This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at|http : //books . google . com/
^F ^91 X 7 ^O
\
d^M.ilocki^iU.
Hakluytus Posthumus
or
Purchas His Pilgrimes
In Twenty Volumes
Volume VI
GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE ^ COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW
MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON
THB MACMILLAN CO. NBW YORK
SIMPKINy HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON
MACMILLAN AND BOWBS CAMBRIDGE
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS BDINBURGH
MCMV
Hakluytus Posthumus
or
Purchas His Pilgrimes
Contayning a History of the World
in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells
by Englishmen and others
By
SAMUEL PURCHAS, B.D.
VOLUME VI
Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
UCliV
Ki-^st^-;[^)^
'^HARVARD
UNIVERSITY]
LIBRARY
SEP 24 1958
^'^y-^sz.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in
the sixt Booke of the First part of
Purchas his Pilgrims.
PACE
CHAP. h—Ctmtinued.
§. 8. Notes of principall things in John Leo his eight Booke
of the Historic of Africa. i
A division of Egypt. The ancient originall of the Egyp-
tians. Raine unwholesome. The French Maladie
rife in Egypt. Alexandria surprised. Great Alex-
anders sepulchre a pilgrimage. The Citie of Cairo,
her stately Temples, Palaces and Colledges. A &mous
Burse, stately Hospitall, Temple, Colledge and Palace.
Asses, like unto Banks his Horse. South-saying Birds.
Plentie and scarcitie in Egypt, knowne by Nilus
flowing. A solemne Feast. Birds hatched after a
strange manner. Curious Arts, superstitious Sects,
Cruell executions in Cairo. Christians made to abjure
and renounce their Baptisme. The greatest Peere in
dignitie under the Soldan. Christians and Christian
Churches, Monasteries and Monkes.
§. 9. Principall occurrents in John Leo his ninth Booke of
the Historic of Africa 36
Devices to take Elephants, Camels, Princes riches. Three
kind of Camels, Camels or Dromidaries, dancing
Camels. The wild Horse, Oxe, Asse, the African Ram,
Lyons. The Leopard, Civet Cat, Apes, Monkeyes,
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
Baboones, Sec. Crocodiles, monstrous Dragons, Hydra,
Guarall, Camelion. How the Camelion killeth the
Serpent. Salt scarce. Pitch, how distilled. Losse of
Maidens Virginitie.
CHAP. II.
Collections of things most remarkable in the Historie of
Barbarie, written by Ro. C 54
§. I. How the Kingdome of Barbarie came to Muley Hamet
Xarif, the late deceased King, and the course of his
government ; of his sonnes and their behaviour : Shecks
misgovernment and imprisonment : Hamets death. . 54
Remarkable observations of the Kingdome of Barbarie.
Three Kings slaine in one Battayle. Great Domi-
nions. Sugar Gardens. English Nation beloved.
Mustapha beheaded. Shecks misgovernment. Rich
Jew. Muley Sheck taketh Sanctuary. Muley Sheck
proclaimed. Sec.
§. 2. Muley Sidan proclaimeth himself king in Fez. Muley
Boferes in Moruecos. Muley Nassar would have done
the like in Taradant, but is hindred. The death of
Nassar. Warre betweene Sidan and Boferes. Sheck
set free. Fokers employed. The battell. Sidans
flight. Fewds and robberies 66
Boferes proclaimed King in Moroco and Taradant.
English Gunners : Fokers Message : M. Sheck freed.
Bloudie Warres for Soveraigntie. Justice extirpated.
§. 3. Muley Sheck proclaimeth himself king in Fez. Sidan
goeth to Tafilet, from thence into Sus. Peace con-
cluded betweene Muley Boferes, and Muley Sidan.
Abdela Shecks sonne escapeth. Sir Anthonie Sherleys
Embassage, Bonn tie and State. ..... 76
Brothers quarrels for a Crowne, Scepter and Kingdome.
Peace concluded betwixt Boferes and Sidan. Sir
Anth. Sherleys Honorable Ambassage unto many
States. Bountie to Portugals. Escape of a Renegado.
THE TABLE
The G^ntents of the Chapters — Continued. page
§. 4. Muley Abdela goeth in person against Muley Boferes ;
driveth him oat of Moruecos ; Putteth to death Basha
Sidar, and other Noblemen ; Sidan expelleth him, and
killeth three thousand Fezans perfidiously ; requited hj
Abdela. Shracies treacherie unjustly punished. Sidans
flight. Many Englishmen imployed in these wars,
and slaine 85
Boferes flight. A rich Sword. Treble crueltie. Per-
fidious crueltie. Famine foUoweth Warre. Faithlesse
butchery. Treacherie. A bloudy decree. South-
saying Oracles. Sidans flight. English valour.
§. $. Muley Hamet Bosonne commeth against Abdela, and
causeth him flie to his Father. Boferes like to bee
taken, flieth to Salie. Muley Sidan commeth against
Muley Hamet Bosonne ; who flyeth, and is poysoned
by old Azus. Muley Sheck sendeth into Spaine.
Some observations of their Policie, and Trade to
Gago 96
The Policie of Barbarie 10 1
The trading of the Moores into Guinee and Gago fer gold
Ore, or sandie Gold 107
Fond feare. An ill gotten Empire, seldome of long con-
tinuance. Captaines, Generals, and Commanders of
Barbarie. Execution of Justice. Ordinary Judges.
Obligations and Bills. Manner of fight. Deadly feud.
Dreadfull Desarts. Algiers, a Den of all Fugitives and
Reprobates.
CHAP. III.
The A&ican possessions of the King of Spaine, and the
Turke 109
§. I. The Dominions and Fortresses which the King of
Spaine hath upon the lies and maine Lands of Africa,
and of the Great Turkes. 109
Kingdomes rich in Gold and Silver, and other commodities.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
CHAP. nil.
The Description of the Citie of Alger, written by Nicholas
Nicholay, and how it came into the possession of
Barbarossa, and also of Malta and Tripolie. . 112
Miserie of Christian Slaves in Algiers. Selim slaine by
Treason. Strange Mice. A Church builded. A
flying fish. Women, good swimmers. A pitifidl
historic. Strange crueltie. Christian slaves. Fayned
and dissembling words. A good wise answere. Faith
and promise little valued. Turkish perfidiousnesse.
Inhumane sacrifice. Tyrannic glorying in crueltie.
CHAP. V,
A large Voyage in a Journall or briefe Repertory of all
occurrents, hapning in the fleet of Ships sent out by
the King his most excellent Majestic, as well against
the Pirats of Algiers, as others ; the whole body of
the Fleet consisting of eighteene saile. Sixe of his
Majesties ships, ten Merchants ships, two Pinnaces.
Under the command of Sir Robert Mansel Knight,
Vice-Admirall of England, and Admirall of that Fleet :
and a Counsell of Warre appointed by his Majestic.
Written by one employed in that Voyage, formerly
published, and here contracted. . . . . 131
The names of the Captaines, Ships, their burdens, number
of men, and Ordnance in his Majesties size Ships. . 132
In the Merchants ships 132
Description of the famous Fleet, that went for Argiers.
Prizes taken by the Turkes from the Christians. Pur-
suing of Pirats. Fire-workes. Running of Horses.
Redemption of Captives. The death of Captaine
Manwaring. A Turkish Pirat put ashoare. Genoway
Captives.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pace
CHAP. VI.
The Relation of the Jacob, a ship of Bristol!, of one hun-
dred and twenty Tunnes, which was about the end of
October 1621. taken by the Turkish Pirats of Argier :
and within ^ve dayes after, foure English youths did
valiantly overcome thirteene of the said Turkes, where
they sold nine of the Turkes for Gallie-slaves : with
mention of some other like English adventures. • . 146
A miraculous deliverance of foure resolute youths. English
valour. Gods great goodnesse in their preservation.
CHAP. VIL
The wonderfull recovery of the Exchange of Bristow, from
the Turkish Pirats of Argier, published by John
Rawlins, here abbreviated. 151
Many English youths compelled to turne Turkes. Execrable
tortures of damnable Pirats. Sale of English. Rawlins
inducing, and comfortable speeches to his fellow Slaves.
Ceremonies of divination. Lunatikes and Changelings
observed. Rawlins plot put in execution with good
successe. God the Ruler of all actions : Man his instru-
ment. A couragious attempt, and manfully performed.
Of the fertility and commodities of Egypt in generall.
CHAP. VIII.
Relations of Africa, taken out of George Sandys his larger
discourse observed in his Journey, begunne Ann. 16 10.
Lib. 2 172
§. I . His Voyage from Rhodes to Alexandria, observations
there, of Egypt in generall, and of Nilus. . . . 172
Egyptian observations of the overflowing of Nilus. Severe
justice. Theeves, how punished. Drunkeonesse
punished with death. A nastie people. The present
state of Alexandria. Their Rites and Ceremonies.
Pompeis Pillar. A Vice-ConsuU, more stately then
proud.
ix
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued, page
§. 2. His journey to Cairo, the things remarkeable there,
and by the way 187
Desarts and Woods. Breadth of Nilus. A fertile place.
Foolesy foolishly admired. Contempt of Christians.
Five Harvests in a yeare. Base knaverie, good Justice.
Observations in Cairo, their Religion, Feasts, Fasts, &c.
A solemne Carvan. Speaking birds and dancing
beasts.
§. 3. The Pyramides viev^ed, Sphynx and other Antiquities.
Journey from Cairo to Gaza. 202
Regall Sepulchers, Chiefe of the worlds seven wonders. A
wonderfull and admired Pyramides. Their exact and
curious building of the Pyramides. Naucretis her
shooe, by an Eagle conveyed to Memphis. ^Egyptian
imbalming of their dead Corpses. Christian Churches,
Pilgrimages, Relikes, unnaturall Parents. Chams Curse
continuing still. Blacke colour, whence. Uncomfort-
able travelling. Wild Arabs. Jewish Superstition.
§. 4. Arrivall at Malta, and observations there. . . .220
Observations of Malta. Curiositie of admitting strangers.
Mothers, Bawdes to their daughters. Impudence of
Curtizans. Honorable Knight-hood. Their Creation.
Their Vow. Serpents, not hurtfull. Pietie of a
Mahometan. S. Johns Hospitall, comforuble both
for lame and sicke. Pompous solemnities. Bone-fires
and Vollies of shot.
The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in
the seventh Booke of the First part of
Purchas his Pilgrims.
CHAP. I.
A True Relation of Master Richard Jobsons Voyage, em-
ployed by Sir William Saint John, Knight, and others ;
for the Discovery of Gambra, in the Sion, a shippc of
two hundred tunnes, Admirall ; and the Saint John
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
of fiftie, Vice-Admirall, In which they passed nine
hundred and sixtie miles up the River into the Con-
tinent. Extracted out of his large Journall. . . 234
Pudding Hand. Ferrauy a perpetual] Drunkard. Sea-
horses in abundance. Gun-thunder, fearefull to the
Savages. Nuts of precious esteeme. Iron preferred
before gold. Circumcision performed with mirth,
musicke and dancing.
CHAP. II.
A description and hbtoricall declaration of the golden King-
dome of Guinea, otherwise called the golden Coast
of Myna, lying in a part of Africa, shewing their
beliefe, opinions, traffiquing, bartering, and manner of
speech ; together with the scituation of the Countrie,
Townes, Cottages, and Houses of the same ; with their
Persons and Properties, Havens and Rivers, as they are
now found out and discovered : all perfectly viewed
and curiously discovered, and written by one that
hath oftentimes beene there. Translated out of Dutch,
conferred also with the Latine Edition, and contracted.
H.P 2+7
§. I. What course the ships hold which seeke to goe to the
Gold Coast of Guinea. Of Cape Verde, and the
course from thence. 247
Observations to find out the golden Coast of Guinea.
Greedie eaters and drinkers. Leacherous men and
women. Mellie, rich in Come, Rice, Cotten, and flesh.
§. 2. How they marrie each with other, and what goods
their Fathers give with their Children ; their House-
keeping together ; the womans lying in ; education of
their Children : Their proportions, industry, and
conditions 25$
Provbion of a wife. Her portion. Rites of marriage.
Polygamic. Varietie of wives. Child-birth. Devillish
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
preservatives against the DevilL Cradl correction.
Long nailes. Subtill wits. Digesting stomacks.
Lecherie, Drunkennesse, Lying, Stealing, bad pay-
masters.
§. 3. Of tKeir Apparell, Customes within doores, manner
of diet. Merchandising, the use of Dache ; Wares
carried thither 266
Salutations. Lustfull and shamefull conditions. Combs
curtesie. Housewiferie. Raw and lothsome food. A
greedie Boy. Made drinkes. Uncivill feeding. Good
fellowship. Fraud, deceit, subtiltie, and undermining
of Merchants. Brokers. Coozening Knaves. Deceit-
full devices. Skilfull in their Merchandises.
§. 4. What Custome the Merchants pay to their Kings.
Their Measures, Weights, Scales, Markets : Also their
Sabbath, Fetissos, and superstition 283
Custome and Customers. Fines, Weights and Measures ;
Their Markets and Wares. Orderly Markets in
buying and selling. An Ethnick Sabbath. Preach-
ing, blessing, Mattins, Funerall Rites. Birds and
Fish gods. Tree gods. Hill gods, &c. Miserable
blindnesse. Feare of Thunder. Circumcision.
§.5. Of their houses, townes, countrey wayes, warres, armes,
state of their Kings, judgements, lawes, justice, thefts,
promises, oathes, and other rites 298
Situation of the Countrey. Their manner of building.
Sacrifice to the Devill. Merchandise for Women.
Envious and angry Kings, Warlike and Martiall Cus-
tomes. Warlike instruments, poysoned Darts. Shields
and Poniards. Kings Feast dayes. His attyres. His
wrives and children. Kings chosen by voices. Com-
bats decide Controversies. Forfeits and Fines paid.
Execution and punishments. Cunning and subtill
Theeverie. Promises and Oathes.
§. ^. Of their Summer and Winter ; And of their manner
of Tilling and Sowing the Land ; Their Come, Rents,
Raines, Beasts and hunting: Fowles, Trees, and Fruits. 319
xil
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
Neighbourhood in Hosbandrie, the King is first served.
Raine hurtfiill. Tempests, Snakes, Spiders, Dogs, &c.
Leopards, Oxen, Monkies, Musk-cats, Hares, Harts.
Varietie of strange Fowle. Bats and Flies, land Crabs.
A strange tree, the supposed tree of Paradise.
§. 7. Of their Gentlemen, and how they are made ; Their
Dancings, Sports, Diseases, Cures, Visitations, Mourn-
ings, Funerals : and of their Gold 335
Making of Gentlemen. Gifts for their Creation. Merri-
ment, Priviledges, Annuall Feasts, Dancing, &c.
Wounds and Maladies. Cold comfort of inhumane
Barbarians. Hateful! and envious people. Lament-
able lamentings. No Heires nor inheritance. Kings
Funerals. Subtill deceit in falsifying of Gold.
Negroes, troubled with Wormes in most parts about
them.
§. 8. The passage from the golden Coast to the Kingdome
of Benni, or Rio de Benni, and Rio Floreado : The
Citie, Court, Gentry, Apparell : also other places
adjoyning described. 353
Men and Women shamelesse. TrafHque for slaves. Their
manner of Houses. The Kings Court. Captaines
stately and proud. Boyes and Maids circumcised.
Incestuous customes. Offering of their women to
strangers. Disguised and painfull braverie. Cun-
ning and expert people. The cruelty of the Gaboms.
CHAP. in.
The strange adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Essex,
sent by the Portugab prisoner to Angola, who lived
there, and in the adjoyning Regions, neere eighteene
yeeres 367
§. I . Andrew Battell, his Voyage to the River of Plate, who
being taken on the Coast of Brasil, was sent to Angola. 367
Trecherous people. Benefit of a banished man. Provision
scarce.
xiii
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
§. 2. His trading on the Coast, offer to escape, imprison-
ment, exile ; escape, and new imprisonment : his
sending to Elambo, and Bahia Das Vaccas ; Many
strange occurrents. 371
Strange escape. Good resolutions. Pursued and uken.
A fruit good for the Cholicke. Men effeminate.
§. 3. Discovery of the Gagas ; Their Warres, Man-eating :
Overrunning Countries : His Trade with them, be-
traying, escape to them, and living with them, with
many strange adventures. And also the Rites and
manner of life observed by the Jagges or Gagas, which
no Christian could ever know well but this Author. . 377
Benguelas slaughtered. Gagas, great Man-eaters. Moun-
taines of silver. Fall of waters heard thirtie miles.
The Gagas great Warriers. Their discipline in Warre.
A generation of Vipers. Solemne sacrifice to the
DeviU.
§. 4. His returne to the Portugals : invasions of divers Coun-
tries, abuse, flight firom them, and living in the
Woods divers moneths : His strange Boate, and com-
ming to Loango 387
Salt and Silver Mines. Stone-salt a speciall Commoditie.
The manner of drying of flesh and fish.
§.5. Of the Province of Engoy, and other Regions of
Loango, with the Customes there observed by the
King and people. . . . . . . .391
Present death to see the King eate or drinke. Burials of
Kings. No white men buried in the Land.
§. 6. Of the Provinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe,
Manikesocke, Motimbas : of the Apemonster Pongo,
their hunting. Idolatries, and divers other observations. 397
Pongo, a strange and strong Monster. Dumbe Dogs.
Women using Bowes. Innocents are killed for the
Nocents.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pack
§. 7. Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus : The Portugals
Warres in those parts : The Fishing, Graine, and
other things remarkable 403
Remedy for the Floze. Generall of the Blacke Campe.
Strange fishing. Laborious creatures rewarded with
death.
CHAP. nil.
A report of the Kingdom e of Congo, a Region of Af&ica,
gathered by Philippo Pigafetta, out of the Discourses
of Master Edward Lopes a Portugal!, translated out of
Italian into English, by Master Abraham Hartwell,
and here abbreviated 407
§. I. The journey by Sea from Lisbone to the Kingdome
of Congo : Of the Ayre, Winds, Raines, Temperature
thereof. 407
The Conquest of Morocco attempted by the Portugals,
Great Traffique. Christian Churches. Wormes
hurtfuU. Coole winds. Raine unwholsome. No
Snow nor Ice.
§. 2. Of the circuit of the Kingdome of Congo, and of the
borders and confines thereof ; As also of divers border-
ing Nations, and remarkeable rarities therein. . 415
Strange water-springs. Women that dive under water.
Shel-fishes growing on trees. Pepper money, &c.
Water fiills or Cataracts. Water-horses. Fishes
Royall. An active and warlike Nation. Nimble
Archers. Shambles of mans flesh. Strange and
beastly customes. Cunning Artists in making of Silkes.
Vaults of Crystall.
§. 3. Of Angola, the Warres betweene Congo and Angola :
their manner of warfare. The present Kingdome of
Congo bounded. Of Banba, one of the six Provinces
of Congo, and the Creatures therein. . . . 43 1
Christian Religion in Congo. Paulo Diaz, a petie King.
Warlike Instruments. Their courage and valour.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — ConHnued. ^agk
Militarie actions and observations. Divination of
Birds. Commodities of Angola. The Religion of
Angola. The King of Congo his titles. His chiefe
Nobles. Elephants tailes very precious. The She-
Elephant. Elephants in great Herds. Lions. Tame
Tygres. Wild Bufies and Asses. Adders and Snakes
very great. A strange Creature. Birds of prey, &c.
§. 4. Of the ^v^ other Provinces of Congo, to wit, Sogno,
Sundi, Pango, Batta, and Pemba 456
The Sunne, Moone, and other Creatures worshipped.
The description of Batta. State Ceremonies. Pemba,
the chiefe and Royall Principalitie of Congo.
§. 5. Of the situation of the Royall Citie of the Kingdome
of Congo : of their first conversion and Warre, thence
arising betwixt the Kings two Sonnes. . . .463
FruitfuU soyle. Good aire. Store of Graine. Palme-trees
of divers kinds. Oyle and Bread of Palme. Christian
Religion extolled. A Church builded. The King
baptised. Christian Religion embraced. King, Queene,
Mani-Sundi, and many Lords christned. Mani-Pango
rebelleth. His stratagems, and his death. Churches
commanded to be built by every Lord.
§. 6. The death of the King Don Alfonso, and the succes-
sion of Don Piedro. How the Hand of S. Thomas
was first inhabited, and of the Bishoppe that was sent
thither : The Kings linage extinct : Invasion of the
Jagges : Their savage conditions 483
Royall enteruinment of the Bishop in Congo. Portugals
slaine and dispersed. An ill Counsellor. King Alvaro
fleeth. The Giachas surprise all. Great famine.
Earnest suites for Priests. Promises not performed.
Religion neglected for want of Teachers.
§. 7. Of the Court of the King of Congo. Of the apparell
of that people before they became Christians and after.
Of the Kings Table, and manner of his Court. . . 497
Apparell of the King, his Courtiers ; and meaner sort.
Time measured by the Moone. Musicall Instruments.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
§. 8. Of the Countries that are beyond the Kingdomes of
Congo, towards the Cape of Good-Hope : of the River
Nilos, and of Sofiila, Monomoupa, the Amazones,
Saint Laurence, and other ^Ethiopian Countries. . 503
A faithfull Nation. Store of Gold Mines. Rich Com-
modities. Mines of Gold. Warlike Women. A
rude Nation ; Good Archers ; Cunning Fishers.
Mombaza, rich in Gold, Silver, and Pearle. Agagi
dreadfiill and devillish. Warlike Amazones. Ports
on the Sea coast towards the red Sea.
CHAP. V.
The Voyage of Sir Francis Alvarez, a Portugall Priest, made
unto the Court of Prete Janni, the great Christian
Emperour of Ethiopia 517
§. I. Matthew the Ambassadour of Prete Janni, is conducted
hy the Portugals unto the Haven of Maczua in the
Red Sea, and what hapned to his death. . . . 519
An Abissine Ambassadour. Christian Monasterie. Easter
Rites. State observed. League confirmed by Oath.
Drought, heate, barrennesse. Drie Rivers. Furious
stormes. An inaccessible Mountaine. The death of
the Abassine Ambassador.
§. 2. Of the manner and scituation of the Monasteries, and
of their holy Rites, Times, Places, and Things : And
first of this of Saint Michael 529
Bels of stone. Darke Mattens. Undevont devotions.
Copes and Vestments. Ethiopian Communion. Strict
orders. Holy Water. Short Masse. Holy Bread.
Bare-footed Friers. Great Fasts. Lay Fasts. Hard
Dyet. Novices. An Erroneous Saint.
xvii
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Hondius his Map of Egypt, 8
Facdmile of the Title Page to the Second Part of
Purchas His Pilgrimes, -3*
Sir Thomas Button, . . .136
Reproduced hy permission from the portrait
at Coedriglan Park, Glamorganshire.
The Egyptian Pyramids and Colossus,
The Entrance into the Great Pyramid,
Egyptian Gods, ....
The Zevera or Zebra, .
Hondius his Map of Congo,
204
208
210
400
416
XIZ
THE SIXTH VOLUME
OF
Purchas His Pilgrimes
Contayning Navigations, Voyages and Discoveries
of the Sea-Coasts and In-land Regions of
Africa, which is generally called
^Ethiopia, by Englishmen
and others
§. VIIL
Notes of principall things in John Leo his eight
Booke of the Historie of Africa.
Ble most noble and famous Province of Egypt [Il.vi. 832.]
bordering Westward upon the Dcsarts of Barca,
Numidia, and Libya ; Eastward upon the Desarts
lying betweene Egypt it selfe and the Red Sea; and f^^^&^
Northward upon the Mediterran Sea; is inclosed South- J^^^i^
ward with the Land of the foresaid people called Bugiha> "2^.
and with the River of Nilus. It stretcheth in length from
the Mediterran Sea to the Land of the people called
Bugiha, about foure hundred and fiftie miles: but in
breadth it is very narrow ; so that it contayneth nought but
a small distance betweene both the bankes of Nilus, and
the barren Mountaynes bordering upon the foresaid
Desarts, being inhabited onely in that place where Nilus
is separate from the said Mountaynes : albeit, towards the
Mediterran Sea it extendeth it selfe somewhat broader.
For Nilus about fourescore miles from the great Citie of ^^ ^^^^^ ^f
Cairo is divided into two branches, one whereof running ^'
in his Chanell Westward, retiirneth at length into the
mayne streame from whence hee tooke his originall, and
having passed about threescore miles beyond Cairo, it
divideth it selfe into two other branches, whereof the one
ninneth to Damiata, and the other to Rosetto. And out
of that which trendeth to Damiata issueth another branch,
which discharging it selfe into a Lake, passeth through a
certaine gullet or strait into the Mediterran Sea, upon
the banke whereof standeth the most ancient Citie of
VI I A
A.D.
c. 1526.
Turbant.
A division of
Egypt.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Tenesse : and this division of Nilus into so many streames
and branches causeth Egypt (as I have beforesaid) to bee
so narrow. All this Province is plaine, and is most fruit-
full for all kind of Graine and Pulse. There are most
pleasant and greene Medowes, and great store of Geese
and other Fowles. The Countrey people are of a swart
and browne colour : but the Citizens are white. Garments
they weare which are strait downe to their wastes, and
broad beneath, and the sleeves likewise are strait. They
cover their heads with a round and high habit, called by
the Italians a Dulipan. Their shooes are made according
to the ancient fashion. In Summer they weare Garments
of parti-coloured Cotton: but in Winter they use a
certayne Garment lined with Cotton, which they call
Chebre: but the chiefe Citizens and Merchants are
apparelled in cloth of Europe. The Inhabitants are of
an honest, cheerefull, and liberall disposition. For their
victuals they use a kind of new and extreme salt Cheeses,
and sowre Milke also artificially congealed: which fare
albeit they account very daintie, yet cannot strangers digest
it, and into every Disn almost they put sowre Milke.
Since the Mahumetans were Lords of Egypt, it hath
beene divided into three parts. For the Region from
Cairo to Rosetto is called the shoare of Errif : and from
Cairo to the Land of Bugiha, it is called Sahid, that is to
say. The firme Land: but the Region adjoyning upon
that branch of Nilus, which runneth towards Damiata and
Tenesse, they call by the name of Bechria or Maremma.
All Egypt is exceeding fertile : but the Province of Sahid
excelleth the two other parts for abundance of Corne,
Cattle, Fowles and Flaxe : and Maremma aboundeth with
Cotton and Sugar. Howbeit, the Inhabitants of Mar-
emma, and Errif are farre more civill then the people of
Sahid: because those two Provinces lye neerer unto the
Sea, and are more fi-quented by European, Barbarian, and
Assyrian Merchants: but the people of Sahid have no
conversation with strangers, except it be with a few
Ethiopians.
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA ad.
c. 1526.
The Egyptians (as Moses writeth) fetch their originall The ancient
from *Mesraim the Sonne of Chus, the Sonne of Cham, Q^^^^f^^
the Sonne of Noe ; and the Hebrewes call both the Coun- tki^^lyp^s.
trey and the Inhabitants of Egypt by the name of Mesraim. Gen. 10. 6. *
The Arabians call Eg)rpt it selte Mesre, but the Inhabitants *Mesram is
Chibith. And Chibith (they say) was the man, that first ^"^^^^^
tooke upon him the Government of this Region, and chus^andtke
beganne first to build houses thereon. Also the Inhabi- SonneofCham
tants call themselves by the same name : neither are there Chibith.
left any true Egyptians, besides a few Christians, which
arc at tihis present remayning. The residue embracing the
Mahumetan Religion, have mingled themselves amongst
the Arabians and the . Moores. This Kingdome was
governed many yeares by the Egyptians themselves, as
namely, by the Kings that were called Pharao, (who by
their Monuments and admirable Buildings, seeme to have
beene mightie Princes) and also by the Kings called
Ptolomaei. Afterward, being subdued unto the Romane
Empire, this Kingdome since the comming of Christ was
converted unto the Christian Religion, under the said
Romane Government : since the decay of which Empire,
it fell into the possession of the Emperours of Constan-
tinople; who being very careftiU to maintayne this
Kingdome, were at length deprived thereof by the
Mahumetans, under the conduct of Hamrus the Sonne of
Hasi, being appointed Captaine Generall over the Arabian
Armie of Homar, the second Califa or Mahumetan Patri-
arke of that name : who permitting all men to have their
owne Religion, required nought but Tribute at their
hands. The said Captaine built upon the banke of Nilus,
a certaine Towne called by the Arabians Fustato, which Fustato.
word signifieth in their Language a Tabernacle : for when
he first undertooke this Expedition, he marched through
wild and desart places void of Inhabitants, so that his
Armie was constrayned to lye in Tents. The common
people call this Towne Mesre Hatichi, that is to say, the
ancient Citie; in comparison of which Cairo may not
unfitly be called the New Citie.
A.D.
c. 1526.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Neither Cairo nor any place neere unto it, can by any
likelihood challenge that they were at any time inhabited
by the ancient Pharaos. But heere it is to be noted, that
[II. vi. 833.] the Nobilitie of the ancient Egyptians dwelt in times past
in the Region of Sahid beyond Cairo, in the Cities of
Fium, of Manfichmin, and in other such famous Cities.
Howbeit, after Egypt was conquered by the Romanes, the
Egyptian Nobilitie planted themselves in the Region of
Errif, upon the Sea shoare thereof, namely, about the
Cities ot Alexandria, Rosetto, and other famous Townes
retayning as yet the Latine names. Also when the
Romane Empire was translated into Greece, the said
Nobilitie still inhabited upon the Sea shoare, the Em-
perours Lieutenant residing at Alexandria : but after the
Mahumetans got the Dominion of Egypt, the foresaid
Nobilitie retyred themselves into the in-land, hoping
thereby to reape a double commoditie: namely, first, in
that they might bee a meanes to pacifie the Kingdome on
both sides of them; and secondly, that they might bee
free from the invasions of the Christians, whereof they
should have beene in danger, had they remayned any
logger upon the Sea Coast.
The Ayre of this Countrey is hot and unwholesome:
and it rayneth heere very seldome or never. And Raine
is the cause of many Diseases in Egypt: for in raynie
weather some of the Egyptians are subject unto dangerous
Rheumes, and Fevers ; and others unto a strange kinde of
swelling in their privy Members: which swelling the
Physicians impute unto Salt Cheese and Beefe, which are
the common Dyet of the Egyptians. In Sommer time
this Countrey is most extremely hot, for a remedie of
which heat they build in every Towne certaine high
Towres, having one doore aloft, another beneath, right
over against the houses, through the tops whereof the
wind passing down-ward, doth somewhat coole and refresh
the Ayre : otherwise in regard of the intolerable heat of
Extreame ^^^ Sunne it were impossible for any man to live there.
PisHknce. Sometime the Pestilence is so hot among them, especially
The quaMe
W tempera-
ture of the
AyreinEgypt.
Raine unwhol-
some.
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA ad.
c. 1526.
at Cairo, that sometimes there dye twelve thousand
pw-sons thereof on a day. But with the French Poxe, I '^^f^^
thinke, that no other Countrey under Heaven is so ^fj^^^^l^
molested, nor that contayneth so many people infected
therewith. About the beginning; of Aprill, they reape
their Corne, and having reaped it, they presentlv thrash
the same ; neyther shaU you see one eate of their Corne
standing till the twentieth of May.
The inundation or overflow of Nilus beginneth about Thilncreaseof
the middest of June, increasing afterward for the space of
fortie dayes, and for the space of other fortie dayes also
decreasing : during which time all the Cities and Townes
of Egypt are like unto Hands, which none can come unto
but by Boats and Barges. At this time also Nilus is very
fit to be sailed upon with vessels of burthen ; some whereof
are so bigge that they will contayne sixe or seven thousand
bushels *of Corne: and some hundreds of Cattell *Moggia.
together: and in these Vessels they sayle onely downe
the streame : for against the streame or without the over-
flowing time they would scarsly passe emptie. The
Egyptians according to the increase of Nilus, doe foresee
the plentie or dearth of the yeere following : as wee will
more at large declare, when wee come to speake of the
Hand of Nilus over against the olde Citie, where the
inundation of Nilus is measured. Neither is it our
purpose in this place particidarly to describe all the Cities
of Egypt, because our African Writers are of divers
opinions thereabout ; for some would have Egypt to bee a
part of Africa, but others are of a contrary minde. Divers
there are that affirme, that part of Egypt adjoyning upon
the Desarts of Barbarie, Numidia and Libya, to belong
unto Africa. Some others ascribe unto Amca all those
places that border upon the principall and mayne Channell
of Nilus: but as for other places, as namely, Manf,
Fium, Semenud, Damanhore, Berelles, Tenesse, and
Damiata, they thinke them not to be situate in Africa:
which opinion, I my selfe, also upon many and great
reasons take to be true. Wherefore my purpose is to
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
describe none other Cities but such as stand neere the
mayne and principall Channell of Nilus.
The CiHe of The ancient Citie of Bosiri built by the Egyptians upon
Bosm. ^j^^ Mediterran Sea, and standing twentie miles Westward
from Alexandria, was in times past environed with most
strong wals, and adorned with most beautifull and stately
Buildings. At this present, it is compassed with many
possessions or grounds bearing Dates, whereof no man
taketh charge nor reapeth any commoditie: for when
Alexandria was wonne by the Christians, the Inhabitants
abandoned this Citie, and fled towards the Lake called
Buchaira.
The great The great Citie of Alexandria in Egypt, founded by
AUx^d ' i ^^^^^^ ^^^ Great, not without the advise of most
Egyft &mous and skilfuU Architects, upon a beautifull point of
Land stretching into the Mediterran Sea, and being distant
fortie miles Westward of Nilus, was in times past, till it
grew subject unto the Mahumetans, most sumptuously
and strongly built, as divers and sundry Authors beare
record. Afterward this Citie decaying, many yeares
together, was deprived of the ancient renowne and honour,
and remayned in manner desolate, because no Merchants
of Greece nor of any other part of Europe exercised any
Indulgences of longer Traffique therein, riowbeit, a certaine craftie
Mahumet. Mahumetan Patriarke made the rude people beleeve, that
by the Prophesie of Mahumet, most ample Indulgences
were granted unto all such as would inhabit the Citie or
guard it for certaine dayes, and would bestow some Almes
for a publike benefit : by which wily stratageme the Citie
was in short time filled with forraine people, which from
all places resorted thereunto : by whom were built many
houses neere unto the Citie wals, and many Colledges of
Students, and divers Monasteries for the reliefe of
Pilgrims.
[II. vi. 834.] The Citie it selfe is foure square, and hath foure Gates
to enter in at: one standing on the East side towards
Nilus, another on the South side towards the Lake of
Buchaira, the third Westward towards the Desart of Barca,
6
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA ad.
c. 1526.
and the fourth towards the Mediterran Sea and the Haven ;
whereat stand the Searchers and Customers, which ransacke SearcAen
strangers even to then: very shirts: for they demand *^^^^'
custome, not onely for wares and Merchandize, but also
some allowance in the hundred for all kinde of money.
Neere unto this Citie-walles there are two other Gates also,
being divided asxmder by a faire walke, and a most
impregnable Castle, which standeth upon the Strand or
Wharte of the Port, conunonly called Marsa el Bargi,
that is to say, the Port of the Castle : in which Port ride
the principall and best ships, namely, such as come from
Venice, Genoa, Ragusa, with other Ships of Europe. For
hither resort the English, the Low Dutch, the Biscaines, Ancient traf-
the Portugals, and men of all other Nations in Europe for v %^ ^^to
traffique sake. Howbeit, this Port is most usually jiUxandHa.
frequented by the Ships of Appulia, Sicilia, and of Greece,
which are Turkish Ships; all which resort into this
Harbour to save themselves from Pyrats, and from
tempestuous weather. Another Port there is also, called
Marsa Essil Sela, that is to say, the Port of the Chaine,
wherein the Ships of Barbary, namelv, those of Tunis and
of the He of Gerbi harbour themselves. The Christians ^^« » Leos
are constrained to pay about the tenth part of all wares ^^^ ^S*^-
that they bring in and carry out, but the Mahumetans pay
but the twentieth part : and whatsoever wares are carried
by land to Cairo pay no custom at all. And at this present
that part of the Citie which is next unto Cairo, is the most
fiunous and best furnished with Merchandize brought by
Merchants from all places of the world. The other parts
of this Citie are destitute both of Civility and Inhabitants :
for except one long street, and that part of the Citie next
the Haven which is full of Merchants shops, and inhabited
by Christians, the residue is void and desolate. Which
desolation happened at that time, when Lewis the fourth.
King of France, being restored to liberty by the Soldan, -Alexandria
the King of Cyprus with a fleet, partly of Venetians, and '^{^j^l^^
partly of Frenoi-men suddenly assailed Alexandria, and ^ king of ^
with great slaughter surprized and sacked the same. But Cyprus.
7
A.D.
c. 1526.
Pharos.
WatchTtnoer.
Akxandria
vaulted.
The water of
Nilus hrought
by a sluce into
Alexandria.
Siche/y fruits.
The pillar and
afilldFable
thereof.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the Soldan comming with an huge armie to rescue
Alexandria, so discouraged the Cyprians, that they burnt
downe the houses thereof, and betooke themselves to
flight. Whereupon the Soldan repairing the walles, and
building a Castle neere unto the Haven, the Citie grew
by little and little into that estate, wherein it standeUi at
this present.
In the Citie of Alexandria there is a certaine high
Mount, fashioned like unto the place called Testaccio at
Rome, whereon, although it hath no naturall situation, are
found divers earthen Vessels of great antiquity. Upon the
top of the said Mount standeth a Turret, where a certaine
officer is appointed to watch for such Ships as direct their
course towards the Citie, who for every ship that he giveth
notice of unto the Customers, receiveth a certain fee:
but if he chanceth to fall asleepe, or to be out of the way
at the arrivall of any Ship, whereof he certifieth not the
Customers, he paieth double for his negligence into the
Soldans Exchequer. Under each house of this Citie there
is a great vaulted Cisterne built upon mighty Pillars and
Arches : whereinto the water of Nilus at every inundation
is conveied under the walles of the Citie, by a certaine
wonderfuU and most artificiall sluce standing without the
Citie it selfe. But these Cisternes growing sometime
corrupt and foule, are often in Summer the occasion of
many diseases and infirmities. This Citie standeth in the
midst of a sandy Desart, and is destitute of Gardens and
Vines, neither is the soile round about it apt to beare
Corne ; so that their Corne is brought them from places
forty miles distant. Howbeit, neere the foresaid sluce,
whereby the water of Nilus is conveied into the Citie,
are certaine little Gardens, the firuits whereof being growen
to ripenesse, are so unwholesome, that they bre^ Fevers
and other noysome diseases among the Citizens. Sixe
miles Westward of Alexandria, among certaine ancient
buildings, standeth a pillar of a wonderful! height and
thicknesse, which the Arabians call Hemadussaoar, that is
to say, the pillar of trees. Of this pillar there is a Fable
8
i£^
A N E I TAH 5 > -^ '^S.
AP OF EGYPT
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
reported) that Ptolemey one of the Kings of Alexandria
built it upon an extreme point of land stretching from the
Haven, whereby to the end he might defend the Citie from
the invasion or forraine enemies, and make it invincible,
he placed a certaine Steele-glasse upon the top thereof, by
the hidden vertue of which glasse, as many Ships as passed
by while the glasse was uncovered should immediately be
set on fire: but the said glasse being broken by the
Mahumetans, the secret vertue thereof vanished, and the
great pillar whereon it stood was remooved out of the place.
But this is a most ridiculous narration, and fit for babes to
give credite unto. At this present there are amongst
3ie ancient Inhabitants of Alexandria many Christians ^^[^1
called Jacobites, being all of them Artizans and Merchants : calkd^*
these Jacobites have a Church of their owne to resort unto, Jacobites.
wherein the body of S. Marke the Evangelist lav in times
past interred, which hath since beene privily stolne by the
Venetians, and carried unto Venice. And the said Jacobites
pay Tribute unto the Governour of Cairo. Neither is it
to be passed over in silence, that in the midst of the ruinous
Monuments of Alexandria, there remaineth as yet a
certaine little house built in forme of a Chappell, and
containing; a Sepulchre much honoured by the Manumetans,
wherein mey affirme, out of the authoritie of their Alcoron, ^gJ^l^e^^
that the body of the High Prophet and King (as they resorted to in
terme him) Alexander the great lieth buried. KoA thither Pilgrimage.
resort yeerely great multitudes of Pilgrimes from forraine ^^^ ^'^^"
Nations, to acfore and reverence the said Sepulchre, and ^^J^^* ^
oftentimes do bestow large Almes thereupon. [II. vi. 835.]
The Citie of Rosetto was built by a slave of a certaine Tks Citie of
Mahumetan Patriarke and Governour of Egypt, upon the ^^^dcaUedby
Easterne banke of Nilus three miles from the Mediterran ^J^^^^
Sea, not far from the place where Nilus dischargeth his joj^„ ig^ „as
streames into the said Sea. Heere is a stately Bath-stove at Rasid the
also, having fountaines both of cold and hot water ^««^A'«f
belonging Siereunto, the like whereof for stately and ^^^^^^
commodious building is not to be found in all Egypt f^^jfj^/
besides. I my selfe was in this Citie when Selim the great way.
9
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
Tiirke returned this way from Alexandria, who with his
private and familiar friends beholding the said Bath-stove,
seemed to take great delight and contentment therein.
Thebe. Thebe, at this present, containeth but three hundred
Families in all, being most of them very stately and
sumptuously built. It aboundeth with Corne, Rice, and
Thefndts Sugar, and with certaine fruits of a most excellent taste,
caUedMuse. ^^ Muse, It is also furnished with great store of
Merchants and Artificers : but the most part of the Inhabi-
tants are husbandmen : and if a man walke the streets in
the day-time, he shall see none but trim and beautifuU
women. The Territorie adjacent aboundeth with Date-
trees, which grow so thicke, that a man cannot see the
Citie, till he approacheth nigh unto the walles. Here
grow likewise store of Grapes, Figs, and Peaches, which
are carried in great plentie xmto Cairo. Without the Citie
there are many ancient Monuments, as namely, pillars,
inscriptions in Latine, Greeke, and Egyptian Characters,
and wals of a great thicknesse, built of^ excellent stone,
and such a number of ruinous places, that this Citie
seemeth, in times past, to have beene very large.
Fuoa. The women of Fuoa, fortie miles South from Rosecco,
live in so great libertie, that they may goe whither they
will at the day-time, returning home at night, without
any controlement of their husbands. The fields adjacent
abound greatly with Dates, and neere unto them there is
a certaine Plainc which is very apt for Sugar and Corne :
^^nirat howbeit, the Sugar Canes there bring not foorth perfect
Eddiheh, that Sugar, but in stead thereof a certaine kinde of Honie like
is to say, the sope, which they use throughout all Egypt, because there
golden He. is but little Honic in the whole Countrey.
^c^of Over against the foresaid Citie the River of Nilus
^ugar. maketh an He, which being situate on an high place,
*// was soone bringeth foorth all kinde of nruitfull trees except Ohves.
after in Leos They have a most beautifull Temple at Deretto, and
I^Ti^ke^d ^^^ Citizens are exceeding rich : for their ground yeeldeth
the Stddan such abundance of Sugar, that they pay yeerdy unto the
extiffate. Soldan* an hundred mousand peeces of Gold, called in
10
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
their language Saraffi, for their libertie of making and
refining thereof. In this Citie standeth a certaine great
house like unto a Castle, wherein are their Presses and
Caldrons, for the boyling and preparing of their Sugar.
Neither did I ever in all my life see so many workemen
emploied about that businesse, whose daily wages (as I
imderstood by a certaine publike officer) amounted to two
hundred Saraffi.
Cairo is commonly reputed to be one of the greatest ADesmf^m
and most famous cities in all the whole world. But ^^^ff^^
leaving the common reports and opinions, thereof, I will c^ofCairo
exactly describe the forme and estate wherein it •now ♦ijid.
standeth. And that I may begin with the Etymologie
or derivation of the name, Cairo is an Arabian word,
corruptly pronounced by the people of Europe : for the
true Arabian word is El Chahira, which signifieth an
infbrdng or imperious Mistresse. This City built in
ancient times b^ one Gehoar Chetib a Dalmatian slave (as TAe Founder.
I have before signified in the beginning of my Discourse)
containeth within the walles not above eight thousand
Families, being Inhabited by Noblemen, Gentlemen, and
Merchants that sell wares brought from all other places.
The famous Temple of Cairo, commonly called, Gemih T/ie Tmpk,
Hashare, that is to say, the glorious Temple, was built also
by the foresaid slave, whom we affirmed to be the Founder
of the City, and whose surname was Hashare, that is to
say, Famous, being given him by the Mahumetan Patri-
arke that was his Prince. This Citie standeth upon a most
beautifuU Plaine, neere unto a certaine Moxmtaine called
Mucatun, about two miles distant from Nilus, and is
environed with stately walles, and fortified with Iron-
gates : the prindpall of which gates is called Babe Nansre,
that is, the gate of Victory^ which standeth Eastward
towards the Desart of the Red Sea ; and the gate called
Beb Zuaila, being next unto the old Citie and to Nilus ;
and also Bebel Futuh, that is to say, the gate of Trixmiph,
standing towards the lake and the fie&s. And albeit,
Cairo aboundeth every where with all kind of Merchants
II
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
and Artificers, yet that is the principall street of the whole
Citie which stretcheth llrom the gate of Nansre> to the gate
of Zuaila ; for in it are built most stately and admirable
Palaces and Colledges, and most sumptuous Temples,
among which is the Temple of Gimith Emechim, the third
Schismaticall Califa of Cairo. Other Temples there are of
a marvellous bignes, which to describe in particular, I
thinke is superfluous. Here are many Bath-stoves sdso
very artificially built. Next of all is the street called
Beinel Casrain, containing to the number of threescore
Cookes or Victuallers shops, furnished with vessels of
Tinne : there are certaine other shops also, wherein are to
DeRcate be sold delicate waters or drinkes made of all kinds of
drinks made fruits, being for Noblemen to drinke of, and these waters
%^ts ^^7 keepe most charily in fine vessels, partly of glasse,
and partly of Tinne: next unto these are shops where
divers confections of Hony and Sugar, unlike unto the
confections of Europe, are to be sold: then follow the
Fruiterers shops, who bring out-landish fruits out of Syria,
[11. vi. 836.] to wit. Quinces, Pomegranates, and other fruits which
grow not in Egypt : next imto them are the shops of such
as sell Egges, Cheese, and Pancakes fried with Oyle. And
next of sQl there is a streete of the principall Artificers
Shops. Beyond which streete standeth a CoUedge built by
Soldan the Soldan, called Ghauri, who was skine in a battaile
Ghauri. against Selim the great Turke. And next unto the
CoUedge are divers rankes of Drapers Shops. In the first
ranke there is most excellent out-landish Linnen Cloth
to be sold, as namely, fine Cloth of Cotten brought from
Balabach, and Cloth called Mosall, that is, of Ninou, of a
marvellous breadth and finenesse, whereof Noblemen and
others of account, have Shirts made them, and ScarfFes to
weare upon their Dulipans. Besides these, there are
certaine Mercers Shops where the rich StufFes of Italy,
namely, Silke, Damaske, Velvet, Cloth of Gold, and such
like are to be bought, unto which StufFes I never saw any
comparable (to my remembrance) in Italy, where they use
to be made. Next unto the Mercers are the Woollen
12
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
Drapers, which bring Cloth out of Europe, as namely,
from Florence, Venice, Flanders, and other places. Next
of all there are Chamblets to be sold : and from thence the
way lieth to the Gate of Zuaila, at which Gate dwell great
store of Artificers. Neere unto the said way standeth the
frunous Burse, called Canen Halili, wherein the Persian
Merchants dwell. It is built very stately in manner of a
Kings Palace, and is of three stories high : beneath it are
certaine convenient roomes, whither Merchants for the
exchange of rich and costly Wares doe resort : for here doe
the principal and most wealthie Merchants abide ; whose
Wares are Spices, precious Stones, Cloth of India, & such
like. Next unto the Burse standeth a street of Shops,
where al kind of Perfiimes, namely. Civet, Muske, Amber,
and such like are to be sold : which commodities are here
in so great plenty, that if you ask for twenty pounds of
Musk, they wil presently shew you an hundred. Next
followeth the street of the Paper-Merchants, where you
may buy most excellent and smooth Paper : here also are
to be sold Jewels and precious Stones of great value, which
the Brokers carrie from one Shop to another. Then come
you to the Gold-Smiths streete, being inhabited for the
most part by Jewes, who deale for riches of great import-
ance. And next unto the Gold-Smithes are certaine
streetes of Upholsters or Brokers, who sell the apparell
and rich furniture of Noblemen and other Citizens at the
second hand, which are dot Cloakes, Coates, Napery, or
such like, but things of exceeding price and value:
amongst which I my selfe once saw a beautifuU Pavilion
embroydered with Needle-worke, and beset with Pearles
that weighed fortie pounds, which Pearles being taken out
of it, were sold for ten thousand Saraffi. In this Citie
also there is a most stately Hospitall built by Piperis ^ stafehf
the first Soldan of the Mamalucks race: the yearely ^^^'*'^-
revenues whereof amount unto two hundred thousand
Saraffi. Hither may any impotent or diseased persons
resort, and bee well provided of Physicians, and of all
things necessarie for those that are sicke, who if they
13
A.D.
c. 1526.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
chance to die here, all their goods are due unto the
Hospitall.
The Suburbs. The Suburbe, called Bed Zuaila, belonging unto Cairo,
and containing about twelve thousand Families, beginneth
at the Gate oF Zuaila, and extendeth Westward almost a
mile and a halfe ; Southward it bordereth upon the Palace
of the Soldan, and stretcheth Northward for the space of
a mile unto the Suburbe, called Beb Elloch. Here dwell
as many Noblemen and Gentlemen almost, as within the
Citie it selfe : and the Citizens have Shops both here and
in the Citie, as likewise many Inhabitants of this Suburbe
maintaine Families in the Citie also. Amongst all thd
A stately buildings of this Suburbe, the principall is that stately
CoUed^, Colledge built by Soldan Hesen, being of such a wonder-
jFiill height and great strength, that oftentimes the
Coliedges have presumed to rebell against the Soldan, and
therein to fortifie themselves against the whole Citie, and
to discharjge Ordnance against the Soldans Castle, which
is but halfe a Crosse-bow shot distant.
The Suburbe called Gemeh Tailon, confining Eastward
upon the foresaid Suburbe of Beb Zuaila, extendeth West-
ward to certaine ruinous places neere unto the old Citie.
Before the foundation of Cairo this Suburbe was erected
by one Tailon, who was subject unto the Califa of Bagdet,
and Governour of Egypt, and was a most famous and
prudent man. This Tailon leaving the old Citie, inhabited
this Suburbe, and adorned the same with a most admirable
Palace and Palace, and sumptuous Temple. Here dwell also great
Temple. %xoxt, of Merchants and Artificers, especially such as are
Moores of Barbary.
The Suburbe, called Beb Elloch, bein^ distant from the
Walles of Cairo about the space of a mile, and containing
almost three thousand Families, is inhabited by Merchants
and Artizans of divers sorts, as well as the former. Upon
a certaine large place of this Suburbe standeth a great
Palace and Palace, and a stately Colledge, built by a certaine Mamma-
Colledff. i^ck, called Jazbacn, being Counsellor unto the Soldan of
those times ; and the place it selfe is called after his name,
14
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
Jazbachia. Hither, after Mahumetan Sermons & devo-
tions, the common people of Cairo, together with the
Bawds and Harlots, doe usually resort ; and many Stage^
Players also, and such as teach Camels, Asses, and Dogs,
to dance; which dancing is a thing very delightfull to
behold, and especially mat of the Asse: who having
frisked and danced a while, his Master comes unto him,
and tells him with a loud voyce. That the Soldan being
about to build some great Palace, must use all the Asses of
Cairo to carry Morter, Stones, and other necessary pro-
vision. Then the Asse falling presently to the ground,
and lying with his heeles upward, maketh his belly to
swell, and closeth his eyes as if he were starke dead. In PJ- ^*J37']
the meane while his Master lamenting the misfortune of are^j^mwLt
the Asse unto the standers by, earnestly craveth their Rke to Banks
fnendly assistance and liberalitie to buy him a new Asse. His Curtail^
And luiving gathered of each one as much money as hee ^^^p^i^^^
can get; You are much deceived my Masters (quoth he) ^^^^^
that thinke mine Asse to be dead : for the hungry Jade
knowing his Masters necessity, hath' wrought this sleight,
to the end hee might get some money to buy him
Provender. Then turning about to the Asse, hee com-
mandeth him with all speed to arise : but the Asse lyeth
Starke still, though hee command and beate him never so
much : whereupon, turning againe to the people ; Bee it
knowne (quoth hee) unto vou all, that the Soldan hath
published an Edict or Proclamation, that to morrow next
all the people shall goe forth of the Citie to behold a
Triumph, and that all the honourable and beautifull Ladies
and Gentlewomen shall ride upon the most comely Asses,
and shall give them Gates to eate, and Christall water of
Nilus to drinke. Which words being scarce ended, the
Asse suddenly starteth from the ground, prancing and
leaping^ for joy : then his Master prosecuting still his
narration ; But (saith he) the Warden of our streete hath
borrowed this goodly Asse of mine for his deformed and
old Wife to ride upon. At these words the Asse, as
though he Were indued with humaine reason, coucheth his
15
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
eares, and limpeth with one of his legges, as if it were
?uite out of joynt. Then saith his Master; What, sir
ade, are you so in love with faire women? The Asse
nodding his head seemeth to say, yea. Come on therefore
Sirra (quoth his Master) and let us see among all these
pretty Damosels, which pleaseth your fancie best. Where-
upon the Asse going^ about the company, and espying some
woman more comely and beautiful! then the rest, walketh
directly unto her and toucheth her with his head: and
then the beholders laugh and crie out amaine: Loe, the
Asses Paramour, the Paramour of the Asse. Whereupon,
the fellow that shewed all this sport leaping upon the backe
of his Asse rideth to some other place. There is also
another kind of Charmers or Juglers, which keep certaine
BTrdf''^^''^ little Birds in Cages made after the fashion of Cupboords,
which birds will reach unto any man with their Beaks
certaine skroules, containing either his good or evill
successe in time to come. And whosoever desireth to know
his fortune, must give the Bird an half-penny ; which shee
taking in her bill, carrieth into a litue Boxe, and then
comming forth againe, bringeth the said skroule in her
beake. I my selre had once a skroule of ill fortune given
me, which although I little regarded, yet had I more
unfortunate successe then was contained therein. Also,
there are Masters of defence playing at all kind of weapons,
and other that sing Songs of the Battels fought betweene
the Arabians and rlgyptians, when as the Arabians con-
quered Egypt, with divers others that sing such Toyes and
Ballads unto the people.
The Subiu'be called Bulach, standing two miles distant
from the Walles of the Citie upon the banke of Nilus,
containeth foure thousand Families. Upon the way lying
betweene the Subiu'be and this Citie, stand divers Houses,
and Mills tiu'ned about by the strength of beasts. In this
Suburbe dwell many Artificers and Merchants, especially
such as sell Corne, Oyle and Sugar. Moreover, it is full
of stately Temples, Palaces, and Colledges : but the fairest
buildings thereof stand along the River of Nilus, for from
16
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
thence there is a most beautiful! prospect upon the River,
and thither doe the Vessels and Barkes of Nilus resort unto
the common stathe of Cairo, being situate in this Suburbe :
at which place you shall see at some times, and especially
in the time of Harvest, above one thousand Barkes. And
here the Officers appointed to receive Custome for Wares,
brought from Alexandria and Damiata have their aboad :
albeit, but little tribute be demanded for the said Wares,
because it was paid before at the Port of their arrivall : but
those Wares that come out of the firme land of Egypt allow
entire custome.
The Suburbe of Carafa built in manner of a Towne, and ^^ Suburbe
standing from Mount Muccatim a stones cast, and from ^^^ -
the Wafies of the Citie about two miles, containeth almost * ^^"^^^
two thousand Housholds. But at this day the greatest
part thereof lyeth waste and destroyed. Here are many
Sepulchers bmlt with high and stately Vaults and Arches,
and adorned on the inner side with divers Emblems and
colours, which the fond people adore as the sacred Shrines
and Monuments of Saints, spreading the pavement with
sumptuous and rich Carpets. Hither every Friday
morning resort out of the Citie it selfe, and the Suburbs,
great multitudes of people for devotions sake, who bestow
fibcarall and large almes.
'The Citie Mifiodhetich was the first that was built in TheoldCiHe,
Egypt in the time of the Mahumetans, founded by ^1^^^
lumre, Captaine Generall over the Forces of Homar, the
second Mahumetan Patriarke upon the banke of Nilus,
resembling a Suburbe because it is unwalled, and contain-
ing to the number of five thousand Families. It is
adorned, especially by the River Nilus, with divers Palaces
and Houses of Noblemen, and also with the famous
Temple of Hamre, being of an huge bignesse, and most tiamres huge
stately built. It is also indiflFerendy well provided of '^^f^-
Tiades-men and Artificers. And here standeth the famous
Sepulchre of a Woman, reputed most holy by the
Mahumetans, and called by them Saint Nafissa, which was Saint Nafissa.
the daughter of one called Zenulhebidin, being the sonne
VI 17 B
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
of Husein, the sonne of Heli, who was Cousen-german
unto Mahumet. The said Nafissa seeing all of her Family
to be deprived of the Mahumetan Patriarkship, left Cufa,
a Citie of Arabia Foelix, and came and dwelt in this Citie ;
[II. vi. 838.] unto whom, partly because shee was of the Linage of
Mahumet, and partly for that she lived an innocent and
blamelesse life, the people after her death ascribed divine
honours, canonizing her for a Saint. Wherefore the
SchismaticaU Patriarcks of her Kindred having got the
upper hand in Egypt, began to build for Nafissa a most
beautifiill Shrine or Sepmchre, which they adorned also
with Silver Lamps, with Carpets of Silke, and such like
Pilgrimage precious ornaments. So great is the renowne of this
and Offerings. N^fissa, that there commeth no Mahumetan either by Sea
or Land unto Cairo, but he adoreth this Sepulchre, and
bringeth his Offering thereunto, as likewise doe aU the
Mahumetans inhabitmg thereabout: insomuch that the
yearely Oblations and Almes oflFered at this Sepulchre,
partly for the reliefe of the poore Kinsfolks of Mahumet,
and partly for the maintenance of the Priests which keepe
the said Sepulchre, amount unto one hundred thousand
Cosening Saraffi ; which Priests by fained and counterfeit Miracles
Prtests. j^^ ^jjy, delude the minds of the simple, to the end they
may the more enflame their blind devotion, and may stirre
them to greater liberalitie. When Selim the Great Turke
wonne the Citie of Cairo, his Janizaries rifling this
Sepulchre, found there the summe of five himdred thousand
Saraffi in ready money, besides the Silver Lampes, the
Chaines and Carpets : but Selim tooke away a great part
of that treasure from them. Such as write the Lives of
the Mahumetan Saints, making very honourable mention
of this Nafissa, say that she was descended of the noble
Familie of Heli, and that she was most famous for her
vertuous and chaste life: but the fond people and the
Priest of that execrable Sepulchre, have devised many
fained and superstitious Miracles. In this Suburbe also,
neere unto the River of Nilus, is the Customers Oflfice,
for such wares as are brought out of the Province of Sahid.
18
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c 1526.
Without the walled Citie stand the Magnificent and stately
Sepulchres of the Soldans, built with admirable and huge ^^Sf^ ^
An:hes. But in my time a certaine Soldan caused a Walke ^^^'•
to be built betweene two high Walls, from the Gate of
the Citie to the place of the aforesaid Sepulchres, and at
the ends of both Walls caused two Turrets of an exceeding
height to be erected, for Markes and Directions unto such
Merchants as came thither from the Port of Moimt Sinai.
About a mile and an halfe from the said Sepulchres, in
a certaine place called Amalthria, there is a Garaen contain-
ing the onely Balme-tree, (for in the whole world besides J*^ ^h .
there is not any other tree that beareth true Balme) which t^^^U^ '^
Balme-tree growing in the midst of a large Fountaine, and ^e P. Mart.
having a short Stocke or Body, beareth leaves like unto Legat. Baiyi.
Vinc-fcaves, but that they are not so long : and this Tree ondBeUon.obu
(they say) would utterly wither and decay, if the water of
the Fountaine should chance to be deminished. The
Garden is environed with a strong Wall, whereinto no
man may enter, without the special! favoiu* and licence of
the Governour.
In the midst of Nilus, over against the old Citie standeth
the He called Michias, that is to say. The He of Measure ;
in which He (according to the Inundation of Nilus) they
have a kind of device, invented by the ancient Egyptians,
whereby they most certainely foresee the plentie or scarcitie
of the yeare following throughout all the Land of Egypt.
This Hand is well inhabited, and containeth about fifteene
hundred Families ; upon the extreme point or ende whereof
standeth a most beautiful Palace, built in my remembrance
by a Soldan, & a large Temple also, which is very pleasant,
m regard of the coole Streames of Nilus, Upon another 3^^«^»^«/
side of the Hand standeth an house alone by it selfe, in J^'^/J-
the midst whereof there is a fouresquare Cisteme or mius.
Chanell of eighteene cubits deepe, whereinto the water of THs Piilar U
Nilus is conveyed by a certaine Sluce under the ground, ^^^i^ ,
And in the midst of the Cisterne there is erected a certaine ^^1^^^^^
Pillar, which is marked and divided into so many cubits,
as the Cisteme it selfe containeth in depth. And upon
19
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
the seventeenth of June when Nilus beginneth to over-
flow, the water thereof conveyed by the said Sluce into the
Chanell, increaseth daily, sometimes two, and sometimes
three fingers, and sometimes halfe a cubit in height. Unto
this place there daily resort certaine Officers appointed by
the Senate, who viewing and observing the increase of
Nilus, declare unto certaine Children how much it hath
increased; which children wearing yellow SkarflFes upon
their Heads, doe publish the said increase of Nilus in
every streete of the Citie and the Suburbs, and receive
gifts every day of the Merchants, Artificers, and Women,
so long as Nilus increaseth. The foresaid device or experi-
ment of the increase of Nilus, is this that followeth : If
the water reacheth onelv to the fifteenth cubit of the fore-
said Pillar, they hope tor a fioiitfoll yeare following : but
if it stayeth betweene the twelfth cubit and the fifteenth,
then the increase of the yeare will proove but meane : if it
resteth betweene the tenth and twelfth cubits, then is it a
signe that Corne will be sold ten Duckats the bushell : But
if it ariseth to the eighteenth cubite, there is like to follow
great scarcitie, in regard of too much moysture : and if the
eighteenth cubite be surmounted, all Egypt is in danger
to be swallowed up by the inundation of Nilus. The
Officers therefore declare unto the Children the height of
the River, and the Children publish the same in all streets
of the Citie, charging the people to feare God, and telling
them how high Nilus is increased. And the people being
astonied at the wonderfuU increase of Nilus, wholly
exercise themselves in Prayers, and giving of Almes. And
thus Nilus continued! fortie dayes increasing, and fortie
dayes decreasing ; all which time Corne is sold very deare,
because while the Inundation lasteth, every man may sell
at his owne pleasure : but when the eightieth day is once
past, the Clerke of the Market appointeth the price of all
Victuals, and especially of Corne, according as hee knoweth
[II. vi. 839.] by the foresaid experiment, that the high and low grounds
of Egypt have received either too little, or too much or
convenient moysture : all which Customes and Ceremonies
90
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
bdng duly performed, there followeth so great a Solemnitie,
and such a thundering noyse of Drununes and Trumpets
throughout all Cairo, that a man would suppose the whole
Citie to be turned upside downe. And then every Family
hath a Barge adorned with rich Coverings and Carpets,
and with Torch-light, and furnished with most daintie
meates and confections, wherewith they solace themselves.
The Soldan* also with all his Nobles and Courtiers * John Leo
resorteth unto that Sluce or Conduit, which is called the ^^J^^^*^
great Conduit, and is compassed round about with a wall, ^fj^Turh^
who taking an Axe in his hand breaketh the said wall, eonquend
and so doe his Nobles and Courtiers likewise : insomuch, E^pt^ after
that the same part of the wall being cast downe, which "'^^V^
stopped the passage of the water, the River of Nilus is ^^^ ^.^^
so swiftly and forcibly carryed through that Condiiit, and Egypt.
through all other Conduits and Sluces in the Citie and the
Suburbes, that Cairo at that time seemeth to be another
Venice ; and then may you row over all places of the Land
of Egypt. Seven dayes and seven nights together the A soUmm
foresaid Festivall Solemnitie continueth m Cairo; during P^ast of seven
which space the Merchants and Artificers of the Citie may j^f^'^
(according to the custome of the ancient Egyptians)
consume and spend in Torches, Perfumes, Confections,
Musicke, and such like jollities, all their gaines that they
have gotten the whole yeere past Without the Citie of
Cairo, neere imto the Suburbe of Beb Zuaila, standeth
the Castle of the Soldan upon the side of the Mountain
called Mochattan. This Casde is environed with high
and impre^able wals, and contayneth such stately and
beautifuU Falaces, that they can hardly be described.
Paved they are with excellent Marble, on the Roofes they
are gilt and curiously painted, their windowes are adorned
with divers colours, like to the windowes in some places
of Europe, and their gates be artificially carved and
beautified with Gold and Azure. Some of these Palaces
are for the Soldan and his Family ; others for the Family
of his Wife, and the residue for his Concubines, his
Eunuches, and his Guard. Likewise the Soldan had one
31
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
palace to keepe publike Feasts in ; and another wherein
to give audience unto forraine Ambassadours, and to exalt
himselfe with great pompe and Ceremonies : and another
also for the Governours and Officials of his Court. But
all these are at this present abolished by Selim the great
Turke.
The customs^ The Inhabitants of Cairo are people of a merry, jocund,
^*^l' ^"^ ^^^ cheerefuU disposition, such as will promise miich, but
CUbuwfJf^ performe litde. They exercise Merchandize and Mech-
Qairo. anicall Arts, and yet travell they not out of their owne
native soyle. Many Students there are of the Lawes,
but very few of other liberall Arts and Sciences. And
their CoUedges are continually full of Students, yet few
of them attayne unto perfection. The Citizens in Winter
are clad in garments of cloth lined with Cotton: in
Summer they weare fine shirts; over which shirts some
put on linnen garments curiously wrought with silke, and
others weare garments of Chamblet, and upon their heads
they carry great Turbants covered with cloth of India.
Theattjreof The women goe cosdy attired, adorning their foreheads
the women of ^nd neckes with frontlet and chaines of Pearle, and on
^^" their heads they weare a sharpe and slender bonet of a
span high, being very precious and rich. Gownes they
weare of woollen doth with strait sleeves, being curiously
imbroydered with needle-worke, over which they cast
certaine veyles of most excellent fine cloth of India. They
cover their heads and faces with a kind of blacke Skarfe,
through which beholding others, they cannot bee seene
themselves. Upon their feet they weare fine shooes and
pantofles, somewhat after the Turkish fashion. These
women are so ambitious and proud, that all of them dis-
daine eyther to spinne or to play the Cookes : wherefore
their Husbands are constrayned to buy victuals ready
drest at the Cookes shops : for very few, except such as
have a great Family, use to prepare and dresse their vic-
The RberHeof tuals in their owne houses. Also they vouchsafe great
the women of Ubertie unto their Wives : for the good man being gone
^^' to the Taverne or Victualling house, his Wife tricking
22
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA ad.
c. 1526.
up her selfe in costly apparell, and being perfumed with
sweet and precious Odours, walketh about the Citie to
solace her selfe, and parley with her kinsfolkes and
friends.
They use to ride upon Asses more then horses, which
are broken to such a gentle pace, that they goe easier then
any ambling horse. These Asses they cover with most
costly Furniture, and let them out unto women to ride
upon, together with a Boy to lead the Asse, and certain
Footmen to run by. In this City, like as in divers others,
great store of people carry about sundry kinds of victuals
to be sold. Many there are also that sell water, which
they carry up and downe in certayne Leather bags upon
the backes of Camels : for the Citie (as I said before) is
two miles distant from Nilus. Others carrie about a
more fine and handsome Vessell with a Cocke or Spout
of Brasse upon it, having a Cup of Myrrhe or Christall
in their hands, and these sell water for men to drinke, and
for every draught they take a farthing. Others sell young
Chickens and other Fowles by measure, which they hatch ^'^^^ hatched
after a wonderfiill and strange manner. They put, great ^fi^^^^^H^
i_ iTT? ' ^ ^ r\ i_«i^®j manner in
numbers of Egges into certayne Ovens built upon sundry Egypt.
lofts, which Ovens being moderately heat, will within
seven dayes convert all the said Egges into Chickens.
Their measures are bottomlesse, which being put into the
basket of the buyer, and filled full of Chickens they lift it
up, and so let the Chickens fall into the basket. Like-
wise, such as buy those Chickens having kept them a few
dayes, carry them about to sell againe. The Cookes shops
stand open very late : but the shops of other Artificers [ii. vi. 840.]
are shut up before ten of the clocke, who then walke abroad
fin* their solace and recreation from one Suburbe to
another. The Citizens in their common talke use ribald
and filthy speeches : and (that I may passe over the rest
in silenced it falleth out oftentimes that the Wife will com-
plaine 0/ her Husband unto the Judge, that he doth
not his dutie nor contenteth her sufficiently in the night
season wherupon (as it is permitted by the Mahumetan
23
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
Law) the women are divorced and maryed unto other
Husbands.
Tki reward Among the Artizans whosoever is the first Inventor of
of new and j^„ ^^^ j^j ingenuous Device, is clad in a Garment of
E** doth of Gold, and canryed wij a noysc of Mi«iciaas
One Marke after him, as It were m triun^h from shop to shop, havmg
ScaRotinLon- some money given him at every place. I my sclfij once
^h^^dK ^^ ^^^ carryed about with solemne Musicke and with
tmdChaifuof S^^^ pompe and triimiph, because hee had bound a Flea
43. Bikes ^ in a Chaine, which lay before him on a piece of Paper for
which a Tlea all men to behold.
^^^'^^h^^ Amongst the sundry Sects of Religion in this Citie,
^afneJd^/ there is one Sect of the Moores called Chenefia : and this
ha//e. Stow Sect liveth upon Horse-flesh, so that their Butchers when
Chron. 1579. they can heare of any halting or lame Jade, buy him forth-
with, and set him up a fatting, and having killed him, the
said Sect of Chen^a come and buy up his flesh lumd-
smooth. This Sect is rife also among the Turkes, the
Mamalukes, and the people of Asia ; and albeit the Turkes
might freely use the food before-mentioned, yet doe they
not inure themselves thereunto.
Foure seueraU In Egypt and in the Citie of Cairo there are permitted
M^lM^tan ^^'^^ severall Sects, diflFering each from other both in
ReRgum^ per- Canon and Civill Lawes: all which Sects have their
mitted in the originall from the Religion of Mahumet. For there were
Citie of Cairo, in times past foure men of singular Learning, who by
subtiltie and sharpnesse of wit, toimd out a way to make
particular deductions out of Mahxunets general! Precepts.
So that each of them would interpret the opinions of
Mahumet according to their owne fancie, and would every
man apply them to his owne proper sense ; and therefore
they must needs disagree much betweene themselves:
howbeit, growing famous among the common people in
regard of their divers Canons and Precepts, they were the
first Authours and Founders of the said foure Sects : any
one of which whatsoever Mahumetan professeth, cannot
renounce the same at his pleasure and embrace another
Sect, unlesse hee be a man of deepe Learning, and knoweth
24
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a,d.
c. 1526.
the Reasons and Allegations of both parts. Also there
are in the Citie of Cairo foure principall Judges, who give
sentence onely upon matters of great importance : under
which foure are substituted other inferiour Judges, in
every street of the Citie, which decide pettie contentions
and brabbles. And if the parties which are at controversie
chance to bee of divers Sects, the Plaintiffe may sxunmon
and convent the Defendant before the Judge of his street :
howbeit, the Defendant may, if he will, appeale from him
unto the highest Judge of all, being placed over the foure
principall Judges aforesaid, and being governour of the
Sect, called Essafichia ; and this high Judge hath autho-
ritie to dispense withall, or to disanuU the Decrees of the
foure principall, and of all the other inferiour Judges,
according as hee shall see cause. Whosoever attempteth
ought against the Canons and Precepts of his owne Reli-
^on, is severely punished by the Judge of the same
Religion. Moreover, albeit the Priests of the foresaid
Sects differ very much, both in their formes of Lyturgie
or Prayer, and also in many other respects, yet doe they
not fcMT that diversitie of Ceremonies hate one another,
neyther yet doe the common people of sundry Sects fall
to mutinie and debate : but men indeed of singular Learn-
ing and much reading conferre oftentimes together, and as
in private each man affirmeth his owne Sect to be the best,
so likewise doe they confirme their opinions by subtile
Arguments, neither may any man under paine of grievous
punishment reproch any of the said foure ancient Doctors.
And in very deed they all of them follow one & the same
Religion, to wit, that which is prescribed in the Canons of
Hajari, the principall Doctor of the Mahumetans, which
Canons goe for currant over all Africa, and most part of
Asia, except in the Dominions of the Great Sophi of
Persia; who because he rejecteth the said Canons, is
accounted by other Mahumetans an Heretike and a
Schismaticke. But how such varietie of opinions pro-
ceeded from the foure Doctors aforesaid, it were tedious
and troublesome to rehearse : he that is desirous to know
«5
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526*
more of this matter, let him read my Commentaries which
I have written concerning the Law and Religion of Mahu-
met, according to the Doctrine of Malich, who was a man
of profound Learnings and was borne at Medina Talnabi,
where the bodie of Mahimiet lyeth buryed: which
Doctrine of Malich is embraced throxighout all Syria,
Egypt, and Arabia: wherewith if any ht delighted, let
him peruse my foresaid Commentaries, and they will
satisfie him to the full.
Upon Malefactors they inflict most grievous and
horrible punishment, especially upon such as have com-
mitted any heynous crime in the Court. Theeves they
condenme to the Halter. A miu^ther committed treacher-
^*j*T^^^ ously they pimish in manner following : the Executioners
mdo/execu" assistants take the Malefactor one by the head, and another
by the feet, and then comes the chiefe Executioner with a
Two-hand-sword, and cutteth his bodie in twaine, the one
part whereof adjoyning to the head is put into a fire fiill
of un-slaked Lime : and it is a most strange and dreadful!
thing to consider, how the same dismembred and halfe
bodie will remayne a live in the fire for the space of a
quarter of an houre, speaking and making answere unto
the standers by. But rebels or seditious persons they flea
alive, stuffing their skins with bran till they resemble
mans shape, which being done, they carry the said stuffed
[II. vi. 841.] skins upon Camels backes through every streete of the
Citie, and there publish the crime of the partie executed :
then which punishment I never sawe a more dreadfull, by
reason that the comdenmed party liveth so long in tor-
T^ Novell ment : but if the tormenter once toucheth his navell with
Pi^fent^death ^^ knife, he presently yeeldeth up the Ghost : which he
may not doe untill he be commanded by the Magistrate
standing by. If any be imprisoned for debt, not naving
where withall to satisfie the same, the Governor of the
prison payeth their creditors, and sendeth them, poore
wretches, bound in chaines, and accompanied with certaine
keepers, daily to begge almes from street to street, all
which almes redoundeth to the Governour, and hee
96
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
ailoweth the said prisoners very bare maintenance to live
upon.
Moreover, there goe crying up and downe this Citie ^omencir-
certaine aged women, who (though that which they say ^^^"^^^
in the streets cannot be understood) are notwithstanding
injoyned by their office to circumcise women according
to the prescript of Mahxunet: which Ceremonie is not
observed but in Egypt and Sjrria.
The dignity and power of the Soldan was in times past ThemMuerof
exceeding great ; but Selim the great Turke in the yeere ^^J'^ ^ ^f
of Christ (if I be not deceived^ 1517- utterly abolished tkeorJirsy
the saide dignity, and changed all the Customes and Lawes degrifs^ and
of the Soldan. And because it hath beene my hap thrise ^ffi^^^ ^'* ^
to traveU into Egypt since the said wonderfoU alteration j^f^'r^
befell, I suppose, it will not bee much beside my purpose, if ^^^ ^^
I set downe in this place such particulars as I know to be Egypt.
most certaine true concerning the Court of the Soldan.
Unto this high dignitie was wont to bee chosen some one
of the most noble Mamaluks. These Mamaluks being all T^ Mam-
Christians at the first, and stolne in their child-hood by ^''
the Tartars out of the Province of Circassia, which bor-
dereth upon the Euxin Sea, and being sold at CafiFa, a
Towne of Taurica Chersonesus, were brought fi-om thence
by certaine Merchants unto the Citie of Cairo, and were
there bought by the Soldan; who constraining them
foorthwith to abjure and renounce their baptisme, caused
them to bee instructed in the Arabian and Turkish Lan-
guages, and to bee trained up in Militarie Discipline, to
the end they might ascend firom one degree of Honour to
another, till at last they were advanced unto the high
dignity of the Soldan. But this Custome whereby it was
enact^: that the Soldan should be chosen out of the
number of such as were Mamaluks and slaves by their
condition, began about two hundred and fifty yeers
sithence, when as the Family of the valiant Saladin
(whose name was so terrible unto Christians) being
supported but by a few of the kindred, fell to utter
decay and mine.
27
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
At the same time when the last King of Jerusalem was
determined to sacke the Citie of Giiro, which also in
regard of the sloth and cowardize of the Mahimietan
Califa then raigning over it, intended to make it selfe
tributarie unto the same King, the Judges and Lawyers
of the Citie with the consent of the Calini, sent for a cer-
taine Prince of Asia, called Azedudin, of the Nation of
Curdu (the people whereof live in tents like the Arabians)
which Azedudin together with his sonne Saladin, came
with an armie of finie thousand horsemen. And albeit,
Saladin was inferiour in age unto his Father, yet in regard
of his redoubted valoiu*, and singular knowledge in Mili-
tary affaires, they created him Generall of the field, and
five him free liberty to bestow all the Tributes and
evenues of Egypt, as himselfe should thinke expedient.
And so marching at length against the Christians, he got
the Victory of them without any bloodshed, and drave
them out of Jerusalem and out of all Syria. Then Saladin
returning backe with triumph unto Cairo, had an intent
to usurpe the Government thereof: whereupon having
slaine the Califa his guard (who bare principal! sway over
the Egyptians) hee procured the death also of the Califa
himsefie, being thus bereft of his guard, with a poysoned
cup, and then foorthwith submitted himselfe unto the
Eitronage of the Califa of Bagdet, who was the true and
wfull Mahumetan Prelate of Cairo, Thus the jurisdic-
tion of the Califks of Cairo (who had continued Lords of
that Citie by perpetuall succession for the space of two
hundred and thirty yeeres) surceased, and returned againe
unto the Califa of Bagdet, who was the true and lawfuU
Governoiu* thereof. And so the Schismaticall CaUfas
and Patriarkes being suppressed, there grew a contention
betweene Saladin and the Soldan of Bagdet, and Saladin
made himselfe a soveraigne of Cairo, because the said
Soldan of Bagdet being in times past Prince of the Pro-
vinces of Mazandran and Evarizin situate upon the River
of Gang^es, and being borne in a certaine Countrey of Asia,
laid claime notwithstanding unto the Dominion of Cairo,
a8
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
and intending to wage warre against Saladin, hee was
restrained by the Tartars of Corasan, who made invasions
and inrodes upon him. Sakdin on the other side fearing
least the Christians in revenge of the foresaid injury
woidd make an expedition into Syria, and considering that
his forces were partly slaine in the former warres, and
partly consumed bv pestilence, except a few which
remained for the defence and savegard of his Kingdome,
began to imploy himselfe about buying of slaves that ^,*'^*^^^
came from Circassia, whom the King of Armenia by those f^ Mama-
dayes tooke and sent unto Cairo to bee sold : which slaves
he caused to abjure the Christian faith, and to be trained up
in feats of warre and in the Turkish Language, and being
the proper Language of Saladin himselfe: and so the
said slaves within a while increased so exceedingly both
in valour and number, that they became not onely valiant
Souldiers, and skilful! Commanders, but also Governours .
of the whole Kingdome. After the decease of Saladin, [H. vi. 842.]
the Dominion remained unto his Family one hundred and
fifty yeeres, and all his successors observed the Custome
of buying slaves of Circassia : but the Family of Saladin
growing at length to decay, the slaves by a generall con<-
sent elected one Piperis a valiant Mamaluk of their owne
companie to be their Soveraigne Lord and Soldan : which
Custome they afterward so inviolably kept, that not the
Soldans owne sonne nor any other Mamaluk could attaine
unto that high dignity, unlesse first he had beene a Chris-
tian, and had abjured his faith, and had learned also
exactly to speake the Circassian and Turkish Languages.
Insomuch, that many Soldans sent their sonnes in their
childhood into Circassia, that by learning the Language
and fashions of the Countrey, they might prove in pro-
ccsse of time fit to beare Soveraigne authority; but by
the dissension of Mamaluks, they were alwayes defeated of
their purpose. TheprindfaU
The Eddaguadare being in dignitie second unto the ^^^^
Soldan, and being as it were, his Vice-roy or Lieutenant, soldan called
had authoritie to place or displace any Magistrates or Edda^uuiare,
29
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
Officers ; and maintained a Family almost as great as the
Family of the Soldan himselfe.
T^ Soldans The Amir Cabir having the third place of honour, was
Ar^r Caber ^^^^ Generall over the Soldans Militarie Forces; who
was by office bound to leavy armies against the forraine
enemie, especially against the next Arabians, and to furnish
the Castles and Cities with convenient Garisons : and also
had authoritie to dispend the Soldans Treasure, upon such
necessarv affaires as hee thought good.
iVtf/ Bessan, The fourth in dignity after the Soldan called Nai Bessan,
beein^ the Soldan his Lieutenant in Syria, and gathering
up all the Tributes of Assiria, bestowed them at his owne
discretion, and yet the Soldan himselfe was to place
Garrisons in the Castles and Forts of those Provinces.
This Nai Bessan was bound yeerely to pay certaine thou-
sands of Saraffi unto the Soldan.
The Ostadar. The fift Magistrate called the Ostadar, was the great
Master or Steward of the Palace; whose duetie was to
provide apparell for the Soldan, with Victuals and other
necessaries for his whole family. And unto this dignity
the Soldan used to advance some one of his most ancient,
Honourable, and Vertuous Nobles, under whose tuition
himselfe had in times past beene trained up.
The Amiri The sixt called the Amiri Achor, was Master of the
^ '"• Horse and Camels ; and distributed them unto each man
in Court, according to his degree.
The Amtralf. The seventh Office was performed by certaine princi-
pall Mamalukes, being like unto the Colonels of Europe :
every of whom was Captaine of a thousand inferiour
Mamaluks ; and their Office was to conduct the Soldans
Forces against the enemie, and to take charge of his
armour.
TheAmirmia. The eight degree of Honour was allotted unto cer-
taine Centurions over the Mamaluks; who were con-
tinuaUy to attend upon the Soldan, either when he road
any whither, or when he exercised himselfe in armes.
The Chazen- The ninth person was the Treasiu^er, who made an ac-
^^^' count unto the Soldan of all the Tributes and Customes of
30
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a,d,
c. 1526.
his IQngdome, disbursing money for the daily and necessary
expenses of the Soldans Household, and laying up the
rest in the Soldans Castle.
The tenth called the Amirsileh, had the armour of the ^^^*^''"
Soldan committed to his charge, which being contained '
in a great Armory was to be scoured, furbushed, and
renued at his direction, for which purpose he had sundry
Mamaluks placed under him.
The eleventh called the Testecana was Master of the ^^ ^^'^"
Soldans Wardrobe, and tooke charge of all such Robes ^^^*
and AppareU as were delivered imto him by the Ostadar
or high Steward of the Houshold ; which Robes he dis-
tributed according to the appointment of the Soldan ; for
whomsoever the Soldan promoted xmto any dignity, him
he apparelled also. All the said garments were of cloth
of Gold, of Velvet, or of silke.
The great Citie of Chanca situate about sixe miles from ^^^^ ^
Cairo, at the very entrance of the Desart lying in the way ^^'
to Mount Sinai, is replenished with most stately Houses,
Temples, and Colledges. All the fields betweene Cairo
and this Citie abound with great plenty of Dates: but
from Chanca to Mount Sinai, which is an hundred and
fortie miles, there are no places of habitation at all.
Through this Citie lie two mayne road-wayes, the one
leading to Syria, and the other to Arabia. This Citie
hath no other water but such as remaine in certaine
Chanels after the inundation of Nilus; which chanels
being broken, the water runneth forth into the plaines,
and there maketh a number of small lakes, from whence
it is conveighed backe by certaine sluces into the Cisternes
of the Citie.
Upon the same side of Nilus, standeth the feire Citie of ^^ ^^^^ ^f
Munia, which was built in the time of the Mahumetans ^**'^-
by one Chasib, a Lieutenant and Courtier of the Calife of
Bagdet, upon an high place. Heere are most excellent
Grapes, and abundance of all kind of fruit, which albeit
they are carried to Cairo, yet can they not come thither
fiesh and new, by reason that this City is distant from
31
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c 1526.
Cairo one hundreth and fourescore niiles. It is adorned
with most stately Temples and other buildings : and here
are to be seene at this present, sundry ruines of the
[II. vL 843,] ancient Egpytian buildings. The Inhabitants are rich, for
they travell for their gaine as farre as Gaoga, a Kingdome
of the Land of Negros,
At this present there are found at Manf-Loth, certaine
huge and high Pillars and Porches, whereof are Verses
engraven in the Egyptian Tongue. Neere unto Nilus
stand the ruines of a stately building, which seemeth to
have been a Temple in times past ; among which ruines
the Citizens find sometimes Coyne of Silver, sometimes
of Gold, and sometimes of Lead; having on the one
side Hielygraphick notes, and on the otherside the
pictures of ancient Kings. The fields adjacent being
very firuitfull, are extremely scorched by the hcate of
the Sunne, and much haimted with Crocodiles, which
was the occasion (as some thinke) why the Romans
abandoned this Citie. The Inhabitants are men of
indifferent wealth, for they exercise Traffick in the Land
of Negros.
Tie Citie of Azioth founded by the Egyptians upon the banke of
Nilus, two hundred and fifty miles from Cairo, is most
admirable in regard of the hugenesse, and of the varietie
of old buildings, and of Epitaphes engraven in Egyptian
Letters ; although at this present the greatest part thereof
lieth desolate. When the Mahumetans were first Lords
of this Citie, it was inhabited by honourable personages,
and continueth as yet famous, in regard of the Nobility
and great wealth of the Citizens. There are in this Citie
CkrisHans. almost an hundred Families of Christians, and three or
foure Churches stiU remaining: and without the Citie
standeth a Monasterie, containing moe then an hundred
Monks, who eate neither Flesh nor Fish, but onely
Hearbs, Bread and Olives. And yet have they dainty
Cates without any fat among them. This Monasterie is
very rich, and giveth three dayes entertainement to all
strangers that resort thither, for the welcomming of whom
32
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
they bring up great store of Doves, of Chickens, and of
such like commodities.
