
president declares, and rightly, that our one duty in
the Philippines now is to suppress the rebellion, re-
gardless of future policy. The question of future dis-
position of the archipelago he leaves entirely to con-
gress, practically without recommendations, as has been
his custom with respect to nearly all important and dis-
puted questions of public policy. The building of the
Nicaragua canal and laying of a Pacific cable are urged,
and also the appointment of a commission to study
commercial and industrial interests in China. Terri-
torial government for Porto Rico is recommended, and
free trade between that island and this country is urged
as " our plain duty." Upon this we have commented
elsewhere, as also on Mr. McKinley's remarks concern-
ing large corporations, miscalled "trusts." Liberali-
zation of our national banking laws, and additional
powers to the executive for the purpose of securing the
gold standard, are strongly advised, likewise a measure
to stop the danger to the treasury involved in the sys-
tem of endless-chain manipulation of the greenbacks.
Foreign comment on the message was almost uni-
versally favorable ; especially in Germany, because of
the extremely cordial sentiments expressed toward that
country.
Thc The condition of the treasury as shown
National in the message is more favorable than
Treasury f or man y years past, in spite of the
extraordinary drains of the last two years. True, the
national debt has been increased during this period by
I900.J REVIEW OF THE MONTH 3
nearly $200,000,000, but the available cash balance on
December ist was $278,004,837.72, of which nearly
$240,000,000 was in gold coin and bullion. The esti-
mated expenditures for the fiscal year 1901, for which
the present session of congress must make the appro-
priations, amount (exclusive of postal expenditures) to
about $578,000,000; this enormous sum, however, in-
cludes all the requests for appropriations from all the
departments, some of which are invariably reduced by
congress. For the fiscal year ending June 3ist last
there was a deficit of nearly $90,000,000, but for the
current year a surplus of $48,000,000 is expected.
Customs and internal revenue receipts at present are
coming in at the rate of almost $48,000,000 per month
those from internal revenue alone amounting to about
$25,000,000 monthly. This means a purely domestic
taxation of fully $4.00 per capita. Remembering this,
we shall not hug the belief that expansion costs noth-
ing simply because the treasury shows a cash balance.
Secretary Root's report to the president
concerning the war department is an
able document, with a refreshingly inde-
pendent and progressive spirit. He is the first secre-
tary of war in many years who has been able to muster
up courage to attack the antiquated system of organiza-
tion under which our little standing army of 25,000
men was so long administered, and propose radical re-
organization on the lines of the best modern practice.
His recommendations include a new classification of
executive functions, a more efficient system for organi-
zation of volunteers, a distinct head for the artillery
service, regular mobilization and evolutions, with naval
cooperation, radical modification of the promotion-by-
seniority system, and selection of staff officers for
ability instead of " social or political influence."
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[January,
Secretary Long's report for the navy is naturally of
a different sort, because there are not such grave de-
fects in that department to be remedied. The feature
of the naval report is the urgent request for heavy ap-
propriations for new naval equipment, including three
armored cruisers of 13,000 tons displacement, to cost
about $4,500,000 each, three protected cruisers of 8,000
tons, costing $3,000,000 each, and twelve gunboats
of 900 tons, to cost an aggregate of about $3,000,000.
The total tonnage of warships now under construction
is 123,236, which by the way is less than one-fourth the
tonnage of English warships now under way, and also
less than France, Germany, Russia and even Japan.
Secretary Long as well as Secretary Root attacks the
evils of exceptional promotions in disregard of senior-
ity, and suggests instead a system of medals, one of
which (to be granted for extraordinary service) shall
carry with it an increase of pay similar to what the
officer would receive if promoted ahead of his regular
turn.
Prompt The 56th congress opened on the 4th of
Currency December, with the election of David B.
Legislation Henderson of Iowa to the chair so long
occupied by Speaker Reed. After a short but sharp
clash over the question of admitting Roberts, the Utah
polygamist, who was denied permission to take the oath
at least until a special committee should decide on the
merits of his case, the house almost immediately settled
down to consideration of the money question. A bill
was introduced declaring in definite terms the gold
dollar of 25.8 grains, nine-tenths fine, to be the stan-
dard of value, and all interest-bearing debts of the
United States and United States notes to be redeemed
in gold. It provided further for creating a department
of redemption in the treasury, separate from the purely
i 9 oo.j REVIEW OF THE MONTH 6
revenue and expenditure operations of the government.
The secretary of the treasury is authorized to sell bonds
to maintain the gold reserve if necessary, and it is pro-
vided that greenbacks paid into the treasury for gold
shall only be reissued on receipt of gold in exchange for
them. Permission is granted to national banks to issue
circulation up to the par value of the bonds they
deposit with the government, instead of only 90
per cent, as heretofore, and the establishment of na-
tional banks with $25,000 capital in towns of not more
than 2,000 inhabitants is authorized. Simultaneously,
a bill along much the same lines was introduced in the
senate, containing however an additional provision
for refunding at 2 per cent, about $850,000,000 of the
national bonded debt, which would extend the time of
maturity in one case twenty-two years, in another
twenty-three years and in another twenty-six years,
beyond the dates when the old bonds would be pay
able.
Debate on the house bill lasted one week only, and
revealed hopeless divisions among the opposition. Free
silver did not enter into the debate. The bill was
passed on the afternoon of December i8th by a vote of
190 to 150, eleven democrats voting for it.
New Few actions of the administration have
Governor had more widespread approbation than
of Cuba the appointment on December I3th of
Major General Leonard Wood to be military governor
of Cuba. General Wood's administration of the prov-
ince of Santiago has reflected such conspicuous ability,
effectiveness and integrity as to put him easily at the
head of oar officials who have been trying to bring or
der out of the chaos left by the war. This is a particu-
larly opportune appointment, because in the last few
weeks there have been rumors of increasing friction
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[January,
and possible outbreaks against American occupation in
Cuba. This would not be surprising, since an igno-
rant population is likely to judge of the sincerity of
promises in proportion to the promptness of their ful-
filment. Necessarily, our task in Cuba will continue
for some time yet, and we shall have to meet the sus-
picion of the inhabitants that we do not intend to act
in good faith. To meet such a situation no man in our
military service is better equipped than General Wood.
Under his administration it seems altogether probable
that our high plane of disinterested policy there, as re-
iterated in the president's message, looking toward
complete independence of the island, will be wholly
successful.
Straggling
"Warfare in
the Philippines
tne other side of the globe we are
still meeting armed resistance. The
Philippine rebellion, while fast breaking
up into scattered bands operating by themselves and
practically without regard to central authority, still
continues to drag its weary length along. It is taking
on the peculiarly difficult characteristics of irregular
guerrilla warfare, which no definite battle or agreement
or treaty of peace is really sure to terminate. Ne^ver-
theless, the rebellion seems so near an end that con-
gress ought to go ahead and lay out a program of local
government, and provide the means necessary to estab-
lish it, just as fast as our outposts are advanced and
peace established. This is the plan recommended so
strongly by President Schurman, and seems far more
sensible than the idea of waiting until some official sur-
render of the rebel army can be had.
The campaign north of Manila has al-
most ceased to be a campaign and taken
on the characteristics of a chase,
whether a wild-goose chase or not does not yet appear.
Pursuing
Aguinaldo
i goo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 7
If the primary object is to capture Aguinaldo, our
troops are likely to put in a prodigious amount of over-
land travel before they succeed. According to the last
reports, the rebel leader has changed his course and is
fleeing to the South with the idea of joining the still
rather formidable body of insurgents in Cavite prov-
ince, south of Manila. On November 24th the presi-
dent of the Filipino congress, Bautista, surrendered to
General MacArthur in the vicinity of Dagupan. Early
in December one of the prominent Filipino leaders,
General Alejandrino, is also reported to have surren-
dered to MacArthur. The campaign is in many respects
one of excessive hardship. The troops make incessant
and prolonged marches over unfamiliar and rough
territory, relying on the country for food and supplies ;
many are practically shoeless, and they are compelled
to surmount all sorts of obstacles raised in their path
by the retreating insurgents and ford all sorts of
streams, sometimes the same stream a dozen times in
one day. In the tropical summer as well as the Rus-
sian winter, nature fights for the man who is at home
on his own ground.
Outside of Luzon little of importance is taking
place in the archipelago. Commander Very, with the
gunboat Castine, captured the town of Zamboanga on
the island of Mindanao, about the middle of November ;
the insurgents evacuating the town without resistance.
Some While we are trying to put down armed
Dangers insurrection and set up a stable govern-
at Home ment in the far East, by the way, we
ought not to overlook the fact that portions of our own
country have not advanced very far beyond the need of
primary civilizing influences. Kentucky, for example,
during the last few weeks has presented a discouraging
spectacle. To say nothing of the barbarous torture and
8 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [January,
burning of a negro by a mob of citizens who declined
even to wear masks, and challenged the authorities to
arrest them, and to pass over furthermore a number of
mountain fights in which something like half a dozen
Kentuckians were murdered, the political situation
alone has been bad enough to cause grave anxiety to
all friends of democratic institutions. It is clear that
innovation of new influences of some sort is needed in
Kentucky, and needed very badly. The population,
which by descent at least ought to be of high quality,
seems not to have learned the lesson of peaceable sub-
mission to the will of the majority much better than in
the Latin- American republics. In the counting of the
votes for governor thousands of Taylor votes were
thrown out because of technical defects apparently
brought about in advance of the election by the Goebel
men ; while the latter make counter-charge of gross
frauds and will contest the election. Governor Tay-
lor's plurality was 2,383, and he was inaugurated at
Frankfort on December i2th. We cannot reasonably
suppose that all the villainy was on one side. It is
more than mere partisan frauds that is the trouble in
Kentucky. The real danger element is the disposition
of the people to convert elections into a matching of
physical force and competition in ballot-box manipula-
tion. This is not peculiar to Kentucky, however. It
is a rather familiar aspect of southern elections, and
will only disappear with the oncoming of a higher
grade of industrial civilization. Mere aristocratic her-
edity is not a good enough guaranty of stable democ-
racy.
Death of Tne death of Garret A. Hobart, Vice-
Vicc-Presidcnt President of the United States, occurred
Hobart on November 2 1 st. Mr. Hobart was per-
haps the most conspicuously active occupant of the
i 9 oo. ] RE VIE W OF THE MONTH t
office that the country has had, redeeming it somewhat
from the tradition of honorable uselessness and general
isolation from the practical affairs of government into
which it had fallen. The secretary of state, John Hay,
is now next in line of succession should President Mc-
Kinley die before the expiration of his term. Naturally,
the question of who is to occupy the second place on the
ticket with Mr. McKinley next year is already a topic
of active discussion. Among the most prominently
mentioned are Secretary Root and Governor Roosevelt,
although it is extremely unlikely that the latter, so far
from desiring it, could be prevailed upon to accept it.
The Addyston ^ ^tle excitement was aroused by the
Anti-" Trust decision of the United States Supreme
Decision Court, rendered on December 4th, by
which the combination of the Addyston Pipe and Steel
Company and other corporations is declared illegal, and
ordered to be dissolved. For a time it was imagined
that this might be applied to large corporations in gen-
eral, which go popularly but erroneously by the name
of "trusts." Further examination of the decision, how-
ever, revealed that the Addyston combination was not
in the nature of a legitimate integration of capital at
all, but merely a trade agreement to refrain from com-
petition between themselves in some thirty-six states,
and making other arrangements for the control of prod-
uct, prices, etc. The great consolidations organized
during the last year or two are of an entirely different
character, being simply corporations differing from
other stock companies only in size. The decision,
therefore, instead of being at all alarming, is just what
the organizers of such a combination as the Addyston
ought to have expected, and really deserved. Combi-
nations of that sort fill no legitimate function in eco-
nomic society, and are sure to be eliminated sooner or
10 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
later by natural economic forces if not by legal meas-
ures.
The operatives in the textile factories of
LaWs p al ^ Ri ver> Massachusetts, in their suc-
Prosperity
cessful demand for a ten per cent, in-
crease of wages, set the ball rolling for the whole tex-
tile industry throughout the country. The increase
was followed by most of the cotton and woolen factories
throughout New England, affecting probably 150,000
employees. Not only in New England but in the
South the same forces have been operating, affecting
perhaps 20,000 operatives. We note also considerable
wage increases by the Boston & Maine, Brooklyn
Rapid Transit, and Delaware, Lackawanna and Western
railroads, window-glass corporations in New Jersey,
employees in the great lakes carrying trade, and in
numbers of isolated establishments throughout the
country. At the same time the printing trades through-
out the country have been successful in securing the
uniform nine-hour day. A hint of the general tendency
of affairs may be found in the December Bulletin of
the Bureau of Labor Statistics of New York State, show-
ing a gain in the membership of trade unions from
188,455 on June 30th to 209,120 on September 3Oth,
and at the same time a steady increase all along the
line in per capita earnings. For the quarter ending
June 3Oth the number of unemployed union members
in the state was 4,788; in 1898 it was 9,734; in 1897,
10,893. In other words, in 1899 the percentage of un-
employed was only 2.3, against 6.5 in 1897. At the
convention of the American Federation of Labor, which
met in Detroit on December nth, President Gompers
congratulated workingmen on the benefits of the indus-
trial revival in which they are sharing.
igoo. ] RE VIE W OF THE MONTH 11
England^ ^he situation confronting England to-day
Serious is most grave. It cannot be denied that
Reverses fae direction of the conflict with the Boers
thus far has been lamentably deficient in military judg-
ment, serious recognition of the real situation, and ade-
quate preparation for it. From the start the strength
of the Boer army has been underestimated, and the war
department under Lord Lansdowne has been provo-
kingly slow to put forth any more effort than seemed
just necessary to win if no unexpected complications
.arose. Wise management would have amply provided
for all possible emergencies. Hundreds of lives have
been sacrificed and thousands of English soldiers cap-
tured, not by reason of any lack of bravery on the part
of the rank and file but simply because of inefficient
generalship. At almost every point the Boers have
showed evidence of more careful preparation for war-
fare, along scientific lines as demanded by modern con-
ditions, than have the British, who theoretically should
be past masters in strategy. It is even more than likely
that the Boers have provided themselves with the aid of
French and German military strategists.
Late in November Lord Methuen began
-Hethuen's his advance ^^^ through Cape Colony,
Advance /
just skirting the western border ot the
Orange Free State, for the relief of Kirnberly, where
Cecil Rhodes has been shut in since the beginning of
the war. Winning a preliminary battle at Belmont, he
pushed on and encountered a force of about 2,500 Boers
on the railway line near Gras Pan, some twenty-five
miles north of the Orange River. This was November
25th. The Boers were intrenched in the hills, and
though finally dislodged and driven back it was only
after most stubborn resistance and considerable losses
on both sides. They succeeded in saving their guns
12 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [January,
and retreated to the Modder River, where conjunction
was effected with the main body of General Cronje's-
army. Here, on November 28th, occurred a most se-
vere engagement. Only a small detachment of
Methuen's men were able to force the river, but his ar-
tillery and long-range musketry fire drove the Boers
from their entrenchments. This turned out later to be
only a temporary withdrawal of artillery for the pur-
pose of placing it more effectively farther up in the
hills. The total British casualties in the Modder River
battle were 471. It was a victory, if victory at all, of
pure valor. No attempt was made to gain points by
strategy. The heaviest losses were suffered by the
Scotch Highlanders, who indeed seem to be in the front
most of the time in this war.
Checked at After this battle Lord Methuen crossed
Modder the Modder, and on December Qth at-
Rlv " tacked the Boers in their new position at
Magersfontein. Here again no attempt was made to
out-general the enemy, but the old-fashioned tactics of
direct charge and storming of entrenchments was re-
peated. This time it failed. Even Methuen's heavy
artillery practice failed to dislodge the enemy, 10,000
strong, and every attempt to advance the infantry was
repulsed by the deadly sharpshooting of the Dutch
farmers. In this battle once more the Highlanders were
fearfully decimated, the total British loss being about
450. One of the most effective officers in Methuen's
army, General Wauchope, commanding the Highland
Brigade, was killed. Methuen was forced to retire to
the Modder River, and at present is encamped there, in
considerable danger of having his supplies cut off from
the rear.
Just previous to this reverse, General
Gatacre's column, which had been advan-
Outwitted
cing directly north from Cape Town,
with the object of invading the Orange Free State, met
REVIEW OF THE MONTH 13
a similar defeat at Stormberg, south of the Orange
River. This was a clear case of being lured into am-
bush by Boer strategy. The only excuse General Gat-
acre has been able to proffer is that he was misled by
guides as to the position of the Boer army and general
lay of the land. About 600 of his men were taken pris-
oners, and Gatacre forced to retreat. The moral effect
of such a reverse, especially among the Dutch residents
in northern Cape Colony, is most serious, and unless
the fortunes of war change very soon Gatacre's division
may find itself in the midst of a volunteer army of hos-
tle burghers right in the heart of Cape Colony.
Disaster
111 fortune has overwhelmed the English
cause in Natal as well as Cape Colony.
in Natal
Late in November the Boers detached a
considerable part of the force investing Ladysmith and
continued their march to the South, almost as far as
Pietermaritzburg, which is less than fifty miles from
the seaport Durban. By November 28th, however,
General Buller's relief columns were fairly under way,
the advance columns being under the personal lead of
General Hildyard. In addition to the 4,000 or 5,000
British already in lower Natal, General Buller brought
some 16,000 additional troops. Before these the Boers
rapidly retired as far as Colenso, making renewed des-
perate efforts meanwhile to capture Ladysmith in order
to send the besieging force there forward to dispute the
passage of the Tugela River. General Buller's attempt
to force the river was made on December 15th. Here
occurred the third and by far most disastrous British
defeat of the campaign. The bridge having been de-
stroyed the British tried to ford the river under cover
of artillery fire. Colonel Long was sent forward close
to the river bank with the heavy guns, and took them
straight into a Boer ambuscade. The horses were all
14 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
killed, ten guns captured and one destroyed. Of course
the attempt to force the river had to be abandoned, and
General Duller retired to his camp at Chieveley, south
of the river. So far from relieving Ladysmith, Duller's
force is beaten back and put on the defensive until the
arrival of reinforcements and fresh artillery.
A New The English government showed not a
Policy moment's hesitation, however, in pre-
Now paring to meet this grave emergency.
The aged veteran of nearly all England's important
wars since the Crimean, Field- Marshal Lord Roberts,
was immediately called from practical retirement and
ordered to supersede General Duller in chief command,
while Lord Kitchener, the victor of the last Egyptian
campaign and now at Omdurman, was made Lord Rob-
erts' Chief of Staff and ordered immediately to the front.
The Dritish force now in South Africa and on the way
amounts to about 120,000 men, and along with the ap-
pointment of Lord Roberts the war department ar-
ranged for forwarding at least 100,000 more. In other
words, England is putting forth the best material she
can command, and may be expected to bring the whole
force of the Empire to bear rather than allow her cause
in South Africa to fail. Indeed, no other course is
open. England cannot by any means afford defeat in
this matter. Her status in the Orient even depends on
it, in a degree. It is many decades since the cause of
advancing civilization throughout the backward por-
tions of the world has faced so serious a situation as is
presented by the dangers that threaten the Dritish Em-
pire to-day.
OUR DUTY IN THE PHILIPPINES
JACOB GOULD SCHURMAN, LL. D. , PRESIDENT OF CORNELL UNI-
VERSITY AND CHAIRMAN OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION
I had better say at the outset I am not an imperial-
ist, for I do not think that I know what it means, but
still less am I an anti-imperialist, for I have a vague
idea what that term implies. I am merely a plain
American citizen who, in common with the great masses
of my fellow-citizens, believes in doing national duty
and maintaining the national honor.
The Philippine policy of the administration, which
is certainly able to take care of itself and needs no de-
fence from me if I were capable of making it, has,
during the months which have elapsed, been subjected
to a good deal of criticism, not to say execration. But
I think we are getting through the main trouble. Uncle
Sam has been for some time past like Christian in the
slough of despond, with a great load upon his back, but
he is now getting near the shore. That load is rolling
off, and although there are encounters ahead we are as-
suming a more hopeful attitude, and feeling, now that
Lawton has cut the lines with Manila and is after
Aguinaldo and his forces with all the push and energy
and ardor which animate Lawton, that the end of the
insurrection is well in sight.
Portion of address delivered before the Union League of Phila-
delphia, Nov. 25, 1899; revised by the author for GUNTON'S MAGAZINE.
15.
16 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
And so we are now turning our faces to new prob-
lems, civil rather than military, which are going to
confront us in the immediate future. I suppose it was
because of that that your chairman suggested that I say
something about the Philippine archipelago and the
people who inhabit it, their capability for self-govern-
ment, the nature of the problems which are confronting
us there and what solution of them, within human prob-
ability, it will be possible for us to achieve. For one
thing, we fail to realize the vastness of this newly ac-
quired territory. Why, gentlemen, if you were to take
the map of Europe and put Cape Wrath on the north-
ern end of the Philippine archipelago where do you
suppose the toe of Italy would come? Just about the
southernmost part of the archipelago. From north to
south the dimensions of the Philippine Islands compare
with those of Europe.
In my own experience, I sailed southward from
Manila, not going northward at all, but southward from
Manila some two thousand miles in a circuit, and I
might easily have doubled the distance, without once
getting out of the Pacific Ocean to the east of me or the
China Sea to the west. You have no idea of its vast-
ness. Besides the great extent of the country there is
the amazing variety of it. You, gentlemen, who all
speak one language and read the same newspapers and
think pretty much the same thoughts will be amazed at
discovering that there are some fifty or sixty races in
the Philippine Islands, speaking different languages
mutually unintelligible to each other, nearly half a
dozen of which have a membership exceeding 300,000.
Here is variety with a vengeance ; here are problems
in self-government the like of which we never had be-
fore.
How came we into the possession of the Philippine
Islands? The story has often been told. Those loving
i9oo.] OUR DUTY IN THE PHILIPPINES 17
sarcasm have said that we began a war for the eman-
cipation of Cuba and ended with the subjugation of the
Philippines. There is a point in that, but it is a super-
ficial view. We began a war to free the people of Cuba
from the yoke of their oppressors ; we are waging a
war in the Philippine Islands to protect the people of
the Philippine Islands from their Tagal oppressors.
The conditions may vary, the names may vary, but the
principle is identical.
We are in the Philippines, and I am one of those
who did not want to be in the Philippines. I suppose
that nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every one
thousand of the American people, if they had been
asked two years ago to take the Philippines, would
have said, " No, thank you;" and yet the islands have
come to us as the result of a righteous war come in
consequence of circumstances which we could not con-
trol unless, indeed, we had chosen to throw the whole
civilized world into a great international war.
When the president of the United States, greatly
to my surprise, gave me the honor of asking me to go
to the Philippines as the head of this commission, I
said: " Mr. President, I am not the man to go. I do
not believe in the acquisition of the Philippine Islands ;
I have spoken against it and written against it. 5 ' But
the president explained to me that he himself and his
government had not desired originally to take the Phil-
ippine Islands, and the protocol had left him free to
leave them; but, as time went on and events de-
veloped, it became perfectly obvious to him that the
price of not taking the islands was such an internation-
al complication as I have already alluded to, and there-
fore, willy-nilly, he was obliged to take them.
This is the condition which confronts us, whether
we want it or not. I believe in the freedom of the hu-
man will. Men may initiate events within certain defi-
18 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
nite limits, but there is a larger power than the human
will that takes charge of the events as soon as they
have been launched upon the sea of action, and then
they are beyond human control. We willed the war
with Spain, and we were free to have it otherwise, but
having willed the war we were not free to avoid the
circumstances which that series of actions involved.
And what has the government of the United States
been doing? We found ourselves, greatly to our
surprise, confronted with one who apparently had
been willing to cooperate with us in the
destruction of the Spanish power in the Phil-
ippines, now claiming to be the head, not only of
the native army, but of an independent government.
He demanded of us that we should leave the islands in
his charge, under his autocratic will, so that he and his
Tagal supporters might do in the name, forsooth, of
liberty and independence, what seemed good to them.
In other words, a million and a half of Tagals were to
have the right to dispose of the destinies of six and a
half million other Filipinos, but we said, in the name
of our national honor and in the name of righteous-
ness, " No."
As we brought liberty and peace, and will eventu-
ally bring prosperity, to Cuba, so also shall we bring
order and peace and in their train good government to
all the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands. To ac-
complish this, I am sure you will realize, will be no
easy task. It is not one to be entered upon flippantly
or under the influence of selfish or mercenary motives.
Our aim at the beginning was humanitarian, and so it
must remain throughout.
THE COST OF RAW MATERIALS
H. M. CHANCE
Why in one short year pig iron should rise in price
from ten dollars to twenty dollars per ton, steel should
advance from fifteen to nearly forty dollars per ton,
copper should jump from eleven to nineteen cents per
pound, tin more than double in price, and many other
comparatively crude products score similar advances, is
not fully answered by the statement commonly made
that the rise in price is due to increased demand, nor
by the statement that production is now controlled by
trusts or combinations among producers, who taking
advantage of the necessities of consumers have unrea-
sonably advanced the price of their products.
Unless monopoly be absolute, controlling all
sources of production, the price of any product is sub-
ject to competition, and is ultimately fixed by the cost
of production plus a fair compensation to the capital
and brains engaged in producing the article.
Eliminating the cost of raw materials, the cost of
producing any finished product decreases as the quan-
tity produced increases, for in all manufactured arti-
cles the cost of manufacture is less when the article is
made on a large scale than when made in small quan-
tities.
But this is not generally true of those natural
products which are commonly termed * ' raw materials, ' '
because the conditions governing their modes of occur-
rence in nature, or the manner in which they can be
grown or raised, vary widely. Large deposits of cer-
tain ores are found in some localities where the condi-
tions are such that they can be extracted from the earth
more easily than at other places ; in some countries
19
20 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
soil and climate are found more favorable to the cheap
and abundant production of certain grains, cotton or
other agricultural products than is possible under con-
ditions found elsewhere, and certain parts of the earth's
surface are especially adapted to raising cattle or sheep
at low cost.
All these products of nature, whether raised from
the soil or gathered from deposits hidden beneath the
surface, are what may be termed raw materials, into
the cost of producing which there enters not only the
labor cost but those natural factors which render pro-
duction relatively easy or difficult.
In the production of these finished products in
which skilled labor is the principal element of cost, as
in the manufacture of watches, clocks, sewing-machines,
or bicycles, a large increase in the demand inevitably
results in lessened cost of production, due in part to
economies effected by carrying on the industry on an
enlarged scale, and in part by the stimulation to inven-
tion and improvement in processes which such growth
insures, attracting the attention of thousands of invent-
ors to the possibility of profitably employing their tal-
ents in that direction.
Hence, while the political economist may be right
in holding that increased demand raises prices, such
rise is merely incidental and temporary as regards fin-
ished products of this class, for ultimately, and quickly
too, the increased demand lowers the cost of produc-
tion, often in a most astounding manner. The history
of bicycle manufacture in this country during the last
eight years furnishes an example of the rapid fall in
cost of production increased demand may accomplish.
When, however, we consider the possible effect of
increased demand on the cost of producing natural
products, entirely different conditions confront us, the
chief of which is the unequal distribution of such natu-
i 9 o.] THE COST OF RA W MATERIALS 21
ral products, and the varying difficulties attending their
production in different localities.
The air we breathe is probably the only product of
nature uniformly distributed and everywhere equally
available. Water is a costly commodity in some re-
gions, salt almost unknown in others, clay is absent
from large areas, and in some countries sand must be
transported hundreds of miles for building purposes,
while in others no building stone can be found.
Rich deposits of gold, of copper, of zinc ore, of
lead ore, iron ore and other minerals are found in cer-
tain districts, and relatively lean ores or small deposits
in other localities.
When the demand for such metals is limited to the
quantity that can be mined or extracted from ores pro-
duced by the few rich deposits, the average cost of pro-
duction is low because the smaller or leaner deposits
need not be worked, but any large increase in the de-
mand requires the extension of work to those deposits
more costly to work, and the average cost of production
is increased correspondingly, each successive increase in
the demand necessitating an extension of operations to
deposits yet more costly to work, the cost of produc-
tion thus steadily rising as the demand increases.
And this is doubtless true as well of agricultural as
of mineral products, although perhaps not so apparent
and not so easy to demonstrate by quoting instances of
such enhanced cost.
It is of course true that the enhanced market price
due to increased demand for any metal or natural prod-
uct stimulates search for new deposits of such metal,
and if this search results in the discovery of large, rich
and cheaply- worked deposits, the price and cost of pro-
duction will correspondingly decline, but there is a natu-
ral limit to such discoveries because the number of such
exceptional deposits is limited, and the more rapid ex-
22 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
haustion of mines of this class hastens that period of
enhanced cost of production in which reliance must be
upon the relatively poorer ores mined at constantly in-
creasing cost.
The iron-ore industry of eastern Pennsylvania is a
striking example of such conditions. During and im-
mediately following the civil war (1860 to 1875) the
brown hematite ore deposits of that region were most
energetically developed, and mining was so vigorously
prosecuted that early in the 8o's the best, richest and
most cheaply-mined deposits were exhausted or rapidly
approaching exhaustion ; so that by 1890 only the poor-
er class of deposits remained, with the exception, here
and there, of a deposit of good ore that had been over-
looked by the earlier prospectors. The average mining
cost rose so high that the furnaces were compelled
largely to use ores brought from the Lake Superior re-
gion, which could be delivered, ton for ton of iron
made, cheaper than the local ores could be mined. Re-
cently with increased demand it has been necessary
again to have recourse to these brown hematite ore de-
posits, at correspondingly increased cost per ton of iron
made.
Another good illustration of the general increase in
cost of production following increased demand is pre-
sented by the copper mining industry. So long as the
demand for copper did not exceed a given quantity, it
could be supplied from mines capable of producing it at
an average cost of 8 or 9 cents per pound. To supply
the present large increase in the demand it is now nec-
essary to have recourse to those deposits from which
the cost of production may be 10, 12 or 15 cents or more
per pound, thus notably increasing the average cost of
production.
In regions where certain natural products occur in
great abundance the operation of this law may not be
i 9 oo.] THE COS T OF RAW MA TERIALS 23
apparent, and increased demand may often appear to
lower the cost of production. Undoubtedly this is true
of such localities, but such cheapening of the cost of
production is purely local.
In this country are large areas underlaid by coal
beds of such thickness that they can be cheaply mined,
and certainly such quantities of coal that many genera-
tions must pass before they can possibly be exhausted.
Here increased demand means increased output with
lower working costs ; but this is exceptional and local,
applying particularly to the Appalachian region. In
most of our coal fields increased demand means develop-
ment of coal at increasing depth, and under conditions
generally of increased cost.
The production of gold, copper, silver, lead, zinc,
platinum, graphite, corundum, mica, in short almost
every mineral product, is governed by the law that en-
larged production responding to increased demand is
accompanied by an increase in the average cost of pro-
duction.
But it should be observed that increased production
not caused by enlarged demand is ordinarily not ac-
companied by higher cost of production, but on the
contrary usually indicates a decline in the cost of pro-
duction. Such decline may originate either in the dis-
covery of large and cheaply worked deposits or in the
discovery or invention of improved processes of extrac-
tion whereby the cost is reduced.
Declines in the cost of production from either of
these causes commonly bring about a readjustment of
the industry in which they occur, the reduced cost
opening new possibilities of application and usefulness
and enlarging the possible demand. Thus the decline
in the cost of producing aluminum from $5.00 per
pound to 50 cents per pound at once raised the con-
sumption from practically nothing to some millions of
24 GUNTOWS MAGAZINE [January,
pounds, and the further decline to 20 or 25 cents opens
a new field for this metal as an electric conductor, in
which it is now competing with copper, and which may
further enormously increase the demand.
Perhaps this is the most striking example of recent
years that can be quoted to illustrate how decreasing
cost enlarges the demand for any product, but this same
industry may easily furnish an example of how in-
creased demand may increase the cost of production,
for, should the demand for aluminum increase rapidly,
the cost of production will doubtless rise, owing to the
fact that the alumina from which it is extracted is ob-
tained from bauxite, a mineral of comparatively rare
occurrence, and the known supply of which is quite
limited. Any large increase in the demand for this ore
would speedily cause a rise in the cost of producing it,
and thus increase the cost of making aluminum.
As the average cost of all products subject to com-
petition is measured by the cost of production, plus a
fair profit to the producer, fluctuations in the price may
generally be taken as representing fluctuations in the
cost of production. In the absence of combinations to
control prices, the price is a fair index to the cost of
production.
In recent years the demand for platinum, owing to
its use in various electrical appliances, has enormously
increased and the price has practically doubled. To
supply this demand deposits must now be worked that
were too lean to pay under former prices. In other
words, the average cost of production has advanced
with the increased demand. And so with almost every
metal or mineral product it can be shown that when the
demand becomes larger than the capacity or output of
the most cheaply worked deposits, the average cost of
production increases.
It is doubtless true, also, that every such increase
IQOO.] THE COST OF RA W MA TERIALS 25
in demand results in developments tending to effect the
natural increase in cost, by labor-saving inventions and
by the discovery of cheaper and better methods of min-
ing, preparing or extracting the product ; so that, after
the first advance in cost due to increased demand there
follows a decline effected by these agencies, and in
some cases this decline is equal to or exceeds the ad-
vance, and the net result may be a cheapening of the
product. But while such a decline may and often does
occur it is by no means certain that any decline will re-
sult, and in many instances no decline whatever occurs.
The recent sensational advance in the prices of iron
and steel, of copper, tin, zinc and many other products,
whereby prices have increased from 50 to 200 per cent,
in less than a year, is explicable only as a result of the
operation of this law. Great combinations of capital
control the best and most cheaply worked iron and cop-
per mines of this country, but they have not brought
about this increase by shutting down their mines and
creating a famine in these metals, nor by arbitrarily
raising the price and refusing to sell for less than that
price. On the contrary, it is well known that many of
these large corporations sold their whole output,
throughout this period of rising prices, months ahead,
and were delivering to customers at prices far below
current quotations; their customers reaping a large
part of the profit from enhanced values. The fact is
that the demand for these products suddenly reached
proportions far beyond the capacity of these larger and
more cheaply- worked deposits, and to supply this de-
mand recourse was necessarily had to deposits of leaner
ores, more costly to mine and smelt, thus increasing
the cost of production to figures far above those preva-
lent in recent years, and virtually going back to the
conditions obtaining fifteen or twenty years ago.
HAWAII AND PORTO RICO AS COLONIES
GEORGE L. BOLEN
The important question to be settled during the
present session of congress is the kind of annexation
policy to be adopted for Porto Rico and Hawaii. They
have already been annexed, but the character of their
union with the United States, their form of government,
is yet to be determined by congress.
In view of probable future relations with Cuba,
this question of permanent status is more momentous
to the American citizen, though probably not to the
party in power, than any possible glory of success or
disgrace of failure in the antipodal Philippines. The
eight or ten millions of people in the latter islands will
readily be classed with the Chinese, whose exclusion
from American residence and citizenship seems perma-
nently settled. But the general and apparently indif-
ferent expectation for Porto Rico and Hawaii is that
they will be made territories, similar in government
.and future rights to the territories formed from the
Louisiana and Mexican accessions.
Americans desiring to be fully worthy of their cit-
izenship, whose rights came not for the asking but were
secured with the great price of six centuries of struggle,
.are finding in these latter days occasions for eternal
vigilance in practice as well as in theory. Such have
now the duty and privilege of knowing the facts and
expressing their desires concerning the kind of annex-
ation they would have. The activities of the govern-
ment proceed not so much from the will of the presi-
dent and of congress as from the will of the people,
whose servants they are. And, however able and hon-
est our statesmen, they prefer an active, intelligent
26
HA WAII AND PORTO RICO AS COLONIES 27
public opinion to support them in their policies and to
guard against mistakes. William H. Seward ranks
among the country's great men, yet he was so captivated
with the annexation idea that he hoped the City of
Mexico would soon be the capital of the United States.
The present cases of annexation differ materially
from all cases in the past. In the first place, those were
annexations of territory but not of people. With Porto
Rico and Hawaii there is annexation of many people
but of very little territory. The French and Spaniards
that came with Louisiana and Florida, an insignificant
.addition to the population at first, were soon lost sight
of as emigration from the older sections spread over the
vast new area now comprising fifteen states west of the
Mississippi. The Texan republic was peopled and gov-
erned by emigrants from the older states. New Mexico
and California contained some Spanish settlements,
though their aggregate population was probably less
than 20,000, and these were divided by the distance of
a thousand miles between Santa Fe and San Francisco.
Alaska was practically uninhabited by anybody eligible
to citizenship. Porto Rico, however, is said to be one of
the most densely populated areas in the world. Its
3, 530 square miles sustain 850,000 people, an average
of about 240 to every 640 acres; and Hawaii's 100,000
is a considerable population for its 6,500 square miles
of mountainous and volcanic islands.
In the second place, the island populations where
they are cannot be absorbed and assimilated by the
whole body of the American people, provided the as-
similating capacity of the latter were not already over-
taxed by immigration from Europe. Only a few hun-
dreds from the states are likely to crowd into Porto Rico,
and only several thousands into Hawaii. These may
be partially absorbed the other way. How different
was the case with California, when the rush of gold
28 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
seekers set in immediately after annexation. Neither
can the islanders be assimilated by removal to the states.
Except the Chinese and Japanese in Hawaii, who are
excluded by law, the bulk of each population, even if
welcome, is not fitted to compete in the struggle for ex-
istence in the United States.
Thirdly, the previous annexations took place be-
fore the time of European immigration, while the
American population yet consisted almost wholly of
the original stock. At present, however, the foreign
element predominates in the populous centers.
If the form of territorial government adopted for
Porto Rico and Hawaii is the same as that of the west-
ern territories, the prospect of admission to the union
as states will be included. A radically different basis
would make a safer annexation. Professor H. P. Jud-
son, in his exhaustive article in the Review of Reviews,
has showed conclusively that there will be no constitu-
tional difficulty in forever withholding American cit-
izenship and statehood from the island populations, or
in applying the tariff and navigation laws to the islands
in any way that may prove preferable. But the deci-
sion (or recommendation) by the insular commission, in
their report of last July, that the islands as now an-
nexed belong to but are not a part of the United States
(following Professor Judson's statement) was criticized
unfavorably by leading anti-imperialist newspapers,
with no apparent reason except to find fault ; and it
was reported from Washington that the gratuitous rec-
ommendation or opinion of the commission displeased
the president and would receive no attention from the
government. In his message to congress the president
has recommended practically the territorial form of
government.
The interests of the American people and of Amer-
ican civilization imperatively demand that in the for-
HA WAII AND PORTO RICO AS COLONIES 29
mation by congress of a government for Porto Rico and
Hawaii they be permanently annexed as colonies, with
no rights of American citizenship or statehood. This
would be a precedent for Cuba, if it should eventually
be annexed. These people would then in each case be
citizens of their own island, and would be secure in
their enjoyment at home of all the rights and immuni-
ties guaranteed by the constitution except the right to
vote on United States affairs. What more could rea-
sonably be asked? Perhaps there are no freer people
than the Australian colonists, people of English blood,
yet they are not voters in England and never expect to
be. They lead the world in some advanced methods
of free government, and do not feel that their highest
aspirations are blighted by reason of their position as
colonists in an imperial system.
The American citizenship that made this country,
that predominated everywhere before the overspread-
ing rise of the immigration flood twenty-five years ago,
would most likely be overbalanced in power by the ad-
mission a few years hence of two senators and six or
seven congressmen from an entirely foreign population
in Porto Rico. Hawaii would be likewise foreign un-
less the few Americans, English and Germans should
acquire some kind of oligarchical control over the
masses.
Even without statehood in any of the islands, pre-
vailing American citizenship in the near future bids
fair to be of uncertain quality. Annual immigration
is getting back again toward the half million mark, be-
low which it dropped in 1893, and a larger proportion
than ever come from the interior and the south of the
European continent. People from these sections be-
'Come Americanized only after many years' residence,
when scattered in small communities, but those who
come now chiefly join settlements of their own people
30 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,.
in the large cities, and remain in many cases as foreign*
as before they came. In their unfriendliness toward
existing conditions, education may render them more
dangerous, The birth rate is undoubtedly higher
among the foreign population than the native proba-
bly much higher. New England is now said to be for-
eign in blood and in religion foreign at least to what
was once characteristic of New England. New York city
and Chicago, the chief centers, are foreign by a large
majority of voters. In perhaps all the other large cit-
ies the foreign element holds the balance of power.
The country population in some states is decreasing,
while the cities have lately been growing faster than in
any previous period, and are expected to acquire more
and more power in state and nation. The relative in-
crease of foreign population since the civil war seems
destined to continue. Restriction of immigration be-
comes more difficult as it is delayed. American-
izing influences weaken as population gathers in
cities with the American element becoming less impor-
tant. This country is not now governed by the same
kind of American sentiment that prevailed up to the
centennial year, and later.
The change of residence has been a good thing for
the immigrants, most of whom have prospered, though
there is little improvement in condition for those who
come over now and join the submerged tenth. But
what of the Americans who have been supplanted in
the government of their own home cities? And does
the change work for progress in civilization, and for
human welfare? May not the American tree be
stripped too greedily of its life-giving fruit and of its
healing leaves to admit of its continuance in bearing,
and America cease to be a synonym for opportunity?'
If wisdom is learned from the experience so far, and
determined action promptly begun, an affirmative an-
IQOO.] HA WAII AND PORTO RICO AS COLONIES 81?
swer to the second question may be worked out. In
the flush times following the civil war there was more-
complacency in the American mind than mortal man
dare indulge with impunity. Not a few still treasure
this same complacency, and cry " pessimism! " when it
is questioned. Truly, when this mood prevails we have
here no continuing city. After all, this immigration
from Europe is simply a modern case of the westward
movement of the human race. Neither Alaric the Goth
nor Attila the Hun ever led over Europe a greater horde
than America has received year after year. But in our
battle of Chalons, to preserve the heritage the fathers
won, the martial spirit will not suffice. A higher grade
of courage is required. There must be a willingness to-
face facts as they are, however repugnant, and a heroic
disregard of clamorous factions that hinder the prog-
ress and welfare of the nation.
The discussion in the two preceding paragraphs
has a distinct bearing on the status of the Spanish is-
lands. As the political parties have hesitated, in view
of the foreign vote, to check the tide of immigration,
the annexed islands ought to be placed so clearly out-
side of the union as to afford no party a temptation to-
admit a new state to gain senators and congressmen.
The creation .of an indestructible state is a serious mat-
ter. Some of the new Rocky Mountain states whose
admission helped a doubtful majority in the senate may
not be a benefit to the union. The case of Nevada,
though not new, is often mentioned, with her two sena-
tors and one congressman from a population equalled in
many cases by an eastern or central agricultural coun-
ty. In a recent magazine article it was stated that in a.
treaty vote senators representing four million people
can thwart the will of senators representing the remain-
ing sixty-six million.
A religious inducement also would exert pressure
32 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
toward the admission of Porto Rico and Cuba if in their
territorial government they were not placed perma-
nently outside of the union. The strongest church or-
ganization in America (also the strongest in Europe)
would gain for her American body practically all of
these two million islanders if they should be admitted
to citizenship. It was estimated that adherents of this
church constituted two- thirds of the 50,000 immigrants
who landed in this country during a recent month.
It would seem that the party in power, for its own
interests as well as those of the nation it governs,
should not hesitate to place these Spanish islands be-
yond the bounds of possible statehood. The opposition
party would probably win a large majority of their
vote. The republican claim to gratitude for driving
out the Spaniards could be met by the democrats with
their advocacy of Cuban independence, and also with
their part in forcing the - administration into the war.
The republican share of the country's total foreign vote
is undoubtedly a minor fraction ; and it is especially
small among the Irish, French Canadians, and southern
Europeans, with whom the Porto Ricans and Cubans
would most likely unite. Yet this clamorous fraction
(or rather, the larger fraction whose votes the republi-
cans never get) seems to receive from them more con-
sideration in politics than their own voters to the man-
ner born. It is because the native Americans (except
the powerful industrial interests) ask so little and accept
less. By making the islands each a possession but not
a part of this country, the president and the republi-
can majority in congress will further the true interests
not only of the faithful in their party and of this nation
as a whole but also of the islanders themselves, and of
those who may yet find a home in this land of promise.
Humanity's chief hope lies in the success of * ' the
American experiment/'
THE NEW CURRENCY BILL
At last the republican party, with the full coopera-
tion of the administration, is facing the money ques-
tion. In 1896 the election was won by the republicans
and lost by the democrats on the issue of the money
standard. At the opening of the campaign the demo-
cratic party under the leadership of Mr. Bryan was
boldly and almost arrogantly demanding ' ' bimetal-
lism," not merely as meaning the use of both gold and
silver coins as full legal-tender money but as meaning
the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of
sixteen parts of silver to one of gold. As the campaign
developed, the discussion of the subject drew the lines
tighter and tighter and there was no escaping the real
issue, between the gold standard and the silver stand-
ard which the free coinage of silver necessarily in-
volved.
Yet, during the whole campaign the republican
party was as sensitive and delicate as possible on the
point of the gold standard. Mr. Bryan and the demo-
cratic party were as bold and defiant as reckless polit-
ical adventure could demand. They denounced the gold
standard and all who favored it, and charged all who
were not in favor of the free coinage of silver at six-
teen to one as being in favor of the single gold stand-
ard. Much of the campaign was taken up with repel-
ling this charge. The republicans and the gold demo-
crats grew bolder and bolder, however, in the affirma-
tion that free coinage of silver would be disastrous to
the business and financial interests of the country. Yet,
even at the close of the campaign they had not reached
the point where they were ready boldly to affirm that
the single gold standard should be declared and adhered
to as the national policy. Even after the election the
33
34 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
president appointed a commission to go to Europe to
try to bring about an international union for the estab-
lishment of bimetallism in the leading countries.
All economic and financial influences, however,
from that time to this have headed very rapidly away
from silver and towards the gold standard. During
these three years in which Mr. Bryan has been trying
to educate the American people, while adhering to the
Chicago platform in the abstract and occasionally an-
nouncing that free silver was still the issue, he has felt
the force of events and has said less and less about six-
teen to one. The revival of business, the development
of new industries and growth of prosperity throughout
the country, has helped this tendency and done much
to crystallize national sentiment in favor of the gold
standard. In 1896 nearly seven million votes were cast
for the presidential candidate who made free silver the
main proposition in his campaign. It is more than
probable that if an election should take place now, and
upon the single issue of the free coinage of silver, the
same candidate would not be able to get much more
than half his following of 1896. The result is that Mr.
Bryan as a political leader has been compelled to tack,
and make trusts and anti-expansion the conspicuous
topics for campaign propaganda.
During the march of events and rapid crystalliza-
tion of public sentiment on this subject in the last three
years, some degree of impatience has been expressed
that the administration and republican party did not
really take hold of the money question and embody the
ideas endorsed by the election of 1896, and which have
been confirmed and extended month by month ever
since, in law. But it is always true that when the
people begin to recognize the importance of a subject
they are impatient because the government does not
move more rapidly. Wendell Phillips, representing
THE NEW CURRENCY BILL 35
the northern abolitionists, once reproached President
Lincoln for not declaring for the abolition of slavery,
when Mr. Lincoln replied : ' ' Mr. Phillips, your func-
tion and mine are different. Your function is to make
public opinion and mine is to use it. Go on and make
it as fast as you can, and we will use it as fast as you
make it." There was real philosophy in that. Gov-
ernments, especially in democracies, can never travel
much faster than the people. That is why the real ed-
ucational forces tell most effectively when they work
among the people.
When the present administration was elected in
1896 it was by rather a close call. The popular vote
for Bryan was nearly as large as that for McKinley.
The nation was not very emphatic in favor of the gold
standard. Hence, perhaps there is a naturalness in the
seeming slowness with which the administration, and
the administration party in congress, have moved to-
ward this question. But economic forces and continual
discussion by those who understand the subject have edu-
cated the people so that now public opinion is growing
not only for the gold standard but for a good deal more
improvement in our fiscal system, and it is encouraging
to see that not only the party in power, but a large
section of the democratic party, are willing to use this
growing public opinion and convert into law what is
now dominantly the opinion of the American people.
With the opening of congress the first important
measure to receive consideration is the money question.
In both the house and the senate a measure has been
presented on the subject. It is a good sign of the
situation that both these measures have been worked
over by representative men in the respective houses, so
that they are presented to congress in a somewhat di-
gested form. Although they can hardly be regarded
as being anything like a comprehensive dealing with
36 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
the banking and currency question, yet both measures
deal quite effectively with a few important phases of
the subject.
First of all, both the house and senate bills (which
are so nearly alike in most respects that there will
probably be little difficulty in the two houses agreeing
on the same measure) first and foremost deal with the
gold standard. This seems at first sight to be almost
an unnecessary step, as it is generally agreed that we
not only have the gold standard but have had it since
1834. Practically this is true, yet technically the gold
standard is not established by law in any such way as
to prevent the president, if he so determined, from
putting us on a silver basis.
The peculiarity of our financial mechanism is such
that the monetary standard is sustained, not by the
business and banking methods of the country, but
solely by the government. It is entirely true that for
sixty-five years the business of this country has been
done on the assumption that final payments of balances
in both public and private obligations would be made
in gold, but the responsibility for this rests entirely on
the willingness of the government to pay its own obli-
gations in gold and furnish the coin for private indi-'
viduals to do the same. Strictly speaking, in the last
analysis nobody is really called upon to furnish gold in
this country except the government. That is because
our paper money consists of legal-tender government
notes, or bank-notes endorsed by the government, which
practically amounts to the same thing. In order to keep
all our paper money up to the gold standard the govern-
ment has to pay gold for the paper currency whenever
it is demanded, and nobody else is called upon to do
so, because nobody else issues any paper money. No-
body is called upon to pay gold for greenbacks except
the United States government ; so that, whenever gold
1900.] THE NEW CURRENCY BILL 37
is needed the greenbacks are used as the means of get-
ting it. They are presented to the treasury, and in
order to sustain the solvency of the government it has
to furnish gold, and if it has none it must go out and
borrow it. This was done several times during the
last administration.
The obligations the government has contracted,
both in issuing bonds to get gold to enable the banks
to accommodate their customers, and obligations of
other character, are made to be paid in coin at the op-
tion of the government. Consequently, so far as we
have two legal tender coins, silver and gold, the gov-
ernment, which for the time being is the president and
his secretary of the treasury, can select which of the
two metals shall be used in paying the obligation.
Now the maintenance of the gold standard depends en-
tirely upon the government continuing to pay gold for
its obligations. If it should decide at any time to pay
silver, which under existing laws it has a perfect
right to do, then all our paper money would be on a
silver basis. The greenbacks would be redeemed in
silver, treasury notes redeemed in silver, all the bonded
indebtedness be paid in silver. Since nobody else is
called upon to furnish gold, or even coin for that mat-
ter, the kind of coin the government furnishes in pay-
ment for its obligations is the coin that fixes the stand-
ard of all other business transactions. So that, after all,
while we have been actually on a gold basis for sixty-
five years, for half of that time the maintenance of the
gold standard has depended absolutely upon the will of
the president and his secretary of treasury. If, there-
fore, we should by any accident have a man of Mr.
Bryan's ideas and disposition as president, with a secre-
tary of the treasury who shared his views, they could, and
if they had the courage of their convictions they would,
at once use silver in the payment of public obligations.
38 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January
This they would have a distinct legal right to do until
congress should determine otherwise. In this way we
are exposed to the danger of changing our standard
from gold to silver entirely independent of any public
expression or legislation upon the subject, a danger the
significance and extent of which few people can com-
prehend.
Both bills now before the house and senate defi-
nitely dispose of this danger by declaring that all inter-
est-bearing obligations of the United States and all
United States notes and treasury notes shall hereafter
be payable in gold coin, a dollar of which shall contain
25.8 grains of gold, nine-tenths fine, or 23.22 grains of
pure gold. If either of these measures becomes law,
hereafter no president or other officer will have the
right to pay any public obligations of this country or
redeem any greenbacks or United States notes in any-
thing but gold coin, unless the person receiving it
should for some incomprehensible reason prefer silver.
This will establish the gold standard beyond a doubt,
and beyond the reach of anybody but the people of the
United States acting through their representatives in
congress.
Another, and in some respects scarcely less impor-
tant feature of both measures, is the terminating of the
endless use of the greenbacks and government notes as
instruments for draining the gold out of the treasury to
pay private obligations. Of course, when this meas-
ure passes, all the government notes that are outside
can be so used, but they can only be used once. Some-
thing less than thirty millions of these notes are now in
the treasury, leaving considerably over four hundred
millions which can be used to make the government
11 hustle" for gold. But this bill provides that here-
after when these notes are presented they shall never
again be re-issued or paid out except in exchange for
I 9 oo.] THE NEW CURRENCY BILL 39
gold, so that when the government has once paid gold
for them it shall never be called upon to do so again.
Heretofore the government could be made to pay and
has been made to pay gold for these notes over and
over again. The banks always keep government notes
as they come in for deposit, and pay out to their cus-
tomers who need paper money only the silver certifi-
cates and bank-notes. But the government, when
called upon to pay gold for greenbacks, has heretofore
paid the greenbacks out again for salaries and expenses,
and they have immediately filtered their way back into
the banks. Thus, whenever for purposes of foreign
trade bankers or merchants have wanted additional gold
they have simply used the greenbacks over again to
make the government furnish it, and, as already stated,
it has frequently happened that this has drained the
government's stock of gold below the safety point. In
order to maintain the gold standard and prevent a panic
the government has had to issue bonds to borrow gold
and pay the interest, only to have the same perform-
ance repeated whenever the occasion required. Mr.
Cleveland's three bond issues were all caused chiefly by
this " endless chain " system. The refusal hereafter to
pay out greenbacks except in exchange for gold puts an
end to this performance.
Of course, this may result in half or two-thirds of
the government notes being retired. This would con-
stitute a contraction of the currency of from two to
three hundred millions, which is an undesirable thing,
but the volume of the currency can be dealt with subse-
quently if occasion requires. The breaking of this in-
terminable drain upon the treasury for gold for private
purposes is well worth the risk of currency contraction
involved. Moreover, in order to prevent any financial
fright arising from this paying out of gold, both the
house and senate bills provide that the secretary of the
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
treasury shall have full power to issue bonds to secure
whatever gold is necessary to maintain the reserve fund
for this redemption purpose.
Beyond this the proposed legislation promises very
little. To establish the gold standard and stop the end-
less drain of gold from the treasury are two real, solid
steps toward a more wholesome and sound financial sys-
tem. But this does not do much, indeed it can hardly
be said to do anything, in the way of giving us a sound
banking system. It only takes two excellent prelimi-
nary steps. It is perhaps too much to expect, in the
present state of the public mind and for that matter the
state of mind of the republican party, that we should
have anything like a comprehensive banking and cur-
rency reform undertaken. Yet the constant recurrence
of what is called monetary stringency, which creates a
fright in Wall Street and a financial flutter all over the
country, cannot be escaped until something is done
toward the introduction of sound principles in our
banking system.
One of the crude features of our financial system
which ought to be remedied by the present congress,
and it really seems might have been incorporated in the
present bills, is our sub-treasury system. This is a
system by which all the government funds are kept
locked up in the treasury and sub-treasuries just as a
miser hoards money in a hole in the floor. At this
writing this amounts to about two hundred and eighty-
eight million dollars. Now this is practically a con-
traction of the volume of circulating money in the
country. Under ordinary business conditions in other
civilized countries that would be on deposit in some
bank or banks, thus adding two hundred and eighty-
eight millions to the available funds at the disposal of
the banks for use in the business of the country. In
proportion as the government revenues are liberal,
i goo.] THE NEW CURRENCY BILL 41
which the prosperity of the country may increase, this
system serves to contract the volume of money at just
the time when it is most needed in business circulation.
To abolish this system would not involve any disturb-
ance, but it would tend to compensate for the contrac-
tion which the retirement of the government notes by
refusal to pay out except for gold will involve. This
may, as already pointed out, lead to a contraction of
anywhere from two to three hundred millions. If the
surplus of government revenues now held in the sub-
treasuries were put on deposit in the national banks,
that would add to the volume of available money fully
as much as may be subtracted from it by the retention
of all the government notes that are paid in. This
would involve no disturbance. It would offset the dis-
turbing possibility, as just suggested, and it would for-
ever get rid of the crude, uneconomic and uncivilized
method of treating government funds.
It is to be hoped that somebody in congress will
have the courage to amend the bill now under discus-
sion, either in the house or senate, or perhaps in the
conference, so as to provide that all government funds
shall be placed on deposit pro rata with national banks
in reserve cities. These deposits might, if necessary,
be made a preferred lien on the entire assets of the
bank, so as to give added security if any were needed ;
and could also be a source of income to the government,
since the banks would be able to pay for the use of the
money.
After these crude features of our monetary system
have been sufficiently eliminated the course will at least
be clear for undertaking some real reform in our bank-
ing system. This will be the more feasible and meet
with less opposition in proportion to the success attend-
ing the working of the bills passed by the present con-
gress. With the gold standard unmistakably estab-
42 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
lished by law, and silver placed where even the influ-
ence of fanatics cannot make it dangerous without the
legislative consent of the people through congress, and
the government funds made a permanent part of the
circulating volume available for business, a good ses-
sion's work will have been accomplished. The admin-
istration party will have reasonably redeemed its
pledges to the nation, at least to the extent of show-
ing its good faith and loyalty to a sound money
policy. The passage of this measure, especially if it
can be made to include abolition of the sub-treasury
system, will be a real monetary education, both for the
members of congress who participate in the discussion
.and for the country as it observes the solidifying and
wholesome effect of the operations of the new measure.
This education will soon lead to a more imperative
demand in the community for an efficient and compre
hensive treatment of the banking question.
SOCIAL EDUCATION CONGRESS AT PAEIS
The following explanation and appeal in behalf of
the international congress on social education, to be
held in connection with the Paris Exposition next year,
has been received from Mr. Howard J. Rogers, of the
United States Commission to the Exposition. The ap-
peal is issued by M. Leon Bourgeois, president of the
congress, and former prime minister of France. This
will be the first international congress of the sort ever
held, and it ought to prove a powerful educational
force. The invitation to participate, it will be seen, is
very general, and should appeal to all students of the
economic and social sciences :
From the political and social discussions which
have agitated minds since the middle of the nineteenth
century, a clear line of thought has resulted in which
those holding the most diverse opinions agree ; it is the
idea of a social bond existing among individuals, and of
their mutual responsibility in the acts of society.
Hence it is necessary to decide both with a view to
conformity with experimental science and also to satisfy
the idea of justice, what conditions of association are
to be established voluntarily among all men. This is
not only for the definition of political rights and duties,
but also and especially to define the rights and duties
which concern the material and moral life of individ-
uals, the legal institution of the family, the organiza-
tion of labor, or, in sum, the definition of social rights
and duties.
To introduce this new idea into minds in a word,
to give the education of the social sense to humanity,
is the task imposed henceforward on those who seek
peaceful solutions of the social problem.
43
44 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
The investigation of the means to this end is the
object of the study which we propose. According to
the program already published by the group charged
with questions of social education, the first thing to be
done is to clearly ascertain the present state of ideas on
this subject, and then to fix on the method to be fol-
lowed in order to secure this education to every indi-
vidual. The group is undertaking a special exhibition,
to furnish the greatest possible amount of information
concerning these questions. To complete its action
and prepare future work, we have also undertaken to
gather together in a special congress, at the Exposition
of 1900, all those who are able, in any degree whatso-
ever, to cooperate in the work of social education. We
ask their help, for the preliminary studies, for the con-
gress itself, and for the propaganda which should fol-
low.
In order that social education should be rational, it
is first of all necessary that special studies should estab-
lish its method, which is so far little known and ill de-
fined. Method demands observation, the verification
of facts, for a clear understanding 'of them, for in this
way their existence becomes known. Then we must
learn the principles on which the facts depend, and the
laws which govern them. In this way we come to know
their philosophy. Finally, we must examine the prac-
tical consequences which they bring along with them,
and thus complete the necessary theoretical knowledge.
When once the methods have been established, the
work of educators will consist in spreading it by keep-
ing in practice to the ideas which have been gained,
with the same forward movement and order which have
served to gain them.
Social education will accordingly be accomplished
by bringing individuals to the knowledge of social facts,
so that the idea may become clear in their minds ; by
i 9 oo.] SOCIAL EDUCATION CONGRESS AT PARIS 45
starting up in their conscience the feeling which brings
forth action conformable to the ideal adopted ; and,
finally, by strengthening idea and feeling enough
through action constantly practiced so as to come to the
complete constitution of what may be called the social
sense, that is, to action which has become unconscious
through acquired habit.
This process will form the necessary practical
means for making complete education possible later on.
Education is really acquired only when individuals by
sufficient study have come to have a clear idea of what
is true ; and such an idea is then sufficient to decide
their choice and action. But in the present state of
average knowledge it is necessary, by immediate prac-
tical activity forming new habits and environment, to
bring about further progress, through which full knowl-
edge of social truths shall be acquired by all the indi-
viduals who make up society.
We earnestly demand adherents to this congress of
social education, whose work may be so important for
the development and progress of humanity. You can
verify from our program that a vast field is open, in
which there is work for every activity. Thinkers and
men of action should alike bring their aid. The first
part appeals to scientific minds and philosophers for the
study of a body of doctrine of high social import ; the
second should attract all those who may have to do with
the education of the people, school teachers, professors,
students and devoted citizens ; the third is addressed to
all those who are already showing their activity or are
ready to show it for the greater good of the future.
The membership of the congress brings with it no
obligation. A subscription of ten francs the only
one has been fixed on to defray the expenses of
organizing the congress.
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE
IN THE numerous subjects discussed by the presi-
dent in his message, trusts came in for a little more
than half a column. It is difficult to find from his
language what the president wants done. He is suffi-
ciently general to be pointless, and sufficiently lengthy
not to be charged with omitting the subject. The tone
of his language about "healthy competition," and
"monopolizing the production or sale of articles of
commerce," the "dangerous conspiracies against the
public good," and so forth, are sufficiently common-
place to satisfy the populist, and might indeed be taken
as fair competition with Mr. Bryan's bid upon the sub-
ject. If the object of the president was to prevent the
democrats from having a monopoly of anti-trust pow-
der, he seems to have done very well. After dwelling
approvingly upon Mr. Cleveland's efforts in this direc-
tion, the president seriously commits the subject to
congress. It seems a little too bad that in his official
message to congress the president of the United States
should feel it necessary to throw this kind of a " tub to
the whale."
THE RECENT increase of operatives' wages in Fall
River, which is the second within about a year, has had
the encouraging and wholesome effect of securing an
increase of wages throughout New England. It is very
encouraging to observe that the Fall River corporations,
which really set the pace for New England, are much
more appreciative of the industrial conditions and act
with infinitely more intelligent consideration, not to
say humanity, toward the wage question and the inter-
ests and demands of the wage class than they did
twenty-five years ago. Two advances in wages amount-
46
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 47"
ing twenty-two per cent, have been granted with no-
evidence of real friction between laborers and corpo-
rations, Twenty-five years ago strikes or protracted
agitation verging on strikes, sufficient to create general
disturbance of business, would have been necessary to
secure any such concessions. Experience is severe and
sometimes bitter but in the long run it does educate,
and the lessons learned in this way are not easily for-
gotten. Fall River has had more bitter industrial ex-
perience for both sides than any dozen towns in New
England. In a sense it has fought the industrial bat-
tles for New England for a quarter of a century. But
to-day its leading employers are more considerate and
intelligent on the great industrial questions than the
capitalists in almost any other manufacturing city in
the country.
ON THE first of September the new sweatshop law
went into effect in New York. It provides that the
manufacturing and repairing of a multitude of articles
of clothing, etc., made in tenements and quasi-tene-
ments, be prohibited except under a license granted by
the factory inspectors, and before granting such a
license a certain standard of sanitation and other whole-
some appointments must be insisted upon. It appears,
however, that the whole sweatshop work is going on
very much as before, with perhaps some improvement
in the sanitary conditions, which is evidently more
largely the work of the board of health than of
the factory inspectors. In Rivington Street, Ridge
Street, Ludlow Street, and the whole section in
the vicinity of Mott and Baxter Streets, shops are in full
blast without having received any license, and many of
them not having been visited by the factory inspectors
for months. At 48 Ludlow Street, for example, there
are about twenty-four shops in a single building, and'
48 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [January,
not a license in one of them. In most cases the work-
ers in the shops cannot speak the English language, and
when one goes to make inquiry they open their mouths
and stare. It is necessary to have a Hebrew and an
Italian interpreter along. It is manifest that in order
to deal adequately with this sweatshop business the law
will have to be again amended, and perhaps the fac-
tory inspectors too ; but most necessary of all is an
amendment to the immigration laws so as to stop the
influx of this class of people into our industrial system.
Unless the immigration is practically stopped for a time,
or at least efficiently checked for a long period, it will
be nearly impossible effectively to eliminate this sweat-
shop system.
THE REPORT of the secretary of the treasury on the
country's finances is another contribution to wholesome
literature on banking and currency. Mr. Gage has
been the one person in the present administration whose
influence and utterances have been constantly in the
direction of genuine improvement in our monetary and
banking system. In each of his reports he has recom-
mended some practical reform, and always in the right
direction. He appears to be one of the few bankers
who, besides knowing how to run the business machin-
ery of a bank, knows something of the history and
principle of true banking. He has repeatedly called
attention to the defective features of our banking ma-
chinery, particularly the sub-treasury system and the
iron-bound, non-expansive quality of our currency.
But, what is more, he locates the evil in the right place.
He sees that the real hampering features of our bank-
ing system are the existence of the greenbacks and the
expensive bond security for national bank-notes, which
really deprive our banks from performing one of the
essential features of good banking, the issue of non-le-
i goo.] EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 49
gal-tender bank currency which will expand in response
to sound business needs and contract when those needs
recede or disappear. But, with our non-elastic system,
instead of contraction of the currency when the busi-
ness needs diminish, we have congestion in the large
cities, which tends to stimulate speculation and business
inflation, and when the money is required for great in-
dustrial or crop-moving purposes its transference to the
legitimate field creates a stringency and sometimes a
panic in the large cities. Mr. Gage's minute and yet
lucid explanation of the movements in this operation is
one of the best statements of the case that has been
published for a long time. It is a real contribution to
the sound financial literature of the period. It should
be studied by every business man in the country, and
it would be a great addition to the information of most
bankers.
IN HIS opening address to the annual convention of
the American Federation of Labor at Detroit, Mr.
Gompers again gave evidence of the growing sense
among intelligent trade unionists on large industrial
questions. The two topics to which he referred, out-
side of strictly labor union matters, were trusts and ex-
pansion. On trusts Mr. Gompers took the broad and
sensible ground that they are simply larger corporations
which are growing out of the various industrial strug-
gles of the time. He recognizes in this movement the
spirit of organization, and that it will continue just so
long as it yields advantages. Unlike many industrial
reformers Mr. Gompers recognizes that he himself, and
the American Federation, represent this same principle
in the movement of the wage workers. Of course he
claims a higher motive for the laborers' efforts, which
is only human. The significance of this is not in the
fact that Mr. Gompers refuses to join the political and
50 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
quasi-political clamor against large corporations, but
that as the representative of labor he has taken this
position before the trust conference in Chicago, before
the industrial commission in Washington, and before
the Federation convention itself. This means that he
represents the sentiment of the most intelligent workers
in the labor movement, because, bold as Mr, Gompers
may appear, he is not the man to fly in the face of the
convictions of the unions of which he is the national
representative. So that, this rational and really pro-
gressive attitude of Mr. Gompers on the trust question
represents the growing intelligence on this subject
among the best organized and most intelligent wage
workers in the country.
On the question of expansion Mr. Gompers prob-
ably bubbles over a little into the Atkinsonian field,
and lends his influence to a new copperhead movement.
Yet the point of his contention on this matter is that the
annexation of new groups of semi-barbarism is detri-
mental to the interests of the laborers in the United
States. In this he is unquestionably right.
THE PRESIDENT'S announcement in his message
that " Our plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs
between the United States and Porto Rico and give her
products free access to our markets " is naturally hailed
with special satisfaction by the free-trade journals of
the country. The doctrine upon which protection has
been supported in this country, and by nobody more
strongly than by the president himself, is that the basis
of competition in the American market shall be the
American labor cost of production. The only reason
for having a protective tariff on products of foreign
countries is to make importing competitors pay in tariff
duties the equivalent of the difference in labor cost.
1900.] EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 51
This is the economic and equitable basis of protective
tariffs.
Now the president recommends that this entire
principle be abolished in our relation to Porto Rico,
whose wages are lower than those of almost any Euro-
pean nation. If the free importation of Porto Rican
products would have been an economic injury to Amer-
ican industries last year, they will be so now. Nothing
has occurred to change that fact. If it be said that this
is made necessary by the annexation of Porto Rico to
the United States, then that is a frank confession that
the annexation of Porto Rico is an economic and indus-
trial mistake. Either the president's free-trade procla-
mation regarding Porto Rico is a mistake or the annex-
ation of the island is a mistake, or the tariff policy for
which the president has always stood and by virtue of
which he received his present office is a mistake.
The truth is that Porto Rico is no more a real part
of the United States now than when it belonged to
Spain, and agricultural industries in this country need
just as much protection as they ever did from her low-
wage conditions. If we must adhere to the mistake of
having semi-barbarous colonies, we ought not to make
the double mistake of also opening the door to their
depressing influence upon our domestic industries. If
free trade with Porto Rico will not injure American in-
dustries, then free trade with Cuba would not, and
much less would free trade with Canada where higher
wage conditions prevail, and still less with England
where even higher wages and shorter hours exist.
THE LEARNED PROFESSIONS IN STATE
UNIVERSITIES
W. F. EDWARDS, FORMER PRESIDENT UNIVERSITY OF
WASHINGTON
It is not infrequently that we hear state universi-
ties spoken of as if they were institutions supported by
the taxation of the general public but only of benefit
to a few. Frequently this benefited class is said to be
made up of the sons and daughters of the wealthy. So
strong is this feeling that in one state at least it be-
came a sort of slogan in the election of the state officers
(regents of the university being appointed by the gov-
ernor). It probably will be admitted by all that the
right to tax the people for the support of the state uni-
versities must be based on utility and necessity to the
whole state or community and not on utility to particu-
lar individuals who take courses of study in them.
There are those who seem to believe that no school
is of general utility unless everybody not only may but
also does take advantage, directly, of the instruction
given therein. They discredit the general utility of the
high schools as well as that of the state universities
and would only have instruction in reading, writing,
spelling, ciphering, and the keeping of accounts, in
any school supported by public taxation. Of these one
can only say that he hopes the time may speedily come
when no one can be found with this narrow perspective
of educational affairs.
There are, among those who believe in the general
utility of the high schools and universities, many who
believe that the high schools are places where subjects
are studied as if to acquire knowledge was the sole aim
of these schools. This class believe that the use of
52
LEARNED PROFESSIONS IN UNIVERSITIES 53
knowledge to give a broader idea of citizenship and a
better understanding of our duties and responsibilities
as citizens in society should be the first aim of these
schools and that the knowledge acquired in them should
be of the best kind for this purpose. They do not be-
lieve that a few lessons under the name of political and
social science sandwiched into a heterogeneous mixture
of subjects studied more or less independently of each
other will accomplish this result. They believe that a
formal study of political or social science, which is not
an outgrowth of an understanding of nature and its re-
lations to and effects on social organization, is more or
less a lesson in dogmatism and therefore to be avoided.
This class recognize the influence that the state
universities have had in modeling the courses of study
in the high schools, and point out that the professional
tendencies of the state universities have led to the same
tendencies in the high schools, as evidenced by the
courses of study that have been introduced into these
high schools rather as preparation for these professional
courses in the universities than as a general education
which would be best for all independently of any idea
of the profession to be followed in after life. They
seem to believe that these courses of study could each
and all be labeled " short cuts to money getting."
There has been reason for such a belief, but the whole
blame should not be placed on the state universities,
and we must not overlook the good that has come from
the introduction of these professional courses of study.
Within a period of about a half century we have
seen scientific courses of study leading to degrees intro-
duced into the state universities in spite of bitter oppo-
sition. We have seen these degrees multiplied to cor-
respond to the increasing importance of certain lines of
manufactures and trades and distinguished as the de-
gree of bachelor of science in general science, in civil
54 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
engineering 1 , in mechanical engineering, in sanitary
engineering, in mining engineering, in marine engi-
neering, in electrical engineering, in architecture, in
chemistry, in pharmacy, in physics, in astronomy, in
mathematics, in botony, in zoology, in pedagogy.
Along with this multiplication of degrees has come the
almost unrestricted election of subjects of study which
amounts to a multiplication of other degrees for profes-
sional purposes, although they are not so definitely
labeled with the stamp of immature professionalism.
The three oldest professions, divinity, medicine
and law, have been more or less subjected to the influ-
ence of this specialization and division. Theology has
practically been lost in the multiplication of creeds,
sects, and new religions. This has practically driven
the study of theology from the state universities, as it
has been confused with sectarianism and religion. A
statement in a state constitution that " No public
money or property shall be appropriated for or applied
to any religious worship, exercise or instruction, or the
support of any religious establishment. No religious
qualification shall be required for any public office or
employment " was not intended, in my opinion, to
prevent the study of the philosophy and history of the
development of religions. Such a course of study could
scarcely be called religious instruction, but could be
called instruction concerning religions, which to my
mind is quite a different thing. Of course this all
comes up in connection with any well-conducted study
of history, so that it is not at all necessary for the uni-
versities to offer courses of study especially devoted to
theology or religions in order to be free from the
charge of circumscription. Medicine has lost its hand-
maid, pharmacy, which has gone out into business for
itself and brought into the state universities one of the
weakest of the professional courses of study. Dentis-
1900.] LEARNED PROFESSIONS IN UNIVERSITIES 55
try, another offshoot from this same profession, has
likewise gone into business for itself with a like result.
Like divinity, medicine has lost much by " isms " and
has thus become divided until we have allopathy,
homeopathy, eclecticism, osteopathy, etc., and those
mongrel combinations of divinity and medicine known
as faith cure, divine healing, Christian Science, etc.
So far as I am aware, only the first two have found
places in the state universities. This is one too many
divisions. Medicine and surgery should be studied in
universities without special reference to "isms." In
law there has been a tendency to lose sight of the sci-
ence of jurisprudence in the study of the technicalities
of the practice of the law as evidenced by the tendency
toward specialties such as criminal law, railroad law,
etc., almost at the beginning of the study of the profes-
sion.
Along with this multiplication and splitting up of
the professions in the state universities have come nu-
merous professional schools from which professional
men and women are turned out at such a rate and of
such a low grade of attainment that we are now bur-
dened with too many people in every profession. The
attainment has been so low that a great many people
have not learned to distinguish, for example, a quack in
medicine from a well trained and scholarly "regular."
A " one-horse" lawyer is apt, apparently, to be finan-
cially as successful as one who has had the best train-
ing and who is as intelligent as any to be found. Me-
chanical engineers must compete with mechanics ; elec-
trical engineers with linemen ; civil engineers with sur-
veyors; and text-book-cramming teachers with real
teachers, and so on.
The kind of adjustment that is needed for this is
that of raising the standard of required qualifications for
admission to the practice of a learned profession. In
56 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
the larger state and other universities where the num-
ber of students has become great enough to admit of
some independence of the faculties in shaping the policy
of the institution, there has invariably been an increase
in the educational qualifications required for admission
to and graduation from these professional courses of
study. There has been a marked change in this respect
within the last twenty-five years. The medical and law
courses have changed from courses with very little edu-
cational qualification for admission and with a require-
ment of two terms' work of six months each or even
less time, for graduation, to courses with an educational
requirement for admission nearly equal to that required
for admission to the courses of study in the depart-
ments usually called literature, science and the liberal
arts (a three or four-year high school course), and with
a requirement of from three to four terms' work of nine
months each for graduation. The requirements for
admission to and graduation from courses in dentistry
and pharmacy have also been increased within this pe-
riod of time, but the requirements for these depart-
ments are in general not of so high standard as are
required for other professional courses. Courses of study
leading to degrees in engineering are generally the
same as those for the degree of bachelor of science, in
the departments of literature, science and the liberal arts.
If it is true that a large amount and kind of prelim-
inary culture training is needed to make a well-trained
doctor, lawyer or minister of the gospel, one may ask,
why is it not also needed for the professions such as
pharmacy, dentistry and the various branches of engi-
neering? It is as much needed for the one as for the
other, and is needed for culture and better citizenship
rather than for training specially belonging to the pro-
fession. Ministers of the gospel should not be consid
ered as the only professional men who are working for
i 9 oo.] LEARNED PROFESSIONS IN UNIVERSITIES 57
social progress ; but every man following one of the
learned professions, by virtue of which he becomes a
leader in some walk of life, should have as broad views
as possible concerning social progress, in order that he
may use his advantage of leadership to the advantage
of the whole community. It should be his duty to try
to benefit the community. Social progress has come to
have such an enlarged meaning that any man following
one of the learned professions may be, and ought to be,
of great value and service to his fellow-men by using
his understanding to aid in making a safe and contin-
ued progress.
Again, we may ask, why have the state universities
allowed the other universities to set the example, if this
training should be required of professional men and
women. This question cannot be fully answered in a
brief paper, but one or two elements may be briefly
considered.
The total number of students enrolled in our state
universities has been an ever-present argument before
the state legislatures for additional appropriations for
the universities, and the professional departments have
been a means of pushing this argument and securing
legislative division of the appropriation. It is a very
unfortunate circumstance that the state universities in-
stead of beginning with a land grant did not begin with
a perpetual state mill tax, say three-tenths of a mill.
In this way as the state grew the universities could
have grown, and its authorities would have been en-
abled to plan for its progressiveness and greatest use-
fulness independently of this bugbear of numbers (in
the narrow sense) ; and also we would have been spared
the disgrace of the arguments in the legislatures which
place the state universities in the category of the insane
asylums and prisons, that of receiving state aid accord-
ing to the number of its inmates of whatever kind.
-58 G UNTON'S MA GAZ1NE [January,
This fetich of the number of students attending
the university considered as a measure of its success
has done more harm to the cause of higher education
than is commonly supposed. Professors frequently
consider ways and means of getting a greater number
of students into their departments in order that a good
showing may be made to the proper authorities, one
that will appeal to them as a reason for better equip-
ment and more instructors. They are sometimes pressed
in this direction by the attitude of the board of regents.
In one state university the regents required the secre-
tary to furnish them with a list of the names of the
professors with a statement of the number of classes of
each, together with the number of students in each
-class. The object of this was to get data for combining
departments where possible ; to dispose of some depart-
ments entirely if only a few students were enrolled in
them, and, where neither of these measures was ad-
visable, to put the instructors on a pro rata salary,
depending on the number of class exercises and the
number of students in each class. One person who was
an applicant for a professorship in this university was
so imbued with the propriety of the regent's method
that he stated to them in his application that he could
teach Latin, Greek, French, German, English, history,
psychology, physics and geology, and that by ' ' brush-
ing up " a little he thought he could do very good
work in chemistry and mineralogy. The leading regent
in this movement claimed to be a graduate from one of
the very best of our universities, but was a lawyer with
political aspirations. Another regent who was imbued
with this notion was a minister of the gospel and an-
other was the editor of a leading newspaper. All had
been listening to the " curtail expenses" cry of the
political party to which they belonged.
If the state universities were to adopt a scheme of
igoo.J LEARNED PROFESSIONS IN UNIVERSITIES 59
training, requiring seven years, after the high school,
I feel sure a cry of woe would be heard throughout the
land. This cry would be that professional men and
women would be prevented from marrying, too many
years after the legally permissible age, and that the ex-
pense of preparation would be so great that only the
well-to-do could think of entering one of the learned
professions. As to the delayed marriage, I will only
say that it seems to me that the struggle for luxurious
homes and worldly wisdom are doing more to delay
and prevent marriage than any restrictions on the pro-
fessions can do. Increased enjoyment and efficiency in
the practice of the profession is a sufficient return for
the added expense of preparation. It would be unfor-
tunate if only the well-to-do could enter the professions,
but there is abundant evidence in the universities now
that such would not be the case.
It should not be permitted that time should stand
in the way of thorough preparation if any reasonable
way to avoid it can be found. If the child begins at
six years of age and takes twelve years to finish the
high school and seven years to finish preparation for
his profession he will be twenty-five years of age before
he can begin the practice of his profession. It is ad-
mitted by some of the foremost educators that this time
is too long, and it has been proposed to shorten it by
taking one year from the time now required to obtain
the baccalaureate degree in nearly all colleges. In
some universities this is accomplished by permitting
the student to begin the study of his chosen profession
while he is yet studying for the baccalaureate degree.
It has also been suggested that the high school should
do the work usually done in the first year, or first two
years in college, the graduate of the high school going
directly to the professional school, as he does now.
60 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
It seems to me that this last suggestion is a good one
to consider. There are good reasons for making the
high schools more nearly fit boys and girls for the duties
of citizenship and society than they do as now carried
on. However, to put into them the work usually done
in the first two years of college would not do much to
improve them for this purpose. The first two years of
Greek or of each of the modern languages usually
studied in the first years of a college course, or a course
in formal logic, would not be of much service toward
this end ; but two years of the work of history and of
political and social science, the first year's work in geol-
ogy, an introduction to the history of civilization, the
elements of Anglo-American law and of international
law (without any reference to the profession), and some
critical study of English could well be introduced into
the high schools.
If this were done as well as it could be done we
would no longer have any place for the college. By a
careful rearrangement of the work of the schools below
it, and of the high school itself, this amount could be
added to it without increasing the time now required to
complete the work of the high school. The high school
could be begun at the beginning of the seventh grade
and be six years or even seven years long. If then the
high schools were more nearly state schools and less
nearly city schools there would be a good general edu-
cation within the reach of all. To do this well would
require more real teaching and much less cramming
and reciting of text-books than we have at the present
time in most schools. This change would need to be
begun by increasing the number of real teachers and
decreasing the number of taskmasters. This would
mean that the universities should devote much time and
attention to the training of professional teachers of a
high grade.
1900.] LEARNED PROFESSIONS IN UNIVERSITIES 61
I grant that no more work of the kind now found in
them could or should be added to the high schools. I
am confident that the day of only languages and mathe-
matics for the high schools has passed away never to
return. I see no sound reason for the college as a state
institution. The student who has completed the sug-
gested high-school course of study should be considered
as amply prepared for taking up any of the courses of
study offered in the universities, whether it is a course
of study leading to the degree of doctor of philosophy,
or to one of the professional degrees. In other words,
after the course of study for the high schools has been
arranged the university courses of study should be made
to accommodate themselves to a student with the prep-
aration represented by the completion of the work of
the high school.
In conclusion I will recapitulate and suggest some
benefits that it seems to me could be derived from the
introduction of these changes. It would place a good
and sufficient education for the general purposes of
citizenship more nearly within the reach of all. It
would place the universities upon a higher plane than
they now occupy without increasing the time of prepa-
ration for admission to or graduation from them. It
would force the universities to pay more attention to
the professional training of teachers. It would elevate
all of the learned professions. It would separate the
period of general educational training from that of
special investigations and special professional training.
It would do away with the baccalaureate degree and
the college, or rather the high schools would so nearly
take the place of the college that there would be no de-
mand for it unless it was insisted on for those intending
to prepare for the ministry and as a fad for the ''elite "
of the fashionable world. It would do away with the
apparently endless discussions concerning the advisa-
GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [January,
bility of a single college degree, which has almost invari-
ably turned to a discussion of whether " A. B." does or
does not stand for graduation from a course of study
the major part of which is devoted to the study of Latin
and Greek. It would lead to an increased value and
significance of degrees.
We would then go directly from the high school
diploma to the degrees of doctor of philosophy, doctor
of medicine and surgery, doctor of laws, perhaps
doctor of pedagogy, civil engineer, mechanical en-
gineer, pharmaceutical chemist, and perhaps metal-
lurgical chemist. Our physicians would come to act
more in the capacity of advisers and less in that of
healers and would impress on the whole community the
necessity of sanitary living as a moral obligation upon
society. Patent medicines and appliances with cure-all
properties would become things of the past. People
would learn to recognize the doctrine of the limitations
of disease and ascribe to nature much that is commonly
supposed to be due to the wonderful knowledge of the
physician and the power of drugs. Lawyers would
come to act more honorably as legal advisers. They
would be a power to purify rather than one to pollute
and mystify politics. They would revive statesman-
ship and practice their profession to the end that there
should be a less quantity of, but more efficient, legisla-
tion in the state legislatures and 'in congress, and that
justice and protection might be the sole aim of the pro-
ceedings in the courts.
Dentists would be doctors of medicine with a.
specialty instead of " tooth carpenters." Pharmaceutical
chemists would take the place of graduates in pharmacy
and would be of great service to the people and to the
physicians because of their special knowledge of drugs,
chemicals, physiological chemistry and toxicology.
Metallurgical chemists and engineers of all kinds would.
i 9 oo.J LEARNED PROFESSIONS IN UNIVERSITIES 63
be of great public benefit as advisers concerning the safe
and economic development of the mineral and timber re-
sources of the country and the economic and safe employ-
ment of their products for the various purposes for which
they are suitable. Teachers would come to be regarded
as belonging to a profession the fitness for which could
not be determined by answering a list of questions
submitted by a county or township examiner, to be
answered within a period of from four to six hours by
writing the answers on paper of a special size and shape.
They would also be regarded, as they should be if
properly equipped, as persons whose every act is a les-
son in right thinking and living and whose general
knowledge and knowledge of children, and whose rec-
ognition of their responsibilities and necessary deficien-
cies, make them safe persons to entrust with the devel-
opment of the child's intellectual and moral self.
The faculties of the state universities would need
to be made up from the ablest scholars and artisans to
be found, broadly educated men who have developed a
special interest in and ability along special lines, and
who may be able to add something to the sum of human
knowledge by their researches. It would tend to pro-
duce professional men and women and scholars with
such moral courage and so much power for right think-
ing and living that the schools and the state universi-
ties would so reflect themselves on the public that only
the chronic faultfinder would try to contend that the
state universities were not of general utility. On the
whole, I believe we could look forward to a time when
all would recognize that morality born of reason and
intelligence is the surest safeguard to a democratic
state and her institutions, and that the greatest welfare
is to be found in a democratic state thus guarded.
CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES
The prize essay on ' < The New York
Unification State Educational System; its History,
its Defects, and the Remedy," by Sara
Elizabeth Stewart, is an able statement of the case
from the viewpoint of those who advocate consolidation
of all the official educational supervision under the board
of regents. A determined effort to accomplish this
change will be made during this winter's session of the
state legislature. Copies of this essay, together with
one by Richard Edwin Day, Litt. D., may be had upon
application to the Unification Prize Committee, Pal-
myra, N. Y.
The annual report of the board of educa-
Not Enough . f New York . shows that since
Schools Yet
February last contracts have been award-
ed for new schoolhouses and extension of present facili-
ties involving an expense of $3,107,289. During the
last school year eight new school buildings have been
opened in Manhattan and the Bronx, providing for
12,000 children; two in Brooklyn, accommodating
3,037, seven in Queens, providing for 1,400, and two in
Richmond with space for 1,640, a total of nineteen
schoolhouses with accommodations for about 18,000
children. This seems like progress, yet everything is
relative. The population of the city is growing so rap-
idly that at present, it is stated, fully 15,000 children
are compelled to accept only half-time instruction, and
many others cannot get into the schools at all. Ample
authority exists for expenditure of funds sufficient to
provide for all the school children of the metropolis.
The present trouble dates back to the arbitrary inter-
ruption of school construction early in 1898, by the
64
CIVIC AND &D UCA TIONAL NO TES 65
Tammany administration, when it conjured up the
debt-limit spook for the sake of nullifying contracts
granted under the previous administration, so that fu-
ture work might be let out in other quarters.
The Southern ^ e are P^ ease( ^ to note the founding of
Industrial another industrial educational institution
College i n the South. The Southern Industrial
College, at Camp Hill, Alabama, established in March
1899, is located on a plantation of about five hundred
acres, and, in addition to industrial training, offers
courses in philosophy and ethics, mathematics, physi-
ology, English, and ancient and modern languages.
The industrial department is. hardly yet under way,
but is planned to give opportunity for pursuit of a
variety of trades and occupations intended not merely
to help the student through a college course but to give
him training for practical life. The work is in charge
of Rev. Lyman Ward, and is one of the undertakings
of the sort that are needed in the South and contain im-
portant possibilities.
We are requested to announce a prize of
Prize Essay one thousand marks, offered by the In-
Competttion .
ternational Association for Competitive
Jurisprudence and Economics (Berlin), for the best
work on this subject: " The Legislation in regard to
the Accident Liability of Railroads in the most Impor-
tant Countries of Europe : its History and Economic
Significance." Essays must be written in German,
French or English, and submitted before April ist,
1901, to the First Secretary of the Association, Dr.
Kronecker, at Berlin. The essays should not be signed
with the name of the author, but marked with an in-
scription and accompanied by a sealed envelope bear-
ing the same inscription and containing the name and
66 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
address of the author. The request for publication of
this notice in American economic journals comes to us
through Bowdoin College.
Economic J ust one 7 ear a g> ^ n an article on the
Instruction " Teaching of Economics in Schools,"
in Schools we took the somewhat advanced ground
that the next important step in public school education
must be the gradual adoption of definite instruction in
social-economic science. Comments upon that article
revealed the fact that this need is felt and recognized
to an hitherto unsuspected extent. How rapidly the
idea is coming to the front, however, is indicated by the
fact that one entire division of the " Congress for the
Teaching of Social Sciences," to be held at the Paris
Exposition this summer, will be devoted to just this
subject. That is to say, of the three sub-divisions of
the congress, the second will be devoted to ' ' Secondary
and Higher Primary Teaching : present situation in the
different countries ; progress to be made ; the place to
be taken in such teaching by instruction on the econom-
ical organization of societies." To this congress spe-
cialists and teachers from all over the world are invited,
and it will continue five days, beginning July 3Oth.
It is to be hoped that we are on the eve of an im-
portant and far-reaching reform in that branch of our
educational system which reaches 95 per cent, of the
school children who are to be the future citizens of the
republic.
"Who Support From recent press reports we extract two
the Seats of edifying items :
the Mighty one day, shortly before Mr. Croker
sailed for Europe, Mr. John C. Sheehan, a former
grand sachem of Tammany Hall and recently Mr.
Croker's successful rival in a local district fight, en-
igoo.] CIVIC AND ED UCA TIONAL NO TES 67
countered the chief in the halls of the Democratic Club.
Croker, evidently disposed to be conciliatory, exclaims :
' ' I recognize you as the leader of the ninth district,
and as the head of the Tammany organization there."
Whereto Sheehan responds : ' ' Then reinstate
and in their places in the county clerk's office/'
Promptly the boss replies : ' ' Certainly, the men shall
be put back." Just where the county clerk himself
comes in on this is of minor importance.
The other incident occurred a few days later, also
in New York. Mr. Nixon, speaker of the state as-
sembly last winter and presumably a candidate for re-
election, came to town. Being interviewed concerning
the office to which he has not yet been elected, nor even
nominated, he declared, with excessive modesty : "I
can make no announcements to-day except that, as
everybody knows, Jotham P. Allds, of Chenango, will
be chairman of the committee on ways and means, and
leader of the republicans in the assembly. I will see
Senator Platt later to-day and the whole thing will be
gone over."
Well! Well! Of all impudent, brazen travesties
on democracy, etc., etc. ? Not at all. Both occurrences
are entirely democratic, because they are in accordance
with the will of the people. Either it is the express
will or negative permission through indifference. No
man who scorns participation in politics has the slight-
est right to utter a word of complaint.
THE OPEN FORUM
This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor-
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA-
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries
for the " Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad-
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are
ignored.
LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS
The "Liberty" of Savages
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: In your recent popular lecture on
" Liberty and License," which appeared in the Lecture
Bulletin of your Economic Institute, you speak of order
being the mother of liberty, and not the daughter of
liberty. In supporting this you refer to savage life as
a type of complete anarchy, the only law being the will
of the individual and his ability to prevent some other
savage from interfering with him. Under this condi-
tion you endeavored to show that there was the least
real freedom, because the savage could rely on no co-
operation for his self-defense, but had to look out en-
tirely for himself. But is it not a fact, as Lubbock and
other investigators have pointed out, that no savage is
free from law? The common idea that such is the case
is a delusion. In practically every tribe the savage is
hemmed in with a multitude of arbitrary rules and cus-
toms, some being of the most frivolous character, and
the penalty for violation frequently death. It seems to
me, therefore, that the savage's lack of freedom is due
to these causes, and if we could find a condition where
they were free from arbitrary restrictions perhaps we
68
LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS 69
would find that there they really did enjoy the most
complete personal liberty. At any rate, I cannot see
that we are justified in saying that savages, not bound
by any laws or regulations, are the least free of all men,
when, in fact, we have never been able to find a place
where such freedom from laws and regulations actually
exists. H. C. D .
[Such regulations and restrictions as do exist simply
show that even in savagery some attempt at orderly
control is indispensable to protect the crudest elements
of individual freedom and safety. ED.]
Freedom of Economic Teaching
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: In the December, 1899, number of your
magazine, in an article entitled " Free Thought in Col-
lege Economics," it seems to me that you have not
clearly distinguished between teaching a doctrine as a
" hobby " and discussing it as a subject related to others
supposed to be of like kind. You admit that new views
will arise but seem to convey the idea that the profes-
sor should not discuss them with his classes until they
are accepted by the general public. How are we to
judge of the general acceptance of the doctrine? How
did the state universities know when it was time to in-
troduce departments of homeopathy, for example?
While it is true that we are still to a considerable
extent devotees of hero worship, yet I am inclined to
believe that the class of students that attend our col-
leges and universities are on the whole amenable to the
use of their reasoning faculties and, therefore, not likely
to be completely carried away by the discussion of a
new doctrine like the single tax, socialism, or the free
coinage of cheap silver dollars. If these subjects will
not stand the light of honest investigation why are we
so concerned about them? A professor of political
70 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
economy who would not touch on these subjects to-day
would, in my opinion, be derelict in his duty, and yet
I am not an advocate of any one of the three. The
difficulty seems to me to be rather that of the havoc to
be made by a long-time struggle with these questions
than a fear of the ultimate outcome.
You also write ' ' But on what theory of society, or
education, or science should the teaching of the new
views of a professor be put beyond the authority of the
governing body? On what theory, in short, should the
professor become a law unto himself regarding the doc-
trine he shall teach in public institutions? " It seems to
me that quite as pertinent questions are : On what
theory of society, or education, or science should the
views of the professor be restricted by the authority of
the governing body? On what theory in short, should
the professor become the slave of the governing body
regarding the doctrine he shall teach? There have
been cases where the governing body of state universi-
ties dismissed professors who were in accord with
the doctrine of the majority of the people of the state
in order that some one might be employed who would
promulgate the doctrines supposed to be useful to a
majority of the members of the governing body.
In the state universities, and elsewhere for that
matter, the dogmatic promulgation of any doctrine
should be discouraged, but it seems to me that freedom
of thought is quite another thing.
W. F. EDWARDS, Orchard Lake, Mich.
[Our contention was not at all, as Mr. Edwards
supposes, that mooted questions should not be discussed
in college class-rooms, but simply that the professor
cannot properly demand the right to champion and be-
come a special pleader for new and unaccepted doctrines
disapproved by the governing body of the institution.
ED.]
QUESTION BOX
The Rise in Oil Prices
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: I notice in your editorial discussions
that, while you continue to speak of real prosperity as
dependent on high wages and low prices, you still refer
to the present condition of partly high wages and very
high prices as one of extraordinary prosperity. I have
been looking for some article that would explain the
reason of the very high prices prevailing at the present
time, a good part of which it seems probable is due
only partly to increased cost of doing business, and the
rest being extra profit exacted by the capitalists on the
strength of the general boom all along the line, a sort
of gigantic " bluff game." The worst case of all seems
to be that of refined petroleum, which has gone up over
three cents a gallon in the last two years, although
there is no shortage of supply and the only material in-
crease in cost is that of the crude oil, which does not
come anywhere near equaling the rise in refined. Is
not the Standard Oil Company simply taking advantage
of the situation to increase its profit margin to the ut-
most limit while the boom lasts?
G. F. P., Philadelphia, Pa.
This is a fair sample of the questions that are con-
stantly being raised, frequently taking the form of pos-
itive statements. Over all the country the rise in prices
of articles produced by large corporations, which people
love to call "trusts," is sweepingly charged to the
arbitrary action of the " trust "to increase its profit.
Of course, one is not surprised to see the sensational
penny papers deal in this sort of thing, and not much
astonished even to find it used by a certain class of
71
72 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
political speakers, who hope to make the anti-trust
issue the means of obtaining office, but a great many
people who affect serious discussion of the subject
adopt substantially the same method. For instance, in
the June number of the Review of Reviews, Mr. Byron
W. Holt had a most formidable presentation of the sub-
ject. He gave a list of 140 so-called " trusts," with an
elaborate statement of the amount of stock, common
and preferred, date of organization, etc., all of which
has a seeming of thoroughness. In analyzing the price of
petroleum, for example, he puts in one column the price
of the crude, for a series of years, in another the price
of the refined, and in a third the difference, which is
supposed to represent the cost of refining and the profit.
If the difference between the cost of the crude and the
price of the refined falls, as it did over 13 cents a gal-
lon from 1870 to 1897, it is properly attributed to the
reduced cost of production, but if for any reason this
difference increases, as in 1898-99, it is promptly
charged to the increase of the profits of the " trust."
He does the same thing with sugar, tin and other in-
dustries. On the assumption that he has conclusively
shown that this rise is all profit pocketed by the ' 'trust,"
he proceeds to exclaim how the " trusts" are robbing
the people. This method of reasoning is as false as its
seeming is plausible. It takes into account none of the
elements that make up the cost of production, except
the raw material.
We investigated the case of tin. plate, and gave the
result in our issue of May 1899. In that case the facts
conclusively showed that the rise in the price of the raw
materials and in the wages up to that date was equal to
the rise in the price of the product, and that in reality,
although the tin-plate industry had been reorganized
into a large concern embracing three-fourths of the en-
tire output of the country, the increased price did not
igoo.] QUESTION BOX 73
represent any addition to the profit of the so-called
" trust." Whatever increased profits, if any, had been
secured, were due to economics of the new manage-
ment.
Now, as to refined petroleum. It is true as our
correspondent says that refined petroleum ' * has gone
up over three cents a gallon in the last two years."
Since July, 1897, the prices of crude and refined petro-
leum per gallon, in barrels, in the New York market
have been as follows :
Year. Crude. Refined. Difference.