Ichmin being the most ancient Citie in all Egypt, was J^ ^^^ 9f
built by Ichmin, the sonne of * Misraim, the sonne of ^j^l^'^^j^^
Chus, which was the sonne of * Hen, upon the Banke of „ijg ^^^4 in
Nilus, next unto Asia, and three hundred miles Eastward the tenth
from Cairo. This Citie the Mahumetans, when they first ^^^r of
began to usurpe over Egypt, so wasted and destroyed, for ^^^^'
certaine causes mentioned in Histories, that besides the ttjy'^i^^
foundations and rubbish, they left nought remaining : for,
transporting the Pillars and principall Stones unto the
other side of Nilus, they built thereof the Citie called
Munsia, even as we will now declare.
Georgia was in times past a famous Monasterie of ^>*f^^^^-
Christians, called after the name of Saint George, and being ^q^j^^
sixe miles distant from Munsia. It was inhabited by
more then two hundred Monkes, who enjoying large
Territories, Possessions and Revenues, shewed themselves
curteous and beneficiall unto strangers ; and the overplus
of their yearely revenues was sent unto the Patriarke of
Cairo, who caused the same to be distributed amongst the
poore Christians: but about an hundred yeares agoe, all
the Monkes of this Monasterie died of a Pestilence, which ^ Pestilence.
spred it selfe over all the Land of Egypt. Whereupon
the Prince of Munsia compassed the said Monasterie with
a WaU, and erected divers houses for Artificers and
Merchants to dwell in. And being allured by the pleasant
Gardens situate amidst the beautiniU Hills, hee himselfe
went thither to inhabite : but the Patriarke of the Jacobites
making his mone unto the Soldan, the Soldan caused
another Monasterie to bee built in the same place, where
in times past the old Citie stood ; and assigned so much
allowance thereunto, as might maintaine thirtie Monkes.
This little Citie of Chian was built in times past neere ^^ ^^'^^ ^f
unto Nilus by the Mahumetans, which notwithstanding ^^^«
is not now inhabited by them, but by the Christians called
Jacobites, who employ themselves either in Husbandrie,
or in bringing up of Chickens, Geese, and Doves. There
▼I 33 c
A.D.
c. 1526.
The Citie of
Barbanda.
Emralds,
The CiAe of
Cana.
Afltonio Gal-
vano tnaketh
large mention
of this Citie,
The Haven of
Chossir,
The Citie of
Asna,
[II.vi.844.]
The Citie of
Jssuan.'
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
remaine as yet certaine Monasteries of Christians, that
give entertainement to Strangers. But Mahometans
(besides the Governour and his Family) there are none
at all.
Barbanda founded by the Egyptians upon Nilus, about
foure hundred miles from Cairo, was laid so waste by the
Romans, that nothing but the mines thereof remained,
most of which mines were carried unto Asna, whereof wee
will forthwith intreate. Amongst the said mines are to
be found many pieces of Gold and Silver Coyne, and
sundry fragments of Smaragds or Emralds.
The ancient Citie of Cana, built by the Egyptians upon
the banke of Nilus over a^inst Barbanda, and environed
with Walls of Sunne-dried Bricke, is inhabited with people
of base condition, applying themselves unto Husbandrie,
by which meanes the Citie aboundeth with Corne.
Hither are the Merchandise brought against the streame of
Nilus, which are sent from Cairo to Mecca: for the dis-
tance from hence over the wildernesse unto the Red Sea,
is at least 120 miles, all which way there is no water at
all to bee found. And at the Haven of Chossir upon the
shoare of the Red Sea, are divers Cottages, whereinto the
said Merchandises are unladen. And over against Chossir
on the side of Asia lieth Jambuh, another Haven of the
Red Sea, whereat Travellers going on Pilgrimage to see
the Tombe of Mahumet at Medina, must make their
rendevous or generall meeting. Moreover, China fur-
nisheth Medina and Mecca with Corne, in which places
they suffer ffreat and continuall scarcitie.
Asna in times past was called Siene. Round about this
Citie there are to bee seene divers huge buildings, and
admirable Sepulchres, together with sundry Epitaphes
engraven both in Egyptian and Latine Letters.
The great, ancient, and populous Citie of Assuan was
built by the Egyptians upon the River of Nilus, about
fourescore miles Eastward from Asna. The soyle adja-
cent is most apt and fruitfuU for Corne. And the Citizens
are exceedingly addicted unto the Trade of Merchandise,
34
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA ad.
c 1526.
because they dwell so neere unto the Kingdome of Nubia,
upon the confines whereof standeth their Citie : beyond
which Citie, Nilus dispersing himselfe over the Plaines
through many small Lakes, becommeth innavigable.
Also, the said Citie standeth neere unto that Desart, over
which they travell unto the Port of Suachen upon the Red SuacJken.
Sea, and it adjoyneth likewise upon the frontiers of
Ethiopia. And here in Summer time the Inhabitants are
extremely scorched with the heate of the Sunne, being of
a swart or browne colour, and being mingled with the
people of Nubia and Ethiopia. Here are to be seene also
many buildings of the ancient Egyptians, and most high
Towers, which they call in the language of that Countrey
Barba. Beyond this place there is neither Citie nor
habitation of any account, besides a few Villages of black
people,, whose speech is compounded of the Arabian,
Egyptian, and Ethiopian languages. These being subject
imto the people, called * Bugiha, live in the Fields after *BuffAaare
the Arabian manner, being free from the Soldans '^'1^^/*
jurisdiction, for there his Dominions are limited. called Trogk-
And thus much concerning the principall Cities stand- dfut.
ing along the maine Chanel! of Nilus : Some whereof I
saw, others I entred into, and passed by the residue : but
I had most certaine intelligence of them all, either by the
Inhabitants themselves, or by the Mariners which carried
me by water from Cairo to Assuan, with whom returning
backe unto Chana, I travelled thence over the Desart unto 7^gr^^^
the Red Sea, over which Sea I crossed unto Jambuth, and jV^i ^
Ziddem, two Haven Townes of Arabia Desarta ; of which
two Townes, because they belong unto Asia, I will not
here discourse, lest I should seeme to transgresse the
limits of Africa. But if it shall please God to vouchsafe
me longer life, I purpose to describe all the Regions of
Asia which I have travelled; to wit, Arabia Desarta,
Arabia Foelix, Arabia Petraea, the Asian part of Egypt,
Armenia, and some part of Tartaria ; all which Countries
I saw and passed through in the time of my youth.
Likewise I will set downe my last Voyages from Fez to
35
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c 1526,
Constantinople, from Constantinople to Egypt, and from
thence into Italie, in which Journey I saw divers and
sundry Hands. All which my Travels I meane (by Gods
assistance) being returned forth of Europe into mine
owne Coimtry, particularly to describe; deciphring first
the Religion of Europe and Asia which I have seene, and
thereunto annexing this my Discourse of Africa, to the end
that I may promote the endeavours of such as are desirous
to know the state of forraine Countries.
§. IX.
Principall occurrents in John Leo his ninth Booke
of the Historic of Africa.
Oftke African BSiHe Elephant keepeth in the Woods, and is found in
f'XS" HB ^^^ numbers in the forrests of the Land of
^fmftfw. ^ I"" Negros. They use to go many in one company,
& if they chance to meet with any man, they either shun
him, or give place unto him. But if the Elephant
intendeth to hurt any man, he casteth him on the ground
with his long snout or trunke, and never ceaseth trampling
upon him till he be dead. And although it be a mighty
and fierce beast, yet are there great store of them caught
^hi manner by the Ethiopian Hunters, in manner following. These
£Jlf ^^" K^^^^^s being acquainted with the Woods and Thickets
Ethio^. where they keepe, use to make among the trees a round
hedge of strong boughes and rafts, leaving a space open
on the one side thereof, and likewise a doore standing
upon the plaine ground which may be lift up with ropes,
wherewith they can easily stoppe the said open place or
passage. The Elephant therefore comming to take his
rest under the shady boughes, entreth the hedge or inclo-
sure, where the Hunters by drawing the said rope, and
fastening the doore, having imprisoned him, descend
downe from the trees, and kill him with their Arrowes,
to the end they may get his Teeth, and make sale of
them. But if the Elephant chanceth to breake through
the hedge, he murthereth as many men as he can find.
36
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
In Ethiopia the higher^ and India, they have other
devices* to take the Elephant, which, least I should "^^^hja
seeme over-tedious, I passe over in silence. ^^ Fem^
The GirafFa so savage and wild, that it is a very rare to^Hncksed
matter to see any of them: for they hide themselves fiace: and by
among the Desarts and Woods, where no other beasts use ^ ^^f ^ ^f^
to come ; and so soone as one of them espieth a man, it -^^^^^^
flieth forthwith, though not very swiftly. It is headed inaifVocUl
like a Camell, eared like an Oxe, and footed like a and mane
* : neither are any taken by Hunters, but while wkikmentvith
they are very young. ^i^y'^Z^^
Camels are gentle and domesticall beasts, and are found The^east^
in Africa in great numbers, especially in the Desarts of called Girafa.
Libya, Numidia, and Barbaria. And these the Arabians *Hereisa
esteeme to bee their principall possessions and riches : so ^^ toanting
that speaking of the wealUi ot any of their Princes, or ^^^c^uli
Governours, he hath (say they) so many thousands Camels,
and not so many thousand Duckats. Moreover, the
Arabians that possesse Camels live like Lords and Poten-
tates in great liberty, because they can remaine with their [^^•^^- 84S-]
Camels in barren Desarts, whither no Kings nor Princes
can bring armies to subdue them.
African Camels fiirre excell them of Asia ; for travelling
fortie or fifty dayes together, without any provender at all,
they arc unladen in the evening, and turned loose into Came^retAe
the next fields, where they feed upon Grasse, Brambles, 3^//.
and the boughes of trees; which hardnesse the Camels
of Asia cannot endure, but when they set foorth any
journey, they must be well pampered and full of flesh.
Experience hath taught, that our Camels having travelled
laden fifty dayes together without any provender, have
so wasted ; first, the flesh of their bunches ; secondly, of
their bellies, and lastly, of their hips, that they have scarce
beene able to carry the weight of one hundreth pounds.
But the Merchants of Asia give their Camels provender,
halfe of them being laden with wares, and the other halfe
with provender, and so their whole Carovan of Camels
goeth foorth and retiirneth home laden : by which meanes
37
AJ>.
c 1526.
Three kinds of
Camels,
Camels of a
tvonderfiU
smftfieSf
otierteise
called Dromi-
daries.
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
they keepe them in good plight. Of Camels there are
three kinds, whereof the first being called Hugiun, are
grosse, and of a tall stature, and most fit to carrie bur-
thens, but ere foure yeeres end they grow improfitable:
after which time every Camell but of meane stature will
carry a thousand pounds of Italian weight. When any
of the said Camels is to bee laden, being beaten upon his
knees and necke with a wand he kneeleth downe, and
when he feeleth his load sufficient, he riseth up againe.
And the Africans use to geld their Camels which they
keepe for the burthen, putting but one male Camell
among ten femals. The second kinde of Camels called
Becheti, and having a double bunch, are fit both to carrie
burthens, and to ride upon : and these are bred onely in
Asia. The third kind called Raguahill, are Camels of a
slender and low stature, which albeit they are unfift to
carry burthens, yet doe they so excell the two other
kinds in swiftnesse, that in the space of one day they will
travell one hundred miles, and will so continue over the
Desarts for eight or ten dayes together with very little
provender: and these doe the principall Arabians of
Numidia, and the Moores of Libya usually ride upon.
When the King of Tombuto is desirous to send any
message of importance unto the Numidian Merchants
with great celeritie, his post or messenger riding upon one
of these Camels, will runne from Tombuto to Darha or
Segelmesse, beeing nine hundred miles distant, in the
space of eight dayes at the farthest : but such as travell
must be expert in the way through the Desarts, neither
will they demand lesse then five hundred Duckats for every
journey. The said Camels about the beginning of the
spring inclining to their lust and venerie, doe not onely
hiu*t one another, but also will deadly wound such persons
as have done them any injury in times past, not forgetting
light and easie stripes : and whomsoever they lay hold on
with their teeth, they lift up on high, and cast him downe
againe, trampling upon him with their feete, and in
this madde moode they continue fortie dayes together.
38
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA ad.
c. 1526.
Neither are they so patient of hunger as of thirst ; for they
will abstaine from drinke, without any inconvenience, for ^^ Camu
fifteene dayes together: and if their guides water them ^^J!
once in three dayes, they doe them great hurt, for they ^'^^ drinke,
are not usually watered but once in five or nine dayes, or
at an urgent necessity once in fifteene dayes. Moreover,
the said Camels are of a gentle disposition, and are indued
as it were with a kinde of humaine reason : for when as
betweene Ethiopia and Barbarie they have a dayes journey
to travell more then their woont, their masters cannot
drive them on, being so tired, with whips, but are faine
to sing certaine songs unto them; wherewith being
exceedingly delighted, they performe their journey with
such swiftnesse, that their said masters are scarce able to
follow them. At my beeing in Cairo I saw a Camell
dance; which arte of dancmg how he learned of his
master I will heere in few words report. They take a How the
yoimg Camell, and put him for halfe an houre together ^^^^^f
in a place like a Bath-stove prepared for the same purpose, t^^^^
the floore whereof is het with fire : then play they with-
out upon a drumme, whereat the Camell not so much in
regard of the noyse, as of the hot pavement which
offendeth his feet, and lifteth up one legge after another
in manner of a dance, and having beene accustomed unto
this exercise for the space of a yeere or ten moneths, they
then present him unto the publike view of the people,
when as hearing the noyse of a drum, and remembring
the time when he trode upon the hot floore, he presently
falleth a dancing and leaping: and so, use being turned
into a kind of nature, he perpetually observeth the same
custome.
The Horses of Barbary differ not in any respect from Barbary or
other Horses: but Horses of the same swiftnesse and ^^^^^
agilitie are in the Arabian tongue called throughout all ^^^'
Egypt, Syria, Asia, Arabia Foelix, and Deserta, by the
name of Arabian Horses: and the Historiographers
affirme, that this kind of wilde Horses ranging up and
downe the Arabian Desarts, and being oroken and
39
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
managed by the Arabians ever since the time of Ismael,
have so exceedingly miiltiplied and increased, that they
have replenished the most part of Africa : which opinion
savoureth of truth, for even at this present there are great
store of wild Horses found both in the African and
Arabian Desarts. And I my selfe sawe in the Numidian
Desart a wild Colt of a white colour, and having a curled
maine. The most certaine triall of these Horses is when
they can overtake the beast called Lant, or the Ostrich in
a race : which two, if they be able to performe, they are
[II. vi. 846.] esteemed worth a thousand Duckats or an hundred Camels.
Howbeit, very few of these Horses are brought up in
Barbarie, but the Arabians that inhabite the Desarts, and
the people of Lybia bring up great numbers of them,
using them not for travell or warfare, but onely for hunt-
ing, neither doe they give them any other meate but the
Horses fid mflke of Camels, and that twise every day and night, to
wtth Camels ^^ ^^^ ^^y ^^^y keepe them nimble, lively, and of spare
flesh ; and in the time of Grasse they suffer them to feede
in Pastures, but then they ride not upon them.
ThewihU The wilde Horse is one of those beasts that come
mu Horses ^eldome in sight. The Arabians of the Desarts take the
are usuaU with wild Horse and eate him, saying, that the younger the
theTaruirsli Horse be, the sweeter is his flesh: but he will hardly be
at the River rf taken either with Horses or Dogs. In the waters where
&^'' h ^^^ beast keepeth, they lay certaine snares, covering them
treed:) ^^er with sand, wherein his foot being caught, he is
intangled and slaine.
Lant. The beast called Lant or Dant in shape resembleth an
Oxe, saving that he hath smaller legs, and comlier homes.
His haire is white, and his hoofs are as blacke as Jet, and
he is so exceeding swift that no beast can overtake him,
but onely the Barberie Horse, as is aforesaid. He is
easlier caught in Summer then in Winter, because that in
regard of the extreme fretting heat of the sand his hoofs
are then strained and set awry, by which meanes his swift-
Targits made ^^^se is abated, like as the swiftnesse of Stagges and Roe-
ofa skin. Deere. Of the hide of this beast are made Shields and
40
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c 1526.
Tar^ts of great defence, which will not be pierced, but
onefy with the forcible shot of a bullet, but they are sold
at an extreme price.
The wild Oxe resembleth the tame Oxe, save that it is Tke wiU
lesse in stature, bein|[ of a gray or ash-colour, and of ^*^^"
great swiftnesse. It haunteth either the Desarts, or the
confines of the Desarts. And the flesh thereof (they say)
is very savoury.
The wilde Asse being found either in the Desarts, or Thewiidjisse,
upon the borders thereof, is of an ash-colour. In swift*
nesse they are surpassed onely by the Barbary Horses,
and when they see a man, they bray out aloud, kicking
and wincing with their heeles, and standing stone-still,
till one approacheth so neare them, that he may touch
them with his hand, and then they betake themselves to
flight. By the Arabians of the Desarts they are caught
with Snares, and other Engins. They goe in companies
either when they feede or water themselves. Their flesh
is hot and unsavory, and hath a wilde taste: but being
set a cooling two ckyes after it is sodden, it beconuneth
very savory and pleasant.
All the Oxen upon the Mountaines of Africa being Tie Oxen
tame cattell, arc of so meane a stature, that in comparison ^ ^.
of other Oxen they seeme to be but Heifers of two yeeres jf^^T^
old : but the Mountainers using them to the plough, say,
that they are strong, and will indure much labour.
Adimmain, is a tame beast, beeing shaped like a The beast
Ramme, and of the stature of an Asse, and having long ^^^ -'^*'"
and dangle eares. The Libyans use these beasts in stead **^**
of Kine, and make of their milke great store of Cheese
and Butter. They have some Wooll, though it bee but
short. I my selfe upon a time beeing merrily disposed,
roade a quarter of a mile upon the backe of one of^ these
beastes. Very manv of them there are in the Desarts
of Libya, and but fewe in other places : and it is a rare
matter to see one of them in the Numidian fields.
There is no difference betweene these Rammes of Tie African
Africa and others, save onely in their tayles, which are ^^*^-
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c 1526.
of a great thicknesse^ being by so much the grosser, by
how much they are more fat, so that some of their tayles
weigh ten, and other twenty pounds a peece, and they
become fat of their owne naturall inclination: but in
Egypt there are divers that feed them fat with Bran and
Barley, imtill their tayles grow so bigge that they cannot
remoove themselves from place to {H^De: insomuch that
those which take charge of them are faine to bind little
carts under their tayles, to the end they may have strength
to walke. I my selfe saw at a City in Egypt called Asiot,
and standing upon Nilus, about an hundred and fifty
miles from Cairo, one of the said Rams tayles that weighed
foure-score pounds, and others affirmed, that they had
Huge tajk. seene one of those tayles of an hundred and fifty pounds
weight. All the fat therefore of this beast consisteth in
his tayle; neither is there any of them to be foimd but
onely in Tunis and in Egypt.
The Lym. The Lion is a most fierce and cruell beast, being hurtful!
unto all other beasts, and excelling them both in strength,
courage, and crueltie, neither is ne onely a devourer of
beasts, but of men also. In some places one Lyon will
boldly encoxmter two hundred Horsemen. They ranee
without all feare among the flockes and droves of CatteU,
and whatsoever beast they can lay hold on, they carry it
into the next Wood unto their Whelpes : yea, some Lyons
there are (as I have before said) that will vanquish and
kill five or sixe Horsemen in one Company. Howbeit,
such Lyons as live upon the cold mountaynes are not so
outragious and cruell : but the hotter the places be where
they keepe, the more ravenous and bold are they, as
namely, upon the Frontiers of Temesna, and of the King-
dome of Fez, in the Desart of Angad neere Telensin, and
betwcene the Citie of Bona and Tunis, all which are
[II. vi. 847.] accounted the most famous and fierce Lyons in all Africa.
In the Spring, while they are given to Lust and Venery,
they have most fierce and bloudie conflicts one with an
other, eight or twelve Lyons following after one Lyonesse,
I have heard many both men and women report, that if a
42
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c 1526,
woman chanceth to meet with a Lyon, and sheweth him
her privie parts, hee will with crying and roaring, cast his
eyes upon the ground and so depart. Beleeve it they
that list. But mis I am well assured of, that whatsoever
a Lyon getteth in his pawes, though it be a Camell, he will
carry it away.
The Leopard living in the Woods of Barbarie, will not Tki Leopard.
for all their great strength and crueltie hurt any man, un-
lesse it be very seldome, when as they meete with a man in
a narrow passage, and cannot shunne him, or when they are
checked and provoked unto fury : for then they will flye
upon a man, laying hold upon his visage with their talents,
and plucking off so much flesh as they can catch, insomuch
that sometimes they will crush his braines in pieces. They
invade not any flockes or droves of tame Cattell, but are
at deadly feude with Dogges, whom they will kill and
devoure.
The Mountayners of the Region of Constantina hunt
them on Horse-backe, stopping all passages, where they
might escape. The Leopard ranging up an downe, and
finding every place so beset with Horsemen that he cannot
get away, windeth and txirneth himselfe on all sides, and
so becommeth a fit marke for the Hunters to discharge
their Darts and Arrowes upon. But if the Leopard
chanceth to escape, that man that lets him passe, is bound
by an usuall custome to invite the residue of the Hunters
unto a Banquet.
The beast called by the Arabians, Dabuh, and by the ^j'l^^ .
Africans, Jesef , in bignesse and shape resembleth a Woolfe,
saving that his legges and feet are like to the legges and
feet of a man. ft is not hurtfuU unto any other beast,
but will rake the carkasses of men out then: graves, and
will devoure them, beinc; otherwise an abject and silly .
creature. The Hunters being acquainted with his Den,
come before it singing and playing upon a Drum, by
which Melodie beeing allured forth, his legs are intrapped
in a strong Rope, and so he is drawne out and slaine. 7^^ qi^^^
The Civet Cats are naturally wilde, and are found in Cat.
43
Aj>. PimCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
the Woods of -^Ethiopia, The Merchants taking their
young Whelpes or Kittes, feed them with Milke, Sranne,
and Flesh, and keepe them in Cages or Grates. But their
odoriferous Excrement (which is nought else but their
sweat) they gather twice or thrice every day in manner
Themanmrof following : first, they drive them up and downe the Grate
C/vT'"^ with a Wand, till thev sweat, and then they take the said
sweat from under their flankes, their shoulders, their
neckes, and their tayles: which Excrement of sweat is
commonly called Civet.
The Afe. Of Apes there are divers and sundry kinds, those which
Mm^isand ^^^^ tayles, being called in the African Tongue, Monne,
and those which have none, Babuini. They are found in
the Woods of Mauritania, and upon the Mountaynes of
Bugia and Constantina. They live upon Grasse and
Corne, and goe in great companies to feed in the Corne
fields, and one of their company which standeth Centinell,
or keepeth watch and ward upon the borders, when hee
espyeth the Husbandman comminc^, he cryeth out and
giveth, as it were, an alarme to his fellows, who every
one of them fiee immediately into the next Woods, and
betake themselves to the trees. The shee Apes carrie
their Whelpes upon their shoulders, and will leape with
them in that sort from one tree to another.
ThiSiaHorsi. The Sea Horse is commonly found in the Rivers of
Niger and Nilus. In shape it resembleth an Horse, and
in stature an Asse, but it is altogether destitute of haire.
It liveth both in the water and upon the Land, and
swimmeth to the shoare in the night season. Barkes and
Boates laden with Wares and sayling downe the River
of Niger, are greatly endangered by this Sea Horse, for
often times he over-whelmeth and sinketh them.
TheSeaOxi. The Sea Oxe being covered with an exceeding hard
skinne, is shaped in aU respects like unto the Land Oxe ;
save that in bignesse it exceedeth not a Calfe of sixe
monethes old. It is found in both the Rivers of Niger
and Nilus, and being taken by Fishers, is kept a long time
alive out of the water. I my selfe saw one at Cairo lead
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
up and downe by the necke in a Chaine, which (they say)
was taken at the Citie of Asna, standing upon the banke
of Nilus, about foure hundred miles from Cairo.
In the Libyan Desarts are found very many Tortoyses as The Tortoyn.
bigge as a Tunne. And Bicri the Cosmographer in his BkrihisBooki
Booke of the Regions and Journies of Africa reporteth, f/jj^^^'
that a certaine man being weary of travelling, ascended to ^ '^^'
his thinking, upon an high stone lying in the Desart, to
die end he might free himselfe from the danger of Serpents
and venemous beasts ; who having slept soundly thereupon
all night, found himselfe in the morning remooved three
miles from the place where he first lay downe, and thereby
understood that it was not a stone but a Tortoyse whereon
he reposed himselfe, which lying still all the day long
crecpeth for food in the night-season, but so slowly, that
her pace can hardly be perceived.
The Crocodile commonly frequenteth the Rivers of TkiCroc^dile.
Niger and Nilus, and contayneth in length twelve Cubits f^n^yi^
and above, the tayle thereof being as k)ng as the whole /„ ^^-^^ ^/i
bodie besides, albeit, there are but few of so huge a big- men W beasu.
nesse. It goeth upon foure feet like a Lizard, neither is
it above a Cubit and an halfe high. The tayle of this
beast is full of knots, and the skinne thereof is so exceeding [II. vi. 848.]
hard, that no Crosse-bow will enter it. Some prey upon
fishes onely, but others upon beasts and men. which
lurking about the bankes of the River, doe craftily lay
wait for men and beasts that come the same way, about
whom suddenly winding their tayles, they draw them into
the water, and there devoure them. Howbeit, some of
them are not so cruell by natiire: for if they were, no
Inhabitants could live neere unto the Rivers of Nilus and
Niger. In eating they moove the upper Jaw onely, their
neather Jaw being joyned unto their brestbone. Not
many yeeres sithence, passing up the River of Nilus
towards the Citie of Cana, standing in the upper part of
Egypt, foure hundred miles from Cairo, on a certaine night
whilest we were in the midst of our Journey, the Moone
being over-shadowed with Clouds, the Mariners and
45
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1526.
Passengers all fast a sleepe, and the Barke under sayles, I
my selfe studying by Candle-light in my Cabben, was called
upon by a devout old man in the Barke, who bestowed
the same night in watching and prayer, and said unto me,
call (I pray you) some of your company, who may helpe
me to draw up this piece of wood floting upon the water,
which will serve to-morrow for the dressing of our Dinner.
My selfe, Sir (quoth I) will come and helpe vou, rather
then wake any of our company in the dead or the night.
Nay (quoth the old man) I will try whether I bee able to
draw it up alone or no. And so when the Barke was
neere unto the Wood, as he supposed, holding a Rope in
his hand to cast into the water, hee was soddainiy intangled
with a Crocodiles long tayle, and was in a moment drawne
under the water. Whereupon, I making a shoute, all the
people in the Barke arose, and striking sayles we stayed
for the space of an houre, divers in the meane time leaping
into the water to seeke the man, but altogether in vaine :
and therefore all of them affirmed, that he was caught by
a Crocodile. As we sayled further, we saw great numbers
of Crocodiles upon the bankes of the Hands in the midst
of Nilus lye beaking them in the Sunne with their Jawes
wide open, whereinto certaine little Birds about the big-
nesse of a Thrush entring, came flying forth againe
presently after. The occasion whereof was told me to
Utk Birds ^^ ^^{5 . The Crocodiles by reason of their continual!
Cro€odiks^ devouring^ of beasts and fishes, have certaine pieces of
mouth to pick f^^^h Sticking fast betweene their forked teeth, which flesh
womusfrom being putrified, breedeth a kind of Worme wherewith
betweene their they are cruelly tormented. Wherefore the said Birds
flying about, and seeing the Wormes, enter into the
Crocodiles Jawes, to satisne their hunger therewith. But
the Crocodile perceiving himselfe freed from the Wormes
of his teeth, ofFereth to shut his mouth, and to devoure
the little Bird that did him so good a turne, but being
hindred from his ungratefull attempt by a pricke which
groweth upon the Birds head, hee is constrayned to open
his Jawes and to let her depart. The shee Crocodile
46
teeth.
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
laying Eggcs upon the shoare covereth them with sand;
and so soone as the young Crocodiles are hatched, they
crawle into the River. Those Crocodiles that forsake the
River and haunt the Desarts become venemous ; but such
as continue in Nilus, are destitute of Poyson. Of these
beasts I saw above three hundred heads placed upon the
wals of Cana, with their Jawes wide open, being of so
monstrous and incredible a bignesse, that they were
sufficient to have swallowed up a whole Cow at once, and
their teeth were great and sharpe.
In the Caves of Atlas are found many huge and The Dragm.
monstrous Dragons, which are heavie, of a slow motion,
because the midst of their bodv is grosse, but their neckes
and tayles are slender. They are most venemous
creatures, insomuch, that whosoever is bitten or touched
by them, his flesh presently waxeth soft and weake, neither
can he by any meanes escape death.
The Hydra being short in proportion of body, and Tki Hydra.
having a slender tayle and necke, liveth in the Libyan
Desarts. The poyson thereof is most deadly, so that if
a man be bitten by this beast, he hath none other remedy,
but to cut off the wounded part, before the Poyson
disperseth it selfe into the other members.
The Dub living also in the Desarts, resembleth in shape ^^ criamre
a Lizzard, saving that it is somewhat bigger, and con- ^^^^^«*-
taineth in length a Cubite, and in breadth foure fingers.
It drinketh no water at all, and if a man poure any water
into the mouth thereof, it presently dieth. It kyeth
egges in manner of a Tortoyse, and is destitute of povson.
The Arabians take it in the Desarts : and I my selfe cut
the throat of one which I tooke, but it bled very little.
Being slayed and roasted, it tasteth somewhat like a frogge.
In swiftnesse it is comparable to a Lizzard, and being
hunted, if it chanceth to thrust the head into a hole, it
can by no. force be drawen out, except the hole be digged
wider by the hunters. Having beene slaine three dayes
together, and then being^ put to the fire, it stirreth it
seBe as if it were newly dead.
47
A.D.
c. 1526.
The Guaraii.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
TheCamRon.
It is observed
to eate Fifes,
The Guaral is like unto the former, saving that it is
somewhat bigger, and hath poyson both in the head and
tayle, which two parts being cut oflF, the Arabians will
eate it, notwithstanding it be of a deformed shape and
ugly colour, in which respects I loathed alwayes to eate
the flesh thereof.
The Camelion being of the shape and bignesse of a
Lizzard, is a deformed, crooked, and leane creature, having
a long and slender tayle like a Mouse, and being of a
slow pace. It is nourished by the Element of Ayre,
and the Sun-beames, at the rising whereof it gapeth, and
turneth it selfe up and downe. It changeth the colour
according to the varietie of places where it commeth, being
sometimes blacke and sometimes greene, as I my selfe have
[II. vi. 849.] seene it. It is at great enmitie with venemous Serpents,
for when it seeth any lie sleeping under a tree, it presently
climeth up the same tree, and looking downe upon the
Serpents head, it voydeth out of the mouth, as it were, a
long thread of spittle, with a round drop like a Pearle
hanging at the end, which drop falling wrong, the
Camelion changeth his place, till it may light directly upon
the Serpents head, by the vertue whereof he presently
dieth.
The Ostrich in shape resembleth a Goose, but that the
neck and legges are somewhat longer, so that some of
them exceede the length of two cubites. The body of
this Bird is large, and the wings thereof are full of great
feathers both white and blacke, which wings and feathers
being unfit to flie withall, doe helpe the Ostrich, with the
motion of her traine, to runne a swift pace. This Fowle
liveth in drie Desarts, and layeth to the number of ten
or twelve Egges in the Sands, which being about the
bignesse of great Bullets, weigh fifteene pounds a piece ;
but the Ostrich is of so weak of memorie, that she pre-
sently forgetteth the place where her Egges were laid.
And afterward the same, or some other Ostnch-hen finding
the said egs by chance, hatcheth and fostereth them as if
they were certainely her owne : the Chickens are no sooner
48
Hoto the
CameUoH
ktlieth the
Serpent,
The Ostrich,
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
crept out of the shell, but they prowle up and downe the
Desarts for their food : and before their feathers be growne,
they are so swift, that a man shall hardly overtake them.
The Ostrich is a silly and deafe creature, feeding upon any
thing which it findeth, be it as hard and undigestable as
yron. The flesh, especially of their legs, is of a slymie
and strong taste : and yet the Numidians use it for food,
for they take young Ostriches, and set them up a fatting.
The Ostriches wander up and downe the Desarts in orderly
tioopes, so that a farre off a man would take them to be
so many Horsemen, which illusion hath often dismaied
whole Carovans.
Of Eagles there are divers kinds, according to their OfFmks^
naturall properties, the proportion of their bodies, or the ^^^^if
diversitie or their colours : and the greatest kind of Eagles
are called in the Arabian Tongue, Nesir. The Africans
teach their Eagles to prey upon Foxes and Wolves ; which
in their encounter ceaze upon the heads of the said Beasts
with their bills, and upon the backs with their talents,
to avoid the danger of biting. But if the Beast ^ ^^&
tome his belly upward, the Eagle will not forsake him, till "^^'''^•
she hath either peckt out his eyes, or slaine him. Many
of our African Writers affirme, that the male Eagle often-
times ingendring with a shee- Wolfe, begetteth a Dragon,
havinjg the beake and wings of a Bird, a Serpents taile,
the f^te of a Wolfe, and a skin speckled and partie
coloured like the skin of a Serpent ; neither can it open
the eye-lids, and it liveth in Caves. This Monster, albeit
my selfe have not seene, yet the common report over all
Africa afHrmeth, that there is such an one.
The Nesir is the greatest Fowle in all Africa, and ^^ Ftmh
cxceedeth a Crane in bignesse, though the bil, necke, ^^-^'^ ^^^'''•
and legs are somewhat shorter. In flying, this Bird ^
mounteth up so high into the Aire, that it cannot be
discerned: but at me sight of a dead carkasse it will
immediately descend. This Bird liveth a long time, and
I my selfe have seene many of them unfeathered by reason
of extreme old age: wherefore having cast all their
Yi 49 D
A.D.
c. 1526.
Hatokes.
Parats or
Po/finjay,
The Locusts.
Of Minerals
and Fruits f
Rootes: and
first of
MinerallSalt.
One pound of
Saltfifr halfe
a Duckat.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
feathers, they returne unto their nest, as if they were
newly hatched, and are there nourished by the younger
Birds of the same kind. The Italians call it by the name
of a Vulture ; but I thinke it to be of another kind. They
nestle upon high Rocks, and upon the tops of wilde and
desart Mountaines, especially upon mount Atlas: and
they are taken by such as are acquainted with those places.
The best African Hawkes are white, being taken upon
certaine Mountaines of the Numidian Desarts, and with
these Hawkes they pursue the Crane. Of these Hawkes
there are divers kinds, some being used to flie at Patridges
and Quailes, and others at the Hare.
Parrats there are as big as a Dove of divers colors,
some red, some black, and some ash-coloured, which albeit
they cannot so fitly expresse mans speech, yet have they
most sweet & shril voices.
Of Locustes there are sometimes seene such monstrous
swarmes in Africa, that in flying they intercept the Sunne-
beames like a thicke Cloud. They devoure trees, leaves,
fruites, and all greene things growing out of the earth.
At their departure they leave egges behind them, whereof
other young Locusts breede, which in the places where
they are left, will eate and consume all things even to the
very barke of trees, procuring thereby extreme dearth of
Corne, especially in Mauritania. Howbeit, the Inhabi-
tants of Arabia Desarta, and of Libya, esteeme the
comming of these Locusts as a fortunate boading: for,
seething or drying them in the Sunne, they bruse them
to powaer, and so eate them.
The greater part of Africa hath none other Salt but
such as is digged out of Quarries and Mines, after the
manner of Marble or Free-stone, being of a white, red,
and gray colour. Barbarie aboundetn with Salt, and
Numidia is indifl^erently fiirnished therewith: but the
Land of Negros, and especially the inner part of Ethiopia,
is so destitute thereof, that a pound of Salt is there sold
for halfe a Duckat. And the people of the said Regions
use not to set Salt upon their tables ; but holding a crum
so
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA a.d.
c. 1526.
of Salt in their hands, they lick the same at every morsell of
meate which they put in their mouthes. In certaine Lakes
of Barbarie all die Siunmer time, there is faire and white
salt congealed or kerned, as namely, in divers places neere
unto the Citie of Fez.
Antimonie growing in many places of Africa in the ^"^J^*^^^
Lead-mines, is separated from the Lead by the helpe of ^^^
Brimstone. Great plenty of this Minerall is digged out
of the bottome of Mount Atlas, especially where Numidia [!!• vi. 850.]
bordereth upon the Kingdome of Fez. Brimstone like-
wise is digged in great abundance out of other places of
Africa.
Euphorbium is the Juyce or Gumme of a certaine Qf^^P^-
Hearbe, growing like the head of a wilde Thistle, betweene
the brandies whereof grow certaine fruites as bi^ in com-
passe as a greene cucumber ; after which shape or likenesse,
it beareth certaine little graines of seedes; and some of
the said fruits are an eJle long, and some are longer.
They grow not out of the branches of the Herbe, but
spring out of the firme ground, and out of one flag you
shall see sometimes twentie, and sometimes thirtie of
them issue forth. The people of the same Region, when
the said fruites are once ripe, doe pricke them with their
knives, and out of the holes proceedeth a Liquor, or
Juyce much like unto milke, which by little and little
groweth thick and slimy. And so being growne thick,
they take it oflF with their knives, putting it in Bladders,
and drying it. And the Plant or Hearbe it selfe is full of
sharpe pnckles.
Of Pitch there are two kinds, the one being naturall, Of Pitch.
and taken out of certaine Stones, which are in Fountaines ;
the water whereof retained the unsavorie smell and taste
of the same ; and the other being artificiall, and proceeding
out of the Juniper or Pine-tree : and this artificiall Pitch ^^*^* ^^^^ '«
I saw made upon Mount Atlas, in manner following. ^^^^ ^^^*
They make a deepe and round Rirnace with an hole in
the bottome, through which hole the Pitch may fall downe
into an hollow place within the ground, being made in
SI
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRTMES
c. 1526.
forme of a little vessell : and putting into the said furnace
the boughes of the foresaid trees broken into small pieces,
they close up the mouth of the furnace, and make a fire
under it, by the heate whereof the Pitch distilleth forth
of the wood, through the bottome of the furnace into the
foresaid hollow place; and so it is taken up and put in
bladders or bags.
The Fruit Musa is a fruit growing upon a small tree, which
^^^ ^^^ beareth large and bro^ leaves ot a cubit long, hath a most
^^' excellent and delicate taste, and springeth forth about the
bignesse of a small Cucumber. The Mahumetan Doctors
amrme, that this was the fruit which God forbad our
first Parents to eate in Paradise, which when they had
eaten they covered their nakednesse with leaves of the
same fruit, as being of all other leaves most meete
for that purpose. They grow in great abxmdance zt
Sela, a Towne of the Kingdome of Fez; but in farre
greater plenty in the land of Egypt, and especially at
Damiata.
0/ Cassia. The trees bearing Cassia are of great thicknesse, having
leaves like unto the Mtilberie tree. They beare a broad
and white Blossome, and are so laden with fruits, that
they are constrained to g^ather great store before they be
ripe, least the tree shouB breake with overmuch weight.
And this kind of tree groweth onely in Egypt.
TheRoote The Roote Tauzarffhente eTowine: in the Westerne
!«/ *" P^* ^^ Africa upon the Ocean Sea shore, yeeldeth a flagrant
^'^ ^' and odoriferous smell. And the Merchants of Mauri-
tania carry the same into the Land of Negros, where the
people use it for a most excellent Perfume, and yet they
neither burne it, nor put any fire at all thereto : for being
kept onely in an house, it yeeldeth a natxirall sent of it
selfe. In Mauritania they sell a bunch of these Rootes
for halfe a Duckat which being carried to the Land of
Negros, is sold againe for eighty, or one hundred Duckats,
and sometimes for more.
The Roote The Hearbe Addad is bitter, and the Roote it selfe is
called Addad. g^ yenemous, that one drop of the water distilled thereout.
JOHN LEO ON AFRICA aj>.
c. 1526.
will kill a man within the space of an houre, which is
commonly knowne even to the Women of Africa.
The Roote Surnag growing also upon the Westemc TheRoote
part of Mount Atlas, is said to be very comfortable and ^^^^^^^g'
preservative unto the privie parts of man, and being
drunke in an Electuary, to stirre up venereall lust, &c.
Neither must I here omit that, which the Inhabitants of
Mount Atlas doe commonly report, that many of those
Damosels which keepe Cattell upon the said Mountaines,
have lost their Virginitie by none other occasion, but by
making water upon the said Roote : unto whom I would
in merriment answere, that I beleeved all which experience
had taught, concerning the secret vertue of the same
Roote, yea, they affirmed moreover, that some of their
Maidens were so infected with this roote, that they were
not onely defloured of their Virginitie, but had also their
whole bodies puffed upand swolne.
These are the things memorable and worthy of know-
ledge, seene and observed by me John Leo, throughout all
Africa, which Country I have in * all places travelled quite *^-*^^ '/» ^*
over : wherein whatsoever I saw worthy the observation, ^,^^
I presently committed to writing ; and those things which m^^ '
I saw not, I procured to bee at large declared unto mee by the Land of
most credible and substantiall persons, which were them- iV^^w, and
selves eye-witnesses of the same : and so having gotten a ^SfP^'
fit oportunitie, I thought good to reduce these my Travels
and Studies into this one Volume.
Forasmuch, as men desire to reade later occurrents, and
these my Labours are intended not to the profit and
pleasure alone, but to the honour also of the English
Name and Nation, I have added this following Discourse
of the late Warres in Barbarie: not vet pursuing them
to these Times, but contenting my selfe with the begin-
ning's, and some yeares proceedings thereof, the English
having (as you shall see) yea, being no small part therein ;
Quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris ; The volun-
tarie English adventures in the Civill uncivill broiles of
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
A.D.
c. 1526.
[II. vi. 851.] Ice-frozen Muscovia, of Sunne-scorched Barbarie, of
Turkish and Persian fights by Sea, the Mogols by Land,
the Sweden, Polish, Germane, Bohemian, Belgian, and
many-headed-Italian Broyles neerer home; the Easterne
and Westerne Indies, the Artike Northerne Circle, and
Southermost Africa remote, have really exceeded the
fabulous Devices of devising Fablers, in Knight-Adven-
tures, the Issues and Occupations of idle braines. As for
the manner of the Seriffian Family, attayning at first to the
Barbarian Scepter, and the monstrous Saint-ship and
portentuous power of Side Hamet, getting the Kingdome
from the Brethren, and of Side Hia which dispossessed
him of it and his Ufe, you have more full Relations in my
Pilgrimage, with other Occurrents. Here it is more fit
to let you heare others speake then my selfe.
Chap. II.
Collections of things most remarkeable in the
History of Barbaric, written by Ro. C.
§. I.
How the Kingdome of Barbaric came to Muley
Hamet Xarif, the late deceased King, and the
course of his government ; of his Sonncs and
their behaviour : Shecks misgovernment and
imprisonment : Hamets death.
He Family of the Mareines, being. Larbies,
were long times Kings of Barbaric : untill
a plaine Hali some hundred yeeres ago,
caUing himselfe Muley Hamet Xarif,
came out of the Countrey of Dara, Qying
beyond the Mountaynes of Atlas) with a
great number of Mountayners, called in
their owne Language Brebers : these with their strength
large entries info Barbary) to luurpe the State and dispossesse the firmer Kings, So that even in
order of Ann and affaires^ this Historie fitly succeeds the firmer of Leo; fir Barbary, Of their
manner of getting the Kingdome^ and the rest of the story ^ see my Pilgrimage^ I, 6, c, 11, $. 2.
54
This is that
Serifi or
Xeriffe so often
mentioned by
LeOf which
then began
(under colour
of warring
against the
Christians
both Spaniards
and Portugals
which had
made (as you
see in Leo)
A HISTORY OF BARBARY ad.
c. 1609.
got Moruecos from the Mareins. And going forward
following the fertilnesse of the soyle, drave the Mareins
out of Fez : getting into his power all the flat Countryes
comprized under the Titles of Sus, Moruecos and Fez,
from the hils of Atlas to the Streights of Gibraltar. Being
thus growne great, hee would prove himselfe a Xari^
that is, one of the Kindred of the Prophet Mahomet,
desiring his birth might be held answerable to his new
acquired fortunes: But within a little time after this his
sodaine invasion, Sus rebelling, refused his Government,
wherefore hee sent to the bordering Turkes for ayde,
who fulfilled therin his request. Ayded with these Turk-
ish auxiliary forces, he set forward, and at his entrance
into that Kingdome, the Turkish Souldiers through
Treason killed him, and cut off his head; sacked Tara-
dant, and running over the whole Coxmtrey, spoyled it by
the space of two monethes, which done, they would gladly
have returned to Trimasine: yet fearing their owne
strength to returne the same way Hamet had brought
them ; it was held their better course and shorter Journey,
to passe over the Mountaynes: but the Montayners
knowing this their new done bloudie fact, and seeing
them have good store of pillage, set upon them, so that
few or none escaped their hands, but were all slaine. After
this Hamet Xanf s death, who raigned some eight yeeres,
succeeded his Brother Muley Abdela, having all his life
time great warre with the Mareins, to keepe that- his
Brother had conquered : he having raigned some fifteene
yeeres dyed, leaving behind him thirteene Sonnes, the
eldest Muley Abdela (who at his entrance to the King-
dome, commanded all his Brethren to be killed :) but the
second Brother Abdelmelech fearing hard measure, fled
presently upon the death of his Famer into Turkie, and
so saved his life. The third Brother Muley Hamet of
whom wee are hereafter to entreate, being held a great
Church-man, simple and humble spirited, not any way
addicted unto armes, was spared alive as lesse feared.
The other ten were all put to death in one day at Taradant
55
AJ>- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
in Sus, where they were kept in their Fathers life time.
This Abdela raigned fortie yeeres, and dying, left behind
him three Sonnes, Muley Mehamet, Muley Sheck, Muley
Nassar. Muley Mehamet being King, his two young
Brethren ranne away into Spaine, the elder whereof named
Muley Sheck is yet living, and there turned Christian.
The younger Brother called Muley Nassar returned into
Barbarie, in the fourteenth yeere of Muley Hamets
Raifi^ne, who dyed at last. At this Muley Nassars landing
in me Countrey of Fez, much people favoured him and
his Title, and two thousand of Muley Shecks Souldiers
(who now liveth, and then governed Fez, for his Father
revolted from him to Nassar ; insomuch, as Muley Sheck
was in minde to have fled xmto his Father. But that
Alkeyd Hamet Ben Jau, being a very wise Captaine, and
there placed to helpe Muley Sheck by his counseU, who
was very young,) kept him from running away: and
Muley Nassar with a dilatorie warre, with whom if the
Souldiers had stayed, hee might peradventure have gotten
the Countrey. But their Lent approaching, the Souldiers
[II. vi. 852.] told Nassar, they would goe keepe their Easter at their
owne houses. Whereupon Nassar, thinking if they were
once gone, they would never returne to him againe, would
give present battaile, and so was this Nassar slaine.
Abdelmelech being second Brother to Abdela, got such
favour in Turkie where he lived, as entering Barbarie with
foure thousand Turkish Souldiers, he got the Kingdome
from his Nephew Mehamet the eldest Sonne of Abdela,
and there raigned two yeeres. Muley Mehamet thus
deprived of his Kingdome, fled for succour to Sebastian
then King of Portugall, who came in person into Barbarie,
to helpe him with thirtie thousand men ; giving battaile,
the Moores fled, and the Christians retyred, hoping the
Moores would returne, that so the Christians might make
the greater slaughter of them. According to this
expectation Abdelmelech with his Armie returned, and the
Christians charged the foremost of their Horse-men very
hotly, who womd have fled. But such was the abundance
56
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
of Abdelmelechs Horse-men, following the foreword
which were discomfited, as they could not have field-
roome to flye, but were forced to fight it out. This was a
bloudie battaile wherein three Kings lost their lives, Don
Sebastian King of Portugall: Muley Mehamet unto
whose ayde Sebastian came over : And Abdelmelech who
came out of Turkic being second Brother to Abdela;
This Abdelmelech left behmd him a Sonne yet living at
this day in Turkic, whose name is Muley Smime. After
the death of these two, Abdelas third Brother, Muley
Hamet Xarif, was made King, raigned about seven and
twentie yeeres in great peace and telicitie, untill he went
to take his Sonne Muley Sheck at Fez, where the Father
dyed, whose death hath caused all these Warres, as yee
may reade hereafter.
Touching this Muley Hamet, I thought good, to insert
this Letter of Master Bernhere, the Sonne of that worthy
Augustine Bernhere (as I have heard) which is so com-
mended by Master Foxe for his zeale in Queene Maries
dayes, in the Historic of Bradford, Carelesse, Glover, &c.
To his loving Brother Master Edward Wright.
THis King Muley Hamet is much delighted in the
studie of Astronomic and Astrologie, and valueth
Instruments serving for the course of the Sunne and
Moone, that are of rare device, exceedingly. Wherefore
your Spheare, your Watch, your Mundane Diall, and
your Sextans, your new Magneticall Instrument for
Declination, or any Astrolable that hath somewhat extra-
ordinarie in it will be accepted : and you might sell the
same at good prices. Now with the Eagle there goe from
hence certaine Ambassadors, and one of them is the Kings
Secretarie, named Abdala Wahed Anoone, who hath some
insight in such matters. This Bearer my friend Master
Pate, and Robert Kitchen the Master of the Ship, I thinke,
will bring him unto you, unto whom I would have you
shew all the varietie of Instruments that you have either in
your owne hands, or have sold and lent to others; that
57
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
hee may choose some for the Kings use and his owne.
You may shew them also the Draughts and Lineaments
of whatsoever you have in Paper, au which I know, will
make them admire and be desirous to have some that they
can understand how to use. You may cause to be framed
some Instruments in Brasse or Silver, leaving the spaces
for Arabique words and figures, yet drawing the Pictures
of them in Paper exactly, and setting downe the Latine
figures, and the words in Latine, or Spanish, which is farre
better : there will be foxmd here that can grave the same
in Arabique upon the Instruments having some direction
from you about the matter. Or Abdala Wahed being a
perfect Pen-man, can set the Arabique Letters, figures,
and words downe very faire ; and so any of your Gravers
can worke the same in Metall, having his Writing before
them. Master Cyprian would be a good Interpreter
betweene you and them, or some that imderstandeth and
speaketh both Latine and Spanish, and knoweth what the
words of Arte meane.
The experiments Mathematicall of the Load-stone, wiU
content the Ambassadour much. Make no scruple to
shew them what you can; for it may redound to your
good. I desire to heare more of Magneticall workes, and
the discovery of the North passage. Write to me thereof,
and send any Maps or draughts of instruments, or what
you thinke fit about Dyalling, or the course of time, and
the motion of the Heavens, which you thinke I can \mder-
stand : but direct the same either to me, or to one Master
John Wakeman, servant to Master Alderman Hamden ;
who, though he have small skill in such things, yet is
desirous to see and learne, and can preferre such matters
to the view of the King, and his sonnes, who all are
exceeding strictious of matters tending this way : so that
if I had skill my selfe, or but some of your Instruments,
whereof I could make demonstration for their use, I could
five great content, and be a meanes to pleasure you much,
ut conferre with Master Pate, and Master Kitchen, who
will direct you in this businesse, and fi-om whom you may
S8
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a,d.
c. 1609.
receive money before hand, for making any instruments
that the Ambassadours would have for themselves or the
King.
Your Magneticall Instrument of Declination, would be AVvfcffwer
commodious for a yeerely Voyage, which some make for y^lfGoU
the King over a Sandy Sea (wherein they must use Needle
and Compasse) to Gago. If you question about the
matter, and shew them some instrument serving for this
purpose, it will give great content. Other directions I
might adde unto you ; but from the parties above named,
you may receive the same fully. And thus with my good [H. vi. 853.]
will, hoping and wishing to see you shortly, I take my
leave. This 24. of June, 1600. From the Citie of
Maroco.
From Maroco in Barbary.
Your loving Brother-in-law,
Thomas Bernhere.
Obtaining the Scepter, hee first provided himselfe of
the gravest men hee could find in his Kingdomes, to be
Counsellors of estate ; then of the most experienced, and
valiant Souldiers, for Commanders over his Campe, and
Garrison Townes. And whereas he was Monarch over
two Nations, the Larbies, and Brebers, he found it
requisite to use a two-fold government. The Larbies ^^^ ^rbUs
dwelling in the most plaine Champion Countrey of his ^gii^^i^fj^
three iBngdomes, Moruecos, Sus, and Fez, were easily piMne; ihi
governed, being of mild and peaceable nature, given to Brebm
thrift and tillage of the ground, sought no alterations, but Momtamers.
receiving from him a due forme of justice, executed by
his Ministers: protecting them from the Montaneirs
which are robbers, willingly obeyed his Regall authoritie,
and yeerely payed their tenths toward their Kings main-
tenance. As for the Brebers, or Montaneirs, being of an
untamed and fierce disposition, speaking the Tamiset
tongue, which is as much different from the Larbee, as
Welch is from our English, dwelling in places by nature
defencible, and almost inaccessible : He could not so well
59
AJD.
c. 1609.
The greatues
rflds
Dominion.
is a company
tf Merchants
gnng together
fir tradings
with a great
number of
Horses^
Camels^ and
MuJeSy laden
with Commo-
£ties.
Sugar
Gardens.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
governe, neither had ever such absolute power over them,
nor received the fift pennie of profite from them, as he
did from the Alarbies. Therefore he sought by all meanes
to diminish their strength of people, drawing them alwayes
into forraigne expeditions, especially into that warre,
against the ffe^os, which continued a long time, thereby
extending his Empire so farre that way, as by Camell it
was sixe moneths journey from Moruecos, to the farthest
parts of his Dominion. Likewise^ he used this people to
goe with the Caravans to Grago, to fetch home his yeerely
Tribute and Custome, whereby many were consumed in
travelling over the Saharas: tor any offence or robbery
committed by them, his sword should punish severely, that
the rest might feare : dividing their Countrey into several!
divisions or Cantons, in every of which he placed an
Alkeid, with Souldiers to suppresse any sudden uproares,
much like our Lieutenant set over our severall Counties,
but that the Alkeid is continually resident, and hath
greater power in executing Marshall law. And lastly, as
pledges of their loyalties, he would get their chiefest mens
sonnes into his hands, bringing them up in his Court to
a more civill and delicate kind of life. He was alwaies of
mind to keepe peace with Christendome ; with Spaine,
who was his next Potent neighbour ; but above all loved
the English Nation, and admired the late Queenes happie
Government, willing to entertaine trading with us,
witnesse his many Letters written to that worthy Lady of
happie Memorie, and his Embassage sent unto her, Anno
1 60 1. Performed by Abdala WahaS Anowne, and Hamet
Alhadg, their great travailer to Mecha, and other places.
Toward his subjects he was not too tyrannicall, but
sweetned his absolute power and will, with much clem-
encie. By divers wayes he got excessive store of gold.
First, by seeing his tenths truly payd from the Larbees :
Secondly, by trading with the N^o, taking up the salt
at Tegazza, and selling it at Gago, having from thence
returne in good gold. Thirdly, by husbanding his Mase-
raws, or Ingenewes, where his Sugar Canes did grow,
60
A HISTORY OF BARBARY ad.
c 1609.
(though now all spoyled with these warres) for it is
sufficiently knowen, all of them about Moruecos, Tara-
dant, and Magador, were yeercly worth unto him, sixe
hundred thousand ounces at the least. I omit his love he
cooke in entertaining forraigne Artizans, the reedifying of
his house in Moruecos, getting Italian Marbles, the richest
that could bee bought for money, and workemen hired
from thence at great wages. His sumptuous provisions
for the Sarraile, and mamtenance of his women, not so The place
much delighting in the sinne, as his predecessors had done ^^^ ^
before, as to shew his glory, because the fashion of the ^^^^
Countrey is such, to shew their riches and greatnesse upon
that fraile sexe, and their attendances. For his chiefest
pleasures were to see the Gallantrie of his kingdome,
managing their good Barbarian Steeds, and the Falchons
upon their wing, making faire flights after the Heron :
for these sports he was provided, no man better, from
which he was recalled by certaine discontents, which as
clouds fore-runned his owne Sun-set.
At the time of his death, he left five sonnes alive. The -^«^ Hamet
eldest Muley Mahemet, commonly called Muley Sheck, ^^^^';
a Title given alwayes to the eldest of the Kings sonnes t ^^ \h!ii
The second, Muley Boferes, which two sonnes were both warres with
by one woman, a Negra, one of his Concubines: The each other fir
third son Muley Sidan, whom he had by one of his wives : ^ ^tngdm.
The fourth sonne Muley Nassar, who was about the age
of nineteene yeers: And the fift, Muley Abdela, about
fourteene yeers old at the time of the old Kings death,
and these two last were the sons of two severall Concu-
bines. This deceased King in his life time, had placed
his three elder sonnes in severall parts of his Kingdome,
to governe for him in them, to Muley Sheck his eldest
he had given the Kingdome of Fez, which Kingdome hath
in former times continually beene allotted by the late Kings
of Barbary to their eldest sonnes: Muley Boferes he
placed in his Kingdome of Sus, to Muley Sidan he gave
the Province of Tedula, which lyeth in the mid-way
betweene Moruecos and Fez : his two younger sonnes [II. vi. 854.]
61
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
Miiley Nassar, and Abdela remained with him in his
house, whom by reason of their young yeeres, he had not
as yet placed in any part of his Kingdomes. The eldest
Sonne Muley Sheck in his yoxmger yeeres governed Fez,
and those parts of Barbarie, with great approbation of his
Basha Father, through the Counsell of Basha Mustepha a
Mustapha. Spanish Renegado : which Basha in continuance of time,
grew into such favour with him, that the whole Govern-
ment of the Kingdome of Fez was wholly by Muley
Sheck put in his hands : Whereupon, the Alkeids of the
G^untrey that were naturall borne Moores, and continuall
attendants upon the old King, envying the greatnesse of
the said Basha, raised divers accusations against him:
Complaining to the King that he learned Muley Sheck
to drinke wine (a thing unlawfull to the Moores, being
forbidden them by their Prophet Mahomet) and that now
having the whole Government of the Kingdome of Fez
in his hands, under the Kings son, he purposed after he
had possessed himself of Muley Shecks Treasure, to flie,
and Carrie it with him to some parts of Christendome.
Which accusations, the old King upon some probabilities
and likelihoods, conceiving to be true, these Alkeids pro-
cured at last with him, tmit he should send to his sonne
Muley Sheck, commanding him to send the head of the
said Basha, which command, howsoever, Muley Sheck
(who greatly loved, and favoured the said Basha) at the first
delayed to performe, yet after divers messages, the old
King sending at the last a principall servant of his, to see
Mustapka the execution done, he was forced much against his will,
beheaJed. to see fulfilled.
M. Skeck. In these younger yeeres of Muley Sheck, whilest this
Basha was alive, none of the Kings sonnes was more duti-
full to their father then he, neither any of their actions so
contented the old King as his; insomuch, as the whole
Kingdomes hope for a successor after the old Kings
decease, was onely in Muley Sheck. Whereupon, and by
the Kings voluntary motion, all the principall Alkeids,
and men of Command that were in the Kingdomes, by
62
A HISTORY OF BARBARY ad.
c. 1609.
solemne oath vowed allegeance to Mulcy Sheck, after the
old Kings decease. And at that time Boferes the second M. Boseres.
Sonne, by reason of the great plague in Sus, and other PlaguemSus.
discontents, he received from that rebellious people, stayed
not long there, but returned againe to his Father in
Moruecos, where he stayed with him untill his Fathers
departure to Fez in September, 1602. Muley Sidan the M- ^i^^-
third Sonne, continued in Tedula, (a Province fruitfull
and scituate in the flat of Barbarie, the mid-way betweene
Fez and Moruecos, as I have told you) who governed
those parts in great peace and quietnesse, even in the
chiefe times of the timiults that were in the bordering
Dominions of his eldest brother Sheck, (whereof you shafl
read hereafter) insomuch, that hee was generally com-
mended and liked both of his Father and of all the King-
dome for his government, being strict in seeing the
execution of Justice to be done m those parts that hee
governed, not sparing his Kindred or neerest Followers in
those cases: From his infancy hee naturally hated all
maner of Theeves whatsoever, especially those who robbed
by the high-wayes, and without any favour or mercv
severely punished them. Howsoever, he carryed himselte
very dutifull to his Father, whilest hee was living, yet
from his child-hood he was alwayes of an aspiring and
ambitious nature, which could never be brought to subject
it selfe to give any awfull respect to his elder Brethren,
but to hazard his whole estate in obtayning the King-
dome, accounting himselfe his Fathers lawmll heire, in
that he was his Fathers eldest Sonne, which he had by any
of his marryed Wives: In this point, not regarding the
custome & Law of the Moores, who in title of Inherit-
ance or succession, respect not the mother, whether she
be marryed Wife or Concubine bought with money, so
that her Sonne be the eldest in birth.
But to returne againe to Muley Sheck the Kings eldest ^/^ ^^^^^
Sonne, who after Ae death of his Basha Mustepha, (be- 27!k«-
headed by his Fathers command) soone shewed unto all selfiandHs
men. the want of government that was in him ; for in his Countrey.
63
AD. PURCHAS HIS FIL6RIMES
c 1609.
latter times, giving himselfe over to drunkennesae, and
other detestable vices, which amongst the Moores com-
monly accompanieth that sinne, regarded not at all the
government of his Kingdome, but suffered his servants,
followers, and Souldiers to doe what they would in robbing
and spoyling the goods of his honest minded Subjects,
without controlment : And through want of Justice duely
executed, his whole Countrey in a short time swarmed so
with theeves and robbers by the high wayes, that there
was no travelling through his Dominions, but in Cafiilas
or companies ot three himdred & foure himdred persons
at a time, and they hardly somtimes escaped the hands of
theeves. The Alarbies, who continue to this day, in
Tribes and kindreds, being the husbandmen of the Coun-
trey, living in the fields in Tents, by Tilling of the
Ground, and breeding up of Cattell, when as they could
not quietly gather in, and peaceably enjoy the Come and
Fruits of the Ground, denied to pay the King their accus-
tomed duetie: and in the fields followed the courses of
Muley Shecks servants in the Citie, in robbing of all
passengers that came within their power. And such was
the lavishing manner of spending and consuming of his
Treasure, that in his humours, hee neither regarded what
RUA Jeto. he gave, nor to whom : in so much, that a Jew who was a
Musician, and used to play before him in his dnmken fits,
(what with the gifts given him by the Prince, and what
else he got out of his house) had gotten together in money
and Jewels, (in the space of foure or five yeeres) to the
value of foure hundred thousand Duckats, which is about
fortie thousand pound sterling.
This dissolute life and carelesse government of Muley
[II. vi. 855.] Sheck, grieved the old King not a little, especially to see
such a change or alteration in him, whose forwardnesse in
former times had been the stay of his age, and had mooved
him to cause the Alkeids or the Kingdome, by oath to
confirme their alleageance after his owne death. Many
wayes he sought to amend what was amisse in those parts,
and to draw his sonne to a more strict course of life, and
64
A HISTORY OF BARBARY ad.
c 1609.
more carefiill kind of government, as well by his Letters,
as by sending divers principall Alkeids to be Counsellors
unto him. i et such was the small account he made either
of the one or the other, that the old King in the end
seeing no amendment, but the estate of that Kingdome to
grow daily worse and worse, determined to goe to Fez in
his owne person with an Armie, aswell to displace his son,
who had denied to come unto him, upon his sending for :
as also to put in order all matters in those parts, which
through the ill government of his sonne, were all out of
frame. And so about the beginning of October, 1602. TAe Kings
hee set forwards from Moruecos wi3i an Army of eight ^^^^^/f"''-
thousand Shot, and some five thousand Horse towards ^
Fez, leaving his second sonne Muley Boferes to governe
Moruecos and Sus in his absence, untill his returne;
making such speedy journeys, that he was with his Forces
within one dayes journey of Fez, before his sonne Muley
Sheck was certainely advised of his setting forth from
Moruecos. Who, when he understood of his Fathers
being so neere, and himselfe every way unprovided to
resist him, would have fled towards Tafilet; but being
followed by Basha Mustepha, he was constrained to take ^«^ 5^^^
Sanctuarie, with five hundred of his best souldiers, being ^^^^ ^^^'
very good Shot and well provided. The old King the
Father, seeing his sonne take the Priviledge of the place
(which is much respected in that Country) willed him to
come forth, and submit himselfe to his mercy : But Muley
Sheck refused, either obstinate in not obeying, or feare-
fiiU he could not render a good account of his five and
twentie yeares government in Fez. Wherefore Muley
Hamet commanded Mustepha, a Basha of Sidans, thougn
then in the old Muleys service, to take three thousand
men, and perforce to enter the place ; which he performed, ^^^ ^^^^
bringing Sheck prisoner, and the rest of his company hM^^*
whidi were left alive after the conflict. The old man
would in no wise admit him into his presence, but com-
mitted him to the charge and custodie of Basha Judar,
one of greatest place about the King, who carried Sheck
VI 65 E
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
to Mickanes, a strong Garrison Towne,and there remained
untill the time of his Fathers death, which was some five
moneths after.
The old King in his journey to Fez, against his eldest
sonne, passed by the Province of Teduk, and from thence
tooke alongst with him his third sonne, Muley Sidan,
whom he commanded to remove his houshold to Fez,
SUaniain from Sidania (a Citie which he had begun to build in
Tedula, and called it after his owne name) intending to
leave him Vice-roy of those parts, in the roome of his
eldest sonne, whom he purposed to carry with him from
Mickanes, where he was prisoner to Moruecos ; which he
had also performed, if hee had not been prevented by
sudden death. For in August, 1603. ^^ having set all
matters in order in those parts of Fez, providing for his
returne to Moruecos, put out his Tents without Fez
*^m say he Gates ; but being abroad, he suddenly fell * sicke, and
Phj^ which ^^^ sicknesse so sore increased, that on Thursday falling
was so'hoty sicke, on Sunday morning being the fourteenth of August,
that in one 1 603 . he died.
yeare they say, ^ jj
there died in S- ^^•
h^ed'ZZ M^l^y Sidan proclaimeth himsclfe King in Fez.
sand, in Fez, Mulcy Bofercs in Moruecos. Muley Nassar
fare hundred would have doHe the like in Taradant, but is
^^^^- hindred. The death of Nassar, Warre be-
tweene Sidan and Boferes. Sheck set free.
Fokers employed. The Battell. Sidans flight.
Fcwds and robberies.
ley Sidan, by reason his Mother Lilla Isha
governed the old Kings House, understood of his
Fathers death, before it was noysed abroad ; where-
upon hee presently went forth into his Fathers Camp and
Tents, from whence he carried awav al such Jewels and
treasure as he found there. And after his Fathers death,
Muley Sidan hee caused himselfe in Fez to be proclaimed King of
proclatmed fiarbarie, as lawful! Heyre of his deceased Father. LiUa
66
ha
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609,
Johora, mother to Muley Sheck, and Muley Boferes^
seeing her eldest Sonne in prison, and void of all meanes
to hdpe himselfe at that instant, was not unmindfull of
her second Sonne Boferes, whom the old King had left to
governe Moruecos during his absence. To whom shee
dispeeded presently Letters by one of the Kings Eunuchs :
who made such haste, that in foure dayes hee came from
Fez to his Tents, which were some two leagues from
Moruecos, where hee had lien all the Summer before (to
avoide the infection of the Plague, which had been that
Summer in Moruecos) and with him was his younger
Brother Muley Nassar, and his eldest Brothers Sonne
Muley Abdela. Muley Boferes understanding of his ^S^^f
Fathers death, presently entred Moruecos, and gat pos- gi^ofOi^'
session of the Alcasava, his Fathers House, before the Kingt House.
ncwes of his Fathers death was noysed abroad, and gener- [11. vi. 856.]
ally knowne, fearing how the Alkeyds, and people of
Morruecos might stand affected unto him, and knowing
that if he had once possession of the Alcasava, and of his
Fathers treasure, he had the best part of the Kingdome.
And the next day after his entrance, he caused to be Wf^^^f^
published generally thorow the whole Citie, the newes of ^j^^^^, ^j
his Fathers death ; and withall, himselfe to be proclaimed Taradant.
King : writing Letters to the Vice-roy of Sus to doe the
like in Taradant, the chiefe Citie of that Kingdome ; the
which he accordingly performed.
Muley Nassar, the fourth sonne of the deceased King, ^. Nassar.
having been all the Summer abroad with his Brother
Boferes, when now he understood of his Fathers death,
followed his brother a farre off, as though he meant to
have entred Morruecos with him: but comming to the
Gates of the Citie, in company with Muley Abdela his
Nephew, being sonne to Muley Sheck, with whom he was
familiar, conferred with him about their flying into the
Mountaines, perswading Muley Abdela, that he might
no waies put any trust in Boferes, since his father and hee
were the chiefest impediments, that hindred Boferes from
claiming the Kingdom by course of justice ; his Father,
67
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
Muley Sheck being the old IQngs eldest sonne, and he
the eldest Sonne ot his Father. Besides, his Father being
in prison so neare Fez, where Muley Sidan was, it was
to bee doubted, that Muley Sidan had already gotten him
into his power, and it might be, had made some agree-
ment with him already, to joyne both against Muley
Boferes : which if it should so fall out, would cause Boferes
to deale more cruelly with him. But these perswasions
moved not Abdela, who rather chose to enter the Citie,
and follow his Uncle, on whose curtesie he would relie.
Though Nassar fearing how Boferes would deale with him,
with all speed fled into the Mountaines to the Kindred
of his Mother, from whence after a few dayes with some
eight hundred, or a thousand of these people whom
he joined together, he passed into the Plaines of Sus,
sending to the Alkeid in Taradant to proclaime him King,
or else to suff^er him quietly to depart. But the Alkeid
having already proclaimed Muley Boferes, withstood him,
and hee having no meanes wherewith to pay his souldiers
and people that he had gathered together, was soone left
of all, and so returned againe to his Mothers Kindred, and
^^^J^p fig^ lived privately there about seven moneths, and then died
^ ^ ' of the plague, or as some reported, secretly poysoned, was
brought to Morruecos, and there buried.
But to returne to Fez and those parts : after the death
of the old King (Sidan being now proclaimed King in
Fez ; Boferes in Morruecos and Sus ; and Muley Sheck
prisoner in Mickanes, in the keeping of Basha Judar) the
Souldiers being abroad in their Tents, without Fez Gates,
began to be in a muteny, as well for sixteene moneths
pay, which the old King owed them, as also about their
returne to Morruecos, where the most part of them had
left their wives and children. To appease this mutenie,
HamtMon- Muley Sidan sent out of Fez unto them Alkeid Hamet
s9res revolt. Monsore, their chiefe Commander in the old Kings time,
to promise them as well content in payment, as also a
speedy returne to Morruecos with Muley Sidan himselfe.
But Monsore in stead of pacifying, laboured to increase
6S
A HISTORY OF BARBAEY a.d.
c. 1609.
their mutenous humours, and at last agreed with them
suddenly in the night to take up their tents, and to march
with him to Morruecos, aileaging unto them both the
uncertaintie of Muley Sidans pay, and the small likeli-
hood of any speedy journey hee meant to take to Mor-
ruecos. And being to passe within a litde of Mickanes,
where the Basha kept Muley Sheck prisoner, he wrote
unto the said Basha to know his intent, whither he would
goe to Morruecos or no with him. To whom the Basha
came, and brought Muley Sheck with him, whom they M.SieckM-
brought along as prisoner to Morruecos, and delivered ^^^^^^
him up to his orother Boferes, who kept him dose prisoner ^'^^^^^'
in his House, some foure or five moneths, untill the
commlng of Muley Sidan against him in battell, by this
meanes thinking to have established the whole Kingdome
to Muley Boferes; who now, besides the possession of
the Citie of Morruecos, and his Fathers treasure, had
brought unto him the greatest part of his Fathers forces,
and his elder brother put prisoner into his hands. Muley
Sidan being thus deceived by Monsore, and likewise by
divers other principall Alkeids (who had secretly departed
from Fez, and left him) forthwith dispeeded one Mustefii, Mustafa.
a Renegado of his owne, whom he had made a Basha, with
two thousand Shot, and some Companies of Horse to
Tedula, aswel to receive from the Aiarbies, those duties
which they alwaies pay unto their King, as also to stop,
and returne to Fez, whomsoever he should find flying
firom thence to Morruecos, keeping possession of that
Province for his use. He made likewise great preparations
both of Horse and Foot in Fez, to be alwaies readie to
accompany himselfe in person if need should so require,
having with him in Fez of principall Alkeids, Azus, diiefe Azus.
Counsellor to the late deceased King, and Lord over his
Bitiemel: Bocrasia, Absadiks, and divers others. Trtasurie.
Muley Boferes likewise in Morruecos, fore-slacked no
time in making preparation to send forth against him,
sending first Alcaide Gowie with some sixe hundred men to
make provision of Corne, and other victuals amongst the
69
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c 1609.
Alarbies ; and after he had certaine news of Muley Sidans
B. Jndar. forces to be in Tedula, he sent out his Basha Judar with
five thousand Shot, choyce men ; foure Pieces of Artilerie,
and certaine Companies of Horse to enter Tedula,
and to give battel! to Mustefa the Generall of Sidans
forces, or perforce to drive him out of that Country.
[ILvi. 857.] At whose comming thither, Mustefe seeing himselfe no
waies strong enough to encounter with Judar, retyrcd
backe againe with his Armie out of Tediila : and Judar
^^*«** destroy^ the foundation of Sidania, (which Muley Sidan
distnjed. ^^ j^jg being in Tedula had begun to build upon the River
of Morbaie, and called it Sidania, after his owne name)
likewise wasted and destroyed the Country thereabout, at
least so many of the Kindreds of the Alarbies as he knew
to be friends to Muley Sidan, or those that would not
acknowledge Boferes for King. Sidan understanding
what Judar had done in Tedula, and likewise of the great
preparations that his brother in Moruecos daily made to
send out against him, forthwith put forth his Tents, and
joyned together his whole forces, which were some eight
or nine thousand Shot, and some twelve thousand Horse,
with two and twentie Pieces of Artilleric, himselfe in
person going along with them. And because hee was
altogether unprovided of skilfuU Gunners for his Ord-
nances, he procured from Salie out of certaine English
Enffish men of warre, who at that instant were there, two English
G««'-- Gunner, to whom he committed the charge of his
Fokersaremen Artillerie : but by reason of much raine that had fallen, it
offfodRfif being in the moneth of Januarie, 1604. the ground in
wHckareoHhf many places was so soft, that they could not march with
^^^ih^^' their Artillerie so fiist as need required; so that his
HefZ^s; Artillerie never came at the battell, which was thought to
otkereaUthm be a chiefe cause of his overthrow.
^aUfus and Whilest these preparations were in hand on either side.
tion amongst the Moores, to his brother Mmey Sidan, to
^•f •' ^ Muley Boferes sent certaine Fokers, held of great estima-
toAm of treate cdn<£tions of peace : howbeit, after their dispeeding
sancHde. from Moruecos, hee omitted no time and diligence in
70
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
sending forth new Annies and fresh supplies, both of
souldiers and provision, to Judar Basha that was in Tedula,
and understanding for certaine that his brother Sidan was
in the field in person (because he himselfe had never been
inured to travell, and knowing it would bee no small
discouragement to his side, and encouragement to the
other, that Sidan should be in person in the field, and no
other his equall in Bloud in his Armie to withstand him)
hee concluded a colourable Peace betweene himselfe and
his eldest brother Muley Sheck, whom untill that time hee ^- ^^^* ^^'
kept close prisoner in his house, agreeing with him that ^ '^^^*^-
hee should goe forth into his Armie, and joyne with Judar
to fight against Muley Sidan, whom if nee overthrew in
battell, hee should enjoy the Kingdome of Fez, and so
much of those Easterne parts of Barbarie, as hee injoyed
in their Fathers time : on condition, that at his entrance
into Fez, he should prodaime Muley Boferes King, and
himselfe onely Vice-roy, and so still acknowledge his
government there, as derived from Boferes. And to the
intent Mulev Sheck should the better observe these condi-
tions according to their ac^reement, hee was to leave his
eldest Sonne in pawne with Muley Boferes in Moruecos.
On these plausible conditions, Muley Sheck was set at
libertie, a happie turne for himselfe as hee thought, who
never looked tor any better but perpetuall imprisonment,
with much miserie. But the truth is, Basha Judar had PoUcies.
secret advertisement from his Master Boferes (yet not so
secret, but it was knowne to Muley Sheck, and closely
carried of him bv interception of Letters betwixt Moruecos
and the Campe m Tedula), that hee should abridge Muley
Sheck of any command in the Campe, or matter of coun-
sell in ordering of the Fight; onely shew him to the
Souldiers under his Canopie, that the Fezes who were
the strength of Sidans Armie, might know Sheck was in
the Campe of Boferes, whom they loved in regard partly
of his long abode amongst them, but especially of his great
liberalitie, or rather prodigalitie, formerly shewed unto
them, which wrought much in their minds at the ensuing
71
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
battell : and withall the Basha had a speciall charge sent,
and his Guard so to watch him, that (if hee got the battell)
hee should bring Muley Sheck in Yrons as safe a prisoner
from the Campe to Moruecos, as once hee had done from
Mickanes. But this being discovered. Muley Sheck so
shufled his Game, that though Judar won the Field, Muley
Sheck escaped unto Fez, and was lovingly entertained of
the Citizens, proclaiming himselfe King of Barbarie.
Fokers sus- But returne we to the Fokers, treating about conditions
^^^^J^^j of Peace in Fez with Muley Sidan, who by intelligence
^^ ^ * understood from Moruecos of the fresh supplies of
Souldiers, daily sent out by his brother to the Basha,
whereby hee ^eatly suspected those offers of Peace, to
bee but a device to prolong the time, whilest his whole
forces were in a readinesse, and then suddenly to have come
upon him unawares, before he should be provided for him.
And therefore hee returned the Fokers with denials of
the offered conditions of Peace, and himselfe thinking to
take the oportunitie and advantage of the time, before
either his brothers new forces should come to the Basha,
or Muley Sheck his eldest brother be set at libertie. He
caused with all diligence to bee gotten together some two
thousand Mules and Horses, and upon everie Mule to bee
set two Souldiers with their furniture, and so (without
any stay for the rehalling of Tents, or carrying along of his
Artillerie with him) to bee with all haste possible, sent and
AlmhaUaisa joyned to the Almohalla of Alkeid Mustefa which lay
Campe. ^^3x6, by the River of Morbaie, in the fight of the Almo-
halla of Basha Judar, the River onely betweene them:
hee himselfe likewise in person went along with some
seven or eight thousand of his Horsemen, thinking by
this meanes to come with the chiefest and best of his
forces upon Basha Judar, before the Basha should expect
him, or before the comming of Muley Sheck, who for his
[II. vi. 860.] liberalitie and bounty in former times, was greatly beloved
of all the Souldiers both of Fez, and also of Moruecos.
But this policie of his herein tooke no place, for Midey
Sheck after hee was set at libertie, made such speedie
72
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. i6o9«
Journies that he came to the Almohalla of the Basha, before
the Muley Sidan had certaine intelligence of his libertie,
and yet hee entred the Almohalla but on the Tuesday, the
battel being fought upon the Friday following. Muley
Sidan understanding tor certavne that his eldest Brother
was come into the £tsha his Almohalla, thought it no time
for him to deferre giving; of Battayle, least it should be
knowne amongst his Souidiers, (many of whom in former
times had served the said Muley Sheck.) And therefore
on Friday the sixt of January 1604. the Forces of each The Batutyie.
side met and joyned together, betweene whom there was
no long fight, for upon the discharging of foure Peeces of
Artillery, ^which Judar Basha had with him) some three
or fbure tmies, a great part of the Souldiers of Muley
Sidan beganne to flye : except some choice men which were
in that part of the Battayle where the Muley himselfe
was: by reason of the resolution of their Commander,
continued somewhat longer, but in the end fled when as
the Canopie over Muley Sidans head was shot downe
with a Piece of Ordnance. At which mischance, and not
before, the Muley himselfe began to leave the field ; who
in the managing of this battayle was some thing to be
blamed; for bemg come to his Campe an houre before
day, he should not have delayed two houres and more
the present on-set, gazing in his Enemies face, and giving
them time to ready themselves to fight, whom otherwise
hee mi^ht have taken at the disper-view, and his Fezzes
whom he halfe mistrusted, no premeditation to revolt or
nume away. On Muley Shecks side few were slaine, and
of Muley Sidans side the greatest number was some sixe
hundred men.
The three Brethren thus striving for the Golden Ball
of Soveraigntie, Justice was trodden downe. The Larbees
robbed one another, the strongest carrying away all.
Q}iarrels betwixt Families and Tribes, whi(£ durst not
be talked of in old Muley Hamets time, came to be
decided with the Sword. After this battaile all wayes were
sto[^)ed with Robbers, no trading from the Port Townes
73
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRTMES
c. 1609.
to Moruecos, without great strength of men. Muley
Boferes (who had the Imperiall seat) was neither so fit
for action, or to doe Justice, as Mulev Sidan who had
lost the day. And that the Kindred, called Weled Entid,
well knew, which presuming upon the soft nature of
Boferes and their owne strength, which consisted of fifteene
thousand horse, foraged up to Moruecos gates, fore-dosed
all passages for Travellers, making Merchants goods their
prizes : Wheras an exemplary punishment executed upon
them for their robbing in Fez by Mxiley Sidan, whilest
he raigned there, made them thinke the Countrey too hot :
For Sidan commanded Alkeid German with two thousand
Dtoar^ is a Souldiers in hostile manner, to fell upon the next Dwar of
Towrnef Tents belonging to that Tribe, to burne Man, Woman,
UnjustJttstice. ^^^^^^j Kine, Sheepe, and whatsoever belonged to them,
not to spare it upon his owne life fi-om Fire and Sword,
which fully executed and so bloudily, that Muley Sidan
sighed hearing the true report, yet it made Fez the peace-
ablest part in Barbarie. But returne we to Sidans fortunes
after he lost the field, having the overthrow, retyred backe
to Fez, and forthwith was Alkeid Azus (the onely man in
the latter dayes of the old King, favored by the whole
Tnaty of Countrey) dispeeded towards Moruecos, to treate of a
peaci, peace, and himselfe beganne to make head againe to resist
such forces as should follow him; but before he could
bring his forces together againe, newes was brought unto
him that his Brotner Muley Sheck, was neere at hand
with certain companies of Horse-men, and that the whole
Almohalla of the Basha was not farre behind. So that
then hee was rather to consider of, and to provide for his
escaping by flight, then any wayes to resist : and having
before put some nine hundred thousand Duckats in
Allarocha, for the which money he had sent one of his
Alkeids after his returne from the battayle ; hee thought
Treastiri it his best course to passe that way, and to take that money
taken. along with him, but he was followed so hardly by Alkeid
Abdela Wahad, and Alkeid Umsoud Umbily, Boferes
Servants, that he was forced to flye directly towards
74
A HISTORY OF BARBARY ad.
c. 1609.
Trimisine, and to leave that Treasure behind him which
was taken by his Brother Muley Sheck.
• In these his frowning fortunes, the most of his Alkeids
left him, and amongst others Mumine Bocrasia flying to
Moruecos, in whom he put no small trust : and more then
the Servants of his house, he had no man of account but
forsooke him, onely Alkeid Absadicke, Hado Tabid, and
Mustepha; the two latter of them being his houshold
Servants, and belonging to him in his Fathers time, left
him not in his adversitie : So that any Alkeid of the Cassas
or Castes in Barbarie, he had no more then Absadicke, Jbsa^cke.
who rather then he would leave him (although allured by
the perswasions of his Brother Alkeid Abdela Wahad, and
entreated by the teares of his Sonne to returne, both of
them being in the pursuit of Muley Sidan, and in a Playne
overtooke the said Absadicke,^ yet he left his house and
children at the mercie of MuJey Boferes his Master and
Enemie. The Alkeids who followed in pursuite of Muley
Sidan, followed him so hard, that besides the treasure of
Allarocha, thev likewise tooke much of the Muleys
Treasure that nee carryed along with him, although with
that small company of^ Horses, which were no more then
twentie Horse-men or thereabout, hee returned many
times, and fought with those who piirsued him, in person, Sidans vabur.
being still one of the foremost in these Skirmishes, untill
Alkeid Umbilie who pursued him, admiring his resolution,
and pittying his miserable estate, requested his Majestie [II. vi. 861.]
to keepe on his way, and save himselfe by flight, he not
purposing to pursue him any further. And so the Muley
in this nuseraole estate (forsaken almost of all) kept on his
way to Trimasine a Towne bordering upon the Turkes,
in the Frontiers of the Kingdome of Argiers : and the
Alkeids who pursued him, returned againe to Fez.
[§. III.
75
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
c. 1609.
§. III.
Muley Sheck proclaymeth himselfe King in Fez*
Sidan goeth to Tafilet, from thence into Sus.
Peace concluded betweene Muley Boferes, and
Muley Sidan. Abdela Shecks Sonne escapeth
Sir Anthony Sherleys Embassage, Bountie and
State.
"ter Mxiley Sidans flight in this manner, Mxilcy
Sheck entred Fez, where hee was joyfiilly received
of them, proclaymed himselfe Kjng, and not
Governour under his Brother Boferes. And it being in
RummadoH, is the time of Rummadan, all the Almohallas of Moruecos
^^'- returned home against the Pascha : from whence after the
celebration of the Feast, they were sent forth to all parts
of the Country against the Larbies : among whom were
Civittcombus' as great CiviU Warres, as among the Brethren, for in this
^L^^'^ time of so many Kings, they would acknowledge none,
or pay duty to any of the three Brethren. Whereupon
Hamet Monsore with three thousand Souldiers, was sent
into Sus in the moneth of Aprill, 1604. but his men dying
of the Plague (which was very hot at that time') and thereby
the Larbies little regarding his power, would bring him no
victuals, so that with the remaynder of his men, he was
constrayned to returne towards Moruecos. Divers other
Almohallas were sent abroad into severall parts of the
Countrey, but in the beginning of June, newes comming
of Muley Sidans returne from Trimasine to Tafilet, they
were all sent for by Boferes to retxime to Moruecos, and
be joyned together the second time against Muley Sidan :
who having some few monethes lived about Trimasine
with some fiftie Souldiers, went towards Tafilet, about
which part lived the Cassa or Caste of Alkeid Absadock
(who was Master of the Hawkes to Mxiley Hamet) and
brought to Sidan, of his Caste some twelve hundred
Horses, with which force he entered Tafilet : The Alkeid
of Muley Boferes flying to Dara or Draw with his
76
A HISTORY OF BARBARA ^f-
c. 1609.
Souldicrs. In Tafilet, Mxiley Sidan stayed some forty
dayes, where he understood perfectly of the estate of Sus,
and had Letters from divers of his Wel-wiUers there:
understanding of Alkeid Hamet Monsores departure from
thence : And that the Shebanites which is the greatest Cast
in all Barbarie, and the Casse or Cast of the Muleys
Mother, would not acknowledge Boferes for King, and
likewise, how most of all the Casts in Sus desired his
comming thither: Whereupon hee prepared what Forces
he coulcf there get, to goe into Sus. Muley Boferes upon
the first newes of his Brothers comming to Tafilet, called
in all his Almohallas, and joyning some foxu-e thousand
shot of them besides Horse, sent 3iem from Moruecos to
Dara, under the command of his Son Mxiley Abdelmelech,
with whom went divers principall Alkeids, as Alkeid
Gowie, Umbilie, and Mumine Bocrasia, who in the first
battayle of Muley Sidan was a principall man of command
on his side, and after his overthrow fled from him to
Moruecos, with divers others. The chiefe intent of these
Forces was to stop the passages from thence to Sus, which
Muley Sidan perceiving before the comming of their whole
Forces, he passed by Alcatouy, where the Horse-men on
each side skirmished, the Footmen not being able to come
up, and some slaine of either side, but no man of account,
save onely Alkeid Mumine Bocrasia, who as some reported ^^^^^ ^f
dyed with thirst, beeing over-heated (the battayle beeing ^^''^'^•
fought in the middest of July) or as others reported, beeing
wounded, and returning to his Tent, calling for water,
after hee had drunke it presently dyed ; whose death was
little lamented or pittyed of the Moores, they saving, hee
was justly rewarded for being a Traytour to Muley Sidan
his Master, who was not onely contented to leave him in
his misfortunes, and to flye to his Brother, but also to goe
forth into the field against him.
Muley Sidans Forces were so smaU, that he was not able
to match in strength the Forces of his Enemies, & there- n^trJ^r
fore was constrayned to passe into Sus by the way of the oejar^of
Sahara, and durst not passe by Draw: In whidi Sands Sands.
77
AD. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
c 1609.
for want of water, both he and his whole company had
almost perished, and after much misery indured in that
"The r^^- Journey, hee arrived at Aca, where Sidie Abdela Imbark
!S, ,r *e great Foker dwelleth, the friendship of whom
Fokers. obtayned, hee knew that all his Brothers Forces could not
dispossesse him of the Kingdome of Sus, in such great
reverence is that Church-man held in those parts, that
the people will obey none, but whom he commandeth
them.
He being come hither, the Foker by letters to Muley
Boferes, then at Moruecos, procured that there might be
a Treaty of peace betweene die two brethren : Wherupon,
[II. vi. 862.] In August following, Anno 1604. Alkeyd Azus was sent
to Muley Sidan to Aca, where by the endevours of the
^i^^IZ' • ^*^ Alkeyd and the Foker, a peace was concluded,
^BoferaMi^ betweene Muley Boferes and his brother Muley Sidan,
Zidau. this to injoy the Kingdome of Sus, and the other the
residue of the Empire, whereupon Sidan peaceably entered
Taradant the chiefe City in that Kingdome : upon whose
entrance thither, Sus which in all former times had beene
the most imquiet and rebellious part of all Barbary,
through his execution of Justice, became the onely peace-
able and well governed Countrey of that Kingdome, all
other parts of Barbarie, that were imder the government,
and belonging to the other two brethren, as then remaining
very unquiet, and full of all tumults: Neither was his
government any way to be misliked, but that scarce seded,
he charged the Countrey with greater impositions then his
Father ever demanded, insomuch as Sedie Abdela Imbark,
who was the onely man that first brought him thither,
reprooved his courses: and the Mountainers of Atlas,
being good Souldiers, excellent shot, and their dwelling by
nature defencible, finding his voke too heavy, the ksse
regarded him or his power ; which humour of theirs was
nourished by secret practises of Boferes, loth that Sidan
should either jprow great in friends, or treasure. But the
Inhabitants ofthe rlaine and lower Regions felt the smart
of his rod, knowing their throats lay at his mercy, when
78
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
as the Mountainers defended themselves with open armes,
and oftentimes gave the new king his hands full.
The peace concluded betwixt Boferes and Sidan, by the
meanes of Abdela Imbark, and Azus, the wisest Counsellor
that Barbary hath: we wiU leave Sidan at Sus, seeking
his owne end once more to become Master of Moruecos,
and retume to Boferes, who was troubled which way to
contrive the regaining of Muley Sheck : who like a Bird
had broken cage, ana was flowen to Fez, making a faire
pretence to governe but as Vice-roy, yet secretly practised
with forraine States, either to make them his friends,
whereunto he might flie, if Muley Boferes by force should
drive him out of Fez, or rather then he would lose footing
in Afi-ike, determined to bring in forraine power, for his
aid. Wherefore Boferes fearing a Christian storme which
might haile bullets, was carefufl to keepe Abdela, Muley
Sheck his eldest son, the safer to keepe the father surer
from doing mischiefe. But it happened the plague was
sharpe in Moruecos, therefore Boferes sent his son Mxiley
Abdelmelech some five miles foorth of Moruecos with
his Tents, and Muley Shecks sonne with him, but either
his keepers were negligent and corrupted, or else young
Abdela too wilie, for one night he made escape out of the ^^^^
Campe, and having horses ready layd, posted to his Father ^^^^^'
at Fez. This gaffiant being at liberty, sought all meanes
to defend his Tide, being the eldest brothers sonne : his
stirring spirit and youthniU hope drew all the minds of
the Fezzes unto him: insomuch as Muley Boferes sore
afflicted with his escape, but more with the newes of his
preparations, dispeeded Azus unto Muley Sidan then in
Sus, with request he would goe personally to battaile
against Sheck and Abdela his sonne: Muley Sidan well
entertained this message, and with all convenient speed
drawing his owne forces together, came within halfe a dayes
journey of Moruecos, there pitching his Tents, but not
determining to hazard his fortune, or trust the price of
his owne head under his brothers hands, yet daily he sent
letters by his servants of great credite, wherein he was
79
A.D.
c. 1609.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRTMES
willing to undertake the charge of warre against Abdela,
so that he might make choice of Captaines and Com-
manders, and such proportion of Souldiers as he thought
fit, to \mdergoe an action of such import. This proposi-
tion was neither liked of Boferes or his Counsell, yet
making faire weather to Muley Sidan, letters passed from
him daily of great love farced with many complements,
much misliking his brothers mistrust, not (kring to
jeopard his person within Moruecos.
SidoBspo&cie. Muley Sidan meaning to prove what correspondency
his brother Boferes heart carried with his hand, framed a
letter which was sent as from the chiefest man in those
Mountaine Countreys of Atlas, to Muley Boferes, full of
duety and services, offering withall to send him Sidans
head, who was encamped within his G)untrey, at the foot
of the hilles. Answere to this letter was returned with
great thankes, and a large reward of gold promised, if a
businesse of that high and important service would be
performed. When Sidan by this had construed his
brothers meaning, he raysed Campe, went to Tafilet, and
remained in the Countrey of Dara, gathering in of money
and men, after two moneths spent with his brother to no
effect at all. Boferes seeing Sidan departed, and destitute
of his helpe for Fez, committed his Campe to Abdel-
melech his owne son, who was to be advised by the
Counsels of Basha Judar, Alkeyd Hamet Monsore, Sedy
Gk)wie, and Alkeyd Bokerse (thorow whose hands passed
all businesse of Christian Merchants, so well dispatched,
and so good regard thereof taken, that he was well liked
of every man for his good dealing.) This Campe being
come within a dayes journey of Fez, which is twenty dayes
march from Moruecos, there the Souldiers fell to a
mutenie, and three thousand of them revolted unto Sheck,
crying openly, Long live Muley Sheck. Hereupon Abdel-
melecn called a Counsell of warre, wherein it was
concluded, though then: number were twice as many, to
returne without blow given backe to Moruecos, perceiving
indeed their Souldiers hearts quite alienated from them.
80
Abdelmekch
tMdi
GeneraJl.
His retreat.
A HISTORY OF BARBARY ad.
ۥ 1609.
About this time being the beginning of October, ^'Z^^^-
arrived at Saphia Sir Anthony Shefley, as Ambassadour ^^j^„
from the Emperour of Germanie, to the King of Morue- j^^
cos : his attendance was better then a private man, though Jmiassador
somewhat wanting of the person from whom he was sent, from the
few of note were in his company, being in all about j^T^^^o^ -1
thirteene persons, of every Christian language one, because >• ' '
he would be fitted for interpretation of tongues. Amongst
these was Sir Edwin Rich, whose behaviour was good and ^^r Edwin
well spoken of in every place where he came, not strayning ^ '
his credite to borrow money, but well provided to serve
his owne tume, answering to his birth, state, and disburse-
ments for the time. Sir Anthonie then taking the Title
of Ambassadour, during foure Moneths aboad in Saphia,
kept open house; invited all Christian Merchants daily, "The Amhassa-
both to dinner and supper : to supplie his owne t\u-ne for ^^^ ^^*"^'
money, he got credite of Jewes to take up money, and
pay them in Morruecos, but at excessive rate, almost fifty
for a hundred. He bought likewise of an English
Merchants Factor, being at dinner with him, at two or
three words, a ship of a hundred & sixty Tunne, with all
her lading being Wheat, paying him in hand two thousand
ounces, and if he were not paid the rest of his money
within ten dayes after his arrivall in Morruecos, then the
buyer to lose his earnest. But before he went up, Abdel-
melech returning from Fez, by reason of his Souldiers
Treason, the King of Fez marched towards Morruecos,
some foure dayes journey, and there gave siege unto a
Port Towne called Sally, and tooke it, but the Castle he
could not win. So the Alkeyd of the Castle wrote to
Muley Boferes, that though the Towne were lost, the
Castle he would keepe for him, if he sent three hundred
Quarters of Corne to victuall his men, and a fresh supply
ior fifty Souldiers. Boferes loath to lose the place, and
hearing Sir Anthonie had bought a ship of Corne, writ
to Saphie, and willed him to send his ship to Sallie, and
there to unlade her Corne for the reliefe of the Castellan,
and his Souldiers. Sir Anthonie, willing to doe the King
VI 8? F
A.D.
c. 1609.
His famous
adventures.
Spaniards in
hve with Sir
Anthony
Sherley.
His state.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
a favour, sent for the Captaine and Merchant of the ship,
willed them to goe for Sallie, and paying them for three
hundred auarters, dealt so that thither they went, but the
Castell bemg yeelded before they came, the Captaine and
Merchant landed neither men, nor corne, but returned to
Saphie.
By this time were sent for the Conduct of the Embas-
sador five hundred men, under the command of two
Alkeyds : unto every Souldier Sir Anthonie gave a Turbith
as a Livery of his love, which made them respect and
honoxir him exceedingly, insomuch as one of the two
Alkeyds, not hastning to conduct the Embassador up to
Morruecos, but to provide himselfe of Corne, it being
exceeding deare at Morruecos, Sir Anthonie desirous to
set forward, and the Souldiers willing to pleasure him,
fell to mutenie, in regard of the Alkeyds slacknesse, killing
two of his men to hasten their master forward. After his
foure moneths abode in Saphie, wherein his bountie was
extraordinary, not to his Countri-men onely, but to
Flemish, French, and Spanish, admired of his Souldiers,
he was received into Morruecos with great state, having
by the way, as also during his abode in Saphie, divers
letters from the King, extolling his honourable endevours,
and approoved valiantnesse in his farre adventures both
by sea and land, not omitting any Courtship to win his
love, or make him doubt his welcome.
After two dayes stay in the Citie, the King made
preparation for his entertainment at Court, whether he
went, suting his followers as well as the shortnesse of time
could suffer, and his credite with the Christian Merchants
could affoord, which was good, for two Spaniards were so
rapt with admiration of his worth, and by his speeches
allured with so strange hope, that they fell in emulation,
whether should doe him more services, or helpe him to
more money : reasonably attended, he rode to Court, not
lighting from his horse, where the Kings sonnes usually
doe, but rode thorow the Mushward, (which is the Kings
great Hall, wherin most of his Lords, Gentlemen, and
82
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
chiefe sort of people doe attend, when they come to Court)
which none but the King himselfe doth. Being come
into the Kings presence, his Letters of credite were
received, with great shew of kindnesse, and himselfe
entertained with all gracious respect, not onely at the
Kings hands, but of the principallest men in office or
favour about the Coxut, and so for that time was dismissed,
the chiefest men attending him backe to the place where
hec tooke horse. Some five dayes after, Sir Anthonie
Sherley comming to audience, and thinking to have ridden
in as he did before, a chaine was hung crosse the entrance
of the Mushward, which he perceiving onely done to
hinder his passage, woxild not suight from his Horse, but
returned backe very discontented. This being certified His affront
to Boferes, presently three of his chiefest Alkeyds were ^^
sent to qualifie the matter. But Sir Anthonie tooke the ^^^*^^'
disgrace not as his owne, but his whose person he repre-
sented, telling the Alkeyds, his master the Emperour,
was able and would requite the injury, neither did he
feare, though now within the power of Boferes, knowing
the greatnesse of him in whose service he was imployed,
so farre surpassing the Kin^ of Morruecos, as maugre the
proudest, he woiud be fetdied from thence, and be fully
revenged of the least injury done unto him. The three
Alkeyds layd the blame upon the Kings Porter, oflFering
Sir Anthonie the Porters head, if he would have it, so
spending an hoxu-e to pacifie his choller, and bring him
backe, the Porter before his face was sore beaten and
imprisoned, neither ever after was hee hindered of riding
thorow the Mushward.
During his abode in Morruecos, which was five moneths,
Boferes and he had divers private conferences, as it was
generally thought, which way to keepe him in the
Kingdome against his two brethren Sheck and Sidan ; as
also to give the great Turke a blow to drive him out of
Argicrs and Tunes. From Moruecos Sir Anthonie [II. vi. 864.]
departed with great content to himselfe, and good liking
of Boferes, of whom he bought two Portugall Gentlemen,
8*
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
^p'^^^^l for a hundred and fifty thousand ounces, which amounteth
^ ^ "to some ten thousand pound sterling. These two had
beene Captives in Moruecos almost sixteene yeeres, the
one, Sonne to the Vice-roy of the East Indies, the other of
a Noble house in Portugall. The first had his resgat
thrise sent for to ransome him out of the East Indies, but
twise it was taken by the English, once by Flemmings
during oxir late warres with them : the other, his brethren
drive nim oflF for his resgat, either to save so much money,
or not able to pay so great a fine. To accompany him
from the Court to Saphie, was sent one of tne Kings
Gendemen Ushers, to whom at his parting, he threw him
his Hat which he wore from his head, with a Jewell of
^eat value, rewarding largely all the Ushers followers.
For his Guard (the waves being then very dangerous) was
sent downe with him, foure hundred shot, under the Com-
^R^^jL^ mand of Alkeyd Abdela Sinko, a Portugall Renegado,
^^ ' (which is a Christian turned Moore.) This man, whether
by perswasion, or voluntarily, desiring to see his native
Countrey, in the night gat aboard of the ship Sir Edwin
Rich was in, not Sir Anthonies, the ship presendy weighing
Anchor, made saile for Spaine, but the other remaining
with Sir Anthony in the Harboxir.
This dealing was taken in ill part, insomuch that five
of his men being sent to shoare for certaine provision
which they lacked, were clapped up in prison, and sent in
chaines to Moruecos, but afterward reles^ed. Sir Anthonie
writing to the King, both to cleare himselfe of the fact,
and desiring remedie for these his new sustained grievances,
set a good shew upon the matter, staid foure dayes after
the other ship which had carried away the Alkeyd, and
would have tarried untiU he had his five men againe, but
that he was written unto to be gone from an especiall
friend a shoare, advising him he did not wel to ride so
long in the Port, divers Flemmish-men of war being
abroad, and if any should chance to come in there, as
seldome it is without, they finding these two Gentlemen
as prize would sease upon them, and then was there lost
84
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
thirty five thousand ounces, which a Merchants Factor had
lent Sir Anthonie Sherley to cleare him out of the
Countrey, for which the Factor had the two Portugals
bound to pay this debt at their arrivall in Lisbon. Upon
this advertisement he departed, and the next day Boferes
sent him a letter, to cleare his men. And so I returne to
the file of my continued History.
§. nil.
Muley Abdela goeth in person against Muley
Boferes ; driveth him out of Moruecos ;
Putteth to death Basha Sidar, and other
Noblemen ; Sidan cxpcUeth him, and killeth
three thousand Fezans perfideously, requited by
Abdela. Shracies trechery unjustly punished.
Sidans flight. Many Englishmen imployed
in these warres, and slaine.
lUley Sheck, putting his sonne Abdela forward to
the whole Command of the armie, himselfe
meaning to save one, kept in Allaroca three Italian
s, purposing if matters prospered not well, with
Treasure sufificient to goe to Florence: but the battell
not fought, his determination altered, for he presently
seized sdl strangers ships which came either to Laratch,
Salie, or other parts, as also some Merchants ships of
Fez, robbing them of their goods, making their Mariners
land their Peeces, and all the men either to serve him, or
else to have the Iron given them. Heereby he fitted
himselfe of Giptaines and Souldiers being English, French,
and Dutch, with seven and twentie Peeces of Ordnance
and shot threunto sufi[icient. And so fired the mind of
his Sonne Abdela, with hope of winning Moruecos (being
of himselfe drunken with the ambitious desire of a King-
dome) that Abdela about the latter end of November
1606. marched to Moruecos with his troupes being some
ten thousand horse and foot, besides his Christian
85
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
Mariners, whose helpe won him the field, fought some
sixe miles Southeast from Moruecos, on the eight of
December, 1606. Sheck bore his sonne company no
farther then Salie, from whence three houres riding, is a
River called Mamora, into which Bay the Italian ships
put in : Sheck went thither, and hard by the ships upon
the shoare pitched his Tent wherein he lay, part of his
Treasure being shipped, himselfe determined there to stay,
and expect the event of his sonne, if it passed well with
him, then Africke should hold him, otherwise to visite
Ah^ky by the great Duke of Thuscane, on whose curtesie he much
helpofEngM rest^. But the Christian Gunners so well observed their
^^^ times of shooting and placing their Ordnance, as they got
Gumters.mns Abdela the field, hoping thereby to have obtained both
the field and liberty, and pillage, of which most of them poore men
Morocco. failed, as afterward you shall read.
[II. vi. 865.] When Sheck heard Abdela had got Moruecos, hee grew
carelesse to send provision or suppue the wants of his three
Italian ships, wherefore, they set sayle from Mamora
homewards, taking such Treasure for their pay as were in
BoferesJds their custodies. Boferes lost in this battayle about aixe
fit^* hundred men, fled into the Citie to save his Treasxire and
his women, but for feare of being surprized, durst not
tarry to take his Treasure away with him, but in all haste
posted toward the Mountaynes, willing the Alkeids and
chiefest men of his Court to bring it after him, with the
A rich Stvord. rich Sword, the like whereof is not in the World : com-
mitting also to their conduct his Daughter, and the
choysest of his women, amongst whom was the Wife of
Ben Wash the Kings Merchant. At the entry of the hils,
a Kindred of the Larbies being five hundred Horse-men,
seized upon these people, pillaged their Carriages, rifled
and dishonoured the women, not sparing Boferes Daughter,
whom Abdela determined to have marryed, but hearing
divers Moores to have lyen with her, and also that she
was suspected to have lived in Incest with her Father;
after his entrance into Moruecos, he never enquired ferther
after her. The Alkeids beeing well mounted by the
86
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
swiftnesse of their Horses, returned backe to Moruecos,
and there tooke Sanctuary. Abdela upon their submission Sanctuary.
promised them pardon, on whose Princely word they rely-
ing, came forth, the Foker of the place presenting them :
But Muley Abdela, whether incited by envious counsell, ^btUlas
or on his owne bloudy minde, putteth them so secretly t^^fi^y-
to death, that sending all their heads in one Sacke to Fez,
for a Present to his Father, their deaths was not fully
knowne in the Citie of Moruecos, before their heads were
set upon Fez gates. Here was the end of Basha Judar a
great Souldier in old Hamets time, a faithfull Commander
during his life to Boferes, accompanyed with Sedie Gowie,
Alkeid Azus his Sonne, Alkeid Moden the Cassemie, and
some foure great men more.
This tyranny of Abdela shewed upon these valiant and
worthy men ; and the spoyle which the Fezees had made
aswell in robbing the Alkeids houses, as in rifling the
Citizens goods, and committing all out-rages which follow
Warre, caused many to flye to Muley Sidan, and the rest Tkefrmt of
which remayned in Moruecos grew discontented, so that ^^^^
the Sunne-shine of Abdelas happinesse scarce lasted two ^^^ -^^
monethes : for Sidan resting in the halfe way betweene
Moruecos and Fez, taking oportunitie of this uproare
of the Townesmen, marched toward Moruecos on the
North-side of the Towne, determining to give present
battayle, hearing by the Scowts, that Muley Abdela his
Campe was lodged in the great Garden or Orchard called
the Almowetto, being some two English miles about.
The first night of Sidans approach, me Prisoners were
released, the Prisons broken open, so that these men get-
ting libertie, ranne halfe madde up and downe the Citie,
crymff. Long live Sidan, which troubled the Citizens not
a little : And in this uproare, Sidans Faction let into the
Citie (at a secret gate) many of his Souldiers, which made
a Sally upon the Regiment of Zalee, meaning to have
surprized Abdelas Campe, but himselfe comming to the
rescue with two thousand men, continued a hot Skirmish
against the Sidanians, in which the Christians fought vali-
37
AD. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
c. 1609.
antly to recover their Pecces of Artillery which were lost,
untUl the Sidanians were forced to rctyre. The next day
beeing the five and twentieth of Aprill, Stilo novo, Abdela
remooved towards Mxiley Sidan, who was encamped on
the North-side of the Citie, not daring to come on the
South-side, for feare of the shot whiA gaUed his men
from the Battlements of the Kings House. Therefore he
hearing of Abdelas remove, and intending to venture his
fortune upon a present battayle, set forward to meet him
with a Regiment of his best Horse: Abdela perceiving
this, caused his Canoniers to march formost, which could
The battayk. but place five Peeces of their Artillery in a brest, because
the Orchards and Gardens made the passages very narrow
and strait ; where as the Armies should meete, Sidans
Horse-men gave a very gallant charge, but the Canoniers
made them retyre: Which Abdelas Horse-men perceiv-
ing, being encouraged, and too eager of the Chase, some
thousand Horse galloped before their owne Ordnance,
and followed their Enemie close to Sidans Campe, their
Peeces of Artillery being drawne after them. Muley
Sidan well knowing the advantage of the place, seeing his
Enemies deprived of the benefit of their great Ordnance,
which he most feared, encouraged his men to keepe their
ground, and bringing with his owne person fresh supplyes
to second them, gave his Adversaries the Abdehans so
hot a charge, that they were fayne to retyre in ^eat
disorder, upon the mouthes of their owne Artillery. This
dis-array perceived by the Christian Gunners, it put them
in minde to discharge upon their owne men the Abdelians,
holding it better to kill five or sixe hundred of their owne
side, then to lose the battayle. But the Moore, who was
Captayne over the Canoniers and other Commanders,
would not suffer it: Wherefore the Sidanians following
ArAUerj in good order, and very close, fell to the execution with
^^- then- Swords, surprized the Artillery, and slue the men.
Zevtn or eigki The slaughter continued some foure houres, betwixt seven
^yihT^ or eight thousand killed, and few to speake on left alive,
for what the Souldiers spared, the Citizens in revenge of
88
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
their Disorders, Pillages, and ViUanies done to their
women, bereaved them of their lives, who beeing dead ^^^^j^,
were not suffered to bee buryed, but lay above the ground ^'*^'^-
as a prey to the Dogges and Fowies of the Ayre. Heavie
likewise was the Conquerours hand upon the Christians
which tooke Abdelas part, most of them for their five
monethes service to Abdela, were either slayne in the fury
of battayle, or after had his throat cut. And this was [II. vi. 866.]
the end of them, who had lived in the Streights of
Gibraltar, and the Mediterranean Sea, not as Merchants
by honest Trading, but having committed spoyle upon
divers Sea-faring men, felt the bloudie hand of a barbarous Pirats end.
Nation, (as a deserved punishment sent from God) to
execute Justice for their manifold committed wrongs and
out-rages.
This battayle being lost with the greatest bloud-shed
that any hath beene since these Warres beganne, Muley
Abdela fled to Fez, a hundred persons of his whole Army
not left alive to beare him company : And Sidan Master ^^^ Master
of the field, cntred the Citie of Moruecos, having another ^ v^ ^
taske to take in hand ere he could settle himselfe quietly Moruecos.
in his owne Nest. For the Kings House being Castle- TAe Kings
wise builded, and severed from the Citie with a defencible ^^^^ ^
and a strong wall, lacking no kind of Munition for the ^^^^*
defence thereof, had within it, besides Souldiers of
Moruecos, three thousand Fezees who were not at the
last battayle, but left there to guard the place for Abdela.
These presuming on their owne valour and strength of
the place, denyed to render it upon any termes to Sidan,
though they were sollidted, during the space of two dayes,
by aU faire meanes thereunto : Sidan bringing his Artillery
to the wals, yet delayed, as loth to deface a building so
strong, costly, and beautifiill ; So that in the meane time
a Captaine whose house joyned to the wall, by stealth with
five hundred men, scaled and wonne the top of the wall,
crying. Victory for Muley Sidan, which so amazed the
Souldiers within, thinking the Forces which were entered
farre greater then they were, without more adoe or
89
A.D.
c 1609.
Sanctuary
taken in the
Great Ckurch
hebngtng to
the King!
House.
PerfiMous
crueltie.
Famine JoU
iowethfVarre^
as that the
PesHlence.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
offering to resist, they tooke Sanctuary in the great Church
belonging to the Kings House, every man with his Peece
and Furniture about him.
Muley Sidan upon this, sent Basha Seleman, willing
them to deliver up their Armes, with promise they should
bee pardoned, which presently they did, yeelding and
delivering both Swords and Peeces. Thus disarmed,
they, silly soules, came forth, when presently after, message
came from the King to butcher and cut the throats of
them all, which was executed. A pittifuU matter in my
judgement, so many men yeelding upon good composi-
tion, after fury of battayle, upon cold bloud to bee made
so pittifiill a spectacle : it was bootlesse for them to alleage
eyther Law or reason in defence of their lives; such is
the misery and slavery of that people, whose goods and
lives lyeth alwayes in the will of the King, eyther to save,
or destroy at his pleasure.
Now is Sidan setled in Moruecos but scarce secure, for
the chiefest men in the Citie wished an alteration, because
their King to get their money and wealth to maintayne
his owne. estate, be&;anne to picke quarrels with them,
making some who began to speake and repine at his
doings, lose their heads, Quoniam Canis mortuus non
latrat: The common people whose naturall condition is
alwayes to desire Novelties, wished for a new King, feeling
his oppression, and the Famine whereof many dyed, grew
carelesse of peace, thinking every change would bring a
remedie, when indeed it was like the Incision of an
unskilfull Surgeon, not curing the Malady, but making
the wound wider. Gangrened, and incurable. Sidan
purposing to purge this male-contented humour of the
Commonalty, rays^ an Army of twelve thousand Foot,
and sixe thousand Horse, determining to take Fez. The
chiefe men of command over this Army, were these, Basha
Mustepha, Alkeid Hamet Benbreham, Alkeid Ally Tahila,
Alkeid Gago, and Alkeid Hadoe Tobib, with divers
others : Muley Sidan not going in person with this Army,
least in his absence Moruecos the Seat of the Empire
90
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
should revolt. Muley Sheck hearing these newes, went
to Allarocha> there tooke a great Flemmish ship from the
Merchants, with all the goods in her, therein shipping his
Treasure, determining to runne away, if his Sonne
Abdela shoiild lose Fez. Abdela omitted no time to
gather new Forces, so that in small time he thought
himselfe sufficient to meete the Sidanians in open field,
and so he did neere to Mickanes, where the people on
Sidans part, missing their King in the field, or any one
of the Bloud Royall refused to fight, and in stead of
striking, fell to parley; That if Abdela would pardon
them, they would yeeld, and so they did, yet most of
them ranne away, except three thousand Morruekyns,
who presuming upon Abdelas gentle nature, stayd with
him, hoping kind entertaynment into his pay, in stead
whereof, Muley Abdela commanded all their throats to f^^'/^
be cut, granting them onely this favour: first, to be '^*^^'
stripped for fowling their clothes.
Thus we may see, mercilesse Sidan butcher poore soules
at Moruecos, pittilesse Abdela murder these unfortunate
slaves at Mickanes, both verifying the old Proverbe,
Quicquid delirant Reges, plectuntur Achivi. In this
battayle were taken betwixt thirtie and fortie Englishmen, P^/'^'^^
who served Muley Sidan as Canoniers, yet not any of q^^^
that company which served Abdela at Moruecos, when he taken by '
lost the Citie and field, but other Voluntaries, part of Ahdik.
these fled with the bodie of the Army backe to Moruecos,
part were taken, whom Abdela spared, as well in regard of
former services the Nation had done him, as also for the
present use he was to employ them in. This Expedition
of Sidans comming to so unlooked a disaster, made him
send forth his Commanders with divers companyes, to
the Alarbies, for fresh supply of men and Treasure:
amongst which as Chiefe was dispeeded Basha Seleman,
Master of the old Kings Horse for Tafilet, there to
governe the Countrey, carrying with him some fifteene [H. vi. 867.]
hundred Shot, of which sixe himdred were Shracies, ^hracUs
people of the King of Chaus, or Concoes Countrie, who ^'•^J'-
91
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c 1609.
hath alwaies warres with Algers or Argiers. These
Shraceis were borne in the Mountaines at Atlas, being of
a fierce and bloody nature, not respecting the Turkes
might or government, no more then the Mountainers of
Moruecos, will acknowledge the Soveraigntie of the
Barbarian. Some twelve hundred of these had Sidan in
his pay, halfe part whereof he kept at Moruecos, the other
Their was sent with Solyman. These amongst themselves fell
treackeru. j^^q ^ muteny, neither for want of pay, or ill usage, but
in desire to doe a mischiefe, by force cut off the Bashaes
head, carrying it with them as a Trophy of their victorie,
and a fit present to win Abdelas favour, who was then at
Fez, whither they went for intertainement, Sidan herewith
moved, made Proclamation, that for three moneths what
Shracee soever, Souldier, or any other, were to be found
in Moruecos, or elsewhere in his Dominions, should be
put to the Sword, and to have it better & more fully
Bloudy decree, executed, it was proclaimed, that the Man-killer should
have the goods of^ the Shracee so killed. Many rich men
of this lotion or Kindred resiant in Moruecos, felt the
flirie of the Sword, for the folly and foule fault of their
Tribe: such as could get packing, ran away; others of
the better sort, their friends hid them in their houses,
untill Sidan scared with newes of Abdelas comming
towards him, proclaimed generall pardon for the remainder
left alive, and free passage of trading or commerce for any
Shracee, which would venture to Moruecos. Yet few
durst come upon these goodly termes, or those who lay
hid in Moruecos, if they were worth any thing, shew
themselves in publike, for feare this were a pretence to
bring the residue unto the halter. Those Shracees who
were sole causers of this massacre, being with Abdela at
Fez, daily moved him to goe towards Moruecos, vowing
everie man to die in his cause, and for revenge of their
Wives, Children, and Friends, who had smarted for their
sakes. Abdela something animated with their offers, yet
delayed, knowing his Forces farre inferior unto Sidans,
untill still urged by the Shracee, which had brought from
92
A HISTORY OF BARBARY A.a
c 1609.
the Mountaines some store of their Kindred, very able
and resolute men to his aide, he set forwards about the
kttCT end of August, towards Moruecos, determining to
give battell once more to Muley Sidan. Of what strength
Abdelas Armie consisted, the certaintie is not knowne,
but gessed to bee very neere fifteene thousand Horse and
Foote.
Muley Sidan was very strong, for beside his owne
Souldiers, the Moruecans aided him with eight thousand
men, and divers tribes sent supplies to augment his forces.
He had two himdred English, the most of them volun- ^«^ hanirid
tarics, sixtie field Pieces, with sufficient Shot and Powder, f^^'^^
Over the English and all the Christians, was Generall
Captaine John Giffard, a Gentleman of a worthy spirit, CfJ^ineJokn
and discended from the ancient and honourable stem of ^^^^ '
the Giffards in Buckingham-shire. Upon his first enter-
tainement and welcome into the Country, Sidan bestowed
upon him a rich Sword, valued at a thousand Marks, and
a Scarlet Cloake, richly imbroidered with Pearle, sent as
a present to Muley Hamet, the Kings Father, from our ij^^^^^^^^
late Soveraigne of famous memorie Queene Elizabeth, j^^^^^
besides many other extraordinarie favours of good value ; given to Cap-
and often conversing familiarly ; yea, sometimes visiting taine Gifard,
Captaine GifiFard at his owne Tent. His entertainement
was twentie five shillings per diem, besides many supplies
proceeding from the Kings bountie. With him as
secondary men in charge, was one Master Philip GifFard, FhiRpGifard,
his neere and vety deare Kinsman; Captaine Jaques, a Captaine
very valiant Souldier; Captaine Smith, one of the most ^^!^'
exquisite Enginers iii Europe ; Captaine Baker, an ancient 5^^^
Britaine Souldier; Captaine Tailer, Captaine Faukes, Captaine
Captaine Chambers, Captaine Isack, men every way able BaAer.
to under^oe their severall commands. These were daily ^^^^
stipendanes, at twelve shillings a man, except the two f^^j^g]
Sea Captaines, Isack, and Chambers, who had foure Chambersy
shillings a day, and everie common Souldier' twelve pence Isaac.
truly payd them. These preparations considered, Muley
Sidan had small reason to leave the field, or feare Abdelas
93
AJ>.
c 1609.
Soutksaying
Oracles:
superstitious
creduBtie.
The Kings
treasure.
The hattell
[IL vi. 868.]
Aidant flight.
En^h
vakur^ hut
few uHslaine,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
forces, bein^ nothing in respect of his. But certaine it
is, the Mmey sending for his Wizzards, Soothsayers,
willing them to foretell, that he might foreknow the
successe of his embattailed Armie. Their answere was;
He should loose the battell, bee driven into Sus, within
five moneths should regaine Moruecos, and there during
life enjoy the Kingdome. Upon this answere, the Muley
giving great credit thereunto, as the nature of a Barbarian
is very suspicious, commanded Basha Mustepha,with three
thousand Souldiers to convey away his Mother, Wives
and Children. To Alkeid Hamet Benbreham and Hado
Tabib, hee commended the charge of his Treasure, who
laded sixtie Mules with Gold, garding them and the
Muleters, with two thousand of his choysest Shot.
These dispeeded, it may appeare Sidan but hovered,
and would follow ; yet the battels met the 26 of November,
1607. some sixteene miles from the Citic of Moruecos,
the Canoniers of Muley Sidan, part having in the fore-
front discharged, their Enemies being somewhat farre off ;
but before they could charge againe, the Enemie was with
them. The Shracies did not once discharge a Piece, great
nor small, but joyning themselves close to the Abdeuans,
charged the Sidanians very fiercely, with their Sables, in
revenge of Sidans tyrannie shewed upon their Kindred,
enraging their minds and courages, or their faithfull pro-
mise (which they sought to make good) to Abdela, made
them put the Sidanians to flight: or else it was Sidans
foare, that hee should not make good his Soothsayers
Prophecie, which made his men to runne away: For at
the first encounter, his Moores foil into a dis-array, and
presently into a dishonorable flight: whereupon Muley
Sidan fled, sent to the English Captaines to be gone, and
to Captaine Gifl^ard a good Horse to save himselfo. The
English returned word, that they came not thither to run,
but rather die an honourable death. Captaine Gifl^ard
encouraged his men, telling them, there was no hope of
victorie, but to prepare and die like men like English
men : and then asking for his Jaques, whom he loved
94
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
dearely, and taking a Pike in his hand, thought to have
rode unto him, being told hee was not sixescore from him,
and to have died together: but in the way, Captaine ^^^^
GiiFard being charged by eight Abdelians, one behind him ^^
shot him thorow, and so was he there slaine. Few of all
the English Nation were left alive, the number not
exceeding thirtie, and none of the Commanders escaped,
except Captaine Isack, and Captaine Faukes; of the
Moores were not slaine in all fortie persons.
Sidan being gone, as loath to tarry, spend bloud, and
win a Field, Abdela got the ground his Enemies marched
upon, but no great victory, entred Moruecos without
applause, or rejoyce of the Citizens, some yet feeling his
late done injuries, sorie for the losse of Sidan, who had
proved a Tyrant, nor welcomming Abdela upon hope of
amendment, but with policie and patience fitted them-
selves to the miserie of the time. Abdela once againe ^}^^f^c<md
Master of Moruecos, got the Kings House, but found mIZZT
no treasure to relieve his wants. Great were his promises
to reward the Shracies with bountie, and enrich his
followers, when the Citie was recovered : now hee having
it, there failed of his expectation, and his Souldiers lacking
both meate and money : yet to keepe them still in hope,
and so in government, it was bruited, the young King
had found a Well full of treasure within the House,
which Muley Hamet Xarif had layed up for a deare
yeare : but this good newes quickly vanished, the Well
not yeelding water to refresh their fainting stomacks.
Therefore the Shracies having released their Kindred,
recovered their Wives and Children, which had escaped
the fury and bloudic Decree of Sidan the last King, they
tooke good words and kind usages of Abdela, in lieu of
payment, seeing Moruecos neither affoorded them meate,
nor Abdelas fortune further maintenance, and so three ^^^^^
thousand of them departed at one time. Muley Abdela ^^f^^-
with the residue of his forces kept Moruecos, laboring by
all possible meanes to give his souldiers content, and keepe
them together ; so with much adoe hee lived in Moruecos
95
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c 1609.
some two moneths, during which time, Muley Sidan was
gathering a fresh Army in Sus.
§. V.
Muley Hamet Bosonne commeth against Abdela,
and causeth him flie, to his Father. Boferes
like to be taken, flieth to Salie. Muley Sidan
commeth against Muley Hamet Bosonne ; who
flyeth, and is poysoned by old Azus. Muley
Sheck sendeth into Spaine. Some observations
of their Policie, and Trade to Gago.
ilUt whilest Abdela and Sidan were contriving their
owne ends, there arose a storme in the Mountaines
which fell in the Plaines of Moruecos. The
Muley Hamet tempest driver was one Muley Hamet Bosonne, Cousin
Bcsomie. ^q ^^^ three Brethren which have striven for the King-
dome. This man gathering treasure, and temporising
with them all three, so played their Game, that finding
their weakenesse which these quarrels had brought them
unto, upon a sudden seeing his time, went into the
Mountaines to his Mothers Kmdred, mustered verie neere
twenty thousand able men. The Mxiley being well pro-
vided of treasure, gave them due pay and large, winning
them to his respect and service, so that in lesse then two
moneths space, he got all things in readinesse, descended
from the Tesseuon Mountaines towards Moruecos.
This newes brought to Abdela was very unwelcome,
yet (calling his wits and Counsell together) it was con-
cluded, considering the Shracees were gone, his remnant
of Soiildiers feeble and out of heart and the Moruecans
daily fled to Hamet Bosonne, whose uprising like a
blazing Star drew their eyes upon him, that Abdela should
travelTto Fez, which hee might well doe without a guide,
having heretofore upon like necessities, often measured
Fondfeare. the miles : and though hee was determined so to do, yet
a smal occasion hastned his journey, for some mile from
96
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
Abdelas Campe, upon a Hill on the back-side of Moruecos,
a man being scene with a Speare in his hand, and a white
linnen upon it as a Flagge. Abdela thought Hamet
Bosonne to be with his whole Forces behind the Hill,
when he was a full dayes march from Moruecos. There^ ^^ ^^^"^ "
fore in all haste he tooke up some of his Tents, but the a^-/^
greater part left standing in a manner, being feared, ran armUo/men.
away. And afterward when this matter was discovered,
which Abdela held a token of his surprise, it was nothing
ds but a poore Moore washing his Napery, and for the
speedier diying used this meanes, which terrified Abdela
from the seate of his Empire, to Fez, the safest place for
his abode.
Lylla Isha, Sidans Mother, hearing of Hamet Bosonnes
approch, was perswaded his movements were onely to
defend her Sonnes right, knowing Bosonne of late
favoured Sidans title, comming into his pay, and in person [H. vi. 869.]
serving the Muley at the last battaile when Sidan fled
into Sus. Heereupon she sent divers Giptaines, part of
her owne Guard, others of her friends and kindred to his
ayd, thinking he would have taken Moruecos for Sidan.
But Bosonne having entred the Citie peaceably, pro- ^^^ff^^ fro-
chimed himselfe King, dismissed all Sidans favourers, ^^^^ ^"^^
which were not willing to be his servants, who returned
to their Lady Mistresse, certifying her error and their
successe : his Treasure he imparted largely to his followers,
by strong hand desired no mans service, but those who
were wiUing. Some thirty English-men remayning,
weary of their sustained mesery, and the state of the
Gjuntrcy, he gave them licence to imbarke, and writ to
die Govemour of Saphia to give them their passe, notice
whereof being given to the Factor Marine for the English,
he disparted them into divers ships with all conveniency,
diough to his cost and charges ; charity to helpe the dis-
tressed soules, and love to his native Countrey, mooving
him thereimto. This Muley Hamet Bosonne, during the
time of his government was a very good and just man,
ofFered no discourtesie, or tooke away any mans goods,
VI 97 G
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
but paid the Merchants truely for the same, who liked
well his current and true dealing.
Bosonnes mother hearing her sonne was setled in
Moruecos, brought what strength she could from the
Mountaines, and in her way knowing Boferes lodged in
a fortresse, whereunto hee was fled, not to bee well
guarded, she beset the house, meaning to take the Muley
prisoner, who being void of meanes to resist in the night,
made a hole through the wall and so escaped privately to
Salie, a Port Towne within the jurisdiction of his brother
Sheck, where at this day he remaineth.
Boferes On the morrow betimes, Bosonnes mother witE her
besieged: hu ^^^ entered the Fort, missing Boferes, cut off the head of
^pov^rHe!, Umsed Benbela, one of his chiefest servants and Com-
manders: then went she forward to congratulate her
sonnes comming to the Kingdome, being then in
Moruecos. But an Empire ill got, is seldome seene of
long continuance, for within lesse then two moneths,
Muley Sidan came out of Sus with a great armie, for
whose ayd Lyila Isha sold her Jewels, and Plate, to furnish
her son with Swords, Pikes, Horsemen, Staves, and other
War-like Munition.
On the other side Hamet Bosonne prepared to welcome
his cousin the Muley Sidan ; so about the beginning of
Aprill, 1608. both their Forces met hard by Moruecos
Grufi. where a chiefe of a kinred one Grufe, which came out of
Sus, a great wine drinker, alwayes a favourer of Muley
Sidan (though little valuing any of the three Kings) pre-
suming upon his owne strength, and valoiu-, desired the
honour, that hee might give charge upon the enemy with
five hundred Horse, which was his owne Regiment, and
of his owne kindred: Sidan refused to grant him his
request, therefore the Casima tooke his owne leave and
The hatuU. gave the enemy a full charge upon the body of his armie,
which receiving him very bravely, the Casima and his
company were in great danger to be overthrowne: but
Sidan to releeve him, sent five hundred Horse-men of his
owne : so with these thousand, the Casima broke the ranks
98
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c 1609.
of Bosonnes battalions^ then with their sables fell to
execution, untill the whole campe seeing the field lost,
fled towards the Mountaines : thus Sidan without further ^^
resistance entering Moruecos, resting there in quiet three jj^^^^,
moneths, untill Hamet Boson recovering new Forces in
Jidy following, presented himselfe before the Ci tie, trusting
aswel upon his own strength, as the love of the Citizens :
hoping his good and gentle usa^ when he was amongst
them, woidd have bred a liking m them, of his mild and
gentle government: but either the servile mind of the
multitude little respected his fore-passed kindnes, or the
feare of Sidan made them loath to shew any signe of good
will ; for at his approach no man in the Citie was knowne
to draw a sword in his defence. So on the eight of July,
Bosonne was discomfited with the losse of some thousand
men, fled to the Mountaines, where within foure dayes
after Alkeid Azus got him poysoned, hoping thereby to ^^f^^^
win the favour of Muley Sidan. ^''*'^-
This Azus is aged and subtill, by his long experience ^^^ ^^^'
best knoweth the secrets of that state, was brought up
under Abdela, Muley Hamet Xarifs brother, and for his
Counsell to Abdela, willing him either to put out the
eyes of Hamet Xarif , or cut his throat, was in danger to
have lost his life when Hamet Xarif came to be King,
but the wisedome of the man won such respect with
Hamet, that of a prisoner, he made him his chiefest
Counsellor, and Master of his Treasurie, during whose
life time his behaviour was such, as he won great love
among the Commons, Nobility, and many of the blood
RoyaU. When old Hamet died, he was in his Campe
necre Fez, and after his death rested all his love upon
Muley Sidan (holding him the prime man and fittest of
the three brethren, to rule the Kingdome) untill both he
and Sidy Imbark could not counsell and rule Muley Sidan,
for his owne good and benefit of the Common-weale
being head-strong, and would take no mans counsell but
to his owne likmg and hurt. Therefore Sedy Abdela
Imbark went to his contemplation at Aca : And Azus to
99
A.D.
c. 1609.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
John Etina,
a Castle in the Mountaines^ which he had stored with
Treasiire against a storme, or to refresh the winter of his
age, from whence he will not come downe, untill he see
some hope of peace, having at this instant more Treasure
in his Coffers, then all the three brethren besides, and
hopeth to keepe it, being in the midst of his friends
and kindred, and in a pkce as well fortified as any in
Barbarv.
[II. vi. 870.] Muley Sheck fearefull lest Sidans next enterprise woiild
be to rowze him out of Fez, fell in conference with an
Italian Merchant, named John Etina, making him his
Agent to go into Spain, there to conclude, that if the
Catholique King would ayde him with men and money
to recover his right, there should be delivered up into his
hands, Allaroche, Saly, Alcasar, and other Townes lying
fit for his mouth : This negotiation was well entertained.
And John Etina was promised for his labour in this
businesse, and bringing it to effect, upon the deliverie of
the Port Townes, to have yeerely paid him two thousand
Duckats during his life. In June, this matter was first
mooved ; in the latter end of August, seven Gallions (as
was reported) and the Gallies of Naples, in all a hundred
sayle, well manned with store of Pioners to rayse Forts,
went to Allaroche, thinking to be received, but thirty
thousand Alarbees came downe to the shoare, not alowing
anv such neig^hbour-hood, though they hold theAndelusian
halfe their blood.
Whether Sir Anthony Sherley was imployed in this
service it is not certainly knowen : some are of opinion
that hee was induced thereunto, because they have formerly
heard the King of Spaine hath royally rewarded him for
his travailes with Boferes, by giving him the places and
pay of two Captaines in the Indies, made him Admirall
of the Levant Seas, and next in place to the Vice-roy of
Naples, having for his entertainement five hundred
Duckats a moneth. Without question, he knbweth well
the state of that uncivill and barbarous Nation, having an
apprehending and admirable wit to conceive the disposition
Sir Anthony
BkerUjes pre-
firment
100
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
of any people with whom hee shall converse, whilest he
was amongst them, he behaved himselfe very well toward ^ j^*^^
the better sort, winning credite with them, and gaining the f~ ^ ^/'"V
1 i- 1 ^ 5« 1 1 1 • 1 ^ yr °«i- course also of
love of the poorer sort exceedmgly, by his larges (for if a OeirReRgm:
Moore or slave gave him but a dish of Dates, he should but I omit it
receive a reward as from an Emperour) and howsoever andrtfemtht
some may hold this a vice, counting him a lavisher : yet p^f . ^ ^^
by this meanes he came to the knowledge of that which andlroceedto
otherwise he never should have attained unto. The more the reports of
acdible feme is, Sir Anthonie was not with this Fleet, tkeirPoRde.
therefore they sped never the better, for had he beene in
company, and had command, he would either have taken
footing, or ventered all, scorning to returne with doing
nothing, and so be laughed at.
The Policic of Barbaric.
EVtrj Kingdome consisteth of men, not of buildings,
therefore the Kingdome of Barbary consisteth of bond
and free men : the naturall bond men are such as are
descended either from Christians or Negros; the free
men are Larbies or Brebers, which may be termed the
Valley and Mountaine men. Over all, as absolute Mon-
arch is the King, who maintaineth his seat by the sword,
and power of Justice : the sword men according to their
degrees are thus placed.
First, the Muleis, are the Kings children, and all other
who are of the blood Royall, are termed by this name.
Secondly, Bashas, are Captaine Generalls over armies.
Thirdly, Alkeids be the Lords, set aswell over Garrison
Townes as Couhtreys, to rule and keepe the people in
subjection. Fourthly, Ferres, Gentlemen who carrie
amies, yet lesse Commanders then Alkeids. Fiftly,
Bahaia, Lieutenant to an Alkeid. Sixtly, Brakbashi, a
Sergeant at armes. Seventhly, Debushi, a Captaine over
thirty. Eightly, Romie, the common Souldier of these
men of warre, there were kept in daily pay in the old
Kings time, to the number of fifty thousand Horsemen :
part serving with the Launce, others with the Speare
lOI
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
called Spahaias, and some, especially the Horsemen of
Fez, serve with the Crosse-bow on Horse-backe, bending
it as they ride, shooting a strong shot and sure: and
sixteene thousand foot-men, the Akrbies being fitter for
the Horsemen, but the Brebers the stronger footmen,
most of them shot.
The chiefest men of Command in the latter
times, were these.
First, Alkeid Azus, chiefe Counsellor of State.
Secondly, Hamet ben Breham Sefiani, Master of the
Horse, and ruler over the Alkeids. Thirdly, Sedi Hamet
ben Bouker. Fourthly, Sedi Abdela WaJiad Anoune:
These two were Treasurers. Fifdy, Alkeid Hamet, a
Capatho or Eimuchs, Governour over the women and
Eunuches. Sixtly, Alkeid Mustepha File Master of the
Ordnance. Seventhly, Rishavan, Admirall over the
Gallies at Saly.
Note, though these be enobled, taking priority or
precedency before others, yet is not this noblenesse heredi-
tary, for the children of these men must claime no honour
by birth-right, but what they get by their service and
honour of their sword, live unrespected unlesse they be
valiant, and so prooving, the King will take them into his
service, whereupon by desert, the sonne may obtaine his
fathers fortune and honour.
Skicksof There is another tide of dignity termed Sheck, attri-
fW^/ or buted to the chiefe man of every Family or Cast, neither
'^ ''* doth the Kings eldest sonne scorne the title, signifying
that he is the prime or best blood of his Royall kindrecT
These Shecks are much respected, because it is the nature
of the people, the whole kindred to follow their head:
insomuch, as one of these Shecks can bring into the field
ten thousand Horsemen of their owne Cast, or kindred,
[II. vi. 871.] and some more. So that it is a matter of great conse-
quence, the King to have an eye over such a man, and
know how his affection resteth towards him, either in
love or hatred.
102
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
The King once in a moneth, on Fridayes in the after- Execution of
noone after prayers, either in his house or Church sitteth ^^^^*
to doe Justice, hearing complaints or appeales from
subalteme Ministers, from whom the grieved persons doe
appeale to his RoyaU person : when the King sitteth, the
stnm£;er shall have freer accesse to plead his cause before
the £ng, then his owne borne subject.
All inferiour Judges and Ministers are their Church*
men or Talbies, and those are soonest chosen into offices
which are of stricktest life, being free from avarice, and
such other sinnes as may pervert and hinder the course of
cquitie and justice. The chiefest man for judgement
under the King is Muftie, to whom the party grieved may
appeale from any other ordinary Judge. There be three Three
of these men, one in Moruecos, another in Fez, the third ^Hft^^-
at Taradant in Sus. The Muftie of Moruecos, sitteth
with the King in Judgement, and every Friday in the
aftemoone by himselfe, to heare and determine causes of
the subject and stranger, though hee bee in eminent place,
he is a poore man, m respect what he might be, if he
would sell Justice, and take bribes.
The ordinary Judge sitteth all the yeere long two houres Ordinary
before noone, and two houres after noone : in every great ^^&^'
Towne throughout the three Kingdomes in places one of
these Judges, to whom not onely the Inhabitants of every
Towne and Citie doe repaire, but the Countrey people
or Larbees upon differences come thither to have their
causes decided: every one must tell his owne tale, and ThelrlmaHner
plead his owne matter. When both parties have spoken, ^fj^^^^^*
then giveth the Judge sentence ; so that in one day the
cause is brought into Court, and the same day ended.
If either part have witnesse to produce, then the Judge
giveth three dayes respite to bring them in, which being
brought, the adverse party shall have other three dayes
respite to disprove them. And if he can proove the Alkgaiimt
witnesses either infamous in manners, or given to detest- ^^^^'^
able sinne, as drunkennesse, adultery, or such like : And
can proove the witnes saith not his prayers sixe times
103
A.D.
c 1609.
Debts.
Coadjutors to
the Judges,
Manner of
Contracts.
Steryes or
Officers of the
Court.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
duely in foure and twenty houres, then shal he be utterly
disabled to beare witnesse, and thus in seven dayes the
lonjgest sute shall be ended. If an Obligation or rather
Bill of debt be brought into Court, the Obligee must
either pay the debt, goe to prison, or to pawne the value
of the debt, or better: which pawne may be kept in
Deposit© nine dayes upon great reason, to see if the
debtor can redeeme it at the nine dayes end, if he doth
it not, then is it sold, and the party who should pay the
money, must sustaine the losse.
As Coadjutors to these Judges, and nesct in place to
them be the Scrivanos, who upon death or other remoove
are commonly made Judges. These are Talbies which
make writings betweene partie and partie, short and plaine,
without multiplication of words, and they are of opinion,
Abundans cautela nocet : in their Obligatory Bils they put
neither Forfeit nor Condition, having for the making
thereof two pence English, and no more. They use no
lonj^ draughts in matters of purchase, or these tripartite
Indentures, with such large and long implicite and
explicite Covenants, but thus the people deale in matters
of Contracts and Bargaines. I buy of you a Vineyard,
House, Merchandize, at such a price, to be paid at such a
time, calling two honest men, whereof one shall be a
Talbie, if I can get him, to witnesse this our Bargaine.
We foure goe to the Scrivener, who likewise is a '!^bie,
and have this set downe in writing ; and if our bargaine
be for twenty thousand pounds, it is set downe in ten
lines, and the Justice of the Countrey will allow me my
bargaine with as great reason, as if I had a great ingrossed
Booke of Conveyance, as big as the Map of the whole
world in the newest Edition.
Next in this nature to these, be the Steryes, which have
smal Fees to see the execution of Law and sentence of the
Judge fulfilled ; these likewise fetch men to answere their
Adversary, which would delay, and not come before the
Judge, eyther upon perversenesse, or badnesse of their
plea, or any other cause whatsoever. Wherefore to bee
104
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a,d.
c 1609.
alwayes ready, these are continually attendant in the House
of the Judge, and wayting upon him whethersoever he
goeth.
Muttifeb, is an Officer to see true Weights and MutHfeb,
Measures; if any bee feultie, all the Wares in such a
mans shop hee giveth to the poore, the party proclaymed
an unjust man, and sore whipped.
The Hackam, is the Lord Marshall in every City, who Hackam.
judgeth upon life and death, assoone as the party
Delmquent is taken, and his offence proved, presently
his throat is cut : Murder there is death, so is manifest
Theft, Adultery, likewise proved by very good witnesse :
And somtimes it is death for any man to weare a Sword
who is not an Officer, yea, though hee bee a Souldier.
Other offences according to the necessitie of the time and
pleasure of the King, by Proclamation are made death,
which the Hackam must see executed upon losse of his
owne head.
Muckadens, be Substitutes to the Hackam, seeing his Muckadens.
ju(^ement fulfilled, and in his absence hath his authontie.
Fokers or Saints, dwell in the best places of the Fohrs,
Countrey, keepe great Hospitality for all Travellers,
whither any man come for a night, and be gone in the
morning : much good these doe m the Countrey by their
example of moral! living, and bestowing their owne goods
in their life time to helpe the needy and distressed, com- [n. vi. S/z.]
primising differences betwixt parties, and repressing all
disorders, winning great love and respect, for their Houses
are held Sanctuaries, whose Priviledges the King will not
violate, but upon great and weightie reason.
The King, Nobility, and Souldiers desire to serve on The causes W
Horse-backe, which most commonly they doe, for in any ^^^^V^-^
Army there be three Horse for one foot : the King will ^^^M^-
seldome venture to fight out a battayle, but as you may
perceive by the precedent, it was and is the usage amongst
the three Brethren, when they meete in a field, whosoever
getteth at the first on-set the advantage, maketh the other
presently leave the field, and flye unto some place of
105
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c 1609.
strength: they fight with no Armour except a BufFe
Jerkin, for the better sort ; and a Leather Hide tanned
for the meaner, and some Coats of Male, their Armes is a
Horse-mans Staffe, Target, and Sword, or a Horse-mans
Peece and Sword.
Deadijfeud The Alarbies serve all upon Horse, will fight sorer
m/i M^ battayles to maintayne their deadly feud, than m service
of their King : Insomuch that upon losse of any great Lord
or Chiefe man of their Bloud, cruell battailes have ensued,
wherein ten thousand men have beene slayne at one time,
and it is their fashion, the fairest Virgin to ride upon a
Camell with a flagge in her hand decked in all pompe to
sollicite her Kindred to revenge, and goeth foremost in the
field, encouraging them to foUow ; upon which incitement
much bloud is spilt, her Kindred as loth to lose their
Virgin, and not revenge their injuries: the other side
striving to winne her and the field, holding that a
continuing glory to the seventh Generation.
When a man is killed, his Tribe seeketh not revenge
only upon the man which killed the party, but the first
man of that Tribe hee meeteth withall, him will hee kill
if he can, and so thinketh he hath satisfied his Kinsmans
death.
Withtki The Brebers or Mountayners likewise maintayne this
Brebirs. itvA^ who are most shot and Swordmen, upon the day of
battayle their women follow hard behind them, with a
colour in their hands, called Hanna : And if they see any
of their side offer to runne away, or retyre, presently
they will throw some of this Hanna upon their clothes,
which will stayne, and the party ever after is held for a
Coward and a dishonoured Jew. For feare of this Infamy,
few forsake the field, but eyther conquer their Enemies, or
dye like men, who are presently stripped and buryed by
these women which follow them.
106
A HISTORY OF BARBARY a.d.
c. 1609.
The trading of the Moores into Guinee and
Gago for Gold Ore, or sandie Gold.
MUley Hamet being at peace with his Neighbours,
at quiet with his Subjects, determined to warre upon
the Negros, knowing the conquest easie, because the people
are undisciplined in warre, and the profit would be
exceeding great by bringing their Gold into his Countrey,
exchanging for it Salt, and other baser Commodities. And
howsoever certayne Miners had found rich Mines of Gold ^fi^l^f^r
in the Hils of Atlas, yet hee held it better policy to fetch his ^1^^'
Gold farther off, then to digge that which was found in nuUorum.
the Centre of his owne Kingdome, fearing if the Mines
proved rich, the Golden Ore would draw thither Christian
Armes, therefore he cut the throats of all such as were the
Authors, and gave the Masters of the Workes death for
their hyre.
But to perfect his other Designe, he chose Judar Basha,
sent him with great store of Souldiers, who entred farre
into the Negros Countrey, depriving them of a great City,
called Gago, which standeth upon the River of Synega, Ga^.
three hundred Leagues within the firme Land, builded
there an Alpandeca for Barbarian Merchants, and a
Custome-house for the King. The Merchants make it
sixe monethes Journey from Moruecos thither, of which, ^tx nmethu
two monethes they passe thorow the Sandy Desarts, where •^^•^CT-
no people dwell, neyther any road way, but directed by
Pilots, as ships at Sea, observe the courses of Sunne,
Moone, and Stars, for feare of missing their way : If they DnadfuU
lose themselves, they meete with Famine, and dye for ^^'^'■^•
lacke of water, whose dead carkasses consume not, but ^
maketh Munna,* or Otema flesh, every way as Physiadl or ^^^^^^
Medicinable, as that which commeth from Alexandria. MummlU
They never travell under two or three hundred in a maiiofm-
company: it may be not meeting with water in twelve halmdhodks
or fifteene dayes space, but carry water by Camels, both ^^^^^f,
for them and then" beasts to drinke, which railmg, to save turyed^as in
their owne lives, they kill their Camels, and cWnke the Egyft^ lie.
107
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1609.
blood. If the wind blow at North-east, they cannot
unlade their Camels, least the Sands should cover them.
The Merchandize carried from Moruecos to the Negros,
is much Cloth, Amber Beads, Corall, but the chiefest
Salt. Commodity is Salt, which is bought at Tegazza, and other
places, for foure shillings a Camels lading, which is sixe
hundred weight, and pajeth at Gago five pounds for
Custome to the King or Barbarie, afterward sold farre
within the Countrey to a kind of deformed Negros, who
will never be seene in the commerce of trading with the
Barbarian, or any stranger : Wherefore they lay their Salt
in the fields and leaveth it, then commeth the deformed
Negro, and layeth against every mans pricell of Salt, as
much of his gold as he thinketh the &dt is worth, and
goeth his way, leaving his gold with the Salt: Then
retumeth the Moore, if he like the gold, taketh it away,
[II. vi. 873.] if not, detracteth so much from his heape, as he will sell
to the Negro for his gold. The Negro returning, if he
like the quantity, putteth too more gold, or else will not
barter, but departeth. Yet they seldome mislike, for the
Moore maketh a rich returne, and his King a full
Treasure. Wherefore, the deformed Negro is praysed for
the truest dealing man in the world : the gold which they
have is not coyned, but like small Gravell or Sand gathered
after the gluts of raine, in the drie bankes of Mountaines
and Rivers.
Touching Voyages of Englishmen to Barbarie, as also
Embassages sent thither by Queene Elizabeth: likewise
touching many English Voyages to Guinny, Benin, and
other pkces on the Continent, and the Hands adjoyning ;
with Patents also for those parts : the Reader may, if he
please, certifie and satisfie himselfe in Master Edens, and
Master Hackluyts Voyages. English Navigations are now
advanced to so great Adventure, and new or remote
Discoveries, that 1 rather haste to them : Yet because I
thinke it meete to acquaint the Reader with the present
State of the neerer parts of Africa: I have added these
following Discourses. And because Algier is the Whirle-
108
SPANISH DOMINIONS IN AFRICA a.d.
c 1609.
pooIe of these Seas, the Throne of Pyracie, the Sinke of
Trade and Stinke of Slavenr ; the Cage of uncleane Birds,
of Prey, the Habitation or Sea-Devils, the Receptacle of
Renegadoes to God, and Traytors to their Countrey ; I
have the longer stayed there : both to shew the place out
of Nicholay ; His Majesties zealous Designe against them,
and Gods goodnesse in two notable Deliverances from
them.
As for Ward, or other English, infesting the World from
that Hel-mouth, I was loth to blot these Papers with so
rotten Names.
Chap. III.
The African Possessions of the King of Spaine,
and the Turke.
§• I.
The Dominions and Fortresses* which the King *Takenwt9f
of Spaine hath upon the lies and mayne J^.'^' ^'
Lands of Africa, and of the Great Turkes.
jEsides Oran, Mersalquibir, Mililla and
Pennon which the King of Spaine
possesseth within the Streights ; as like-
wise, Ceuta, Tanger, and Arzil, which by
the Title of Portugall, he holdeth very
neere the Streights of Gibraltar; and
Mazagan in like sort without the Streights He hath since
mouth, twenty miles to the South-ward of Arzil : he hath ifj^
along the Coast of Africk, from Cape de Guer, to that of ^'^''''''
Guardafu, two sorts of States : for some are immediately
under him ; and others are as it were his Adherents. The
Hands of Madera, Puerto Santo, the Canaries, the lies of
Arguin, of Cabo Verde, the He Del Principe, with that of
Sant Thomas, and others neere adjoyning, are immediately
under his Dominion. These Hands are maintayned witn
their owne victuall, and provision, and yet they have also
some out of Europe, as in like manner they send some
IQ9
AJ>.
c. 1609.
Change of
names of
Alger.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the River Muluia, which is the Easterne limite of the
Kingdome of Fez, even to the Arabian Gulfe or Red Sea,
except some few places (as namely, Mersalcabir, Melilla,
Oran, and Pennon) which the King of Spaine holdeth. In
which space before mentioned, are situate sundry of the
most mnous Cities and Kingdomes in all Barbarie ; that
is to say, Tremizen, A^er, Tenez, Bugia, Constantina,
Tunis, Tripolis, and all the Country of Egypt, from
Alexandria to the Citie of Asna, ouled of old Siene,
together with some part of Arabia Troglodytica, from the
Towne of Suez to that of Suachen. Also in Africa the
Grand Signior hath five Vice-royes, called by the names of
Beglerbegs or Bassas, namely, at Alger, Tunis, Tripolis, at
Missir for all Egypt, and at Suachen for those places which
are chalenged by the Great Turke, in the Dominions of
Prete Janni. Finaly, in this part at Suez, in the bottome
of the Arabian Gulfe, is one or his foure principal Arsenals,
or places for the building, repairing, docking, and harboring
of his warlike Gallies, which may lie here under covert,
to the number of five & twentie Bottoms.
Chap. IIII.
The Description of the Citie of Alger, written
by Nicholas Nicholay and how it came into
the possession of Barbarossa, and also of
Malta and Tripolie.
Lger is a Citie in Africa very ancient, first
builded by a people of Africa, called
Mesgana, of whom she tooke her first
name : afrerwards was called Jol, and was
the Seate Royal of Juba, in the time when
the Romans bare dominion in Africa, in
honour of Caesar it was called Julie
Caesare; and since the Moores called it Gezeir Arab
Elea^ir, which in their Language signifieth lies, because
she IS cituated neere Majorque-Mmorque Jevise, and
Fromentierre : but the Spaniards now doe call her Alger :
112
NICHOLAS NICHOLAY ad.
1551.
howbeit, shee is scituated upon the Mediterran Sea, upon
the hanging of a Mountaine environed with strong Walls,
Ramperds, Ditches, Platformes, and Bulwarks, in forme
almost three-square ; the largenesse which goeth towards
the Sea side stretcheth narrowly almost unto the highest
part, whereas there is a great building made in forme of a
Citadell, to command the Towne and entrie of the Haven.
As for the buildings being beyond the Pallace Royall, are
very faire Houses belonging too particular men, with a
great number of Bathes and Cookes houses. The places
and streetes are so well ordained, that every one in his
Occupation apart : there are about three thousand Hearth-
steeds. At the bottome of the Citie which is towards
the North jovning to the Walles, which are beaten with
the Surges or the Sea in a great place, is by great Artifice
and subtill Architecture budded their principall and head
Mosquee ; and a little below that is the Arcenall, which is
the pkce into which are hailed up, and trimmed the Gallies [H. vi. 875.]
and other vessels. This Citie is very Merchant-like, for
that she is situated upon the Sea, and for this cause
marvellously peopled, tor her bignesse: she is inhabited
of Turkes, Moores, and Jewes m great nxmiber, which
with marvellous gaine exercise the Trade of Merchandise,
and lend out money at Usury. They have two Market
dayes in every weeke, to the which resort an infinite
number of people of the Mountaines, Plaines and Vallies,
being neighbours thereabouts, which do bring thither all
sorts of Fruits, Corne and Foxile, of very cheape price :
for I have seene a Patridge sold for a Judit, which is a
small piece of Silver mony, in manner foure square, and
is in value of our mony foure pence and a mite, but true
it is that their Partridges be not so big nor delicate as ours
are : the Hennes and Chickins be also very good cheape, Furnaces fitly
for that they have in most parts of their Houses Furnaces, V^/^ ^
made in manner like unto the Hot-houses or Stoves of ckukins!
Germany, in the which with a small heate they doe breed
and hatch their Eggs without helpe of the Hen, and
therefore it is not to be marvelled at, though they have
▼I 113 H
A.D.
1551.
Camels and
Oxen shod.
ThiMooresdo
ride thiir
horses without
saddle or
bridle.
Weaponsofthi
Moores.
Many rented
Christians in
Algier.
A miserable
nfeofthe
Christian
slaves in
jilffer.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
great plentie of such Pullen. They also have a creat
number of Camels and Oxen, which they doe shoo, juuie,
and ride upon, as upon Horses. And going through the
streetes, because of the multitude of people, which there
is marveilous, they goe crying with a loud voyce, Baluc,
Baluc; which is too say, Beware, beware. I have also
seene divers Moores mounted on Barbarie Horses without
Saddle, Bridle, Stirrops or Spurres, having onely a string
in the mouth to stay them withall. And as for the men,
they are altogether naked, having onely about their middle
part to cover their privities, some piece of a white Sarge
or Blanket in manner of an apron, and about their head
a Linnen cloth rowled, which they bring about and under
their chin.
Their weapons are three Darts or long Javelins, which
they carry in their right hand, and doe shoote and throw
with wonderfull dexteritie, and upon their left arme is
fastned a large Dagger made a little crooked after the
fashion of a Wood-knife, which they call Secquin, and
use to fight at hand strokes withall, and to annoy their
Enemies comming to the close. The most part of the
Turkes of Algier, whether they be of the Kings Houshold
or the Gallies, are Christians renied, or Mahumetised, of
all Nations, but most of them Spaniards, Italians, and of
Provence, of the Hands and Coasts of the Sea Mediterran,
given all to Whoredome, Sodometrie, Theft, and all other
most detestable vices, living onely of rovings, spoyles, and
pilling at the Seas, and the Hand, being about them : and
with their practike Art bring daily to Algier a number of
poore Christians which they sell unto the Moores, and
other Merchants of Barbarie for slaves, who afterward
transport them, and sell them where they thinke good, or
else beating them miserably with staves, doe imploy and
constraine them to worke in the Fields, and in all other vile
and abject occupations and servitude almost intollerable.
And therefore it is not to be marveiled at, though these
poore Christian Slaves made of it no scruple at all in
putting of us in danger, to set themselves at libertie.
114
NICHOLAS NICHOLAY a.d.
Without the Citie towards the West are many faire and
pleasant Gardens, set and adorned with divers trees Ple^Mi
bringing forth fruits of al sorts. Amongst other things ^'^^-
there be Milons of marveilous goodnesse, and incompar-
able sweetnesse: they have ako another fruite called
Pateque, which the Italians call Anguries, being like in
bignesse and coloxir to our greene Citrouilles in Winter,
which they eate raw without Bread or Salt, and hath a
taste so delicate and sweete, that it melteth in one's mouth,
giving a water as it were sugred, and serve greatly to
refresh and digest. About their Gardens are manv Wells
full of good water, and the ground there abouts, although
it is Mountaines and Vallies, is very fertile for fruites and
Vines. On the other part towards the East, without the
Towne runneth into the Sea a small River called Sauo, Sauo a Rher.
which serveth aswell to drinke of, as other commodities,
and also maketh many mills to grind. The course of the
Sea from the Gipe of Marfuz, ^here as yet are seene the
foundations of the ancient Citie Tipasa, which in times past 77/^^ en M
was by the Emperours of Rome honoured in prayse of ^^'
the Country Latine) doth bow and wind like unto a
Crosebow-kth, and sJl along the River and the shoare the
Moorish Women and Maiden Slaves of Algier doe goe
to wash their Linnen, being commonly whole naked,
saving that they weare a piece of Cotten Cloth of some
strange colour to cover their secret parts (which notwith-
standing for a little piece of money they will willingly
uncover.) They weare also for an ornament about their
necke, armes, and legges, great collers or bracelets of
Latten, set with certaine fSlse Stones. But as for the
Wives of the Turks or Moores, they are not seene jgo
uncovered, for they weare a great Barnuche made ot a
Blanket of white, blacke, or violet colour, which covereth
their whole body and the head.
The second day after our arrivall at Algier, I found the
meanes for money, and with feire word too hyre a renyed
Spaniard, to conduct and leade me thorow all places that
I most desired to see. So as by his meanes, I saw and
"IS
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
iSSi.
learned many things within foure or five dayes that wee
were there in quiet. And namely, brought mee upon a
high Mountayne being a mile from the Towne, to see
and behold the situation of a very strong and great Tower,
beeing builded upon another Mountayne there neere about,
and gently enquiring of him what strength the Tower
might be of: he declared unto me, that the breadth of
the Ditches about the same, was seventeene brases, saving
about the gate and entry into it towards the North, it was
[II. vi. 876.] only seven fathomes broad, and two Speares lengths deepe.
Moreover, he said unto mee, that within the Fortresse
there were nine great cast Pieces, and eighteene other, as
well Mynions, as Fawconets, and other: and that in the
middest of the Tower there was a Well of very good
water, upon the height thereof standing a wind-mill, and
another standing without the gates. And that thirtie
ordinary Sovddiers are committed within it to keepe the
same. And to make short, that this Tower was made to
none other intent (as also others since have confirmed) then
for the garding and keeping of the Fountayne heads,
which from thence are brought and conveyed under the
water into the Citie.
Alger was long time under the Dominion of the King
of Telensin, untill such time as they of Bugie chose a
new King, unto whom they gave and rendred themselves
as his Tributarie, because he was neerer unto them then
the King of Telensin, and that hee could sooner helpe
them (it need were.) But in processe of time, perceiving
themselves to be as it were free and out of all doubt:
armed certayne ships to the Sea, with the which they
became such Coursaires or Pirates that in short time they
annoyed by their Piracies and Robberies on the Sea, not
onely the Coast of Spaine, but also all the Mediterrane
Ferdinando Hands. Which perceiving, Ferdinando the King Catholike
Ktng CaOc- ^^^ ^^ Alger a great Armie to assiege them, and for to keepe
strayneth the ^^^i^ ^^ most distresse, caused with a marvellous readinesse
Mores to a a Fort to bee made in a small Hand, which lyeth before
Truce. the Citie, keeping them by that meanes so straightly
X16
NICHOLAS NICHOLAY a.d.
1551-
besieged, that in short time they were constrayned to
require a Truce for ten yeeres : Which was agreed unto
them upon condition of a certayne Tribute, which they
payed untill the death of King Ferdinando, for then they
espying a convenient time and meanes, to breake the
Truce, and to set themselves at liberty, called \mto them
Cairadin Barbarosse, who after the siege of Bone, retyred
to the Castle of Gegill, standing in the Coast of the
Mediterran Sea, upon the top of a high Rocke, seventie
miles from Bugie, who being by them chosen to bee their
diiefe Captayne, gave many fierce assaxdts unto the
Fortresse, so as he put the Spaniards to flight, and
incontinent after caused it to bee ruined and pulled downe
even to the foundation. He then seeing so happie
successe of his Enterprize, could no longer abide to be 5S"J»'''^
as companion, but in a Bath trayterously slue a Prince of j^j^ j^i' ^j
Aiabie, called Selim: who declared himselfe to be Lord not complete
of the Citie. po^oer : but
Afterwards forsaking the name of a Captaine any longer, }x^^z
caused himselfe to bee called King, and coyned money smtk^akind
under his name, and so well guided his AfFaires that in of Common-
short time after hee brought all his Neighbours about him toeaM.
to become contributory unto him. Such was the beginning ^^ ^^X^
of the magnificent estate of Cariedin Barbarosse : after fymoJ^Sea
whose death, his Brother Hariadene succeeded him in the Captainey
Kingdome, and after him his Sonne Cassam, who raigned AdmWallof
« the time we arrived there. ^ T*^^^^
To returne to the Discourse of our Navigation, which ^^^\^^
Heft at the Cape Matafuz, from whence (having sojourned Turkish His-
there a night) wee departed in the morning : the wind torie^ which
was so contrary that it forced us to come to an Anchor affrighted
ncere to the Cape Tedele : at which place wee saw within ^^l^^^
\ great Rocke a deepe entrance, being two flight shot long, Christendom.
into the which the Sea entreth even to the very bottome, Zee my
where we entred with our SkifFe, even to the halfe way Pi^^aa^f
of it : and thinking to passe on further, we found so ^ 'f' ^J *' *'
great a number of strange Mice, that we were constrayned Te^U.
to tume backe : so were we persecuted. And so for feare Strange Mice.
117
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
they should pisse on our heads (their pisse being venemous)
we were forced to cover us, and to wrap our selves in
our Clokes. This part of the Sea is very full of Moun-
taynes and great Rockes.
Tiddell. Teddell is a Citie contayning about two thousand
Harth-steeds, situated upon the Sea Mediterrane, three-
score miles from Alger at the bottome of a Mountayne,
and on the hanging of a great Rocke. On the midst of
the Mountayne is a little Castle, from the which along
goeth a wall stretching to that of the Citie. The Africans
first did edifie it, and at this present is inhabited of a
people very merry and pleasant. For, for the most part
of them they are given to the exercise of the Harpe and
Lute. Their principall Craft and Occupation is fishing,
and dying of Wooles and Cloth, by reason of divers smsQl
Brookes very fit for their dyings, which descending from
the Mountaynes through divers places of the Towne, issue
into the Sea. The Inhabitants of the same place are under
the same Obeysance and Justice that they of Alger are.
Leaving the Coast and Towne of Teddell, we bare roome
to Sea-wards, and had so good speed, that the foure and
twentieth of July in the Evening, we discovered the Citie
of Gigeri, but even thinking to be neere it, within a
Borasque of moment arose such a sudden Sorasque or Flaa, that if our
Barbarii^most Mariners had not nimbly bestirred themselves in taking in
ibugmnufir ^f ^j^^-^j. Sayles, wee had beene in great danger to have
beene all drowned, and immediately saw our Frigat (which
was made fast to our Gaily) lost before our eyes, because
they had not quickly cut the Halser, but all our men were
saved by swimming to our Gallies. These Borasques
(engendred of a wind, called by the Grecians, Tvphon ;
or Plinie, Vertex or Vortex, but viilgarly Tourbillon, or
Whirlewind, proceed not out of the West, notwithstanding
doe often happen in Winter) are very often and dangerous
all along the Coast of Barbarie, and as they come very
suddenly, so are againe soone appeased.
Poru o/Botu. The twentie five in the Evening, we arrived at the Port
[II. vi. 877.] of Bone : where wee being come to an Anker, the
118
NICHOLAS NICHOLAY ad.
Ambassadour sent to salute the Caddy, which kecpeth ThtsAmbassa-
the towne upon tribute under the King of Alger. This f^j^^^
Caddy was a renyed Christian, and notwithstanding shewed ^^^/^f ^^'
himselfe very curteous and liberall towards us, for over i^^x.bythe
and above the refreshings of flesh, bread and fruits which French King
he gave us, about supper time sent unto the Ambassador ^ ^ ^^'^^
two great Platters ot Macolique, full of their kinde of f^^^^^"^'
meate, dressed according to tneir fashion, which was a ^
kinde of Menudes made in Paste with Onions, and (it
Pullets with certaine sawces of very good taste and
savour.
Bone, anciently called Hippon,of which Saint Augustine Boneancienffy
hath beene Bishop in times past, edified of the Romans ^^ff^-
upon the Mediterran Sea, standeth of the one side upon
h^h and ragged Rockes, and there is a very feire and
sumptuous Mosquee, unto which is adjoyned the house
of the Caddy : but the other side of the Towne towards
the South, and the Valley is situated more lower, and as
well within as without accommodated with Wells and good
Fountaines. The Houses within it (having beene twice
saccaged and spoyled by the Spaniards) are evill builded,
and this Towne doth not nowcontaine above three hundred
Harthes. The Emperour Charles the fift, after he had Charksthejift
subdued the Towne, caused upon a height of one side ^^^^^^^^^
towards the West, a great Castle to be ouilded: which ^ ^ '•
commanded of all sides, and did accommodate it with a
number of Cisternes to gather Water in, for that on this
height there is neither Well nor Fountaine. Notwith-
standing, shortly after it was rased by the Turkes and
Moores, and the Spaniards driven out of it : without the TheSpaniards
City towards the East, is seene a goodly and large Cham- ^?^^^ ^^ ^
pion Countrey, inhabited and tilled by a kinde of People
called Merdez ; which Countrey, besides the great quantitie ^^^^^ ^
of Corne that it bringeth forth, nourisheth and pastureth ^^^^
in the Valley a great number of Oxen, Kine, Sheepe and
other CatteU, so plentifully, that with their Milke and
Butter, not onely the City of Bone is provided and
furnished, but also Tunes and the Isle of Gerbes : there
119
A.D.
I5SI.
A Church
builded by
S. Jug.
Cafe de Rose.
GaRte and
Symboks,
Jl flying Fish.
Pantalaree
anciently
Paconie.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
are also about it many faire Garden Pkts, plentifully
abounding with Dates, Figges, and sweet MeUons. At
the beginning of the Valley passe two small Rivers,
whereof, the next and greatest hath a Bridge of stone,
under the which is a way to an old ruined Church, being
betweene two Rocks, which the Moores doe say to have
beene the Church of Saint Augustine, which made me the
more desirous to goe and see it: Notwithstanding, that
a Jew, borne in Spaine, being then with me, used all the
meanes he could to perswade mee from it : for the dangers
which he said to be there of the Theeves called Alerbcs,
which thereabouts doe lye secretly hid, to intrap them that
came thereabouts; by which his remonstrances notwith-
standing he could not disswade me, but that needes he
must accompanie mee: and certainely there I found by
experience : and upon the top of a high Mountaine hee
shewed me a small troope of these Alerbes starke naked,
mounted on horse-backe with their Dartes in their hands,
after the fashion of those I saw in Alger : In the Haven
or Roade which lyeth before the Fortresse is found great
quantitie of very faire Corrall, which Andre Doria then
had in farme of the King of Aleer, for which he paid unto
him yeerely great sunmies of Money. By chance we
found there a Ship of Marsellie conducted by a Cursarie,
to gather the same, who presented unto the Ambassador,
many faire and great branches. The next day being the
six and twentieth, after Sunne-set, waying our Ankers,
we departed from Bone, and passed from the Gulfe, which
continueth about eighteene miles to the Cape of Rose,
and passing further towards the sight of the lies De la
Galite, and des Symboles, there flew a Fish into our
Gallie, of the length, colour and bignesse of a great Sardin,
which before had two great wings, and two lesse behinde ;
his head and mouth being great according to the propor-
tion of the body : this fish is by the Moores called Inciole.
And having doubled the Cape Bone, the twenty and eight
day we arrived at the He of Pantalaree.
This He of Pantalaree, which by the Ancients was called
1 20
NICHOLAS NICHOLAY a.d.
1551.
Paconia, is very Hilly and full of great Rocks. There
groweth great quantitie of Cotton, Capers, Figges,
Mellons and Reisins: and throughout the Hands is full
of Cisternes. There are also many small Houses very
anciently builded within the ground (made like unto
Caves) made by the Moores in the time they possessed
the Hand: along the Sea side are found Stones being
blacke, and glistering like unto fine Jet, and certaine
rough Stones. They have no Horses, but of Oxen great
store, with the which they do labour and till the ground,
how well there groweth no Corne. Of which they furnish
themselves out of the lie of Sicilia, unto which they are
subject. But well there groweth certaine other Graine
and Herbes of small estimation. There groweth a small
Tree like unto Nerte: which the Moores called, Vero;
and the Sicilians, Stinco, bringing forth a small round
fruit, which at the first is red, and being ripe, waxeth
blacke. Of which, the Inhabitants of the Iland (which
are very poore) make Oyle, which they use as well to burne Q?^ ^^ 9f
in their Lampes, as to eate : and the Women after having ^**^^'
washed their heads, doe anoint their haire with it to make
it grow long and faire : As well the men as women are of The Women of
nature good Swimmers, as by experience we saw by a ^^J^"^^
woman of the Countrey, bringing a great Basket with dimmers.
Fruit, entred into the Sea, and swimming, brought the
same to sell in our Galley. This Iland containeth thirty
miles in length, and in breadth about ten miles.
The thirtieth day of the same moneth of July, we [II. vi. 878.]
departed from Pantalaree with such a favourable wind:
that the first day of August, being passed the He of Goze,
we arrived about the evening in the Road of Malta, where
mcontinent we were visited by the Knights Parisot and
Villegaignon, and of many others of divers Nations.
And after the Ambassador had given to understand to
the great Master his comming, the chaines of the Haven
being opened with salutation accustomed of the one side
and other, we entred into the Haven, upon the sides
whereof were with the afore named, divers other Knights
131
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1551.
come thither in the behalfe of the grand Master (of birth
a Spaniard) named Omede, which received the Ambas-
sador, and presented unto him a Mulet, on which he
lighted, and accompanied him to the great Hall of the
Castle, where the grand Master witn divers Knights
attended him, and having done reverence unto him, and
declared part of his authorisation, the night approaching,
taking his leave returned to his Gallies. The next day
he was by the great Master bidden to a sumptuous dinner,
unto the which all the ancient and notable Knights of the
Religion were also bidden and assembled, ana there was
openly rehearsed, how that certaine dayes before Sinan
Basha, Captaine Generall of the Turkes army had taken
and saccaged the Castle of the Towne of Augusta in
Sicilia, and that he from thence arriving in a Port of
Malta called Mechetto, neere unto that of the Castle,
put his men there on land to over-run, ravish and spoyle
all whatsoever they should find for their advantage, which
they executed most cruelly, as such barbarous people in
like affaires are accustomed to doe. But a most valiant
and well advised Knight a Spaniard, named Guimeran,
Captaine of one of the Gallies of the Religion, who could
not abide such insolency, and secretly assembling certaine
number of Souldiers, did by ambushes and other meanes
so distresse them, that after having taken and slaine such
as fell into his laps, made them to remoove from that
place : but notwithstanding did not desist of their enter-
Road o/S. prise : for from thence they went to the Road of S. Paul
Pom/. where they landed their Ordnance to assiege the City,
whereof they got the Suburbs, and framed their Trenches
to make the battery. And forsomuch, as they could not
atchieve the end of their enterprise ^by reason as weU of
the roughnesse of the place being full of Rocks, as seeing
their men feile them, dying through extreme heat) they
resolved to remove their siege, and to imbarke them-
selves with their Ordnance, having slaine, taken and
saccaged all that they met withall at advantage. From
G9Zisaccaged. thence they went to the lie of Goze, being very neere and
132
NICHOLAS NICHOLAY a.d.
1551.
subject to the lie of Malta^ which they saccaged^ and by
deceitful! composition tooke the Castle, leading the people
both men, women and children as slaves into miserable
captivity : being in number sixe thousand and three ^^^ thousand
hundreth. The Knight de Villegaignon in his Treaty ^/J^^f^;
which he hath made of the warres of Malta, doth recite a taken\^
History no lesse lamentable then full of dispaire, and A plAfidl
unnaturall cruelty : and is of a Sicilan which in that place ^tstorj,
had dwelled of long time, and there married a wife, by ^ ^^J^l^
whom he had two fiiire daughters then, being in state to '*
be married, who seeing his last calamity approaching,
because he would not in his presence see his wife and his
daughters ravished and violated, and to be brought in
shamefull servitude, and to deliver them from all shame
and bondage, having called them into his house, first slew
with his sword his two daughters, and afterwards their
mother. And this done, with a Harquebuse and a Crosse-
bow bent (as deane bereft of sences) made towards his
enemies, or whom he slew twaine at the first encounter,
afterwards fighting a while with his sword, being invironed
with the multitude of the Turkes, brought himselfe to
the end of his most unhappy life. Behold the summary
of the miseries happened through the Turkes in few dayes
in the lies of Sicila, Malta, and Goze. After which things
the Bascha caused his army with the whole booty and prey
to embarke, and removed the seven and twenty of July
towards Barbary, to assiege the Castle of Tripoli.
The sixt of August we came to Tripoli, a Citv which
Charles the fifth had given in keeping to the Knights of
Malta, and then besieged by Sinan Basha. Where having
well considered the placing of the Campe, the Towne
and Castle, we returned to the Bascha, with whom the
Ambassador talked a while, and in the meane while I went
to sec the market of the Turkes (which they call Basar)
being hard by where the poore Christians of Sicil, Malta,
and Goze, were sold unto those that most oflFered for
them, the last inhaunsers, being permitted unto those that
bought them (as the ancient Custome of the Orientall
123
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1551.