July, 1897 i.gocts. 6.oocts. 4. locts.
January, 1898 1.55 " 5-4O " 3-85 "
Octobers, 1898 2.55 " 6.85 " 4.30 '
January 4, 1899 2.83 " 7.50 " 4.67 "
July 26, 1899 3- " 7-7 " 470 "
September 27, 1899 3.57 " 8.95 " 5-38 "
October 25, 1899 3.66 " 8.95 " 5.29 "
December i, 1899 3.88 " 9.65 " 5-77 "
It will be seen from this table that since July, 1897,
the price of crude petroleum has risen 1.98 cents per
gallon and the price of refined has risen 3.65 cents per
gallon. In other words, the rise in the price of refined
oil from July 1897 to December ist 1899 was 1.67 cents
per gallon more than the rise in the price of crude oil
during the same period. According to the popular
method adopted by Mr. Holt and others we should as-
sume that this 1.67 cents is simply added to the profits
of the " trust." Hence the hubbub. But this is not at
all true. During this same period the cost of every-
thing which enters into the manufacture and distribu-
tion of refined petroleum has also risen, all of which is
ignored in this method of treatment. For instance, the
cost of manufacturing barrels has increased 41 cents
per barrel, or about .98 of a cent on each gallon.
During this period freights have risen 10 cents a barrel
in some parts of the country and as much as 20 cents
74 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
in others, or an average of about 15 cents a barrel, or
about .36 of a cent per gallon. The price of all the
chemicals used in refining has also risen in many in-
stances over 100 per cent, and, as in every other indus-
try, wages have also risen. The exact amount of these
last items of increase we have only been able to ascer-
tain approximately, but the marketing expense of dis-
tributing oil from June 1 898 to June 1 899 was increased
.12 of a cent a gallon, and it has been further in-
creased during the last five months. If we allow .05
of a cent a gallon for the increase in the cost of chem-
icals and .15 of a cent for the ris^ of wages, which
is a very moderate estimate, the case will stand as fol-
lows:
Increase in the cost of crude oil per gallon .... 1.98 cents
" barrels " " ... .98 cents
" freight " " ... .36 "
" marketing" ... .12 "
" chemicals" " ... .05 "
" labor " " ... .15 " 1,66 "
Total increase of costs 3.64 "
Thus, while it is true that the price of refined oil
has risen 3.65 cents a gallon from July 1897 to Decem-
ber ist, 1899, the cost of crude oil and other expenses
connected with refining and marketing have risen 3.64
cents a gallon, so that the rise in the price to the public
during this period is only .01 of a cent a gallon more
than the known increase in the cost of production. In
other words, the increase of 3.65 cents a gallon in the
finished product represents no increase in the profits,
but only increase in the various items in the cost of
production, part of which is the labor cost in all the
various phases of the industry.
It is not claimed that these items of cost are exact
for December ist, as some of them only come down to
June, and the prices of all the raw materials used in oil
i9oo.] QUESTION BOX 75
refining have continued to advance and yet show no
signs of a halt. But the general fact is quite clear that
the movement of the market price of the refined prod-
uct keeps substantially with the movement of the costs
of production.
Is England's Cause Just ?
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: In you review of Hillegas's " Oom
Paul's People," in the December MAGAZINE, I find the
following expression : ' ' The English government
does not demand and never has demanded the franchise
for any except those who are willing to renounce their
British allegiance and become citizens of the South
African Republic."
As a matter of fact, is it not true that the only dif-
ferance of moment remaining unsettled between the
two governments at their recent Bloemfontein confer-
ence existed in certain features of the form of the oath
of naturalization prescribed by the law of the South
African Republic? Two forms of oath have been men-
tioned as having been under consideration ; an ambig-
uous one with a loop-hole left for the claim of Eng-
land's imperishable title to perpetual vassalage, and one
of the so-called iron-clad form, which absolutely puts
an end to that claim. England has a fundamental prin-
ciple that no defeat in war has ever made or ever will
make it yield, which is: "Once an Englishman, al-
ways an Englishman." At the conclusion of peace
with the United States in the war of 1812 upon that is-
sue, neither Mr. Gallatin nor Emperor Alexander I.
nor any one else pleading the cause of America could
make England budge on that point, left pending for all
future occasions. It has been asserted again and again
against the Dutch settlers, considering themselves free
and independent on free soil, English documentary
76 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
grants of independence notwithstanding. As the duty
of protection of English citizens' rights is the professed
cause and purpose of England's arming and going into
war, this cause and purpose would fail with the failing
of citizenship. Emancipating the Transvaal, it would
disrobe England of the disguise of championship for
liberty and progress and expose her in the position of
.a conqueror for spoil and promoter of monopolistic des-
potism. F. B., Wilkesbarre, Pa
It is true that certain groups of the so-called " Uit-
landers " have at different times urged a claim to the
right of franchise without entirely surrendering their
allegiance to England. Our statement, however, was
that the British government has not made and does not
make any such absurd demand. So far as we can dis-
cover, this is correct. The case on this point is well
stated by Mr. Sydney Brooks in the North American Re-
view for July, as follows:
"A section of the excluded settlers has started a theory, based on
Great Britain's suzerainty, that the taking of the oath of allegiance to
the Transvaal does not involve the surrender of British citizenship. If
the contention were sound, President Kruger would be well within his
rights in refusing the franchise to all such hybrid citizens. But the argu-
ment will not hold water for a moment. Mr. Chamberlain and all the
best legal authorities in England have condemned and disowned it. A
British subject on swearing the oath of allegiance to the South African
Republic, or any other state, forfeits at once his rights of British citizen-
ship, and becomes, suzerainty or no suzerainty, a foreigner. It is a pity
a contrary plea was ever urged. It has only served to misrepresent the
intentions of the average Uitlanders."
Elsewhere, describing the causes of complaint on
"the part of the alien residents, he says :
" At present no immigrant can vote for the First Volksraad unless
he has passed the age of forty and lived for at least fourteen years in
the country, after taking the oath and being placed on the government
lists, lists on which, according to Mr. Bryce, the local authorities are
nowise careful to place him. Even the niggardly reforms proposed by
the President at the end of last May were negatived by the burghers.
Practically, the Uitlanders are disenfranchised. In every other state,
igoo.] QUESTION BOX 77"
Dutch and English stand on the same equality. In the Transvaal, the
English are treated like Kafirs. They have not only taxation without
representation, but taxation without police, without sanitation, without
schools, without justice, without freedom of the press, without liberty
of association. Johannesburg is ill-paved, ill-lighted and abominably
deficient in drainage and water-supply, because it is English. The
courts of law have been prostituted to the whims of the Legislature, in
defiance of the written Constitution of the Republic, that thereby the
English might be deprived of their one legal remedy against injustice.
Education, except in the Boer taal, is forbidden above the third stand-
ard, in the hope of forcing the English to unlearn their native tongue.
And these indignities are put upon the men who are the source of all the
country's prosperity, and its saviours from internal dissolution."
In your reference to the expression " Once an Eng-
lishman, always an Englishman," you erect into a seri-
ous national policy what in reality is nothing more than
a sentiment which neither England nor any other civil-
ized nation is so idiotic as to attempt to-day to enforce.
It is true the question was not settled in so many words
at the treaty of Ghent, in 1814, but, instead of being
left open for all future occasions as you say, the claim
in reality was practically dropped by England, never to
be revived. Do you suppose, for instance, that Eng-
land to-day either actually or theoretically imagines-
that she holds any right of sovereignty over former Eng-
lish citizens who have taken the oath of allegiance to the
United States? Any such notion is ridiculous absurdity.
England's claim of a remote suzerainty over the Trans-
vaal dates back to a long series of controversies over the
status of the Boer settlers who left the British province
of Cape Colony in 1835 for another part of South Africa.
However, the only suzerainty now asserted is the right
of supervising foreign treaties. The present war does not
grow out of any attempt to abolish the Boer republic,
but simply to obtain for Englishmen living there the
right to become citizens of the Transvaal under reason-
able conditions, and thus to have something to say con-
cerning the political control of their property and per-
sons.
78 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
Of course, it is not to be pretended that England
has been wholly without fault in this matter. It is
quite likely that lack of tact and judgment on Mr.
Chamberlain's part had much to do with hastening
President Kruger's ultimatum of October loth, while
certain extreme demands of the Uitlanders of course
have been unjustifiable. Probably the contest could
not have been avoided sooner or later, however, be-
cause it was clearly the disposition of the Boers to tem-
porize and ward off any concessions which would really
grant any important right of participation in the gov-
ernment. There is an heroic aspect to the Boers' case
which cannot fail to arouse a certain sentiment of sym-
pathy and admiration, but now that the struggle is
launched the broad interests of civilization clearly lie
with the success of the British cause. This is far more
general in its application than the mere settlement of
the Transvaal dispute. The result of the contest will
determine whether or not the tremendous advance on
barbarism that English industrial energy has been
making in South Africa is to continue or not, and, if
not, the loss of prestige may seriously weaken Eng-
land's position in India and her demand for an open
door for western civilization throughout the Orient. It
is not a case, therefore, for sentimental sympathy with
the bravery of a stubborn, undemocratic oligarchy, but
really involves to a serious extent the larger interests
of civilization throughout Africa and Asia.
BOOK REVEWS
THE MEANING OF EDUCATION. By Nicholas Mur-
ray Butler, Professor of Political Philosophy and Edu-
cation in Columbia University. Cloth, 230 pp., $1.00.
The Macmillan Company, New York and London.
John Fiske said that Comte had the historic sense.
It may truly be said of Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler
that he has the educational sense. Not merely scholar-
ship and educational enthusiasm, not merely scientific
method, nor even the spirit of educational propaganda,
but something that is more significant than any of these
is educational sense. It is the power of insight, the
capacity of sensing the direction and significance of the
moving forces below and behind the observable environ-
ment which makes for the molding of social character.
Although Nicholas Murray Butler is a young man he
is really the leading educator in the United States. Not
that he has no peers in erudition and oratory and the
gift of imparting what he knows, though in this he has
few superiors, but his preeminence consists in his phil-
osophic range and penetration into the depth and scope
of the educational function.
It is the habit of educators not merely to specialize
but to segregate studies, so as to separate scholarship
and culture from the moving forces and panting pulsa-
tions of human life in the great social aggregate. They
treat education as an exclusive training for a limited
sphere, rather than as a democratic social fact. They
occupy a position in education similar to that repre-
sented in the old economics by Mill's " economic man,"
a man who ate and slept to supply the maximum
productive muscle at the minimum cost. With the in-
dustrial development of the last fifty years economic
thought has been greatly modified and modernized. It
79
80 G UNTO WS MAGAZINE [January,
has gradually broadened out to include much more
than the mere muscle-furnishing man. It has discov-
ered that human muscle is the dearest of all productive
instruments, and that the truly economic man, the man
who can furnish the world the greatest amount and
variety of civilization at the least cost, is not the simple
muscle-furnishing man but the complex, broadened,
ethical, social man. This is because the social man,
the man with the maximum variety of tastes and ambi-
tions, with the broadest cultivation, the strongest char-
acter, furnishes at once a double force, one by multi-
plying the demand for economic products, and the oth-
er the invention, enterprise and ingenuity to apply
science so as to harness natural forces to production
and thus make nature yield many hundred times as
much as the most competent socially simple and mere-
ly muscular man could ever furnish.
In other words, political economy has been ex-
panded into social economics, which recognizes and re-
lies upon the development of the social and ethical
forces of society as the great economic propellers of hu-
man progress. It recognizes, in other words, that the
great advance in civilization, not the least of which is
the increasing economy and efficiency of productive
forces, comes not through maximizing the productive
use of human muscle the economic man but by ac-
celerating the sociological forces which operate in the
development, elevation and refinement of all the phases
of social character. That is, the real forces in econom-
ic progress lie in the domain of psychological activity
and sociological expansion.
Dr. Butler represents the movement which is to
substitute the sociological man for the "economic
man " in education. To him education is not merely
an individual but a social affair. It is not merely the
cultivator and polisher of persons but the broad, virile
igoo.] BOOK REVIEWS 81
force which shall vitalize the great social aggregate,
which shall not merely give refinement to small groups
of individuals but which shall induce moral stamina,
social strength, political integrity and high national
ideas throughout the community. Dr. Butler is in a
sense the prophet of the new education which looks for
human improvement through the working of sociolog-
ical forces rather than by the technical cramming which
leads to social exclusiveness. In short, he represents
the democracy of education which reaches out to the
industrial, social and political life of the nation as the
surest way of promoting the permanent progress of
freedom-creating civilization. This is a new and
really advanced phase of educational progress, and it is
the phase most emphasized and most clearly presented
in the present work.
Almost all of Dr. Butler's recent utterances have
had a strong flavor of this democratic and truly philo-
sophical aspect of- education, but this little book
stands out as a beacon light to the marching educa-
tional army. It sounds a note of a higher goal, of a
broader usefulness and deeper philosophy of education.
It sounds a note of optimism, courage and confidence,
and an educational humaneness which is at once cheer-
ing and inspiring. It makes education both philosoph-
ical and humane, by making it the universal handmaid
of democracy in social progress. On this we cannot do
better than let Dr. Butler speak for himself :
"But most striking and impressive of all move-
ments of the century is the political development
toward the form of government known as democracy.
Steadily and doggedly throughout the ten decades the
movement toward democracy has gone its conquering
way. When the century opened democracy was a
chimera. It had been attempted in Greece and Rome
and again in the middle ages ; and the reflecting por-
83 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
tion of mankind believed it to be a failure. Whatever
its possibilities in a small and homogeneous community,
it was felt to be wholly inapplicable to large states.
The contention that government could be carried on by
what Mill called collective mediocrity rather than by
the intelligent few, was felt to be preposterous
" So significant has this phenomena of democracy
become, so widespread is its influence, and so domi-
nating are its ideals, that we have rightly begun to
study it both with the impartial eye of the historian
and by the analytic method of the scientist. The liter-
ature of democracy for the past half century is ex-
tremely important ; and Tocqueville, Bagehot, Scherer,
Carlyle, Maine, Bryce, and Lecky are but a few of the
great names that have contributed to it. Through all
the pages of these writers runs an expression of the
conviction that the stream of tendency toward democ-
racy can neither be turned back nor permanently
checked. Some of these students of democracy are its
enthusiastic advocates, others are its hostile critics ; all
alike seem to resign themselves to it. ...
" Democracy is, as I have said, a movement so
novel and so sweeping, that we have not yet had time
to compare it closely, in all its phases, with monarchy
and oligarchy. The advantages of these forms of polit-
ical organization were manifest when society was young
and man's institutional life yet undeveloped. As time
went on, the weaknesses of such forms of government
became apparent. The plunge into democracy was
made, and we have usually gone no further than to con-
trast its blessings with what we know of the oppres-
sion and iniquity that resulted from kingship and oli-
garchy in the early modern period. We must, however,
go further than this, and gain a truer and deeper in-
sight into the institutional life of which we are a part.
" It is just here that we find evidence of the close
1900. ] BOOK RE VIE WS 83
relations that exist between democracy and education.
So long as the direction of man's institutional life was
in the hands of one or the few, the need for a wide dif-
fusion of political intelligence was not strongly felt.
The divine right of kings found its correlative in the
diabolical ignorance of the masses. There was no edu-
cational ideal, resting upon a social and political neces-
sity, that was broad enough to include the whole people.
But the rapid widening of the basis of sovereignty has
changed all that
' ' It was not by accident that the Greek philoso-
phers made their contributions to educational theory in
treatises on the nature and functions of the state. Both
Plato and Aristotle had a deep insight into the mean-
ing of man's social and institutional life. To live to-
gether with one's fellows in a community involves fit-
ness so to live. This fitness, in turn, implies discipline,
instruction, training; that is, education. The highest
type of individual life is found in community life.
Ethics passes into or includes politics, and the educa-
tion of the individual is education for the state. The
educated Greek at the height of his country's develop
ment was taught to regard participation in the public
service alike as a duty and a privilege. The well-
being of the community was constantly before him as
an ideal of personal conduct. To depart from that point
of view is to entail the gravest consequences. That a
large proportion of our people, and among their num-
ber some of the most highly trained, have departed
from it, needs no proof.
* ' Failure to understand the political life of a dem-
ocratic state and failure to participate fully in it, lead
directly to false views of the state and its relations to
the individual citizen. Instead of' being regarded as
the sum total of the citizens who compose it, the state
is, in thought at least, then regarded as an artificial
84 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
creation, the plaything of so-called politicians and wire-
pullers. This view, that the individual and the state
are somehow independent each of the other, is not with-
out support in modern political philosophy, but it is a
crude and superficial view. It gives rise to those falla-
cies that regard the state either as a tyrant to be re-
sisted or as a benefactor to be courted. No democracy
can endure permanently on either basis. The state is
the completion of the life of the individual, and without
it he would not wholly live. To inculcate that doctrine
should be an aim of all education in a democracy. To
live up to it should be the ideal of the nation's educated
men.
"Impossible in theory as the separation of the
state from the individuals who compose it seems, yet
in practice it is found to exist. This is true in the
United States, and in some localities more than others.
Our constitutional system, elaborately adjusted so that
each individual's choice may count in the ascertainment
of the common will, now shelters a system of party
organization and of political practice, undreamt of by
the fathers, that effectually reduces our theoretical de-
mocracy to an oligarchy, and that oligarchy by no means
an aristocracy. With here and there an exception, the
educated men of the country hold themselves aloof or
are held aloof from participation in what is called
practical politics. That field of activity which attract
the highest intelligence of the nation too often repels
it. ... If education and training unfit men for
political life, then there is something wrong either with
our political life or with our education.
" The teachers of the country should address them-
selves to this question with determination and zeal.
Instruction in civil government is good ; the inculca-
tion of patriotism is good ; the flag upon the school-
house is good. But all these devices lie upon the sur-
i 9 co.] BOOK REVIEWS 85
face. The real question involved is ethical. It reaches
deep down to the very foundations of morality. It is
illuminated by history.
' ' The public education of a great democratic peo-
ple has other aims to fulfil than the extension of scien-
tific knowledge or the development of literary culture.
It must prepare for intelligent citizenship. More than
a century ago Burke wrote that ' the generality of peo-
ple are fifty years, at least, behindhand in their poli-
tics. There are but very few who are capable of com-
paring and digesting what passes before their eyes at
different times and occasions, so as to form the whole
into a distinct system.' This is the warning of one of
the greatest of publicists that a thoroughly instructed
.and competent public opinion on political matters is
difficult to attain. Yet, unless we are to surrender the
very principle on which democracy rests, we must
struggle to attain it. Something may be accomplished
by precept, something by direct instruction, much by
example. The words ' politics ' and ' politician ' must
be rescued from the low esteem into which they have
fallen, and restored to their ancient and honorable
meaning. It is safe to say that the framers of our con-
stitution never foresaw that the time would come when
thousands of intelligent men and women would regard
1 politics ' as beneath them, and when a cynical unwill-
ingness to participate in the choice of persons and poli-
cies would develop among the people.
* ' The difficulties of democracy are the opportuni-
ties of education. If our education be sound, if it lay
due emphasis on individual responsibility for social and
political progress, if it counteract the anarchistic ten-
dencies that grow out of selfishness and greed, if it
promote a patriotism that reaches farther than militant
jingoism and gunboats, then we may cease to have any
doubts as to the perpetuity and integrity of our institu-
86 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [January
tions. But I am profoundly convinced that the great-
est educational need of our time, in higher and lower
schools alike, is a fuller appreciation on the part of the
teachers of what human institutions really mean and
what tremendous moral issues and principles they in-
volve. The ethics of individual life must be traced to
its roots in the ethics of the social whole. The family,
property, the common law, the state and the church,
are all involved. These, and their products, taken to-
gether, constitute civilization and mark it off from bar-
barism. Inheritor of a glorious past, each generation
is a trustee for posterity. To preserve, protect, and
transmit its inheritance unimpaired, is its highest duty.
To accomplish this is not the task of the few, but the
duty of all.
' ' That democracy alone will be triumphant which
has both intelligence and character. To develop them
among the whole people is the task of education in a
democracy. Not, then, by vainglorious boasting, not
by self-satisfied indifference, not by selfish and indolent
withdrawal from participation in the interests and gov-
ernment of the community, but rather by the enthusi-
asm, born of intense conviction, that finds the happi-
ness of each in the good of all, will our educational
ideals be satisfied and our free government be placed
beyond the reach of the forces of dissolution and
decay."
LIBERTY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. By Fred-
erick May Holland. 243 pp., gilt tops; with appendix.
$1.75. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York and London.
As a literary production this book is buoyant, in-
teresting, and even attractive. It is really a review of
the progress of freedom, politically, socially, and very
largely religiously, during the nineteenth century. The
appendix consists of a chronological list of important
i goo.] BOOK RE VIE WS 87
events which have occurred during the period covered ;
the first, which represents the year 1776, is the Declara-
tion of Independence, and the last, which represents
the year 1899, is the death of Robert G. Ingersoll. It
touches, fleetingly, to be sure, and yet often signifi-
cantly and interestingly upon almost all public move-
ments of the century from the defeat of Napoleon at
Waterloo to woman's suffrage. In reviewing the move-
ment of liberalism, " Platform versus Pulpit," it men-
tions nearly all the prominent persons in this country
and England who took part in the unorthodox move-
ment, The Liberator, The Investigator, Emerson, Theo-
dore Parker, Anna Dickinson, the Salvation Army,
Spiritualists, Quakers, Unitarians and Universalists,
John Stuart Mill and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Bradlaugh
and Holyoake, Mrs. Besant, Underwood and Ingersoll ;
and of course Darwin, Huxley, Spencer and Haeckelall
come in for appropriate mention in the movement. Mr.
Holland's book is a well-written rapid review of the
century from the viewpoint of liberalism. As such it
is both interesting and instructive, and well worth
reading.
THE ELEMENTS OF SOCIOLOGY. A Text Book for
Colleges and Schools. By Franklin Henry Giddings,
M.A., Ph.D., Professor of Sociology in Columbia
University, New York. Cloth, 353 pp. $1.10. The
Macmillan Company, New York.
Unlike many writers on sociology, Professor Gid-
dings has a broad background of economics, This in
many respects gives him a great advantage over those
who discuss sociology deductively. Perhaps this has
much to do with the ver)^ excellent work Professor
Giddings is doing in this comparatively new sphere of
sociological work. He sees society from the economic
aspect and recognizes the economic importance of social
88 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
forces. It too frequently happens that economists fail
to give due weight to the operation of sociological phe-
nomena in producing economic results, and abstract
sociologists fail adequately to consider the ethical and
social significance of purely economic forces. Professor
Giddings brings to the subject of sociology the knowl-
edge of the economist and to economics at least the
point of view of the sociologist. The present book is
mainly an abbreviation of his larger work, * ' The Prin-
ciples of Sociology," adapting it to class-room work in
high schools and colleges, and as such it comes the
nearest being a success of anything we have yet seen.
It is not an easy task to make so all-embracing and
complex a subject as sociology simple enough for the
college student not merely to comprehend but to be
interested in. For, after all, the text-book to be suc-
cessful should be interesting, which few text-books are.
The only criticism to be made on Professor Gid-
dings' book is that it is published without an index,
which is unpardonable at this day and age.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. By
Charles B. Todd, author of " The Story of the City of
New York," etc. Cloth, 299 pp. 75 cents. American
Book Company, New York, Cincinnati and Chicago.
Intended chiefly for class-room work with young
pupils, this small volume may well be interesting, as
the author suggests, to many of that numerous class
"who have but little time for reading, and to whom
the larger histories are sealed books." It has the su-
preme attraction of telling what it has to say in a thor-
oughly interesting way, while at the same time convey-
ing clearly the main points of the historical record it
purports to give.
It describes in a continuous narrative the familiar
outlines of the history of New York city, beginning
* goo ] BOOK RE VIE WS 89
with the Dutch period, describing at some length Dutch
manners and customs, then passing to the English
-colonial period, down to the American revolution, the
military operations in and about New York during the
revolution, the brief period in which New York was the
capital of the nation, the part played in the city's his-
tory by men of the largest influence in the molding of
our institutions (including our greatest practical polit-
ical philqsopher, Alexander Hamilton), the vast com-
mercial expansion of the city, its connection with the
Erie Canal enterprise, the beginnings of steam naviga-
tion and of steam railroads, its history during the civil
war, the subsequent progress, and finally the union of
most of the populations in and about Manhattan Island
into the greater city of between three and four million
inhabitants. One can scarcely turn the pages of this
little book without realizing how deeply involved all the
way along the progress of New York has been with the
broader evolution of the nation, and that politically as
well as industrially. In fact, one of the chief merits of
Mr. Todd's book is that it seems well calculated to in-
spire the student with that just sense of local pride
which is one of the great foundation stones of effective
civic spirit.
FRANCE AND ITALY. By Imbert de Saint- Amand.
Translated by Elizabeth Gilbert Martin. Cloth, 352
pp. $1.50. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York.
The writer has the imaginative, somewhat ex-
clamatory style characteristic of most French literature,
and is evidently an admirer- of the second Napoleon.
He protests against estimating the success of the second
empire wholly by the events of 1870, to the utter for-
getting of the Crimean war and the brief and glorious
struggle with Austria in behalf of Italian independence,
in 1859. "We dwell too much on Sedan and Metz,"
M GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [January,
he says, " not long enough on Sebastopol, Magenta and
Solferino. What would be said of the heirs of the first
empire if they insisted on talking of nothing but Leip-
sic and Waterloo?"
Even with this predisposition in favor of ' ' Napo-
leon the Little," however, the author seems unable to
find any more genuine motive behind Louis Napoleon's
war of 1859 than personal vanity and a desire to pose
as a military hero worthy to occupy the throne of his
famous uncle. Commenced with a great flourish of
protestations about his disinterested zeal for Italian
freedom, it was terminated quite as suddenly, with the
object of the war only half accomplished, as soon as
matters began to look like an European coalition against
him, involving the probable loss of his own crown.
When did the first Napoleon ever turn back for fear of
European coalitions against him! Indeed, his long
military career was a succession of single-handed tri-
umphs over most, and frequently all, of the nations of
Europe in alliance.
The author has made a very interesting book, how-
ever. It relates in dramatic fashion the rapidly moving
events of 1859, which saw the Franco- Austrian war
brought on by the clever manipulations of Napoleon
himself, the brilliant campaign in Italy, the sudden
conclusion of peace with Francis Joseph, including the
cession of Lombardy to France and by France to Victor
Emmanuel as King of Sardinia and Piedmont, who thus
became ruler of the larger part of northern Italy, and
later, by a sort of natural gravitation toward him, was
enabled to extend his sphere over several of the re-
maining dukedoms and former Austrian dependencies
of central Italy. It must be said that the author's de-
scription of the six great battles that decided the Italian
campaign, Montebello, Palestro, Turbigo, Magenta,
Melegnano and Solferino, would seem more appro-
igoo.] BOOK REVIEWS 91
priate if done into phonograph records for use in popu-
lar concerts during war times, than put forth as part of
a serious historical record. They consist mostly of
pyrotechnics, drums, fifes, flags, breathless messengers,
promotions on the spot, shouts of victory, the thrills of
the conqueror alone in his tent, and the gruesome look
of the battlefield when the sun rises next morning.
One of these descriptions. will do for the whole cam-
paign, so far as giving the reader any clear idea of the
military maneuvers and generalship that determined
the result in any particular case is concerned.
The account of the conferences by which peace was
brought about, however, is considerably better. At
this point Napoleon III. certainly demonstrated his
cleverness as a sharp political maneuverer, whatever his
real military prowess. Although successful in the im-
mediate campaign, he saw that one more victory would
bring Prussia promptly to the support of Francis
Joseph, while neither England nor Russia could be
counted upon to help out France. Almost wishing he
had never undertaken his risky experiment, he contrived
nevertheless to make his exit from the situation
look like a spectacular triumph. He made all arrange-
ments for another great battle, including a naval attack
on Venice, and, at the very moment when his officers
were waiting for the word to attack, was dispatching
couriers to Francis Joseph with suggestions for an arm-
istice. This being accepted, although on conditions
that left Venice still in the hands of Austria and com-
promised on an impossible Italian confederation with
the Pope as honorary president, Napoleon returned to
France, getting a great popular ovation, and thereafter
made peace and allowed the situation in Italy to unravel
itself as best it might.
It is interesting to note, in the course of the clever
manipulation of public opinion that Napoleon employed
92 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [January,
prior to the war, and in his diplomatic efforts to recon-
cile Europe to the policy he was about to adopt, how he
was led to endorse and encourage some of the very
things that afterward proved his own ruin. Perhaps
the most striking instance of this sort is the article that
appeared in the Moniteur, the official imperial organ, on
April 10, 1859, discussing the subject of the impending
German federation. In his effort to cement German
friendship, Napoleon caused the Moniteur to say: " To
represent France as hostile to the German nationality
is not, therefore, an error, but a misapprehension. The
example of a national Germany which should reconcile
its federated organizations with the unitary tendencies
the principle of which has already been laid down in
ihe great commercial union of the Zollverein would not
alarm us. All that develops in neighboring countries
the relations created by commerce, industry, and prog-
ress is profitable to civilization, and all that increases
civilization elevates France."
As M. de Saint- Amand says: "Such was the doc-
trine of which Napoleon III. was to be the apostle and
the martyr. . . . Was not the German unity to
which he looked forward so complacently to be the
cause of his final disaster and the ruin of his dynasty?"
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FROM DECEMBER MAGAZINES
' l Laissez-faire was the lisping of the infancy of eco-
nomic science. Civilization is repudiating it, much
more Christianity. For even civilization means human
interference in the cosmic struggle for existence."
GRAHAM TAYLOR, D.D., in "The Social Evolution of
the Church ; " American Journal of Sociology (November).
' * Lafayette said that Nature did honor to herself
in creating Washington, 'and to show the perfection of
her work, she placed him in such a position that each
quality would have failed had it not been sustained by
all the others. ' " LEILA HERBERT, in < ' The First Amer-
ican: His Homes and His Households;" Harper s Mag-
azine.
1 ' When we say, * Not alms, but a friend, ' and make
relief-giving our chief business ; ' Lift the poor above the
need of relief, ' and do little but give the relief which
helps to keep them down where they are, will not peo-
ple think us insincere?" ALEXANDER JOHNSON in
" Certain Limits to Charity Organization Work ;" Amer-
ican Journal of Sociology (November).
' ' I end by the expression of the opinion that the
vote of the House and the vote of the Senate, by which
the doctrine was established that a civil officer is liable
to impeachment for misdemeanor in office, is a gain to
the public that is full compensation for the undertaking,
and that these proceedings against Mr. Johnson were
free from any element or quality of injustice." HON.
GEORGE S. BOUTWELL, in " The Impeachment of An-
drew Johnson ;" McClure's Magazine.
"It was a brutal age, no doubt; an age of the
press-gang, of the whipping-post, of jail fever, and all
the horrors of the criminal code ; an ignorant age, when
the population, lords and louts alike, drank with great
95
98 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE
freedom and reckoned cock-fighting among the more-
innocent joys of life ; when education of the kind called
popular, or more correctly primary for popular it is-
not and never will be was hardly thought of ; a cor-
rupt age, when offices and votes were bought and sold,
and bishops owed their sees to the king's women."
AUGUSTINE BIRRELL, in " John Wesley and Some As-
pects of the Eighteenth Century in England ;" Scribner's.
"The gold standard has become the standard of
civilized nations by a process of evolution, which has
led to a natural preference for the least variable, most
compact, most easily transportable, and therefore most
economical metal in the great transactions of modern
business. It has been an evolution which has marched
with such steady steps in the path of growing wealth,
higher wages and industrial development that, to the
intelligent observer of its progress, any assumption of
its connection with the work of individual conspirators
or of moneyed syndicates seems puerile." HON. JOHN
DALZELL, in " Securing the Gold Standard by Law;"
North American Review.
" It may seem fantastic to quote Emerson on the
subject of commercial changes but, as Tyndall found
many a scientific hint in the pages of this seer, so we
may find in him many an illuminating comment on in-
dustrial events. Note for example this: 'Wealth is-
the application of mind to nature ; and the art of get-
ting rich consists not in industry, much less in saving,
but in a better order, in timeliness, in being at the
right spot.' I do not know in economic literature a
truer word upon the significance and the necessity of
business organization than these words contain." JOHN
GRAHAM BROOKS, in ' ' Strength and Weakness of the
Trust Idea;" The Engineering Magazine.
PROFESSOR JEROME DOWD
Department of Economics and Sociology , Trinity College,
North Carolina
See page 113
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
REVIEW OF THE MONTH
Dull Days Week after week passes and the long
in the promised end of the Philippine warfare
Philippines i s no t yet in sight. Reports of active
operations are meager in the extreme. The campaign
in the North seems to have lost point by reason of the
escape of Aguinaldo and his followers across the moun-
tains to the East and South. It seems likely that he is
trying to make his way to the south of Manila and join
the considerable body of insurgents still remaining in
Cavite province. Operations there have been active
during the last few weeks. Our troops are covering
the territory around Laguna de Bay, meeting and
driving off scattered bands of rebels ; but nothing like
a decisive battle yet. Probably Aguinaldo has no defi-
nite organized army left. One important incident
breaks the monotony of the situation, the rescue of
Lieutenant Gillmore and his nineteen companions, who
were captured by the insurgents last April. The rescue
was made by Colonel Hare of the 33rd Infantry, early in
January. Lieutenant Gillmore reports that while in the
hands of Aguinaldo he was exceedingly well treated,
but not so after falling into the charge of General Tino.
At one time he and his party were condemned to be
shot, and would have been but for the interference of
Aguinaldo.
97
98 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
In the death of Major General Henry W.
Death of Lawton, at San Mateo on December igih,
General Lawton . . .. . . ,
we sustained the most serious individual
loss that has befallen us in all the Philippine or for
that matter the Spanish war. General Lawton was pre-
eminently the aggressive fighter in our Philippine cam-
paign, and fell a victim, indeed, to his personal fear-
lessness. General Lawton served as a volunteer in the
civil war, thereafter for many years as an Indian cam-
paigner, and made a brilliant record in the Santiago
campaign of 1898, where he earned his rank of Major
General. He had been in the Philippines since early
in 1899, campaigning mostly to the north of Manila.
His body is on the way home to the United States.
The Philippine The Philippine situation has absorbed
Debate more attention in congress thus far than
in Congress ^ Q currency bills or even the sensational
attack on Secretary Gage. On December i8th Senator
Bacon, of Georgia, introduced resolutions intended to
define our policy toward the Philippines, from which
we quote two admirable paragraphs :
' ' That the United States having accepted the cession of the Philip-
pines from Spain, and having by force of arms overthrown all organized
authority and opposition to the authority of the United States therein,
the duty and obligation rests upon the United States to restore peace
and maintain order there throughout the same, protecting the islands,
the enjoyment of life and property and the pursuit of lawful avocations ;
and to continue such protection until the power and duty to maintain
such protection shall have been transferred and'entrusted by the United
States to a government of the people of said islands deemed capable and
worthy to exercise said powers and discharge said duty.
' ' That when armed resistance to the authority of the United States
shall have ceased within said islands, and peace and order shall have
been restored therein, it is the purpose and intention of the United States,
so soon thereafter as the same can practically and safely be accom-
plished, to provide the opportunity and prescribe the method for the
formation of a government by and of the people of the Philippine islands,
to be thereafter independently exercised and controlled by themselves ;
i 9 oo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 99
it being the design of the United States to accord to the people of said
islands the same measure of liberty and independence which have been
pledged by the congress of the United States to the people of Cuba."
There is no likelihood that any such resolutions
will be adopted. In the first place they come from the
side of the house opposed to the administration ; sec-
ondly, the temper of the majority party in congress is
solidifying more and more in favor of permanently
holding the islands. Senator Beveridge, of Indiana, in
his maiden speech in the senate, delivered on January
9th, expressed this view with the utmost frankness.
He said very little about the ' ' inevitable duty placed
upon us by providence," or the plan of "benevo-
lent assimilation " solely for the benefit of the poor
Filipinos. On the contrary his plea was strictly and un-
equivocally imperialistic ; its keynote was the enormous
wealth and resource^ of the Philippines, together with
the trade opening they would afford in the competition
for Chinese markets. Even Senator Wolcott, himself
an expansionist, in commenting on Senator Beveridge's
speech a few days later, could not refrain from describ-
ing it as "base and sordid." "This war," he con-
tinued, ' ' if we consider first our duty to the people of
the islands, is the noblest ever fought, but if our pur-
pose in retaining them is that they are rich, the war
will go down as miserable and degraded a one as ever
disgraced the history of the middle ages."
The indirect attempt of Senator Beveridge to make
Senator Hoar responsible for the Filipino insurrection,
because of public utterances in this country, is an inex-
cusable effort to shift a burden that ought to be frankly
and honestly accepted by the framers of our policy.
However we may condemn the conduct of the Atkin-
sonians, after the war was on, it is nothing less than
contemptible to charge the present situation upon the
public and legitimate expressions of a senator before
100 G UNION'S MAGAZINE [February,
the peace treaty was confirmed and when the whole
Philippine problem was still rightly open to the freest
discussion. It ill becomes the new senator from Indi-
ana to charge disloyalty upon the head of a man who
was helping mold and shape the type and quality of
American patriotism long before Mr. Beveridge could
spell " republic " or tell the colors of the flag!
Secretary Hay's Of course we shall keep a commercial
Open-Door foothold in the Philippines, whether we
Pledges permanently annex them or not. In the
next few decades we shall unquestionably have an im-
portant share in supplying Chinese markets. Already
we are shipping large orders of coarser grades of cotton
goods, especially from our southern mills. Since we
cannot be a party to any dismemberment policy, our
interest lies entirely in having the " open door" main-
tained. Secretary Hay has been working toward this
object for a long time, and announced on January 2nd
that he had obtained assurances from Great Britain,
Germany, France, Russia and Japan, committing those
countries to the policy of free commercial privileges in
China, and two days later similar pledges were received
from Italy. Critics of the state department have
sneered at these pledges as mere "bluffs" of not a
moment's value should circumstances seem to advise a
different policy. Of course, the assurances are not
binding ; they are not enf orcible by any international
court ; nevertheless, they do furnish a definite basis for
diplomatic insistence upon preservation of our interests
in the situation. There is a psychological force in all
such conventions, whether legally binding or not.
They enable the United States to throw the weight of
its influence into the scale with whatever nation adheres
to its pledge, in case any one or more of the others vio-
late it. In other words, it gives us a diplomatic status
i9oo.] RE VIE W OF THE MONTH 101
in the situation which can never hereafter be ignored,
and at the present time this probably is as great a step
as diplomacy could accomplish in our behalf.
We ought not, however, to get in the habit of over-
estimating the importance of these eastern markets. It
is just about as certain as anything in industrial evolu-
tion that before many generations China will herself
become a great manufacturing country, capable perhaps
of actually exporting goods in competition with us, to
say nothing of supplying herself. It is a land of enor-
mous richness in natural resources and with a vast
cheap-labor population. After China has adopted west-
ern methods we should not be surprised to find the
western nations, which are now pouncing upon the
Oriental market, raising tariff barriers to protect their
own markets against the products of these same China-
men.
Pacific But, whichever way the movement turns,
Cable it is sure to mean from now on a closer
Project knitting together of commercial and in-
dustrial interests around the globe. The project of a
Pacific cable is of far more than mere military or im-
mediate trade interest. It is in line with the broad
movement of expanding industrial civilization, and, if
immediate necessities force it to come now instead of
in twenty years, so much the better. A bill has been
introduced in congress by Senator Hale providing for
the construction by the United States government of a
cable, proceeding by way of the Hawaiian, Midway and
Guam Islands to Iloilo and Manila in the Philippines.
Perhaps it will be more economical for the government
to lay the cable itself than by contract, because some
of the idle vessels of the navy could doubtless be
utilized in the work.
102 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
The Since the amazing series of British re-
Deadlocfc in verses, occurring all in a bunch last De-
South Africa cember, the Transvaal war has been
hardly more interesting than our Philippine campaign.
Each contestant has been lying back, watching and
waiting for the other to spring. Lord Roberts, now
chief in command, reached Cape Town January Qth,
accompanied by Lord Kitchener, his chief of staff.
Neither one, as yet, has proceeded to the field of action.
English The tinpreparedness of the British war
Policy department at the outbreak of hostilities
Criticized j s ^{\\ bringing down upon it the sever-
est kind of criticism. It is remarkable how British
authorities could have so thoroughly underestimated
the size of the Boer army. The two little republics
seem to have no less than fifty or sixty thousand men
in the field, whereas British preparations were based
more on the idea of meeting about twenty or thirty
thousand. This very fact in a sense tends to justify
England's position. It indicates that the government
honestly expected to gain its point without recourse to
arms. They waited, knowing that to prepare would
simply force the conflict. As Lord Salisbury said in
his Guildhall speech on November gih : ' ' The moment
you had shown signs of raising your force to an equal-
ity with the force opposed to it, that moment the ulti-
matum would have been issued and war would have
begun It is not, therefore, right to say
that there was not adequate military preparation. The
evil dates further back. It dates to those unfortunate
arrangements in 1881 and 1884 by which we deliberately
permitted a community obviously hostile to enjoy
the unbounded, unlimited right of accumulating muni-
tions of war against us. Year after year an accumula-
tion of munitions was made which could only be directed
against us."
REVIEW OF THE MONTH IDS
Sources German friendship for England, so sig-
of nally emphasized by the visit of Emperor
Irritation William to Windsor Castle late in No-
vember, has been put to a severe test. On the 2Qth of
December the German steamer Bundesrath was seized
in Delagoa Bay by a British cruiser, on the suspicion of
having on board a number of German officers and men
intending to serve in the Boer army. Now German
public sentiment has been by no means unanimous for
England ; kinship with the Dutch and the latent jeal-
ousy of Great Britain have at all times made the matter
uncertain, and the seizure of this vessel might have re-
sulted seriously except for the manner in which the
British government received the German protest, and
the tone of English comment on the affair. Details of
the case are yet to be settled.
There has been another case of seizure ; involving
some American flour en route to Delagoa Bay on the
British steamers Beatrice and Mashona and the Dutch
steamer Maria. Our government protested, on the
ground that foodstuffs, unless destined for the use of
the enemy's army, cannot be considered contraband ;
to this view the British government acceded and has
disavowed the seizure. Therefore, by this time pre-
sumably the flour has been released.
By the first of January conditions in
Attack on Ladysmith had become serious, owing to
Ladysmith ^ e unsanitary condition of the camps
and the persistent bombardment. Relying on this pre-
sumed weakness, the Boers, on January 5th and 6th,
made several fierce assaults on General White's posi-
tion. Some of the British positions on Wagon Hill, to
the south, were taken several times and retaken by the
English, and the fighting at times became so close that
many assaults were literally repulsed at the point of the
104 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
bayonet. But the attack failed. General White main-
tained his position with a loss of nearly five hundred
officers and men, killed or wounded. It seems impossi-
ble to get any authoritative estimate of the Boer loss.
General White's ammunition is running low, but unless
the Boers make a successful assault without delay he
will be able to hold out until relieved.
General Indeed, the relief of Ladysmith seems
Bullets now fairly within sight. After the de-
Movements f eat O f December isth, General Buller
retired several miles south of the Tugela River and ob-
tained a new supply of artillery. About the loth of
January he began a flanking movement to the west-
ward of Colenso, and seized a bridge at Potgieter's
Drift. Lord Dundonald by a sudden cavalry movement
had seized the hills on the south shore of the river, so
that artillery could be placed and the crossing move-
ment protected. There was no carrying the guns into
ambush this time. General Buller's army is now within
a few miles of Ladysmith, and a great battle is raging
as we go to press.
General French seized Colesburg, in
northern Cape Colony, on New Year's
day, but was not long permitted to enjoy
the fruits of victory, being driven out again the next
night. With the exception of small engagements in
that vicinity no marked advance has been made by
either side. At the Modder River General Methuen
has remained inactive, and it is believed he is about to
be recalled. His mind appears to be affected, and the
Modder River defeat turns out to have been largely
due to rash tactics. General Wauchope, the gallant
commander of the Highland Brigade who lost his life
in that battle, is now known to have strongly protested
1900.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 105
against the plan of operations outlined by Methuen. It
is expected that Lord Kitchener will personally take
charge of the campaign for relief of Kimberley.
Colonel Baden-Powell, at Mafeking, made a sortie on
December 26th, which was repulsed with small loss.
Mafeking is really in a more perilous position than any
of the other British outposts ; it is separated from any
relief force by more than two hundred miles, and sup-
plies are limited. One incident at Mafeking, early in
January, is an interesting commentary on the Boer
claim of superior humanity in the conduct of this war.
In the course of a bombardment on January 2nd, they
deliberately fired a number of nine-pounder shells into
the women's laager, killing a little girl and wounding
two children.
Better At last it seems that France has an
Trend in administration with sufficient backbone
France j. Q s t a nd up against the enemies of the
republic, who have been masquerading as popular
heroes and defenders of the "honor of the army." The
French senate, sitting as a high court of justice, has
been trying some twenty politicians and notorious anti-
Semites on charges of conspiracy and plotting to re-
establish a monarchy with the aid of the army. On Jan-
uary 4th verdicts were rendered banishing Droulede,
Buffet and the Marquis de Lur Saluces, each for a
period of ten years, and sentencing M. Guerin to ten
years' confinement in a military prison. De*roulede
and Guerin attempted to pose as martyrs and stir up a
popular demonstration, but indeed they stirred up not
even a ripple. It may be that the overwhelming tide
of criticism visited on France is at last working its way
into the French consciousness. If so, these wholesale
regenerative measures will really command public sup-
port instead of furnishing the basis for more agitation
106 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
and disruption. The Waldeck- Rousseau cabinet is
much the strongest that France has had for a long time,
and President Loubet by his firmness and determina-
tion may actually be the means of drawing together
and strengthening the best forces of the republic, and
starting an altogether better and cleaner current of pub-
lic life in France. Power and determination appeal
wonderfully to the French imagination. To the extent
that the government exhibits these qualities it is sure
to be popular. The timidity and conciliation of pre-
vious cabinets have furnished the motley crowd of agita-
tors, monarchists and anti-Semites with just the oppor-
tunities they have wanted for appealing to the masses
and trying to subvert the republic.
The year 1800 can place to its credit the
A Year of
Prosperity largest volume of business ever trans-
acted in the United States. This is liter-
ally true both of domestic and foreign trade, of bank
clearings, of railroad earnings, of industrial organiza-
tions and new enterprises ; and probably no other sin-
gle year in this country ever witnessed so general and
material a rise in wages. The clearing-house transac-
tions of the country aggregated more than $93,000,000,-
ooo, which is 36 per cent, more than last year, 74 per
cent, more than in 1897, and 51 per cent, more than in
1892 even, the last year of great prosperity before
the panic. Failures for the year were only 9,641, or
17 per cent, fewer than last year, 27 per cent, fewer
than in 1897, 36 per cent, fewer than in 1896, and even
6 per cent, fewer than in 1892; being, indeed, the
smallest list since 1883. In the South there has been
enormous expansion, particularly in cotton manu-
facturing. During the year it is estimated that new
cotton factories were incorporated or began operations
in the southern states to the extent of more than $25,-
REVIEW OF THE MONTH 107
000,000 capital invested, representing nearly one and
one-half million spindles.
Our exports of railroad materials and equipment
have reached remarkable proportions, and negotiations
are under way with several foreign governments for
cars and locomotives to the value of nearly $7,000,000.
Russia already has close to 1,000 American locomotives,
Japan 100, and many English railroads even have been
ordering locomotives of American make. About 4,500
miles of new railroad was constructed in this country
during 1899, the largest increase since 1892. Cost of
this was in southern and western states.
More Consolida- Tne reat rush of < ' trust" organization
tions and was, of course, in the winter and spring
More Competition o f l899> b ut the movement continued at
a very respectable rate all through the year. Accord-
ing to the Journal of Commerce, new industrial com-
panies with an aggregate of $2,000,000,000 capital and
bonds were organized during 1 899, in addition to nearly
$400,000,000 in gas, electric and street railway com-
panies. Besides these, organizations representing a
capital of $1,800,000,000 were projected during the
year but not completed ; additional stock was issued,
and new corporations, not consolidations or trusts,
were organized with a capital amounting to nearly $770,-
000,000; the grand total being about $5,216,000,000. A
good many of these reorganizations, representing some-
thing over $1,000,000,000 capital, were abandoned dur-
ing the year, but as it is the total is stupendous. As
might have been expected, some of these concerns have
suffered radical shrinkages of stock values, and none
of them have succeeded in " throttling" competition.
Even in the lines where concentration is greatest, vig-
orous competition has arisen. Witness the new Tele-
phone, Telegraph and Cable Company of America, in-
108 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
corporated in November with a capital of $30,000,000,
as one instance. In the same month the National Tin
Plate Company was incorporated with a capital of
$5,000,000, to develop certain new patents in tin-plate
manufacture and compete with the American Tin Plate
Company. About the same time a million dollar ' * Anti-
Trust Making Powder Company" was incorporated in
the state of Delaware. In the iron industry there are
no less than fourteen immense concerns, several of them
being reorganizations of numerous small concerns. In
the sugar industry all the independent refineries
are still in the field, and it is reported that a very large
refinery is to be built at Tampa, Florida, to utilize raw
sugar near its source of production, both from Cuba and
the southern states. The American Sugar Refining
Company has just recently during January, in fact
abandoned the old-time factor's agreement system and
is selling to the trade at large in competition with out-
side refineries.
The immense volume of business in the
latter part of the year, coming at the
time when country banks were withdraw-
ing their deposits from New York and gold was being
shipped abroad, caused a severe monetary crisis which
only radical measures saved from developing into a
serious panic. Wall Street did indeed experience some-
thing of a panic, on December i8th, but a group of
banks came to the rescue with a loan of $9,000,000 just
in time to bring interest rates down to safety and pre-
vent a possible long list of failures. This of course was
only a temporary measure ; probably it could not have
held off the result permanently had it not been for the
offer of Secretary Gage to place on deposit in national
banks the internal receipts of the government in ex-
change for United States bonds to be deposited in the
treasury as security.
9 oo. J REVIEW OF THE MONTH 109
This policy has been followed several times, con-
spicuously under President Cleveland's first adminis-
tration. There is no other way at present of providing
against the constant withdrawal from circulation of the
government's revenues at the rate of a million dollars
a day. If we had a scientific banking system with
proper note-issuing facilities such a crisis could hardly
arrive, but under any circumstances it is sheer waste to
hold government funds useless in the vaults when they
might be on deposit and serving the business interests
of the whole community.
Nevertheless, this policy of the secretary
was at once subjected to violent attacks.
Secretary Gage ... . _ .. .
A resolution was introduced in congress,
January 4th, demanding that he furnish a full state-
ment of all the transactions and correspondence in the
matter. The principal point of criticism was that the
National City Bank of New York was entrusted with
the distribution of these deposits to the various banks
applying for them ; but, as Secretary Gage made plain
in his reply submitted to congress January loth, this
was solely a measure of convenience, to save the treas-
ury department the expense of daily instructions to a
large number of collectors. The National City Bank
was selected as distributing agent because that bank
offered the largest amount of bonds as security. With
his reply Secretary Gage submitted the entire corre-
spondence of the department on the subject, and the
effort to work up a scandal is already a failure. Even
a democratic congressman, Mr. Sibley of Pennsylva-
nia, on the floor of the house defended the secretary's
action, declaring: " I had rather see the country pros-
perous than to see my party succeed."
The result of the secretary's policy was to relieve
the situation, avert the panic and provide for leaving
110 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
the surplus revenue money in circulation where it
belongs. The government's cash balance remains
exactly the same, because banks holding funds of the
United States may be for the time being literally con-
sidered parts of the United States treasury, and are
liable to be called upon for their deposits whenever the
treasury may require them.
New York Aside from Governor Roosevelt's strug-
Statc gle to appoint a new superintendent of
Affairs insurance in the place of Louis F. Payn,
and the conflict over educational unification, the most
interesting thing at Albany so far during this session of
the legislature has been the report of Superintendent
Partridge on the operation of the canals during 1898-99.
It shows that in spite of the much-reduced appropria-
tions available when he took the off: e on January i8th,
1899, he was able by rigid economy, cutting off super-
fluous help and selecting only the most efficient em-
ployees, to get through the fiscal year till September
3Oth not only without overrunning the appropriation
but leaving a small balance of some $2,000 on hand,
with practically all bills paid. This is a highly credit-
able report, and stands out in brilliant contrast to the
mismanagement of the few years previous. Superin-
tendent Partridge states that if a general plan of canal
improvement is not undertaken an extra appropriation
of about $350,000 annually should be made for strength-
ening banks, bridges and walls. The legislature ought
not to allow the canal to deteriorate if it can be main-
tained on its present basis in good condition with so
light an additional expenditure as this.
On January i$th the majority and mi-
Maret nority reports of the Mazet Investigating
Report Committee were submitted to the legisla-
ture. The report of the committee's counsel, Frank
igoo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 111
Moss, had been previously published, much to the of-
fence of somebody, apparently, since Mr. Moss was not
called in to assist in preparing the committee's state-
ment. Briefly, the majority report is a long arraign-
ment of the Tammany administration of New York
city and the Croker system of bossism and personal
profit therefrom. Along with it, some eight bills were in-
troduced affecting different departments of the city gov-
ernment. The two minority members made a separate
report denouncing the investigation as a purely partisan
job, and offering the ' ' single recommendation that the
people of the city of New York be permitted to govern
themselves."
There is really nothing surprising in the ' ' revela-
tions" of this wonderful investigation; nothing that
has materially added to public indignation on the sub-
ject. The public knew the situation already, in general
if not in detail. In fact, this investigation lacked popu-
lar confidence from the start. It seemed too obviously
calculated to make capital for a political campaign.
There was never any good reason why Mr. Platt should
not have been called to the stand as well as Mr. Croker,
especially after the committee took up the Ramapo
affair and called before it nearly everybody who had
any sort of connection with it except the senior senator
from New York. It was an ill-timed and ill-advised
undertaking anyway. Ostensibly, its object was to pave
the way for legislation taking certain powers out of the
hands of city officials, or otherwise interfering with the
local government. But this is contrary to the princi-
ples of responsibility in government and local control
of local affairs. If the people elect a corrupt Tammany
administration they should experience the fruits thereof,
in order the better to appreciate the necessity of a rad-
ical change. Yet, a bill has actually been introduced
112 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
providing for exactly the same sort of a commission to
continue the investigation during 1900.
Moody Two men of international prominence
and have passed away since our last issue.
Martineau T ^ e f amous evangelist Dwight L. Moody
died at his home in East Northfield, Mass., on Decem-
ber 22d; and on January i2th the world of philosoph-
ical scholarship and liberal thought lost one of its most
distinguished citizens in the death of Dr. James Marti-
neau, the aged English author, professor and theologian.
Mr. Moody was no scholar, but a singularly earnest,
devoted and successful religious worker. His name
long has been a household word both here and abroad.
Dr. Martineau was a fine type of the non-controversial,
sympathetic, constructive, liberal theologian, a man of
the loftiest nobility of thought ; one of those who labor
to add to the helpfulness and inspiration of religion the
somewhat newer quality of "sweet reasonableness."
Dr. Martineau was Unitarian in theology but opposed
the growth of a new sect, preferring throughout to
style himself a Presbyterian.
CHEAP LABOR IN THE SOUTH
JEROME DOWD, PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY,
TRINITY COLLEGE, NORTH CAROLINA
The last report of the North Carolina Bureau of
Labor contains a fly-leaf on which is printed in large
type: " A fine chance for a cotton mill investment . . .
no laws regulating the hours of labor and the age of
employment; cheap labor and the home of the cotton
plant." Of the many enticements held out to capital
in the South, cheap labor is the most seductive and the
one which has given the greatest impetus to manufac-
turing. It is a fact of sufficient general interest to jus-
tify an inquiry into its causes and effects.
The impression is pretty general throughout the
North that the cheap labor of the South is due to a low
standard of living among the employed classes. This
impression is erroneous, for, however true it may be
that the standard of living governs the rate of wages,
it is not true that cheap labor necessarily means low
wages or low standard of life. The difference in the
money wages paid by manufacturers in North Carolina
and in Massachusetts is 42%,* according to investiga-
tions of the department in Washington. The southern
operatives receive less money, but with a given sum
they can buy very much more than the laborers of the
* Seventh Annual Report of U. S. Cotnm'r of Labor, Vol. 2, p. 1682.
113
114
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[February,
North. House rent, house furniture, clothing and pro-
visions require much less outlay in the southern states.
In Massachusetts rent is 46% higher per family than in
North Carolina, f The average outlay for meat per
family in Massachusetts is $121.17, in North Carolina
$70.94,;): the difference being chiefly due to the less cost
of beef, pork and poultry in the last named state. The
total cost of food is 41% higher in Massachusetts.! A
comparison of the chief articles of food in Lowell, ||
Massachusetts, and Durham, North Carolina, April 6,
1 899, was as follows :
LOWELL
. is to
.25
DURHAM
Roast beef
.08
.18 to
.18 to
.10
.40
.28
Bacon, C. R
Eggs (dozen)
Butter
.07*
.10 tO .12$
. 20 to .25
.05 to
.06
Sugar ,
.064-
.50 to
.02 to
.40 to
65
1. 00
.05
.70
Family flour ^. . . .
Irish potatoes ....
Sweet "
Molasses
.60
1.25
.01
.40
.20
Coffee, Rio
.I2i
.05
Milk .
.05
Roast beef
Bacon, C. R
Eggs (dozen)
Butter
Sugar
Family flour $-. . . ,
Irish potatoes . . .
Sweet " ...
Molasses
Coffee, Rio
Milk
It would appear from the above figures that butter,
milk and bread cost about the same in both sections,
but in fact these things cost less in Durham and
in most southern towns, for the reason that many fam-
ilies own their own cows and do not have to buy butter
or milk. Many factory families also raise vegetables
and chickens, and thus save many items of expense.
While Irish potatoes are as cheap in the North as in the
South, they are used much less in the South, the sweet
potato being the favorite vegetable among the southern
people. While the price of flour is about the same in
both sections, the fact that the northern laborers use
f Seventh Annual Report of U. S. Comm'rof Labor, Vol. 2, p. 1682
J Ibid, p. 1678. Ibid, p. 1680.
U Facts furnished by Jeremiah Crowley, Mayor of Lowell.
poo.] CHEAP LABOR IN THE SOUTH 115
much more baker's bread causes them to expend about
20 per cent, more for that food. The average factory
family in Massachusetts expends $53.26 per year for
bread, while the average expenditure in North Caroli-
na is only $44.78.*
While it is impossible to arrive at an exact com-
parison of the cost of living in the two sections by ap-
peal to statistics, the above facts and explanations are
sufficient to show that the cost of living upon a given
standard is much less in the South and that the differ-
ence in the money wages, at least in the manufacturing
industries, is almost neutralized by the difference in
outlay for rent and provisions. Short and mild winters
require little outlay for clothing. Whether labor is
cheap or dear does not depend upon the amount of cash
paid for it, but upon what that cash will buy. Viewing
the matter in this light the condition of the southern
laborers is not so bad as many people have been led to
believe.
While the writer is anxious to correct the false im-
pression regarding the standard of living of laborers in
the South, he by no means wishes to intimate that the
standard of living among them is what it ought to be,
or that the low standard of living does not stand in the
way of higher wages. The meager wants of the ne-
groes hold their own wages down and also the wages of
the whites who in many lines of activity have to give
way to this cheaper labor. The widespread illiteracy
among both the blacks and whites is also a great obsta-
cle to higher wages. People without education or
special training of any kind must work within very
narrow confines. Only the poorest-paid occupations
are open to them. But when their standard of intelli-
gence is elevated, higher wants are awakened, and
^Seventh Annual Report U. S. Commissioner of Labor, Vol. 2, p.
1679.
116 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
hence better talent and skill come into requisition and
command better pay. The trouble in the South is too
much pressure at the bottom. The human mind as a
resource is not yet sufficiently recognized.
Lack of education is one of the chief reasons of the
lack of diversity of industries, and gives rise to a con-
dition which is known as oversupply of labor. Here-
tofore agriculture has been the only important occupa-
tion and hence the field of employment for all classes
has been much circumscribed. The steady decline in
recent years in the value of cotton, tobacco and turpen-
tine has made farming in many sections very unprofita-
ble and caused population to congest in the towns and
cities, attracted thither by the prospect of employment
in mills and factories. A stream of laborers from the
fields is likely to flow toward the manufacturing centers
for many years to come, causing a constant surfeit of
the labor market and arresting any considerable rise in
wages.
It is a fact noticeable in all countries that women
receive less pay than men, but in the South there is a
peculiar condition of things affecting their compensa-
tion. Everywhere else in the civilized world, the chief
avenue of employment for women is found in domestic
service. But in the South that field is occupied by the
negroes. Hence the sphere of action of white women
is exceedingly narrow, the chief outlet being in needle-
work and the cotton factory.
While the negroes exclude the white race from
many avenues of employment, the whites also close
many doors against the negroes. The negro is in the
way of the white man at the bottom, and the white man
is in the way of the negro at the top.
Not an inconsiderable obstacle to an advance of
wages in the South is the extensive employment of
women and children. Taking the industries tabulated
IQOO.] CHFAP LABOR IN THE SOUTH 117
on page 13 of the nth Annual Report of the Commis-
sioner of Labor, the figures indicate that 80$ of
all the laborers in southern industries are females,
as compared with 42% in New England. Accord-
ing to the same report, 25$ of the laborers in the
the South are children under eighteen years of age, as
compared with nine and one-half per cent, in New Eng-
land. In North Carolina 5,363 children under fourteen
years of age work in the cotton and woollen mills. (Re-
port N. Carolina Labor Commission 1897.)
Perhaps another reason for the poor wages in the
South is the absence of any labor organizations. Farm
laborers are too isolated for cooperation, while the op-
eratives in factories, being mostly women and children,
of course cannot effect an organization.
Having suggested some of the causes of cheap labor
in the South, let us now look at some of the effects.
First, what are the effects upon other sections of the
country? The most pronounced effect is the lowering
of wages in textile industries. Wages have been affected
also in other lines of industry, although in a less marked
and more silent manner. For instance, the employ-
ment of negroes in the coal mines of West Virginia,
enabling the operatives to sell coal cheaper than could
be done in any other part of the country, no doubt
played a part in precipitating the cut-throat competition
among operators in 1897, bringing down the price of
coal and labor in other states, and inaugurating the great
strike of that year.*
The cheapness of female labor has been a powerful
stimulus to the manufacture of clothing in a number of
southern towns and cities, and the goods are now
shipped to New York and sold in competition with the
sweater product of the city. The wages of women
* Quarterly Journal of Economics, Jan. 1898, p. 193.
118 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
seamstresses in Charlotte and Atlanta is more than a
third less than is paid upon the average in the North.
There can be no doubt that the cheap labor in the
iron industries of the South has been a factor in the de-
cline in value in iron ore and iron fabrics within the
past few years.
Shifting the point of view, let us ask: What are
some of the effects of cheap labor upon the South ? That
many manufacturers are piling up fortunes is beyond
question. That wealth is vastly augmenting itself is no
less certain. But how are the masses withstanding the
sudden revolution from an agricultural to a manufac-
turing life? How is the eleven and a half hours work-
day affecting the well-being of the laborers? How is
the employment of children affecting the educational
progress of the country, and what will be the final out-
come in respect to morals, religion, politics and civil-
ization? The history of manufacturing in Great Britain
under similar conditions answers these questions.
The long hours and unrestricted employment of
children can have no other than bad results, both for
the workers and for society ; and should these present
conditions continue for any considerable length of years
the development of manufacturing would come to be
an unmixed evil. However, there is reason to hope
that these conditions are temporary. When the south-
ern mills get on a firmer basis and when the people
have had time to think out some of the factory prob-
lems, now entirely new to them, no doubt proper re-
strictions will be thrown around the employees. In the
meantime, it ought not to be forgotten that laborers in
the South do not work any longer than those of France,
Austria or Switzerland.* The workers in the textile
mills in the South are better off financially than they
*Lecky's " Democracy and Liberty," Vol. 2, p. 426.
CHEAP LABOR IN THE SOUTH 119
were when they lived upon the farm. But physically
and morally they are the worse for wear. Under pres-
ent conditions they are manifesting an unmistakable
tendency in a downward direction.
And now it remains to notice the remedy which is
being proposed for the eradication of some of the evil
effects of cheap labor. A sentiment has recently de-
veloped in favor of a national law limiting a day's work
to ten hours in factories and mines, and prohibiting the
employment of children under fourteen years. It is
claimed that the wage class have great difficulty in rais-
ing their standard of living on account of the diversity
of conditions in each state and the fact that any state
legislation is only local in its application. Some stu-
dents of labor problems are even advocating an interna-
tional agreement to limit the hours of work, and thus,
they say, prevent one country from taking advantage
of another. We have already international regulation
of telegrams, postage, copyrights and currency (in-
stance, the Latin Union), and why not the hours of
labor? Such an agreement, it is argued, would place
competition upon a high plane, making success depend
upon superior workmanship, better equipment and
wiser management. Cut-throat competition at the ex-
pense of the wage-earners would be ended and indus-
trial depressions less frequent.
In the opinion of the writer, any national or inter-
national restriction of the hours of labor would entirely
fail to relieve manufacturers of the effects of cheap
labor competition. If the length of a day's work were
the same everywhere, the money wages would vary in
each locality according to productive power, cost of
living and supply of laborers ; and hence the price of
the finished product would not be changed. If any-
where the working time were reduced by law, the
manufacturers could hold the market by reduction of
120 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
wages, and this would be done if the curtailment of
time did not work out compensating results in quantity
and quality of product. If the efficiency of laborers, as
well as the hours of work, could everywhere be equal-
ized, wages would still vary according to the cost of
living, or, in other words, according to the bounty of
nature.
While uniformity in working time cannot banish
cheap labor competition, it does not follow that a na-
tional law to limit adult labor would be bad policy. If
such a law should cut down every man's wages, it would
be better to have less pay and less deadening work.
But, indeed, it is not probable that a reduction in the
hours of work would in the least impair the productive
power of the nation. " A day of rest," says Macauley,
" recurring every week, two or three hours of leisure,
exercise, innocent amusement or useful study, recur-
ring every day, must improve the whole man, phys-
ically, morally, intellectually ; and the improvement of
the man will improve all that the man produces."
Laborers who live under conditions that induce the
longest life, afford the most leisure for recreation and
study, will in the long run be the most productive and
hold the market against any and all competition.
The advantage in manufacturing which the South
has at present over the North is due entirely to nature.
The bounty of nature enables the southern laborers to
live with less expenditures for the necessities of life.
This advantage may remain perhaps a quarter of a cen-
tury, but will affect adversely only a few industries in
other parts of the country. In proportion as manufac-
turing in the South becomes general and diversified,
the cost of rent and food will rise and sweep away the
present differences between the cost of living in the
two sections.
Finally, the money wages paid and the conditions
igoo.] WHA T CAN BE DONE ABO UT IT? 121
under which the laborer works, North and South, will
be practically the same, and then supremacy will de-
pend upon proximity to raw product and to the con-
sumer.
WHAT CAN BE DONE ABOUT IT?
BY THE EDITOR
In the foregoing article Professor Dowd discusses
the problem of cheap labor in the South with the evi-
dent spirit of being eminently impartial, analytic and
sociological. Although a professor of economics and
sociology in a North Carolina college, he has apparently
divested himself of any taint of sectional prejudice and
aimed to discuss the matter on the broad lines of eco-
nomics and public policy. He begins by correcting what
he thinks an erroneous impression " throughout the
North that the cheap labor of the South is due to a low
standard of living," and arrives at the conclusion
that the operatives' standard of living is not lower
in the South than in the East, but only that the same
things are cheaper in the South. In proof of this he
compares prices in Durham and Lowell. Durham is a
town of about 7,000 population in North Carolina;
Lowell is a city of 84,000 population in Massachusetts.
Prices in a country town and a large industrial city can
hardly be regarded as proper subjects for comparison.
Moreover, all the facts except those furnished by Mayor
Crowley are ten years old, being taken before present
factory conditions in the South existed.
He quotes statistics (1890), giving the cost of food
as 41% higher in Massachusetts than in North Carolina.
122 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
But this is not sustained even by his Durham and
Lowell table of prices. The writer has just visited a
number of the factory places in North and South Caro-
lina, Georgia and Alabama, for the special purpose of
ascertaining exactly this class of facts. In the factory
towns of the South, like Birmingham, Columbus (Geor-
gia) and Charlotte (North Carolina), beef is not eight
cents a pound, except the poor pieces such as can be
bought in New York and New England for eight or ten
cents. But the prime joints like steak and roast are
from twelve to eighteen cents, and confessedly inferior
to the western beef which conies to the East.
The truth is that butter, sugar, flour, potatoes
(Irish potatoes are much cheaper in the East and sweet
potatoes cheaper South) and other items of food and pro-
visions are substantially the same in the factory towns
of similar size both South and East. If we take the
entire table of the comparative prices in Lowell and
Durham, we find that the aggregate of the highest price
column for Durham is $3.01. The corresponding col-
umn of Lowell prices aggregates $3.74, or about 24%
higher. But if we take the column of lower prices in
both cases, which may be taken more nearly to repre-
sent the operatives' usual purchases, the cost of these
provisions is $2.94 in Durham and $2.48 in Lowell,
showing Durham prices to be \%% higher than Lowell.
Nor is the claim that clothing and furniture are
cheaper in the South borne out by our investigations.
Cheaper furniture is used, but almost invariably it is
inferior. Concerning clothing we took special pains to
inquire in every town, and, for similar quality, shoes,
underwear, hats, gloves, suits, in fact every form of
clothing is as expensive in Charlotte, Columbus, Atlan^
ta, Spartanburg or any of the factory towns in the
South as it is in New York city.
The assumption that many families own cows,
IQOO.] WHA T CAN BE DONE ABO UT IT? 128
raise vegetables and chickens, and thus furnish them-
selves with a large part of their provisions and vegeta-
ble supplies is frequently made. The Atlanta Constitu-
tion in some vigorous editorials has more than once
made this statement. All that we can say on this point
is to call for particulars. Either Professor Dowd or the
chief of the North Carolina Bureau of Statistics or the
editor of the Atlanta Constitution will please name where
these are. Nothing of the kind, worthy the name, is
visible in any factory town visited. In Atlanta the
tenements occupied by factory operatives have not the
semblance of a garden or cow-keeping privilege. They
are simply a group of tenements, practically all of one
pattern, put there by the corporation, and if there are
half a dozen factory operatives in Atlanta who raise
their own vegetables and keep a cow and chickens, the
fact seems not to be known. The same is true of other
places. In Phoenix, Alabama, there were a few who
had a little patch at the back of the house, and two or
three in Spartanburg, but it is entirely erroneous to say
that this is in any sense characteristic of the factory
operatives in the South.
It is true that house rent is lower in the South, and
it is also true that the houses are very much poorer. In
most places the operatives occupy two or three, in some
cases four, rooms. The rent is usually fifty cents per room
per month. But the habitual standard of living of the op-
eratives is such that if the family is not more than three
or four they will occupy but two rooms, it being a com-
mon thing probably the rule that the kitchen has a
bed in it. It would be difficult to find a better mercury
for the standard of domestic life in a community than the
interior appointment and arrangement of the average
home. It would be safe to say that one could travel
through the factory towns of New York and New Eng-
land and not find on an average one case a week where
124 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE February,
the operatives have a bed in the same room with the
cooking-stove, whatever the size of the family ; except
perhaps in the case of new immigrants from Canada.
The standard of living is sufficiently differentiated that
at least the kitchen is a room to itself and sleeping
apartments are separated from it. Moreover, in a great
majority of the eastern tenements and they are bad
enough there is one room that serves as a parlor or
sitting-room ; that is to say, one room that has neither
a cooking-stove nor a bed in it. Also in a large ma-
jority of cases that room at least will have a carpet on
it. We do not remember to have seen a carpet in a
single operative's house in the South. For the most
part the interior of the operatives' houses was either
whitewashed or the boards left untouched. Only a
few were plastered, painted or papered, and hence there
was practically no artistic decoration, no evidence of
social refinement, of personal taste, or any of the quali-
ties that indicate a superior standard of living.
In discussing the cause of the low wages Professor
Dowd says lack of education is one of the chief reasons
of the lack of diversity of industries, and gives rise to
a condition which is known as an over-supply of labor.
It is true that ignorance and illiteracy are causes of low
wages, because they are important elements in a low
standard of living. Education would not affect wages
if it did not affect the intelligence, tastes, habits and
custom of living of the laboring class. It is quite pos-
sible to have educated people who live in a narrow
groove, dominated by some theory of social life or re-
ligion or by the traditional usage of the country, lead-
ing the very same monotonous life, and with very low
wages. Many illustrations of this are to be found in
Asia and some parts of Europe. If education can be
turned in the direction of making monotony a virtue it
will never stimulate the rise of wages, but may become
WHA T CAN BE DONE ABO UT IT? 125
an insuperable barrier to progress. But in this country
education does immediately tend to diversify the tastes,
desires, ambitions, and consequently the energy and
demands, of the people, and is therefore a direct stimu-
lating force to higher wages.
Professor Dowd lays great stress, however, on the
oversupply of labor as the cause of low wages in the
South. Here again he seems not to have been in recent
touch with the facts. There is no evidence of over-
supply of laborers in the manufacturing districts of the
South. On the contrary, the demand for labor seems to
be pressing on the supply. Corporations in many places
have had to offer special inducements to people to leave
the country and the mountains to come to the factories
and work. In many cases, and indeed this is almost
the rule, they advance the money to bring them to town
and then deduct it, with interest, from their wages, a
little at a time. This has been the case even in so large
a city as Atlanta. The writer has now over one hun-
dred and fifty pay envelopes, collected from operatives
in Atlanta, on which deductions from wages, often of
more than half, were made on account of money ad-
vanced for transportation in bringing the families from
the country districts to the city to work in the mills.
This shows that there is no voluntary ' ' stream of labor-
ers from the fields" to "the manufacturing centers."
"Not an inconsiderable obstacle " says Professor
Dowd, "to the advance of wages in the South is the
extensive employment of women and children.
Eighty per cent, of all the laborers in southern indus-
tries are females as compared with forty-two per cent,
in New England. . . . Twenty-five per cent, of
the laborers in the South are children under eighteen
years of age, as compared with nine and one-half per
cent, in New England." Here is one of the most po-
tent causes of the low wages. The most conspicuous
1S6 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
feature of the factory conditions in the South is the
heavy preponderance of women and children employed
in the mills. The corporations seem to realize this, as
shown by the quotation from the fly leaf of the Labor
Bureau Report : "A fine chance for cotton mill invest-
ment ... no laws regulating the hours of labor
and the age of employment ; cheap labor and the home
of the cotton plant/' It is a common thing in all the
factories in the South to find children, from seven and
eight years of age up, working sixty-six and seventy
hours a week.
It is a common thing, especially among the families
that have come from the mountains, to find three and
four children and the mother all working in the mill,
and the father walking the streets and acting as dinner
carrier. In such cases, though the wages are insignifi-
cantly small for each worker, the aggregate for the
family is much more than the man previously earned ;
and so, while the family is getting more, a brood of ig-
aorant, illiterate, socially-stunted laborers is being
raised and a low wage rate being established. There is
throughout the South practically no education of fac-
tory children, and no hindrance not even a public sen-
timent except what the trade unions create against
their employment at the tenderest age at which they
can mind the machines.
The effect of this upon other sections of the coun-
try, " The most pronounced effect," as Professor Dowd
suggests, "is the lowering of wages in textile indus-
tries." Although the wages paid in the South are a
marked improvement on what the same laborers had
previously received, they are from ten to forty per cent,
lower for the same work than the wages paid in the
eastern states. The price of weaving, for instance, is
about fifty per cent, more in New England than in the
South. Six and one-fourth cents a cut (fifty yards) is
1900.] WHA T CAN BE DONE ABO UT IT? 127
the price for weaving on the most improved (Draper)
looms, as against ten cents in New England, where
more than three-fourths of the weaving is still done on
looms for which nineteen and eight-tenths cents a cut
is paid.
, Since the South has quite as good machinery as the
East, these lower wages (and, where day workers are
involved, longer hours) very largely result in greater
profits to southern manufacturers. The dividends re-
cently declared in the southern corporations range from
twelve to fifty per cent, and in some few instances
more. Whenever a dull time comes and competition
between the East and South sets in, eastern manufac-
turers under present conditions will be very hard
pressed, if not crowded to the wall. The southern
manufacturers will be able to drop prices to a point
that will involve loss to their eastern competitors and
still have comfortable profits for themselves.
Now if they are able to do this at all it will be be-
cause of this cheaper labor made possible by the low
standard of living, the working of babes, and the rais-
ing of a generation of ignorant, stultified citizens. The
question for the economist and the statesman to ask is :
When this inevitable pressure of competition comes, is
it for the advantage of the South, for the advantage of
the nation, that the standard of the eastern operatives
should be lowered, or that of the southern operatives
raised ? One or the other of these is sure to come when
this competition arrives.
It is not a question of censuring the southern em-
ployers or of praising the eastern employers, for the
eastern capitalists have done in the past exactly what
the southern capitalists are doing now, taking advan-
tage of cheap labor conditions whenever they could. It
is a question of judicious and economic application of
public policy so as to make it impossible for any class
128 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
of capitalists, either East or South, to secure supremacy
and grow opulent by undermining the physical health
and stultifying the social and moral character of the
people. The remedy evidently lies in the domain of
public policy, and not in that of censuring individual or
corporate action. The only remedy that can possibly
come is to raise the level of the cheap labor in the
South and so prevent it from being used to lower the
level of the dearer labor. This cannot be done by any
law fixing the wages. It cannot be done by any arbi-
trary regulation of the supply of laborers, even if that
were necessary, which it appears not to be. The real
remedy is what ultimately became inevitable in Eng-
land in the first half of the century and in New England
in the 70*5 adoption throughout the South of the mod-
ern factory acts, the two features of which especially
needed there are a ten-hour law and a limit of the age
of working children in the factories to fourteen years.
Half-time restriction would be still better.
It is a little peculiar that, while noting the fact that
the shortening of the working day in England and in
the eastern states has been the means of successfully
dealing with these questions, Professor Dowd thinks
restriction of the hours of labor would entirely fail as a
remedy. He says: " If the efficiency of laborers, as
well as the hours of work, could everywhere be equal-
ized, wages would still vary according to the cost of
living, or, in other words, according to the bounty of
nature.'' Of course it would be true that, whatever the
hours of labor, wages will vary according to the cost of
living, but with the increased social opportunities that
come of a reasonable amount of leisure and opportunity
the standard of living itself is altered, and through it
the wage rate is lifted.
Another feature of the factory acts, and in some
respects even a more important one for the South, is
i 9 oo. ] WHA T CAN BE DONE A BO UT IT f 129
the employment of children. Under the present con-
ditions practically the whole family is in the factory,
and the school influence and home life are nil, except
that the latter may be degrading. If it were made
illegal for children to work in the mills under fourteen
years of age, that would at once take a considerable
portion of the present operatives right out of the mills,
and if that were coupled with compulsory education it
would send them to the schools. The social effect of
this it would be difficult to overstate. In the first place,
taking these children out of the mills would compel, in
a large majority of cases, the father to go to work to
support the family. It would at once so interfere with
the income of the family from the babes as to set in
motion a demand for higher wages among those who
were working. This would start the movement for a
rise of the wage level, not at first through a higher
standard of living but to maintain the same standard.
On the other side, the children going to the schools
would be an added force toward lifting the social life
of the family. The most ordinary ideas of decency
would compel that the children should be passably clad
to go to school. They would there also learn some ideas
of neatness and taste and refinement, which they would
carry back with them into the homes. This would be
another force toward raising the standard of living.
The tendency of this would be to make it necessary for
the wife to stay at home to look after the interests of the
family. This would be another contribution to a bet-
ter standard of living. Cleanliness, domestic attractive-
ness, would become an increased feature in the oper-
atives' homes. In a very short time these influences
would make it impossible to have a bed in the kitchen.
Higher ideas of comfort would be demanded, and that
would soon become a force for exacting the wages
necessary to supply it. With the shortening of the
130 G UNTON 'S MA GAZINE
working day, say to ten hours, the enforced attendance
at school of all children tinder fourteen years of age
would be a great first step toward the lifting of the
wage level, and with it happily the social life and intel-
ligence of the operative class in the South, without in-
jury to the corporations. If the corporations were on
the verge of bankruptcy, threatened with extinction
from superior competitors, there might be some ground
for their opposition to such a movement. But on the
contrary they are making lucrative profits. They are
amassing new wealth at a rate that was never known in
the palmiest days of slavery. They can well afford
whatever infringement of profits may result from such
a policy. There is no social or moral justification un-
der any conditions for a capitalist class to grow rich by
means of the degradation of laborers.
When capital is prosperous labor should progress.
Every prosperous era for capital should afford some
lasting improvement for labor. No fear of competition,
no pressure of profits, no complaint of previous loss can
be presented as an excuse for the southern corporations
to oppose this step in humane as well as highly eco-
nomic public policy. Every consideration of social
ethics, of economic justice, of humane public policy,
demands that the southern capitalist welcome the im-
mediate adoption of these two well-tested and univer-
sally approved measures.
THE MORMON POWER IN AMERICA
J. M. SCANLAND
According to figures recently obtained from the office
of the " Historian " of the Mormon church at Salt Lake
City, there are about three hundred and sixty thousand
members of that sect the accession during the year
1899 being about sixty thousand, the largest increase of
any previous year. Of this total number there are 300,-
ooo in the United States, as follows: In Utah, 225,000,
which comprises 75 per cent, of the population of the
State; Idaho, 30,000; Arizona, 10,000; Colorado,
5,000; Wyoming, 3,000; New Mexico, 2,000; Nevada,
2,000; California, 1,000; Montana, 1,000; and, in the
eastern and southern states, about 25,000. In addition,
there are colonies in Mexico and Canada, the aggregate
being about 5,000 in each of these countries. Special
attention is being directed to these new fields, and
newly arrived immigrants are being sent to these coun-
tries.
There are seventeen hundred missionaries in the
field and, with few exceptions, they report progress.
The " Historian " further stated that the church mem-
bership was now increasing more rapidly than at any
previous time within its history, and he believed that it
would only be a comparatively short time before the
" Latter Day Saints " would "prevail " over the United
States, and in the " fulness of time would dominate
the world." The "saints" firmly believe that they
will ultimately rule the United States, not only spirit-
ually but politically also ; that all other creeds in the
world will be swept away and that the Mormon religion,
the " only true faith," will finally be accepted by uni-
versal mankind. The Mormon creed teaches a close
131
132 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
union of church and state, with absolute power vested
in a church-head, whose will is infallible, and whose
word is law and must be obeyed without questioning
whether it be right, wrong, or expedient. An oath to
this effect is administered to the convert on becoming a
member.
The Mormon church is communistic in principle,
autocratic in its government, and its increasing strength
is a menace to this republic, because of its socialistic
organization and polygamous teachings. The Mormons
believe that polygamy is a divine institution, and that
their church was founded for the express purpose of
carrying out this Supreme will, and in preference to all
other creeds then in existence. They firmly believe
(and many educated people are included) that an angel
of the Lord really did appear to Joseph Smith and
gave to him the " Golden Tablets," from which he
translated the Mormon Bible. This, they hold, is the
"true" Bible, and that the Christian, or "Gentile"
Bible, has been changed from the original text and is
no longer authority. That is the cause of the visitation
of the angel to bring unto the world the " true word."
' ' The original church having divided into so many
sects, and lost the right path, a * new testament ' was
needed, and the Lord sent the angel to earth on this
mission to light the world " said one of the apostles of
the Mormon church in explaining to me the principles
of its organization. "The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter Day Saints is growing more rapidly than any
other, and the conquest of the spiritual world will soon
rest between our church and the Catholic church, but
ours will prevail ; has not the Catholic priesthood dis-
obeyed God's first law to man, * be fruitful and multi-
ply and replenish the earth? ' Upon this injunction
to our parents in Eden the Mormons base their belief
in the divinity of polygamy. They claim that had
i 9 oo.j THE MORMON PO WER IN AMERICA 133
polygamy not been of divine command the Lord would
not have "justified his servants, Abraham, Isaac and
Jacob," who were polygamists. They hold, also, that
Jesus Christ was a polygamist, and that He revealed
this doctrine to the Prophet Joseph Smith, command-
ing him to abide by the law "as it was instituted be-
fore the foundation of the world," further charging that
if the " covenant be rejected ye shall not enter into my
glory." Upon this the Mormon creed was founded, the
modern prophet claiming that after the advent of Jesus
Christ all of the other churches apostatized from the
true faith, else they would have adopted polygamy.
This, it will be seen, is the rock upon which this
socialistic-polygamous church is built, and if polygamy
be abandoned the church would fall, as a power. The
cardinal belief of Mormonism is that marriage is a re-
ligious institution and that the state has nothing to do
with it ; has no right to require a legal ceremony nor a
right to divorce those whom God has united as a
marriage is for not only this life but for eternity.
With this belief firmly implanted, as of divine
origin, it is not likely that the Mormons of Utah will
forego their faith and practice at the command of any
human law. Their early history shows that they have
not done so, and it is not believed that they are doing
so now. They have never renounced polygamy as a
faith, and do not pretend that they have done so, or
will do so. Its practice was only " suspended " by the
" manifesto " of the president of the church. This was
done as a ruse to gain statehood. The anti-polygamy
law has been on the statute books a number of years,
yet the church has never officially discountenanced the
practice of polygamy until all previous efforts at state-
hood had failed. That they will abandon this " ever-
lasting covenant '' is not to be believed, for it would be
a denial of their faith. No specified time was men-
134 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
t
ioned, however, and the " manifesto " can be revoked
at any time the " prophet " has a " vision " command-
ing him to do so.
It is believed, and reasonably, that this had already
been done. It is not necessary that a " manifesto " be
made in public or, rather, before the Gentile world.
Important church ordinances are fulminated in the
Temple, which no Gentile has ever entered, and whose
secrets are sacredly kept. No state power, nor that
of the United States army, could wrest the mysterious
secrets from that doubly-guarded granite edifice. Here
are kept the records of all Mormon marriages, and here
the mystic ceremonies are performed, the oath of
secrecy being administered to witnesses and partici-
pants. It will thus be seen how difficult it is to get
legal testimony. As a Mormon denies the right of any
power except his own church to administer an oath, he
can swear to a falsehood with a clear conscience. Fur-
thermore, behind him is the dreaded punishment of
" blood atonement" or death, according to the state-
ments of apostates.
With the statement of these facts the public may
judge whether the Mormons have abandoned the prin-
cipal belief upon which their church is based. They
did not do so when " persecuted " and driven from
place to place to this desert, and now that they have
control of the state government it is not likely that
they will abandon it. They regard the anti-polygamy
law as another act of " persecution " and one calculated
to strengthen the church. At present, all of the more
prominent church officials are polygamists, and while
they have not renounced their plural wives they claim
that they have temporarily ". put them away " in accor-
dance with the church " manifesto." They, however,
support their plural families, which is to their credit.
It is also noticeable that the young men who are being
i 9 oa] THE MORMON PO WER IN AMERICA 135
advanced in the church are becoming polygamists.
While polygamy is a belief, not all members are poly-
gamists in practice, mainly because of their inability to
support more than one family. And another cause is
attributed to their disloyalty to the church. No one
may take a second wife unless authority has been
granted, and the more zeal one shows the higher his
advancement in the church. Polygamous husbands
will become gods in the next world, in proportion to
their number of wives, and the wives will become
queens and rulers. Those who have not contracted
plural marriages will become only angels, and servants
to the rulers. It will thus be seen what a hold this
alluring promise of power has over the ignorant mind,
for about fifty per cent, of the converts in Utah and
other sections are foreign immigrants, mainly of the low-
est and most ignorant and superstitous classes. They
are socialists from inclination and fanatical by teaching.
It is reasonable to presume that such ignorant peo-"
pie, the refuse of Europe, would blindly obey their
spiritual masters. Most of them paupers, they were
brought here at the expense of the church, and are
held in a system of bondage similar to Spanish peon-
age, until they pay the debt. Notwithstanding the
laws relative to the importation of paupers they are
brought into this country by the Mormon Immigration
Society, and from New York they are shipped to the
various parts of the country where colonies are being
planted and political power is most needed. By this
means the Mormons hold the balance of power in
Idaho, and for a number of years controlled the elec-
tion of delegate in congress, and also controlled a re-
cent election of a United States senator. They now
hold the balance of power in Arizona, and hope to con-
trol New Mexico by the time that territory shall be
admitted as a state.
136 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
Having complete control of Utah, immigration to
this state is practically suspended the immigrants
being sent to other states and territories. By this
means the Mormons are seeking to extend their po-
litical power, with a view of getting a controlling
power in congress, and they hope to eventually become
strong enough to influence a presidential election. It
is with this view that they have recently sent such a
large number of missionaries to the eastern states.
And, when it is known that these missionaries work
without salaries and pay their own expenses, it may be
understood that they are extraordinarily zealous. It
may also be stated that there is not a salaried position
in the church. All serve without " purse or scrip,"
but the revenues of the church are controlled by the
few high officials, who are accountable to no other
power.
Every member is required to pay into the church
coffers one-tenth of his yearly gross earnings ; hence
this powerful organization has ample means for in-
creasing its growth through immigrants from Europe,
and in influencing legislation at Washington. The
church is as closely organized as any political party.
Each county in the state is called a " stake " and it is
presided over by a president, who has two councilors.
The county is divided into wards, and the wards are
subdivided into precincts, each of the divisions of the
organizations having a president and two councilors.
Monthly reports are made from the precincts to the
ward bishops and to the elders, and thence to the presi-
dent of the church at Salt Lake. Those who are weak
in the faith are " councilled" and indications of apos-
tasy are met by threats of social and business ostracism,
or " boycotting." If this fails to check the wayward-
ness of the brother, he is threatened with excommu-
nication. This means not only social death but death
igoo.j THE MORMON PO WER IN AMERICA 137
in the next world, or, rather, that he will not be resur-
rected. With such a strong hold upon the feeble minds
of these simple people, steeped in superstition, it is
easy to understand why the Mormon church remains so
strong and united, notwithstanding the anti-polygamy
laws. The church is an undemocratic and an un-
American institution. It is foreign to our laws, im-
moral, antagonistic to Christianity, enslaves the mind,
is subversive of liberty, and seeks to build up a theo-
cratic government in a republic.
The Mormons have ever been rebellious, the spirit
of hatred to the Gentile world and the American gov-
ernment dating from the expulsion of the then small
community from Palmyra, New York. The doctrine
of polygamy was taught there by Joseph Smith, its
founder, who was regarded more as an adventurer and
imposter than a clairvoyant or "prophet." From
Kirtland, Ohio, they were driven to Missouri, and
thence to Nauvoo, Illinois, where the false "prophet"
was killed by the mob. Under the assumed leadership
of the Apostle Brigham Young, who wrested the pres-
idency from the heir of Joseph, they migrated to the
Great Salt Lake Valley. But their objective point was
California, which province they aimed to wrest from
Mexico and establish an empire on the Pacific.
That this was the scheme of the founders of the
church it is only necessary to cite a few historical facts
in proof. Joseph Smith first enunciated the doctrine
of territorial expansion, in connection with spiritual
dominion, in a sermon in the Temple, in 1842, in which
he said : ' ' We should grasp all the territory we can.
The South holds the balance of power; if we grasp
Texas, we shall break the power of that slave-holding
section." His scheme was to " grasp " Texas, free the
slaves of the American settlers, and send them to Mex-
ico. But, evidently fearing that his undertaking might
138 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
be too large, lie changed his plans for that of a western
empire. He cast his eyes upon Oregon, and again
changed his plan, for that country, like Texas, was
largely settled by Missourians, and those people above
all others the Mormons most hated. In the meantime,
the leading officials had petitioned the United States
government for permission to raise one hundred thou-
sand men for the ' ' protection of people who wished to
settle in Texas, Oregon, and other portions of the
United States." Simultaneously, the church cabinet, or
the twelve apostles, had dispatched a delegation to Cal-
ifornia to spy out the condition of the coveted land. At
the time the Mormons numbered only about twenty-
five thousand, including the women and children. The
" Nauvoo Legion," of which the " prophet" was the
lieutenant-general commanding, mustered about four
thousand. The prophet, however, was sanguine of re-
cruiting his army to the required number, as he had
received encouragement from a number of prominent
politicians who favored the conquest of Mexico, and at
the same time deemed this the easiest way to get rid of
the "troublesome Mormons." The " Little Giant,"
Stephen A. Douglas, favored the plan of their " Oregon
empire," incidently stating that if his affairs were in a
different shape he would likely cast his fortunes in the
1 1 magnificent plan." To the Mormon vote Douglas
owed his elevation to congress, which may account for
his friendly counsel. Later, Governor Ford of Illinois
confidently advised Brigham Young to carry out the
late prophet's scheme of a western empire, and to
go to California, as the " Mexicans are weak."
At that time there were in California 6,000 Mexi-
cans and about 150,000 unarmed, docile Indians. There
were also about two hundred Americans mainly outlaws
and adventurers. The Americans would have doubtless
sided with any scheme to wrest California from Mexico
igoo.] THE MORMON PO WER IN AMERICA 139
and when it is considered that the American conquest
was made with a force numbering less than the
" Nauvoo Legion " it may be presumed that the Mor-
mons would have been successful. At that time the
ships of France, Great Britain, and of the United
States, were at anchor in San Francisco Bay, jealously
watching each other's movements. This country and
Great Britain, more particularly, were contending for the
possession of the Pacific Coast, both were ready to seize
the country, and Great Britain was already encroaching
upon California's territory from the northwest.
The Mormon scheme of conquest was renewed by
the offer to the general government of a battalion of the
" Nauvoo Legion " for service in the war against Mex-
ico, the government having anticipated the declaration
of war by the " saints." Strangely, the^government ac-
cepted this offer, notwithstanding the existence of the
Mormon plot to found an empire on the Pacific Coast.
The officials could not believe that the Mormons would
undertake such a bold enterprise, or else did not fathom
its purport. They accepted the offer of one thousand
men * ' to make a dash into California and capture it for
the United States " as a fine strategic movement.
Simultaneous with the departure of this battalion over-
land, one thousand Mormons left New York by steamer
for San Francisco. These were the first immigrants to
arrive in California the nucleus of the new empire.
Incidentally, they brought a printing-press for the pub-
lication of the " official" organ of the government.
Simultaneous with this concerted movement by land
and sea, the " saints " began their exodus from Nauvoo
to California. The apostolic delegation sent to spy
out the coveted land had reported favorably, and the
prophet, as he led his hosts out of the land of persecu-
tion, now had visions by day and dreams by night of a
communistic empire beyond civilization.
140 G UNTON'S MA GAZ1NE [February,
The march of a thousand miles through a barren
country, inhabited only by savages, was necessarily
slow and accompanied with many dangers and depriva-
tions. It occupied about six months, and when the
''saints " arrived in the Great Salt Lake Valley they de-
cided to tarry awhile to recuperate their wasted strength.
Another delegation was sent to California to spy out the
condition of affairs. But the Mormons were too late
the conquest of California had been made ; the Amer-
icans were in possession, and the Mormon battalion
upon which so much dependence was placed, had been
disbanded. Hence the vision of a Pacific empire van-
ished, and the prophet now concluded to build his em-
pire at the present Zion. Had he anticipated the gov-
ernment in the conquest of California, as proposed by
the first prophet, our march of western empire would
have been checked at least for a generation ; perhaps
longer, for it is to the discovery of gold that we owe
the overthrow of the Mormon power in California. The
disbanded Mormon soldiers had formed a colony at San
Bernardino, in the South, while those emigrants who
came by sea had settled in San Francisco, and were be-
coming as troublesome as they had been in the " states."
But the influx of gold-seekers crushed their growing
power, and, several years later during the <4 Mormon
Rebellion,' 1 they were recalled to Utah to assist in the
war against the United States. And thus was ended
the Mormon scheme of the conquest of California.
The question is : How shall the growing power of
the Mormon church be met? During the year 1898 the
church membership was increased by forty thousand,
and in the succeeding year they estimate an increase of
sixty thousand. These are mainly immigrants, but a
large per cent, is included in the states and territories
above mentioned. The church was never stronger,
numerically and financially, than it is now, and it is as
1900.] THE MORMON PO WER IN AMERICA 141
aggressive, at least in spirit, as it was in the days of
their rebelion and attempts to establish an independ-
ent government. They believe it is their mission to
rule the United States, and ultimately the world, both
spiritually and temporally, uniting church and state,
and they will work unceasingly to that end unless
checked by some authority. Their growing power is a
menace to this government, and even to civilization.
Though surrounded by civilization they are not affected
by it, but on the contrary stifle it by their contamina-
tion and poisonous teachings.
How shall this menacing power be controlled or
suppressed ? Will ;it require a constitutional amend-
ment? And how can it be applied, if applied at all?
One cannot be disfranchised or punished for his relig-
ious belief. And the Mormons choose to call the belief
in polygamy a religious belief ! True, an amendment
disfranchising any one practising polygamy may be
adopted, but a conviction must be had before any one
could be included in its provisions. Convictions will
be difficult so long as a Mormon sits on a jury. South-
erners who rebelled against the government were dis-
franchised for known and proven acts, and acts which
they, did not deny when placed upon oath. It was not
for their belief in the justness of their cause, but for
what they did. A large per cent, of the Mormons be-
lieve in polygamy who have never practiced it. Would
it be right to disfranchise those who merely believe in
it as an article of faith, supposing that an amendment
disfranchising Mormons should be adopted? Is belief
a crime, even if expressed? If not, such an amend-
ment would be in the nature of special legislation, for
it would apply only to the militant portion of the
churchmen. However, such an amendment would be
of little effect, for marriage records would be as strictly
guarded then as now. In order to adopt such an
142 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
amendment the state legislature must decide that Mor-
monism is not a religion. As polygamy is one of its
articles of faith, in fact, the principal one, this would
seem to be about the only way to suppress the growing
evil, which is a menace to our moral and civil institu-
tions, and unless it is checked may soon grow into a
very dangerous power.
Such is the history of this militant theocracy. Its
policy is the same now as when it defied the general
government and proclaimed the " Independent State of
Deseret."
TRUSTS AND SOCIAL PROGRESS
ALEXANDER H. M'KNIGHT
The economic question of all time is : How can
wealth be made cheap and man dear? For wealth is
the ladder by which man climbs from barbarism to civ-
ilization. The savage has few wants, and these are
simple ; they relate chiefly to physical existence. But
as man advances toward civilization new wants arise
and new efforts must be put forth to meet them ; new
wealth is needed, and more time for the improvement
of his higher nature. Better means of production must
be called into use.
A great stride forward was made when men began
to use capital. As long as every one supplied his own
wants by the labor of his own hands, there was little
time for social advancement. When, however, it was
found that more wealth could be produced by making
tools and using them in the production of other wealth
than if all the time were given to production without
tools, men began to expend their labor in this direction.
With the introduction of capital, represented by simple
tools, came a division of labor. The whole industrial
progress of the race has been marked by better tools,
improved machinery, more minute divisions of labor,
specialization of industries, and greater concentration
of capital. These have resulted in more abundant and
cheaper wealth, and this has made social progress pos-
sible.
Roughly speaking, in the production of wealth land
is the material, man the agent, and capital the tool.
Land to-day is the same in substance it has ever been.
There is nothing to show that man is not essentially
the same now that he was in the beginning. To be
143
144 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
sure, his wants have increased ; where primitive men
had one want we have a hundred to-day. But wants
are the measure of the social man, not the productive.
Of course, too, men of to-day are more skilful in the
use of tools than were primitive men, and through or-
ganized effort they can produce a greater quantity of
wealth than the sum total of their individual efforts.
But without machinery very little organized effort
would be possible. The truth is, therefore, that the
great saving in the production of wealth has come by
means of capital. Mental power plans and directs the
production; but capital makes it possible for these
plans and directions to be carried into execution. And
since wealth is the sine qua non of social progress, it fol-
lows that whatever increases the efficiency of capital
tends to promote the welfare of the human race.
The efficiency of capital may be increased in two
ways, by investment in improved machinery, and by
more economic organization of industry. Profits consti-
tute the prize for which capital works ; and are realized
when new machinery is substituted for old, or there is
new organization and greater concentration of wealth in
any productive enterprise. These steps are taken when
the cost of production from any cause whatsoever be
it competition, higher wages, or what not presses so
closely on the price that there is little surplus margin,
and profits must somehow be increased. Whether the
change will take the form of improved machinery or
greater concentration and more economic organization,
or both, depends upon which gives promise of greater
gain.
Since the beginning of the factory system, capital
has tended to gather in greater and greater aggrega-
tions. The individual employer gave way to the part-
nership, the partnership to the corporation, and now
the ordinary corporation is being superseded by the
igoo.] TRUSTS AND SOCIAL PROGRESS 145
trust. Concentration, too, is going on at an unprece-
dented pace ; and the trusts are being assailed on every
hand with the stock arguments of the past, whetted
and sharpened, that have done service in opposing the
factory system, corporations, and improved machinery.
It is proper to inquire how much of sentiment and how
much of sense there is in this popular denunciation of
the trust.
There can be no appreciable social progress with-
out wealth. Wealth above enough for a bare subsist-
ence can be produced only by means of capitalistic en-
terprise. Capital will be used in production only as its
investment promises a surplus. Will it pay ? This is
the question capital always asks. Whether it will pay
depends upon the market ; and the market depends up-
on the social and industrial condition of the masses. It
is not enough, therefore, that the investment pay mere-
ly the capitalist. The laborer and the community must
share the surplus. The capitalist's share comes as in-
creased profits ; the laborer's as higher wages ; and the
community's, of which both the capitalist and the labor-
er are a part, in lower prices.
If trusts pay the capitalist, pay the laborer, and pay
the community, they are sound in economic principle,
they are promoters of social progress.
That trusts increase profits is evident from the fact
that capital continues to go into them. This needs no
discussion. Capital is very timid, and always runs in
the face of loss ; it is never invested unless there is a
reasonable chance of gain. But the majority of us are
not capitalists ; and the contention of most people is
that profits are increased too much, that the whole of
the surplus resulting from better organization is taken
by capital, and none of it given to the laborer or the
community.
The two matters of greatest concern to the laborer,
146 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
economically speaking, are higher wages and a shorter
working day. What effects have large aggregations of
capital in productive enterprises had on these? The
rate of wages and hours of labor are a matter of record,
and an examination will show how these have changed
since the beginning of these large combinations.
Where hand labor is the rule and large combina-
tions of capital are unknown, wages are low and the
work-day is long. The Chinaman works for less and
longer than does the German ; and the German works
longer and for less than does the Englishman or the
American. England, where the factory system orig-
inated, and the United States, where we have the great-
est combinations of capital, pay the highest wages and
have the shortest working day. Investigation, too,
shows that since 1 860 the purchasing power of wages
has increased most in those industries where the great-
est concentration of capital has taken place, and also
that in these industries the hours of labor are fewest.
Shorter work-days and higher wages have followed the
concentration of capital in productive enterprises. I
am speaking of course of the general tendency, not of
particular cases.
Have trusts reduced prices? Since 1860, the great
machine era in the United States, some prices have ad-
vanced and some declined. With a very few excep-
tions, whenever an advance has been made, it has been
in those products in whose production hand labor or
small capital was employed. And it is right that the
price of these products did advance. Wages are the
principal item in their cost of production ; and wages
are determined by the laborer's cost of living, which
should be on the increase. But while these prices have
risen a much larger number have fallen, the total aver-
age fall in prices being about 4 per cent., together with
a rise in wages of about 68 per cent.
1900.] TRUSTS AND SOCIAL PROGRESS 147
But some one will ask, did not these lower prices,
fewer hours of labor and higher wages come in spite of
concentrated capital, and not on account of it? We
must answer, no. It is undeniably true that some
capitalists, like some people of every other class, are
very short-sighted. As laborers have opposed the in-
troduction of improved machinery, concentration of
capital and other economies in the production of wealth,
so have capitalists often opposed increase of wages and
reduction in the hours of labor. There have been com-
binations of capital formed, too, to increase prices or to
hold them at a certain point. It is not to be presumed,
of course, that all capitalists, or even the greater part
of them, are true philanthropists, and that they have
introduced improved machinery and formed larger com-
binations of capital merely for the love of humanity.
Their actuating motive is profits. But no combination
can long retain all the profits of an industry. To at-
tempt this is economic madness. The profits must be
shared with the community, otherwise new capital will
enter the field. And a slight reduction in price will
often add many consumers to a market. This, while
reducing the profit per unit, may greatly increase the
total profits.
Shorter work-days give laborers time for social
improvement, and this tends to develop new wants and
to make them greater consumers. Some capitalists rec-
ognize these facts, and act upon them. Doubtless there
are many more who do not. So we may say that as a
rule lower prices, fewer hours of labor and higher
wages have been forced upon capitalists. Yet the fact
remains that the concentration of capital in productive
enterprises has made it possible for prices to be lowered,
hours of labor to be reduced and wages to be raised.
Our chief industrial danger does not lie in the trust
principle, but in its abuse. Capital has its function,
148 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
and that function is to give the community cheaper
wealth. Capitalists do not always recognize this, how-
ever. Some trusts are formed with almost no regard
to economic principle. Mere speculators try to unite
the productive enterprises of an industry for the present
" pull " there is in it, not for the steady gains that re-
sult from more efficient management. "Booms "are
started, and honest men are induced to invest their
money in that which cannot pay. Too much is paid
for the special services rendered in forming an organi-
zation ; the earning capacity of the concern is too small,
and higher prices are forced upon the public to pay
dividends on "watered" stock. This short-sighted
madness on the part of capitalists is largely responsible
for the bitter opposition against trusts, and in a measure
it justifies the opposition. Capital has a right to profits,
but these should come from the storehouse of nature,
not from the pockets of other men. There is little
wonder that the voice of the public is raised against
those organizations that seek to make their gain by
sharp manipulations instead of by exploiting nature.
Only let us not make our denunciations too sweeping.
We should seek to retain the trust principle, while
eliminating the evils and abuses that have grown up
with it.
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE
PRESIDENT Low of Columbia University is not by
education or profession an economist, but he has a
wonderful amount of sound economic sense. In a re-
cent address he told the labor unions of New York city
that he believed in combinations; that they are not
only inevitable but are an advantage to the human
race. Corporations and trade unions are each as nec-
essary as the other. He recognized that both forms of
organization make mistakes, but the only way to find
out the limitations of either is to try it. This is
good advice. Nothing is quite so unbecoming in a per-
son pretending to a knowledge of industrial and social
forces as to join in the pessimistic prediction that our
institutions are going to be subverted by organization,
either of capital or of labor. President Low's service
to wholesome public opinion is worth more than a
thousand dawdling speeches about the evils of trusts
and the dangers of trade unions.
THE PROPOSITION of President McKinley to adopt
free trade in Porto Rico, the logic of which of course is
free trade with all the other new possessions, is crea-
ting considerable stir among agricultural producers.
The wool growers are up in arms, the tobacco grow-
ers of Connecticut are protesting, and the producers of
agricultural products generally are likely promptly to
get in line. It is a little difficult to ken the motive
which induced President McKinley to take this step.
It can hardly be that he has become a convert to free
trade, nor can it be that he is oblivious to the political
influence of the farmers, and most surely it cannot be
that he can count upon securing another term without
them. Then what is the force behind the throne in
149
150 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
this case? The logic of his economic convictions is
deadly against it. The interests of a great group of
his political friends, the farmers, are against it. There
is no particular industrial interest of any other class
that requires it. Then why did he do it? Why?
IT is interesting to note the respectful tone that
the Springfield Republican, New York Times and other
free-trade journals are assuming toward Mr. Robert P.
Porter since he announced himself in favor of free
trade with Porto Rico. Mr. Porter was the first editor
of the New York Press, which was brought into exist-
ence specially as a protectionist organ. He was super-
intendent of the census of 1890, but he was so suspected
of partisanship that the work of the census office was
challenged and berated at every point, especially by
the class of papers represented by the Springfield Repub-
lican. They insisted that he was neither reliable in
facts nor honest in reasoning ; that he was a bluffing
blunderer who would draw figures and make statements
regardless of fact ; in short, that he was a cheap polit-
ical servant whose statements on either matters of fact
or public policy were of no account. And now, all of
a sudden, without the leopard having changed a single
spot, he is cited and almost fawned upon as a conclusive
authority !
THE FUSS first created by large headlines in the
daily papers about the secretary of the treasury deposit-
ing public funds in the banks is one of the straws that
shows how unintelligent and disingenuous is much
of the discussion in the daily press. The act of Secre-
tary Gage is now seen to be sound public policy, which
ought to be an established usage instead of depending
on the good sense of an individual official. The same
thing was done by Secretary Manning and also Secre-
i 9 oo.] EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 151
tary Fairchild, and it reflects credit on the financial
statesmanship of those gentlemen. In no other country
does the government keep its revenues locked up from
circulation. Unless the government's funds can in
some way be put in circulation, every increase of the
public revenue acts as a contraction of the currency,
which is detrimental to business. There are only two
ways in which this evil can be avoided. One is by
placing the government funds on deposit in the banks
and so letting them become a part of the circulating
volume, or for the secretary of the treasury to buy
bonds at a premium, which means that the government
periodically makes a present to every holder of bonds
in order to prevent currency contraction. The attack
on Secretary Gage has been narrow and partisan, and
if the attitude of the democratic press and party in
congress on this subject may be taken to represent its
position on the subject it demonstrates unfitness to be
entrusted with the nation's finances.
IT APPEARS that in the vote of the senate committee
on the resolution refusing to seat ex-Senator Quay,
Senator Burrows had the honor of giving the casting
vote. By this vote Senator Burrows made a real
contribution to clean politics, even though it may
cost him some political friendships. If the senate sus-
tains this it will not debar Mr. Quay from the senator-
ship, but it will send him back to the people of Penn-
sylvania for endorsement before he can occupy a seat
in the senate. It is time that high ground was taken
by the United States senate on this subject. The case
of Senator Clark, from Montana, is of a similar kind.
It may not be clear that Senator Clark bought the
votes of legislators, but it is clear beyond a doubt that
money was used in a scandalous fashion in the contest
which resulted in his election. In such matters corrup-
152 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
tion should not be given the benefit of the doubt.
Until a state can elect a United States senator without
surrounding the proceedings with corruption and
debauchery it should remain unrepresented in the
senate. Clean politics should have the benefit of all
doubts. It should become thoroughly established that
the road to the United States senate cannot be paved
with corrupting gold ; that the members of that body
shall be the honest choice of the state legislatures. If
both Mr. Quay and Mr. Clark are sent back to their re-
spective states to try again, it will do much to clear the
air, lift the tone and sustain the reputation of the
United States senate.
" That was a striking epigram which Senator Wolcott made in the
senate the other day . . : ' the rich are growing richer and the poor
are growing richer also.' The form of statement is, so far as we know,
Senator Wolcott's own. " New York Times.
REALLY THIS is good enough for the funny column.
The Colorado senator probably has no objection to the
New York Times seriously proclaiming this as original,
but Mr. Wolcott would hardly want to be suspected of
joining in that assumption. But the Times even thinks
that this epigram was suggested by the plaint that "the
rich are growing richer and the poor are growing
poorer." Come to think of it that may have been so,
but what a power of insight to see the connection !
With the exception of the period of the ' 'silver fever"
Senator Wolcott has always been a sensible man, and it
is not surprising that, in replying to the hackneyed pes-
simism of the senator from South Dakota, he should say
what sensible men have been saying ever since modern
industrial progress began. Economists, statesmen,
publicists, sociologists, sensible editors and intelligent
students of political and economic history have not
merely been asserting but have been proving in a hun-
dred ways that it is fundamental in modern industry
1 9 o.] EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 153
that as the wealth of the rich increases the poverty of
the poor diminishes. The claim that the poor grow
poorer as the rich grow richer is the plaint only of the
ill-informed, unpractical pessimist. In saying: "The
poor are growing richer also,'' Senator Wolcott was but
voicing a truism with which everybody except perhaps
the senator from South Dakota and the New York
Times is familiar.
IN A RECENT address in Denver, President Hadley
of Yale is credited with saying: " When a man oper-
ates a trust against the public good, do not invite him
to dinner. Do not call on his family. Disqualify him
socially. When you make a man understand that by
doing certain things he is disqualified socially and con-
demned by public opinion you have set in motion the
strongest force in the business or political world."
If correctly reported President Hadley is teaching
a very bold and may-be dangerous doctrine of boycott.
To ostracize everybody whose industrial methods or
political policy you do not like would soon mean social
warfare. If President Hadley's policy is to be adopted
to ward all trust magnates, about every successful business
man will be under the social ban, for nearly everything
is a trust nowadays that is large and successful. Does
Dr. Hadley really expect to be taken seriously? Was
he serving notice on the Rockefellers and Carnegies
that Yale would spurn their polluted millions, or was
he temporarilly dealing out Denver economics? Dr.
Hadley should know that in entering this field he is
trespassing upon the Bryan reservation where he is sure
to meet ignominious defeat. In the production of this
brand of economic teaching Mr. Bryan is a past-master
expert against whom Dr. Hadley could not hope suc-
cessfully to compete. It would seem to be much safer
to stay in the sphere of normal economic ethics where
154
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
he has already acquired an enviable reputation and ren-
dered high scientific service.
THE ACTION of the New York rapid transit com-
missioners in giving out the contract for construction
of the tunnel is a decisive step toward accomplishing
the long delayed rapid transit for Greater New York.
The subject has been discussed and discussed until the
people are weary of waiting and anxious for action.
Happily the commission is composed of men in whom
the public has great confidence. The awarding of the
contract is accepted as a wise disposition of the matter.
The tunnel is to be built by contract for the city. This
will keep in the hands of the city the ownership of the
tunnel, while the right of way and operation of the road
can be leased to the railroad corporation that will give
the best results to the public.
New York city has seemed to move more slowly in
the matter of local transit than almost any other city,
but it is because it has insisted upon the best possi-
ble method. It refused to accept the overhead trolley
in its streets, and consequently had horse cars much
longer than many other cities. In putting its telegraph
wires underground and insisting that whatever trolley
wires came should be under the surface also, New York
forced the capitalists to develop and perfect an under-
ground trolley system which has now become an estab-
lished fact, and is giving the metropolis the best trolley
service in the country. In the delay of the under-
ground long-distance rapid transit it is to be hoped and
reasonably expected that the Greater New York will
finally have the best rapid transit system in existence.
When that is satisfactorily completed and the other
systems brought to the standard of the best that is now
in use, New York city will be equipped with better
and cheaper transportation than any city in the world.
DO WE NEED A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY ?
W. F. EDWARDS*
The need of a " National University " seems to me
to depend on the solution of two principal questions
(i) Do we need a university with more and better equip-
ment (material) than any of our state or other universi-
ties do or probably can furnish us? (2) Do we need a
university that shall be widely different in its work and
aims from any of our state or other universities? Both
questions would be answered in the affirmative, it seems
to me, by all competent judges, but with a reservation,
in many cases, concerning the advisability of establish-
ing such an institution depending on congressional ap-
propriations for its support. It would be and has been
sai(J that congress would so interfere with the working
of a university depending on congressional appropri-
ations for its support that there would not be the de-
sired freedom of expression of thought allowed, and
that therefore the university would become to some ex-
tent the mouthpiece of congressmen instead of the un-
fettered exponent of truth. However, if it can be
shown that we need a university differing from those
now in existence in the United States and that it re-
quires a national support and would be of national
benefit, it would seem as if some way could be found
to eliminate the bad influences that congress might de-
sire to bring to bear upon it. Congress has shown no
great desire, so far as I am aware, to interfere with ex-
periment stations and industrial education resulting
from the " Act of 1862," the Hatch Act " of 1888, and
*Since writing this paper, August, 1899, I have learned that the
National Educational Association has appointed a committee to consider
this question.
155
156 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
the " Morrill Bill" of 1890, or with the Smithsonian
Institution. As in these instances congress would have
done its whole duty toward a properly organized uni-
versity when it had passed an act giving continuous
support and a proper organization to the institution.
The most potent reason for a " National Univer-
sity " is that we need an institution with more intellec-
tual freedom and much higher and broader scholarship
and greater facilities for and incentive to research than
we now have in any of our universities.
It is a notorious fact that our state universities,
even the best of them, like those of Pennsylvania,
Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota and California, are not
noted for the broad and high scholarship of the mem-
bers of their faculties. There are some really scholarly
men among them, but for the most part they are special-
ists of the modern practical type or are men with some
knowledge of many subjects but no really high scholar-
ship in a broad sense of that term. Doubtless there has
been and will continue to be an improvement in the
scholarly attainments of the members of the faculties
of these state institutions, and yet there are many con-
ditions that seriously interfere with the requisite ad-
vantages necessary for the fostering of the highest and
broadest scholarship in these institutions.
The conditions that have interfered with progress-
ive scholarship in these institutions in the past are still
well represented in the state universities (so called) in
some of the younger states of the West. Some of these
universities if not all of them began somewhat on the
plan of a state high school wherein instruction in Latin,
Greek and mathematics is the only instruction that is of
higher grade than that of a good high school of the east-
ern states. Philosophy is represented in these embryonic
universities but is ridiculous to the extreme. These
universities of the younger states manage to print pre-
igoo.J DO WE NEED A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY? 157
tentious catalogues with a faculty of men and women
with A.M., Ph.D., or LL.D. or a combination of letters
standing for several degrees after their names, the one
having the greatest number of degrees being quite often
the most inferior member of the faculty.
In several of these new states there is no "mill
tax " or other permanent predetermined income to the
university, which necessitates the making of preliminary
budgets of necessary or desirable expenses for a two-
year period following the next meeting of the legisla-
ture of the state. These budgets usually go into the
hands of the legislators as a portion of a biennial report
of the board of regents to the governor of the state
concerning the condition of the university. In these
new states there are so many necessary state expenses
such as those required for prisons, asylums, state offi-
cers, including land commissioners, etc., that it is diffi-
cult to give much financial support to the university.
Then there are the normal schools, the agricultural
college and school of mines all clamoring for more
funds. The budgets of these various educational insti-
tutions usually represent more than is expected, it being
not infrequently the case that twice as much as is ex-
pected or needed is asked for on the assumption that
the legislators desire to show to their constituency that
they are very economical in their dealings with state in-
stitutions. This leads to all sorts of cutting of appro-
priations, political trading and threatened vetoes by the
governor, which causes a state of unrest in the university
(and other state schools) that is highly detrimental to
the best interests of the university and does not invite
talent to seek positions in its faculty.
As soon as the high schools of the state begin to
offer work practically parallel to that of the university
the university becomes ambitious, of necessity, and
wishes to add to its enrolment by attaching profes-
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[February,
sional courses of study and by inducements for the
higher degrees. Unless the agricultural college with
its annex of a school of mechanic arts, having the
usual attachments, is a part of the university there is a
strong desire on the part of the university to establish
courses in mechanical and civil engineering with the
attendant divisions of mining, electrical, sanitary, met-
allurgical, architectural, marine, etc., engineering as a
means of overshadowing the agricultural college.
This latter school, however, usually leads them a merry
chase in this respect. The normal schools for a like
reason induce the university to establish weak courses
for teachers which lead to a " normal diploma," or to a
special degree usually designated as the degree of
" Bachelor of Pedagogy."
All this places in the hands of a small faculty nu-
merous classes in a great variety of subjects. A profes-
sor of " Natural Science" may give all the instruction
in physics, chemistry, botany, zoology, entomology
physiology, etc. with the aid of one student assistant
for the various laboratory courses. A professor of
mathematics may give all the instruction in algebra,
geometry, trigonometry, calculus, theory of equations,
theory of determinants, analytical geometry, surveying,
civil engineering and astronomy. In one case coming
to my notice the professor of mathematics, in addition
to all this, with the aid of one student assistant under-
took to give all the courses on pedagogy including a
course on the history of education (and in addition,
strange as it may seem, studied law and wrote text
books).
It is evident that an instructor with so many sub-
jects to teach cannot have time or energy for anything
else than the conducting of class exercises even if
he is well trained at the start. It is not infrequently
the case that the instructor is called on to teach a sub-
1900.] DO WE NEED A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY? 159
ject which he studies with his class. He keeps two or
three lessons ahead of them and has over them the ad-
vantage of more years of experience. It is needless to
state that in such a case the instructor must put himself
in the position of those teachers in our grammar and
high schools who believe their functions are largely rep-
resented in assigning and listening to the recitation of
lessons from a text-book. If only these young univer-
sities could have limited all of their professional work
for a time to the training of teachers with a liberal aca-
demic preparation therefor, how much more would real-
ly have been accomplished in the way of benefiting the
state from an educational point of view.
It is however too late to talk of this feature from
any other than a historical point of view for the uni-
versities are now begun, and have the usual number of
professional courses begun or under way. These pro-
fessional courses are a means of pleasing those who are
clamoring fora " practical" education, and of getting
the druggists, lawyers, doctors, engineers, etc., to
" work for " the university appropriations. Even with
all this the university is fortunate if its friends in the
legislature do not have to concede much to the other
state schools and colleges, which amounts to the same
thing as political trading on these various schools.
In many if not in all of the older state universities
there are evidences of the result of this method of pro-
cedure. There are elderly men in the faculty who
have done their utmost under the circumstances but
who are out of touch with modern developments.
There are all kinds of professional departments and
schools, usually with a low requirement for admission,
each striving to make a showing of the number of stu-
dents enrolled. Among these may be found departments
of engineering wherein ''pure " physics is considered of
little value ; departments of chemistry giving courses
160 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
in pharmaceutical, medical, iron and steel, soap, etc.,
chemistry without much regard to general chemistry or
chemistry as a science ; departments of law running to
moot courts and the details of practice instead of the
study of jurisprudence in the light of advancing civili-
zation; medical departments devoted to* 'isms" and
practice instead of the science of medicine and surgery ;
schools of pharmacy wherein boys and girls scarcely
fitted to be admitted to the high schools struggle
through two years of cramming to pass examinations
and become druggists ; schools of dental surgery that
have as a principal function that of teaching how to
plug teeth. There are departments of philosophy
wherein the students may still study philosophy with-
out paying much attention to the study of nature or
mankind, and departments of political and social science
wherein students study these subjects with little regard
to the great historical movements of the past history of
civilization or social progress.
It will be seen that there is everything to interfere
with higher education from the point of view of more
intelligent and progressive citizenship. There is also
still much to hinder the intellectual development of
the members of the university faculties. The pro-
fessors and instructors in the departments of litera-
ture, science and the liberal arts teach their particular
subjects in all of these various departments and in ad-
dition attempt work in the post-graduate departments
of the university. No wonder that the "post-gradu-
ate " work in so many of our institutions represents
time rather than real research. It not infrequently
happens that a student who has devoted his time to the
study of Greek and Latin while studying for the bac-
calaureate degree, studies the elements of some science
for the master degree in order to increase his chances
of getting a position to teach in the high schools. In
igoo.] DO WE NEED A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY? 161
universities offering several baccalaureate degrees the
student sometimes chooses his work so as to be able to
get two degrees in five years for a like reason. All
this does not tend to scholarship, neither does it do
much to improve citizenship generally, this last being
especially true since it is only in baccalaureate sermons
and commencement addresses that the student's added
responsibility as a citizen is impressed upon him.
The universities which do not depend on state sup-
port, Johns Hopkins, Columbia, Harvard, Yale, Cor-
nell, Chicago, Stanford and Clark, with the exception
of Clark, are like the state universities in that they are
a sort of admixture of college and university wherein
the principal function is training rather than research.
However, these institutions can do more and better
work in their post-graduate departments than can be
done in the state universities. Their faculties have
had a better opportunity for progress than have the
faculties of the state universities.
What is needed is an institution where training
shall be a minimum, and research of a high order shall
be a maximum. Clark University is on what seems to
me to be very good lines, but it is handicapped finan-
cially and otherwise.
It is the fashion of students who wish to become
teachers in our universities to go to Europe, usually to
some part of Germany, to study for a time. All this is
good in its way, but it does not supply the deficiency in
the way that a properly constituted university could.
It is also an admission of the need of a university
differing from ours. We ought to have an institution
of such a character that Europeans would find it advan-
tageous to come to it now and then to carry on a re-
search.
A " national university' 1 could be of use to our
consular service. President Angell, in a paper en-
163 bUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
titled " Consular and Administrative Reform,"* says:
" Some important changes should be made in our con-
sular service in those countries (of the Orient). . . .
To discharge the duties of the office successfully one
should have had a special training, and should be
allowed a considerable degree of permanency in his
position. . . . His duties are not partisan. For the
most part they can hardly be called political. In the
east they are judicial and commercial. He should
therefore have an acquaintance with business methods
and at least a fair knowledge of law. It would always
be most advantageous for him to be familiar with the
language of the country in which he is stationed. . . .
There is absolutely no encouragement for a scholarly
young American to learn Chinese, Japanese, Turkish,
or Arabic in the hope of receiving permanent appoint-
ment as interpreter and perhaps ultimately as consul.
The consequence is that generally our consuls them-
selves, ignorant of the language of the country to
which they are sent, are obliged to depend on natives
of that country for interpreters."
It would be no part of the functions of such a uni-
versity to give an acquaintance with business methods
as such or to train persons to a speaking knowledge of
languages or to furnish a fair knowledge of law as it is
ordinarily done in our state universities. However, it
would be within the province of such an institution to
have departments dealing with the peoples and their
doings, past and present, of all countries with which
we have considerable dealing, for the purpose of study-
ing broadly the history of civilization as well as for
practical benefits. Among the students of these de-
partments and those making a special study of inter-
national and constitutional law would doubtless be
some who would look forward to a career in our con-
* The Michigan Alumnus, February, 1899.
DO WE NEED A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY? 163
sular service if any considerable degree of permanence
could be assured by our practice.
Such subjects as anthropology, ethnology, ethnog-
raphy, etc., are not adequately treated in any of our
universities and could well be made a prominent feature
of a " national university."
Thus one could go on to show other needs, but
enough has been indicated to show that we need a uni-
versity differing from all other universities now in ex-
istence in the United States. It does not matter so much
whether it is a "national university" depending on
congressional appropriations for its support or a univer-
sity with sufficient private endowment. The essential
features are sufficient financial support, intellectual free-
dom, and a limited number of students chosen by a com-
petent tribunal from the best talent in the country. The
principal aim should be that of contributions to and
diffusion of knowledge.
The history of the Smithsonian Institution shows
how much can be done in this way even with very lim-
ited means. An increase in the functions and depart-
ments of this institution with the necessary financial
support would probably be all that would be necessary
in order to make this institution answer every purpose.
The name " national university " is immaterial and the
already familiar name would do quite as well. The
Congressional Library and National Museum as parts
of such institution would make up the necessary equip-
ment.
Congressional appropriations for the support of
such an institution ought not to present any great diffi-
culty if once it is clear that such an institution would be
beneficial to the people of the United States. The gov-
ernment is spending now upward of one and one-half
million of dollars a year as a result of the " Hatch
Act " of 1888 and the " Morrill Bill " of 1890 for experi-
164 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
ment stations and industrial education which in my
opinion are not of nearly so much benefit to the people
as such a university would be. Moreover, the experi-
ment stations might come to be directed by men who
have shown special fitness by their researches in this
university. Indeed, the stations could be used as occa-
sion offered for carrying on special researches under the
direction of the university which might result in making
these stations of more value than they, many of them
at least, are at present, and thus increase the efficiency
of these practical institutions.
I believe that an essential part of the expense of
such a university should be represented by a number of
scholarships equal to that of the whole membership of
the university and might altogether make upward of a
thousand, and should vary from say ten thousand dol-
lars for a general director to five hundred dollars for
beginners. The five-hundred-dollar scholarships might
be say one thousand in number and could be distributed
among the various departments. They should only be
given to persons who are between say twenty-five and
thirty-five years of age and who have a broad founda-
tion such as is represented in the best college courses
in the country and who have in addition shown some
special ability in research from a scholarly point of
view. The average college or university thesis could
not usually be considered as evidence of such ability.
Between the five-hundred-dollar scholarships and that
of the director might be say one hundred one-thousand-
dollar scholarships to be given to persons who have held
five-hundred-dollar scholarships and who have shown
such ability in certain directions that the faculty has
placed them on special research ; fifty two-thousand-five-
hundred-dollar scholarships to be given to able men
who wish to travel and conduct researches on subjects
approved by the faculty. Of these scholarships some
igoo.] DO WE NEED A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY? 165
might be granted to properly qualified men to go as at-
taches without pay to some of our consuls to learn the
language of that country and to report on some special
investigation concerning the people of the country ; and
about twenty-five scholarships of five thousand dollars
each to be given to men of great ability who are not
less than thirty-five or more than forty-five years of age
and who shall not hold office after the age of sixty years,
to be known as departmental directors and who with
the director should constitute the faculty of the uni-
versity.
I imagine I hear some one cry out against using
public money for scholarships. Are not the salaries of
the workers in the experiment stations of the same
nature and are they not paid for a like purpose ? In
the experiment stations men are employed by the year
to carry on experiments for the public good.
It might be unwise to attempt to start all the
scholarships at once as it might also be to try to make
a full-fledged university at the start. However, it
would be necessary to start the university on a basis
that would insure confidence from the very start. For
it to be required to begin on a niggardly allowance and
to drag itself upward as so many of our state universi-
ties have done would be to thwart the institution in ac-
complishing what is desired of it. If it could be begun
by an appropriation of say five hundred thousand
dollars, to be increased say fifty thousand dollars a year
until a maximum of two million dollars a year is
reached, it seems to me this would be a good way to
" finance" such an institution. The appropriations
should be made in such a way that portions could be
put aside to accumulate for suitable buildings or other
proper expenses.
The building up of a library and museum that
should be the equal of any in the world in connection
166 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
with the university would be a legitimate part of its
business, and would go far toward determining that the
proper place for it is the vicinity of the National Cap-
ital ; and also that the enlargement of the functions
and the work of the Smithsonian Institution is a good
way to make such a university. The Smithsonian In-
stitution is already widely and favorably known by
means of " contributions to knowledge" and "miscel-
laneous collections," and the practice of exchanging
these volumes for the transactions of libraries and
scientific societies. I am not aware of anything in the
bequest of James Smithson or the organization of the
Smithsonian Institution itself that is incompatible with
this suggested enlargement of its functions and work.
While the enlarged institution and the various
scientific bureaus of the government might be mutually
beneficial, it seems to me that these bureaus and stations
should always be entirely separated from the Smith-
sonian Institution, or rather that the Smithsonian In-
stitution should never include them as an organic part
of itself.
In conclusion I will suggest that congress and those
who are interested in a " national university " would
probably be greatly relieved of a grievous burden if
some of the hundred-times millionaires who are re-
tiring from active business life to spend their fortunes
for the benefit of mankind could see that to establish a
university on the lines indicated in this paper would
afford them an opportunity of spending fifty millions
of dollars at once, and of building unto themselves an
everlasting monument that would be known in two
hemispheres wherever civilization is sufficiently ad-
vanced to recognize the value of higher education.
CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES
For Civic
Public Policy, until recently published as
_ The Other Side, is an interesting little
Progress
Chicago magazine edited by Allen Ripley
Foote and devoted to civic problems. Its object is edu-
cational and its spirit progressive, and, in view of the
popular trend toward experiments in municipal social-
ism, we are glad to find in its statement of principles
the following : "The design is so to instruct popular
thought that political action will favor individual enter-
prise and industries springing from private initiative
and carried on by private management."
Education by correspondence and home
study, although always subject to certain
rigid limitations, is growing in impor-
tance. The field for possible work in this direction is
by no means fully occupied yet. It can never take the
place of direct instruction in class-rooms, but it does
supplement courses of education that have been cut off
too early by force of circumstances. The majority of
our young people are prevented from getting beyond
the common school, or at most the high school. The
popular impression is that work of this sort must neces-
sarily be of a somewhat " light reading " nature, at any
rate nothing more severe than the courses required by
the Chautauqua system, for example. This is not en-
tirely correct. There is a correspondence school in
Scranton, Pennsylvania, enrolling about one hundred
and thirty thousand students and dealing entirely in
technical, scientific subjects. It gives sixty separate
courses, conducted by a corps of 226 professors and
assistants. These courses range all the way from arith-
metic to civil engineering, and indicate a surprisingly
167
188 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
broad range of possibilities for this method of instruc-
tion.
The correspondence plan, combined with period-
ical literature features and local classes or clubs in differ-
ent communities, is especially well adapted for courses
in economics, sociology and public policy, such as are
offered by the Institute of Social Economics.
Prosperity Dr. Harris, in a preliminary statement
and School to his annual report for 1 897-98. as United
Enrolment States Commissioner of Education, men-
tions the increase in enrolment in private schools as
one of the signs of the return of business prosperity.
' ' The aggregate enrolment in the common schools
(those supported by public taxation) " he says, " ex-
ceeded the enrolment of previous years by the large
sum of 390,841. The grand total in all the schools, ele-
mentary, secondary, and higher, public and private, for
the year was 16,687,643 This, compared
with the aggregate for the year 1896-97, shows an in-
crease of 432,550. The previous year (1897) there was
evidence of large comparative decrease in the attend-
ance on private schools, a proof that the long-continued
business depression had taken effect to cause a transfer
of a large number of pupils from private schools to the
free public schools. But the year 1897-98 brings evi-
dence of the return of business prosperity in the fact of
a slight increase of private schools as compared with a
deficit the year before. A little more than one-fifth of
the entire population was enrolled in school. The total
amount of schooling received per individual on an aver-
age for the whole United States, on the basis of the re-
turns for 1898, is five years of two hundred days each.
Some states average nearly seven years' schooling for
their inhabitants, and some states fall as low as two
and a half years."
1900.] CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES 169
The attendance at colleges and universities in-
creased by nearly 4,000, while during 1896-97 there
was a falling off as compared with the previous year.
Mr. Edwards makes out a strong argu-
Uni erstt * ment in his plea for a national university,
published in this number. The propo-
sition has attracted the interest and enthusiasm of nu-
merous groups of educators and public men during the
entire century. Probably it originated with Washing-
ton, who left a $25,000 fund for a national university,
but even to-day sentiment is as much divided as ever
on the subject. It is strongly urged against it that
many of our privately-endowed universities are devel-
oping departments and lines of work which are more
and more removing the need for a national university.
Nevertheless, no university not situated in or near
Washington can furnish the opportunities that an insti-
tution at the national capital would have at its command.
A national university would be chiefly for research
rather than for instruction of pupils, and the numerous
departments of the government, carrying on a wide
range of scientific experiments and investigations at
vast expense, supply opportunities nowhere else avail-
able. As a member of an association devoted to this
movement expressed it: " Our national university
already exists in fact, waiting only organization and the
coordination of all educational auxiliaries." Mr. Ed-
wards' point that, with such an institution, the several
thousand Americans who are pursuing scientific re-
searches in foreign countries might find even superior
opportunities at home, is a strong one ; but more im-
portant than anything else is the psychological effect
upon the whole educational atmosphere and standards
in this country that a real national university, capable
of keeping our own advanced scholars at home and at-
tracting foreign scholars here, would create.
170 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
Educational The movement to combine and simplify
Unification in the two systems of educational supervi-
Ncw York s j on j n N ew York state has developed in-
to a very lively factional contest. The real point of
difference is simply whether, in the organization of the
new department of education, room shall be left for
the encroachment of party politics or whether the sys-
tem shall remain free from political influence in ac-
cordance with the traditions of the regents of the
university.
The unification commission appointed by the gov-
ernor to consider this whole matter submitted a report
about the middle of December. It recommended that
a new " Department of Education " be created, to ab-
sorb all the functions both of the present Department
of Public Instruction and the Board of Regents. These
two bodies have heretofore been a source of needless
expense and no little clashing of authority, because they
have been covering much the same field and duplicating
all the work of inspection, examinations, etc. Under
the commission's plan, the Board of Regents is to be-
come the legislative body of the new Department of
Education, and a chancellor is to be appointed at a sal-
ary of $10,000 a year to act as the executive head of the
department. A number of bureaus for administrative
purposes are created, and seventy years is set as the re-
tiring age of a regent.
The general outlines of this plan are all right, but
the point at issue is the manner of selecting the chan-
cellor. He, in practical experience, will be the real ad-
ministrator of the state's educational system. Four of
the commissioners favor having the first chancellor ap-
pointed by the governor, with confirmation by the sen-
ate, for the term of eight years ; succeeding chancellors
to be elected by the regents. The other three com-
missioners, however, urge that it is of primary impor-
i 9 oo.] CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES 171
tance to have the first chancellor elected by the regents.
They argue that, if the first chancellor is appointed by
the governor and the senate, that very important pre-
rogative will never be allowed to pass into any other
hands. In other words, if the regents do not elect the
first chancellor they will never elect any chancellor and
the administration of our educational system will pass
under direct political control. It is not to be supposed
that an unfit man would be appointed by the present
governor; but Mr. Roosevelt is an exception, not the
rule, in New York's gubernatorial chair. Even Gov-
ernor Roosevelt has no free hand when senatorial con-
firmation is required, witness the struggle to remove
Mr. Payn and select his successor as superintendent
of insurance.
The legislature is to pass upon the plan. Will it
really decide to put away this temptation of political
control of the public schools? The legislature already
has the power of electing the members of the Board of
Regents. They hold office for life, and, during the
whole 1 1 5 years of the history of the university, the
regents have been men of the highest character and
ability. To leave with them as heretofore the choice
of their executive or managing officer would be the
safest guaranty of the sort of an administration we want
for the schools ; not to be compared, at any rate, with
a plan which looks toward putting our educational sys-
tem into the political grab-bag.
THE OPEN FORUM
This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor-
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA-
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries
for the " Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad-
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are
ignored.
LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS
Division of School Work
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: I have read the article on "Better
Division of Labor in Schools," by W. F. Edwards, in
your October issue. There is one point which I fear is
fatal to his scheme, and which, it seems, he has en-
tirely overlooked. It is the matter of arranging a pro-
gram that will accommodate such pupils as advance
beyond their grade or fall behind. We have tried just
such department work as is outlined in the article men-
tioned, but find that it is only practicable when pupils
are required to keep up with their classes, which is the
very evil that Mr. Edwards is striking at. Three of
our five buildings in Fresno are well arranged for
carrying out the ideas expressed in this article, and I
should not hesitate to give the plan a thorough test if
the matter of arrangement of program could be ex-
plained. C. L. McLANE,
City Supt. Schools, Fresno, Cal.
Relation of Cost to Price
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: In the course in social economics, in
your Lecture Bulletin, Prof. Gunton's lecture on value
172
178
or price is clarifying. Much that is useless and con-
fusing in writings on economic subjects is cut away by
his sensible and true definition and exposition.
If it is permitted to subscribers, who cannot be
present in person, to criticize or make queries, I
would ask the privilege of securing further informa-
tion by way of taking exception to his basic position
that ' ' cost of production is the condition that really
fixes the price."
In times of slack demand, when the supply largely
exceeds the demand, or, as we say, "in times of de-
pression," cost of production does fix the price quite
largely. It does so because the factor of demand is
comparatively inactive, and the other factor, cost of
production, is prominently at the front. When demand
is light, only those producers who have developed pro-
duction to the point of highest efficiency and lowest
cost can keep in continuous operation without loss.
The lowest cost of production is then the measure of
the price possibly to a degree, as a more prominent
factor.
Not so when demand is active and the immediate
supply inadequate. The cost of production is then a
factor of little weight. I might ask, what is it that
Prof. Gunton refers to as the cost of production ? For
there is a vast difference between different manufac-
turing plants producing the same articles, in respect to
cost of production. In times of excessive demand and
short supply, such as the present, plants of the least
efficiency and highest productive cost are put into
operation, plants which had been virtually abandoned
during times of depressed demand, and yet this opera-
tion is highly profitable above even their uneconomical
plane. At such times the cost of production of the
best plants and that of the poorest have no effect upon
price whatever. The one all-absorbing factor is the
174 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
scarcity of supply, the excess of demand the old law
of supply and demand. In such seasons the low-cost
producers pile up profits which carry them through the
hard times, when lowest cost of production is the one
sustaining factor acting upon prices, and when, in fact,
even that does not sustain, but plants continue to oper-
ate for years at prices that are actually below their cost
of production. At both ends of the scale the influence
of the great law of supply and demand sweeps away
and overwhelms the factor of productive cost. Of
course, the lessening of productive cost in the long run
is a permanent factor in the gradually diminishing
average of prices; but Prof. Gunton's discussion of
price surely intends to cover the question of the vicissi-
tudes of price as affected by all its factors.
ROBERT HALLAM MUNSON, Bay Mills, Mich.
[The points you raise are covered in detail in Prof.
Gunton's supplementary lecture on value, which ap-
peared in the Lecture Bulletin of January 6th. In this
it is explained that by cost of production is meant the
cost of regularly producing and furnishing the most
expensive portion of the supply required by the market.
Costs being different for different plants, as you say,
all those who can produce at less expense than the
dearest group get the difference in profits, prices being
uniform.
In times of great demand new sources of supply
are sought out, and if these are more costly to work
prices will rise; if not, the larger production may
actually be cheaper and prices fall instead of rise. In
either case the variations follow changes in the cost of
production. This is clearly brought out, by the way,
in the article in our January number on ' ' The Cost of
Raw Materials," by H. M. Chance, the practical mining
and engineering expert.]
QUESTION BOX
City Government Problems
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: I am a student and wish to have your
opinion on four points regarding municipal govern-
ment:
First: Is home rule imperative? Second: Should
the mayor's appointments be confirmed by a council?
Third: Have there ever been any successful city
governments where the mayor was not free to appoint ?
Fourth : How may municipalities become non-partisan ?
C. H. HOWARD, Park View, Mo.
First : No ; home rule is not imperative, but it is
undoubtedly true that it should be encouraged as lead-
ing to a superior form of democratic government.
Home rule for large municipalities, and indeed for all
municipal governments, is preferable to state rule, be-
cause the problems of municipal government relate
directly and for the most part exclusively to things
affecting the home and immediate interests of the peo-
ple, such as sanitation, education and local public im-
provements. Of all of this the people of the city who are
to be directly affected by the policy and who have also
to pay for whatever is done are the best judges. More-
over, municipal home rule is likely to result in the
policies being determined by healthier political
methods.
Second: If the administrative departments of the
city government were purely of an executive nature the
mayor might well be left free to make his appointments
without interference, as is practically the case with the
president's cabinet. But if, as in New York city,
each of the various bureaus and departments is practi-
cally legislative and executive all in one, making and
175
176
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[February,
carrying out its own policies, then the common council
ought to have a hand in appointing these bureaus. Per-
haps, indeed, they should be entirely appointed by the
council, as in English cities, and not by the mayor at
all. The great requirement for good government is that
whoever is charged with the executive responsibility
should have the power to appoint the agents or heads
of executive departments. If the mayor is to appoint at
all, it would probably be much better to have the
various bureaus and departments under him confined
to purely administrative powers, leaving to the common
council the function of legislating on the policies these
departments shall carry out, as in the case of our
national congress and state legislatures. That would
stimulate the election of a higher class of men to the
city council, put the legislative power where it really
belongs, and make it possible to separate and fix the
responsibility respectively for legislative and executive
proceedings.
Third : Yes, indeed. It is doubtful if there are
any successful city governments where the mayor has
been wholly free to appoint. In Europe, especially in
England, where we are constantly being told munici-
pal government has reached its highest point of effici-
ency, the mayor has absolutely no appointing power
independently of the council, and is in reality only
chairman of the legislative branch of the city govern-
ment, On this point our correspondent would do well
to read Dr. Albert Shaw's book on " Municipal Govern-
ment in Great Britain."
Fourth : Municipalities can become non-partisan
only by the development of a sentiment for electing
municipal officers regardless of their party affiliations.
This cannot be accomplished by any arbitrary decision
or legislation. It is in reality a matter of the educa-
tion of public opinion, and one of the steps toward
1 900. ] Q UESTION BOX 177
this is to advocate specific measures for municipal
policy, instead of advocating political platforms. For
instance, make the increase of public parks a municipal
issue and elect those candidates for office who will sup-
port that issue regardless of their political affiliations,
and so on with other questions of public policy. The
probability is that if the public in any community
would insist upon this policy both parties would soon
come to offer the desired measures and the reforms
would be accomplished. Then it would not matter
whether the administration was partisan or non-
partisan.
Nail Prices and Profits
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: I am a close reader of your magazine,
also of the Bulletin, and admire your forceful, logical
style. I quote you the following: "Nails in 1898,
$1.50; in 1899, $4.35. Increase in wages 10 per cent.
Increase in trust profits 180 per cent. Increase in cost
to consumer 190 per cent." Will you kindly show me
where are the benefits of the trusts provided the above
be true?
A. Fox, New York City.
Unfortunately the quoted statement, probably from
some daily paper, is highly erroneous both in its facts
and method of deduction. The prices quoted are not
correct ; the amount of profit cited is not correct ; the
amount of the increase of wages is not correct, and the
effect of the wage increase on the price is not correct.
In January 1898 the price of wire nails (Pittsburg)
was $1.40 and of cut nails $1.10. The monthly quota-
tions from January 6, 1898 to January 3, 1900 show
that at no time has the price been $4.35, nor even
$3.35. The highest point reached for wire nails was
178 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [February,
$3.20 and for cut nails $2.50, so that the price our cor-
respondent quotes for 1899 is nearly one-third higher
than the highest point ever touched.
In the second place, the citation of 10 per cent, in-
crease in wages is incorrect, as during the first nine
months of 1899 wages in the bulk of the iron industry
were increased at least 25 per cent.
Third : our correspondent's method of ascertaining
the effect of an increase of wages on the price is entire-
ly erroneous. A 10 per cent, increase in wages does
not, as this authority assumes, necessarily make a 10
per cent, increase in prices. On the contrary, a 10 per
cent, increase in wages might not make i per cent, in-
crease in cost and almost never would make a 10 per
cent, increase. That would depend entirely upon the
character of the process employed, whether it was
largely hand or machine labor to which the wage in-
crease applied. If it was a product in which the cost
was mainly labor, then the effect on price would be
great. If, on the other hand, it was in a process in
which the wages were a small item, then the effect on
the cost would be very slight. It also would depend
upon whether the 10 per cent, increase was simply for
the nail-makers or for all the workers in the previous
processes of iron production. But in no case can the
effect of an increase or reduction of wages be assumed
to represent the same percentage of change in the cost
of the product that it does in the wage rate. In the
case under discussion the wage item happens to be an
important one and a good proportion of the 25 per cent,
increase can be regarded as literal addition to the cost
of the finished product. Furthermore, wages have
risen in all the preceding processes of the iron industry,
from the very mines, thus increasing the cost all along
the line.
Fourth : it is equally erroneous to assume that the
i 9 oo. J Q UESTION BOX 179
,
increase in the market price, less a specific increase in
wages, all goes to profits. This is a handy way of
plausibly misrepresenting the facts. It entirely ignores
all the facts connected with raw materials, machinery,
marketing, transportation, and in fact everything con-
nected with the entire process except a specific item of
wages in the finished product. Now, it is notorious that
everything connected with the iron industry preceding:
the finished product has enormously increased in cost.
For instance, during the period named refined bar iron
has risen from $1.05 to $2.20 per ton, or no per cent. ;
common bar iron has risen from 95 cents to $2.15, or
126 per cent; Bessemer pig has risen from $10.00 to
$24.90 per ton, nearly 150 per cent., while the price of
wire nails has risen only 128 per cent, and the price of
cut nails 127 per cent. If we could follow the history
of the price of bar and pig iron we should undoubtedly
find that the rise was the result of increased cost of pro-
duction, due largely to the increased wages at all points
and other expenses connected with the opening of new
mines and working of less prolific mines and the extra
efforts to supply the exceptional demand for iron. In-
stead, therefore, of representing 180 percent, increased
profit, the advanced price is nearly all represented in
the increased cost of raw material and the rise of
wages, which distributes prosperity along the whole
line of the industry.
Of course this rush of prosperity, where the de-
mand for iron in all its forms is such that the produc-
tive capacity of the industry is strained to the uttermost
to furnish the supply, is yielding some increased profits.
But, we repeat, Mr. Fox's quoted statement is wrong
in every particular. It overstates the rise in prices by
about one-third ; it understates the rise in wages by
more than one-half ; and then, by a false method of
deduction, reaches a result abvsurdly incorrect.
BOOK REVIEWS
THE LIFE OF NELSON : THE EMBODIMENT OF THB
SEA POWER OF GREAT BRITAIN. By Captain A. T.
Mahan, D. C. L., LL.D., United States Navy. Second
Editon, Revised. Cloth, 742 pages, with maps and illus-
'.jations. $3,00. Little, Brown & C., Boston.
The first edition of this masterly work called out
such voluminous comment that to review it again at
this date would be superfluous. The revisions and one-
volume form of publication of the present edition, how-
ever, merit special attention. The revisions are chiefly
for the purpose of strengthening the account in certain
points where its accuracy had been called in question.
For example, Captain Mahan's statement of Nelson's
attitude towards the republicans in Naples in 1799, and
also the estimate of the famous admiral's affection for
his wife, were both challenged after the appearance of
the first edition; and in the revision, therefore, the
author has included a considerable amount of new mat-
ter supporting his original position, especially on the
Naples case.
The "Life of Nelson,'' together with the two pre-
vious works, "The Influence of Sea Power Upon His-
tory'' and "The Influence of Sea Power Upon the
French Revolution and Empire," compose a body of
historical literature that stands really in a field by itself.
No one else has written so exhaustively, and with such
universally conceded qualifications, on this distinct ele-
ment in the rise and fall of the political power of na-
tions and empires. With reference to the latest of the
three works, English reviewers enthusiastically declared
that it had remained for an American to give the best
record and interpretation of Nelson as the great consum-
mator of England's naval supremacy, This is quite
180
BOOK RE VIE WS 181
natural, inasmuch as Captain Mahan's attitude toward
his subject throughout is one of almost unqualified admi-
ration. Not only does he give us in Nelson a hero of
the first order, but at times becomes almost an apolo-
gist for notorious faults ; at least, if he does not actually
condone, he dwells as lightly as possible on the pain-
ful features of Nelson's career.
This disposition does not reach the point of seriously
marring the accuracy and good judgment of the deline-
ation, however. It is the natural admiration of the
sailor for a genius who made sea warfare illustrious
and a vital element in the supremacy of nations.
VALUE AND DISTRIBUTION. By Charles William
Macfarlane, Ph. D. Lippincott & Company, Philadel-
phia. Octavo, 317 pp. Cloth, $2.50.
The theory of value and economic distribution has
undergone a great deal of criticism during the last
twenty years. Some effort has been made toward de-
veloping a new theory and to establish a ' new school."
Much of this latter-day discussion has been conducted
by continental, chiefly German, economists. This
school represents the effort to develop a theory of value
and distribution based upon the idea of " marginal
utility."
Briefly, this idea, which found expression in Eng-
land by Professor Jevons (1871), is that the value of
commodities is finally determined not by what it costs
to produce them or reproduce them, nor by the mere
quantity available, but by their final utility, or what
they are worth to the persons that have the least use for
them ; final utility meaning less utility.* This seemed
a sufficiently marked departure from the wages-fund,
supply and demand, idea of the Manchester school to be
* See Gunton's " Principles of Social Economics," Chapter II. of
Part III.
182 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [February,
taken up by continental writers, particularly German,
who always evinced a fondness for dissenting Ijrom
English economists.
During the next fifteen years several'able works on
the subject appeared, by German and Austrian writers,
culminating with the " Positive Theory of Capital"
by Bohm-Bawerk, in 1888, which was published in
English in 1891. The theory formulated by this group
of writers is called the Austrian-school theory, mainly
perhaps because Dr. Bohm-Bawerk is an Austrian. These
theories found cordial reception in this country, espe-
cially by the younger economists, as the to-be-accepted
doctrine. For a few years the economic journals were
full of controversy, largely critical commendation, of
the Austrian theory. Under this extensive though
mainly sympathetic criticism the claims of the new
school lost some of their first attractiveness, and are
rapidly passing into the domain of tentative if not
doubtful doctrine.
In the present work Dr. Macfarlane has undertaken
a critical review of the subject of value with special
reference to the tenets of the Austrian theory, with
which he is evidently thoroughly familiar.
If economic science has any claim to public con-
sideration, it is on the ground that it furnishes a basis
for directing industrial and political policy for the pro-
motion of public welfare. Public welfare is best pro-
moted by the increased production and equitable distri-
bution of wealth.
With the exception of charity and theft, distribu-
tion can only take place concurrently with production
and as a part of it. The normal and wholesome chan-
nels through which this economic product flows to the
community, then, are wages (including salaries), rent,
interest and profits. The function of economic science
is to explain the nature and character of the laws and
i goo. ] BOOK RE VIE WS 183
forces which govern the distribution of wealth through
these various channels.
The first proposition, therefore, that presents itself
is value, which is another name for price, because the
buying and selling of which price is the medium consti-
tutes the whole process of exchange. Labor is bought
and sold for wages. To the extent that economics can
make clear the causes that determine wages, it fur-
nishes the basis for social as well as individual action
toward the wage class. Not to know how wages are
determined is not to know how to secure to the labor-
ers the share of the product that equitably belongs to
them. The same is true in reference to rent, interest
and profits. Only to the extent that economic science
contributes to solve these questions is it a useful study.
The chief criticism of the Austrian school is that it
is largely devoted to dissertations about terms which for
the most part render the subject less clear to the ordi-
nary mind, and hence less useful in practical action.
Much time and space has been devoted by the writers of
the new school to urging that every form of surplus
income be called rent ; as, rent of land, rent of capital,
rent of labor, consumer's rent, purchaser's rent, and so
on. The same with regard to value. Instead of en-
deavoring to simplify the accepted and traditional
words, and so aid the common understanding to a clear-
er knowledge of the subject, the tendency has been to
encircle the topic in a fog of new terms, so that econo-
mists even cannot understand each other without first
explaining their own terms.
This objection holds with great force against the
present work. To establish hairlines of distinction
without any real difference of meaning is one of the
chief efforts of Dr. Macfarlane's book. By this method
he discovers and declares with great assurance that
every theory is a failure. The difficulty here seems to
184
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[February,
be more with the critic than with the theories criticized.
He deals with economic theories as if they related to
exact quantities, whereas they can at most only relate
to economic and social tendencies.
For instance, we assume that a certain result will
occur under absolutely free competition. But absolutely
free competition never exists. There is always more
or less clogging to the freedom with which competition
acts. Ignorance is a very common obstruction, timidity
another. The facilities of transportation and a multi-
tude of other things interrupt that absolute freedom of
competition. The most that ever happens anywhere
in society is a tendency towards an equlibrium, as water
seeks its level but seldom finds it. Thus, in discussing
cost as an element in price, he says that in the case of
freely producible goods, price is directly and exactly
measured by the marginal cost of production. Yet
this statement is not true. There is probably not a
single product in which the price is directly and ex-
actly measured by the marginal cost of production.
The theory of marginal cost should not be thus stated.
There is no set of goods of which it can be said that
either the cost or any other one condition directly and
exactly measures the price. But what can be said with
as much truth as of any great force in nature or society
is that, in the absence of arbitrary obstruction, the price
of goods that can be continuously produced tends to
equal the cost of production at the margin or the point
of greatest expensiveness.
Of course it is true that competition is a necessary
element in this, just as the freedom to flow is a neces-
sary condition of water finding its level. Water will
not find its level if a portion of it is surrounded by a
bank. Neither will prices reach uniformity on the
basis of cost, either at the margin or any other point,
unless there can be unobstructed mobility of the prod-
igoo.J BOOK REVIEWS 185
nets within the competing market. And this tendency
to adjust the price to the cost will be in proportion to
the effectiveness of the competition.
Now, it is for that reason that prices of the same
things are not uniform in different markets. This
movement of prices is always limited to the area in
which the competition to a given point takes place. In
the labor market it may be very local, as is the case of
New York city ; and likewise the market for strawber-
ries and other perishable goods. Some products have a
local market, some a national market, and some, like
gold, silver, wheat and other world products, an inter-
national market. Although it is not literally true that
the price is exactly measured by the marginal cost of
production, this does not invalidate the doctrine of
marginal cost. The important question in this connec-
tion seems to be, does marginal cost exercise the pre-
dominating influence in propelling prices toward uni-
formity identical with the cost of production of the
marginal or dearest portion within a given market? If
that be true of all freely reproducible goods, then that
is the great trunk force in governing prices.
In saying, then, that under free competition prices
of freely reproducible goods tend to equal the cost of
furnishing the dearest portion, we state the law gov-
erning the continuous tendency of prices. If we re-
move competition we have removed an element from
the operation of this law, and it will work less perfect-
ly. If we take goods that cannot be reproduced we
have also introduced an element of obstruction. But
here Dr. Macfarlane is quite clear. He says, it is not
the cost of the scarcity good (meaning the one that can-
not be freely reproduced) but it is the cost of the next
best substitute that enters into this determination, for
there is no good so rare or so valuable that some less
efficient substitute cannot be found to replace it. That
186 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [February,
is eminently correct. So that, the general statement
of the doctrine of cost holds true, that the price under
competition tends to equal the cost of furnishing the
dearest portion of the supply. If the particular article
cannot be supplied, then the price will gravitate toward
the cost of producing the substitute coming nearest to
supplying the same want.
Now there is nothing inconsistent in this with the
original statement that cost is the governing element
in price, because the world is always dealing in repro-
ducible goods or substitutes for reproducible goods. If
there was a danger that wheat would disappear science
would be seeking a substitute for it, and the same
principle would govern price. If coal should become
scarce and electricity be the substitute, the price of fuel
would be determined by the cost of supplying the coal
which is difficult to obtain, or else the substitute which
fills the same function. Clearly, however far we fol-
low the variations of this, the same principle obtains.
If a thing is so scarce that it cannot be either repro-
duced or a substitute furnished, it will be abandoned
and the want may disappear. But, for the things that
mankind demand and use, this law fixing the price at
the cost of the dearest portion of the thing actually
used, whether it be the original or the substitute, flows
through all marketable products.
At bottom, then, the important fact in prices is the
cost, and the importance of public policy is to encour-
age conditions which will economically lower the cost.
That is the great social result upon which public wel-
fare rests so far as prices are concerned. In other
words, then, cost is the element that furnishes the pos-
sibility of cheapness of wealth. Competition is the ele-
ment that distributes the margin above the cost of the
dearest to the public in lower prices. To clarify this
law and aid in making its operation more perfect is the
true function of economics.
i 9 oo.] BOOK REVIEWS 187
Now this same principle obtains in regard to the
price of labor, and in substantially the same way. The
only difference is that the larger distribution of wealth
among the laborers depends upon the price of labor
rising, instead of falling as in the case of the price of
commodities. But, just the same as it is fundamentally
true that no permanent lowering of prices and cheapening
of wealth can come to the community except by the dimi-
nution of the cost of production of the dearest portion,
so it is true that no permanent rise in wages can come
without multiplying the needs, which means raising
the social standard of life, among the laborers who con-
stitute the dearest portion of the labor supply in any
given market. All the hair-splitting variations from
this are but perturbations in the tendency, and the
more they are emphasized the more they befog the
subject. The river channel is the main conduit for the
flow of a stream of water. If rushes grow up along the
side and dirt is thrown into the stream, the freedom of
the flow may be interfered with. But the real way to
aid the natural flow which gravitation implies is to re-
move the rushes and keep out the dirt, not set up a new
theory about rushes and the accumulation of debris.
These are perturbations to be minimized by science and
society, and this can be most effectively done by most
clearly recognizing the unmistakable flow of the main
current.
The question of a surplus going to labor is ex-
plained by this same principle. Laborers whose
standard of living, or customary expense, for what-
ever reason, is less than the dearest in their group,
have a surplus that is, they may save money. They
have what is equivalent to profits with the capitalist.
But that is an increment which comes of this same
general movement. Rent comes to land on exactly
the same condition that profits come to capital ; namely,
188 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [February,
that it yields more than the dearest. It may be true
that under some state of society the poorest land that
is used, for whatever purpose, will command a rent.
This rent becomes a part of the cost of produc-
tion, and therefore enters into the price. But all above
that goes to a form of profit, which may be distributed
to the landlord without being added to the price.
Just the same with manufactures. If in any group
of products the demand is such that the dearest por-
tion can command a price a little above the cost, to
that extent, be it what it may, profit is added to the
price of the whole supply, but all profit above that is
not added. Whether or not it be literally true, either
in agriculture, manufacture or whatsoever, that the
dearest portion is finally forced down to be entirely
profitless, the general law remains true that all the
forces tend to that point, and, if the profit is not entire-
ly annihilated at the dearest point, it is unquestionably
reduced to the minimum. Granting that it is not al-
ways annihilated, the same law of prices remains ; and
there is no reason either for new nomenclature or a new-
theory. Competition will distribute the profits down
to the point of either no-profit cost or minimum cost,
which is for all the purposes of practical life the same
thing.
In this book Dr. Macfarlane has made a contribu-
tion at least to the extent of showing that there are a
great many defects in the Austrian theory, and that the
great and strongest fact in the law of prices, which is
the law of distribution, is the cost of producing the
dearest portion of reproducible goods. The fact that
there may be in some cases a surplus, or even a profit,
on the dearest portion, and that this profit enters into
the price, while the profit on the other portion does
not, in no way militates against the doctrine that the
tendency is to fix the price at the cost of the dearest
i9oo.] BOOK REVIEWS 189
portion, which is another way of saying that the ten-
dency is to reduce profits to the minimum, and conse-
quently, if competition is efficient, to give the maximum
distribution of profits to the public.
NEW BOOKS OF INTEREST
HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL
Memoirs of a Revolutionist. By P. Kropotkin, author
of "Fields, Factories and Workshops." With three
photogravure portraits. Crown, 8vo, gilt tops, 519
pp. $2.00. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston and New
York. This is the autobiography of the famous Rus-
sian nobleman and revolutionist, embodying extended
comments on the history of his times.
The United Kingdom; a Political History. By Gold-
win Smith, D.C.L. 2 vols. Crown, 8vo. The Mac-
millan Co., New York and London, This is a political
history of Great Britain and Ireland from the earliest
times down to the Reform Bill of 1832.
Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Em-
pire. By Samuel Dill, Professor of Greek in Queen's
College, Belfast. Cloth, 8vo. The Macmillan Co.,
New York and London. This is a new and cheap edi-
tion of Professor Dill's description and analysis of social
and intellectual life at a highly significant period of the
world's history.
Abraham Lincoln. The Man of the People. By Nor-
man Hapgood. Cloth, 432 pp. $2.00. The Macmil-
lan Co., New York and London, This book, in the
words of the author, "is not a history of the Civil War.
It is not an argument about emancipation or recon-
struction. It is solely the personal history of Abraham
Lincoln as it appears to one of his countrymen." It
will be reviewed in our pages at a later date.
190 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
FICTION, POETRY AND ESSAYS
Complete Works of Oliver Wendell Holmes. 14 vols.
Crown, 8vo. Full-gilt backs. Sold only in sets.
$21.00. Houghton, Mifflin & C., Boston and New
York.
Works of Nathaniel Hawthorne. Concord Edition.
25 vols. Small i6mo; with full-gilt backs. Sold only
insets. $25.00; finer edition, $62.50. Houghton,
Mifflin & Co., Boston and New York.
Complete Works of James Russell Lowell. 1 1 vols.
Crown, 8vo. Bound in new style, full-gilt backs. Sold
only in sets. $16.50. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Bos-
ton and New York.
ECONOMIC, SOCIOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL
A Dividend to Labor: A Study of Employers Welfare
Institutions. By Nicholas P. Oilman. Crown, 8vo.
$1.75. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston and New
York. In a sense this may be considered a sequel to
Professor Oilman's work on " Profit Sharing between
Employer and Employee." In the present volume he
collects a large volume of data showing the operation
of profit-sharing institutions.
Rural Wealth and Welfare. By George T. Fair-
child, Vice-President and Professor of English Litera-
ture, Berea College. Cloth, i6mo. The Macmillan
Co., New York and London. This is a work on political
economy, discussing the general principles of the sub-
ject with special application to rural conditions and
problems.
Better- World Philosophy; A Sociological Synthesis. By
J. Howard Moore. Cloth, 275 pp. $1.00. The Ward
Waugh Company, Chicago. The table of contents indi-
cates the author's effort to discuss the general economic
and social situation in rather profound fashion. For
the present we reserve comment.
FROM JANUARY MAGAZINES
' ' His [the agitator's] business is to make others
demand good administration. He must never reap,
but always sow. Let him leave the reaping to others.
Such men as Wendell Phillips were not extravagant.
They were practical men. Their business was to get
heard. They used vitriol, but they were dealing with
the hide of the rhinoceros." -JOHN JAY CHAPMAN, in
' ' Between Elections ; " The Atlantic Monthly.
" No one understands his value in the labor world
better than the old colored man. Recently, when a
convention was held in the South by the white people
for the purpose of inducing white settlers from the
North and West to settle in the South, one of these
colored men said to the president of the convention :
' Fore de Lord, boss, we's got as many white people
down here now as we niggers can support.' " BOOKER
T. WASHINGTON, in " Signs of Progress Among the
Negroes;" The Century.
' ' A very large share of the rancor of political and
social strife arises either from sheer misunderstanding
by one section, or by one class, of another, or else from
the fact that the two sections, or two classes, are so cut
off from each other that neither appreciates the other's
passions, prejudices, and, indeed, point of view, while
they are both entirely ignorant of their community of
feeling as regards the essentials of manhood and hu-
manity." -HoN. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, in "Fellow-
Feeling as a Political Factor;" The Century.
" No one knew better than did Mr. Gladstone the
dangers that lurk in a charming, informal gathering of
politicians and great ladies. Certain of his political
friends were always welcome at Hawarden, but no at-
tempt was ever made to bring together even a small
191
192 G UNTON '5 MA GA ZINE
political party, and although no man in the world could
have been the centre of a more delightful intellectual
and political set, he ever refused to play the rdle which
nature had assigned to him, and when his supporters
were bidden to Hawarden they came as personal friends
of his own and Mrs. Gladstone's, and business was ut-
terly taboo." IGNOTA, in "English Political House
Parties ; ' ' Lippincott's.
"In China a dollar will purchase fifteen hundred
pieces of cash composed of copper and zinc. These
cash, with a hole in the centre and strung on a cord,
weigh seven pounds. A servant or common laborer in
Peking is glad to give ten days of labor, and a carpenter
or mason six days, to secure this amount of cash. This
money would give a comfortable support to an average
family. Three dollars a month, or thirty-six dollars a
year, would cover the living income of a Chinese fam-
ily of the working class." -D. Z. SHEFFIELD, in "The
Future of the Chinese People;'' The Atlantic Monthly.
"As a matter of fact, half of the men are not so
terrifically busy and important as they consider them-
selves. They seem to be in a great hurry, but they do
not move very fast, as all know who try to take the
walk up-town at a brisk pace, and most of them wear
that intent, troubled expression of countenance simply
from imitation of a habit generated by the spirit of the
place. But it gives a quaking sensation to the poor
young man from the country who has been walking the
streets for weeks looking for a job; and it makes the
visiting foreigner take out his note-book and write a
stereotyped phrase or two about Americans next to
his note about our * Quick Lunch ' signs, which never
fail to astonish him, and behind which may be seen
lunchers lingering for the space of two cigars." JESSB
LYNCH WILLIAMS, in "The Walk Up-Town in New
York;" Scribngrs.
HON. CARROLL D. WRIGHT
United States Commissioner of Labor.
See page 209
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
REVIEW OF THE MONTH
At last the British campaign in South
Cimberley Africa is becoming respectable. Without
any advertising, indeed, without anybody
being able to learn anything about it, it is clear now
that ever since Lords Roberts and Kitchener landed in
South Africa preparations and organization have been
proceeding on a vast scale. Division after division of
troops has been landed at the Cape, and seemingly
disappeared from sight. It now develops that they
were being massed below the Modder River as a part of
a general scheme of operations intended both to relieve
Kimberley and to make a sudden and well-supported
invasion of the Orange Free State. Lord Roberts
arrived at the Modder River on February Qth and per-
sonally took charge of the campaign in that quarter.
The first move was to withdraw General French's cav-
alry force from the vicinity of Colesburg and Rensburg
in northern Cape Colony, to make a forced march
straight for Kimberley while the main body of the
British army was drawing off the Boer forces from
around Kimberley by a sudden movement eastward.
After General French retired from Colesburg the Boers
naturally tried to take advantage of the sudden weak-
ening in that quarter. After two days hard fighting
193
194 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
they succeeded in gaining several advantages, of minor
importance compared with the strategical success of
Lord Roberts' general movement farther north. Gen-
eral French carried out his part of the movement like
clockwork, leading three brigades of cavalry, horse
artillery and mounted infantry with extraordinary
rapidity in the face of blinding dust storms and great
heat, crossing the Modder River a little to the east-
ward of Lord Methuen's old position, passing around
the Boer lines and reaching Kimberley on the evening
of February i$th.
L^ The main body;of General Cronje's army,
Roberts' drawn off by the invasion of the Orange
Campaign Free State, and threatened in the rear,
raised the seige of Kimberley and at present is in full
retreat toward Bloemfontein. With about ten thou-
sand men, he is being pursued by fully forty thousand
English; the sixth division, under General Kelly-
Kenny, in the lead. General Kitchener is with this
division, while Lord Roberts is east of Jacobsdal, well
within the Orange Free State. Jacobsdal until a few
days ago was a stronghold of Cronje's army.
The main advantage in the relief of Kimberley
just now is the psychological effect, although they had
been forced to put the women and children into the
mines for safety, and were living on horseflesh. Gen-
eral French left Kimberley within a day or two and
joined in pursuit of the Boers. Nobody knows whether
it is Lord Roberts' intention to strike for Bloemfontein
or to hold General Cronje in check and send part of his
army straight for Pretoria. Were it not for the confi-
dence the outside world feels in the military ability of
Lords Roberts and Kitchener, a sudden reverse blow on
Cronje's part would be no surprise. As it .is, the con-
. J REVIEW OF THE MONTH 195
dition now, both as to size of forces and lay of the land,
are greatly in favor of the British.
It is gratifying to note that Lord Roberts is con-
ducting his campaign according to the highest stand-
ards of civilized warfare, if the word can be applied to
warfare at all. His order prohibiting looting is thorough-
going to the point of rigidity. " In all cases " it reads,
' ' where supplies of any kind are required, these must
be paid for on delivery, and a receipt for the amount
taken. Officers will be held responsible for the observ-
ance of the rule that soldiers are never allowed to enter
private houses or to molest the inhabitants on any pre-
text whatever, and every precaution must be taken to
prevent looting or petty robbery by persons connected
with the army."
General Bullet's The contrast between operations in the
Ineffective West and those in Natal reveal a very
different order of generalship, even
though General Buller may be facing the more difficult
situation. Three or four efforts have been made to re-
lieve Ladysmith, and each time the British have been
forced to recross the Tugela River with heavy losses.
The first crossing was made on January i6th. Two or
three days' fighting succeeded, and General Warren
finally managed to get as far toward Ladysmith as Acton
Homes. To maintain this line of advance it became
necessary to storm a certain mountain near the Tugela,
Spion Kop, which was done on the night of January
23d. It was a difficult position, and its capture was
hailed as the probable turning point in the Natal cam-
paign. But this proved a vain delusion. Spion Kop
was within range of Boer artillery from several points,
besides being destitute of water supply : it was held
one day and abandoned. Not only this, but the whole
British army had to recross the river and abandon the
196 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
relief of Ladystnith for the time being. Nothing was
gained and more than seven hundred men were lost,
including one of the principal officers, General Wood-
gate.
Another advance was attempted on February 5th.
The Tugela was crossed at two fords. One division
advanced as far as Vaal Krantz on the direct road to
Ladysmith, held it a day or two, and was obliged to
retire. The Boers seem to have fortified every availa-
ble rise of ground in the whole region between the
Tugela River and Ladysmith, making it a dubious
proposition to conduct a campaign that was dependent
on storming one of these positions at a time while the
others remained in possession of the enemy. The
Boers have been able to turn their guns on isolated posi-
tions as fast as captured, as in the case of Spion Kop
and Vaal Krantz.
As we go to press General Buller has just taken
two very important points, the hill Hlangwane, south
of the Tugela, and the town Colenso, only twelve
miles from Ladysmith and commanding the railroad.
Unless General Joubert remains in full force along the
Tugela, the British may at last be able to force a pass-
age to Ladysmith, and in fact the success of these last
movements does indicate that the Boers are retiring to
intercept Lord Roberts in the West. The losses of the
war already, on the British side, have amounted to
nearly ten thousand men, which is more than our en-
tire losses in the Spanish and Philippine wars from all
causes.
Of course, the South African situation has
Parliament i j . ,
and the War monopolized attention in parliament, which
reconvened on January 3oth. The Queen's
speech expressed full confidence that her sub-jects would
spare no exertion "until they have brought this
igoo.J REVIEW OF THE MONTH 197
struggle for the maintenance of the Empire and the
assertion of its supremacy in South Africa to a victo-
rious conclusion." Attacks on the government began
at once. The Earl of Kimberley severely criticized
the lack of preparation, and especially the failure to
prevent importations of arms into the Transvaal during
the last dozen years and more. Lord Salisbury declared
in reply that there was nothing in the conventions
between the two countries to prevent importation of
arms and ammunition into the Transvaal through
Portuguese territory : ' * Why were we to know about the
importation of arms ? I believe guns were introduced
into the Transvaal in boilers, and munitions of war in
piano cases. We had a small secret-service fund. If
you want much information you must give much
money. Consider the enormous amounts spent by
other governments, especially the Transvaal, which I
have heard on high diplomatic authority spent 800,000
in a single year, and the small sums spent by England,
making it impossible for us to have the omniscience
attributed to us by Lord Kimberley." Further defend-
ing the conduct of the war, he compared it with the
American situation at the outbreak of the civil war, as
an illustration of ' ' how easy it would be to draw a
mistaken inference from the reverses we have met at
the outset."
But Lord Rosebery considered this sort of defence
altogether too general. The Empire was entitled to
know what was being done with the enormous means
of defence voted to the government, with no results
but defeat. There was not even "a hint from the
government of the military measures it proposes taking
to face the disasters we have met and the sacrifices we
have made." The Marquis of Lansdowne, Secretary
of State for War, promised a statement in the early
future, and frankly admitted that the Boers "have
198 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
shown an amount of resource, mobility and tenacity
upon which the government did not calculate."
Thc The opposition was in the difficult and
Government ineffective position that an opposition
Sustained party always is in during a foreign war.
The vote on the Queen's speech abundantly proved this.
A proposed amendment to the address, expressing ' ' re-
gret at the want of foresight and judgment displayed
by Her Majesty's advisers, as shown alike in their con-
duct of African affairs since 1895 and in their prepar-
ation for the war now proceeding," was rejected after
a week's debate by a vote of 352 to 139. This reveals
a much stronger support for the government than it
could by any means count upon for any strictly party
measure. Right in this line, one of the most remark-
able features of the debate was the speech of H. H.
Asquith. Mr. Asquith was Home Secretary in Lord
Rosebery's cabinet. He comes out now in defence of
the government, declaring that if he believed Mr.
Chamberlain's negotiations prior to the war had been a
mere cloak to overthrow the independence of the
Transvaal he would not vote a penny for the prosecu-
tion of the war, but that such was not his opinion, nor
that of the House of Commons, nor of the great
majority of the country. The country was united, and
nothing had happened to justify the " croakings of
pessimism or fits of panic."
Sensational journalism and superficial
American public sentiment generally go with the
Opinion
winning party, if no personal interest is
at stake. It is no cause for self-congratulation to see
how marked this tendency has been in this country
in the last few months. With every fresh re-
verse of the British arms the real point of the con-
flict seems to sink farther out of sight, until the domi-
1 9 oo.J REVIEW OF THE MONTH 199
nant note in public discussion becomes a sort of con-
tinuous gloating over the " downfall of the oppressor."
Senator Hale voiced this feeling in a violent speech in
the senate on January igth. "I do not fail to take
notice," he exclaimed, " that throughout the length and
breadth of the land the sympathies of the great Ameri-
can people are in favor of the struggle which the Boers
are making to-day to preserve a republican government
against one of the greatest Powers of the world. I do
not doubt that the American people agree with me that
the war which Great Britain is waging is the most fell
blow at human liberty that has been struck in the last
century."
The senator was hardly authorized to speak for the
great substratum of American opinion which does not
boil over in the newspapers or in frantic mass meetings.
Still, there is no mistaking the bitterness of the pro-
Boer sentiment wherever manifested. For example, a
very large mass meeting held in New York city on
January 2Qth was as violent in its an ti- English demon-
strations as a meeting of the Ancient Order of Hiber-
nians might be under a lecture on Oliver Cromwell.
One of the principal speakers, Congressman Cochran
of Missouri, roused a whirlwind of applause by shout-
ing that he ' ' prayed God that the Boers would carry on
the war long enough to raise the price of crape in Lon-
don."
So atrocious a sentiment represents nothing Ameri-
can, and nothing typical of the solid background of
American opinion. The discouraging and humiliating
thing is that this is what goes forth as American senti-
ment ; and that, too, in less than three years after our
own national crisis, when the press and public opinion
of England constituted the one voice raised anywhere
in the world in defense of our war with Spain. We now
show our appreciation and gratitude by the sort of
200 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
virulence that Senator Hale, Congressman Cochran, the
sensational journals and cheap politicians everywhere
are putting forth and claiming to be representative of
American opinion. It is the more astonishing and dis-
couraging when we remember that the cause England is
now defending is precisely the principle for which the
thirteen colonies fought in 1776, no taxation without
representation. The oppressing power then was Eng-
land itself, to-day it is a small nation carrying the name
but none of the spirit of a republic ; but size does not
alter the essential merits of the case.
Nobody has better summed up the real
Testimony * st ^ ^^ e South African situation than
Mr. John Hays Hammond, an American
(note, not English) mining engineer, who spoke by in-
vitation in Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, on the evening
of January 2 5th. This is testimony that rests upon per-
sonal knowledge:
" Two-thirds of the Transvaal population were Outlanders. We went
thither by express invitation ; our capital and enterprise developed what
in Boer hands was a worthless territory into the greatest mining center
of the world ; the country, now rich, was bankrupt before our arrival ;
we owned more than half the land, having purchased it from the Boers;
we paid nine-tenths of the taxes, much of which amount was admitted
by the Boer Commission to be class taxation, and yet we had to submit
to unlawful expenditure of the bulk of taxation, as we had no voice in
the Government.
"We objected to the subversion of the High Court of Justice, the
jury system, the Aliens' Expulsion act, the prohibition of free speech,
the Johannesburg police force, the Public Meetings act. the unsanitary
condition of Johannesburg ; to being taxed to maintain schools in which
Dutch was exclusively taught; to the Boers being exclusively allowed to
carry firearms; to the maladministration of laws as to native labor; to
the maladministration of the liquor law ; to the prevalent official corrup-
tion and to the granting of concessions giving monopolies for the sale of
supplies indispensable to the Outlanders.
" In view of these facts, it is nothing less than disingenuous to
affect a sympathy for a republic which, as you must admit, is one in
name only. "
REVIEW OF THE MONTH 201
A highly interesting incident, in passing,
Count Tolstoy's . J . . J ~
Queer Comment 1S the astonishing comment of Count
Tolstoy, bearing on the duty of the Trans-
vaal. The aged Russian philosopher is the one man
living who stands most unequivocally for the doctrine
of absolute non-resistance. Wherever force is applied
to establish or perpetuate a wrong, he would have the
victim yield rather than make two wrongs by using
force to resist. This might be called the keynote of
his social and moral philosophy. What are we to think,
then, of his championing the Boer cause in an inter-
view published in a Russian paper, and saying:
"I hope daily to hear of a fresh British re-
verse." Now, of course, the count may be-
lieve with the utmost fervor that England is pursuing
the tyrant's part, but what of it? Ought he not to be
advising the Boers to lay down their arms and, as it
were, "turn the other cheek?" Or, has he a differ-
ent ethical standard for nations from that he would
apply to individuals? Or is it because, now and then,
he is betrayed in spite of himself into realizing the truth
that, without resistance to evil and tyranny, justice
would die and the race promptly relapse into barbarism
and thence into savagery? That sort of resistance is
indeed essential to human progress, whether we decide
that in the present case it is being exerted by the Boers
against England or by the alien residents against the
oppression of the Boers.
It is said that President Kruger's terms
Future of the . -i 1 j
Transvaal * P eace include absolute independence
for the Transvaal, cession of a part of
Natal, and a seven-year franchise for aliens living in
the South African Republic. In case the privilege of
dictating terms happens to lodge with the other party,
we get an indication of what policy will be pursued
202 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [March,
from Mr. Chamberlain's speech in the House of Com-
mons on January 2 5th: "Speaking for the govern-
ment," he declared, " I say there shall not be a second
Majuba. Never again shall the Boers erect in the
heart of South Africa a citadel whence to proceed to
disaffection and race animosity. Never again shall they
be able to endanger the paramountcy of Great Britain.
Never again shall they be able to treat an Englishman
as though he belonged to an inferior race."
It has been rumored that Great Britain's plan, in
case she is victor, will be to reorganize all South Africa
under a system similar to the Canadian, establishing
five federal states Cape Colony, the Transvaal, Natal,
the Orange Free State and Rhodesia, with a general
parliament, and a governor-general appointed by the
crown. On the other hand, the Boers in case of defeat
are implicitly relying on European intervention should
any such program be attempted. They believe that
Europe will never consent to see England annex the
two South African republics, and that the longer they
can hold out the more favorable terms they will get.
Perhaps England will not deem annexation the best
policy, but when she comes to dictate the terms of
peace we may be sure they will include equal rights, a
reasonable franchise, reform of administration abuses,
and such limits on the right of military armament as
will forever prevent the possibility of another such
gigantic sacrifice of treasure and human life.
Nicaragua Quite in line with the pro- Boer senti-
Sf ment in this country, strong opposition
is being shown to the proposed Nicaragua
Canal treaty arranged between Secretary Hay and Am-
bassador Pauncefote, and submitted to the senate for
confirmation on February 5th. This treaty is intended
to pave the way for construction of the canal by or
igoo.] REV JEW OF THE MONTH 203
under the auspices of the United States government.
For fifty years this has been prevented by the old
Clay ton- Bui wer Treaty, which provided that any such
canal if ever built must be under the joint control and
management of the British and American governments.
Although Great Britain has unquestionably violated
certain provisions of this treaty, our government has
ignored these infractions and the treaty has never been
abrogated. The proposed new convention grants to
this country the exclusive right of construction, regula-
tion and management of the canal, in return for which
both parties guarantee its absolute neutrality, on much
the same basis as the Suez canal. In time of war, bat-
tleships of belligerents may use the canal provided they
can get within the three-mile limit at the eastern or
western approach ; and its free use for the commerce
of all nations must not be interrupted.
It is urged against the treaty that the
Cheapening the Monroe Doctrine will be endangered un-
less the United States has absolute control
of the canal both in war and peace. The argument is
weak. If sustained it would turn the Monroe doctrine
into an extreme imperialistic dogma rather than a prin-
ciple of free American development. That principle is
simply that no foreign power shall interfere with the
growth of free democratic institutions in the western
hemisphere. Just how the neutrality of the Nicaragua
Canal endangers that principle is hard to see. It will
be located entirely on foreign territory, where we have
no right to erect fortifications. Even if such right
should be obtained it would be nearly impossible to pre-
vent an enemy, by secret land operations, from ruining
the canal at some vital point. On the other hand,
should it ever become important for us to prevent an
enemy's fleet from entering the canal we can do it by a
204 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
squadron operating from a naval station say in Puerto
Rico OTf on the Pacific side, Hawaii. No important
practical point could be gained by insisting that we
must have the right to open or shut this canal as we
may choose. We will have the same opportunity of
protecting the approaches to a neutral canal that we
would have if the canal were exclusively our own,
while the canal itself would remain safe.
There are certain defects in the treaty, as is well
pointed out by the Chicago Inter-Ocean. It does not
specifically say that it supersedes the Clay ton- Bui wer
Treaty, and does not provide that Great Britain shall
not fortify her adjacent possessions in Central America.
With these points corrected we can well afford to grant
neutrality such as the world recognizes at Suez, and
gain the exclusive privilege of constructing and regu-
lating the canal, from which the Clay ton- Bui wer
Treaty has hitherto restrained us.
Currency The administration party is at last ful-
Bill filing its expressed or implied pledge to
Passed establish by law the soundness of our
monetary system. The senate gold-standard currency
bill, introduced early in the session, was passed by that
body on February i5th by an almost strict party vote,
of 46 to 29. It differs from the bill which passed the
house on December i8th in that the house bill con-
tained no provision for refunding the national debt and
did not provide for cancellation of treasury notes upon
the coinage of silver bullion now in the treasury ; but
the main point of difference in the two bills relates to
the manner of redeeming the greenbacks. We have
commented on this elsewhere in this number. There
is a strong disagreement between the two houses on
these points of difference, and the bill which finally
becomes a law will probably show important modifica-
1900.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 205
tions from both the house and senate measures. It
happens that the amount of money now in circulation in
the United States is the largest, both per capita and in
aggregate amount, of any time in our history. During
February the circulation passed the two billion dollar
point, or nearly $26 per capita, estimating the popula-
tion at about 77,000,000. Circumstances could not be
more favorable, therefore, for sound money legislation.
Nobody will be frightened by a scarecrow of currency
contraction when the circulation has just reached the
highest point in our history under a standard actually
based on gold, which the new law will merely confirm.
For a month there have been almost no
New Philippine f M .
Commission reports of military operations coming
from the Philippines, and the reasonable
assumption is that armed opposition has nearly disap-
peared. Therefore, the president has wisely concluded
that an effort ought to be made without further delay to
undertake the beginnings of civil administration. He is
going to send a new commission to the Philippines, to
take over the control of all except purely military func-
tions. This commission will organize civil administration
as far as possible throughout Luzon, and ultimately the
other islands. Judge William H. Taft, who is to head
the commission, is one of the younger justices of the
United States circuit court, and believed to be well
qualified for the arduous task to be placed upon .him.
Congress has had several unpleasant tasks
on its hands during the present session,
the house having to decide on the case of
Brigham H. Roberts, the Utah polygamist, and the
senate on the seating of Senators Quay and Clark, the
one charged with holding office by virtue of an uncon-
stitutional appointment by the governor of Pennsylva-
206 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
nia, and the other with having obtained his election by
scandalous bribery. Roberts, it will be remembered,
was elected congressman from Utah by a plurality of
5,665. The house of representatives on December 5th,
by a vote of 302 to 30, refused to permit him to take
the oath of office, and appointed a committee to inves-
tigate his case. This committee on January 2Oth made
a long report presenting detailed evidence showing
Roberts to be a polygamist, and urging that the house
exercise its right of judging the qualifications of a mem-
ber by excluding him. On January 2 5th this was done ;
Roberts' credentials were declared invalid by a vote of
268 to 59. The result must be cause for congratula-
tion to every patriotic citizen who dreads to see an oli-
garchical, socialistic, un-American organization, which
yields perfunctory obedience to law only through com-
pulsion, gain a foothold in the councils of the nation.
The senate committee on privileges and
The Clark
Bribery Case elections is going to the very bottom of
the Clark case. Mr. Clark himself has
been on the stand, He frankly admits having spent
$115,000 in the senatorial campaign; for the purpose,
as he puts it, of overthrowing the political rule of Mr.
Marcus Daly in Montana. All this was legitimately
expended, of course, and so far as his personal knowl-
edge went nobody was bribed. "There were plenty
of rumors about the expenditure of money," he testi-
fied, "but I have no personal knowledge of anything
of the kind being done." Brought down to close quar-
ters on a number of specific transactions he declared
that it was his habit to turn over matters of detail to
others, so that he personally could not account for the
queerness of a good many queer things. The amount
he spent would be almost a dollar apiece for every man,
woman and child in Montana, regardless of politics,
1 9 oo]. REVIEW OF THE MONTH 207
and if all this went to literature and mass meetings it
must have been the most tremendous campaign of edu-
cation ever undertaken in this or any other country.
The whole presumption is so strongly against Mr.
Clark that he ought to be excluded for the sake of the
moral tone of the senate, even if no one particular
charge could be literally substantiated in a court of
justice.
Assassination
During the last month Kentucky has
furnished obiect-lessons in self-gfovern-
ofGoebel . ^
ment which our Cuban, Puerto Rican,
Hawaiian and Philippine wards will doubtless note
with sympathy and admiration. It is indeed most dis-
couraging that, at a time when we are trying to establish
orderly government in barbarian communities, one of
our oldest states should be a scene of bloodshed and
disorder over a purely political dispute. Through it
one of the rival candidates for governor has lost his life.
He was the author of the infamous election law provid-
ing that decisions of the state board of election com-
missioners may be overruled by a vote of the legisla-
ture. The board having decided against him in last
fall's election, he was on the point of getting the legis-
lature to reverse this decision and seat himself in the
governor's chair. Some desperate partisan of the other
side concealed himself in one of the rooms of the capi-
tol and shot Mr. Goebel while the latter was approach-
ing the building, on the 3Oth of January. Governor
Taylor, fearing insurrection, issued a proclamation ad-
journing the legislature to meet at London, a town in
the eastern mountain district of Kentucky, on Tuesday
February 6th. No insurrection did occur, and it is a grave
question whether Governor Taylor did not exceed his
authority by this step, and thus weaken his own case
when the matter gets into the courts. The democratic
208 G UN TON' S MA GAZINE
members of the legislature tried to meet but were
prevented by the troops from entering the capitol. As
a last resort they drew up and signed a statement de-
claring Goebel to be governor-elect. Acting upon this
authority, the chief justice of Kentucky administered
the oath of office to Goebel on the night of January
3ist, and to J. C. W. Beckham as lieutenant-governor.
Goebel died on the evening of February 3rd and
Beckham took the oath of office.
Since then there have been two gover-
nors in Kentucky, each issuing orders
and in constant danger of a violent clash
of authority. Governor Taylor appealed to President
McKinley for recognition of his title, but the president
declined to interfere. The republican members of the
legislature met in London at the time appointed, the
democrats proceeded to hold sessions in Louisville. An
effort was made to get Governor Taylor to sign an
agreement to withdraw from office if the legislature in
joint session should declare Beckham lawful governor:
on the other hand, the democrats were to pledge a re-
vision of the Goebel law so as to secure fair elections
and the supremacy of the courts in deciding on the re-
turns. This would have ousted Governor Taylor, and
probably the Goebel law would not have been repealed.
He declined to sign the agreement, and ordered the
legislature to reconvene at the capital, Frankfort, on Feb-
ruary 1 2th; the troops to return to their homes. This
step apparently puts Governor Taylor again in the legal
right, and the whole matter now goes to the courts.
Shocking as the murder of Goebel is, and mistaken as
Governor Taylor may have been in some of his acts,
an impartial observer cannot fail to trace the trouble
directly to the effort of Goebel and his followers to put
through an outrageously undemocratic scheme for over-
turning the will of t^e people.
HAND AND MACHINE LABOR
CARROLL D. WRIGHT, LL.D., UNITED STATES COMMISSIONER
OF LABOR
When one studies the changes that have been
wrought by the industrial revolution which abolished the
domestic system of labor and installed the regime of ma-
chinery he is apt to be either pessimistic or optimistic, in
accordance with the extent to which he has carried his
investigations. The pessimist clings to the idea that
machinery displaces labor in the aggregate, while the
optimist, readily admitting that individual workmen are
often displaced, contends that in the aggregate ma-
chinery secures employment to a larger relative pro-
portion of the whole population. The difficulty lies in
the effort to generalize and in confusing the results
which can be shown by the statistical method with those
which can be shown only through observation and a
very wide comprehension of the subject. The latter
may be called the psychological side and the former the
material side of the question of machinery.
It seems quite impossible for any careful student
to avoid the conclusion that machinery has wrought
many changes or modifications in the dogmas and posi-
tions of the economists of the first half of this century.
The industrial revolution, the first effects of which were
seen in the latter part of the eighteenth century, was
not understood by Mr. Malthus and his contemporaries,
and they did not foresee the extent of the revolution.
The Malthusian doctrine that population was constantly
209
210 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
pressing upon subsistence has been checked through the
extensive use of machinery applied to production. The
doctrine of diminishing returns, even the law of supply
and demand, has been modified under the new regime.
Machinery has established or brought into activity new
principles in statute law. It has wrought many changes
in common law doctine. It has transformed transpor-
tation. It has increased the opportunities to enjoy art
and literature. It has lessened the frequency and the
possibilities of famines. It has increased longevity by
making life safer and more comfortable. It has ex-
tended marvelously the power of production, and con-
sequently of consumption. It has made the world cos-
mopolitan, upsetting old ideas and old customs. It has
lifted struggling humanity to a higher plane and stim-
ulated a higher intelligence. These are what may be
called the grand generalizations resulting from an hon-
est study of statistics and the influence of machinery.
They may be called the psychological results, but they
do not satisfy those who demand a concrete statement as
to the power of machinery, a statement that can be put
into figures.*
The late Dr. David A. Wells, in his very valuable
work entitled " Recent Economic Changes," brought
out a few illustrations showing the exact ratio existing
between hand and machine labor. His chief illustra-
tions were drawn from the first annual report of the
United States Commissioner of Labor, but at that time
all such illustrations were meager, because no very
great effort had been made to collect the data necessary
for a comparison of production by hand and machine
methods. A few years ago congress authorized the
*In the Social Economist, the predecessor of GUNTON'S MAGA-
ZINE, for June, July and September, 1891, the writer discussed the rela-
tion of invention to labor, the contraction and expansion of labor, and
the ethical influences of invention generally.
igoo.] HAND AND MACHINE LABOR 211
Commissioner of Labor to investigate and report upon
the effect of the use of machinery upon labor and the
cost of production, the relative productive power of
hand and machine labor, and the cost of manual and
machine power as they are used in the productive indus-
tries. Under this authorization we now have the Thir-
teenth Annual Report of the United States Department
of Labor, entitled "Hand and Machine Labor," and
consisting of about i, 600 pages of tabular matter and
accompanying analyses. In examining this document
it is interesting to note that the facts were obtainable
for 672 units of production, representing both hand and
machine methods. No facts were gathered unless they
related to both methods, and it is further interesting to
note that a very large number of these units are pro-
duced at the present time under both methods. Some
of these units, however, are not now produced by the
hand method, and hence the information was obtained
from those who had been engaged in hand production
and could give the necessary data.
This report answers in a measure the many demands
for information relative to the ratio of power under the
two methods of production, but no aggregation can be
made, because it is impossible to carry out calculations
through the innumerable ramifications of production
under hand and machine methods. To put into a
summary the statistics representing the force or energy
under the two methods for a part only of all the pro-
duction in the country or in the world would lead to
very false conclusions, although such a summary would
be of the greatest possible value in the study of the
question of machinery.
For the purpose of answering the question a few
comparisons must serve for illustration. The introduc-
tion of machinery for making paper-bags complete, a
very simple manufacture, has worked a marked change
212 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
in that industry. The bags are folded, pasted, counted
and bundled by one machine, the paper having been
previously cut to the required size. In making one
style of bag the operations of folding and pasting the
tubes for 1,000 bags required 3 hours' work for one
woman with paste-pot and brush, and a like time was
consumed by another woman in making and pasting
the satchel bottoms, while the counting and bundling
of the bags occupied one man 30 minutes, all the opera-
tions aggregating 6 hours and 30 minutes under the
hand method ; while by the machine in 20 minutes, or
an aggregate time of 40 minutes for two young women,
all the operations were performed, the ratio being 10
to i in favor of the machine method. In ruling paper
for pass-books, ledgers, etc., a steam ruling-machine re-
quires 30 minutes, as against 20 hours by hand, for per-
forming a given amount of work. This is a ratio of 40
to i in favor of the machine method. In ruling paper,
taking 100 reams and the same width of ruling, by the
hand method, under which the paper was ruled with a
hand-ruling machine, it required 140 hours as against
12 hours under the modern method, with the use of the
ruling-machine run by steam power, a ratio of nearly
12 to i. In ruling 100 reams of single-cap paper, with
faint lines on both sides, by the primitive method of
ruler and quill, it required 4,800 hours, and with a mod-
ern ruling-machine 2 hours and 30 minutes, a ratio of
1,920 to i in favor of the machine method. The sewing
of button pieces on shoes by hand required 75 hours by
hand, while by the use of the machine it is done in 33
minutes, a ratio of 135 to i.
In cutting out clothing by the cutting-machine as
against the hand method, the ratios vary from 6 to i to
7 to i. In some of the operations in producing cotton
and woolen goods the total time required under the
machine method for the completion of a certain quantity
HAND AND MACHINE LABOR 213
of work is a little over 114 hours, while under the hand
method it would be 750 hours or more, a ratio of 6 1-2
to i, while in some other processes the ratio is as high
as 2 5 to i . In some of the operations in manufacturing
metal goods, like adzes and axes, the ratio rises as high
as 114 to i, it varying with the various operations.