Marnier to Barbarians is) to strip them starke naked, and to make
^Ch'^ti^ them goe, to the intent to see if they have any naturall
$l^es tZt impediment in their bodies, visiting afterwards their teeth
com Ui be sold, and eyes, as though they had beene horses, and standing
A Scorpion, there, I saw creeping upon the ground a Scorpion or
yellow colour, being of length more then a long finger.
The same day the Turkes brought their Ordnance and
Gabions unto the Trenches, which Gabions are made of
great Plankes of three inches, which they carry upon their
Gallies or Shippes to serve them when they have need of
them : for when they will batter any place, they set them
in the ground in forme of Baskets. Afterwards being set
in rankes, they fill them with earth, and is a very com-
modious invention, for the shot which can but slippering
passe over it, and can doe no hurt nor dammage. The
Turkes having in the night placed their Gabions, and their
Ordnance ready to the Battery, did the next day foUowing
being the eight of August, begin to shoot at the Castle
with great turie, which was not left unanswered, and
every houre some slaine.
[II. vi. 879.] The besieged sent to the Basha, if he would receive
certaine of them to treat of some good accord touching the
giving over of the Castle, whereunto the Bascha lightly
consenting, was in all diligence dispatched a brave Spaniard,
named Guivare, and a Knight of Majorque, to offer unto
the Bascha the Castle with the Artillery and Munition,
so as he would furnish them of ships to bring them with
bagge and baggage safely to Malta : to whom summarily
was answered, that (forasmuch as, as yet they had not
deserved any grace, presuming to be so bold as to keepe
so small a place against the armie of the highest Prince
on the earth) if they would pay the whole charges of the
armie, he would gladly agree to the matter proponed, or
if they would not thereunto consent (as it became them)
that for their recompence, all they within the Castle should
continue slaves and prisoners: notwithstanding, if they
incontinently and without delay, did surrender the place
he would exempt out of them two hundreth. Where-
124
NICHOLAS NICHOLAY a.i>
1551.
upon, the messengers returning in dispaire of any further
grace, was stayed by Drogot and Salaraiz, with flattering
words, and fayned promises, that they would endeavour
so much as in any wise lay in them, to make the Bascha
condiscend to a better and more gracious composition:
for they feared that the assieged through dispaire, would
resolve (as their extreame refuge) to defend themselves
even to the last man. And mcontinent went to the
Bascha, to declare unto him his oversight, in refusing those
which of their owne voluntary came to surrender them-
selves into his hands, and that to put them out of doubt
and dispayre, he ought with all mildnesse to agree unto
aU that they demanded. For after he had the Castle, and
aU the men under his authoritie, he might afterwards dis-
pose of them, as he should thinke good. The Bascha
findings this counsell good, caused the two messengers to
be cafied againe unto him, declaring unto them with
iained and dissembling words, that at the instance and
request of Drogot and Salaraiz there present, inclining
unto their request, he did discharge them of all their
costs and charges of the armie, swearing unto them (the
better to deceive them) by the head of his Lord and his
owne, inviolably to observe all that which he had promised
unto them, which they (too easily) beleeved, and forth-
with went to declare the same unto the Governour and
others within the Castle.
The Bascha the better to atchieve to his enterprise, sent
foorth after the Deputie aforesaid, a Turke (one of the
most subtill to his mind, that he could choose) to whom he
gave expresse charge to perswade the Governour to come
with him, to conclude and treat concerning the giving over,
and for the vessels which should bee necessary for their
conduct to Malta, and that if hee made difficultie to come,
he should make a semblance as though hee woidd remaine
there in hostage for him, and that above all things hee
should have an eye to consider of the strength and assur-
ance of the assieged, and of the disposition of all things
there, which the Turke could execute so finely, that the
"5
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1551.
Gk>vernour by the counsell of those that had perswaded
him to surrender, notwithstanding the reasons of warres,
and duetie of his office, forbade him in such manner to
abandon the place of his charge, resolved upon so small
an assurance of the Bascha, who having rigorously
reproached his timerity, said unto him: that forsomuch
as he had given his word, that if he would pay the charges
of the armie, he would let them go with bagge and
baggage, otherwise hee would discharge but two hundred,
A good and whereat Vallier being greatly mooved, answered, that it
^F^^^ was not that which with the Deputie of the Castle he had
agreed unto : But seeing he would doe none otherwise, that
it would please him to suffer him to returne to the place
for to have the advise and deliberation of the assieged,
which he could not obtaine, but it was onely permitted
unto him, to send backe the Knight that he had brought
with him, to make report of these pittious newes unto
Vallier sent t9 the assieged; and on the other party, Vallier was sent to
^GalTtes (he Gallie with Irons on his legges. They of the Castle
iSwiSw' having understood the Premisses, were greatly afraid of
the mischiefe, which they perceived approaching towards
them, and could take none other resolution, then the next
day in the morning earely to returne the said knight to
the Bascha, to know whether they should looke for no
better. But as soone as he was come before him, the
Governour was brought in, of whom the Bascha asked,
which of both he would choose, either to pay the expences
of the armie, or that he and all they of the Castle would
remaine prisoners, to whom he answered, that a slave had
none other authoritie then that which by his master was
given unto him, and that having lost, besides his libertie,
the power to command if any thing were yet reserved in
him, could not counsell him to command to agree unto
any thing but that which was concluded with the delegates,
which the Bascha hearing, for feare that such an answere
should not come to the knowledge of the assieged, and
that it should cause them desperat^y to fight it out, having
taken counsell of his Captaines, tooke the Governour by
136
NICHOLAS NICHOLAY a.d.
1551.
the hand, and with a smiling and dissembling countenance
said imto him, that without any doubt he would as
he had promised them, set them at free liberty: and
that therefore without fearing any thing, hee would
cause them all to come out of the Castle: but the
Govemour, because he had before beene deceived, would
not trust to his words, but said unto him^ that he should
command him that was come from the Castle, for that he
knew they would doe never a whit the more for him.
So that the Bascha turning towards the Kjiight, com-
manded him that he forthwith should goe unto him, and
cause them to come foorth : swearing unto them by the [II. vi. 880.]
head of his great Lord, and his owne, that they shoidd
all be delivered and set at liberty, according to the first
conventions agreed upon. Which the Knight beleeving,
went to report unto them these good newes : which they
received with such joy, that without any further care or
consideration of their misse-hap so neere, and prepared for
them, they ran to the prease with their wives, children,
and best moveables, preasing who should first goe forth.
But they were not so soone issued, but were cleane spoyled, Fmtkandfiyh
and of the enemies, part of the Knights were sent to the ^^^ ^'^*^-
Gallies, and the rest to the Bascha: who beeing by the
Knight Vallier admonished of his faith, which hee had
twise given, answered, that there was no promise to be
kept with dogges, and that they had first violated their
Oath with the great Lord, unto whom at the giving over
of the Rhodes, thejr had sworne that they never would
take on armes against the Turkes. The Castle being
taken and spoyled, and about two hundreth Moores of
that Countrey that had served the Knights, cut in peeces,
with great cries and shouts, reioycing of their victory,
they discharged a great peale of Ordnance.
Although the houses and buildings within the Towne Trifon
be ruined, yet it is invironed with very faire and strong ^^^^^^
wals, accompanied with a great number of Turrets, double
Ditches and false breaches, and the same are on the three
parts invironed with the sea, and within them are very
127
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1551-
good Wels and Fountaines. We saw in the middest of
^^ ^7^/ ^^^ Towne an Arch triumphall of white Marble with foure
^'**' • faces upon foure pillars of Corinth foure sauare, being
graven in the Front that looketh towards the East (by
excellent Sculpture) a Chariot drawen by two great
Griffins, and within it was Victory sitting with two wings :
Toward the West was graven a Chariot, whereupon was
sitting Pallas, and about the edge were written divers
Romane letters, but were so ruined, that scarce they were
to be knowne. Notwithstanding, by that which can be
read, we understand, that they were made in the time of
P. Lentulus, which is a good witnesse to beleeve that this
City, as before I have said, was builded by the Romanes.
The inside of the Arch was fiill of divers inrichments,
and above after the fashion of a foure-square Turret : and
two other faces looking towards the North and South,
were cut as from the upper part of the body unto the
girdlestead without any heads, two great figures of the
overcome. All the rest was set foorth with all sorts of
weapons in forme of Trophee, not farre from thence was
seene a great foure-square place, invironed with many
great and high Pillars in two rankes, after the manner of
a Porch, and neere that are the destructions of a high
Tower, which in times past was (as a Moore of that
Countrey told me) the great Temple or Mosque of the
Citie: there are a number more of antiquities ruined.
The Chiaous being come was sent by the Bascha, we
returned towards the Castle, but might not at that time
enter in all, because the Bascha had given conunandement,
that there should not enter with the Ambassadour above
five or sixe at the most, which were Sant Veran de Fleury,
de Montenard, Batolomy and the Dragoman, and I : at
the entry we met with Morataga and the Captaine which
had the charge of the Castle, which caused us to be
brought upon the Rampards, to the end we might the
better view and consider of all things, and having seene
both above and below, we perceived for certaine, that all
things were well repaired and furnished, and well appointed
128
NICHOLAS NICHOLAY a,d.
1551.
with sixe and thirty peeces of Ordnance^ as well small as
great, and that there was a great number of Pikes, and
pots to cast fire, abundance of all kind of victuals and
other Munitions, a good Well and Fountaine : and that Munitmsof
at the time when the siege was laid to it, there was as ^^X*"^
weU of Kjiights as Souldicrs of divers Nations, about sixe Castle.
hundred, and the best Gunners of the world, it is an
everlasting shame to them that so faint-heartedly
surrendred the same unto those barbarous people without
any warlike reason. All which having well considered,
with a heavy mind we returned againe to our Gallies,
whither incontinent the Bascha sent to desire the Ambas-
sador chat the next day he would come to his solemne
dinner, which he pretended to make for joy of his victory,
and taking of the Castle, and that he woiud bring Vallier
with him, which he would not refuse, thinking by such
occasion to recover the rest of the two hundr^ Knights
and Souldiers which were yet to be delivered : and there-
fore the day following, being the sixteenth day of August,
1 55 1, accompanied by the Governour VaUier, the Knight
de Seur, Cotignac, Captaine Coste, Montenard and me,
went towards mscha, being within the Ditch against the
breach of the Castle, where for a magnificency were set
up two faire PaviUions, the one for him, joyning unto a
very faire Fountaine : and the other for the Ambassador
and his company : and so soone as he had sent his presents,
as well to the Bascha, as to others his j&miliars (which of
old time hath beene the manner and custome that they
that have to do with these Barbarians must observe) he
was brought unto the Pavillion that was prepared for him,
and forthwith served with all magnificence, honour, and
superfluity of meats as well of flesh as fish, diversely
dressed according unto their fashion : and with wines very
excellent that they had found within the Castle, and this
service was done with noyse of all their instruments, and
by Officers in number above one hundred, apparelled for
the most part in long Gownes of fine cloth of Gold, tufFed
or figured, and the other of Velvet and Crimson Damaske,
VI 129 I
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1551.
and divers others colours. The Bascha was no sooner set
downe, but all the Ordnance of the Gallies, Foists and
Galliots of the army (being in all one hundred and forty,
besides the great (iallion and two Mahumez) was
[Il.vi. 881.] discharged, with such a noyse and thundring, that it
seemed the heavens and skies did shake. The table being
taken up, the Ambassador and Governour Vallier entred
into the Pavillion of the Bascha, which in the end a^^reed
to deliver the two hundred men which he had pronused :
and moreover, gave twenty unto the Ambassador upon
promise, that he should cause to be released the thirty
Turkes taken at Malta, at the landing of the army. But
the most part of them that were delivered, were Spaniards,
Sicilians and Calabres, and few French-men : for the most
part of them were put to the ranke of criminels forsworne :
that day were brought into our Gallies, the Coffers of
Vallier, within which were found certaine apparell, a sacke
with money, and a cup of silver, the rest which he said to
be more worth then two thousand Crownes, the Turkes
had taken away and spoiled: besides, two Pavillions
which he esteemed worth three hundred Crownes. The
AcruiUsac- Turkes having in their hands an ancient Gunner of the
^^IntfJ^Jkn ^^^^^^> ^amed John de Chabas, borne within the Towne of
ChahJa Romance in Daulphine (to the end that their feast of
Gunner of the victory should not be unfurnished of some sacrifice of
Castle. cruelty) for that with a Canon he had shot off the hand
of the Clerke generall of the army, brought him into the
Towne : and having cut off his hands and his nose, they
put him quicke into the ground even to the girdle stead,
and there with a cruelty was persecuted and shot at with
arrowes, and in the end for to accomplish the execution of
his glorious martyrdom, they cut his throat. About eight
a clocke in the evening, were lighted upon all the Gallies,
Galliots, Foists, & other vessels, all along upon the
Tackels, Yeards, and other ropes and poupes, in every of
them above three hundred candles, with cries and shouts
accustomed, and sound of drums and other instruments.
To make an end of all their triumphs, they againe
130
NICHOLAS NICHOLAY a.d.
1620.
discharged all their Ordnance. The next day being the
seventeenth, the Bascha sent to be presented unto the
Ambassador a gowne of cloth of Gold tissed, and with the
same his leave to depart, which he so long had desired :
and was not received without a present given him that
brought it, and to divers other Officers of the Bascha, which
on ail sides came running one after another, as a sort of
Hounds, to have their fee and share in the Game^ for they
are the most barbarous, covetous, and cruell Nation of the
world, and in whom there is neither truth nor fidelity,
never observing the one halfe of that they promise : and
jet men must auwayes bee giving to them.
Chap. V.
A large Voyage in a Journal! or briefe Reportary
of all occurrents, hapning in the Fleet of
ships sent out by the King his most excellent
Majestic, as well against the Pirats of Algiers,
as others ; the whole body of the Fleet,
consisting of eighteene Sayle. Sixe of his
Majesties ships, ten Merchants ships, two
Pinnaces. Under the command of Sir Robert
Mansel Knight, Vice-Admirall of England,
and Admiral! of that Fleet : and a Counsel!
of Warre appointed by his Majestic. Written
by one employed in that Voyage, formerly
published, and hecre contracted.
Ir Robert Mansell, Knight. Sir Richard
Hawkins, Knight. Sir Thomas Button,
Knight. Sir Henrie Palmer, Knight.
Captaine Arthur Manwaring, Esquire.
Captaine Thomas Ix>ve, Esquire. Cap-
taine Samuel Argall, Esquire. Edward
Clerke, Esquire, and Secretary to the
Counsel! of Warre.
131
F'
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1620.
The names of the Captaines, Ships, their burdens,
number of men and Ordnance in his Maj-
esties sixe Ships.
4rst, Sir Robert Mansell Admirall in the Lyon, burden
sixe hundred Tuns, men two hundred and fiftie,
Peeces of Brasse Ordnance forty. Secondly, Sir Richard
Hawkins Vice-Admirall in the Vantguard, burden sixe
hundred and sixtie Tuns, men two hundred and fifty,
Brasse Ordnance forty. Thirdly, Sir Thomas Button
Reare-Admirall in the Raine-bow, burden sixe hundred
and sixtie Tuns, men two hundred and fifty, Brasse
Ordnance forty. Fourthly, Captaine Arthur Manwaring
in the Constant Reformation, burden sixe hundred and
sixtie Tuns, men two hundred and fifty, Brasse Ordnance
forty. FifUy, Sir Henry Palmer in the Anthelope,
burden foure hundred Tuns, men one hundred and sixty,
Brasse Ordnance thirty and foure. Sixtly, Captaine
Thomas Love in the Convertine, burden five hundred
Tun, men two hundred and twenty, Brasse Ordnance sixe
and thirty.
[II. vi. 882.] In the Merchants Ships.
4rst, Captaine Samuel Argall in the Golden Phenix,
burden three hundred tunnes, men one hundred and
twentie. Iron Ordnance, foure and twentie. Secondly,
Captaine Christopher Harries in the Samuel, burden three
hundred tunnes, men one hundred and twentie, Iron
Ordnance two and twentie. Thirdly, Sir John Fearne in
the Mary-Gold, burden two hundred and sixtie tunne,
men one hundred. Iron Ordnance one and twentie.
Fourthly, Captaine John Pennington in the Zouch Phenix,
burden two hundred and eightie tunnes, men one hundred
and twentie. Iron Ordnance sixe and twentie. Fiftly,
Captaine Thomas Porter in the Barberie, burden two
hundred tunnes, men eightie. Iron Ordnance eighteene.
Sixtly, Sir Francis Tanfield in the Centurion, burden two
hundred tunnes, men one hundred. Iron Ordnance two
13*
F"
MANSELL'S VOYAGE TO ALGIERS a.d.
1620.
and twentie. Seventhly, Sir John Hamden in the Prim-
rose, burden one hundred and eightie tunnes, men eightie
Iron Ordnance ei^hteene. Eightly, Captaine Eusabey
Cave in the Hercmes, burden tlu-ee hundred tunnes, men
one hundred and twentie, Iron Ordnance foure and twentie.
Ninthly, Captaine Robert Haughton in the Neptune,
burden two hundred and eightie tunnes, men one hundred
and twentie. Iron Ordnance one and twentie. Tenthly,
Captaine John Chidley in the Merchant Bonaventure,
burden two hundred and sixtie tunnes, men one hundred
and ten. Iron Ordnance, three and twentie. Eleventhly,
Captaine George Raymond in the Restore, burden one
hundred and thirtie tunnes, men fiftie. Iron Ordnance
twelve. Twelfthly, Captaine Thomas Harbert in the
Marmaduke, burden one hundred tunnes, men fiftie. Iron
Ordnance twelve.
The Fleet thus furnished set sayle in the sound of
PUmmouth, the twelfth of October in the morning, in
the yeare 1620.
The one and thirtieth of October, in the morning wee
turned into the Road of Gibraltar, where were riding at
anchor two of the King of Spaines ships of warre, the
Vice-Admirall of a Squadron with the Kings Armes in his
fore-top and another, who so soone as they perceived us
weighed their Anchors, set sayle, and comming Lee-ward
of our Admirall, strooke his flag, saluting him with their
small shot and great Ordnance, after naled him with
voyces; our AdmiraU striking his flag, answered them
with voyces, gave them his Ordnance and small shot, all
the Fleet following in order: this done, we saluted the
Towne with our Ordnance, the Towne doing the like by
answering us. Our Admirall being at an Anchor, the
Spanish Captaine accompanyed with other Gentlemen,
came aboord our Admirall, who told us that there were
great store of Pirats abroad, and that two of the Pirats
shippes had fought with seven Spanish Gallies, and had
slaine them foure hundred men, and that they had beene
at Steria a small Towne with thirty sayle of ships and
133
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
162a
ten Gallies, and had taken it, and canyed away divers
Prisoners, and that they had threatned to take Gibraltar ;
there the Admirall sent his sicke men ashoare, having
houses and lodgings provided for them, amongst whom
was Captaine John Fenner who here dyed.
The second of November, about seven in the morning,
having a fresh gale at North-west, the Admirall with the
rest of the Fleet weighed Anchor and standing off, met
North the Reare-Admirall of the Spanish Heet, who
saluting us North his Ordnance and wee stood on our
course North-east and by East, being bound for Malhaga.
The third, about two in the mornmg, wee came to an
Anchor in Malhaga Road, and about eight of the docke
wee saluted the Towne with our Ordnance and divers
VoUies of small shot ; here divers Spaniards of account
came aboord our ships whom we kindly entertayned, here
we likewise expected Letters but heard not of any.
The sixth, our Admirall dispatched a Gentleman, one
Master John Duppa, with Letters to the English Embas-
sador at the Court of Spaine, to let him know of our
arrivall and proceedings. This day about eleven of the
docke, the Fleet weighed Anchor and set sayle the wind
at North-west. But before wee weighed, our Admirall
gave order to the Fleet to divide themselves into three
Squadrons, the Admirall Squadron was kept sixe leagues
from the shore, with pendants in the mayne tops for their
signes ; the Vice-Admirals Squadron three leagues without
him, on his Bow with pendants on his fore-tops; the
Reare-Admiral three leagues within him on his quarter
with pendants on their Misen tops, who deviding them-
selves according to their order steered away East and by
South along the shoare, being bound for Allicant.
The seventh, about sixe in the morning, it being calme,
and all the Fleet together, the Admirall tooke in all her
sayles, and lay a hml, all the Fleet doing the like, the
Admirall put out his flag of generall Councell which was
Saint George. Whereupon aU the Captaines and Masters
repayred aboord him, where it was conduded, and thought
134
MANSELL^S VOYAGE TO ALGIERS ^ a.d.
1620.
meet that two ships of least draught of water, and one
Pinnasse should hale the shoare dose aboord to see if
any Pirats were at an Anchor, eyther in Bayes or Coves,
and to free the shoare ; here likewise was given a word
whcrby to know our owne Fleet from others, if any
strangers should chance to fall amongst us in the night,
the word was Greenwich Tower, Tne Councell ended,
and every man repayred aboord his owne shippe, in the [II. vi. 883.]
evening the whole Fleet in their order sayled alongst
towards Cape Degat.
The eight and ninth dayes having but little wind, we
gayned not much way. The tenth, in the morning.
Idling with the point of Muttrill, and having the wind
Southerly, the whole Fleet put into the Road and there
anchored.
The nineteenth, in the morning, we came to Anchor
in AUicant Road, where the whole Fleet saluted the
Towne with their Ordnance, and the Towne us : heere our
Admirall having provided houses for his sicke men, as
before hee had done at Gibraltar, sent thirty seven sicke
men of his owne ships Company ashoare, here likewise
he dispatched a Gentleman, one Master Walter Long to
Carthagena, with Letters of advice; but all this while
could receive no such Letters as we expected.
The five and twentieth, beeing fitted with Wine, Water,
and other such necessaries as wee wanted, the wind being
Northerly, the whole Fleet set sayle, leaving behind the
Good Will, out of whom our Admirall had taken most
of her men to supply his wants for those sicke hee left
ashoare, and being under sayle we shaped our course
South-west for Algier.
The seven and twentieth, about ten in the morning,
wee came to Anchor in Algier Road in seven and twentie Als^r,
fathome water, out of command of the Towne or Castle,
the Admirall and Reare-Admirall wearing white Ancients
on their Poops, the rest of the Fleet wearing no Ancients
at all, going in the whole Fleet, saluted the Towne with
their Ordnance, but the Towne gave us none againe.
13s
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1620.
The eight and twentieth, our Admirall sent a Gentle-
man ashore, one Captaine Squibe, with a white flag of
Truce in his Boat, to give the Vice-Roy to understand the
cause of our comming; hereupon the Vice-Roy sent a
Boat aboord our Admirall, with a white flag and foure
men^in her, one principall man in the Towne who delivered
our Admirall, signifymg the Vice-Roy, had received com-
mand from the &rand Seignior, to use us with all respect,
and that our men might have the free libertie of the shoare
to buy fresh victuals or whatsoever they wanted; they
promised oiu- Admirall if on the morrow hee would send
any Gentleman of qualitie ashoare with the Kings
Majesties Letters, that upon the shooting off a Peece of
Ordnance, according to our Admirals demand, he should
receive sufiicient Hostages aboord for his safetie: this
night the Pirats brought in three Prizes, one Flemming,
the other two Englishmen, the one a Plimmouth man, and
the other of Norni Yarmouth.
The third of December, came sixe of the King of
Spaines ships into the Road, the Admirall striking his
flag, saluted our Admirall with small shot and Ordnance,
this done, he came aboord oiu* Admirall in his Boat, and
told him hee came in pursuite of certaine Pirats, who had
taken divers of their men, who being in a ship of seven
hundred tuns neere Carthagena, in fight with a Turkish
Pirat, had boorded her, entred her men and taken her,
had not their owne ship unfortunately fidne on fire with
a mischance hapning, they were forced to forsake the
Tiu-kes ship to save their owne, and so lost both, for being
not able to ouench the fiiry of the fire, were forced to
yeeld themselves to the slavery of the Turkes to save
their lives, beeing in all three hundred men, whereof thirty
perished in the nre. This Spanish Admirall sayling neere
the Towne, the Turkes let flye seventie foure great shot
at him, and hee gave them some sixteene bacKe in ex-
change, but the distance betweene them was so farre,
that the shot fidling short, no harme was done on eyther
side.
136
SIR THOMAS BUTTON
MANSELKS VOYAGE TO ALGIERS a.d.
1020.
The fourth, our Admirall received from the Towne an
answere of the Kings Letters.
The sixth, after long debating, finding the Turkes
perfidious and fickle, as well in detayning our Messenger,
who delivered his Majesties Letters, notwithstanding we
had sufiicient Hostages for him, as in breaking all other
promises : in the end it was agreed thus, upon leaving a
Consull with them, they would let our Messenger come
aboord againe ; whereupon the Admirall sent a common
man, weU clothed, by the name of a Consull, whom they
received with good respect, and sending our Messenger
aboord, received their owne pledges, and delivered us
some forty poore Captives, which they pretended was all
they had m the Towne, this was all wee could draw from
them. The seventh, in the morning, our Admirall sent a
Letter with instruction to our Coimcell, with another
Letter to the Bashaw, to let him know how ill wee tooke his
perfidious dealing.
The eight, in the morning, our Admirall and all the rest
of the Fleet weighed Anchor and set sayle.
The tenth day at night, the wind shifted to the South
and East, and so to the East.
The fourteenth, came to Anchor in the Road of
Alacotha, on the North side of the said Iland, we found
this to be a very good place, yeelding us Wood, Water
and Ballast, whereof we had great need, the people very
kind courteous, bringing us great store of all manner of
provisions which we bought at easie rates, whereby wee
supplyed our wants, and releeved our sicke men, whereof
we had great store in our Fleet.
The foure and twentieth, in the morning, the Fleet
weighed Anchor and set sayle.
The five and twentieth, about nine at night, came eight
or nine sayle of Turkes into our Fleet, whom so soone as [II. vi. 884.]
we discovered, we chased them and made shot at them,
but by reason it was a darke night, and that they sayled
better then our ships, they escaped us.
The sixe and twentieth, about three in the afternoone,
137
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1620.
wee put into Alicant Road, hoping there to receive Letters
of advice, else some newes or a supply of victuals out of
England, but missed both.
The seven and twentieth at night the Reare-Admirals
Squadron went out to Sea in pursuit of two Turkish
Pirats, who had taken about three houres before two
Flenunish ships; the Flenunings quiting their ships,
saved themselves in their Boats.
The fourth of January at night, the Constant Re-
formation and the Golden Phenix had order to goe
to Sea, to seeke two Pirats ships, which we heard
were on the Christian shoare. The fifth at night,
they returned into the Road againe, but met not
with any.
The sixth, the Vice-Admirall with his Squadron set sayle
for Malhaga, to see if they could heare of any newes of
a supply of victuals, or whether the two Princes which
were long expected were come thither. The twelfth.
Master John Duppa came from Carthagena, bringing with
him a packet of Letters of advice sent out of England,
bearing date the fourteenth of December, he signified that
there was sixe monethes victuals sent out of England, for
a supply of his Majesties ships, and that they were at
Malhaga with the two Pinnasses, this night the Reare-
Admiiall with his Squadron was sent to oea to see if he
could meet with certaine Pirats, which we had intelligence
of. The thirteenth, the Reformation, the Samuel, and the
Restore, put to Sea, to see if they could meet with any
Pirats. The eighteenth, the Reformation with the other
ships returned into the Road, where we found the Reare-
Admirall with his Squadron likewise returned, but met no
Pirats.
The one and twentieth, there came a Flemmish Boat
with fifteene Flemmings in her aboord our Admirall, who
being chased by the Turkish Pirats off of Cape Martine,
left their shippe and saved themselves by their Boat, this
night was the Anthelope with other ships sent out to see
if they could meete with them. The foure and twentieth,
138
MANSELL S VOYAGE TO ALGIERS aj).
1620.
the Anthelope with the other ships returned into the Road,
but met with none.
The five and twentieth, our Admirall beeing invited to
the £n£[lish Consuls house went ashoare, where at his
arrivall ne was entertayned with small shot and Ordnance
both from the Towne and Castle, and at night with Fire-
workes, running of Horses, shooting of Ordnance, and
other sports ; this day Captaine John Koper was dispatched
with Letters for England. The sixe and twentieth, our
Admirall returned aboord the Towne, giving him a friendly
iarewell with their Ordnance.
The seven and twentieth, the Admirall with the rest of
the Fleet set sayle, leaving the Marmaduke behind, whose
Captaine and Master were both sicke ashoare. The eight
and twentieth at midnight, we met with seven sayle of
FTemmings ships of Warre, neere Cape Paul, under the
commancf of Captaine Haughton Admirall of Zealand,
who the next morning, after he had saluted our Admirall
with Ordnance, came aboord in his Boat, he told our
Admirall he had two and twentie ships of Warre under
his charge, whom he had divided into Squadrons, imploying
them some without the Streights, and some within. The
one and thirtieth, wee came to an anchor againe in Alicant
Road.
The first of February, the Reare-Admirall put to Sea
with foure shippes, to see if he could meet with any Pirats,
and this day dyed Captaine Eusabey Cave, Captaine of the
Hercules, and the Admirall disposed the command of the
same ship to Captaine Alexander Bret. The fifth the
Reare-Admirall returned with the other foure ships but
had met none.
The sixth, the wind being Easterly, the Fleet weighed
Anchor about midnight, shaping our course for Malhaga,
during the time of our staying here we refreshed our sicke
men ashoare, having convenient houses provided for them
in the fields Gardens, with carefuU people to attend them,
providing them such necessaries as they should need. The
Constant, for her part, sent ashore ninetie two persons,
139
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1620.
who as they recovered their strength were sent for aboord,
yet notwithstanding all their care, at their departure they
were forced to leave behind them fortie two desperately
ill, the Admirall taking order both for them and others,
that they should bee carefully provided for untill the
Fleets retume.
The sixteenth, came into the Road the Vice-AdmiraU
and his Squadron with the two Pinnasses which we so long
expected out of England, the one the Mercurie, of the
biu-den of two hundred and fortie tunnes, sixtie five men,
and twentie peeces of Brasse Ordnance, under the command
of Captaine Phineas Pet ; the other the Spy, of the burden
of one hundred and sixtie tunnes, fiftie five men, and
eighteene Peeces of Brasse Ordnance, under the command
of Captaine Edward Gvles : there came also two Merchants
ships with a supply of victuals for his Majesties ships.
The eighteenth, the Zouch Phenix, the Hercules, the
Neptime, and the Spy put to Sea, with order to ply
betweene Gibraltar and Shutte point. The nineteenth,
the Anthelope put to Sea, and with those ships which went
out the day before, had order to ride in Shutie Road,
to see if they could descry any Pirats come into the
Streights.
[II. vi. 885.] The three and twentieth, the Reare-Admirall put to Sea
with five other shippes, the Golden Phenix, the Samuel,
the Centurion, the Marigold, and the Restore, with order
to ride in Tansey Bay, where they were to attend the
comming in of divers Pirats whom we heard to be without
the Streights mouth.
The foure and twentieth, the Anthelope with the rest
of the shippes returned, bringing with them a prize being
a small Frenchman, which had fiftie Buts of Oyle in her,
and divers Moores and Jewes, men, women and children,
Passengers bound firom Tituon to Algier, all the Turkes
saving themselves in their Boat : this day also came into
the Road Captaine Gyles Penne, in a ship of Bristoll, from
Tituon Road, bringing a Letter fi-om the Mogoden to
our Admirall, and two Moores who treated with him
140
MANSELL'S VOYAGE TO ALGIERS a.d.
1621.
concerning the redemption of their people, whom our ships
had taken, offering for so many Moores, so many Englisn,
whom they held in the Towne as slaves, having bought
them of the Turkes Pirats. The seven and twentieth, the
Samuel and the Centiirion returned into the Road from
Tansey, then also went out the Anthelope, the Zouch
Phenix, the Barbarie, the Neptune and the Restore, with
order to ride at Shutey, to see if they could discover any
Pirats comming into the Streights, the wind being
Westerly. The eight and twentieth, the wind likewise
Westerly, the Reformation having taken in some of the
Captives, had order to weigh and set sayle for Tituon, to
treat with the Moores, and to take in her company the
Samuel, the Bonaventure, and the ship of Bristoll, where
the same day about noone they came to an Anchor in the
Road of Tituon in twelve fethome water, the wind at
West.
The fourth of March, Master Ashfield, Minister of the
Reformation dyed, much lamented of the whole company,
of whom in the extreame of their sicknesses they had
received much comfort. The fifth, having a faire gale at
South-east, oiu- Admirall with the rest of the Fleet
weighed Anchor, and set sayle for Gibraltar, having
concluded nothing with the Mogoden. The sixth, wee
came to an Anchor in Gibraltar Koad, where wee found
our Vice-Admirall with his Squadron.
The thirteenth, we came to an Anchor in Malhaga
Road.
The eight and twentieth, about eight in the morning, the
Admirall and Reare-Admirall set sayle for Alicant.
The second of Aprill dyed Captaine Manwaring. The
fourteenth, about three in the afternoone wee came to an
Anchor in Alicant Road, where wee found our Admirall
with the rest of the Fleet : here oiu- Admirall had hyred
a Pollacre about the burden of one hundred and twentie
timne, for that she was reported to bee an excellent Sayler,
and likewise bought three Brigandines which rowed with
nine Cares on a side : hee also hyred a house wherein hee
141
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
made divers workes for the firing of the ships within the
Mould of Algier.
The one and twentieth, we received Letters out of
England, by a Post sent from Malhaga, signifying a
remaynder of victuals, which wee expected, was arrived
at Malhaga. The five and twentieth, about nine in the
morning, the whole Fleet sayle for Alicant Road, beeing
bound for Firma terra, to supply our wants for wood. The
eight and twentieth in the evening, having fitted our selves
with wood, we set sayle for Mayorke to take in water.
The nine and twentieth, in the after-noone, we came to
an Anchor in Mayorke Road. The Towne of Mayorke
is large and well fortified, the people industrious, both
men, women and children given to labour, loving and
courteous to strangers: heere wee found all manner of
victuals in plentie and at easie rates. Their chiefe
Merchandise are Oyle, Wood, and Cheese, whereof the
Countrey afFoordeth plentie.
Tkey come The one and twentieth of May, at sixe in the after-
agatne to ^oone, we Came to an Anchor in Algier Road, order being
first given by our Admirall how every ship should bertn
herseue.
The ships being come to an Anchor ii|. their orders, our
Admirall caused sixe of the Merchants ships presently to
weigh, with directions to ply oS and on of the Wester-
most part, keeping as neere the shoare, as conveniently
they might, to prevent the comming in of any Pirats
betweene the Fleet and the shoare. In the beginning of
this night, the Boats and Brigandines appointed for the
assistance of two shippes, which our Admirall resolved
should that night goe into the Mould, and there to set
themselves on fire, oeing chained and linked to the Pirats
ships, repayred aboord our Admirall, there to receive their
directions. The manner and preparations for firing of the
ships was thus.
First, there were two small ships which we had taken
from the Turkes, the one of the burden of an hundred
tunnes, the other of sixtie, with great store of fire-workes
142
MANSELL S VOYAGE TO ALGIERS a.d,
1621.
in them. There was layd in them plentie of dry Wood,
Wood of Ocham, Pitch, Rozen, Tarre, Brimstone and
other Materials fit to take fire : they had likewise in them
Chaines and Grapnels of Iron to fasten themselves to the
ships which they were to fire: they had also Boats to
bring off their men when they had fired the ships : then
were there three Brigandines fitted with fire-bals, buckets
of wild-fire, and fire Pikes to make their fire-workes fast
unto the ships : there was also a Gund-lod fitted with fire-
workes, Chaines and Grapnels of Iron; she was to goe
into the middest of the ships in the Mould, where fastning
her to some ship, was to be set on fire. Shee had likewise
with her a Boat to bring off her men. Likewise, there
were seven Boates which wee called Boats of rescue, well [II- vi. 886.]
filled with armed men, who were to rescue and releeve
the Boats of execution, if they should chance to be pursued
by other Boats or Gallies at their comming off. These
imd also fire-workes in them, to fire the ships which rode
without the Mould: these Boats being all aboord, the
Admirall sent for most of the Captaines and Masters in
the Fleet, to advise whether it were fit to attempt it with
Boats and Brigandines, in regard it was little wind, and
that Westerly, so that it was impossible for the ships to
get in. After some deliberation, it was concluded, that
It was not fit, for that the surest and most certaine meanes
of firing was by the ships which were to bee made fast to
the shippes in the Mould, and to burne with them.
Whereupon it was deferred for that time till a fitter
opportunitie was offered. The two and twentieth at
night, there were like preparations made, but deferred for
like reasons. The three and twentieth, in the beginning
of the night wee had a fresh gale of wind at South by
South-west, continuing the space of two houres or more,
with Thunder, Lightning, and some drops of Raine : the
two ships weighed, and with the Brigandines and Boats
set forwards towards the Mould, but the wind shifting
before they came neere, they were forced also to give over
for that night.
143
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
The foure and twentieth at night, after a great showrc
of Raine, wee had the wind out of the Bay at &)uth South-
west, the weather then deering up, both the ships and
Boats advanced themselves towards the Mould, as before
they had done: but comming within lesse then Musket
shot of the Moulds head it fell calme, so that the ships
could by no meanes get in, the Boats and Brigandines
finding that they were discovered, by reason of the bright-
nesse of the Moone, which was then at full, and hearing it
reported by a Christian Captive which did swimme from
the Towne the night before to the ship, that the Turkes
had left their ships without guard, saving one or two in a
ship, as fearing no such attempt from us. And moreover,
hearing the iflarum given to the Towne by those which
kept watch on the walls, with good resolution went on,
but wanting wind to nourish and disperse the fire, the
fire-workes tooke no effect at all. In this service were
onely sixe men slaine out-right, foure or five dangerously
hurt (which not long after dyed) and some uiirteene
sleightly hurt, yet notwithstanding, the attempt was given
under the wals of the Towne, where both sn^ shot and
Ordnance played continually upon them: the hurt done
our men was their conruning off, for that they were got
into the Mould before the Towne was risen, and beemg
in, the shippes in the Mould defended them both from
small shot and Ordnance of the Towne, our Boates still
keeping the shippes betweene them and the Towne.
The five and twentieth, there came in foure sayle of
Pirates by the Wester-most point of Land, notwith-
standing sixe ships were appointed to lye off at that place,
for the wind being Westward and a great Current setting
to the Eastward our ships were put so farre to lee-ward
that they could not prevent the Pirats comming in
betweene the shoare and them, but yet the Bonaventure
loosed so neere, that there passed some shot betweene
her and the Pirats ships, but no hurt done: this night
our Admirall and the whole Fleet weighed Anchor and
stood off to the Sea.
144
MANSELKS VOYAGE TO ALGIERS ad.
1621.
The six and twentieth, the fore-part of the day, the
wind was shifting to and fro, from the South-east to the
South-west ; in the after-noone at South, and South South- ^^ ^^^* ^f
east hard gale and raynie weather ; and at night having [J^J^I^^
the wind ^fring at South and South-west, we played off fj^i^ retume^
and on all night by a wind. Wr. isfirbre-
The eight and twentieth, we had feire weather the wind ^^^ omitted.
Westerly, this night the Bonaventure, and the Hercules ^^^^^^^
?ut a Pirat ashoare, he having an hundred and thirtie siw^he stir-
^urkes in her, and twelve poore Christians Captives, they ring of this
were all drowned but twelve Turkes, who got the shoare Waspes Nest,
by swimming. AaveUn stung.
The one and thirtieth in the morning, our Boates tooke ^^^Jfji^ /^
up two Genowayes Captives, who adventured to swimme adde to the
from the Towne to the ships. They told that the same ^ry of God,
night our shippes stood off to Sea, there came into the ^^^^f\^^
Mould seven of the best ships belonging to Algier, and J^^^ ^^
that if we had stayed thev had fallen into o\ur laps. They strange
likewise told us, that tne Turkes had Boomed up the deRverances
Mould, so that it was not possible for eyther shippe or foUowing, the
Boate to get in to fire the ships, which were now filled Sfo/s^-
with armed men, besides three Gallies and fifteene Boates g^m which"
which lay continually well fitted without the Mould before toohe their
the Boome for a Guard, &c. f^^^^s.
[Chap. VI.
VI 145 K
A.D.
l62I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
[n.vi.887.] Chap. VI.
The Relation of the Jacob, a ship of Bristol!, of
one hundred and twentie Tunnes, which was
about the end of October, 1621, taken by
the Turkish Pirats of Argier : and within
five dayes after, foure English youths did
valiantly overcome thirteene of the said
Turkes ; and brought the ship to Saint Lucas
in Spaine, where they sold nine of the
Turkes for Gallie-slaves : with mention of
some other like English adventures.
Eere the latter end of October last, 1621. a
ship belonging to the Citie of Bristoll,
being about the burden of one hundred
and twenty Tuns, was met withall and
set upon by Tiu-kes or Pirats of Argier,
where after a long and sharpe fight (being
in the mouth of the Straits of Gibraltar)
the English ship being opprest with the multitude of their
enemies, was taken, their Ordnance, Cables, Anchors,
Sailes, Ship and men pillaged, ransacked, and at the mercy
of the insulting Barbarians, who to make their worke the
surer, tooke aU the English-men out of the ship, except
foure youths, whose names were John Cooke, William
Ling, David Jones, and Robert Tuckey, into which ship
the Tiu-kes did put thirteene of their owne men to com-
mand the English, and to bring the ship as a prize to
Argier; amongst which one of the Pirats was appointed
Captaine, being a strong, able, sterne, and resolute
fellow.
These foure poore youths being thus Men into the
hands of mercilesse Infidels, began to studie and complot
all the meanes they could for the obtaining of their free-
domes: First, they considered the Iwnentable and
miserable estates that they were like to be in, as to be
146
THE * JACOB' AND THE PIRATES a.d.
1021.
debard for ever from seeing their friends and Countrey,
to be chained, beaten, made slaves, and to eate the bread
of affliction in the Gallies, all the remainder of their
unfortunate lives, to have their heads shaven, to feed on
course dyet, to have hard boords for beds, and which was
worse of all, never to be partakers of the heavenly Word
and Sacraments.
Thus being quite hopelesse, haplesse, and for any thing
they knew, ror ever helplesse, they sayled five dayes and
nights under the command of the Pirats, when on the
firai night, God in his great mercy shewed them a meanes
for their wished for escape, for in the dead of the night,
the wind began to arise, and in short space it blew so
stifFe that they were enforced to strike both their top
Sayles ; and at last, it encreased to such a gust or storme,
that they must take in their maine Saile, and being unable
to doe it themselves, John Cooke and William Ling did
call to the Turkes for helpe: whereupon the Captaine
himselfe came to helpe them ; who standing by the ships
side, betweene the foresaid John and David Jones, lending
his hand to hale in the saile, the said John and David
suddenly tooke him by the breech and threw him over-
boord, but by fortune hee fell into the bunt of the sayle,
where quickly catching hold of a rope, he (being a very
strong man) had almost gotten into the ship againe:
which John Cooke perceiving, leaped speedily to the
Pumpe, and tooke off the Pumpe brake or handle, and
cast it to William Ling, bidding him knocke him downe,
which he was not long in doing, but lifting up the woodden
weapon, he gave him such a palt on the pate, as made
his braines forsake the possession of his head, with which
his body fell into the Sea.
An Objection may be made here, why the Turke cried
not to his fellowes at first for helpe, or how these things
could be done, but the rest of his company must either
see or heare it : to which I answere, that at Sea a Gust,
Flaw, or Storme, hath many times a louder voice then a
man ; besides, when Mariners doe hale or pull any thing,
147
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
they doe make a noyse, as it were crying ha woet hale men
hale, which with the noyse of the wind whizzing and
hizzing in the shrowds and cordage, would overcome and
drowne the voice or crie of any man whatsoever. Besides,
his companions were all busie, some at the mizen, some at
the sprit-saile, some to trim the fore-saile, and the night
exceeding darke, all these things concurring, and chiefly,
God graciously assisting, thus these brave Lads began the
businesse luckily.
Nor must I forget Robert Tuckey, who was imployed
all this while in a place of maine importance, for he stood
at the Helme, and in all the weather guided the Ship;
now after the Captaine was thus cashierd, John Cooke ran
hastily up the halfe Decke to the Masters Cabin, neere
which, were standing six or seven Turkes, but hee being
nothing daunted or discouraged for them, slipt roughly
by them, and gat out two good Cuttleaxes, or short
Swords, one of which he ddivered to William Ling,
withall saying, courage my fellowes and Countrey-men,
God strengthen and assist us ; with that, they laid about
them so manfully, that they drove the Turkes from place
to place in the Ship, and having coursed them from the
Poope to the Forecastle, they there valiantly killed two of
them, and gave another a dangerous wound or two, who to
escape the further fiiry of their Swords, leap'd suddenly
[II. vi. 888.] overboord to goe seeke his Captaine. Thus foure of the
thirteene Turkes being made sure for doing any harme,
they chased and followed the other nine so close, that they
(to save themselves) being also many of them, sore hurt
and wounded, ranne betweene the Ships Decks; where-
upon the English men fastned the Deckes to keepe them
under : the Turkes not knowing how to be revenged, ran
afterward toward the Helme, and unshipt their Whip-
stafFe, or as some call it, a Whip-stocke (which is the
stafFe that a Mariner holds in his hand, when he guides
or steeres a Ship) by which meanes the English men were
in some distresse, by reason the Ship lay tumbling and
rowling unguided in the raging and boystrous billowes of
148
THE ^ JACOB • AND THE PIRATES a,d.
1621.
* the Sea : at last, John Cooke and William Ling got each
of them a Musket, which they quickly charged, and went
downe where the nine Turkes were, making offers to
shoote at them, at which they were much terrified ; where-
upon they quickly shipM their Whip-stocke againe,
delivering the Helme to Robert Tuckey, and then pre-
sently they stowed all the Turkes under the Hatches,
where they kept them close till the next morning, and
then as they had occasion to use them, they would call up
two or three of them at a time, to hale and pull Sheetes,
Tackes, Braces, and Boleins, to hoyse and strike Sayles,
or any such necessary and laborious imployments ; in all
which, the English made the Turkes attend them, and
directing their course for the Port of Saint Lucas in
Spaine, they in short time (by Gods ayde) happily and
safely arrived at the said Port, where they sold the nine
Turkes for Gally-slaves, for a good summe of money,
and as I thinke, a great deale more then they were worth.
Nor doe I write this to the intent that any man should
presume that their owne strengths, valour or courage, is
sufficient to doe these or the like actions, for they are not
ordinary, and therefore man is but made the ordinary
instrument of an extraordinary power, and he that shall
attribute such things as these to the arme of flesh and
bloud, is forgetfuU, ingratefull, and in a manner Atheisti-
call.
One John Fox an expert Mariner, and a good approoved See the His-
and sufficient Gunner, was (in the raigne of Queene ^ *• ^^^'
Elizabeth) taken by the Turkes, and kept eighteene ^^^"«^'"
yeeres in most miserable bondage and slavery, at the end
of which time, he espied his opportunity (and God assist-
ing him withall) that hee slew his Keeper, and fled to the
S^ side, where he found a Gaily with one hundred and
fifty Captive Christians, which hee speedily waying their
Anchor, set Saile, and fell to worke like men, and safelv
arrived in Spaine; by which meanes, he freed himselfe
and a number of poore soules from long and intolerable
servitude; after which, the said John Fox came into
149
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
England, and the Queene (being righdy informed of his
brave exploit) did graciously entertaine him for her Ser-
vant, and allowed him a yeerely Pension.
Cap.Nickolis. Captaine Nichols with a Ship of London, called the
Dolphin, fought a long and bloudy fight, with many of the
Turkish men of warre at one time, at which time hee
sunke some of them, slew many of their men, and having
his owne Ship exceedingly rent and torne with the
Enemies great shot, yet at last it pleased God to deliver
him from them, so that hee safely arrived at home.
Master Master William Malam of Rotherhith within these
Malam. three yeeres was set upon by these Rovers, and after a
long fight, being much hurt by the Ordnance of the
Turkes (the night comming on) which made the fight to
cease, when the Generall of the Pirats past his word, and
bound it with an Oath, that if Master Malam would come
aboord his Ship all night, that hee should well and safely
bee set aboord againe his owne Ship the next morning,
upon which word and oath Master Malam went aboord
the Txxrke, and a Merchant with him; but first, before
he went, commanded his Mate to watch his opportimitie,
and steale away with the Ship in the night, it he could,
which fell out as he wished, whereby afl the Merchants
goods were saved, and the Ship safely arrived here at
London: but in the morning, when the Txxrkes did
perceive the English Ship was gone, then would they have
put Master Makm and the Merchant that was with him,
to death, whereupon he xxrged him with his oath and pro-
mise, which was, that he should come and goe safely, and
that if a Christian had made him or any man such a
promise, and bound it with a vow, hee would have kept
his word. And (that for any thing he knew) his Ship
being so dangerously hurt by them, might be sunke in
the night, and not escaped away as he imagined. Now
whilest they were in this discourse, presently came a Saile
in sight, which afterward they found to be a small Scottish
Ship bound for England, whom the Turkes quickly tooke,
and pillag'd at their pleasure, taking from them their
»5o
THE * JACOB • AND THE PIRATES a.d.
1621.
Sailes, Cables, Anchors and all things necessary for their
use or preservation, and having robd and rifled the poore
Scot in that manner, they put Master Malam and the
Merchant into her, to trie their fortunes, either to sinke
or swim, but it pleased God they safely arrived in the
West part of England, where they came home by land
sad and disconsolate, because they could not heare any
newes of the Ship: but the same night that hee came
home, before day, there was happy tidings brought of the
Ships safe arrivall into the River of Thames.
All these things are true upon mine owne knowledge,
and these worthy Mariners that have beene so delivered,
doe, and ever did, attribute all the meanes of their deliver-
ance to the mighty hand of God ; and they are so farre
from taking any of these things to their owne praise or
glory, that some of them have ever done their best to
suppresse them from being printed.
Chap, VIL [II.vi.889.]
The wonderful recovery of the Exchange of
Bristow, from the Turkish Pirats of Argicr,
published by John Rawlins, heere abbreviated.
N the yeere 1621. the first of November,
there was one John Rawlins, borne in
Rochester, and dwelling three and twenty
yeere in Plimmouth, imployed to the
strait of Gibraltar, by Master Richard,
and Steven Treviles, Merchants of Plim-
moth, and fraighted in a Barke, called the
Nicholas of Plimmoth, of the bxxrden of forty Tun, which
had also in her company another ship of Plimmoth, called
the George Bonaventure of seventy Tun burthen, or
thereabout; which by reason of her greatnesse beyond
the other, I will name the Admirall; and John Rawlins
Barke shall, if you please, be the Vice-admirall. These
two according to the time of the yeere, had a faire
IS*
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
passage, and by the eighteenth of the same moneth came
to a place at the entring of the straits, named Trafflegar :
but tne next morning, being in the sight of Gibraltar, at
the very mouth of the straits, the watch descried five
saile of ships, who as it seemed, used all the means they
could to come neere us, and we as we had cause, used the
same means to go as farre from them: yet did their
Admirall take in both his top sailes, that either we might
not suspect them, or that his owne company mi^ht come
up the closer together. At last perceiving us Christians,
they fell from devices to apparent discovery of hostility,
and making out against us: we againe suspecting them
Pirats, tooke our course to escape from them, and made
all the sailes we possibly could for TirrifF, or Gibraltar:
but all we could doe, could not prevent their approach.
For suddenly one of them came right over against us to
wind-ward, and so fell upon our quarter: another came
upon our lufFe, and so threatned us there, and at last all
five chased us, making great speed to surprise us.
Their Admirall was called Callfater, having upon her
maine top-saile, two top-gallant sailes, one above another.
But whereas we thought them all five to be Turkish ships
of warre, we afterwards understood, that two of them were
their prizes, the one a smal ship of London, the other of
the West-countrey, that came out of the Quactath laden
with figges, and other Merchandise, but now subject to
the fortune of the Sea, and the captivity of Pirats. But
to our businesse. Three of these ships got much upon
us, and so much that ere halfe the day was spent, the
Admirall who was the best sailer, fetcht up the George
Bonaventure, and made booty of it. The Vice-admirall
againe being neerest imto the lesser Barke, whereof John
Rawlins was Master, shewed him the force of a strong
arme, and by his Txxrkish name, called Villa-Rise, com-
manded him in like sort to strike his sailes, and submit
to his mercy, which not to be gaine-saied nor prevented,
was Quickly done: and so Rawlins with his Barke was
quickly taken, although the Reare-Admirall being the
15a
THE * EXCHANGE' AND THE PIRATES a.d.
1621.
worst sayler of the three, called Reggiprise, came not in,
till all was done.
The same 4ay before night, the Admirall either loth to
pester himselfe with too much company, or ignorant of
the commodity was to be made by the sale of English
prisoners, or daring not to trust them in his company, for
feare of mutinies, and exciting others to rebellion; set
twelve persons who were in the George Bonaventure on
the land, and divers other English, whom he had taken
before, to trie their fortunes in an imknowne Countrey.
But Villa-Rise, the Vice-Admirall that had taken John
Rawlins, would not so dispence with his men, but com-
manded him and five more of his company to be brought
aboord his ship, leaving in his Barke three men and his
boy, with thirteene Turkes and Moores, who were ques-
tionlesse sufficient to over-master the other, and direct the
Barke to Harbour. Thus they sailed directly for Argier ;
but the night following, followed them with great tempest
and fovde weather, which ended not without some effect
of a storme: for they lost the sight of Rawlins Barke,
called the Nicholas, and in a manner lost themselves,
though they seemed safe a shipboord, by fearefull conjec-
turing what should become of us: at last, by the two
and twentieth of the same moneth, they, or we (chuse
you whether) arrived at Argier, and- came in safety within
the Mould, but found not our other Barke there; nay,
though we earnestly inquired after the same, yet heard
we nothing to our satisfaction; but much matter was
ministred to oxxr discomfort and amazement. For although
the Captaine and our over-seers, were loth we should
have any conference with our Country-men ; yet did we
adventure to informe our selves of the present affaires,
both of the Towne, and the shipping: so that finding
many English at worke in other ships, they spared not to
tell us the danger we were in, and the mischeifes we must
needs incurre, as being sure if we were not used like
slaves, to be sold as slaves : for there had beene five hun-
dred brought into the market for the same purpose, and
*S3
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
above a hundred hansome youths compelled to turne
Turkes, or made subject to more viler prostitution, and
all English: yet like good Christians, they bade us be
of good cheere, and comfort our selves in this, that Gods
trials were gentle purgations, and these crosses were but
to cleanse the drosse &om the gold, and bring us out of
the fire againe more cleare and lovely. Yet I must needs
confesse, that they afforded us reason for this cruelty, as
if they determined to be revenged of our last attempt to
fire their ships in the Mould, and therefore protested to
spare none, whom they could surprise, and take alive, but
[II. vi. 890.] either to sell them for money, or torment them to serve
their owne turnes. Now their customes and usages in
both these was in this manner.
First, concerning the first. The Bashaw had the over-
seeing of all prisoners, who were presented imto him at
their first comming into the harbour, and so chose one
out of every eight for a present or fee to himselfe : the
rest were rated by the Captaines, and so sent to the
Market to be sold ; whereat if either there were repining,
or any drawing backe, then certaine Moores and Officers
attended either to beate you forward, or thrust you into
the sides with Goades ; and this was the manner of the
selling of Slaves.
Execrable Secondly, concerning their enforcing them, either to
'n^^kP' ^^™^ Turke, or to attend their filthines and impieties,
inflUufon^ although it would make a Christians heart bleed to heare
En^sh, to of the same, yet must the truth not be hid, nor the terror
make them left untold. They commonly lay them on their naked
Reneff^does backs or bellies, beating them so long, till they bleed at
f^^/^' the nose and mouth ; and if yet they continue constant,
then they strike the teeth out of their heads, pinch them
by their tongues, and use many other sorts of tortures to
convert them ; nay, many times they lay them their whole
length in the ground like a grave, and so cover them with
boords, threatning to starve them, if they will not turne ;
and so many even for feare of torment and death, make
their tongues betray their hearts to a most fearefull
154
THE * EXCHANGE' AND THE PIRATES ad.
1621.
wickednesse, and so are circumcised with new names, and
brought to confesse a new Religion. Others againe, I
must confesse, who never knew any God, but their owne
sensuall lusts and pleasures, thought that any religion
would serve their turnes, and so for preferment or w^th
very volimtarily renounced their faith, and became Rene-
gadoes in despight of any counsell which seemed to
mtercept them: and this was the first newes wee
encountred with at our conuning first to Argier
The 26. of the same moneth, John Rawhns his Barke,
with his other three men and a boy, came safe into the
Mould, and so were put all together to be carried before
the Bashaw, but that they tooke the Owners servant, and
Rawlins Boy, and by force and torment compeUed them
to turne Turkes: then were they in all seven English,
besides John Rawlins, of whom the Bashaw tooke one,
and sent the rest to their Captaines, who set a valuation
upon them, and so the Souldiers hurried us like dogs into
the Market, whereas men sell Hacknies in England, we ^okoftke
were tossed up and downe to see who would give most ^•^"^^•
for us; and silthough we had heavy hearts, and looked
with sad countenances, yet many came to behold us, some-
times taking us by the hand, sometime turning us round
about, sometimes feeling our brawnes and naked armes,
and so beholding our prices written in our breasts, they
bare;ained for us accordingly, and at last we were all sold,
ancf the Souldiers returned with the money to their
Captaines.
John Rawlins was the last, who was sold, by reason of
his lame hand, and bought by the Captaine that tooke
him, even that dog Villa Rise, who better informing him-
selfe of his skill fit to be a Pilot, and his experience to bee
an over-seer, bought him and his Carpenter at very easie
rates. For as we afterwards understood by divers English
Renegadoes, he paid for Rawlins but one hundred and
fiftie Dooblets, which make of English money seven pound
ten shillings. Thus was he and his Carpenter with divers
other slaves sent into his ship to worke, and imployed
155
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
about such affaires, as belonged to the weU rigging and
preparing the same. But the villanous Turkes perceiving
his lame hand, and that he could not performe so much
as other Slaves, quickly complained to their Patron, who
as quickly apprehended the inconvenience, whereupon
hee sent for him the next day, and told him he was
unserviceable for his present purpose, and therefore
unlessc he could procure fifteene pound of the English
there for his ransome, he would send him up into
the Countrey, where he should never see Christendome
againe, and endure the extremity of a miserable banish-
ment.
But see how God worketh all for the best for his ser-
vants, and confoundeth the presumption of Tyrants,
frustrating their purposes, to make his wonders knowne
to the sonnes of men, and releeves his people, when they
least thinke of succour and releasement. Whilest John
Rawlins was thus terrified with the dogged answere of
Villa Rise, the Exchange of Bristow, a ship formerly
TheExchaug^ surprised by the Pirats, lay all xmrigged in the Harbour,
ofBristofo. ^jn ^^ 1^5^ Q^g JqJj^ Goodale, an English Turke with his
confederates, understanding shee was a e^ood sailer, and
might be made a proper Man of Warre, bought her from
the Turkes that tooke her, and prepared her for their
owne purpose : now the Captaine that set them on worke,
was also an English Renegado, by the name of Rammetham
Ckaudlera Rise, but by his Christen name Henrie Chandler, who
Renegado. resolved to make Goodale Master over her ; and because
they were both English Turkes, having the command
notwithstanding of many Turkes and Moores, they con-
cluded to have all English slaves to goe in her, and for
their Gunners, English and Dutch Kenegadoes, and so
they agreed with the Patrons of nine English, and one
French Slave for their ransoms, who were presently
imployed to rig and furnish the ship for a Man of Warre,
and while they were thus busied, two of John Rawlins
men, who were taken with him, were also taken up to
serve in this Man of Warre, their names, James Roe, and
156
THE * EXCHANGE' AND THE PIRATES a.d.
1621.
John Davies, the one dwelling in Plimmoth, and the
other in Foy, where the Commander of this ship was also
borne, by which occasion they came acquainted, so that
both the Captaine, and the Master promised them good
usage, upon the good service thev should performe in the
voyage, and withall demanded of him, if he knew of any [II. vi. 891.]
Enghshman to be bought, that covdd serve them as a Pilot,
both to direct them out of Harbour, and conduct them
in their voyage. For in truth neither was the Captaine
a Mariner, nor any Turke in her of sufficiency to dispose
of her through the Straites in sccuritie, nor oppose any
enemie, that should hold it out bravely against them.
Davies quickly replied, that as farre as he understood.
Villa Rise would sell John Rawlins his Master, and Com-
mander of the Barke which was taken, a man every way
sufficient for Sea affaires, being of great resolution and
good experience ; and for all he had a lame hand, yet had
he a sound heart and noble courage for any attempt or
adventure.
When the Captaine understood thus much, he imployed
Davies to search for Rawlins, who at last lighting upon
him, asked him if the Turke would sell him: Rawlins
suddenly answered, that by reason of his lame hand he
was willing to part with him; but because he had dis-
bursed money for him, he would gaine something by him,
and so prized me at three hundred Dooblets, which
amounteth to fifteene pound English; which I must
procure, or incurre sorer indurances. When Davies had
certified thus much, the Turks a ship-boord conferred
about the matter, and the Master whose Christen name
was John Goodale joyned with two Turkes, who were
consorted with him, and disbursed one hundred Dooblets
a piece, and so boug^ht him of Villa Rise, sending him
into the said ship, cafied the Exchange of Bristow, as well
to supervise what had been done, as to order what was
left undone, but especially to fit the sailes, and to accom-
modate the ship, all which Rawlins was very carefull and
indulgent in, not yet thinking of any peculiar plot of
157
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
deliverance, more then a generall desire to be freed from
this Turkish slaverie, and inhumane abuses.
By the seventh of Januarie, the ship was prepared with
twelve good cast Pieces, and all manner of munition and
provision, which belonged to such a purpose, and the same
day haled out of the Mould of Argier, with this company,
and in this manner.
There were in her sixtie three Turkes and Moores, nine
English Slaves, and one French, foure Hollanders that
were free men, to whom the Turkes promised one prise
or other, and so to returne to Holland ; or if they were
disposed to goe backe againe for Argier, they should have
great reward and no enforcement offered, but continue as
they would, both their religion and their customes : and
for their Gunners they had two of our Souldiers, one
English and one Dutch Renegado: and thus much for
the companie. For the manner of setting out, it was as
usuall as in other ships, but that the Turkes delighted in
the ostentous braverie of their Streamers, Banners, and
Top-savles; the ship being a handsome ship, and well
built for any purpose : the Slaves and English were
imployed under Hatches about the Ordnance, and other
workes of order, and accommodating themselves: all
which John Rawlins marked, as supposing it an intolerable
slaverie to take such paines, and be subject to such dangers,
and still to enrich other men and maintaine their voluptuous
filthinesse and lives, returning themselves as Slaves, and
living worse then their Dogs amongst them. Whereupon
hee bust out into these, or such like abrupt speeches : Oh
Hellish slaverie to be thus subject to Dogs! Oh, God
strengthen my heart and hand, and something shall be
done to ease us of these mischiefes, and deliver us from
these cruell Mahumetan Dogs. The other Slaves pitty-
ing his distraction (as they thought) bad him speake
softly, lest they should all rare the worse for his distem-
perature. The worse (quoth Rawlins) what can be worse ?
I will either attempt my deliverance at one time, or
another, or perish in the enterprise : but if you would be
158
THE * EXCHANGE' AND THE PIRATES a.d.
1621.
contented to hearken after a release, and joyne with me
in the action, I would not doubt of facilitating the same,
and shew you a way to make yoxxr credits thrive by some
worke of amazement, and augment your glorie in pur-
chasing your libertie, I prithee be quiet (said they againe)
and thmke not of impossibilities : yet if you can but open
such a doore of reason and probabilitie, that we be not
condemned for desperate and distracted persons, in pulling
the Sunne as it were out of the Firmament : wee can but
sacrifice our lives, and you may be sure of secrede and
taciturnitie.
The fifteenth of Januarie, the morning water brought
us neere Cape de Gatt, hard by the shoare, we having in
oxxr companie a smal Turkish ship of Warre, that followed
us out of Argier the next dav, and now joyning with us,
gave us notice of seven small vessels, sixe of them being
Sattees, and one Pollack, who very quickly appeared in
sight, and so we made toward them: but having more
advantage of the Pollack, then the rest, and loth to lose
all, we both fetcht her up, and brought her past hope of
recoverie, which when she perceived, rather then she would
volimtarily come into the slaverie of these Mahumetans,
she ran her selfe a shoare, and so all the men forsooke her ;
we still followed as neere as we durst, and for feare of
splitting, let fall our anchors, making out both our boates,
wherein were many Musketeers, and some English and
Dutch Renegadoes, who came aboord home at their Conge,
and found three pieces of Ordnance, and foure Mur-
therers : but they straightway threw them all over-boord
to lighten the ship, and so they got her off, being laden
with Hides, and Logwood for dying, and presently sent
her to Argier, taking nine Turkes, and one English Slave,
out of one ship, and six out of the lesse, which we
thought sufficient to man her.
In the rifling of this Catelaynia, oxxr Turks fell at
variance one with another, and in such a manner, that we [II. vi. 892.]
divided our selves, the lesser ship returned to Argier, and
our Exchange tooke the opportunitie of the wind, and
IS9
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
plyed out of the Streights, which rejoyccd John Rawlins
very much, as resolving on some Stratageme, when oppor-
The ^«f^^^ tunitie shovdd serve : in the meane-while, the Turkes
^part^ ^ began to murmurre, and would not willingly goe into
the Marr Granada, as the phrase is amongst them : not-
withstanding the Moores being very superstitious, were
^Wlkhescar- ^^^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^ directed by their Hoshea, who with us,
rjed toSialy signifieth a Witch, and is of great account and reputation
Turhs. amongst them, as not going in any great Vessel! to Sea
without one, and observing whatsoever he concludeth out
of his Divination : the Ceremonies he useth are many,
and when they come into the Ocean, every second or
third night he maketh his Conjuration ; he beginneth and
^ endeth with Prayer, using many Characters, and calling
upon God by divers names : yet at this time, all that he
did consisted in these particulars.
C^^OTwi^/ 0/ Upon the sight of two great ships, and as wee were
mntng, ^^g^jj ^j^^ chasing, beeing supposed to bee Spanish men of
Warre, a great suence is commanded in the ship, and when
all is done, the company giveth as great a skrich; the
Captaine still comming: to John Ramins, and sometimes
making him take in all his sayles, and sometimes causing
him to hoyse them all out, as the Witch findeth by his
Booke, and presages ; then have they two Arrowes, and a
Curtleaxe, lying upon a Pillow naked ; the Arrowes are
one for the Turkes, and the other for the Christians ; then
the Witch readeth, and the Captaine of some other taketh
the Arrowes in their hand by the heads, and if the Arrow
for the Christians commeth over the head of the Arrow
for the Turkes, then doe they advance their sayles, and
will not indure the fight, whatsoever they see : but if the
Arrow of the Turkes is found in the opening of the hand
upon the Arrow of the Christians, then will they stay and
encounter with any shippe whatsoever: the Curtleaxe is
taken up by some Childe, that is innocent, or rather
Ignorant of the Ceremonie, and so layd downe againe;
then doe they observe, whether the same side is upper-
most, which lay before, and so proceed accordingly.
160
THE * EXCHANGE • AND THE PIRATES a.d.
1621.
They also observe Liinatickes and Changelings, and
the Conjurer writeth downe their Sayings in a Booke,
groveling on the ground, as if he whispered to the
Devill to tell him the truth, and so expoundeth the Letter,
as it were by inspiration. Many other foolish Rites they
have, whereon they doe dote as foolishly.
Whilest he was busied, and made demonstration that
aU was finished, the people in the ship gave a grc^t shout,
and cryed out, a sayle, a sayle, which at last was discovered
to bee another man of Warre of Turkes: for he made
towards us, and sent his Boat aboord us, to whom our
Captaine complained, that being becalmed by theSoutherne
Cape, and having made no Voyage, the Turkes denyed
to goe any further Northward : but the Captaine resolved ».
not to returne to Argier, except he could obtayne some
Prize worthy his endurances, but rather to goe to Salle,
and sell his Christians to victuall his ship; which the
other Captaine apprehended for his honour, and so per-
swaded the Turkes to be obedient xmto him ; whereupon
followed a pacification amongst us, and so that Turke
tooke his course for the Streights, and wee put up
Northward, expecting the good houre of some beneficiafl
bootie.
All this while our slavery continued, and the Turkes
with insulting tyrannie set us still on worke in all base
and servile actions, adding stripes and inhumane revilings,
even in our greatest labour, whereupon John Rawlins
resolved to obtayne his libertie, and surprize the ship;
providing Ropes with broad speckes of Iron, and all the
Iron Crowes, with which hee knew a way, upon consent
of the rest, to ramme up or tye fast their Scuttels, Gratings,
and Cabbins, yea, to shut up the Captaine himselfe with
all his consorts, and so to handle the matter, that upon the
watch-word given, the English being Masters of the
Gunner roome. Ordnance, and Powder, they would eyther
blow them into the Ayre, or kill them as they adventured
to come downe one by one, if they should by any chance
open their Cabbins. But because hee would proceed the
▼I 161 L
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
better in his enterprise, as he had somewhat abruptly dis-
covered himselfe to the nine English slaves, so he kept
the same distance with the foure Hollanders, that were
free men, till finding them comming somewhat toward
them, he acquainted them with the whole Conspiracie,
and they affecting the Plot, offered the adventure of their
lives in the businesse. Then very warily he undermined
the English Renegado, which was the Gunner, and three
more his Associats, who at first seemed to retract. Last
of all were brought in the Dutch Renegadoes, who were
also in the Gunner roome, for alwayes there lay twelve
there, five Christians, and seven English, and Dutch
Turkes: so that when another motion had settled their
resolutions, and John Rawlins his constancie had put new
life as it were in the matter, the foxxre Hollanders very
honestly, according to their promise, sounded the Dutch
Renegadoes, who with easie perswasion gave their consent
to so brave an Enterprize; whereupon John Rawlins, not
caring whether the English Gunners would yeeld or no,
resolved in the Captaines morning watch, to make the
attempt : But you must understand that where the English
slaves lay, there hung up alwayes foure or five Crowes of
Iron, being still under the carriages of the Peeces, and
when the time approached being very darke, because John
Rawlins would have his Crow or Iron ready as other things
were, and other men prepared in their severall places, m
[II. vi. 893.] taking it out of the carriage, by chance, it hit on the side
of the Peece, making such a noyse, that the Souldiers
hearing it awaked the Turkes, and bade them come downe :
Danfft'of whereupon the Botesane of the Turkes descended with a
discovery. Candle, and presently searched all the slaves places, making
much adoe of the matter, but finding neyther Hatchet nor
Hanuner, nor any thing else to move suspition of the
Enterprize, more then the Crow of Iron, which lay slipped
downe under the carriages of the Peeces, they went quietly
up againe, and certified the Captaine what had chanced,
who satisfied himselfe, that it was a common thing to have
a Crow of Iron slip from his place. But by this occasion
162
THE ' EXCHANGE • AND THE PIRATES a.d.
1621.
wee made stay of our attempt, yet were resolved to take
another or a better opportunitie.
For we sayled still more North-ward, and Rawlins had
more time to tamper with his Gunners, and the rest of
the English Renegadoes, who very willingly, when they
consid^H^ the matter, and perpended the reasons, gave
way imto the Project, and with a kind of joy seemed to
entertayne the motives : only they made a stop at the first
on-set, who should begin the enterprize, which was no way
fit for them to doe, because they were no slaves, but
Renegadoes, and so had alwayes beneficiall entertaynment
amongst them. But when it is once put in practice, they
would be sure not to fiiile them, but venture their lives
for God and their Countrey. But once againe he is
disappointed, and a suspitious accident brought him to
recollect his spirits anew, and studie on the danger of the
enterprize, and thus it was. After the Renegado Gunner,
had protested secrecie by all that might induce a man to
bestow some beliefe upon him, he presently went up the
Scottle, but stayed not aloft a quarter of an houre, nay Another
he came sooner down, & in the Gunner roome sate by ^P'^-
Rawlins, who tarryed for him where he left him : he was
no sooner placed, and entred into some conference, but
there entred into the place a furious Turke, with his Knife
drawne, and presented it to Rawlins his body, who verily
supposed, he intended to kill him, as suspitious that the
Gunner had discovered something, whereat Rawlins was
much moved, and so hastily asked what the matter meant,
or whether he would kill him or no, observing his
countenance, and according to the nature of jealousie,
conceiting that his colour had a passage of change, whereby
his suspitious heart, condemned him for a Traytor: but
that at more leisure he sware the contrary, and afterward
proved faithfull and industrious in the enterprize. And
for the present, he answered Rawlins in this manner, no
Master, be not afiaid, I thinke hee doth but jest. With
that John Rawlins gave backe a little and drew out his
Knife, stepping also to the Gunners sheath and taking out
163
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
his, whereby he had two Knives to one, which when the
Turke perceived, he threw downe his Knife, saying, hec
did but jest with him. But (as I said) when the Gunner
perceived, Rawlins tooke it so ill, hee whispered something
in his eare that at last satisfied him, calling Heaven to
witnesse, that he never spake word of the Enterprize, nor
ever would, either to the prejudice of the businesse, or
danger of his person : Notwithstanding, Rawlins kept the
Knives in his sleeve all night, and was somewhat troubled,
for that hee had made so many acquainted with an action
of such importance ; but the next day, when hee perceived
the Coast dcere, and that there was no cause of further
feare, hee somewhat comforted himselfe.
All this while, Rawlins drew the Captaine to lye for
the Northerne Cape, assuring him, that thereby he should
not misse piirchase, which accordingly fell out, as a wish
would have it: but his drift was m truth to draw him
from any supply, or second of Tiirkes, if God should give
way to their Enterprize, or successe to the victorie : yet
for the present the sixth of Februarv, being twelve leagues
from the Cape, wee descryed a sayle, and presently tooke
the advantage of the wind in chasing her, and at last
fetcht her up, making her strike all her sayles, whereby
Tor Bay. wee knew her to be a Barke belonging to Tor Bay, neere
Dartmouth, that came from Averare kden with Salt : ere
we had fully dispatched, it chanced to be foule weather,
so that we could not, or at least would not make out our
Boat, but caused the Master of the Barke to let downe
his, and come aboord with his Company, being in the
Barke but nine men, and one Boy; and so the Master
leaving his Mate with two men in the same, came himselfe
with five men, and the boy unto us, whereupon our
Turkish Captaine sent ten Turkes to man her, amongst
whom were two Dutch, and one English Renegado, who
were of our confederacie, and acquainted with the
businesse.
But when Rawlins saw this partition of his friends,
before they could hoyse out their Boat for the Barke, he
164
THE * EXCHANGE • AND THE PIRATES a,d.
1621.
made meanes to speake with them, and told them plainly,
that he would prosecute the matter eyther that night, or
the next and therefore whatsoever came of it they should
acquaint the English with his resolution, and make toward
England, bearing up the helme, whiles the Turkes slept,
and suspected no such matter : for bv Gk>ds grace in his
first watch about mid-night, he would shew them a light,
by which they might understand, that the Enterprize was
begunne, or at least in a good forwardnesse for the
execution : and so the Boat was let downe, and they came
to the Barke of Tor Bay, where the Masters Mate beeing
left (as before you have heard) apprehended quickly the
matter, and heard the Discoiirse with amazement. But
time was precious, and not to be spent in disputing, or
casting of doubts, whether the Turkes that were with
them, were able to master them, or no, beeing seven to
sixe, considering they had the helme of the ship, and the
Turkes being Souldiers, and ignorant of Sea Affaires,
could not discover, whether they went to Argier or no ; [11. vi. 894.]
or if they did, they resolved by Rawlins example to cut
their throats, or cast them over-boord : and so I leave them
to make use of the Renegadoes instructions, and returne
to Rawlins againe.
The Master of the Barke of Tor Bay, and his Company
were quickly searched, and as quickly pillaged, and
dismissed to the libertie of the shippe, whereby Rawlins
had leisure to entertayne him with the lamentable newes
of their extremities, and in a word, of everv particular
which was befitting to the purpose : yea, he told him, that
that night he should lose the sight of them, for they would
make the helme for England, and hee would that night
and evermore pray for their good successe, and safe
deliverance.
When the Master of the Barke of Tor Bay had heard
him out, and that his company were partakers of his Storie,
they became all silent, not eyther diffident of his Discourse,
or afiiaid of the attempt, but resolved to assist him. Yet
to shew himselfe an understanding man, hee demanded
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
of Rawlins, what weapons he had, and in what manner he
would execute the businesse : to which he answered, that
he had Ropes, and Iron Hookes to make fast the Scottels,
Gratings, and Cabbines, he had also in the Gunner roome
two Curtleaxes, and the slaves had five Crowes of Iron
before them: Besides, in the scuffling they made no
question of some of the Souldiers weapons : then for the
manner, hee told them, they were sure of the Ordnance,
the Gunner roome, and the Powder, and so blocking them
up, would eyther kill them as thev came downe, or turne
the Ordnance against their Cabbms, or blow them into
the Ayre by one Stratageme or other, and thus were they
contented on all sides, and resolved to the Enterprize.
ThiPriziQut The next morning, being the seventh day of February,
rfn^. the Prize of Tor Say was not to bee seene or found,
whereat the Captaine began to storme and sweare, com-
manding Rawlins to search the Seas up and downe for
her, who bestowed all that day in the Dusinesse, but to
little pxirpose: whereupon when the humour was spent,
the Captaine pacified himselfe, as conceiting he should
sure find her at Argier : but by the permission of the Ruler
of all actions, that Argier was England, and all his wicked*
nesse frustrated : for Rawlins beemg now startled, lest hee
should retume in this humour for the Streights, the eight
of February went downe into the hold, and finding a great
deale of water below, told the Captaine of the same,
adding, that it did not come to the Pumpe, which he did
very politickly, that he might remove the Ordnance : For
when the Captaine askt him the reason, he told him the
ship was too farre after the head: then hee commanded
to use the best meanes he could to bring her in order:
sure then, cmoth Rawlins, wee must quit our Cables, and
bring foure Peeces of Ordnance after, and that would bring
the water to the Pumpe, which was presently put in
practice, so the Peeces beeing usually made fast thwart the
ship, we brought two of them with their mouthes right
berore the Bitide, and because the Renegadoe Flemmings
would not begin, it was thus concluded: that the ship
166
THE * EXCHANGE' AND THE PIRATES A.a
1621.
having three Deckes, wee that did belong to the Gunner
roome should bee all there, and breake up the lower Decke.
The English slaves, who alwayes lay in the middle Decke,
should doe the like, and watch the Scuttels: Rawlins
himselfe prevayled with the Gunner, for so much Powder,
as should prime the Peeces, and so told them all there was
no better watch-word, nor meanes to begin, then upon
the report of the Peece to make a cry and skrich, for God,
and King James, and Saint George for England.
When all things were prepared, and every man resolved,
as knowing what hee had to doe, and the houre when it
should happen, to be two in the aftemoone, Rawlins advised
the Master Gunner to speake to the Captaine, that the
Souldiers might attend on the Poope, which would bring
the ship after : to which the Captaine was very willing, and
upon the Gunners information, the Souldiers gat them-
selves to the Poope, to the number of twentie, and five or
sixe went into the Captaines Cabbin, where alwayes lay
divers Curtleaxes, and some Targets, and so wee fell to
worke to pumpe the water, and carryed the matter fairely
till the next day, which was spent as the former, being
the ninth of February, and as God must have the prayse,
the triumph of our victorie.
For by that time all things were prepared, and the
Souldiers got upon the Poope as the day before : to avoid
suspition, all that did belong to the Gunner-roome went
downe, and the slaves in the middle decke attended their
businesse, so that we may cast up our account in this
manner. First, nine English slaves, besides John Rawlins :
five of the Tor Bay men, and one boy, foure English
Renegadoes, and two French, foure Hollanders: in all
fovire and twenty and a boy : so that lifting up our hearts
and hands to God for the successe of the businesse, we
were wonderfully incouraged; and setled our selves, till
the report of the peece gave us warning of the enterprise.
Now, you must consider, that in this company were two
of Rawlins men, James Roe, and John Davies, whom he
brought out of England, and whom the fortune of the
167
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
Sea brought into the same predicament with their Master.
These were imployed about noone (being as I said, the
ninth of February) to prepare their matches, while all the
Turkes or at least most of them stood on the Poope, to
weigh downe the ship as it were, to bring the wata- forward
to the Piunpe : the one brought his matdi lighted betweene
two spoons, the other brought his in a little peece of a
Can : and so in the name of God, the Turkes and Moores
[II. vi. 895.] being placed as you have heard, and five and forty in
number, and Rawlins having proined the Tuch-holes,
James Roe gave fire to one of the peeces, about two of
the docke in the aftonoone, and the confederates upon the
The onset. warning, shouted most cheerefully : the report of the peece
did teare and breake downe all the Bitickell, and com-
passes, and the noise of the slaves made all the Souldiers
amased at the matter, till seeing the quarter of the ship
rent, and feeling the whole bo^ to shake under them:
understanding me ship was surprised, and the attempt
tended to their utter destruction, never Beare robbed of
her whelpes was so fell and mad : For they not onely cald
us dogs, and cried out. Usance de Lamair, which is as
much as to say, the Fortune of the wars : but attempted
to teare up the planckes, setting a worke hammers, hatchets,
knives, the oares of the Boate, the Boat-hooke, their
curtleaxes, and what else came to hand, besides stones and
brickes in the Cooke-roome ; all which they threw amongst
us, attempting still and still to breake and rip up we
hatches, and boords of the steering, not desisting from their
former execrations, and horrible blasphemies and revilings.
When John Rawlins perceived them so violent, and
understood how the slaves had cleared the deckes of all
the Turkes and Moores beneath, he set a guard upon the
Powder, and charged their owne Muskets against them,
killing them from divers scout-holes, both before and
behind, and so lessened their number, to the joy of all
our hearts, whereupon they cried out, and called for the
Pilot, and so RawUns, with some to guard him, went to
them, and understood them by their kneeling ; that they
168
THE * EXCHANGE • AND THE PIRATES a.d.
1621.
cried for mercy, and to have their lives saved, and they
would come downe, which he bade them doe, and so they
were taken one by one, and bound, yea killed with their
owne Curtleaxes; which when the rest perceived, they
called us English dogs, and reviled us with many
opprobrious tearmes, some leaping over*boord, crying, it
was the chance of war, some were manacled, and so throwne
over-boord, and some were slaine and mangled with the
Curtleaxes, till the ship was well cleared, and our selves
assured of the victory.
At the first report of our Peece, and hurliburly in the
decks, the Captaine was a writing in his Cabbin, and
hearing the noyse, thought it some strange accident, and
so came out with his Curtleaxe in his hand, presuming
by his authority to padfie the mischiefe: But when hee
cast his eyes upon us, and saw that we were like to surprise
the ship, he threw downe his Curtleaxe, and begged us
to save his life, intimating unto Rawlins, how he had
redeemed him from Villa-Kise, and ever since admitted
him to place of command in the ship, besides honest usage
in the whole course of the Voyage. All which Rawlins
confessed, and at last condescended to mercy, and brought The Victory.
the Captaine and five more into England. The Captame
was caUed Ramtham-Rise, but his Christen name, Henry
Chandler, and as they say, a Chandlers sonne in South-
warke. John Good-ale, was also an English Turke.
Richard Clarke, in Tiirkish, Jafar; George Cooke,
Ramdam; John Browne, Mamme; William Winter,
Mustapha; besides all the slaves and Hollanders, with
other Renegadoes, who were willing to be reconciled to
their true Saviovir, as being formerly seduced with the
hopes of riches, honour, preferment, and such like devillish
baits, to catch the soules of mortall men, and entangle
frailty in the tarriers of horrible abuses, and imposturing
deceit.
When all was done, and the ship cleared of the dead
bodies, John Rawlins assembled his men together, and Prauenven
with one consent gave the praise unto God, using the uGod.
169
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
accustomed service on ship-boord, and for want of bookes
lifted up their voyces to God, as he put into their hearts,
or renewed their memories : then did they sing a Psalme,
and last of all, embraced one another for playing the men
in such a Deliverance, wherebv our fearc was tiirncd into
joy, and trembling hearts exhiUirated, that we had escaped
such inevitable dangers, and especially the slavery and
terror of bondage, worse then death it selfe: The same
night we washed our ship, put every thing in as good
order as we could, repaired the broken quarter, set up the
Bitide, and bore up the Helme for England, whereby
Theyarrivein Qods grace and good guiding, we arrived at Plimmoth,
Engand. ^^ thirteenth of February, and were welcommed like the
recovery of the lost sheepe, or as you read of a loving
mother, that runneth with embraces to entertaine her
Sonne from a long Voyage and escape of many dangers.
Not long after we understood of our confederats, that
returned home in the Barke of Torbay, that they arrived
in Pensance in Corne-wall the eleventh of February : and
if any aske after their deliverance, considering there were
ten Turkes sent to man her, I will tell vou that too : the
Event oftki next day after they lost us, as you have neard and that the
other ship. ^j^j.^ Renegadocs had acquainted the Masters Mate, and
the two English in her with Rawlins determination, and
that they themselves would be true to them, and assist
them in any enterprise : then if the worst came, there were
but seven to sixe : but as it fell out, they had a more easie
passage, then turmoile, or man-slaughter. For they made
the Turkes beleeve, the wind was come feire, and that they
were sayling to Argicr, till they came within sight of
England, which one of them amongst the rest discovered,
saymg pkinely, that that land was not like Cape Vincent ;
yes saith he, that was at the Helme, and you will be
contented, and goe downe into the hold, and trim the salt
over to wind-ward, whereby the ship may beare ftiU saile,
you shall know and see more to morrow : Whereupon five
of them went downe very orderly, the Renegadoes faining
[II. vi. 896.J themselves asleepe, who presently start up, and with the
170
THE * EXCHANGE' AND THE PIRATES a.d.
1621.
helpe of the two English, nailed downe the hatches,
whereat the principall amongst them much repined, and
began to grow into choUer and rage, had it not quickly
beene overpassed. For one of them stepped to him, and
dasht out his braines, and threw him over-boord : the rest
were brought to Excester, and either to be arraigned,
according to the punishment of delinquents in such a kind,
or disposed of, as the King and Counsell shall thinke
meet: and this is the story of this deliverance, and end
of John Rawlins Voyage. The Actors in this Comick
Tragedie are most of them alive; The Turkes are in
prison ; the ship is to be seene, and Rawlins himselfe dare
justifie the matter.
The names of the English Renegadoes, which
consented, and joyned with the slaves in the
recovery of the ship, were these.
Richard Clarke, the Gunner, called in Turkish, Jafar,
George Cooke, Gunners-mate, called in Turkish,
Ramedam. William Winter, Carpenter, in Tvirkish,
Mustapha. John Browne, in Turkish, Memme. One
Dutch Renegado. Foure Dutch slaves. One French
slave. Five Englishmen and one boy, taken but three
dayes before. Nine English slaves which they tooke with
them from Argier. In all foure and twenty men and a
boy. Which were all safely landed at Plimmoth, the
thirteenth of Februarv, 1621. They saved alive the five
and forty Turkes and Moores, the Captaine, one Henry
Chandlor, borne in South-warke, an English Renegado;
and five Turkes more, who are at this present in Plimmoth
Goale, &c.
[Chap. VIII.