These illustrations might be worked out in hundreds of
specific operations.
In agriculture, under the modern method a broad-
cast seeder will accomplish a given amount of work in
about one-fourth or one-fifth the time required by hand.
In shelling corn by hand 66 hours and 40 minutes would
be required to shell a quantity which could be shelled
in 36 minutes by machine. Mowing grass with scythes
requires 7 hours and 20 minutes to do the same amount
of work which can be done in i hour and 6 minutes
with the mower, or in about one-seventh the time con-
sumed by hand.
The most forceful illustration, however, of the po-
tential energy of machines is found in considering the
horse power used in manufactures, the number of per-
sons employed with the horse power, and the equiva-
lent in men by which the labor of the persons employed
is supplemented. For such calculations we must use
the Federal census of 1890. In the manufacture of agri-
cultural implements there were 42,544 persons em-
ployed. Their labor was supplemented by motive
power representing 50,395 horse power. One horse
power is equivalent to the power of 6 men. Thus the
labor of the persons employed in manufacturing agri-
cultural implements was supplemented by the equiva-
lent of 302,370 men, the physical equivalent in the ratio
being 7. In the manufacture of cotton goods the labor
of 221,585 persons was supplemented by steam and
water of 464,881 horse power, equivalent to an addi-
tional force to the number of persons employed of
214 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
2,789,286 men, the ratio of the supplemental power be-
ing 12 1-2.
The most extensive supplemental work is found in
flour and grist mills, where 63,481 persons were em-
ployed, with the use of 752,365 horse power added, the
latter being equivalent to the work of 4, 5 14, 190 men, or
a supplemental equivalent expressed by the ratio 7 1 .
In this industry a very few persons are necessary, while
there must be a great expenditure for motive power.
The next highest ratio is found in the manufacture of
paper, in which 29,586 men were employed and ma-
chines having a horse power of 242,176, the equivalent
of the labor of 1,453,056 men, the ratio being 49.
In silk and silk goods and the manufacture of
hosiery and knit goods, with a respective supplemental
power of 177,828 and 207,228 men, the ratio was 3 1-2.
In woolen goods 79,351 persons were employed, utili-
zing machines of 122,501 horse power, equivalent to the
labor of 735,006 men, a ratio of 9 1-2 ; and in worsted
goods, where 43, 593 persons were employed, aided by
57,111 horse power, the ratio was 8, and the padded or
supplemental power equalled 342,666 men.
Taking all the manufactures of the United States
in 1890, barring some omissions in reporting horse
power, it is found that the total horse power was, in
round numbers, 6,000,000, equivalent to the labor of
36,000,000 men, while only 4,476,884 persons were em-
ployed, the supplemental labor having a ratio equiva-
lent to 8 to i . Horse power used in manufactures
equivalent to 36,000,000 men represents a population of
180,000,000; in other words, if the products of the
manufacturing establishments alone, of the United States
in 1890, had been secured by the old hand methods, with-
out the aid of power machinery, it would have required
a population of 180,000,000; with none left for argri-
i 9 oo.] HAND AND MACHINE LABOR 215
culture, trade, transportation, mining, forestry, the
professions, or any other occupations.
The above are the calculations from the returns of
the eleventh census. There have appeared from time
to time in pamphlets, speeches, and books computations
which show that the machinery of Massachusetts alone
represents the labor of more than 100,000,000 men, or
nearly one-half of the male workmen on the globe, had
they been engaged in the service of that commonwealth ;
and nearly forty years ago the power of machinery in
the factories of Great Britain was computed to equal
600,000,000 men, or more than all the adults, male and
female, of mankind at that time. These estimates
have no basis whatever in fact. They are fantastical in
the extreme. The calculations given above show that
the motive power in manufacturing in this country in
1890 was equal to the labor of 36,000,000 men annually.
This statement is fantastical enough, and it is difficult
to comprehend it ; yet it is believed to be within the
truth, because, as intimated already, the ramifications
of the use of machinery cannot be concentrated into a
statistical summary. The truth, even, smacks of fairy
tales or the statements of a statistical Munchausen, but
the figures given must be accepted as the best that can
be secured with the meagre data at hand. The great
variation in the ratio prevents any close and accurate
calculation ; as, for instance, under the old hand method
of spinning woolen yarn by the spinning wheel, where
one thread had to be spun at a time, while the modern,
perfected mule spinning machine will spin 2,200
threads. There may be higher ratios than this, but
with 2 as the lowest ratio expressing hand and machine
energy, the range being all the way between 2 and
2,200, the difficulties of arriving at a summarized state-
ment become at once clearly apparent.
Another striking illustration of the added power
216 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [Marck,
which machinery has given to the world is found in
transportation. The horse power of the 30,000 and
more locomotives in use in the United States in 1890
was equivalent to the labor of 57,940,320 horses, or of
347,425,920 men; that is to say, if the traffic of the
United States of 1890 had been carried on by horses, it
would have required the number just given, and if by
men alone, the 347,425,920 stated, the equivalent of
the horse power. Probably, to do the business of the
present time by horses and men, it would require the
number of horses given and at least 20,000,000 men.
These calculations as to the power of locomotives have
been based on the calculation made by Hon. Edward
Appleton, a distinguished civil engineer in Massachu-
setts, and for some time one of the members of the
Board of Railroad Commissioners of that common-
wealth.
Mr. Mulhall has undertaken to calculate the energy
or working power of the people of this country since-
1840. He reduces these things to foot-tons, a foot-ton
being a power sufficient to raise one ton one foot in a
day, and in this calculation he finds that in 1840 the
energy of the people of the United States was repre-
sented by 17,346,000 foot-tons daily, or 1,020 foot-tons
per inhabitant; in 1860, 39,005,000 foot-tons, or 1,240
foot-tons per inhabitant, and in 1895, 128,700,000 foot-
tons, 1,850 foot-tons per inhabitant. This shows that
the collective power of our population has more than
trebled since 1860, steam power having multiplied
five-fold in the thirty-five years of his calculation ; the
strength being shown approximately in horse power of
steam, in 1895, including fixed engines, locomotives,
and engines used on steamboats, at 16,940,000, or 240
horse power per 1,000 of the population. Two hundred
and forty horse power represents the energy of 1,452
men supplemental to each 1,000. According to Mr.
1900.] HAND AND MACHINE LABOR 217
Mulhall, this energy is more than double the European
average, so that it may be said that 70,000,000 of Amer-
icans represent as much working power as 150,000,000
of Europeans.
These illustrations and comparisons might be ex-
tended indefinitely, but they show not only the produc-
tive capacity of labor performed in the past as com-
pared with the reproductive faculty of modern labor,
but also the difficulty of reducing the psychological in-
fluence of machines to concrete statements under the
statistical method. The reflection comes that a labor-
saving machine is best defined as a contrivance by
which the dead still work, for the motive power of
steam is the stored heat of the sun converted into pres-
ent power. That heat gives force to the present era,
while the intelligence of the inventors of motive power,
or the machines which control it, and their workmen,
are still working in unconscious iron and converting
the heat into motion and doing the work of the world.
The permanent nature of that part of the labor, intel-
lectual and physical, of inventors and mechanical arti-
sans which characterizes the implements of modern
manufacturing establishments has had this phenomenal
result it has practically enabled one generation of men
to do the work of four or five generations
PROPOSED MORTGAGE TAX IN NEW YOKK
STATE
CHARLES E. SPRAGUE, PH.D., PRESIDENT UNION DIME SAVINGS
INSTITUTION, NEW YORK
A proposition to amend the laws of the State of
New York in respect to taxation is now exciting con-
siderable interest. It is worthy of careful considera-
tion by those interested in economics, as to the princi-
ples upon which it is based, and also as to the prac-
tical methods by which it is proposed to carry them out.
The bill in question contains several separate provi-
sions, only one of which I propose to consider, namely,
that relating to mortgages, omitting all discussion of
the tax upon bank capital and "moneyed capital."
It is proposed that all mortgages upon real property
in the state shall be subject to a special tax of one-half
of one per cent, per annum for state purposes and shall
not be taxable at all for local purposes.
The advocates of the bill point to its provisions
as a relief to the holder of the mortgage. They say :
You are now taxable upon the mortgages held by you
at the full rate (2 to 3$ according to locality) ; we pro-
pose to substitute for this large tax a much smaller
one, which can certainly be collected and you should
surely be glad to receive this reduction. This sounds
very well and has influenced many people in favor of
the measure. But this statement of the case omits a
very important element, and therein lies the sophistry.
We are told that mortgages are now taxable at the
full local rate, but this is deceptive. Not mortgages,
not notes, not bonds, not furniture, not paintings, not
any specific property is taxed as personalty ; not these,
but a certain net amount, of which these properties are
components.
218
PROPOSED MORTGAGE TAX IN NEW YORK 219
The law of the state contemplates two quite differ-
ent methods of taxation for real estate and for personal
property. A clear apprehension of the difference be-
tween these is necessary for understanding the present
question.
Real estate is taxed specifically, in rem, on its
gross valuation. The owner of a piece of real estate,
even if his equity, less the mortgages on it, be very
small, must pay the entire tax on its full value. He
cannot say : I do not own the whole of this property ;
Mr. Smith as mortgagee has a proprietorship of two-
thirds in it; go to him for his part. This will not
answer ; the owner, as he is the one who handles all
the rents, must pay all the charges in their order, and
the taxes come first. The experiment has been tried
of making the owner pay only upon his equity, that is,
the full value minus the mortgages, and the mortga-
gees pay to the extent of their claims, but this has
been found impracticable and the other way is adopted.
Personal property is defined in the statute as
"chattels, money, things in action, debts due from
solvent debtors/' etc,, etc. ; nearly all the rest of the
definition refers to various kinds of debt. Thus we see
that most of the personalty which can be reached will
necessarily be debts. The law recognizes that one
debt offsets another ; that every obligation of one per-
son is a right of another person, and vice versa ; hence
it establishes for personalty a totally different mode
from that applied to realty. It is based upon the net
balance or present worth of the individual or person ; it
is applied in personam and does not touch each asset spe-
cifically.
In assessing the personal property of a citizen, the
total amount of his assets, including debts receivable,
is taken, and his liabilities, or in the words of the tax
law, "his just debts," deducted therefrom. Debts re-
220 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [Mar
ceivable are in whole or in part offset by debts payable,
and this would seem to be equitable, for if no such
offset were permitted persons in active business would
certainly be taxed four or five times what they are
worth. Every merchant has large amounts receivable
for goods which he has sold on credit, but on the other
hand he owes large amounts for the same goods.
Modern business can be done in no other way. A net-
work of debt extends all over the state, and if it were
evenly distributed all indebtedness would, by the oper-
ation of offsetting, be exempt.
This is the reason we hear so much clamor about
personal property " escaping taxation.'* In so far as it
is composed of debts, and in so far as those debts off-
set each other, it ought to escape.
There is one very important sphere in which this
right to offset makes a vast difference, that is in the
savings banks. As is well known, our savings banks
are large holders of mortgages, being allowed to invest
65$ of their deposits in that way. Now a savings bank
in this state is a purely mutual concern ; there is no
capital stock ; all the assets are owed to the depositors.
Therefore, in a case of a savings bank, the liabilities
just cancel the assets ; there is no net resultant to tax.
But, under the new law, so much of the assets of the
savings bank as consists of mortgages will be taxed
specifically, just as real estate now is. Thus the imme-
diate result of the law will be to take from the savings
bank that is to say, from the depositors a large
part of its or their earnings.
It is curious to see how completely this condition
has been misapprehended by a recent writer upon this
very subject. The professor of political economy and
finance in Columbia University writes thus : "So long
as the tax is not specifically assessed on the depositors
of savings banks, the tax will be paid, not by the depos-
:
1900. J PROPOSED MORTGAGE TAX IN NEW YORK 221
j but by the stockholders, and there is no reason why
they should not pay."
This is certainly remarkable. The professor
evidently writes under the belief that our savings
banks are business concerns, just like the national and
state banks, and that they have a body of stockholders
who take the profits after paying interest to depositors.
If our saving banks were of this class, they would deserve
no special protection more than any other business
corporation. The whole structure of his argument falls
to the ground if it is built on this colossal blunder. ,
This writer also misses the point of the change
introduced into our law by the novelty of taxing the
entire assets, instead of assets minus liabilities, when
the assets are composed of mortgages. He speaks as
if there were no legal way of avoiding the payment of
taxes on mortgages except by perjury. He overlooks
entirely the offset principle and thinks that the only
reason why mortgages do not now all pay taxes is that
the owners dishonestly ' ' swear off ' and take the
chances of being caught, for which they pay a ' ' risk
premium," whicb he estimates at about one-half of one
per cent. Surely he does not believe the popular
clamor to the effect that the long line of citizens who
visit the tax assessors for purposes of correction are
mostly liars and perjurers.
Under the proposed law, mortgages alone are
singled [out from all the body of personal property
(mostly debts) and placed under a separate head, where
the assets, not assets less the liabilities, form the
taxable entity. The only reason I can see is that it
happens through the operation of our registry laws
that most of the mortgages are publicly recorded.
Hitherto, registration has not been compulsory, but
the record gives notice of the priority of the lien. A
provision of the new law makes the unrecorded
222 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
mortgage absolutely invalid and this new principle
is regarded by lawyers as very dangerous in its
application.
Advantage is taken of the fact that mortgages are
usually recorded, to exact the tax, and this tax is made
specific, in rent. The mortgage is to be taxed because
it exists, it is taxed per se, not as a component part of
its owner's estate. This seems gross injustice toward
the holders of this kind of investment who have other
liabilities. The same man may be both mortgagor and
mortgagee, but both mortgages must pay ; while if he
is the maker of promissory notes, and on the other
hand is payee of other notes, they offset each other.
The mortgage tax, therefore, if it is a tax upon
personalty, makes an invidious distinction against
mortgage debts as compared with all other debts ; and
this is unfair.
But will it remain a tax upon personalty? Have
not the legislators so contrived that, as they have
applied the methods of realty to this one species of
personalty, so it will become a realty tax by being
shifted to the owner ? It is unnecessary for me to
argue this point in this magazine. We all know that
as soon as existing mortgages expire, the tax of one-
half per cent will be paid by the mortgagor. We must
then consider it also as a real-estate tax. In this view,
it is just, fair and equitable ?
Emphatically, no. The entire state tax so far as
derived from real estate will be borne by a certain part
of the real estate, selected upon a novel and remarkable
plan.
Real estate for state purposes is to be taxed, not
by its area, not by its cost, not by its value, not by its
productiveness. How ? You would never have guessed :
by the amount of mortgage upon it. No mortgage, no
tax ; big mortgage, big tax ; little mortgage, little tax.
igoo.] PROPOSED MORTGAGE TAX IN NEW YORK 223
The fact is, the whole thing is based upon a mis-
conception. When I buy a piece of property for
$10,000, on which I pay $4,000 cash, and my neighbor
pays $6,000 for which he takes my mortgage, there is
not, in spite of all the legislation in the world, any
$16,000 of value there. There is exactly $10,000, and
no more. We have together purchased $10,000 worth
of property and paid $10,000 ; that is all there is to it.
Had we bought in our joint names, we could only have
been taxed on $10,000. Why is it any different when
one of the owners has a definite instead of a proportional
share ? Does the fact that one of the partners can only
claim $6,000, no matter how much the value of the
property increases, make his partial ownership a distinct
entity, subject to taxation, after the whole property
has once been taxed ? The property itself is taxed and
the mortgage indebtedness is taxed extra ; with a full
valuation of the property there is then a taxable body
consisting of the total valuation plus the total debt
thereon.
The advocates of the law, including Professor
Seligman, point to the fact that the local rate will be
reduced by the operation of the new law, and hence, in
the professor's words : ' ' there would be a substantial
saving to the real-estate owners as a whole." We know
practically that the local rate will not be reduced, but,
even if it were so, would that justify an unfair distribu-
tion between the two kinds of real estate, the mortgaged
and the unmortgaged ? If I have two loaves of bread,
does it help my starving neighbor to have it demon-
strated that we have an average of a loaf apiece ? If I
have a piece of property heavily mortgaged and heavily
taxed, it does not console me to know that my neighbor
is lightly burdened and that "as a whole" our loads
are moderate.
To exempt unmortgaged property from all contri-
224 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
bution to the state expenses is, very largely, to exempt
the rich. The Astors and such very wealthy people
have, as a rule, no mortgages on their real estate.
The poor man who buys a homestead almost entirely
on credit and gradually pays off the mortgage is most
heavily taxed at the time when he can least afford it.
Such is the bill which has for part of its title : ' ' For a
more equitable distribution of the burdens of taxa-
tion!"
The only other argument in favor of this bill is that
it will do away with the everlasting squabbles between
different counties as to equalization of valuation. This
is certainly a commendable object, but not one that
should be attained at the cost of injustice to the indi-
vidual, if that can be avoided. I will suggest a very
simple plan :
Make the contribution of each county proportionate
to the total of mortgages on its records. This will give
precisely the same result as the Stranahan bill but
without such glaring injustice to the mortgagors. Then
the local assessors can make their valuations high, low
or medium, just as they please, without injuring any
other counties, but must include in their budget the
state quota as determined by the amount of mortgaged
property.
I will not say much of the methods prescribed for
the enforcement of the proposed law. Apparently they
will be very expensive, very annoying and very compli-
cated. Able lawyers think that some are of doubtful
constitutionality. The provisions for obtaining deduc-
tion for partial payments are most onerous and appar-
ently the process must be repeated every year. Build-
ing and loan associations will suffer most severely,
either collectively or through their members. No one
must change his mortgage during certain months of the
year, or if he does must be taxed afresh for each new
IQOO.] PROPOSED MORTGAGE TAX IN NEW YORK 225
loan ; each mortgage recorded between the first Mon-
day of July and the first Monday of September being
subject to the tax even if it simply replaces another of
equal amount.
I do not know in which way this project is most
unfair ; while it is a tax on personalty, or after it has
become a tax on realty, or in its mode of enforcement.
I do not, however, defend the present plan of taxa-
tion of personal property. It is chiefly taxation of
debts, and debts never produced anything and should
never have been taxed. Their mutual cancellation
under our present law should be suspended by abolition
of all attempts to tax them.
Again, if it is right to tax debts, it should be
at a far lower rate than real estate, for real estate
finally has to bear all. The rent which the owner
collects has to pay all its burdens in succession:
the taxes upon the whole, the repairs, the insurance,
the interest on the mortgage, the depreciation, and last
the owner's income for his investment and services as
manager. Where else can the money come from? It
must come out of the property.
After taking one-fourth of the entire income as
taxes on the whole, the present law takes more than
half of the portion coming to the mortgagee if there
are no offsets. This is grossly unjust but the way to
remedy it is not to do another injustice.
All taxation of debts should be abandoned.
LIBERTY IN ECONOMIC TEACHING
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: My attention has just been called to
your article on " Free Thought in College Economics,"
in your December issue, and I would like to say that, if
your view is correct, any university should frankly as-
sert that its teachers will be allowed to promulgate only
theories " sufficiently popular to be generally accepted."
As long, however, as such institutions as Johns Hop-
kins have for their motto " Libertas vos Liberabit," and
would have the public believe that they are entirely un-
trammeled in their search for truth, and that an investiga-
tor is all the more honored who destroys the popular be-
lief as to the authorship of some line of the Iliad, the
composition of some gas, or the motion of some star,
then it is arrant hypocrisy to adopt the view you cham-
pioned without frankly abandoning the claim of absolute
liberty, which is made by all our great universities. Of
course I use the Johns Hopkins merely as typical. My
point, you see, is that if your view is the correct one
most of our universities are hypocrites, since few if any
have ever publicly acknowledged this limitation on
freedom in economics, so far as I am aware, although I
do think that very many of them are practically acting
according to your view of the matter.
Again, in disagreement with your position, I hold
that it is more important for a state university to en-
courage liberal teaching in economic and social lines
than it is for a private college, because the latter is sus-
tained by only one class in the community wealthy
donors and the trustees, therefore, almost unconscious-
ly are likely to adopt a class attitude, while a state
university should represent the whole people. An in-
226
LIBER TY OF ECONOMIC TEA CHING 227
stitution supported by public taxation should give all
sides of important social movements a hearing, and to
that end it should have at least three or four professors
representing different points of view in economics and
sociology. So far from attempting, as you suggest, to
be especially conservative it is the peculiar duty of an
educational system supported by taxation to develop
good citizenship, and to do that requires a great belief,
among the professors, in democracy. The very ex-
istence and development of our institutions demand
this liberal spirit in our citizenship and in our teaching.
In your article you indicate that a state university
should not be as progressive in searching out new truth
as is a private institution, because it is not the function
of the state to be the initiator of experiments at least,
that seems to be your thought. Yet at other times
those who agree with you in general, and I think you
yourself, are ready to oppose public ownership of
natural monopolies on the ground that the state is not
progressive. In other words, you oppose certain ac-
tivities because the state is not progressive, and then
oppose the state because it attempts to be progressive.
As a matter of fact, the most progressive experiments
in one very important field, that of agriculture, are al-
together in the hands of the state to-day, as the exami-
nation of the state agricultural colleges will prove.
These institutions have done wonders in leading the
way in new methods of farming. Why should a state
institution be precluded from similar forward move-
ments in the teaching of economics and sociology?
EDWARD W. BEMIS,
Bureau of Economic Research, New York.
The terms liberty and freedom are frequently used
as if they implied entire absence of restriction. Yet
there is no such freedom in society. This is the free-
228 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March
dom only of the savage. Freedom implies not merely
the right to do but the protection in doing. The power
that protects freedom also prescribes its limits. In
society one man's freedom is conditioned by another
man's rights. To have the freedom to do, regardless
of societary interests or the freedom of others, is an-
archy. It is subversive of the highest freedom, because
it destroys the collective protection society gives to the
maximum freedom of each individual.
In the first place, no theory of liberty, either of
teaching or of action, can be defended which does not
recognize the fundamental fact in civilization that the
preservation of the interests of society is more impor-
tant than the interest of any one or any small number
of individuals, and that in the last analysis the opinion
of society must constitute the final appeal on all mat-
ters which affect society.
Educational institutions, whether established by en-
dowments of private individuals or by state appropria-
tion from taxes, represent society. In either case the
interests of society and the societary consensus of opin-
ion must be recognized or the institutions cannot remain.
If the institutions are supported by generous-minded
individuals who are interested in education, it goes
without saying that the management of those institu-
tions receives the support in trust faithfully to carry
out the general purpose of the institution as understood
by the community and interpreted by the consensus of
opinion reflected through the workers in and managers
of the institution. The administration of a representa-
tive institution is in honor bound to see that the institu-
tion be not used for purposes contrary both to the gen-
eral consensus of the management of the institution and
of the community at large, and also of the . financial
supporters of the work, whether these be private indi-
viduals or taxpayers.
igoo.] LIBERTY OF ECONOMIC TEACHING 229
The limit line of individual innovation within
established institutions is not the same in all subjects.
In the domain of the physical sciences like astronomy,
physics, chemistry, geology, botany, and of history and
literature, there are practically no limits. In these
fields of investigation and generalization entire liberty
of individual innovation should be and is, not merely
permitted, but encouraged. But in the domain of
religion, morals and sociology the case is quite differ-
ent. In the first case the new theories affect individual
and societary action very slowly and with the greatest
indirection, and consequently never can bring about
any detrimental disturbances. In the latter case the
innovation, if radical, may involve dangerous social
eruption, undermine the moral basis of social order or
the economic security of property rights and interests,
and thus destroy the safety of industrial action and
arrest progress.
Professor Bemis seems entirely to overlook this im-
portant difference in the social character of these two
classes of problems. He appears to see no difference
in this respect between chemistry and sociology, for he
says : ' ' As long, however, as such institutions as Johns
Hopkins have for their motto, ' Libertas vos Liberabit, '
and would have the public believe that they are entirely
untrammeled in their search for truth, and that an in-
vestigator is all the more honored who destroys the
popular belief as to the authorship of some line of the
Iliad, the composition of some gas, or the motion of
some star, then it is arrant hypocrisy to adopt the view
you championed without frankly abandoning the claim
of absolute liberty, which is made by all our great uni-
versities."
In the subjects to which Mr. Bemis here refers, no
educational institution puts any restraint upon investi-
gators. There is no ethical or social motive for so
230 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
doing, because the discoveries in this domain do not in
any way threaten institutions which are religiously,
ethically or socially sacred or important to the people.
To establish an entirely new authorship for the Iliad,
or for the lines of Shakespeare, or make any discovery
however radical as to the composition of a gas, the dis-
covery of new stars or the motions of old ones, would
not in the least endanger any societary institutions.
Therefore there is no tendency to do aught but encour-
age every effort thoroughly to investigate and give
frank expression to any new hypotheses regarding these
subjects. They will immediately become the subject
of criticism and be confirmed or overthrown. But only
the scholars participate in this ; the status of society is
not affected. The laws of social relations, industrial
investment, moral conditions or religious institutions
are not in the least disturbed.
But when we come to the other group of subjects
the same unrestricted freedom does not, never did, and
cannot obtain. In matters of religion, ethics and social
institutions, the people's faith and confidence are in-
volved. For instance, take the divinity schools in our
universities. Here is a professor who has been inves-
tigating the subject of theology, and he has arrived at
the conclusion that atheism is the true gospel, that the
idea of God is all a superstition, that church and creed
are based on fallacy, and have neither history nor logic
to sustain them. Is there any reason in ethics or intel-
lectual freedom why the professor who has arrived at
that conclusion should continue to use the institution to
teach that new theory, which in its very nature makes
war on the religious faith upon which much of the
moral conduct of society rests? Of course not. Ordi-
nary sense of society -preservation forbids ; it would be
an abrupt violation of the religious sense of the com-
i9oo. J LIBERTY OF ECONOMIC TEACHING 231
munity, which would be demoralizing to society and
highly injurious to public welfare.
There is but one course for a person who becomes
so utterly out of touch with the consensus of opinion on
his particular subject of instruction, and that is, to se-
gregate himself and try to form a;, new group and de-
velop a new censensus of opinion. Indeed, 'that is what
has ever been done in the progress of society.
The same is true of ethical problems, but to a less
definite extent, because the views and convictions
sacredly held by the community are less definite on
ethical than on theological subjects. But if a professor
of moral philosophy should arrive at the conclusion
that misrepresentation, lying and stealing, were justi-
fied on some new theory of ethics, he would "shock the
moral consensus both in and out of the university, and
would be regarded as an injury to the educational
work of that institution. Does Professor^Bemis desire
to be understood as holding that such a professor would
be justified in assuming that he ought to have the ab-
solute liberty to use the university to teach that doc-
trine? And yet, if he applies to ethics and religion
the theory of absolute liberty to investigate and teach,
which is welcomed in astronomy and chemistry, he
would have to insist that the agnostic has a right to
hold a divinity professorship in a university, or preach
in a church, and that the discoverer of a new moral code
has a right to teach some ethical basis for lying and
stealing.
Now, in sociology the same law obtains. Economics
and sociology deal with the questions not merely of in-
dividual relations but of the relation of society to
property, home, and social and political institutions,
in short to everything that affects the personal rights,
protection of property and general security of individual
effort in the community. All the wealth and institutional
232 GUNTOWS MAGAZINE [March,
advantages of civilization are at stake. Here is a pro-
fessor in a college who has arrived at the conclusion
that private ownership of property is robbery ; that
justice demands the confiscation of existing wealth and
its redistribution to the community. Are we to under-
stand that on the theory of absolute liberty the univer-
sity is to be used by this individual to advocate disruption
of existing economic and social institutions, contrary to
the consensus of the best current opinion both inside
and out of the university? In other words, is it to
lend its influence and wealth to the support of a person
who propagates the idea of destruction of what it re-
gards as the sacred institutions of civilized society ?
On matters pertaining to the rights of life and lib-
erty, of the safety of property and social institutions,
which affect the welfare of the community, educational
institutions are the intellectual bulwark. So far as they
touch these matters at all, they are brought into exist-
ence to disseminate sound principles for influencing
conduct conserving these institutions. Any sudden
theory of disruption generally propagated would be a
social and moral calamity to the community. It would
disturb public faith in institutions, and consequently
tend to destroy the efforts of economic and social devel-
opment. Why should society be subjected to the risk
of chaos by officially teaching this new unverified no-
tion. It is merely the honest conviction of a single
individual, who may be right, but who is more likely
to be wrong, because existing institutions are the re-
sult of slow, painful experience ; they have been put
through the crucible of antagonism and the test of ex-
periment every inch of the way. To have a theory ad-
vocated, therefore, which runs counter to this, carries
the presumption of error with it and justifies reluctance
of acceptance, because cumulative experience carries a
LIBERTY OF ECONOMIC TEACHING 233
stronger presumption of correctness than the new con-
clusions of any single mind.
It does not matter for the purposes of the general
doctrine upon this subject whether an institution is a
corporation supported by the voluntary endowments of
individuals or is a state institution. If it be an institu-
tion sustained by private contributions, those who con-
tribute have the right to object, and the community
whose institutions are to be injured by it has even
greater right to object. If the institution be a state
affair, supported by taxes, then the public has still
more right to protest, because a state institution should
be more representative of the public even than a pri-
vate institution. When an institution is supported by
the enforced taxation of the community it should be
representative of the consensus of the community. In
spheres of knowledge where religious, ethical and social
conduct, the stability of the home and safety of property,
depend upon the integrity of the accepted view, the
community's educational institutions should stand for
the general conservation of that view until a new hy-
pothesis has been verified in the light of experience
and opinion. A new doctrine on subjects in which the
opinion of society affects the social life and conduct of
the people should establish independently its own
claims to acceptance, and should be recognized only in
proportion as it can make headway under public criti-
cism and establish a consensus in its favor. Any claim
to use established institutions for the advocacy of their
own disruption is illogical, unphilosophical, and con-
trary to all experience through which existing institu-
tions have been evolved.
THE SOUTH'S "LABOR SYSTEM'
THE EDITOR
Under the heading "Catching at Straws," the fol-
lowing appeared as a leading editorial in the Atlanta
Journal of February i$th. To avoid even seeming un-
fairness we reprint it entire :
"A subscriber calls our attention to an editorial in the Baltimore
Sun, commenting on the recent utterances at New York of President
Gunton, of the ' Institute of Social Economics,' in which he proposes
that New England competitors of southern cotton mills set to work de-
liberately to disorganize our labor system. We have not seen a copy of
Mr. Gunton' s address, but The Sun, which is a reliable newspaper,
quotes him as follows:
*' ' Northern mill owners would be wiser to spend $100,000 now in
raising the condition of the southern laborer, rather than spend in a few
years to come many times that amount in attempting to reduce the
wages of cheir own men. One great hope lies in the labor agitator, who
is now slowly closing in upon the southern mills and compelling an in-
crease in wages. In the next dull period the north and the south will be
forced into such a serious competition that the one or the other must
give way. The South has been a drag on the nation for years, but now
acute race prejudice in that section has nearly ceased, and there is a
complete union with the North. The struggle is now an economical one,
with no chance of force becoming the arbitrator. Instead, industry will
decide the issue. The South attracts capitalists, for the cotton mills
running there are making 30, 40 and 60 per cent, profits every year.
The machinery is the best.'
' ' On this The Sun remarks :
" ' It is hardly creditable to seek to compete now with the South by
again breaking up its labor system. It is not fair competition. '
"New England built up an unsound labor system in the South by
the importation of slaves. Then, after realizing, she proceeded to tear
it down, leaving southern industry in a chaotic condition from which it
is slowly recovering. Now that we have a sounder system of labor, this
apostle of the ' Holier Than Thou ' order proposes to reduce our indus-
trial capacity by fomenting strife between employer and employees,
where harmony exists. In this he will fail.
234
THE SO UTH'S " LABOR S YSTEM " 235
' ' When New England abolishes the sweating system and makes an
end of the white slavery which exists there, it will be time enough to
lecture us on our labor matters.
' ' The Journal has no defense to make for injustice to labor in any
latitude, but we do not take our lessons from that quarter."
In the first place it may be noted that the lectures
referred to are published verbatim in the Lecture Bulle-
tin of the Institute of Social Economics. We are un-
able to find the above passage, but it is not the dis-
torted quoting but the comments upon it that are most
significant. The Baltimore Suns remark that : * ' It is
hardly creditable to seek to compete now with the South
by again breaking up its labor system," is more than
surprising, it is depressing.
The references to factory conditions in the South
in the writer's recent lectures have all been in the
direction of urging the adoption of better conditions
for the laborers, chiefly the adoption of a ten-hour sys-
tem, and suggesting that little children be permitted
and if necessary compelled to go to school instead of
being.sent to the factories at seven and eight years of age.
Does the Baltimore Sun call this attempting to break up
their "labor system?" Does the Sun want to be understood
as contending that a twelve-hour system for women
factory operatives, and the employment of children
regardless of age, education, health and other condi-
tions, are essential parts of the "labor system" of the
South? If so, the Sun does not represent the best
opinion in the South.
We met many prominent citizens and some large
employers who emphatically expressed the wish that
a legal limit might be placed on the age at which chil-
dren should be permitted to go to the factory, because
the parents made urgent appeals to have them given
employment, which it was difficult for the overseers to
resist. Nor is this at all peculiar to the South. It was
a common experience in England in the early part of
236 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
the century and in Massachusetts and New England in
the early 7o's. We remember an instance in which the
parents changed the ages of all the five children, in the
family Bible register, putting them all two years ahead
in order that they might get into the factory two years
before the legal age. Most stringent and efficient leg-
islation and inspection were necessary to overcome the
ignorant selfishness of poor parents and compel the
children to go to school a certain length of time before
they were permitted to enter the mill. The age limit
has been raised several times, until in New York state
it is now fourteen years, or sixteen unless the child can
read and write.
If it be true that utter neglect of the physical and
educational conditions of the factory children is an in-
separable part of the " labor system " of the South, as
the Baltimore Suns remark would seem to imply, then
the South has selected as peculiarly its own the worst
features of the factory system, features that have been
gradually thrown off by every other manufacturing
community. But we refuse to believe this, and repeat
that in this position the Sun neither represents the de-
mands of the most intelligent laborers in the South,
particularly in Georgia, nor even of the best element of
the business and manufacturing community. We do
not believe that in Charlotte, Spartanburg, Greenville,
Atlanta, Augusta, Columbus, Phoenix, or any of the
manufacturing towns in the South, a public meeting of
citizens would sustain the Baltimore Suns position that
unlimited child labor is a necessary or even desirable
part of their " labor system."
By way of supporting the attitude of the Baltimore
Sun, the A tlant a Journal taunts New England about its
sweatshop system, and adds that it does not want to be
unjust to labor in any latitude, "but we do not take our
lessons from that quarter." Really, if anything this
I900.J THE SOUTH'S "LABOR SYSTEM" 237
seems a little worse than the Sun. The Journal here
practically admits the correctness of what the Lecture
Bulletins have contained regarding factory conditions in
the South, but objects because it comes from the wrong
quarter. Can it be possible that sectional feeling is
still so strong that the prominent journals of the South
will object to humane as well as highly economic legis-
lation because it is suggested by somebody living in
the North? If so, even in this they misrepresent the
South. The suggestion that the hours of labor be
reduced in the southern factories has been urged by the
operatives themselves, in Georgia, North Carolina,
South Carolina and Alabama, and the writer's sugges-
tion was at most only supporting and emphasizing the
importance of the movement already begun in the
South.
But if the Atlanta Journal objects to suggestions
for a progressive policy from the North, why doesn't
it take the lead itself? Why does it not indicate that
it believes in improving the conditions of the factory
operatives of the South ; that public policy in the South
as everywhere else demands that the physical health
and educational opportunities of the factory children
be protected? We have heard the voice of the opera-
tives in this behalf, but thus far we have heard nothing
in support of such a demand from the Atlanta Journal.
Last year there was a bill before the Georgia legisla-
ture providing that the working age of children should be
limited to twelve years. This measure passed one branch
of the legislature and was defeated only by a political
trick in the other. Did the Journal raise its voice in
support of that measure? Did it enter its protest
against the unfair maneuvers by which the friends of the
bill were swindled? In short, has it ever championed
the cause of the factory babies ? Has it ever said a word
against the long hours of factory labor that prevail
238 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
through the new South? This child labor bill will soon
be introduced in the Georgia legislature again. We
shall be interested to note the Journals enthusiastic
support of the bill. If it will lend its hearty support to
that measure it will earn the universal gratitude of the
factory operatives of the South, and of laborers and the
cause of humanity everywhere.
The Journal is entirely justified in pointing to the
sweatshops of New England and New York as a burn-
ing disgrace. The whole world is justified in pointing
the finger of scorn until that system is abolished. In-
stead of resenting the suggestion that the East should
abolish its sweatshops, we wish every newspaper in the
land would scourge New York and New England until
for sheer shame the disgraceful blot upon our city civ-
ilization is legislated out of existence.
All the evils of the factory system, including the
unlimited employment of children and long hours for
women, which now prevail in the South, and the truck-
store in addition, were once features of the factory sys-
tem of England and New England, but, by criticism,
public protest and organized demand for reform, one
after the other of these abuses has been eliminated
and the sweatshop system is now under the ban both in
New England and New York. Massachusetts has
passed a law which it is expected will practically stamp
out the sweatshop disgrace. Last year New York
passed a caustic law which it is hoped will accomplish
much in the Empire State, and if not it should and will
be amended so as to reach the evil. This has been ac-
complished not merely by criticism in New England
and New York but by the criticism of everybody who
came in contact with it, whether from the North, South
or West.
The Atlanta Journal and Baltimore Sun and every
other public spirited journal in the South should en-
1900.] THE SOUTH'S " LABOR SYSTEM" 239
courage criticism, from whatever quarter, that joins in
the demand that factory children shall have the oppor-
tunities of education and be protected against working
conditions which undermine the health and morals and
intelligence of coming citizens. They should be the
leaders in this movement. There is nothing in this
movement for shorter hours and better opportunities
for factory women and children that will militate
against the prosperity of the corporations. Indeed,
there never was so opportune a time for adopting this
policy. We are in the midst of high prosperity. Cor-
porations are earning large dividends, and they can
afford if needs be to yield a little for the improvement
of the lives and conditions of their operatives. History
everywhere proves that in the long run this is not a
sacrifice even for the capitalists, but that intelligent
prosperous working people are the hope of progress
and prosperity in any country or section. There is no
defence to be offered, in this closing year of the
ninteenth century, for the conditions under which the
factory operatives of the South are now living and
working. The only excuse for it is that the factory
system in the South is new and in its newness it takes
with it the crudities that belong to all new and sudden
movements.
The nation, for its own sake, for the sake of the
social progress and growth of intelligent citizenship,
has a right to ask that the leaders of opinion and senti-
ment and policy in the South should aid in the speedy
establishment of industrial conditions as good at least
as those existing in monarchical countries. If the
southern papers will not lead in this movement then
others must, for the movement must and will go on.
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE
AT LAST New York state has entered upon the task
of reforming its crazy-quilt taxation system. Senator
Stranahan proposes to solve the difficulty by levying a
special tax for state purposes on mortgages. This
practically makes real estate owners, who are in debt
contribute to the state revenues and lets those that are
not in debt go free. Thus the Astors and other mil-
lionaire property owners will escape the state tax, while
every struggling owner of a mortgaged home will have
to pay. It is said that for local purposes mortgages are
to be exempt from taxation, but what of that; the
mortgaged property is to be taxed for local purposes at
its full value, regardless of the mortgage, just the same
as the unmortgaged property of the millionaires. Again,
it is contended that this tax will be paid by the mort-
gagee, as if he would not transfer it to the mortgagor.
One might as well argue that a direct tax on sugar will
be paid by the refiner. In short, the Stranahan bill
proposes double taxation for the poor and single taxa-
tion for the rich, and ought not to become law.
A SECOND tax bill has been introduced into the
New York legislature by Assemblyman Elsberg. It
proposes to make the amount of the state tax in each
county proportionate to the amount expended for local
purposes. If the people of a given county are especially
energetic and progressive, and spend liberally for
schools, highways and other public improvements, their
state tax will be proportionately increased. This will
be sure to operate as a powerful argument in favor of
niggardly expenditures by those who are opposed to
liberal public improvements. Every new schoolhouse
240
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 241
sidewalk or other local improvement will be opposed
with the argument that it will increase the state tax.
If simplicity in taxation is to be accomplished without
increasing injustice or hindering progress, direct taxa-
tion must be abandoned, so that the tax will have the
maximum indirectness and distribute itself throughout
the community by the automatic process of economic
exchange.
MR. TOM L. JOHNSON in a recent lecture in New
York city advocated the confiscation of all railroad
franchises, and not merely the public ownership of mu-
nicipal railroads but the making of transit free to the
public, paying the whole expense from taxation. Now
if Mr. Johnson seriously believes in this brand of so-
cialism, he cannot do better than advocate it often.
Nothing would more rapidly determine his place as a
leader in social reform. When millionaires want to
confiscate other people's property and cling to their
own they are apt to be misunderstood. A supreme
test for this class of cases was propounded nearly two
thousand years ago. It was : * ' One thing thou lackest :
go thy way, sell whatever thou hast, and give to the
poor." The young man to whom the test was thus
applied " went away grieved: for he had great posses-
sions." The test is severe but infallible. It would
put Mr. Johnson " beyond suspicion" as a genuine all-
round socialist reformer.
THE LARGE majority by which the senate currency
bill was passed assures the establishment of the gold
standard beyond the power of any president or secretary
of the treasury to alter. This feature of the senate
bill is identical with that in the house bill ; so that,
although the measure for other reasons will have to go
to conference committee, on this point there will be no
242 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
change and the obligation to pay all indebtedness of
this nation in gold will be established by law. No free-
silver president or secretary of the treasury can get be-
hind the word "coin" as an excuse or defence for using
silver in paying national obligations, and thus practi-
cally putting the nation on a silver basis and causing a
panic in twenty-four hours. This much has already
been accomplished, for which every business man should
breathe more freely. If the American people want to
pay their obligations in forty-five cent dollars, and thus
put the republic on the list of bankrupt nations, they
can do so, but only by passing a law to that effect which
shall make the American people alone responsible for
the dishonorable course. They never can be tricked
into it by the maneuvers or audacity of any individual
who may, by a political accident or from motives aris-
ing from entirely different issues, happen to find his
way to the White House. The people through their
representative law-making power have now said that all
obligations of the United States, interest and principal,
shall be paid in gold. That decision, when it becomes
law, can never be altered except by the same repre-
sentative law-making power. It involves no risk to
prophesy that the American people can never be in-
duced consciously to pay their debts in anything
less than the best money in the world.
THERE is one important point upon which the house
and senate currency bills are widely different. It is
on the matter of the endless chain. The house bill
terminates it and the senate bill continues it. The
house bill clearly stipulates that when greenbacks and
treasury notes are once paid into the treasury for gold
they shall not be reissued except in exchange for gold.
This will absolutely break the endless chain. If this
clause remains, the greenbacks and treasury notes can
i 9 o.3 EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 243
never again be used to deplete the treasury of its gold,
and hence the process of using the greenbacks to make
the government go into the market and borrow gold to
accommodate private business will be ended. If the
banks and business men want gold for their green-
backs and treasury notes they can have it, but they can
never again have the treasury notes and greenbacks
unless they surrender the gold.
The senate bill provides that when the greenbacks or
treasury notes are presented to the redemption depart-
ment of the treasury for gold they may be taken to the
general fund department and there exchanged for gold
to maintain the $150,000,000 redemption fund, so long
as there is any gold to exchange. Thus they reenter
the general fund and are again let loose into circula-
tion, which perpetuates the endless chain. This differ-
ence in the two bills is vital. On this point the house
bill should be insisted upon, and the senate should sur-
render. If the measure finally establishes the gold
standard and absolutely terminates the endless chain
it will have remedied two of the radical defects in our
monetary system. Much more will remain to be done,
but these two points are significant steps in the right
direction.
IN HIS report for 1900 the New York Factory In-
spector very naturally devotes considerable attention to
the sweatshop system. After enumerating the difficul-
ties attending the enforcement of the new law, he ad-
mits that the almost insurmountable difficulty in the
sweatshop problem is immigration. He says:
" Who are the tenement workers ? They are mostly, if not entirely,
of the ignorant immigrant class who come to the shores of this country.
It is a rare thing to find a native American engaged at work in a tene-
ment. The tenement workers are mostly Italians. Among the shop
workers and contractors the Hebrews predominate. The dense ignorance
f the class of Italians engaged in tenement work makes them an easy
244 GUNTON*S MAGAZINE [March,
prey to the shrewd Hebrew contractors. The unfortunate feature about
the whole thing is the fact that there is no prospect of immediate relief.
The steamship companies pour into this country a steady stream of
these undesirable accessions to its population. They come and they stay
in the densely crowded sections of East New York, making that part of
the great city a veritable hotbed for the propagation of every conceiv-
able form of vice. It would help materially to solve the sweating prob-
lem if immigration was suspended for the next decade."
This strikes at the heart of the matter. The new
law has many excellent features. It is perhaps now the
best law there is in the country; with a few slight
changes it might be made very efficient and would
practically accomplish all that legislation can in dealing
with the sweatshop problem. But so long as the flood-
gates of immigration are open, and herds of squalor-
begotten immigrants can swarm in, no amount of re-
pressive legislation will cure the sweatshop evil. These
people are satisfied with the pestilential conditions un-
der which they live and work. Bad as these conditions
are to Americans, they are no worse than those from
which these people have come. The recommendation
of Inspector Williams that immigration should be " sus-
pended for a decade " is solid sense. Unless something
is done to that end, no force of factory inspectors can
relieve New York of the sweatshop system. If we
would purify the water in our own reservoir we must
first stop the inflow of the muddy stream.
THE REVEREND DOCTOR Heber Newton is one of
the profoundest scholars in the Christian ministry. He
is devout, broad, optimistic, inspiring and all-embra-
cingly humane on every topic he touches. Occasion-
ally he enters the field of social economics, where he
finds the procession moving all too slowly and is tempt-
ed to leave the highway of orderly patient observation
and verification, jump fences and ditches and rush
11 cross lots " to a conclusion. He appears to have been
EDITORIAL CRUCICLE *45
under one of these spells in his recent address at Coop-
er Union when he said :
' ' No more revolting story is told in the history of the industrial
world than the tale of the Standard Oil Trust as Henry D. Lloyd has
given it. That that story is, on the whole, true must be sufficiently evi-
denced by the fact that the magnates of the trust have never brought a
libel suit against him. "
The fallacy of much of this " revolting story" of
Henry D. Lloyd has been many times exposed, and
ought not now to-be seriously quoted by responsible
public teachers, except in so far as it can be substanti-
ated by other evidence. But Dr. Newton's conclusion
that on the whole the story must be accepted as true
because the author has not been sued for libel is the
most extraordinary of all. If this rule of testing truth
is to be adopted, nearly every public man must be
deemed to have been proved a rascal and every success-
ful corporation a den of thieves, unless most of the
time and money of public men and business firms is
spent in libel suits.
To assume that every man is guilty until he has
proved his innocence is a reversal of the principle of
Anglo-Saxon justice. Let the masses once believe that
every man in public life and every business concern is
guilty of all the charges hurled against them in the
public prints, until they prove their innocence in court,
and faith in our institutions and in ordinary humanity
is gone. That doctrine is laden with the seed of pes-
simistic distrust, revolution and anarchy.
FOR CHARACTER, NOT CLEVERNESS
Not more than a generation ago the high and
sacred objects of common-school education were these :
to cram information into the youthful mind like sausage
meat into skins; to " train and discipline" the mental
powers. Such a description might be recognizably ap-
plicable even to-day, but we have made some real prog-
ress beyond that extreme condition. The idea and
theory of education have improved, and even the appli-
cation of methods, but if anything the cramming is
more relentless than ever. The machinery has been
geared higher, the tension is keener, the whole system
grinds away like a factory for turning out a race of
fourteen-year-old savants.
Of course this ' ' cram and train ' ' theory of educa-
tion is and always has been arbitrary and utilitarian.
It sees little farther than the supposed " practical"
needs of the next generation of storekeepers and tax
assessors. It drones away on things for the sake of the
things more than of the principles or ideals they can
illustrate. It strives to fit and trim instead of lead. It
is egotistically satisfied if it turns out an annual con-
signment of highly accurate and well-oiled machines ;
it lacks the capacity of appreciating what is meant
by helping to develop a man. It teaches facts and
names to be forgotten, because they are not made to
signify much of anything real and vital in life ; it trains
the mind to cipher. It is on a par with that mouldy old
doctrine of economics that all consumption is unprofit-
able and wasteful except that which is just necessary to
enable the workman to go on working.
But all this no longer passes unchallenged, at any
rate. We are getting little by little a new and higher
246
FOR CHARACTER, NOT CLEVERNESS 347
philosophy of education, which lays the emphasis on
character rather than on ingenuity and accomplishments.
Its ideal is a strong, well-balanced and capable indi-
vidual, rounded-out and developed on every side,
physical, esthetic, moral and spiritual, no less than the
intellectual. Its object is to make a man, who by vir-
tue of his manhood shall become a useful creative force ;
it is not first to make a worker and deviser who, through
that, may or may not come to be a man.
This difference in original point of view and em-
phasis changes the spirit, character and result of the
whole educative effort.
We are still a long way from realizing any such
ideal in practice, but there are many voices crying in
the wilderness. There are many and more all the
time to protest against purely utilitarian and short-
range methods and aims. The basis of the new thought
is all towards a broader and finer educational idea than
anything characteristic of our present system.
It is coming to be recognized, for example, that to
exaggerate beyond all reason the purely intellectual
side of education means positive injury to at least one
of the other phases of development that ought to have
helpful recognition the physical; and at the same
time means neglect of the two other phases, of greater
ultimate importance than either of the others, the
moral and spiritual.
The writer's attention is especially attracted to
this subject just at present by an address delivered be-
fore a recent convention of the Colorado State Teachers
Association by Miss Elizabeth Richards, on "The
Crowded Curriculum in our Elementary Schools.'' It
is a critical and suggestive paper, bearing along the right
lines ; and, without ascribing exceptional novelty to the
ideas, certain of the points are made and sustained in a
forceful and concise manner worthy of a larger audi-
248 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
ence than that presumably reached by The Rocky Moun-
tain Educator. Reverting, for instance, to the question
of the effect on health of text-book cramming, we quote :
" The present curriculum does not tend to health.
Children are taught the science of health during each
year of their school life, and yet, each year, a large
number of pupils leave school with poorly developed
bodies, impaired eyesight, and general nervous ex-
haustion.
" We are wasting time in an attempt to develop in-
tellect in children whose physical condition will not
permit the highest degree of intellectual development.
Dr. G. Stanley Hall says that ' if going to school does
not tend to health, let us turn the children out to grass
until they are twelve years old.'
' ' Where is there time in our present curriculum
for the necessary physical culture that will result in
permanent good? I feel safe in asserting that, in most
schools, the time devoted strictly to physical culture
does not exceed fifteen or twenty minutes. One who
has spent years in the study of child-life says that one-
third of the time spent in school should be devoted to
the development of the physical powers. This would
include music and voice-culture.
" In order to accomplish the work required in our
present curriculum, it is necessary to spend from four
to five hours of the day in close application to study or
recitation, and from one to three hours in home-study.
I have conferred with parents in regard to the required
home-study parents who are awake to the interests of
their children, and whose children are the earnest, con-
scientious students of the grades, and I find them of
one opinion : the work of the grades is excessive, the
best portion of the evening is devoted to school work,
there is no time for other reading, there is not suffi-
cient time in many instances for necessary recreation."
FOR CHARACTER, NOT CLEVERNESS 249
Again, referring to the tendency of current meth-
ods to force and stuff instead of guide and help :
"The law of childhood is life. A child will grow
if he is given a chance to grow slowly, perhaps, but
naturally and surely. Our present curriculum, like
Dickens' * McChoakum child,' ' seems like a kind of can-
non loaded to the muzzle with facts, and prepared to
blow children clean out of the regions of childhood at
one discharge.'
* ' Pestalozzi defines education as ' the generation
of power/ What power is a child of seven or eight
years gaining when he is required to commit the twelve
tables in multiplication and do quantities of abstract
work in addition, subtraction, multiplication and di-
vision? He can accomplish this work only by the ex-
ercise of memory, and educational value ceases when
memory alone is active. Which child possesses the
power, the one who is so ' snowed under' with infor-
mation as to stifle his selfhood, or the child whose free
and natural development begets the desire for knowl-
edge? This desire will create an unlimited capacity,
whereas the capacity often fails to create the desire.
' ' Emerson has said : ' We take a great deal of pains
to waylay and entrap that which of itself will fall into
our hands.'
Right ; and the same philosopher observed : * * You
send your children to the schoolmaster, but 'tis the
schoolboys who educate him. You send him to the
Latin class, but much of his tuition comes, on his way
to school, from the shop- windows.'' We might with
entire safety be far less anxious and insistent, than we
are, about drilling every school child in all the details
of formal information-studies. If we can successfully
equip the young consciousness with power rightly to
observe, appreciate and reason, we can safely leave it',
in this age of civilization, to seize upon a very generous
250 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
proportion of the minor details of formal knowledge
as occasion or necessity may arise. This implies
no recommendation for doing away with knowledge-
studies; but, indeed! how easily we could dispense
with this high-pressure tension of trying to force
the sum of accumulated wisdom and research into un-
developed minds as if under the grim necessity of
"now or never." When did it ever become a law of
human capacity that there can be no opportunity beyond
the schoolroom for reading a line of human history with
comprehension of its real significance; or of finding out
the direction of water-courses in New Zealand, or the
relative advantages of single- and double-entry book-
keeping? Miss Richards quotes a significant remark of
a certain bank president that : ' ' When we take a young
man into our employ, we prefer one who has not had
too much training in school arithmetic. We prefer to
train him for the actual business transactions of life."
Do we not, often, by identifying too closely a pro-
found and vital subject with the superficial detail of a
grammar grade text-book, doom in advance the interest
and spirit of inquiry that might be applied to it when
the age of real comprehension is reached? What if, in-
stead, the emphasis of the school period were placed on
rousing that interest and inquiring spirit by showing a
vital life and character significance in whatever is
studied ?
To establish educational methods upon Pestalozzi's
plane " generation of power" would of course mean
a different order of training for teachers, and to a large
extent a different sort of individuals as teachers. Char-
acter, disposition, enthusiasm, fitness, and the heaven -
born gift of sympathy, would be vital considerations;
quite as much so as ability to pass a technical exami-
nation. But it would be unjust to bring a complaint
against our teachers of to-day for failure to exercise
i goo.] FOR CHARACTER, NOT CLEVERNESS 251
qualities in the school-room which are neither empha-
sized in their training nor permitted by the character of
the work they are required to do. Under rigid ad-
herence to traditional established studies there is little
room for individual enthusiam or inspiration. What
can the formal routine of fact-teaching offer to call out
anybody's deepest interest and resources? So little,
that both teacher and pupil lose that fine, impalpable,
psychological unity of purpose and ambition between the
stored mind and the unstored, which is the most essen-
tial and helpful thing that educational contact in any
form can possibly furnish. The teacher under our
popular regime gets Miss Richards' sympathy :
' ' What a sad loss that word school suffered in its
translation from the Greek to the English ! Does it
mean leisure with our present curriculum ? No ! ' Hills
peep o'er hills, and Alps on Alps arise ' before each
teacher and pupil who would attempt to fulfil its re-
quirements. With the present curriculum, and with
from forty to sixty pupils, a teacher must spend seven
or eight hours in her school-room and devote from one
to three hours of each evening in correcting written
work and making out reports. She has very little, if
any, time in which to come into touch with things out-
side of her school life, and thereby gain that living and
contagious interest in things which affords inspiration to
her pupils. Is it very strange that many conscientious
teachers and many earnest pupils would fain exclaim
as did the daughter of the ' eminently practical ' Thom-
as Gradgrind: ' I am tired? I have been tired a long
time! '"
The revised curriculum recently proposed by Dr.
C. H. Henderson, head-master of the high-school de-
partment of Pratt Institute, before the Eastern Kinder-
garten Association is thus summarized by Miss Rich-
ards:
< <
<
252 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
"i English language and literature, with special
emphasis on the ability to read well, and only passing
reference to spelling and writing.
"2. The spealdng- and reading of one foreign
language, say French or German.
"3. Free-hand drawing and color work treated
esthetically.
4. Natural history considered from the surface.
5. Sloyd, or some form of educational manual
training.
" 6. Music and voice-culture.
" 7. Gymnastics, very thorough -going and direct-
ed to the training of the senses and the esthetic devel-
opment of the body."
In defence of the omission of history, geography
and arithmetic from this curriculum Dr. Henderson
asserts "that history is more vitally taught by reading
interesting stories and lives than by cut and dried
study ; that geography is best taught by constant refer-
ence to a good wall map and globe during a course
of reading that has been selected to please children in-
stead of older people, and which consists largely in
books of travel and adventure. Arithmetic would be
taught as it is involved in the natural activities of the
day."
It may be that the entire omission of these three
subjects as specific studies is too radical a step ; indeed,
there are strong considerations in favor of a certain
amount of formal instruction on these lines during the
last two or three years of the elementary school period ;
but the spirit of the proposed changes is right, and the
tendency is right. They are ' ' based upon the princi-
ple that only such training as makes for the broadest
mental and moral power should receive attention in ele-
mentary schools." To this making of mental and mor-
al power physical health is one of the necessary contrib-
1900.] FOR CHARACTER, NOT CLEVERNESS 253
utors ; out of the joint result spring the conditions
which liberate the spiritual nature and so invest life
with a transforming quality and significance.
" Education of the brain," to quote again, " is not
sufficient ; there must be, above all else, an education
of the conscience. It is said that ' Of two life compan-
ions we are eternally sure : God and our own conscience.
Happy is he who has made both his everlasting
friends.' Unquestionably, we need more wholesome
moral training in our schools if the school is designed
to supplement or complete the home training of chil-
dren, and if the teacher supplants the parent during the
hours when the child is under her control.
' * The teachers in a certain city in our state made a
study of the home training of their pupils, and con-
cluded that 35 per cent, of the pupils had good moral
home training. What opportunity for moral training
have the remaining 65 per cent., if not in the schools?
The duty of prime importance which the school owes
to the state is to train its children to be not only intel-
ligent, but just, honest, kind, truthful, healthy citizens.
. How is it that the noblest of humanity has
not reached us through years of application to a school
curriculum? To use President Hyde's striking illus-
tration, it is because, in our school system : ' We have
abandoned architecture, and have become absorbed in
decorating, while the pillars of the edifice we would
adorn are crumbling under our hands.'
Unduly pessimistic, this is ; yet far more largely
true than it ought to be or need be.
We are not wholly dependent upon untried theo-
ries, now, in looking for truer methods. We have prac-
tical demonstrations of what can be done, the kinder-
garten for example. That at least is based upon prin-
ciples fundamentally right. It may not be perfect in
detail but it is mainly sound and harmonious in method
254 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
and contributes naturally, quietly, and without waste,
formalism or forcing, to the full and healthy develop-
ment of body, mind and character. If the guiding
principle of this system should come to dominate our
whole educational plan it would not be the first time
that the world has had to turn from arbitrary forces to
psychological influences for the solution of its deepest
problems.
The kindergarten is gaining a surer foothold every
year, but the great majority of our educational author-
ities still regard it with indifference, postpone it as an
unpractical fad, and worse than all have no appreci-
ation of its spirit, or the possibility of extending it to
the later stages of the educational work under their
hands. In the great sum of things, this is the most
serious responsibility that men are required to assume,
guiding and shaping the formative years of other
men's lives, whether in school or out of school. There
may come later and additional chances for reading and
study, but almost none other for really influencing the
qualities that endure. This is nature's one gift of time
and opportunity to modify the effects of bad heredity,
bring out the sound and wholesome tendencies and in-
spire a real faith in the "true and the beautiful," before
the materialistic (miscalled "practical ") side of the world
steals a march and develops the cynic, pessimist and
selfish opportunist. Rather than a thousand lightning
calculators or glib recitationists give us one true man,
even though he halt in his spelling and nod over his
cube root.
CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES
Signs of New York city is about to expend a sum,
Civic Spirit equal to that invested by Chicago in her
drainage canal, on a rapid transit underground railway,
and with the extensions and additions that may be
found necessary before the project is completed it is
possible that twice this amount will be expended.
American cities have been exceedingly slow to realize
the importance and seriousness of municipal problems,
but there is no disputing the vigor with which specific
propositions are carried out when once public sentiment
reaches the point of really undertaking them. There
have been many hopeful signs in the last few years of
an awakening of civic spirit. At first it is taking the
form of handling the great rough problems of the
physical necessities of municipalities ; we seem destined
to wait a good while before the less obvious but equally
vital problems of educational, social and political con-
ditions are taken up in a similarly wholesome, thorough-
going way. But it is a great deal to have made a be-
ginning.
Chicago's T ^ e C ^Y * Chicago is justly proud of
Drainage her great drainage canal, completed late
in 1899 ata cost of nearly $35,000,000 and
opened during the month of January. This canal turns
back the natural course of the Chicago river and car-
ries the city's drainage westward into the Illinois river,
thence to the Mississippi and Gulf of Mexico. Heretofore
it had been passing into Lake Michigan and polluting the
city's water supply. St. Louis, rather naturally, is fight-
ing the new drainage canal, but it seems likely that
in practical experience so large a volume of lake water
255
256 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
will be diverted into the Illinois and Mississippi rivers
that instead of increasing the pollution it may actually
help to purify, considering the fact that the Illinois has
been regularly getting the drainage of a line of large
manufacturing towns all across the state. The channel
that was necessary to turn this drainage from the Chi-
cago into the Illinois river is twenty-nine miles long
and 1 60 feet wide at the bottom. One-third of the ex-
cavation, or about 12,000,000 cubic yards, was through
solid rock to the depth of 22 feet, and the whole amount
of the excavation was nearly half as much as that for
the entire Suez canal. The dimensions of the canal
are sufficient so that a further extension to the west-
ward, if made by the United States government as is
now being urged, would provide a deep waterway chan-
nel through to the Mississippi river ; in other words,
from the great lakes to the gulf.
Broader Social Methods of work are being expanded in
Settlement some of the college settlements in New
Methods York. The settlement residents, instead
of remaining in and working from the association build-
ing, take rooms in the tenement houses of the district
and thus extend wholesome influences over a consider-
ably wider field. An article in the Evening Post shows
some of the results :
' ' Since the settlement workers established them-
selves amid their new surroundings a mild revolution
has been going on about them and on the floors above
and beneath. When the curious came to peep in at
the doors which are always ajar for that very purpose,
there was no one to repulse them ; on the contrary,
they were invited in. The same bare, dark, unadorned
room was there originally, to the knowledge of the
tenants; but the stained walls, the clean, polished
floors, the spotless curtains and simple, artistic furnish-
1 900. ] CI V2C A ND ED UCA TIONA L NO TES 257
ings had changed it into a haven of rest and beauty.
The surroundings brought out in contrast the dirt on
the little visitors who came in. They recognized it,
and there was an effort to improve. Faces and hands
were washed more regularly. The bath-tub was cul-
tivated soon, and unkempt locks were washed and
brushed. A good portion of the day once or twice a
week is now given to scrubbing floors and halls and to
cleaning windows by the elder people, and there is a
general tidying up every day. In the few weeks since
the settlement workers moved into the tenement a per-
ceptible salutary and sanitary change has already been
brought about. The workers conduct their regular
classes and work in the tenements in which they live."
The Theory of Every little while a certain kind of jour-
Settlement nals like the New York Sun indulge in
a stream of sarcasm about recent socio-
logical efforts like the social or college settlements.
These middle-of-the-century critics see nothing in such
work except the fussy and faddish efforts of a group of
dudes and " new women" to obtrude themselves on
the domestic privacy of other people who, on the theo-
retical democratic principle, are as good as anybody
else, and even better. They alw :-iys picture the social
settlement workers as monocled busybodies, settling
down like visitors from another planet amid our un-
fortunate poor and studying them with microscopes and
compasses as an anatomist would study cats and rabbits
in his laboratory.
All this is very witty and sharp of course, but it
reflects something more hopeless than ignorance. It re-
flects temperamental and constitutional inability to un-
derstand or appreciate the power of psychological
influences. This type of mind has no comprehension
of the meaning of our new conditions ; it argues as if
258 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
we were still in the old Jeffersonian period of simple
individualistic industry and social life. It does not
appreciate the overwhelming fact staring us in the
face to-day, that even the force of personal influence
demands systematic instead of haphazard application.
Social settlement work is sound from both the socio-
logical and psychological standpoints. It is based on
the power of example coupled with personal sympathy,
and recognizes that example itself, to be effective, must
be located actually within the limits of the group it is
designed to influence. The slum immigrants are not
influenced by the examples of art, cleanliness, culture
and refinement they may see when they venture out on
Fifth Avenue, but they are affected by clean, decent
and wholesome living in the same tenements with them-
selves, on the basis not of pharisaical superiority but of
hearty goodwill and fellowship. This and this only
disarms suspicion and provokes emulation.
Atlanta Atlanta is working very hard for a na-
and the tional military park, to be laid out near
New South tk a t city, commemorating the great bat-
tles fought there in July 1 864. This is urged upon the
same theory that justified setting apart the battlefields
of Chickamauga and Vicksburg as national parks, and
it would be an especially grateful thing just now if the
effort were crowned with success. Atlanta, on the
whole, is typical of the new spirit of the South in a
broader sense than any other southern community.
Birmingham might be cited, but Atlanta is a much
larger and older city than Birmingham and is a center
not only of industrial but of intellectual, educational
and social influences more generally than the hustling
and thriving metropolis of Alabama, at least for the
present.
A northern visitor in these new cities of the South
1900.] CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES 250
finds little evidence of the old sectional bitterness. On
the contrary, the disposition is altogether to welcome
northern industry and trade and cooperate for a new
industrial era, southern in its local characteristics but
national in spirit. While preserving all dignity and
self-respect, too much cannot be done to blot out the last
remnants of sectional hatred. The issues of the war
are long since dead. To dwell upon them now only
delays the progress of industrial regeneration in the
South and of the long hoped-for welding together of
the two sections in sentiment and spirit, as is already
coming to be true of industrial and financial in-
terests. A national park commemorates the heroism
and sacrifices of the war. It signifies nothing as to the
right or wrong of the struggle, it implies no concession
on any civil- war issue. It is simply a testimonial to the
fact that the men who fought and fell on both sides
typified American valor in defence of causes which the
masses on each side believed to be right. If Atlanta
wins this park there will be some of course to call it
merely one more successful "strike" on congress; to
the larger-minded it will be a new visible evidence of
the unification of national sentiment.
THE OPEN FORUM
This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor-
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA-
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries
for the " Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad-
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are
ignored.
LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS
Elastic Currency
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: It seems to be agreed by the best
authorities on the subject of banking that the one requi-
site for an elastic currency is that the issues when ex-
cessive should promptly return to the issuing bank for
redemption, and that this can be brought about by the
system of issuing notes upon business assets, as it would
then be to the interest of each bank to present the notes
of other banks for redemption whenever they seemed
in danger of becoming excessive.
But as it seems impossible at present to abolish the
principle of government guarantee and bond security
for notes, why is it not advisable to secure this elasticity
in some other manner, if possible? For, if we can put
in operation any force that will lead to prompt redemp-
tion, any system of issues, whether based upon business
assets or upon bond security, will be self -regulating,
;. e., elastic.
Now it seems to me that this can be effected by in-
serting in the bill now before congress a simple provi-
sion that no bank shall pay out any notes except its
own issues, or, in other words, that a note received in
the regular course of business by any bank except the
260
LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS 261
bank which issued it shall not be again paid out ; to be,
as at present, kept in continuous circulation.
Deprived of the privilege of paying out " reissu-
ing " the notes of other banks, the receiving bank's only
recourse would be to return such notes through the
clearing-house to the bank of issue, in the same way
that checks and drafts are now returned. In short, bank-
notes would become what they are in reality, simply
certified checks, made more convenient and easily trans-
ferable by being payable to bearer.
Of course, with this plan, not only excessive issues,
but all issues, would be constantly retiring ; but this
could not cause a stringency for the reason that each
bank would be kept by the return of its notes constantly
below the limit of issue fixed by its amount of bond
security, and therefore would be constantly trying to
reach that limit by making new issues as business might
require. In times of stagnation, loans and hence new
issues would be made but slowly, while deposits, and
hence redemption and withdrawal of notes, would be
made rapidly, until possibly no notes would be left in
circulation. During a period of stringency, new issues
would increase more rapidly than withdrawals until the
limit of bond security should be reached.
The bank currency would then be perfectly elastic,
fluctuating automatically between a theoretically pos-
sible minimum of nothing and a maximum of an amount
equal to the bonds deposited as security.
Quite possibly this plan would not work well in
practice, but I would be glad to have the editor of GUN-
TON'S consider the idea and explain whether or not there
is any merit in the proposition.
RAY ROBSON,
Bath, Mich.
262 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
[Mr. Robson's plan would fail to accomplish any
important purpose, for two reasons : First ; it would not
provide for any expansion of currency beyond the pres-
ent limit of bond-secured circulation, which is just
where the pressure comes at certain periods and cannot
be adequately relieved under the present system. Sec-
ond ; arbitrary cancellation, retirement and reissue of
our present bank-notes would avail nothing unless the
bonds that are tied up as security for the notes could be
returned to the banks as fast and in proportion as they
retired any of their circulation. This would hardly be
feasible. The only object of daily redemption and can-
cellation of bank-notes is to provide a constant means of
testing and guaranteeing their security, thus avoiding
the other and very expensive method of literally depos-
iting with the government a corresponding amount of
capital in the shape of low-interest government bonds.
Sending our present bank-notes home for cancellation,
as Mr. Robson proposes, would neither increase their
safety nor enlarge their volume, nor would it permit
the banks to take back their bond-security deposits. It
would permit contraction of the currency but not ex-
pansion, and the contraction provided is not of a sort
that would render the bank-note circulation any safer or
cheaper than it is already. For a thoroughly scientific
system, we should abolish the requirement of bond de-
posits, permit free issue of notes based upon the assets
of the banks and securities furnished by borrowers ;
and secure the safety of these notes by daily redemp-
tion in legal money at large central redemption agen-
cies. 1
IQOO.] LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS 263
Not With Us on Boer Question
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: I have long been a reader of your ex-
cellent MAGAZINE and Bulletin and regard your opinions
upon most economic and political questions as thor-
oughly well grounded, but I cannot be with you on the
Transvaal question. You say in your lecture of Octo-
ber 2ist that the Boers are "a crude, backward, big-
oted people, who have invited the enterprising and
energetic citizens of more advanced countries to settle
among them in good faith and help develop their coun
try, and now are arrogating all the rights and privileges
of government and taxation, with no rights to the
others, except to work and pay.'' I admit that the
Boers in some respects have lacked enterprise, and that,
like every people under the sun, especially the British,
they are somewhat bigoted. I do not understand, how-
ever, that foreigners were invited within their borders
with any promise of a voice in the government. It is,
I believe, the right of the host to say what are or are
not the privileges to be accorded to the stranger who
has crossed his threshold, and when the guest has not
been especially invited, but has been admitted upon his
own solicitation, the privileges accorded are very few.
The Transvaal is the Boers' country by virtue of
their being the first to establish and maintain a stable
and efficient government in the land. The British have
a better Tight to invade China (for the Chinese are
proverbially bigoted, crude and backward) than they
or any Uitlanders have to attempt to subjugate the
Transvaal.
A person voluntarily making his residence in a
foreign country necessarily assumes the obligation of
abiding by the laws of that country and without reason
26i GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
to expect a voice in the government unless accorded
voluntarily by the state.
I do not, therefore, see how any people, placed in a
position similar to that of the Boers, with the absolute
certainty that another and more powerful nation was
seeking to subjugate them, could do otherwise than re-
sist even to the extremity of force. There should be
no doubt in our minds that the British have been plan-
ning to get control of the Transvaal for years. Did not
Dr. Jameson, when testifying a few years ago, assert
that he had had assurance of support in his enterprise
(when he undertook to invade the Transvaal) from the
governor of Cape Colony? Are not the dispatches
which were sent by Mr. Rhodes to Mr. Chamberlain,
and suppressed when testimony was being taken in the
Jameson trial, universally regarded as having been of
an incriminating character, notwithstanding Mr. Cham-
berlain's protest that he had had no intimation of a
raid upon the Transvaal? Are not the Boers of the
Transvaal the same who were driven all the way from
the Cape by the British? Have they not been strug-
gling against British encroachment for centuries, almost?
I think that we who boast our love of liberty should
applaud the brave and determined patriots who for so
long have fought for the right to govern their own
country in their own way.
To have yielded to the demands of the British and
have conferred upon the resident Uitlanders the privi-
lege of suffrage would certainly have resulted in the
loss of their independence through the medium of the
ballot-box. It would have meant their absolute subjec-
tion to Britain. They who have been the governing
class would have become a despised and downtrodden
minority. It is to their credit that they had the fore-
sight to realize this and to see the necessity of striking
a blow for their liberty ere Britain could assemble a
1 9 oo.] LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS 265
sufficient force to compel submission. It is to be hoped
and is even possible that by energetic action they may
be able to gain such an advantage as will at least en-
able them to dictate terms with a reasonable expecta-
tion of their acceptance. But, if unsuccessful in their
struggle, they will have shown to the world a spirit
that even their enemies must applaud.
If Britain were willing to surrender India, Egypt,
Cape Colony, Natal and scores of other colonies where
she governs as an insignificant minority, we might re-
gard at least as consistent her demand that the majority
shall rule in the Transvaal.
W. J. WAMBAUGH,
Jumonville, Pa.
QUESTION BOX
Cuban vs. Philippine Policy
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir : Is it not taking rather too much glory to
ourselves to say, as you have done several times, that
our Cuban policy proves to the world how disinterested
and faithful to high ideals and promises this nation can
be. This might be true were it not that the same
American people apparently coincide in a directly op-
posite policy in the Philippines. A. G. P.
No, I do not think it is "taking too much glory."
It is quite safe to say that if the administration had
shown a disposition to hold Cuba in the same way that
we have held Puerto Rico and the Philippines, it would
have suddenly become so unpopular as practically to
insure defeat in 1900. The difference between Cuba
and the Philippines is that at the outbreak of the war
we definitely stated that our object was not to acquire
possession of Cuba, but only to help the Cubans to their
own political freedom. Having reached the point of
making a definite statement like this, no president or
political party could safely violate the promise and
adopt a reverse policy.
Of course, it is the same American people who ap-
parently coincide with the opposite policy in the Phil-
ippines, but the Philippine policy is not violating a
pledge or promise. The same people endorsed the an-
nexation of Hawaii and Puerto. Rico. It is practically a
policy born in the Philippines. I did not intend to in-
timate in the least that the American people are con-
vinced that colonizing is a mistaken policy, but only
that when the United States makes a public promise it
is not a " bluff. " We said in so many words we did
266
267
not intend to annex Cuba and we meant it, and Mr.
McKinley would fail of reelection if he attempted to
break that promise. In negotiating for the Philippines
he did not break any promise. That question was
open, and the only thing involved was the wisdom of
the policy, which the American people have not yet
passed upon.
The Tariff and Trusts
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: There is one issue before the country
that I would like to see you discuss more freely, and
that is the relation of the tariff to trusts. Will you tell
me if there is any way by which trusts can be destroyed
except by free trade ? I ask as a matter of information,
irrespective of personal opinions on trusts.
W. L., Washington, D. C.
No, the trusts could not be wiped out of existence by
free trade. It would probably happen, as it always
does when a havoc is created, that the strong concerns
would simply pick up the remnants of the rest. In a
business depression a large number of people always
go to the wall, but there are some strong ones that do not
go to the wall, and they usually gather up the remains,
just for the taking. There never was a panic yet that
did not round up with making a few men richer than
they were before. It simply transfers a lot of property
at from five to fifty cents on the dollar to somebody
else, those who are strong enough to withstand the
wreck. If we should have free trade with a great busi-
ness disturbance, the consequence would be that a num-
ber of the strong trusts would gather up the weaker
industries, and remain in the field themselves. Mr.
Carnegie, for instance, is a case in point in the iron in-
268 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
dustry. He believed in protection, but lie became so
strong that no English or foreign concern could com-
pete with him, and then he was quite willing to have
free trade, for if we did have free trade he knew it
would drive out a great many of the smaller competing
concerns. Free trade would not destroy trusts.
The only way, ultimately, to destroy the trusts is to
establish a policy that will make industrial depression
perpetual, because there would be no inducement under
such circumstances for capital to concentrate. But if
we permit business prosperity to go on, then we will
have the successful capitalists coming to the front and
enlarging their establishments and range of operations
as long as it is profitable to do so.
Cheapness Is Sometimes Dearness
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: When you discuss the tariff subject in
your magazine you seem to consider only the producer
and ignore the consumer. Has he no interest in the mat-
ter of prices ? The producers are taken care of but the
consumer gets no consideration whatever, no protection.
How then does he benefit from such a policy, when
under free trade he would get his goods cheaper?
M. C. R., -
It is quite true, the consumer has an interest in
cheap products, in getting the most possible for a dol-
lar ; but it is equally important that the method by
which the cheap article is supplied shall bring with it
the possibility of earning the dollar with which to buy
it. Take, for example, the case of Puerto Rico. Under
free trade our capitalists would go there and use the
cheap labor in manufacture, and sell just cheap enough
to displace a certain proportion of the American labor-
igoo. J Q UESTION BOX 269
ers engaged in the same enterprise, thus reducing the
consuming power of the wage class and restricting the
possibility of large, and hence cheap, production. In
proportion as the American laborer is employed and
gets high wages he can purchase. In proportion as he
is a large consumer, and that becomes general in the
community, the market expands and capitalists invest
in improved machinery, because with a large market to
supply they can use the better methods to greater advan-
tage, make a larger profit and sell cheaper. The result
is that prices are lowered for the whole community,
without lowering wages, by virtue of the development
of the improved machinery. But when the prices are
lowered by virtue of employing cheaper labor it defeats
the use of improved machinery, by contracting the pur-
chasing power of the community. Lower prices are no
benefit when they are secured by means of stagnation
and lower wages, but low prices that come by way of
new inventions and better machinery are a benefit, sim-
ply because in the one case it is the efficiency of inven-
tion and science that makes the cheapness, whereas in
the other it is the degradation of the wage- earners, who
form the bulk of the consumers.
BOOK REVIEWS
THE WHEAT PROBLEM. By Sir William Crookes,
F. R. S. Cloth, 272 pages. G. P. Putnam's Sons,
New York and London.
This volume contains Sir William Crookes' rather
sensational address delivered in September 1898 before
the British Association, of which scientific body he is
the president ; also a chapter of ' ' Replies to My Crit-
ics," one on "Our Present and Prospective Food Sup-
ply," by C. Wood Davis, of Peotone, Kansas; and two
contributions from Hon. John Hyde, Chief Statistician
of the U. S. Department of Agriculture.
Sir William's address was a very pessimistic proph-
ecy and created a great furor, especially in scientific
and economic circles. Indeed, a portion of his remarks
sounded more like the voice of Malthus than anything
that has been heard since the famous "Essay on the
Principle of Population," which warned mankind a cen-
tury ago to cease multiplying at the penalty of swift
starvation.
Sir William estimated the bread-eaters of the world
in 1898 at 516,500,000, and the present annual increase
of bread-eaters at 6,000,000. The average rate of
consumption being 4. 5 bushels per capita, it would re-
quire 2,324,000,000 bushels of wheat to supply this
number of bread-eaters and save sufficient seed for sub-
sequent crops. He then proceeded to estimate the
wheat crop of 1897-98 at 1,921,000,000 bushels, leaving
a deficit of 403,000,000 bushels; most of which would
be supplied for that year, however, by a surplus stock
of some 300,000,000 bushels on hand. But in succeed-
ing years there would be no surplus ; therefore, he ar-
gued, we should be forced at once to open up nearly all
270
BOOK RE VIE WS 271
the possible remaining wheat territory of the world in
order to supply the normal increase of wheat-eaters,
and very soon would have to resort to universal fertili-
zation; or else change to a rice, corn and rye-bread
diet. He discussed the undeveloped wheat-producing
possibilities of every part of the globe, and concluded
that not more than 100,000,000 acres could by any means
be added to existing wheat-growing lands. This would
yield, at the present average rate of production (12.7
bushels to the acre) 1,270,000,000 bushels, which would
supply the increase of bread-eaters only until the year
1931. After that, famine! " Where can be grown
the additional 330,000,000 bushels of wheat required
ten years later by a hungry world? "
And so he falls back on fertilization as our only
salvation ; finds that available deposits of fixed nitrogen
(the required element) will soon be exhausted, and sug-
gests that a process discovered by himself, for making
nitrate of soda by electrically induced combustion of
air, will, when Niagara for instance is chained to the
work, furnish the required 12,000,000 tons of nitrate of
soda annually.
Now 'all this sounded very plausible, but neither
scientists nor agriculturists seemed at all disposed to
agree with Sir William. The only supporters he was
able to find, apparently, were Hon. John Hyde, of the
U. S. Department of Agriculture, and Mr. C. Wood
Davis, a citizen of Kansas, who has several times
sounded a tocsin of alarm on this subject in American
reviews, but without disturbing the repose of nations.
Mr. Atkinson issued a pamphlet making the claim that
the United States alone could safely take a contract to
supply both its own needs and those of Great Britain
and Ireland for the next thirty years, at a dollar a
bushel. This pamphlet was full of errors and exagger-
ations ; but allowing for all these it is quite beyond
272 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
dispute that Sir William Crookes underestimated the
wheat-producing capacity of the United States so seri-
ously as to throw grave doubt on the accuracy of his
conclusions about all the other sections. For example,
in his address he passed over the claims of Canada and
British Columbia so lightly as almost to ignore them,
allowing for only a few odd million acres yet available
in that entire region. Canadian authorities immediate-
ly replied with statistics of wheat production in Mani-
toba, claiming at least 20,000,000 acres of high produc-
tive capacity and pointing out that " three or four Man-
itobas can be carved out of the Westland. When that
is exhausted, there remains the Peace River district,
where, it is asserted, half the wheat supply of the world
can be grown." Suppose we discount these claims by
two thirds ; the margin still left is so greatly in excess
of Sir William's estimates that one is almost forced to
the conclusion that he allowed his theory rather than
the facts to suggest his data.
Much the same peculiarity is observable in his Aus-
tralian estimates. He quotes Professor Shelton's esti-
mate that Queensland contains 50,000,000 acres of
available wheat land, and, without offering any evi-
dence whatever to the contrary, practically ignores this
whole territory. This is inexcusable and inexplicable.
His only argument in rebuttal to critics on this point,
as also in the case of British Columbia and other sec-
tions, is that only very small wheat crops have ever
been raised on the lands in dispute; ergo, no more
wheat can be raised there. But this is so weak as to be
not even respectable. Of course these lands have sup-
plied only small crops, because no effort has been made
to develop them further. Settlers to do the work and
demand for the product have both been wanting. Sir
William's economics should have informed him that
people do not rush by the ten thousand into the pro-
i goo.] BOOK REVIEWS 273
duction of staples which are already amply supplied
and at low prices. The whole question at issue is, not
why the present supply is not larger than it is, but how
much can be supplied when the demand for it arises.
Therefore, the fact that a sparsely settled new country
has only 150,000 acres devoted to wheat-growing has
no bearing whatever upon the question whether or not
that country could devote 50,000,000 acres if it became
necessary.
On the whole, Sir William's critics, conceding all
their exaggerations, made sorry havoc with his esti-
mates and deductions, and really we do not believe any
Joseph is needed at present to store up grain against a
coming famine. The pressure of economic demand can
be relied upon to solve this problem. Let wheat prices
get sufficiently high to pay the first expense of opening
up vast new and rough territories, and the wheat acre-
age will enlarge fast enough. Gradually fertilization
will come into use, to increase the profitableness of ex-
isting wheatfields and supply the world's growing de-
mands, and it will be applied elsewhere as fast as it
seems to promise any important economic advantage.
Tropical-zone nations will probably never become wheat
consumers, and there is really no such ' ' colossal prob-
lem " to " tax the wits of the wisest " facing the world
to-day as Sir William Crookes would startle us into be-
lieving. Whether it be good prices and hence more
acres, or artificial fertilization as Sir William predicts,
the movement will be gradual and normal, obeying
natural physical and economic laws. Modern industrial
civilization has too many ways of forestalling and dis-
sipating any sudden world- wide catastrophe. Let us
go on eating our daily bread in peace.
THE BREAK-UP OF CHINA. With an Account of
Its Present Commerce, Currency, Waterways, Armies,
274 GUNTOWS MAGAZINE [March,
Railways, Politics and Future Prospects. By Lord
Charles Beresford. Cloth, 456 pp., exclusive of appen-
dices. With maps. Harper & Brothers, New York
and London.
This is an interesting book, though not very inter-
estingly written. It contains a very plain matter-of-
fact statement of the conditions on a large number of
important matters affecting the industrial opportunities
and trade of China, particularly as a market for Ameri-
can and European products.
Lord Beresford went to China as the special repre-
sentative of the Associated Chambers of Commerce of
Great Britain. Although the presentation of the mate-
rial shows a lack of the expert, it contains many facts of
value to students. There are a few things that Lord
Beresford calls attention to with almost cruel plainness.
One is the fact that British influence in China is "in
inverse ratio to British trade." One would naturally
suppose that as British trade increased British influence
would be correspondingly extended, yet the reverse
seems to be true. On page 13 his lordship says: "A
prominent bank official summed up the situation very
tersely by saying, ' Sixty-four per cent, of the whole
foreign trade with China is British. There should be a
corresponding percentage of influence, but British influ-
ence is in inverse ratio to British trade.' Why are the
British disliked or distrusted in proportion as their
trade increases? Is it that they trade unfairly or that
they take undue advantage, swindle the natives, or
what? If they gave better goods for the money and
longer credit on better terms, one would think that they
would grow in favor.
For some reason or other Lord Beresford became
thoroughly convinced that British prestige in China is
far below Russian. He says ( p. 12 ) : " From my con-
versation with Chinese authorities, foreigners as well as
BOOK REVIEWS 275
British, in Peking, an opinion was distinctly formed in
my mind that British prestige is certainly below that of
Russia. I hardly ever made a suggestion to any prom-
inent Chinese official which I thought might tend to the
security of Anglo-Saxon trade and commerce, that I
was not met with the question, ' But what would Russia
say co that? ' or words to that effect. The idea is gain-
ing ground all over China that Great Britain is afraid
of Russia."
He then cites several cases which he says are
referred to by Chinese which seem to justify this opin-
ion. This it would seem can arise only from one of
two things, either that the Russians treat the Chinese
better than the English, or the English do not so
promptly defend their interests and hold out assurance
to the Chinese that they will stand by them to the same
extent that Russia does. In either case it would seem
that Russia is getting the best of it. If England hopes
to lead in industralizing China, her merchants in their
daily course of business must make the Chinese prefer
to do business with them on other accounts than mere
cheapness, and as a nation England must stand ready to
protect their interests and defend the Chinese in pre-
ferring British to Russian industrial acquaintance.
Another fact of considerable significance presented
with great plainness is the growing superiority of
American over British products. American locomo-
tives, for instance, are being definitely preferred in
China to English. He says (p. 28): "I found Mr.
Kinder was employing engines of American manufac-
ture Baldwin's. On inquiring why he was giving up
using English engines he gave me the following facts :
" He had applied to several English firms, but they
could not deliver according to his specification, either
as regards price or time. The English price was
2800, with twenty-four months to deliver. The Ameri-
276 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
can engines were only 1850, with four and a half
months to deliver The couplings used
throughout the North China railways are the American
automatic coupling, costing 10 per car."
Speaking of cotton goods he gives the same testi-
mony. "Of late years," he says (p. 58): " English-
made goods have been losing ground, while American
have been advancing." In 1893 importation of Ameri-
can drills was 100,000 pieces, in 1897 349,000. Of
sheetings, in 1893 252,000, in 1897 566,000. Of Eng-
lish drills, in 1893 80,000 pieces were imported, and for
1897 the amount is not given. Of English sheetings in
1893 71,000 pieces were imported, and in 1897 only
10,000 ; showing a marked decline in the use of English
drills and sheetings and a rapid increase of American
fabrics.
Of the railroads in China Lord Beresford gives a
very concise and definite account. He classifies them
under three heads: first, built; second, in the course of
building ; third, projected. Of the railroads completed,
owned by Chinese, there are 317 miles. In process of
building, by Chinese 170 miles, by Belgians 700 miles
and by Russians 1,400 miles, or 2,270 miles in course
of construction. There are 2,507 miles of railroad sur-
veyed and projected, of which 97 miles are Chinese, 430
German, 730 British, 700 Anglo-American, 130 Russo-
Chinese, 420 French. There are 1,070 miles projected
still unsurveyed ; of this 600 miles are Anglo-German
and 470 British. This gives a total of 317 miles com-
pleted, 2, 270 in course of building, and 3,577 projected.
The 3,577 miles of projected railways are distrib-
uted among thirteen roads as follows : the Taiyuan Fu-
Chengting Railway, 130 miles; the Kiao-chow-Yichow-
Tsinan Railway, a triangular line joining these three
places, about 430 miles; the Tientsin- Chinkiang Rail-
way, about 600 miles; the Hankow-Canton-Kowloon
igoo. J BOOK RE VIE WS 277
Railway, about 700 miles ; the Pekin Syndicate Kail-
way, 2150 miles (not including branch lines); the Ton-
quin-Nanning Fu, 200 miles in Chinese territory ; the
Langson-Nanning, 100 miles; the Pakhoi-Nanning
line, 1 20 miles; the Shanghai-Nanking Railway, 180
miles; the Pu-kon-Hsin-Yang Railway, 270 miles; the
Soochow-Hangchow-Ningpo Railway, 200 miles; the
Burmah Extension to Yunnan, about 300 miles; the
extension of the Shanhaikwan Railway from Kinchow
to Sin Min Thun, 97 miles.
Lord Beresford is evidently strongly convinced of
the wisdom of the open-door policy, and looks with
grave doubt upon the system of " spheres of influence."
He thinks it better for China, better for the commerce
of all nations, and better for civilization, that commer-
cially every nation should stand on an absolutely equal
footing in the Chinese market entering through a con-
stant open door. He says :
11 If the ' Open-Door' policy is maintained through-
out China, the more countries who employ their capital
and energy in making railways, the better it will be for
British trade ; but in order to secure the ' Open-Door '
policy, it may be that we shall have to concede to other
countries preferential rights, or spheres of interest, as
far as railway enterprise is concerned. This we have
already done with regard to Germany in Shantung and
Russia in Manchuria, and the question arises, What is
our position in the Yangtse Valley, where other powers
possess railway concessions? In my humble opinion,
it would be better for Anglo-Saxon trade and commerce
if we keep clear of ' Spheres of Influence ' in every
shape and form, and adhere firmly to the ' Open-Door
and Equal Opportunity ' policy."
THE RACES OF EUROPE : A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY.
By William Z. Ripley, Ph,D., Assistant Professor of
278 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
Sociology, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Cloth, 590 pp. With appendices. D. Appleton & Co.,
New York.
The decline in the doctrine of the divine right of
kings naturally carried with it the decline of the theory
of divine government of society, by either church or
state, or both. In this as in every sphere of human
thought and action old theories are never overturned
by the mere iconoclast. Any doctrine, however un-
tenable, will hold its own as against nothing. Hence
the effective overthrowing of erroneous theories always
comes by the substitution of more acceptable and usual-
ly more rational theories.
In the sphere of sociology this is even more con-
spicuously true than in political government, because
the motives which so frequently inspire arbitrary action
through brute or military force are lacking in the evo-
lution of social theory. The tendency, therefore, is to
furnish a logical philosophic explanation for the evolu-
tion of social phenomena, and so place the study of
human progress on a scientific basis. This effort to
scientize societary action and establish a philosophy of
social progress is itself an evolution.
The first efforts in this direction were to furnish a
philosophy of history, which should reduce the historic
changes in society, in its religious and political struc-
ture, to some general law ; to remove the great changes
of social structure from the arena of mere accident or
personal caprice of rulers.
Among the first to impart a truly philosophic spirit
to history was Auguste Comte, who indeed was the au-
thor of the word sociology. The work of Darwin, so
irresistibly supported in the various phases of societa-
ry movement by Spencer, Wallace and Fiske, has prac-
tically transferred the consideration of all phases of
social movement to an evolutionary basis. This is true
1 9 oo.] BOOK REVIEWS 279
not merely in the development of industries, ethics and
politics, within national groups, but the movement of
the nations, the formation of their types of character,
religious ideals, ethical standards and political institu-
tions, are also coming to be treated from the same
standpoint. Buckle, in his " History of Civilization,"
made a powerful contribution toward establishing a
philosophical point of view of race character and social
institutions. But Buckle, like Comte, if not unac-
quainted at least was not familiar with economics and
the history of industrial evolution, which is ever the
basis of the higher social differentiations.
Buckle saw that a certain amount of wealth, or even
a relatively wealthy class, was necessary before much
great improvement could be obtained in social life and
institutions, but he was just familiar enough with the
postulates of the Smith- Ricardian economics to believe
in absolute laissez faire, trusting to unaided competi-
tion to do all the work of progressive society. The
abolition of collective authority in both church and
state, or what he called the "freedom of the human
mind," was all that was necessary to insure progress.
Hence the great philosophic generalization of
Buckle was that environment and freedom, or non-in-
terference by the state, were the essential conditions of
progress. Tropical climate or natural abundance,
according to him, make labor unnecessary, hence in-
dolence and inertia become the dominating traits in the
character. A pressing environment, where nature is
stingy, and untrammeled liberty of effort to overcome
it are all that are necessary to give the highest type of
civilization. From this point of view he extolled lais-
sez faire as the supreme wisdom in public policy, and
every form of collective aid or encouragement as dwarf-
ing and depressing paternalism. Few writers have
marshalled industrial data with such telling force as
280 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
Buckle, and he presented well-nigh conclusive evidence
of a general principle that individual efforts, personal
and social character, and national institutions are the
product of social law and not the creation of accident or
caprice. But, instead of presenting a social philosophy
or even a complete philosophy of history, he may be
said only to have shown the feasibility of establishing
a social philosophy, by at least stimulating faith in the
idea that natural law rules in society just the same as
in any other domain of the universe.
During the last thirty years the tendency has
grown more and more to treat history and the develop-
ment of economic and social institutions as the result
of the operation of fundamental principle pervading all
society: principle by which all economic, social and
political movements become explicable, and enables
statesmanship to be intelligent and scientific, the out-
come of which is the science of sociology, now at least
in the making.
Mr. Ripley's book on "The Races of Europe" is a
contribution of data for the use of scientific sociology.
It does not aim to contribute so much to theoretic gen-
eralization as to furnish data for the basis of generali-
zation. In this respect the work is elaborate and pains-
taking. It is a collection of important facts collected
by the leading investigators throughout the world on
the various phases of race characteristics. It is liber-
ally strewn with photographs of race, types and with
maps showing the predominance of certain character-
istics of the different races and countries.
The author has wisely refrained from anything
like premature conclusion, contenting himself for the
most part with presenting the facts and pausing, as it
were, for a philosophic answer which may finally come.
The facts presented by Mr. Ripley do not antago-
nize the investigations of Buckle, but amplify the oper-
igoo.] BOOK REVIEWS 281
ation of the social law and establish a much wider
diversity of subtle varying forces than were reckoned
with in Buckle's philosophy. He furnishes abundant
proof of the influence of environment on character, but
shows in a multitude of ways what Buckle and the pre-
vious generalizers overlooked, that at bottom the racial
type out of which any given civilization is made has its
root in the type and character of the industrial occupa-
tions of the people. The facts as presented in this
work, from a multitude of widely different types and
experiences, appear to converge to establish the con-
clusion that social life and political institutions are the
outcome of industrial habit, and that simple monoton-
ous occupations establish a low type of civilization and
institutions. To quote (page 538):
"With men, the impelling forces are reducible
mainly to economic and social factors. Most powerful
of these movements of population to-day is the constant
trend from the rural districts to the city. Its origin is
perfectly apparent. Economically it is induced by the
advantages of co-operation in labour ; perhaps it would
be nearer the truth to say, by the necessity of aggrega-
tion imposed by nineteenth-century industrialism.
This economic incentive to migration to the towns is
strengthened by the social advantages of urban life,
the attractions of the crowd ; often potent enough in
themselves, as we know, to hold people to the tenement
despite the opportunity for advancement, expansion, or
superior comfort afforded elsewhere outside the city
walls. The effect of these two combined motives, the
economic plus the social, is to produce a steady drift of
population toward the towns. This has a double sig-
nificance. It promises to dissolve the bonds of geo-
graphical individuality nay even of nationality ; for a
political frontier is no bar against such immigration,
provided the incentive be keen enough. At the same
282 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
time it opens the way for an upheaval of the horizontal
or social stratification of population ; since in the city,
advancement or degradation in the scale of living are
alike possible, as nowhere else in the quiet life of the
country.
' ' The sudden growth of great cities is the first
result of the phenomenon of migration which we have
to note. We think of this as esentially an American
problem. We comfort ourselves in our failures of
municipal administration with that thought. This is a
grievous deception. Most of the European cities have
increased in population more rapidly than in America.
Shaw has emphasized the same fact in his brilliant
work on Municipal Government in Europe. This is
particularly true of great German urban centers. Ber-
lin has outgrown our own metropolis, New York, in
less than a generation, having in twenty -five years
added as many actual new residents as Chicago, and
twice as many as Philadelphia. Hamburg has gained
twice as many in population since 1875 as Boston;
Leipsic has distanced St. Louis. The same demo-
graphic outburst has occurred in the smaller German
cities as well. Cologne has gained the lead over Cleve-
land, Buffalo, and Pittsburg, although in 1880 it was
the smallest of the four. Magdeburg has grown faster
than Providence in the last ten years. Diisseldorf has
likewise outgrown St. Paul. Beyond the confines of
the German Empire, from Norway to Italy, the same
is true. Stockholm has doubled its population ; Copen-
hagen has increased two and one half times ; Christi-
ana has trebled its numbers in a generation. Rome
has increased from 184,000 in 1860 to 450,000 in 1894.
Vienna, including its suburbs, has grown three times
over within the same period. Paris from 1881 to 1891
absorbed four-fifths of the total increase of population
for all of France within the same decade.
1 900. ] BOOK RE VIE WS 283
' ' Contemporaneously with this marvelous growth
of urban centers, we observe a progressive depopula-
tion of the rural districts. What is going on in our
New England States, especially in Massachusetts, is
entirely characteristic of large areas in Europe. . .
" This growth of city populations has, then, taken
place largely at the expense of the country. It must
be so, for the urban birth rates are not enough in ex-
cess of the mortality, save in a few cases, to account
for more than a small part of the wonderful growth
which we have instanced. The towns are being con-
stantly recruited from without. Nor is it an indis-
criminate flocking cityward which is taking place. A
process of selection is at work on a grand scale. The
great majority to-day who are pouring into the cities
are those who, like the emigrants to the United States
in the old days of natural migration, come because they
have the physical equipment and the mental disposition
to seek a betterment of their fortunes away from home.
Of course, an appreciable contingent of such migrant
types is composed of the merely discontented, of the
restless, and the adventurous ; but in the main the best
blood of the land it is which feeds into the arteries of
city life."
Mr. Bipley's work is a timely and important contri-
bution to the literature of sociology. He does not mar-
shal facts from the point of view of a doctrine, like
Buckle, nor try to dovetail the multifarious phenomena
of human experiences into the law of evolution, like
Spencer, nor make the movements of the human race
get into an orderly line of three specific phases of de-
velopment making for a certain social ideal, like Comte,
nor even attempt to work out a tendency toward the
quasi -individualist social consciousness, like Ward. His
special contribution is that of gleaning from multitudi-
284 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [March,
nous investigations and presenting the results regard-
less of their effect upon theory.
Yet out of it all comes irresistibly 'to the front
the great universal fact that regardless of blood, tra-
dition and other environing influences, masterful
leadership, strength of character, organizing capacity
and leadership toward higher civilization come along
with the tendency to differentiate industry, urbanize
population, specialize effort and diversify the social
life and efforts of the people. The law of social selec-
tion for constructive leadership in civilization is thus
indicated to be, that whatever effect environment, tra-
dition and other forces have upon social development
they operate upon and through the movements toward
industrial diversification and urbanization of popula-
tion. Within the progressive nations this natural or
social selection is going on and giving the leadership in
intelligence, character and political power to the cities ;
and in the world the leadership in civilization is just as
naturally and constantly passing to those nations whose
industrial and social life, and consequently political in-
stitutions, have gone through this economic diversifying
experience. Consequently, we find everywhere the
nations whose industrial life has become static and com-
paratively monotonous losing all power of leadership, and
those nations whose industrial life has been most diver-
sified, specialized and intensified are most advanced in
all the phases of social individuality, political freedom
and national influence. Witness India and China on the
one hand and England, Germany and America on the
other. It may be said that the facts show that the Teu-
tonic races exhibit the qualities of leadership ; and it is
the Teutonic and Anglo-Saxon races that are every-
where diversifying industry, urbanizing their popula-
tions, and asserting the principles of human rights,
religious freedom and representative government.
1900.] BOOK REVIEWS 285
NEW BOOKS OF INTEREST
ECONOMIC AND SOCIOLOGICAL
A History of the English Poor Law. Vol. III., From
1834 to the Present Time. By Thomas Mackay. G.
P. Putnam's Sons, New York. This is the supplement-
ary volume to Sir George Nich oils' " History of the
English Poor Law", bringing the record down to date.
Monopolies and Trusts. By Richard T. Ely, LL.D.,
Professor of Political Economy in the University of
Wisconsin. Cloth, i2mo. The Macmillan Company,
New York and London. Deals with the general con-
cept of monopoly, classification and causes of monopo-
lies, law of monopoly, price, limits of monopoly, per-
manence of competition, etc.
Heredity and Human Progress. By W. Duncan Mc-
Kim, M. D., Ph. D. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York.
Suggests some radical measures for elimination of de-
generate classes in the community.
The Principles of Taxation. By the late David A.
Wells. Cloth, i2mo. $1.50. D. Appleton & Co., New
York.
POLITICAL SCIENCE
The Growth of Nationality in the United States. By
John Bascom. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. Traces
the growth of the spirit of national coherence up through
the colonial period, the making of the republic, and
down to the present day.
First Principles in Politics. By William Samuel
Lilly, Honorary Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge. G.
P. Putnam's Son's, New York. Discusses the principles
of political organization under such heads as the foun-
dation, origin, end, functions, mechanism and sanction
of the state, and its corruption.
Democracy and Empire. By Franklin H. Giddings,
286 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
Professor of Sociology in Columbia University. Cloth,
8vo. The Macmillan Co., New York. Professor Gid-
dings holds that the Spanish war has opened up a new
era in which, by the natural forces of evolution, the
American republic must expand and take on many of
the characteristics of empire.
HISTORICAL
Modern Spain. (1788 to 1898.) By Martin A. S.
Hume. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. This volume
is No. 50 in Putnam's "Story of the Nations" series,
and differs from most of the recent historical studies
of Spain in that the author takes rather an optimistic
view of the general tendency of the Spanish nation.
Slavery and Four Years of War. By Major- General
J. Warren Keifer. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York.
This is at once an interesting record of personal ex-
periences during the civil war and a discussion of the
slavery question in its relation to the great struggle.
Charles Sumner. By Moorfield Storey. Houghton,
Mifflin & Company, Boston and New York. This bi-
ography is No. 30 in the " American Statesmen" series,
and is issued simultaneously with the volume on Charles
Francis Adams, by Charles Francis Adams, Jr.
Charles Francis Adams. By Charles Francis Adams,
Jr. Houghton, Mifflin & Company, Boston and New
York. The period of Adams' greatest service, his
ministry to England during the American civil war,
is the portion of his career which receives most atten-
tion in this biography. It is No. 29 in the "American
Statesmen" series.
Charlemagne, the Hero of Two Nations By H. W.
Carless Davis, M. A., Fellow of All Soul's College,
Oxford. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York.
FROM FEBRUARY MAGAZINES
"It [France] must find an outlet somewhere for
the mere spiritual waste of its despondency, and, like
the rest of us, it has a tendency to dump its rubbish
into the public domain. I am convinced that it would
be less frivolous in conduct if it were less sad at heart."
-RICHARD WHITEING, in ' ' Paris Revisited : The Gov-
ernmental Machine ;" The Century Magazine.
* ' They called Lincoln's assassination the justice of
God. The nation's flag has floated at half-mast in Salt
Lake City on Independence Day ; it has been dragged
in the dust by a Mormon mob. By their own confes-
sion the saints sought statehood because they l could
better redress their grievances inside the Union than
outside it.'" ROLLIN LYNDE HARTE, in " The Mor-
mons;" The Atlantic Monthly.
"Now, realism is sometimes very immoral in a.
sense. It forces upon us the companionship of so many
dull persons of the sort that theosophical and spiritual-
istic ladies might call * devitalizing.' Such we all know ;
but in life we have a happy way of seeing as little of
them as possible. And what is the use of meeting in
books, of going out of you path to meet persons who
spoil your day's work for you? a good day's work be-
ing the Duty to most of us, and so hard to get." From
"The Point of View ;" Scribners.
"Music, then, the vaguest of the arts in the matter
of representing the concrete, is the swiftest, surest
agent for attacking the sensibilities. The cry made
manifest, as Wagner asserts, a cry that takes on fanci-
ful shapes, each soul interpreting it in an individual
fashion. Its essence is a musical idea and must be
287
288 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
beautiful or it is not musical. Music and beauty are
synonymous, just as are indivisible its form and sub-
stance, and it is the sole art in which spirit and matter
are one." JAMES HUNEKER, in Fre*deric Francois
Chopin;" The Atlantic Monthly.
" The average reporter, eternally gadding about
for availability instead of cultivating ability, cares more
about succeeding as a writer than he does about the
thing he writes about. That is why he is an average
reporter. The power to make men interested in the
things they have not learned to like is a power that be-
longs alone to the disinterested man, the man who is
led by some great delight, until the delight has mas-
tered his spirit, given unity to his life, become the habit
and the companion of his power, led him out into a
large place to be a leader of men." GERALD STANLEY
LEE, in ' Journalism as a Basis for Literature ;" The
Atlantic Monthly.
"It is the permanent civil service, the govern-
ment in a word, the great automatic contrivance that
keeps them going in national housekeeping while
they are on the rampage. Nowhere eL c -e, except per-
haps in Germany, is there anything like it for efficiency
of a kind. . . . It is a Chinese burocracy in com-
pleteness, with the difference that it is in thorough
repair. As a piece of clockwork it is one of the great-
est of human inventions, . . . This is, as I have
said, was Napoleon's gift to France, and the wiser sort,
who dreads her moods and their own, esteem it above
all his victories. France rails against it from time to
time, but she would not get rid of it for the world.''
RICHARD WHITEING, in "Paris Revisited. The Gov-
ernmental Machine;" The Century Magazine.
LORD SALISBURY,
England's Premier.
See pages 302, 343
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
REVIEW OF THE MONTH
A Reform What the Mazet committee failed to ac-
Outburst complish, New York seems to be reach-
in New York j n g by the normal growth of wholesome
public opinion. The revelations of the last few weeks
are appalling ; but it is some encouragement to know
that public opinion does not grow entirely callous by
constant familiarity with vice and crime. Indeed, if
the exact truth could be known, it would probably ap-
pear that conditions in the metropolis are no worse
than they have been for many years past, but the city's
moral conscience is keener. The investigation made
by the New York Times reveals the existence of a thor-
oughly organized gambling "commission,'' said to in-
clude some men of prominence in public life, absolutely
controlling the poolrooms of the city and collecting
from them upwards of $3,000,000 a year, which goes to
Tammany Hall in return for protection by the police
and other officials. The crusade was promptly taken
up by other newspapers, the pulpit and various civic
societies, until the Tammany administration was liter-
ally frightened into action. Whether genuine or not,
the first steps were effective. The police did not close
the gambling houses, but the order went out by the
commission, manifestly by instruction from Tammany,
and suddenly, on the loth of March, there was univer-
289
290 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
sal closing down. At the same time, by instruction of
District Attorney Gardiner, a number of disorderly
houses were raided and the proprietors held for trial.
The grand jury took hold of the situation with a will,
and is hard at work finding indictments, aiming, it is
believed, at the real sources of corruption. Some of
the police commissioners, even, may be indicted for
complicity in a wholesale scheme of police protection
for dives and gambling dens.
Finally, since there are evidences that the district
attorney will weaken and not prosecute the indictments
if anything really dangerous is unearthed, it is pro-
posed that the governor appoint a special deputy attor-
ney general to take the matter out of Mr. Gardiner's
hands and prosecute the cases independently. This
may prove necessary, eventually.
Undoubtedly, the remarkable attitude of
Struggle Controller Coler has had much to do with
this new movement against organized
debasement of the city government. Distrust breeds
indifference, but the controller's independent stand
has really furnished something upon which the public
feel that they can pin confidence. Whether, as is
charged, he is only making a " grand-stand play" for
popularity, matters little in the immediate situation.
He has expressly declared that the city is systemat-
ically overcharged for a large proportion of its supplies
purchased in lots of less than $1,000, which the con-
troller is powerless to prevent without bringing an ac-
tion in each separate case to prove fraud. His bill
before the legislature at Albany providing that persons
selling supplies to the city in lots of less than $1,000
must prove that they are not charging more than the
market rate, will probably fail. Further, Mr. Coler has
shown that in the last two years the corporation counsel
igoo.J REVIEW OF THE MONTH 291
has confessed judgments against the city in nearly 3,300
cases, only 184 of which met the controller's approval.
To prevent this a bill has just been fought through the
legislature providing that no judgment against the city
can be confessed without the written approval of the
controller, and if it is for more than $10,000 it must
also have the mayor's approval. This, if it becomes a
law, will at least prevent one man from allowing whole-
sale raids on the city treasury as political expediency
may dictate.
Still another measure, the outgrowth of
Controller Coler's fight on the Ramapo
scheme, passed the state assembly on
March i4th and the senate on the iQth. This is the
Fallows bill, providing that no contract can be made
with a private water company without the separate
consent of the mayor and controller, and review of all
proceedings by the Supreme Court. This protects the
city so long as one of these officials is a man of the
right stamp, but Tammany may be relied upon to see
that another Coler does not get into the charmed circle
of the city government. The bill which would give
real protection against the Ramapo water scheme is
Assemblyman Morgan's, giving to the city of New
York the right (which was conferred on the Ramapo
Company by the extraordinary law of 1895) to condemn
lands within the state for water supply under city own-
ership. Probably this bill will not succeed ; both po-
litical machines seem to have the tenderest solicitude
for the Ramapo Company when it comes to any really
dangerous proposition. The Fallows bill saves the
immediate situation, of course; but the public has a
right to be thoroughly impatient and indignant that
there should be any influence at work in the state legis-
lature able to prevent the further step so manifestly in
293 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
the public interest and opposed by nobody who is not
directly or indirectly interested in the Ramapo Com-
pany's welfare.
The In the broader field of national politics
Approaching the s j tuat i on j s mu ddled. There is no
Campaign
such sharp dividing line between the
issues this year as was the case 1896. The silver issue
is in the background, and the questions of trusts, ex-
pansion and the tariff have become complicated with
side issues. The republican national convention is to be
held at Philadelphia on June igth and the democratic at
Kansas City on July 4th. The powerful influences
which an administration in power always holds can
probably be counted on to renominate Mr. McKinley,
but it is no secret that some of the wiser guides in the
republican party would prefer to make the campaign
with a candidate who could not be attacked on the
ground of so many complications and waverings in
public policies. On the other hand, Mr. Bryan is prac-
tically certain of renomination. He retains the sup-
port of his 1896 followers and is actually winning over
a large portion of the gold- democrat faction, on the
issue of anti-imperialism. Richard Croker, as the
mouthpiece of Tammany, is enthusiastically for Bryan.-
Bourke Cockran, who campaigned for Mr. McKinley in
1896, is out for Bryan on the imperialism issue and will
take along an important group of like-minded. Andrew
Carnegie, it is declared and not denied, will actually
contribute to the Bryan campaign fund, solely on the
expansion issue. It is quite possible to exaggerate his
strength, but it would be extreme rashness for the ad-
ministration party to make any less thorough prepara-
tion for a tremendous struggle than was done four
years ago.
igoo.J REVIEW OF THE MONTH 293
Curiously enough, the campaign may be
Puerto Rico complicated by the revival of the tariff
Tariff Issue J
issue, which everybody supposed was
shelved for a long time to come. Instead of adopting
the president's recommendation for free trade with
Puerto Rico, bills were introduced in congress provid-
ing for a tariff on Puerto Rican products equivalent to
25 per cent, of the rates on similar articles from other
countries. In the house the debate began on February
1 9th. At once the fact was developed that issues of
the greatest constitutional import are involved in the
proposition. Whether congress has the right to govern
dependencies outside of the constitution, or whether
the constitution extends to all annexed territories, de-
termines whether or not we have any right to impose a
tariff on Puerto Rico's products. In opening the debate
Chairman Payne and Mr. Dalzell, of the ways and
means committee, cited a long list of precedents to
prove that congress has the right to extend or with-
hold the constitution in the case of newly-acquired
territory. This position was upheld by Daniel Web-
ster, and illustrated in our government of Louisiana
and Florida as territories. The opposition, of course,
holds that such an interpretation makes congress
superior to the constitution, establishes imperialism,
and undermines the very basis of our own political rights
guaranteed by the constitution. The debate lasted
until February 28th, when the amount of tariff to be
imposed was changed from 25 per cent, to 15 per cent,
of existing rates and the bill passed by 172 to 161, five
republicans voting against the bill and four democrats
for it. In the senate, debate on the Foraker bill, which
also provides for a limited tariff against Puerto Rico,
began on March 2d and still continues. A vast amount
of sentimental sympathy has been worked up through-
out the country on the plea that without free trade
294 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
with the United States Puerto Rico will be ruined.
Considering that she has never had free trade with us,
while the pending bill proposes to give her 85 per cent,
reduction in our tariff, the plea becomes trivial. Repre-
sentative planters in Puerto Rico testify that, with
their excessively cheap labor, sugar cane raised on poor
land pays at least $29 in gold net profit per acre, and
on good land $47 ; while the American producer of
sugar cane or beets, using similar methods but paying
wages eight to ten times higher, makes not more than
$15 to $30 per acre. Moreover, both house and senate
have passed a bill refunding to Puerto Rico's treasury
the amount of duties collected on her products since Oc-
tober 1898, some $2,095,456.
As Senator Foraker said in opening the
debate in the senate, the really important
point in this whole dispute is to estab-
lish the principle that congress has a right to withhold
the constitution from our new possessions so long as
that may be demanded by public welfare. * * Beyond
Puerto Rico," said the Senator," "lie the Philippines.
It has been suggested that in our eastern possessions
we shall have the ' open door.' If we open the Philip-
pines to the trade of all the world, we shall have the
products of the world poured into the United States,
and our whole protective tariff system will fall to the
ground." He might have added that General Wilson,
who is in command of Matanzas and Santa Clara, is al-
ready urging free trade even with Cuba, while Secre-
tary Root is said to have agreed to favor a reduction of
our duties on Cuban sugar. This is exactly the logic
of the whole line of policy which proposes to begin
with free trade for Puerto Rico.
The point will be decided, it is safe to predict, not
so much by weight of precedent as by weight of what
igoo.j REVIEW OF THE MONTH 295
our real interests will seem to dictate. In other words,
we will establish the controlling precedent now. Tech-
nically it is true that to adopt the extra- constitutional
interpretation means to establish the principle of em-
pire. That is one of the alternatives to which expan-
sion has brought us, the other being to endanger the
safety and success of our democratic institutions here at
home by admitting to equal industrial and political op-
portunity groups of population in no wise fitted for
such a privilege, however capable they might be of in-
dependent government. Clearly, the lesser evil is to
have the form of empire with reference to these islands,
with the spirit of liberty and practical effect of democ-
racy. The success of our democratic experiment here
must be assured at all hazards. The word empire is
not pleasant, but of the two unpleasant horns of the
dilemma expansion has forced upon us this one involves
the least of real danger to successful government by
the people.
How great the danger is in including the
phili PP ines > Puerto Rico and perhaps
Cuba in our constitutional system appears
from the fact that the senate has already (March ist)
passed a bill organizing a territorial form of govern-
ment for Hawaii. This gives Hawaii a delegate in
congress and paves the way to statehood at almost any
time. The bill makes American citizens of all persons
who were citizens of Hawaii on August i2th, 1898. It
prohibits contract labor and extends to Hawaii our
Chinese exclusion act. Originally the bill provided a
number of property and educational qualifications for
voting for members of the Hawaiian legislature. These
were finally struck out and the only requirement now
is that the voters must be able to read and write either
the English or Hawaiian language, except that China-
296 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April.
men are debarred entirely. Needless to say this puts
the government of the territory in the hands of a very
restricted group, who will be able practically to manipu-
late the native vote to the extent that the natives under-
stand their own language. We are now face to face
with the proposition of having two senators in the
United States senate representing this sort of a com-
munity, whenever partisan expediency may require it.
In the Philippines we are confronted now
wr **!" with the problem of organizing civil gov-
ernment throughout the nearly subju-
gated territory. All the appointments on the new
Philippine commission have been made. Judge Taft,
chairman, is to be assisted by Professor Dean C. Wor-
cester of the University of Wisconsin, a member of the
present Philippine Commission, also by General Luke
E. Wright of Tennessee, Mr. Henry C. Ide of Ver-
mont, and Professor Bernard Moses of the University
of California. These gentlemen are to go to the Philip-
pines this spring and try to set up the form of govern-
ment which has just been recommended to the presi-
dent by the existing Philippine commission, of which
Dr. Schurman is chairman. This plan is said to be
practically identical with the constitution drawn up by
Pedro A. Paterno, Aguinaldo's prime minister, in 1898,
so that it will give the Filipinos exactly the form of
government they themselves wanted. Unquestionably
this would be a wise step, but it is a curious coincidence
that the t( half savage and childlike" natives who, we
are constantly assured, could not possibly govern them-
selves, were nevertheless able to draw up a plan of
government so well adapted to their needs that our own
commissioners in going over the same situation could
not improve on it, but come up now with precisely the
same scheme.
1 9 oo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 297
There has been a great deal of discussion over
Admiral Dewey's letter to Senator Lodge, which was
read in the senate on January 3ist, and in which the
Admiral declares that he ' ' never promised, directly or
indirectly, independence for the Filipinos. I never
treated him [Aguinaldo] as an ally, except to make use
of him and the soldiers to assist me in my operations
against the Spaniards." But of course this "making
use of" Aguinaldo's army, whether by explicit alliance
or not, must have been on some basis of recognition of
the insurgent leader's authority, and at least with an
implied understanding by the Filipinos that the result
was to be independence. Otherwise their cooperation
could not have been had. Aguinaldo and his followers
had no interest in exchanging one foreign authority for
another, if thev themselves were to have no share in
*
either. Rear-Admiral Bradford, at the Paris peace
conference, expressly declared in reply to a question
by Senator Frye : ' * We become responsible for every-
thing he [Aguinaldo] has done, he is our ally, and we
are bound to protect him."
Secretary Root has been visiting Cuba,
and reports improvement on every hand,
m Cuba
both industrially and educationally.
More than 150,000 children are now enrolled in the
schools of Cuba, and a proposition is on foot to take a
large number of teachers to the United States during
the coming summer to attend summer schools and study
American institutions. The secretary's observations
agree with those of General James H. Wilson, com-
manding the provinces of Matanzas and Santa Clara,
who made a report as far back as last September show-
ing remarkable improvement in municipal conditions.
The cities in his provinces were 4 ' absolutely clear of
epidemic disease, well policed, orderly and free from
298 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
violence, rowdyism and licentiousness." He spoke
highly of the ability of the local native mayors to man-
age the municipal governments, which suggests, in
passing, that New York's city officials might well go
to Cuba this summer for elementary instruction.
Most of the reconcentradoes, according to General Wil-
son, "have returned to the country, and are recon-
structing their cottages and growing sufficient vegeta-
ble food to prevent suffering from hunger, and to ren-
der unnecessary any further issues of rations except as
above A good understanding, with mutu-
al trust and confidence, has been brought about between
the American military authorities and the native offi-
cials of both the provincial and military governments."
This is chiefly because the natives have faith in our
ultimate intentions toward them. Why could not the
distressing war in the Philippines have been avoided
by a similar policy, looking towards independence,
there ?
Nicaragua Notwithstanding that the Hay-Paunce-
Canal fote treaty was pending in the senate,
Discussion Congressman Hepburn of Iowa present-
ed a long report on February i7th, urging the passage
of his bill for a canal across Nicaragua, to be construct-
ed and fortified by the United States government, re-
gardless of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. Although a
government commission is now investigating the route,
the Hepburn bill nevertheless proposes to go ahead,
whether it costs $40,000,000 or $145,000,000. The re-
port makes a number of ingenious guesses as to the
probable revenues and cost of maintaining the canal,
which only experience can verify or disprove. How-
ever good the argument may be for fortifying and ex-
clusively controlling the canal, it can hardly be that
congress will adopt off-hand a measure involving such
1900.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 299
serious responsibilities and complications, to say noth-
ing of uncertainties of construction,- revenues and ex-
penses, as the Hepburn bill.
In the senate an amendment to the canal treaty
was offered by Senator Davis on March gth, providing
that nothing contained in the treaty shall restrict the
United States from any measure which it may find
" necessary to take for securing by its own forces the
defence of the United States and the maintenance
of public order. '* This means of course that we re-
serve the right to fortify the canal. The reservation is
similar to that in the Suez canal treaty with reference
to the defensive rights of Egypt, but the difference is
that the proposed canal will not pass through United
States territory as the Suez canal does through Egyp-
tian. Great Britain may not oppose this sort of provis-
ion, considering that no war is ever again likely to
break out between the United States and England.
England has a rightful voice in the situation, under the
Clayton-Bulwer treaty, but if the new treaty can pro-
vide for American fortification it would perhaps be bet-
ter that England and America agree jointly to preserve
the neutrality of the canal against all others who might
try to violate it than to invite the other nations of
Europe to join in any agreement on the subject. Prac-
tically, the fortifying is not a vital matter, because the
real struggle would be fought out by the hostile fleets
before either party ever reached the mouth of the canal.
The Gold Whether the silver issue is prominent in
Standard the campaign or not, it cannot possibly
Enacted have the acute importance that it did in
1896. The new gold standard law prevents that. It
was signed by the president on March I4th, having
passed the house of representatives the day before by a
majority of 46. The new law expressly declares the
300 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
gold dollar of 25 8-10 grains, 9-10 fine, to be the stand-
ard unit of value. It also establishes a division of is-
sue and redemption in the national treasury, to which
shall be transferred all gold and silver coin held against
outstanding gold and silver certificates and a fund of
$150,000,000 in gold coin and bullion to be used for re-
demption of the greenbacks. This fund is to be kept up
by exchanging redeemed greenbacks for any gold which
may be in the general fund department of the treasury
at any given time, also by accepting deposits of gold
from the public in exchange for greenbacks ; and, if
the fund is reduced below $100,000,000, the secretary
of the treasury may sell 3% bonds to raise gold suffi-
cient to restore it to $150,000,000.
The bill also provides for retiring the treasury
notes of 1890 by cancelling them as fast as silver dollars
may be coined from the bullion now held in the treas-
ury, and in their place silver certificates shall be issued
against such silver dollars.
The secretary of the treasury is also authorized to
coin silver bullion into small denominations of less than
one dollar, to an aggregate not exceeding $100,000,000.
As fast as such coins are struck off, treasury notes of
1890 equal to the cost of the bullion in such coins shall
be cancelled.
National banks with $25,000 capital are authorized
in communities of not more than 3,000 inhabitants.
Until now they have been required to have at least
$50,000 in places of less than 6,000 population. Banks
are also authorized to issue notes up to the full value of
the bonds deposited with the government to secure such
notes. Another provision of the law will enable banks
to get low interest bonds as a basis of circulation for a
considerable period of time ; namely, the refunding
plan. Existing bonds, which will mature in 1904,
1907 and 1908, may be exchanged for new thirty-year
REVIEW OF THE MONTH 801
bonds at 2% interest, and already this is being largely
done. There is also a reduction in the small tax on
national bank-note circulation.
Guaranteeing the gold standard is an achievement
which will and ought to stand to the credit of this ad-
ministration. On the money question at least, it is
entitled to the confidence and gratitude of the business
and industrial community. The measure does not termi-
nate the so-called endless chain, however. The green-
backs which may be exchanged into the general fund of
the treasury can be reissued in payment of government
expenses, and so find their way back to the banks and be
presented again for redemption in gold. Probably this
fault will never be properly remedied until we adopt a
scientific banking and currency system whereby the
task of redeeming the greenbacks is transferred to the
banks themselves, in exchange for note-issuing privi-
leges.
Ever since Lord Roberts' strategy by
Surrender of .. . - . . r j
Cr nVs Arm which active campaigning was transferred
to the Orange Free State, the war in
South Africa has been one continuous series of British
successes. Promptly after the relief of Kimberley a
part of Cronje's forces withdrew to the northwest, while
the main body began its disastrous eastward retreat
along the valley of the Modder river. Encumbered
with heavy wagons and artillery the Boers made slow
progress, and were surrounded at Paardeberg Drift on
Sunday the i8th of February. Here for several days
they made a most heroic stand against a perfect storm
of shot and shell raking their camp from end to end.
Relief parties were easily beaten off, and on the morn-
ing of February 27th General Cronje surrendered his
entire force. Considering that only four or five thou-
sand men were found in the camp it is believed that a
302 G UN TON'S MA GA ZINE [April,
part of the army and artillery had previously escaped
to the north. General Cronje and his men were taken
to Cape Town, and the General at least will be tempo-
rarily sent to the island of St. Helena.
Meanwhile the Boers had drawn off part
Relieved ^ their forces from Natal to help General
Cronje. This enabled General Buller at
last to force the Tugela without being promptly driven
back as usual. By February 26th he had progressed
as far as Pieter's station, half way between Colenso and
Ladysmith, on the line of the railroad ; and on the
evening of February 28th General Dundonald entered
the besieged town. General Buller followed on March
ist, the Boers having withdrawn from the entire district
around Ladysmith. The relief came none too soon, as
General White's supplies of food and ammunition were
nearly exhausted ; 8,000 of his 12,000 soldiers had
been through the hospital during the siege.
The change in the fortunes of war was so
Useless Peace sudden and overwhelming that Presi-
Negotiations _ T7 .
dents Kruger and Steyn held a hurried
conference and despatched an appeal for peace to Lord
Salisbury. This was sent on the 5th of March, and de-
clared that the war had been undertaken ' ' solely as a
defensive measure to maintain the threatened indepen-
dence of the South African Republic," and on the basis
of independence the Boers were desirous of making
peace. Nothing was said about redressing any of the
grievances that led to the conflict ; the proposition was
simply to leave conditions exactly as they were before
the war. Lord Salisbury's reply of March nth recites
the history of the case ; reminds Kruger that the Boers
began the war and invaded Natal and Cape Colony,
inflicting enormous losses, and recalls the fact- that :
. J REVIEW OF THE MONTH 303
1 * In anticipation of these operations the South African
Republic had been accumulating for many years past
military stores on an enormous scale, which, by their
character, could only have been intended for use
against Great Britain." Lord Salisbury declared in
conclusion that England is "not prepared to assent
to the independence either of the South African
Republic or the Orange Free State." The meaning is
perfectly clear. It is that England proposes to annex
the Boer republics and govern them probably as states
in a South African federation. It seems equally clear
on the other hand that the Boers will desperately re-
sist the final campaign against Pretoria.
Promptly after General Cronje surren-
dered, the British resumed their march to
Bloemfontein
the east, meeting steady resistance. The
new Boer army drawn chiefly from Natal was massed
at Osfontein, but on March /th, without any pitched
battle, the British succeeded by a sudden cavalry move-
ment in turning the Boers' left flank, so that their
whole position became untenable and they retreated
to the north. Another stand was made at Venter's
Vlei, about a dozen miles from Bloemfontein, but
the British passed completely around this position
to the south and entered the Free State capital on the
1 2th of March. No defence was made, but the civilians
welcomed Lord Roberts' army with the utmost enthu-
siam. When the Union Jack was hoisted over the resi-
dence of President Steyn a great assemblage witnessed
the ceremony and sang "God Save the Queen." The
truth is, President Steyn's war policy has not been
popular in the Free State, particularly since Boer re-
verses began. Mr. Fraser, a rival of Steyn and a
strong opponent of the war, met Lord Roberts outside
the town limits and gave him the keys of the public
804 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
buildings. With the taking of Bloemfontein all resis-
tance in the Orange Free State seems to have collapsed.
Every day scattered Boer detachments have been com-
ing in and surrendering their arms, while the burghers
generally are cooperating in a general reorganization
of the government service. It is reported that on
March i3th President Kruger annexed the Orange
Free State ; but, leaving out the obvious fact that the
real annexation has already been done by the other
fellow, it is quite probable that the people of the Orange
Free State prefer a liberal and enlightened adminstra-
tion, even under English supervision, to another instal-
ment of Boer governmental methods.
Meanwhile, relief columns are fighting their way
toward Mafeking, where Col. Baden- Powell's little
garrison is holding out on half rations. When relieved,
it is possible the main advance on Pretoria will be made
from Mafeking instead of from Bloemfontein.
General Cronje's surrender occurred on
The Effect ,, , . r TVT 1
in Eii land nineteenth anniversary of Majuba
Hill. Naturally this added to the tre-
mendous enthusiasm evoked in England by the news.
The Queen's journey from Windsor Castle to Bucking-
ham Palace on March 8th brought out one of the most
remarkable demonstrations ever seen in the British
capital. It was an expression of the practical unanimi-
ty of English sentiment in support of the government,
and typified by demonstrations of loyalty to the sover-
eign. This feeling found more substantial form in the
house of commons when, on March 6th, a loan of
^"35,000,00 for war expenses was authorized by a vote
of 161 to 26. This loan has been subscribed ten times
over, a reflection not only of the general confidence
in the integrity of the British Empire but of the eager-
ness of its citizens to lend a hand at this time of need.
PRESCOTT F. HALL, SECRETARY IMMIGRATION RESTRICTION
LEAGUE
The war with Spain and the problems resulting
therefrom in reference to our new possessions have re-
cently occupied the attention of congress, and indeed
of the people generally, to the exclusion of many
pressing domestic matters. One of the most important
of these matters which have been brushed aside is the
question of foreign immigration.
It may be useful to look back of the last war and
see what had been previously accomplished along
the lines of proper restriction of immigration. The
first general act to regulate immigration was passed in
1882; the "contract labor" acts in 1885 and 1887;
another general act in 1891 ; an administrative act in
1893 ; the head tax raised to one dollar in 1895.
In response to a widespread feeling that the above-
named laws were not adequate to accomplish what
they were framed for, the Immigration Restriction
League was formed in 1894, which has sent out to date
about 150,000 pamphlets and documents. The call for
these documents came from every part of the United
States and even from abroad, and still continues, show-
ing that the public interest in adequate immigration
regulation is widespread and deep.
305
306 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
In 1895 a bill to add illiterates to the classes of
immigrants excluded from admission to the country
was introduced into the house and senate of the 54th
congress at the request of the league. It was sup-
ported by hundreds of petitions and endorsements of
all sorts of bodies from all parts of the United States
and by 95 per cent, of the press. In the senate the
bill was introduced by Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, of
Massachusetts, and the bill came to be generally known
as the " Lodge Bill." On May 20, 1896, the bill
passed the house by a vote of 195 to 26, and on Decem-
ber 17, 1896, it passed the senate by a vote of 52 to 10.
A conference was ordered and the report of the second
conference committee passed the house February 9,
1897, by a vote of 217 to 37, and the senate, February
17, 1897, by a vote of 34 to 31. On March 2, 1897, the
bill was vetoed by President Cleveland, largely be-
cause of an amendment tacked on to the bill by Repre-
sentative Corliss of Michigan. President McKinley em-
phasized the need of further legislation in his inau-
gural message.
The same bill originally proposed was promptly
introduced into the 55th congress, and passed the
senate January 17, 1898, by a vote of 45 to 28. When
it reached the house, the steamship companies and
others interested in preventing legislation, by means of
circular letters containing the most absurd and mis-
leading statements, succeeded in stirring up a certain
factious opposition and in scaring some members of
the house so that they resolved not to take up the bill
until after the elections. On December 14, 1898, the
bill was again refused consideration in the house by the
close vote of 103 to 100.
The failure to secure legislation in the last con-
gress was due to several causes, but undoubtedly the
two chief factors were the Spanish war and the increase
i 9 oo.] STA TUS OF IMMIGRA TION RES TRICTION 307
of industrial activity. The war turned men's minds in
other directions while the increased demand for labor
dulled the zeal of those organizations which in times
of unemployment have their attention fixed upon keep-
ing the standard of living and the rate of wages intact.
There is a saying attributed to Thomas B. Reed, when
speaker, to the effect that public opinion as reflected in
congress is like the tide, which at each flood leaves cer-
tain things fixed on the beach, carrying many more
back to the sea. The tide of popular feeling in regard to
immigration was at its flood in 1896 and 1897. No one
who reads the thousands of newspaper clippings appear-
ing at that time can doubt that the grounds for the pop-
ular demand were adequate or that the demand was
clearly and forcibly expressed. The first vote in the
house in favor of the educational test bill, 195 to 26,
shows that until political agitation entered into the
matter reasonable men were nearly of one mind.
But has the tide really turned or has it been tem-
porarily blown back only to rush in over all barriers ? I
believe the time is coming before very long when the
needed legislation will be obtained, perhaps not in this
congress or the next, but in a few years. One reason
of this is that while we have been talking about the
matter immigration has been changing steadily in char-
acter, and in many respects for the worse.
In 1869 immigrants from Austria -Hungary, Italy,
Russia and Poland were about i-8oth of the number from
the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Scandi-
navia; in 1880 about i-8th; in 1894 nearly equal to it;
in 1899 about 2 1-2 times greater. In 1869 immigrants
from the United Kingdom, France, Germany and
Scandinavia, i. e., from our kindred races, constituted
three-fourths of the total immigration, to-day only one-
fourth. The two largest elements in immigration dur-
ing the fiscal year 1899 were southern Italian 65,639;
308 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
Hebrew 37,415. It may be also noted that predic-
tions of total increase during 1899 have been amply
fulfilled, the excess over 1898 being 36 per cent. There
has always been a close relation between the volume
of immigration and industrial activity in this country,
and now that the panic is over and industry is flourish-
ing here an increase may confidently be looked for.
But it will not be an increase from western Europe.
The very presence here of a large body of immigrants
who are willing to live on a low wage and with a lower
standard of living of itself tends to send the more am-
bitious and therefore the more desirable immigrants
elsewhere. Commissioner Fitchie in an interview in
April 1899 admitted that certain classes of immigrants
coming here are ' 'a very bad lot, ' ' and no one familiar with
the immigration service can deny that the contrast with
fifteen or twenty years ago, to go no farther back, is
very marked.
The fact that the change in the nationality and
character of immigrants dates practically from 1880
is one of the principal difficulties in the way of securing
legislation. The older men in congress, and of course
most congressmen are in middle life, tend to think of
immigration as it was before 1880, when the very de-
sirable German and Scandinavian colonists settled the
middle and northwestern states. Very few congress-
men visit the recent immigration in its principal resi-
dence, the slum districts of large eastern cities, nor
do they take the trouble to inspect incognito the land-
ing of these immigrants at our ports.
Yet some small things are being accomplished.
One of them is an improvement in the method of tabu-
lating statistics of immigration. The new system was
put into force July i, 1898, and the principal feature
of it is that each immigrant is tabulated as to nativity
by race instead of by the country of his later residence
igoo J STA TUS OF IMMIGRA TION RESTRICTION 309
or political allegiance. The theory of the change is
that what is wanted is a knowledge of immigrants as
grouped by racial characteristics, especially with refer-
ence to the residence and occupation of such groups
within the United States. For example, although
Russian Jews and German Jews differ from each other
they differ still more from the Russians, and for the
first time it is possible to know the total Hebrew immi-
gration. Again, while the average illiteracy of Austro-
Hungarians last year was 25.2 per cent., the Bohemians
show only 3.3 per cent. ; and while the average illiter-
acy of all Italians is over 53 per cent., that of northern
Italians (i. e., of those from Tuscany, Emilia, Liguria,
Venice, Lombardy, Piedmont, and native Italians resi-
dent in other countries) is only 11.4 per cent.
The need of adding an educational test to the
other requirements for admission is shown by the
illiteracy of the following races from eastern Europe,
which sent over 2,000 immigrants each during 1899;
Magyar 10.8 per cent.; Croatian and Slovenian 26.1;
Slovak 27.6; Polish 31.3; Lithuanian 32.4; southern
Italian 5 7. 2; Portuguese 65.5. The average illiteracy
of races from western Europe was only 3.6 per cent.,
while that of immigrants from eastern Europe was 42.4
per cent. The Hebrew illiteracy was 20.3 per cent.
All these figures of illiteracy refer only to those immi-
grants over 14 years of age. I have elsewhere shown*
the close and invariable relation existing between
illiteracy and general undesirability, and if this be ad-
mitted the figures of illiteracy given above show that
the present laws are inadequate to exclude all of the
undesirable.
A word may be said with reference to the present
situation. Senator Lodge has introduced into the
present congress the same bill introduced into the 54th
*North American Review Vol. 165, p. 393 (October 1897).
310 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
and 55th congresses. I understand it has been reported
favorably by the immigration committee of the senate.
Whether the present administration, burdened as it is
with numerous questions on which the voters are much
divided, will care to pass any measure, at all events
until after election, is uncertain. Of the imperative
need of immediate legislation there is no doubt. Immi-
gration is deteriorating in quality every month and
likewise increasing in volume. The time to change
the laws is before it reaches another maximum. There
is great need now, as there always has been, of some
requirement which shall not depend upon the disposi-
tion or efficiency of the individual inspector, and which
cannot be evaded by false testimony on the part of the
immigrant.
Let us therefore try to pass the educational test
bill at once, and study its effects. We can then see^what
further legislation, if any, is needed.
GREATEST LOCKOUT IN HISTOKY
JULIUS MORITZEN
It remained for Denmark, during the summer of
1 899, to furnish the industrial world with one of its great-
est object-lessons of the decade the most extensive
lockout that ever darkened the portals of factories and
homes. For once, however, the opposing factions
reasoned out their difficulties. And while the lockout
lasted through the spring and summer ; while more
than 150,000 workers were shut out, and every industry
was involved, almost, arbitration stood the victor of the
contention. In justice to the action of the employers'
union, in shutting out half a hundred thousand men, it
should be stated that a strike gave rise to the unpleasant-
ness. Nevertheless, because a handful of carpenters in
a small town of Jutland refused to comply with certain
rules laid down by their respective employers, this
alone is not justification why almost all the manufactur-
ers in the country should band together in order to
fight organized labor. The victory of the contest, as
far as the workers are concerned, lies in the fact that
the board of arbitration decided to refer the entire
trouble back to the carpenters' strike. And, as regards
the employers, the latter discovered to their own ad-
vantage that matters can be arranged more satisfactorily
in the future when the representatives of organized
capital confer with those who represent organized labor.
Danish industry is, perhaps, composed of more
manufactures on a small scale than any other country
abroad. Elevated somewhat above the mere shop, the
joiners, for instance, work in factories that in reality
are but shops. Between such employers and their me-
311
312 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
chanics a certain intimacy has sprung up which even
the lockout failed to entirely remove. The trade
unions and the employers' union are both offsprings of
the old gilds. In Belgium these gilds still hold
good, owing to certain old-time regulations which the
latter day has failed to dispense with. In Denmark,
however, the gild is something of the past, and, in its
modern garb, makes self-preservation take the place of
the social features which made the old-time institutions
famous in their day.
Naturally, as the capital of the country, Copen-
hagen was the seat of war, if such a term can be justi-
fiably employed in the present instance. At Copen-
hagen all the industrial interests of Denmark culminate,
and here the Danish trade unions have their central
organization. It should be said in parenthesis that no
country in the world can boast of a better organized
body of men than Denmark has at her disposal when it
comes to make terms with capital. And it was this
which dawned upon the employers when open rupture
came. Then, first, did the employers' union assume
the proportions it showed during the conflict. Before,
the employers had looked upon their organization as a
tool never to be made use of. That the employers'
union will not be permitted to fade out of existence now
is a foregone conclusion. In fact, it was one of the
points insisted on by the board of arbitration that
henceforth all disagreements must come before the re-
spective organizations of the mechanic or his employer.
Great things are expected from this arrangement should
arbitration be compelled to step in at some future
period.
As in nearly all strikes or lockouts, three questions
are to be considered in the present instance : a question
of wages, a question of hours, and whether labor or-
ganizations are to be recognized or not. In the case of
1900.] THE ORE A TEST LOCKO UT IN HISTOR Y 313
the Danish lockout, factory regulations were at the
bottom of the strike which occurred in Jutland. The
carpenters and wood-workers objected to certain terms
with which they considered it beneath their dignity to
comply. The disruption was fed by the willing assist-
ance lent the strikers by others of their craft. But it is
doubtful whether the striking body would have insisted
as it did had the members of the union realized how
their action was to upset the entire workings of the
nation. Bakers, tailors, shoemakers, foundrymen, al-
most every branch of industry became for the time
paralyzed. The grocers and the dealers in general had
their incomes reduced to a minimum. And still the
lockout kept on spreading and employer upon employer
throughout the country joined the employers' union in
the hope to crush organized labor for once and all.
Because no disturbances took place at Copenhagen
or other cities throughout Denmark during the lock-
out the impression should not prevail that docility is
one of the characteristics of the Danes. On the con-
trary, the descendants of the Viking race are anything
but amiable when their rights are encroached upon.
But somehow the idea struck root at once that the ex-
periment of a peaceful misunderstanding between capi-
tal and labor might well be worth a trial. The sympa-
thy of the nation was to be appealed to and this very
sympathy it was which virtually brought about the
satisfactory result of arbitration. Had a blow been
struck, it is a question whether matters would have
turned so mutually advantageous.
At Copenhagen, then, the great armies of capital
and labor had their headquarters, each with its general
staff to formulate the plans of campaign. The interest
of the country during that season centered more than
at any other time on the capital of the nation. As
Copenhagen went, so would matters adjust themselves,
314 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
said the Danes. The best that capital and labor could
place in the field, and never were money and brains
more needed than then, came to the assistance of the
respective contestants. From King Christian IX. to
the humblest laborer in the street, all realized that
since the war with the southern neighbor no such crisis
has arisen as this internecine quarrel. The good name
of the country was at stake. More than this, working-
men throughout the continent watched the operations
in the North with almost as much interest as if it was
a matter entirely germane with them.
And, while this and the other remedy was sug-
gested to put an end to the misunderstanding, the most
sensible proposition was advanced that the time of
leisure might be profitably employed by the workers in
going to school, so to speak. In other words, night
schools were opened where the mechanics could go and
learn such things as might especially interest their
respective trades. And there were other institutions
with similar objects in view where the ordinary rudi-
ments of teachings could be obtained by those whose
earlier education had been somewhat neglected on that
score. To the credit of the locked-out men let it be
stated that these schools were crowded. Coming as the
trouble did in the latter part of the spring, and lasting
throughout the summer, many university professors
whose season of vacation would have called them away
remained behind in order to give their service in this
noble cause of enlightenment. All felt that here was an
opportunity which might never again repeat itself. It
is not to be doubted for one moment but what to this
interest of the people at large can be ascribed the peace-
ful condition which prevailed during those memorable
months when labor roamed at large and factories and
shops were darkened. Then there were mass meetings
of the men who had been forced out of employment ;
THE GREATEST LOCKOUT IN HISTORY 315
and the employers' union held gatherings daily as
well. Now and then committees would meet commit-
tees, and, while the employers wished it to be under-
stood that only individuals would be dealt with in the
future, they refused to obey their own mandate by lis-
tening to the workingmen's representatives. There
was an undertone of subservience to conditions which
could not be set aside, and much as the employers
might have wanted it otherwise public opinion did not
allow them to disregard what apparently was for the
good of all, to bring about an amiable understanding.
And still the lockout continued.
The Danish workingman is thrifty. The numer-
ous savings banks throughout the country make strong
appeals to their appreciation of what are" termed ' ' rainy
days." Weekly a certain amount finds its way to the
bank and when the lockout came the men;" were much
better prepared for the emergency than the employers
had anticipated. In fact, had the employers' union
known that such large sums of money'; were at the dis-
posal of the men they were endeavoring to subject it is
a question whether they would have dared to engage
in the "combat. When the lockout came, the workers
who had money in bank kept drawing on their own
resources and it was several months before fellow-
workers, who had not been affected, were appealed to.
When that'appeal at last was made necessary, assist-
ance was rendered willingly. Not only the country
itself, but Norway and Sweden and Germany, even,
sent money to help out the men who were not strikers.
The very unique positions of these thousands, who
asked for nothing better than to work as they had done,
appealed to the sentiment and found expression in
material aid. German workingmen contributed not a
little to the campaign fund.
It will always be charged up against the employers
316 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
that they prevented the mechanics they had locked out
from seeking work abroad. The edict went forth to
Norway and Sweden for the employers there not to
give work to men who would ask for it. By this means
the Danish employers expected to bring the mechanics
to repudiate their labor organizations, and come into
the shop or factory as individuals. The same instruc-
tions were sent to Germany, and the appeals to the
German employers were almost humorous; especially
when it is considered that usually not much love is lost
between the Danish people and the subjects of the em-
peror. The manufacturers of Denmark to a very large
extent belong to the Rightist party, which stands for
royalty and patriotic adherence to the throne. The
workingmen are Leftists largely and are the liberals of
of the country. The royalists, therefore, made appeals
in their own interests to people whom they hated from
a political point of view. And they asked the Germans
to help them fight a body which in reality is much bet-
ter disposed toward the people of the Fatherland than
the royalists who still cling to the belief that Schleswig-
Holstein may yet be restored. But it appears that
neither patriotism nor justice were made to interfere
with what to the capitalists in the present instance was
more important than both. And the request of the
Danish employer was complied with and the mechanics
who sought work away from home did so in vain.
It is not to be wondered at that the socialistic ele-
ment of Germany and Belgium felt the situation one to
concern them as well. Money in large sums went to
Denmark. From Belgium, also, came some of the
the foremost leaders among the workingmen and their
advice did much good in several instances, although
some radical measures advanced did not suit the present
purpose of the Danes. No force was to be shown ; on
that point all the Danish labor organizations were a unit.
1900 J THE GREATEST LOCKOUT IN HISTORY 317
The Danish newspapers took an active part in the
campaign aside from the news features of the imbroglio.
The papers which stand for the monarchical ideas took
sides with the employers to a large extent. Those of
the opposite political belief gave the locked-out men
the full benefit of their best pens and counsels. A
number of the papers almost forgot the real issue at
stake and entered into acrimonious attacks. All, how-
ever, were as one that the country could not long en-
dure a condition so disastrous to its best interests. But,
how to bring order out of chaos, opinions differed.
That each contestant had to give up something toward
that end there could be no question.
The clergy of Denmark put in its voice when the*
real crisis arrived. Denmark is a protestant country
and the ministers of the gospel are factors of vast im-
portance where the welfare of the people is at stake.
That the religious sentiment of the nation would suffer
by a prolonged battle between capital and labor was all
too apparent. It was also evident to the ministers that
no one body had a greater right to be heard than they.
When master and man found their grievance turn into
open rupture, instead of making the clergy their confi-
dants the clergymen took upon themselves to offer
their good offices of peace. But even the ministers did
not feel justified to charge the one or other party with
being the cause of the industrial upheaval. Rather, the
appeal which the clergy sent to the country was based
upon what might happen providing an adjustment were
not soon brought about.
During labor conflicts of whatever kind the women
and children are usually the innocent victims of the dis-
putes which arise between the breadgivers and the
breadwinners. Perhaps the Danish lockout, however,
brought forward a phase of sympathy such as the world
has not seen before. The dictate of the heart became
318 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
a great factor as far as the sympathy of woman for
woman was concerned. The employers' union, as a
matter of course, relied upon the opportunity for starv-
ing the workmen into submission. If work was with-
drawn from them, naturally enough, want would assert
itself as soon as the purse had become empty. Women
and children depended on these workers for their daily
bread. And it was now that woman met woman
without sign of distinction.
A number of wives of the employers secretly
assisted the needy of their sex. The schemes of their
lords and masters they passed by for the higher duty of
being humanitarian. Perhaps they might be termed
traitors to their husbands, by some who did not sympa-
thize with this method of assistance. Whatever the
opinion, it showed a noble consciousness that after all
the world contains fraternal feeling as far as woman is
concerned.
The agricultural element of Denmark sympathized
with the workingmen and their families. Almost as
with one voice the various meetings held in villages,
and places like such, showed which way the farmers
wanted the contest to be decided. When summer ar-
rived and no settlement was visible, the farmers of the
entire land threw open their homes to the children of
the locked-out men. It has been a practice for years in
Denmark to send the children of the poorer classes to
the country during the summer months. The farmers
are exceedingly hospitable. Everything possible is
done by them to make the city children enjoy their
stay where nature smiles its best. But when the great
lockout struck the people as a blast which seemed to
sweep everything before it, the Danish farmers felt
that now was the opportunity to show that the stability
of the nation rests on a foundation of agricultural
strength. Almost with one voice the farmers sent out
IQOO.] THE GREATEST LOCKOUT IN HISTORY 319
the word that the locked-out men could send their chil-
dren to them. Commissioners were sent through the
country to make the necessary arrangements. Each
farm was designated as capable of holding a certain
number of children. At Copenhagen the work of allot-
ment was performed. Thousands of children were re-
moved from the unsatisfactory influence of seeing
fathers idle and mothers grievous because the weekly
wages were no longer theirs. In the case of hundreds
of infants the mothers as well went with their little ones
to the country. It had all the aspect of a beleaguered
city where the men are ready to defend their homes
while sending children and women to the rear. Not
enough credit can be given the leaders for the admir-
able way in which they showed the men how to face the
situation courageously. Even the employers expressed
their admiration for the steadfastness which the
locked-out men displayed.
When at last things had arrived at such a state that
arbitration appealed to both parties some time elapsed
before the right men were chosen for that purpose.
The employers' union and the trade unions each selected
one representative, these in turn chose a third. What
took place in the various meetings, how this and that
point was discussed, does not concern the present
article. Enough that the employers recognized the ad-
visability of conferring with labor's representatives in
the future. And the strike in Jutland was disposed of
in its turn. The great lockout was at an end. Slowly
the country went back to a position in the industrial
world which, before the trouble, was an enviable one.
That it will be some time before equilibrium will be en-
tirely restored is a certainty.
To republicans it may not seem a matter of im-
portance that King Christian IX. decorated the three
arbitrators with an order which goes to but few.
320 GUNTOWS MAGAZINE [April,
Nevertheless, Messrs. Bing, Heide and Trier, the three
judges in the present instance, deserved every recog-
nition possible for the masterful manner in which they
brought the matter to a close. When a country with a
population of about two and one-half million inhabi-
tants finds 50,000 men thrown out of work the situation
can well be considered serious. When three individu-
als manage to bring together the severed ends their
country owes them more than if they were that many
generals in the field battling for their nation. The in-
dustry of a country is its fullest expression of prosperi-
ty or otherwise.
But, it will be asked, naturally, who was the con-
queror in this struggle for supremacy ? If either the
one or other side scored a decided victory, the triumph
unquestionably belongs to the trade unions. The em-
ployers' union, to begin with, after the insignificant
strike had begun, became the aggressor, and was re-
lentless in its exactions. It is quite apparent that the
dispute did in reality not revolve around the question
of wages and hours but whether the workingmen's
union might exercise any power in the workshops.
The workingmen themselves maintained that the
employers had in purpose the disruption of trade union-
ism throughout Denmark. The employers maintained,
on the other hand, that they had the sole right to
formulate their own rules for carrying on work without
any interference from the labor organizations. And
when it became apparent that public demand necessi-
tated some kind of agreement between the opposing
forces the much-discussed "eight points" were laid
down by the employers' union. These points were :
(i.) The responsibility of the central union of
workmen for the enforcement among the local
unions of agreements between the central organizations
of employers and workmen. (2.) The recognition of
igoo.] THE GREA TEST LOCKO UT IN HISTOR Y 321
the employers' right to organize the workmen in their
factories according to their own judgment. (3.) That
foremen and heads of gangs must not be members of
the workmen's unions. (4.) That the date of notices as
to agreements respecting the scale of wages and other
matters shall be fixed for January i st in each year, with
three months' notice to be given in advance. (5.) That
there shall be a settlement of all existing points of dis-
pute in the joinery trade. (6.) That neither employer
nor employed shall boycott any one for the part taken
in the dispute. (7.) That there shall be a resumption
of work by the workmen in the same localities where
they were formerly employed. (8.) That all workmen's
unions shall take part in the final negotiations, whether
affiliated to the central union or not.
Even though there remained a considerable differ-
ence between what the employers asked and the em-
ployed were willing to take, there was evident at once a
desire to arrive at some conclusion. It is not too
much to say that in the United States the employer, if
once set sternly against giving in, would never even
have recognized the trade unions as a negotiable quan
tity.
The board of arbitration which had been finally
agreed upon offered its service, which offer was accepted
by the workmen's central union. Still the employers'
union insisted on the " eight points." The struggle
continued until September. When the settlement at last
came it was plainly a compromise. The employers had
to give up any idea of destroying the workmen's organ-
izations. They were also obliged to modify most of
their demands in the " eight-point " issue. On the
other hand, the workmen had to recognize several of
these " points." Where the employers say that no
foreman shall be a member of a workmen's union they
are met with the provision agreed to that the foreman
322 G UNTO A' S MA GAZINE
shall beat liberty to join or refrain from so doing. Also,
instead of January ist being the date of notice as to
agreements concerning scales of wages, it was fixed at
least three months forward, the workmen contending
that in the depth of winter they would be entirely un-
prepared for a lockout. It was also provided that no
boycott should take place on either side following the
signing of the agreement. The main point settled was
that agreements which shall have been arrived at shall
be respected and obeyed by all organizations under
them.
If either of the central organizations feels that this
rule has been broken it can place the appeal before the
court of appeals at Copenhagen, until such time when
there shall be established by law a permanent arbitra-
tion court, invested with the same authority as the other
courts of the country. As soon as this arbitration
court has been established it will take the place of the
court of appeals.
It would be well for American workingmen as
well as the American employers to study carefully this
most unique lockout of the century. Recognition by
the employers that labor unions are necessary is appar-
ent at a glance. There is no doubt that had they so
willed it the employers could, by continued cessation
of work, have brought the others to submit, although at
a fearful cost. The lesson, however, is well bought.
Already Danish industries are recovering from their
forced suspension. With renewed vigor, mechanics
and laborers are once more at their tasks, a better feel-
ing prevailing between the employed and the employ-
ers since both have discovered the inherent strength of
the other, and as fair a land as ever sun shone down
upon is reechoing with the hum of industrial activity.
THE TARIFF AND PROSPERITY
GEORGE L. BOLEN
When Mr. Scanlan, at the Chicago trust confer-
ence, said he must be a bold man who would now
question the benefits conferred by a protective tariff,
he doubtless meant to assert that the recent hard times
were caused by Mr. Cleveland's tariff reform, and that
the present prosperity was caused by the return to Mr.
McKinley's policy of high protection. During the de-
pression the practice among representative republicans
of attributing it to the so-called free trade was nearly
universal, and the democratic reverses of 1894 showed
that the voters in general believed tariff tinkering was
the source of trouble. Since the return to better times
there has been little political campaigning, and the
issues arising from the Spanish war have claimed fore-
most attention ; but in the presidential campaign of
this year there will undoubtedly be the usual large dis-
tribution of protection pamphlets, and in these and the
speeches it will be claimed as a fact now conclusively
proved that prosperity always follows reassertion of
protection, and depression every attempt to modify or
set aside the principle. If this favorite assumption is
now so unquestionably settled, it ought to be easy to
point out why it is true.
How much of this prosperity was caused by the
Dingley law, or to what extent has business been
affected by the tariff ? What list of causes can be given ?
The following outline is of six or seven causes that
seem simple enough for general admission :
(i.) Four and a half years of debt-paying, from
the bank failures of June, 1893, to the revival of trade
in the fall of 1897 (following six years of high living
323
324
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[April,
and bold building), accompanied by restricted
consumption and restricted production resulted
in a depletion of stocks of goods to correspond
with prevailing light demand and little power
to buy. After four years of such living, with scanty
support, low wages and low profits, many debtors
were out of debt and ready to buy and consume more
freely, and with all those living closely personal outfits
of clothing and household commodities were reduced
by wear and ready for replenishing. For these reasons
there was by 1898 a large increase of buying for con-
sumption, which by quickening demand soon started
idle factories and gave idle workmen wages to spend
that added further to the buying and the demand.
Stocks of commodities had been allowed to run so low
that a positive scarcity tended to raise prices.
(2.) Population increase required not only more
goods for current consumption, but also more perma-
nent construction, more houses to live in, more factory
capacity to supply clothing and other articles,
more railroad equipment to carry the needed increase
of food supplies, raw materials and manufactured arti-
cles. As the population of the United States increased
twelve million between 1880 and 1890, and is expected
to increase fourteen millions between the latter year
and the census taking next June, .it doubtless increased
six million in the five years from Cleveland's election
to the fall of 1897. These extra six millions exceeded
the population of Canada, a country of considerable
trade importance, with exports and imports aggrega-
ting together about fifty millions a year. At the accept-
ed estimate in 1880 of a total American product of ten
billions, $200 for each of the fifty million population,
these five or six million additional people provided at
the end of 1897 a home market each year for one bil-
lion more of goods than were required in 1892. Dur-
i goo.] THE TARIFF AND PROSPERITY 325
ing these five years there was very little increase of
permanent construction (factory, house and railroad)
nothing commensurate with the increase of population.
(3). The large crops of 1897-98 in America were
accompanied by an exceptional shortage abroad, which
raised the average price of wheat in New York from
7oc. a bushel in 1895 and ;8c. in 1896, to 950. in 1897
and 1898. This increase of price, with the 100,000,000
bushels excess of the 1897 crop over that of 1896,
raised the farm value of the 1897 crop $i 18,000,000.
There was also an increase of $127,000,000 in the
farm value of the 1896 wheat crop over that of 1895.
In the farm value of the corn crop there was a fall of
$43,000,000 in the first interval, but arise of $10,000,000
in 1897. Since the summer of 1896 American farmers
have received, from their favoring fortune of good sea-
sons here and bad seasons abroad, an excess of several
hundred millions, to remove mortgage burdens and to
spend in building improvements and machinery sup-
plies. This strong foreign demand for grain and rise in
price came before and promoted the business revival.
To a large extent the extra millions came with as little
human agency as if they had dropped from the sky.
Such a sum distributed among needy farmers will
give a tremendous impulse to general business.
(4.) Industrial expansion and general prosperity
in foreign countries gave rise by 1898 to unprecedented
foreign demand for American manufactured products.
This foreign expansion also came before, or indepen-
dent from, the American prosperity, and now exists
almost wholly apart from it. As America buys less in
amount from foreign countries than formerly, her pur-
chases from them contribute less to their trade. The
Midland Railway of England, which has 170 locomo-
tives building at home, has ordered forty in America
for the sake of quick delivery, its business being too
326 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
pressing to admit of any avoidable delay. When these
210 have all been delivered, this road will have 2780
locomotives. Quick delivery, coupled with good work
and reasonable prices, has also brought to America
lately other important foreign orders for locomotives,
steel rails and iron bridges and pipe, and machinery of
various kinds. America is profiting substantially from
British development in Egypt, South Africa, Australia
and Burmah, and from Russian development in
Siberia and North China. Foreign prosperity also
affects the continued demand for American food prod-
ucts, giving means for liberal consumption abroad.
(5.) The Spanish war gave in the spring of 1898 a
decided impetus to the steady and certain industrial
growth that had already started. The original
$50,000,000 appropriation and the $250,000,000 loan
were spent largely for ships, munitions and supplies
that would not have been bought if there had been no
war. Quite likely also several of the American battle-
ships now being built would not have been ordered ;
and the order for foreign warships doubtless came to
America as a result of the navy's brilliant exploits in
the war. The chartering of ships and purchase of war
supplies continues for the Philippines, and the addition
of fifty or sixty thousand men to the old regular army
removes that number of strong men from work at home,
thus making places for an equal number of the unem-
ployed, and contributing to the rise in wages. Ameri-
ca's purchase and chartering of ships has also added to
prosperity abroad.
(6.) The settling of the silver question was a
necessary condition for the return of prosperity.
However sincere were the beliefs of some of the advo-
cates of free coinage, the agitation unquestionably
caused capitalists to delay enlargement for old or con-
struction for new enterprises, and added in 1896 to
1900.] THE TARIFF AND PROSPERITY 327
other reasons for operating factories few hours per day,
with reduced forces at low wages. Yet in the perma-
nent settlement of the silver agitation the presidential
election of 1896 was probably the least of three factors.
It restored confidence in the currency among the gold
advocates ( the capitalists and manufacturers ) ; but the
silver voters ( unprosperous farmers and poorly em-
ployed workingmen ) continued to be silver men ( de-
spite some improvement in crop prices ) and ready for
agitation through nearly a year after the election,
until the very large crops of 1897, with the foreign
shortage and higher prices, placed the farmers on their
feet again and led quickly to the emplojnnent of many
idle workmen. The other factor in the apparently
permanent settlement of the silver question is the
marked increase in the annual production of gold. The
world's total product of gold was $199,000,000 in 1895,
$202,000,000 in 1896, $238,000,000 in 1897, and $287,-
000,000 in 1898. The product of South Africa alone,
over $80,000,000 in 1898, was expected to reach $100,-
000,000 last year if mining was not seriously interrupted
by war in the Transvaal. Not only does this increase
of gold dispose of the American silver agitation, but
here, and in other countries where there was no silver
question, it encourages business enterprise by its
promise of a possible higher average of prices, from an
abundance of the universal measure of value.
(7.) The earlier movement toward a return to
normal buying and normal consumption, without re-
gard to the cause of the movement ( whether it came
from a studied survey of conditions or from a chance
desire to buy some goods), tended naturally toward a
complete reestablishment of normal conditions of
trade. By 1897 after four years of depression during
which the earth yielded its products as before and peo-
ple had their usual wants, the restoration of commer-
328 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
cial confidence by the removal of the silver scare would
have led gradually to fair prosperity if there had been
no other specially favorable causes. At such a time
people able to buy begin to feel that they have stinted
long enough, and purchases by a comparatively few
are followed by orders for new goods to keep up the
small stocks on hand; soon manufacturers begin to
realize that the market will justify a cautious resump-
tion of work, and with employment comes more buying
by workingmen more consumption and more demand.
As with the individual, success brings success, so in
society buying brings more buying makes trade.
(8.) With all the above causes of present pros-
perity, there is little effect left to attribute to the
Dingley tariff law. How far its increase of duties af-
fected business it is easy to estimate. Practically noth-
ing was added to the Wilson law's 25 to 40 per cent,
duties in favor of the iron and steel industry, which is
now fast coming into control of the markets of the
world. The $2 per 1,000 feet on lumber (free under
the Wilson law ) has probably given employment to
few or no additional Americans, nor increased their
wages, in the present world- wide demand for building
materials. The uc. a pound placed upon free wool
raises the price and adds considerably to the income of
the wool growers ; but it is unlikely that as many as
20,000 people in America are supported exclusively by
sheep raising, or that as many as one million are par-
tially supported by it to an extent sufficient to affect
their general consumption. The total value of about
$50,000,000 for the wool product of 1898, against the
total of about two and a half billions for all farm
products, would indicate that an infinitesimal propor-
tion of present buying for consumption is done with
proceeds of wool. The three-tenths of a cent per
pound added to the Wilson duty of one cent and a fifth
igoo.] THE TARIFF AND PROSPERITY 329
in favor of the American tin plate industry, which was
established by the McKinley tariff of 1890, was recently
said to be necessary for its present prosperity ; though
this industry grew rapidly under the Wilson law during
the hard times, and the Welsh would seem now to have
their capacity utilized with the large demand for tin
outside of the United States. But 100,000 would prob-
ably be a high estimate for those people in America
who live from the tin-plate industry. The 1 5 per cent,
imposed upon free hides has added materially to the in-
come of very few who did not have all the purchasing
power they could use. The 3-8 cent per pound on
soda ash is said to have given support to several
thousand people in new works in eastern Michigan.
There seems to be no other item worth mentioning
in whose manufacture the Dingley tariff has added to
the employment and purchasing power of the Ameri-
can people. We need not consider here whether its
duties on raw materials have hampered any industry
and thus unfavorably affected wages, or whether its
protective additions to prices of some things have cur-
tailed purchasing power for other things. But it ap-
pears doubtful if the Dingley bill's increase of duties
has noticeably benefited, directly or indirectly, more
than one-fiftieth or one-sixtieth of the population. If
the manufacturers of other nations were less busy than
they are, there might be more need in America for the
tariff barrier. However, it seems a strange view of
America's acknowledged preeminence in business ca-
pacity and industrial skill, with her world-surpassing
home market and unapproachable variety and extent of
resources, to doubt the success of her people in any
proper industry, with high, low or no protection, in
the unprecedented demand that now prevails over every
continent.
The chief benefit of the new tariff comes from the
330 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
settlement of the controversy. When industries are no
more handicapped or endangered than they were in
1897 by the Wilson law, when as then producing and
consuming power have sustained no shock from famine,
flood or pestilence, the only thing necessary to restore
normal trade conditions is to get among the people the
feeling that everything is all right. It was the need of
revenue that seemed to require an increase of the tariff
rates. Not many who understood the situation will
doubt that if the Wilson law had been changed only in
name, and reenacted as a new law- without actual in-
crease of rates, the nation's business as a whole would
have been affected just as favorably as it was. If there
had been no tariff change at all, it is hard to imagine
the matter-of-fact American mind could have failed to
realize the return of good times when it knew of the
long trains laden with grain for export at high prices,
of the feverish rush to supply the government with
commodities for the war, and of the widespread return
to large consumption in every line. And, viewing every
feature of the question strictly on its merits, it is not
too much to believe that the grand spectacle of pros-
perity would have been little delayed if Cleveland in-
stead of McKinley could have been its advance agent,
on their common currency platform.
Of course this whole discussion is useless for dis-
cerning minds that have considered the question. It
is regrettable that party policies should require able
and otherwise honest men to publicly teach what they
know to be misleading what they would never stultify
themselves by defending in a small company of trained
minds informed upon the subject. But, unfortunately,
there are few who have any other than the prescribed
partisan understanding of these things. At a large
local political gathering the best men in the community
drink in with eager satisfaction wholly untenable argu-
igoo.] THE TARIFF AND PROSPERITY 331
ments. During the hard times it was usually a waste
of effort to contest the prevailing opinion that all the
trouble arose from the election of Cleveland and tariff
reform. It is so much easier to believe unthinkingly
in some charm-like connection between the tariff and
business than to seek out causal facts, such as that the
boom in railroad building and large construction was
subsiding before 1892; that the farm value of the
wheat and corn crops fell off over half a billion in the
two years from 1891 to 1893 ; and that the hard times
began in a silver panic in the summer of 1893, with
little thought of the approaching tariff reform. In the
same way, leading local business men now talk some-
times as if the Dingley tariff were the sole or chief
cause of present prosperity. How different, how fair
and truthful in every way, is the view of Hon. Thomas
L. James, in his comprehensive article last fall a
master of business who evidently has a higher opinion
of his party than to believe it will be helped by ex-
cessive claims as to the benefits of protection. But
happily, new issues are relieving both the great parties
from the fallacious or exaggerated policies to which
they have clung. It is unimportant whether the aver-
age voter ever knows the truth about them after they
have been dropped to a minor place among platform
principles.
BY THE EDITOR
This article is an excellent illustration of what can
be done by way of showing that a given result is not
the effect of any given cause. Mr. Bolen has evidently
been somewhat disturbed by the claim that the return
to a protective policy was the dominant cause of the
present prosperity, and in order to rebut this contention
he has endeavored to show that it is the result of a com-
bination of nearly all the causes that ever operate upon
332 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
industrial phenomena. There is a sense in which Mr.
Bolen is right. There are probably many hundreds,
nay many thousands, of influences which have directly
and indirectly contributed to the present state of indus-
trial prosperity. But that does not militate against the
fact that some great leading cause exercised an initi-
atory and perhaps a dominating influence, without
which the others would not have perceptibly oper-
ated, and jointly were very insufficient. One might as
well deny that any phenomenon is the product of any
specific cause on the ground that everything is subject
to the joint action of all the forces of the universe.
Under the first head, Mr. Bolen calls attention to
the fact that during the four years from 1893 to 1897
consumption was restricted and stocks were depleted,
and says : " For these reasons there was by 1 898 a large
increase of buying for consumption, which by quicken-
ing demand soon started idle factories and gave idle
workmen wages to spend that added further to the buy-
ing and the demand."
But what started the buying? The low profits and
the low wages? How could the diminution of mer-
chants' stocks stimulate buying? It is usually the re-
dundancy of such stocks that stimulates the efforts to
sell by tempting buyers with lower, sometimes losing,
prices. But why did all this wait until after the return
of the protective policy? Wages were low enough in
1894 and 1895 ; stocks were poor enough and bankrupt-
cies were numerous enough, but buying did not begin.
Under the second head he gives increase of popula-
tion as the cause. The increase of population called
for more houses and more clothes and more food. He
estimates that from Mr. Cleveland's election to the fall
of 1897 there was an increase of six millions in the
population, which is more than the entire population of
Canada, and, on the estimate that each individual con-
1900.] THE TARIFF AND PROSPERITY 333
sumes two hundred dollars' worth of products a year,
this increasing population furnished a home market for
a billion dollars' worth of goods. Well, why did not
this effect of the increased population upon the home
market show itself until after the Cleveland regime was
terminated? This population did not all come in 1897.
They were being born every day and every year. If
this were a leading cause it ought to have shown itself
in 1893, and increasingly in 1894, and so on "each year
right along. But there were no symptoms of this effect
until after the election of 1896. Moreover, if this in-
creased population was a great force in the situation,
why did the slump of depression come in the closing
months of 1892 and early months of 1893? There was
no sudden diminution of the population. The fact was
that millions of them some of the time went without
food. They had to be fed by soup kitchens in all the
large cities throughout the country, and in the rural
districts laborers became herds of tramps. This cause
is wholly inadequate, as it was in operation all the time,
while the effects came suddenly at a specific date to
which this cause had no relation.
Under the third head he cites the increased crops
of 1896 and 1897, when the crops in all this country
were large and there was a failure of crops in other
countries, and hence our farmers got the advantage of
the higher prices without any increase in their cost of
production. There is no doubt but this was a tributary
cause to the return of prosperity, because (i) it gave the
farmers of this country several millions extra, which
they spent in paying off their mortgages, in buying
implements, perhaps in erecting new farm buildings or
repairing old ones ; and (2) it came almost simultane-
ously with the new industrial policy and helped to
stimulate the result. But had this come in 1892 it
would not have been adequate to convert the depression
334 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
into prosperity, mainly because it only influenced to the
specific amount of its increased purchasing power.
Alone it would have done little to stimulate the busi-
ness confidence of the community, which was the real
influence at bottom of both the depression in 1892 and
the present revival.
Under the fourth head Mr. Bolen cites the indus-
trial expansion in foreign countries, which ''gave rise
by 1898 to unprecedented foreign demand for Ameri-
can manufactured products." The statistical returns
show nothing special in this respect. From 1893 to
1899 inclusive the exports of domestic manufactures
gradually increased each year (except 1895) being
$158,023,118, in 1893, $183,728,808 in 1894, $183,595,-
743 in 1895, $228,571,178 in 1896, $277,285,391 in 1897,
$290,697,354 in 1898 and $338,675,558 in 1899. If this
foreign expansion, therefore, contributed materially to
the return of prosperity, it ought to have been as pre-
ceptiblein 1894 as it was in 1898, since the increase of
1894 over 1893 was $2 5, 705, 690, whereas the increase of
1898 over 1897 was only $13,411,963.
But, as already remarked, it is undoubtedly true
that the larger crop of 1897 was a real contribution, as
was also the increased expenditure by the government
involved in the war with Spain, as was also the settling
of the silver question by the certainty that a free-silver
bill could not pass the president. These three items
coming simultaneously with the change of administra-
tion, which brought the new policy, no doubt helped
to swell the proportions which the industrial prosperity
reached.
In his last section, Mr. Bolen reveals most clearly
the defect of his method of treating the subject. He
says : ' ' With all the above causes of present pros-
perity, there is little effect left to attribute to the Ding-
ley tariff law." He then proceeds to take a number of
igoo.] THE TARIFF AND PROSPERITY 335
items, like wool and lumber and tin, and estimate how
much increased employment and wages the protection
on each of these particular items gave, and how much
that employment contributed to the general prosperity.
This overlooks the most important effect of an eco-
nomic policy its effect on the business confidence of
the country. It is not in these details that either the
Wilson bill injured or the Dingley bill helped general
prosperity. The great effect the two policies exer-
cised on the two periods of depression and prosperity
was not the actual result of the schedules, but the in-
fluence on the business psychology of the nation.
When Mr. Cleveland was elected in 1892, his very po-
litical presence paralyzed industry ; not because any-
thing had been really changed but from the fear of the
change he and his party would inaugurate. It will be
remembered that, within a week after the election returns
were in, business reverses began, contracts for supplies
and machinery and new factories were cancelled by the
score and hundred. Before he was inaugurated the
country was in a high state of industrial fever. Banks
were calling in their loans, contracting their accommo-
dation to every business who was supposed to be af-
fected, directly or indirectly, by the tariff. And in
less than two months after he was inaugurated we were
entering the fiercest panic, with the greatest number
of bank and business failures, that has ever been re-
corded in a single six months of our history.
On the theory of analyzing tariff schedules it could
be said that this was not due to Mr. Cleveland's elec-
tion at all, because he had not done a single thing ex-
cept call a special session of congress to repeal the Sher-
man silver law. It was not what he had done but what
everybody believed he was going to do that created the
damage, and that is the way very largely that business
panics are brought on. When the Wilson bill was really
33fl GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
adopted the worst phases of the panic were over. The
worst was then known, and if that could have been known
the morning after Mr. Cleveland's election the disturb-
ance would probably not have been one-tenth so great.
But the disturbance which had been caused, and the
lack of faith in the policy of the administration, whose
presence had caused it, left the nation in a state of in-
dustrial stupor, and it so remained during the entire
period of that administration, notwithstanding that the
population had increased and that our exports were in-
creasing. The fact [is, the paralysis was on our do-
mestic industry. Wages fell, enforced idleness multi-
plied, pauperism increased apace, and instead of the
people having money to spend they had to be fed at
soup kitchens.
The election of 1896 had just the reverse effect on
the business psychology of the country. There were
two great issues involved in that election. One was
the return to a protective policy, and the other the se-
curity against a fifty-cent dollar. Immediately after
the election returns were in the revival began, in exact-
ly the same way as in 1892 the depression began. It
was not that Mr. McKinley was so wonderfully much
wiser than Mr. Cleveland. He had done nothing. But
he represented a policy which would afford protection
to the American market, to American enterprise. On
the basis of that theory, business men had confidence
everywhere that now they could safely risk industrial
investments ; that at least the policy of the administra-
tion would be in favor of and not against domestic in-
dustries. This, together with the certainty that a free-
silver law could not pass, went through the financial
and business veins of the nation like a stimulating
electric current.
It is true, as recited by Mr. Bolen, that everybody
had bought as little of clothes, furniture and other sup-
igoo.] THE TARIFF AND PROSPERITY 337
plies as they could get along with, while manufacturers
curtailed production and stocks were depleted until the
market was left thoroughly bare ; but, during the four
years of doubtful policy, the bareness of the market did
not stimulate the opening of a single factory. When
the safe ground for confidence came, with the financial
and protective policy of the new administration, capital
felt safe in at once reaching out in anticipation of a re-
vival of demand. Credit was at once extended to sol-
vent concerns, so that they could safely contract for
orders months ahead, which started the factories. The
starting of the factories increased employment, and
that let loose a larger amount of purchasing funds.
Railroads, in anticipation of a return of prosperity, be-
gan repairs and large extensions, even making heavy
loans for the purpose, in anticipation of increasing
business. Thus, with the letting loose of capital,
through the enlargement of credit, which was born of
the renewed confidence, the whole industrial world be-
gan to bubble with activity. Everybody wanted to
stock up who could get credit or had the means to pur
chase the stock, because they felt perfectly sure of their
future sales, which they had not done prior to Novem-
ber, 1896. Even though all that Mr. Bolen says about
the Dingley law regarding particular industries were
true, the fact remains that the presence of the protec-
tive policy and the certainty that it would favor domestic
industries gave confidence and life to business activity.
The production of iron through the construction of
railroads, of machinery and new factories, took on pro-
portions never before anticipated.
Of course it is true that the whole of this is not due
to the tariff, but what is true is that the confidence
created by the protective and sound-money policy of
the new administration revitalized the nation in every
department. When business confidence thus let loose
338
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
all the available economic forces of the country a mo-
mentum was created by which the tributary causes to
which Mr. Bolen refers could contribute their mite to
the general prosperity. But the important fact to note
is that the seven causes he enumerates all combined
with a state of disturbed business confidence would not,
could not and did not create a ripple. They were only
effective when the great dominating cause, business
confidence and certainty of future security, operated.
In that sense, therefore, it may properly be said that
the present business prosperity is chiefly due to the tariff
policy ; not that the schedules have produced it, but
the effect of the general policy upon the business confi-
dence and energy of the people. Without it, prosperity
might ultimately have come, but it would have been
slow and meagre and probably have involved a general
lowering of our economic status, in the process. If we
should have absolute free trade to-morrow, this nation
would survive, but our industries and labor conditions
would have to be readjusted to the new competitive
basis, which probably would be a permanent lowering
of the wage and profit level of the whole country, and
from five to ten years' depression, bankruptcy and ruin
in the readjusting process.
If that change is ever to come without havoc and
disaster it must be introduced gradually by impercepti-
ble gradations.
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE
IT is ASSUMED by most people that the Hay-Paun-
cefote treaty in favor of the neutralization of the Nica-
ragua Canal is a humiliating surrender to England.
But this seems not to be the view taken by the English
press. The Spectator, St. James Gazette, Saturday Re-
view, Times, and other journals of English opinion, even
favor American control and fortification. They take
the view that in American hands the neutrality is safer,
so far as they are concerned, than it would be in the
hands of the powers. They feel perfectly sure that we
would never close the canal to English commerce. The
spirit of the people, the interests of the nations, their
attitude toward civilization, are so alike that no admin-
istration in either England or the United States could
ever get up a case over which the people would permit
a war.
THERE is a good deal of truth in the idea that un-
limited discussion is the best way to kill vagaries and
empty panaceas. Senseless sentiment, groundless
statements and misrepresentation of facts will not bear
constant repetition, and the nearer we approach to
practical action the more critical the people become.
During the last year or eighteen months, when the re-
organization of corporations into larger concerns was
at its height, there was an almost frenzied public senti-
ment against these so-called " trusts." A year's fierce
discussion, covering several national conferences, has
taken much of the hysterics out of the controversy. As
an evidence that economic sanity on this subject has
begun to find its way into political circles, a compara-
tively rational measure has been introduced into the
339
340 GUNTON>S MAGAZINE [April,
New York senate for the regulation of trusts. It puts
corporations effectively within the regulative power of
the state without abridging their freedom for legiti-
mate business enterprises. If this measure is passed,
as it probably will be, it may set the pace for whole-
some so-called trust legislation, which will be a good
thing for industry throughout the country.
IT is QUITE manifest that among a certain class of
politicians and journalists a determined effort is being
made to force the tariff into prominence as an issue in
the coming presidential campaign. The effect of this
will, of course, be to disturb business confidence and
to that extent it will be a national calamity.
Republicans will very properly denounce this as a
means of bringing on industrial depression. Yet as a
matter of fact the administration is really responsible
for whatever evil may come out of this agitation. A
straight consistent policy by the republican party on
the lines of its own history would have kept the pro-
tective principle un-attacked and made any serious dis-
cussion of free trade at this time practically impossible.
But the president's official declaration in favor of free
trade with Puerto Rico, then the party's backing off into
a tariff policy, has given the free traders exactly the
morsel they wanted. The fact that it would cause an
industrial depression never seems to be regarded as of
sufficient significance to prevent the free-trade agitation
on the slightest possible excuse. National prosperity
is no bar to the professional free-trade agitator. In-
deed, it seems rather to whet his appetite for a new
attack upon protection.
THE NEW YORK Sun criticizes Mr. Smalley for indi-
cating in his correspondence with the London Times that
public sentiment in the United States is with England's
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 341
*
position in South Africa. The Sun announces that the
American people are with the Boers. It may not be
disputed that the Sun has a special short-cut to knowl-
edge on this subject, but it would be interesting to
know how it found out that the American people sided
with the Boers. Has it taken any census on the sub-
ject? Has there been any expression of public opinion
in any of the large cities or country districts? On
what class of data does the Sun base its conclusion?
It cannot be on the tone of the press, for that would
justify no such conclusion. If the Sun would say it is
in favor of the Boers it might be on safe ground, and
it would not be of so very much consequence. But
when it pretends to speak for the American people,
without a scintilla of inside evidence any more than
any other citizen has, it should be treated as only in-
dulging in colossal guessing.
The only evidence of public opinion on the subject
thus far is a few meetings, largely Irish, and they were
entirely unnecessary, since everybody knows that
Irishmen are opposed to anything that England does.
The judgment of the American people on the Boer sit-
uation is in the making. It will not be rendered until
the fight is over, and then it is no risk to prophesy that
it will be in favor of human rights, free government,
and equality for all white men in Africa. To assume
that the opinion of the American people would finally
be given in favor of a narrow oligarchy which does not
even admit equality of religious opinion, to say nothing
of personal property and political rights, is to insult
their spirit of fairness and the sincerity of their faith in
democratic institutions.
IN ITS exposure of the " gambling hells " of New
York city, the New York Times has done what the
Mazet committee failed to accomplish. The Times en-
342
GUNTOWS MAGAZINE
[April,
joys the advantage of being entirely free from yellow-
ness. It is one of the cleanest and most serious dailies
published in New York. It has not only located a
number of these illegal " gambling dens," but it has,
with a precision heretofore unequalled, located the or-
ganization and method by which the system is carried
on. It has located the existence of an official com-
mission of gamblers who license the whole business,
using the police force merely as their agent to collect a
well-regulated fee for protection, according to the
profitableness of the " den." By this means it obtains
for distribution among its own members and the Tam-
many machine in the vicinity of three million dollars a
year. The expos6 is very complete, and makes the
Mazet committee look wonderfully like a sham. The
effect has been to set the grand jury at work and make
the district attorney's office assume a virtue it never
possessed and act as if it were interested in suppress-
ing crime, of which it has not hitherto been suspected.
All in all, the revelation the Times has made shows
that experience has practically no lessons for Tam-
many ; that it is a political organization which lives,
moves and has its being in vice. It grows bolder in its
methods on the assumption that the rewards it can dis-
tribute will secure its popularity and retention in office,
which is justified by its fifty to ninety thousand majori-
ty at any election, regardless of candidates or issues.
The people thus endorse Tammany over and over
again, with the full knowledge of its methods, charac-
ter and purposes, and hence they alone are responsible
for the disgrace it bring upon the city.
IN AN EDITORIAL on " Bryan's Chances " the Wash-
ington Post reviews the policy of the administration on
the Philippines, Puerto Rico and the Nicaragua canal,
and concludes thus :
igoo.] EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 343
4 'We assert, without fear of contradiction, that the administration
is daily losing strength on all these scores, and we know, for a certainty,
that thousands of men who, four years ago, regarded Mr. Bryan with
terror and aversion, now consider him favorably as the lesser of two
evils."
If this be true, and the Post was never a Bryan
paper, the administration and the republican party have
themselves only to blame. The American principle
and the traditions of republican party policy on all these
questions have been quite clear. The administration
has wavered and halted, faltered, and sometimes re-
versed itself, so as to impress the people with its inde-
cision if not lack of statesmanship. Whether this was
due to timidity or indecision as to the true policy makes
practically no difference in the result. The American
people like decision and leadership. They admire
courage of conviction and the willingness to assume re-
sponsibility. They are willing to be led, but they do
not like the road to have too many turns in it. Inde-
cision is counted for incapacity, for which they have no
permanent use. Bryan may be wrong, as he is on al-
most every important question, but he does not waver.
He keeps right along. He refuses even to give up
silver when it is dead. There is a kind of shallow fool-
hardiness in this, yet it calls forth the expression:
" Well, he is honest and stands for a principle," which
is put to his credit. This kind of persistence com-
mands a certain amount of respect, even though it leads
to perdition. Consistent folly will usually command
more respect than vacillation. If the Post is correct it
is not the wisdom of Bryan but the weakness of the ad-
ministration that is responsible.
THE BOERS are beginning to realize that after all
the god of war gives victory to the strongest armies ;
that their pretence of fighting for freedom, when it is
really only to prevent other people from having free-
344 G UN TON'S MA GAZINE
dom, is not taken seriously by anybody who has the
power to interfere. The proposition of Presidents
Kruger and Steyn to the British government, to estab-
lish peace on anti-bellum conditions, was almost child-
ish. Lord Salisbury 's reply pointedly stated the case. It
reminded the Boers that they were asked to redress cer-
tain obvious grievances, which they declined to recog-
nize, and that, instead, they had for years prepared for
war and when they were ready invaded British territory
and caused a bloody conflict, which might have been
avoided and the independence of the Free State and the
entire self-government of the Transvaal been perpetu-
ated by doing the ordinary decent thing toward the
white people in South Africa. But they insisted upon
violating nearly all the conditions of civil justice and
political fairness, and practically treating Englishmen
and Americans as an inferior race, to perpetuate which
policy they took the initiative of war.
After briefly enumerating the salient facts, Lord
Salisbury frankly informed them that the British gov-
ernment would see to it that another war of this kind
should not occur. It is perfectly safe to prophesy that
whenever the end comes the people of the Free State
and the Transvaal will not lose one whit of their liberty.
They will have all the rights of self-government, self-
taxation and opportunities of social and industrial im-
provement that the country and their own capital and
energy afford. They will have more real freedom
than they had before, but they will not be permitted to
subjugate white people nor deprive anybody of the
freedom they themselves enjoy, and this is clearly in
the interest of civilization.
EFFECTS OF NEW YORK SWEATSHOP LAW
HENRY WHITE, SECRETARY UNITED GARMENT WORKERS
OF AMERICA
Nowhere has the state exercised its corrective
power with more beneficent results than in the work-
shop. Here it has rescued children pressed into the
treadmill of labor, has protected women from ex-
cessive hours of toil, enforced the observance of clean-
liness and decency, compelled the placing of safe-
guards around exposed machinery, and in many ways
mitigated the harshness and dangers of factory life, and
improved industrial conditions. After an experience
of sixty-six years, since parliament passed the first real
factory act, the authorities on social science are in com-
plete accord as to the wisdom of such state action,
which is in contrast to the intense opposition invoked
against the first bill of 1833 which only forbade the em-
ployment of children under nine years of age, limited
the working time of children between nine and thirteen
to eight hours a day, and prevented night work for all
persons between nine and eighteen years between 8.30
p. m. and 5.30 a. m.
Many of those who opposed such an obviously good
measure were not inspired by malignant motives, as it
might seem, but were persons of high character who
contended for the principle of individual liberty and
the " freedom of labor." If things were let alone, they
declared, mankind would ultimately be benefited and
if the offices of the state were invoked even to protect
the tender children from exploitation, which was then
England's shame, it would lead to the evils of paternal-
ism, individual initiative would be suppressed, and the
foundations of society weakened. This is a good ex-
345
346
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[April,
ample of how far doctrinaire reasoning will go in the
suppression of humane impulses. That common sense
which checks extreme positions and prescribes safe
limits to our practices and leads us to deal with situa-
tions as they arise, was not reckoned with. Since then
the better rule that the province of the state is to cor-
rect such evils as cannot be cured by individual action
has come to be recognized and followed.
Another important step in industrial progress is the
recognition that business is of a social nature, that the
* 'captains of industry" have obligations and duties to
perform toward their employees and the public ; that
business success is dependent upon favorable social con-
ditions to which a single person can contribute but
little. This view has opened the door to remedial legis-
lation, justified trade-union regulations, and created that
common ground where persons differing otherwise in
economic thought may meet and act together.
In response to the settled conviction that factory
inspection is as much a part of the function of the state
as police duty or the promotion of public health, the
manufacturing states of the union have gradually added
to the powers and scope of this department. New York
and Massachusetts have taken the lead in this work,
and since 1886 have undertaken the task of suppressing
what is known as the sweating evil. This name de-
scribes the grinding method of letting and sub-letting
work to petty contractors, which is largely done in
home shops and in crowded work-rooms where the or-
dinary rules of health and comfort are disregarded.
The large immigration from the countries of eastern
Europe where manufacturing is still largely domestic
is responsible for the extensive introduction of the
system here, and the making of garments and other ar-
ticles which can be conveniently made at home has
fallen under its blight. In this case the efficiency of
i9oo.] EFFECTS OF N. Y. SWEA TSHOP LA W 347
the larger and better equipped factory is overcome by
longer hours of toil, the saving of rent, the employment
of members of the family and the evasion of the factory-
law restrictions. This is why the large manufacturing
firms, while transacting business in the most modern
way, employ this benighted, antiquated system, which
enables them to exploit the labor of the most helpless
class of people and at the same time shirk responsibility
for the conditions under which their goods are made by
hiding behind the contractor. Where these same firms
are obliged to have work performed direct, as in the
cutting of garments, we witness a gratifying contrast,
and we can see at a glance that the permanent cure for
this evil lies in direct employment.
Here lies the problem of factory inspection. It is
by making it inconvenient for a manufacturer to resort
to the indirect or contract method, and uncomfortable
for those employed in it, that the system would in time
be discarded altogether, and the work done in regular
shops which could readily be brought under the super-
vision of the factory inspectors and within the influence
of the trade unions. The moral influence of publicity
and numbers also helps to fix higher standards in the
larger shops.
The courts in their desire to protect the sacredness
of the home have interposed most serious obstacles in
the way of reaching the domestic shops. In 1884 the
Court of Appeals decided that the law prohibiting the
manufacture of cigars in tenement houses which was
advocated by Assemblyman, now Governor, Roosevelt,
was invalid, as the family and immediate members
thereof could not be restrained from working in their
living rooms, and upon the ground that this law abro-
gated the liberties guaranteed all citizens under the con-
stitution. This decision for a time baffled every attempt
to bring the home shops under the authority of the
348 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
factory inspectors, until the way was pointed out by the
Massachusetts licensing law of 1898, which required
that every shop conducted in a dwelling room shall first
obtain a permit, and such permit not to be granted un-
til proper sanitary conditions are observed. No per-
son is permitted under the law either to employ or con-
tract with a person not holding a license for the making
of articles whole or in parts in any living apartment.
The merit of this law is that it compels the occu-
pants of these shops to have them registered, and pro-
hibits their operation until the inspector is satisfied that
the law is being observed. Although the provisions of
the factory acts in regard to child labor and the hours
of employment cannot be applied in the home shops,
still the discretionary power invested in the inspectors
and the latitude which the health laws afford are
sufficient to discourage the system altogether by com-
pelling strict compliance with the spirit of the law. An
applicant for a license in case of a refusal is obliged
to apply to the courts to compel the inspector to grant
the license if denied without just cause, thus imposing
upon the tenement-house worker the burden of proving
his or her claim for the license.
This license feature was added to the factory laws
of New York State last year and amended so as to ap-
ply to buildings situat in the rear of any tenement or
dwelling house, and the owner essee and agent of the
building where goods are unlawfully manufactured are
held co-responsible. Violations of the law are punish-
able as a misdemeanor. The force of deputy inspectors
was also increased from 36 to 50, but the additional
duties of inspecting scaffolding and enforcing the life
and limb law were taken from the police department
and imposed upon the factory inspectors, thus scatter-
ing their efforts and detracting from the chief work of
the department. It also enables the inspectors to refer
igoo.] EFFECTS OF N. Y. SWEATSHOP LAW 349
to these extra duties in extenuation of charges of in-
efficiency.
The general effectiveness of the factory laws, the
large increase of the force of the department, and the
sympathetic cooperation of the governor all combined to
raise high expectations. While the amendments have
only been in effect since last September, and a sufficient
test could not have been made in the five months,
enough evidence has been obtained to show that the
method of enforcing it will have to be radically changed
if the purpose of the law is not to be defeated. The
duties of the inspector are of a reformatory character
and, unless he is also fully imbued with the spirit of
the work and has clearly in view the object to be at-
tained, we cannot expect other than the kind of service
we are accustomed to receive from public officials. The
cause for this reluctance on the part of the officers to
strictly apply the law is the fear of the political oppo-
sition which would be engendered. From a narrow
political view such would be the case, for the manu-
facturers, sweaters, and the proprietors of the build-
ings used for sweatshops have votes and possibly in-
fluence, but the favorable public opinion which could
be created through the achievement of substantial re-
sults would bring to the administration a popular sup-
port which would more than offset the other. But the
licensing feature of the law need not be enforced arbi-
trarily and cause unnecessary hardship, for it can be
applied in a way which would gradually tend to drive
the home-workers into the legitimate workshop.
Factory Inspector John Williams furnished a state-
ment to the writer showing that 6,576 applications for
licenses were received from September ist to December
I4th, of which 3,860 were investigated; 2,472 were
granted licenses, and 1,350 applicants were refused.
Two arrests were made, one party being held under
350 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
$300 bail, and the other reprimanded and released by
the court. The total number of places in New York
city affected by Article 7 of the Labor Laws is estimated
by the inspector at about 15,000, and fourteen deputies
are commissioned to enforce the provisions relating to
tenement-house work.
It will be seen from this official statement that the
surface, so far, has hardly been scratched and that a de-
tailed inspection of so many places is out of the ques-
tion. The force of example, therefore, must be relied
upon, but only one person so far has been lightly pun-
ished by being held under $300 bonds. The 1,350 per-
sons to whom licenses have been refused are evidently
working as usual in illegal places, while the 2,472
licenses were granted largely to people who work in
tenements. What difference does it make to the tene-
ment worker whether he is granted a license or not, if
he is allowed to continue unmolested? If he was de-
prived of work by the firms supplying him with it,
through the action of the inspectors, until he was able
to show a license, there would be some incentive for
him to procure one, but even then he could without
much inconvenience, perhaps, obtain work from some-
where else.
Even let us suppose that every tenement worker
applied for and received a license by complying tech-
nically with the requirements, would this create an im-
provement? Would the real object of the law to dis-
courage and gradually suppress tenement-house manu-
facture be fulfilled? Unquestionably, no. After the
very lenient provisions of the law are observed and the
license secured, how can it be known whether the con-
ditions will keep up to the standard. In fact, the per-
son armed with a license is really granted immunity for
a year, until the date of its expiration.
It is evident that a great deal remains to be done
i goo.] EFFECTS OF N. Y. SWEATSHOP LA W 351
in the way of improving the law and in the manner of
its prosecution. All efforts should be concentrated in
the localities where the sweating evil abounds, not only
to regulate it, but to extirpate it altogether by making
its very existence impossible. The mere recording of
the number of inspections made and publishing them
in the bulky volumes issued annually by the depart -
ment is valueless, while entailing a great expense.
It is the application of the laws with intelligent dis-
crimination which can accomplish positive results.
The effectivenesss of law consists in the way in which
the inspection is done, rather than a perfunctory num-
ber of inspections.
As we cannot hope, apparently, to secure officers
who will be as advanced as the law itself, the law
must be extended so as to make manufacturing in living
rooms more difficult. The courts having declared
against the validity of any legislation which prohibits
immediate members of a family from engaging in any
legal occupation in their own apartments, then the de-
sired end must be attained by other methods.
It was recommended to the governor last year that
the granting of licenses should be forbidden to any ap-
partments reached by the same entrance or stairway
used for living rooms. At the time it was considered
too drastic a remedy, necessitating as it would such al-
terations to a house in order to make a separate en-
trance as to practically debar working in tenement
rooms. But the decidedly unsatisfactory results so far
and the small probability of the object of the laws be-
ing carried out entitled this proposition to more serious
consideration.