171
A.D.
l6lO.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
/ have con-
tr acted this
History {as
others) for
brevity : omit-
ting nothing
willingly
which the
Author saw :
in other things
commonly
re/erring the
Readier to M.
Sanies his
owne booke or
other Authors
which were his
guides. For we
write of mens
travaileSy
rather then a
history of
places y
Regions in this
worke: which
herein dif
fereth from
that which 1
have called my
Pilgrimage,
Many also of
the things left
out are in Leo
or others here
inserted.
Chap. VIII.
Relations of Africa, taken .out of Master George
Sandys his larger discourse observed in his
Journey, begun Ann. 1610. Lib. 2.
His Voyage from Rhodes to Alexandria, observa-
tions there, of Egypt, in generall, and of Nilus.
Hodes is now inhabited by the Tnrkes and
Jewes: those Christians that be, being
Greekes, and not suffered after Sun-set
to abide in the Citic: the Suburbs
whereof are utterly razed. I have heard
that all the Moniunents, Statues, and
inscriptions belonging to the Knights of
the Order, are by the Turkes preserved entire, excepting
such as the warres had demolished. Heere the Grana
Signior maintaineth five Gallies. About this Hand, we
expected to have met with Pirats, but were happily
deceived.
Now having lost the sight of Rhodes, we saw no land
untill the third night after: in the Evening, doubtfully
discovering the Coast of ^gypt. Fearing the Lee-shoare,
all night we bore out to Sea: the lightning ministring
uncomfortable light, intermixed with thunder and tempests.
The next day we entred the Haven of Alexandria, newly
defamed with a number of wracks, which scattered here
and there, did miserably testifie the unsafe protection of
that Harbour. For not past two nights before the
Northerne winds beating mil upon the mouth of the
Haven, with violent Seas drove the fore-most ships from
their Anchors, who falling foule on the rest, sunke all for
company, even two and twenty in number : amongst the
rest, that great and warlike ship, called the Red-Lion, but
taken the yeere before firom the Knights of Malta.
172
SANDYS* RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1610.
But before we proceed any further in particulars, meet
it is that something be said of -flSgypt in generall. The
wonderful! fertility of the soile, is rather to bee admired
then expressed : in times past reputed the granary of the
world; insomuch as it was not thought possible for the
Romane Empire to subsist, if not assisted by the affluence
of Mgypt. The occasion of that saying of Selymus when
he had conquered the Country, that, I^w he had taken a
Farme that would feed his Jemoglans. Amongst other
commodities which this earth doth yeeld, and are fetcht
from hence by forrainers, Sugar, Flaxe, Rice, all manner of
Graine, Linnen-cloth, Hides, Salt, Buttargo, and Cassia,
being now the principall.
Whatsoever here is estimable, proceedeth from the
munificency of this River ; for progresse, and property of
all other the most excellent: unto former ages, though
often attempted, (and that by great Potentates) of an
undiscovered originall.
Foure miles below Cairo, it devideth into two maine [11. vi. 897.]
and navigable branches ; that next the East running into
the Mid-land Sea by Damiata (heretofore Pelusium : ) the
other inclining unto the West, and formerly called Canopus,
falleth into the selfe-same Sea a little below Rosetta,
making of the richest portion of the Land a triangular
Hand, named Delta, in that it beareth the forme of that
letter: the fresh water keeping together, and changing
the colour of the Salt, farre further mto the Sea, then the
shoare from thence can be discerned. Two other branches
there be that runne betweene these, but poore in waters ;
besides divers channels cut by the labour of man, for con-
veiances in the time of the inundation ; which also are no
small strengthning to the Countrey. Of those seven
mentioned by Herodotus, and those nine by Ptolomy,
these are all that I either saw or could heare of. Nor is
it a thing extraordinarie for Rivers to lose their channels,
either choaked by themselves, or by the adverse Seas, with
beds of Sand, and turned up gravell resisting their
passages. But amongst the hidden mysteries of Nature,
173
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMBS
1610.
there is none more wonderfull, then is the overflowing of
this River ; making of a meere Desart (for such is Egypt
unwatred by Nilus) the most fruitfiill part of the habitable
world, little when others are great, and their decrease
increasing.
Not tide to lawes of other streames ; the Sunne
When farthest ofi^, thy streames then poorest runne.
Intemperate heaven to temper, midst of heate ;
Under the burning Zone, bid to grow great.
Then Nile assists the world ; lest fire should quell
The earth : and makes his high-borne waters swell
Against the Lions flaming jawes
Inde etiam leges aliarum nescit aquarum :
Nee tumet hybernus quiun longe Sole remoto
Ofliciis caret imda suis, dare jussus iniquo
Temperiem ccelo, mediis aestatibus exit.
Sub torrente plaga, ne terras dissipet ignis
Nilus ad est mundo, contraque accensa leonis
Ora tumet Lucan. 1. 10.
The earth then burnt with the violent fervovir, never
refreshed with raine (which here falls rarely, and then
onely in the Winter) hath helpe from Nilus, most
constantly observing his accustomed seasons, beginning to
arise with the arising Sunne on the seventeenth of June ;
swelling by degrees untill it mount sometimes foure and
twentie cubits, out that the uttermost.
*He began Ms This yeare* at Cairo it rise three and twentie. About
rS^i/l/^* two miles above the Citie, at the end of old Cairo, in the
a&^iuh^he beginning of August they cut the bankes; then when
kalfi way be- ascended unto his principall height ; before kept in, lest
tweene Cairo that the too timely deluge shomd destroy the fruites of
ondRosetta. ^h^ e^rth ere fit to be reaped. At which the Bassa is
himselfe in person (who giveth the first stroke) accom-
panied with a world of people, rowed in Gallies and Barges
of triumph, and for divers dayes feasting: the Bassa in
the Castle of Michias, an Hand surrounded with Nile (so
called, in that there the Pillar doth stand, by which they
174
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1610.
observe the increase of the River) others imder Pavilions
pitched by the shoare> with barbarous solemnities, and
generall rejoycings. At their returne they are met by
rfiose of the Citie, who bestrew their heads with flowers, as
the welcome forerunners of that they long wished. They
turned in water following them at the heeles ; boats now
rowed, where but now they trampled, filling the dustie
trenches and long emptied Cisternes: and a while after
covering in many places the superficies of the land, which
there then appeareth as a troubled Lake. Answerable to
the increase of the River, is the plentie or scarcitie of the
yeare succeeding, bringing with it both earth and water
into a sandie and thirstie soile, of it selfe unprofitable:
so that it as well manures as moistens, with the fat and
pregnant slime which it leaveth behind it. Unto which
they owe not their riches onely, but themselves. For the
plague which here oft miserably rageth, upon the first of
the flood doth instantly cease: insomuch as when five P^rh^s
hundred die at Cairo the day before, which is nothing rare ^^^^J^^^^i
(for the sound keepe companie with the sicke, holding ^^^g-J^
death fatall, and to avoid them irreligion) not one doth Leo^asitdoa
die the day following. Wherefore no marvell though atAkppo^and
ignorant and superstitious antiquitie, under the name of ^^^^ '*
Osyris adored this River, which affoorded them so many ^ '^^^ *
benefits, and such as not apprehended were thought super- experiment
natvuall. Thus where covered with water, it is no ffner^
unpleasant sight to behold the Townes appearing like little ^£^i' ^.
Hands ; the people passing and repassing by boate, and not ^^^^^/*
seldome swimming : who the lesse they see of their /. ^.V. f[who
Country, the more is their comfort. About the midst of bugBvedkere^ ,
September it ceaseth to augment : and retiring a moneth «/^ ^^.
after within his proper bounds, giveth way unto ^r^^!'^*
Husbandrie (the earth untilled, by throwing the Graine Marcitustke
on the mud, and Rice into the water, afFoording her first FrenchCtmsul^
increase) untill May decreasing, and then in a marvellous ^^P^^ ER-
penurie of water. To prove that it proceedeth from a ^^?i^y^\
naturall cause, this one, though strange, yet true experi- ^ Endish
ment will suffice. Take of the earth of Egypt adjoyning num.
175
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
to the River, and preserve it carefully, that it neither come
to be wet nor wasted ; weigh it dailv, and you shal find
it neither more nor lesse heavie until the seventeenth of
June, at which day it beginneth to grow more ponderous,
and augmenteth with the augmentation of the river,
wherebv they have an unfallible knowledge of the state of
the Deluge : proceeding without doubt from the humiditie
of the Aire, which having a recourse through all passible
places, and mixing therewith, increaseth the same as
it increaseth in moysture. In the tenth and eleventh
[II. vi. 898.] yeare of Cleopatra, it is by Writers of those times
for a certainty affirmed, that the Niliis increased not;
which two yeares defect prognosticated the fal of two
freat Potentates, Cleopatra and Anthony. Many ages
efore, Callimachus reports, that it did the like for
nine yeares together. From the same cause, no question,
but that seven yeares dearth proceeded in the time of
Pharao.
It also produceth abundance of Fish, in shape and
qualitie much differing from ours : but by reason of the
muddy channell, not altogether savorie nor wholsome.
Pahnetrees. Throughout this Countrey there are no Wines, yet
want they none, in that they desire them not. Neither
are here any trees to speake of, but such as are planted,
and those in Orchards only: excepting Palmes, which
delight in Desarts ; and being naturally theirs, doe grow
without limits. Of these they have plenty, pleasing the
eye with their goodly formes, and with diversitie of
benefits inriching their owners. Of body straight, high,
round, and slender (yet unfit for buildings) crested about,
and by meanes thereof with facilitie ascended. The
branches like Sedges, slit on the neather side, and ever
greene ; growing onely on the uppermost height, resemble
raire plumes of feathers, which they yearely prune, by
lopping off the lowest, and at the top of all by bearing a
Male and little of the bole. Of these there be male and female.
Female. y^^^ thrust forth cods (which are full of seeds like knotted
strings) at the roote of their branches, but the female is
176
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1610.
onely fruitfull ; and not so, unlesse growing by the male
(towards whose upright growth she inclines her crowne)
and have of his seedes commixed with hers ; which in the
beginning of March they no more faile to doe, then to sow
the earth at accustomed seasons* Their Dates doe now
like fingers, and are thereof named ; not ripe untiU the
fine of December, which begin to cod about the beginning
of February. They open the tops of such as are fruitlesse,
or otherwise perisht ; and take from thence the white pith,
of old called the braine, which they sell up and downe :
an excellent sallad, not much unlike in taste, but farre
better then an Artichoke. Of the branches they make
Bed-steads, Lattices, Sec. of the web of the Leaves, Baskets,
Mats, Fans, &c. of the outward huske of the Cod, good
Cordage ; of the inward, Brushes, &c. such and such like
affoord they yearely without empaire to themselves. This
tree they held to be the perfect image of a man, and by
the same represented him: First, for that it doth not
fhictifie, but by coiture: next, as having a Braine, as it
were, in the uppermost part: which once corrupted, as
man, even so it perisheth : and lastly, in regard that on the
top thereof grow certaine strings, which resemble the haire ;
the great ends of the branches appearing like hands stretcht
forth, and the Dates as fingers. And because the Palme
is never to be suppressed, but shooteth up against all
opposition, the boughs thereof have been proposed as
rewards for such as were either victorious in armes or
exercises. Wood then is here but scarce in regard of the
quantitie ; and yet enough, if their uses for the same be
considered. For they eate but little flesh (fresh Cheese,
sowre Milke made solid, Roots, Fruits and Herbs,
especially Colocasia, anciently called the Egyptian Beane,
though bearing no Beane, but like the leafe of^ a Colewort,
being their principal sustenance; baking their bread in
Cakes on the harth, and mingling therewith the seeds of
Coriander.) As for cold, they know it not; having
sufficient of the refuse of Palmes, Sugar-canes, and the like,
to furnish them with fuell, answerable to their necessities.
VI 177 M
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
But forrainers that feed as in colder Countries, doe buy
Wood sold their Wood by weight, which is brought in hither by
by weight. shipping* The Gallions also of Constantinople, alwaies
goe into the Blacke Sea for timber, before they take their
voyage for Cairo. Omit I must not the sedgie reeds
which grow in the Marishes of Egypt, called formerly
Papersedgje. Papyri, of which they made paper ; and whereof ours made
of rags, assimieth that name. They divided it into thin
flakes, whereinto it naturally parteth: then laying them
on a table, and moistning them with the gluttinous water
of the River, they prest them together, and so dried them
in the Sunne. It is now governed by a Bassa who hath
his residence in Cairo, and commandeth as an absolute
Soveraigne; under whom are sixteene Sanziacks, and a
hundred thousand Spacheis. The revenues of this little
*Havingthe Countrie amounting to three Millions of *SharifFes. The
^^Su£^ Great Tvirke having one (viz. foure hundred thousand
the namelf disbursed yearely in Sugar and Rice, and sent to Constan-
Cairo added tinople ; the residue sent over-land with a euard of sixe
where it is hundred Souldiers, for feare of the Florentme:) another
r*^"^' jC • ^^^^'^ ^^ spent in payes, and in setting forth the Carvan
t^rffaur^ untoMecha; the third hee hath for the supportance of his
gsldby twoor owne estate, and entertainement of his dependents. But
three Asfers. this is little in regard of that which was raised thereof in
the reigne of Aiuetes, who received seven Millions and
a halfe of Crownes ; much more supposed to have yeelded
to the more provident Romanes.
1 610. The Bassa now being, and called Mahomet, is a man
well striken in yeares, of a sowre and inflexible nature. At
his first entrance hee cut off the heads of foure thousand
Spacheis, that had borne themselves too insolently, and
7!!^ Bassos committed manv outrages and extortions. Hee sent the
severe justice, g^ g^t men that Dore overmuch sway unto Constantinople ;
those that refused to goe, he caused to be strangled, using
the aide of the Arabians (who justly hated the other) in
all his executions. If a robbene be committed, and the
theeves escape, such as are appointed to guard those
quarters, do suffer in their stead ; insomuch as often they
178
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1610.
attach poore innocents when they cannot apprehend the
guiltie, to deliver themselves from punishment: boring. 'I'^^f^^
noles through the condemneds armes, stretcht wide on '**^
staves, in which are Candles stucke, that burne downe into
the flesh, and are led in that manner through the Citie unto [H.vi. 899.]
the place of execution. Others are stript of their skinnes,
yet live in horrible torment so long as the Executioners
Steele offends not the Navell. Drunkennesse is punished ^]J^^^^
with death ; and all disorders so severely lookt into, that ^)^ ^
I thinke in no other place you shall see so few amongst
such a multitude of^ people. The malice his rigour
procured, had caused himselfe to confine himselfe to the
Castle for a twelve-moneth, before our comming to Cairo :
but his government is so well approved by the Grand
Signior, that to doe him the more honour, he hath given
him his daughter in marriage, a childe of foure yeares old,
which hath beene solemnized with all possible Ceremonies.
One thing more is in him prayseworthy ; that hee will
hardly suffer a Christian to turne Mahometan, either out
of the dislike of his owne Religion, or knowing well that
they doe it onely for commoditie and preferment.
Those that now inhabit the Countrey, are for the most
part Moores. Turkes there are many, and Jewes, which
reside onely in Cities. Store of Arabians, and not a few
Negroes. Of Christians, the native Copties are the most
in number : some Greekes there bee, and a few Armenians.
The Egyptian Moores (descended of the Arabians, and The Moom.
understanding each other; are men of a meane stature,
tawnie of complexion, and spare of bodie, shrill tongued,
and nimble footed ; naturally industrious, affecting more
their profit then their ease ; yet know they not how to live
of a little, as in nothing riotous. Rather craftie they are
then wise ; more observant then faithfull, by much more
devout then the Turkes in the Mahometan Religion. In
Learning they are utterly ignorant. Amongst them none
are Noble : rew admitted to the Souldiery, (nor suffered
in Townes to weare Weapons) not any to Magistracie.
In Cities the best of them exercise Merchandize : rich by
179
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6fo.
meanes of their Trafficke with the Indians; yet that
decayed since our East Indian Voyages: insomuch, as
Spices brought out of the Levant heretofore, are now with
'^j^J^^^j profit brought thither by our Merchants. In habit they
"^""' differ little from the Turkes, excepting some of the yonger
sort, who weare side Coates of Linnen (the ancient habit of
that Countrey) girt to their wastes, and Towels throwne
about their neckes of the same. Divers of the Negroes
weare Vests like Surplices. Those of the poorest, long Gar-
ments of Hayre, streakt bkcke and white ; in the winter,
side Coates of Gotten. The Beggers by singing, both get
reliefe, and comfort their povertie, playing withall upon
Drummes which are fashioned like Sives.
A number here be afflicted with sore eyes, eyther by the
reflecting heate, the salt dust of the soyle, or excessive
Venerie : for the Pockes is uncrediblv frequent amongst
The iomen. them. The women when out of their houses, are wrapt
from the crowne of the head to the foot in ample Robes of
Linnen, spreading their armes underneath to appeare more
corpulent: for they thinke it a speciall excellencie to be
fat; and most of them are so; so in freauenting the
Bannias for certayne dayes together, wherein tney use such
dyet and frictions, as daily use confirmeth for efFectuall.
They cover their feces with black Cypresse bespotted with
red. Their under garments of lighter stufFes then the
Turkish, not differing in fashion. The better sort weare
hoopes of Gold and Silver about their armes, and above
their ancles : others of Copper, with Pecces of Coyne halfe
covering their fore-heads, and plates hung about their
neckes, &c. Both men and women doe brand their armes
for the love of each other. Divers of the women have I
seene with their chinnes distayned into knots and flowres
of blue, made by pricking of the skinne with Needles, and
rubbing it over with Inke and the Juyce of an herbe,
which will never weare out againe. They have quicke
and easie labour, bearing heretofore often two, and some-
times three at a burthen : those also borne in the eighth
moneth living, rarely if else-where heard of. In the
i8o
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA A.a
1610.
adjoyning Deserts of Saint Macario, a Plant there is, low,
leavelesse, browne of colour, branched like Corall, and
closed at the top, this in the time of the labour of women,
they set in water in some corner of the roome, which
strangely displayeth, procuring (as they generally conjec-
ture) easie deliveries. The Countrey people doe follow
Husbandry. They are not long in dressing themselves,
being onely wrapt in a russet Mantle : nor have the women
any better coverture, hiding their faces with beastly clouts,
having holes for their eyes ; which little is too much to
see, and abstayne from lothing. Over their shashes the
men weare rounds of stifFned russet, to defend their
braines from their piercing fervour. A people breathes
not more savage and nastie, crusted with dirt, and stinking
of smoke, by reason of the *fuell, and their houses which ^/^^^
have no Chimnies. Some of them dwell under beggerly ^^^**^-
Tents, and those esteemed of the old Inhabitants.
But the Copties are the true Egyptians, retayning the T^ ^^^J'
name of Coptus that ancient Citie and Territorie, a little ^J^/y ^j
below, and on that side the River where once stood Thebes, cmnpti)
against the Iland of the Tenterites. The name signifieth CopHes.
Privation, so called, for that there Isis cut off a locke of
her Hayre, and put on funerall Garments for the death
of Osiris. Others will have them so called in regard of
their Circumcision. These, as I said, are Christians,
notwithstanding they are circumcised, whereof they now
begin to bee ashamed ; saying, that in the Countrey they
are thereunto compelled by the Moores; and in Cities
where secure from violence, they use it not ; howbeit, doing [II. vi. 900.]
it rather in that an ancient custome of their Nation
(mentioned by Herodotus) then out of Religion. They
were infected with that heresie of one nature in Christ,
long before Jacobus (of whom now named, and of whom
wee shall speake hereafter) divulged it in Syria.
At this day they professe him to be perfect God and Tketr Christ'
perfect man; yet dare not distinguish his natures, for ^^^9^^^^^-
Feare of dividing his person. They baptize not their
Children untill fortie dayes old. Presently after mid-night
x8i
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
they repayre to their Churches, where they remaine wel
nigh untill Sunday at noone; during which time, they
neither sit nor kneele, but support themselves upon
crutches. The Priest is veiled and vested in Linnen,
having two or three Boyes apparelled alike, and sequestred
from the rest of the people, to assist him ; for they conferre
inferiour Orders upon children. They sing over most part
of the Psalms of David at every meeting, with divers
parcels of the Old and New Testaments; the latter, as
written by Nicomedes : some in the Copticke Language,
understood but bv few, most in the Moresco. Often both
Priest and people conjoyned in Savage noyses, to our
judgements not articulate. The Priest not seldome
elevating a red cloth (under which, I suppose, was the
Sacrament) which they administer in both kinds, and give
it to Infants presently after Baptisme. In their Churches
they have the Picture of our Saviour, and the blessed
Virgin, but not over their Altars; nor for any thing I
could perceive, doe they reverence them.
In certaine Chests they preserve the bones and ashes of
such as have turned Mahometan, and afterward recanted ;
for which they have suffered Martyrdome. At their
entrance they kisse their hands, and lay them upon one
another : the women in grated GaUeries separated n-om the
men. Extreame Unction, Prayer for the Dead, and
Purgatory, they admit not of. The Romane Church they
hold for Hereticall, and reject all generall Councels, after
that of Ephesus. Yet a multitude of late have beene
drawne to receive the Popish Religion (especially in Cairo)
by the industry of Friers, having had the Romane Liturgie
sent them from Rome, together with the Bible, in the
Patnarkeof Arabecke Language. Of Alexandria hath their Patriarke
Alixandna. hJs name, but his abode is in Cairo. Sixe dayes journey
above Cairo up the River, they have a great Citie, called
Saiet; where Christ, with his mother, is said to have
made their abode untill the death of Herod : unto which,
growing old and sickly, thev repaire, as desirous to die
mere : where there is a goodly Church, though something
182
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1610.
ruinous, built by Hellen the mother of Constantine, and
consecrated to the blessed Virgin. They never eate in the FasHng.
day time during the Lent, but on Saturdayes and Sundayes.
They weare round Caps, Towels about their neckes, and
gownes with wide sleeves of Cloth, and StufFes lesse
ponderous. These live in more subjection then the
Moores, by reason of their Religion, and pay yerely a
certaine summe for their heads to the Bassa. Ignorant in
the excellencies of their ancestors, but retaining their vices.
Some of them professe some knowledge in Magicke, being
but Juglers, compared with the former, by whom such
miracles were effected.
The Lake Mariotis afforded another Haven unto the
Citie,* then that of the Sea more profitable : by reason of * Alexandria,
the commodities of India, the Arabian Gulph, and up-land
parts of ^gypt, brought downe by the conveniency of
that passage by Channels now utterly ruined. And the
same by a narrow cut was joyned unto another Lake, farre
lesse, and neerer the Sea, which at this day too plentifully
furnisheth all Turkie with Salt-peter. Betweene the lesse
Lake and the Citie, there passeth an artificiall channell
which serveth them with water (for they have no wells) in
the time of the deluge, conveyed by Conduits into ample
Cisterns (now most of them Fennie for want of use, an (
occasion of much sickenesse in the summer) and so
preserved untill the succeeding overflow. For Alexandria ,
IS all built upon vaults, supported with carved pillars one ;
above another, and lined with stone; insomuch, as no \
small proportion thereof lay concealed in earth consider we |
either of the Coast or quantity.
Such was this Queene of Cities and Metropolis of
Africa : who now hath nothing left her but mines ; and
those ill witnesses of his perished beauties: declaring
rather, that Townes as well as men, have their ages and
destinies. Onely those wals remaine which were rounded
(as some say) by Ptolomie : one within another, imbatled,
& garnished with threescore & eight Turrets, rather stately
then strong, if compared with die moderne. Yet these,
183
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
by the former descriptions, and ruines without appeare to
have immured but a part of the Citie. After that destroyed
by the Saracens, it lay for a long time waste, untiU a
Mahometan Priest, pronouncing (as he said, out of
Mahomets prophesied indulgences to such as should
re*^ifie, inhabite, or contribute money thereunto, within
certaine dayes, did in a short season repeople it. But a
latter destruction it received by the Cypriots, French, and
Venetians, about the time that Lewis the fourth was
enlarged by the Sultans, who surprised the Citie with a
marveilous slaughter. But hearing of the approach of
the Sultan, (who had raised a great army for their reliefe)
desparing to maintaine it, they set it on fire, and departed.
The Sultan repairing the walls as well as he could, built
this Castle that now stands on the Pharus for the defence
of the Haven; and brought it to the state wherein it
remaineth. Sundry Mountaines are raised of the ruines,
[II. vi. 901.] by Christians not to be moimted ; lest they shovdd take too
exact a survey of the Citie: in which are often found
(especially after a shower) rich stones, and medals engraven
with the figiu-es of their Gods, and men, with such perfec-
tion of Art ; as these now cut, seeme lame to those, and
unlively counterfeits. On the top of one of them stands
a watch-tower, where continuall centinell is kept, to give
notice of approaching sailes. Of Antiquities there arc few
remainders: onely Hieroglyphicall Obeliske of Theban
Marble, as hard wel-nigh as Porphir, but of a deeper red,
PharosNeedk. and speckled alike, called Pharoes Needle, standing where
once stood the Palace of Alexander : and another lying by,
and like it, hafe buried in rubbidge. Without the walls
on the South-west side of the Citie, on a little hill stands
a Columne of the same, all of one stone, eightie sixe Palmes
high, and thirty sixe in compasse, the Paune consisting of
nine inches and a quarter, according to the measiire of
Genoa, as measured ror Zigal Bassa by a Genoues, set upon
a square cube (and which is to be wondered at) not halfe
so large as the foot of the Pillar, called by the Arabians,
Hemadeslaeor, which is, the Columne or the Arabians.
184
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1610.
They tell a Fable, how that one of the Ptolomies erected
the same in the fxuthest extent of the Haven, to defend
the Citie from Navall incursions : having placed a Magicall
glasse of Steele on the top, of vertue (if uncovered) to set
on fire such ships as sailed by. But subverted by them,
the glasse lost that power, who in this place re-erected the
Columne. But by the Westerne Christians it is called the
pillar of Pompey: and is said to have beene reared by ^^"
Cesar, as a memoriall of his Pompeian Victory. The '^
Patriarke of Alexandria hath here a house adjoyning to a
Church, which stands fas they say) in the place where
Saint Marke was buried, their first Bishop and Martyr :
who in the dayes of Trajan, haled with a rope tied about
his neck, unto the place, called Angeles, was there burned
for the testimonie of Christ, by the idolatrous Pagans.
Afterward his bones were removed to Venice by the
Venetians, he being the Saint and Patron of that Citie.
There be at this day two Patriarkes, one of the Greeks ; '^^ ^^^"
another of the Circumcised, the universall Patriarke of ^
the Copties and Abassines. The name of the Greeke
Patriarke now being, is Cyril, a man of approved vertue ^y^?^
and learning, a friend to the reformed Religion, and ^^^^ ^ ^^
opposing the contrary; saying, that the diflFerences
betweene us and the Greekes, be but shels ; but that
those are Kernels betweene them and the other. Of whom
something more shall be spoken hereafter. The buildings
now being, are meane and few, erected on the ruines of
the former : that part that lieth along the shoare inhabited
onely, the rest desolate: the walls almost quadrangular;
on each side a gate, one opening towards Nilus ; another
regards Mariotis ; the third, the Desarts of Barcha ; and
the fourth, the Haven. Inhabited by Moores, Turkes,
Jewes, Copties, and Grecians ; more in regard of Merchan-
dize, (for Alexandria is a Free Port, both for friend and
enemy) then for the conveniency of the place: seated in
a Desart, where they have neither Tillage nor Pasturage,
except what borders on the Lake; that little, and
unhusbanded : yet keepe they good store of Goats, that
i8S
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
lOIO.
have eares hanging downe to the ground, which feed
amongst mines. On the He of Pharus, now a part of the
Continent, there stands a Casde, defending the entrance
of the Haven ; which hath no water but what is brought
upon Camels from the Cisterns of the Citie : this, at our
comming in, as is the use, we saluted with oiu* Ordnance.
Customs. As many of us as came ashoare, were brought to the
Custome-house, to have our selves and our valeisas
searched: where ten in the hundred is to be paid for
whatsoever we have, and that in kind, onely money payes,
but one and a halfe ; whereof they take an exact account,
that thereby they may aime at the value of returned
commodities; then paying eleven in the hundred more,
even for such goods as are in property unaltered. At so
high a rate is this free trafEque purchased, the Mahumetan
here paying as much as the Christian. The Customes are
framed by the Jewes, paying for the same unto the Bassa
*jicoyneof twenty thousand *Madeins a day, thirty of them
^^Mes^^ amounting to a Ryall of eight. Wee lodged in the house
Jsplrfir ^^ ^^^ French Consvd, unto whose protection all strangers
vaki. commit themselves. The Cane lockt up by the Turkes at
noones and at nights, for feare that that the Franks should
ThiVUe- suffer or offer any outrage. The Vice-consul keepes a
cmsuL (j^big foj. Merchants, he himselfe a Ma^nifico, lesse liberall
of his presence, then industrious to pleasure ; yea, rather
stately then proud ; expecting respect, and meriting good
will : that was a Priest, and would be a Cardinall ; with
the hopes whereof, they say, that he feasteth his ambition.
By him we were provided of a Janisary for our guard unto
Cairo : his hire, five peeces of gold, besides his owne diet
and his mans, with provision of Powder. For our Asses
(not inferiour in this Countrey unto horses for travell)
halfe a Shariffe a peece, for our Camels a whole one. At
the gate they tooke a Madein a head, for our selves and
our Asses, so indifferently doe they prise us: throu£[h
which wee could not passe without a Tescaria from the
Cadee, the principall officer of this Citie.
iS6
SANDYS* RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
i6io.
§. II. [Il.vi. 902.]
His Journey to Cairo, the things remarkeable
there, and by the way.
|N the second of February in the afternoone, we
undertooke our Journey : passing through a Desart, A Desart
producing here and there a few unhusbanded
Palmes, Capers, and a weed called Kail by the Arabs.
This they use for fuel, and then collecting the ashes, which
crusht together like a stone, they seU them in great
quantity to the Venetians, who equally mixing the same ^f^^^
with the stones that are brought them from Pavia by the ^^^
River of Ticinum, made thereof their Christaline Glasses,
On the left hand we left divers ruinous buildings: one
said to have been the Royall mansion of Cleopatra.
Beyond, which, Bucharis, once a little but ancient Citie,
now onely shewing her foundations, where grow many
Palmes which sustame the wretched people that live there-
about in beggerly Cottages; where on a Rock stands a
Tower, afFoording light by night to the sailer, the place
being ftill of danger. Anon we passed by a guard of
Souldiers, there pkced for the securing of that passage,
paying a Madein for everie head. Seven or eight miles
beyond, we ferried over a Creeke of the sea. On the other
side stands a handsome Cane, not long since built by a
Moore of Cairo for the reliefe of Travellers, containing a
quadrangle within, and arched underneath. Under one
of these wee reposed; the stones our beds, our ferdels
the bolsters. In such like places they unloade their
merchandize, refreshing themselves and their Camels with
provision brought with them, secured from theeves and
violence. Giving a trifle for Oyle, about midnight we
departed, having here met with good store of company,
such as allowed travelling with their matches light, and
prepared to receive all onsets. The Moores to keepe
themselves awake, would tell one tale a hundred times
over. By the way againe we should have paid Caphar,
187
A.D.
161O.
Rosetta,
Or rather
in the
Hungarian.
Breadth of
Nilus.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
but the benefit of the night excused us. Travelling along
the Sea shoare, and at length a little inclining on the right
hand, before day we entred Rosetta, repairing to a Cane
belonging to the Frankes. Our best entertainement an
under-roome, musty, without light, and the unwholsome
floore to lie upon.
This Citie stands upon the principall branch of the Nile,
(called heretofore Canophus) which about some three miles
beneath dischargeth it selfe into the Sea. Having here
(as at Damiata) his entrance crossed with a barre of Sand,
changing according to the changes of winds, and beating of
the Surges, insomuch, that the Jerbies that passe over, are
made without keeles, having flat and round bottoms. A
Pilot of the Towne there soimding all the day long, by
whose directions they enter, and that so close unto him,
that one leapes out of that boate into the other to receive
pilotage, and returneth swimming. The Jerbies that can
passe over this barre, may, if well directed, proceed unto
Cairo, Rosetta (called Rasia by the Egyptians) perhaps
derived of Ros, which signifieth Rice in the Turkish
Tongue, and so named for the abundance that it uttereth
(they here shealing monethly three hundred quarters) was
built by the slave of an Egyptian Caliph. The houses
are all of Brick, not old, yet seeming ancient : flat-rooft,
as generally all bee in these hotter Countries (for the
Moores use much to lie on the tops of their houses)
jetting over aloft like the poopes of ships, to shadow the
streets that are but narrow, from the Sunnes reflections.
Not small, vet of small defence ; being destitute of walls,
and other fortifications. I thinke no place under heaven
is better furnished with Graine, Flesh, Fish, Sugar, fruites,
Rootes, &c. Raw hides are here a principall commoditie,
from hence transported into Italy.
The next day but one that followed, we imbarked for
Cairo in a Jerbie, unto which seven water men belonged,
which we liired for twelve Dollars. This Arme of the
Nile is as broad at Rosetta, as Thames about Tilbury,
streightning by little and little ; and then in many places so
z88
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1610.
shallow, that oft we had much adoe to free our selves from
the flats that had ingaged us : the water being ever thicke,
as if lately troubled ; and passing along with a mute and
unspeedy current. Ten miles above Rosetta, is that cut C«/ef/^^
of the River which runnes to Alexandria. By the way ^^^^'
wee often bought as much Fish for sixe pence, as would
have satisfied twentie. On each side of the River stands
many Townes, but of no great esteeme, for the most part
oposite, built partly of Brick, and partly of Mud ; many
of the poorer houses appearing like Bee-hives, seated on
little Hills throwne up by the labour of man, to preserve
them and their Cattell in the time of the overflow. Upon
the bankes all alone are infinite numbers of deepe and I'ftAnginof
Spacious Vaults, into which they doe let the River, drawing ^^^^^ ^-
up the water into higher Cisterns, with wheeles set round Buffiloes.
with Pitchers, and turned about by Bufi^oloes : from whence
it runnes along little trenches, rnade upon the ridges of
banks, and so is conveied into their severall grounds,
the Countrie lying all in a levell. The winds blew seldome
favourable, insomuch as the poore Moores for most part of
the way were enforced to hade up the boate, often wading
above their middles to deliver it from the shallowes. At
every enforcing of themselves (as in all their labours)
crying Elough, perswaded that God is neare them when EhughUtkeir
they name him, the divell farre ofi^, and all impediments q^'"£^^
lessened. Of these it is strange to see such a number of heJnjnGods
broken persons, so being by reason of their strong labour timi.
and weake food. The pleasant walkes which we had on [H. vi. 903.]
the shoare, made our lingring passage lesse tedious. The
fiiiitfull soyle possessing us with wonder; and early
maturitie of things, there then as forward as with us in
June, who be^nne to reape in the ending of March.
The Sugar Canes served our hands for staves, and feasted
Qvx tastes with their Liquor. By the way we met with
Troupes of Horsemen, appointed to cleere those passages
from Theeves, whereof there are many, who also rob by
water in little Frigats. Which made our careftill Janizary
(for so are most in their undertaken charges) assisted by
189
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
two other (to whom wee gave their passage, Who other-
wise would have taken it) nightly to keepe watch by
turnes, discharging their Harquebuses in the evening, and
hanging out kmdfed matches, to terrifie the Theeves, and
testifie their vigikncie. Five dayes now almost spent
since we first imbarked, an houre before Sun-set we sayled
by the Southerne angle of Delta : where the River divideth
into another branch, not much inferiour unto this, the
East bounds of that Hand (which whether of Asia or
Africa is yet to be decided) entring the Sea (as hath beene
said before) below Damiata. Proceeding up the river,
Bolae, about twilight we arrived at Bolac the Port Town to
Cairo, and not two miles distant : where every Franke at
his landing is to pay a Dollar. Leaving our carriages in
the Boat, within night we hired sixe Asses with their
drivers for the value of sixe pence, to conduct us unto
BotmHeofau Cairo, where by an English Merchant we were kindly
^k^atcJro ^^^^^y^^^ who fed and housed us gratis.
Q^l^ This Citie is seated on the East side of the River, at
describid. the foote of the rockie mountaine Muctac: winding
therewith, and representing the forme of a crescent, stretch-
ing South and North with the adjoyning Suburbs, five
Italian miles ; in breadth scarce one and a halfe where it
is at the broadest : the walles (if it be walled) rather seem-
ing to belong unto private houses then otherwise. Yet
is the Citie of a marvellous strength, as appeared by that
three dayes battell carried through it by Selymus, and
maintained by a poore remainder of the Mamalucks.
For the streets are narrow, and the houses high-built, all
of stone well nigh to the top, at the end almost of each
a Gate, which shut (as nightly they are) make every street
as defensive as a Castle. The houses more beautifuU
without, then commodious within, being ill contrived
with combersome passages. Yet are the roofes high
Eitcht, and the uppermost lightly open in the middest to
it in the comfortable aire. Flat, and plaistred above:
the walls surmounting their roofes, commonly of single
bricks (as are many of the walls of the uppermost stories)
190
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1610.
which ruined above, to such as stand aloft aflFoord a
confused spectacle, and may be compared to a Grove of
flourishing Trees that have onely seere and perished
Crownes. Their Lockes and Keyes bee of wood ; even ^^^^ ^^
unto doores that are plated with Iron. But the private j^I^^^
buildings are not worth the mentioning, if compared to
the publike, of which the Mosques exceed in magnifi-
cencie : the stones of many being curiously carved without,
supported with Pillars of Marble, adorned with what Art
can devise, and their Religion tollerate. Yet differ they
in forme from those of Constantinople ; some being square
with open roofes in the middle of a huge proportion, the
covered Circle Tarrast above: others stretching out in
length, and many fitted unto the place where they stand.
One built (and that the greatest) by Gehor, called Gemith
Hashare : hee beeing named Hashare by the Caliph, which
signifieth Noble. Of these in this Citie there is reported
to bee such a number, as passes beliefe, so that I list not
name it.
Adjoyning unto them are lodgings for Santons, (which FooksfioRskkf
are fooles, and mad men) of whom we have spoken already, ^^^l^i^^* ^^
When one of them dye, they carry his body about in
procession with great rejoycings, whose so\ile they suppose
to bee rapt into Paradise. Heere bee also divers goodly
Hospitals, both for building, revenue, and attendance.
Next to these in beautie are the Great mens Serraglios. Cwtmpt of
By which if a Christian ride they wUl pull him from his ^^'^*^^-
Asse (for they prohibit us Horses as not worthy to bestride
them) with indignation and contumely. The streets are
unpaved, and exceeding dirtie after a shower (for here it ^^^*^ '*
rayneth sometimes in me winter contrary to the received ^'''
opinion, and then most subject to plagues) over which
many beames are laid athwart on the tops of houses, and
covered with Mats to shelter them from the Sunne. The
like coverture there is betweene two high Mosques in the
principall street of the Citie, uiider which when the Basha
passeth, or others of qualitie, they shoot up arrowes,
which sticke above in abundance. The occasion of that
191
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6io.
custome I know not. During our abode in the Citie fell
Little Byram. out the Feast of their little Byram, when in their private
houses they slaughter a number of sheepe ; which cut in
gobbets, thev custribute unto their slaves and poorer
sort of people, besmearing the doores with their bloud :
perhaps in imitation of the Passeover.
The Nile (a mile distant) in the time of the inundation,
by sundry channels flowes into the Citie. When these
channels grow emptie, or the water corrupted, they have
it brought them dience-forth from the River by Camels.
For although they have many Wels, yet is the water bad,
and good tor no other use then to coole the streets, or to
cleanse their houses. In the heart of the Towne stands a
spacious Cave, which they call the Besestan ; in which (as
in those at Constantinople) are sold all kind of Wares of
[II. vi. 904.] the finer sort, selling old things by the call, of, Who gives
more? imitating therein the Venetians, or imitated by
them. Three principall sates there be to this Citie, Bebc
Nanfre, or the Gate of Victorie, opening towards the
Redde Sea; Bab Zueila leading to Nilus, and the old
Towne (betweene these the chiete street of the Citie doth
extend) and Bebel Futuli, or the Port of Triumph, on the
North of the Citie, and opening to the Lake called
Esbykie. Three sides thereof are inclosed with goodly
buildings, having galleries of pleasure which jettie over,
sustayned upon Pillars. On the other side (now a heape
Statehf palace, of mines) stood the stately Pallace of Dultibe, Wife to
the Sultan Caitheus: in which were doores and Jaumes
of Ivorie; the walles and pavements checkered with
discoloured Marble, Columnes of Porphir, Alabaster, and
Serpentine : the seelings flourished with Gold and Azure,
and inlayd with Indian Ebony, a Tree, which being cut
downe, almost equals a stone in hardnesse. In a word,
the magnificencie was such as could be devised or efl^ected
by a womans curiositie, and the Purse of a Monarch,
levelled with the ground by Selymus, the stones and
ornaments thereof were conveyed unto Constantinople.
The Lake. The Lake both square and large, is but onely a Lake
192
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1610.
when the River ovcr-floweth; joyned thereunto by a
channel!^ where the Moores (rowed up and downe in
Barges, shaded with Damaskes, and StufFes of India)
accustome to solace themselves in the evening. The
water fallen, yet the place rather changeth then loseth his
delightfulnesse : afFoording the profit of five Harvests in f ''^'^ Harvests
a yeare, together with the pleaswe, frequented much in ^^^y^^^^-
the coole of the day. I cannot forget the injurie received
in this place, and withall the justice. Abused by a
beggerly Moore, (for such onely will) who then but seemed
to begin his knavery, wee were glad to flye unto another
for succour, seeming a man of good sort ; and by kissing
of his garment, insmuated into his favour ; who rebuked
him for the wrong hee did us. When crossing us againe,
ere wee had gone farre, he used us farre worse then before :
we offering to returne to the other, which he fearing, inter-
posed; doing us much villany to the merriment of the Baseknavenej
beholders, esteeming of Christians as of Dogges and ^S^J^^^-
Infidels. At length we got by, and againe complayned.
Hee in a marvellous rage made his slaves to pursue him ;
who caught him, stript him, and beat him with Rods all
along the Levell, calling us to bee lookers on, and so
conveyed him to the place of correction; where by all
likelihood he had a hundred blowes on the feet to season
his pastimes. Beyond this are a number of stragling
houses, extending well-nigh to Bolac, which is the Key
unto Cairo, a large Towne, and stretching alongst the
River; in fashion of building, in some part not much
inferiour to the other. Within and without the Citie are Admirable
a number of delicate Orchards, watered as they doe their ■^'^^'^ ^
fields, in which grow variety of excellent fruits; ^^j^r^^rieHe.
Oranges, Lemons, Pomegranates, Apples of Paradise,
Sicamor figs, and others, (whose barkes they bore full of
holes, the trees being as great as the greatest Oakes, the
fruit not growing amongst the leaves, but out of the bole
and branches) Dates, Almonds, Cassia fistula, (leaved like
an Ash, the fruit hanging downe like Sausages) Locust,
(flat, and of the forme of a Cycle) Galls growing upon
vi ^ 193 N
A.D- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
lOIO.
Plantans Tamarix, Apples no bigger then Berries, Plantains that
7mhttters ^^^^ ^ broad flaggie leafe, growing in clusters, and shaped
like Cucumers, the rind like a Pescod, solid within, with-
out stones or kernels, to the taste exceeding delicious,
^^^ ?f (this the Mahometans say was the forbidden frxxit ; which
^^^^^' beeing eaten by our first Parents, and their nakednesse
discovered unto them, they made them Aprons of the
leaves thereof) and many more, not knowne by name, nor
seene by mee else-where : some bearing fruit all the yeare,
and almost all of them their leaves. To these adde those
whole fields of Palmes (and yet no prejudice to the under-
growing Corne) of all others most delightfiill.
£^*^fT ^^ aforesaid Orchards there are great numbers of
jm e at Qj^jr^eleons ; yet not easily found, in that neere to the
colour of that whereon they sit. A creature about the
bignesse of an ordinary Lizard. His head unproportion-
ably bigge, his eyes great, and mooving without the
writhing of his necke which is inflexible, his backe crooked,
his skinne spotted with little tumors, lesse eminent as
neerer the belly; his tayle slender and long: on each
foot he hath five fingers, three on the out-side, and two
on the inside slow of pace, but swiftly extending his
tongue, of a marvellous length for the proportion of his
body, wherewith he preyes upon Flyes, the top thereof
being hollowed by Nature tor that purpose. So that
deceived they be who thinke that they eat nothing, but
onely live upon Ayre ; though surely Aire is their princi-
pal sustenance. For those that have kept them for a
whole yeare together, could never perceive that they fed
upon any thing else, and might observe their bellies to
swell, after they had exhausted the Ayre, and closed their
jawes ; which they expanse against the rayes of the Sunne.
Of colour greene, and of a duskey yellow : brighter and
whiter towards the belly, yet spotted with blue, white, and
red. They change not into all colours, as reported : laid
upon greene : the greene predominates ; upon yellow the
yellow : but laid upon blue, or red, or white, the greene
retayneth his hue notwithstanding ; onely the other spots
194
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1610.
receive a more orient lustre : laid upon black, they looke
black, yet not without a mixture of greene. All of them
in all places are not coloured alike. They are said to
beare a deadly hatred to the Serpent, insomuch as when
they espie them basking in the Sunne, or in the shade,
they will climbe to the over-hanging branches, and let
downe from their mouthes a thred, like to that of a
Spinsters, having at the end a little round drop, which
shineth like Quicksilver, that falling on their heads doth
destroy them : and what is more to be admired, if the [11. vi. 905.]
boughes hang not so over, that the thred may perpendi-
cularly descend, with their former feet they will so direct
it, that it shall M directly.
Aloft, and neere the top of the Mountaine, against the
South end of the Citie, stands the Castle (once the stately The Castle.
Mansion of the Mamaluck Sultans, and destroyed by
Selymus) ascended unto by one way onely, and that hewen
out of the Rocke ; which rising leisurely with easie steepes
and spacious distances, (though of a great height) may bee
on horse-backe without difficultie mounted. From the
top, the Citie by reason of the Palmes dispersed through-
out, appeareth most beautifiill ; the whole Countrey below
lying open to the view. The Castle so great, that it
seemeth a Citie of it selfe, immured with high wals,
divided into partitions, and entred by doores of Iron;
wherein are many spacious Courts, in times past the places
of exercise. The ancient buildings all ruinated, doe onely
shew that they have beene sumptuous, there beeing many
Pillars of solid Marble yet standing, of so huge a pro- Marbles
portion, that how they came thither is not least to be ^^^^'
wondred at. Here hath the Bassa his Residence, wherein
the Divan is kept, on Sundayes, Mundayes, and Tuesdayes
the Chauses as Advocates, preferring the Suites of their
Clients. Fortie Janizaries he hath of his Guard, attyred
like those at Constantinople, the rest employed about the
Countrey, for the most part are not the sonnes of Chris-
tians, yet faithfuU unto such as are under their charges,
whom should they betray, they not onely lose their lives,
19s
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
but also the pay which is due to their Posteritie. Such
is this Citie, the fairest in Turkie, yet differing from what
it was, as from a body being young and healthful!, doth
the same growne old and wasted with Diseases.
Now Cairo, this great Citie is inhabited by Moores,
Armenians, Turkes, Negroes, Jewes, Coptics, Greekes, and Arme-
nians: who are here the poorest, and every-where the
honestest ; labouring painfully, and living soberly. Those
that are not subject to the Turke, if taken in warres, are
freed from bondage: who are, live freely, and pay no
Tribute of Children as doe other Christians. This privi-
^cT^j^rk '^^&^ enjoy they, for that a certaine Armenian foretold of
^* ^ ' ^' the greatnesse and glory of Mahomet. They once were
under the Patriarke of Constantinople: but about the
Heresie of Eutyches they fell from his government, and
communion with the Grecians, whom they detest above
all other : rebaptizing such as convert to their Sect. They
beleeve that there is but one nature in Christ, not by a
commixtion of the divine with the humane, as Eutyches
taught, but by a conjunction, even as the soule is joyned
to the body. They deny the Reall Presence in the Sacra-
ment, and administer it as the Copties doe : with whom
they agree also, concerning Purgatorie, and not praying
for the dead : as with the Greekes, that the Holy Ghost
proceedeth onely from the Father, and that the dead
neither doe nor shall feele joy or torment untill the day of
Doome.
Their Patriarke hath his being at Tyberis in Persia : in
which Countrey they live wealthily, and in good estima-
tion. There are three hundred Bishops of that Nation;
the Priests marry not twice: eat flesh but five times a
yeare, and then lest the people should thinke it a sinne to
eate, in regard of their abstinence. They erre that write,
that the people abstaine from all meates prohibited by the
Mosaicall Law; for Hogges flesh they eate where they
can, without offence, to the Mahometans. They observe
the Lent most strictly, yet eate flesh uponFridayesbetweene
Easter and Whitsontide. As for Images they adore them
196
SANDYS* RELATIONS OP AFRICA a.d.
1610.
not. Here they have their Assemblies in obscxire Cham-
bers. Comming in (which was on a Sunday in the after-
noone) we found one sitting in the middest of the
Congregation, in habit not differing from the rest, reading
on a Bible in the Chaldean Tongue. Anon the Bishop
entred in a Hood and Vest of blacke, with a staffe in his
hand, to which they attributed much holinesse. First,
hee prayed, and then sung certaine Psalmes, assisted by
two or three ; after all sung joyntly, at interims praying
to themselves : resembling the Turkes in the positure of
their bodies, and often prostrations : the Bishop excepted ;
who erecting his hands stood all the while with his face to
the Altar. The Service ended, one after another doe
kisse his hand, and bestowe their Almes, he laying the
other on their heads, and blessing them. Lastly, pre-
scribeth succeeding Fasts and Festivals. Where is to be
noted, that they fast upon the Day of the Nativitie of our
Saviour.
Here also is a Monasterie of Greeke Coloieros, belong- Gnekes.
ing unto the capitall Monastery of Saint Katherine of
Mount Sina, from Cairo some eight dayes journey over
the Deserts ; said to bee the daughter of King Costa, a
King of Cyprus, who in the time of Maxentius converted
many unto Christ. Tortured on a Wheele, and finally
beheaded at Alexandria (where two goodly Pillars of
Theban Marble (though halfe swallowed with ruines) pre-
serve the memory of me place,) she was conveyed (as they
affirme) by an Angell, and bxiried in this Mountaine. It
hath three tops of a marvellous height : that on the West-
side of old called Mount Horeb, where God appeared to
Moses in a bush, fruitfuU in pastorage; farre lower, and
shadowed when the Sunne ariseth by the middlemost, that
whereon God gave the Law unto Moses. The Monas-
tery stands at the foot of the mountaine, resembling a
Castle, with an Iron doore ; wherein they shew the Tombe
of the Saint much visited by Pilgrims, from whence the
top by fourteene thousand steps of stone is ascended,
where stands a ruined Chappell. A plentiful! Spring
197
A.D. PURCHAS HIS P1L6RIMES
[IL tL 906.] descended! from thence and watering the Valley below, is
againe drunke up by the thirstie sand, lliis strong
Monasterie is to entertayne all Pilgrims, (for there is no
other place of entertainment) having an annuall Revenue
of sixtie thousand Dollars from Christian Princes. Of
which foundation sixe and twentie other depend, dispersed
through divers Countries. They give also daily Almes
to the Arabs, to be the better seciu^ from out-rage. Yet
will they not suffer them to enter, but let it downe from
the Battlements. Their Orchard aboundeth with excellent
Fruites : amongst which Apples, rare in these Countries,
transferred from Damasco. They are neither subject to
Pope, nor Patriarke, but have a Superintendent of their
owne, at this present in Cairo. These here made us a
collation, where I could not but observe their gulling in
of Wine with a deare felicitie, whereof they have their
provision from Candy.
During our abode here, a Carvan went foorth with much
solemnity, to meet and relieve the fi[reat Carvan in their
returne from Mecha, which consistem of many thousands
of Pilgrims that travcll yeerely thither in devotion and for
Mercluindize ; every one with his bandroU in his hand,
and their Camels gallantly trickt (the Alcoran carried upon
one, in a precious case covered over with needle-worke,
and laid on a rich pillow, invironed with a number of their
chantingPriests) guarded by divers companies of Souldiers,
and certaine field peeces. Forty easie dayes Journey it
is distant from hence : divided by a wildernesse of sand,
that lyeth in drifts, and dangerously mooveth with the
wind, through which they are guided in many places by
starres, as ships in the Ocean.
Then Cairo, no Citie can be more populous, nor better
Egges hatched served with all sorts of provision. Here hatch they egges
by art. by artificiall heat in infinite numbers, the manner as seene
thus briefly. In a narrow entry on each side stood two
rowes of Ovens, one over another. On the floores of the
lower they lay the offals of flaxe ; over those mats, and
upon them their egges, at least sixe thousand in an Oven.
198
SANDYS^ RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1610.
The floores of the upper Ovens were as roofFes to the
under, grated over like Kilnes, onely having tunnels in
the middle, with covers unto them. These gratings are
covered with Mats, on them three inches thicke lyeth the
dry and pidverated dung of Camels, BufFoloes, &cc. At
the hither and farther sides of those upper Ovens are
Trenches of Lome; a handfull deepe, and two handfuls
broad. In these they burne of the foresaid dung, which
giveth a smothering heat without visible fire. Under the
mouthes of the upper Ovens are conveyances for smoke,
having round roofes, and vents at the top to shut and to
open. Thus lye the Egges in the lower Ovens for the
space of eight dayes, turned daily, and carefuUy lookt to
that the heate be but moderate. Then cull they the bad
from the good, by that time distinguishable (holding them
betweene a Lampe and the Eye) which are two parts of
three for the most part. Two dayes after they put out
the fire, and convey by the passages in the middle, the one
halfe into the upper Ovens : then shutting all close, they
let them alone for ten dayes longer, at which time they
become disclosed in an instant. This they practise from
the beginning of January untill the midst of June, the
Egges being then most fit for that purpose ; neither are
they (as reported) prejudiced by Thunder: yet these
declare that imitated Nature will never be equalled, all
of them being in some part defective or monstrous.
Most of the Inhabitants of Cairo consist of Merchants
and Artificers: yd the Merchants frequent no forrein
Marts. All of a Trade keepe their shops in one place,
which they shut about the houre of five, and solace them-
selves for the rest of the day, Cookes excepted, who keepe
theirs open till late in the evening. For few, but such as
have great Families dresse meate in their houses, which
the men doe buy ready drest ; the women too fine fingerd
to meddle with houswifry, who ride abroad upon pleasure
on easie-goin^ Asses, and tye their Husbands to the
benevolence that is due; which if neglected, they will
complaine to the Magistrate, and procure a Divorcement.
199
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
Many practitioners here arc in Physick, invited thereunto
by the store of Simples brought hither, and here £;rowing,
an Art wherein the Egyptians have excelled nrom the
beginning.
Rue whole- A kind of Rue is here much in request, wherewith they
^^^' perfume themselves in the mornings, not oncly as a pre-
servative against infection, but esteeming it prevalent
against hurtfull spirits. So the Barbarians of old accus-
tomed to doe with the Roots of wild Galingal. There
are in this Citie, and have beene of long, a sort of people
Feau by birds that doe get their livings by the shewing of feats with
beasts. Birds and Beasts, exceeding therein all sudi as have beene
famous amongst us. I have heard a Raven to speake so
perfectly, as it hath amazed me. They use both their
throats and tongues in uttering of sounds, which other
Birds doe not, and therefore more fit for that purpose.
Scaliger the Father, reports of one that was kept in a
Monasterie heard by him; which, when hungry, would
call upon Conrade, the Cooke, so plainly, as often mistaken
for a man. I have seene them make both Dogges and
Goats to set their foure feet on a little turned Pillar of
wood, about a foot high, and no broader at the end then
the palme of a hand, aiming from one to two, set on the
top of one another, and so to the third and fourth ; and
there turne about as often as their Masters would bid
See Leo. them. They carry also dancing Camels about, taught
when young, by setting them on a hot hearth, and playing
all the while on an Instrument : the poore beast through
[II. vi. 907.] the extremity of heat lifting up his feet one after another.
This practise they for certaine moneths together, so that
at length whensoever he heareth the fiddle, he will fall a
dancing. Asses they will teach to doe such tricks, as if
possessed with reason : to whom Bankes his horse would
have proved but a Zany.
The time of our departure proroged, we rode to
Matarea. Matarea, five miles North-east of the Citie. By the way
we saw sand cast upon the earth, to moderate the fertility.
Here they say, that our Saviour, and the blessed Virgin,
aoo
SANDYS* RELATIONS OP AFRICA a.d.
1610.
with Joseph, reposed themselves, as they fled from the
fury of Herod, when oppressed with thirst, a Fountaine
foorthwith burst forth at their feet to refresh them. We
saw a Well environed with a poore mud wall, the water
drawne up by *Buffolos into a little Cisterne ; from whence ^Salanicus
it ran into a laver of Marble within a small Chappell, by J^^;)^*"^^;
the Moores (in contempt of Christians) spitefully defiled. /^ ^ ^^^^
In the wall there is a little concave lined with sweet wood himselfe se^ng
(diminished by afFectors of relicks) and smoked with it) that from
incense : in the sole, a stone of Porphyr, whereon (they ^'^^^J ^
say) she did set our Saviour. Of so many thousand Wells ^Mondaymom-
(a thing most miraculous) this onely afFordeth gustable ing they mil
waters, and that so excellent, that the Bassa refuseth the not labour in
river to drinke thereof, and drinkes of no other; and ^^^rawingup
when they ceasse for any time to exhaust it, it sendeth }^t^ urged
foorth of it selfe so plentifuU a streame, as able to turne «^v^ stripes.
an over-fell Mill. Passing through the Chappell, it
watereth a pleasant Orchard ; in a corner whereof there
standeth an over-growne fig-tree, which opened (as they
report) to receive our Saviour and his mother, then hardly
escaping the pursuers ; closing againe till the pursute was
past ; then againe dividing, as now it remaineth. A large
hole there is through one of the sides of the leaning bulke :
this (they say) no bastard can thred, but shall sticke fast
by the middle. The tree is all to be-hackt for the wood
thereof, reputed of soveraigne vertue. But I abuse my
time, and provoke my Reader. In an inclosure adjoyning,
they shewed us a plant of Balme, the whole remainder of Balme,
that store which this Orchard produced, destroyed by the
Turkes, or envy of the Jewes, as by them reported, being
transported out of Jury, in the dayes of Herod the Great,
by the commandement of Antonius, at the suite of
Cleopatra : but others say, brought hither out of Arabise
Felix, at the cost of a Saracen Siutan.
[§. HI.
aoi
A.D.
l6lO.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Strange^ if the
dealing be as
true as the
Uiftng.
Mummey,
PjramUes,
§. III.
The Pyramides viewed, Sphynx and other anti-
quities. Journey from Cairo to Gaza.
Dav or two after, wee crossed the Nilus. Three
miles beyond on the left hand left we the place
where upon Good-friday the armes and legs of a
number of men appeare stretched foorth of the earth, to
the astonishment of the multitude. This I have heard
confirmed by Christians, Mahometans, and Jewes, as seene
upon their severall faiths. An impostury perhaps con-
trived by the water-men, who fetching them from the
Mummes, (whereof there are an unconsumeable number)
and keeping the mystery in their families, doe sticke them
over night in the sand, obtaining thereby the yeerely
Ferrying over of many thousands of passengers. Three
or foure miles further, on the right hand, and in sight,
athwart the Plaine, there extendeth a caussey supported
with Arches five Furlongs long, ten paces high, and five
in breadth, of smooth and figured stone; built bj the
builder of the Pyramides, for a passage over the son and
unsupporting earth with weighty carriages. Now having
ridden through a goodly Plaine, some twelve miles over
iin that place the wiole breadth of ^gypt) wc came to the
bot of the Libyan Desarts.
Full West of the Citie, close upon these Desarts, aloft
on a Rockie Levell adjoyning to the Valley, stands those
three Pyramides (the barbarous Monuments of prodigality
and vaineglory) so universally celebrated. The name is
derived from a flame of fire, in regard of their shape;
broad below, and sharpe above, like a pointed Diamond.
By such the ancient did expresse the originall of things,
and that formelesse forme-taking substance. For as a
Pyramis beginning at a point, and the principall height,
by little and litde dilateth into all parts : so Nature pro-
ceeding from one undevidable Fountaine (even God the
Soveraigne Essence) receiveth diversitie of formes, effused
ao3
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d,
i6io.
into several! kinds and multitudes of figures ; uniting all
in the supreame head, from whence all excellencies issue.
Most manifest it is, that these, as the rest, were the
Regall Sepulchers of the Egyptians. The greatest of the
three, and chiefe of the Worlds seven wonders, being
square at the bottome, is supposed to take up eight Acres
ot ground. Every square being three hundred single
paces in length, the square at the top consisting of three
stones onely, yet large enough for threescore to stand
upon : ascended by two hundred and fiftie five steps, each
step above three feet high, of a breadth proportionable.
No stone so little throughout the whole, as to be drawne
by our Carriages, yet were these hewcn out of the Trojan
mountaynes, rarre off in Arabia, so called of the Captive [II. vi. 908.]
Trojans, brought by Menelaus into Egypt, and there
afterward planted. A wonder how conveyed hither : how
so mounted, a greater. Twentie yeares it was a building,
by three hundred threescore and sixe thousand men con-
tinually wrought upon : who onely in Radishes, Garlicke,
and Onions, are said to have consumed one thousand and
eight hundred Talents. By these and the like Inventions
exhausted they their Treasure, and employed the people,
for feare lest such infinite wealth should corrupt their
Successors, and dangerous idlenesse beget in the Subject a
desire of innovation.
Yet this hath beene too great a morsell for Time to
devoure ; having stood, as may be probably conjectxxred,
about three thousand and two hundred yeares; and now
rather old then ruinous : yet the North-side most worne,
by reason of the humiditie of the Northerne wind, which NortA moist
here is the moistest. The top at length we ascended with
many pauses and much difficultie, from whence with de-
lighted eyes we beheld that soveraigne of streames, and
most excellent of Countries. Southward and neare hand
the Mummes: a-farre off divers huge Pyramides; each Of^rPyra-
of which, were this away, might supply the repute of a *''^'-
wonder. Dxiring a great part of the day it casteth no
shadow on the Earth, but is at once iUuminated on all
203
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
sides. Descending againe, on the East-side, below, from
each corner equally distant, we approched the entrance,
seeming heretofore to have beene closed up, or so
intended, both by the place it selfe, as appeareth by the
following Picture, and conveyances within.
Into this our Janizaries discharged their Harquebuses,
lest some should have skulkt within to have done us a
mischiefe, and guarded the mouth whilst wee entred, for
feare of the wilde Arabs. To take the better footing we
put off our shooes, and most of our apparell : foretold of
the heate within, not inferiour to a Stove. Our guide (a
Moore) went foremost : every one of us with our li^^hts
in our hands. A most dreadfull passage, and no lesse
cumbersome ; not above a yard in breadth, and foure feet
in height : each stone contayning that measure. So that
alwayes stooping, and sometimes creeping, by reason of
the rubbidge, we descended (not by staires, but as downe
the stcepe of a hill) a hundred feet : where the place for
a little circuit enlarged; and the fearefuU descent con-
tinued, which, they say, none ever durst attempt any
farther. Save that a Bassa of Cairo, curious to search into
the secrets thereof, caused divers condemned persons to
undertake the performance ; well stored with lights and
other provision : and that some of them ascended againe
wel-nigh thirtie miles off in the Deserts. A Fable
devised onely to beget wonder. But others have written,
that at the bottome there is a spacious Pit eightie and sixe
Cubits deepe, filled at the over-flow by concealed Con-
duits : in the middest a little Hand, and on that a Tombe
contayning the bodie of Cheops, a King of Egypt, and the
builder of this Pyramis: which with the truth hath a
greater afEnitie. For since I have beene told by one out
of his owne experience, that in the uttermost depth there
is a large square place (though without water) into which
he was led by another entry opening to the South, knowne
[II. vi. 909.] but unto few (that now open being shut by some order)
and came up at this place. A turning on the right hand
leadeth into a little roome, which by reason of the noysome
304
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1610.
savour, and uneasie passage wee refused to enter. Ckm-
bering over the mouth of the aforesaid Dungeon, we
ascended as upon the bow of an Arch, the wav no larger
then the former, about a hundred and twentie feet. Here
we passed through a long entry which led directly forward ;
so low, that it tooke even from us that uneasie benefit of
stooping. Which brought us into a little roome with a
compast roofe, more long then broad, of polished Marble,
whose gravel-like smell, halfe fuU of rubbidge forced our
quicke returne. Climing also over this entrance, we
ascended as before, about an hundred and twentit feet
higher. This entrie being of an exceeding height, yet
no broader from side to side then a man may fathome,
benched on each side, and closed above with admirable
Architecture, the Marble so great, and so cunningly
joyned, as had it beene hewen mrough the living Rocke.
At the top we entred into a goodly Cnamber, twentie foot
wide, and fortie in length, the roofe of a marveUous
height; and the stones so great, that eight floores it,
eight roofes it, eight flagge the ends, and sixteene the sides,
all of well wrought Theban Marble. Athwart the roome
at the upper end there standeth a Tombe, uncovered,
empty, and all of one stone; brest high, seven feet in
length, not foure in breadth, and sounding like a Bell.
In this, no doubt, lay the bodie of the Builder. They
erecting such costly Monuments, not onely out of a vaine
ostentation : but beeing of opinion, that after the dissolu-
tion of the flesh the soule should survive ; and when thirtie
sixe thousand yeares were expired, againe bee joyned unto
the selfesame bodie, restored unto his former condition :
gathered in their conceits from AstronomicaU demonstra-
tions. Against one end of the Tombe, and close to the
waU, there openeth a Pit with a long and narrow mouth,
which leadeth into an under Chamber. In the walles on
each side of the upper roome, there are two holes, one
opposite to another ; their ends not discernable, nor bigge
enough to be crept into : sootie within ; and made, as they
say, by a flame of fire which darteth through it. This is
JOS
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6ia
all that this huge masse contayneth within his darkesome
entrailes: at least to be discovered.
The Cheops. Herodotus reports that King Cheops became so poore
by the building thereof, that hee was compelled to prosti-
tute his Daughter, charging her to take whatsoever shee
[II. vi. 910.] could get: who affecting her particular glorie, of her
several! Customers demanded severall stones, with which
she erected the second Pyramis; fkrre lesse then the
former, smoothe without, and not to be entred. The
third which standeth on the higher ground, is very small
if compared with the other; yet saith both Herodotus
and Strabo, greater in beautie, and of no lesse cost : beeing
all built of Touch-stone; difficxilt to be wrought, and
brought from the farthest JEthiopian mountaines: but
surely not so ; yet intended they to have covered it with
Theban Marble; whereof a great quantitie lyeth by it.
Made by Mycerinus the Sonne of Cheops ; some say, by
a Curtizan of Naucretis, called Dorica by Sappho the
Poetresse, beloved of her Brother Caraxus, who fraught
with Wines, oft sayled hither from Lesbos. Others name
Rhodope, another of that Trade ; at the first fellow slave
with ^sope the writer of Fables: who obtayning her
libertie dwelt in this Citie : where such in some sort were
reputed noble. But that she should get by whoring such
a masse of Treasure, is uncredible.
Some tell a Storie, how that one day washing her selfe,
an Eagle snatcht away her shooe and bearing it to
Memphis, let it fall from on high into the lap of the King.
Who astonished with the accident, & admiring the forme,
forth-with made a search for the owner throughout all
his Kingdome. Found in Naucretis, and brought unto
him, he made her his Queene, and after her death enclosed
her in this Monument. She lived in the dayes of Amasis.
The Cohsm. Not farre off from these the Colossus doth stand, unto
the mouth consisting of the naturall rocke, as if for such
a purpose advanced by Nature, the rest of huge flat stones
laid thereon, wrought altogether into the forme of an
Ethiopian woman, and adored heretofore by the Countrey
206
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1610.
people as a rurall Diety. Under this, they say, lieth
buried the body of Amasis. Of shape, lesse monstrous
then is Plinies report : who affirmeth, the head to be an P^iitie uixei.
hundred and two feet in compasse, when the whole is
but sixtie foot high, the face is something disfigured by
Time, or indignation of the Moores, detesting Images.
The fore-said Author (together with others) doe call it a
Sphynx. The upper part of a Sphynx resembled a
Maide, and the lower a Lion; whereby the Egyptians
defigured the increase of the River, (and consequently of
their riches) then rising when the Sunne is in Leo and
Virgo. This but from the shoulders upward surmounteth
the ground, though Pliny give it a belly, which I know
not now to reconcile unto the truth, unlesse the sand doe
cover the remainder. By a Sphynx the Egyptians in
their Hieroglyphickes presented an Harlot, having an
amiable and alluring face; but withall the tyrannie, and
rapacitie of a Lion : exercised over the poore heart-broken,
and voluntarily perishing Lover.
The Images of these they also erected before the
entrances of their Temples ; declaring that secrets of
Philosophy, and sacred Mysterie, should be folded in
^nigmaticall expressions, separated from the under-
standing of the prophane multitude.
Five miles South-east of these, and two West of the
River, towards which inclineth this brow of the moun-
taine, stood the Regall Citie of Memphis: the strength
and glory of old Egypt, built by Ogdoo, and called
Memphis, by the name of his Daughter, compressed (as
they faine) by Nilus, in the likenesse of a Bull. In this was
the Temple of Apis (which is the same with Osiris) as
Osiris with Nilus, Bacchus, Apollo, &c.
But why spend I time about that that is not } The very
mines now almost ruinated, yet some few impressions are
left, and divers throwne downe, Statues of monstrous
resemblances, a scarce sufficient testimonie to shew to the
airious seeker, that there it had beene.
This hath made some erroniously affirme old Memphis
307
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
to have beene the same with new Cairo : new in respect
of the other. But those that have both seene and writ
of the former, report it to have stood three Schoenes above
the South Angle of Delta, (each Schoene contayning five
miles at the least, and sometimes seven and a halfe,
diflPering according to their severall customes) which South-
angle is distant but barely foure miles from Cairo.
Besides, these Pyramides appertaining unto Memphis,
affirmed to have stood five miles North-west of that Citie,
standing directly West, and full twelve fi-om this. But
the most pregnant proofe hereof are the Miunmes, (lying
in a place where many generations have had their Sepul-
tures) not farre above Memphis, neere the brow of the
Libyan Desart, and streightning of the Mountaines, fi-om
Cairo wel-nigh twenty miles. Nor likely it is that they
would so farre carry their dead, having as convenient a
place adjoyning to the Citie.
These we had purposed to have seene, but the charge-
able guard, and feare of the Arabs, there then solemnizing
their festival, being besides to have laine out al night,
made us content our selves with what we had heard ; having
before seene divers of the embalmed bodies, and some
broken up, to be bought for Dollars a peece at the Citie.
In that place are some indifferent great, and a number of
little Pyramides, with Tombes of severall fashions : many
ruinated, as many violated by the Moores and Arabians,
who make a profit of the dead, and infringe the priviledge
of Sepulchres. These were the graves of the ancient
-Egyptians, fi-om the first inhabiting of that Countrey;
coveting to be there interred, as the place supposed to
containe the body of Osiris. Under every one, or where-
soever lies stones not naturall to the place, by remooving
the same, descents are discovered like the narrow mouths
[II. vi. 911.] of Wells (having holes in each side of the walls to descend
by, yet so troublesome, that many refuse to goe downe,
that come thither of purpose) some wel-nigh ten fathoms
deepe, leading into long vaults (belonging, as should
seeme, to particular families) hewne out of the Rocke,
308
.^ ■ — ^
tliiliii IHMII I III
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1610.
with Pillars of the same. Betweene every Arch the corses
lie ranckt one by another, shrowded in a number of folds
of linnen, swathled with bands of the same : the brests of
divers being stained with Hieroglyphicall Characters.
Within their bellies are painted papers, and their Gods
inclosed in little Models of stone or mettall, some of the
shape of men, in coat-armours, with the heads of Sheepe,
Hawkes, Dogs, &c. others of Cats, Beetles, Monkies, and
such like. Of these I brought away divers with mee, such
in similitude.
A. This with the head of a Monkie or Baboon, should
seeme by what is said before, to have beene wor-
shipped by those of Thebais.
B. Anubis, whereof Virgil,
The Monster-Gods, Anubis barking buckle.
With Neptune, Venus, Pallas.
Omnigenumque deum monstra, & latrator Anubis.
Contra Neptunum & Venerem, contraque Minervam,
Tela tenent. iEn. 1. 8.
Some say, he was the eldest sonne of Osiris, being
figured with the head of a dogge, in that he gave
a dogge for his Ensigne. Others, that under this
shape tl^ey adored Mercurie, in regard of the
sagacitie of that creature. The Dogge throughout
Mgypt was universally worshipped, but especially
by the Cynopolites.
C. These of Sait did principally worship the sheepe, it
should seeme in this forme.
D. This I conjecture (how ever unlike) hath the head
of a Hawke, being generally worshipped by the
^Egyptians, under which forme they presented
Osiris.
E. I know not what to make of it (for the originall is
greatly defaced) unlesse it be a Lyon ; under which
shape they adored Isis.
F. Not so much as the Beetle, but received Divine
VI 209. 0
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
Honours : and why ? see Plutar. in Isis and Osiris,
neare the end.
G. The Cat all generally adored : they honoiiring such
creatures, tor that their vanquish and run-away
Gods tooke on them such shapes to escape the furie
of pursuing Typhon.
The Linnen pvdled off (in colour, and like in substance
to the inward filme betweene the Barke and the bole, long
dried, and brittle) the body appeareth solid, uncorrupt,
and perfect in all his dimensions : whereof the musculous
parts are browne of colour, some blacke, hard as stone-
pitch, and hath in Physicke an operation not unlike, though
more Soveraigne. In the preparing of these, to keepe
them from putrifaction, they drew out the braines at the
nostrils with an instrument of iron, replenishing the same
with preservative spices. Then cutting up the belly with
an ^Ethiopian stone, and extracting the bowels, they densed
the inside with wine, and stuffing the same with a com-
position of Cassia, Myrrhe, and other odours, closed it
againe. The like the poorer sort of people effected with
Bitumen (as the inside of their skids and bellies yet
testifie) fetcht from the lake of Asphalites in Jury. So
did they with the juyce of Cedars ; which by the extreame
bitternesse, and siccative faculty, not onely forthwith
subdued the cause of interior corruption, but hath to this
day (a continuance of above three thousand yeeres)
preserved them uncorrupted. Such is the differing nature
of that tree, procuring life as it were to the dead, and
death to the living. This done, they wrapt the body with
linnen in multitudes of folds, besmeared with Gum, in
manner of seare-cloth. Their ceremonies (which were
[Il.vi. 91a.] many) performed, they lavd the corps in a boate, to be
wafted over Acherusia, a uike on the South of the Citie,
by one onely whom they called Charon, which gave to
Orpheus the invention of his infernall Ferri-man : About
this lake stood the shady Temple of Hecate, with the
Ports of Cocytus and Oblivion, separated by barres of
210
CO
o
SANDYS* RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1610.
brasse, the originall of like fables. When landed on the
other side, the body was brought before certaine Judges,
to whom if convinced of an evill life, they deprived it of
buriall; if otherwise, they suffered it to be interred as
aforesaid. So sumptuous were they in these houses of
death, so careful! to preserve their carkasses. Forsomuch
as the soule, knowing it selfe by divine instinct immortall,
doth desire that the body (her beloved companion) might
injoy (as farre fborth as may be) the like felicitie : giving,
by erecting such loftie Pyramides, and those dues of
fiinerall, afl possible eternity. Neither was the losse of
this lesse feared, then the obtaining coveted.
Returning by the way that we came, and having repast
the Nilus, we inclined on the right hand to see the nunes
of the old Citie adjoyning to me South of Cairo, called
formerly Babylon, of certaine Babylonians then suffered Bahyhn,
to inhabite by the ancient Egyptian Kings ; who built a
Castle in the selfe same place where this now standeth,
described before, which was long after the Garrison Towne
of one of the three Legions, set to defend this Countrey
in the time of the Romanes, and anciently gave the name
of Babylon unto this Citie below, now called Misrul-
hetich by the Arabians, said to have beene built by Omar
the successor unto Mahomet ; but surely, rather reedified
by him then founded, having had in it such store of
Christian Chiurches as testified by their ruines. We past
by a mighty Cisterne closed within a Tower, and standing
upon an in-let of the River, built as they heare say, at the
charge of the Jewes, to appease the anger of the King,
incensed by them against the innocent Christians ; who by
the removing of a Montaine (the taske imposed upon
their faith) converted him unto their Religion, and his
displeasure upon their accusers. This serveth the Castle
with water running along an aquaduct borne upon three
hundred Arches. The ruines of the Citie are great, so
were the buildings; amongst which, many of Christian
Monasteries and Temples, one lately (the last that stood)
throwne by this Bassa (as they say) for that it hindred his
211
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
prospect: If so, he surely would not have given leave
unto the Patriarke, to rebuild it; for which he was
spitefully spoken of by the M oores, as a suspected favourer
of the Christian Religion, who subverted forthwith what
he had begun. Whereupon the worthy Cerill made a
Voyage unto G>nstantinople, to procure the Gnmd Signiors
Commandement for the support of his purpose, when by
the Greeks there, not altogether with his will, he was
chosen their Patriarch, but within a short space displanted
(as the manner is) by the bribery of another, he returned
unto Cairo. Besides, here is a little Chappell dedicated
to our Lady, underneath it a grott, in which it is said that
she hid her selfe, when pursued by Herod. Much
frequented it is by the Christians, as is the Tombe of
See Leo. Nafissa (here being) by the Mahometans.
The few inhabitants that here be, are Greekes and
Armenians: Here we saw certaine great Serraglios,
exceeding high, and propt up by buttresses. These they
call the Granaries of Joseph, wherein he hoarded corne in
the yeer of plenty against the succedin^ famine. In all
there be seven, three standing, and impToyed to the selfe
same use, the other ruined. From thence up the River
for twenty miles space, there is nothing but mines : thus
with the day we ended our Progresse.
Upon the fourth of March we departed from Cairo, in
the habites of Pilgrims, foure of us English consorted
with three Italians, of whom one was a Priest, and another
a Physician. For our selves we hired three Camels with
their keepers; two to carry us, and the third for our
provision. The price we shall know at Gaza, upon the
dividing of the great Carvan, answerable to the successe
of the journey. We also hired a Coptic for halfe a DoUor
a day, to be our interpreter, and to attend on us. Our
provision for so long a Voyage we bore along with us,
viz. Biscot, Rice, Raisins, Figs, Dates, Almonds, Olives,
Oyle, Sherbets, &c. buying Pewter, Brasse, and such like
implements, as if to set up house-keeping. Our water
we carried in Goat skins. Wee rid in shallow Cradles
212
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d-
i6io.
(which we bought also) two on a Camell, harboured above,
and covered with linnen, to us exceeding uneasie ; not so
to the people of these Countreys, who sit crosse-legd with
a naturall felicity. That night we pitched by Han^ia, Han^a.
some foureteene miles from the Citie. In the evening
came the Captaine, a Turke, well mounted, and attended
on. Here we stayest the next day following, for the
gathering together of the Carvan ; paying foure Madeins
a Camelfunto them of the Village. These (as those else-
where) doe nightly guard us, making good whatsoever is
stolne. Ever and anon one crying Washed, is answered,
Elough, by another (joyntly signifying one onely God)
which passing about the Carvan, doth assure them that
all is in safety. Amongst us were divers Jewish women :
in the extremity of their age undertaking so wearisome a
joxirney, onely to die at Jerusalem, bearing along with
them the bones of their Parents, Husbands, Children, and
Kinsfolke ; as they doe from all other parts where they can
conveniently. The Merchants brought with them many
Negros; not the worst of their Merchandizes. These
they buy of their Parents, some thirty dayes journey above, Utmaiuratt
and on the West side of the River. As the wealth of ^^''^^'
others consists in multitudes of cattell, so theirs in the
multitude of their children, whom they part from with as
little passion; never after to be seene or heard of: [II. vi. 913.]
regarding more the price then condition of their slavery.
These are descended of Chus, the Sonne of cursed Cham ; Cham Curse
as are all of that complexion. Not so by reason of their ^^^^^i
Seed, nor heat of the Climate : Nor of the Soyle, as some ' '
have supposed ; for neither haply, will other Races in that
Soyle proove black, nor that Race in other Soyles grow to Black colour
better complexion : but rather from the Curse of Noe upon «'^**^^-
Cham in the Posteritie of Chus.
About ten of clocke in the night the Carvan dislodged,
and at seven the next morning pitched at Bilbesh, which BilBesk.
is in the Land of Goshen, raying two Madeines for a
Camell, at midnight we departed from thence. Our
Companions had their Cradles strucke downe through the
213
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
negligence of the Camellers, which accident cast us behind
the Carvan. In danger to have beene siirprized by the
Peasants, we were by a Spahie that followed, delivered
from that mischiefe. About nine in the forenoone, we
pitched by Catara, where we payed foure Madeines for a
Camell.
^ii^^ Here about, but neerer the Nile, there is a certaine Tree,
called Alchan, by the Arabs, the leaves thereof being dryed
and reduced into powder, doe dye a reddish yellow. There
is yearely spent of this through the Turkish Empire, to
the value of fourescore thousand Sultanies. The women
with it doe dye their haire and nayles, some of them their
hands and feet ; and not a few, the most of their bodies
tempered onely with Gumme, and laid on in the Bannia,
that it may penetrate the deeper. The Christians of
Bosna, Valachia, and Russia, doe use it as well as the
Mahometans. Trees also here be that doe bring forth
Cottens. The next morning before day, we removed and
Salkia. came by nine of the docke to Salhia, where we over-tooke
the rest of the Carvan : all Christians of those Countries
riding upon Mvdes, and Asses. Who had procured leave
to set forward a day before ; desirous to arrive by Palme
Sunday at Jerusalem, (this Carvan staying ten dayes longer
then accustomed, because of certaine principall Merchants)
but they durst not by themselves venture over the mayne
Deserts : which all this whole wee had trented along, and
now were to passe through.
A little beneath is the Lake Sirbonis, called by the old
Egyptians the place of Typhons expiration, now Bayrena,
dividing Egypt fro^ Syria. A place to such as knew
it not, m those times fiill of unsuspected danger. Then
two hundred furlongs long, being but narrow, and
bordered on each side with hils of sand, which borne into
the water by the winds so thickned the same, as not by
the eye to bee distinguished from the part of the Conti-
nent: by meanes whereof whole Armies have beene
devoured. For the sands neere hand seeming firme, a good
way entred slid farther off, and left no way of returning,
214
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1610.
but with a lingring crueltie swallowed the inga^ed:
whereupon it was called Barathrum. Now but a little
Lake and waxing lesse daily: the passage long since
choaked up which it had into the Sea. Close to this
standeth the Mountaine Cassius (no other then a huge
mole of sand) famous for the Temple of Jupiter, and
Sepulchre of Pompey, there obscurely buried by the pietie
of a private Souldier ; upon whoin hee is made by Lucan,
to bestow this Epitaph :
Here the Great Pompey lyes, so Fortune pleas'd
To instile this stone ; whom Caesars selfe would have
Interred, before he should have mist a Grave.
Hie situs est magnus placet hoc Fortuna sepulchrum
Dicere Pompei: quo condi maluit ilium
Quam terra caruisse Socer
Who lost his head not farre from thence by the treacherie
and commandcment of the ungratefuU Ptolomie. His
Tombe was simiptuously re-edified by the Emperour
Adrian. North hereof lyes Idumea, betweene Arabia, and
the Sea extending to Judea.
The Subassee of Sahia invited himselfe to our Tent,
who feeding on such provision as we had, would in
conclusion have fed upon us; had not our commandc-
ment (which stood us in foure SharifFes) from the Bassa
of Cairo, and the favour of the Captaine, by meanes of
oxu- Physician, protected us: otherwise, right or wrong
had bin but a silly plea to barbarous covetousnesse armed
with power. We seven were all the Frankes that were
in the company, we heard how hee had served others, and
rejoyced not a little in being thus fortified against him.
The whole Carvan being now assembled, consists of a The Carvan
thousand Horses, Mules and Asses ; and of five hundred discribei.
Camels. These are the ships of Arabia, their Seas are
the Deserts. A Creature created for burthen. Sixe
hundred weight is his ordinary load ; yet will he carrie
a thousand. When in lading or unlading he lyes on his
belly, and will rise (as it is said) when laden proportionably
215
A.D.
l6lO.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
to his strength, nor suffer more to be laid on him. Foure
dayes together hee will well travell without water, for a
necessitie fourteene : in his often belchings thrusting up a
Bladder, wherewith hee moysteneth his mouth and throat,
when in a Journey they cranune them with Barley dough.
They are, as some say, the onely that ingender backward.
Their paces slow, and intollerable har^ beeing withall
unsure of foot, where never so little slippery or uneven.
They are not made to amend their paces when wearie, with
blowes; but are encouraged by Songs, and the going
before of their Keepers. A beast gentle and tractable, but
in the time of his Venery: then, as if remembring his
former hard usage, he will bite his Keeper, throw him
downe and kicke him: fortie dayes continuing in that
furie, and then returning to his former meeknesse. About
[Il.vi. 914.] their neckes they hang certaine Charmes included in
Leather, and writ by their Dervises, to defend them from
mischances, and the poyson of ill eyes. Here we paid
five Madeines for a Camell.
Having with two dayes rest refreshed them, now to
begin the worst of their Journey, on the tenth of March
we entred the mayne Deserts, a part of Arabiapetrea : so
called of Petrea, the principall Citie, now Rathalalah. On
the North and West it borders on Syria and Egypt.
Southward on Arabia Foelix and the Red Sea; and on
the East it hath Arabia the Desert : a barren and desolate
Countrey, bearing neither Grasse nor Trees, save onely
here and there a few Palmes which will not forsake those
forsaken places. That little that growes on the Earth, is
wild Hysope, whereupon they doe pasture their Camels,
a Creature content with little, whose Milke and flesh is
their principall sustenance. They have no water that is
sweet, all being a meere Wildernesse of sand. The winds
having raysea high Mountaynes, which lye in Drifts,
according to the quarters from whence they blow.
About mid-night (the Souldiers beeing in the head of
the Carvan) these Arabs assayled our Rere. The clamour
was great, and the Passengers, together with their Leaders,
216
Arabia
petrea.
Assault of
wild Arabs,
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1610.
fled from their Camels. I and my companion imagining
the noise to bee onely an encouragement unto one another,
were left alone; yet preserved from violence. They
carryed away with them divers Mules and Asses laden
with Drugges, and abandoned by their Owners, not daring
to stay too long, nor cumber themselves with too much
luggage, for feare of the Souldiers, These are descended
or Ismae], called also Sarracens of Sarra, which signifieth
a Desert, and saken, to inhabit. And not onely of the
place, but of the manner of their lives, for Sarrack imports
as much as a Thiefe, as now, being given from the
beginning unto Theft and Rapine. They dwell in Tents,
which they remove like walking Cities, for opportunitie
of prey, and benefit of pasturage. They acknowledge no
Soveraigne, not worth the conquering, nor can they bee
conquered, retyring to places impassable for Armies, by
reason of the rolling sands and penurie of all things. A
Nation from the beginning unmixed with others, boasting
of their Nobilitie, & at this day hating all MechanicaU
Sciences. They hang about the skirts of the habitable
Countries; and having robbed, retyre with a marvellous
celeritie. Those that are not detected persons, frequent the
neighbouring Villages for provision, and trafficke without
molestation, they not daring to intreat them evilly. They
are of meane statures, raw-boned, tawnie, having feminine
voyces, of a swift and noyselesse pace, behind you ere
aware of them. Their Religion Mahometanisme, glory-
ing in that that the Impostor was their Countriman : their
Language extending as farre as that Religion extendeth.