It was thought when the new law was framed that
an effective blow had been dealt at the sweating sys-
tem. The real merit of the law is in the clause which
prevents a person from conducting a shop in a dwelling
352 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
house, or in a building in the rear of a tenement unless
a license is first procured. Thus far, however, we find
that sweatshops have actually been legalized and a
gloss of respectability given to them by the very law
designed to suppress them. A manufacturer accused
of having his goods made in sweatshops pointed to the
law and said ' ' that the person making the charge was
ignorant of the fact that the law had put an end to
sweatshops, and that the state compelled all work-rooms
to be clean."
Thousands of licenses have been granted to places
where only the bare sanitary conditions were complied
with, at the time the licenses were applied for, and yet
they are only a small fraction of the number of shops
which are to be regulated. That the law was consid-
ered adequate at the time is shown by the following
testimony given by Mr. Daniel O'Leary ( then chief
factory inspector, and who now has charge of the
licensing bureau ), before the Industrial Commission at
Washington in March last:
"Mr. North. Now, what effect would this law,
the present law, or the amended law, have on the sweat-
shop system ?
"Mr. O'Leary. W.ell, from my own intimate
knowledge of the subject, I may be over-zealous per-
haps, but its literal enforcement would mean the
obliteration of the sweating business.
"Mr. North. You think that it would be the
abolition of the sweatshop?
"Mr. O'Leary. Yes.
" Mr. North. You think that it is desirable?
"Mr. O.'Leary. I think it is, judging from present
conditions."
The effectiveness of the amended law having been
testified to by the very person now charged with its
prosecution, it would be interesting indeed to know
1 9 oo.] EFFECTS OF N. Y. SWEATSHOP LA W 358
why there is no apparent change for the better ; why
the thousands of shops deemed unworthy of a license
continue to operate as usual ; why only one person has
been lightly punished for violation, although in a single
trip through the sweatshop districts hundreds of viola-
tions can be pointed out ; why manufacturers continue
to give out goods to contractors to be made, and the
contractors in turn subdivide the work to others with-
out ascertaining whether the parties receiving the
work have a proper shop, which neglect in itself con-
stitutes a punishable offense.
Can it be that the Empire State is powerless to
enforce the simple provision of the factory laws in the
interests of public health and decency ? This is the old
familiar story of the reluctance of the authorities to
enforce laws in the interests of the "under dogs," the
victims of vicious industrial conditions, but they are
quick to respond to the needs of the comfortable classes.
Where the welfare of the multitude is concerned, the
laws are only applied by the constant nagging and
prodding of the citizens.
The inspectors have shown a peculiar reluctance
in cooperating with the societies and individuals inter-
ested in workshop reform, and to whose efforts the pres-
ent factory laws are largely due. They have always
regarded these voluntary workers with much disfavor,
fearing to have their affairs closely watched. This is
unfortunate, because the voluntary services of persons
so sincerely interested in the subject would go far
toward compensating for the inadequate force of the
department. This suggests the idea of creating honor-
ary inspectors to serve without pay, to be appointed
by the governor and given authority to enter and in-
spect shops and report violations to the factory inspec-
tors. Such inspectors might be selected from the
nominations made by trade unions and kindred soci-
354 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
eties. The moral effect of this kind of work upon the
deputy inspectors, as well as upon the employers and
employed, ought to be of great value. It would create
a watchfulness that would overcome the passiveness
which soon follows an agitation.
On December gih, at a conference held under the
auspices of the Church Association for the Advance-
ment of the Interests of Labor, held at St. Stephen's
Parish Building, comprising representatives of trade
unions, consumers' leagues, the University Settlement,
and Social Reform Club, which was attended by the
writer, and by the editor of GUNTON'S MAGAZINE, com-
mittees were appointed to investigate the conditions
of the workshops, ascertain the effects of the new law,
and suggest to the legislature needed amendments.
A large number of reports giving the actual con-
dition of the shops inspected, signed by the special
inspectors, have since been forwarded to the governor
by the chairman, Rev. F. J. C. Moran. This confer-
ence meets every other week, and the mere fact alone
of such meetings composed of earnest advocates of
factory reform has had the effect of stirring the depart-
ment into greater activity. The legal committee has
decided to recommend the following amendments to
the factory acts :
First, an increase of ten inspectors for the district
of Greater New York. Such inspectors to be con-
versant with the prevailing language spoken by the
people engaged in the occupations where the sweating
evil exists and to have a practical knowledge of one or
more of the said trades.
Second, the appointment by the governor of hon-
orary inspectors to serve for the term of one year. Such
inspectors to be given authority to enter and inspect
workshops and report violations of the law to the de-
i 9 oo.J EFFECTS OF N. Y. SWEATSHOP LAW 355
partment, and to cooperate with it in prosecuting
violators.
Should these amendments be passed by the legis-
lature and approved by the governor, the Empire State
will lead all the rest in the beneficient work of amelio-
rating industrial conditions and will be setting an
example which will be followed by other states.
The argument commonly used against factory
legislation, that the state adopting the most stringent
laws will so increase the cost of manufacture as to drive
an industry out of its limits, at first thought seems to
be well founded. The effect of these laws, however
really is not to increase the cost of production mate
rially, but to compel manufacturing to be done under
higher conditions. Cleanliness and good management
go together; order and system are other words for
economy. It may be more convenient to give work to
unclean tenement shops but if that method is interfered
with by law the same manufacturer will have it done
in better shops or if necessary conduct one of his own.
Progress must often be forced and wise factory legisla-
tion has a wholesome stimulating effect upon industry,
and improves the moral tone of the community.
A market exists in a certain place because of a
number of favorable conditions, and even the added
cost of labor need not be detrimental as it may be offset
by other advantages and by superior business sagac-
ity. There is an exception however in the case of
child labor where it can be used, but a more enlight-
ened spirit is putting its mark of disapproval upon it.
Even the southern states will have to succumb to its
influence. An agitation carried there must arouse
the public conscience, and if not congress should find a
way to deal with it, in behalf of the whole nation. I
venture to say here that there are even greater consid-
erations than profits.
356
GUN TON'S MAGAZINE
Deplorable as the conditions of labor are in the
congested quarters of New York, the transition from
the tenement to the factory building and the getting
away from the place where the family is employed and
where the working-day and child labor cannot be regu-
lated marks a great advance. Many tenements have
been converted into factory buildings and, although the
latter are hardly worthy of the name, the change is
wholesome and encouraging, and could be greatly
accelerated by the factory inspectors. The improve-
ment in the construction of houses and the greater
activity of the health department have also contributed
toward this result. If by example the value of factory
legislation could be made apparent to the ordinary citi-
zen the state would surely respond by providing the
inspectors with facilities commensurate with its im-
portance.
CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES
A Halt in There seems to be little prospect of edu-
Educational cational reform in New York state this
Reform year. There is not enough support for
any one of the four propositions for unification of the
regents' department and the department of public in-
struction to pass it. The plan reported by the gov-
ernor's unification committee provided that the head of
the new department of education should be appointed
by the governor and confirmed by the senate. The
minority report urged that he should be appointed ex-
clusively by the regents. A compromise measure,
championed by Mr. Frederick W. Holls and Dr. Nicho-
las Murray Butler, proposes that the chancellor or com-
missioner be appointed by the governor and confirmed
by the regents ; and the latest proposal is a revision of
the first and calls for the election of the head of the
department by the senate and assembly jointly, as
United States senators are chosen.
Two of these plans frankly put the educational
system of the state under direct political management ;
one keeps it entirely with the regents, and one is a
compromise. The very intensity of this preliminary
struggle shows the sort of discord and wire-pulling that
might be expected if the believers in political control
should win. Better leave things as they are, with all
the waste and duplication, than to destroy the time-
honored and time-justified independence of the uni-
versity. If unification is accomplished on the right
basis, however, there is no man in the state better
qualified for the post of chancellor than Dr. Nicholas
Murray Butler, Dean of the Faculty of Philosophy in
Columbia University. The whole wrangle will have
357
358 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
been well worth while if, finally, a man of Dr. Butler's
calibre can be secured for a long term to administer the
educational system of New York state.
Higher Professor Du Bois, of the Department of
Education Economics and History in Atlanta Uni-
for Negroes versity, is taking steps to find out the
practical results of higher education of negroes. It is no
uncommon thing in the South to find bitter opposition
to even ordinary education for negroes. The argument
is that it makes them discontented and unwilling to
work at the only occupations open to the colored race
in that section ; social distinction restricting them to
rough labor and personal service. There is truth in
this, yet Booker T. Washington has been proving for
several years that negroes who are really equipped with
industrial skill, decent habits and willingness to work
can make headway and break down prejudice against
them, and do not have to come North for that purpose,
either.
Several southern states have tried lately to adopt
a scheme whereby only the monies collected from col-
ored taxpayers shall be applied to the education of
colored children. Of course this would be a very neat
way of depriving negroes of all educational opportuni-
ties, but it seems unlikely that southern public senti-
ment will sustain any such preposterous trick. With
reference to higher education the antagonism is more
pronounced and outspoken. You will hear it de-
nounced as simply the means of turning out a stream
of colored preachers, lawyers and doctors who scorn to
touch a shovel or a hoe and become loafers and general
nuisances. Cases can be cited that sustain this, no
doubt ; but for the most part it is an absurd exaggera-
tion.
Professor Du Bois now intends to collect data on
igoo.] CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES 359
the subject, so that the truth one way or the other may
be known and made available for future discussions.
He is sending out blanks all over the country, so far as
college-bred negroes can be traced, and to all persons
and institutions that are likely to have any knowledge
of such negroes. These blanks are to be filled out in de-
tail, showing the early life, occupations since gradua-
tion, present occupation, instances of special success, et
cetera. Whoever has any personal knowledge of a col-
lege-bred negro can help this work along by sending to
Professor W. E. B. Du Bois, Atlanta University, for
one of these blanks and returning it with the informa-
tion filled in. If the responses are at all general it will
be a very valuable accomplishment. If higher educa-
tion for negroes is a success, the fact needs to be known
and made known ; and if it is a failure that needs to be
known too, and more effort devoted to something else.
A very unique exhibition was held in
The Menace of New y O rk city early in February. It
Vile Tenements .
was a practical representation of tene-
ment-house conditions and tenement-house reform, and
lasted two weeks. Besides maps and charts innumerable,
showing conditions in every important American city
and many of the largest in Europe, there were models of
typical tenements and plans for sanitary construction.
The exhibition was prepared by the tenement-house
committee of the Charity Organization Society, and was
designed to stir up renewed interest in tenement-house
reform. Considering that 2,000 new tenements were
erected in Manhattan and the Bronx during 1899, and
15,000 during the last ten years, almost all bad, it is
plain that the evil is outgrowing all the reform efforts
that are being made.
The typical tenement house is built on a lot 25 by
100, and a majority of the rooms get their only light
360 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
and air from a narrow air shaft between the buildings,
from three to five feet in width and sixty to seventy
feet deep, according to the height of the building.
Generally this shaft is closed at both ends. In one city
block, illustrated at the exhibition, there are 39 tene-
ment houses, with 605 apartments, accommodating
2,781 persons: 263 of these apartments are two-room
and 179 three-room; 441 of the rooms are absolutely
without light or ventilation, and 635 open only on the
air shaft. The sanitary conveniences are shockingly
inadequate, there being not a single bath in the entire
block. Mr. Lawrence Veiller, of the tenement-house
committee, who described the exhibit in the March
Charities Review, recalls in this connection the fact that
in 1894 it was discovered that, out of the 255,000 per-
sons included in the investigation of that year, only
306 had any bathing opportunities whatever. He does
not believe that this is wholly because they would not
bathe if they could, and cites the fact that during the
last year 120,000 baths were paid for at five cents each
at New York's one all-year public bath house.
Most striking are the maps showing the location of
poverty and disease. There is hardly a tenement of all
the 44,000 in Manhattan and the Bronx that does not
show applications for charity from at least five and in
some cases seventy-five different families within the last
few years. Hardly a tenement fails to show a record for
tuberculosis during the last five years. Out of this
poverty and disease grow worse things. " It is a sim-
ple matter," says Mr. Veiller " to investigate the re-
cords of our reformatories, hospitals, dispensaries, and
institutions of similar kind, to find out what proportion
of the patients and inmates come from tenement houses.
Here in New York we know that nearly all are tene-
ment-house dwellers."
igoo.] CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES 361
The problem is not to be solved by sending these
people away to the country. As Mr. Veiller says :
* ' Let us not deceive ourselves and neglect the
housing of this population, with the thought that peo-
ple ought to live in the country. The well-to-do classes
do not live in the country, and so long as they live here
there will be a large number of persons to do their
work, on whom they are dependent for their very lives,
' hewers of wood and drawers of water, ' or their mod-
ern equivalent."
Rigid prohibition of certain types of buildings,
wholesale condemnation of existing rookeries, begin-
ning with the worst specimens, and specific require-
ments for future construction, accompanied by proper
inspection and enforcement, nothing short of this kind
of policy will do much. The committee exhibited
charts of sixteen intolerable sections which could be
wiped out entirely and room made for greatly needed
parks and playgrounds. In addition, plans were shown
of model tenements, so feasible that already a number
of builders are planning to adopt them. These will
contain no air-shaft rooms, but will have every sanitary
appliance as well as adequate means of access. Why
not make this sort of construction compulsory? At
least, make it the minimum requirement. Of course
there would be a demagogical outcry about ' ' blocking
the growth of the city," just as there is whenever it is
proposed to shut out immigration. All right; real
growth is in quality, not size, and we cannot afford to
exchange civilization for bigness.
THE OPEN FORUM
This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor-
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA-
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries
for the " Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad-
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are
ignored.
LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS
The Mormons and Polygamy
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: The Troy ( N. Y.) Press of February
7th takes exception to some statements in my article
on "The Mormon Power in America," which ap-
peared in the February number of GUNTON'S MAGAZINE.
As to the "correction" that Joseph Smith was
neither a polygamist nor an endorser of that doctrine,
history states that Joseph Smith did secretly enunci-
ate that belief but it was not publicly proclaimed, and
that because of their immoral conduct at Palmyra,
which also included depredations upon the property of
others, the sect found it inconvenient to tarry longer
there. They were driven from Kirtland, Ohio, also
for immoral conduct and for swindling. Joseph Smith
had established a bank there and issued "wild-cat"
money. Their conduct at Independence, Missouri, was
similar, and they were also driven from there in conse-
quence of their depredations upon the property of oth-
ers. It is also stated in history that they were living
in polygamy there, and that this first attracted the at-
tention of the Missouri farmers to the " strange sect."
As to Joseph Smith's endorsement of polygamy:
Mormon history credits him with a "vision" which
362
LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS 363
commanded him to promulgate it to the " chosen peo-
ple." It is stated that at Nauvoo he received a visit
from an angel with a drawn sword, who told him that
the time was come to announce the doctrine to the peo-
ple. This he did to the assembled twelve apostles ;
it was then preached from the temple, and afterwards
incorporated in their bible as an article of faith. It
was known that Joseph Smith and other leading offi-
cials were living in polygamy at Nauvoo before this
alleged vision, and their attempt to force it upon their
people as a church doctrine met with failure and led to
some defection. Then, the sacrilegious duplicity of a
' ' vision " and visit from an angel was resorted to. They
were driven from these places mainly because of their
polygamous practices ; and their aim was to get beyond
civilization and law where they would be undisturbed.
Brigham Young, who usurped the presidency of the
church upon the death of Joseph Smith, led them to
Utah where his power was unrestrained by law, and
then the doctrine of polygamy was again commanded.
Here the Mormons lived in polygamy in defiance of our
laws, and when an army was sent to suppress the re-
bellion their "Nauvoo Legion" met that army on the
borders of Utah and despoiled the property of the ad-
vance guard. A battle would have followed, only that
the government had sent a "commission" which
reached Utah almost as soon as the army. As I have
also stated, the Mormons claim that they are the
" chosen people " and that they are destined to rule not
only this country but also the world, spiritually and
temporally. Their doctrine is a close union of state
and church, with the church as the supreme head.
They recognize no other power. They ever have been
opposed to the government, and as their power in-
creases so will their opposition. Mormonism is based
upon polygamy, and when the leaders renounce that
364 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [April,
doctrine they renounce their church. As they claim
that polygamy is a " revelation " received through an
angel it is not clear how they can renounce it. A
divine ordinance cannot be abrogated or even "sus-
pended " by human agency. Of course Joseph Smith
perpetrated a fraud when he professed to have received
a visit from an angel authorizing polygamy, as he also
did when he professed to have received golden plates
from an angel, from which the Mormon bible was al-
leged to have been translated.
' ' Polygamistic Mormonism" has not received its
death knell, as the Press believes. The church leader
did not say that polygamy would be abandoned. His
"manifesto' 1 only suspended it. The leaders know
that to renounce this practice and admit that their
"divine " ordinance is wrong would produce a schism
in the church. They deny the right of any human
government to interfere with what they term a ' ' celes-
tial " institution.
In the meantime, proselyting continues and the
sect is increasing in numbers. The Mormon problem
is not yet solved. The cry against slavery was loud
and long, and resulted in the greatest war of the cen-
tury. Little is heard from these ' 'humanitarians" about
the other and greater evil which enslaves both the body
and mind Mormonism.
J. M. SCANLAND, Denver, Col,
Reform in School Methods
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: In the February, 1900, number of your
magazine you published a letter of Superintendent
C. L. McLane in which he states that I seem to have
overlooked one point which he fears is fatal to my
scheme for a better division of labor in schools, as out-
i 9 oo.] LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS 365
lined in the October, 1899, number of your magazine.
The point is ' ' the matter of the arrangement of a pro-
gram that will accommodate such pupils as advance be-
yond their grade or fall behind." Judging from his
remarks following this statement, he seems to have the
idea that I intended to offer a scheme that would accom-
plish what the various " elastic " systems of grading are
designed to do, namely, that of devising a system that
will be highly efficient in its adaptability to stuffing a
certain number and kind of text-books into pupils at
any rate desired by or found possible for the pupil.
This is not what I intended at all. I intended to con-
vey the idea that what usually underlies attempts to
make " elastic" systems is wrong from an educational
or from a common-sense point of view. These ' ' elastic "
systems are usually based on the assumption (implied)
that a pupil who can recite upon this series of text-
books so that the teacher can report him as standing,
say 90, in each subject has gotten about all that there is
to be had from the school. Too often this assumption
corresponds with the facts.
So far as the particular point mentioned is con-
cerned, I considered that my scheme would work in
such a way that no one would be ahead of or behind his
grade except that he might have greater capacity or
better training or better opportunity for doing some
particular subject or subjects than some of his class-
mates. In short, I intended to have my scheme imply
that there would be no grades in the ordinary sense but
simply a course or courses of study, which as a matter
of course is divided somewhat by the subjects whenever
the pupil has attained sufficient knowledge and training
to begin a formal study of subjects. In my paper on
"Changes in the Course of Study," published in the
December, 1899, number of GUNTON'S MAGAZINE, I
have attempted to give some further idea of the manipu-
366 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [Apri>,
lation of the course of study which I believe throws
some light on this difficulty.
It seems to me to be desirable to devote a little
space to detail in order that the method may be made
clearer. Let us suppose that we have a class of pupils
who have begun the study of history, rhetoric, geom-
etry and physics together in the high school. Gener-
ally it will be found that some can go faster than the
others in some of the subjects. Suppose that two or
three are able to go faster in physics than is found to be
desirable for the rest of the class but are only able to do
about the average work in the other subjects. Instead
of wishing that there was another class that had cov-
ered, say, a month more work in the text-book so that
these could be pushed along into it, the teacher should
be glad that there are a few in the class to whom spe-
cial work can be given in order that they may acquire a
broader and firmer grasp of the subject than is usually
obtained by the pupil in the secondary schools. If,
however, these two or three were not doing the average
work in the other subjects it might be advisable to give
them special attention in these subjects instead of
special work in physics. The session-room teacher
could be of much service in adjusting such matters.
Again, let us suppose that two or three cannot go as
fast as the average of the class in physics but do the
average work in the other subjects. They should then
have special attention in physics in order that they may
do even the average work of the class. If in a reason-
able time it is found that they cannot do justice to them-
selves in physics even with special attention tnen it
should be dropped and special work given in some or
all of the other subjects as indicated above.
While on the subject of the difficulties of my scheme
I would like to suggest that the great difficulty of the
program will be an arrangement of hours of recitation
igoo.J LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS 367
so that pupils who have not followed the regular sched-
ule may not be confronted with conflict of hours of reci-
tation. Each pupil would have to consider the sched-
ule, which should not be changed very much from
year to year, in making his choice of studies. This
choice of studies should always be made with the
assistance of the session-room teacher.
Permit me to take this opportunity of thanking
Superintendent McLane for his letter and you for pub-
lishing it. It is only in this way that these problems
can be worked out.
W. F. EDWARDS, Orchard Lake, Mich.
Feb. 8, 1900.
Senator Beveridge's Philippine Speech
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: While as a rule I am much pleased
with your treatment of public problems, it seems to me
that your remarks in the February number on ' * The
Philippine Debate in Congress" is open to just criticism.
You assail Senator Beveridge's speech, and say that he
said very little about the ' ' inevitable duty placed upon
us by providence," or the plea of "benevolent assimila-
tion." Very true, and had he done so, you justly
could and probably would have been still more
severe in your criticism. Such expressions count for
little besides gush unless fortified by facts. You go on
to say, ' ' on the contrary his plea was distinctly and un-
equivocally imperialistic." This is unequivocally a
mistake. Mr. Beveridge in the first part of his speech
gave considerable space to the production of evidence
from the highest sources, sustained by his own obser-
vations, that the Philippines were not capable of self-
government in any proper sense of the term, and that
to give them independence would be disastrous to them,
368 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April
and a dishonorable evasion of our own responsibilities.
His reasons were certainly not puerile. Having
reached that conclusion, the next step necessarily was
to determine what our duty was in the premises.
Again, Mr. Beveridge at considerable length gave the
details of a plan of government for the Philippines,
that would best promote the welfare of their people,
and fit them as fast as possible for self-government.
Whether his plans were altogether wise is simply a
matter of opinion. But there was not in the plan he
proposed a single proposition that gave even a hint of
being mercenary. Having disposed of the points of
right, and of our duty in the matter, upon which indeed
there is little diversity of opinion only in the minds of
those who oppose the policy of the administration as a
principle of party policy, Mr. Beveridge turned to the
discussion of a question upon which there is a much
wider difference of opinion. And that is the question
of material advantage. There are a great number of
our people who think we should consider first our own
pecuniary interests, and let people in distant islands
take care of themselves, and who much doubt whether
it will profit us to hold the Philippines. It was neces-
sary to exploit that question and Senator Beveridge did
so with a force and effect that I have not seen equaled
by any other man. And that may be one cause of his
being assailed. You rebuke Senator Beveridge because
he asserted that the public utterances of those who
sympathize with the insurgents were responsible for
much of the Philippine troubles, but his position is sus-
tained by an abundance of facts, and by the opinions of
almost every man well qualified to judge, who has been
in the Philippines. Men are justly held responsible
for the natural consequences of their acts, and neither
the age nor the past services of Mr. Hoar ( whose name
was not mentioned ) can relieve him from that respon-
i goo.] LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS 369
sibility. Nor can the youth of Mr. Beveridge discredit
his arguments. If Mr. Hoar chooses to continually ex-
ploit a subtile and sublimated theory of the doctrine of
the "consent of the governed," which the authors of
that expression never dreamed of, and certainly never
put into practice, that is no reason why the young
statesmen of the country should put their hands over
their mouths. You quote with approval the declaration
of Senator Wolcott that Mr. Beveridge's speech was
" base and sordid." I never could understand why Mr.
Wolcott should have made that remark unless it was
through jealousy of the rising young senator, or through
a desire to pose as a man of a superior sense of honor.
And I am quite as much surprised to see it meet your
approval. Senator Beveridge's remarks were not per-
sonal, Senator Wolcott 's remark was personal, offensive
and untrue. Viewing Beveridge's speech as a whole
we may well challenge either of you to produce one
sentence from it that can possibly be characterized as
base or sordid.
There is something sordid in the contention that
we should consult pecuniary interest without regard to
the welfare of the Philippines. After pointing out
what he conceived to be our duty toward the Philip-
pines, it was not sordid in Mr. Beveridge to demon-
strate that the discharge of that duty would redound to
our benefit also. Such contention was in line with a
great ethical as well as economic truth ; that in the long
run the interests of all are identical.
J. W. SNELL, Sault Ste. Marie, Mich.
[The emphasis of the senator's speech was on our
material advantage in annexation. Our criticism was,
and is, on the general spirit of this line of argument,
not on specific sentences.]
QUESTION BOX
Real Cause of Business Depression
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: I have been reading the chapter on
" Business Depressions " in your " Principles of Social
Economics," and am rather surprised to find that you
reduce all such depressions or panics to one cause, low
consumption on the part of the community. While
this may be the underlying cause in some cases, is it
not true that the low consumption is quite as often the
result as the cause of business depression and panic ?
For example, is not the business depression of 1893-
1896 chargeable to the fright of capitalists at the pros-
pect tariff tinkering ? also to the checking of credits
due to monetary uncertainty, etc. These causes ope-
rated on the production side of the industrial commu-
nity, and resulted in enforced lessening of consumption,
which just before was very large. In other words, are
there not various other causes which may be said to
bring on panics and depressions besides the one only
which you mention ?
STUDENT,
New York City.
It is essentially true that business depressions, are
the result of relatively low consumption ; that is to say,
either through consumption being actually diminished
or failing to keep pace with the growth of production.
This result, however, may sometimes be brought about
by causes which directly operate upon production, as
was the case in 1893. The first disturbance which led
to that protracted depression was, as our correspondent
suggests, in the realm of credits. It was believed that
370
Q UESTION BOX 371
the tariff was going to be practically abolished, and
that this would give the American market to foreign
producers. In effect this was a diminution of con-
sumption. That is to say, it was looked upon as a
coming diminution of consumption of American prod-
ucts. This fact acted upon American production.
As soon as it was believed that American products
would not be consumed, all the forces set in to stop
them from being produced. Bankers refused to give
credit accommodations to manufacturers, because they
thought they could not sell their goods. New capital
refused to go into business because it thought there
would be no market for the products. Hence
orders for new machinery, contracts for new mills,
were cancelled. Manufacturers were afraid to buy
stock ahead because they were afraid they could not
sell their goods. So far as the influence on, American
industries is concerned, to have consumers supplied
from another quarter is exactly the same as diminish-
ing consumption. The effects are identical. If it
could have been assured that the consumption would
not be transferred from American to foreign goods,
there would have been no depression. Confidence
would not have been disturbed and factories would
have gone on as before.
Some English History Items
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: There have been a great many histor-
ical references in some of President. Gunton's lectures
in the Bulletin, and I would appreciate it if you would
give a little more of an account of the wars of the
roses, the protestant reformation and the Peterloo
massacre ; their cause, magnitude and effect.
E. S. DELANA, Norway, Iowa.
372 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
Properly to answer these questions would take a
full lecture. However, a few leading facts can be
briefly summarized.
(i.) The wars of the roses resulted from a quarrel
between the descendants of the third and fourth sons of
Edward III. Edward III. had seven sons. The eldest
was Edward, better known as the "Black Prince," but
he died before his father ; and on the death of King
Edward (1377) the son of the Black Prinoe became heir
to the throne as Richard II., at eleven years of age.
He became very unpopular, and in 1399 his Cousin
Henry, the son of John of Gaunt, fourth son of Ed-
ward III., raised an army, deposed Richard, made him-
self king, and reigned with the approval of parliament
as Henry IV.
This was the beginning of the House of Lancaster,
which retained undisputed power for fifty- six years,
through the persons of three Henrys, IV., V and VI. In
1455 a quarrel arose between the reigning house and
the Duke of York, who was a descendant of Lionel, the
third son of Edward III., which resulted in an appeal
to arms by the representatives of the two branches,
Lancaster and York. The emblem of the house of
York was a white rose, and that of Lancaster was a red
rose ; hence the wars were called the wars of the roses.
The struggle lasted thirty years (1455 to 1485), during
which eighty princes of the royal blood, two hundred
of the nobility and a hundred thousand of the gentry,
the flower of England, were killed. From 1455 to
1461 the Lan casters were successful, but in the latter
year they were defeated by the Yorkites, when Edward
of York ascended the throne as Edward IV. He
reigned twenty-three years (1461 to 1483) and left two
sons ; the elder, who was thirteen years of age, being
proclaimed king as Edward V. The king's uncle,
Richard of Gloucester, was appointed protector until
i goo. ] Q UESTION BOX 373
the young prince became of age, but Richard planned
to have both the princes murdered in the tower, and
himself proclaimed king as Richard III.
His wicked career gave a plausible excuse for op-
position, which was taken advantage of by the Earl of
Richmond, now the only surviving heir of the house of
Lancaster, who raised an army and met the king at
Bos worth, Leicestershire, where Richard was slain by
his rival's own hand. Henry of Richmond was crowned
as Henry VII. Henry VII. , who was indirectly descend-
ed from Edward III. through the Lancaster line
being (through illegitimate relation) the great-grandson
of John of Gaunt married Elizabeth of York, the
daughter of Edward IV., and so united both the York
and Lancaster lines in his own family, and with his
ascension to the throne ended the wars of the roses.
(2.) The protestant reformation may be said to
have begun under Edward III., in the fourteenth cen-
tury, through Wyclif, who translated the Bible into
English and organized the army of barefooted priests.
In the fifteenth century it was revived by John Huss,
of Prague, who was burned at the stake in 1406. But
the protestant reformation as a continuous movement
which resulted in the establishment of the protestant
church began in Germany in 1517, by Martin Luther,
who posted on the doors of the cathedral in Wittenburg
ninety-five theses against the practice that then pre-
vailed of selling indulgences, that is, selling the privi-
lege to indulge in certain sins. For this he was ex-
communicated, whereupon he burned the canons of the
church, defied papal authority, and began to propagate
the new or protestant religion.
A little later in England, Henry VIII., who wanted
to put away his first wife, Katherine, in order that he
might marry Anne Boleyn, quarrelled with the pope
because he would not accomodate him with a divorce.
374 G UN TON' S MA GA ZINE
The spirit of the reformation had spread from Germany,
and the abuses of the church were intolerable, so that
altogether the sentiment in the community was ripe
for any action against the church. Henry abolished
the jurisdiction of the pope and set up a protestant
church under the protection of the state. The contest
was fierce and bloody, and lasted through the reigns of
Henry and his son Edward VI., after which Mary as-
cended the throne for five years (1553 to 1558) and re-
established the Catholic religion. At her death, in
1558, Elizabeth ascended the throne and reigned forty-
five years, during which time the protestant religion
was thoroughly established, never again to be over-
thrown.
(3.) The Peterloo massacre occurred in Peterloo
Square, Manchester, the site upon which now stands
Free Trade Hall. It was the occasion of a mass meet-
ing held on the sixteenth of August, 1819, to be ad-
dressed by Henry Hunt, the then leader of a reform
movement. The movement was to secure universal
suffrage, vote by ballot and repeal of the corn laws.
The meeting was called in Peterloo Square for the pur-
pose of passing resolutions and petitioning parliament
to grant this request. The government took time by
the forelock, had soldiers located all around the square,
and when the meeting assembled charged the people
with bayonets. Many were killed and something over
two hundred were wounded. This has ever since been
known as the Peterloo Massacre. The effect, however,
was not to stop the agitation but rather to stimulate it,
and it continued until the suffrage was extended to the
middle class in 1832, the corn laws repealed in 1846, the
suffrage still further extended to the laboring class in
1866, and ultimately to the farm laborers, together with
vote by ballot (secret vote) in 1874.
BOOK REVIEWS
DEMOCRACY AND EMPIRE. With Studies of their
Psychological, Economic, and Moral Foundations. By
Franklin Henry Giddings, M. A., Ph.D., author of "The
Principles of Sociology." The Macmillan Co., New
York and London. 1900. Octavo, cloth, 360 pp. $2.50.
Like everything that Professor Giddings writes,
this book is an attempt to discuss the question at issue
from the background of psychological and political
philosophy. It is an effort to justify from the
point of view of economic and social evolution the ex-
pansion policy of the United States in extending its
jurisdiction over Hawaii, Puerto Rico, the Philippines,
and, as Professor Giddings thinks, ultimately of Cuba.
It is by far the ablest presentation of the subject that
has yet been attempted. A glance at the contents
shows the comprehensiveness of treatment. It is writ-
ten from the point of view of the free-trade economist
of the most philosophical type. The author sees in ex-
pansion the one force that will finally break through
the protective doctrine, which he thinks is far more a
matter of national feeling than of economic reasoning.
But in it all, able and cohesive as much of his reason-
ing is, he overlooks what is after all the chief feature
of national progress, development of the internal
life of the nation. He sees the nation's greatness
through its expansive authority, increase and competi-
tion with other nations, rather than in the development
of its own industrial resources and social life.
It has ever been the prevalent idea that national
greatness consisted in the extent of its political author-
ity. This may assure its greatness in comparative ex-
tent of power, but it does not necessarily assure its
375
376 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
height in civilization. On the contrary, the very effort
to extend a nation's political authority may prevent,
and frequently has prevented, its own rise in the scale
of civilization. It tends to concentrate the thought and
enthusiasm of the people on its military or naval ac-
complishments, which at best are brutalizing, and
lessen their concentration of thought and interest on
improvement in the quality of national life and charac-
ter. Indeed, it is almost a commonplace that to raise a
national conflict abroad is effectively to distract atten-
tion from problems at home. Any great expansion of
national energy horizontally is sure to lessen the
growth perpendicularly. In proportion as a nation is
called upon to govern barbarians it is called upon to use
methods of government which are repulsive to highly
civilized people. To the extent that a nation governs
any portion of its people by despotism and arbitrary
dictation does its finer sensibility of democracy, social
equity, and industrial ethics become blunted ; yet, if it
does not exercise more or less despotism it is ineffective
in governing low types.
England, for example, with its very growth of lib-
eral spirit and democracy at home, is becoming less
fitted jto govern barbarians or half-civilized races by
despotism abroad. This is even more true of the United
States in its present expansion policy. The peoples of
the new territories to which our expansion applies are
much lower in industrial and political development than
are the Boers of the Transvaal. They are less capable
of democratic self-government, and therefore will nec-
essarily call for a greater amount of despotism in their
government than would be tolerated in South Africa.
This will be still further from the real spirit of Ameri-
can government at home than will the attitude of Lord
Salisbury in South Africa be to that of the British
people. As Professor Giddings properly anticipates,
igoo.] BOOK REVIEWS , 377
this will in the nature of things carry with it all the in-
centives for low political management and corrupt
administration, because the very use of despotism is an
invitation to unconscionable conduct, dishonest treat-
ment and generally low methods. Contempt for the
governed always lowers the standard of government,
and to the extent that we are compelled to disregard
democracy and can indulge in low methods of govern-
ment over any section of our people do we tend to lower
the standard of political morality and pure democracy
for the whole. The more democratic a nation becomes,
therefore, the higher must be the civilization of new
groups over which its authority extends, if the expan-
sion is not to react to the lowering of the standard at
home. Russia may subject Poland and treacherously
rob Finland of its rights without materially lowering
its standard at home, because its home standard is des-
potism. But this cannot be done with impunity by
such nations as England, and least of all by the United
States. We may have empire without endangering
democracy, but it must be empire that gives substantial
democracy to the annexed groups, and not empire
which has to govern its new possessions by despotism.
In his chapter on " The Consent of the Governed"
Professor Giddings effectively disposes of the hack-
neyed use of that phrase. He shows that in our own
history, as well as that of other nations, nearly all ex-
pansion and political integration has been without the
consent of the governed. The true interpretation, he
thinks, of that phrase is that the new government shall
so justify itself as ultimately to win the consent and ap-
proval of the governed. It is indeed true that if polit-
ical development and integration could never legiti-
mately take place without the consent of all the gov-
erned it might never occur at all. In defending our
expansion into Hawaii, Puerto Rico, the Philippines
378 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [April,
and ultimately Cuba, Professor Giddings thinks that it
is no accident but the inevitable movement of the
American people from their very nature and character.
He says (p. 270): " There are not lacking reasons for
thinking that the war with Spain was as inevitable as
any event of nature, and that, at this particular stage
in the development of the United States, territorial ex-
pansion is as certain as the advent of spring after win-
ter." This he sees in the restless daring and pioneer
energy in the character of the American people:
" It is not a hundred and fifty years since the pioneers of the Ohio
and Mississippi valleys were making clearings in the wilderness during
intervals of exterminating warfare. It is not yet fifty years since the
later pioneers of the western plains were crossing a pathless desert, in
caravans that left a trail of bleaching bones to mark a route for those
who should follow them to the El Dorado of the West. Are we to sup-
pose that the offspring of such men, in so short an interval, have lost
those instincts that lead men to prefer enterprises that call for physical
courage and resourcefulness? It is true that we are rest-
less under the disappearance of opportunity for adventure and daring
enterprise. It is therefore certain that, more than most nations, we are
liable to an outbreak of warlike spirit under what we conceive to be real
provocation ; and that no other nation is so likely as ours to turn itself
into great armies and to fight with an indomitable determination to con-
quer, when it is once convinced of the justice of its cause."
Well, there is a background of truth in this, but it
seems to be wholly unsustained by any reference to the
particular facts of the case. From this and much that
follows in the same chapter one would suppose that the
American nation had taken on an irrepressible impulse
not merely to make war on Spain but to enter upon a
daring enterprise of expansion that would brook no op-
position. Nothing of the kind has been visible. In
the first place, there was no real public enthusiasm
about the war with Spain until we began to have un-
paralleled victories. If Dewey's fight at Manila had
been a more uneven battle, and we had lost a few ships,
and if Toral's force at Santiago had fought instead of
capitulating at sight, and if our fleet had been com-
i goo.] BOOK REVIEWS 379
pelled really to struggle for supremacy off Santiago, it
is more than probable that the public sentiment of the
country would have disapproved of the war.
Nor can it be said that there was any expression of
this adventurous spirit toward expansion during the
time of the peace conference. So far as we remember,
there was not a public meeting held or any other form
of popular expression anywhere in the country express-
ing a national feeling in favor of taking the Philippines.
About all the expression that took place at all was
against it. This was the work of the administration,
and it has not yet received popular approval. There
is in truth nothing in the experience as indicated by
any popular movements, any public expression of
opinion or other means of ascertaining the national
sentiment, to sustain this inference of the warlike,
daring, adventurous spirit of the American people, es-
pecially as intruding our political authority into other
nations. The reverse seems to be the characteristic of
the entire spirit of the American people.
The real background for this line of reasoning by
Dr. Giddings is revealed a few pages later, when he
discusses the free-trade aspect of the subject. The con-
version of the American people to a free-trade doctrine
by cold reasoning and presentation of statistical data he
thinks was entirely hopeless. It needed something
that would more strongly appeal to the feelings and
imagination than logic and facts. The annexation of
foreign territory, with the lively picture of oriental
trade, forced interrelation with foreign powers and the
protection of our standing on the other side of the
globe, will create a national feeling which transcends
the narrow limits of a protective policy. And there is
truth in this. The very fact that we have great in-
terests, even if it is only to fight savages on the other
side of the globe, and that we are to be consulted more
380 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE [April,
and more about the policy in Asia, will transfer the
national interest from the efforts to protect and develop
domestic industries to what for the moment seems to
be the larger sphere of helping to slice up China. That
imperialism is more likely than any theorizing discus-
sion to break up the protective policy and inaugurate
free trade is undoubtedly true, and that reason alone is
sufficient to condemn the expansion policy.
But, from the point of view of Dr. Giddings and
those who think with him that the greatest develop-
ment is to extend our authority over an increasing
area, the abolition of all lines of industrial demarcation
is the great thing to be accomplished. From the point
of view, however, that the true influence of a nation
upon civilization is derived from the greatest develop-
ment of its own character and civilization ; that quality
is more important than quantity, and height of character
than breadth of territory, all this is a mistake. So far
as letting loose the adventurous quality in the Ameri-
can people, there is nothing in the Philippines that can-
not be supplied in our western states. There is every
opportunity there for the pioneer spirit, without the
necessity of the warlike spirit, to develop the possibili-
ties of our western territory by diversification of our
industries. To lift the industrial and civic life and po-
litical morality of the southern states to the plane of
the rest of the nation would add more to the power of
the United States as an influence in world civilization
than would the conquest by military force of the whole
Orient.
SOUTH AMERICA: A Geographical Reader. By
Frank G. Carpenter. Cloth, i2mo, 352 pp. Illustrated.
60 cents. American Book Company, New York, Cin-
cinnati and Chicago.
This is a school text-book for young pupils; or, if
i 9 oo.J BOOK REVIEWS 881
not strictly a text-book, is at least intended for sup-
plementary use in some of the regular courses in
primary and intermediate schools. It is true to the
newer idea in educational methods for this class of sub-
jects, in that it uses the medium of travel and story.
It describes an imaginary trip of a teacher and class
throughout the continent of South America ; beginning
at the Isthmus of Panama, going down the west coast,
thence across to the Rio de la Plata, along the Brazilian
coast, up the valley of the Amazon and thence across to
the Guianas and Venezuela.
One feature it seems to us would have improved
this book ; it might have presented some brief sugges-
tions of historical data in connection with the purely
descriptive matter concerning each country visited.
Interesting cities and monuments and notable scenery
might, in the most natural way, have been connected
with the history of the people, thus gaining all the
educational value of association. It is an interesting
little book, profusely illustrated, and well adapted to
hold the interest of young scholars while impressing a
great deal of important information.
NEW BOOKS OF INTEREST
Trusts or Competition. By A. B. Nettleton, A.M.,
former Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. Cloth,
$1.00, paper 50 cents, 304 pp. Leon Publishing Co.,
Chicago. A collection of essays and addresses by pro-
fessors of political economy and others, and additional
matter by the author; presenting both sides of the
question in business, law and politics.
The Regeneration of the United States: A Forecast of
its Industrial Evolution. By William Morton Grin-
nell. i2mo, 145 pp. $1.00. G. P. Putnam's Sons,
382 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
New York. This volume is in Putnam's ''Questions
of the Day " series.
Economics and Industrial History for Secondary Schools.
By Henry W. Thurston. I2mo, 300 pp. $1.00. Scott,
Foresman & Company, Chicago, 111. The field for
economic instruction in secondary schools is as yet
practically undeveloped, compared with what might be
done. The above volume, therefore, is at least in line
with one of the needs of the times.
The Criminal ; His Personnel and Environment : A
Scientific Study. By August Drahms, Resident Chap-
lain, State Prison, San Quentin, California. With in-
troduction by Cesare Lombroso, of the University de
Torino, Italy. Cloth, 402 pp. $2.00. The Macmillan
Company, New York and London.
HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL
The Puritan Republic of the Massachusetts Bay in New
England. By Daniel Wait Howe. 8vo, 422 pp. Gilt
tops, $3.50. Bowen-Merrill Company, Indianapolis, Ind.
The American Revolution. By William E. H. Lecky,
M. P. Cloth, i2mo, $1.25. D. . Appleton & Company,
New York. This volume contains the chapters rela-
ting to America, taken from Mr. Lecky's "History of
England in the Eighteenth Century."
Bismarck and the New German Empire. How It Arose
and What It Displaced. By J. W. Headlam, M. A., Fel-
low of King's College. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New
York. This is No, 25 in Putnam's "Heroes of the
Nations" series.
Alexander the Great. By Benjamin Ide Wheeler,
President University of California. G. P. Putnam's
Sons, New York. This is the biography which ap-
peared serially last year in the Century Magazine. It is
now included in "Heroes of the Nations" series.
FROM MARCH MAGAZINES
' * There are many good people who find it difficult
to keep in mind the obvious fact that, while extremists
are sometimes men who are in advance of their age,
more often they are men who are not in advance at all,
but simply to one side or the other of a great move-
ment, or even lagging behind it, or trying to pilot it in
the wrong direction." -HON. THEODORE ROOSEVELT, in
11 Oliver Cromwell ;" Scribners.
Except for Great Britain's countenance, we should
almost certainly never have got the Philippines ; ex-
cept for her continued support our hold upon them
would be likely to prove precarious, perhaps altogether
unstable. It follows that we now find ourselves actu-
ally caught in an entangling alliance, forced there not by
any treaty, or compact of any sort, formal or informal/
but by the stress of the inexorable facts of the situation. "
-HoN RICHARD OLNEY, in " Growth of Our Foreign
Policy ;'' The Atlantic Monthly.
' ' The days of placidly relying on our prestige
have passed ; we have educated the natives ; we have
spoiled them to a great extent ; we have given them a
freedom which they neither understood nor appreciated,
and they do not thank us for it, no .matter what the
official reports may say. Were a great conflict to take
place between England and the ever-advancing Russia,
I much doubt whether we could rely on our Indian sub-
jects to stand en masse by us." A. H. SAVAGE LANDOR,
in " Chief Causes of Discontent in India;" North Ameri-
can Review.
11 They must learn to depend on themselves, to be-
come men ; and they must learn that hardest lesson of
383
384 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
all, that a man's freedom consists in binding himse
Still again, they must learn these things at an age when
the average boy has an ill-seasoned body, a half-trained
mind, jarred nerves, his first large sum of money, all
manner of diverting temptations, and a profound sense
of his own importance. How can they be taken down,
and not taken down too much, thrown, and not thrown
too hard? How can they be taught the responsibility of
freedom?'' L. B. R. BRIGGS, in " The Transition from
School to College ;" The Atlantic Monthly.
" There are some who think that the Boer com-
munity has a right to complete control of its own terri-
tory, and to be as uncivilized or as tyrannical as it may
choose. But this is an error. There is an interna-
tional right corresponding to the right of eminent do-
main. All rights are enjoyed either by nations or by
individuals on the tacit understanding that they be ex-
ercised with due consideration for the rights of neigh-
bors and of the greater public. The Boers are at-
tempting to arrest the march of civilization, to hamper
industry, and to retard education. England is fighting
the battle of civilization." GEORGE F. BECKER, in " A
Battle of Civilization ;" The Forum.
''Dealings with Mohammedans sooner or later
bring one into contact with their essential peculiarity.
They cannot avoid regarding others from a religious
standpoint ; and they cannot set aside permanently the
fact that God has commanded them to subjugate or ex-
terminate all who refuse to believe in Mohammed.
This Divine command shapes their conduct toward
aliens, even when they themselves would like to forget
it. It classes all of alien faith as Blasphemers ; and
this fact once being fixed, inquiry as to minor detail is
needless in their eyes. A Blasphemer (kiafir or gioaur)
is a Blasphemer. Wherefore ask whether he be American
or Spaniard?" HENRY O. DWIGHT, in " Mohamme-
dan Peculiarities;'' The Forum.
.
DAVID STARR JORDAN, LL.D.
President Lei and Stanford Jr. University
See page 401
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
REVIEW OF THE MONTH
Admiral Admiral Dewey has certainly startled the
Dewey in political community, but does not seem
Politics . J
to have seriously disturbed it. His an-
nouncement of April 3rd that he would "be only too
willing to serve the American people as president"
sent a chill of disappointment throughout the country.
To this was added amazement by the Admiral's declara-
tion that ' ' the office of the president is not such a very
difficult one to fill, his duties being mainly to execute
the laws of congress," and hesitancy in declaring even
the general trend of his political preferences. Finally
he declared himself a democrat, but added that he had
never voted in his life and that the only man he ever
wanted to vote for was Mr. Cleveland.
Except on the question of expansion his views on
all public questions are still absolutely unknown, and
he seems destined to learn by hard experience that
under advanced democratic government the people are
more deeply interested in the principles and issues at
stake than in the personality of a candidate who stands
for no principle, even though in other respects he may
be a popular hero. It is sincerely to be hoped that he
will withdraw from the field before being forced to en-
dure the humiliation of overwhelming defeat in the
democratic convention, or, if nominated on a third
ticket, of failure at the polls in November. If he goes
through the campaign and comes out a soured and dis-
385
386 G UNTON'S MA GA ZINE [May,
appointed cynic, it will be a sad case of having thrown
away real fame for the bauble of temporary popularity,
and lost both.
Porto Rican
Next to the gold standard measure, the
most important work of congress is the
Tariff Law .
system of tariff taxation and local gov-
ernment adopted for Porto Rico : (The bill finally re-
turns to the short spelling.) A tariff on imports from
Porto Rico to the United States and imports into Porto
Rico from the United States, equal to 1 5 per cent, of
the Dingley law rates, was adopted by the senate on
April 3d, by a vote of 40 to 31 and the house on April
nth by a vote of 161 to 153. So much adverse senti-
ment has been worked up over this measure that it bids
fair to injure the administration in the coming cam-
paign. But time will justify it as an act of wise states-
manship. It really imposes no appreciable burden on
Porto Rico, inasmuch as their principal export to this
country is sugar, which is one of the commodities on
which the American consumer and not the importer
pays and always has had to pay practically the full
amount of the tariff. Not only will the reduced tariff
on sugar not be a burden on Porto Rico, but they will
receive a net advantage over all competitors of 85 per
cent, of the present tariff, which they never before
possessed. Moreover, all the tariff duties collected will
be refunded to the island and used for its internal im-
provement, which is far more important to its devel-
opment than offering a clear gratuity to its sugar cane
growers. The benefits of our entire tariff system
against other countries are extended to Porto Rico, and
in addition a 5 per cent, duty is imposed on coffee im-
ported into the island from any of its West Indian or
South American competitors, while it may send its own
coffee into the United States free.
igoo.J REVIEW OF THE MONTH 387
The new measure confirms our right
Vital Point
to govern these island possessions as
may be necessary to prevent them
from endangering our own institutions, prosperity
and standard of living. If this had not been
done, the argument for ' ' extending the constitu-
tion " uniformly to the Philippines would have been
all but irresistible. Many who favored free trade with
Porto Rico argued, with singular lack of logic, that
of course we would not be bound to do the same
by the Philippines. On the contrary, if their legal
point as to the constitution was well taken we would be
absolutely bound to do the same in the Philippines,
while morally the claim of the Philippines for free
trade and right of free immigration into this country
would be even stronger, for obvious reasons. Porto
Rico was willing to be annexed to this country, which
implies that she recognized the great advantage to her.
That justifies us in declaring that if we assume the re-
sponsibility of annexation we must at least save ourselves
from harm therefrom. But we are taking the Philip-
pines by force, against the will of the natives. When
we conquer, we shall proceed to shut them out by a
tariff and no-immigration policy. Then of course it
will be pointed out in great detail how we first rob them
of their country and next exploit them by a tariff and
even forbid them to come and live in the United States !
No mistake, we shall have another hard fight on when
we come to the Philippine question, and it is a vast
gain to have reasserted in advance the power of congress
to withhold the constitution from newly-acquired pos-
sessions unfitted to enjoy its privileges.
Plan of The Porto Rican tariff law also included
Government for a system of government, providing for a
Porto Rico governor, an executive council of eleven
members, five of whom must be Porto Ricans, and a
388 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
house of delegates of thirty-five members to be elected
every two years. The governor and members of the
executive council are to be appointed by the president
of the United States with the consent of the senate, and
all laws of the Porto Rican legislature may be repealed
by the United States congress. A judiciary system is
established, the judges for the island to be appointed
by the president with the consent of the senate, and
local district judges by the governor with the consent
of the executive council. All citizens of Porto Rico
who have been residents one year are entitled to vote,
but a property qualification is required for members of
the house of delegates.
The really important thing in Porto Rico for sev-
eral years to come is the matter of franchises for indus-
trial and railway enterprises. There will be a flood of
applications for such franchises, and the power of
granting them is reserved absolutely to the executive
council and the governor, subject only to annulment
by the United States congress, a remote contingency.
It is not fair to say that this makes carpet-bag rule and
favoritism certain, but it offers the very greatest temp-
tations and opportunities in that line that any conceiv-
able arrangement could afford. The only way to avoid
this sort of a regime is, first, to allow a majority of
natives in the executive council, leaving the governor
with the veto power ; second, to prescribe by law in
advance the conditions on which all grants and fran-
chises shall be given, requiring proper compensation
to the government and specifying the conditions of ser-
vice, etc., to be complied with. These matters ought
not to be left to the discretion of a board of American
politicians, even though they all might endeavor to act
with the disinterested patriotism that seems assured in
the governor's office at least by the appointment of
Charles H. Allen, now assistant secretary of the navy.
igoo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 389
To grant full discretion is to subject the governor and
council to a variety and intensity of pressure from all
quarters that cannot fail to hamper their efforts for
good government.
Most fortunately for the cause of law and
Contest 61 order, the Kentucky embroilment is go-
ing through the process of peaceful legal
adjustment. Both parties agreed, in the latter part of
February, to submit the matter to the courts. Both
the circuit court and the court of appeals of Kentucky
have decided that the legislature's action in seating
Goebel was regular, in view of the provisions of the
Goebel law. The case will be carried to the United
States supreme court, which may refuse to consider it,
but if it does consider it the decision may, not im-
probably, be the same. The real complaint is against
the infamous law itself, which allows the legislature
to overthrow the returns of the election boards. This
having been made the law of Kentucky, however, it
was possible legally to carry it out in Goebel's favor.
The only final and sure remedy will lie in an appeal
to the people to elect a legislature which will abolish the
Goebel law. Such being the case, it now looks as if it
would have been better if Governor Taylor had sub-
mitted to the outrage under protest and relied on the
moral strength of his attitude for a new attack on the
real source of the whole abomination.
Governor Taylor's position will be strengthened
anyway by the farcical proceedings instituted by his
political enemies in the effort to prove him an instiga-
tor of Goebel's murder. The character of the evidence
submitted in this investigation, and the petty persecu-
tion in arresting several republican state officials on
this same murder charge, when their freedom was im-
portant in the larger struggle they were carrying on,
390
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[May,
shows that the proceeding is backed far more by politi-
cal animus than any genuine desire to find the murderer.
Corporations
in Trouble
This decline of popular anxiety on the
' 'trust" question is hastened by the object-
lessons we are having of the results of un-
economic combination. Some of the penalties of over-
capitalization and speculative management are already
showing themselves. They are more effective cor-
rectives than all the legislation restraining capital that
has ever been enacted. The American Malting Company
has incurred a deficit of $1,300,000 by virtue of having
declared a dividend twice as large as the earnings for
the year ultimately warranted. The Flour Milling
Company, which was largely a speculative organiza-
tion, has passed into receivership, while trouble is
reported from the various brewery consolidations, in-
dicating that the next movement may be the breaking
up of some of the large concerns. Most conspicuous
of all, perhaps, is the action of the American Sugar
Refining Company in reducing its dividend one-half
by reason of the slash into its profits made by fierce
competition with the Arbuckles and others within the
last few years. Since . 1893 this company has been
paying 12% dividends, but for the first quarter of 1900
this has been reduced to a 6% basis. Naturally a con-
siderable drop in sugar stock followed, together with
heavy sales. One year ago, on March 4, 1899, sugar
stock was quoted at 138^; on March 5th, 1900, the
day of the reduced dividend, the stock sold at 99^. At
present, the market quotations on granulated sugar are
5.15 cents by the American, 5 cents by the Arbuckles.
Downfall of
Third Avenue
Railway
The collapse of the Third Avenue Rail-
way Company in New York was fairly
staggering, not only because of the
great interests involved but in the suspicious circum-
igoo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 31
stances surrounding it. One year ago the stock of this
company was worth 243 ; within the twelve months it
dropped to 51, and on February 28th Mr. Hugh J.
Grant was appointed receiver of the road, which ap-
pointment was made permanent on March i6th. The
receiver's report to the court, submitted on March i4th,
showed an astonishing state of affairs. In addition to
the total funded debt, amounting with interest to more
than $5,000,000, there was an unfunded debt of about
$7,250,000, secured by collateral, and an unsecured
floating debt of nearly $12,500,000. Moreover, im-
provements and extensions had been undertaken which
would cost upwards of $10,000,000 more. There were
claims for personal injuries, not yet adjusted, amount-
ing to more than $10,000,000. Not only this, but the
roads operated by the Third Avenue Company showed
liabilities and claims of more than $30,000,000 and
assets only of $5,680,000.
How it was possible to have ever borrowed such
sums of money without security and expended it for so
little is almost inexplicable, except on the theory of
either deliberate fraud with a political background or
grossly incompetent management. Probably there
was a combination of both influences, and the grand
jury is expected to go into the case. In the substitu-
tion of underground electricity for the cable, upwards
of $10,000,000 was spent with such reckless and waste-
ful management that attention was called to it over
and over again by such men as John D. Crimmins,
without result. Much of the trouble is charged to the
habit of Vice- President Hart of buying up immense
holdings of Third Avenue stock and trying to keep up
the market quotations by borrowing money for the
company's new extension expenses, instead of issuing
bonds, which would have revealed the growing in-
debtedness. This policy was sure to require, sooner
392 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
or later, the throwing of large amounts of this stock on
the market, thus precipitating a decline, which is
exactly what happened. Perhaps it come none too
soon to reveal the true condition of affairs.
Most fortunately for the public's interest,
Outcome 13 ^ e roa ^ ^ as P asse ^ under the control of
the Metropolitan Street Railway Com-
pany, which, by extremely able management, has be-
come probably the finest and the most efficient city
railway property in the country. The announcement
that the Metropolitan had purchased a controlling in-
terest in Third Avenue stock was made on March i8th,
and at once the stock went up to a liberal margin over
par. Large economies will be inaugurated, chiefly by
using the Metropolitan's great new power house at p6th
Street to operate both systems. This will also save the
expenditure of several million dollars for new power
houses, which the Third Avenue system badly needed.
Transfers will be given between the two systems, which
means practically a wholesale reduction of fares, and
gives the public a gain which no amount of competition
between the two lines would ever have yielded.
All this experience illustrates in a new way the
truth of two very commonplace but savagely denied eco-
nomic propositions; first, that profit- making is not a
matter simply of natural or monopolistic opportunities,
but that, even in a situation where profits seem so cer-
tain and easy as in a New York street railway enter-
prise, skill and capacity make all the difference between
success and bankruptcy ; second, that when competition
has reached a certain point the only further gain the
public can pqssibly obtain, in cheaper and better service,
comes through the econom)^ and uniformity made pos-
sible by combination. The fortunate outcome in this
case, however, ought not to head off the investigation
into the Third Avenue's management.
igoo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 393
Ncw Equally satisfactory is the settlement of
Carnegie the Frick- Carnegie controversy, which
Corporation promised to involve vast properties in a
long and vexatious litigation. These interests had
been administered for some years in the form of a part-
nership under th3 direction of Mr. H. C. Frick as chair-
man of the managing board. Each partner was bound
by an " iron-clad agreement" to sell out his interests
to the company (virtually to Mr. Carnegie) on demand.
Late in 1899 some disagreement arose and in Decem-
ber Mr. Frick's resignation was requested, and given.
It was claimed by Frick that his interest in the
business (amounting to 6 per cent.) was worth upwards
of $16,000,000, whereas he would only get about $6,-
000,000 if forced out by Carnegie under the iron-clad
agreement. This was made a basis of an action, com-
menced on February isth, to which the Carnegie Steel
Company filed a reply on March i2th, alleging that
only a very small proportion of the value of Frick's
holdings was ever actually paid for, but that nearly all
of the $6,000,000 the company was willing to allow rep-
resented pure profit from the business.
The new president of the company, Charles M.
Schwab, worked incessantly to bring about a settle-
ment, and finally proposed a plan that was accepted by
all parties. All the Carnegie, Frick and associated in-
terests were merged into a regular stock corporation,
"The Carnegie Company,'' with a capital of $160,000,-
ooo, the whole of which was subscribed on the spot by
those already interested. The new company was in-
corporated in New Jersey on March 24th and the shares
fixed at $1,000 each. Of these Mr. Frick received 15,-
484, thus gaining practically all he had contended for,
while Mr. Carnegie retained the controlling interest by
subscribing for 86,379 shares. The two other large
holdings are those of Henry Phipps (17,226 shares) and
394
GUN TON'S MAGAZINE
[May,
President Charles M. Schwab (18,929 shares). It is
said that bonds to the amount of $160,000,000 are to be
issued, thus duplicating the capital stock; and large
extensions of the plant will be made. This of course
ends the control of the business as a personal enterprise,
and abolishes all ''iron-clad agreements." The new
company is the largest, and, judging from the profits
of $21,000,000 made in 1899, the most profitable iron
and steel manufacturing concern in the world.
Croton
Reservoir
Strike
The most acute labor disturbance of the
season has suddenly arisen on the great
work in progress for the city of New
York at the Croton reservoir, in the northern part of
Westchester county. A new dam is being constructed,
which will largely increase the capacity of the reservoir.
On this work about 700 Italians have been employed,
common laborers receiving $1.25 a day, minus deduc-
tions for medical service whether required or not.
Board and lodging in the vicinity are said to cost from
$14 to $i 8 per month, and, since a great deal of time is
lost by rainy weather, the men have had great difficulty
in living on their earnings. About 10 per cent. of the
laborers organized a strike early in April, and the whole
700 left work. Armed with guns and pistols, they
promised to do violence upon any substitutes that might
be brought in. The sheriff of the county and his depu-
ties could not suppress the violent demonstrations and
finally the state militia was ordered out, to the extent
of several near-by companies, and the seventh regiment
from New York city. On the night of April i6th one
of the soldiers was shot and killed, presumably by a
striker, although the leaders disavow and deplore the
act.
The Italian consul-general at New York, Giovanni
Branchi, has been trying to settle the trouble, and de-
i goo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 395
clares that the men would accept a compromise on
$1.37^ a day for 120 of the laborers, which would only
cost the contractors $15 a day additional. On April
1 8th the contractors did, in fact, offer to raise the wages
of 80 hand- drillers from $1.30 to $1.50, but refused to
raise the rate for common labor, claiming that it would
have to be given to all if to any, and that they could
not fulfil their contract under the increased expense.
But if the consul-general is right, and the men will all
go back if 12 J^ cents extra is granted to 120 of them,
the contractors ought not to expect any public sym-
pathy if they refuse. They have no moral right to put
the public to the great expense of keeping a large body
of troops on the ground when so small a concession
would solve the difficulty.
The Root On the other hand, the root of the whole
trouble is not with the contractors, but
Trouble .
lies in the inexcusable neglect of con-
gress to stop the immigration of this low grade of labor.
By allowing them to come in without limit we practi-
cally invite contractors to hire them on the cheapest
possible terms. When the usual effort is made to beat
down and get the advantage of ignorant laborers, and
they finally break out into a violent revolt, we proceed
to send soldiers to suppress them by force, perhaps with
loss of life on both sides. Strikes among this grade of
laborers, when they do occur, are always of a vicious
and dangerous nature, and for the public safety, to say
nothing of common justice to the immigrant laborers
already here, any further influx should be prohibited.
Contractors would then be obliged to choose a higher
grade of help, and if this meant largely increased ex-
pense it would force the use of new kinds of labor-
saving machinery, thus removing some of the more de-
grading features of rough physical labor. Further-
396 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
more, if contractors were not able to go to the barge
office and fill strikers' places indefinitely, the laborers
might be able to maintain a decent scale of wages with-
out having to stake their cause periodically on violence
and intimidation.
At last the metropolis is assured of a
Rapid Transit
in New York rapid transit underground railway. The
successful bidder for the contract, John B.
McDonald, succeeded after considerable delay in furnish-
ing the required securities, and ground was broken in
City Hall Park on Saturday afternoon March 24th. The
park was lavishly decorated with flags and streamers,
a great throng was present, and Mayor Van Wyck re-
moved the first spadeful of earth. Congratulatory
addresses were made by the mayor, Controller Coler,
and Alexander E. Orr, president of the rapid transit
commission. Actual work began the following Mon-
day morning, and the contractor believes he will have
the tunnel finished in three years, although he is al-
lowed four and a half. It is to cost $35,000,000, and
be large enough for a four-track railway, from the city
hall to the upper side of Manhattan Island, thence
branching off and terminating at two points in the
Bronx Borough. A time schedule of fifteen minutes
to Harlem is promised. The commission was au-
thorized to spend $50,000,000, and thus has $15,000,000
left, which it expects to devote to a tunnel from the city
hall down Broadway and under the river to Brooklyn.
This can hardly be called an experiment in munic-
ipal ownership. For the city to construct a tunnel, is
practically the same thing as to open and maintain
public streets. Probably the railroad in the tunnel
will be operated by a private corporation under con-
tract with the city. Such an arrangement can be made
to yield large returns to the municipality besides
igoo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 397
giving the best service to the public, perhaps with
transfers to surface lines.
The whole work will be under the supervision of
trained inspectors employed by the rapid transit com-
mission and selected by civil service examinations.
The board will also issue all necessary permits for the
opening of streets, etc. This removes some very im-
portant powers from the hands of Tammany Hall, and
encourages the belief that the giant enterprise will not
be turned into a political job.
Death of Following so soon after the surrender of
General General Cronje, the death of General
Petrus Jacobus Joubert, which occurred
at Pretoria on March 2/th, from disease, was an excep-
tionally severe blow to the Transvaal cause. He was
confessedly a broad-minded, patriotic and liberal states-
man, by long odds the best man the Boers had. If
Joubert's ideas could have prevailed an entirely differ-
ent policy would have been adopted towards the ' ' Uit-
landers," but, once the fight was on, he took the field
and planned some masterly campaigns, a case striking-
ly parallel with that of Robert E. Lee, the great heroic
figure of the southern confederacy. The high charac-
ter, integrity and the liberal spirit of General Joubert
were recognized not merely by his own countrymen
but by the world. English generals, statesmen and
journals were among the first to express sincere admi-
ration and appreciation of so worthy a foe. It is under-
stood that General Louis Botha has succeeded Joubert
in command, although President Kruger himself is now
assuming a more active direction of the Boer tactics.
Interjected into the midst of the South
The Delagoa African war comes the long delayed de-
Bay Award '
cision of the arbitrators in the famous
case of the Delagoa Bay Railway, in Portuguese East
398 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
Africa. The outcome was important to the Boers, since
if a heavy award against Portugal had been granted it
might have forced the turning over of the port of Lor-
en$o Marquez into English hands, whereas for years
this port has served as the Transvaal's principal means
of importing munitions of war. The final award in
favor of the English and American claimants is only
about $4,250,000, while it was expected to be fully twice
that amount; and loans sufficient to pay the judgment
have been offered to Portugal from several sources.
The claims grew out of the action of the Portu-
guese government in confiscating the Delagoa Bay Rail-
way, which was built by Edward McMurdo, an Ameri-
can engineer, mostly with English capital. The orig-
inal concession was granted to McMurdo in 1883, but,
largely through the influence of the Transvaal govern-
ment, it was afterward surrounded with impossible
conditions, and because these could not be fulfilled the
road was taken over by the government and the owners
deprived of all rights in the situation. The British and
United States governments protested, and finally the
matter was submitted to arbitrators in 1891. McMurdo
is long since dead, but it is doubtful if the award just
granted will cover the actual amount expended on the
road by the claimants, to say nothing of the value of
the concession itself, now estimated at $30,000,000.
The result is highly unsatisfactory and will injure the
cause of arbitration itself. President Kruger certainly
cannot complain that the judges were under British
influence, since the decision leaves the port and railway
in the hands of Portugal as before and so continues
their neutral character.
Little has been accomplished during the
South Africa P as ^ mon ^ on either side, although there
has been a marked revival of Boer ac-
tivity. Clearly, President Kruger realized the necessity
i goo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 399
of vigorous action to keep the burghers together, after
such a series of calamities as the relief of Kimberly and
Ladysmith, surrender of Cronje, loss of Bloemfontein
and death of General Joubert. Relief columns under
Lord Methuen from the south and Colonel Plumer,
coming down from Rhodesia on the north, have been
working toward Mafeking, but time and again they
have been beaten back, while the investment of the
little town becomes closer than ever. It is really a
point of small tactical advantage, but the sentimental
effect of a capture on the one hand or relief on the
other would be considerable. How the garrison is to
hold out much longer on half rations is a mystery,
especially since there seems to be no prospect that Lord
Roberts can spare any more detachments for side expe-
ditions.
The commander-in-chief has .been remaining
quietly in Bloemfontein, getting supplies and prepar-
ing for the advance on Pretoria, but the Boers have not
left him in peace. They have established headquarters
at Kroonstadt, on the Pretoria railway line in the
northern part of the Orange Free State, and are ope-
rating with small detachments all around Bloemfontein,
along the border of Basutoland, and almost as far south
as Cape Colony. General Brabant, who was operating
in the southern part of the Free State, was surrounded
at Wepener early in April and has been holding out
against odds ever since.
Several disasters have overtaken the
British, through the incessant activity
of relatively small expeditions and skir-
mishing parties of Boers, harrassing the outskirts of
Lord Roberts' great army. On April ist two batteries of
horse artillery under Col. Broadwood, while retiring from
the waterworks twenty miles east of Bloemfontein, were
400 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
surrounded in ambush and lost seven guns together
with about 250 men, 200 of whom were reported
"missing," which probably means captured.
Again, on April 3rd, three companies of Royal
Irish Fusiliers and two companies of mounted in-
fantry, who were out collecting arms from free state
burghers, were surrounded near Bloemfontein. Al-
though they held out most gallantly until 9 o'clock
the next morning, the odds were too great and the
whole three companies were finally taken prisoners,
only forty of the whole number remaining un wounded.
General Gatacre was ordered to their relief as soon as
word came of the disaster, but he arrived too late and
failed to pursue promptly. Whether for this or for
causes not made public, Gatacre has since been ordered
home and his place taken by General Chermside, who
has been with Roberts at Bloemfontein.
In other engagements, to the south of Bloemfon-
tein, the British have lost several hundred killed and
captured, but nothing of a decisive nature has taken
place. There has been nothing in these encounters to
indicate that the Boer strength is a really serious men-
ace to the British position or line of supplies. Accord-
ing to the last reports, these desultory tactics are being
abandoned and the burghers are withdrawing to the
north, with the evident intention of concentrating to
meet the British advance now believed to be imminent.
General Buller's army still remains in northern
Natal. Since the publication of Lord Roberts' severe
criticisms on the Spion Kop blunder, it seems hardly
possible that Buller will be retained for further active
service. It would be singular policy for the British war
department to make public such strictures and so de-
stroy the confidence of his troops if it planned to en-
trust General Buller with another important forward
movement.
THE CONTROL OF THE TROPICS
DAVID STARR JORDAN, PRESIDENT LELAND STANFORD, JR.,
UNIVERSITY
The history of man in the equatorial parts of the
earth has been very different from that made in the
temperate zones of the North. In the cool regions
man has lived by the sweat of his brow, tinder the
stress of unsatisfied aspirations, the strong trained in
strength by the conquest of the elements, the race-
blood purified by the early death of the unfit. In gen-
eral, fitness to win in the struggle of life has meant
fitness for action, capacity for exercise of wisdom, vir-
tue and sympathy. In the long run the result of the
struggle for life has been the survival of those possess-
ing the traits which enable men to struggle together.
The qualities which make institutions and on which
civilization rests have become the hereditary race
traits of all northern peoples. And these races have
nowhere, on their own ground, become degenerate save
after the extermination of their best elements, as the
ultimate effect of continued successful or unsuccessful
war.
The conditions of life in the tropics reverse much
of this. These regions are most favorable to vegetable
life. Foodstuffs .are to be had for the taking. To be
well fed is not conditioned on effort of any kind.
401
402 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
Moreover, activity either physical or mental is in itself
dangerous. It is the enterprising, the resolute, the
daring who is soonest destroyed by sunstroke or mias-
ma. The children of the strong cannot grow to ma-
turity under a vertical sun. While tropical conditions
vary much in degree, this is true of them all as a whole.
Nature is lavish in wealth of animal and vegetable life.
Man is a creature of the present, careless of the future,
without incentives to economy and industry, the prey
of small vices, untroubled by questions of abstract right
or equity and generally incapable of forming institu-
tions far-reaching in their scope and resting on a basis
of theoretical justice. More obviously, the natives of
the tropics are paupers in a land of wealth, squalid in
a land of comfort, and the whole condition seems to rep-
resent a vast economic waste. Moreover, natives of
other regions removed to the tropics become more or
less like the tropical people themselves. In this fact
we recognize two elements, personal degeneration due
to vice and the loss of high incentives, and race degen-
eration due to the death of the active child or man.
The control of the tropics in the interest of in-
dustrial development and in the interest of better man-
ners, cleaner morals and nobler religion constitutes the
essence of what Kipling calls " The White Man's Bur-
den." This is the supposed justification of Great
Britain's presence in India, of our jurisdiction in the
Philippines and of tropical colonialism in general. We
must sharply distinguish colonialism from actual colo-
nization such as takes place in temperate regions. The
settlement of Canada, New Zealand, Australia, Tas-
mania, is a real expansion of England, a growth of
Anglo-Saxon empire in every respect noble, worthy
and permanent. The French " colonization " of Mada-
gascar, the Dutch colonization of Java or the British
hold on India is something wholly different.
1 9 oo.] THE CONTROL OF THE TROPICS 403
The control of the tropics has passed through a
number of stages. It was at first a result of the search
for spices and perfumes, luxuries demanded by the
higher classes of Europe which their own lands did not
yield and which furnished an incentive to adventure.
Later came the demand for gold, tea, coffee, sugar,
rubber, lumber, slaves, the call for volume of trade, the
requirement of means of investment, for money, the
need of public offices for the overflow of younger sons,
and finally the desire to spread the higher elements of
civilization and Christianity. The methods of control
have been as diverse as the results desired. The most
prominent may be grouped under four classes : Slavery,
Imperialism, Democratic Federation, Permeation.
i. Slavery. Slavery is the subordination of the
will of one man to that of another. The slaveholder
is the representative of a higher race, the strong, the
virtuous, the Christian. The slave is taken from bar-
barism and filth, brought into new and better relations,
made clean, industrious and effective. For the worship
of devils and fetiches is substituted the religion of civ-
ilized men, and these civilized men in turn live in pros-
perity through the wisely-directed labor of many slaves.
This is the fair side of slavery. Not long since it
was the only side seen to most men. But broader ex-
perience showed the darker face. We see now that the
system cursed the slave, destroying his manhood and
his power of initiative, at last degrading his race
through the elimination of those brave souls who chose
death rather than servitude. The system cursed the
master not less, by developing the spirit of domination,
by destroying the feeling of equity and of brotherly
love among men. It is opposed to the forces that make
for progress, to the demands of justice and to the spirit
of democracy. "If slavery is not wrong," said Lin-
coln, "then there is nothing wrong."
404 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
2. Imperialism. Since slavery passed away, im-
perialism in one form or another has become its ac-
cepted substitute in the control of the tropics. In
general, the essence of imperialism is non-delegated
power. It is the divine right of kings applied to races
and their rulers. Practically, imperialism means the
control of a weak race by a strong one in the interest
of the industrial development of the weak race and the
commercial advantage of the strong. Imperialism or
collective slavery has the same fair side that chattel
slavery or individual imperialism has. It makes for
order, cleanliness, thrift, commerce, luxury, Christian-
ity. It is less subject to abuse than personal slavery.
The public master is never so good as the best private
master though never so bad as the worst. The final
results are the same, the degradation of those races
who have been cared for by its paternalism, the de-
struction of initiative, the loss of the spirit of freedom.
The rulers themselves suffer as a body the same ills
which affect the individual slaveholder and this in pro-
portion to the degree in which they actually rule.
The spirit of arrogance, the feeling of caste, the
growth of militarism, the "divine right" to seize the
possessions of weaker races, are characteristics of im-
perialism. Slavery under either form is still the
' ' black demon breeding drouth and dearth of human
sympathy," so familiar to us in the struggles of the
last generation, "Great Britain," says Goldwin Smith,
' ' has deserved and won the respect of the Hindu but
she has never won and is now less likely than ever to
win his love. Lord Elgin sorrowfully observes that
there is more of a bond between man and dog than be-
tween Englishman and Hindu." So it is ever in the
relation of master and slave, whether on a large scale
or a small one. It is said that the increasing famines
in India are largely due to the loss of all the native
1 9 oo.] THE CONTROL OF THE TROPICS 405
forms of industry, their home-taught spinning and
weaving and work in metal. The tendency of outside
mastery is to make of all men unskilled laborers alike.
The control of subject races under imperialism has
shown many forms. It may be systematic exploitation
scarcely distinct from slavery ; it may take the form of
indentured labor without which, it is claimed, most
tropical plantations are unworkable; it may be the
subsidy of petty despots; it may be rule by bare
military force ; it may consist in absolute extermina-
tion or again it may represent any one of various
stages in freedom or self-government. It may again
be paternalism, pure and simple, the rule of a wise
man under no orders save those given to Sancho Panza
"to fear God and do your duty." In its best form this
system has shown wonderful results but again it is
hard to establish and its effects show little permanence..
I do not believe that the results of imperial con-
trol in the tropics indicate a final solution of the prob-
lem or constitute anything more than a passing phase
in history.
When a race is held in its place by force, the
people who are held and the people who hold them
suffer alike from the unnatural relation. It must fi-
nally end in independence or federation or extermina-
tion. Therefore we may safely paraphrase Lincoln's
words : ' * If imperialism is not wrong, nothing in gov-
ernment is wrong," though as a temporary stepping
stone toward something else it may have a recognized
place.
3. Federated Democracy. A third form of control
may be that under democracy. It would consist in the
application to the tropics of the twin principles of
equality before the law and of delegated power, which
have been the corner-stones of human progress in the
temperate zone.
406 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
Self-government on the basis of personal freedom
has never grown up spontaneously in the tropics. All
tropical republics have been oligarchies: all rulers
have been dictators. The powers they have assumed
have been delegated through tacit consent, the consent
of hero-worship, of fear or of indifference, not through
the explicit authority of a bill of rights. The weak,
lawless, turbulent republics have reflected the charac-
ter of the people who compose them. We in America
are about to try this new solution of the great question,
the control of the tropics through the federation of
the weak peoples with the strong. This now is our
problem. If the people of the North set the pace, can
the people of the tropics keep step with it at least to
such a degree as not to imperil the peace and civiliza-
tion we have already attained?
As to this, most experts of Europe say no. "Any
attempt to govern the tropical possessions of the United
States on democratic principles," says Alleyne Ireland,
' ' is doomed to certain failure We look in
vain for a single instance within the tropics of a well-
governed country."
But this fact does not settle the matter. The ex-
periment has never had a fair trial, and this we have now
resolved to give. Nor is it altogether hopeless. Cer-
tainly each of our states is stronger in the union than
it would be if standing alone. This is even more true
of the weak than of the strong. Certainly Porto Rico
as a territory of the United States, with full equality
before the law and with full guarantee against des-
potism, can do some things which Porto Rico as an
independent nation could not accomplish. The pros-
pect in the Philippines may stagger us somewhat, but
if we undertake the control of the tropics in the
Orient we can only operate along the lines of our own
governmental methods. We must recognize men as
igoo.] THE CONTROL OF THE TROPICS 407
men, whatever their race, color or location, and each
part of our country must share and share alike in all
our powers, endeavors, hopes or advantages. We may
doubt the outcome but we must not flinch from the
conditions. If control of the tropics be ever made safe,
helpful and permanent, federation under democracy is
surely a hopeful method. It must rest on * ' consent of
the governed," and by consent we must mean not for-
mal vote but willing participation. If we have made
frhe plunge then we should not hesitate for a moment
as to the rest of our duty. Whatever possessions the
United States may hold must be part of the United
States, territories, states in time, and their people full
citizens, " mere citizens," the only kind of citizens that
we know. If we cannot grant this, let them go.
Equality or separation, there can be no other alterna-
tive under our constitution, or under the eternal justice
upon which the constitution rests.
If our nation ever really expands beyond its conti-
nental boundaries its strength abroad as at home must
lie in the hearts of its citizens. If the country of the
Filipinos is ours then our country is theirs. If they
come to know our country as we know it then may they
love it as we love it.
Alone of all the great nations of the world, Amer-
ica has a recognized theory of government. Govern-
ment by the people places manhood above order, the
development of individual character above the techni-
calities of good administration. This looks not to the
smooth ordering of affairs of to-day but to the ultimate
growth of the future. Great Britain has never had a
theory of human rights and duties and in her political
affairs she lives from hand to mouth. Her conservatism
is tradition. Her radicalism is opportunism. One prob-
lem she solves in one way and another in another ; one
is forgotten, one dissolves in commercialism, another
408 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE May
erupts in war. Under the same flag is the despotism
of the Straits Settlements, the perfect democracy of
New Zealand, the slaughter of the Transvaal. It floats
over a Gordon, a Rajah Brooke, a Kitchener, and a
Cecil Rhodes and the same flag befits them all alike.
What in the long centuries will come of it all, no man
can foretell, save that the conditions we know at any
one time can never be permanent.
Not so with the Republic of America. " How long
will the United States endure? " asked Guizot of James
Russell Lowell. " So long as the ideas of her founders
remain dominant."
In our control of the tropics, short though it has
been, we have made blunders of the deepest kind,
blunders due to ignorance, indifference, inaction and
especially to the assumption that order is a matter of
swords and muskets alone.
I believe that a saner policy is now possible. I
trust that we may regain our lost ground. A great
hope lies in the present Philippine Commission, com-
posed of men wise, just and sympathetic. They will
surely do all that men can do to restore peace and good-
will to our wretched brethren of the East. They go
forth not to "do politics " but to clear away the debris
of past politics, Spanish, Tagalo and American, and
they deserve the heartiest support of all good citizens.
4. Permeation. Another solution of the control of
the tropics is through independence and permeation.
Let the native peoples develop their own institutions
in their own way, undisturbed by outside governmental
control and unimpeded by force of arms. Let their
only real check be the force of superior experience and
superior wisdom.
Missionaries, commerce, railways, manufactures,
industrial corporations, consular offices, let these per-
meate the tropics. All of them make for decency,
THE CONTROL OF THE TROPICS 409
equity, stability. They require no armies for their
support. Armies bring disease, drunkenness, injustice,
recrimination. The soldier cannot safely precede the
missionary. Still less can he take his place. "The
force of arms must be kept far from matters of the
Gospel. This," said Martin Luther, "is the lesson of
my life."
A good example of control through permeation is
that of the "peaceful conquest of Mexico." We may
rule Mexico through force of brains, a power more
potent than force of arms, more worthy and more last-
ing. The present stability of Mexico is largely due to
American influences. Every year American intelli-
gence and American capital find better and broader
openings there. In time, Mexico shall become a re-
public in fact as well as in name, side by side in the
friendliest relation with her sister republic of broader
civilization. It is not necessary that the same flag
should float over both. If one be red, white and blue,
let the other be green, white and red what matter ?
The development of Mexico, the ' ' awakening of a
nation," is thus a legitimate form of expansion. It is
not a widening of our own governmental responsibility,
but a widening of our influence and an extension of re-
publican ideas. The next century may see Mexico an
American instead of a Spanish republic, and this with-
out war, conquest or intrigue.
Permeation is cheaper than war. A single battle
costs more than a hundred Christian missions. A sin-
gle campaign has cost as much as the great trans-
Siberian railway. We could fill all tropical countries
with consular agents and commercial agents, men
trained to stand for good order and to work for Amer-
ican interests, for less than it costs to subdue a single
tropical island. Stevenson in Samoa did more for peace
and property than all the warships which ever passed
410
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
his island, and this out of pure good will the best
agency in the work of civilization. And with every
peaceful invasion the area of civilization and freedom
is expanded. In peace, not in war, in commerce, not
in force of arms, is found the key to our problem if
any solution be ever possible.
Whether the control of the tropics along any lines
whatever shall be practicable and permanent no one
can say. Perhaps like the grand Quivira or the foun-
tain of eternal youth it is only a dream of the restless
adventurer. History gives no record of success. She
tells only of varying kinds and degrees of failure. But
in each case the failure is less in proportion as the
equality and humanity of man has been conceded.
But this, alas, seems certain. The tropics are
stronger than we at last. They will control and swallow
up whatever we put into them. As with animals and
plants, so with men and institutions ; the frost line of
the Tropic of Cancer is the greatest barrier we know,
the dead line which, for good or ill, no form of life has
ever yet passed unchanged.
EXPANSION THE DOOM OF PROTECTION
Protection has been our national policy since the
foundation of the republic. While it has not always
been philosophically and economically applied, it has
been accepted and supported by the American people
as the policy of preserving and expanding our domestic
industries. The protectionists, whether as federalists,
whigs or republicans, were never quite so well versed
in the theory of their policy as were the free traders in
theirs. Indeed, protection can hardly be said to have
had a logical doctrine at all. It was a policy, a kind of
horse- sense policy, under which the people persisted in
doing very much better than they knew. It is not until
recently that protection can be said to have been re-
duced to anything like an economic doctrine with a
scientific basis and philosophic scope.
It is not surprising, therefore, that in the absence
of any clear doctrine or economic principle on the sub-
ject the narrowest views regarding it should be enter-
tained and that local or personal interests should influ-
ence its application. These perversions, sometimes
verging on favoritism, have furnished the anti-protec-
tionists with new material for demanding free trade.
Little wonder that under these conditions the anti-
protectionist movement would occasionally rise to
serious proportions and bring about experiments with a
non-protective policy; but every experiment in this
direction was followed by industrial disturbance, fre-
quently by disastrous depressions accompanied by finan-
cial panics.
When the people change from one policy to an-
other, it matters little what the policy is, if the change
is followed by disaster they are sure to change back at
the first opportunity. This is often taken to indicate
411
412 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
that they are intellectually converted to the other
theory, which is seldom true. They eagerly return to
the policy under which they were prosperous, merely
because they were prosperous. The very fact that they
were prosperous is to them, for the time being, the
justification of the policy. Whether it is more philo-
sophical or logical or humane or in the long run more
just are not the determining qualities under such cir-
cumstances.
Despite the fact that the classic literature and
scholarship, and the influence of the great universities,
combined with the Jeffersonian doctrine of politics, all
favored it, the free-trade doctrine made practically no
permanent inroad on the convictions of the American
people. The power of the teacher, however plausible,
seemingly logical and profound his philosophy and
broad his humanities, ultimately availeth little against
the continuous concrete experience of the people.
The protective system performed a double func-
tion, it gave revenue to the state and protection to do-
mestic industry. Down to the civil war internal taxes
were unknown. The entire revenues of the country
were collected from duties on imports. This fact
greatly contributed to strengthen belief in the tariff
policy. Advocates of free trade were forced to become
the advocates of internal taxation, which is generally
objectionable to the American people.
Moreover, during all this time the attention of the
people has been concentrated upon domestic questions.
We have had no foreign possessions, no entangling alli-
ances with other countries. The Monroe doctrine has
been our guide, we have acted upon the policy of not
interfering in the affairs of other nations, nor permit-
ting them to interfere with ours. The political issues
at every presidential or state election, therefore, were
domestic. They related to questions of industry, trade,
. J EXPANSION THE DOOM OF PROTECTION 413
interstate commerce, finance, and policies affecting the
educational, social and moral welfare of our citizens. It
was the safeguarding of old and the development of new
industries, the encouragement of railroad construction
for the opening of our vast areas of virgin territories,
the development of cities and towns and the solution of
the educational, municipal and economic problems they
created, that engaged the attention of the people. All
the questions of public discussion and political action
were confined to the domestic interests of the people.
It has been constantly urged that with protection
we could have no foreign trade. Experience has de-
stroyed the validity of that theory by showing that our
foreign trade grew as our domestic industry developed.
The greater our home productions the greater is our
consumption of foreign goods. Not that we consume
foreign goods instead of our own, but in addition to our
own by way of variety. The more the people make
and use, the more they are likely to buy from others.
Those who make little produce little, never buy much,
they are small consumers. Contrary to all the anti-
protection reasoning, with the development of our do-
mestic industries we have increased our exports to for-
eign countries. This means that we have gradually
come to produce certain commodities cheaper than they
can be produced in other countries, notwithstanding our
tariff duties, which the prophets proclaimed were
added to the price and handicapped American pro-
ducers. During this time, with the diversification of
industries, development of resources, cheapening of
products, creation of cities, popular education and daily
earning opportunities for the masses, we forged along
at a rate witnessed nowhere else in the world. Neither
plausible theories of brotherhood nor imaginary pictures
of the honor, glory and gain of capturing foreign
markets availed so long as the economic and political
414
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[May,
interests of the American people were centered on de-
veloping the economic resources, adjusting the social
conditions and solving the political problems of the
United States.
In 1898 we made a departure. We entered upon a
war with Spain to secure the right of self-government
for Cuba. Our success on both land and sea has no par-
allel in the history of warfare. When we had driven
the Spanish out of Cuba we demanded both Porto Rico
and the Philippines. We were strong enough to take
the one and rich enough to buy the other. This, to-
gether with the annexation of Hawaii, has introduced a
new and foreign element into our national life. The
entire attention of the administration and of congress
has become centered on the problems of our foreign
possessions. In reality, the center of our political in-
terest is transferred from the United States to the West
Indies and the islands of the Pacific.
The first question we have to settle in the Philip-
pines is, how can we reduce this new and semi-barbar-
ous people to the conditions of law and order and to the
recognition of United States authority. They dispute
our right to come and challenge our power to govern,
so we are compelled to maintain a state of war, keeping
a larger army in the Philippines than all the white or
half-breed population of the entire islands. When we
have accomplished this, which may take years, we shall
have to solve the problem of how to govern these un-
civilized people. This brings us face to face with con-
ditions that have practically nothing in common with
the spirit and character of American institutions. These
people are poor, helpless barbarians, they have practi-
cally no sense of sustained industry or orderly civil
government, no experience in representative institu-
tions. A large majority of them go barefooted and
half naked.
EXPANSION THE DOOM OF PROTECTION 415
In dealing with these problems, which for a long
time are going to be all absorbing, we have to radically
depart from all the methods of democratic institutions ;
we have to treat these people as wards, and govern
them by despotic authority. This means that the Amer-
ican government and congress are going to be absorbed
for years to come in devising, establishing and admin-
istering arbitrary paternal government in three or four
different countries outside of the United States. This
despotic control of inferior races will necessarily deaden
the spirit of democracy at home by familiarizing our
representatives with a contempt for human rights and
representative institutions. We have already begun in
Porto Rico by creating there essentially a carpet-bag
government, consisting of a governor and advisory
council of eleven, all appointed by the president
of the United States with the consent of the senate.
Six of the council must be United States citizens.
In view of the ignorance and poverty of the people,
we may expect from this practically the same political
jobbery, selling of industrial privileges and other
scandalous political" performances, that disgraced the
carpet-bag era in the southern states. This will be
another source of foreign detraction of home discus-
sion, another force to center public interest abroad.
In addition to this we have the trade aspect of the
subject. We are responsible for the economic welfare
of these people. If they cannot earn a living we feel
called upon to feed them, and in order to seem humane
we are tempted to give them the benefit of the Ameri-
can market, abolishing all tariff lines and having free
trade. This work has already begun. President McKin-
ley led the sympathetic march in this direction by
recommending in his message to congress that we
establish free trade between Porto Rico and the United
States. The excuse, defence or explanation for this
416 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
course is not on economic but humane grounds. " We
must do something for these people, we have become
responsible for them, we must send them capital to
start their industries, we must raise money if necessary
to feed their poor, we must recoup them for the losses
suffered by tornado, all of which is highly philanthrop-
ic and creditable to the sympathetic character and sen-
timent of the American people, but it is creating a new
center around which public policy will crystallize.
We can no longer discuss the tariff question in re-
lation to Porto Rico on economic and scientific grounds.
It is charity, sympathy, benevolence. The same will
be true of the Philippines. This is the beginning of
the substitution of sentiment for economics. Hereto-
fore the question as to the tariff has been, how will it
affect the welfare of the United States, how will it
affect American industries and American prosperity?
So long as the question was presented in this form, the
cold logic of the free trader was impotent. No people
can be held to a national policy on the strength of
bloodless logic and mathematical deduction, against
the sentiment of national welfare and patriotism. The
world is moved by national interest, by sentiment, by
questions that are warm with flesh and blood. So long
as the basis of protection was the United States, the
welfare of the American people, our home industrial
and social improvement, it was the policy of patriotism.
But let that national sentiment once be centered on
foreign problems and the enthusiasm for home interests
subsides. Besides the sympathy phase of this foreign
problem, there is the flag glory and foreign trade as-
pect. We shall be told that our great industrial inter-
ests are now in foreign trade ; not merely in carrying
the flag to the land of barbarians but in furnishing the
markets of the Orient with American products, and
thus the emphasis of economic policy will be placed
IQOO.J EXPANSION THE DOOM OF PROTECTION 417
upon selling goods to foreigners rather than to Ameri-
cans. It will soon become magnified as a much greater
accomplishment to sell a cargo of shoddy productions
to Asiatics than to sell twenty times as much of supe-
rior products to American citizens. We shall have the
doctrine, so familiar in England, that a nation's welfare
is measured by the volume of its foreign commerce,
though nothing could be more misleading. A nation's
welfare and status in civilization is measured, not by
its foreign sales, but by the standard of daily consump-
tion of its average citizen. Ireland exported bread-
stuffs to England when her people were dying of star-
vation. Consumption is the source and measure of a
nation's welfare.
All this is already under way. Not only has the
proposition for free trade for Porto Rico been recom-
mended by the president and fiercely discussed by con-
gress, but so completely did the sympathy idea prevail
over the economic policy that the little tariff imposed
is to be given back to Porto Rico.
Senator Foraker admits, in an article in the North
American Review, that they struggled for this skeleton
protection in order to retain the principle, for fear of
establishing a precedent for the Philippines, showing
clearly that the whole question will have to be fought
over again there. And now Brigadier-General James
H. Wilson, commanding the provinces of Mantanzas
and Santa Clara, Cuba, in making his report to the
government, recommends that we establish free trade
with Cuba. Concurrently with this, Mr. Robert P.
Porter, ' * Special Commissioner for the United States
to Cuba and Porto Rico," is publishing extensive inter-
views and writing articles for the magazines with all
the quasi-official flavor they will carry, endeavoring to
show that with our immense growth in manufactures
and methods of production we are outstripping the need
418
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
of protection ; that we are increasing our exports, and
showing that we can compete with Great Britain and
other countries in foreign markets. All this is very
natural, and from their point of view is very properly
backed up by the daily leading editorials in the free-
trade papers of the country.
Thus it is that expansion, in forcing upon us a new
and novel problem, is destined rapidly to transfer our
national interests from domestic industry to govern-
ment in the tropics. Under the alluring glamour of
becoming a "world power," with distant possessions
demanding trade concessions in foreign countries, and
becoming the paternal guardians of barbarians, we
have already begun to lose the grip upon our domestic
interests, the very source of our national welfare. As
the demands of these foreign interests increase, and
our intercourse with foreign nations becomes more in-
volved, the maintenance of our prestige abroad will
soon become a national patriotic sentiment. With a
sentiment for a world power and a world commerce,
the road for free-trade propaganda, which has already
recommenced, will be easy and inviting. Another
touch of dull trade is all that is necessary to put this
movement under full headway. Thus the very ideal
for which free traders have so long struggled in vain is
now likely to be accomplished for them by the protec-
tionists themselves.
SHABBY SALARIES OF OUR PUBLIC
OFFICIALS
ADELBERT H. STEELE
To those who have given attention to this subject
it is well known that the salaries now paid to most of
our public officers are insufficient to defray their actual
living expenses at their posts of duty, leaving nothing
for their services.
It is also as remarkable as it is surprising that not-
withstanding our phenomenal increase in population
and wealth there has been but one increase in the
salary of the president and the vice-president since the
organization of the government in 1789, and no in-
crease whatever in the salaries of cabinet officers since
1853, of members of congress since 1866, of the judges
of the supreme court of the United State since 1873,
nor in the diplomatic service since 1856. The history
of our public service in this respect is as follows :
The Executive. By the Act of September 24,
1789, the salary of the president of the United States was
fixed at $25,000 per annum, with the use of the furni-
ture and other effects in his possession belonging to
the United States, to be paid quarterly. The salary of
the vice-president was at the same time fixed at $5,000.
President Washington, with that sublime patriotism
which ever characterized him, refused to accept any
salary for his services to his country.
The salary of the president continued $25,000
until it was increased to $50,000, payable monthly, by
the Act of March 3, 1873. Congress, however, at-
tempted in 1876 to repeal the act increasing the salary
to $50,000, but President Grant righteously imposed
419
420 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
his veto and the salary therefore remains at $50,000
with the use of the executive mansion.
The Cabinet. In 1789 the salary of the secretary
of state was fixed at $3,500 per annum, which was in-
creased to $5,000 in 1799, to $6,000 in 1819, and to
$8,000, the present salary, in 1853.
The salary of the secretary of the treasury was
fixed at $3,500 per annum in 1789 and was increased to
$5,000 in 1799, to $6,000 in 1819, and to $8,000, the
present salary, in 1853.
The department of war was created in 1789, and
the salary of the secretary was fixed at $3,000, which
was increased to $4,500 in 1799, to $6,000 in 1819, and
to $8,000, the present salary, in 1853.
The navy department was created in 1789 and the
salary of the secretary was fixed at $3,000, which was
increased to $4,500 in 1799, to $6,000 in 1819, and to
$8,000, the present salary, in 1853.
The post-office department was created in 1789, and
the salary of the postmaster-general was fixed at $1,500,
which was increased to $2,000 in 1792, to $2,400 in
1794, to $3,000 in 1799, to $4,000 in 1819, to $6,000 in
1827, and to $8,000, the present salary, in 1853.
The office of attorney-general was created in 1 789,
with a salary of $1,500, which was increased to $1,900
in 1791, to $2,400 in 1797, to $3,000 in 1799, to $3>5oo
in 1819, to $4,000 in 1830, and to $8,000, the present
salary, in 1853.
The department of the interior was created in
1849; the salary of the secretary was fixed at $6,000,
and increased to $8,000, the present salary, in 1853.
The department of agriculture was created an ex-
ecutive department in 1889, and the salary of the sec-
retary was fixed at $8,000, the same as the other mem-
bers of the cabinet.
Congress. By the Act of September 22, 1789, the
SHABBY SALARIES OF PUBLIC OFFICIALS 421
salaries of the senators and representatives in congress
were fixed at $6 per day and $6 for every twenty miles
of the estimated distance for traveling to and from their
homes to the seat of government ' ' by the most usual
road.'' In 1816 the salaries were fixed at $1,500 per
annum and 30 cents mileage. In 1818 the salaries
were fixed at $8 per day and 40 cents mileage by the
"most usual road." In 1856 salaries were fixed at
$3,000 per annum and 40 cents mileage. In 1866 the
salaries were fixed at $5,000 per annum and 20 cents
per mile, by the nearest route usually traveled in going
to and from each regular session, the amounts now paid
to senators and representatives in congress.
In March, 1873, Gen. Benjamin F. Butler of Mas-
sachusetts succeeded in attaching a "rider " to an im-
portant appropriation bill, by which the salaries of
the president, vice-president, judges and members of
congress were increased, that of members of congress
from $5,000 to $7,500 with an allowance for their
actual traveling expenses, and the act was approved
by President Grant. The next day a concurrent reso-
lution was passed, making the increased salaries of
members of congress retroactive for a period of two
years. This unwise action gave rise to the phrase of
"salary grab,'* arousing public sentiment to such an
extent that congress repealed the act on the 2Oth of Janu-
ary, 1874, and it is said that a large majority of the
members of congress covered their increased pay back
into the treasury. Owing to constitutional inhibi-
tions, congress could not then repeal the increased
salaries granted to the president or judges of the
supreme court. As already stated, the repeal of the
president's salary was attempted by congress in 1876,
but was defeated by the veto of President Grant.
The Judiciary. By the Act of September 23,
1789, the salary of the chief justice of the supreme
422 G UNTON 'S MA GA ZINE [May,
court of the United States was fixed at $4,000 per an-
num, the associate justices at $3,500, the district judges
from $ i, ooo to $1,8 oo per annum. In 1819 the salary
of the chief justice was increased to $5,000 and of the
associate justices to $4, 500 per annum. In 1855 it was
increased to $6,500 for the chief justice and $6,000 for
associate justices. In 1871 salaries were increased to
$8,500 for chief justice and $8,000 for associate justices,
and in 1873 it was further increased to $10,500 for the
chief justice and $10,000 for the associate justices, their
present salaries. The salaries of the circuit judges are
now $6,000 and the district judges $5,000 per annum.
The Diplomatic Service. The foreign service of
the United States was first authorized by act of con-
gress July i, 1790, and the salaries of the ministers
were fixed by the president, at a rate not to exceed
$9,000 per annum, together with an outfit not to ex-
ceed one year's salary, which was paid in advance.
Under this act legations were established at Paris in
1790, London in 1792, Russia in 1809, Mexico in 1825
and Austria in 1838. An act regulating the diplomatic
and consular service was passed August 18, 1856, fixing
the salaries of envoys extraordinary and ministers
plenipotentiary, to Great Britain and France, at $17,500
per annum ; to Spain, Russia, Austria, Prussia, Brazil,
Mexico and China, $12,000, and to all other countries
at which the United States had diplomatic represen-
tatives, at $10,000 per annum. The first diplomatic
representative from the United States to Italy was pro-
vided for in 1864, although there had been a minister
at Naples or Rome for several years, and the salary
was raised to $12,000 in 1871. Germany was estab-
lished as a first-class mission in 1871, upon the organ-
ization of the German Empire, and the salary fixed at
$17,500 per annum, and Russia and Mexico were raised
to the same rank about 1890. The provision in the
igoo.] SHABBY SALARIES OF PUBLIC OFFICIALS 423
act of 1 790 making an allowance for an outfit was re-
pealed by the act of August 18, 1856, and a provision
made authorizing an allowance of salary for a period
while receiving instructions, not exceeding thirty days,
and also for the time actually and necessarily occupied
in transit between their homes and their posts of duty.
The missions to London, Paris, Berlin, St. Petersburg,
Rome and Mexico were all raised to the rank of ambas-
sadors, between 1893 and 1898, without, however, any
increase of salaries or allowances.
When we consider the condition of the country in
1789, the state of society, the enormous national debt
of $22.50 per capita, the condition of the treasury, and
the high purchasing power of real money, the salaries
then authorized appear liberal when compared with
those paid under present conditions. There was not
then a steam-engine, a steamship, a locomotive, a tele-
graph or telephone line in the world. It was preemi-
nently the age of the horse, the mule, the cumbersome
stage-coach and the lumber- wagon. It required Wash-
ington six days to travel from Mount Vernon to New
York for his inauguration as president. The same
journey can now be made in six hours. Andrew Jack-
son was twenty- eight days, in 1796, traveling -from
the Hermitage at Nashville to Philadelphia, to take his
seat in congress as a member from Tennessee. The
same journey can now be made in as many hours.
Members of congress then reached the seat of
government, wherever it chanced to be, on foot, on
horseback, or in cumbersome stages, some of them ar-
rayed in Indian moccasins, deer-skin coats and coon-
skin caps. Such was the condition of society in those
early days of the republic.
President Washington, however, was evidently dis-
satisfied with the compensation then authorized by
congress for many of the public officers. In his ad-
424
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[May,
dress to both houses of congress at Philadelphia, De-
cember 7, 1796, he said:
' ' The compensation to the officers of the United States in many
instances and in none more than in respect to the most important sta-
tions appear to call for legislative revision. The consequences of de-
fective provision are of serious import to the government. If private
wealth is to supply the defect of public contribution, it will greatly con-
tract the sphere within which the selection of character for office is to be
made, and will proportionately diminish the probability of a choice of
men able as well as upright. Besides that it would be repugnant to the
vital principles of our government to exclude from public trusts, talents
and virtue, unless accompanied by wealth."
For purposes of comparison, let us note some of
the salaries now paid by England, France, Germany
and Russia and several of the smaller nations, for the
same or similar services :
Executive Salaries.
Cabinet
Officers.
Ambassa-
dors to
the U. S.
Judges.
ENGLAND:
The Queen . $1,925,000
$25,000
$32,500
Lord High Chancellor,
$50,000; Lord Chief Jus-
tice, $40,000.
FRANCE:
Court of Cassation, $5,000
The Pres't . 240,000
12,000
28,OOO
to $8,000, and an allow-
ance for expenses.
Imperial
Chancel-
lor and
GERMANY:
Minister
The Emp'r . 3,852,370
of For-
23,000
From $2,500 to $23,000.
eign
Affairs,
$23,000
11,500
Imperial
RUSSIA:
Minister
Officers called senators
The Czar . . 12,000,000
of For'gn
31,200
constitute highest court
Affairs,
in Russia; salaries,
$15,288
$3,600 to $6,500.
SPAIN:
The King. . 2,000,000
GREECE :
The King. . 200,000
MEXICO:
The Pres't . 50,000
15,000
CANADA:
7,000 to
TheGov.-Gen. 50,000
8,000
1 9 oo.] SHABB Y SALARIES OF P UBL1C OFFICIALS 425
The system of jurisprudence of France, Germany
and Russia differs widely from that of England and the
United States. In many instances the judges receive
some portion of the fees of their respective courts and
in many cases allowance for expenses ; their total com-
pensation is said to exceed that of the judges of the
United States courts.
The principal cabinet officers are also furnished by
their governments with official residences. Their am-
bassadors at Washington are furnished with official
residences and in most cases, it is said, allowances are
made to them for the customary official entertainments.
England pays her ambassador to France $45,000,
to Germany $40,000, to Russia $39,050, to Italy $3 5,-
ooo, to Austria $40,000 and furnishes each of them
with an official residence.
France pays her ambassador to England $40,000,
to Russia $42,000, to Germany $28,000, to Austria
$34,000, to Italy $24,000, to the Pope $22,000, and fur-
nishes to each an official residence.
Germany pays her ambassador to England $34,500,
to France $34,500, to Russia $34,500, and furnishes
each with an official residence.
Russia pays her ambassador to England $39,000,
to France $39,000, to Germany $39,000, to Austria
$39,000, and furnishes each with an official residence.
From the above it is seen that the salaries paid by
the four great European nations to their executives,
cabinet officers, judges and diplomatic representatives
are in every instance very much greater than those now
paid by the United States, in addition to which all of
them furnish official residences for the chief officers
of the cabinet and in every instance for their ambas-
sadors and ministers. England, Austria, Germany,
Mexico, Korea and Japan own the official residences of
their ambassadors or ministers at Washington.
426 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
The United States is now a nation containing a
population estimated to be more than seventy-five mil-
lions of freemen, composed of forty-five states and ter-
ritories, together with many islands in the sea. Mul-
hall, the eminent English statistician, estimated the
wealth of the United States at the close of 1896 at
$81,750,000,000 with an annual earning capacity of
$15,580,000,000. If these figures were correct the cen-
sus of the present year will show our national wealth
to exceed one hundred thousand millions of dollars.
The same high authority estimated the wealth of Eng-
land at the same time at $59,030,000,000, of France at
$47,950,000,000, of Germany at $40,260,000,000, of
Russia at $32, 12 5,000,000, of Austria at $22, 560,000,000,
of Italy at $15,800,000,000, and of Spain at $11,900,-
000,000. If these figures were correct they prove that
the United States is by far the wealthiest nation in the
world and it is increasing in wealth much faster than
any other. Our wealth is nearly equal to the combined
wealth of England and Russia, of England and Ger-
many, and exceeds that of France and Russia, or of
Germany and Russia, and nearly equals that of Russia,
Austria, Italy and Spain combined.
Our annual revenue now exceeds $600,000,000, a
greater sum than the entire value of all of the property
in the country at the organization of the government.
Our net national debt is now a little less than $1,500, -
000,000; per capita, 1890, $14.63. This indebtedness
per capita is less than half of that of England, Germany
or Russia, and less than a quarter that of France. There
is no reason therefore, why our public officers of the
people should not be paid just and reasonable salaries.
It is not a party question, but a business question,
that should be adjusted on business principles by busi-
ness methods.
It is a fact that the existing salaries of the vice-
igoo.] SHABB Y SALARIES OF P UBLIC OFFICIALS 427
president, members of the cabinet, and of our ambassa-
dors and ministers are largely insufficient to pay the an-
nual rents of their residences and enable them to live
in accordance with the reasonable demands and require-
ments of the society of the present day at their respec-
tive posts of duty, leaving them no compensation for
the valuable, exacting and responsible services they
render to their country. It actually costs our ambas-
sadors or ministers plenipotentiary of the first class more
than double the salary they receive to pay the neces-
sary official expenses at the respective capitals to which
they are accredited. In fact, it is known that one of
our recent ambassadors to Russia could not obtain a
suitable residence in St. Petersburg for his entire
salary.
Our cabinet officers, ambassadors and ministers are
expected to live in as fine residences and entertain as
liberally as their foreign associates, and as a rule they
do so, paying the necessary expenses from their private
funds. It is doubtless generous and exceedingly pa-
triotic for them to do so, but it is highly improper, un-
just, and morally wrong for the government to permit
any public officer to pay from his own pocket the neces-
sary expenses for conducting his office. No person, ex-
cept a man of wealth, can now afford to accept any of
those positions, and the president's choice is now and
for many years past has been practically restricted to
men who are able as well as willing to do so.
It is clear, therefore, that congress should take im-
mediate measures to revise the salaries in all of the great
departments of the government, placing them on a busi-
ness basis, and accord to each officer a fair and reason-
able salary for the services rendered.
If congress should accord to the president of the
United States the salary now paid to the president of
France it would at least solve the problem of ' ' What
428 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
ought we to do with our ex- presidents? " It would also
be good policy and wise economy for the United States
to construct and maintain official residences at Washing-
ton for the vice-president and for each member of the
cabinet, and also own and maintain official residences
for the ambassadors and ministers of the United States
at all of the principal capitals of Europe. We already
own residences for our diplomatic or consular repre-
sentatives at Tokio, Japan; Bangkok, Siam; Seoul,
Korea ; Tangiers, Morocco, and Tahiti, Society Islands.
The liberality shown by the county of New York
toward its judiciary is in sharp contrast with that of the
government of the United States. The judges of the
supreme court in the county of New York receive $17-
ooo per annum, or $7,000 more than the chief justice and
$7,500 more than the associate justices of the supreme
court of the United States, while the city police magis-
trates of the city of New York receive $7,000 per annum,
or $1,000 more than the circuit or district judges of the
United States ! If the United States should pay the
judges of its great tribunal a salary of $25,000 per an-
num it would be but half that now paid by England to
the Lord High Chancellor.
The salaries of members of congress should also be
revised and increased, and it would be wise policy for
each state to own and maintain the residences of its sen-
ators at Washington. It is manifest to all that the dig-
nity, the honor, and the high sense of justice which
characterizes the American people, imperatively require
that a revision of the salaries of our public officers should
be made at the earliest possible moment. It is still
true as was said more than eighteen hundred years ago :
" The laborer is worthy of his hire."
ADMIRAL DEWEY
In becoming a candidate for the presidency tinder
peculiar circumstances, Admiral Dewey has created an
almost universal feeling of disappointment among the
American people. Not that he has committed any
offense ; it is every native-born citizen's right to aspire
to the presidency. Nor is there any good reason why
a man should not frankly ask for the office if he really
desires it, instead of adopting the usual but less frank
method of pretending not to want it when he is almost
"dying" to get it; but there is always a fitness of
things. Although politicians may act upon the spoils
system, so far as possible the people make their choice
upon the merit system. For a person to be a successful
candidate for public office, particularly for the presi-
dency, he must have some good ground for asking the
confidence and votes of the people. He must be famil-
iar with public questions, with the duties of public
office, indeed he must have had some experience in pub-
lic affairs.
Ordinarily, for a person to announce himself as a
candidate for the presidency, who had no experience
and who had no known views on public policy, and who
indeed was so colorless politically that it was difficult
to decide to which party he belonged, would be only to
invite ridicule and derision on the ground of obvious
unfitness and entire lack of claim to public considera-
tion for the place. The only reason why Admiral
Dewey or any of his personal friends could hope for
favorable consideration of his candidacy is that he con-
ducted a marvelously successful naval battle in Manila
Bay. His merit in that sphere was recognized by the
whole civilized world, and for that he was honored as
man was never honored before by the American people.
429
430 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
In this respect the American people were in no
wise tardy ; indeed, they may be said to have been ex-
travagant, if extravagance were possible under the cir-
cumstances. There was nothing suggested that could
be done by way of national demonstration of apprecia-
tion and tribute to Admiral Dewey that was not done.
The nation gave itself over to hysterics in proclaiming
its gratitude for Dewey's accomplishment. Indeed, it
lavished applause upon him until he cried out to be let
alone. Nor is there any criticism that the people over-
did the matter. Nobody is disposed to begrudge a cent
of the money or a moment of the time or a jot of the
enthusiasm that was so unstintedly bestowed. He did
at Manila what no naval officer ever did before, sunk
or captured the enemy's entire fleet without losing a
man. Moreover, his apparent self-possession, entire
absence of "big-head," his prompt action in dealing
with foreign vessels and all concerned, seemed to mark
him as an exceptional hero of exceptional circum-
stances.
The first thought in many quarters was, Dewey for
the presidency! When this suggestion reached his
ears he again displayed the exceptional quality and
rose to the height of saying No, and added the sensible
reason, I don't know enough about government, I am
a sailor. All that was evidence of greatness, greatness
which consisted of knowing what he knew, and know-
ing enough to know that he had not the experience and
qualifications of political statesmanship. This attitude
was appreciated by the American people ; with each
incident he rose higher and higher in the people's esti-
mation. They said, Here is a man who has risen to
the acme of fame in his profession, without taking on
the ego-inflation of assuming that he can do everything
else as well as he destroyed the Spanish fleet. Had he
rested on that accomplishment and preserved the repu-
i 9 oo.J ADMIRAL DEWEY 431
tation thus legitimately earned, lie would have contin-
ued the nation's hero, upon the highest pedestal of
honor, and remained there for the remainder of his life
and endured throughout our history.
It is because he has suddenly changed from all this
and seems to have lost his judicious characteristics that
everybody is surprised and experiences a feeling of
profound regret. In announcing himself as a candidate
for the presidency he has revealed characteristics the
opposite of those by which he won his honors.
Indeed, his every act in his new political role indi-
cates the novice rather than the statesman. It is sym-
pathetically suggested that he has been surrounded by
bad advisers, but even so it shows that in politics he is
not proof against bad advisers, which is an essential
quality in successful political leadership. Whether it
be due to the burning ambition of his wife and her
relatives, or whatever, it shows that he has no such
ability correctly to judge and wisely to act in politics
that he showed in war.
He may have been largely influenced by the ex-
perience of Governor Roosevelt, but if so it is another
evidence of his incapacity correctly to gauge political
influences. There is only one point of similarity be-
tween the case of Colonel Roosevelt and Admiral
Dewey, and that is that they were both successful
heroes in the Spanish war. But Colonel Roosevelt was
essentially a man of political life. He was one of the
most active, aggressive, successful, public-spirited
young men of this generation. He was not a novice in
politics, but an active student and constant participator
in political affairs. He had served with distinction in
the legislature, as chairman of the civil service commis-
sion, as president of the board of police commissioners
of New York city, and as assistant secretary of the
navy. He passed from one office to another because of
433 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
his marked success in every position he held, and he
left the highest position to organize a regiment and go
to the war, in which he gained the highest honors of
the army.
When he came from Santiago at the close of the
war, therefore, he was not a novice in politics. There
was no doubt as to the party to which he belonged, and
as to his definite views on important public questions.
On the contrary, he was a pronounced republican and
an aggressive advocate of specific reform policies. In
fact, he left the field of statesmanship temporarily to
join the army, and in his new field he rose to the front
and carried off the distinctive honors. When he re-
turned, therefore, he returned to the sphere of public
life in which he had had much longer experience than in
war, and it was the most natural thing that the distinc-
tion he had won at Santiago should contribute to his
popularity in politics, where he was still better known
and which he had made his life calling.
Moreover, Col. Roosevelt did not announce him-
self as a candidate for governor with a willingness to
take a nomination from any party, leaving the public
in doubt as to his views on all public questions. On
the contrary, as already stated, he was a pronounced
partisan with distinct ideas, and the tide set in through-
out the state demanding his nomination for governor.
The shrewd politicians, the party organization, in fact
all the pressure of organized political machinery, were
impotent to suppress this public demand. There was
no reason why Governor Black should not have had a
second term, except for the fact that the spontaneous
uprising among the voters demanded Roosevelt.
In Admiral Dewey's case nothing of this kind
exists. He has had no experience whatever in polit-
ical public life ; his experience has been only in the
navy, and there he rose to the top, but politics was
rgoo.J ADMIRAL DEWEY 433
strange and unknown to him, and when he remarked
on his return from Manila that he did not know
enough about public questions to be president, the
truth of which he has since demonstrated, every-
body believed him. There was no call from the people
for Dewey to be a candidate for president, any more
than there would be for Lord Salisbury to take charge
of a cotton factory. In fact, the world does not ask a
blacksmith to make watches or a watchmaker to write
poetry ; it calls for people to do that which their ex-
perience and training are at least supposed to fit them
to do, and hence nobody seriously thought of Admiral
Dewey for president. The announcement of his can-
didacy was a surprise, and when he hesitated about in-
dicating to which party he belonged the surprise was
greater, and when he spoke of the presidency as a mere
executive office, a kind of chairmanship, he revealed
the novice, which created universal regret.
Such unfamiliarity with the duties and responsi-
bilities of the highest political office in the nation, in a
gentleman announcing himself as a candidate for the
presidency, made everybody sorry for Dewey. No-
body is disposed harshly to criticize him, but only to re-
gret that the nation's greatest hero in another field
should have made such an inexplicable mistake. It is
no particular criticism of Admiral Dewey that he knows
nothing about the money question, the tariff question,
and the other important problems of public life ; he
was not expected to know these things, but ignorance
on such matters in a candidate for the presidency takes
one's breath away. But in addition to this unfamiliarity
with the duties of the office to which he aspires and
obvious unacquaintance with public affairs he adds
the quality of indifference. He says he never voted in
his life and never but once had a desire to vote. It
434 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
would be difficult to conceive more complete testimony
of unfitness for the office.
His candidacy will make no particular difference
in the campaign. Of course, Mr. McKinley will be
nominated by the republicans at the Philadelphia con-
vention ; that is a foregone conclusion. Whether it
would be wiser that another candidate be nominated or
not, the fact remains that he will be the republican
nominee. When the democratic party meets in a con-
ference at Kansas City Mr. Bryan will be nominated.
Between Mr. Bryan and Admiral Dewey the democrats
can have no choice. Mr. Bryan is eminently familiar
with public questions. He represents a certain theory
regarding several of the more important issues, he is
one of the ablest exponents in the country of at least
one of those theories. Millions of democratic voters
believe in him, they believe in his integrity, they be-
lieve in his theory and they believe that he knows more
about the question than any other man.
Much as they may admire Admiral Dewey, his
views upon the questions which the great mass of the
democratic voters have been educated to regard as well-
nigh sacred are wholly unknown. Indeed, if he has any
views at all, and if later he should announce that he
holds the same opinions as Mr. Bryan, there are all the
reasons in the world for the democrats to prefer Mr.
Bryan, who is the ablest exponent of these peculiar
doctrines, and if Admiral Dewey should prove to have
different views on some of these questions then there
is every reason why the democrats should refuse to
have him as a candidate. There is indeed no pos-
sibility of a man getting the nomination of either of
the great political parties whose political opinions are
hatched after his candidacy is announced. If he tries
therefore to secure the nomination against Mr. Bryan,
he will be defeated overwhelmingly if not ignomini-
ADMIRAL DEWEY 435
ously. If he accepts an independent nomination he
will incur antagonism that will rapidly grow into per-
sonal dislike by millions of American citizens who now
admire and honor him.
He will not have the excuse that the prohibitionist
candidates or greenback candidates have had, or that
Palmer and Buckner had in 1896. These independents
at least stood for an idea, but for all that anybody yet
knows the Admiral stands for nothing or for anybody but
for Admiral Dewey. He asks for the place, not because
he can take anything to it, not because he has an idea,
not because he represents a political policy, but because
the office is the highest gift of the people and he would
like it.
The probability is, therefore, that the candidacy of
Admiral Dewey, whether he seeks the regular nomina-
tion at Kansas City or expects an independent nomina-
tion, will disrupt the ranks of the democracy, improve
the chances of Mr. McKinley's reelection, make himself
a disappointed rejected aspirant for forlorn political
honors, with millions of enemies, and dethrone him
from the high pinnacle of national honor which he had
really earned, and otherwise might have forever en-
joyed.
WHY THE SHEKMAN LAW WAS PASSED
For years it has been generally charged and be-
lieved that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver was
stealthily passed through congress, that most of the
members of congress in voting for it, and President
Grant in signing it, were unaware of its demonetizing
clause. Investigation of the history of that law, how-
ever, proves that this charge is entirely false. The
records show that it was before congress three years
and that the debates on the subject occupied several
hundred columns of the Congressional Globe.
Much the same kind of false statement has been
circulated regarding the so-called Sherman act of 1890.
It has been commonly charged that the law authorizing
the purchase of four and a half million ounces of silver
a month was passed as a deal with the silver people, to
save the McKinley bill. We have given credence to
this view ourselves. Investigation of the facts, how-
ever, shows that this statement was a political story
without foundation.
The persons most actively concerned in the con-
ference work on the Act of 1890 were Hon. Joseph H.
Walker of Massachusetts and Hon. John Sherman of
Ohio, the two best informed men in congress on
finance. When the inside history of this matter is pub-
lished it will show that Messrs. Walker and Sherman
were engaged in a deadly conflict with free coinage,
for which a bill was already pending in the senate. To
this they were uncompromisingly opposed, tariff or no
tariff. All the evidence points to the fact that if the
silver people had been flatly voted down, with the ex-
isting state of public opinion on the subject, they would
probably have carried the next house and perhaps the
senate and so forced upon the country free coinage at
436
WHY THE SHERMAN LA W WAS PASSED 437
16 to i. By way of heading off this and resisting the
attempt to pass a free-coinage bill that session, the con-
ference, after long higgling yielded to the purchase of
four and a half million ounces of silver a month by the
government, which then represented the total American
output.
This was evidently wise policy. It was not good
financiering per se, and nobody would have resisted it
more vigorously than Mr. Walker or Senator Sherman
on its merits as a financial proposition, but it was to
head off a many-times more deadly thing. No better
evidence of this could be desired than the fact that at
the first opportunity the very men who aided in passing
the Sherman act were most prominent in urging its
repeal. It was enacted in 1890, repealed in 1893.
During those three years it served to head off the catas-
trophe of free coinage, which probably could not other-
wise have been prevented, and thus passed the nation
over to a period where industrial conditions and public
discussion have done the work of creating a sounder
public opinion, which has at last legally established the
gold standard and rendered free coinage of silver at 16
to i an impossibility without the reconversion of the
American people and the election of a specific majority
in both branches of congress for the purpose. In the
light of experience, therefore, while it seemed to be
yielding to unsound doctrine, the act of 1890 was really
a necessary compromise which perhaps saved the nation
from untold disaster.
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE
THE NEW YORK Sun has rendered a real public
service in exposing the scheme of Congressman J. D.
Richardson to make a fortune by converting public
documents into private property. In the interest of
public decency it is to be hoped that Mr. Babcock's
joint resolution to have fifteen (and if needs be thirty)
thousand copies of the ' ' Messages and Papers of the
Presidents " printed for free distribution will be adopt-
ed, and so defeat the success of this scandalous scheme.
Congressmen of the Richardson type should be effect-
ually taught that they cannot cover up their methods
of "working" the government by demagogically advo-
cating confiscation of the profits of legitimate private
industries above four per cent.
' ' WAS Slavery the True Cause of the South African
War? " is the title of an article in the Anglo-American
Magazine for March, by Albert Greenwood. The sub-
ject is treated with conciseness and brevity, yet Mr.
Greenwood has little difficulty in showing that behind
and back of the Boer situation the real grievance is that
England compelled the Boers to abolish slavery. They
have always been hungry slave-owners, and when they
were compelled to discontinue chattel slavery in the
open ownership of the natives they adopted an appren-
ticeship system, which was another name for prac-
tically the same thing.
Whatever may be said against England on a hun-
dred different charges, on the slavery question she has
been straight and unqualified. She abolished slavery
in the West Indies in 1835, and has ever since con-
stantly set her face against the traffic in human beings.
When she annexed the Transvaal in 1877 she insisted
438
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 439
upon a no-slavery condition, for which the Boers hate
her more than for any other one thing. Slave -owning
is a part of the spirit which denies religious freedom
and political rights and equality in the courts to alien
inhabitants. Any people who will deliberately arrange
their political institutions so as to swindle people out
of their property and deprive them of representation,
while pretending to grant it, may be expected to have
a real pro-slavery spirit. The indictment that Eng-
land's abolition of slavery in the Transvaal is the real
Boer grievance is, to say the least, strongly presented
by Mr. Greenwood.
THE Anglo-American Magazine, which came into
existence with 1900, opens its March number with an
article by Thomas G. Shearman on the British and the
Boers. Outside of the single tax, the animus of which
in his case is free trade, Mr. Shearman is more than an
averagely clear-headed student of public affairs, and on
the question of the British and the Boers he appears to
be at his best. He is entirely free from the maudlin
sentimentality so prevalent on the Boer question, that
Kruger and Cronje represent a struggling republic. In
a clear, strong, straightforward way Mr. Shearman dis-
poses of the idea that the mere name of republic
necessarily carries real democratic freedom. He shows
in an unmistakable way that the construction of the
government and the relation of the two raads is really
to conceal despotism rather than to give representative
freedom. The second raad was created merely as a pre-
tence to give representation without giving any power
to the voters, because all the controlling authority,
both in law-making and the judiciary, belongs to the
members of the first raad. He shows that Oom Paul
is literally a despot, though nominally the president of
a nominal republic, and that, notwithstanding that
440 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE [May
Great Britain is in name a monarchy, it is in reality far
more democratic and liberal to its own people in its
entire policy, in its attitude toward civilization, relig-
ious and political rights, than the Boer mis-named repub-
lic ever aimed to be. In reality, in the present unfor-
tunate struggle in South Africa, it is England and not
the Boers who stand for good government, property
rights, individual justice, religious equality and political
freedom.
IN A RECENT issue of the New York Evening Post
Mrs. H. M. Plunkett writes of the workings of the
half-time school system for factory children in Eng-
land. She gives an intelligent and encouraging ac-
count of how the system has affected the health, intel-
ligence and moral character of the English laborers.
She recounts what every investigation on this subject
has revealed since the law was adopted in 1 844 ; namely,
that the children study better and work better under
the half-time system. It is no disadvantage to the
capitalists, because they simply employ two children,
each to work half a day instead of one to work a whole
day. The very self-interest of the parents, in seeing
that their children shall not be deprived of the oppor-
tunities for a half-day's work, prevents any one child
working more than its regular half time each day.
Attendance at school being made the condition of per-
mission to work, the law becomes self-enforcing.
Parents are eager for children to go to school in order
that they may work, and thus by self-interest regular
attendance at school is universally secured.
This is altogether the best system of child em-
ployment that has yet been adopted in any country.
It is a matter of constant surprise that no state in this
country has adopted the half-time system. This is a
phase of protection which the American protectionists
igoo.] EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 441
have overlooked. No more important measure could
be adopted for factory and shop workers to-day than
the half-time system for all children under sixteen
years of age. This would carry into the sweatshop,
the dry-goods store, the factories and workshops
throughout the country security against overwork and
the guarantee of education. It would more effectually
than anything else guarantee that the children of immi-
grants from Europe and Canada should learn the
English language and receive at least an elementary
education in order to be permitted to take advantage of
our opportunities of employment. A ten hour day and
half-time factory system would establish an economic,
educational and political renaissance in the South.
IN THE Arena for April, under the title " Irish Na-
tional Reunion," Mr. John E. Redmond, M. P., leader
of the Parnellite section of the Irish party, writes of the
future political power and purpose of the Irish party.
Among other things he says : ' ' To-day Ireland can,
with union, command eighty-six members, bound to-
gether by solemn pledges not to take office or emolu-
ments from the government for themselves or their
friends, and to remain absolutely independent of all
British parties, ready to support or destroy any British
government as the interests of Ireland may demand."
There is nothing new in this. The Irish members
of parliament, so long as they could keep from quarrel-
ing among themselves have always been " bound to-
gether by solemn pledges to support or
destroy any British government."
"At the present moment," Mr. Redmond says,
"the British government possesses in the House of Com-
mons a majority of 150 avowedly hostile to Ireland."
This is written for American consumption. Nothing is
farther from the truth. There is no avowed hostility
442 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
to Ireland in the British parliament. The only hostil-
ity that exists is to Irish independence. So far as hos-
tility to beneficial and liberal legislation for Ireland is
concerned, the facts are all the other way. In these re-
spects Ireland is more generously treated than either
England, Scotland or Wales. Politically she has twenty-
four per cent, more representation, according to popu-
lation, than England has. If Ireland were put on the
same basis of representation as England, which it is
only equitable that she should be, she would have only
seventy-nine members of parliament, instead of one
hundred and three. Her land laws are almost socialis-
tically favorable to tenants and against landlords. In-
deed, in no other country has there been any such fa-
vorable legislation for tenants as in Ireland. In the mat-
ter of the established church, also, is Ireland the excep-
tion. England, Scotland and Wales have to support a
state church, which some day they will get rid of, but
Ireland was relieved of that incubus in 1868. In her
land laws, religious laws and political representation she
is more favored than any other part of the British Em-
pire.
WHAT is THE matter with Australia, that it should
be backsliding from the free-trade doctrine of the
mother country ? The colonies of Victoria and New
South Wales have hitherto had independent policies
on this subject ; Victoria having protection against both
foreign and colonial products, while New South Wales
had free trade. Instead of Victoria giving up its pro-
tection, as was expected, there is a movement on foot
to extend protection to both colonies under the form of
a " federal tariff."
At a recent " Inter-Colonial Protectionist Confer-
ence " a platform was adopted and plan of propaganda
outlined. Many of the propositions of the Australian
i 9 oo.] EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 443
protectionists are eminently sound. For instance, their
platform says: "That the amount of import duty im-
posed for protective purposes on any article should be
based on the difference between the cost of production
of such article in the country of its cheapest production
and its estimated cost of production in the Australian
Commonwealth, having particular regard to the differ-
ence of wages paid, hours worked, and social conditions
in each case."
It demands total prohibition of prison-made goods,
and asks : ' ' That all goods which compete with pro-
tected productions, or which may be used in substitu-
tion for protected productions, should be subjected to
duties sufficient to place them on level terms with such
protected articles, notwithstanding the fact that they
may be impossible for Australian production."
But the Australian protectionists have gone one
step farther than either the English or American pro-
tectionists, in that they favor protective legislation for
labor as well as for capital. Under this head they call
for factory and shop legislation regulating the hours of
labor, overtime, and other conditions of the workshops.
In this country protectionists have limited their advo-
cacy of protection to the duty on imports, but they have
been as much opposed to factory legislation, either in
the interest of shorter hours, no night work for women,
minimum age or other restrictive conditions for chil-
dren, as the most ultra free traders.
It is encouraging to see that Australia is entering
the field of protection on a broader and more scientific
plane than that upon which the protective system of the
United States has hitherto rested. Protection only half
protects when it puts a duty on imports. It is no less
important to national development that the opportu-
nities for social, educational and physical improvement
be secured to the laborers than that the market be pro-
tected for manufacturers.
THE CITY HISTORY CLUB OF NEW YORK
CHARLES B. TODD
Of the hundreds of societies in New York city
educational, benevolent, charitable, reformatory the
most original and far-reaching in its aims is the City
History Club, since its object is to make of the boys and
girls of New York good citizens public-spirited, un-
selfish, patriotic.
Almost all the ills that afflict our body politic in
New York arise from the indifference or selfish love of
ease of the citizens, and no little of this apathy arises
from ignorance of the city's noble and romantic history.
New Yorkers know all about the history of Greece and
Rome and very little of that of their own city. They
are not alone to blame. The studies of the public and
private schools, the curriculum of the city's colleges,
seem to be arranged largely with that end in view. To
remedy this lack of knowledge, to develop in boys and
girls who are to be the citizens of the next generation
a consciousness of public duty and responsibility, is the
object of the City History Club, just as the League for
Political Education aims to instruct and stimulate the
present generation of citizens.
How could this object be best obtained? The
problem was the subject of long and careful study by
the founders of the club, and at last they fixed upon a
plan admirable in theory and in practice yielding ex-
cellent results. The city was divided into five districts,
each named after some historic personage or place, as
Stuyvesant District, the Rhinelander, the De Lancey,
the Washington Square, the Bloomingdale ; and little
"clubs," or classes of boys and girls, were formed in.
them, each a complete little unit in itself, although an
444
CITY HISTOR Y CL UB 445
integral part of the parent club. These " clubs" are
almost wholly educational in purpose, the social side
which forms so prominent a feature of the university and
college settlements being held in abeyance. Each
class is in charge of a teacher, mostly volunteers*
though a few are paid. The club meets once a week.
There is a chairman and secretary for each, and the
proceedings are conducted according to parliamentary
laws and usages. A lesson is given out for each meet-
ing on city history or government, sometimes illustrated
by pictures or lantern slides. Sometimes there is a de-
bate, or an essay or essays written by a member of the
class.
An excellent way of arousing the children's interest,
it has been found, is to give them pictures of some his-
toric landmark, or building, or personage connected
with the city, and ask them to write what they know
or can find out about it. For this purpose the club has
acquired a large collection of engravings.
By far the most popular method of teaching local
history, however, is by means of excursions to various
quarters of the city rich in historical landmarks, and a
study of them at first hand, as it were. On these oc-
casions the class is led by the teacher, the places to be
visited are named in advance, and the students are ex-
pected to inform themselves as to their history and po-
sition. The society also issues a printed itinerary or
guide to the places to be visited.
The first excursion of the club was to the Battery,
under charge of Miss Florence Bissell, chairman of the
committee on excursions, and embraced the following
landmarks or their sites :
The " Battery," or stone breastwork for years on
the line of the present State Street. The barracks of
the British troops in the colony times, on the present
line of Water Street. Old Fort Amsterdam, that stood
446 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
in the present Battery Park, and after New York was
captured by the English took the name of the reigning
king. The equestrian statue of King George III., that
formerly stood in Bowling Green and was pulled down
by the American whigs in July, 1776, much of the lead
in it being molded into bullets for the patriot army,
Fraunces' tavern, still standing on the corner of Pearl
and Broad Streets, and where Washington bade final
farewell to his officers. Site of the Dutch city hall
or " Stadt Huys," 73 Pearl Street. Office of Bradford's
printing-press, the first in New York, at 83 Pearl
Street. Office of the Gazette, the first newspaper
printed in New York, on the site of the present Cotton
Exchange, Hanover Square. Wall Street, on the line
of which ran the ancient palisade, or city wall, built
in 1653 to defend the then city from the Indians and
English. Marble statue of William Pitt, that stood on
the corner of William and Wall Streets ; erected by
the whigs in honor of Pitt for his defence of the colo-
nies, and mutilated by the Tories ; now in possession
of the New York Historical Society. The old English
city hall, where Washington was inaugurated the first
president of the United States, on the corner of Nassau
and Wall Streets. Trinity Church, St. Paul's Church,
City Hall Park and the City Hall, ending with an as-
cent to the dome of the World Building for a bird's-eye
view of the city.
Excursion number two was to the old houses in
Greenwich ; number three to the rooms of the New
York Historical Society and to St. Mark's Church with
its family vault, built by Stuyvesant himself.
Number four was a bicycle excursion planned by
Professor Frank Bergen Kelley, the society's normal
teacher, through Central Park to McGowan's Pass
tavern, which stands nearly on the site of the tavern
where Washington decided to evacuate New York in
CITY HIS TOR Y CL UB 447
1 776. Through this pass the British pursued the Ameri-
can army across northern Central Park, over Harlem
Plains to Harlem Heights, where and in the plain be-
low the battle was fought. Number six was an excur-
sion, led by Mr. Kelley, to Fraunces' tavern, and num-
ber seven one to New York below Wall Street, by the
same gentleman.
The children are vastly interested in the old-time
places, particularly in those connected with the revo-
lution. Washington and Hamilton, and Burr, who
killed Hamilton in a duel, appeal strongly to their
imaginations.
The boys say that, on the whole, bicycle excursion
number four to Harlem was the most fruitful and in-
teresting of the seven. Dismounting in McGowan's
Pass, their teacher told them the story connected with
it how in 1776 the pass formed part of the farm of
Daniel McGowan, who had joined the patriot army,
leaving the farm and homestead in charge of his son
Andrew, a boy of twelve ; and how, on September I5th
of that year, the Hessians came hurrying up in pursuit
of Washington's army, which had retreated through
the pass a few hours before, and commanded Andrew to
lead them to the American camp. The lad knew that
the patriot army was within an hour's march, and there-
fore led the Hessians in a different direction across
country toward the North River, where they were soon
lost in swamps and thickets, thus giving Washington
time to reach Harlem Heights and entrench.
From the pass the class walked up the hill on the
right to old Fort Fish, overlooking Harlem Mere, an
American redoubt in the revolution and also in the
war of 1812. An old cannon and mortar here interested
them immensely. Thence they rode up East Drive to
Seventh Avenue, dismounted and walked up the hill on
the left to visit an old block-house erected in the war
448 G UNTON'S MA GAZIN*. [May,
of 1 8 12. Thence east to Fifth Avenue, and tip that
thoroughfare to Mount Morris, site of the former In-
dian village of Muscoota, and whose summit in 1776
was crowned with American and later with English
breastworks. Thence up Fifth Avenue to 12 6th street
and west to St. Nicholas Avenue (formerly Harlem
Lane), entering the latter near the picturesque " Point
of Rocks," overlooking the Hudson, where the Amer-
ican line of entrenchments across Manhattan Island in
the revolution began. Thence south on St. Nicholas
Avenue, Manhattan Avenue and the Boulevard, to io6th
Street, traversing en route the entire battle-ground of
Harlem Heights. Thence to Grant's Tomb and back
to Hamilton Grange on Hamilton Place, the seat of
Alexander Hamilton, built by him in 1802, and where
he was living when shot by Burr in 1804. The thirteen
trees planted by him (or his nephew) in honor of the
thirteen states, nearly opposite the Grange, were viewed
by the boys with great interest.
After this the class rode to Trinity Cemetery, on
1 5 3d Street, and saw in its wall the tablet to Leytch and
Knowlton, the heroes of the battle of Harlem Heights,
and then on to the site of Fort Washington, scene of
one of the sharpest fights of the revolution, to the old
Jumel mansion, now Earl Court, in 1776 the head-
quarters of Washington and Knyphausen in turn;
thence down to Kingsbridge on the Harlem, and
through Van Cortlandt Park to the manor house,
whence it returned to the city by rail.
No building has so strong a hold on the children's
affections as the City Hall. By express orders of his
honor the mayor they are accorded the freedom of the
building and the employes exert themselves to impart
information. Every class insists on seeing the mayor,
and his honor always accords them an interview. One
1900.] CITY HISTOR Y CL UB 449
little girl of twelve raised a laugh at the expense of the
city's chief official.
Seeing a disappointed look on her face the mayor
kindly said : " What is it my little girl? "
"Why sir/' said she, "I thought you would be
bigger man."
Wishing to see for himself a class in session, the wri-
ter betook himself to the East Side on a windy evening
in March. Turning into Tenth Street from Second Ave-
nue a walk of two blocks brought him to the corner of
Tenth Street and Avenue A, where St. Mark's Club
holds its meetings. Our directions were explicit, the
room was over a laundry one flight up a corner room
with its windows looking out diagonally on Tomp-
kins Square. A boy whom we accosted on the stair-
way said he was on the way thither and would lead
us to the room. It was scantily furnished with three
plain tables, and a dozen or more of wooden chairs and
stools. Eleven boys from ten to twelve years old were
already assembled with their teacher, a young senior of
New York University .
The lesson was on the adoption of the federal con-
stitution and election of the first president in 1789, but
was subordinated, as the teacher explained, to the busi-
ness meeting which was one of more than usual im-
portance. There was to be a speaking contest for a
prize the next week in connection with the annual exhi-
bition of the Boys' Club of St. Mark's Place. Seventeen
boys of the City History Club had been chosen to com-
pete for it, and the arrangements must be made at this
meeting. After this had been done the lesson of the
evening was taken up.
The visitor could but be pleased with the ready an-
swers of the boys to the questions and their evident in-
terest in the subject.
The City History Club has a few paid teachers but
450 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
depends largely on volunteers. It has grown from
thirty-five to ninety classes and from seven hundred to
two thousand student members, since 1897. Its great
want at present is teachers and lecturers to take charge
of the classes ready to be formed as soon as the neces-
sary teachers can be found. The work is practical,
helpful and interesting to the teacher and one for which
our young men and women of leisure can easily qualify
themselves. The field is white for the harvest but the
laborers are few.
A pleasant feature of the club is its affiliation with
other clubs and societies of similar objects. Its rela-
tions with the League for Political Education are as
close as those of mother and daughter.
4 ' Each society is complementary to the other. The
City History Club develops in boys and girls, the citi-
zens of the next generation, a consciousness of public
duty and responsibility. The League for Political Ed-
ucation instructs and stimulates the present generation
of citizens. One is the primary school of civics ; the
other the high school."
The club has many classes in the university and
college settlements, several in the public schools, but
does a greater work in that field by supplying public
school teachers with material and data for teaching city
history. It also has a class in the Boys' Club as before
remarked, but it has in the main done pioneer work,
establishing its classes in neighborhoods where there
are no institutions with similar objects.
The eagerness and enthusiasm with which the boys
of even the worst neighborhoods have taken up the
study of citizenship and patriotism is a surprise and a
pleasure to the founders, and well repays them for their
labors and anxieties. Lads of from twelve to fourteen
by their questions, answers, and essays show themselves
well able to assimilate what is taught them.
CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES
Governor Roosevelt's emergency mes-
Tenement House sage on the tenement house question,
Commission sent to t ^ e legislature on April 2d, had
the desired effect. The measure appropriating $10,000
for a commission to investigate New York and Buffalo
tenement conditions and recommend legislation is a
useful first step, because conditions have changed since
the famous tenement house commission of 1894 went
into the subject, and moreover we now have a govern-
or who earnestly believes in handling this menace to
healthful and progressive city life without gloves. No
half-way measures will do any good. There must be
rigid insistence on proper sanitary and air-space re-
quirements, and radical powers given to some efficient
authority to condemn bad tenements . If we can have
another term of Governor Roosevelt something can be
done for better tenements that is worth doing.
American The future of Cuba is confessedly one of
Training for our gravest problems. The task of free-
Cuban Teachers j n g her f rom Spain has been followed by
the more perplexing work of making her fit to be the
independent and self-governing nation we have
pledged ourselves to establish. No one scheme of re-
form, no matter how commendable, will accomplish all
that is necessary, because every phase of life in the
island, industrial, political, social and educational,
must be reached and regenerated. A plan recently
proposed would, if carried out, do much toward solving
the educational problem. President Eliot of Harvard
University has offered to provide, free of charge, for
the instruction of one thousand Cuban teachers at the
Harvard summer school for teachers. It is further pro-
451
452 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
posed to give the teachers a trip across the continent
for the purpose of visiting our principal cities, colleges
and universities. The advantages to be gained from
bringing Cuban children under the influence of Ameri-
can methods o* teaching, American ideas and customs,
cannot be overestimated. It will begin the work of
civilization where, on the individual's side, it must be-
gin, to be truly effective, with the young. If en-
larged and carried on year by year the coming genera-
tion will have made great strides toward civilization.
The Cuban teachers fully appreciate the advantages
of such a plan, and it is unfortunate that the number
must be limited to one thousand. It is believed over
two thousand applications will be made.
Good New Orleans is the metropolis of the
for New South ; but in many respects, alas, it has
Orleans! been until lately one of our most back-
ward cities. There has been little about it, either in
physical characteristics or civic spirit, to label it as an
American city. Public effort has mostly been applied
to keeping the Mississippi from turning the town into a
modern Venice with the principal streets as canals ;
and, indeed, some approximation to this has been a regu-
lar feature all the time, in the shape of wide surface
gutters along the curbs carrying the city's sewage.
But New Orleans has not been insensible to the
new spirit of civic improvement that has been sweeping
across the land within the last few years. A number of
fine new public buildings have been erected recently,
and in some of the leading streets at least the disgust-
ing surface drainage has been abolished and the sewers
put underground. Last year the city arose to a crown-
ing act worthy of sincere congratulation and wide
recognition. It is not an enormously wealthy city, yet
it voted to borrow from $14,000,000 to $16,000,000 for
1900.] CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES 453
a complete system of waterworks and drainage, and at
the same time agreed to a special tax of two mills on
the dollar for the next forty-three years, and the diver-
sion of certain other revenues, to provide for the interest
on this loan. An expenditure of $16,000,000, based on
a total assessed valuation of only $140,000,000, is a
good deal more of an undertaking than New York's
$36,000,000 for rapid transit, on an assessed valuation
of three and one-half billions ; about one to nine in the
one case, and one to ninety-seven in the other. It is a
rather heroic task for New Orleans. May the results
amply justify it.
A Suggestion New York University has been given a
About the
Hall of Fame
About the large gum of money for a Hall of F ame ,
in which the names of one hundred and
fifty " Great Americans " will be recorded. The first
fifty names will be inscribed the present year, and
every five years hereafter five more names will be
added, which will conclude the list in the year 2000.
The names must be those of men and women born in
this country and who have been dead at least ten years.
Before any name is inscribed it will be submitted to
about one hundred professors or writers of American
history and must be approved by the senate of the
university.
It is hard to imagine a proposition that would cause
more radical divergences of opinion in the process of
carrying it out than will this one. A few names all
will agree upon, but the standard of excellence varies
so widely, according to the viewpoint selected, that no
list can be finally agreed upon without more or less
arbitrary action. The provision that only the names
of native-born Americans may appear will exclude
many of our distinguished patriots and scholars, to say
nothing of the early colonial governors and pioneers ;
454 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
but if it is to be strictly an American list this seems
inevitable. The other provision, that they must have
been dead ten years, is a wise one. It will put those
whom it is desired to honor far enough into the past to
soften acute personal feeling and give opportunity to
distinguish between ephemeral reputation and real
fame.
Instead of reserving so large a part of this memo-
rial for names that will only become famous during the
twentieth century, to the exclusion of many brave and
noble men and women who shared in the constructive
upbuilding of the republic, would it not be far better to
inscribe the whole one hundred and fifty names now,
or perhaps set the closing date forward about ten years
from now, in order to include such names as Lowell,
Holmes, Whittier, Elaine and others ? This would
make it a monument to the first century of our national
life, and future generations could provide suitable
honors for their own good and great. The Hall of
Fame cannot serve as a perpetual tablet for all great
Americans, past and to come ; why, then, extend it
arbitrarily to the year 2000, instead of letting it help
perpetuate the memory of those we have produced thus
far?
Surely the marvelous era of history made and lived
and fought out and wrought out here in this free and
mighty new empire of the West, from colonial times
down to 1900, has produced at least one hundred and
fifty names worthy of lasting honor and remembrance,
certain to be accorded by all Americans who shall
ever feel a throb of gratitude for the civilization and
freedom they enjoy.
THE OPEN FORUM
This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor-
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA-
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries
for the " Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad-
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are
ignored.
LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS
Dr. Henderson's Proposed Curriculum
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: I have read the article on " For Char-
acter, Not Cleverness " in your March number with in-
terest, and I quite agree with its human spirit. I can-
not feel, however, that the curriculum quoted from my
kindergarten address is too radical. As my teaching
progresses, I feel increasingly that the early years of
childhood, up to the i5th year, should be devoted to
the moral, artistic, organic side of life, and that the
formal, analytic work should be left to the high school
and the college.
C. HANFORD HENDERSON,
Pratt Institute, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Uniform Assessment for Taxation
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: In reference to your editorial on taxa-
tion in the March magazine, would it not be a better
system to have real estate taxed upon its regular market
valuation, regardless of mortgage, and that such tax
should be levied only once both for state and local pur-
pose? The state should do all the appraising and col-
455
456 GUNTOWS MAGAZINE [May,
lecting, and then pay to each locality whether city or
county a certain fixed amount sufficiently large to cover
its annual expenditures, according to a budget prepared
in advance.
An exception could perhaps be made with large
cities, where the local authorities should collect the taxes
and pay to the state a fixed percentage of the total
amount collected.
As to who should pay the taxes, I think that the
present legal owner should pay it, whether he owes
anything on the property or not. It is the owner of the
property, and not the man who loaned him money on
it, who will eventually get all the profit that may come
out of the investment. The interest the owner pays on
money loaned to him is a part of the expense attend-
ant on the management of the property, and will cease
as soon as the debt is paid. It is the amount left in his
hands after all expenses have been paid that is real
profit, and it is a part of that profit that the government
may in justice expect from every good citizen.
The taxation of capital may be just in the abstract,
but is not practicable, since the owners of capital could
always shift the tax upon those who needed their capi-
tal. And since in either case it is the borrower, as well
as the consumer, who ultimately must pay the tax, it is
best for the government to acknowledge the principle
and arrange its system of taxation in accordance with it.
PHILIP ROSENTHAL,
New York City.
A Southern " Community Mill " Plan
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: Having noticed some mention of your
President Gunton's speech in New York upon the sub-
ject of better wages for laborers in southern cotton
LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS 457
mills, I take the liberty of writing to you. Nearly a
year ago I became wrought up by the extreme pauper-
ism of such laborers, who are becoming so numerous
among us, because our population was driven from the
farm by 5 cent cotton. The drift of pauperized white
labor away from the cotton fields to mills offering
bread for wages is so great that ordinary care for help-
less humanity has become a serious problem to our
towns and cities. It is a common thing for alms to be
solicited on our streets, for the purpose of burying the
dead of the toilers at the wheel. Many of these youth-
ful laborers are so driven by necessity that they are
deprived of all education, not to mention the natural
pleasures of childhood. Toiling twelve or fourteen
hours per day, "to feed mamma and little sister,"
these heroes in rags are deprived of the intellectual
crumbs of charity that are provided for them by our
public schools. Without magnifying this condition of
actual distress, it must be admitted as a fact of general
observation. Even our merchants have learned by ex-
perience that mill hands, at present wages, add but lit-
tle to any profitable trade or to general prosperity.
For commerce is not profitable when the purchaser is
unable to pay for the necessities of life. Therefore,
merchants and others are beginning to reflect as to
whether a community mill, run to maintain higher
wages, would not benefit all classes of society.
Hence I have applied for and procured a charter
for a "Community Mill" here, solely for the purpose,
as provided in the charter, of maintaining a higher
scale of wages and promoting the social and intellectu-
al condition of such laborers. The charter provides
for a capital stock of $100,000, one-tenth of which is
called primary stock and is the only stock that can be
voted in the management of the enterprise ; that this
stock itself shall never receive more than three per
458 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
cent, dividend, and the $90,000 of other stock shall
never receive any dividend, but the entire profit of the
mill is to be devoted to the purposes stated.
Of course I had little hope of procuring the neces-
sary funds to start the mill upon these unselfish condi-
tions, but two methods of doing so occurred to me,
neither of which has been attempted. One was to pro-
cure subscriptions for the $90,000 of stock in many
small contributions from laboring people. The other
was to procure similar aid from northern manufactur-
ers, who, I felt confident, would be forced to protect
themselves from this pauper labor. It is possible for
the better class to extend such aid to the community
mill, without actual donation, such as might be in-
ferred from the fact that the bulk of the stock draws no
dividend.
If I can control the primary stock of $10,000, and
I think I can do so, I would be willing to devote the
balance of my life, being now 50 years old, to accom-
plish the purpose of this charter to maintain higher
wages, etc. You can readily see that the owner of the
primary stock might, where no dividend is to be paid,
pay himself sufficient wages to repay any aid he might
receive to pay for the $90,000 of stock. To enable me
to procure such aid and repay the same was the sole
purpose of leaving this opportunity in the charter. As
the cotton' mill business is so universally profitable in
the South, such credit arrangement with those equally
interested in forcing better wages here ceases to be
mere donations. Nothing seems more likely to con-
strain mills here to increase wages than the establish-
ment of such community mills, which would not only
become an example but would be rallying points for
the oppressed. WM. S. WHITAKER,
Barnesville, Ga.
QUESTION BOX
Land Taxation in New Zealand
Editor % GuNTON's MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir : In conversing with an occasional cham-
pion of " single tax," New Zealand is cited as a country
where the experiment is in successful operation. I have
searched for some writings on New Zealand to learn the
entire history of the experiment but found nothing of
much value. Perhaps the land problem in New Zea-
land might furnish you a theme for some future lecture.
Thanking you in advance for any reference you may
give me, and with a high appreciation of the good work
you are doing,
R. WILLIAMS, Streator, 111.
Those who affirm that the " single tax " is enforced
in New Zealand are mistaken, unless it has gone into
force within the last year. It is true that taxes are con-
centrated on land in a greater degree in New Zealand
than in any other place I know of, but when you speak
of the " single tax " you speak of it as advocated by the
followers of Henry George. With them the single tax
means that the revenues of the community shall not
only all be drawn from land but that the tax on land
shall be equal to and take the whole of the economic
rent therefrom.
In New Zealand neither of these things is done.
All revenue is not raised from land. They have an in-
come tax wholly independent of land, and their land tax
is not equal to the entire land value but is a graduated
tax on the value of the land. For instance, where the
value of a piece of land is five thousand pounds, or less
than ten, the tax is one-eighth of an English penny, or
a quarter of a cent on the pound (five dollars), and the
459
460 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
rate increases as the value rises. Where the value is
two hundred and ten thousand pounds or more, the tax
is twopence, or four cents on the pound. But even at
the highest rate it will be seen that this is only an in-
finitesimal fraction of the land values.
You will find the best account of this that I know
of in the Consular Report for January, 1 897, where full
particulars of the graduated land tax will be found on
page 29. You can get the report by applying for it
through your congressman.
How the " Wars of the Roses " Began
Editor GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir : Your account of the Wars of the Roses,
in answer to a question in your April magazine, leaves
little to be desired on the score of conciseness and clev-
erness, but you do not state what was the cause of the
quarrel between Henry VI. and the Duke of York, in
1455, out of which the war arose.
M. P., Philadelphia, Pa.
As already explained* Edward III. had seven sons;
the eldest, Edward Prince of Wales (the " Black
Prince ") died in 1376, leaving an only son. At the
death of Edward III. in 1377 this boy was crowned as
Richard II. Richard being childless the eldest male
line became extinct, hence the heirship to the throne
fell to the descendants of the sons of Edward III. in
the order of their age priority. The eldest son was
dead, the second son had died without heirs ; Lionel,
Duke of Clarence (third son), John of Gaunt, Duke of
Lancaster (fourth son), and Edmund Langley, Duke of
York (fifth son), were still represented by legitimate
heirs. Of course, the crown would rightfully go to the
descendents of Lionel (third son), being the oldest rep-
resentative of Edward III. Lionel, whose daughter
* GUNTON'S MAGAZINE for April, pp. 372-373.
1 9 oo. ] Q UESTION BOX 461
Philippa married Edmund Mortimer, had two grand-
children, Roger and Anne Mortimer. Roger was dead,
but left a son, Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March.
Anne Mortimer had married Richard, Earl of Cam-
bridge, the eldest son and heir of Edmund Langley,
Duke of York (fifth son). It will be remembered that
Henry IV., who usurped the throne from Richard II.,
was the son of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster
(fourth son) ; but Edmund Mortimer, the great grand-
son of Lionel, clearly had the prior claim. In order
to make things safe, Henry IV. had Edmund Mortimer
arrested and thrown into jail, and he finally died
without heirs. The only remaining representative of
Lionel was Anne Mortimer, who had married the
Earl of Cambridge. By this marriage the claims of the
third son (Lionel) and the fifth son (Edmund Langley)
were united. The descendants of this marriage clearly
had the superior claim to the throne over Henry VI.,
who represented only the fourth son.
Richard, Duke of York, son of Anne Mortimer, at-
tempted to enforce his claim to the crown, but was cap-
tured and executed, leaving the duty to maintain the
York claim to his son of the same name. This claim
was the stronger by the fact that Henry VI. had no
heirs, but finally a son was born to the king, destroying
the Duke of York's hope of peacefully obtaining the
crown. In 1453, however, the king became demented
and the Duke of York claimed the right of protectorate
during the king's illness, which was granted by parlia-
ment; but in 1455 the king recovered his senses and
deprived the Duke of York of his position, whereupon
he took up arms against the king to enforce his own
claim to the throne. On May 22d, 1455, the two armies
fought the battle of St. Albans ; thus began the Wars
of Roses.
BOOK REVIEWS
THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN COINAGE. By David
K.Watson. 1899. Cloth, 278 pp. $1.50. G.P. Putnam's
Sons, New York and London.
There are very few subjects of national significance
upon which the American people say so much and
know so little as that of the monetary standard. The
idea that the present low value of silver, and the estab-
lishment of the gold standard finally consummated in
the recent act of congress, are simply results of vicious
conspiracy, persistent influence of the money and bank-
ing fraternity, is accepted in a more or less definite de-
gree by millions of American citizens.
The fact that in the first establishment of the mint
congress enacted that 371^ grains of pure silver, with
some alldy, should constitute the standard dollar, and
that this has continued unchanged ever since, so far as
the pure silver is concerned, is assumed to have some
kind of an occult significance in connection with the
monetary standard.
The reason why congress established the monetary
ratio between gold and silver at 1 5 to i in 1 792 , and
changed it to 16 to i in 1834, and the reason why Jef-
ferson suspended the coinage of silver dollars in 1806
seems to be very little known, although the subject for
several years has been almost interminably discussed in
the newspapers, in the clubs and on the street corners.
Books and pamphlets innumerable have been published
during the last eight years, loaded down with statistical
tables, and yet the obvious historic facts that every-
where stand out in the history of our monetary system,
as explaining the course of congress on the subject, are
practically omitted.
In the present volume, which is admirably printed
462
BOOK RE VIE WS 463
in large, clear type and on good paper so as to make it
attractive reading, Mr. Watson has given a concise,
consecutive history of the subject, which really leaves
little to be desired. It is orderly in arrangement, dig-
nified in tone, clear, direct and concise in expression,
and conclusive in its cumulative data upon the subject.
There is none of the tone of the special pleader, and yet
in the presentation of the facts that led up to and the
reasons given for the different changes as they came
along, the real cause for each step becomes obvious to
the reader, unless he persistently refuses to see.
The reason the ratio between the two metals was
originally fixed at 1 5 to i is brought out by the reports of
Morris, Jefferson and Hamilton, on their respective in-
vestigations of the subject. That this was an overvalua-
tion of silver soon became very clear, and consequently
practically no gold found its way to the mint, it being
more profitable to sell it as bullion in the open market
for other purposes.
For this reason France in 1803 changed her ratio
from 1 6 to i to 15 j to i. Everybody then believed in
the double standard. It is true Hamilton had a leaning
to the single gold standard, but preferred if possible to
maintain the double standard. But, by the disparity
of the bullion value in the two metals, they refused to
work in double harness and keep together. One was
constantly balking while the other was leading, all of
which is unobtrusively but very clearly brought out by
Mr. Watson.
At frequent intervals this subject forced itself upon
congress, with the view of making the disorderly team
keep evenly together. To this end, in 1834, the mint-
ing act was revised, and in order to secure a working
basis by which the two metals should be of the same
bullion or market value, and hence keep together, the
gold dollar was reduced from 24.75 grains (fine) to 23.2
464 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
grains, or about six per cent. This was due to the
double fact that in the original law of 1792 silver was
slightly overvalued, and that during the forty years it
had further declined in value. This reduction in the
weight of the gold dollar changed the ratio from 1 5 to
i to about 1 6 to i, or, to be technically correct,
16.002155 to i. The market price of silver in London
was then $1.313 per ounce, which is 15.73 to i. Thus
the ratio was swung to the other side of the line, and,
in about the same extent that in 1792 silver was over-
valued by the mint act, it was now undervalued. That
is to say, the 371^ grains of fine silver which as be-
fore constituted the silver dollar was worth in the
market about three per cent, more than the 23.2 grains
of gold in the new gold dollar. Consequently, for
identically the same reasons that no gold would come
to the mint after the act of 1792, no silver would come
to the mint after the act of 1834, and, as during this
whole time the Spanish silver dollar was legal tender
in the United States (made so by the act of 1793), no
silver dollars had been coined since 1806. The silver
coinage was only for fractional currency.
But now a new difficulty arose. The undervalua-
tion of silver for coining, to the amount of from two to
three per cent., not only destroyed any incentive for
taking silver to the mint to be coined into dollars at 16
to i, but it created an incentive of nearly three per
cent, for taking the small currency that the government
was constantly coining on its own account and export-
ing it or melting it down into bullion. The result was
that the currency disappeared from circulation just as
fast as the mint turned it out. No matter how much
fractional currency the government furnished, there
was almost none in circulation.
In 1837 another attempt to adjust the currency was
undertaken. This time it was by altering the amount
i 9 oo.] BOOK RE VIE WS 465
of alloy in the coins. Since 1834 gold coins had been
made .899225 pure metal and .100775 alloy, while sil-
ver coins were .8924 pure metal and .1076 alloy. To
simplify the matter, the proportion was changed to
nine parts of pure metal to one of alloy in both the sil-
ver and the gold coins. At the same time the total
weight of the silver dollar was reduced from 416 grains
to 412 1-2 grains, so that the amount of pure silver re-
mained the same ; but the weight of the gold coin was
not changed, and so the reduction in the amount o
alloy slightly increased the amount of gold, thus chang
ing the pure gold in the dollar from 23.2 to 23.22
grains. This, it will be seen, again slightly changed
the ratio, from 16.002155 to one to 15.988 to one, thus
making the ratio slightly higher than 16 to one, where-
as before it was slightly lower than 16 to one.
But silver was still undervalued. That is to say,
37 1^ grains of pure silver was still worth more in the
market as bullion than 23.22 grains of pure gold, and so
no silver went to the mint and the fractional currency
which came from the mint continued to be melted and
exported.
In 1853 congress was again compelled to try to
remedy this. Up to this time the fractional currency
was in exact divisions of the dollar. The pure silver
in two halves, four quarters or ten dimes was exactly
371 j grains. In order to prevent this fractional cur-
rency from going out of circulation, the act of 1853 re-
duced the amount of silver in these coins by seven per
cent. , limited their legal tender to five dollars, and pro-
hibited the coinage thereof except at the government's
discretion, which was the first refusal of free coinage
ever enacted. This sufficiently overvalued the silver in
the small coins to make any melting of them a loss. After
the act of 1853, to melt any of the small coins into bul-
lion would yield only about 95 cents on the dollar,
466 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
which effectually stopped all melting and exportation
of small coins, and secured their constant circulation.
It will be seen that all this change in the coinage
laws was a constant effort of congress to keep the
double standard by adjusting the amount of pure metal
in the coins to the market value, so as to have them of
equivalent bullion value and thus destroy any incentive
for either one or the other being taken out of circula-
tion. So far from all this being an effort to regulate
the economic value by coinage laws, it was a constant
effort to adjust the coinage laws to the economic value,
over which neither congress nor all the governments
of the earth could exercise any successful control.
The next act, and the one which has given the
subject so much notoriety, was the act of 1873. This
was another revision of the minting law, and was not
brought about by any attempt to deal with the value of
silver, for nobody now had any interest in silver. It
was still at a premium, and fractional currency circu-
lated perfectly, as it was limited in legal tender, and
coined only by the government at a valuation greater
than the bullion in it. As to the silver dollar, nobody
gave it a thought. It was worth more in the market
than in the mint, and had been all the time since 1834,
and hence nobody had any interest whatever in men-
tioning it in all the discussion that took place. The
discussion of the change made in the act of 1873 began
in 1870, and in all there are several hundred pages of
the Congressional Globe which are filled with the speeches
on this subject, and not one relates in any way to the
fate or opportunities of the silver dollar. It had not a
friend in court, and for the simple reason that nobody
had any use for it for coining purposes, it being worth
more elsewhere. Consequently it was not mentioned
in the act, dropped entirely. The gold dollar had
been the standard ever since 1834. No other dollar
igoo.] BOOK REVIEWS 467
had been coined. No other dollar had been acted upon
as the money of account. It was taken for granted that
no other dollar was needed, just the same as in the act
of 1853.
The act of 1873 provided that the weight of sub-
sidiary coins should be in grammes instead of grains.
The only reason for this, as explained by Senator Sher-
man at the time, was to make them the exact equivalent
of the French coins and the coins of the associated nations
of Europe (the Latin Union), the proposed dollar being
the precise equivalent of the five franc piece. There being
no standard silver dollar either mentioned or required,
the trade dollar was authorized. This was a dollar con-
taining 420 grains, coined especially for California and
the Pacific states in their trade with China. The num-
ber of grains was stamped on the dollar. Nobody ob-
jected to this, because nobody needed a silver dollar
except the people of the Pacific, who were dealing with
Asiatics. No objection was raised to this, and even as
late as 1874 Senator Stewart of Nevada, in a speech in
congress, said : "I want the standard gold, and no paper
money not redeemable in gold." In a speech nine days
later, he repeated the same sentiment thus : ' ' By this
process we shall come to a specie basis, and when the
laboring man receives a dollar it will have the purchas-
ing power of a dollar . . . Gold is the universal
standard of the world. Everybody knows what a dol-
lar in gold is worth."
All this, which is brought out with remarkable
clearness by Mr. Watson, shows beyond the possibility
of doubt to the open-minded student that the act of
1873, which only followed the rule of the act of 1853
and dropped the silver dollar from the list of coins,
was the result of the practically continuous effort of
congress to adjust our monetary standard to the bullion
value of the metal of which it was made, and that there
4S8 GUNTOWS MAGAZINE [May,
was no thought on the part of anybody to demonetize
either the one or the other. It was not until the value
of silver subsequently fell much below the coin-
age value, so that it would afford a great profit to the
bullion owners to have it coined at a ratio of 16 to one,
that any interest in the free coinage of silver was heard
of. It was the fact that the value of silver declined so
rapidly after 1874, from purely economic reasons, as
the improvement in the methods of production, refin-
ing and transportation, and the discovery of more pro-
lific mines, that caused the movement for free coinage
again to assert itself, and led to the law of 1878, which
enacted that not less than two million nor more than
four million dollars a month of standard dollars should
be coined. Under this act (1878 1891) 378,166,793
silver dollars were coined, many times more than the
entire amount of standard dollars that were coined in
all our previous history under free coinage,
In 1890, as silver continued to decline in value, the
demand for more coinage and for free coinage in-
creased, because the profits of coinage were larger, and
in 1890 the famous Sherman act was adopted, which
authorized the purchase of four and one-half million
ounces of silver a month. This was estimated to be
the entire American output, and it was to be paid for
in treasury notes. The silver dollars, certificates and
treasury notes issued under these two acts amounted to
$570,166,793.
The continued decline in the value of silver, despite
this, and the constant increase of government paper
money, threatened the stability of our currency and
made it absolutely necessary in the interest of financial
stability and business safety to repeal the Sherman law,
which both republicans and democrats, in fact every-
body except extreme silverites, agreed to. All of which
came about as the economic and financial evolution be-
1 900. ] BOOK RE VIE WS 469
yond the power of any one government or combina-
tion of all governments to prevent; in evidence of
which, all the leading countries of Europe, including
France, the banner free silver country of the world,
have been compelled to do likewise, and in 1897 even
Asiatic Japan, by virtue of having become a commercial
nation, was compelled also to adopt the gold standard
and refuse longer the free coinage of silver.
There are many respects in which Mr. Watson's
little book is the best that has been published on the
subject. It is not loaded up with tables of production
of gold and silver ; it is not an encyclopedia of the facts
of the world's production of the precious metals, but it
is a concise, orderly, coherent, clear, intelligible state-
ment of the history of coinage in the United States.
A DIVIDEND TO LABOR. A STUDY OF EMPLOYERS'
WELFARE INSTITUTIONS. By Nicholas Paine Gilman.
Cloth, 400 pp., $1.50. Houghton, Mifflin & Company,
Boston and New York.
Some years ago Professor Gilman published a vol-
ume on " Profit- Sharing Between Employer and Em-
ployee." It was intended to be a study of the evolu-
tion of the wages system, pointing the way toward the
voluntary introduction of cooperative methods in pro-
ductive industry. It dealt with the theory and eco-
nomic aspects of the subject as they presented them-
selves to Professor Gilman, and cited numerous
experiments both in Europe and America in support of
what the author considered to be the drift of economic
evolution.
The present volume may be said to continue the
discussion and data presented in the earlier work. " A
Dividend to Labor " is intended primarily to give the
results of a wide range of experiments in cooperation
470 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
and profit-sharing, bringing the data down to the im-
mediate present.
Professor Oilman separates his group of profit-
sharing enterprises into two classes, those which grant
an indirect dividend to labor, and those which make a
direct dividend. Under the head of indirect dividend
he cites a numerous group of "welfare institutions"
and "patronal institutions" in Germany, France, Hol-
land and Belgium ; also the voluntary institutions for
providing insurance and various forms of relief and
extra compensation adopted by employers in England
and the United States. As illustrations of concerns
which have adopted the plan of a direct dividend to
labor, based usually on the proportion of profits to the
wage roll in each given year, he cites one French insti-
tution, the Maison Bailie- Lemaire, and in this country
three, the Bourne Mills of Fall River, the Proctor and
Gamble Co. of Ivorydale, Ohio, and the N. O. Nelson
Company of Leclaire, Illinois, and in England one, the
South Metropolitan Gas Company of London.
The criticism that it is almost invariably necessary
to make on books discussing profit-sharing is that the
author fails to appreciate its limitations. Generally the
advocate of profit-sharing works up to the point of pre-
senting it as something which will remedy all the diffi-
culties and solve all the problems in the relations be-
tween capital and labor. Unquestionably there are
phases of cooperative effort and of welfare institutions
that can be made a permanent part of our industrial
system because of their advantage to both employers
and workingmen. But when such features reach the
point of taking the place of a definite portion of the
regular income of labor, upon which the laborer is de-
pendent, they pass into a very uncertain and doubtful
field. They depend upon either the good- will of the
employer or his disposition to regard the scheme as
igoo.] BOOK REVIEWS 471
profitable to himself, while another employer might
reasonably differ on the same proposition. Such being
the case, these semi-gratuities are liable to be sus-
pended or abandoned with every change of manage-
ment, and this means for the laborer to surrender a
part of what has become his customary and necessary
income.
If, for example, the introduction of semi-benevo-
lent and profit-sharing features has been allowed to
check or become the substitute for what otherwise
would have been normal wage increases, then the
laborer has simply exchanged a portion of his definite
income for another kind of income dependent on con-
ditions that are extreme^ unreliable and subject to all
the variations in the employer's profits, to say nothing
of his temper and conscience.
The financial importance of profit-sharing to
laborers is ordinarily much exaggerated. It is taken
for granted that all such forms of extra income mean an
absolute gain which would not have been received by
the laborers in any other way. As a matter of fact it
is very often the case that wages in these establish-
ments, plus the average dividend allowances received
by the workers during normal business conditions,
amount to no more than what their wages would come
to if they were entirely independent of any semi-be-
nevolent relation with the company but were well or-
ganized in trade unions enjoying the friendly recogni-
tion of the company. If so, it is definitely better that
the income should be in the form of higher wages than
divided between wages and several forms of profit-
sharing or welfare institutions. Wages are a definite and
reliable source of income, determined by economic
laws operating throughout the community, and, having
once been established on a given plane, the presumption
is always in favor of the laborers as against any effort
472 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
to reduce them. The public looks upon wages as
something to which labor has a distinct ethical as well
as economic right ; hence both the morarforces of the
community and competitive economic laws fight in be-
half of the laborer against arbitrary efforts to lower the
wage rate.
Such is not the case with patronal institutions and
voluntary dividends granted by a corporation to its
men. These are recognized and looked upon as evi-
dences of the liberality of employers, and if ever they
are abandoned it is considered a matter entirely for the
employer to decide, something to which the laborers
have no particular right. The laborers are in the po-
sition of receiving a semi-charitable grant, based on the
philanthropic spirit of his employer. To such a grant
they are never considered to hold any particular eth-
ical and of course no economic right. Any workingman
who has been enjoying two or three kinds of extra in-
come, based on the voluntary good-will of the employer,
and suddenly loses them by some change of manage-
ment or bad times, might well wish that his total in-
come had been a little less, perhaps, if it all could have
reached him through some definitely established eco-
nomic channel, not subject to arbitrary suspension, but
of a kind to which he could assert an economic right
and get the cooperation of his fellows in struggling to
maintain.
It must be said, however, that Professor Gilman
does recognize some of these limitations, and so escapes
many of the pitfalls which lie along the path of the
enthusiastic advocate of profit-sharing and cooperative
enterprises. Of the institutions he cites in support of
his theory, the most successful are those in distributive
rather than productive cooperation. This is natural,
since cooperative stores involve the minimum of ex-
pert industrial genius and specialization. They are
1900.] BOOK RE VIE WS 473
largely of a perfunctory nature, demand no extraordin-
ary ability, and lend themselves more easily than any
other kind of industry to management on the committee
or representative plan. The main economy in distribu-
tion is the opportunity to do a large business. Where
this can be secured by voluntary cooperation of large
masses of workingmen, there is not much left for highly
expert skilled management to perform. But such in-
stitutions cannot be cited as evidence that cooperation
in the more advanced forms of productive industry
would be a success. Indeed, almost every experiment
of that kind that has ever been undertaken has failed,
and if the concerns have not been abandoned entirely
they have been reconverted into joint-stock corpora-
tions. This is especially well illustrated in the indus-
trial experience in England during the last half
century.
All the efforts at profit-sharing in productive in-
dustry which have succeeded are of the nature of vol-
untary grants from the employers, dependent on the
profitableness of the business and entirely under the
employer's control. Pensions, idleness or sickness re-
lief, insurance, fraternal societies, reading-rooms, cheap
lodgings and meals, are of this character. They do
not involve representative control of industry, which is
the essential principle in bona fide cooperation. These
voluntary patronal institutions, and profit-sharing dur-
ing good years, have succeeded only when they have
remained under the entire control of the employers,
and thus been prevented from ever encroaching on the
economic effectiveness or profit- making capacity of the
industry.
Professor Oilman practically recognizes this fact in
what he says about the function of the capitalist employer
in industrial society and his importance to the welfare of
labor. He sees quite clearly that a high order of indus-
474 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
trial efficiency is more advantageous in the long run to
laborers (since the operation of economic laws will dis-
tribute to them a share of the gains of such efficiency )
than would be a system based on the kindest intentions
in the world but with mediocre capacity to wrench an
increasing yield of wealth from nature. This he brings
out very well in the following quotation :
' ' However much I shall have to say in this volume
upon the moral disposition of the employer, I fully
recognize the fact that the first thing necessary to the
welfare of the workman is that his employer shall be a
man of intellectual ability and general force of charac-
ter not primarily moral force. It is far more impor-
tant for the workman that his employer shall be finan-
cially successful than that he shall be kind or gener-
ous in his dealings. A hard employer, who keeps his
men steadily at work for years, on the average wage,
is much more of a real benefactor to the operative than
a genial emploj^er whose inexperience or lack of capacity
closes the factory in a few months : the latter will have
the sympathy of his employees, but he is not their best
friend. The responsibilities of a typical great entre-
preneur of this century are many and varied, and they
call loudly for the strong man in the manager's chair.
The employer often selects the place in which the fac-
tory is to be carried on : he has to build it in accord-
ance with the latest teachings of experience ; he has to
stock it with approved machinery; he has to find
capable overseers and a supply of competent work-peo-
ple ; he has to buy the raw material, to decide upon
styles and patterns, and then to sell, in the most favor-
able market he can find, the finished product, due to
all this remarkable and prolonged concert of various
abilities in the whole force. He is the one person to
whom the chief praise for success is rightly ascribed :
just as much is he the one person at whose door the
i goo.] BOOK RE VIE WS 475
blame of failure is to be laid whatever its specific
cause, he is properly held accountable for allowing that
specific cause to work. 'Captains of industry/ who
have chosen their lieutenants and privates, they are the
culprits or the weaklings to whom failure is due, if
failure there be: and, if success arrives:
" ' Brightest is their glory's sheen,
For greatest hath their labor been.'
1 * Mr. Mallock has not overrated the importance to
modern civilization of the strong brain and the forceful
character of the successful employer. He deserves to
lead, since he is indispensable to the welfare of those
allied with him, the capitalist and the workman alike.
The incompetent employer, as President Walker de-
clared, is the worst enemy of the workingman, for he
soon leaves him unemployed. A successful manager,
on the other hand, who feels no particular sympathy
with his operatives in their toilsome life, but does keep
them in work, year in and year out, stands between
them and starvation like a wall. Power and success in
the entrepreneur are the surest ground for the em-
ployee's confidence in the future. A fine morality, in
the sense of sympathy or kindness or generosity on the
employer's part, is a secondary matter, however im-
portant, just as in deeds of war the morality of a
Napoleon or a Moltke is not primary. But, assuming
the existence in him of all the abilities required for the
prosperous working of a great industrial establishment,
then good- will to men, sympathy with one's kind and
the human touch are happy and fortunate and admir-
able additions to the vigor of mind and the power of
will which have taken a bond of fate. It will be
another proof of strength in the strong employer if he
seek and gain all the moral advantage possible, and
cement a kindly alliance with his nearest fellow-men,
476 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [May,
building up the special and the general welfare in firm
union. Morality, no substitute for intellectual ability
and force of will in business, is a very noble companion
to them."
Not only this, but it is quite true that a broader
and more generous spirit on the part of employers
toward employees, and not merely their own employees
but the working class of the country, would go a long
way toward harmonious solution of industrial problems.
So much of the industrial conflict of the day arises out
of misunderstanding, and short-sighted refusal on the
part of employers to recognize the labor movement,
especially organized labor, that, were a different atti-
tude and spirit adopted, there is hardly any dispute
over wages or hours of labor or working conditions
which could not be adjusted between the parties long
before any point of open rupture was reached.
Professor Oilman, greatly to his credit, does not
allow his predilection for profit-sharing to draw him
into any mistaken attitude of hostility to trade unions.
11 The attitude of the employer,'' he says, " toward
trade unions should be one of frank appreciation of the
great good that they have done, and are doing. Some
of the most progressive manufacturers of our day have
declared their preference for dealing with the authori-
ties of trade-unions, rather than with the men separate-
ly. Not a few, like Mr. George Thomson of Hudders-
field, and Mr. N. O. Nelson of St. Louis, positively
encourage their employees to join a union. The
Union, like the Trust, is plainly an enduring element
of the modern industrial situation. It should become
an incorporated body, with power to sue and be sued,
and thus level up its responsibilities to its powers. In
the mean time, wise men will adjust themselves to it,
and make the best of it, instead of fighting the inevit-
able. They will not be the first to resist every demand
IQOO.] BOOK REVIEWS 477
of the laboring man simply because it comes from a
union, or the last to concede a courteous and patient
discussion of labor difficulties before disinterested
parties."
To put the whole matter in a nutshell: if the
same amount of good- will and friendly interest in
labor, which is now devoted to profit- sharing and semi-
benevolent enterprises that may be contemplated by
other employers, were devoted to open and avowed
recognition and encouragement of labor organization,
including willingness to treat with union representa-
tives, while helping to supply workingmen with sound
and progressive educational opportunities on economic
problems, it would do far more to settle the labor ques-
tion on the basis of mutual progress and good-will than
would come from attaching pension systems or free
medicine bureaus or home-buying schemes or dividend
sharing to every industrial enterprise in the land.
CHARLES SUMNER. By Moorfield Storey. Cloth,
466 pp. $1.25. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston and
New York.
This volume is the latest and certainly one of the
most important contributions to Mr. Morse's American
Statesmen series. The biography covers the activities
and career of Senator Sumner during the most critical
period of our history, just before, during and immedi-
ately following the civil war. Brooks' cowardly as-
sault on the senator after his most famous speech on
'The Crime Against Kansas" lends an air of tragedy
to the life, of which the author takes no undue advan-
tage in the biography of his hero. The assault, how-
ever, he regards as doing more for the anti-slavery
cause than any other single act, and places Mr. Sumner
as almost the equal of Abraham Lincoln in that great
movement.
478 G UNTON'S MA GAZINE
NEW BOOKS OF INTEREST
HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE
Oliver Cromwell. By Charles Firth, M. A., Balliol
College, Oxford. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York.
Mr. Firth is an authority on the Cromwellian period of
English history, having been placed in charge of the
principal articles bearing on that period in the prep-
aration of the British Dictionary of Biography.
The War in South Africa. Its Causes and Effects.
By John G. Hobson. Cloth, demy 8vo. $2.00. The
Macmillan Company, New York and London. Mr.
Hobson has recently been the South African corre-
spondent of the Manchester (England) Guardian, and
this volume is based on personal study and observa-
tion.
A History of the Colonization of Africa by Alien Races.
By Sir Harry H. Johnston, author of " British Central
Africa," etc. Cloth, i2mo, $1.50. With maps, etc.
The Macmillan Company, New York and London.
This appears in the Cambridge Historical Series.
SCIENTIFIC AND EDUCATIONAL
The International Geography. Edited by Hugh
Robert Mill, D. Sc. Cloth, 8vo, 1,088 pp., $3.50. D.
Appleton & Co., New York. A rich and comprehen-
sive work; a veritable encyclopedia of geographical
facts and explanations. It is the work of seventy
authors, eminent in the geographical field, and has
nearly 500 illustrations. We shall review it in a later
number.
History of Education. By Levi Seeley, Ph.D.
i2mo, 343 pp. $1.25. American Book Company, New
York, Cincinnati and Chicago. Will be reviewed in a
later number.
FROM APRIL MAGAZINES
"The main object of school and college is the
same, to establish character, and to make that charac-
ter more efficient through knowledge." L. B. R.
BRIGGS, in "The Transition from School to College;''
The Atlantic Monthly (March.)
" It was not until 1645 that Cromwell had begun
to stand out clear in the popular imagination, alike of
friends and foes, as a leader of men. He was now the
idol of his troops. He prayed and preached among
them ; he played uncouth practical jokes with them ;
he was not above a snowball match against them ; he
was a brisk, energetic, skilful soldier, and was an in-
vincible commander. In parliament he made himself
felt, as having the art of hitting the right debating-nail
upon the head." JOHN MORLEY, in "Oliver Crom-
well;" The Century.
1 ' This predominance of the emotional sense over
the thinking power appears by no means exclusively in
his practical preachments. It pervades his writing on
art as well. This it distorts in the first place, and
vitiates in the second. It distorts it by giving it the
false sanction of moral purpose, of utility. In a large
sense, art certainly has this sanction, and no other, like
every department of human effort. In the only sense,
however, in which this is not a truism, it is false ; and
a detailed consideration of art in this view results in
distortion," -W. C. BROWNELL in "John Ruskin;"
Scribners.
' ' It goes without contradiction that in our colleges
and universities there is practically no educational
supervision whatever. It is doubtful if the bravest col-
lege president in the country would quite dare to go
into a department and make an issue on the methods
of instruction obtaining therein ; and it is still more
479
480 GUN TON'S MAGAZINE
doubtful if he would be sustained by his board, if he
did this. The average board would probably suggest
to him that he ' would better get at it in some other
way, ' wisely neglecting to state in what other way ! '
-A COLLEGE PRESIDENT, in ' ' The Perplexities of a
College President;" The Atlantic Monthly.
''When Emerson, at Concord, in 1879, saw ^ s
bust, modeled by Daniel Chester French, he remarked
approvingly, after looking at it intently, ' That is the
face that I shave ' not altogether an .unconscious trib-
ute to the fidelity of the work, for he recognized that
in detail it conformed to nature. Turning to another
bust of himself that stood in the room, a portrait quite
without character, he said, ' This one is as harmless as
a parsnip.' The philosopher thus, in homely speech,
gave a very good art criticism, and one that in general
terms may be applied to all of French's work." WIL-
LIAM A. COFFIN, in "The Sculptor French;" The Cen-
tury.
"'When I returned from Elba I found, among
other papers of the Bourbons, an account of six thou-
sand francs paid monthly to the editors of the Times,
besides taking a hundred numbers monthly, and I had
an offer from them to write for me for payment. I haJ,
offers from the editors of several English newspapers
to write for me, even during the time of war, previous
to my going to Elba, and to insert news and everything
else I wished, and that money would be taken to send
them to France. I did not do it. I was wrong, how-
ever ; I ought to have accepted their offers, and then
my name would not have been held in such odium in
England as it was. This they said themselves to me.
For in the end these . newspapers formed the public
opinion, and always will do. I was very wrong ; I see
it now.' " From "Talks with Napoleon" (O'Meara's
Journal); The Century.
HON. CHARLES H. ALLEN
GOVERNOR OF PORTO RICO
See page 488
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
REVIEW OF THE MONTH
It is sufficiently clear now that the
Scouring the long . delay of the British army at Bloem-
Frcc State ' .
fontein was not without purpose. Lord
Roberts waited there a month, apparently doing noth-
ing and allowing the Boers to take up positions all
around him and send detachments even as far south as
Cape Colony. In all this he had a double purpose.
He was gathering together and thoroughly organizing
his immense army and establishing a line of supplies
for an advance movement of wonderful rapidity and
irresistible momentum. At the same time he planned
to make a sudden raid and capture separate bands of
the enemy to the East and South before they could
extricate themselves and retire to Kroonstad.
The latter attempt was hardly successful. Late in
April strong detachments were sent to the relief of
General Brabant at Wepener, and on April 25th the
town of Dewetsdrop, northwest of Wepener, was occu-
pied by General Chermside, who, it will be remem-
bered, recently supplanted General Gatacre. The
Boers to the number of four or five thousand immedi-
ately left the vicinity of Wepener and retired north
towards Ladybrand, Thaba Nchu and Winburg. About
the same time General Ian Hamilton, who had been
defending the waterworks twenty miles east of Bloem-
481
483 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
fontein, started east, fighting a sharp battle at Israel's
Poort and forming a junction with General French's
cavalry division. A joint attack was made, with indif-
ferent success, on the very strong position which a part
of Botha's retiring army had taken up at Thaba Nchu.
This is on high ground directly between Bloemfontein
and Ladybrand. A few days later the Boers retired
from Thaba Nchu, joining other forces at Ladybrand.
Although this army might conceivably
have been used for a sudden westward
Advance
strike at the British line of supplies,
Lord Roberts did not attempt to capture it but com-
menced a general forward movement early in May.
Already he has swept away all the strong points of
Boer resistance in the Orange Free State. The British
line of advance was fully forty miles in extent, follow-
ing the Pretoria railroad as the main trunk line of oper-
tions. Brandfort was reached and captured by a three-
fold attack on May 3rd. The Vet River, eighteen miles
north of Brandfort, was reached on the 5th. Some re-
sistance was met here but quickly overcome, and on
the 6th Smaldeel and Winburg were occupied. On the
next day 4,000 British cavalry reached the Zand river,
sixteen miles beyond Smaldeel ; here a considerable
battle was fought, the Boers having established a line
of defence twenty miles long. Details of this engage-
ment are meager, but by May loth the Boers were
again in full retreat towards Kroonstad. The battle
on the Zand was the last serious resistance they have
made thus far. It was supposed they would surely
make a strong stand at Kroonstad, but a serious dis-
sension arose between the Free State and the Trans-
vaal forces as to the future conduct of the campaign.
Nearly all the Free State burghers retired eastward to
Heilbron, President Steyn accompanying them, and
REVIEW OF THE MONTH 483
this place is the latest Free State capital. The
Transvaalers thereupon abandoned Kroonstad and
retired north, Lord Roberts entering the town on May
i2th. He seems to have made a brief pause here, pre-
paratory to the final march to the Vaal.
Meanwhile Generals Brabant and Rundle had been
advancing north from Wepener to engage and hold in
check the Free State army at Ladybrand, which place
was captured on May 1 5th, thus removing all danger
from that source. In Natal, General Buller has recap-
tured Dundee and Glencoe, and it is not inconceivable
that his army will be brought up for a flank attack on
the Boer left, when Lord Roberts is ready to force the
Vaal and invade President Kruger's domain.
Some time ago Lord Roberts despatched
Mafekmg _ . __
Relieved General Hunter to the northwest with a
strong force of more than twenty thou-
sand, ostensibly for the relief of Mafeking. General
Hunter reached the Vaal river at Warrenton, May 4th,
joining forces with some of the British columns ad-
vancing from Kimberley north. A day or two later he
crossed the Vaal and drove the Boers out of Fourteen
Streams. It now appears probable that General Hunter
will follow up the Vaal river to the east for a flank at-
tack on the Boers who will be defending Johannesburg
and Pretoria, for Mafeking no longer requires him.
The heroic little garrison under Colonel Baden- Powell
was rescued on May 1 7th by a relief party under Col.
Mahon, bringing a large quantity of supplies. These
were no doubt welcomed with extravagant demonstra-
tions, for it has been a long time since the town has
had anything better than half rations of horseflesh and
bran. Col. Baden- Powell's little force has held out
since last October, more than 200 days, under almost
constant bombardment, and it is no wonder that the
484 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
news of his relief has set London and the principal
British cities wild with uproarious enthusiasm, con-
tinued through several days.
At the beginning of the war it was
Announced ' thought possible, at least, that England's
peace terms would be control of the for-
eign relations of the two republics, a liberal franchise
law and other internal reforms, and prohibition of
further importation of war munitions. For some time
it has been growing clear, however, that when the war
is over the Orange Free State and Transvaal will be
made British colonies, outright. Mr. Chamberlain left
no doubt on this point when, in his Birmingham speech
of May nth, he declared that:
" While the government do not wish to be vindictive, they are de-
termined that never again shall the republics be a nursery of conspiracy,
and they will see that justice is done to those who are determined to be
loyal. The government is not prepared to recognize the independence
of the Boer republics (cheers), and we are determined that the republics
shall be finally incorporated under the British flag. For an interval
they must be a crown colony, such as India is ; but we hope they will
eventually become a great self governing colony like Canada and
Australia."
If this were a case of a highly civilized and pro-
gressive republic being wiped out of existence and put
back by a powerful despotism like that of Russia, such
an outcome as now seems certain in South Africa would
be intolerable. In reality, it is a backward and undemo-
cratic oligarchy that is being put beyond the power of
any longer retarding the advance of civilization in that
quarter of the globe. The name republic will disap-
pear, but if these two little countries are finally organ-
ized under a system of government such as Canada or
Australia has they will be practically as independent as
they are now, with the additional immense advantage
of a set of institutions that will really guarantee per-
igoo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 485
sonal, civil and religious liberty, such as the Boers have
never possessed under their narrow and tyrannical
regime.
It is worth noting here that the new form of feder-
ated government for Australia, which is on the point of
enactment by the British parliament, comes so near
granting entire independence that the only strong legal
bond remaining is the right of appeal from Australian
courts to an imperial court, which, by the way, will be
composed of judges drawn from every part of the em-
pire, Australia included.
The ecumenical missionary conference
The Ecumenical held in New York city from April 2ist
Conference ' c ^
to May ist inclusive was one of the most
remarkable religious gatherings in the history of
Christendom. There have been other meetings of the
sort, one in Liverpool and two in London, but none on
such a scale of magnitude as this. More than 2,500
delegates were present from all parts of the world, rep-
resenting missionary societies in a dozen different
countries. The proceedings were opened and in part
presided over by ex- President Harrison, as honorary
chairman, and the discussions covered almost every
phase and branch of protestant missionary effort
throughout the world.
Perhaps the most notable feature of the conference
to the lay observer was the shifting of the point of em-
phasis in regard to the whole proposition of missions.
This change, not directly voiced in the addresses, yet
spoke louder through the whole proceedings than any
other. The main justification for the vast work repre-
sented by these delegates was not chiefly based as of
old on theological propositions about the future destiny
of unconverted heathen, but rested on grounds that
finite men are much better entitled to urge with the
486 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
authority born of knowledge. Great attention was de-
voted in all the reports to the social and moral con-
ditions of the people, and the frequently shocking re-
sults of the superstitions of savage and barbarous
races. The work of the missionary is no longer
confined to exhortation and warning ; it extends out to
the physical, mental and moral conditions per se, recog-
nizing that improvement in these lines is necessary to
any really effective comprehension and living of a
higher order of religious principles. Little centers of
civilization are thus started, and both the human
interest and spiritual success of the work increases
along with its broadening range.
A New
Even more remarkable was the sounding
of a note of recognition of elements of
truth in all religions. This idea was
best presented by Dr. John Henry Barrows, president
of Oberlin College, and who, it will be remembered,
practically organized the World's Parliament of Re-
ligions at the World's Fair in 1893. In his address to
the conference Dr. Barrows said :
" Missionaries are keenly alive to the fact that some of the non-
Christian faiths are keeping their place in the world because they
minister in a measure to some of the needs of the human heart. They
are preserved from utter condemnation by the great truths which, amid
all errors and perversions, they undoubtedly contain. There is much
beauty in Confucian morals. There are Christian elements, if not a
Christian spirit, in the Buddhist ethics. Christian theism is not wholly
out of touch with the monotheism of Islam, or the pantheism of Hindoo
philosophies. . . The non-Christian world sees principally the de-
fects of Christendom. It is predisposed to look leniently upon its own
shortcomings. It has not fallen in love with Christianity in some of its
manifestations. . . Before there can be an unprejudiced estimate of
Christianity, Christendom must clear its skirts of many shams and in-
iquities."
That this new attitude towards the " heathen " re-
ligions, and largely new basis of justification for
missions, should be accompanied by such a vast growth
igoo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 487
of interest and enthusiasm, refutes better than any
wordy argument that solemn old time-worn prophecy
that, if ever our theology should let in a ray of hope for
the heathen, missions and the reason for missions would
drop out of existence.
i
Some President McKinley has made excellent
Imperialism appointments thus far for the principal
Scandals T ' 1 A
offices in our new island possessions.
There is no disposition anywhere to question this.
Therefore, the fact that in spite of these good appoint-
ments several flagrant scandals have already developed
shows the extreme difficulty we shall have in trying to
carry on our type of government among groups of semi-
barbarous alien people. It has just recently come to
light, for instance, that the commission appointed last
year to investigate the beef scandal managed to spend
more than $100,000 in the course of its labors. The
itemized account submitted by General John M. Wilson,
chief of engineers, one of the members of the commis-
sion, shows a lavishness of expenditure that would have
been more appropriate for a millionaire family junket
around the world. More than $3,000 is charged for
Pullman cars, some $4,430 fora special train; nearly
$50,000 for services of the members of the commission ;
thousands upon thousands of dollars for employees, per
diem expenses of commissioners, carriage hire, etc. , and
even such items as funeral expenses of a member of the
commission and flowers bought by General Wilson
therefor. All the time General Wilson was on the
government pay-roll as a brigadier-general, which
would seem according to the constitution to debar him
of the right to draw pay for other government work at
the same time.
More recently it has developed that some one in
connection with the postal service in Cuba, presumably
488 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
Charles W. Neely, chief of the finance division, has
embezzled upwards of $100,000, while the expenses of
minor army officials and others in the Cuban adminis-
tration have been mounting up at a tremendous rate.
Inspectors appointed by Postmaster- General Smith
have gone to Havana to make a thorough investigation,
and on May i6th the postmaster of Havana and deputy
auditor of Cuba and two Cuban clerks were placed
under arrest. The extent of the stealing that may be
revealed is of course a matter for conjecture, but it is
certain the bottom of the scandal has not yet been
reached.
At the same time it is noteworthy that bribery and
various scandalous performances have been so flagrant
in some parts of the Philippines under our control that
General Otis found it necessary last November to issue
a special order to army officers concerning these grave
abuses. In this order General Otis said : "The evil,
corrupting and far reaching in its effects, appears to
have reached a stage which renders its suppression
with a strong hand imperative." The complaints apply
to the local governments we have been trying to set up
in the subjugated portions of Luzon.
Porto Rico A better regime seems assured for Porto
Franchises and Ri p rompt i y a f ter the passage of the
Government
law providing for a tariff and system of
government, it became so manifest that the island was
to be fairly overrun with seekers for offices and privi-
leges that congress passed another measure, which be-
came a law April soth, specifying the conditions under
which franchises should be granted. Under this law
all railroad, street railway, telegraph and telephone
privileges must be approved by the president of the
United States, must be subject to amendment or repeal,
must forbid the issue of stock or bonds except in ex-
igoo.J REVIEW OF THE MONTH 489
change for actual cash or property, must forbid the de-
claring of stock or bond dividends, must provide for
regulation of the charges for service by public corpora-
tions, etc. This law will be a great protection against
corruption in Porto Rico. An additional safeguard is
afforded by the appointment as governor of Porto Rico
of Charles H. Allen, who succeeded Governor Roose-
velt two years ago as assistant secretary of the navy.
Governor Allen was inaugurated on May ist, and is
succeeded in the navy department by Frank W. Hackett,
who has been connected with the navy since 1862.