They ride on swift Horses (not misse-shapen, though
leane) and patient of labour. They feed them twice a day
with the milke of Camels, nor are they esteemed of, if
not of sufficient speed to over-take an Ostridge. Of those Ostridgts.
there are store in the Deserts. They keepe m flockes, and
oft affrighted the stranger Passenger with their fearefuU
shreeches, appearing afarre off like a troupe of Horsemen.
Their bodies are too heavie to bee supported with their
wings, which uselesse for flight, doe serve them onely to
217
A.D.
i6io.
Dnmidaries,
Jitoisk Super-
stition.
Fraudes
piitatiSf
rewardidwitk
puejraiuies,
Catli.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
runne the more speedily. They are the simplest of
Fowles, and Symbols or folly. What they find, they
swallow, without delight, even stones and Iron. When
they have laid their Egges, not lesse great then the bullet
of a Culverin (whereof there are great numbers to be sold
in Cairo) they leave them, and unmindfiiU where, sit on
those they next meet with. The Arabs catch the yoimg
ones, running apace as soone as disclosed ; and when fatted,
doe eate them, so doe they some part of the old, and sell
their skinnes with the feathers upon them. They ride
also on Dromedaries, like in shape, out lesse then a Camell,
of a jumping gate, and incredible speed. They will carrie
a man (yet unfit for biuthen) a hundred miles a day ; living
without water, and with little food satisfied. If one of
these Arabians imdertake your conduct, he will performe
it faithfully, neyther will any of the Nation molest you.
They will leade you by unknowne nearer wayes, and
farther in foure dayes, then you can travell by Carvan in
fourteene. Their Weapons are Bowes, Darts, Slings, and
long Javeling;s headed like Partisans. As the Turkes sit
crosse-legged, so doe they on their heeles, differing little
in habit n-om the Rustick Egyptians.
About breake of day we pitched by two Wels of
brackish water, called the Wels of Duedar. Hither
followed the Subassee of Salheia, with the Jewes which we
left behind, who would not travell the day before, in that
it was their Sabbath. Their Superstition had put them
to much trouble and charge ; as of late at Tunis it did
to some paine. For a sort of them being to imbarke
for Salonica, the wind comming faire on the Saturday,
and the Master then hoysing sayles, loth to infringe their
Law, and as loth to lose the benefit of that passage, to
coozen their consciences, they hyred certayne Janizaries to
force them aboord, who tooke their money, made a jest
of beating them in earnest. At three of the docke wee
departed from thence, and an houre before mid-night
pitched by the Casde of Catie, about which there is
nothing vegetive, but a few solitary Palmes. The water
218
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1610.
bad, insomuch that that which the Captaine drinkes is
brought from Tina, a Sea-bordering Towne, and twelve
miles distant. Threescore Souldiers lye here in Garrison.
We paid a piece of Gold for every Camell, and halfe a
Dollar a piece for Horses, Mules and Asses, to the
Captaine, besides, five Madeines a Camell to the Arabs.
It seemeth strange to me, how these Merchants can get
by their Wares so far fetcht, and travelling through such
a number of expences.
The thirteenth spent in paying of Caphar, on the [ILvi. 915.]
foiirteenth of March by five of the docke we departed,
and rested about noone by the Wells of Slaves. Hither
followed the Governour of Catie, accompanied with
twenty horse, and pitched his tent besides us. The reason
why hee came with so slight a Conduct, through a passage
so dangerous (for there, not long before, a Carvan of three
hundred Camels had beenc borne away by the Arabs) was
for that he was in fee with the chiefe of them, who upon
the payment of a certaine taxe, secured both goods and
passengers. Of these there were divers in the company.
Before midnight we dislodged, and by sixe the next
, morning, we pitched by another Well of brackish water,
called the Wei of the mother of Assan. In the afternoone
we departed. As we went, one would have thought the
Sea to have beene hard by, and to have remooved upon
his approaches, by reason of the glistering Nitre. And no Nitre.
doubt, but much of these Desarts have in times past beene
Sea, manifested by the saltnesse of the soile, and shels
that lie on the sand in infinite numbers. The next morning
by five of the docke, we came to Arissa, a small Castle, ^frUa.
environed with a few houses : the Garrison consisting of
a hundred Souldiers. This place is something better then
Desart, two miles removed from the Sea, and blest with
good water. Here we paid two Madeins for a Camell,
and halfe as much for our Asses ; two of them for the
most part rated unto one of the other. On the seventeenth
of March, we dislodged betimes in the morning, resting
about noone by the Wels of Feare ; the earth here looking
219
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
greene, yet waste, and imhusbanded. In the evening we
departed. Having passed in the night by the Castle
Hanioues. Haniones, by the breake of day they followed us to gather
their Caphar; being three Madeins upon every Camell.
The Countrey from that place pleasant, and indifferent
fruitfull. By seven of the clocke, we pitched dose under
the Citie of Gaza.
And here we will leave him till our Asian opportxmity
doth reinvite us: returning now to the more Southerly
and Westerly parts of Africa, passing from Nilus to Niger.
Onely in the way, we will with our Author touch at Malta
an African Hand, and with his eyes observe the rarities
there.
§• nil.
Arrivall at Malta, and observations there.
►w out of sight of Candie, the Winds both slacke
and contrary, we were forced to beare Northward
of our course, untill we came within view of Zant,
where our Master purposed to put in (since we could not
shorten our way) but anon we discovered five sailes making
towards us; and imagining them to be men of warre,
made all things readie for defence. But to our better
Five EngRsh comfort, they prooved all English, and bound for England :
s^ps. yffixh whom we consorted to furnish the ship with fresh
water, and other provisions: they having supplied our
necessities.
So on the second of June being Sunday, we entred the
Haven that lies on the East side of the Citie of Valetta,
which we saluted with eighteene peeceis of Ordnance, but
we were not suffered to come into the Citie (though every
ship had a neat Patent to shew, that those places from
whence they came were free from the infection) nor suffered
to depart, when the wind blew faire; which was within
a day or two after. For the Gallies of the Religion were
then setting forth, to make some attempt upon Barbarie.
The reason thereof, lest being taken by the Pyrats, or
320
ff:
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1611.
touching upon occasion at Tripoli, Tunis, or Argire, their
designes might be by compulsion, or voluntarily revealed :
nor would they sufFer any Frigat of their owne, for feare
of surprisall, to goe out of the Haven, untill many dayes
after that the (Sillies were departed. But because the
English were so strong (a great ship of Holland putting
also in to seeke company) acid that they intented to make
no more Ports : On the sixt of June, they were licenced
to set saile, the Masters having the night before, in their
severall long-boats, attended their returne of the great
Master (who had beene abroad in his Gallic to view a Fort
that then was in building;) and welcomed him home with
one and twenty peeces of Ordnance.
But no intreaty could get me abroad, choosing rather to
undergoe all hazards and hardnesse whatsoever, then so
long a Voyage by sea, to my nature so irkesome. And
so was I left alone on a naked promontory right against
the Citie, remote from the concourse of people, without
provision, and not knowing how to dispose of my selfe.
At length a little boat mside towards me, rowed by an
officer appointed to attend on strangers that had not
pratticke, lest others by comming into their company,
should receive the infection ; who carried me to the hollow
hanging of a rocke, where I was for that night to take up
my lodging ; and the day following to be conveied by him
unto the Lazaretta, there to remaine for thirty or forty
dayes before I could be admitted into the Citie. But CumsiHeoj
behold, an accident, which I rather thought at the first to J^^^f
Have been a vision, then (as I found it) reall. My
guardian being departed to fetch me some victuals, laid
along, and musing on my present condition, a Phalucco
arriveth at the place. Out of which there stept two olde [11. vi. 916.]
women ; the one made mee doubt whether shee were so
or no, shee drew her face into so many formes, and with
such anticke gestures stared upon me. These two did
spread a Turkie Carpet on the rocke, and on that a table-
cloth, which they furnished with varietie of the choycest
viands. Anon, another arrived, which set a Gallant
221
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
ashoare with his two Amarosaes, attired like Nymphs, with
Lutes in their hands, full of disport and sorcery. For
litde would they suffer him to eate, but what he received
with his mouth from their fingers. Sometimes the one
would play on the Lute, whilst the other sang, and laid
his head in her lap ; their false eyes looking upon him, as
their hearts were troubled with passions. The attending
Hags had no small part in the Comedie, administring
matter of myrth with their ridiculous moppings. Who
^'aI hamJt ^''^^^ (*^ I ^^ heard) were their mothers borne in
To/ir" Greece, and by them brought hither to trade amongst the
daughters. unmarried fraternitie. At length, the French Captaine (for
such he was, and of much regard) came and intreated me
to take a part of their banquet; which my stomacke
perswaded me to accept of. He willed them to make
much of the Forestier: but they were not to be taught
entertainment, and grew so familiar, as was to neither of
our likings. But both he and they, in pittie of my hard
lodging, did offer to bring me into the Citie by night (an
offence, that if knowne, is punished by death) and backe
againe in the morning. Whilest they were urging me
thereunto, my giiardian returned; with him a Mdtese,
whose father was an English man, he made acquainted
therewith, did by all meanes dehort them. At length (the
Captaine having promised to labour by admittance into
Imfudenee of the Citie) they departed. When a good way ftova shoare,
mT^h^but ^^^ Curtizans stript themselves, and leapt into the Sea,
as cmm» as where they violated all the prescriptions of modestie. But
themsehis. the Captain the next morning was not unmindfull of his
promise, soliciting the Great Master in my behalfe, as he
sate in Counsell ; who with the assent of the great Crosses,
granted me Pratticke. So I came into the Citie, and was
kindly entertained in the house of the foresaid Maltese,
where for three weekes space, with much contentment I
remained.
Desmptm of Malta doth lie in the Lybian Sea, right betweene
Malta. Tripolis of Barbarie and the South-east angle of Sicilia:
distant an hundred fourescore and ten miles from the one,
322
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1611.
and threescore from the other ; containing also threescore
miles in circuit, called formerly Melita, of the abundance of
honey. A Countrey altogether Champion, being no other
then a rock covered over with earth, but two feet deepe
where the deepest; having few trees, but such as beare
fruit ; whereof of all sorts plentifully furnished, so that
their wood they have from Sicilia, yet there is a kind of
great Thistle, which together with Cow-dung serves the
Countrey people for fuell, who need not mucn in a Clime
so exceeding hot ; hotter by much then any other which
is seated in the same parallell, yet sometimes temperated
by the comfortable winds, to which it lies open. Rivers
here are none, but sundry fountaines. The soile produceth
no graine but Barley, bread made of it, and Olives, is the
Villagers ordinary diet : and with the straw they sustaine
their Cattell, Commin-seed, Annis-seed, and honey, they
have here in abundance, whereof they make Merchandize,
and an indifferent quantity of Cotten-wooll ; but that the
best of all other. The inhabitants die more with age then
diseases, and heretofore were reputed fortunate for their
excellencie in Arts and curious Weavings. They were
at first a Colonie of the Phoenicians, who exercising
Merchandize as farre as the great Ocean, betooke them-
selves to this Hand ; and by the commoditie of the Haven,
attained to much riches and honour (who yet retaine some
print of the Punicke Language, yet so that they now differ
not much from the Moresco) and built in the middest
thereof the Citie of Melita (now called old Malta) giving
or taking a name from the Iland. Now whether it came
into the hands of Spaine with the Kingdome of Sicilia, or
won from the Moores by their swords, (probable both by
their Language, and that it belongeth to Africa) I am
ignorant: but by Charles the fifth it was given to the
Knights of the Rhodes.
'fiiis order of Knight-hood received their denomination 3^-*f ^^^r of
from John the charitable Patriarch of Alexandria, though ^^^,
vowed to Saint John Baptist as their Patron. Their first ^^*'*^^^-
seat was the Hospitall or Saint John in Jerusalem (where-
223
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
upon they were called Knight-hospitallers) built by one
Gerrard, at such time as the Holy land became famous by
the successefull expeditions of the Christians ; who drew
divers worthy persons into that societie, approved by Pope
Galasius the second. They by the allowance of Honorius
the second, wore garments of blacke, signed with a white
crosse. Raymond, the first Master of the Order, did
amplifie their Gmons; instiling himselfe, The poore
servant of Christ, and Guardian of the Hospitall in
Jerusalem. In every Coimtrey throughout Christendome
they had Hospitals, and Revenues assigned them, with
contributions procxu-ed by Pope Innocent the second.
They were tied by their vowes to entertaine all Pilgrims
with singular humanitie ; to safeguard their passages from
theeves and incursions, and valiantly to sacrifice their lives
in defence of that Countrey. But the Christians being
driven out of Syria, the Knights had the Rhodes assignee
them by the Greeke Emperour, (others say, by Clement
the fifth) which they won from the Turke, and lost againe
as aforesaid; retiring from thence unto Malta. There
are of them here seven Alberges or Seminaries, one of
France in generall, one of Averne, one of Province, one
[II. vi. 917.] of Castile, one of Aragon, one of Italie, one of Almany :
and an eight there was of England, untill by Henry the
Eighth dissolved, with what justice, I know not. Yet
is there one that supplyeth the place in the Election of the
Great Master. Or every one there is a Grand Prior, who
lives in great reputation in his Countrey, and orders the
affaires of their Order.
Saint Johns without Smith-field, being in times past the
Mansion of the Grand Prior of England, an Irish-man
living in Naples, and receiving a large Pension from the
All Gentle- King of Spaine, now beareth that Title. Those that come
*^^' for the Order are to bring a testimonie of their Gentry for
sixe Descents, which is to be examined, and approved by
the Knights of their Nation, he being first to remaine
Women here a yeare for a probation. Nor are women exempted
capeabU. f^^^ ^^^ dignitie, admitted by a Statute made in the
224
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1611.
Mastership of Hugo Revelus, perhaps, for that one Agnis,
a noble Ladie was the Author, as they affirme, of their
Order ; but that there be any now of it, is more then I
could be informed. The Ceremonies used in Knighting, Ceremonies of
are these. First, carrying in his hand a Taper of white ^^^^*^'
Waxe, hee kneeleth before the Altar, clothed in a long
loose Garment, and desireth the Order of the Ordinarie.
Then, in the Name of the Father, the Sonne, and the
Holy Ghost, he receiveth a Sword, therewith to defend
the Catholike Church, to repulse and vanquish the
Enemie, to relieve the oppressed, if need should be, to
expose himselfe unto death for the Faith, and all by the
power of the Crosse, which by the Crosse-hilt is defigured.
Then is he girt with a Belt, and thrice strooke on the
shoulders wiA his Sword, to put him in mind that for the
honour of Christ he is chearefuUy to suffer whatsoever is
grievous, who taking it of him, thrice flourisheth it aloft
as a provokement to the Adversary, and so sheathes it
againe, having wiped it first on his arme, to testifie that
thence-forth nee will live undefiledly. Then hee that
gives him Knight-hood laying his hand on his shoulder,
doth exhort him to be vigilant in the Faith, and to aspire
unto true honour by couragious and laudable actions, &c.
Which done, two Knights doe put on his Spurres, guilt ;
to signifie tluit he should spurne Gold as durt, not to doe
what were ignoble for reward. And so goes hee to Masse
with the Taper in his hand, the workes of Pietie,
Hospitalitie, and redemption of Captives, being com-
mended unto him, told also of what he was to performe in
regard of his Order. Being asked if he bee a free man,
if not joyned in Matrimonie, if unvowed to another Order,
or not of any profession, and if he were resolved to live
amongst them, to revenge their injuries, and quit the
authoritie of Secular Magistracie. Having answered
thereunto, upon the receit of the Sacrament, he vowes in
this Order, I vow to the Almightie God, to the Virgin Their Vow.
Mary his immaculate Mother, and to Saint John Baptist,
perpetually, by the helpe of God to bee truly obedient to
VI 225 p
A«D.
l6ll.
*HasHi Iji.
DegraJaim
and death.
TAeir number
Ma govern-
ment.
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
all my Superiours, appointed by God and this Qtder, to
live without any thing of my owne, and withall to live
chastly.* Whereupon he is made a partaker of their
Priviledges and Indulgences, granted unto them by the
Sea of Rome. Besides, other Prayers, they are commanded
to say a hundred and fiftie Pater nosters daily, for such
as have beene slaine in their Warres. They weare Ribands
about their neckes with Brouches of the Crosse, and Clokes
of blacke with large white Crosses set thereinto on the
shoulder, of fine Linnen, but in time of Warre, they weare
Crimson Mandilions, behind and before so crossed, over
their Armour.
They come hither exceeding young, that they may the
sooner attayne to a commendam at home, (whereof many
be of great value) not got by favour but signioritie, and
are to live here for the space of five yeares (but not
necessarily together) and to goe on foure Expeditions. If
one of them oe convicted of a capitall crime, hee is first
publikely disgraded in the Church of Saint John where he
received his Knight-hood, then strangled, and throwne
after into the Sea in the night time. JEvery Nation doe
feed by themselves in their severall Alberges, and sit at
the Table like Fryers, but such as upon suite doe TCt
leave to eat apart, have sixtie Crownes allowed them by
the Religion yearely, as all have five and twentie a piece
for apparell.
There are here resident about five hundred, not to
depart without leave, and as many more dispersed through
Christendome, who hither repaire upon every summons,
or notice of invasion. The Reli^on is their generall
Heire wheresoever they dye, ondy each Knight may
dispose of a fifth part of his substance. There be sixteene
of them Counsellors of State, and of principall authoritie,
called Great Crosses, who weare Tippets, and Coates also
under their Cloakes, that be signed therewith. Of these
are the Martiall, the Master of the Hospitall, the Admirall,
the Chancelor, &c. When one doth dye another is elected
by the Great Master and his Knights, who give their
3a6
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1611.
voyces (if I forget not) by Bullets, as doe the Venetians,
whereby both envie and faction is avoyded. Now, if the
Great Master fall sicke, they will suffer no Vessell to goe ^ ^'^^^
out of the Haven, untill hee bee either recovered, or dead, ^^^J^
and another elected, lest the Pope should intrude into the
Election, which they challenge to be theirs, and is in this
manner performed.
The severall Nations elect two Knights a piece of their
owne, and two are elected for the English, from amongst
themselves these sixteene choose eight, and those eight doe
nominate a Knight, a Priest, and a Fryer-servant (who also
weares Armes) and they three choose the Great Master,
out of the sixteen Great Crosses. This man is a Pickard
borne, about the age of sixtie, and hath governed eight
yeare. His Name and Title, The Illustrious and most
Reverent Prince my Lord Fryer Alosius of Wignian-court, [II. vi. 918.]
Great Master of the Hospitall of Saint Johns of Jerusalem,
Prince of Malta, and Goza. For albeit a Fryer, (as the
rest of the Knights) yet is he an absolute Soveraigne, and
is bravely attended on by a number of gallant yong
Gentlemen. The Clergie doe weare the Cognizance of
the Order, who are subject to like Lawes except in military
matters.
There are sixtie Villages in the Hand, under the 3T*/ rtlkffs
command of ten Captaines, and foure Cities. Old Malta ^^ ^''*^''
is seated (as hath beene said before) in the midst of the
Hand, upon a hill, and formed like a Scutchion : held of no
great importance, yet kept by a Garrison. In it there is
a Grot, where they say Saint Paul lay when he suffered
shipwracke; of great devotion amongst them. The
refined stone thereof they cast into little Medals, with the
Effigies of Saint Paul on the one side, and a Viper on
the other, Agnus Dei, and the like : of which they vent
store to the Forreiner. They say, that being drunke in
wine it doth cure the venome of Serpents, and withall,
though there be many Serpents in the Hand, that they Serpents not
have not the power of hurting although handled, and ^*^fi^'
angred ; bereft of their venome ever since the being here
227
A.D.
i6ii.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
of the Apostle. The other three Cities (if they may all
be so termed) are about eight miles distant, and not much
without a Musket shot each of other, neere the East-end,
and on the North-side of the Hand, where there is a
double Haven divided by a tongue of rocke, which
extendeth no further then the convenienthr large entrance.
The East Haven resembleth the home or a Stag, the first
branch (as the Palme) afFoording an excellent harbour for
the greatest shippes, and the second for GaUies ; the rest
are shallow. Close to the uppermost toppe there is a
Fountayne of fresh water, which plentifully furnisheth all
Vessels that doe enter. On the tip of the foresaid tongue
stood the strong Castle of Saint Hermes, the first that the
^N?'^ ^V^^ Turke besieged, which after many furious assaults, twentie
^iTw-h ^^^^sand Canon shot (whose horrible roarings were heard
to Messina) and the losse of ten thousand lives, they tooke
in the yeare i C65. in the moneth of June, but to the
greater glory of the vanquished, that losse rather inraging
then dis-heartning the remaynder.
Now upon the point of the Promontory which lyes
betweene these two branches of that Haven, where the
Ships and Gallies have their stations, on a steepe rocke
stands the Castle of Saint Angelo, whose strength appeared
in frustrating those violent batteries (being next besieged
by the Turke) whereof it yet beareth the skarres. At the
foot of the Rocke are certaine Canons planted, that front
the mouth of the Haven. This Castle is onely divided by
a Trench cut through the Rocke, from the Burgo, a little
Citie which possesseth the rest of that Promontory, being
all a Rock, hewen hollow within, for their better defence ;
disjoyned by a great deep Ditch from the Land. South
of this, and on the next Promontory, stands another
Towne, which is called, La Isula, on the point thereof a
platforme, and at the other end the strong Fort of
Saint Michael, yet inferiour in strength to that of
Saint Angelo. Here remember we the pietie of a
Mahometan, descended, no doubt of Christian Parent-
age, and favouring our Religion, who in the time
228
Piitieofa
Mahometan.
SANDYS* RELATIONS OP AFRICA aj>.
1611.
of the strictest siege, and smallest comfort to the
besieged) leapt into the Sea, and maugre all the shot
that was made at him, swamme to this Castle : where first
requiring and receiving Baptisme, hee made knowne unto
them the secxcts of the Enemie, advised how to frustrate
their purposes, and bravely thrust himselfe forward in
every extremitie. But the Knights of the Order assisting
one another by their proper valour, so nobly behaved
themselves, that the Turke began to despaire of successe,
and upon the rumoured approach of the Christian succours
(which in the best construction by the over-circumspect
Vice-Roy of Sicilia had beene dangerously protracted)
imbarqued themselves, and departed. But all, saving
Burgo and Saint Angelo, reduced into powder, and the
retume of the Turke distrusted, it was propounded
amongst the Knights, to abandon the Hand, rather then
vainly to repaire, and endevour to defend those lamentable
ruines, the Adversaries unequall power, and backward ayde
of the Christian Princes considered. But it too much
concerned the state of Christendome, (especially of the
Countries confining) it being as it were both the Key and
Bulwarke thereof, msomuch that the Pope, the Florentine,
and the rest of the Princes of Italy, encouraged them to
stay, assisting them with money, and ail necessary
provision ; but especially the King of Spaine, who over
and above did send them three thousand Pioners, levyed
in the Kingdome of Naples and Sicilia, to repaire their
old Fortresses, and begin a new Citie upon that tongue of
Land which divideth the two Havens, now almost
absolutely finished.
This is called the Citie of Valetta, in the honour of Vakua.
John de Valetta, who then was Great Master. Not great,
but faire, exactly contrived, and strong above all others,
mounted aloft, and no where assailable by Land, but at
the South end. The walls of the rest doe joyne to the
upright Rocke, as if of one piece, and beaten upon by the
Sea. That towards the Land, is but a narrow Isthmos,
where the Rocke doth naturaUy rise, the Ditch without,
2^9
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
hcwen downe exceeding broad, and of an incredible pro-
funditie, strongly flankt, and not wanting what fortification
can doe. This way openeth the onely gate of the Citie,
Saint Hermes, (the Other two, whereof one leadcth to &int Hermes, and
the other to the Haven, being but small Postemes) and
hard within are two great Biuwarks, planted on the top
with Ordnance. At the other end (but without the wall)
stands the Castle of Saint Hermes, now stronger then ever,
whereof (as of that Saint Angelo) no French man can be
Governour. Almost every where there are platformes on
[II. vi. 919.] the walls, well stored with Ordnance. The walls on the
inside not above sixe foot high, imimbattald, and shelving
on the outside, the buildings throughout a good distance
off both to leave roome for the Souldiers, and to secure
them from batterie. Neere the South end, and on the
West side, there is a great pit hewne into the rocke, out
of which a Port cut under the wall into the West Haven,
intended (for yet imfinished) to have beene made an
Arsenall for their Gallies, (that harbour being too shallow
for ships) a worke of great difficulty. The market place
is spacious, out of which the streets doe point on the round.
The buildings for the most part uniforme, all of free stone,
two stories high, and flat at the top ; the upper roomes
The Palace, of most having out tarrasses. The Great Masters Palace
is a Princely structure, having a Tower which overlooketh
the whole Iland. The chamber where they sit in Counsell,
is curiously painted with their fights by Sea and by Land,
The seven both forraine and defensive. Tfle seven Alberges of the
Alberff. Knights, be of no meane building; amongst whom the
Citie is quartered. Magnificent is the Church of S. Paul,
and that of Saint Johns : the one the seat of a Bishop,
Saint Johns and the other of a Prior. And Saint Johns Hospitall doth
Hespttal. merite regard, not onely for the building, but for the
entertainment there given. For all that fall sicke are
admitted thereunto, the Knights themselves there lodge
when hurt or diseased, where they have Physicke for the
bodie, and for the soule also (such as they give.) The
attendants many, the beds over-spread with niire Canopies ;
230
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA a.d.
1611.
every fortnight having change of Linnen. Served by the
Junior Knights in silver, and every Friday by the Great
Master, accompanied with the great Crosses. A service
obliged unto from their first institution ; and thereupon
call^ Knight-hospitallers. The Jesuits have of late crept
into the Citie, who now have a Colledge a building.
Heere bee also three Nunneries; the one for Virgins,
another for penitent Whores, (of impenitent here are store)
and the third for their bastards.
The barrennesse of this He is supplied with the fertilitie
of Sicilia, from whence they have their provision. The
Citie is victualed for three yeeres, kept under the ground,
and supplied with new as they spend of the old. They
have some fresh water Fountaines, and the raine that
falleth, they reserve in Cisternes. Besides the Knights and
their dependants, the Citizens and Iknders be within the
muster of their forces ; in which there are not of living
soules above twentie thousand. They keepe a Court of
guard nightly, and almost every minute of the night, the
watch otone Fort gives two or three tolls with a bell,
which is answered by the other in order. The Religion
hath onely five Gallies, and stinted they are, as I have TketrGalRes.
heard, to that number, (if more, they belong unto private
men) and but one ship. The custome is, or hath beene,
having hun^ out a flagge, to lend money to all commers
that would £ce it, if they win, to repay it with advantage ;
if lose, to serve untill their entertainment amounted to
that summe. Now the expeditions that they make, are Their exfedi-
little better then for bootie; sometimes landing in the ^^•
night time on the maine of Africa, and surprising some
viUage, or scouring along the coasts, take certaine small
Barks, which disburdened of their lading and people, they
suffer to hull with the weather. For they made good
profit of their slaves, either imploying them in their
drudgeries, (they having at this instant above fifteene
hundred of them) or by putting them to ransome. For
ever and anon you shall have a little boat with a flag of
treaty, come hither from Tripoli, Tunis, or Algeirs, to
231
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
agree for the redemption of captives, as doe the Malteses
to those places who are served with the same measure.
During my abode here, there arrived a Barke, brought in
by eight English men, who had for a long time served
the Turkish Pirats of Tunis, they boimd for Algeirs, tooke
weapons in hand, and drove the distrustlesse Turkes (being
twice as many) into the sterne, kept there by two, whilst
the other dressed the sailes for Malta. Amongst them
there was one, who saying he would never be mvt to a
Christian, stript himselfe secretly, propping up his gowne,
and laying his Turbant upon it, as if still there, ana dropt
it into the Sea. But the deceiver was deceived by tne
high land which seemed neerer then it was, and so wearied
with swimming, sunke in their sights. The Inquisition
would have seized both on their persons and purchase,
because they had served the Infidell: but they were
protected by the Great Master (being desirous to serve
him) who will not suffer their cruell authoritie to enter
into the new City, so that they are faine to reside in
Burgo.
The people. The Malteses are little lesse Tawnie then the Moores,
especially those of the Countrey, who goe halfe clad, are
indeed a miserable people ; but the Citizens are altogether
Frenchified; the Great Master, and major part of the
Knights being French men. The women weare long
blacke stoles, wherewith they cover their feces (for it is a
great reproach to be seene otherwise) who converse not
with men, and are guarded according to the manner of
Italy. But the jealous are better secured, by the number
of allowed Curtizans (for the most part Grecians) who sit
playing in their doores on instruments ; and with the arte
of their eyes inveagled these continent by vow, but contrary
in practise, as if chastitie were onely violated by marriage.
They here stirre early and late, in regard of the immoderate
heat, and sleepe at noone day. Their markets they keepe
on Sundayes.
Now were the Gallies returned with indifferent successe,
and yet my stay was proroged by the approaching festivall
t3«
SANDYS' RELATIONS OF AFRICA ad.
1612.
of their Patron ; for untiU that was past, no boat would
stirre out of the Harbour. The Palace, Temples, [II. vi. 920.]
Alberges, and other principall houses, were stucke round
on the outside with lampes, the evening before: and
amongst other solemnities, they honoured the day with P^^^f
the discharge of all their Artilery. The Forts put forth ''^^'^'
their Banners, and every Alberge the Ensigne of his
Nation, at night having Bone-fires before them ; five great
ones being made in the Court of the Palace ; whereof the
first was kindled by the Great Master, the second by the
Bishop, the third by the Prior, the fourth and fifth by the
Marshall and Admirall. On the foure and twentieth of
June, I departed fi*om Malta in a Phalucco of Naples,
rowed by five, and not twice so big as a Wherry, yet will
for a space keepe way with a Gaily. They use to set foorth
in such boats as these, two houres before Sun-set,
and if they discover a suspected saile betweene that
and night (for the Turkes continually lie there
in waite) doe returne againe : if not, they
proceed; and by the next morning
(as now did we) reach the Coast
of Sicilia.
THE END OF THE SIXTH BOOKE.
333
[Il.vii.921.]
Navigations, Voyages,
and Discoveries of the Sea-coasts and In-land
Regions of Africa, which is generally
called ^Ethiopia : by English-
men and others.
THE SEVENTH BOOKE.
Chap. I.
true Relation of Master Richard Jobsons Voy-
age, employed by Sir Vl^illiam Saint John,
Knight, and others ; for the Discoverie of
Gambra, in the Sion, a ship of two hundred
tuns, Admirall; and the Saint John sixtie, Vice-
Admirall. In which they passed nine hundred
and sixtie miles up the River into the Con-
tinent. Extracted out of his large Journall.
E set sayle from Gravesend, on Saturday
the fift of October, 1620. On the five
and twentieth, we departed from Dart-
mouth, we sailed from Dartmouth to the
Canaries.
The fourteenth of February, we came
to an anchor in Travisco Road, where we
foimd three Frenchmen, and one Flemming. Fran-
234
RICHARD JOBSON
Cisco a Portugall here dwelling was busie to enquire
if we went to Gambra, having a letter as he said
from M. Cramp, who had lately departed thence for Sierra
Liona, set forth by the Company. This Portugall fearing
just revenge for the ship taken and men betrayed and
murthered by them in Gambra, had procured a Letter in
behalfe of some of his friends. In the River of Borsall
we entred, where we tooke a small Boat belonging in part
to Hector Numez, the principall in that Treachery and
Murther aforesaid and detayned some of his goods therein
for satisfaction, taking thereof a publike Inventorie, that
if any other could lay just clayme they might be restored.
This was done by punishing Numez, and to terrifie others
from like treacherous attempts, not without effect. The
Portugals were glad they so escaped, knowing and cursing
Numez his villanie. The Portugalls which trade here, and
inhabit the River are banished men, Renegadoes, and
baser people, and behave themselves accordingly.
We built a Shallop, and lanched it the two and twen-
tieth. The next day we set sayle up the River, and the
tyde spent, anchored against a litle Hand on the South-
side some foure leagues up. From October till May,
the winds are generally Easterly, and downe the River
which much hindred our course up the same. We past
up by tydes, intending to stay at a Towne called Tauko-
rovaUe, but over-shot it in the night, and the next morning
were against another Towne foure leagues higher, called
Tindobauge. Our ship with her Ordnance might here
come both sides the River.
Here dwelt Emanuel Corseen a Portugall, which told
us that Master Tomson was killed by one of his Com-
pany, and that the rest were in health. It was intended
the Sion should stay here, and therefore the Kings
Customers were paid, who dwelt some sixe miles from
the River, but had his drunken Officers to receive them.
Leaving her with five and twentie men and boyes, on
Wednesday, the nine and twentieth, the Saint John and
two shallops, we set sayle up the River twelve men in the
A.D.
162I.
ThiKatherine
betrof^ed*
Gambra,
Pwtugitb
which trade.
The ffneraU
winds.
Taukerovalle.
[II.vii.922.]
Tindobaugt,
TheVojage up
the River.
A.]>.
162I.
Pudding
Iland.
Mauffgar,
Wolky,
Wolley.
Cassan,
Portugib
perfi&e.
Pometon.
Jeracoudi.
Eng&sA at
Oranto,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
bigger, with Henry Lowe, and thirteene in the lesser with
my selfe, which with the Boat towed her up in calmes.
On the first of December, we came to Pudding Iland,
sixteene leagues from the ship. The second, we anchored
against a little Creeke which leads into aTowneMaugegar.
We went to this Towne, meeting by the way a Portugall,
called Bastian Roderigo, who gave mee an Oimces skinne.
On Munday the fourth, the King with his Alcade came
aboord, and drunke himselfe with his Consorts so drunke,
that the Customes were deferred till next day. Henry
Lowe agreed for a house, and left there Humfrey Davis,
John Bfithe, and one Nicholas a prettie youth, which two
last dyed there. On the seventh, we passed thence by a
Towne on the North-side, called Wolley, Wolley, bigger
then any wee had yet seene, and in the after-noone came
to an anchor at Cassan (where the Katharine was betrayed)
where no Portugall would now be seene. This Kin^ is
under the great King of Bursall. The Alcade shewed us
friendship, and told us that the Portugals had hired men
of that Towne to kill us as we went up, in some narrower
Streights of the River, for feare whereof we could not get
any Blackman to goe with us to be our Pilot and Linguist.
This Towne is populous and after their manner warlike.
We here had intelligence, that Salt is a good Commoditie
above in the River, and that within eight dayes there
would come a Caravan from Tynda for Salt before this
place.
On the fourteenth, we came to a Towne on the South-
side, called Pompeton, above which dwels no Portugall in
this River. Next morning we came to the Port of
Jeraconde, two miles from which dwelt Farran a perpetuall
Drunkard, but which held his Countrey in greatest awe.
Hence Henry Lowe sent a slave with a Letter to Oranto
sixteene miles off, where the English dwelt. On the
seventeenth, Matthew Broad and Henry Bridges came to
us by Land, which were exceeding glad after so long space
to see their Countrimen, as we also to heare them report
their securitie amongst those wild people. Broad said,
336
RICHARD JOBSON ad,
1621.
much good might bee done up the River, but that it must
be done without delay, the River felling daily. Com-
ming within sixe miles of Oranto we landed and went Orauto.
thither, where Brewer which had beene at Tinda with
Tomson, filled us with golden hopes. But the neglect of
bringing Salt thorough ignorance or emulation was a
hinderance. The King of Oranto abode on the other side
of the River ; his name Summa Tumba, a blind man and
subject to the great King of Cantore. We went to him
and had a speech made to him of thankfulnesse, for our
Countreymens kind usage ; His answere was repeated by
the mouth of another, after the fashion of the Countrey :
which Ceremonie done, he made hast to drowne his wits
in the Aquavits and good liquor we brought him. His
Custome paid, we departed.
The one and twentieth, I sent away my Boat, & ^he
next day came abundance of people ; some to sell ; all to
begge ; the King sometimes by his Wife, sometimes by
his Daughter, but every day his Sonnes were there, and
likewise divers others of the better sort, but Count, from
many great persons : which word they use for conmienda-
tions. You must returne something againe, or it will be
ill taken.
On Christmas day, Ferambra sent us as much Elephants Penmhai
flesh as one could well carrie, new killed. This Ferambra -^*''
went foure miles off, and was a friend of our people, and
when the Portugals had dealt with the King of Naoy, to
kill them all, who sent his forces to performe it, he put
himselfe and his people in Armes for their defence, and
conveyed them over the River to his Brother, called Bo
John, and saved their goods. On the one and thirtieth,
came the Shallop backe.
We being ten white men, went the second of January
from Oranto for Tinda : the first tyde we went to Batto, Bam.
Bo Johns Towne, and there agreed with a young Mary-
bucke to goe with us. Lowes emulation hindred us with
delayes, both now and before. On the sixth, Sumaway,
King of Bereck under the great King of Cantore, came
237
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
aboord with his Wife, and begged our courtesie. We
tooke in SanguUy, a blacke Boy, who had lived with
Master Tomson, and spake prettie English. On the
ninth, we anchored in a vast place both at noone and
Sea-korsis^ night, where was a world of Sea-horses, whose pathes
kigk-toajes. ^here they went on shore to feed, were beaten with tracts
as great as London high-way. Next morning we anchored
at Massamacoadum, fifteene leagues from Pereck. On
the eleventh, at Benanko. The twelfth, after rockie
passages to Baraconda. The tyde went no further. Be-
yond were no Townes, neere the River, nor Boates nor
people to be seene.
On the fourteenth, Bacay Tombo, the chiefe man of
^ the Towne, came a board with his wife^ and brought us a
^\^^..^.J^^^k' g^f^ ^^ j^j^^^ another Marybuck,*" because they are
[II.vii.923.] people which may travell freely: & now were ten white
Marybuckes ^nj foure blacke. Having now the streame against us,
*h^tke^upn- ^^ durst not for feare of Rockes in the night, nor could
sMm of those ^r immoderate heat in the Suns height proceed, but were
farts^andare forced to chuse our houres in the morning till nine, and
^^Im^'^* after three in the afternoone. We past by Wolley a small
^^ '^" River, and found above shallow waters, wherein were
Bea-hmes many Sea Horses curvetting and snorting hard by us,
aboiauttngin one came swimming by us dead and stinking, yet the
^^ fresh • Negros were displeased they might not eate him.
^wMr^Md ^^ seventeenth, on both sides the River we saw
fm shoare. thousands of Baboones and Monkies. A Sea Horse gave
They are Bhe the Boat a shrewd blow, but did no harme. We had still
a horse^ hut our Canoe before us to sound the depth.
mth Clowes on q^ ^j^^ eighteenth, we were forced to enter the River
short /egs] naked, very fearefull of the Bumbos, (so they call the
tttshes, manesy Crocodiles) and carry the Boat against the current, and
lie Monkies over or thorow the sand, heaving and shoving till we
Cro^MT^' come in deepe water.
thirty foot ^^^ nineteenth, we met with a violent current, that all
Ung. the strength of sixe Oares could prevaile but a mile in an
houre. The twentieth, on the Star-board side, we had
Cantore River, which hath a faire entrance, where Ferran
238
RICHARD JOBSON a,d.
1021.
Cabo is the great King. On the one and twentieth, we
sent a shoare to the Mountaine tops, whence might be
perceived onely Desarts, replenished with terrible wild
Beasts, whose roaring we heard every night. The Blackes
are so afraid of the Bumbos, that they dare not put their
hands into the water, divers of them being by them
devoured. Yet did they avoid from us, whether it were
our noise or multitude which caused it. Some we saw
thirty foot long, yet would not come neere us. On the
two and twentieth, walking on the banke, I espied six-
teene great Elephants together hard by me. A Blacke Eiephwts.
with me fell a trembling. The sedge in the place was
almost as high againe as our heads; so that we coxild
not be seene till we were within Pistoll shot of them. We
saw divers little ones by their sides. We made an offer
to shoot, but the Peece would not off, which they per-
ceiving began to run, in a miles space not so much as
turning nor looking behind them ; making speed to the
Mountaines, like a Deare in the Forrest. The Moores
wondred at our adventure. On the three & twentieth, we
were faine to enter the water, & by strength of hand, to
carry the boat a mile & a halfe into deeper water. On the
fbxire and twentieth, we towed her, sometimes adding
haling by the Boats side, as sholds and trees permitted : «
and met with one vehement current, overthwart broken
rockes, so that we were forced to hold her by force, till
one taking the Anchor on his neck, waded above that
quicke fall^ and letting it fall, we haled by our hasor, and
escaped that gut.
The five and twenty, troubled with sholds, we heard as
we passed, a gush of water, hidden by the greene trees,
with which water we stored our selves ; that of the River
being so ranke with a muskie sent of the Crocodiles, as
we supposed that it was distastefiiU ; whereas this was M^^ ^^^
Eleasant. One of our Moores was taken, and like to be ^'^^'^>^-
>st in a Whirlepoole ; notwithstanding, he could swimme
weU, had not one of our men laid hold on him as he rose
the third time, almost spent, from under water. On the
239
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
162 1.
sixe and twentie, we were comforted with the sight of the
hill of Tinda, being high rockie land. We sent three
Moores thither with a present to the King, and to Buckor
Ttnda. Sano, a Merchant of Tinda, intreating him to come downe
to us with provision, for we had no flesh. Deare and
Fowle were plentifiill on both sides the River, had we
Mmhkfith, beene provided of a good Peece. And the River fish did
so taste of Muske, that (like the water) we could not
endxire the shoare. I went ashoare to view the River, &
might see sometimes twentie Crocodiles one by another :
and in the night, specially towards breake of day, they
would call one to another, much resembling the sound of
a deepe Well, and might be easily heard a League. We
past the sholds, and against Tinda River, recov^ed steepe
water, and saw many Sea Horses, which love deepe waters.
Anubpe. On the thirtieth, we killed an Anthelope bigger then any
Windsore Stagge, the blood of him drew a world of
Eagles, and other Fowle ; amongst which came one Stalker,
a Fowle higher then a man, which we likewise killed.
Presendy after, came our men backe with Buckor Sanos
brother, and a servant of the Kings, with Hens. Our
Deare was killed in good season for their entertainment :
the report passing among them ciirrent, that with our
GuH-thunder^ thunder (so they called our Guns) we could kill whatsoever
we would. They much fearing the same, as having never
seene or heard it, whereof we made good use.
On Thursday, the first of February, came Buckor Sano
with a troupe of forty people, amongst which his wifis and
daughter. Having tasted of our strong Waters, hee lay
drunke aboard that night (he was never so after) and was
sicke the next day. lie gave us a Beafe, and many of the
people brought Goats, Cocks, and Hens, which we bought
&«//, ehUfe easily. On Saturday, we began to trade our Salt, which
^^' is the chiefe thing they desired ; other things they asked
for, which we had not provided : slaves (he told us) were
the things they held dearest ; for any thing else we should
have, if we would maintaine our comming thither, he
would provide it. We had some Elephants teeth, Negros
240
RICHARD JOBSON a^d.
1621.
Clothes, Gotten Yearne, and some gold of them. We
refused to buy Hides, because we would not kde our Boat
downe the River, the water falling every day, which wee
kept note of by the shoare. The people came daily more
and more to us, and upon the shoare they built houses,
we also had a house open to trade under, so as it seemed
like a pretty Towne* Our Blackes went over the River,
and three dayes after brought other people, which built a
Siege Towne on the other side the River. And within [II.vii.924.]
three dayes there were five hundred, which were a more
Savag^e people ; having breeches of beasts skins, neither
had Aey ever seene any white people before. The women
would run and hide themselves when we came neere them
at their first comming; but after grew bold to buy and
sell with us. These people likewise were all for Salt, and
had Teeth and Hides store. Our Salt was almost gone
before they came ; for we had but forty bushels at first.
Bajay Dinko the chiefe was aboard, very desirous we ^^J^ ^^'^^^
should come againe. On that side wee saw likewise there ^•^/•"'^ ^^
was Gold, and those people had familiarity with each other, ^^dj h ike
whereby it seemed they had trade and commerce, by some name of his
higher part of the River. Couutrey,
On the seventh, the King of Jelicot on Tinda side, •"^''^
under the weat King of Wolley, came downe with his c^^/or!^^
Juddies or Fidlers, miich plaid before him and his wives, Ju^/iTtes or
such being the fashion of the great ones. These Juddies FUl^rs.
are as the Irish Rimers : all the time he eats, they play and ^L^^^^l^^
sing songs in his prayse, and his ancestors: When they '* ^•y'^*^-
die, they are put in an hollow tree upright, and not buried,
we gave him a Present, and he a Beefe to us.
On the eighth, Buckor Sano would needs be stiled the
white mans Alcaid ; I tooke it kindly, and put about his
necke a string of Christall, and a* double string of Currall.
Broad gave him a silver chaine, and with drinking a cup
of Rosa-solis, and shooting ofiF five Muskets, a solemne
cry. Alcaide, Alcaide, was proclaimed: he adding his
fidlers musicke, the people also ready with their bowes
and arrowes, his wife with matts on shoare to attend the
VI 241 Q
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
solemnity. So soone as he came on shoare, he frankely
gave his nuts to the people, rejojrcing in this new honor.
litusafprt' These nuts are of great account through all the River,
^lU seemly to ^^'^ ^^^ * ^^^^ fevour from the King: five hundred of
be the Cola, them will buy a wife of a great house. Their taste is
very bitter, but causeth the water presently after to taste
very pleasant. This done, he went to the Kings house,
who sate without doores, their feshion being assoone as it
is darke, to make a fire of Reed without doores, and the
best sort to have matts, on which to sit downe, and use
their Ceremonies. He placed me by the King, and went
himselfe sixe paces off, right before him, and made a
speech, which one repeats after him as he speakes, to intreat
his kind usage to the white men. The King answered with
The Cowitrey a like speech, giving us liberty to shoot any thing on the
£»rf/I '^ ^'^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ should offend us. Buckor Sano kneeled
* downe, and gave him thankes, and sent unto him in our
behalfe the Currall and Christall. Whereupon the King
made a long speech, concluding, that he would give him
that land whereon we were, for us, for ever. Upon which
words, Buckor Sano pulled off his shirt in token of thanke-
fulnesse, and kneeled downe naked, untill divers Mary-
bucks with their hands raked up a heape ofiF the ground,
upon which he lay flat with his belly, and covered him
In Ois manner ^Jth the earth lightly from head to heele. Then with his
^tossessiM^f ^^^^^ ^^ threw the earth round about amongst us all:
the lands they ^^^ which, the Marybuckes gathered a round heape againe
came to. together, and compassing it with a round ring of the same
earth, wrote with his finger as much as the round would
containe: which done, Buckor Sano tooke of that earth
into his mouth, and put it forth againe, and then taking
both his hands full of the earth, and our two Marybuckes
following him upon their hands and knees, they came to
me where I sate, and threw it into my lap. This done,
he rose up, and two women were ready with clothes to
wipe him, and a third woman with a cloth to fan him, and
stepping a little off, he had his best clothes brought him,
which he put on, and his sheafe of arrowes about his necke,
342
RICHARD JOBSON ad.
162 1,
a bow and an arrow in his hand. He came in againe, and
twenty more, with bow and arrowes, after he had gone
twice or thrice about, presenting himselfe by drawing his
arrow up to the head, as if he were to shoot, he delivered
them, and sate downe by me. The rest with their bowes
and arrowes came one after another, and kneeling at his
foot with their faces from him presented their bowes, as
hee did. Then began others to dance after their fashion,
at the end whereof^they began to make severall speeches,
(for every one of the better sort will have his speech)
wherewith we were weary, and left them for that night.
Our manner was to set our watch with a Psalme, which
they hearing, would be still, and after a shot would leave
us quiet till morning.
I shewed this Bucker Sano a small Globe, and our Com- ^^^^1%^^
passe, whereupon he told us that he had seene with his ^^fi^^^^-
eyes a Countrey Southward, whose houses were all covered
with gold, the people wearing iron in rings through their
lips and eares, and other places, to which place hee told
us it was foure mbones travell. Hee told us likewise of
a people which hee called Arabecke, who came unto this
Countrey, and would be at a Towne, called Mombarr,
but sixe dayes journey from Tinda, the second moone
after, which was in March. And there was a Town
called Jaye, from whence much gold came, but three dayes Much Gold.
journey from Mombarr, whither these Arabeckes went
not. More I might have knowne, had not the emula-
tions of my companie hindred, who would not suffer the
blacke boy to let me know what he speake.
Some people which came to us, were of Combaconda, a Cmhacmuh.
Towne foure dayes journey thence, which we thinke is Tombuto.
Tombuto. A Maryoucke was here of Master Tomsons
acquaintance, borne in Jaye, which would not company
with the people of Tinda, but came to us, and told us that
many people were comming, but were sent backe by some
that returned, and reported our Salt was gone. He
offered, if we were past these people, he would undertake
to bring us to Mombarr and Gago. We made haste to [II.vii.92s.]
243
A.D.
l62I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
be gone: for by our marke the water was sunke above
sixe inches, promising to returne in May, when the water
increased. We called this place Saints Johns Mart.
On Saturday the tenth of February, we came away, the
wind and streame served, but wee durst not saylc for the
sholds, nor row by night. On Wednesday at night,
Barracmdi. having but three miles to Baraconde, by the Moores
intreatie wee went thither over Land, and passed easily
in sixe dayes downe, what had cost us twelve dayes labour
and trouble- We had a great chase at an Elephant,
wounded and made him flie, but lost him in the hiph
sedge, and after found him in the River, where being shot
in the eare he turned head on us, and made us row off,
and leave him thrice wounded, our Peece failing in the
discharge.
Munday the nineteenth, we came to Butto, Bo Johns
Towne, wee had our first Marybucke and the blacke Boy
which spake English, whose age of sixteene yeares was
Circumcision, now ripe for their Circumcision. Hither we came in
season for that Solemnitie, hearing before we came,
shoutes, Drummes and Countrey Musicke. The Boy
knew the meaning, and told us it was for cutting of prickes,
a world of people being gathered for that purpose, like an
English Faire. Under everie great tree, and among all
their houses at night were fires without doores, and in
especiall places dancing, the Musicall Instruments made
with Keyes like unto Virginals, whereupon one playes
with two stickes which have round Balls of leather at the
end, about their wrists Iron Bracelets. They are called
Ballardes, and contayne some seventeene Keyes. The
women for the most part dance with strange bending of
their bodies, and cringing of their knees, their leggcs
crooked, the standers by keeping a time in clapping their
hands together to grace the dance. If the men dance, it
is one alone with such Swords as they weare, naked in his
hand, with which he acteth.
About two furlongs from their houses under a great
tree were many fires, and much drumming with great
«44
Datmces,
RICHARD JOBSON ajj.
1621.
noyse: here they said were those which were cut, but
would not suffer mee to goe see. Some distance beyond
we might heare a great roaring noyse, which they fearfully
said was the voyce of Hore, that is, after their impost\ire Hwe.
a Spirit, which approacheth at great Feasts, for whom they
provide store of Rice, Come, Seefe, and other flesh readie
drest, which is instantly devoured. And if he be not
satisfied, he carries some of their Sonnes (the uncircum-
ciscd Females he regards not) and keepes nine dayes or
more in his belly, then to bee redeemed with a Beefe, or
other belly-timber: and so many dayes after must they
be mute, and cannot be enforced to speake. This seemes
an illusion of their Priests to exact Circumcision, and the
hoarsenesse of some shewed they had lost their throats
in that roaring. This roaring, shouting and dancing con-
tinued all night. We saw our blacke Boy circumcised,
not by a Marybucke, but an ordinary fellow hackling off
with a Knife at three cuts his praepuce, holding his member
in his hand, the Boy neyther holden nor bound the while.
He was carryed to the rest, nor would they suffer our
Surgeon to heale him. The people in twentie miles space
came in to this Feast with their provision.
I made haste backe to Setico, to meete the Tinda SitUo.
Merchants, and on the sixe and twentieth, being within
two miles of the place, I received a great and dangerous
blow by a Sea-horse which indangered our sinking, but Bhw by a
we made shift to stop it with some losse. We came to ^^-^^^
Setico foure miles from the water side, the greatest Towne
we saw in the Countrey, higher then which the Portugall
Trade not, and from hence carry much Gold; the most
of the Inhabitants Marybuckes, and the Towne governed
by one of them, called Fodea Brani. They are stored with
Asses and Slaves, their Merchandize Salt. The chiefe Marybucks
Marybucke dying, there came multitudes of people to his ^««^^'^-
Funerall. Of the Grave-Earth digged for him every
principall Marybucke made a Ball mingled with water
out of one pot, which they esteemed as a Relike. They
lay all sweet smels they can get into the ground with him,
^45
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
and tooke it kindly that I bestowed some. Much Gold
is buried with them, or before by themselves in a private
place, for their use in another World. Much singing, or
howling, and crying is used many dayes about the Grave.
This recourse was also to establish his eldest Sonne in his
dignitie, to which many Presents are sent. I saw among
other beasts one Ramme of a hayrie Wooll like Goats.
Sonnes succeed their Fathers, but the Kings Brethren take
place before the Sonnes. The sicknesse of our men in
the Saint John, hastened mv departure.
Sunday the eleventh of March, I returned, and on
Wednesday came to the Saint John. The next day, I
set forward to the Sion, and on Saturday came to Pom-
petan, where the Portugall made us good cheere. Hce
Devils oracks. told us of the Devils giving notice of oxu" beeing in the
River, and comming up, which the circumstances made
probable. On Munday, we came to Cassan, a hill where
the Sion did ride : the Master and many others dead, and
not above foure able men in the Company.
Here we lay from the nineteenth or March, to the
eighteenth of Aprill, wee weighed and came the next
morning to anchor against Wolley, WoUey, under the
King of Cassan. Whiles wee were there, came a new
King from the King of Bursall to take possession of the
Countrey, the old King being ejected as the Sonne of a
Captive woman, whereas this was right Heire by both
[II.vti.926.] Parents, and now comne of age, who now transported
himselfe and his over the River, to give place to this new
King, which promised us all kindnesse.
The twentieth, we came to Mangegar, within a mile of
which, every Munday is a great concourse and market,
but miserable Merchandize. The last of Aprill, the Saint
John came to us, and the fourth of May we sayled downe
the River together. From May to October, it blowes
up the River except in the Ternado, which comes for the
most part South-east. On the eighteenth, we prepared
our Shallop. On the nineteenth, we set up Tents on the
shoare. The King of the Countrey called Cumbo, came
246
RICHARD JOBSON a.i>.
i6oa
to us, and was very kind and familiar, promising all favour,
labours of calking and other businesse, watching and
Musketos, which nere exceedingly abounded, did much
molest us. On the ninth, wee turned out of the River.
Next morning before day, we had a violent storme, or
Ternado, with Thunder, Lightning, and exceeding store of
raine. This weather is frequent from May to September.
Wee put in at Travisco for Workmen, our Carpenters
being dead. Thence we hasted home.
Chap. IL
A description and historicall declaration of the
golden Kingdome of Guinea, otherwise called
the golden Coast of Myna, lying in a part of
Africa, shewing their belicfe, opinions, traffiqu-
ing, bartering, and manner of speech ; together
with the situation of the Countrie, Townes,
Cottages, and Houses of the same ; with their
Persons and Proportions, Havens and Rivers,
as they are now found out and discovered: all
perfectly viewed and curiously discovered, and
written by one that hath oftentimes beene
there. Translated out of Dutch, conferred also
with the Latine Edition,* and contracted. *Translaud
' out of Dutch
§T by G. Artus
• *• DauHsc.and
What course the ships hold which seeke to goe to ^' ^*f* ^^f
the Gold Coast of Guinea. Of Cape Verde, ind!ontHt"
and the course from thence. T&e Vojast
OUch ships as passe by the Hands of Canadai, must j^/^ Novml^r
thence (if they will have trafEque at Cape Verde) hold thefirst^iSoo,
their course South and by East, and South South- til January the
cast, till they be under fifteene degrees, and then seeing no ^^^ ^^j
Land, they must hold their course East, till they find Land, otMfu^e I
and not South because of stormes, which alwayes come from omit.
247
A.D.
i6oo.
Sierra Leona
l^lasPalmas.
*The Graine
Coast is
Manigette, so
called of a kind
of Grape,
Baixas de S.
Anna.
[Il.vii. 927.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the East, and having done at Cape Verde, they must hold
their course somewhat South and by West, untill they be
a good way from the Land, or at least without it, for that
commonly they can hardly get from .the Land, by reason
of the stormes, and the wind that comes out of the Sea,
which alwiayes driveth them to the Land, whereby com-
monly men are neerer to the Land, then oftentimes they
thinke they are. And those that meane also to traffique
on the Coast of Manigette, when they are above the Bassis
of Rio grande, then they must seeke to get to the Land,
that they may enter into Sierra Leona, and other Rivers,
there to make their profit, and all along the Coast in
other Rivers and Townes, untill they come to Cape de las
Palmas, and then they must take their course along by the
Cape de tres punctas. But they that desire not to goc
neerer to Cape Verde, or the Graine * Coast, but only
seeke to goe right forth, to the Gold Coast of Myna, hold
their course by the Hands of Canaria, and sayle Southward,
untill they have past by the Hands of Cape Verde, leaving
them commonly on Bagh-boord, or as the wind serveth
them, being under ten, nine or eight degrees, then they
begin to make towards the Land, and to hold their course
South and by East, and by the same course to seeke to
get above all Bassis and shallowes, without altering their
course; for they that fall upon Saint Annes shallowes,
lying under sixe degrees, have much labour and pain
before they can get off from them again ; and on the
otherside they lose a great deale of time, oftentimes
thinking that they are off from the shallowes, when their
ship is still upon them, which is because it is no continuall
shallow, but full of deepe pits : for in one place you shall
have three fathome deepe, and then againe ten fothome,
and then againe, the streame drives you still to Land, so
that many men by meanes of their negligence know not
what to do, and are put to much trouble before they can
bring their Voyage to an end. Now, sayling further, and
comming under seven and sixe degrees, there commonly
you find calmes, specially, when it is not a time of Trava-
248
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
160Q.
does, which is in Aprill, May, and June, whereof men are
in great feare. It fell out so with us, that beeing under
those highthes, we were twentie dayes driving in a cahne,
without winning any great highth, and that which we
wonne with the Current, the next day we lost it againe
with a contrary wind; so that you must beware of the
Land in any hand, specially, those that goe to Brasilia,
for they must take heed, not to goe too neere the Land,
lest the calme taketh them: I once found a ship there-
abouts, which thought to sayle to the Bay de Todos los MSmnts
Sanctos, and thinking that the streame drave him upon the ^^•
Coast of West India, fell there upon the Graine Coast,
so that hee was forced to goe backe againe, and beeing
not able to fall into his right course, hee was constrayned ^^ »^^ ^Z-
to leave it, and in stead of sayling to Brasilia, he was f^^^^
forced to goe to Saint Thomas, so that imder those HeUirwCap'
higbthes, you can doe nothing with the wind, but onely tdne KieRngs
by the current, which alwaies runnes East with the VojageXib.^.
bough.
They that sayle to East India, also shunne this calme Descriptm of
as much as possible they may, to get above the sand, or ^^P^ f^erde.
rise of Brasilia, for otherwise thev must whether they will
or not, goe to Cape Toxes Consalves, and then sayle along
under the Equinoctiall Line, at least three or foure hundred
miles, before they can get againe into their right course,
as it happened not long since to some of our snips, which
was a ^eat hinderance imto their Voyage, further having
past this calme, and towards the Land about Cape de las
Palmas, or to some other places, which you know, then
you must hold your course along by the Land, but no
neerer to the Land then eight and twentie fathomes deepe,
till you come to Cape de tres punctas, where the Golden
Coast begins, and where the Hollanders traffique with the
N^oes.
First, passing the River of Senega, you begin to draw
neere to Cape Verde, which is a piece of Land easily to
be knowne, for the first point sheweth it selfe with two
hillockes or hovels, and lyeth farre into the Sea, and on
249
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
both the North and South-side thereof loseth the Land,
but Southward from the point, about halfe a mile from the
Land, there is an Hand seene, whereon many Fowles breed,
and great numbers of Egges are found therein, behind this
Hand there lyeth a great Kocke, a little separated from the
Land. This Hand is very imfit to rayse shallops on, you
may sayle betweene the Land and this Hand, with a ship of
three hundred and twentie tuns, but not without great
feare, for that there are many Rockes lying under the
water, but for the best securitie of ship and goods, it is
better to sayle on the West side of the Hand to the other
Hand, where shallops may be set together, which you may
see being right against the first Hand, lying; about three
miles Southeast from the other: these Ilands are not
inhabited, and there is nothing to be had in them but great
store of ballast and wood to burne, but for that there is a
convenient Valley to make shallops in, therefore those
places are much used, and are the cause that many ships
sayle to them, but on the firme Land there are great
store of Negroes inhabiting, which traffique with all
Nations.
Thpeopk tff The Countrey people goe naked, only that they hang
their afpanll. ^ jpi^ct of Linnen cloth before their privie members, but
their Governom-s (as Captaines and Gentlemen) are better
apparelled then the common sort of people, and are well
knowne by their Garments to be such. They go in a long
Cotton Garment close about them like a womans smocke,
full of blue stripes, like feather bed tikes, on their armes
they weare many foure-cornerd leather bagges, all close
joyned together, and the like upon their legges, but what
is within them, I know not, because they will not let us
see. About their neckes they weare Beads made of Sea*
horse Teeth, and some Corals, or Beades which wee bring
them, on their heads they weare Caps of the same stufFe
that their clothes are, they are people that are very
industrious and carefull to get their livings, their chiefest
Trade is Husbandry, to sowe Rice and Corne : their great
riches is in Cowes, which there are very scant and deare,
250
A DESCRIFflON OF GUINEA
A.D.
-1600.
but further into the G>untrey there are great store, for
that men lade whole ships full of Salt hides at Porta dallia,
which they take in exchange or barter for Iron, which
place lyeth but seven or eight miles from Cape Verde.
They make very faire Iron worke, and in that Countrey,
there is great store of Iron spent, specially faire long barres,
whereof^they are as curious as any man in the World can
be, those they use to make Instruments of, wherewith to
fish, and to labour upon the Land, as also to make weapons,
as Bowes, Arrowes, Aponers, and *Assagayen. They have *Kindof Darts
no knowledge of God; those that traffique and are con- '^-'^^^^^l
versant among strange Countrey people, are civiller then \^^^
the common sort of people, they are very greedie eaters,
and no lesse drinkers, and very lecherous, and theevish,
and much addicted to undeanenesse : one man hath as
many wives as hee is able to keepe and maintaine.
The women also are much addicted to leacherie, '^^^^ women.
speciallv, with strange Countrey people, of whom they are
not jealous, as of their owne Countrey people and Neigh-
bours ; their Religion is after the manner of Mahomets
law, for circumcision and such like toyes. They are also
great Lyers, and not to be credited, the principall
Commodities that men traffique for there, are Hides, CommcdtHes.
Amber-greece, Gumme of Arabia, Salt, and other wares of
small importance, as Rice, Graine, Teeth, and some Civet.
The Portugals also dwell there, with other Nations, where-
with they may freely traffique, because they are not subjects
to the King of Spaine; and besides, that they are not
Masters of the Countrey, and have no command but over
their slaves. The Negroes are under the command of
their owne Governours, which are called Algaier in their
Language, which is a Captain of a Village, for every
Village hath his severall Algaier, and when any ship come [II.vii.928.]
to anchor there, then the Captaine comes presently aboard
with a Canoe, to aske Anchoridge money, which is
commonly three barres of Iron, but of such as know not
their custome, they take as much as they can ; their bodies
are very blacke, and of a good proportion. When they
251
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oo,
speake, they put out their neckes, like Turkic Cockes,
and speake very fast. They have a speech by themselves.
The course Leaving Cape Verde, to saile to the Golden Coast of
•fp^^^i^ Myna, the course is best (if the wind will serve) alon^ by
the land, to the place where you will Trafique, and deale
with the Negros : from Cape Verde to Rio de Gambra, it
Miles are to is five and twenty miles, from Rio Gambra to the Baixos
be understood of Rio Grande thirty miles, from thence to Sierra Liona,
^A^^'-^j^iA t^c^score miles ; there is a good place to lie in the Winter
leajc^s \acJ ^^"^^9 ^o^ i^ ^^^ entrie of the River, you have five fathome
seu mil deepe at the least, and so for the space of fourteene miles
gMca. going South-east towards the Roade, you have sixteene,
tourteene, twelve, ten, and eight fathome water : from the
River of Sierra Liona, to Rio de Galinas, (that is, the
River of Hens, because there are many Hens, and very
good cheape, at a Mesken a peece) fourty miles from
Rio de Galinas to Cape de Monte eighteene miles, the
land of Cape de Monte reacheth South-east and by South,
it is a low land, but the Cape is high land, like a hill, or
like a horse necke, with a falling in : from Cape de Monte,
to Cape dos Baixos, fiftie miles ; from Cape de Bassis to
Cape de las Palmas, fiftie miles. These are the three
principallest Capes of all the gold Coast ; this Cape lieth
under foure Degrees, and is the furthest land of all the
Coast, which reacheth towards the Equinoctiall line, all
the land for the most part lieth South-east, and North-
west, low ground, sometimes rising, but no high hils to be
seene inward to the land ; from Cape das Palmas, to Cape
de Apollonia, and so to Cape de tres Punctas sixtie miles,
"^Nesurade R. from Cape de Monte, to Cape de Miserade,* sixteene miles
Chostis. ^^jjjg Q^p^ jg ^ YiigYi land) n-om Cape de Miserade to Rio
de Ceste, foure and twentie miles, all along hither to you
have good Anchor ground at twelve fathome, the West
point is rising land, like to a hill that riseth and sheweth
it selfe within the Countrey, when you are North from it
you are then right against Rio de Cestes, before in the
mouth of the River, there lieth a small Iland, and the
Village where you Traffique lieth a mile upwards within
25a
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
i6oo.
the River. From Rio de Cestes to Cape das Baixos
five miles, this Cape sheweth like a saile, and it is a white
Rocke which lieth out into the Sea, being two miles from
the Cape you saw, foure and thirty, and five and thirty
fathome water, good Anchor ground, you may hold your
course along by the land at two and thirty, three & tlurty,
and foure & thirty fathome deepe ; but go not neere if you
desire not to go to the gold Coast, because of stormes,
with a wind out of the Sea, as also because of Rockes, and
foule ground, that are, and is foimd to be there, which will
rather hurt, then doe you good. From Cape de Bassis to
Sanguin three miles, there is much Graine to be bought,
and g^ood Traffique to be made. From Sanguin to Bofoe Note.
a mile and a halfe, there also is Traffique ; from Bofoe to
Sertres two miles, there also you may Traffique, and it is
a good place : from Sertres to Botowa two miles, it is also
a TOod place to Traffique in : from Bottowa to Synno, five
miles. There also is Traffique ; from Synno to Sonweroboe
three miles, from Sonweroboe to Baddoe two miles, from
Baddoe to Crou two miles ; from Crou to Wappa foure
miles ; from Wappa to Granchetre two miles : (This the
French men call Paris) from Granchetre to Goyaua, foure
miles, thither there commeth great store of Graine to sell,
and it is a good place to Tiuffique in with the Negros,
from Goyaua to Cape de las Palmas three miles, all this
from Cape Verde to Cape de las Palmas is called the
Graine or golden Coast (otherwise Mellegette) wherein
the Kingdome of Mellie is contained, which by us that MelR.
are the Netherlanders is called the Graine Coast : but by
others it is called the Coast of Mellegette : This Kingdome
of Mellie hath an other Kingdome under it, called Bitonni,
which lieth not farre from Rio Cestes.
The Kingdome of Mellie is rich of Corne, Graine, Rice,
Cotten, and Flesh, and some Elephants, where by they sell
many of their teeth unto strangers. The inhabitants are
mischievous and cruell, (yet better in one place then in
another) alwayes seeking to spoile and intrap strangers,
that come thither, and cruelly to murther them ; but some
253
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
Coimtri-men are better welcome unto them then others,
and those are Frenchmen, because of their long Traffique
into those Countreys. The Portugalls come very little
thither, our Countrey men are better entertained in one
place then in another, & that by reason they have some-
times swaggred there abouts, and for that cause the Negros
seeke to be revenged. The greatest Traffique here is
Graine, Teeth, and some Rice ; other Wares that are there
to be had cannot be bartered for in any great quantity, as
gold and Teeth, for there is little to be had, but other
necessaries for sustenance of man, are there reasonably to
be had, and wine of Palme, which they draw out of the
trees, is there very delicate, exceeding sweet, and as
exceUent as any can be found in those Coasts. The
Inhabitants are subjects to their Captain, whom they call
Taba, and are very submissive and ready to obev his
commandement. The Kins;s or Captaines of their Villages,
are very grave, and rvde with great severitie, holding their
subjects m great subjection. Their Language differeth
in the one pEice from the other : but most of mem speake
a little French, by reason, that they are used to deale much
with the French men, and so get some part of their speech,
as they on the gold Coast also doe, who likewise speake
a little Portugal, by reason also that the Portugalls in
times past used to Traffique much there. They are very
[II.vii.929.] expert in husbandry, as to some Graine, wherewith they
have a great Traffique, they are also very cunning, and
fine workmen to make many fine things; specially, very
faire Canoes or small Scutes, wherewith they also rowe into
Sea, which they cut out of a whole tree (like to a Venetian
Gondel) which are very swift to goe; the men have as
many wives as they can maintaine, but they keepe them
very short, and looke neere unto them. They are likewise
very Jealous of their wives : for if they perceive that any
of their wives have plaid false with them, they will seeke
great revenge against the partie that hath done them the
wrong, and will make warre upon him, and for that cause,
raise all their Countrey, so that the women are not here so
2S4
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
common, as on the golden Coast of Mina, and else where.
Passing further from Cape de las Palmas, you find many
Rivers, where you may barter for great store of Teeth, to
Cape de Tres Punctas, and for that cause it is called the
tooth Coast.
Passing Cape deApolonia, (which lieth betweeneCape de
las Palmas, and Cape de Tres Punctas) five miles further :
there lieth a small Castle, but not strong, which is held by
the Portugalls, the Village is called Achombeue, and the
Castle Ariem, there many Negros dwell, but come seldome
aboord our ships that lie there at Anchor, which the
Portugalls forbid them to doe. Thus you have read the
Description of the Graine or gold Coast, as also the Tooth
Coast, and now you shall read of the Coast of Mina. *And *5// Cap. 8.
first of the Iron people in this golden Coast.
§. 11.
How they marrie each with other, and what goods
their Fathers give with their Children ; their
House-keeping together; the womans lying in;
education of their Children: Their propor-
tions, Industrie and conditions.
|n|n|Hen their children begin to attaine to yeeres of Provision of a
mwm discretion, and are able to be married to a wife, "'i^*
1™^^ Then the father seeketh out a wife for his Son,
which he thinks wil like his Son well, and yet he never
saw, nor knew her before, & without wooing each other.
Who being thus brought together, the lather giveth
nothing at all with his son towards houshold : but if he
hath gotten any thing himselfe, by fishing or carrying
Merchants aboord the ship, that is his owne to begin
houshold withall. But the Brides fi-iends, give the value Portiou.
of fourteene Gulderns in gold with their daughter, for
their marriage good ; whi(£ is to be understood, that if
they be any thing worth, then the Father giveth his
daughter a Peso and a halfe of gold, and the mother halfe
255
i6oo«
PUBCHAS HIS PnX^RIMES
a Peso of gold : which after our reckoning alti^edier» is
halfe an ounce of goU Troy weight, which they give them
to buy wine de Palme, to keepe dmr Bridall withall : lor
die kith nothing else, but that which her Father and
Mother giveth her, for she getteth nothi^ in her youth,
as her husband did. And if it be a I&ngs sonne or
daughter, they also give no more with them to their
marriage ; for it is a common custome with them to give
no more with their daughters in marriage, then they give
them as a liberalitie, but when they goe to keepe house,
they give them a slave to serve them. Besides this, the
Bride in the presence of her friends which come to the
RiUsofmar- Banquet, maketh a promise, and sweareth, to be true to
^'*^' her husband, and not to use the bodily company of any
other man ; but the man taketh no sudh oath, but is free
thereof.
l^vvruaad Now, if she chanceth to commit whoredome with an
fi^^^^' other man, either willingly or against her will, and that her
husband heareth thereof, then he must put her away for
it ; and the man that hath committed the act, shall forfeit
to the King fbure and twentv Pesos (which after our
account is nine ounces) of gold. But if it be a Dutch
man, he payeth no fine, because he is a stranger, and knew
not whether the woman was married or not, which excuseth
him : yet the fault is laid upon the woman that hath done
such an offence, and she must pay to her husband foure
Pesos, or halfe an ounce of gold, because she committed
adultery with another man, if she hath gotten any thing ;
but if she hath nothing, and cannot pay the fine to her
husband, it excuseth her not: for if^ he hath no great
fantasie to his wife, or that they have little affection one
unto the other, if he will, he may put her away firom
him, and as then the band of Matrimonie is broken
betweene them, and he may take an other wife when he
wiU.
But if he cannot learne that his wife hath committed
such a fact, by information of other men, but presumeth
it of himselfe, or suspecteth that his wife hath laine with
256
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
1600.
any other man, he chargeth her with it, and making her
eate certaine Salt, useth other Ceremonies of their Triallof
Idolatrous Fetissos, wherewith the woman knowing her ^^^ ^^'
selfe to be cleere, and not to have committed adultery
with an other man, willingly taketh her oath. But
knowing her selfe to bee faulty, she dare not take her
oath fearing, that if she should forsweare her selfe, her
Fetisso would make her die, whereby oftentimes the wife
discovers her owne offence, and procureth the means to
moovc her husband to be devorced from her, which chiefely
hapneth, by meanes of the Jelousie which the man hath
of his first wife, for it causeth a great hatred and contention
betweene them, because it is a great scandall unto him, [II.vii.930.]
and oftentimes there groweth so great strife about it, that
he seeketh to murther the man that doth the fault, and
although he hath paid the fine imposed upon him, the
married man hath the Priviledge to drive him out of the
Towne.
Further, when they keepe house together, if the man Polygamy.
beginneth to thrive, he hath meanes to buy an other wife,
he may not buy her without the consent of his first wife,
unlesse he were at controvcrsie with her, and put her
away, for some thing that he could charge her withall;
but with her good will he may buv another. He giveth
his first wife sixe Englishen of gold, or two, three, foure
or five, as much as he can get, or hath need of, keeping
his other wife for his slave, or to serve him, or for his
Etigufou, or in our Language, his Whore or Concubine,
to whom he beareth not so great affection, nor is not so
jealous of her, as of, and to his wife, and those serve for
every man, for he may complaine of no man for her, nor
cause him to pay any fine for her. His first wife waxing
old, and her mind being not so much addicted unto lust,
if he perceiveth it, then he cleaveth to his yonger wife,
to have his pleasure with her, and ever after esteeming
most of her, maketh his old wife doe the houshold worke,
giving her meat and drinke as long as she liveth, and
putteth her not away, but she is forced to serve the yong
VI 257 R
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oo.
wife, and shall never trouble her sdfe with any thing, but
onely to eate and drinke well, to have a care to please her
husband, and to doe whatsoever he commandeth.
Although a man hath as many wives as he is able to
keepe, yet all are not of one, but of severall ages, the one
yonger then the other, that they may be the better served
by their wives. For when the eldest can doe no more for
age, (that he may not want worke) and that the yongcst
wives might doe him more pleasiu-e, they make most of
the yongest ; and every wife dwelleth in a house by her
selfe, although he had ten wives, as many of them have.
The wife keepes her husbands money, and when he needeth
Their mats, any, he fetcheth some of her. They eate not one with the
other, but either of them alone by themselves ; the husband
eateth with one of his companions that he dealeth with, or
with whom he goeth to Sea : his wives also eate with their
friends or neighbours, every one bringing their meat with
them, and so make good cheare together, and at evening,
the women goe home to their houses againe, and are
Bids. together but m the day time. The man and wife lie each
or them in a severall roome, at night, spreading a mat upon
the OTOund, and lay a wooden stoole under their heads, in
steaa of a pillow, and then making a little fire of wood.
The Irish Joe when it bm-neth they lie downe, with the soles of their
^ ^^'' feet before it, that the heat thereof might draw out the
cold, which they by day have drawne up into them from
the earth by going bare-footed, esteemmg it to be very
good for them, which we must also acknowledge. Now,
when he hath a desire to use any of his wives, either he
calleth or fetcheth her, and that night he lieth with her, &
the next day, she goeth to her house againe, where she
dwelleth, not once making any of the rest acquainted,
what she did that night, or that her husband lay with her ;
for then they would be too jealous.
ChiU'Urth. Being with child, when their time of deliverance, and
bringing foorth of their child into the world commeth,
when she is in labour, both men, women, maids, yong men
& children, run unto her, and she in most shamelesse
*S8
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
manner, is delivered before them all. I would say much
more hereof, but in respect of the credit of women, I will
leave it. When the child is borne, she goes to the water
to wash & make deane her selfe, not once dreaming of a
moneths lying in, nor of making Caudles of Ipocras, and
other wines, as women here with us use to doe : they use
no Nurses to helpe them when they lie in child-bed, neither
seeke to lie dainty and soft; but they presently take a
spoonefull of Oyle, and a handfull of Manigette or Graine,
whereof they make a drinke, and drinke it up.
The next day after, they goe abroad in the streets,
to doe their businesse, as other women doe. They give
their child such a name, as they thinke good to themselves, f^ams.
and blesse the same with their Fetissos, and other witch-
crafts, and when time serveth, circumcise both boyes and
girles: at which time they make a great feast, whereof
they make great account. But where the women are most
shamelesse at the time of the birth of their children, the
men in three moneths after, lie not with that wife, nor
once have the use of her body, which neverthelesse, I
thinke they doe not for any shame or regard that they
have, to deale with that woman, but onely because they
have other wives enough. They take the yong child as
soone as it is borne, and wrapping a cleane cloth about the
middle thereof, lav it downe on a mat upon the ground,
and not in a cradle, and there let it turne and sprawle
about, and doe what it will, and when it is two or three
moneths old, the mother ties the child with a peece of cloth
at her backe, and so lets it hang there, as the high Dutches
wives use to follow their husbands in the warres. When
the child crieth to sucke, the mother casteth one of her dugs
backeward over her shoulder, and so the child suckes it as
it hangs. The women goe up and downe from place to ^\^& rf
place, and still carry their children in that sort, as lightly, ^^^''^•
as if they had nothing at their backes, the childs he^ lies
just upon her shoulder, and so she goes shaking of the
child most pitifully to behold, whereby we wondered that
they brake not the childs joynts, by bearing them in that
aS9
A.O.
i6oo.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Ditnl&tk
freservoHves
against the
Devili.
sort, being so young, and yet you find very few or no lame
[II.yii.931.] persons in those 0)untreys. They teadi their children
to goc very young, for they make no reckoning thereof,
and sufFer them to creepe and runne abroad when they
are very little, and teach them to speake very soone,
whereby you find many children there among them that
can both goe and speake ere they bee a yeare old, and
some of them speake so plainly, that you may understand
what they say in their Language, for they speake and goe
fiure sooner then our children doe, which we wondred at,
besides this, they are strong, fat and well disposed, whereof
we will speake hereafter in another place.
The children being a moneth or two old, then they hanjg
a Net about the bodie thereof, like a little shirt, which is
made of the barke of a tree, which they hang full of their
Fetissos, as golden Crosses, strings with Corall about their
hands, feet, and neckes, and their haire is filled full of shels,
whereof they make great account, for they say, that as long
as the young childe hath that Net about him, the Devifi
cannot take nor beare the child away, and leaving it off,
the DeviU would carrie it away, for they say, the childe
being so little, it would not bee strong enough to resist
the Devili, but having that Net upon the bodie, it is armed,
and then the Devili hath no power over it; the Corals
which they hang about the child, which they call a Fetisso,
they esteeme much, for that hanging such a Fetisso about
the childes necke, they say, it is good against vomiting ;
the second Fetisso, which they hane about his necke, they
say, it is good against falling the third, they say, is good
against bleeding ; the fourth is very good to procure sleepe,
which they hang about the necke thereof, in the night-
time, that it may sleepe well ; the fift, is good against wild
beasts, and the unwholsomenesse of the Aire, with divers
other such like Fetissos, each having a name a-part, to
shew what vertue it hath, and what they are good for, and
they credibly beleeve them to be good against vomiting,
falling, bleeding, (which they presently helpe) and for
sleeping ; they feed their young children with all kind of
260
Fetissos.
A DESCRIPTION OP GUINEA a.d.
1 600.
grosse meates, almost from the first, for when they leave
suckling (they suffer them not to suck long) then they
beginne to learne the childe to eate of their grosse meates,
and to drinke water ; when they be used thereunto, then
they take little heed to them, but beate the children lying
downe in their house, like Dogges, rooting in the ground
like Hogges, whereby it falleth out that the young children
soone learne to goe.
Every woman bringeth up her owne children, and each
child knoweth the Mother, and remayneth with her, imtill
the Father either buyeth it of her, or that it goeth away
from the Mother, it oftentimes falleth out, that the
Husband taketh the child from the Mother, & selleth it
to other men for a slave. When they begin to goe, they
presently learne to swimme, and to runne into tne water, •
and when they are first borne they are not blacke, but Coim-.
reddish, as the Brasilians are ; and then by little and little
begin to be blacke ; and at last, to bee as blacke as Pitch,
and growing bigger, run up and downe like Savage men,
Boyes and Girles together, fighting one with another,
taking each others meate from uiem, and from their child-
hood upwards, begin to be envious one against the other,
and so grow bigger and exercise all kind of villanie and
knaverie, their Parents not once teaching them any civilitie,
nor shewing them what they should doe, suffering both
Boyes and Girles to goe starke naked as they were borne,
with their privie members all open, without any shame or
civilitie.
They use to beate and chasten their children most Correctm.
cruelly, striking them with great staves, in such sort that
we wondred that they did not breake their bones, which
they doe not, but for some great cause (whereby their
children respect them much) and for that they beate them
cruelly, so that they doe not easily forget it. Other good
Discipline they teach them not, but they grow up like
wild trees: having spent their time thus uncivilly, and
beginning to be eight, ten, or twelve yeares old, then their
Parents begin to instruct and teach them to do some thing,
261
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oo.
and to labour with their hands, the Fathers teach their
Aru. Sonnes to spinne Thred made of barkes of Trees, and to
knit Nets, which having learned they goe to Sea with their
Fathers to fish, and when they know how to rowe, and
to guide a Boat, then two or three Boyes will goe out
together in a Canoe or Almadia to fish, and that which
they take they carrie to their Parents for food> but when
they are eighteene or twentie yeares old, then their Sonnes
beginne to deale for themselves, and leave their Fathers,
and go and dwell two or three of them together in a
house, buying; or hyring a Canoe, (which is one of their
Boats) and therewith goe to Sea together, and what fish
they get they sell for Gold, first keeping as much as
serveth for food for themselves, with that they sell, they
First i^fareU. buy a fathome of Linnen cloth, which they Jfiang about
their bodies, and betweene their legges, wjfierewith they
cover their privie members, for then they begin to be
shame-faced; whence they proceed further and beginne
to deale and trafiique with Merchandize, and to carrie it
aboord the ship in their Canoes, and serve Merchants to
carry them to and from their ships, and so learne to deale
with Gold, and to get some thing. After that, beginning
to be amorous, and to looke after young Wenches, then
they are esteemed to bee men, which when their Fathers
iFmng. perceive, they looke them out Wives, and then they marrie,
which they doe very youne, so that in those Countries,
Children get Children. Touching the Girles, they also
begin to worke, and that some-what sooner then the Boyes,
they learne to make Baskets, Mats and straw Hats of
greene Rushes, which they fold with their hands, they also
learne to make Caps, Purses, and apparell made of barkes
[Il.vii. 932.] of Trees, dyed with all kinds of colours, most cunningly
done, as if they were fastened together with cords, much
to bee wondred at, they also learne to grind their Come
or Millia, and thereof make Bread, which they goe and
sell for their Mothers, and bring them the monev to buy
other meate withall, and whatsoever they get, tney give
it to their Mothers, who for that (when they marrie) give
262
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a,d.
1600.
them some gift, as I have said before. In this sort the
Girles begin to labour, and to learne to doe houshold
worke, wherein according to their manner of house
keeping, they are very curious, and exceed the men in
cunning workmanship.
The men in those Countries are of a very good propor- '^^^ ^"'^^
tion, with faire members, strong legs, and well-shaped ^"^ ^^^'
bodies, which is easily to be seene, for that they goe almost
naked of their bodies, they have round faces, and no great
lips, nor wide mouthes, as the Barbarian Moores have, but
their Noses are flat, which they make flat when they are
young, for they esteeme a flat Nose to be a great ornament
unto them, and to say truth, it doth not amisse in them,
for that according to the proportion of bodie, it beautifieth
their faces: their eares are small, their eyes white, their
eye browes very great, white teeth in their mouthes, (for
they keepe their teeth very deane, scouring them with
small stickes, and thereby make them very smooth, and
shining like Ivorie) they have little beard, and are at least
thirtie yeares of age, before they have any. They have
broad sholders, thicke armes, great hands, and long nngers,
and let their nailes grow very lon^, which they keepe very ^g ^/^J* ^
deane with scraping, for some of them let them grow as ^**^
long as the joynt of a mans finger, which they esteeme for 1
a great ornament, for that cause thinking themselves to be }
Gentlemen. The Merchants also that dwell within the
Land, use those long nailes for a great shew, for they
keepe them as white as Ivorie, by scraping them, and
agame they have good use for them, for that sometimes
when they have not a Spoone by them, and that they untie
their Purses to weigh Gold, and wanting a Spoone to take
it out, for haste they use their long nailes, and therewith
put the Gold into the Scales, and I have seene some of
them at one time, take at least halfe an ounce of small
Gold like sand out of their Purses. They have small
bellies, lon^ leg;s, broad feet, and long toes, little haire
upon their bodies, curled haire upon their heads, but not
so much curled as the Tawnie Moores, for theirs is almost
263
A.D.
i6oo.
Thiirmtsan
subtkHi,
Stomackes.
Sfomach and
revenge.
SupersHtm.
NkeHe,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
like bristels, and not like Wooll. In the palmes of their
hands, under their feet, and under their lips, they arc vcrv
white, their skins are as soft as Velvet, and smooth, which
they raze not, they likewise have a great privie member,
whereof they make great account, therein they much
suipasse our Countrimen.
As they grow in yeares, they become blacker and blacker,
at thirtie yeares of age beeing in their best time, but when
they are seventie or eightie yeares old, then their blacknesse
beginnes to decay, and their bodies become vellowish, and
their skins begin to be rug|;ed, and to wrinkle like Spanish
Leather ; they exceed 3l other Moores in Africa, for
proportion and stature of bodie.
The men are industrious and subtill persons as can be,
good Workmen or Labourers, strong of bodie, strait, and
very upright, ingenious to learne any thing, and readie
to conceive it: tor any thing whatsoever they see done
before them, they will soone imitate and counterfeit ; they
are of a very sharpe sight, and see further then our Nether-
landers, for if there be any ships at the Sea, they will see
them sooner then we, they are subtill Merchants to traffique
with all, and everie day more and more learne of the
Netherlanders, so that in time thev will surpasse them, for
they have good skill and knowleage in the Merchandizes
which we sell them, they are hard of complexion, and have
very hot stomackes, for they are able to disgest raw and
most strange meates (whereat we wondred) for if they had
an Ostridge maw, they coiild not better disgest such raw
meate as they many times eate, as I will further declare,
when I speake more of their manner of feeding. They
are very envious and spitefull one against the other, and
will beare malice against a man ten yeares together, and
when they have the meanes to be revenged, then they will
make their malice knowne, and untill then keepe it secret.
They are Idolatrous, and very superstitious in their
Religion. They have a strong complexion or savoxu- of
their bodies, much like Oyle of Palme, wherewith they
often anoint themselves. They are very curious to keepe
264
A DESCRIPTION OP GUINEA aj>.
i6oo.
their bodies deane, and often wash and scoure them.
They are much troubled with Lice and Fleas. They are
not ashamed to shew their naked bodies, but they are
very carefull not to let a Fart, if any bodie be by them ;
they wonder at our Netherlanders, that use it so commonly,
for they cannot abide that a man should Fart before them,
esteeming it to be a great shame and contempt done unto
them ; when they ease themselves, they commonly goe in Easements.
the morning to the Townes end (where there is a place
purposely made for them) that they may not bee seene,
as also because men passing by shoiild not bee molested
with the smell thereof, they also esteeme it a bad thing
that men should ease themselves upon the ground, and
therefore they make houses which are borne up above the
ground, wherein they ease themselves, and every time they
doe it, they wipe ; or else they goe to the water side, to
ease themselves in the sand, and when these Privie-houses
are full, they set fire in them, and let them burne to ashes ;
they pisse by Jobs as Hogs doe, and not all at one time ;
they are very covetous, and much addicted thereunto, and Covetise and
they can begge so well, aild are so expert therein, that they ^<aPV
surpasse all the beggers in our Countrey, who althougn [II.v1i.933.]
they had set ten or twelve yeeres ordinarily at the Church
doores, in Holland or Zeland; or gone from doore to
doore to begge an almes: yet they cannot have their
lessons so p^tectly as these. And although they are very
hard and nigardly, and will give but little, yet when they
have gotten any thing by their begging, then they will
be somewhat liberall mereof, when it costs them nothing.
They are very lecherous, and much addicted to unclean- Lechery.
nesse; especially with yong women, whereby they are
much subject to the Poxe, and other undeane diseases,
that are gotten thereby ; which they make small account
of, and are nothing ashamed of them. They are no lesse
given to drinking ; for they are great drunkards, and dainty Dmnkennesse
mouthed, and can eate and drinke of the best. In their ^^ET^f^-
feeding, they are very greedy. They cannot endure that *^''^'
any rame should fall upon their bodies, and therefore they
a6s
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
Lying ami shun it. They are very great liers, and not to be credited.
suahng. They are likewise much inclined to theft, for they will
steale like dogs, for their Kings and Captaines practise it,
and they are so well used thereunto, that they cannot leave
stealing. They are very expert and cunning to fish, and
to till the land, and in their apparell, and goin^ very
proud, they are very stout, proud and curious in aJl their
actions. They are not to be trusted nor credited, for they
are no good pay-masters, you were as good give it, as
trust them with any thing. They are of a very good
memorie, and will remember a thing long. They are by
nature warme and hott, and therefore cannot endure cold,
they are not frug;all, for whatsoever they get, they spend
it presently : for it grieves them to keepe it, so that therein
they are like to little children, that can keepe nothing.
They are excellent Swimmers and Divers in the water,
and are so expert therein, that they much surpasse our
Qjuntrey men.
§. III.
Of their Apparell, Customes within doores.
Manner of diet. Merchandising, the use of
Dache ; Wares carried thither.
CutAng HNHLthough their apparell and manner of dressing is
their kmre. HM^ not variable, yet they take a great pride therein;
1^"^ as first, in cutting their haire, every one of a
several fashion, and as finely as he can devise it: some
with a halfe moone, some crosse wise, others with three
or foure homes upon their heads, and every one a severall
way, so that among fiftie men, you shall scarce find two or
thret that are cut alike. On their armes they hang Iron
Ringf. rings, three or foure upon one arme cut, some round,
others flat, which are raced, and markt as we make fairings
for children. About their neckes they weare a string of
Beades, of divers colours, which oiu* Netherlanders bring
them; but the Gentlemen weare Rings of gold about
366
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
their necks, on their feet, they weare many strange
wreathes, which they call Fetissos, (which name they derive FeHssos,
from their Idolatry) for when they eate or drinke, then
they power meat and drinke upon them: and first give
them to eate and drinke. At their knees also they weare
a string of Venice beades, with some gold among them,
of divers fashions, much after the manner that our yong
maids weare their Corall bracelets about their armes.
They weare caps made of Barkes of trees, with a long
string hanging at them, which they bind about their heads,
after the Turkish manner, in stead of a hat-band, painted
and dyed of divers colours. They also make caps of Caps,
Reeds, they likewise have hats of Straw, as we have, and
some of greene Rushes, they also make caps of Dogs and
Goats skms ; which they spread upon a blocke of wood,
all finely made, they weare at least two fathome of Linnen
about the middle of their bodies, and betweene their legs,
and round about them like a girdle, and let it hang downe
beneath their knees, like the Portugals Breeches; and
when thev goe out of doores, they take a fathome of
Linnen cloth, Sey, or Stuffe, and weare it about their
neckes, and crosse under their armes like a Cloake, and in
their hands they weare an Assagaie or two, and when they
goe in this manner in the streets, they have a Boy or a
Slave following them, which carrieth a stoole after them,
and where they stay, there their slaves sets downe their
stooles for them to sit and prate ; they are very proud in pw^.
their going, for they goe very slowly, and use a long pace
as they goe along through the streets, they looke forward,
and never cast up their eyes, untill some body that is
better then themselves, speaketh unto them, and with them
they will stand and talke, and make them an answere;
but if they be such as are of meaner qualitie then them-
selves, to them they will make no answere : but with an
angry countenance, and dispitefuUy, saying, hold your
peace, speake not to me, esteeming themselves embased,
by speaking to a meaner person then themselves in the
streets ; for there are very great men among them, very
367
A.D.
i6oo.
PURCttAS MIS PlL6tllM£S
Salutations.
provid in speech, and doe much honour and reverence to
strangers, to the end you should doe the like to them.
When they goe to Sea, then they put off their clothes,
and taking a little peece of Linnen or cloth, about a hand-
full broad, tie that about their bodies, and betweene their
legs, before their privy members, and when they goe on
[II. vii. 934,] land againe, then they put it off, and wash themselves from
head to feet, and anoint their bodies with Oyle of Palme,
or fat of beasts, to make them shine ; and betweene their
toes put Soape, to keepe them deane: they also use to
anoint their bodies to keepe them from the biting of Flies.
In the morning, when they goe out and meet with any of
their friends or acquaintance, they salute each other very
solemnly, bidding them good morrow, embracing each
other in their armes, & putting forth the two fore-fingers
of .their right hands, one to the other, they hold each other
fast by them, and kinckling them twice or thrice together,
at every time bowing their heads, they say, Auzy, Auzy,
which in their Language is good morrow.
The Portugals m Mina marry MuUato women, halfe
white, halfe blacke, because white women cannot live there.
These weare their haire short, as the men, weare many
Corals, and are bravely apparelled. But of the Native
women of these parts. First, I will tell you of their
Natures, Complexions, and Conditions : from their youths
upwards, they are given to Lust and uncleannesse, for a
great while they goe with their privie members uncovered,
as I said before; and as they have no shame at all, so
when they begin to weare some thing upon .their bodies,
they begin to expresse shamefac'tnesse, but then begin to
be lecherous, which they naturally learne from their youth
upwards: and before the Netherlanders and Portugals
dwelt among them, and Traffique in that Countrey, the
read this with women were not so proud nor curious, as they are now ;
sham^ espici' but that they have learned much of us, bv seeing that we
ai^ travellers, j-ather desire a handsome, then an evill favoured wench;
Let not ' '
Heathens be made worse by Christians toMch, alasy is now common in all remote parts. And
this is one chiefi catue of the death of so maiej there.
968
Their hat.
Through you
is my name
blasphemed
amongst the
Gentiles.Rom.
2. 2. Let
Christians
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a,d.
lOOO.
and for that cause, they rive themselves thereunto, that
they might be beloved of us ; for they esteeme it to be
food fortune for them to have carnall copulation with a
Netherlander, and among themselves, brag and boast
thereof. In former time, they use to goe starke naked
untill they were very great, as yet they doe among those
that dwell within the land, as the Negros themselves have
told us ; but on the Sea side they arc growne more shame-
fec*t, by meanes of such as comes out of Europe to
Traffique with them. They are also theevish, but thereof
they have not so much need as the men. They are very
proud in their gate and apparell, they curie and fold the
haire of their heads, making a hill in the middle of their
heads like a Hat, such as the Dutch Gentlewomen use to
weare, and round about the same, they make round
strikes as bigge as a Dollor, which they dresse and trim
so long, till It be as they would have it ; and then they
anoint it with Palme Gyle, which makes it very much
frizled. They have long Combes with two teeth onely,
each tooth being a finger long, which they thrust into
their haire, and combe it therewith ; for they are troubled
with Lice : they use their combes also for a kind of saluta-
tion or reverence, which they doe unto men ; for when
they bid one good morrow, and kincke fingers together,
they put their combes out of their haire, and put them in Cmhesfir
againe, which they use for a kind of reverence, in stead of ^*«^^^*^-
bowing their heads. Upon their foreheads they cut
three or foure slashfes in the flesh, about the length of the
joint of a mans finger, and also on their cheekes not farre
firom their eares, which thev suffer to swell, and rise up,
about the breadth of a knife, which they cover over with
painting, and under their eye browes, they also make white
strikes, and on their feces they set white spots, which a
farre off shew like Pearles. They also race their armes Racing,
and their breasts with divers kinds of cuts, every morning
putting divers colours upon them, whereby they shew
like blacke silke doublets cut and pinckt, or like a womans
Sattin stomacher, they weare eare rings of Copper or Tin,
269
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oo.
and Copper bracelets about their armes, and some of
Ivorie, and upon their legs also they weare many red and
^»^. yellow Copper Rings. But a yong maid that is unmarried,
weareth many Iron Rings about her armes, sometimes
thirty or forty upon one arme : a Whore (by them called
Etigafou) oftentimes weare Copper Rings upon her legs,
with Bels hanging at them, which she goes ringing through
the streets. They are well proportioned and membrwl,
much surpassing our women, in strength and agility of
body, both when they are delivered of their children, and
otherwise, as I have said before. They are very wise and
diligent in house keeping, good House^wives and Cookes,
but not very skilfiill to make cleane & scoure their Copper
Kettles & Dishes, to make them shine. They keepe no
more Houshold-stufFe then they have need of, you fiod
the women more at home in their houses, then the men
commonly are; for they use not to goe abroad to prate
with their neighbours, they are not over fruitfiill: for
commonly it is two or three yeers before they are with
child, which I thinke proceeds from their hot natures, and
the aire of the Countrey, and secondly, because their
husbands have so many wives, two, three, foure, five,
and sixe, and some more, each one as he hath
power and abilitie to keepe them; and with them, he
lieth according to their manner, every one her turne, and
useth not one onely, but hath so much to doe with them
all, that it is long before some of them are gotten with
child. Their men are diligenter therein then we are, &
the first thing they will tell you, is of their wifes and
Sigae of children, for he that among them hath many wives and
rukis. children, hee is a rich man. The women teach their
daughters from their youths upwards, to bake bread, and
to grind Millia, with other Housewivery; whereby it
commeth to passe, that they have good skill in house-
keeping, because they are brought up therein from their
youths. They are alwaies rubbing their teeth with a
certaine kind of wood, where with they make them so
smooth that they shine, as is before said, as white as
270
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
Ivory : and in truth those white teeth make a feire shew
in their blacke faces. They weare a fedome and some a ^\^'^^'^^^
fadome and a halfe of linnen cloth about their bodies, "^S^tt
which hangeth from beneath their brests or their navels
down to their knees, then they take a piece of red, blue,
or yellow cloth, whereof they make a Girdle, and put it
about them, and on it they hang their Knives, Purses with
monie, and some Keies, and although they have but few
Chests or Cubboords, yet they hang Keies at their Girdles,
because it makes a faire shew. They also hang divers
Wispes of straw about their Girdles, which .they tie full of
Beanes, and other Venice Beades, esteeming them to be
their Fetissos, or Saints, some of them take a piece of
cloth, others a Mat made of barkes of Trees, others a
piece of a Carpet, and weare it about their bodies, and so
every one weares something, and this they doe within the
house, but when they goe to Market to buy something,
then they put off those things, and goe and wash them*
selves in a Kettle of water from the head to the feet, and
then they take another piece of Linnen to put about their
bodies, and another Girdle, and another fathome or two
of Linnen Cloth, and hang it about their bodie, from their
brests downe to their feet like a Gowne, and upon it weares
another thing of Sey or of striped linnen, and that she
carries upon her shoiilders, and under her arme like a
Cloake, and carries a woodden Platter in her hand which
she beares up a high, and so goes to Market, and when she
comes home againe from the Market or other places where
she hath beene, she puts off those cloathes, and put on
worse, for thejr are more sparing then the men, and there-
fore they came the Purse, and when their Husbands will
have any monie, they must come to them for it.
The women have the government of their Houses, and Tkeir house-
the men take care as much as lyes in them, to earne some- ^\f'^*
thing, but the women provide the meate to serve for their
daily food, although they eate a part, they buy no more
meate every day, then serveth them for that day, or they
can eate at a meale. In the evening they goe to their
271
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
1600.
houses that stand without the Towne, and are full of
Millia (which is their kind of Corne) where they take a
^w*^ ^ certaine quantitie, as much as they need for their House,
and with a staffe stampe it, as wee use to stampe Spice in a
Grocers shop, and that is their manner of threshing, then
thev fanne it in a woodden dish, till it be deane, but such
as nave slaves make them doe it. This Millia is a faire
white Seed, when it is broken, as hereafter I will shew,
over nieht they steepe this Millia with a little Mais in
faire water, and in the morning after they have washt, and
made themselves readie, they take the Millia and lay it
upon a stone, as Painters doe when they grind their
colours, then they take another stone about a foot long,
and with their hands grind the Millia as small as they can,
till in a manner it be dough, and then it sheweth like
baked Buckway Cakes, they temper their dough with
fresh water and Salt, and then make Rowles thereof as
bigge as two fists, and that they lay upon a warme harth,
whereon it baketh a little, and this is the bread which they
use. The Negroes of the Castle Damina, bake faire bread
of Mais, which is almost like our wheaten bread, and that
thev cut in Rowles : they can also bake it so hard, that it
will keepe two or three monethes sweet and hard, for they
furnish their ships and Jacts with such bread, when they
send them to the Hands of Saint Thomas, or to Angola,
others that have not the meanes to have such bread, they
goe to Market to buy it, and call it Kangues, when the
Fisher-men come out of the Sea with their fish, then the
women carrie it to the Market, where everie one comes to
buy that and flesh, fruite, and other things. They use
Rawfiod. altogether raw and strange kind of meates, as handfuls
of Graine or Manigette, (and will drinke up whole Romers
full of Aquavite at a draught) Dogs, Cats, and filthy
Filthjfiod. stinking Elephants, and Buffolds flesh, wherein there is
a thousand Maggets, and many times stinkes like carrion,
in such sort that you cannot indure the smel thereof;
there are likewise little Birds as bigge as a Bul-finch, of a
grey colour, with red bills, which very cunningly make
272
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
1600.
their Nests upon the smallest ends of the branches of
trees, thereby to preserve themselves from Snakes or other
venomous beasts. Those they eate alive, feathers and
all.
I have beene told by some of the Moores, that the
Countrie people dwelling within the Land, eate dried
Snakes, and the Boores or Slaves, as also the common
people which dwell upon the Sea-side, although they have
better provision of meate then those that dwell further
into the Land, yet they are of so hot a nature, that they
eat raw Dogs guts, and never seethe nor roast them, which
we our selves saw : And there was one of their Boyes left
aboord a Netherlanders ship for a pawne for debt, which
Boy was so greedie to eate raw meate, that although he
had sufficient meate with them in the ship, yet hee woiild
eate the Hens meate out of their Troughes. This Boy JgreedieBoy.
made a sticke, and at the end thereof hee drave a naile
with the point upwards, and went and lay by the Hens
Cage, and when any of them put out their heads to eate
meate, he strooke them in the heads, and killed them, and
then hee went and shewed the Sailers, that some of the
Hens were dead, which he did to the end he might eate
their raw guts, and woiild not stay so long untill the guts
were made cleane, but tooke them and eate them raw as
they came out of the Hens bellies. They eate also great
store of old stinking fish, which is dried in the Sunne, but
to say, that they eate such kind of raw meates for neces-
sitie and no other, were untruth ; for they also are very
daintie, and can eate good meate when they have it.
There are women that dwell in the Castle among the [II.vii.936.]
Portugals that can dresse meate well, they eate also many
Hens, Goats, Oxen, and Hartes, but such meate is not
eaten by the common people, but those that eate them are
Gentlemen, or such as are rich, and are able to buy them ;
they also eate Jugnamis, Bannanas, and Patates. They
have three kind of trees, as the Palme-trees, whereof some
arc Females which yeeld no wine, but beare Grapes as bigge Their Trees,
as Plummes, of an Orange colour, at the one end being
VI 273 s
AJ3. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oo,
some*what blackish : those Grapes they peele to the stones,
Palme-cik, and thereof they make Oile, which they call Palme Oile,
which is verie delicate and good, which they use to dresse
their meate withall, and make good sawce thereof for their
fish, the thickest of this Oile they use to anoint their
bodies withall, to make them deane, and the women use
it to frizell their haire, the veines are as great as Acornes,
and as hard as a stone, at the end thereof having three
round holes, they beate them in pieces, and within them
find certaine Nuts, like little earthen pellets, much like
hazell-nuts, but when you eate them, they taste of the
wood, and are verie drie.
They likewise have many Beanes and Pease, whereof
some are like Turkie Beanes of a purple colour, those
Beanes are good and fat, which they dresse with Oile of
Palme, and it is a very excellent meate and nourisheth well,
but the other kind of Beanes and Pease, they use not to
eate, for they have no great quantitie of them, growing
thereabouts. The Jugnamis also they use in many places
Drinking. Jn stead of bread. Their drinke commonly is nothing but
water, but yet in some places they brew a little Mais in
water, which beeing sodden together, is almost like a kind
of beere, which they also use much to drinke and call it
Poitou, others buy a pot of Palme-wine, and because that
will not continue long, therefore foure or five of them goc
together, and buy a pot or two : a pot of theirs is ten pots
of oiu^s, and that they pay for together, which they powre
into a great Cabas, which growes upon Trees, whereof
some are halfe as big as a Kilderkin, and will hold at least
twelve Kans, and then sit downe round about it to drinke,
whereof everie man sendeth his lovingest and truest wife
a little pot full home to drinke, and the first draught that
they drinke, they take it out of the Cabas with a smaller
Cabas, and when the first man drinkes, the rest stand up,
and taking his Cap or Hat off, lay their hands upon his
head, and with a loud voice cries, Tavtosi, Tavtosi ; at
the first draught, they drinke not the Cabas full out, but
leave a little jn it, which they throw upon the j[round.
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
i6oa
saying L OU, as giving their Fetissos that to drinke, and
if they have other Fetissos on their armes or feete, they
spit drinke out of their mouthes upon them, as if they yncmllfied-
gave them drinke also ; for they are of opinion, that if ^*^'
diey doe it not, or forget to doe it, they should not drinke
their wine quietly together, but that their Fetissos would
let them. Naturally they are great Drinkers, and use no
lesse unseemelinesse in their feeding, but eate as unman-
nerly and greedily, as if they were a companie of Hogs :
for sitting down upon the ground to eate, they stay not ^^^g^^
till they have eaten one morsell up, but still cramme in, ^^^W^Jate
and they put not their meate into their mouthes, but pull
their meate in pieces, and take it up with their three
middlemost fingers, and gaping, cast it so right into their
mouthes, that they never faile nor cast it beside their
mouthes, whereat we wondred much. They are alwayes
hungrie, and would willingly eate all day long, which
shewes that they have very hot mawes, and although the
Countrey is very hot, whereby the heate of the Aire com-
monly should fill mens stomakes, yet they are hungrie,
and wee Netherknders are not weake stomaked there,
but alwaies have good appetites, whereby I am of opinion,
that heate in those Countries makes men hungrie: but
because I am no Doctor of Physicke, I will not intreate
thereof. And because they make great account of that
drinking together, they are verie earnest and industrious
to get something, and to make provision of Gold, which
having gotten, they cannot be frugall or sparing, but
presently goe and drinke it with their companions, now O^odfelkw-
one, and then another, everie one his turne, and if one !|^^^
gets more then his fellowes, then hee must be liberaller ' ^
then his fellowes, that is, when they begin to deale with
the Merchants, and to goe aboord the ships, and he that
is poore or hath not much, can hardly beare companie to
drinke, because they are not sparing, when they have
gotten any thing.
As I nave understood by the Inhabitants of those Thdr trading.
Countries, before the PortugsJs came thither to deale with
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oa
them, they had very little or no kind of Merchandize to
traffique withall, or to live by, but live upon that which
they got from others by force, which was not much,
specially to get any thing to apparell themselves; for
before that time they went all naked, as I said before,
much lesse had they any cattle or victuals for their main-
tenance, but only such as the Portugals brought thither.
First sim- and by that meanes the Countrie was filled and replenished
pftctty. ^j^ divers kinds of beasts and Corne, whereby at this
day, there is almost all kind of things that are necessarie
and needfuU for mans sustenance, and otherwise to bee
had in those Countries. And within a while after,
the Portugals began to traffiaue and deale with the
Savage Inhabitants, they likewise began to know their
Merchandize.
First trading. At the first, in former time they came and brought their
Gold unto the Portugals, and bought of them such things
as they wanted, as Linnen Cloth, &c. but the people
dwelling further within Land, durst not venture to come
[II.vii.937.] to the Portugals to deale with them, as wondring at them,
it being a fearefuU thing imto them to see white men
apparelled, and they themselves blacke and unapparelled,
(as the like happened unto our men ; for at the first they
were afraid to see Blacke Moores) and therefore they
brought their monie to those that dwelt on the Sea side,
where the Portugals traffique, and told them what wares
thev would have, and they went to the Castle, and boxight
sucn things as they desired, as Iron, Tinne, Copper Basons,
Knives, Cloth, Linnen, Kettles, Corals, and such like
wares, and the Merchants that sent them to the Portugals,
paid them for then- paines, upon every Peso of Gold by
them disbursed, so that if they bestowed many Pesoes,
thev received a good deale of monie for their Factoridge,
and by that meanes they got their livings.
Fint Dutch But after that, when we began to tn^que thither, (the
Trade. gj-g^ ^h^t went from hence thither out of Holland, to deale
with the Negroes, beeing called Barent Erickson of
Medenblicke) and found what profit the Portugals did
276
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
there, we increased our Trade thither, and sent more ships
with the said Baront, as a fit man for it, because he knew
the Coast, as having beene there with the Portugals. But
having no place upon the Land ^as the Portugals had) to
Carrie our wares ashoare, and to lay it in Ware-houses to
traffique with them as time served, and durst not, or else
might not goe on Land, we were constrained to stay with
our shippes at anchor before their Townes, attending for
the Merchants, that came aboord our ships with their
Canoes, at which time the Negroes seeing that wee had
Merchandize aboord, imboldened themselves to traffique
with us, and brought their Gold aboord our ships, and for
that at this present they deale but little with the Portugals,
but only with our Countrimen, therefore I will shew in
what manner they deale with us.
In the morning betimes, they come aboord our ships
with their Canoes, or Scutes to traffique with us : and the
cause why their Merchants came so early aboord, is, for
that in the morning the wind, which they call Bofone, ^ind'^nOe
blowes off from the Land, and then it is calme smooth ^^^;^^g
water, for about noone the wind which they call Agom
Brettou, begins to blow out of the Sea, and then they
row to Land againe : for the people that dwell within the
Land, can hardly brooke the Seas, for when they are
aboord the ship, they can scarce goe or stand, but lie
downe and spue like Dogges, and are verie Sea-sicke ; but
their Rowers and Pilots that bring them aboord, are hardie
enough, and never are sicke, by reason of their daily using
to the Seas. But some of their Merchants when they
come aboord our ships, are so sicke, that they cast out all
they have within their bodies; and by reason of their
beeing so sicke in faire weather, they are so afraid of the
wind (when the waves goe any thing high) that they make
as much haste home as they can, and some of them dare
not venture upon the Seas to goe aboord the ships, but
deliver their monie to the Pilots or Factors, telling them
what Merchandize they desire to buy, and those Tolken
come with the Gold aboord the ships, having a Purse which
277
A.D.
i6oo.
Daeke.
Undermining
and defraud-
ingMerchants,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
hangeth about their middles, wherein they put their Gold,
and every severall mans Gold is in a piece of Cloth or
Paper by it selfe, and they can tell which is everie mans,
and what wares hee desireth to have for it, and sometimes
they have twelve or ten mens Gold to bestow, which is
called an English of Gold, and of some two, three, or
foure, and when any of their monies is not waight, then
they put it into their Purse, and carrie it to the man againe,
for if they should put any thing to it, to make it foil
waight, the Merchant would not give it them againe, for
they weigh their Gold first upon the Land, and know how
much it is before they send it aboord the ship, for they
credit not one the other, and when they have bestowed
their monie, then we must give them some-what to boot,
which they call Dache.
When we began to traf&que here in the Countrie with
two or three ships, as one of Middleburgh, one of Amster-
dam, and one of Schiedam, and that all our ships met and
lay at anchor together to sell our wares, the one ship seeing
that the other traffiqued more, and vented more wares
then his fellowes, to find the meanes to get the Merchants
aboord their ships, they willed the Pilots (with whom they
must hold friendship, for they carrie the Merchants aboord)
to bring them aboord their ships, and they would give
them something for their labours, and the Pilots accord-
ingly to get something, brought them aboord that ship,
which had made them that offer, for they are verie
covetous, which the other ships perceiving, willed the
Pilots to bring the Merchants aboord their shippes, and
they would likewise give them something : and they made
them answere, that if they would give them as much as
the other did, they would come aboord their ships, which
they promised to doe, and gave them more Dache then the
other, and by that meanes drive the Merchants, Pilots,
and Tolken aboord their ships, which the other ships
seeing, and thinking that their Merchants wares cost them
no more then the others, gave them more Dache then the
others, and by that meanes striving one with the other,
278
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
1600.
they deminished one and the others gaine, and in fine, their
gifts grew to such a rate, that at this day, their Dache
amounteth unto sixe or seven per cento.
And now it is come to passe, that whereas the Countrie
people and Merchants were wont to pay the litridge and
brokeridge to the Pilots and Tolken, to carrie them aboord
the ships, they sought to the Merchants and Countrie
Moores to get them into their Canoes, for greedinesse of
Dache, which they got of the Factors for their labours, to
bring the Merchants aboord, and thereby in stead of [II.vii.938.]
paying them for going aboard, they give the Merchants
much Dache, in regard of the great profit they get
thereby.
Manv Merchants comming to the Sea side to buy wares,
some or them a hundred or two hundred miles from within
the land, bring great store of gold, & have divers slaves
with them, which thev lade with the wares which they buy
in the ships, wheror some have twenty, others thirtie,
and some more, as they have meanes, and according to the
trade that they use : which Merchants or Moorish countrey
people, know the houses or lodgings, where they use to
lie, and waigh their money to their Tolke or Hoste, and
tell them what goods or wares they will have; who,
comming aboard, commonly bring one of the Merchants
with them, for they trust not one the other, and leave the
rest with their slaves upon the land, which tell them what
wares they desire to have ; and if it be a Merchant that
can speake no Portugall speech, they will presently tell
you, and will the Factor not to speake Morish speech
unto them, because their Merchant is one that dwels farre
within the land ; thereby giving you to understand, that
they meane to deceive him, and to beguile him of much
money. The poore Merchant being sicke, and lying in
the ship spuing like a dogge, in the meane time the ^^^^ fnyfel-
Brokers make the match for them, telling the Factors ^.V^^^^^
how much ware they desire to have for so much gold; '^*^'
for that the wares are commonly sold all at one price:
The Tolken makes not many words with the Factors, but
279
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
set certaine wares before the Merchant, as little as th^
can to content him for his money, and the price being made
with him, he weighes their gold, and takes the wares, and
goes on land againe ; and the Merchant being gone home,
then the Pilots and Tolken come aboard the ships againe,
to fetch that which they have coozoned the Merchant o£F :
so that oftentimes the Merchants are deceived of a third
part of their goods by such practises: others, while he
Cooztmng lookes about, or turnes to spue, steale a peece of the
Knaves. Merchants gold, and put it into their Mouthes, Eares, or
Nostrels, making the Merchant beleeve that his money is
too light: the Merchant for his part, seeing that by
meanes of their theevery his money will not reach out;
because it is too light, that it may weigh more then it is,
blowes in the Ballance, which the Factors oftentimes per-
ceiving not, and thinking that they have their full waight,
are by that meanes deceived, and come short of their
reckoning; so that they have a thousand devices to
iv^te Devils steale, and to beguile the Merchants. At first they were
^^k^^^ke ^^^^^ ^^ ^ ^^y simple in their dealing, and trusted the
^ints. Netherlanders very much, whereat we wondred : for they
were of opinion, that white men were Gods, and would
not deceive them ; and then tooke the wares upon their
words, without reckoning it after them, whereby they
were deceived: for, that if they bought ten fathome of
I^innen cloth, they found but eight, and by that meanes,
lost two fathome, and other things after the rate, which
the Factors did so grossely, that the Merchants in the end
perceived it, and began to looke better to themselves,
and grew so subtill in their reckoning, that if they bought
one hundred fathome of Linnen, they could reckon it to
a fathome, and tell whether they had their measure or
not ; so that now if you doe them any wrong, by measur-
ing or reckoning, they will not come aboard your ship any
more; and which is more, for any bad looke, or hastie
word that you shall give them, they will never be friends
with you againe.
Troubles and warres in the Netherlands, constrained us
a8o
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
i6cx>.
to seek Traffique here also, and to undertake this voyage,
by that meanes to put the Portugalls from it, which in Wans fir
the end we did, for that since the Netherlanders came q^^^^J{
hither to Traffick with the Negroes, Moores, the Portugalls ^^ ^j^^ ^^^
have best trading, and are wholly decayed. First, we
bring them great store of slight Linnen doth, whereof
there is very much spent in those Countries, for they
apparell themselves therewith, and it is the chiefest thing
they use for that purpose: besides this, we carry them
great store of Basons, as little Basons, Barbers Basons,
Basons to drinke in, Platters of Copper, flat Basons, great
broad Copper pans, at the least two fkthome about, and
small Posnets without edges : The small Basons they use
to put Oile in, wherwith they anoint themselves, and the
greater sort of them they set in the graves of the dead,
& use them to carry divers things in. i he Barbers Basons
they use to wash themselves m, & when they cut their
haire, platters they use to lay over others to cover them
withall, to keepe dust and filth from falling into their
things. The great broad Pans, are by them used to kill
a Goat or a Hogge in, and to make it cleane therein, in
stead of a Tub. The Possenets they use to dresse their
meat in, which serveth them to very good purpose, they
will not have them with steales, as we use them here with
us, and many other such like Basons of Copper, which our
ships bring thither in great quantities, and therewith fill
the Countrie so full; and by meanes thereof, they are
sold as good cheape there imto the Negros, as they are
bought in Amsterdam ; and although there are so many
of those Basons brought thither, and no ware that weareth
so much, as Linnen, yet you see but few old Copper things
there, and therefore you must thinke, that there is great
store of people inhabiting further within the land, which
use so great quantitie of such things.
We Carrie thither great store of Kettles, which they use
to fetch water in, out of their pits and Valleyes, and some
red Copper pots Tinned within, wherein they use to put
water, in stead of a barrell of beare to drinke ; earthen
281
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
pots they use also to drinke out of. Iron is used by them
to make their weapons, as Assagaie, cutting Knives,
[II.vii.939.] Poniards, &c. The Assagaies & Poniards they use for
the warres. The cutting Knives, to Till and cut up the
ground, in stead of Spades, and some to cut wood withall,
and to use about their Building, for they have no other
Tooles : They also buy great store of Red, Blew, Yellow,
and Greene Rupinsh cloth, which they use for Girdles
about their middles, to hang their Knives, Purses, Poniards,
and such like things at. They use white Spanish Serges
to weare upon their bodies, in stead of Clokes, Rings of
Copper and Brasse, which they weare about their armes
and feet for a great pride. They also use Tin things, as
Rings for their armes, but not many. They use many
Knives which wee make with us in Holland, and call them
Docke Messen. They also use great store of Venice
Beads, of all kinds of colours, but they desire some colours
more then others, which they breake in foure or five
peeces, and then grind them upon a stone, as our children
grind Cherrie stones; and then put them upon strings,
made of Barke of trees, ten or twelve together, and there-
with Traffique much : Those ground Corals they weare
about their neckes, hands and reet. They also use round
Beads, and specially great round Counters, which they hang
and plait among their haire, and let them hang over their
eares. Pins they use to make Fish-hookes, Horse tailes
they use when they daunce, & also when they sit still, to
keep the flies from their bodies; Looking-glasses, and
small Copper milke Kans, with many such like things.
But the chiefest wares that are uttered there, and most used
among them, is, Linnen, Cloth, Brasse, and Copper things,
Basons, Kettles, Knives, and Corals.
Thiir hfow- At first we used many times to deceive them, not onely
ledge in our in measuring of Linnen, but in delivering them broken
^^^*h!f f ^^^ patcht Sasons, and peeced Kettles for their money;
tnauikirtof. ^^^^^^ Cloth, through the which they might have sifted
Beanes ; Knives that were so rustie, that they could hardly
without breaking pull them out of their sheathes, with
282
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
such like wares. But now by use and experience, they
have attained to such skill in our wares, that they are
almost able to surpasse us therein. For, first, when they
buy any Linnen cloth, they looke if it be not to slight and
thin, and whether it be white and broad ; for they are very
curious to buy white and broad Linnen, and respect not
the strength so much as the breadth of the Linnen : for
they use to hang it about their bodies, specially the women,
which desire to have it hang downe from underneath their
breasts to their knees. Secondly, they take Woollen cloth,
and hold it up against the light, to see if it be thin. They
draw the Knives out of the sheathes, to see if they be not
rustie. They looke upon the Basons one by one, to see
if they have no holes in them : or whether they be broken,
and the least hole that they spie in them, they lay them
away, and desire to have others for them ; and also if they
be but a little foule or greasie, they will none of them :
And for quantitie and oualitie make triall of all other
wares, as curiously as in Europe is done.
§. IIIL
What Custome the Merchants pay to their
Kings. Their Measures, Weights, Scales,
Markets : Also their Sabbath, Fetissos and
superstitions.
IHe Kings have their Customes dwelling upon the Customes.
Sea Coast, where the ships lie to Traffique with
the Countrey people, and they are placed there,
to see that the Kings lose not their Rents and Imposts,
and that it may be the better paid them, and no deceit used,
they appoint one of their Sons or some one of their neerest
friends to be present with them. Those Customers receive
the Custome of the fish, which is taken in his precinct, or
before his Haven, and to that end he hath a measure to
measure it withall, and if the measure be not full (of any
fish whatsoever) then it payeth no Custome, but if their
fish bee more then fiUeth that measure, then he taketh the
283
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
fifth fish thereof, or as much as he thinketh good to take
for his Custome, and that is presently sent to the King of
that quarter by his slaves, which every morning come
thither to fetch the fish.
Such Merchants as come thither a great way out of
the Countrey, pay to the King of the Haven where they
goe to Traffique, the weight of sixe pence in gold, for
their passage through his Countrey, and whether they
intend to buy much or little, the passage money is all one,
and when they have Traffique with the Factors in the ships,
and come to land, the Customer taketh a part of their
goods from them, which is commonly a fourth part of that
which they have bought, and carrieth it away with him,
then the Merchant takes the rest and carrieth it to his
lodging, which done, he goeth backe againe to the
Customer (whom they call la guarda, which in Portugall is
the watch) and agree with him, and pay him as little as
they can, and so have their goods againe, and if they
have bestowed lesse then two ounces of gold upon wares,
then there is no set Custome to bee paid for it, but they
give as much as they can agree upon for it, with the
Customer, and that is the Customers owne profit, in stead
[II.vii.940.] of his wages, but whatsoever they buy above the value of
two ounces of Gold, then they must pay an English of
Gold for custome thereof, those two ounces of Gold they
call Benda.
Finet. Also if they have stolne any thing from any of their
Countrie people, they also pay monie for it, as the case
requireth. And also when they have laien with another
man's Wife, then the King hath a forfeit paid unto him for
it. And when the Countrie people come to Market with
their weapons, they must leave their Weapons in some
place, or else they must pay a forfeit, which is sixe penie
weight in Gold, if they come with any Armes or Weapons
to their Sea-townes. And they also that counterfeit false
Gold, with divers other forfeitures, which are all paid to
the King, whereof the Customer everie three moneths
maketh his account, and payeth it unto the King.
2^4
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
They make Weights of Copper of divers sorts^ and have heights and
little Copper Scales which are round, and hollow like an ^^^'^
Orange peele. Benda is their greatest weight, which with
us is two ounces ; Bendar-affa, is halfe a Benda, which is an
ounce. Assuwa, is two Pesos and an halfe. Eggeba, is
two Pesos, or halfe an ounce. Seron, is a Peso and an
halfe. Ensanno is a Peso or a Loot. Quienta, is three
quarters of a Peso, each Peso is a Loot. Media taba, is a
quarter of a Peso, or a small parcell. Agiraque, is halfe
a Peso, or halfe a Loot, each Peso is a Loot ; so that their
weights are all one with ours for the names, but differ in
the pound a Peso and an halfe, which is a Loot and
an halfe, so that their weights are so much lighter then
ours.
They measure their Cloth by two fadome together, Measures.
which they cut one from the other, and call it Jectam, and
sell their Linnen in that sort among themselves, and
those two fadome after our measure is a storke and three
quarters, and they are verie subtill in measuring of their
Linnen, and can reckon that so many of our storkes make
so many of their fadomes. They cut their Woollen-cloth
in pieces not above a handfull broad, which they use in
stesid of Girdles about their middles, and sell the Cloth in
this sort among themselves in this manner, and use no
other kind of measure thereunto. They are not verie
subtill nor expert in telling, specially to reckon, for when '^^^^*^S ^^
they have past the number of ten, they rehearse so many "*^ "*"^'
words one after the other for one number, that they are so
cimibred, that they cannot tell how to get out of it, and
so sit buzzing so long, till at last they have forgotten
their number, and are forced to begin to tell againe, but
since they began to deale with the Netherlanders, and
were to reckon above the number of ten, for they use no
more among them, they tell till they come to ten, and
then take one of their fingers into their hands, and then
tell to ten againe, and then take another finger into their
hand, and so proceed till they have both then* hands full,
which in all maketh an hundred, then they marke that up,
2Zs
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oo.
and then begin againe to tell to ten, and use the same
order as before.
Markets hw Everie Towne hath Market daies specially appointed,
*NoMarketon ^P^^ ^^ which you find more to bee bought then upon
their Sabbath, Other daies, and everie Towne hath his Market upon such
a day, as the others have it not, and so everie one difFereth
upon their daies, and when their Market daies come, they
• have two daies Market one after the other, wherein the
principall Boores or Countrie people come from divers
places to traffique with the ships. They have their Sunday
also, but on that day they doe nothing.
In the morning betimes, assoone as it is day, the
Countrie people come with their Sugar Gines to the
Market, carrying two or three bundles together upon their
heads, which are bound up like faggots, and being in the
Market they unbind them, and so ky them downe upon
the ground, which done, the Inhabitants of that place
come to buy them, some two, others three, and some more
as they have need of them, whereby they have some sold
their Sugar Canes, for they use many of them to eate,
and assoone as they have sold their Sugar Canes, then the
Wares. women come to the Market with their wares, who
bring Oranges, Limons, Bannanas, Backovens, Potatoes,
Indianias, Millia, Mais, Rice, Manigette, Hens, E&ges.
Bread, and such like necessaries, which those that dwdfon
the Sea-side have need of, and are sold both unto the
Inhabitants, and to the Netherlanders in the ships, which
come thither to buy it. The Inhabitants of the Sea-side,
come also to the Market with their wares, which they
buy of the Netherlanders, as Linnen Cloth, Knives, ground
Corals, Looking-glasses, Pinnes, arme Rings, and Fish,
which their Husbands have gotten in the Sea, whereof the
women buy much, and carrie them to other Townes within
the Land, to get some profit bv them, so that the fish which
is taken in the Sea, is carriea at least an hundred or two
hundred miles up into the Land, for a great Present,
although many times it stinkes like carrion, and hath a
thousand Maggots creeping in it. Those women are
a86
'>
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
verie nimble about their businesse, and so earnest therein,
that they goe at least five or sixe miles every day to the
{>laces where they have to doe, and are laden like Asses :
or at their backes they carrie their children, and on their
heads they have a heavie burthen of fruit, or Millia, and
so goe laden to the Market, and there she buyeth fish, to
Carrie home with her, so that oftentimes they come as
heavily laden from the Market, as they went thither.
These pay no custome to the King, but if they find any SupersHtion,
Fetissos in the way as they goe (which are their Idolatrous
gods) they give them some of their fruit or Millia to eate,
which is as much as if they gave them the tenth part Tithes.
thereof.
Those women goe seven or eight together, and as they [II.vii.941.]
passe along the way they are verie merrie and pleasant,
for commonly they sing and make a noise ; about noone
the Countrie people begin to come to the Market with
their Palme-wine, which they carrie in pots, some bringing
one some two pots, as they are able, they come armed to
the Market, having a hewing Knife at their Girdles, and
two or three Assagayes in their hands, but when they enter
into the Market, then they set their armes in a certain place
appointed thereunto, and when they have sold and goe
home againe, every man takes his weapons and goes his
way, not once changing one with the other, but everie man
takes his owne, and when the Netherlanders and the
Negroes have done traffiquing : when the Countrie people
come to the Market with their wine, looke what the Pilots
or Rowers (that carried the Merchants aboord the ships)
have gotten, or that was given them for Dache, by the
Factors, therewith they buy Palme-wine, and drinke it up
together, they pay for their Wine either with Gold, or
Linnen ; but for the most part, they pay for it with Gold^
which they weigh verie narrowly, one unto the other, and
when there are many Merchants, and that the Wine is much
desired, then it is oftentimes deerer then Spanish Wine is
with us.
Besides this, the Market folke know everie one their
287
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oo.
place, and where to sit to sell their wares, as those with
fruit stand in one place, they with Sugar Canes in another
place, they with Wood, Water, and Bread by themselves ;
and those that sell Wine in a place by themselves, but the
Palme-wine which is brought thither by Sea, from other
places, that is never brought to the Market, for many times
when it comes in the Canoes in the evening, when the
people have need thereof, assoone as it is brought on Land,
the Negroes stand readie upon the shoare watching for it,
and gomg to the Merchants, everie one takes a Pot, and
carries it away, so that they have presently sold it, & the
Merchant needs not feare that his Wine will sowre for
want of utterance, for they are so greedie of it, specially
for to drinke, that oftentimes they fight and fall together
by the eares for it.
They use no monie nor any kind of Mint, wherewith
they pay each other, but when they buy any thing they
pay for it with Gold, and that by weight, and it is a verie
small parcell that hath not some kind of weight to weigh
It withall, and they pay each other with foure square pieces
of Gold, weighing a graine or halfe a graine. The cause
why they pay in this sort, and have this custome, is by
meanes of the Portugals, of the Castle of Myna, which
shewed them this way, for before the Portugals came
thither, the Negroes knew no such thing, but when they
bought any thing, they exchanged ware for ware, but the
Portugals coming thither had no monie to pay them, when
they bought fruits or other victuals to eatc, and therefore
they desired to pay with Kacrawen, in stead of monie, &
so it is the custome about the Castle of Myna, that they
have great store of Kacrawen, which they use for payment
more then in other places. In places where the Portugals
are not known, the Negros use not that kind of Mint,
but sel their Gold as it commeth out of the Earth, for
they know not how to melt or use their Gold as the
Negros do, that deale with the Portugals, and in stead
of monie paid one the other in small stones: they use
also small pieces of Iron of a finger length, with a halfe
288
A DESCKIPTION OF GUINEA
1600.
Moone thereon, which they use in stead of monie, and
have no other kind of monie in the Golden Coast of
Guinea, then such as I said before, wherewith they pay
each other.
Although they are altogether wild, rough, and uncivill,
having neither Scripture nor Bookes, nor any notable
Lawes that mififht be set downe, or declared to shew the
manner of their policie and living, yet when they have
past the six daies of the weeke in bubour and paines taking,
to get their livings, the seventh day they leave working,
and reckon that to bee their day of ease, and abstinence
from worke, or their Sunday, which they call Dio Fetissos, ^^^ssos day.
which in our speech should signifie Sunday, but they ^^^^^'
observe it not upon our Sunday, nor upon the Jewes
Sabbath Day, but hold it upon Tuesday, the second
working day in the weeke; what law or opinion they
have to moove them thereunto, I know not, but they hold
Tuesday for their Sunday, and that day the Fishermen goe
not to the Sea for fish : The women and Countrie people
that day bring no Wine to the Market, but all the Wine
which diat day they draw out of the trees, they deliver it
unto the King, which in the evening hee giveth unto his
Gentlemen, and they drinke it among them. That day
they doe no kind or worke, nor traffique with other but
such as dwell on the Sea-side, refraine not for all that to
goe aboord the shippes, and to buy wares of the Nether-
knders. In their Markets they have a square place foure
foot every way, supported with foure Pillars, and about
two cubits high from the ground, flat on the top and
covered close with Reedes,and hanged round about Wispes
or Fetissos of Straw, whereon they lay Millia with Palme- Fetissos mate.
oile or water, and give their god that to eate and drinke
to sustaine him wimall, that he shotdd not die for hunger
or thirst, thinking that he eateth and drinketh it and lives
by it, but the Birds of the Aire eate the graine, and drinkes
the water, and when it is eaten they anoint the Altar with
Oile, and set more meate and drinke upon it, thinking
thereby to doe their god great sacrifice and service.
289 T
VI
A.D.
i6oo.
Tie FeHssen^
or PriesL
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
[Ii.vii.942.]
HiffreacHng.
They have also a Priest, who in their speech they call a
Fetissero, hee upon their Sabbath day sits upon a stoole,
in the middle of the Market before the Altar or place
whereupon they sacrifice unto their Fetisso, then all the
men, women and children come and sit round about him,
and there he speaketh unto them, & they sit stil to heare
him: but what it is, or what it meaneth that cannot I
learne, nor perceive, neither can you get it from them,
for I have oftentimes asked them about it, but they will
not tell, but are ashamed to declare it. But I have seene
this Fetissero, have a pot with a certaine drink, (wherein
there was a Snake) standing by him, and a Wispe, and
some women with their little children went to him, which
Hit blessing, children hee stroaked with colour, or with some of that
drinke, and so they went away, which I ghesse to be a
kind of Salve against their Fetisso, for they esteeme their
Fetissos to be both good and eviU. And when their
Fetissero hath made an Oration unto them, then he stands
up and smeareth the Altar with his Wispe, and drinke out
of his pot, and then the people using certaine words and
making a great noise among them, clapping their hands
together, cry I. ou, I. ou, and therewith tiheir preaching is
done, and so everie one goes home to his house.
They hang many straw Wispes upon their heads, and
thinke thereby to bee free and safe as long as they weare
them, and that their Fetissos can doe tnem no harme.
In the morning betimes when they have washt their bodies
deane, they stroake their faces with white stripes, made
of earth like chalke, which they do in honour of their
Fetisso, and use it in stead of praiers in a morning ; when
they eat any thing they present their Fetisso (me straw
Wispes which they weare about their legges) the first bit,
and also the first draught that they drinke, giving him to
drinke, which if they doe not, they thinke they shall have
no good lucke that day, for thejr perswade themselves that
then: Fetisso would not otherwise suffer them to be quiet.
When the Fishermen take but small store of fish, then they
thinke that their Fetisso is angrie, and therefore will give
390
TMr
Mattms.
Afpeamg
their Fetisso.
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
them no fish, then they make a great crie among them,
and goe to their Fetissero, and give him Gold to conjure
their Fetisso, to send them store of fish. This Conjurer
presently goes, and makes all his Wives (two, three or
foure, or as many as he hath) put on their best apparell and
ornaments, and with them goes howling and crving round
about the Towne, striking themselves upon tneir brests,
and clapping their hands flat together, and so making; a
great stirre and noise, goe to the Sea-side, and takmg
Doughes fi-om the trees, hang; them about their neckes:
those trees they esteeme to be their Fetissos Dusianam,
who they thinke send them fish. Then, the Conjurer or
he that should bewitch the Fetissos, comes with a Drumme,
and plaies or sounds before the trees, which they esteeme
to be good for that purpose, which done hee goes to his
Wives upon the strand, and when they have spoken one
unto the other a good while, he casteth Millia into the
Sea for his meate, with other colours, thinking that thereby
their god is appeased, and will let them take fish enough.
When the King recciveth not custome enough, to
maintaine himselfe withall, then he goeth to a tree which
he esteemeth to be his Fetisso, and sacrificeth unto it, CcnsnltaHim
carrying it meat and drink ; then the Conjurers come and ^^ ^^
conjures the tree, to tell them whether there will any ^^^^'*
Merchants come or not, which to doe they make a heape
of ashes, in forme like a Sugar-loafe, and cutting a bough
from the tree sticke that in it, then they take a Bason of
water and drinke out of it, and therewith sprinkle the
bough of the tree, which done they speake each to other,
and then againe they sprinkle more upon it, after that they
take some of the ashes, and be-dawbe their faces therewith,
and in that manner use many foolish and vaine Cere-
monies, and not long after they shall heare a voice which is
the Devill, that saith something unto them, and therewith
they goe home againe, and bring word what their Fetisso
hath said. They hang many of those things about their d^.^.CapA.
children for diseases, as is said before, as also of their
drinke of jealousie.
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
TtmeraURiut. When anv man dieth, they also make a Fetisso, and
desire it to oring the bodie into the other world, and not
to trouble it in the way as it goeth, then the next our
neerest kinsman killeth a Hen, and dresseth it ready to be
sodden, which done, they goe and sit in a comer of their
house : and with him take all his Fetissos, and place them
in order, as their greatest god in the middle, and the rest
of meaner sort by it, then he takes certaine beades, some
made of shels, some of Beanes and great Pease, and others
of feathers, mixed with Buttons made of barkes of trees,
and hangs them upon the Fetissos. After that they take
the bloud of the dead Hen, and therewith spinkle their
Fetisso (for a dead man must offer bloud unto his god)
then hee fetcheth certaine Herbs out of the fields, and
hangs them about his necke like a chaine. In the meane
time, while the man is in this sort made readie, the Hen
is sodden, and being sodden then he brings it, and putting;
it in a Platter, sets it in the middle of the Fetissos, which
done, hee beginneth to conjure, using many words, and
casteth water or wine of Palme upon his Fetisso, then he
takes two or three of the greene leaves, which he hath
about his necke, and rolleth them betweene his hands,
making a little bowle or bale thereof, which he takes in
the two fore-fingers of both his hands, and thrusts it
betweene his legges, twice or thrice one after the other,
saying, to his Fetisso, Aucie, which is as much as if he
should say. All haile. After this he wringeth the sap out
of that ball, and lets it drop upon his Fetisso ; which done
he laies the ball upon the ground, and takes two or three
leaves more of the Herbs he hath about his necke, and
rolles them in his hands, and having made them in a Ball,
thrusts them betweene his legges, speaking certaine words
as aforesaid, and then lets the sap drop upon his Fetisso,
[II.vii.943.] and this he doth untill such time as he hath rolled and
wrung all the greene Herbs in that sort, which he had
about his neck ; then he takes all the balls or leaves together
in his hand, and thereof maketh a ball as bigge as a mans
fist, wherewith he wipeth his face, and that also is a Fetisso,
292
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
which being done the dead bodie shall rest in peace, and
therewith he packeth up all his trinkets, and laieth them
aside untill another time, that some other bodie setteth
him a worke. This kind of Superstition they esteeme Amukts.
for a great holinesse for their bodies, for when they goe to
warre they hang such beades about their neckes, armes and
legges, thinking that their Fetisso will defend them
thereby, and preserve them from killing, and thinke that
they need not feare any thing. They esteeme the Pittoir P'^^^j^ ^
also for a god, for when they goe from one Towne to ^^^^^^
another, and heare it call, they are exceeding joyfuU and
glad, for they say that it is a Fetisso, which speaketh unto
them, saying, tlutt all those that then travel! in the wa^,
shall have no hurt, nor need feare any danger, for he will
defend them from all men that seeke to molest them, and
wheresoever they heare it crie, there they set Millia for him
to eate, and pots full of water to drinke, and dare not passe
that place without giving it something, whereby in some
corners of streets, and in the Woods you shall see a number
of pots, and other meates as Millia, Mais, &c. which they
set there to honour the Fetisso the Petoir, whereby it
appeareth that they make great account of Birds, and also Bird and fisk-
of some fishes, as of the Tonny, which they by no meanes ^'
will take, but esteeme it to be their Fetisso or Sea-god.
They take many Sword-fishes, and cutting of the Swords
they drie them, which they also esteeme for a great Fetisso,
Others put their trust in some trees, and when they desire 'I'ru&^t
to know any thing they goe to those trees, where the ^JchmoHfor
Devill oftentimes appeares m forme of a blacke Dogge, or cutAng these
of such like things, and many times invisibly, and maketh trees against
answere unto such things as they aske him. So that if you ^''* ^^^
aske them any thing touching their beliefe, and they give
you no answere, which maketh any shew of truth, then
they say that their Fetisso said so, and willed them to doe
it, for they esteeme him for their god, and use many
foolish toyes and vaine shewes when they pray to him,
and serve him^ thinking that it doth them good, and that
they merit much therwy, yet it helpeth them not. But
293
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
they rather find themselves deceived, and as they deale
with the Devill, and put their trust in him, so he rewardeth
them, and yet they desire not to heare of him, but fearc
him much.
HU-gjkls. There are some hils in those Countries, whereon often-
times it thundereth and lighteneth, and thereby manie
times some Fishermen, or other Moores, are cast away or
receive some great h\irt, which causeth them to thinke
that their god is angry, and would have some meate and
drinke, or wanteth some other thing, and by that meanes
they hold manie hils to be their gods, and set meate and
drinke upon them to pacifie them withall, and they dare
not passe along by them, without going up and giving
them something, fearing that if they did it not, they would
doe them some hurt, and make each other beleeve such
things, and whatsoever they beleeve, and once conceive in
their heads, it will never be extirped, but have as firme
an opinion of their Fetissos as possible may be. But
when the Netherlanders saw them use such vaine toyes,
which were so foolish, and laught and jested at them,
they were ashamed, and durst make no more Fetissos
in our presence, but were ashamed of their owne apish-
nesse.
Ofinious of We asked them of their Beliefe, and what opinion they
the souks had of divers things ; as first, when they died what became
aefarted. ^f ^^^^ bodies and soules. They made us answere, that
the bodie is dead, but they' knew not what any resxirrection
at the latter day meant, as wee doe : but when they die
they know that they goe into another World, but they
know not whither, and that therein they differ from brute
beasts, but they cannot tell you to what place they goe,
whither under the Earth or up into Heaven, but when they
die, they use to give the dead bodie something to carrie
with him, whereby it is to be marked that they beleeve that
there is another life after this, and that there they have need
of such things as they have here on Earth, for when they
lose any thing, or when any of their friends die, then they
thinke that mose that are dead came and fi^tcht it away,
294
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
and that they had need of it, but they know not what the
Soule nor the Resurrection is.
Secondly, asking them of their god, they made answere, Of God.
that hee is blacke like themselves, and that he was not
good, but did them much hurt. Whereunto we said, that
our Gkxl is white as we are, that he is good, that he doth
us much good, that he descended downe upon Earth to
save us, and how he was put to death by the Jewes for
our sakes, that when wee die wee goe to dwell with him in
Heaven, and that there we neither need meat nor drink,
whereat they wondred, and willingly heard us ^>eake of
those things, and said that we were Gods children, and
that he told us all things, but yet they murmured, sayings,
why doth not your God tell and give us all things (as wdl
as he doth to you) and why doth he not also give us
Linnen, Cloth, Iron, Basons, and other kinds of wares;
whereunto we made answere, that our God sent us all those
things, and yet that he forgot not them, (although they
knew him not) and sent them Gold, Palme-wine, Millia,
Mais, Hennes, Oxen, Goats, Bannanas, Juiamas, and other
fruits, to sustaine them withall, but that they denied, or
else they could not conceive that such things came from
God; but to the contrarie said that God gave them no
Gold, but that the Earth gave it them, wherein they di^ge
to find it : that hee gave them no Millia nor Corne, but
that they sowed it, and reapt it themselves, and that the [II.vii.944.]
Earth gave it them ; that the trees which they had planted
gave them their fruits, and were first brought thither by
the Portugals; that yong beasts came of the old, that
the Sea gave them fish, which they tooke themselves, with
many other such like things, which they would not
acknowledge came from God, but from the Earth and the Miserabkand
Sea, each according to their natures, but they acknowledge ^^^
that Raine came from our Saviour Christ, and that by ^^^'
meanes of our God they had much Gold, for that by
meanes of the Raine they found their Gold, and their
Fruits and Plants grew, and waxed ripe by meanes of the
moysture, and for that we brought them everie thing
295
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
readie made to their hands, therefore they thinke that wee
find all such things, and need but goe into the fields to
fetch them, as they doe their Fruits.
Tiare of And when it happened that some of our Hollanders
Thunder, being in their Houses, when it beganne to Raine, Blow,
Thimder and Lighten (whereof they are in great feare)
went forth through the streets, not once shunning the
Thunder and Li^tning, neither did it once hurt them,
they wondred thereat, for they were afraid that if they
should come out of their Houses at that time, that it
would not be good for them, for that many times, (when
it Thimdreth and Lightneth there) it hapneth that some of
them that are travefling abroad, are carried away by the
Devill, and throwne d»d upon the ground, whereby they
are as much afraid thereof, as any man possible can be.
And for that they know that our God dwels above in
Heaven, when it Thunders and Lightens they point
upwards, and call him Juan Goemain. And once wee had
a Negro aboord our ship, whom we kept prisoner because
he brought false Gold, and gave it out for good, which
Negro everie morning tooke a Tub with water in it, and
washt his fiice therein, which done, he tooke his hands full
of water, and cast it over his head, speaking divers words
unto himselfe, and after that spit in the water, and
used many other Apish toyes, which wee seeing, asked
him why hee did it, and hee made answere, that hee prayed
his Fetisso that it might raine, that so lus friends might
find much Gold to rekase him, that hee might goe home
againe.
Circumdjson. They circumcise their yoimg children, therein following
the Mahometicall Law, with divers other opinions which
they hold thereof, as thinking it evill to spit upon the
Earth, besides many other Superstitions which they use,
but affirme, that they altogether use those toyes, and only
trust in their Fetissos, were an untruth, for many of them
that can speake Portu|[all (as having dealt with them and
also daily traffique wim us) beginne to leave those foolish
toyes, and to have some understanding of Gods Word,
996
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a,d.
1600.
which they doe by reason that wee mocke and jest at their
foolish Ceremonies, and for that they say that wee are
Gods Children, therefore they beleeve much of that which
we say unto them, and begin to know God, but it is
without any ground, for they grounded in their owne
Superstitions, because they are not otherwise instructed.
But the Negros which dwell among the Portugals, know ^ome have
much of God, and can speake of his Commandements, as ^•'?^^^
I have found some among them, that could tell of the
birth of Christ, of the Lords Supper, of his bitter Passion,
and death of his Resurrection, and divers other such like
points, concerning our Christian faith ; specially, one whom
I knew well, and that was my good friend : for he could
write and read Portugal!, and was indifferent well learned
in the Scriptures. And which is more, when he spake
unto him, and argued upon some points against the Romish
faith, or against the Religion which the Portugals had
taught him (for he had dwelt with a Monk in the Castle
of Mina) he would dispute the contrary with us, and shew
that it was otherwise set downe in such a Gospel, and in
such an Epistle of the Apostles, & that it must so be
understood : whereby we may perceive, that those among
them that have any understanding of the Christian faith,
are sharpe witted, and will soone comprehend any thing :
but it seemeth, that it hath not pleased God to call them
to the understanding of the Christian faith, and therefore
we are much bound to prayse and thanke God, that it hath
pleased him to vouchsafe us the knowledge of his holy
Word, and to understand and know what belongeth unto
our salvation.
«97
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
§. V.
Of their Houses, Townes, Countrey wayes, Warrcs,
Armes, State of their Kings, Judgements,
Lawes, Justice, Thefts, Promises, Oathes, and
other Rites.
Their houses. BSIHeir Houses are not very curiously made, but
BH altogether slight, much like to a number of Hog-
™""l sties, and I am of opinion, that in many Countreys,
there are better Hog-sties then their Houses are ; I cannot
liken them better to any other thin^, then to Souldiers
Gibins in Sconces and Bulwarkes : for a man mifi^ht say,
that they have taken a paterne by them. To buUd them
first, they take foure Posts or Trees, which they thrust
[II.vii.945.] deepe into the K^^ound, which stand foure square; that
done, they lay omer Beames or Trees upon them, and bind
them hst together ; then they take a number of thin small
stickes, and inclose their Houses round about, and those
they bind very close together, so that you can hardly
thrust your hand in betweene them: then they make
Mortcr of a certaine kind of yellow earth, which they find
in the fields, and that they beat very small and thin, so
long till it be like unto Pot-earth; which they take in
their hands, and dawbe it upon the smal stickes round
about their Houses, from the foot to the top, where they
desire to have it close, and with their hands thrust it in
betweene the chinckes of the stickes, that it may hold
fast, as if it were betweene Lathes, and when they have
made their Houses close in this manner, which is almost
halfe a foot thick in the walles ; then they let it stand and
drie, so hard that it is like unto stone, and being well
dried, then they make an other kind of Morter of Red
earth, which is as thin as water, and take a wispe of straw
in their hands, and therewith wash all their house round
about within ; which serveth them in stead of Paintins^)
whereof they make great account, and take a great pride
to paint their houses in such sort, some with white, some
398
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
i6oo.
with red, and others with blacke, as best liketh them ; for
the first thin^ they shew you when vou come into the
Countrey is tSeir houses. To cover them, thev take two
foure square Coverings of Pahne tree leaves : tney tie fiist
together, and so close, that they are able to hold out the
Raine, which they lay upon their houses for the Roofe
thereof, and bind them fast together, and when it is faire
deare Sunne-shine weather, then they open the Roofe of
their house, like two wings, under-propping it with stickes,
and so let the Sunne-shine into their houses, and when it
raineth, they let them fall downe againe close together.
Before their house they make a fouresquare hole, like a
doore, and make a doore of Reeds, which they open and
shut, and bind it too with Withes. The floores are flat
and very even, covered with Red earth, as if they were
paved, and in the middle thereof commonly they make a
round hole to set their pot with Palme wine in, when they
drinke together: in this sort they make two or three
houses close together, which are placed foure square ; and
in the middle of them, there is a place wherein the women
dresse their meat, in which houses they dwell together, as
the women in the one, the man in the other, for they are
asunder one from the other, and make as many as they
have need of, and those houses they inclose round about
with a pale of Reeds, or straw of Mais, a mans height, or
as high as the walles of their houses, which are also but a
mans height : so that if it were not for the covering of the
house, which standeth paint-house wise, a man could not
got upright in their houses. Their houses stand altogether
in a neape; but because they separate them one from
the other by those pales of Straw, by that meanes they
shew like streets, and are somewhat separated one from the
other. Their streets are so little and narrow, that but one
man alone can goe in them, and when it raineth it is very
slipperie to goe in their Townes, because the earth is so
fattie, but wnen the Sunne shines, it drieth up againe, and
becomes as hard as a stone.
When you will goe into one of their houses, you must
399
A.D.
i6oo.
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
goe so long through the streets, till you find a doore open,
wherein being entred, you must passe through all the
Roomes, till you find the place where you would be.
Their houses are not very full of House-hold stuflFe, but
commonly they have woodden Chests, which they buy of
the Netherlanders, wherein they locke up their things, so
that you see but little of their House-hold stuffe abroad.
Kinff Housa. The Kings or Governors houses are commonly in the
Market places, which are paled alone by themselves, and
separated from all the rest, having no other neighbours
dwelling by him, but onely his wives and children (for he
is commonly better furnished thereof, then the meaner
sort of men.) His house is greater and higher then the
rest, and hath many roomes which passe one into the
other, covered over with Reeds, each chamber by it selfe,
wherein his men dwell, and his watch stayeth all the day
long. In the middle of his house he hath a foure square
place all open, but covered over for the Sunne, where in
the day time he sitteth, with his Gentlemen that come to
speake with him, and to passe the time away ; at the Kings
doore there are alwaies two pots set deepe into the ground,
which are full of fresh water, and every day are fild with
new water, which I thinke are set there for their Fetissos
to drinke.
Teumes. Their Townes that stand upon the Sea-side are not very
&ire, but rather filthie places, and stinke like carrions, by
reason of the filth which they carry and lay without, not
farre from them ; and many times, when the wind blowes
from the Land, you may smell the stinke of them, above
a mile and an halfe into the Sea. The Townes that lie
inward to the Land, are richer of Goods and Gold, then
the Sea-townes, and fuller of Houses and Men ; besides
that, they have more Merchants dwelling in them: for,
those on the Sea-side are not so rich, nor of so great
power, as being for the most part Interpreters, Rowers,
Pilots, Servants, Fisher-men, and Slaves to the Inhabitants
of the Townes. The Kin^ keeps his Court in the neerest
Towne, that standeth withm the Land whereof he is King,
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
1600.
and placeth a Captaine in the Sea-townes which are under
his command. The Land-townes are very great, but they
have no Gates, Walls, nor Forts, nor any strength to resist
the force of Enemies. I have heard some of the Negroes
that dwell within the Land say, that there are many great
Townes within the Land, much and farre exceeding the
Haven or Sea-townes.
They use to reckon the Gk)ld Coast to begin from Cape [II.vii.946.]
De tres pvmctas, to Rio de Volta. This Cape De tres
punctas lieth under foure degrees and an halfe ; and because
it hath three Points or Heads, which reach into the Sea,
therefore it is called the Cape De tres punctas ; but, for
that the Portugals have a Castle there, called Aziem, the Avam.
Negroes are not suffered to deale with the Hollanders.
Eastward five miles lower there lieth a place, called
Anta, and there the ships commonly cast foorth their Anta.
Anchors ; for there the Negroes buy much Iron, and are
very expert to make Iron-worke. Those People traffique
much with Palme-wine, whereof they have great store, as
of Hens, Goats ; and divers Fruits, Jugnamas, and Annan-
asos; and when the time commeth that they draw their
Wine out of the Trees, then the Canoes come thither with
their Negroes and Merchants, at the least, ten or twentie
miles from within the Land to buy Wine, so that it is
carried almost all the Coast along, and great traffique made
therewith. This Wine they esteeme very good for their
men to drinke, because it is not so sweet as the Wine
which is farther within the Countrie, which is not mixed
with Water, as this Wine is. The other Wine they
esteeme to be good to be drunke by their women because
it is not mixed, but is exceeding sweet, and soone makes
the women merrie. A mile lower lieth Rio de St. Georgio, RioS.Georpo.
and a place, called Jabbe, and Cama, where the Portugals Coma.
also have a House: and because this Quarter is very
fruitfuU, there dwells three or foure Portugals there, which
receive the Custome of the Fish, which is taken by the
Negroes in the River, and buy great store of other victuals,
which they send continually to the Castles of Aziem and
301
A.D.
i6oo«
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Conumdo,
Mina, to victuall them withall. Before this River there
is a great Sand, which stretcheth farre into the Sea, whereby
you cannot enter into it with any ships, but onely with
freat Canoes. And a mile lower there lieth a ViUa^
y the Negroes, called Agitaky : by the Portugals, Aldea
de Torto ; and by the Netherlanders, Comando : but yet
it is not Comando, although we call it so ; for Comando
lieth upon the Hill, where the Kings dwell. They of
Edom, Wassa, Comando, and other Tu>wnes, come to this
Haven to buy their Wares : there we sell many Venetian
Madrigetten, and Corals (for the common people traffique
much therewith by grinding and selling them one unto
the other) small Copper Basons, and blue Cloth: broad
Linnen is well sold there. In this place men sell not any
Wares in great quantities, but all in small parcels ; & for
that there are so many small parcels sold there, therefore
it is the worst place of all that Coast for giving of Dachios :
and for that their Gold, for the most part, is molten, and
cut in smal pieces, therefore there is much deceit therein,
for they mixe much yellow Copper among it, and many
times bring Copper in stead of uold ; and for those two
Points it is the worst place to deale in throughout all the
Coast. They have the greatest number of Canoes in all
the Countrie besides; for many times they goe to Sea
early in the morning, with seventie or eightie Canoes, and
enter as farre into me Sea, as you can well disceme them,
and about noone-time they come home againe with their
Fish, for there they are very expert in fishmg. It is like-
wise no lesse provided of Fruits, for there is no place in
all the Land, where a man may have greater store, nor
better cheape Fruit, then there, especially a kind of Fruit,
called, Bannana ; and for that cause it is by us called, the
Fruit Market. When you saile somewhat lower, and are
North North-east from the high Hill of Comando, there
is a place called. Terra pekina. Neere to that is the Castle
of Mina, with a Portugall Garrison to prohibite Trade.
Sailing a long mile lower, you come to a place called,
CafiCmso. Cape Crosso; this Cape or Point is a great place of
30a
Ttrra
Mitta.
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
traffique, where the French men in time past used much
to lie with their ships, and to traffique in the Countrie,
and in the yeare 1590. or 1591. there was a ship of Deepe
set upon, by them of the Castle of Mina, whereof most
of the men were slaine, and the rest made Slaves; and
when we began first to traffique there, in the yeare 1592. 1592.
there were some of our Hollanders slaine in a Boat at the
same place; but now the ships begin to traffique there
againe, because of the great quantitie of Gold which is
brought thither from Foetu, Abrenbon, and Mandinga,
and other Townes, which lie above two hundred miles
within the Countrie. Sailing a mile lower, you come to
the chiefe place of Traffique in all the Countrie, caUed
Mourre. A mile lower there lieth a place called, Infantin, In/anth.
and two miles farther there lieth a towne called Cormantin, ComanHn.
under the King of Foetui. There the Hollanders fetch
their hoops, to bind their water vessels withall ; for there
are the best. Sayling foure miles lower, you come to the
high hill of Mango, whereon the Negros offer sacrifice to
the Devill, but there is no Traffique. A mile lower there
is a Village called, Biamba, where thev keepe good store Biamha..
of Cowes, for it is good Pasture grouna. The Inhabitants
use great Traffique along the Coast, by selling their Cattle ;
and because that there, there are many proper women;
divers of the Negroes come from other pkces of the
Countrey thither to buy women, and to fetch slaves to
serve their turnes withall; The Countrey people there-
abouts are good husbandmen, and sow much Millie,
presse good store of Palme wine, and bring great number
of yong Cattle up. Three miles lower, there lieth a place
called Berqu, the Village lieth upon a hill, there the French Berqu.
men used much to Anchor with their ships. Those people
speake another Language, and to that place all the people
forwards speake one Language. The people are very
Ingenious to make all kind of things, specially of gold, [II-v»»-947-]
for they can make faire Chaines of gold, with other faire
things, as Rings, &c. There thev brew a kind of drinke
called Pitouw, which is much hke small Beere. They
303
A.0. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
have great store of Hens, and better cheape then in other
places: there also they take the greene Birds, called
Parrots. The Inhabitants in their time used to buy great
store of Iron, for they have many Smithes, whereby they
make faire Armes, but now there comes no more ships
thither, they goe with their Canoes to Ackra, which lieth
foure miles lower ; which is a low land upon the Strand,
having a halfe tree made in forme of a Gibet, which they
esteeme to be their Fedsso. The Portugalls were wont
to have a Gistle there ; but for some mischiefe that they
had done to the Inhabitants, the Negroes tooke their
Castle by force, slew all the Portugalls, and brake downe
the Castle. There againe they use another Langfuage,
they are a craftie and subtle people, and the subtilfest of
all that Coast, both for Traffique and otherwise. They
have very few Canoes to fish or goe to Sea withall ; but
those they have are very great, for I have seene one that
was cut out of a tree, whidi was five and thirty foot long,
and five foot broad, and three foot high, which was as
bigge as a Shallop ; so that it would have held thirty men
at the least. They come not often to buy wares, but
observe certaine dayes in the weeke to that purpose, and
then they come with great store of money, bringing the
gold as it is found in the hilles. Two miles below that,
there lieth a place, called Neugo. A mile lower, lieth
Temin ; And a mile lower then that, another place, called
Chinka, where the Hollanders begin to place boats to
traffique with the Negroes, which from the yeere one thou-
sand sixe hundred, was first begun to be known unto us.
Tkiir toarres They make warre for a small matter, for the Kings are
Md Martiatt ^ envious and angry one against the other, and so proud,
Mstmes. ^Y^^ ^j^^y cannot endure their equalls; whereupon they
challenge one the other to the Battell, and to fight together
in the field. The King gives warning to the Townes
under his command, to wiU the Captaines with their men
to come to him, to fight against the enemies : their enemies
likewise doe the like, and so make preparation to fight
one against the other. The Kings of those Townes have
304
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
1600.
certaine men, that are their Souldiers or slaves (which are
as much as Souldiers) who every day watch in the Kings
house, and are as it were his guard. They are very proud
of their offices, and in the streets they goe stately, looking
upon themselves, some times strikinj^ with their armes
over their heads, and sometimes leapmg backewards and
forwards, and round about; looking fiercely, as if they
would devoure all the world. They goe to the warres
with the King, and if not then, they stay continually with
him, to guard his person: and when the time commeth
that they must fight, every one prepareth himselfe there-
unto, in the best manner that hee can. First, they paint
their faces with colours, some Red, others White, and
others Yellow ; and also their brests and the whole bodies
with Crosses, Strikes, and Snakes, and many such like
things ; They also take their Beads with them, wherewith
they make their Fetissos, and hang them about them, and
thinke when they have them about them, that their
Fetissos will defend them, and that they shall not be slaine.
They make and wreath a Ring of boughes of trees, as
thicke as a mans arme, which they put about their neckes,
to beare off the blowes of their Knives, in stead of
Go^ets ; on their heads they weare Caps made of Libards
or Crocodiles skins : on their bodies they weare a Cloth
Girdle which they thrust betweene their legges with a
peece of Cloth of a handfull broad, to cover their privities
withall ; for then they weare as few clothes on their backes
as they can, that they may not be cumbred therewith when
they fight, in their Girdles they sticke a hewing Knife or
a Poniard ; in their left hands bearing their shields, which
are almost as long and as broad as themselves, in their
right hands they hold their Assagaies, wherewith they
fling each at other, some of them have two, some three,
foure, or more as they are able, and such as are not able,
to have shields and Assagaies, they carrie Bowes and ^ssagayakind
sheaves of Arrowes, made of skins, mil of smal Arrowes ^^^''^•
with Iron heads at the ends, wherewith they wil shoot
most cruelly.
VI 30s u
A-»- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oa
The Boycs or Servants carrie the Drums into the warres,
whereon they pky, others have homes of Elephants Teeth,
wherewith they blow. When all is prepared, and everie
Morinni or Gendeman with his men are readie, they all
meet at the Kings Court, and so goe with their Wives,
Children, and all their Houshold together to the Warres,
where the battaile should bee fought, and if it be a Warre
which concerneth them much, and wherewith they arc
much moved, and provoked to overcome their Enemies,
then they bxu-ne their owne Houses, and all their Towncs,
that their Enemies may have no such advantage against
them, as also because their minds should not be moved to
looke and harken home-ward, but rather to give them the
better courages to set upon their Enemies. But if it be
a Warre of no great importance, and that will be soone
ended, then they burne not their Houses nor take not
their wives and children with them, but they leave their
Townes, and send their wives and children to the next
Elace, with whom they have no enmitie, which take all their
oushold-stuffe with them, leaving their Houses emptie,
without any kind of thing in them, as if they had wholly
abandoned their Townes, and when their Warre is ended,
then their wives and children retume againe to their owne
Townes withall their stuffe.
The Souldiers on both sides meeting^ together in the
fields, doe the best they can to destroy their enemies, both
by casting at each other with their Assagaies, and by
^I.vii.948.] blowes. They can cast so exceeding straite, right and
tkD^rts ^^^^ ^*^ ^^^^ Assagaies that they will not faile to hit a
Stiver or piece of monie as bigge as a Groat, the rest
shoot with poisoned Arrowes. The Drummes and Homes
are heard to make a great noise when they fight together,
and in this Warre whosoever is taken Prisoner they make
Man-eaun. him a slave all his life long, and such as are slaine, their
bodies are drest and eaten as good meate. Their Warres
are not so cruell as they seeme, nor according to the noise
and preparation by them made, and their Warre continueth
not long, but is soone over-past and ended. They also
306
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
i6cx>.
burne each others Houses and Townes, and drive the
Inhabitants out of them.
It hapneth oftentimes, that although they have no great SecuritU.
controversie with each other, they make peace together,
promising not to warre one against the other, and to assure
and confirme their promises, they beleeve no words, but
they send each other a man for a suretie, whom they
keepe by them, and this man whom they deliver in this
sort for a suretie, is one of the chiefe of their Towne, who
being brought to the place where he must remaine by the
Kings slaves, he himselfe being bravely drest, and sitteth
upon a slaves sholder, and in that sort is carried to the
King, and to him they shew much honour, and yet they
watch him narrowly.
They also buy many Peeces, and begin to learne to
shoot in them, and have the understanding to know that
a long Peece carrieth further then a short, which both the
Portugals and wee also teach them. They are very expert
in making of Armes, for they make Poniards of an ell
long without hilts and foure fingers broad, with two edges,
the handle being of wood, with a pummell at the end,
they cover the handle over with a pkte of Gold, or with
the skinne of a certaine kind of fish which they take,
which with them is esteemed as much as Gold is with us,
they make sheathes of Dogs or Goates skinnes, and above
at the end of the sheathe, in stead of a chape they put
a great red shell, as broad as a mans hand, which is in
great estimation with them, others that have not the
abilitie to buy such shels, make or buy hewing Knives in
fashion like a Gammon of Bacon, broad at the end and
narrow before, which cut but on the one side, and in stead
of a red shell, they trimme them with an Apes or a Tygres
head, and those they sticke in their Girdles, on the one
side, and weare them as they goe along in the streets, and
Carrie their Assagaies in their hands, and if they have a
servant or a slave, they make him beare their Assagay and
Shield before them, and they follow them with a stafFe in
their hands. The Merchants travell in the Countrie with
307
A-D. PURCHAS HIS FIL6RIMES
i6oo.
Thiir Arms, their Armes, and their servants or slaves likewise carrie
Armes with them, who commonly have Bowes and
Arrowes, because they are Weapons which are least cum-
bersome to bee carried, for they can carrie them about
their neckes.
Their Assagaies are made of divers fashions and of
many sorts, but for the most part of Iron, at least two
foot at both ends, and that part which they hold in their
hands is of wood, both the ends are as heavie of Iron one
as the other, because they should weigh an even weight,
and for that one should not be heavier then the other, for
if it should they could not strike nor cast right with them.
They are very curious of their Armes, for they will alwaies
have sixe or seven of those Assagaies in their Houses,
which stand in the ground one by the other, with their
Shields hanging by them; those Shields they make of
woodden hoopes, which they fold one within the other,
and so make them foure square, but some-what bowing
like a Buckler, and they are commonly six foot long, and
foure foot broad, in the middle they make a crosse of
wood, and bind it upon the rest of the hoopes, to hold
them the faster together, thereof also they make their
handles whereon they beare their Shields : some of them
of the better sort cover their Shields over with an Oxe-
hide, and put a plate of Iron upon it two foot long, and a
foot broad. They make great accoimt of their Shields,
thinking that under them they have a great safeguard for
their bodies. They make their Bowes of very hard wood,
the stringes are made of the barkes of trees, their Arrowes
are of thmne and tufFe wood, the Feathers are made of the
haire of a Dogges skinne, wherewith they cover almost
halfe their Arrowes, and on the ends they put small Iron
heads, which heads when they goe to warre one against the
other, they anoint with poison, which is the juyce of cer-
taine greene Herbs, but diey must not carrie such poisoned
Arrowes but in time of warre, and that upon paine of a
great forfeit, or some other punishment to be inflicted
upon them that beare such Arrowes about them, their
308
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
sheafes they make of Goats skinnes, which they hang about
their neckes, and put their Arrowes into it. Their Drums
are made of hoUow trees, which are covered over with
Buckes skinnes, with woodden pinnes, and strike upon
them with woodden stickes made like Spoones or Ladels.
Those Drums commonly lie before the Kings Captaines
and Guards Houses, and are sometimes twentie foot long,
whereon they play when the King makes a Feast. They
also make smaller Drums of hollow trees, which they hang
about their neckes, and goe about the Towne, playing on
them, those Drums are round above, and under very
narrow like a funnell, no man may use them ; but Gentle-
men. They make Homes of Elephants Teeth, and race
them finely with manie stickes in them, and in the middle
of the Home they make a small hole which is foure
square, and blow at that, but no man may use them but
only the King or the Captaine.
They choose their Kings by the* most voices and con- CAoke of the
sents of the common people, for their Kingdomes are not ^^^\.
successive to any of their children or Kinsmen, but when '.^^•^"•949-J
their King is dead, thev choose another to governe them,
and to possesse the Kmgdome, and hee dwelleth in the
deceased Kin^s Court, and possesseth all that he findeth
therein, at his first entrie into the Kingdome, he must
buy good store of Cowes, and Palme-wine, and bestow a
Blanket upon his subjects, for they make great account of
a King that is liberall, and feasteth them, but if their King
be covetous, and seeketh to heape up good store of Gold,
they hate him, seeking all the meanes they can to find
some cause to drive him out of his Kingdome, and to
choose a better according to their minds. As it hapned
in my time to the King of Sabae (who had beene King of
Infantin) and was made King of Sabae, whom they drave
out of his Kingdome, and taking all his goods from him,
made him goe to Infimtin againe, from whence he came,
and chose another in his plS:e that pleased them better.
And for that cause, the King that will bee well beloved of
his subjects, everie three monethes when his Guard or
309
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
Customers come to pay him that which they have received
at the Sea-side, and of the Countrie people for custome^
he must make a Banquet, and spend more then he receiveth
at that time, and then he biddeth his Morrinnis (which
is as much as to say a Gentleman or one of his Counsell)
and buyeth many Cowes or Oxen, and also all the Palme-
wine in the Countrie, that he can get which is given
by him to the common people, who at that time are very
merrie and joyfull, singing and playing upon their Drums.
The heads of the Cowes are made cleane and fairely
painted and hanged full of Fetissoes, which done they are
hanged very orderly in the Kings chamber one und^ the
other, in stead of Pictures, and for a great honour unto
the King, whereby such strangers as come to the Kings
Court, may perceive that he is a good King, and for that
cause is much esteemed and beloved of his people.
The Ksnff Besides this they hold another Feast day everie yeare, as
^^^^' being the day of their Coronation or their Fetisses day,
then the King inviteth his Neighbour Kings and Cap-
taines, with aU his Gentlemen to a Banquet, and makes a
Seat Feast, and that day he prayeth to his Fetisso, and he
mselfe sacrificeth unto him, which he doth but once a
yeare. This Fetisso is the highest tree in the Towne,
which is the Kings Fetisso, upon this Festivall day they
use manie Apish Toyes, as Fencing, Drumming, singing
and leaping, the women also are verie merrie and dance,
and everie King holdeth his Feast day apart, and they doe
it one soone after the other, which they doe in their
Summer time.
On their Sunday at night the King makes a Feast, and
buyes up all the Palme-wine which is drawne out of the
Trees that day, and biddeth his wives and children to
Supper, and his chiefest Gentlemen, at which time they
are verie merrie, for hee eates but one day in a weeke with
his wives and children, and that is upon their Sunday.
Hisfoivis. These women are verie serviceable to the King their
Husband, and everie one of them feasteth him to winne
his love, so that he wanteth no service at their hands:
310
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA
A.D.
1600.
everie one of his wives hath his G;oods and riches apart by
her selfe, and keepeth and feedeth her owne children, and
shee that is in favour with the King, wanteth nothing.
When the Kings wives go abroad, they leane upon the
shoulders of other women that serve them, and are their
slaves, and their children are also carried upon the
shoulders of other of the Elings slaves, hee himselfe
commeth little abroad, but stayeth alwayes in his House,
sometime he sitteth at his doore but not often, his House is
watcht both day and night by his slaves, which watch armed His Guard.
in his Court, and in his Chamber, and when he goeth out
they attend on him and goe round about him. In the
morning betimes and late in the evening, his slaves blow
those Homes of Elephants Teeth, which make a prettie
sound, for they have the slight to draw their breath in
and out as they list, and can answere one the other when
they blow, when the King comes out of his Chamber, his
wives stand readie to attend on him, to wash his bodie all
over, and then to anoint it with Palme-oile, after that hee
eateth some-what, and so sets himselfe downe upon a
stoole,and in his hand hee holdeth a Horse or an Elephants
tayle to keepe the Flies from his naked bodie, he is bravely
drest after this manner ; his Beard is knotted with golden
Corals and other costly things, on his armes and legges
hee hath Rinses of Gold and other faire Beades of Corall,
and the like also about his necke, and so hee sitteth all the
day talking with one or other, for he wanteth no company
to passe the time away, they have one attending on them,
whom they call Viador (which word they have learned of
the Portugals) hee is the Kings Treasurer, and keepeth
his Gold and other Riches, receiveth and payeth all, and
doth all other businesses for the King. This man is next
unto the King, and he commonly ham more golden Rings
about his nedce, armes and feet, then the King himselre.
When the Kings children are of some ycares, if they will His chtUren.
have any thing they must looke to get it, for the King
may give them nothing to live idly upon, for the common
peopk would miu-murre at it, ir the King should give
3"
HisViadofyOr
Treasurer,
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
somewhat unto them, he might doe wrong to his Gentle-
men, but hee giveth them their Patrimoniall goods when
they marrie as their custome is ; and besides that he giveth
them every one a slave to serve their turnes with sm, and
they have nothing else of their Fathers, whereby it falleth
out, that when they waxe old, and seeke not to doe any
thing, they are no more respected then another man is.
The King keepes them with him to serve him, and when
he maketh peace with any other Towne or King, then he
[II. ¥11.950.] imploreth his children, and sends his sonnes for hostages,
that they may begin to be honored, and thereby attaine to
freat estate : the revenues of the Fruits, Fish, Wine, and
alme-oile, which the King hath, are sufficient to main-
taine the King, and his Wives, and Children. His Millie,
whereof he maketh Bread, is sowed and reaped for him,
at other mens charges ; whereby he hath a good life (but
yet miserable in respect of ours.) When the King dies
he is honourably buried after their manner, and then
presently they choose another, one that is not of the last
Kings kindred; but they choose a strange man, whom
they thinke good; and by no meanes they will choose
any that in any point held with, or favo\ired the last King.