It is only two or three weeks since Gen-
pinc Warfare era ^ Otis assured us for the twentieth
time that the Philippine rebellion was
' * practically over," and word came that Aguinaldo had
been killed by the Igorottis. Hardly was time allowed
for enthusiasm to get under way when information fol-
lowed that Aguinaldo was very much alive and had
raised a new army in the north of Luzon. At the same
time rebellion broke out again in the island of Panay,
and a company of our soldiers of the 26th Infantry was
surrounded and narrowly escaped annihilation. Four
were killed and sixteen badly wounded and left on the
field. Guerrilla warfare has been renewed in several
quarters in Luzon, and in truth we seem no nearer
ultimate success than at any time within the last six
months. With more than 60,000 American soldiers on
our expense roll in the Philippines all the time, we do
not seem to have nearly enough force to hold the civil-
ized portions of the islands and establish local govern-
ments, to say nothing of following up the natives into
the mountain strongholds and wiping out the insurrec-
tion by extermination.
490
GUN TON S MAGAZINE
[June,
It is a relief to turn from this deplorable
Senator Hoar's .~ f i> f -\ o
plan sacrifice of life and treasure to Senator
Hoar's masterly address of April I7th,
pointing out the needlessness of this war and offering a
series of suggestions which in the main are logical and
probably a more feasible way of restoring peace and
settling the problem than force. Senator Hoar's prop-
ositions were these :
" I would declare now that we will not take these islands to govern
them against their will.
"I would reject a cession of sovereignty which implies that sov-
ereignty may be bought and sold and delivered without the consent of
the people.
"I would require all foreign governments to keep out of these
islands.
" I would offer to the people of the Philippines our help in maintain-
ing order until they have a reasonable opportunity to establish a govern-
ment of their own.
" I would aid them by advice, if they desire it, to set up a free and
independent government.
" I would invice all the great powers of Europe to unite in an agree-
ment that that independence shall not be interfered with.
" I would declare that the United States will enforce the same doc-
trine as applicable to the Philippines that we declared as to Mexico and
Hayti and the South Am erica a republics.
" I would then, in a not distant future, leave them to work out their
own salvation, as every nation on earth, from the beginning of time, has
wrought out its own salvation."
There is nothing visionary in this program,
nothing unpatriotic ; it would be strictly in line with
fundamental American principles. It would simply
apply to the Philippines the policy we have adopted
towards Cuba, and it would probably end the warfare,,
leaving us with all the " foothold " advantages we shall
need to support our interests in the eastern question.
Senator Hoar's speech, by the way, while open to criti-
cism on some points of abstract political philosophy,
was in many respects the greatest effort that has been
made in the United States senate within a generation.
It challenges comparison in point of eloquence, logic
IQOO.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 491
and far-reaching importance of subject-matter with
some of the great constitutional orations of the Web-
ster- Calhoun era.
Three candidates have already been put
Political in the field> Eugene V. Debs comes
Conventions .-.-..
first, on the socialist ticket, with a plat-
form as strongly anti-Bryan as anti-McKinley, invoking
in fact " A plague on both your houses ! '' On May loth
both wings of the populist party held conventions, the
fusionists at Sioux Falls and the middle-of-the-road
wing at Cincinnati. The fusionists nominated Mr.
Bryan on a platform denouncing imperialism, trusts
and the gold standard, declaring sympathy for the
Boers, demanding free trade on all trust products, the
initiative and referendum, public control of railroads
and telegraphs, and the free coinage of silver at 1 6 to i.
At Cincinnati the straight-line populists nominated
Wharton Barker for president and Ignatius Donnelly
for vice-president, on a platform demanding the initia-
tive and referendum, public ownership of railroads,
telegraphs and telephones, fiat paper currency, a
graduated income tax, direct election of president,
vice-president, federal judges and senators, denounc-
ing trusts, and favoring free coinage at 16 to i. Mr.
Barker, who is the editor of the American (Philadelphia),
expects to poll at least one million votes (sic!) and thus
defeat Bryan, thereby rescuing populism from the
ruinous fusion policy.
Meanwhile republican conventions have been held
in numerous states, notably New York, Ohio, Pennsyl-
vania, Iowa, Massachusetts and Illinois, all declaring
strongly for President McKinley's renomination and
upholding his policy in toto. The state campaign in
Illinois, by the way, promises to be unusually interest-
ing. It is most gratifying that the republicans have
492 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
succeeded in freeing themselves of the odium of
questionable machine leadership. The nominee for
governor is Judge Richard Yates, son and namesake of
the famous war governor of Illinois, a man of unsullied
reputation, progressive and vigorous characteristics.
This lifts Illinois politics to a distinctly higher plane,
and ought to compel the nomination by the democrats
of an exceptionally good man, if any hope is entertained
of defeating Judge Yates.
The senate has been making a mighty
Clark Cases* effort to rid itself of undesirable ele-
ments, and within the last month has
achieved at least a partial success. The long drawn-out
struggle over the case of Senator Quay came to an end
on April 24th, when his credentials were rejected by a
vote of 33 to 32. This establishes the principle that a
governor cannot appoint a senator to fill a vacancy
caused by the failure of the legislature to elect.
Much more serious is the case of Senator Clark of
Montana, the objection to whom is based on charges of
flagrant corruption in securing his election. The senate
committee on privileges and elections reported on
April 23d that these charges were well founded and
recommended that Senator Clark's seat be declared
vacant. On May i5th, before the senate had reached
the point of formally adopting this report, as it was
certain to do, Senator Clark arose and made a long per-
sonal statement, defending his conduct throughout the
case and ending by reading a letter to the governor of
Montana, dated May nth, in which he resigned his seat
in the senate. The senator spoke with a great show of
sincerity and defended his personal integrity with much
emotion, arousing no little sympathy among his col-
leagues. What was the astonishment and indignation
of the senate next morning to learn that acting
igoo. ] RE VIE W OF THE MONTH 493
Governor Spriggs of Montana had appointed Senator
Clark to fill out the vacancy caused by his resignation.
On all hands this is regarded as a cheap political trick,
worked up in advance, taking advantage of the absence
of the Governor of Montana from the state and intended
to forestall the action of the senate declaring the seat
vacant. Whatever sympathy there may have existed
for Senator Clark, with this revelation it is probable the
senate will declare that Mr. Clark was never elected,
thereby nullifying the resignation and of course the re-
appointment as well. If it does not do this, it may
actually expel Senator Clark by a two-thirds vote,
which would be entirely warranted by the insult he has
offered that body. Meanwhile, Governor Smith has
returned to Montana, declared the Spriggs appoint-
ment void, and named Martin Maginnis successor to
Senator Clark. Whether Mr. Clark will present his
snap appointment to the senate and thus force the issue
remains to be seen.
Organized labor clearly believes in
Chicago Labor ., . ,, - .- ,1 t T
Troubles ' striking while the iron is hot. In
other words, the workingmen realize
that a prosperous era is the time of times for demand-
higher pay and shorter hours. Critics of the unions,
however, never seem able to fix any time when a strike
is opportune. If it comes during hard times they ex-
claim: "What fools; they are certain to lose, why
don't they wait until business is good!" Then when
business does become good and the laborers seize the
opportunity to demand a share in the prosperity, the
comment is: "What short-sighted folly, to interrupt
business and inconvenience the whole public just when
delays and interruptions are most expensive to all con-
cerned."
A strike of machinists for the nine-hour day is on
494 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
in several cities. In Chicago for some weeks there has
been a strike in the building trades, with many really
serious aspects. The dispute does not hinge primarily
on the question of wages or hours, but relates largely
to several minor questions, such as the amount of work
each man shall do, the use of non-union material, etc.
Nearly 50,000 men are out, and there have been many
cases of violent interference with non-union workers.
More than this, it is asserted that the city is being prac-
tically held up by fraudulent claims for damages
amounting to over $250,000, presented by the labor
unions, and that it is impossible to get a jury to indict
anybody for criminal conspiracy in connection with
these claims because of labor-union "terrorism."
Since May 8th St. Louis has been the
St Louis Street - "* . , -
Railwa Strike scene of a labor war of extreme acri-
mony, characterized by almost constant
violence. Almost all of the 3,600 street railway em-
ployees went on strike, and attempts to run cars have
resulted in riots and brick-throwing. Passengers have
been injured, and at least once the police have been
obliged to fire directly into the crowd. The strikers
demand the right of conference and arbitration on all
disputes, which is just; but other of their demands,
that the company shall compel all its employees to join
the union, and shall suspend any employees without
pay who may be suspended by the union, etc., exceed
the economic limits of trade-union influence and action.
Such rules, if adopted, would open the door to intoler-
able abuses.
Both the Chicago and St. Louis instances are fur-
nishing texts for severe denunciations in the press. It
cannot be denied that a labor union, once endowed
with very large power, can be about as tyrannical and
arbitrary as any human organization, especially if actu-
igoo.] REVIEW OF THE MONTH 495
ated by the spirit of bitterness and revenge. For this
spirit, it must not be forgotten however, the policy of
injunctions against strikers and refusal to recognize and
treat with union representatives must be held largely
responsible. Violence, rioting and arbitrary attempts
to run the employer's business cannot be defended on
any economic or ethical ground, but American laborers
are not natural-born anarchists, and when these out-
breaks occur we may be sure there is provocation some-
where of a peculiarly exasperating nature.
Standing out in violent contrast to the
Examples of Wise 1 . . -, ., , ,,
Labor Policy policy of ' fight it out at any cost we
have some recent instances of economic
wisdom, such as the action of the Standard Oil Com-
pany in voluntarily increasing the wages of its more
than 30,000 workingmen, and at the same time reduc-
ing their working time one hour. A simultaneous in-
crease of wages and reduction of hours is unprece-
dented, but it is a sure sign of the economic sense
which forestalls labor troubles by recognizing the nat-
ural and proper desire of labor to share in the advanc-
ing prosperity and wealth of the community.
There are other conspicuous instances of wage in-
creases of recent date. The Berwind- White Coal Com-
pany, one of the largest soft coal firms in Pennsylvania,
has advanced the wages of 12,000 employees about 20
per cent. , and the National Tube Company has granted
a 10 per cent, increase to 20,000 men, which is the
second 10 per cent, increase within six months. A re-
cent number of the Railroad Trainmen s Journal shows
the adoption of satisfactory wage scales and increases
on more than twenty important railroad systems in this
country within the last year.
As an illustration of wise policy in cases where the
dispute has passed into a strike, a very notable case has
496
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
lately occurred on the New York Central system at
Buffalo. The car repairers employed by that com-
pany, although many of them had within sixty days
received an increase of wages, went on a strike late in
April for a further increase. Instead of arbitrarily re-
fusing to consult with the strikers about the merits of
the case, the Central's superintendent of motive power
went to Buffalo on purpose to meet and confer with a
committee of the men. This reasonable and enlight-
ened policy yielded the good results that it can almost
always be counted upon to do. It proved that when
laborers are treated with respect and their unions rec-
ognized, dealings with them can be as satisfactory and
honorable as between any so-called "business men," and
with no more danger of violence. A wage scale was
agreed upon which gave the men nearly all they asked,
while on the other hand they conceded points which it
appeared the company could not consistently grant.
The superintendent of motive power stated after the
conference that : "In some cases the rate of increase
over the original pay previous to March i6th is in the
vicinity of 40 per cent., in other cases it is only 10 or
12. It was clearly understood between myself and the
committee that the company would always be ready to
give a hearing to any committee of its employees that
the men might select on any grievance that may arise.
If at such meeting they wish to have an advisor who is
not an employee there will be no objection to that, but
the company will deal with its employees directly."
Evidently wisdom has been learned since the great
Central strike of a decade ago, fought in large part on
exactly this issue of recognition and conference.
WHAT CAN THE PAN-AMERICAN CONGRESS
ACCOMPLISH?
WILLIAM ELEROY CURTIS
Another conference of the American republics is
called to meet in the City of Mexico between May and
October 1901. The first was held in Panama in 1825,
having been called by Simon Bolivar for the purpose of
negotiating a defensive alliance against Spain and the
aggressions of other European powers in the American
hemisphere, and to make a declaration of the policy to
be pursued by the new Spanish-American republics to-
wards each other and the rest of the world. In addi-
tion Bolivar proposed plans of arbitration ! to settle
differences between the American nations, to define
the boundaries between the new republics,:!. to suppress
the slave trade, to aid in securing the independence of
Cuba and Porto Rico, and to define the ^relations be-
tween the other American republics and Haiti and
Santo Domingo, which were inhabited almost entirely
by colored people against whom a social and political
prejudice prevailed.
An epidemic of yellow fever cut short the delibera-
tions of this conference. Five years later it was in-
vited to reconvene in Mexico, but for some reason did
not. In 1838, and again in '39 and '40, the invitations
were repeated without effect. In 1847 fi ye of the South
American republics held a conference atfLima^and
negotiated a treaty of confederation. In 1864 and
1878 Peru made other attempts to ; bring [the nations
497
498
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[June,
together, but few attended and nothing was accom-
plished. The project was renewed in 1880 by Colom-
bia, in 1882 by the United States, and in 1887 by
Uruguay, but was not successful until 1889 when all
of the American nations except Santo Domingo as-
sembled by delegates at Washington at the invitation
of the United States.
Now it is proposed to hold another conference,
and Mexico is to be the host. The United States has
taken the initiative and has forwarded invitations to
the other republics, but it will meet them on even
terms and have no greater authority or power than
Paraguay or Santo Domingo.
Each nation may send as many delegates as it
pleases, but will be entitled to only one vote. It is
presumed that the rules of the conference of '89 will be
adopted, as they were generally satisfactory. The
program of topics to be considered will not be arranged
until all of the governments have been heard from.
A circular inviting suggestions has been forwarded to
each, but it may be expected that the principal ques-
tions left unsettled by the conference of '89 will be re-
newed, the most important being a plan of arbitration
for the settlement of differences between the American
nations and a permanent method of determining claims
for damages brought by the citizens of one country
against another.
The Latin- American countries admit foreigners to
the civil rights enjoyed by natives, and at the same
time impose upon them the same obligations and re-
sponsibilities. This, however, has never been con-
ceded by the United States or the European govern-
ments and is a cause of constant irritation. When a
native of one of the southern republics suffers in person
or property from a revolutionary movement or from
the government in time of emergency, he has no re-
igoo.] PAN-AMERICAN CONGRESS 499
dress, but foreigners always claim indemnity. Hence
our ministers at the capitals of those countries always
have on hand claims of more or less merit. The
superior power of the United States offers a temptation
to adventurers to abuse our hospitality, and foreigners
who intend to do wrong or expect to suffer losses some-
times come to the United States long enough to secure
naturalization papers in order that they may seek an
asylum here in time of trouble or engage our minister
as their attorney in case they decide to sue for damages.
Here is an example to the point: Five Polish
Jews, brothers, emigrated to a catholic country in
South America and applied the proverbial skill and
energy of their race in the transaction of business.
They soon found that religious prejudice and indiffer-
ence to business obligations on the part of their
neighbors threatened to involve them in trouble, and,
having no reason to expect the protection of
Russia, they came one by one to a city in
Pennsylvania where they had relatives and re-
sided there at brief intervals until they obtained
naturalization papers. They complied with the letter
of the law, but committed perjury when they made oath
that they intended to become citizens of the United
States. With these naturalization papers they returned
to South America one after another till the whole fam-
ily were thus prepared to seek the protection of our
government whenever necessary. The occasion came
about a year ago. By their exactions in business mat-
ters, by their enterprise, and because of personal char-
acteristics for which nature is responsible, this family
became very unpopular in the community where they
lived. They amassed wealth, acquired commercial
supremacy in a large district, and their debtors in-
cluded nearly every man of importance in a wide
range of territory. Their unpopularity increased un
500
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[June,
til a revolutionary movement was inaugurated by a
discontented politician in that locality, and, when he
called upon his neighbors for financial assistance,
they told him to go to the five brothers and get money
from them. This suggestion was adopted with energy
and the only one of the brothers who happened to
be at home was not only robbed of arms and money but
was subjected to torture and other personal indigni-
ties. It was a sort of a "white-cap" movement, and
furnished an opportunity for several neighbors in dis-
guise to gratify their hatred of the Hebrews. The
brother who suffered proclaimed himself a citizen of
the United States and filed with our minister a claim
against the government under which he lives for $500,-
ooo damages, although he was finally induced to re-
duce it to $100,000, and has offered a contingent in-
terest of fifty per cent, of all that he recovers to an
attorney who is pressing the case.
The man is no more a citizen of the United
States than he was before he left Poland, but, having
unlawfully obtained naturalization papers he expects
our government to collect the money and make an
enemy of a weaker nation who wants to be our friend.
Such claims are the cause of constant irritation,
and furnish ground for the allegation that we bully
our weaker sister republics when we ought to assist
and encourage them. To have a permanent court to
adjudicate them on their merits, instead of demand-
ing payment with a ship of war, would be not only
advisable but just.
The most important result of the conference of
1889 was the interest it excited among the people of
the United States in the affairs of their southern
neighbors and a more cordial feeling was the out-
growth of that interest. The excursion given in honor
of the delegates, taking them 9,000 miles in a special
i 9 oo.] PAN-AMERICAN CONGRESS 501
train to visit all the great cities of the north and accept
their hospitality, did more to promote friendly relations
than any formal action of the conference, although sev-
eral important recommendations have since been car-
ried out. The survey for an intercontinental railway
has been completed and valuable and voluminous re-
ports have been submitted to the various governments.
The Bureau of American Republics was promptly
established at Washington, and has demonstrated its
usefulness; uniform sanitary regulations have been
adopted by nearly all the nations ; extradition treaties
have been concluded by all but two ; the free naviga-
tion of all rivers has been acknowledged ; treaties have
been concluded and legislation enacted by most of th e
nations for the protection of patents and trade marks ;
a uniform code of nomenclature, prepared by the Bu-
reau of American Republics, has been adopted, and sev-
eral other matters of less importance have been adjust-
ed as direct results of the conference.
Among other new topics for the conference of 1901,
already suggested, are uniform quarantine regulations,
which are generally assented to by all nations but er-
quire concert of action. It would be well, also, to set-
tle a long controversy concerning the recognition of
university diplomas by other governments than those
in which they are located. This is important to physi-
cians and dentists particularly. The diplomas of the
medical schools of the United States are not recognized
in the South American countries because quacks and
imposters prohibited from practice in this country have
gone there with professional diplomas from fictitious
institutions. The universities in most of the Latin-
American countries have high standards and are much
more careful in conferring degrees than many institu-
tions in the United States. Through their influence
diplomas from all North American universities are re-
502
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[June,
jected and foreigners are required to pass rigid exami-
nations in which they are often handicapped by profes-
sional jealousies and local considerations. It would be
comparatively easy to secure an agreement under which
the diplomas of certain universities in all of the coun-
tries might be recognized without question.
It is also important to reach some understanding as
to the rights of commercial travellers and to conclude
treaties for their protection against the extortionate
fees often imposed by local authorities. In some coun-
tries a drummer is compelled to take out a license in
every town he visits, for which he must pay an ex-
cessive tax. This is not only a great inconvenience,
but an onerous and unjust embargo upon commerce.
In certain countries drummers are required to obtain
licenses from the state as well as from the municipal
authorities, and if they attempt to take orders or even
show samples without them they are liable to a heavy
fine or imprisonment. This practice is defended on
the ground that, as local tradesmen in those countries
are required to pay taxes and take out licenses, for-
eigners should not be exempt, and the authorities of
each municipality need the revenue. It might be ar-
ranged, however, to allow drummers to obtain a single
license from the national or state government which
would carry with it the right to trade in all the prov-
inces and municipalities.
The greatest good, however, that can come from
international conference is the interchange of hospital-
ity and personal association among the delegates. If
we could remove suspicion from the minds of the lead-
ing men in South America as to the sincerity of our
disposition towards them, it would be beneficial to both
sides, and these conferences can do much in that direc-
tion. But the cause of the greatest distrust can only
be removed by the adoption of a consistent policy on
igoo.J PAN-AMERICAN CONGRESS
the part of our government. When Mr. Cleveland
came into power for the first time he revoked every-
thing President Arthur had done towards the exten-
sion of our commerce and the cultivation of better re-
lations with the southern countries. When Gen. Har-
rison became president and Mr. Elaine went back into
the department of state, the policy of President Arthur
was resumed with most encouraging signs until Mr.
Cleveland with a rude hand again overthrew all that
had been done and practically gave notice to the south-
ern republics that we did not want their friendship or
their trade.
We invited them to a conference in 1889 to discuss
matters of mutual importance and to promote mutual
welfare. One of the most important topics under con-
sideration was reciprocity in trade, and with a great
deal of enthusiasm we entered into negotiations under
which concessions in tariff duties were made between
the United States and most of our sister republics.
Assuming that we were in earnest their merchants and
planters prepared themselves to secure the largest ben-
efits possible from the new arrangement, and their
governments took the trouble to adjust their revenue
systems to meet the changed conditions. But the rec-
iprocity treaties were in force only long enough to
demonstrate their great value to them and to us when
our congress by legislative enactment revoked every
one of them, without even saying "by your leave."
Each of these commercial arrangements contained a
clause providing for its termination after due notice
and by certain procedure, but congress ignored these
provisions and cancelled a series of sacred contracts in
a manner that would have justified a judicial injunction
if the transactions had occurred between private indi-
viduals.
When Mr. McKinley became president and the
504
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[June,
republicans recovered control of congress, they made
overtures of friendship, but the southern republics at
once detected our insincerity. In the Dingley tariff
law a provision was inserted for the negotiation of rec-
iprocity treaties upon terms that were impractical and
absurd. By this action the republican leaders expected
to please the other American nations on the one side
and prevent the reduction of the protection enjoyed by
favored industries at the same time. Nevertheless,
with great skill and patience, the diplomatic represent-
atives of our government succeeded in negotiating lim-
ited commercial treaties with the Argentine Republic
and the British West Indies. No other of the republics
would consider a reciprocity treaty after the way they
had been treated in 1894. But the wool growers of
Ohio threatened to vote the democratic ticket if the
duty on Argentine wool was reduced from eleven to
nine cents a pound. Hence the republicans in the sen-
ate dared not ratify the treaty. Similar threats on the
part of the beet-sugar growers prevented the ratifica-
tion of the treaties with the West Indian colonies,
and the republicans in congress placed themselves
in the position of the politician in Iowa who frankly
confessed that he was in favor of the enactment of a
prohibition law but he was opposed to its enforce-
ment. The republicans, by their national platforms,
their speeches, and their resolutions are in favor of the
principle of reciprocity in trade with the southern re-
publics, but are opposed to its application.
Our insincerity and inconsistency and selfishness
in this respect have become well understood by the
ruling minds of the southern republics. They have more
sentiment than we and are more inclined to be governed
by sentimental reasons in their political and commer-
cial relations, but their pride has been wounded and
their faith has been shaken so often that hereafter they
igoo.] PAN-AMERICAN CONGRESS 505
will consider their own interests just as we consider
ours, right or wrong.
The South Americans are a little shy about appealing
to that great American principle known as the Monroe
doctrine, because our foreign policy, particularly con-
cerning them, as I have described, has not been charac-
terized with such sincerity and unselfishness as to com-
mand their entire confidence. There are two classes of
people in South America, two political parties, the
conservatives and the liberals. The conservatives, as
their title indicates, are opposed to progress and mod-
ern innovations, and are controlled by the catholic
church, which in South America abhors North Ameri-
can institutions. It opposes free schools and all secular
education; it resists the emancipation of women and
the advancement of the laboring classes. On the other
hand the liberals encourage every new idea and desire
to initiate our institutions, although at times their faith
is sorely tried. The conservatives take advantage of
every disagreeable incident to prejudice public opinion
against the United States, and the recent acquisition of
territory has afforded them an opportunity of crying,
"I told you so." They have long argued that " La
Grande Republica" intended sooner or later to extend its
sovereignty over the entire hemisphere, so when we
took Porto Rico and the Philippines and assumed a
protectorate over Cuba they proclaimed that it was the
first step in the march of conquest southward.
The approaching conference in Mexico offers the
United States an opportunity to allay these apprehen-
sions, and to confirm the faith of our friends and sup-
porters in the southern republics by declaring a liberal,
friendly and permanent policy to govern our future re-
lations with them. They have a right to know what to
expect from us. We are the elder brother in the great
506 G UNTON 'S MA GAZINE
family of nations, and the rest look to us for example,
encouragement and consolation.
The policy of reciprocity in trade should either be
abandoned entirely because it conflicts with some of the
interests protected by our tariff, or else it should be car-
ried out in good faith. It is useless for the republican
party to make further pretensions on this subject. If
the majority in congress desires to promote our trade
with the southern republics, it should give the president
broad and complete authority to arrange for an ex-
change of concessions with an idea of securing the
greatest good for the greatest number, but if the man-
ufacturers of cheap jewelry in Providence, the wool-
growers of Ohio, and the sugar beet manufacturers of
Nebraska are to dictate the terms of our export trade
that fact should be frankly and honestly stated.
It ought to be proclaimed from the housetops that
the government of the United States will not afford an
asylum for Europeans, residents of South America, who
seek the protection of our naturalization laws, and that
no claims for damages against one of our sister repub-
lics shall be presented by our diplomatic agents unless
the claimant is a native of this country and actually re-
sides here. And what is more important is the procla-
mation by the United States as a principle of interna-
tional policy that the political and geographical integ-
rity of the American republics shall be preserved and
protected.
PARTY POLICIES FOR 1900
During the next five months two great political
parties will make their appeal to the American people
to be entrusted with the responsibility of shaping the
policy and administering the affairs of the nation dur-
ing the first four years of the twentieth century. There
are two standpoints from which a party may be judged,
its conduct in the past and its promises for the future.
The promises of parties like individuals can be trusted
only in proportion as they are fortified by habit, char-
acter and conduct. While the confidence in the charac-
ter of the party is drawn from the past, the real inter-
est and hope of the nation is in the future. Therefore
the people want to know not merely what the party has
done but also what it proposes to do.
As the nation progresses new and varied interests
arise demanding public attention. It is the function of
statesmanship so to modify and if needs be expand the
national policy that it shall include all the varied inter-
ests of the nation. Of course new demands usually
appear in their crudest form, yet, however crude and
seemingly hostile, every new proposition usually con-
tains some element of truth and merit. In the nature
of things these new problems arise chiefly from the
differentiation of industrial interests, hence the new
problems are largely of an industrial character and
arise among the farmers and laboring class. They
usually seem antagonistic because they are new and
different and are presented from the grievance point of
view of the reformer. Merely to ignore or bluntly op-
pose these new propositions, although crudely and
often mistakenly presented, is to intensify hostile feel-
ing and increase the irrational character of demands
507
508 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
which have at the bottom a rational cause for a hear-
ing. How to pick out the kernels of truth from the
bushels of husks and integrate them into the public
policy of the nation at the point of common affinity
with the national interests is the duty of party organ-
ization and sound political leadership.
The confidence and support of the masses should
be, and in a large measure probably will be, given to
the respective political parties in the coming election,
in proportion as they wisely take advance ground on
these new interests and intelligently, not demagogic-
ally, incorporate them in their plan of public policy.
How stands the democratic party ? The last time
it was entrusted with the administration of affairs it
disrupted our industries, demoralized our finances and
involved the nation in one of the most disastrous periods
of its history. The modern democratic party has little
commendable to offer as a certificate of past conduct.
The only basis of its appeal for support is its promises
for the future, and in the light of experience these
must necessarily be taken with a large increment of re-
serve. Its promises must necessarily be very strong in
political wisdom, economic soundness and social at-
tractiveness. They must make up in this scientific
soundness and plausibility what they lack in historic,
characterful endorsement. The position and candidate
of the democratic party are already known. Ever since
1896 Mr. Bryan has been continuously before the pub-
lic as the active embodiment of the party, its official
spokesman ; he has formulated its ideas and substan-
tially determined its policy as it will be expressed in
the platform. The three essential features of the
democratic policy, as voiced by Mr. Bryan and which
will doubtless be confirmed by the convention, are
anti-expansion, anti-trusts and the free coinage of silver
at 1 6 to i. There will doubtless be a number of other
PARTY POLICIES FOR WOO 509
things mentioned in the platform but these are the
cardinal points. Anti-expansion and anti-trusts are
negative propositions. They contain nothing con-
structive or affirmatively helpful. Granting that ex-
pansion is a mistake, declaring against it after it is
accomplished is merely impotent resolving. There is
nothing important the democratic party can now do
about it. We cannot suddenly withdraw from the
Philippines nor give up Porto Rico ; even Mr. Bryan
does not pretend that he would try. The only thing
that the democrats could or would be likely to do is to
make them into territories and hurry them into line
for statehood, and endanger the stability of our institu-
tions by adding the people of Hawaii, Porto Rico and
the Philippines to our voting population.
Opposition to trusts has still less merit than oppo-
sition to expansion. That is a proposition which has
neither statesmanship nor economic sagacity behind it.
It is one of the crude "half-baked" propositions which
are useful to ornament market-place oratory, but have no
place in a serious responsible public policy. "Anti-
trusts " as represented by Mr. Bryan is simply an elastic
phrase which has no meaning. Mr. Bryan has in all
his speeches given no evidence that the anti-trust idea
rests upon any feasible proposition or even that it is to
be taken seriously as a tenet of responsible public
policy.
The one thing upon which he is definite and from
which he insists the democratic party will not swerve
to the right or to the left is the free coinage of silver.
Mr. Bryan knows what 16 to i is. He knows that it
was the one idea which made him a presidential possi-
bility and which carried him so near the goal of success ;
it was the one plank that held him up and he is deter-
mined that it shall not be deserted, although in the es-
timation of everybody else, with the possible exception
510 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
of Mr. Towne and a part of the populists, it is a dead
issue.
In this program there is nothing which can carry
relief to the farmers or improve the conditions of the
laborers, nothing which will ease the pressure of their
toil or increase their income, nothing indeed which
even looks seriously in that direction. Some general
phrases in this regard will doubtless be inserted in the
platform, but they will stand unsupported by any act of
the democratic party in the past or any utterances of its
candidate during his four years of vacation^ and train-
ing. They will be purely promises unrelated to any-
thing in the character, history or political philosophy
of the party.
The case of the republican party is somewhat dif-
ferent. During the last thirty years it has very much
more historical evidence of definite character to present.
It has also been responsible for the administration and
policy since 1896, and the contrast in the nation's pros-
perity with that under the previous administration
speaks for itself. With the exception of 1892, the last
year of the previous republican administration, the
period of 1899-1900 has no parallel in the country's ex-
perience for prosperity and business expansion. While
the wisdom of the republican expansion policy may
well be a matter of controversy, its domestic, industrial
and financial policy are an unquestioned success. In
these respects the United States now leads the world.
In stability and world credit our financial conditions
have no superiors and in industrial prosperity and
growth we have no equals. This much the republican
party has in its favor.
But with this progress new conditions have arisen,
new difficulties have asserted themselves, new griev-
ances have developed which make new problems
to be solved. How stands the republican party on
i 9 oo.J PARTY POLICIES FOR 1900 511
these new questions ? Is it equal to the leadership of an
advanced public policy, broad enough and yet conserva-
tive enough rationally to include these questions ?
This duty naturally and properly belongs to the repub-
lican party; it is not hidebound with any cast-iron
theory which precludes the absorption of new ideas
and adoption of new policy. Its history has been one
of elasticity and progress ; with numerous mistakes, of
course, but to make no mistakes is to make little prog-
ress. It may therefore consistently take the responsi-
bility of dealing with the new questions that the prog-
ress of the last half century and its own policy
have created. More is expected of the republican party
than of the democratic in this respect, because it has
done more in the past. Its success in the future de-
pends upon living up to its own record, in being true
to its own history.
Recognition of the interests of the farmer does
not mean the acceptance of populism, which is the
inflammation phase of a reform movement. What the
farmers really need is not a depreciated currency, pub-
lic ownership of railroads and the suppression of cor-
porations. They need an increasing market for their
products, cheap transportation and cheap loan accommo-
dations. The first can be secured only by promoting
the prosperity of all other industries; the second by
the economic development of our railroad system, which
can only come concurrently with national prosperity ;
and the third by furnishing better banking methods
affording greater elasticity to our paper currency.
The wageworkers also have special interests
which need consideration and should become a part of
the national policy. The great principle of protection,
which is a cardinal doctrine of the republican party,
ought to be effectively applied directly to the interests
of laborers as well as of capitalists. To this end effect-
512
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
[June,
ive restriction of immigration should be made a pro-
nounced part of our national policy.
It is a part of the theory of our form of government
and especially of the republican party that the condi-
tions of the laboring classes should improve commen-
surately with the progress of the nation. The general
improvement of the wage class must always ultimately
come through a general rise of wages. It is useless to
talk about a higher social standard which does not bring
with it a permanent high wage rate. The opportuni-
ties for general increase of wages are periodic, they
come only with the periods of general prosperity. Un-
less the laborers can secure a general increase of wages,
shorter hours or other advantages during the period of
prosperity they are almost sure not to get them at all.
We are now in the midst of one of the greatest
periods of prosperity this country has ever seen. It is
not merely fair and humane but it is of the utmost im-
portance to national welfare that a part of the present
prosperity should be permanently transferred to the
laborers ; in other words, that this era of industrial ex-
pansion and exceptional prosperity should permanently
lift the standard of living among the masses in the
United States. In order to make this possible, through
the natural operation of economic causes, it is neces-
sary materially to restrict the tide of immigration. So
long as the influx of the cheapest labor of Europe is
practically unimpeded, the natural pressure upon the
capitalists in this country for distribution of part of the
present gains among the laborers through higher wages
is largely nullified.
The tide of immigration is now setting in, in
greatly increased magnitude. It will have the double
disadvantage of defeating the natural operation of
economic law as to wages of American labor, flooding
our cities with low-paid squalor- creating laborers who
i goo.] PARTY POLICIES FOR 1900 513
fill our tenement rookeries and perpetuate our sweat-
shop system in spite of wholesome legislation against
it, tending to keep down wages and lower our social
standards of living, besides furnishing one of the most
dangerously corruptible elements in our politics. Im-
migration should be arrested during this period of
prosperity. The capitalists should not be permitted
indiscriminately to reach out for the low-paid labor of
Europe, but should be obliged to employ American
labor at American wages.
It should be a part of the economic policy of a
nation also that progress in the improved methods of
production should be accompanied by a general and
permanent shortening of the working day for the
laborers. The development of greater and more
complex organization among capitalists should bring
with it as a part of public policy the recognition and
encouragement of intelligent, rational, responsible
organization among the laborers. The tendency of
the courts narrowly to interpret the theory of injunc-
' tion so as to prevent the organized action of laborers
while encouraging the organized action of capitalists,
should be specificially condemned, and the recognition
of the equality of organized labor and organized cap-
ital before the law should be pronounced and em-
phatic.
The principle of insurance, which is one of the
features of modern life among the well-to-do class,
should be extended to the wage class. With every
advance in machinery and superior organization, the
efficiency of labor is reduced to a finer and more con-
cise quantity. The tendency is more and more to
discharge laborers at the age of sixty and earlier by the
very force of dislocation through improved machinery.
This discharge should be anticipated in the conditions
of the industrial system itself. It is nothing the
514
GUN TON'S MAGAZINE
laborers can prevent, it is nothing that capitalists can
avoid, it is necessarily a part of the situation which
large capital and rapid invention create ; it is a condi-
tion with which the public policy of the nation should
deal. It is another case for the application of the
principle of protection to the wageworkers, not in the
form of tariffs or charity but of economic insurance.
It is a part of wise public policy and high statesman-
ship to see that under no conditions in this country
shall corporations pursue profit-making industry at the
expense of the education, physical health and morality
of the laborers, nor under conditions that shall bring
premature old age and enforced idleness and depen-
dence in the declining years of the average industrious
citizen.
To be sure, these questions relate to special inter-
ests, interests of limited groups of people, but they are
also of common interest to the nation. The health,
education and social welfare of the laboring class is as
important in the long run to the national character and
welfare as the prosperity of the capitalists or the pro-
tection of the nation against a foreign foe. The eco-
nomic and social significance of these questions
demands that they be treated as a part of the develop-
ment of national conditions, and not as the whims and
notions of agitators. To broaden the public policy so
as rationally to integrate their treatment into the insti-
tutional action of the nation is manifestly the duty of
the republican party. It is in accord with its history,
its character and its pretensions. This is its grand op-
portunity. If it will rise to the level of the occasion
and in the closing campaign of the century take its
position on the broader platform and higher plane
which its own policy has created it will be the real
leader of the nation's progress not of the manufac-
turers and merchants, not of the bankers and importers,
not of capitalists and financiers merely, but of the in-
tegrated interests of the whole nation.
THE ICE TRUST OUTRAGE
In the so-called " trust" organizations during the
last fifteen months a few cases have occurred where the
reorganization, absorbing a large number of small con-
cerns, has been used unfairly to bleed the community
by an arbitrary and unnecessary rise of prices. The
fact that a few have done this has created in the public
mind the belief that all do it, and that these so-called
trusts are the common enemy of public welfare. A
conspicuous and scandalous example of this method is
the New York "ice trust, 5 ' so called. The American
Ice Company is not a trust but it is a concern which has
recently consolidated by absorption nearly all the ice
companies in New York city. In 1898 and 1899 the
,-price of ice in New York city was twenty-five and
thirty cents a hundred pounds. On the first of May,
1900, the consolidated American Ice Company put up
the price to sixty cents a hundred. For this rise of
price no economic reason can be given. It is a case of
simply having the power to exact double price and in-
flict hardship on the people of New York the coming
summer. If any suspicion of this move had existed
three months ago, new ice companies would have come
into existence to supply the market, because the profits
are fabulous.
There has been an outcry against the rise of prices
in many industries, but in nearly all cases there has
been an economic cause for it in the rise of the cost of
raw material and all the processes of handling and
marketing, but none of this is true of ice. On the con-
trary the manufactured ice, which is preferred to lake
and river ice because it is cleaner, is produced at a lower
cost, and the cost of distribution of the ice to cus-
515
516 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
tomers is in no wise increased. The simple fact is that
this arbitrary doubling of the price of ice in New York
city is a violent and unscrupulous outrage on the
public.
It is true that the Hudson river ice crop this year
was much smaller than last, but a large amount was held
over from the ice crop of last year and the manufacture of
ice can be greatly increased without any increase of cost
per unit. Moreover, there is no difficulty in getting ice
from Maine and other places where the crop was
abundant at $2 a ton, or less than twelve cents a hun-
dred pounds delivered in New York. If the combina-
tion had raised the price to forty cents a hundred on
the excuse that "Jack Frost " did not do as good duty
on the Hudson river this winter as last it would have
been an imposition but it might not have raised the ire
of the public. The people can be fooled for a while if
the fooling is skilfully done, but when it is bunglingly
performed so that the motive of " stand and deliver " is
obvious the indignation becomes intense. In this re-
spect the American Ice Company is a bungling bungler.
It is manifest that the American Ice Company is
not one of the legitimate concentrations which have
used their increased capital to improve the quality and
reduce the price of their product, but it is an industrial
conspiracy against the community, which uses its organ-
ized power neither to improve the quality or reduce
the price of the product but simply to control the sup-
ply and extort double prices from the public. This is
the kind of performance that creates an anti- trust and
anti-capital public sentiment. All the anti-trust and
restrictive legislation against capital and the public
suspicion of corporations has been created by this kind
of policy on the part of a few hoggish owners of capital
who understood neither the principles of industrial
growth, honest business methods, nor the relation of
THE ICE TRUST O UTRA GE 517
industry to public interests. Happily this type of cap-
italists are few in number, but they have been numer-
ous enough to bring discredit on their class. Like the
promoters of corners and "Miller syndicates" their
success is always brief and usually ends in disaster.
This unbusinesslike and impolitic as well as unjust
conduct of the American Ice Company has set in motion
forces that will probably sweep that concern off its feet.
What makes this ice conspiracy appear in a still
worse light is the fact that it turns out to be a quasi-
political scheme. The American Ice Company is not
merely in league with Tammany Hall but all the leading
spirits of Tammany are heavy stockholders in the con-
cern, and have manifestly acquired their stock for politi-
cal aid rendered. For instance, Mayor Van Wyck
owns $400,000 worth of this American Ice Company
stock; his brother Augustus Van Wyck owns $400,000
worth. John F. Carroll (in the absence of Croker the
Tammany leader) has $500,000; J. Sergeant Cram,
president of the board of dock commissioners, $50,000;
Dock Commissioner Murphy $50,000 and so on. It
might be interesting to inquire what these politicians
paid for their stock, and if they paid par value in cash
for these holdings where they got the money. For in-
stance, where did Mayor Van Wyck get $400,000? It
could hardly have been saved from his salary as judge
or mayor ; it is not known that he was ever the recipient
of a fortune by legacy. The political services of the
mayor, the leader of Tammany Hall and members of the
board of dock commissioners may very well have been
regarded by the American Ice Company as worth a
million and a half to the unsavory methods of its enter-
prise, since without their aid it would have been unable
to carry through this scheme and arbitrarily double the
price of ice to over three million consumers.
If there is any truth in the adage : ' 'Whom the gods
518
GUNTON'S MAGAZINE
would destroy they first make mad," Tammany is surely
on the list for destruction. A little while ago the
Third Avenue Railroad Company thought that by the
aid of Tammany, it could ride roughshod over the
public in putting down two double sub-trolley tracks
on Amsterdam Avenue. It was warned but it defied the
warning. It flauntered its charter in the face of the
people and dared either the courts or the legisla-
ture " to take away its property," but the people real-
ized the danger involved and the more the corporation
flaunted its defiance the more determined the people
became to suppress it. The company worked night and
day to lay its tracks in order that it might plead heavy
investment, but the people saw its object, correctly
divined its motive and finally legislated it off the
avenue, charter, tracks, investment and all. The
millions of money that the corporation wasted in defy-
ing public warnings and in buying the influence of
Tammany brought it to bankruptcy, and, as a reward
for its uneconomic methods and defiance of public
interest and public opinion, it has been gobbled up by
its competitor, the Metropolitan Street Railway Com-
pany. If the American Ice Company will continue its
present policy it may be assured of some similarly un-
expected outcome. When once the people get
thoroughly awake to the true inwardness of the situation,
Tammany cannot save it. Indeed, if Tammany will
only do enough for the American Ice Company it will
not be able to save itself.
Several propositions are already in the air to defeat
this conspiracy. One is the organization of a cooperative
ice company which shall be large enough and rich
enough both to manufacture and import sufficient ice
for all Manhattan. Another project is that the city
shall undertake to gather and manufacture ice and
supply it to the public at cost. Of course this is taking
i goo.] THE ICE TR UST O UTRA GE 519
business into the doubtful realm of politics. It is
having recourse to socialism, which is always a doubt-
ful experiment, but all reforms are the substitution of
lesser or greater evils. If private enterprise insists
upon joining hands with corrupt politicians for the ob-
vious purpose of bleeding the public by monopoly
prices, then drastic measures ate sure to be adopted by
the people. If the ice company's folly should continue
until a municipal ice plant is demanded, then a new
city government would be called for, as the corrupt ally
of the American Ice Company could not and would not
be trusted. Thus the combination of the economic
fools in the American Ice Company and the political
madmen in Tammany Hall, through their insane greed
and conscienceless plunder of the public, may bring
about the fall of the corrupt fabric of Tammany Hall.
The people of New York have had many evidences of
Tammany's degrading character but they have never
before caught it in the act of conspiring with a
monopoly to double the price of a necessity of the city's
very poor, and with millions of the blood money in the
pockets of the high officials from the mayor down.
While doing all this it is impudently posing as the
friend of the poor and the enemy of trusts !
WORKING-WOMEN'S CLUBS
CHARLOTTE COFFYN WILKINSON, SECRETARY NATIONAL LEAGUE
OF WOMEN WORKERS
Many and various are the factors which determine
the popular attitude of mind toward humanitarian work.
It is influenced sometimes by a love of the dramatic or
delight in a striking contrast. Life is interpreted not
in terms of life as it is known but by preconceived ideas,
the memories of early stories and legends. The miracle
of St. Elizabeth lingers in mind when, young and beau-
tiful, she bore her apron full of loaves, or are they best
remembered as roses ? The Lady Bountiful was a
beautiful ideal of her time but she has gone with her
vassals and her broad lands. Nevertheless the ' ' Lady
Bountiful " attitude of mind, in itself an assumption of
superiority, is with us still to-day.
To this love of the picturesque is added a rigid
practicality of view whose possessor thinks that to "do
good " one must give something tangible and real,
"loaves," in short, and that the value of any undertak-
ing may be estimated by the number it affects, much as
early missionaries counted the number of souls saved.
This same practicality of mind makes sharp class dis-
tinctions, counting rich and poor as well-defined social
units, and failing to see that there must be wide diver-
sity in any class and that "the great conglomerate class
of the rich * * * has included human beings as
different as Lord Shaftesbury and Mr. Barney Barnato."
To present the work of any organization in which
women of leisure (so called) and working women are
associated together, and to deny that it is in any sense
a charity, induces confusion and misunderstanding
among many, so firmly is it bred in the general mind
520
WORKING- WOMEN'S CL UBS 521
that the function of women of leisure in such an organ-
ization is to lead, direct and guide as to them seems
wisest and best.
The working women's clubs have from the first
been self-governing organizations where all have been
on an equal footing, where no single voice has been
authoritative and where no one vote has carried undue
weight. The clubs have been governed not from
without by a board of "lady managers" but by the
members for the members. How successful this
method has proved is best testified to by the originator
of a most flourishing club : ' ' Again and again the vote
has gone contrary to my best judgment and I have
come away from the club rooms feeling that a serious
mistake had been made. Never once has subsequent
experience proved that the vote of the majority was at
fault. Every year of our club life shows to me that in
a club of one hundred and fifty members no one mem-
ber, no matter how broad her outlook upon life, can
decide what is best for the club as a whole."
Self-support, or more correctly the attempt at self-
support, has been the second principle of our clubs.
The expenses are met by membership dues and enter-
tainments where a small admission fee is required.
Oftentimes a club sublets its rooms to kindergartens,
day-nurseries or clubs meeting in the daytime, so that
its entire rent is paid for in this way. It would be
difficult to imagine a self-supporting club which was
not at the same time self-governing, for no body of
club members would struggle to meet the expenses of
their club if they were not to have in charge its com-
plete control. There are however many self-govern-
ing clubs which are not wholly self-supporting. Often
a club member whose means permit takes upon herself
the payment of half the rent of the club rooms (the
largest item in club expenses) ; but this is a wholly
522 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
different matter from asking for public aid, and
although a club under such circumstances cannot
claim to be self-supporting it could not be termed a
charity.
These two principles of self-government and self-
support are practical applications of the far more
fundamental principle of cooperation. If a club is
wholly self-supporting it argues prompt payment of
dues and the successful carrying through of entertain-
ments. In order that a club may be self-governing it
must be generally recognized that the good of the many
is more important than that of the one. Although this
form of government fosters independence of thought
and freedom of action it cannot be carried into effect
unless members appreciate the duty of taking part in
club work. Given then this form of organization,
either the members must realize the necessity of co-
operation or the club must fail.
Our clubs have then been independent self-govern-
ing bodies, made up of women of widely different
opportunities in life. They are illustrations of the
great principle of social exchange. To some of the
club members life has meant all that wealth and educa-
tion could give, to others has come knowledge of prac-
tical affairs and of the industrial world. By means of
close association in the club has come the realization
that each has something to give, that every opportu-
nity involves a responsibility, that we receive but to
share, and that we can never really share without
mutual understanding.
The form of government of our clubs has developed
and fostered this mutual understanding between
women of wholly different social grades. It has
developed also a spirit of service, for it was but a step
from the realization that each could contribute to the
welfare of the club to the further apprehension that
i goo.] WORKING - WOMEN'S CL UBS 523
club members had responsibilities beyond their club
walls. This spirit of service first found expression in
various li Lend a Hand" circles where the members
distributed fruit or flowers to sick people in the neigh-
borhood. A committee from one club befriended many
families under the supervision of an agent of the local
charity organization society. The members of the
committee showed so much judgment that there were
few cases in which the help given did not meet with
the full approval of the agent. Many clubs distribute
flowers in the summer, share their Thanksgiving
dinners in the fall, and at Christmas welcome small
guests to a well-laden tree.
How far-reaching in its effects may be the mutual
understanding from club life is illustrated by an expe-
rience in one of the large manufacturing cities of
Massachusetts. The working members of the clubs
were all employed in the mills owned by the fathers,
brothers and husbands of the members who were not
wage-earners. " During a long winter's strike in the
mills the girls never wavered in their allegiance to the
club. They heard the employer's side of the question
calmly told them by women they trusted. The tale
was carried home to the men of their families. The
girls had the opportunity to state their grievances and
this in turn was carried back to their employers. More
good feeling on both sides was encouraged in the city
by the club than by any other means for reaching both
sides represented by capital and labor."
The association in our clubs of women of different
points of view is most valuable. Calmness of judg-
ment and breadth of view are necessary in the con-
sideration of any industrial problem ; but they will be
purely visionary without a knowledge of all its practi-
cal bearings. The value of this association is well
illustrated by an incident which occurred in Baltimore
524 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
about two years ago. " One of the largest commercial
bodies in the city announced in the papers that it in-
tended to furnish house rent free for six months to
several hundred families to be brought to the city from
smaller places, with the understanding that there were
to be at least three women in each family able to
operate sewing-machines in factories. It was urged, in
favor of the plan, that many more operators were
needed by the manufacturers. Members of a girls'
club to which a number of machine operators belonged
made inquiries in the club as to the truth of this state-
ment and found that many of the largest factories were
not working full time. Finding that thoughtful women
in the charitable and social organizations of the city
were beginning to question whether this importation of
new workers would not depress wages, the club imme-
diately joined forces with those who were interested.
A meeting was held at which the machine operators in
the club were invited to state their side and in less than
a week a committee representing five thousand women
presented a protest to the commercial organization and
the whole matter was dropped. This was not brought
about by the little handful of factory workers who
happened to belong to a girl's club, but it would hardly
have been accomplished without them,"
In Massachusetts the state association of working-
women's clubs has been of real value to working women
in general, as it has succeeded in introducing the eight
hour workday in the dry-goods stores of Boston. The
conditions in Boston which made possible such a move-
ment on the part of the Massachusetts Association were
unusual and peculiarly favorable. The Boston Dry
Goods Clerks' Benefit Society had been agitating the
question for several years, so that the public were some-
what prepared for it. I quote from the report of the
association for 1 897 :
igoo. ] WORKING- WOMEN'S CL UBS 525
"At the Dec. 1896 Directors' Meeting it was de-
cided to assist this movement as far as possible. The
secretary was empowered to send out petitions to every
woman's club in Boston and vicinity for the early clos-
ing of the stores during the months of January, Feb-
ruary and March, 1896 a; large number of names were
obtained in this way. Several distinguished clergy-
ment and philanthropists also gave it their active sup-
port. The proprietors of the large dry-goods stores
were interviewed by the Association's officers. The
different firms received them most courteously and
agreed that the experiment was worth trying, and an-
nounced in the daily papers that the stores would be
open at 8.30 A. M. and close at 5.30 P. M. until further
notice. This custom continues to the present writing,
June 1897, an hour being given at noon for lunch. The
movement is spreading rapidly and other stores are
closing early in Boston and vicinity."
These examples show what may be accomplished
by clubs in which almost all the members are busy in
store and factory eight and ten hours a day. The con-
spicuous service which many clubs have been able to
render to the communities of which they are a part has
been possible largely on account of the nature of their
organization. Not that I would overestimate the value
of our principles. A club may be self-governing and
self-supporting and yet not be a success. A frame-
work is not a completed structure. Enthusiasm, per-
sistence, and devotion are necessary to the success of
any undertaking, no matter what its principles are.
The value of self-government, self-support, and co-
operation as club watchwords lies in the fact that they
are based on the great truth that differences in economic
condition do not involve differences in fundamental
human characteristics and rights to opportunity, recog-
nition and respect. Unless this truth is appreciated by
526 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
the originators of a club, there may be lack of sym-
pathy and a possible danger of patronage. Mutual un-
derstanding and confidence will accompany its full real-
ization.
Miss Wilkinson's account of the working- women's
clubs forms another contribution to the constantly ac-
cumulating evidence that women are taking an active
part in the general social movement. The extent and
variety of women's organizations is much greater than is
commonly supposed. There is a national federation of
women's clubs, which includes 600 independent clubs,
besides 30 state federations containing 2,110 clubs with
a membership of 132,023. New York takes the lead
with 196 organizations, 25,000 members, Massachusetts
is next with 123 clubs and 17,000 members, Illinois has
185 clubs and 15,000 members, Pennsylvania 71 clubs
and 8,607 members, District of Columbia has 10 clubs
with 5,000 members.
There is an immense field of usefulness for women's
organizations to do work that men cannot do half so
well, if at all. Under the factory system the tendency
is to work women and children longer, under worse
conditions and for less pay than men. On these condi-
tions the influence of women's organizations, both
among the working-women themselves and among
women's clubs of more general character, could be very
great.
This great movement of women's clubs should now
become a source of economic and political information.
When the women can intelligently discuss the economic
and social aspects of the sweatshop and the conditions
of the working girls, the industrial and political dan-
gers of unrestricted immigration, and other questions
that affect the welfare of the community, especially of
i goo.] WORKING-WOMEN'S CLUBS 527
the working- women and children, opposition to these
reforms would become impotent.
The men, particularly the organized workingmen,
will readily come to the support of the women's de-
mands in these respects. The next step in woman's
organizations should be to take on this educational char-
acter. Every woman's club might easily be made a
center of economic and political study. A practical
step in this direction would be for the national federa-
tion, including the 30 state federations, to begin with
employing one able and well-equipped woman to devote
her whole time to the organization of study classes,
much on the plan that the Young Men's Christian As-
sociations do the work in their different departments,
such as army and navy departments, railroad depart-
ments, etc. The expense would be slight and the re-
sults enormous. They would soon be able to have an
organizer for every state. This would be the begin-
ning of a systematic though not tedious work of educa-
tion on public questions for women. A few years of
systematic work by the immense club organization that
now exists would make the women of America, espe-
cially the working- women, more of a power in the
community than the women of any other country, by
as much as our institutions are freer and progress
greater than in the rest of the world. [EDITOR.]
EDWIN MAXEY, LL.D.
For about twenty years the Egyptian question in
its present form has been an open question in Europe.
This question involves the following considerations:
What right has England in Egypt ? Would other na-
tions be justified in forcing a settlement of the question
in the present emergency ? Are they prepared to re-
sort to force ? What settlement have they to offer ?
The bankruptcy of Egypt, due to bad financial
management, led to a joint control of the finances by
representatives of France and Great Britain. An ar-
rangement of the above sort was sure to have been a
source of trouble, had it lasted. But fortunately it did
not last long ; for the jealousy of foreigners, religious
fanaticism and the discharge of the Egyptian army
which left many able-bodied men out of employment
all these causes combined to bring about a revolt.
France refused to furnish any aid in putting down the
revolt and so England was forced to put it down or get
out. She chose the former, and after a brilliant cam-
paign by land and sea the forces of Arabi were practi-
cally destroyed in a very short time. England now
felt that it would be culpable generosity in her to in-
vite or permit France to join her in reaping the fruits
of labors in which she would take no part. England,
therefore, caused the khedive to issue a decree, in 1883,
abolishing the joint control. She next proceeded to
place the finances of Egypt on a firm footing and sta-
tion garrisons in such numbers and places as to prevent
a future return to anarchy. Nominally this arrange-
ment was a temporary one, but actually England has
528
THE EG YPTIAN Q UES TION 529
no disposition to get out of Egypt and we may be rea-
sonably sure she will not unless forced to do so.
Primarily, then, the position of England in Egypt
rests upon force. But has she no higher claim ?
Egypt herself must give the answer. Neither is this
answer a doubtful one. The records of Egyptian
progress within the last twenty years, while they may
lack the glitter of bayonets, are not to be disregarded
as evidence in the forum of a candid world. From a
national bankrupt Egypt has, under the wise financial
guidance of England, become not only a solvent nation
but a nation whose credit compares favorably with that
of many of the states of Europe. Her fiscal reports
now show a balance on the side of income rather than
on the side of expenditure as formerly. The Egyptian
surplus for 1898 was 1,190,000 pounds sterling. Egypt
is no longer food for the fattening of the money sharks
of Europe, as she was twenty years ago. She can now
borrow money at a just rate of interest and is in a fair
way to pay her old indebtedness. But the financial re-
construction, commensurate with that wrought by Alex-
ander Hamilton in our own country, is one of the least
of the benefits England has conferred upon Egypt.
The government of Egypt as England found it had
so lost its hold upon the people that neither life nor
property was safe. A foreigner may now travel un-
armed in Egypt with as great safety as in Italy. The
owner of property there feels reasonably sure that
when he has paid his taxes to-day he will not be called
upon to pay them over again to-morrow.
Egyptian commerce has increased more than ten
per cent, within the last five years. The railroad and
the telegraph, concomitants of advancing civilization,
are being stretched over Egypt, not simply contem-
poraneously with but in large part as direct effects of
English occupation. The reconstruction of the judicial
530 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
and educational systems has succeeded beyond the pre-
dictions of the most sanguine. The improvement of
the educational and judicial systems, here as every-
where, has been at once cause and effect of social bet-
terment. This improvement has not been confined
within the limits of Egypt proper. Anglo- Egyptian
rule has been extended so as to encompass savage tribes
and hitherto worse than useless territory. And if it
has not succeeded in making this region redolent with
the fragrance of the rose and radiant with the sunlight
of higher civilization it has at least rendered a valuable
service to mankind by abolishing the slave trade in all
those lands over which it has extended its spheres of
influence, and some of those were but recently im-
portant highways to that traffic.
So much for the basis of Britain's claim to Egypt,
which is in short expediency. Her title cannot be
said to rest upon prescriptive right, for this title has in-
deed been questioned more than once within these
twenty years. France has repeatedly threatened to
make England "show her hand.*' There were covered
threats (and very thinly covered too) during the Fashoda
negotiations, and one does not need to seek far or deep
to find the reason why those threats were not at that
time developed beyond the stage technically known as
" bluff." Nor does it require any extraordinarily subtle
insight into politics to discover why this bluff did not
create a panic in diplomatic circles. Unfortunately for
France the Fashoda child was prematurely born. Were
the Fashoda case now pending the ejectment of Major
Marchand might lead to more serious proceedings in
appeal. But the Fashoda incident is settled. The
question now is, can France or any other nation afford
to take advantage -of Great Britain's preoccupation in
South Africa to force a settlement of the Egyptian
question ? Would such a move accord with inter-
igoo. J THE EG YPTIAN Q UESTION 531
national ethics ? Would it not be tinged with a sug-
gestion of cowardice ? The answer which must be
given to these questions is not doubtful. While the
international code of ethics lags behind the code which
governs the intercourse between individuals, there are
nevertheless certain principles of international comity
which are considered binding in the forum of nations.
But, waiving the moral question, we have still the
question of expediency which, like the poor and the
tax gatherer, abideth forever.
Viewed, then, from the standpoint of simple ex-
pediency, what nation or nations, if any, can at present
afford to resort to force in pressing their demands for a
settlement of this perplexing problem ? The nation
most intimately concerned in ejecting England from
Egypt is, of course, France. But in an aggressive cam-
paign against Great Britain can France hope for success,
notwithstanding the fact that a considerable portion of
the British army is needed to operate in South Africa ?
Such a campaign would of necessity be in large part
naval ; and presumably Egypt would be the objective
point. France would therefore have two main avenues
of approach ; first, by way of the Atlantic and then
overland across French possessions to Egypt ; or,
second, by way of the Mediterranean either direct to
Egypt or through Algeria. Let us examine these for
a moment. Has France a sufficient Atlantic squadron
to protect her transports along the first route ? An ex-
amination of the facts convinces us that a negative
answer must be given.
But, admitting that she has, it would still be neces-
sary for her to protect an exceedingly long line of com-
munications by land through an open and for the most
part barren country. This is a task which would tax
her resources to the utmost. We may therefore con-
sider this route as practically out of the question. There
532 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
remains the Mediterranean route. Here we find that
the British squadron outclasses the French, with the
further advantage on the side of the British that they
control the avenues by which an additional force could
enter the Mediterranean. Egypt is equally safe from
attack from this direction as from the other, inasmuch
as the French fleet would not be sufficiently strong to
protect their line of transports. The chances of success
are, therefore, such that France cannot well afford to
undertake, alone, to drive England out of Egypt, and a
prominent English statesman has admitted with
characteristic candor, bordering upon bluntness, that
England does not mean to get out unless forced out.
There is the further consideration that France has
enemies on the continent and cannot wisely enter upon
an undertaking that will weaken . if not exhaust her re-
sources.
But may not France accomplish by an alliance
what would be impossible for her to accomplish single-
handed ? There is but one direction in which France
may turn with any reasonable hope of securing an ally
to this enterprise, and that is to Russia. But Russia
can employ her energies to a far better advantage in
Persia and China. There she can obtain a foothold
much more easily and one which would be of far more
practical use to her. Interference in Egypt by Russia
could benefit the latter only indirectly by crippling
England, while in Asia Russia can gain direct advan-
tage as well as indirectly threaten English prestige.
Hence there is very little likelihood of Russia going
farther than diplomatic protests against England re-
maining in Egypt. And even were Russia inclined to
embark in this enterprise it would be difficult for her
to render the needed assistance to France, for Russia's
fleet would at the outset be bottled up in the Black Sea
and would continue in that comfortable but ineffective
i 9 oa] THE EG YPTIAN Q UES TION 533
condition during the continuance of the war, and her
land forces would be compelled to operate at almost an
equally great disadvantage.
But, granting the power to oust England, what
would the world or Egypt gain thereby ? For certainly
the interests of Egypt are entitled to some considera-
tion. Could France alone or France and Russia com-
bined bring about a better condition of affairs than can
reasonably be hoped for under the present rule ?
If not, where is the justification for the use of
force ? The age of conquest simply and solely for
military or political aggrandizement is past. Neither
will it do for either or both to drive England out, then
get out themselves and say : " After us, the deluge."
It is an extremely doubtful problem whether Egypt is
capable of continuing, alone, the measure of prosperity
and liberty she now enjoys. Therefore, whoever dis-
turbs the equilibrium assumes a great moral responsi-
bility. But, notwithstanding the present desires and
jealousies, there is no immediate danger of a resort to
force in the settlement of this question. The argument
against such a move, even from the standpoint of
expediency, is too strong.
ARE WE GOTHIC OR A MIXED RACE?*
MOULTON EMERY
The term "race " the writer takes to mean strictly
the most perfect homogeneity of a people in feature, form
and disposition that the same soil can originate, and the
term nation to signify a race that exists under one form
of government, albeit mixed to some extent with for-
eign elements. The dominant idea in the former is
perfect sameness of origin, and in the latter perfect
sameness of government. Thus we speak of the Gothic,
the Celtic and the Slavic races, and of the French, the
Spanish and the Russian nations.
In determining the correct status of the American
people among the various nationalities of the world, we
can do so only through comparison with other peoples.
When we come to study the subject we shall find that
absolute purity of race exists nowhere in Europe under
one government where race and nation become per-
fectly synonymous terms except in Norway, Sweden
and Denmark ancient Scandinavia. Gothic they were,
Gothic they are, and Gothic they doubtless always
will be.
The Gothic race peopled all the countries border-
ing on the Baltic and the North Seas. As Saxons,
Frisians, Angles, Jutes and others, it occupied all the
territory now known as Prussia proper, Brandenburg,
Mecklenburg, Holstein, Schleswig, Hanover; the free
cities Westphalia, Brunswick, Oldenburg, Holland and
*This article is the first in a series to extend through the next four
months, analyzing the racial origins and composition of the people of the
United States. Among the authorities to which the author refers in
support of his data are Froude, Green, Macaulay, Buckle, Bancroft,
Palfrey, Hewit, Ramsay, Baird and the U. S. Census Reports of 1890.
534
ARE WE GOTHIC OR A MIXED RACE? 535
Flanders. It doubtless passed from Denmark into
Norway and Sweden. It was the southern Goths that
overthrew the Roman empire. The name German or
Teuton was incorrectly applied by the Romans to all
the people east of the Rhine instead of to the central
tribes alone. The Germans are not the parent stock of
the great Gothic race, but are only a branch of it.
What the Greeks were to the ancient world the
Goths were to the modern, the personification of the
highest type of dauntless bravery and heroic undying
courage. They conquered all Europe and stamped
their individuality on every people Whatever goes to
physical and mental endowment and the mental
is but a product of the physical, plus the environment
they possessed in a preeminent degree. Their supe-
riority was not a temporary glow, to die down and dis-
appear forever. It was in the blood and burned as
fiercely in the eighth century as in the fourth. They
were born rulers of men, the natural aristocracy of the
earth. The Russians sent over to the Norman Goths-
and begged for Rurik as a ruler ; and in France, Eng-
land, Scotland and Ireland, in the two Sicilies, the isles
of the Mediterranean and the Holy Land, their suprem-
acy as fighters and rulers was unquestioned. Nor is
the parallel incomplete in civilization, refinement and
the arts, for their monuments rise in every land in lofty
spires and towering battlements. To be descended from
a Norman Goth is to be a born aristocrat with a patent
of nobility struck from the pages of heroic history.
When we get beyond the primary classification of
European humanity into the Gothic, Celtic and Slavic
races, down to the sub-races we shall find that perfect
purity of blood is the exception among Celtic peoples.
Communities of such exist only in isolated inaccessi-
ble corners of the earth, which either repelled or failed
to invite a foreign foe. Indeed, the Jewish race itself,
536 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
which is generally supposed to be the only type of
racial purity, is in reality no purer than others, though
living under the express command of God to this end.
Their repeated captivities and perversities nullify any
such claim. Their monotheistic faith alone remains to
them pure.
The Spaniards cannot say they are from a com-
mon ancestor. The only pure stock in Spain is the
Biscay an. It is supposed to be the original race of
Europe. Hemmed in by the sea on the north, and by
the mountains on the south, it possesses nothing in
blood or language in common with the rest of the con-
tinent. All Spain except the territory of the Biscayan
was overrun by the Visigoths, who were in turn sub-
dued by the Saracens, in whose train came thousands
on thousands of Jews. Celt, Goth, Saracen and Inqui-
sition Jew form the basis of the modern Spaniards.
Almost the same may be said of the Portuguese.
When we come to Italy the question is not what
foreign elements are represented in her people, but
rather what are not. The Latins as a distinct people
had disappeared long before the time of Caesar. Not
only all the Mediterranean races but all the races of
the known world go to the making of her nationality.
Europe, Asia and Africa deluged her with slaves, the
fruits of conquest, and Gothic blows and blood welded
them together. The French are the product of Gaul,
Frank, Briton and Norman. The Greek race has re-
mained comparatively free of contamination. Its slaves
were Greeks, not barbarians.
Next to the Italians the Irish are the greatest mix-
ture of any people in Europe. The modern Irishman
is a compound of Irish and Scot, Scandinavian, Saxon
and Frenchman. The only pure unadulterated Irish-
man is to be found in Connaught. Spanish pirates set-
tled in the South, Danish pirates founded Dublin, Wex-
igoo.] ARE WE GOTHIC OR A MIXED RACE? 537
ford, Waterford, Cork and Limerick, and it is but fair
to presume spread out into the interior. Dublin, Louth,
Meath and Kildare were occupied almost exclusively
by Anglo-Normans ; these counties formed the English
Pale. Antrim was settled by Highlanders from the west-
ern coast of Scotland, and Leinster and Munster were
peopled to some extent by colonies of English sent
over by Queen Elizabeth on the overthrow of the Earl
of Desmond.
In Scotland the Gothic conquest extended as far
north as the Firth of Forth. The Celts were driven
back to the western coast and to the Highlands. The
Lowland Scotch, whether from Scotland or Ireland,
were of the same origin as the English ; only the acci-
dent of battle prevented the Lowlands from being a
part of England, and the Lowlanders from being Eng-
lishmen. "The population of Scotland, with the ex-
ception of the Celtic tribes, which were thinly scattered
over the Hebrides and over the mountainous parts of
the northern shires, was of the blood of the population
of England, and spoke a tongue which did not differ
from the purest English more than the dialects of Som-
ersetshire and Lancashire differ from each other."
(Macaulay's "History of England.")
It has long been the fashion to speak of the Eng-
lish as not entitled to be called a race, but as only a mix-
ture of racial elements. Even the language has not
escaped, but is regarded as only a dialect. Such state-
ments are the emanations of pure ignorance. Just the
contrary is the case. The Gothic conquest of England
was not effected in a day, but required one hundred
and fifty years to accomplish. It was not a subjuga-
tion or an absorption. It was almost an extermination.
It was a war to the death in which no quarter was given
or asked. The Britons did not pass under the yoke.
They did not surrender. They either died in their
538 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
tracks or slowly and sullenly, inch by inch, retreated to
new lines of defence until they could go no farther.
Wales and the sea received the remnants of them. A
few remained in Cornwall and Westmoreland. That
with this slight exception the English are wholly free
of Celtic blood everything goes to prove. Scarcely a
word of the Celtic language survives in the nomencla-
ture of English towns, places and rivers. It is only
when one gets to the western border that any evidence
is met with that such a people as the Britons ever in-
habited the land.
In 886 the Normans under Rollo besieged Paris
with 40,000 men, and after losing 7,000 men in battle
wrested Normandy from the French king. The Nor-
mans must have been very numerous in the new
country of their conquest. Doubtless such of them as
were single took Neustrian wives. But the Neustrians
were not Celts, they were Franks, Germans, who con-
quered northern Gaul and peopled it. So that when
two hundred years later the Norman conquest took
place Normandy with the natural rate of increase must
have numbered fully if not more than one million souls.
When swarms of them poured across the channel into
England it was not an alien race that invaded the land ;
it was practically men of the same blood ; Goth to Goth.
All research goes to prove that the English, like the
Norwegians, Swedes and Danes, are of the purest
Gothic blood.
Holland is wholly Gothic, and so is most of Bel-
gium. Germany has preserved the purity of the Teu-
tonic race except, perhaps, on the extreme borders.
Russia is Slav and Tartar, and to some extent Germanic.
Of Celtic peoples the Welsh alone have remained abso-
lutely free of foreign elements.
Now who and what are we Americans, the people
of the better part of this North American continent ?
i 9 oo.] ARE WE GOTHIC OR A MIXED RACE? 539
Have we any claim to belong to any one race? Have
we any predominant inheritance from any European
stock? Or are we a mixture of many races, destined
like the numberless nationalities of ancient Italy to boil
and simmer for a thousand years or more before we
can throw off the dross of inharmonious features, forms
and dispositions, and grow into uniformity of type and
temperament can become the perfect product of our
environment? On this question the most erroneous
notions prevail.
To those who, like the writer, were born and
reared on the hills of New England where their an-
cestry have slept for centuries, who have looked
abroad on none but the descendants of English stock,
and who have grown up in the belief that New
Englanders in particular and the rest of the people
in general are as much a branch of the English race
as the Greeks of Asia Minor were a branch of the
Greek race, the question seems a most frivolous one.
But to the newcomer, the Celt or Slav, or to the man
who has never taken note of anything save the swarms
that have passed through Castle Garden, we are indeed
a mixture of all the races under the sun, from every
clime and every country. And yet the question admits
of a definite answer if one will bestow on it the neces-
sary study.
The people who fled across the Atlantic to find new
homes in the wilderness of the western world were
mostly the victims of religious persecution. To the
intolerance and bigotry, not of the church of Rome,
but of the church of England, is due the fact that
America, these United States, was in its settlement and
occupancy down to 1820 mainly English and almost
wholly Gothic. Whatever doubts there may be as to the
character of the present population, there surely can be
none as to the nationality of the settlers down to that
540 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
time. By the process of exclusion alone the student of
history cannot go far astray from the facts.
Down to the revolution none or next to none came
from Spain or Portugal. Only a small band of 167
Waldenses came from Italy and settled on the South
river, the Delaware. In those days catholic powers
were not troubling themselves to build up protestant
communities, however active they may be to-day in
dumping on us their pauper subjects.
The Celtic element came from France, Wales and
the Highlands of Scotland. Considering the sparse -
ness of the population of the two latter countries at
that time and the absence of religious persecution,
that most potent of all stimulants to emigration, the
number could not have been large. In fact it must
have been very small. After the revocation of the
edict of Nantes in 1685, a few colonies of Huguenots
came over and settled in the lowlands of South Caro-
lina, at New Rochelle, and on the Hudson in New
York, and in Massachusetts and Rhode Island. It is
true that the dragonade of Louis XIV. exiled many
thousands of Huguenots, but they did not all come to
America. The number that did has been greatly over-
estimated. In all probability ten times more of them
remained in England than sought our shores. They
spread throughout protestant Germany, the king of
Prussia sending them a special invitation to make their
abode in his dominions. When the banner of the stub-
born Stuarts went down forever on the battlefield of
Culloden in 1 746, a number of Highlanders were trans-
ported to the Carolinas, but they were few.
Celtic Ireland contributed none to the early settle-
ment of the colonies. Whilst it is possible that now
and then an Irish Celt might have migrated hither, it
is an indisputable fact that no regular Celtic Irish im-
migration set in until many years after the revolution,
igoo.J ARE WE GOTHIC OR A MIXED RACE 541
when the famine drove them forth. They migrated
only to catholic countries, France, Spain and Austria.
Down to 1580 Ireland was wholly catholic. Her popu-
lation, whether Spanish, Danish, Norman, English or
Scotch in origin, all had the same religious faith. The
reformation that spread over all Europe was stayed in
its course at the Irish Sea. The people of Ireland were
beyond the reach of modern thought and investigation.
No currents of intellectual activity reached their shores.
Living a half savage life they received all the benefits
of the papal system and experienced none of its abuses.
They were then as now, ever have been, and in all
probability the catholic portion of them always will
be, under the complete domination of the priesthood.
The monarch may reign but the priests rule.
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE
IN ADDRESSING a Boston club recently, Mr. Gama-
liel Bradford is reported as saying that if necessary he
was " willing to lay down his life for his country."
There are only a few occasions upon which that sort of
speech is anything but cheap talk. There is not likely
to be any opportunity for Mr. Bradford to lay down his
life for his country by merely talking against annexa-
tion. The real way to do it is to join Aguinaldo's
army. Really, the Bradfords and Atkinsons do far
more toward making the American people endorse ex-
pansion than any efforts the administration makes.
THE INCREASE of American exports is something of
a disturbing element in the calculations of the anti-
tariff prophets. The present tariff was deplored as
being the handicap to any real extension of our foreign
commerce. Curiously enough the course of trade de-
velopment has paid no attention to these solemn warn-
ings. Our exports are greater now than ever before,
indeed our exports to Germany are increasing at such
a rate as to cause quite a little disturbance in the gen-
ial sentiment of our Teutonic brethren. Germany used
to import more into the United States than we sent to
Germany, but this has been radically changed and the
balance is the other way. During the calendar year of
1898 the value of the German exports to the United
States was $77,700,000; during the same year our ex-
ports to Germany were $163,800,000 a difference in our
favor of $86, 100,000. The curious aspect of it all is that
our free-trade doctrinaires are now beginning to lecture
Germany on the merits of free-trade, assuring the Ger-
mans that our expansion is not due to our protection
542
EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 543
and that protection cannot help Germany. These
people do to well seek a foreign market for their intel-
lectual wares. Experience is too much for them in the
United States.
THERE is A manifest effort being made in certain
quarters to turn the visit of the Boer delegates to this
country to political account by injecting the Transvaal
war into our national campaign. Of course the opposi-
tion may try to utilize a pro- Boer sentiment, but the
administration party ought to know better than to de-
scend to this method of campaigning. There is noth-
ing this country can do to help the Boers in their
present struggle, and there is nothing in the Boer cause
to warrant any sympathetic action on our part. This
country is preeminently the leader and friend of dem-
ocratic institutions and of human freedom. The Boer
government stands for neither. Politically it is a nar-
row oppressive oligarchy; industrially it is a slave
power. The present war was begun by the Boers, not
in defence of their own but by invasion of British ter-
ritory. True, it is a war for independence, but the
object of the independence is not to extend democracy
and equal rights but to give the Boers undisputed
power to oppress immigrants and make slaves of the
natives. The Boers hate England largely because she
abolished slavery in the Transvaal. Besides violating
the spirit of the Monroe doctrine, to endorse
the Boers would be to endorse political despotism and
chattel slavery.
THE NEW currency law seems to be working better
than many of its friends anticipated. In the first forty-
six days of the new act (March i4th to May ist) the in-
crease in the national bank circulation has been greater
than in the preceding seven years. During this brief
544 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
period applications have been received and approved
for 236 new national banks, 194 of which will have a
capital of less than $50,000. This increased circulation
amounts to $29,692,368, and it appears to be distributed
largely in the rural districts or smaller cities, as less
than two millions and a half of it has been issued by
the associated banks of New York. According to re-
turns received from 3,000 national banks, it is estimated
that there will be an immediate further increase of over
$69,000,000, and still another increase of more than
$20,000,000 during the year. So that, under the first
year's operation of the new act, by the use of the new
bonds the national bank circulation will probably be
increased fully $110,000,000. This is an increase in
the volume of currency largo enough perceptibly to
affect the money markets of the country. For the pas-
sage of this act the administration is entitled to un-
stinted credit.
THE CROKERS and Van Wycks of Philadelphia seem
to have found a tartar in John Wanamaker. As editor
of the North American, Mr. Wanamaker's son criticized
the conduct of the mayor and certain other city officials
of Philadelphia, and in true Tammany fashion Mr.
Abraham L. English, director of public safety, accom-
panied by the commissioner of city property, called
upon Mr. Wanamaker to demand that he stop the criti-
cism. They warned him that they would immediately
put in operation their political scandal-manufacturing
machine of a most personal and defamatory character.
This method of approach usually makes most men
yield, but Wanamaker was an exception. With him
the trick would not work. He defied their threats and
ordered them to leave his office at once.
This exposition is useful at least as showing the
scandalous methods these political ruffians resort to.
i 9 oo.J EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 545
If a man cannot be bullied or bribed he must be ruined
by manufactured scandal, which, even though false, he
is usually powerless to prevent. But Mr. Wanamaker
is not only a clean man and a bold man but he is a rich
man. He can put more machinery in motion than the
whole group of Philadelphia scandal-manufacturing
city officials, and what is more Mr. Wanamaker has the
confidence and respect of the community, which they
have not. He will be backed by the moral sentiment
of the nation in the heroic stand he has taken and in
any fight that may follow. Blackmailers are always
cowards when they are cornered.
ON THE first of May the Standard Oil Company in-
creased the wages of its employees in Williamsburgh,
Greenpoint and Long Inland City 10 per cent., and re-
duced their working time from ten to nine hours a day.
On the 1 4th of May this increase of wages and reduc-
tion of time was extended to all its employees at its
different stations and distributing points throughout
the country, including over 30,000 workingmen. Com-
menting on this unusual step for a large corporation
the Brooklyn Eagle says :
" The reasons for the increase in the wages of the employees of the
Standard Oil Company are of less consequence than the increase. It is
estimated that the total amount of the additions to the pay of the men
will reach $1,500,000 a year, and that the total pay roll will, in the future,
be $16,500,000 every twelve months. It is said that no man employed
by the company receives less than $1.50 a day and that the average
wage is $2."
It may be said that the Standard Oil Company can
easily afford to give its employees an extra million and
a half dollars a year, but that is not the point. People
do not usually pay all they can afford to but only what
they must. It is one of the hopeful signs of the times
that despite the calumny, abuse and efforts to blackmail
this concern in a hundred ways, its management should
546 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
pursue the even tenor of its way as if it were receiving
compliments, raise the wages of its workmen and
shorten their hours without being asked. If all large
and wealthy corporations would follow its lead in this
respect as eagerly as they follow its methods of corpo-
rate organization, a new era in the relations of capital
and labor would soon begin.
AT THE RECENT race conference in Montgomery,
Alabama, the repeal of the fifteenth amendment was
advocated as the remedy for race troubles in the
South. The franchise was given to the negro on the
mistaken assumption that people can be made equal by
statute law, and they cannot. That would require a
miracle. Thirty-five years' experience has shown that
no miracle was wrought. In the South the white race
has shown that it will not submit to negro government
under any circumstances. There is really nothing ex-
ceptional in this. There is no place on the earth where
it will. A few dozen white people go into Hawaii and
rule the natives, a handful of Europeans go into Africa
and govern the country. Wherever the white race
comes in contact with inferior races it always governs.
Granting that the fifteenth amendment was a mistake,
it is now too late to obtain its repeal. The race ques-
tion will have to be solved some other way.' The indi-
vidual states may ultimately find some way legally to
eliminate the negro from politics. But in doing this
they must be prepared to surrender part of their repre-
sentation. The southern states have always been over-
represented in the national government. Before the
war they had two-fifths representation for their slaves,
which were then simply property and no more entitled
to political representation than horses, sheep or cattle.
Since the war the southern states have been over-repre-
sented in congress by the illegal suppression of the
1900.] EDITORIAL CRUCIBLE 547
negro vote. If the South insists on eliminating the col-
ored vote, its representation should be promptly reduced
to the basis of its white population, thus for the first
time in the history of the republic putting it on the
same political basis as the rest of the United States.
M :. ANDREW CARNEGIE is one of America's public-
spiritt i citizens. He has demonstrated his interest in
popular education by giving millions to the erection of
public libraries, where the masses may have free access
to the best there is of literature and art and other aids
to intelligent and well-informed citizenship. In order
that the working people may have the benefit of these
extraordinary opportunities they must at least have the
time to visit the libraries. To secure this, which alone
can make libraries a real opportunity for the masses,
there must come a shortening of the working day.
Libraries and lecture halls can be of little service to
laborers who work twelve hours a day. Now is an ex-
cellent time for Mr. Carnegie to take the next step for-
ward in his good work by adopting the three-shift
system. In many departmonts of iron and steel manu-
facture it is necessary for the machinery to work con-
tinuously night and day. Under the two-shift system
this obliges laborers to work twelve hours at a stretch.
The next feasible step is to adopt the three-shift sys-
tem, which would give the eight-hour day. This would
be a great advance and a consistent part of Mr. Car-
negie's free library scheme. There is every reason,
economic, social and moral, why the shorter working
day should mark the next step in our national progress,
and there are special reasons why in the iron industry
the three-shift system should be adopted. Won't Mr.
Carnegie do this, and thus set the pace for a general
improvement for the workers in the iron industry of the
country?
A LABOR-UNION COLLEGE
It has been announced that the American Federa-
tion of Labor is contemplating the establishment of an
institution for the education of members of labor unions.
The subjects to be covered are English and American
History, constitutional law, political institutions, mu-
nicipal government, political science, theoretic and ap-
plied economics. The object, of course, is to furnish
an opportunity for systematic study and thoroughly to
equip leaders in the labor movement with a scientific
knowledge of the various departments of economic and
political science, so as to put the representatives of or-
ganized labor fully on a level, so far as intellectual
equipment and scientific information are concerned,
with the best representatives of capital or the great
political parties.
The very suggestion of such a departure shows
that evolution in the best progressive sense is doing its
work within the ranks of labor organization. Despite
all that is said against labor unions, the rashness of
their leaders, the unreasonableness of their claims and
the narrowness of their ideas, despite the constantly re-
peated announcement that they are alien to American
institutions, these organizations stay and multiply. All
the forms of anathema have been applied against them.
Legislation has been inflicted and courts have acted,
leaders have gone to jail, but the unions thrive never-
theless ; all of which shows that like " trusts '' they are
here to stay. Political leaders cater to them a few
months before an election, but in fact have never taken
them seriously. They are not altogether to blame for
this, for labor unions have to a very large extent made
themselves nuisances because of the uneconomic and
543
A LABOR-UNION COLLEGE 549
even unintelligent direction of their action. They fre-
quently make claims upon individual employers, and
often upon political parties, which cannot be seriously
entertained, and it may be said that usually when em-
ployers really recognize them to the full extent of
treating with their representatives the unions soon try
to take possession of the business and dictate the details
of management, which obviously belongs to the em-
ployer. In this way the best-intentioned capitalists
have been soured against labor organizations, and not
infrequently it happens that when the labor leader is
judicious and moderate he loses popularity with the
union ; they insist upon having the brawling declaimer
at the front. The history of nearly every trade union
reveals these characteristics, and wherever the union is
sufficiently strong to enforce its recognition it becomes
so despotic that it is only a matter of time when em-
ployers seek an opportunity to organize against it, and
so make war on the very principle of organization itself.
In reality this is very much like the experience the
community has with trusts. Capitalists combine and
find that through their combination they have at least
temporarily an advantage over the market situation.
They often proceed to " put on the screws " by foolishly
putting up the price of the goods or wantonly endeavor-
ing to " freeze" competitors out of the business. In
this way, through their unintelligent and wholly un-
economic attitude they bring the whole community
down upon them, and what is really good and sound in
combination becomes disreputable because of the un-
economic, uninformed leadership connected with it.
But, notwithstanding all the blunders and the per-
verse action due to unintelligent narrowness, large cor-
porations have come and are coming. They increase in
size and number, and are here to stay. This is rapidly
becoming recognized by all classes in the community,
550 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
and legislators find that it is impossible to pass laws
to suppress them without arresting the progress of
society, which will never be tolerated. With all the
antagonism and fuming, from the defeated competitor
to the slick politician, it is now universally admitted
that trusts or large corporations cannot be suppressed,
and that the most that can be hoped is that they shall
be intelligently directed.
Despite the constant habitual declaration that we
have no classes and must have no class legislation in
this country, the fact remains and is becoming more
obvious every day that the wage workers are a class.
They are a class who have interests in common, inter-
ests which are not in an immediate sense identical with
the interests of the employing class. Of course, in the
broader sense both the laborers and employers have a
common interest; interest in prosperity, interest in
freedom, interest in the progress of society, security of
individual effort, freedom of thought and independence
of social and political action. But, since wage receivers
as a class depend for their welfare upon increasing
their income and diminishing drudgery, and the
employers upon the other hand have at least tempora-
rily a seeming interest in not paying more wages and
not shortening the working day, there is a manifest
short-range conflict of interest. In the long-range
societary sense the interests are common, but in the
immediate instance both view their interests as antag-
onistic, and that is why the conflict comes on with
increasing severity, and that is why so frequently it
happens that both sides show more heat than light
upon the subject.
The questions which are at least apparently wholly
in the interest of labor must command recognition. It
is useless to say that they involve class legislation. All
the best legislation that the world has ever had has
1900.] A LABOR-UNION COLLEGE 551
been class legislation ; that is to say, it has been legis-
lation in the interest of some specific object, which
usually was to give freedom or advancement or protec-
tion to some special group. The abolition of slavery
was class legislation ; it affected only the slaves. The
extension of the franchise to workingmen was class
legislation ; it extended political power distinctly to a
class previously excluded. All educational legislation
providing free and compulsory education is class legis-
lation ; it is chiefly for the children of the working
class, not for the children of the rich. Every law, in
Europe and this country, restricting the hours of labor
of women and children is class legislation ; it is invok-
ing the legal power of the community in the interest of
a class which economically could not protect itself.
The enforcement of sanitary conditions, the provision of
fire escapes to factories, the right of factory inspection,
and in fact the whole line of humane and civilized
industrial legislation as represented in the factory acts is
class legislation and it was all opposed on the theory that
it was class legislation. The laissezfaire doctrinaire, econ-
omist, statesman and employer, all alike protested
against every step of this now admittedly beneficient
legislation on the ground that it was class legislation.
The laws that have been passed for the protection
of life and health in mining, enforcing ventilation,
inspection, safety of egress and the application of every
known device to preserve the life and protect the limb
and otherwise guaM the working conditions in mining,
have all been passed not for the mine owner but for
the laboring miners. This legislation became indis-
pensable because the short-sighted self interest of the
capitalists did not prompt them to do it, and the work-
men were powerless to do it themselves; society,
through legislation, had to do it for them.
As a matter of fact, therefore, the idea that legis-
552 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE m [June,
lation is bad because it is for a class is all a mistake.
It is only bad when it will fail to produce good effects. If
it will benefit a hundred, a thousand or a million
people of a particular class, though it does nothing for
the rest of the community, it is a real contribution to
civilization. It improves the condition of just so many
human beings. It helps a class because it needed help-
ing. The leaders of political parties fail to recognize
this aspect of the subject. They seem to assume that
workingmen are not justified in asking any legislation
for themselves alone, and that they must take their
share in the general benefit of general legislation,
which affects everybody. They seem to imagine,
because laborers are divided more or less evenly be-
tween the two parties, that the respective parties
equally represent the labor interests, and hence they
look with impatience if not contempt upon any request
by the laboring class or the wageworkers for special
recognition. Both parties are willing enough to say
that laborers shall be protected in their rights and have
equality before the law, shall be guaranteed the free-
dom to work where they like and for whomsoever they
like, and so on, and conclude that that is the whole of
the question. But it is not. These are general condi-
tions which they share with everybody else in the com-
munity. But there are special conditions from which
the remainder of the community does not suffer person-
ally and directly, and which the laborers are unable to
affect for themselves except either through legislative
action or coercive action of combination, often through
strikes.
It is for this reason that the laborers periodically
attempt to flock off into a third party, and say ' ' Plague
on both your houses." Whenever they do this they be-
come less rational in their policy, because they segre-
gate themselves from the more experienced and wiser
i 9 oo.] A LABOR-UNION COLLEGE 553
leadership which has dominated the action of the more
successful and experienced classes. Whenever they
have attempted to flock alone they have proceeded to
denounce everybody not of their class as antagonistic,
dishonest and to be treated as an enemy. Hence that
is the time that they are caught by the red flag of
socialism or by the noisy declamations of populism,
in fact, that is the time that they become victims of the
cheap campaigner and unscrupulous politician, and
when they do this it not infrequently happens that the
less scrupulous political parties will bid for their sup-
port by promising to carry out the most irrational part
of the laborers' program. This was conspicuously true
in 1896. The Chicago convention bid for the populist
and labor vote by exactly this method. Mr. Bryan's
speeches throughout the campaign were appeals to the
unreasoning feelings this created, and he is grinding
out platitudes to the same purpose yet. But he is only
enabled to do this because the other party practically
ignores the situation.
The result of these segregating movements is fre-
quently that disintegrating and even dangerous policies
are adopted. It is safe to say that to-day no third party
labor movement could be organized which was not two-
thirds socialistic that was not, in short, practically a
war upon existing institutions, and if successful would
be a poverty-creating setback for society.
The only conceivable remedy for the dangers from
this source, and they are becoming greater and more
far-reaching as laborers become organized and inde-
pendent, is economic and political education, not of
the laborers alone but of the capitalists as well. The
capitalists must learn by study or experience that class
legislation is not necessarily bad; that most of the
beneficent legislation of society must needs be in the
interest of laborers, because the laboring class is least
554 GUNTON'S MAGAZINE [June,
able to control the new forces of society equitably in its
own interest. On the other hand, this movement can
only be a conflict, with acrimony and loss, impeding
progress and inflicting hardship during every inch of
advance, unless the laborers through their organizations
and leaders are more wisely directed. If labor unions
are to maintain and increase their usefulness as the
means of representing and promoting the interest of the
laboring class, they must be in the hands of better in-
formed and more thoroughly equipped leaders.
The establishment of a college or institution for
the purpose of educating and training the leaders of
labor organizations by equipping them with the knowl-
edge of the history and principles of economics and
government is a great step, indeed, the most encourag-
ing step that has yet been attempted in this direction.
If this proposition should be carried out and, as pro-
posed, lectures and instruction be given by the most
competent specialists in the various departments, it will
not be long before the trade-union secretary and presi-
dent and the walking delegate will be selected on the
merit system, and will be quite as well informed and
fully as capable of scientifically discussing the economic
questions involved in labor controversies as the most
experienced corporation manager. The local union
will then gradually be changed from a nursery of an-
tagonism to a school of economic and political educa-
tion. The trade unions would gradually become the
training clubs for economic and social discussion, and
by the force of intelligent information they would be-
come more rational in their demands, more intelligent
and forceful in their claims, and many times more suc-
cessful in their undertakings.
This idea of a labor-union college is the culmina-
tion of a long series of improvements in the efforts and
methods of labor organization. They were once secret
igoo.] A LABOR-UNION COLLEGE 555
clans organized or convened for destructive purposes
by mob methods, to wreak vengeance on some employer
or competing laborer. But they gradually evolved from
that into friendly societies and protective associations,
with an increasing recognition of their larger industrial
interests, and little by little, through a multitude of
mistakes, have learned that discussion, peaceful propa-
ganda, is ultimately more effective than mob force or
personal violence. Thus they have gradually been
transformed from mere striking machines into a com-
paratively intelligent, orderly, economic force. The
proposed educational institution if established will put
them on an intellectual plane quite equal with the em-
ployers and professional economists. For, while they
may lack the wealth of the one and the scholarship of
the other, they will have a practical experience and a
real touch with the laborer's life that neither of the
others possess.
If the proposition of the Federation of Labor to es-
tablish a labor-union college is seriously entertained, it
should be encouraged by every class in the community.
It should be encouraged by every laborer, even if he has
to contribute a certain per cent, of his wages to support
it. It should be encouraged by every employer as the
surest way to elevate industrial controversy to the plane
of intelligent discussion and peaceful solution. It should
be encouraged by statesmen and political parties as the
most effective means ever suggested of elevating the
plane of citizenship and promoting intelligent voting
and pure politics- at the very source of popular institu-
tions.
CIVIC AND EDUCATIONAL NOTES
The announcements and descriptive il-
Chautauqua Sum- 1 _
met Schools lustrated circulars of the Chautauqua
summer schools are just out, and as
usual indicate steady progress. The Chautauqua sys-
tem has been thoroughly reorganized during the past
year, and the executive offices moved from Buffalo to
Cleveland; but of course the popular center of the
work, typified by its local summer headquarters, re-
mains at Chautauqua Lake. This is one of the most
beautiful spots in the East, and the environment
is such as to guarantee a thoroughly satisfying, pleas-
urable and helpful experience to all who may care to
combine summer recreation with educational and liter-
ary opportunities of a high order.
Courses are offered this summer in English lan-
guage and literature, modern and classic languages,
mathematics and science, social science, psychology
and pedagogy, nature study, music, fine arts,
expression, physical education, domestic science and
practical arts. Among the large corps of lecturers
well-known names are numerous, including such
authorities as G. Stanley Hall, Moses Coit Tyler,
Benjamin Ide Wheeler, Bliss Perry, and others.
Educational
Heresy !
Professor Hugo Miinsterberg, of Harvard,
is in danger of a heresy trial if he is not
more considerate of orthodox educational
ideas. In a recent number of the Atlantic he disputes,
up and down, the value of so-called "practical" peda-
gogics and psychology for teachers, and actually hints
that natural tact, sympathy and adaptability are more
556
CI VIC A ND ED UCA TIONA L NO TES 557
important factors in bringing out the results in mind
and character for which true education strives. He
says:
" Psychology is a wonderful science, and pedagogy, as soon as we
shall have it, may be a wonderful science, too, and very important for
the school organizer, for the superintendents and city officials, but the
individual teacher has no practical use for it. I have discussed this
point so often before the public that I am unwilling to repeat my argu-
ments here. I have again and again shown that in the practical contact
of the schoolroom the teacher can never gain that kind of knowledge of
the child which should enable him to get the right basis for psychologi-
cal calculation, and that psychology itself is unable to do justice to the
demands of the individual case. I have tried to show how the conscious
occupation with the pedagogical rules interferes with the instinctive
views of the right pedagogical means, and above all how the analytic
tendency of the psychological and pedagogical attitude is diametrically
opposite to that practical attitude, full of tact and sympathy, which we
must demand of the real teacher, and that the training in the one atti-
tude inhibits the freedom in the other. "
After all, it is rather refreshing to read something
like this, in the intervals between listening to long lec-
tures by learned bachelors on " child study" (as if a
child were a queer species of rabbit or muskrat for
laboratory study under microscope and tweezers!) and
wading through the mathematically correct essays read
by delegates to conventions of maiden ladies on " Ad-
vice to Mothers."
The new so-called "Davis law," estab-
Teachers' Salaries li s hi n gr a Uniform Scale of teachers' Sal-
Should Increase . .
aries in New York city, is the final out-
come of the failure of the different boroughs of the city
to agree on any satisfactory arrangement of this matter.
The law seems to be greatly defective. It has taken
the power of paying the salaries out of the hands of the
controller without providing any means whereby the
board of education can do this work. The board is
obliged, however, to go ahead and establish an audit-
ing department of its own, with or without authority,
558 G UNTON '5 MA GAZINE
all of which will mean considerable delay in the pay-
ment of salaries already due. More than this, the
measure itself is a direct violation of home rule which
forbids any unqualified endorsement of it. The real
root of the trouble seems to be that on so many vital
matters New York continuously fails to justify its exer-
cise of home rule. If there had been any real disposi-
tion on the part of the city government to do the right
thing in this matter of teachers' salaries, there would
have been no need of going to Albany for relief.
Probably the city will never get wholly free of outside
interference until it reaches the point of conducting its
public affairs on a broadminded, enlightened and pro-
gressive plane, recognizing public interests in the
order of their real importance instead of their plunder-
yielding capacities.
The standards for teachers in New York city have
been steadily raised and the requirements increased.
It is right that their pay should advance, it ought to
have advanced long ago, it has always been too low.
Teachers are not competitors in the economic field, and
their service ought to be rewarded with isome refer-
ence to its usefulness to the community as well as
mere cost of living. New York is not going to be
ruined by these increases. It is the great center of
enormous wealth in the western hemisphere, and ought
to be spending more and more all the time for whole-
some improvements in a dozen directions. If public
money were being spent for degrading brutal spec-
tacles or official debauchery, as in the old Roman times,
there might be cause for alarm ; but, never question or
doubt the soundness and strength and hopefulness of
a community or civilization that threatens to overrun
its allowance now and then for the sake of popular
education! That is a better guarantee of permanent
security and expansion than any cutting of the tax rate.
THE OPEN FORUM
This department belongs to our readers, and offers them full oppor-
tunity to "talk back" to the editor, give information, discuss topics or
ask questions on subjects within the field covered by GUNTON'S MAGA-
ZINE. All communications, whether letters for publication or inquiries
for the " Question Box," must be accompanied by the full name and ad-
dress of the writer. This is not required for publication, if the writer
objects, but as evidence of good faith. Anonymous correspondents are
ignored.
LETTERS FROM CORRESPONDENTS
Effects of Porto Rico Policy
EDITOR GUNTON'S MAGAZINE,
Dear Sir: As I remember, either in your mag-
azine articles or some of your lectures you quite forcibly
and boldly criticized President McKinley for his
departure from a protective to a free trade policy ; this
was in the president's Porto Rican recommendations to
congress. But now congress has caused the republicans
to see that a graver and more difficult question is in
their plan than existed in the president's original plan.
Is there not danger in radical departures from plain
positions such as are generally understood, like uni-
form taxes or tariffs ? If enough people can be con-
vinced that congress was, under existing co 