Having made him King, they bring him to the Palace,
and he taketh the government upon him, and hath all the
treasure and goods of the dead King, which he got diu-ing
the time of his Raigne ; and that he holdeth, so that the
dead Kings Children enjoy not a penie: but that which
he had when he was chosen King, that they take and part
among them, as their custome is.
Lawyers, They use no Counsellors nor Attorneyes, but every
man must tell his owne tale to the Judge, who sends for
the accused partie; after whose answere, the Plaintiffe
speaketh againe : and in this sort they are each of them
heard to speake foxire or five times, and when the one
rketh the other must hold his peace till he hath done,
they must not interrupt one the other when they
speake, upon paine of corporall punishment, so that
although they bee wild men, and without any civilitie or
3««
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
good behaviour; yet therein they use a very good and
hudible custome. When the Judge hath heard them
say what they can, according to his owne mind, hee giveth
Jiidgemcnt, which they must stand unto without appeale.
If it bee any thing concerning the King, whereby he is to
have any forfeiture or otherwise, the Judge receiveth it,
and demandeth it of him that is to pay it, in the Kings
name, which he must pay ptcscndy without delay, and if
he be not able to doe it, he must presently depart from
thence to another Towne, or some other Kings Jurisdic-
tion, and there stay till he hath contented his King, &
payed his Fine. If it be a controversie which is to be
det^mined among them, and they cannot agree thereon,
then they will seeke to kill each other, or challenge their
adverse parties to fight with them, appointing a day and Combats.
place when they wiU meet with their Armes to end or
determine their controversie. In the meane time they
make their cause knowne to some of their friends, and
desire their helpe, (for each of them may have three or
foure men to helpe them) and commonly they are of their
neerest friends and kindred; and when their appointed
day is come, each of them goeth with his companions to
the same place, and when mey meet together with their
Shields and Assagaies to defend themsenres withall, they
place themselves orderly in the field one right over against
the other, the Plaintiffe and the Defendant standing in
the middle, and so begin to cast and shoot at each other
with their Assagaies, and shoot in that sort so long untill
that some of them on both sides are hurt, and fall to the
ground. Then they cease their Fight, and so their quarrell
endeth. But his side on whom the dead man is found to
be slaine, or that hath lost the victorie, come to the other
partie and desire to have the man out of their companie,
that was the cause of that Combat, in stead of the dead
man that is slaine. And if he runneth away, and getteth
to another Towne, they will follow him, and will never
leave before they have gotten him into their hands, and
none of their Kings may givt such a man freedomc, nor
313
A,D. PURCHAS HIS FIL6RIMES
1600.
keepe him secrcdy in his Towne, but if he can find him in
his Towne, he must deliver him to those that seeke after
him, and if he doth it not, then they make complaint to
their King, and so, many times one King makes warre
upon another for that cause ; when they have foxmd him, he
is delivered to the wife of the dead man, and shee keepeth
him for her Slave, or else shee sells him to another : but if
hee hath any meanes to pacifie the woman, or the friends
of that man, and to redeeme himselfe out of bondage, he
may doe it, and goe freely abroad. They are very great
controversies that are ended in this manner, for they arc
no common men that end their quarrels in such sort.
Their Latoes The PlaintifFc certifies the Captaine, who causeth a
^^^^f^*^^ Drum to be sounded by one of his Slaves, and he goeth
^ ^^ ^' round about the Towne with the Drum about his necke,
and with him there goeth two boyes more, each with a
Cow-bell in their hands, without Clappers, and they strike
upon them with stickes made of wood, and when they
have gone in this sort round about the Towne (which is
a signe unto the people that Justice is to be executed) then
the Captaine with his Gentlemen comes and sit round
together in the Market-place, each man with his Armes,
wherewith all the people assemble together, knowing not
what the matter is, and goe to the Market-place, where
their common assemblies are made, the women standing
in one place, the men in another, to heare what the
Captaine will say ; and he that is accused is presently taken,
and kept prisoner in the Captaines house, and if it be a
weightie matter, he is bound; if otherwise, he is onely
kept by the Executioner, and he must not depart from
thence before his cause be tried, in the meane time, the
Captaine with his Gentlemen sit still in the Market-place,
to heare the complaints made against the Prisoner, and
send him word by his Slaves what accusations are laid
against him, whereunto he must presently, without delav,
make answere; otherwise, if he cannot excuse himselfe,
he must pay the penaltie which he hath incurred ; and if he
cannot pay it, he must in the Kings behalfe be sold as a
3H
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
1600.
Slave, towards the payment of his Fine, and ever after,
while he liveth, he must be a Slave : but if he hath done
any offence that deserveth death, he may redeeme his [II.vii.951.]
life with money, if hee can agree with the King, and
content him ; which money is divided among the Morinni,
which have the one halfe, and the King the other halfe,
without giving any to the friends of the dead man. And
if it be one that hath incurred the danger of paying a
Fine for lying with another mans wife, being accused to
have won her thereunto by false promises or by force, and
hath not kept his promise with her ; then the King first
taketh all his goods from him, as forfeit unto him ; and
the woman must pay two or three ounces of gold for a
Fine unto her husband, or as he favoureth her, and she
can agree with him ; otherwise he may put her awav, and
take another wife, and the womans friends goe and burne,
or pull downe the mans house that hath done the fact,
and doe him all the mischiefe they can, to make him to
leave the Towne, that they may heare no more of him.
In my time, while I lay there, it hapned that a man came
from one Towne to another, to gather up his debts, which
man a yeere before had layne with another mans wife, and
the same woman was then by chance come to the same
Market, and seeing him, went straight and complained to
the £ne, (which is the Captaine) who presently caused
him to be taken; and their Counsell being assembled,
there before them the woman complained that he had
forced her, and had not paid her according to his promise :
he made answere, that he did it with her good-will, and
although neither of them both were of that Towne, yet
their cause was heard, and as good Justice used towards
them, as if they had beene Inhabitants of that place, and
after long disputation by them made, the Fetissero (which
is the Priest that conjureth their Fetissos or gods) came
thither with a certaine Drinke in a pot, and set it downe
before the Captaine, the woman tooke the pot and drunke
thereof, to justifie that he had not contented her for the
losse of her honour ; and if hee would have drunke thereof
31S
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oa
before the woman drunkc, to justifie that he had paid her,
and owed her nothing, then he had beene quit from paying
any thing ; but knowing himselfe to be guiltie, he durst
not drinke, but was found guiltie, and was judged to pay
a Fine of three Bendaes, which is sixe ounces of gold.
This Drinke among them is as much as an Oath, and
EnckioHkenou. is called Enchionkenou ; which they make of the same
greene herbs whereof they make their Fetissos; and as
they say, it hath such a force, that if a man drinketh it
falsely, their Fetisso causeth him presently to die;
but if they drinke it innocently, then their Fetisso
sufFereth them to live. By reason of the great hatred
and envie which they beare one unto the other, they
accuse each other, although it bee for a thing that
hath beene done ten yeeres before, so that there is no
quarrell but it is called in question. And if a man hath
married or bought the sister of that man that is to pay a
Fine unto the King, and is not able to doe it, then his
sisters husband must joyne with him to doc it, and helpe
him to pay his Fine, so they dwell both under one Juris-
diction, and for that they must agree together ; for before
all things the Kin^ must be paid his Fines, by one meanes
or other, or else uiey must ffoe out of his Countrey, and
dwell in another place ; and so if he be not able to pay
his Fine, then he taketh all his Wives and Children, and
goeth to another Towne, and which is more, all the friends
they have dwelling in that Towne must also goc with him,
and dweU all in that place, untill they have agreed with,
and paid the King his Fine : and when they come againe,
then they goe to all their acquaintance and aske them
forgivenesse, and seeke and make peace and friendship
with them, as they had before; the man goins^ to his
friends, and the woman to hers. The cause why their
friends also depart and leave the Towne, is, because they
should not bee molested nor troubled by the King for the
same. The Fine which they pay for Theft, is sixe ounces
of gold, or three Bendaes ot their weight; for in that
Countrie they are not put to death for it. But if they
316
A DESCRIPTION OP GUINEA a.d.
1600.
steale any thing from the Netherknders, they pay no Fine,
but onely when they steale one from another. If any man
hath falsified Gold, and carried it to the Netherknders,
and that they complaine thereof unto the King ; he must
pay a Fine for it, as the case requireth. If much Gold bee
falsified, many times they are sold for Skves. And all
these Fines are the Kings, to maintaine his expences. If
it be a case wherein any man hath deserved death, and
that he cannot pay the King but with his life, then he is
judged to die, and without any more deky, the Executioner,
or hee that is appointed to doe it, taketh him, and bindeth
his hands behind him, and then covering his eies, leadeth
him into a Field, or a Wood, or where he thinketh best,
(having no place purposely appointed to doe it in) and
being there, maketh him kneele downe, and stoope with
his head, and taking an Assagaie, steppeth backe, and
strikes him into the bodie, wherewith ne falleth downe,
then he takes his cutting Knife, and cuts off his head, and
then hee is dead ; for they beleeve not that a man is dead
before his head is cut off, and therefore when they put any
man to death, they cut off his head ; which done, hee cuts
his bodie in fo\ire quarters, and casts them into the field,
to bee devoured by Beasts and Birds. But their friends
come and fetch the head, and keepe it for a great Present,
seething it in a Kettle, and then eate the broth thereof;
which done, they take the bare Scull, and hang it by their
Fetisso. The women at that time make a great noise with
crying and howling, and take the quarters, and carrie them
into the fields : when the execution is done, there are no
Officers by, but onely the Executioner and the Partie that
is to be executed ; but when it is done, then they come
about him, and lament the dead man, as aforesaid.
For stealing, I am of opinion, that of all the Nations [II.vii.952.]
in the World, they have not their Masters. They esteeme ^^^^^^^n
it a shame to steale one from another, but when they have ^^'*
stolne any thing from the Netherknders, they esteeme it to
be a credit unto them and bragge thereof, for they esteeme
us to be craftie and subtill men, and when they have stolne
317
ntans.
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
any thing from us, they thinke themselves to be the
subtiiler and craftier, and seeke to bee honoured for doing
so brave an action.
Laeedimo- Lead, that is nayled without upon the ships, to keepe
them from bemg eaten by Wormes, rustie Nayles, Grease,
Weights (which they hide in their Haire, Mouthes, or
Eares) any other small matters are exercise of their Theft ;
yea, although they be never so great Merchants, and
bestow two or three pound of Gold with you for
Merchandize, and have no need to steale, but if any thing
bee taken from them, they make so many words and such
a noyse, as if it were a matter worthy of death.
They say that they may steale, and we not : I askt them
the cause why ; they made answere, that we are rich and
had great store of wares, and brought ships full unto them,
and tooke great paines and labour to sell it, and were so
long before we sold it, that they thought it fit to helpe us
therein, that we might the sooner be rid thereof, that we
might fetch others, and that wee were clothed, and they
went naked, and had nothing upon their bodies, and that
therefore it was freer for them then for us to steale. When
they have taken any thing and that you misse it, you must
presently search them all, for they steale very cunningly,
and give it one unto the other, and when they come
together they part it among them ; when you have found
it, and know who stole it, then you must beat him well,
be he never so great a Merchant, and the rest of the
Negroes will laugh at him and mocke him, because hee
did his businesse no better : but when they perceive that
their Theft is discovered, then they leape over-boord and
get away, fearing to be beaten, and if you let them goe
and beate them not at that time when you take them, then
they feare a ^eater matter and expect more blowes, and
that you will mtrap them, and therefore they will conunonly
ever after shunne that ship and goe aboord another : but
if you beate them for their labours when they doe it, thev
will not hate you for it, nor shunne the Ship, but will
come the next day againe to deale and traffique with you.
318
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
In their Promises or Oathes which they make unto us, Prmises.
they are unconstant and full of untruth, but such promises
as they make among themselves, they keepe and observe
them well, and will not breake them : when they make any
Oathes or Promises, specially, when they will shew it to Oathes.
oxu" Netherlanders. First, they wipe their feces upon the
sole of your foot, and then doe the like upon their
shoulders and brests, and upon all their bodies, speaking
thrice each to other, saying, lau, lau, lau, everie time
clapping hands together, and stamping with their feet upon
the ground, which done, they kisse their Fetisso, which
they have upon their legges and armes : some for the more
assurance of their Promises and Oathes, will drinke
certaine drinke, as I have said before : but he that should
repose much trust therein, should soonest find himselfe
deceived, because they are not to be credited further then
you see them.
§. VI.
Of their Summer and Winter ; And of their
manner of Tilling and Sowing the Land ;
Their Corne, Rents, Raines ; Beasts and
Hunting : Fowles, Trees, and Fruits.
^though it is alwayes warme in those Countries,
yet they have a difference in the time of the yeare,
and so they accoimt some monethes for their
Sunmier, and some for their Winter. The difference Barren Sum-
which they have therein is the weather; for both in meraudfertUe
Summer and Winter the trees are greene, and some of ^'*^''-
them have leaves twice a yeare. In Summer their fields
are bare, and in Winter they are full of Corne, and are
very greene, so that they have their Harvest in Winter.
The Uayes and Nights are of one length, or else there is
little difference: for the Sunne riseth and goeth downe
there, commonly at sixe of the clocke, but it is risen at
least halfe an hoiu*e above the Horizon, before it sheweth
it selfe, so that you shall seldome see it deerely rise and
3'9
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
goe downe. The Fruits are there as plentiful! and
abundant in Winter, as in Summer when the weather
is warmest, and that the Simne is above their heads. They
esteeme that time to be their Winter, which beginnes in
the monethes of April, May, and June ; because as then
Mysts. it raineth and is very foule weather there with Thunder
and Lightning, (which the Portugals call, Travados, and
they Agombretou) which foule weather and raine followeth
the Sunne, and riseth up with his highth, at that time they
are most cumbred with raine : but in their Sununer they
are not so much troubled with it, but then the Earth
dryeth and is hard and unfruitfuU, and therefore they
shunne that time to sow their Millie and Mais in, but
when that time is gone, to beginne their Husbandrie, they
goe into the Woods or Fields, and there seeke out a good
[ILvii.953.] place, which they thinke fit for their purpose to sow their
Corne in, to serve to maintaine their Wives and Children.
Their Hus' No man hath any Land to himselfe which he can or may
handrie. fceepe to his owne use, for the King hath all the Woods,
Fields, and Land in his hands ; so that thev may neither
sow nor plant therein but by his consent and licence, which,
when they have obtained, and have a place permitted them
to sow their Corne in, then they goe with their slaves
and biu-ne the Woods, trees, roots and shrubs with all the
rubbish downe to the ground : then they goe with their
long chopping-knives which they call, Coddon, and scrape
and raze up the ground with Colen (and all that serveth
them to fatten their ground) about a foot deepe, and let it
lye eight or ten dayes, and when all of them have tilled their
ground, every man makes readie his seed to sow it withall,
upon their Sunday, and then they go to their Kings or
Governors House, of that quarter : for, first, they heipe to
till his ground, and to sow his Corne, and go all together
to his field, and take all the rubbish out of the Earth and
cast it into the middle of the field, and then once againe
rake the Earth and sow their Come in the field. They
begin upon a Sunday, and first serve their Governour or
King, and when they have done his worke, the Captaine
320
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
1600.
sendeth into the field a great number of Pots with Palme-
wine, and a sod Goat, with good store of other meat,
according to the number of Workmen, and there they sit
downe together and make g^ood cheare, and at that time
they bume the roots, and sit and sing and make a great
noise about them, all in the honour of their Fetisso, to the
end that he should let their Corne grow well and prosper-
ously up. When their Captaines or Elings Land is tilled
and sowed, the next day they goe to another mans ground,
and doe with it as they did with the Kings epround, and
there also make good cheere as they did before, and are
merrie together, and so forth-with the rest whome they
helpe. 'Hie Corne soone groweth up, and lyeth not long
in the ground: when it is as high as a mans head, and
beginnes to sprout, then they make a woodden House in
the middle of the field, covered over with Reeds, and
therein put their Children to watch the Corne, and to
drive away the Birds, wherewith they are much cumbred.
They weed not their Corne, but let it grow up weeds and
all.
The Millie hath long eares, and is a seed of colour like Miikt,
Hempe-seed, and long like Canarie-seed, it hath no shels,
but groweth in a little huske, and is very white within.
This kind of graine they alwayes had, and serve their
tiu*nes therewith before the Portugals came thither. It
groweth and is ripe in three months, and when it is cut
down, it lyeth a month after in the fields to dry, and then
the eares are cut off and bound in sheafes, and so carryed
home to their Houses. They use the straw to cover their
Houses withall. This Millie is a verie excellent graine,
hath a good taste and is wholsome to eate, it is sweet in
your mouth, but gnasheth in your teeth, which commeth
of the stone wherewith they grind it. When they have
used the Land, and their Harvest done, then they sell
part of their Come to other men, which are not able to sow
It, and by that meanes get a good quantitie of Gold ; they
give some to their King for the rent of his Land, and
Carrie it home to his House, every one as much as he
VI 321 X
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
thinketh good. For there is no certaine summe appointed
for them to pay, but every one giveth according to his
abilitie, and the quantitie of ground that he hath used,
and bringeth it unto the King, so that hee hath at least five
or sixe Bendas of Gold of uiem at one time, which they
Carrie altogether to their King, who welcommeth them,
and thanketh them for their Dache or Gift, and for their
laboxirs giveth them their bellies full of meate and drinke,
and that they pay to the King for the fkrme of his Land,
and no more.
Their Mais. The Corne by the Indians called Mais, by the Portugak
or Spaniards, Indian-wheat, and by the Italians, Turkish-
corne, is a Graine almost knowne throughout all the
World, and was brought out of West India into Saint
Thomas Iland, and they of Saint Thomas (after they had
built their Castle) brought it thither for to serve their
necessitie withall, and sowed it there, for before the
Portugals came into those Coimtries, the Indians knew it
not, but they sowed it first in that Countrey, and dispersed
it abroad among the wild Indians, so that now the Countrey
is full thereof, and at this present there is great abundance
in Guinea. They use to mixe it with their Millie, and
sometimes take halfe Millie and halfe Mais. The Negroes
that dwell among the Portugals, grind it alone without
any Millie, and make excellent bread thereof, wherewith
they sustaine themselves, and seU it to the Portugals : they
know how to bake it in such sort that it will endure good
three or foure monethes. The children also eate it in stead
of bread, which they set awhile upon the fire, and then
crush the Corne out of the huskes, such as eate much
thereof and are not used unto it, use to bee Scurvie and
Itchie, or else to bee troubled with great bloud Veines,
for it increaseth bloud : it is no lesse no\irishing then Corne
in the Netherlands, and in a manner tasteth like our Corne.
The people of the West Indies can make Wine of Mais,
which they call, Chicka, wherewith they will make them-
selves drunke, as if it were of Wine made of Grapes, and
for that they know, that Corne sodden or steept in water
3«2
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
i6oo.
maketh a kind of drinke, wherewith a man may make
himselfe drunke ; therefore they lay this kind of Graine
to soake in the water till it is soft, and then thev brew
thereof, as some of the Negroes in Guinea, which deale
with the Portugals, also doe, and call it Poitou.
This Mais will grow in a moyst fatty and hot ground, [n.vii.954.]
and beares twice a yeere : it is not sowed like other Corne,
but it is thrust into the ground, as we use to doe Beanes
in our G^untrey : it lieth not long in the ground, but soone
springeth up, and groweth higher then a mans length
above the ground, uke to great Reeds that otow in the
water, or in drowned land, wherewith husbandmen use to
cover their shades: every Reed hath his eares whereon
the Corne groweth, and notwithstanding, that they are
heavy eares, as big as yong Cucumbers, and sharpe above
like the top of a Steeple, yet every Reed hath seven or
eight eares upon it. I have told five hundred and fiftie
Graines upon one Reed, which came of one Graine alone.
They are of divers colours, as White, Blacke, Yellow,
Purple, &c. and sometimes you shall have three or foure
colours thereof in one eare. There are two sorts thereof,
great and small, the great Graine is stronger then the
small. They use the Reed to cover their houses.
They shun the Raine, and esteeme it to be very ill and ^^^»^ ^^ff-
unwholesome to fall upon their naked bodies, which they •^'
doe not without great reason, for wee find our selves to bee
much troubled therewith, when we travell, specially when
it raineth much, and maketh great Travados, as it doth
once a yeere in those Coimtries, which is in Aprill, May,
and June; at which time there are such Tempests of Tempests.
Thunder, Lightning, wind, and Raine, that it is incredible,
specially the Raine under the Equinoctiall Line, is so
unwholesome and rotten, that if a man hath beene in the
Raine, and is thorow wet, and so lieth downe to sleepe in
his Cabin, in his wet clothes, without putting them off, he
is in danger to get some sicknesse ; for it breedeth Fevers :
and againe, if you drie not your wet clothes presently in
the Sun, but forgetting them, chance to let them lie, they
3*3
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMBS
1600.
will rot with the force of the water, in such sort, that you
may plucke them in peeces with your fingers. And they
find no lesse imwholesomenesse therein ; for when it begins
to Raine, they get them out of the way, and if any drops
of water fiJl upon their naked bodies, they shiver and
shake, as if they had a Fever, and cast their armes over
their shoulders to keepe the Raine fit>m them: which
they doe, not because the water is cold, for often times it
is as warme as if it were sodden : but because of the
unwholesomenesse for their bodies, which they find thereby.
And when they have troden in the day time in the water
with their fiset, at night they make a fire, and lie with
their soles of their feet against it, which they doe, to draw
the moysture of the water, which is gotten into their
bodies, out againe at their fi^t: then they anoint their
PalmOyk, bodies with Palme Oyle, which they use also for a
beautifying to make their bodies shine, and that they doe
to shunne the Raine water within those Countreys (as
many men write) is very unwholesome, and thereof many
and dangerous diseases are ingendred.
1 kavi They have Elephants, Leopards, Tigers, Gits of the
^Md^fsl^ ' Mountaine, Monkies, Foxes, Harts and Hinds ; it is said,
thArbiafts^ that in this Countrie there are white Elephants: but I
Wr. could never understand it from the Negros themselves.
Great Snakes. There are the greatest and most venimous Snakes that
ever was seene, there was one in my time taken there (as the
Negroes told me) which was thirty foot long, and as much
as sixe men could carrie; There is also a beast like a
Crocodile, but it never goeth into the water, as the
Crocodile doth ; which is called Languad.
Sfidirs. There are Spiders as big as the palme of a mans hand,
and great store of them. Camelions and Agtissen a great
number, but they esteeme not them to be venimous, for
they drie many of them & eat them. There are many
Dogffs. Dogs & Cats, such as we have, but their Dogs have
sharper snowts then ours, and their chaps full of wooU,
they cannot barke nor make a noise, they are very faire
beasts for colour, as blacke, red, white, and yellow Spaniels,
324
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
1600.
&c. They are also a little smaller footed then ours^ so
that they are not much unlike the Dogs in our Countrey,
but they are unlike to ours in one thing, for when you
strike them, they run away, and make no noise, nor once
offer to bite vou ; but when you run away from them, and
are afraid or them, they wiU leape at you, and bite you
by the legges : those Dogs they use for their necessitie, and
eate them, and in many places of the Countrey they are
brought and driven to the Market like sheepe or hogges,
being tied one to the other with stringrs, they are omed
Ekia, or Cabra de matto, which is a wild sheepe, it is the
first gift which a man of that G^untrie giveth when he
buyeth his Gentilitie, they make much of our Dogs in
these Gauntries, for when they barke, they thinke they
speake ; and for that cause esteeme greatly of them.
Cats also are there much esteemed, because they take Catts.
Mice, wherewith the Inhabitants of the Towne are much
troubled, they are called Ambaio, they have very faire
skins, and are very good Mousers, they use also to eate
them, they were first carried hither out of Europe.
If they know where any Elephants are, they use all the Ekphauu.
meanes they can to take them, for they eate them also,
although they should stinke like a Carrion, and that a
thousand Maggots crept out of them. Where they know
that they use often times to come, they make great pits,
which they cover over with straw and fovde leaves of
trees, which the Elephant knowing nothing of, goeth that
way as he was wont to doe, and fklles into the pit, and
cannot get out againe.
The Negroes hearing that hee is fallen into the pit, run [ll.vii.955.]
thither wiui their weapons and smite him into the body
with Assa^es, and so kill him ; which done, they leape
into the pit, and cut him in quarters, and every one may
go and fetch his part thereof when he will, of the hide they
make stooles to sit on : the taile is given to the King to
beat the Flies from his naked body, and are much esteemed
off there ; with no lesse subtiltie they take the Leopards, Leopards.
for they doe them more hurt then other beasts: and
3«S
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
because it is a cruell beast to spoyle and destroy men,
keeping in the way where men should passe along. In
every toure cornered way, or at the end of the street, they
make houses with woodden pales, which are like to Rat
traps, wherein they put Hens, Sheepe, and other things
which he desireth to eate, where the Leopard comming to
eate his prey, is taken with the fall of the trap, and kild
with an Assagaie ; thev esteeme much of the skin, whereof
they use to cut Girdles, and to make Caps. There are
no Horses in that Countrey, and when there were some
brought unto them for a great Present, they kild them, and
eate them : because their flesh seemed sweet unto them.
Oxen. The Oxen and Cowes that are found in that Coimtrcy
are not very great; but of bignesse like great Calves:
their homes stand backeward on their heads, they are not
milkt, for they give none ; they can hardly bring up their
yong Calves, by reason of the small moysture that the
Cowes give their Calves, by meanes of the dric Countrey
wherein they are, and by reason of the heat of the land.
Hitmes. The Hens and Goats, (which with them are sheepe) that
they have there, were brought them thither oy the
Portugalls of S. Thomas, the liens prosper and encreasc
well there, and are so fat with the Millie that groweth
there, as if they were Capons; but they are commonly
smaller then ours, the Egges which they lay are no greater
Dovif. then Pidgeons Egges. The Doves which they have there,
were also brought them thither by the Portugals, and arc
called Abraiiama, which is as much to say, as Birds brought
thither unto them by white men. They are very like to
our Pidgeons, but their heads are lesse, like Sea-mewes,
there is no great store of them in the Countrey.
Hogps. The Hogs also were brought them by the Portugals, and
are called Ebbio ; they are very little, but very sweet and
pleasant to eate, but not so good as the Hogs in
Mosambique, where the Hogs flesh is as daintie as Hens
flesh: and because it is a very unwholesome place, they
five their sicke men Hogs flesh to eate, in stead of Hens
esh : they have also not long since gotten some Geese
3*6
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
i6oo.
out of a ship of Holland, which they call Apatta, which
are there much esteemed off, because they are but few.
The Coxmtrey is full of Monkies, of divers formes, for Moukw.
some of them have white beards, and blacke Mustachoes,
with speckled skins, their bellies white, and upon their
backes they have a broad Tawnie stroke, with bladke Pawes
and a black Tayle, and by us are called Beard-men. There
are some called white Noses, because no part of them is
white but onely their Nose, there is a third sort, called
Boertkens, those shim men very much, and stinke filthily,
by natiire they are very crafty : the fourth, are very like
to the Jacken, which are found in the Graine Coast ; there
arc also many Monkies of divers other fashions, they take How taken.
the Apes and Monkies with springes which hang upon the
trees, where into the Apes and Monkies leape, and are
taken by the Negros. Muske Cats are there in great
abundance, the Portugals call them Cato degalia, which is
Ag[alia Cats ; the Negroes call them Kankan, those kind
of Cats are also found in East India, and in Java, but
they are not so good as those in Guinea ; or of the golden
Coast, they are there called Castory, those Cats are much
esteemed of by the Portugals, whereby they reape great
profit, specially by their A^y or Muske, which they take Musk-cats.
from them, and make them deane, and then it is put into
glasses, and carried into Lisbon, it is a kind of beast much
given to bite, and to eate flesh ; because they give them
esh (as Hens, Pidgeons, Goats, and other costly meats) to
eate. They ease tnemsdves in a place apart, and leave it,
and never lie in it; it is almost like a Foxe, but their
tayles are like other Cats, their skins are speckled like a
Leopards skin: the Negroes take many of them in the
woods when they are yong, and so bring them up : but
because they have no skill mere how to use them, they sell
them to strangers. The Male Cats are the best, and yeeld
the most Agalia, by reason that the Females pisse in the
cod wherein the Muske groweth, and pisse it out with their
water ; when you perceive that they teare their bagge, you
must take their Agalia from them, for they doe it to be
327
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
rid of it : the wilder and worse they are to rule, so much
the costlier and better their Agalia is.
Hares, There are Hares also in this Countrey, specially in a
place called Akra, in forme like ours, and because that
Countrey is low Sandy Ground, therefore they are found
more there then in any other part of that Coast : when the
Negroes will take them, they goe a great number of them
together, to the place where the Hares are, every one
taking with him two or three cudgels of wood, as long
as a mans arme, and there they compasse the field round
about, and standing about their holes, make such a noyse
and crying, and clapping their stickes one upon the other,
that the Hares are so feared therewith, that they leape out
of their holes, and are by them kild with those Cudgels,
which they cast at them, and by that meanes get many of
Harts. them. Harts and Hinds are sometimes found there also,
but in some places more then others, they are of the same
[II.vii.956.J i^hion that ours are in the Low-countreyes, but they have
another kind of homes then ours, they have no expresse
kind of Instruments to take them witludl : but when they
see them goe to the water to drinke, they strike them into
the bodie with an Assagaie and kiU them. Hunting to
take wild beasts is lawnill for any man to use in those
Countreys, if they can take them, without pimishment for
doing it : There are many other kinds of beasts of such
several sorts, that a man cannot tell what to make them ;
but for that the Netherlanders that use to Guinea dare not
goe farre into the Countrey to take wild beasts, least they
should be taken and intrapped by the Portugals or their
adherents, and made slaves all their lives long : therefore
there are many wild beasts that are not knowne by us,
and which the Inhabitants themselves know not, nor can
not tell by what names to call them.
Parrots. The Birds that are found there, are of divers sorts, and
are little birds like unto ours ; first, there are blew Parrots,
whereof there are great store, which being yong, arc taken
out of their nests, and made tame, having not flowne
abroad, they are better to teach, and to learne to ^>eake ;
328
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
i6oo.
but they will not prate so much as the greene Brasilian
Parrots doe. They have also an other kind of greene
fiirds, as big as Sparrowes, like the Catalinkins of West
India, but they cannot speake. Those Birds are called
Asuront, and by our Netherlanders, called Parokites. PanHus.
They are taken with Nets, as you use to take Sparrowes.
They keepe much in low Land, where much Corne or
Milne groweth ; for they eate much thereof. Those Birds
are very kind one to the other ; for when you put a male
and a female in a Cage, they will alwaies sit together
without making any noyse. The female is of such a
nature, that when she is coupled with the male, she
respecteth him much, and letteth him sit on the right hand,
setting her selfe on the left hand ; and when he goes to
eate, ^ee followeth him ; and so they live together quietly,
being almost of the nature of the Turtle-doves. They arc
of a very faire greene colour, with a spot of orange-tawnie
upon their Noses.
There are another kind of Parokiten, which are much
like them, being of the same nature and condition, but are
of colour as red as bloud, with a spot of blacke upon their
Noses, and a black Taile, being somewhat greater then the
Parokites. There are other Birds not much imlike to
Gold-finches, all their bodies being yellow, those Birds
make not their Nests in the field, for teare of Snakes, and
other venimous beasts ; but make their nests very craftily
upon the branches of high trees, and there lay their e^ges
to keepe themselves from venimous beasts. They have
other small Birds, not much imlike to hedge Sparrowes;
but they keepe in the Fields among Come, those Birds
they thrust into their mouthes afive, and eate them
Feathers Bones and all : they have store of Muschen, with
many other kind of small Birds.
They have a kind of Birds like Eagles, which have heads FUm Birds.
like Turkle-cocks, those Birds are hurtfull, and very fierce,
and doe much harme to the Negroes, whereby they are
much troubled, and therefore they carry them meat up to
the hiUes, and call them Pastro de Diago: which is the
329
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
Birds of their god, and therefore they doe them no hurt,
knowing well that they would revenge themselves well
enough : they lie alwaycs in myre and durt, and stinke as
ill as a privie, and you may smell them afarre off. They
have some water Snites, but not many. And Turtle-
Doves, which have a blacke stroke about their neckes like
Phiosans. a crowne. There are many Phesants, not much unlike
ours for i^hion, but have not such feathers, for they are
speckled blacke and white, and without long tayles as ours
have; they are not of so good a taste as other common
Pea-cochis. Hens are. Peake-cockes also I have seene there, not much
unlike our Peake-cockes ; but there is some difference in
the Feathers, for some of them are of other colours.
Pittnn. Pittoirs I have seene there, as I said before, which they
esteeme for a great Fetisso, and a South-sayer. Cranes
also there are many, and Kites also of the same fashion that
our HoUand Kites are. There is a kind of Birds also
there, which are like Storkes, but they have not so long
^pecUd ^^ Bjls^ ^^^ make not such a noise. Speckled Crowes,
'^''* and gray Sea-mewes are there in great abundance, with
divers other kinds of Birds, not much unlike ours, but if
you marke them well, there is difference betweene them,
as some in their feathers, others in their Bils, the third in
their feet, and the fourth in their heads, so that there is
some difference, although they resemble much; and
because Birds are litle taken and shot in those Countreyes,
for that they have no kind of Instruments to doe it withall,
there are great store in the Coxmtrey, and bv that meanes,
both the beasts and the Birds waxe very bold. There are
BumingFrm. many Owles and Bats which flie by night, and store of
neat greene Frogs, and gray Grashoppers, and many great
knd Crabs, which keepe in the earth, and are of a purple
colour, which they esteeme for a sreat present. When I
went by night to walke in the fields, I saw things in the
grasse that shine like firie Coales, which I tooke up and
tied them in my handkercher, which made it show with the
light of the beast as if it had burnt : and when I went
into the Towne to the Negroes, and shewed it them, they
330
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
wondered thereat, and the next day when I lookt on them,
they were small blacke Flies, like Spanish Flies, but were
as blacke as Pitch : Flies, Mothes, and Bees are there also
to be seene. The Bees make their Hives upon trees.
There are great store of blacke Ants, which make holes
in the earth, like field Mice, those Ants doe much hurt to
the Bees, and eate up their Hony and Waxe.
Bannana, in Brasilia, Pacona; and the tree Paguouer, [J^-^"- 957-1
in Malabar, Patan, &c. is the fruite whereof John Huyghen ^^^^
writeth, and calleth it Indian Figs, this tree hath no ngff$,
branches, the fruit groweth out of the tree, and hath
leaves at least a fathome long, and three spannes broad.
Those leaves among the Turkes are used for Paper, and
in other places the Houses are covered therewith, there is
no wood upon the tree, the out-side (wherewith the tree is
covered when it beginneth to waxe old^ is like the middle
part of a Sive, but opening it within, there is nothing but
the leaves, which are rollea up round and close together,
it is as high as a man, on the top the leaves begin to spring
out, and rise up an end, and as the young leaves come
forth the old wither away, and begin to drie untill the tree
comes to his growth, and the fruit to perfection : the leaves
in the middle have a very thicke veine, which divideth it
in two, and in the middle of the leaves, out of the heart of
the tree, there groweth a flowre as bigge as an Estridge
Egge, of a russet colour, which in time waxeth long like
the stalke of a Colewoort, whereon the Figges grow close
one by the other, when they are still in their huskes, they
are not much unlike great Beanes, & so grow more and
more untill they be a span long, and foure thumbes broad
like a Cucvunber, they are cut off before they are ripe, and
are in that sort hanged up in bunches, which oftentimes
are as much as a man can carrie. It also yeeldeth good
Trennuelis like Milke (when the tree is cut downe) which
commeth out of the bodie thereof, having hanged three
or foure dayes, they are through ripe, the tree beares but
one bunch at a time, whereon there is at least one hundred
Figges and more, and when they cut off the bunch of
33«
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
Figees, the tree also is cut downc to the ground, the root
staying still in the Earth, which presenUy springeth up
againe, and within a moneth hath his full growth, and all
the yeare long no time excepted. The tree beareth fruit,
the fruit is very delicate to eate, you must pull off the
huske wherein the fruit lyeth, very delightful! to behold,
the colour thereof is whitish and some-what yellow, when
you bite it, it is soft, as if it were Meale and Butter nuxed
together, it is mellow in byting, it cooleth the maw, much
thereof eaten maketh a man very loose and raw in the
throate, it maketh women lecherous if they eate much
thereof. Some are of opinion, because it is so delicate a
fruit, that it was the same tree that stood in Paradise,
whereof God forbad Adam and Eve to eate. It smels like
Roses, and hath a very good smell, but the taste is better.
The Portugals will not cut it through with a Knife, but
breake it, by reason of a speciall observation which they
have in the cutting thereof, which is, that then it sheweth
like a crosse in the middle of the fruit, and therefore they
thinke it not good to cut it.
Bachouent^ or The Bachouens (by us so called) are very like the
BoMHOMSiU Bannanas, for the condition and forme is all one, only
^^' that the fruit is smaller, shorter, white of colour within
and sweeter of taste, and is esteemed to be wholsomer
to be eaten then the Bannanas, but there is no such great
quantitie of them, and for that they were first brought out
of the Kingdome of Congo, into other Countries, they
have gotten the name thereof.
Antumas. The Annanas is also a delicate and pleasant fruit for
smell, and of the best taste that any fruit can be, it hath
also divers severall names, there are two sorts, the Male
and the Female, the Canarians call it, Ananasa; the
Brasilians, Nana; those of Hispaniola, Jaiama, and the
Spaniards in Brasilia, Pinas, because one of them found
that and the Pinas first in Brasilia, it is as great as a Mellon,
faire of colour, some-what yellow, greene and carnation,
when it begins to bee ripe, the greenenesse thereof turneth
into an Orange colour, it is of a pleasant taste, and hath a
33«
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
1600.
fine smell like an Apricocke, so that it is to be smelt farre
off, when you see the fruit afarre off, being greene, it
shewes like Artichokes, and is eaten with Wine, it is light
of digesture, but eating much thereof it inflameth a mans
bodie. In Brasilia there is three sorts thereof, each having
a severall name : first, Jaiama ; the second, Boniama ; the
third, Jaiagma : but in Guinea there is but one sort. The
time when they are in their flowre is in Lent, for then they
are best, it growes halfe a &thome above the ground, the
leaves thereof are not much unlike Semper Vivum, when
they are eaten, they are cut in round slices, and sopt in
Spanish wine ; you cannot eate enough thereof, it is verie
hot of nature, and will grow in moist groimd, the sops
that you take out of the Wine tastes like sweet Muske,
and if you doe not presently wipe the Knife wherewith
jrou cut the finiit, but forgetting it let it lye halfe an houre.
It will bee eaten in, as if there had beene strong water
laid upon it, being eaten in abundance and without
knowledge, it causeth great sicknesse.
There are great store of Iniamus growing in Guinea, in Iwiamtu.
great fields, which are sowed and planted like Turnips, the
root is the Iniamus, and groweth in the Earth like Earth-
nuts, those Iniamus are as great as a yellow root,but thicker
and fuller of knots, they are of a Mouse-colour, and
within as white as a Turnip, but not so sweet, being put
in a Kettle and sodden with flesh, and then peeled and
eaten with Oyle and Pepper, thev are a verv delicate meate,
in many places it is used for oread, ana is the greatest
meate that the Negroes eate.
The Battatas are somewhat redder of colour, and in Battatas.
forme almost like Iniamus, and taste like Earth-nuts, those
two kinds of fioiit are very abundant in Guinea, they are
commonly rosted, or else eaten with a hodge-pot in stead
of Parsenips or Turnips.
The Palme-wine tree is almost like the Cocos tree, or PahM-wine
a Lantor, with divers others, and are of three or foure sorts, ^*?* ..
most of them have all one kind of leafe, but in manner of ^ '^"'^S -J
wood they are xmlike, for this tree is shorter of wood then
333
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
lOOO.
the rest, the Wine is drawne out of those trees by boring
them, from whence there issueth a sap like M ilke, whicn
is very coole and fresh to drinke, at the first when it is
drawne, it is pleasant and sweet, having stood a while, it
is as sowre as Vineger, so that vou may use it in a SaUet,
but being dnmke sweet and n-esh, it causeth a man to
void urine well, whereby in those Coxmtries, there are very
few foimd, that have the disease of the Stone ; drinking
much thereof a mans head will soone be light, the light*
nesse which a man hath in his head thereby, causeth it not
to ake. When it commeth first out of the tree it is
sweeter of taste, then when it hath stood awhile, but yet
it is esteemed to bee better when it hath stood awhile,
and is some-what setled, then presently to bee drunke, for
it standeth seething and bubling, as if it himg over the
fire and sod, so that if it were put into a Glasse and stopt
up, without letting any ayre come into it, the force thereof
would breake the Glasse in pieces, but being a meale tyde
olde, it is nothing worth, because it is so sowre, and then
it is of another colour verie waterish, therefore it is much
mixed with water, and seldome comes pure to the Market,
as it is taken out of the tree, which is done partly to
increase their Wine, as also that then it is the sweeter
to drinke, and hath the taste of Syder, and the colour of
Must, when the tree is old, and ipnll yeeki no more Wine
at the top, it is cut downe at the foot, and a fire made at
the root thereof, where they set a pot, whereinto the Wine
(by meanes of the heate) runneth, the tree being changed,
and yeelding no more profit, there groweth another tree
out of the roote thereof, but it is halfe a yeare old before
it giveth any Wine. In the morning betimes an houre
before day, the Wine is drawne out and brought to the
Market at noone-time.
Palmtas tree. The Palmitas tree is not much to be seene in Guinea,
but for that a Negro in that Gjimtrey shewed me some of
the finiit thereof, I thought good to say something of h
in this place, it is a tree without branches, on the top of
the tree the fruit groweth, and it is almost like the Annanas
334
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA
when it is ripe. It is outwardly of a fiiire gold colour,
and within it hath graines like Pomegranates, they are of
a very sweet taste, the other is hard and unfit to eate.
A.D.
1600.
§. VII.
Ambitm of
Gentrie,
Of their Gentlemen, and how they are made ;
Their Dancings, Sports, Diseases, Cures, Visita-
tions, Mournings, Funerals : and of their Gold.
Blere are many Gentlemen in that Countrey, but
of small meanes, for assoone as they have bought
their Gentilitie, they are then poorer, and in
miserable estate then they were before, and for that they
thinke to be men of great account when they are Gentle-
men, they seeke much after it, and begin to gather some
wealth from their youths upwards to obtayne the place of
a Gentleman. First, they give three gifts to be made a Gifts fir it.
Gentleman, the first gift is a Dogge, which they call Cabro
de Matto, which is as much as to say a Field-sheepe. The
second Gift, is a Sheepe or a Goat. The third Gift, is a
Cow, with many other things, and then he is made a
Gentleman. These Gifts are given among those that are
Gentlemen, and are given the one now, the other at
another time, as the man that is made a Gentleman can
best doe it, and hath the meanes to performe it, and then
hee makes the Captaine acquainted with it, which done, he
buyeth a Cow, which is carryed and tyed in the Market
place, and then it is made knowne to the people, that such Creation.
a man shall bee made a Gentleman at such a time, in the
meane time all those that are Gentlemen make themselves
as fine as they can to goe with him, and to fight and shew
many Apish Toyes. The man that is to bee made a
Gentleman, makes all things readie, as meate and drinke
to entertayne his Guests, and to bid them welcome in good
sort, he buyeth Hens and many pots of Palme-wine, and
sendeth every Gentleman a Hen and a pot of Palme-wine
home to his House, to make merrie withall.
When the Feast day comes, the Inhabitants assemble
335
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oo.
together upon the Market place, the men (as he masters)
g)e and sit on the one side, having many Instruments, as
rums. Homes, Bels, and other things with them. The
Captaine armeth himselfe, and with him hath many young
Batchelors with Shields and Assafi;aies, their faces being
coloured and their bodies painted with red and vellow
Earth, which makes them looke like a company ot yong
Devils. The man that is made a Gentleman is accompanied
with a number of other Gentlemen, having a Boy behind
him which carryeth his stoole to sit upon when hee goes to
speake with any man, and his fellow Gentlemen come to
salute him, and wish him good fortime in his new estate,
at which time they take a great deale of straw in the one
hand, and lay it under his feet, which he treadeth upon
(the like also they use when their owne friends come to
[II.vii.9$9.] visit them, and bring them any Presents, which they use
for a great honour.) The wives of the Gentlemen goe to
her, to doe all the honour they can to the wife pf the
Gentleman that maketh the Feast, and dresse her finely,
folding her haire with many g^olden Fetissos, and Crosses,
putting about her necke a Rmg of gold, and in the one
hand shee carrieth a Horse-taile, and on her right arme
shee hath a Ring of gold, at each end thereof having a
round thing like the Lid of a Pot, all made of gold ; and
being readie, they are placed in order, as their manner is,
one after the other ; then the Cow is led forth, and then
all the Gentlemen in the Towne come and follow them,
as it were on Procession, dancing and leaping round about
the Towne, and when they come againe into the Market-
place, the Cow is boimd to a stake, and there they make a
great noise with Drununes and Pipes, and the young
achelors with fencing and leaping, with their Shields and
Assagaies, now in one place, then in another, making, as
they thinke, great joy about the Gentleman ; every man
seeking to excell each other, and to get most praise and
commendation.
The women also make no lesse adoe with singing and
dancing, sometimes carrying both the Gentleman and his
336
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
1600.
wife, upon a stoole, round about the Towne, casting white
Meale in their faces, and in that sort make great pastime
three dayes together, and every night they are led home
to their houses, and watcht by the other Gentlemen. The
next day he is fetcht by a great number of people, and
great honour done unto him as before ; at which time hee
hangs a white Flag out of his house, which doth signifie
joy, or open house. The third day, the Cow is killed by
the Executioner, and quartered, and every man hath a
piece of the flesh thereof, that they also may be partici-
pants of the Feast: but the man and the woman that
maketh the Feast, may not eate of the Cow; for they
make them beleeve, that if they eate any thereof, they
shall die within a yeere after. The Feast day being ended,
the head of the Cow is carried home to his house, which
he hangeth up, and painteth it with divers colours, hanging
many straw Fetissoes upon it, which is a si^ne of his
Gentilitie, and a warrant to prove him to be made a
Gentleman.
Then he hath great priviledge, for he may buy Slaves, PrivUedges.
and doe other things which before he might not have done.
When he is made a Gentleman he is very proud thereof ;
for, the first thing that they will tell unto a Stranger
is. that they are Gentlemen, and that they have many
Skves, esteeming themselves to be great Masters ; but it
falleth out oftentimes, that after their feasting is done, and
he made a Gentleman, that then hee is poorer then he
was before, because he disbursed all his money to get it,
and then he must goe out to fish againe and doe other
things, if he will get his living. This kind of Gentilitie
costs him about eight Bendas, which is a pound of gold ;
but deducting that which is given for Presents of other
men which bring them to him, each man according to his
meanes and abilitie, it standeth him not in above halfe a
pound of gold. Those Gentlemen have a Fellowship
among them, and every yeere make a Feast, and then bid Annuall
their Friends to be merrie with them, and make good '^^'^^
cheere ; at which time they hang their Cowes or Sheepes
VI 337 Y
^D- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
lOOO.
heads, with Millie strawes, and paint them with white
colour, signifying thereby the remembrance of their Feast.
Besides this, the Gentlemen have an other Feast amongst
them, upon the sixth day of July, at which time they
paint their bodies with white and red stripes, and hang a
Garland made of greene boughs and straw about their
necks, which they weare all that day, that you may know
the Gentlemen from the rest, and then also thev hang
their Cowes and Goats heads full of Fetissoes, as before ;
in the evening they meet together at a Banket, in the
house of the Captaine, where they are very merrie
together, eating and drinking their heads and bellies full,
tiff they are dranke.
^f They make themselves very fine, especially the women,
*^'' when they goe to dance, wherein they take a great pride.
They hang many Copper, Tin, and Ivorie Rings about
their armes, and on their legs they put Rings with many
Bells, that they may soimd when they dance. Their
heads are frizled, and dressed with a tuft of haire. They
wash their bodies faire with water, and then anoint them
with Palme-oile, to make them shine. Their teeth also
they rub with a hard sticke : then they put a piece of white
linnen about their bodies, which hangs from underneath
their breasts, downe below their knees; and commonly
about evening they assemble together, and goe to the
Market-place to dance there. Others have instruments
whereon they play, as some Copper Basons, whereon they
strike with woodden Stickes. Others have woodden
Drums, cut out of an hollow Tree, covered over with a
Goats Skin, and play upon them. Others have round
Blockes, cut very handsomly and evenly, whereon also
they strike with woodden Stickes. Others have Cow-
bells. Some have small Luits, made out of a piece of
wood like a Harpe with sixe strings of Reeds, whereon
they play with both their hands, every one having their
severall Instruments, and each keeping good correspond-
ence with their fellowes Instruments. Others sing, and
begin to dance two and two together, leaping and stamping
33«
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
with one of their feet upon the ground^ knocking with
their fingers, and bowing downe their heads, and sji^oking
each to other ; in their hands carrying Horse-tailes, which
they cast sometimes on the one shoulder, then upon the
other, using certaine order in their sports, one following
the other, and each doing as the other doth. Other
women take straw, which they let fall to the ground, and [II.vii.960.]
then dancing upon it, cast it up againe into the aire with
their feet, and catch it as it falleth with their hands, so
that they play many apish and childrens sports, thinking
that they doe excellent well ; but they desire not to be
seene by strangers, because they laugh and jest at them,
and then they are ashamed.
This continuing an houre or an houre and an halfe, Tkejwktrt.
every one goes home againe, as having ended their sports.
There are houses also among them, wherein young men
and maids use to dance and play. The young Bachelors
use to drinke themselves drudce, and by night runne
through the streets with their Armes and Assagaies, making
a great noise with crying and showting, as if a companie
of young Devils ran about the streets ; and meeting with
other companies, with whom having some words, they
fight together; wherein they are so earnest one against
the other, that they are almost readie to kill each other,
and many times cannot leave ofl^. They will not lightly
beginne to quarrell, for they are not so hastie, but will
indure much, specially of strangers, before they will
quarrell ; but if they once beginne, they are not easily
pacified, but are very earnest and hastie to set upon their
adverse Parties, and to be revenged, though it should cost
them their lives, and they have very quicke hands to thrust
and to strike.
Their bodies are subject to many sicknesses and diseases, W«V w^mds
which they esteeme but little, and make no account of ««^«w^^'-
wounds or hurts. The sicknesses wherewith they are
most troubled, are Poxe, Clap-dollars, Botches, Wormes,
paine in the head, and burning Fevers. These diseases
they get from foule and filthie women, whereunto they
339
A-o. PURCHAS HIS PTLGRIMES
1600.
are much addicted, and although they have many diseases
by such meanes, which are not without much danger, yet
they esteeme not much of them, but passe them away as
if they ayled nothing, and are not faint-hearted, but of
a hard complexion, suffering their wounds to swell and
putrifie, without any meanes of remedie applied thereunto ;
for they neither have nor use any Physicke among them,
to ease them in their sicknesse, nor Surgeons or Physicians
to heale their wounds, but suffer their wounds and dis-
eases to have their course, unlesse any of our Surgeons
give them any Physicke or Surgerie. For the Pox and
Clap-doUers they use much Salsaparillia, which the
Hollanders ships bring them; which Salve they seethe
with salt water, and cmnke the water for drinke against
the Pox, and such like diseases, and also against the
iVw^stnthe Wormes that are in their legs, (as I will declare more at
^<P- l^i'ge) wherewith also we are much troubled, whereunto
they use no remedie at all, but suffer their legs to continue
so, untill they heale and waxe better of themselves. For
the paine of the head they use certaine Pap, which they
make of greene leaves, and therewith anoint the place
where their paine is ; and if they have any swelling about
their bodies, which breaketh not out, then they take a
Barbarous knife and cut two or three long slashes therein, and so
InkumantHi. gjy^ ^^ wound a meanes to worke, and to heale up, and
grow together againe ; which is the cause that they have
so much knobd flesh, and so many slashes in their bodies :
but is well to be discerned, whether they be cut and made
in their flesh to beautifie and set out themselves, or wounds
and sores that are healed up againe. They also use no
letting of bloud, but onely make a hole in their bodies
with a knife to let their bloud come out : when they have
any other naturall sicknesses, they will not helpe nor
comfort one the other ; but if any of them be sicke, they
will shun him as it were the plague, and spurne the
sicke man like a Dog, and not once helpe him with a
drop of Oyle or Water, although they have never so
much need; no, not the Father to the Sonne, but
340
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA
j6oo.
let them lie like Beasts, and die with hunger and
sicknesse; so that they are not skilfull to helpe sicke
persons.
They make difference betweene the word Morian and Qnamls.
Negro, for they will not be called Morians, but Negroes
or Frettoes, (which is as much to say) as Blacke men ; for
they say that Morian is as much to say, as Slave or Cap-
tive, and also a man that knowes nothing, or that is halfe
a Foole ; and therefore they will not be called Morians,
but Negroes or Prettoes ; for if you call them Morians,
they will hardly speake unto you, nor make you any
answere. They make one the other Slaves, but in other
sort then in Congo or Angola, for there you can lade no
ships full of Slaves ; but to the contrarie, they desire much
to have them, and buy them: yet there are both Slaves
and Captives ; and for that in those Coxmtries they take
no great paines, nor need any great number of Slaves,
therefore there is no great quantitie of them to be had, to
sell them as they doe in other Countries, but onely among
them of the Land, that have need of them. Againe, no
man may buy or sell them, but such as are of great account
and Gentlemen. They are marked with an Iron in their
bodies, that if they chance to runne away, they may be
knowne againe by their markes.
Such as are blind, or have any other imperfections in
their bodies, as being lame or Criples, and by reason
thereof cannot get their livings, the King placeth them
with Smiths, to blowe their Bellows; others with those
that presse Palme-oyle, or grind Colours, whereunto such
deformed persons are fit; or to such Occupations and
labours wherewith they can helpe themselves, and get
their victuals ; so that there you see none such as begge
their victuals, but they are put in some place or other to
earne their meate ; so that the Inhabitants give no meate
one to the other. The Kings of the Townes have many
Slaves, which they buy and sell, and get much by them ;
and to be briefe, in those Countries there are no men to be
hired to worke or goe of any errand for money, but such as [ll.yii. 961.]
34i
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oa
are Slaves and Captives, which are to spend their dayes in
slaverie.
Hatred and envy is much used in those G>untries, and
to whomsoever they once beare hatred and envie, they
will hate them cruelly, and doe them all the hurt and
villany that they can; on the other side, they beare a
villany long in their minds, and will keepe malice in their
hearts seven or eight yeeres, and when time serveth them,
then show it openly ; no lesse hatred and envy is borne
by one Towne unto an other, speaking all the villany they
can, and extolling themselves as much as they may, to
have the honour of Traffique, and to the end that the ship
should come and Anchor before their Townes, and by that
meanes to bring the Countrie Merchants to Traj£que
there, wherein mey are very diligent : and although one
Towne lyeth but three or foure miles one from the other ;
yet they are as envious one against the other as possible
they can be, and report as hardly of their neighbours as
they can imagine ; that so they may get the Netherlanders
to Traf&que with them : and to that end, they strive to
shew more friendship to the Netherlanders, one then the
other, to draw us to affect them, and bring the trade of
Merchandize unto them.
Oldag^Md The men commonly live there till they be old, as it
tki efftcts. secmeth by their faces and outward apparance, and as we
conceave; but they cannot reckon their owne ages, nor
tell how many yeeres they have lived. When they bes[in
to be old, then they are not well proportioned nor seemely ;
but looke evill favouredly, with gray beards, yellow
wrinckled skins, like Spanish Leather, which proceedeth
of the anointing of their bodies with Palme-Oyle. They
are likewise leane of Legs and Armes, and wholly
mishapen, specially olde women, with their long breasts,
which then shew and hang upon their bodies like old Hogs
bladders, they would not willingly be old; because as
then they are not esteemed of, but much despised, and not
respected, and as from their youths upwards, to the best
• time of their lives, they still waxe of a fairer blacke colour,
342
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
so when they are past that time, they begin to decay, and
to lose their perfect blacknesse.
In their winter time, they are very sickly, & then com-
monly there is a great mortalitie among them, by meanes
of the unwholesomenesse of the aire, which they then
endure : and when they die, their friends come to the dead f^*^^^
mans house, and weepe and sorrow grievously for him, '^'^'^^^
speaking unto him, & asking him why he died, with many
such like foolish Ceremonies. They take the dead body
and lay it on a mat upon the ground, & wind it in a
wooUen, purposely made in that Countrey, of colour red,
blew, blacke ana white. Under his head they lay a
woodden stoole, and cover or dresse his head with a Goats
skin, and strew all the body over with ashes, and dust of
Barkes of trees; they close not his eyes together, thcv
lay his armes downe by his sides, and so let him lie halfe
a day in the aire. If it be a man, his best beloved wife
goes and sits downe by the body, and if it be a woman,
the man goes and sits downe by her, crying and weeping,
having in their hands a wispe of straw, or of Barkes of
trees, wherewith crying and howling over the dead body,
he or she wipeth his face, sometimes saying unto it, Auzy,
and making a great noyse ; in the meane time, the friends
or neighbours come to visite the dead, and to mone him
for his misfortune, others (as the neerest friends) being
women, goe round about the house, singing and beating
upon Basons, sometimes comming to the dead body, and
goe round about him singing and leaping, and kincking
of hands, making a great noyse, and then againe goe
round about the house singing and playing upon Basons,
which they doe twice or thrice one atter the other.
In the meane time, preparation is made for the buriall, FmeraU.
and to make good cheere together, after it is ended ; to
the which eno, they dresse certaine Hens, and a Sheepe,
and other meats which they are accustomed to eate, and
while the dead bodie is above the ground, the eldest
Morinni of that quarter, goes about from house to house
with a Bason, whereon every one must put the value of
343
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PiLGftlMES
1600.
twelve pence in gold, with the which money they buy a
Cow, which Cow is given to a Fetissero that useth to
conjure their gods, to will him to conjure the Fetisso, to
sufFer the dead body to remaine and rest in peace, and to
bring him into the other world, and not to molest him in
the way, with this Cowes blood hee conjureth his Fedsso ;
(for a dead man must smeare his Fetisso with blood) then
they bind the dead body upon a planke, and carry him to
the grave singing and leaping: the bodie is carried by
men, and the women foUow aner one by one, about their
heads having a Crowne or Garland of straw, and a staffe
in their hands : the man, if it be a woman, goes next to
the dead body crying to the grave, else there goes no man
after it, unlesse the dead body chanceth to be borne to
another place to be buried ; as sometimes it hapneth that
they carry the dead body twenty miles off, from the place
where he died, to be buried there : and then many men
go armed with the body, to convey it to the buriaU : the
body is carried to the earth, & the grave-maker maketh a
grave about foure foot deepe, and therein he is laid ; over
the grave there are many stickes of wood laid, close one
by the other : the women creepe to and fro over the grave,
making a great noyse, with howling and crying, and over
that, they lay the earth, and place it, and bind it about
the same, as if it were a Chest : all his goods, as Apparell,
Weapons, Pots, Basons, Tooles, Spades, and such Hous-
[II.vii.962.] hold-stuffe, wherewith he earned his living, are carried to
the grave, and buried with him, which are set round about
the grave, to serve his turne withall in the other world, as
they did when he lived upon the earth ; other of the dead
mans friends, bring some thing also to set in the grave for
a memory, which is put into the grave with the rest of his
rods. If he were one that dehghted much in drinking,
loved Palme well when he lived : they will set a pot
of Palme-wine by him in his grave, because hee should
not die for thirst, and what in his life he used, that is given
him, and buried in his grave with him. If it be a woman
that died in travell of her child, the child is laid in the
344
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
mothers right arme, and buried with her ; above upon the
grave, there is a straw house made like a Sepulchre,
wherein all the houshold-stuffe and other things are set.
The grave-makers fee, is to have halfe the goods that are
set into the grave, but the friends of the dead content him,
and he is paid for it ; because they should let the goods
stand still untoucht : for it is a great credit to the friends
of the dead to leave good store of goods upon the grave
with the dead body ; which they let stand there so long,
till it be cleane consumed, and none of them will ever offer ViatUum.
to take any of it away by any meanes whatsoever. The
body being buried, they goe sutogether to the Sea-side, or
to some other River, where the women goe in, & stand
up to their middles in waters, and taking up water in
their hands, cast it in their owne feces, and upon their
bodies, and wash their breasts, and all their bodies.
Other women in the meane time play upon Basons,
and such like instruments, one of those women take
the man or woman, whose husband or wife is dead,
and leading them into the water, laid them therein flat
upon their backes, and take them up againe ; which they
doe divers times, speaking one unto the other, and making
great complaints. When he or she is well and cleane
washt from the head to the foot, she leadeth them out of
the water againe, and puts their clothes upon their bodies
again, & then they go together to the dead mans house to
make good cheere, and to drink themselves drunk. If
tt be a man that died that had children, the women must
not retaine or keepe any of his goods for the behoofe of
the children : but must give all the mans goods (both that
which he had to his marriage, and which he got by his
labour while he lived) unto his Brethren, if he hath any
living, and must not keepe any thing from them. If he
hath no brethren, then the father if he be living, taketh
all his sonnes goods, and injoyeth it. If it be a woman
that dieth, then the husband must deliver her marriage
goods to her brethren, as aforesaid, without keeping any
thing thereof for his children, so that no children in those
345
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
Countreyes inherite their Fathers good, neither are they
their Fathers heires : No more may the wife inherite any
of her husbands goods, but it is all divided among his
brethren ; but whde their wives live, they give her what
they thinke good of that which they gaine, so jong maids
and men must endevour themselves to get some uiing in
their youths, that they may have some thing when they
marry and keepe houses.
Kingt For the Kings death, more sorrow is made by some of
Fimerali. ^^ Gentlemen, who in the Kings life served him : when
he is dead, give him a slave to serve him, & other men
one of their wives to wait on him, and to dresse his meat :
others bring one of their sonnes to goe with the King into
the other world ; so that there are a number of people
that are appointed to goe with the King to the other world :
which are killed, and their heads cut off, but they know
nothing thereof, for such men and women as give them to
the King when he is dead tell not them that they shaU
he put to death, to goe into the other world with the King^ ;
but when the time comes, that the buriall is to be
solemnised, they send them on some message, or to fetch
water, and so following them, strike them through the
body with an Assagaie, and kill them in the way : which
done, they carry the dead body to the Kings house, whereby
they shew what fitithfoll servants they were unto their
King while he lived : others also doe the like, and those
dead bodies are smeared with blood, and buried with the
King in his grave, that they may travell together. If any
of his wives loved him intirely, they suffer themselves to
be kild with the rest, and are buried with him, that they
may raigne together in the other world. The heads of
the dead men and women, are set round about the
Scpidchre and grave of the King, for a great braverie and
honour unto him. Upon the grave they set all kinds of
meat and drinke, that they may eate some thing, and
verily beleeve that they eate and drinke it, and that they
live thereby, and for that cause the pots of Palme-wine,
and of water, are continually fild up: all his stuffe, as
346
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
Armes and Clothes are buried with him, and all his Gentle-
men that served him, have every one of them their Pictures
made of Clay, after the life, and fairely painted, which are
set and placed orderly round about his grave, one by the
other ; so that their Kings Sepulchers are like houses, and
as well stuft as if they still lived : which Sepulchres are
so much esteemed off, that they are watcht both by night
and by day, by armed men : to the end, that if he desireth
to have any thing, they should straight bring it him.
Gold at this £iy is as much esteemed off by them, as GMkow
it is with us, (of whom they say. Gold is our God) and ^^^^^^
more too, for they are greedier and earnester to have it ^
then we are, because they marke and see that the
Hollanders take so much paines for it, and give more
Merchandize for it in Exchange, then ever the Portugals
did.
For I am of an opinion, that there are few Negroes that
dwell on the Sea side, that know where the Mines are, or
that ever saw them, also there was never any Portugall or
Netherlander at them, or neere them, but the Mines are [ll.vii.963.]
well kept, and lookt unto by the owners thereof; so I
have heard by some Negroes, that each King hath his
Mines, and causeth the ^oid to be digged by his men, and
selleth it to other Merchants, and so it passeth from one
to another.
In what manner the gold is found in Guinea, I know
not, but as some Negroes have told me, they finde gold in
deepe pits, which they digge up, and that with the water
it is driven downe like Sand, at which waters and running
springs, many people sit with spoones in their hands, and
take up the gold, sand and all, and put it into a Bason.
Some peeces are covered over with Chalke, and Earth,
wherein they are found, the small gold, which is found in
the Sand, they purge and make cleane in cleare running
water, but yet they let some Sand and Gravell remaine
among it, it is found in no great quantities, (as they them-
selves say) but with great paine and labour, for it costs
many men their lives, which are smothered in the Mines ;
347
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
and a man that can find two or three Englishen of gold in
a day, hath done well, and hath earned a good dayes hire.
The halfe which is found is the labourers, and the other
halfe is for the King, or for him that owneth the Mine ;
This I have beene tdd by some of the Negroes. Gold by
them is called Chika, and some great Merchants that
dwell about the Maine, bring the gold aboord the ships
to buy wares, as it comes out of the Mine, and that is
esteemed to be the best gold, wherein there is lest deceit,
but the receiver must loolce well to it, to blow the sand
cleane out of it, and to beat the yeallow earth with the
stones out of it, with a hammer, and so he cannot lose by
it : neverthelesse, the gold that is brought rough out of
the Mine, is esteemed to be better and richer, and more
worth in every Marke then the other.
It falleth out oftentimes, that some gold is more worth
then others, which hapneth by meanes of the receivers
negligence, and many times as the Mines of gold fall out ;
for some of them are finer gold then others : and also the
deeper that the Mines are digged, the gold falls out to be
worse, and is more mixed with silver, even in the earth it
selfe, then the gold that lieth higher in the earth.
False fftid. Besides this, meane Merchants bring much molten gold
as Crakawen, arme Rings, Jewels, and other things,
wherein there is most falshood used : for such Negroes as
have but small meanes to Traffique with us, are more used
and addicted to the falsifying of gold, then others are,
wherein they use great subtiltie, but we our selves arc
oftentimes the cause thereof ; for we bring and sell them
the matter, and the Instruments which they use therein;
and so deceive our selves, and make a rod for our owne
breeches : but they were wont to fklsifie it more then now.
For the Portugals hanged up some for it. They have
fi;ood knowledge in Gold, and can soone perceive whether
It be good or falsified ; but of other Jewels, as Pearles,
Diamonds, Rubies, Emralds, and such like precious stones,
they have no knowledge, but they know fine red Corals
wel, which are much esteemed off by them.
34*
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
Silver also is well, and too much knowne among them ;
because they use it to fklsifie Gold withall, and to make
it of lesse value then it is. They learned of the Portugals
to melt gold. They also have found the meanes to put
an edge of gold round about silver, and Red Copper
mixed together, letting the fiilse mettle remaine in the
middle of the peece, and so when hee that receiveth it, is
in haste, and toucheth it but on the edge thereof, (where
it is not felsified) with his Touch-stone, it passeth for
good : but such must bee cut in sunder with a hammer,
and then the falsifying is perceived, and when they could
find no meanes to fiilsifie the small fine Chika Foetu Gold,
so that the receivers had no suspition thereof, and tooke
the lesse heed there unto, wee our selves brought them
tooles to doe it withall : for wee brought them Files, and
Sawes to sell, so that they filed the yellow Copper, and
mingled it among the smal gold, that it could hardly be
perceived : because it was so smal, which was the subtillest
falsifying of gold by them used, but when we blew the
sand & dust out of it, then the Copper shewed it selfe,
whereby it appeareth that the Negroes have many wayes
and devises to falsifie gold, but such as looke narrowly
unto them, will not be deceived : but to trie their falsify-
ings, the best way is to touch their gold, and to be warie
of^deceit, and or receiving bad gold. An other way is
to looke speedily unto the Negroes themselves; To see
if they have bad gold or not, for when they bring bad
gold, they will be in great feare, with your handling
thereof, and when you offer to trie their gold, they will
refuse it, and alter their colours, and shake and quiver
withall.
The wormes in the legges and bodies, trouble not every Trwhksme
one that goeth to those Countreyes, but some are troubled ^g-^rms.
with them, and some not, and they are found in some
men sooner then in others, some have a worme before the
Voyage is done, and while they are still upon the Coast,
some get them while they are upon the way, others have
them after their Voyage is full ended, some foure moneths
349
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
after, some nine moneths after, and some a yeere after
they have made a Voyage thither : others have made two
or three Voyages thither, and never were troubled with
those wormes.
[ILvii. 964.] The Negroes themselves are much troubled with them,
specially those that dwel about the castle of Mina, and it
is a thing to be wondered at, for the Negroes that dwel
but 25. miles lower East-ward, are not troubled with
*OrmM. wormes as their neighbors are. And another * (whereof
BaarU^jJr ^^^^ Huyghen speaketh in his Itinerario) are troubled
are tke Mke, therewith, for the Hands of East India, West India, China,
tvffoudto* Brasilia, and other strange Countries are not troubled
come bj drink- therwith, nor know not thereof, and which is more ; They
^inO^tl^ of the Hand of Saint Thomas, which men esteeme to be
«r M. Ant! ^^ unwholesomest place in the world, and wherein so
Jenkinson many men are sicke, and lose their lives, know not what
observed. those wormes meane, but wondred much thereat, when it
was shewed them of such as had beene with the Hollanders
in Guinea. The Negroes themselves knew not whereof
they are ingendred, but the greatest presumption is, that
they proceed and breed of the water which men buy of
the Negroes, which they take out of Wels or Pits, and it
is very likely (as we find by the experience) that they
breed of the water ; for in Ormus, or in those parts, the
fresh water is fetcht up in pots by divers, eighteene
fathome deepe under the salt water, which those people
drinke, because they are there also troubled with wormes,
and as some men write : the Indians themselves say, that
they come of the water. Such as have them are in great
paine, for some of them can neither goe nor stand ; some
neither sit nor lie, others lie wholy in dispaire, as if they
were sencelesse, and somtimes are faine to be bound ; some
have them with a fever, or shaking, as if they had a ffcver ;
some get them on a sudden, others have them before they
know it, and have little paine therewith; so that the
wormes shew themselves divers wayes : they appeare with
a little Blain, others with a spot like a Flea-biting, others
with a litle swelling; so that you may often see the
350
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA a.d.
1600.
worme betweene the skin and the flesh, others shew them-
selves with bloody vains, &c. It must shew it selfe before
men use any remedie for it : neverthelesse, it sheweth it
selfe many times too much, and too soon, for it were
better that it came not so soon, nor appeared at all, but
suffered men to be at ease, it will seeke to helpe itselfe,
and thrust out his nose, which a man must then take hold
on, least he creepe in againe : he sheweth himselfe in
divers places, as in a mans legges, in the sole of the foot,
in the armes, knees, buttocks, and commonly in places of
a mans bodie, where there is much flesh ; and some men
have them in their privie members, and which is more, in
their cods, with great griefe and paine: for those that
have them there, indure extreme paine. But it is true,
that one man hath lesse paine with them then another,
and shal also be sooner healed of them then another:
which commeth by the handling or dealing with them,
for it is very good, when a man findeth himselfe to be
troubled with them, to be quiet, specially being in his
legs, and not go much, and to keepe the place warme
where they begin to appeare ; for thereby they shall indure
lesse paine, for they come better out of a mans flesh with
warmth, then with cold and disease. For some men have
little respected themselves when they have had the wormes,
so that they appeared with a great swelling, whereby they
indured much paine, and were in hazard to loose their
legges or their armes. When it comes foorth so farre,
that a man may lay hold on it, then they must draw him
out till hee stayeth, and then hee must let it rest till hee
beginneth to come forward againe ; and as much thereof
as is come out of the bodie, must be woond upon a sticke,
or bound close to the hoole, with a thrid that hee creepeth
not in againe. When hee commeth out every time, he
bringeth good store of matter with him, and a man must
every day looke unto it, and draw him so long, till he be
out, but you must not draw him too hard, least he should
breake, so that by reason of the poyson that is in him,
the wound will fester: It hapneth oftentimes, that after
35'
A.a PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1600.
there is one worme drawne out of a mans body, that there
commeth another in the same place, & hath his issue out
at the same hole. Some men arc sooner rid of them then
another, for some are eased in three weeks and lesse time,
and some are three months in healing of them, some men
have more wormes then others, for some have but one
worme, and others ten or twelve, as I my self knew one
that had ten wormes, hanging out at his body all at one
time ; and I have known men that had wormes that began
to open themselves, and crept in againe, and consumed
away, so that they had no more trouble therewith but
the next Voyage after. Thev are of divers lengths, and
greatnesse, some are of a fathome long, some shorter, as
it fals out; in thicknesse they differ much, some are as
thicke as great Lute-strings, and like conunon peare
wormes, others like small Lute-strings, and some as small
as silke or fine thred, some say that they are not living,
and that they are but bad sinowes and no wormes. I
have not long since seene a man that had certaine wormes
which shewed themselves, and the Surgeon drew a worme
out with one pull, and the worme being drawne out, and
held up on high, wrung and writhed it selfe, as if it had
beene an Eele, and was about five quarters long, and as
thicke as a Lute-string, if it were but a sinow, it would
have no life in it, and therefore they are naturall wormes.
The Negroes use no kind of Svirgerie for them, but suffer
them to have their course, and wash the sore with Salt-
water, which they say is very good for it.
Note that our retume backe from Moure, we use to put
off from that place, from whence you must set sayle with
a wind from the land, and hold your course as neere by as
you can, losing no wind, and yet you shall hardly get
above S. Thomas, or Rio de Gabom, because of the
streame which drivcth you East & by North, &
East North-east towards the land. To the Bouthcs
[II.vii.965.] of Fernando Poo, which you must beware off, for
he that falleth into that Bouthe, will hardly get out,
because of the streame, and is in danger to be
352
A DESCRIPTION OF GUINEA ad.
c. i6o2,
cast away in that place, or else he must have some
stormes or winds out of the North, and so come out
Southward, otherwise it is hardly to be done; for there
are some, who having had the wind a little contrary, were
sixe or seven weekes before they could get to Cape Lope
Gonselves. Heere you must note, that the neerer you
come to the Equinoctiall line, the wind bloweth the more
Southerly, so tnat as you passe under the line, the wind
bloweth South, and South and by East, and somewhat
higher, you must also note, when you see great flying
Fishes, that you are not ferre from Saint Thomas, or about
He De Principe.
§. VIII.
The passage from the golden Coast to the King-
dome of Benni, or Rio de Benni, and Rio
Floreado : The Citie, Court, Gentry, Apparell :
also other places adjoyning, described.
Or that the gold Coast reacheth no further then Thiswastaken
from Cape De tres Punctas, to Rio de Volta, outofD.R.
therfore those that will goe from the golden Coast,
to the Kingdome of Benni, hold their course along by the
land, and along by the Rivers of Rio de Volta, Rio de
Ardra, and Rio de Lago. These Rivers were never entred
into, because there is nothing to be had in them, but a little
quantitie of Elephants Teeth ; so that the labour to fetch
it, is not worth the paines, by meanes of the dangers that
a man incurreth by entring into the Rivers, by reason of
Sands. Before at the mouth of the River of Focrado,
there lieth an Hand, and the River is so indifli^erent great,
that a man may well know it. The land reacheth most
(being about forty miles) to Rio de Ardra. This River
is much used to be entred into by the Portugals, and is
well knowne, not because of any great commoditie that is
therein to be had ; but because of .the great number of
slaves which are bought there, to carry to other places, as
to Saint Thomas, and to Brasilia, to labour there, and to
VI 353 z
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. i6o2.
refine Sugar : for they are very strong men, and can labour
stoutly, and commonly are better slaves then those cf
Gabom, but those that are sold in Angola are much better.
In this River there is no speciall thing found, which is of
any value, but some Blew, Greene, and Blacke stones,
wherewith they grind colours, and for their fairenesse are
desired of other Negroes, specially in the golden Coast of
Guinea, where they are much esteemed of by them. There
both the men and women are starke naked, untill they be
sold for slaves, so that they are not ashamed to shew
themselves one to the other, as they themselves aflBrme,
and by reason prove, saying, that a man more coveteth and
desireth a thing that he seeth not, or may not have, then
that he seeth or may borrow or have, and for that cause
they hide not their privie members. There the Portugals
Traffique much with Barkes to buy slaves, and the
Inhabitants are better friends with them, then with any
other Nation ; because they come much there, and for that
no other Nations come to buy slaves there, but the
Portugals onely. And there are some Portugals dweUing
there, which buy much wares and Merchandizes, such as
there to bee had. From Rio de Ardra, to Rio de Lago, is
ten miles, and in that River there is nothing else to buy,
and therefore it is not much used, so that Rio de Ardra,
is more used then Rio de Volta, and Rio de Lago ; from
Rio de Lago to Rio de Benni, is about twenty miles, so
that Benni is esteemed to be part of the golden Coast, that
is about one hundred miles from Mourre, so that in two
dayes with helpe of the streame, a man may get thither,
where as men are wont to be sixe weekes: before they
could turne backe againe from whence they came.
The Citie of The Towne seemeth to be very great, when you enter
Benni, \xiX.o it, you goe into a great broad street, not paved, which
seemeth to be seven or eight times broader then the
Warmoes street in Amsterdam; which goeth right out,
and never crooketh, and where I was lodged with M attheus
Cornelison, it was at least a quarter of an houres going
from the gate, and yet I could not see to the end of the
354
A DESCRIPTION OF BENIN ad.
C. l602,
street, but I saw a great high tree, as farre as I could
disceme, and I was told the street was as much longer.
There I spake with a Netherlander, who told me that he
had beene as farre as that tree, but saw no end of the
street ; but perceived that the houses thereabouts bee much
lesse, and some houses that were falling downe : so that it
was to be thought, that the end thereof was there abouts,
that tree was a good halfe mile from the house where I l*^^^ ^7
was lodged, so that it is thought that that street is a mile ^^^^ ^^^'
long besides the Suburbs. At the gate where I entred on
horse-backe, I saw a very high Bulwarke, very thicke of *
earth, with a very deepe broad ditch, but it was drie, and
full of high trees ; I spake with one that had gone along
by the ditch, a good way, but saw no other then that I
saw, and knew not well whither it went round about the
Towne or not, that Gate is a reasonable good Gate, made
of wood after their manner, which is to be shut, and there
alwayes there is watch holden. Without this Gate, there
is a great Suburbe: when you are in the great Street [II.vii.966.]
aforesaid, you see many great Streets on the sides thereof,
which also goe right forth, but you cannot see to the end
of them, by reason of their great length, a man might
write more of the situation of this Towne, if he might see
it, as you may the Townes in Holland, which is not
permitted there, by one that alwaies goes with you, some
men say, that he goeth with you, because you should have
no harme done unto you, but yet you must goe no farther
then he will let you.
The Houses in this Towne stand in good order, one Their Houses.
close and even with the other, as the Houses in Holland
stand, such Houses as Men of qualitie (which are Gentle-
men) or others dwell in, have two or three steps to goe
up, and before, there is, as it were, a Gallerie, where a man
may sit drie; which Gallerie every morning is made
cleane by their Slaves, and in it there is a Mat spred for
men to sit on, their Roomes within are foure-square, over
them having a Roofe that is not close in the middle, at
the which place, the raine, wind, and light commeth in, and
355
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c* 1602.
therein they lie and eate their meate ; but they have other
places besides, as Kitchins and other roomes. The common
Houses are not such, for they have but one Wall before,
wherein there is a woodden Doore, they know not how to
make Windowes, but such light and aire as they have,
comes in at the roofe of the House.
The Court. The Kings Court is very great, within it having many
great foure-square Plaines, which round about them have
Galleries, wherein there is alwaies watch kept ; I was so
farre within that Court, that I passed over foure such great
Plaines, and wheresoever I looked, still I saw Gates upon
Gates, to goe into other places, and in that sort I went as
ferre as ever any Netherlander was, which was to the Stable
where his best Horses stood, alwaies passing a great long
way: it seemeth that the King hath many Somdiers, he
also hath many Gentlemen, who when they come to the
Court ride upon Horses, and sit upon their Horses as the
women in our Countrie doe, on each side having one man,
on whom they hold fast ; and the greater their estate is,
the more men they have going after them. Some of their
men have great Shields, wherewith they keepe the Gentle-
man from the Sunne ; they goe next to him, except those
on whom hee leaneth, the rest come after him, playing
some on Drums, others upon Homes and Fluits, some have
a hollow Iron whereon they strike. The Horse also is
led by a man, and so they ride playing to the Court. Such
as are very great Gentlemen have another kind of Musicke,
when they ride to the Court, which is like the small Nets
wherewith men in our Countries goe to the Fish-market,
which Net is filled full of a certaine kind of thing, which
they strike upon with their hands, and make it rattle, in
like sort as if their Nets were filled full of great Nuts,
and so a man should strike upon it : those great Gentlemen
have many Servants, that goe after them striking upon
such Nets. The King hath very many Slaves, both men
and women, whereof there are many women Slaves seene,
carrying of Water, Iniamus, and Palme-wine, which they
say is for the Kings wives. There are also many men
356
A DESCRIPTION OF BENIN a.d.
c. 1602.
Slaves seene in the Towne, that carrie Water, Iniamus,
and Pahne-wine, which they say is for the King ; and many
Carrie Grasse, which is for their Horses; and all this is
carried to the Court, The King oftentimes sendeth out
Presents of Spices, which are carried orderly through the
streets, and as the other things aforesaid are carried, so
they that carrie them goe one j3ter the other, and by them,
there goeth one or two with white Rods, so that every
man must step aside and give them place, although hee
were a Gentleman.
The King hath many Wives, and every yeere goes twice
out of his Court, and visiteth the Towne, at which time he
sheweth all his Power and Magnificence, and all the Braverie
he can, then he is convoyed and accompanied by all his
Wives, which are above sixe hundred in number, but they Sixe hundred
are not all his wedded Wives. The Gentleman also have JT'^^'
many Wives, as some have eightie, some ninetie and fj^rmakinjt
more, and there is not the meanest Man among them but
hath ten or twelve Wives at the least, whereby in that
place you find more Women then Men.
They also have severall places in the Towne, where they
keepe their Markets ; in one place they have their great
Market day, called Dia de Ferro ; and in another place,
they hold their little Market, called Ferro : to those places
they bring all things to sell, as quicke Dogs, whereof they
eate many, roasted Apes, and Monkies, Rats, Parots, Hens,
Iniamus, Manigette in bonches, dried Agedissen, Palme-
oyle, great Beanes, divers sorts of Kankrens, with many
other kinds of Fruits, and Beasts, all to eate. They also
bring much Wood to burne, Cups to eate and drinke in,
and other sorts of wooden Dishes and Cups for the same
purpose, great store of Cotton, whereof they make Clothes
to weare upon their bodies. Their Apparell is of the same
fashion as theirs of the Golden Coast is, but it is fairer and
finelier made; but to shew you the manner thereof it
would be over-long. They also bring great store of Iron-
worke to sell there, and Instruments to fish withall, others
to plow and to till the land withall ; and many Weapons,
357
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
C. l602.
as Assagaies, and ICnivcs also for the Warre. This Market
and Traffique is there very orderly holden, and every one
that commeth with such Wares or Merchandises to the
Market knowes his place where to stand, to sell his Wares
in the same, they also sell their Wives as they doe in the
Golden Coast.
rL^'M^^""' ^^^ Gentlemen goe with great Majestie to the Court,
Thitrfaskms. \^y{^ divers kinds of Musicke with them, and are waited
on by divers other Negroes, one having a Drum whereon
he pkyes, others with other Instruments ; upon the Horse
there is a litde woodden Stoole set, and on the Horse necke
they hang a Cow-bell, which rings when the Horse goes ;
there goes two Negroes by him, on either side one, on
whom he leaneth. Those Negroes that attend on him,
come every morning to the Gendemans doore, and stay
there till he comes out, to wait on him. Their Horses
are very litde, not much greater then Calves in our
Coimtrie, which is the cause that our Horses are so much
Warres. esteemed of in that Coast. The King hath many Souldiers
which are subject unto him, and they have a Generall to
conunand over them, as if he were their Captaine : This
Captaine hath some Souldiers under him, and goes alwaies
in the middle of them, and they goe round about him,
singing and leaping, and making great noise, and joy.
Those Captaines are very proud of their Office, and are
very stately, and goe exceeding proudly in the streets.
Their Swords are broad, which hang about their necke in
a leather Girdle which reacheth under their armes : they
also use Shields and Assagaies, as they in the Golden Coast
doe.
They cut their Haire diverslv, each after the best manner
ApparelL that they can. Their appareU also is the like, and use
strange customes, not one like unto another, all finely
made of Cotton, over the which they commonly weare
Holland Cloth. The young Maides and Boyes goe starke
naked, untill they marrie, or that the King giveth them
licence to put on some Apparell ; then they make great
joy, because of the friendship the King therein sheweth
358
A DESCRIPTION OF BENIN a.d.
c. 1602.
unto them, and then they make their bodies very cleane,
and strike it over with white Earth, and are very stately,
sitting in great glorie and magnificence. Their friends
come unto them, to congratulate them, as if shee were a
Bride. They are circumcised, both Boyes and Girles.
They cut thi-ee great streakes in their bodies on either
side, each streake being three fingers broad, which they
doe from their shoulders downe to their wastes, which
they thinke to be a great good deed tending to their
salvation. They are very conscionable, and will doe no
wrong one to the other, neither will take any thing fi-om
strangers, for if they doe, they should afterward be put to
death, for they lightly judge a man to die for doing any JVrong to a
wrong to a stranger, wherein they use strange Justice: ^^^g^-
they bind the Offenders armes behind at his backe, and
blind his eyes, then one of the Judges comes and lifts him
Xwith his armes, in such manner, that his head lieth
ost upon the ground, then comes the Executioner and
cuts off his head ; which done, his bodie is quartered, and
the quarters cast into the fields to bee devoured by certaine
Birds, which Birds they feare much, and no man dares doe Birds super-
them any hurt, nor chase them, for there are men purposely ^^^^h
appointed to give them meat and drinke, which they ^^^^^^ •
Carrie with great magnificence, but no man may see it
carried, nor oee present, but those that are appointed to
doe it ; for every man runnes out of the way when they
see those men come to carrie the Birds meate, and they
have a place where the Birds come purposely for it. They
respect strangers very much, for when any man meeteth
them, they will shun the way for him and step aside, and
dare not bee so bold to goe by, unlesse they be expressely
bidden by the partie, and prayed to goe forward, and
although they were never so sore laden, yet they durst
not doe it ; for if they did, they should be pumshed for
it : They are also very covetous of honour, and willingly
desire to be praised and rewarded for any friendship they
doe.
Upon the Hand of Corisco, or about Rio de Angra, in Rio ^ j^ngra.
359
A.D.
c. 1602.
Corisco.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Moucheron.
the mouth whereof the Iland of Corisco lieth. The Iland
of Corisco is a bad place to dwell in, for no man dwelleth
in it, for there is nothing to be had in it but fresh Water
and Wood, so that the ships that come from the Golden
Coast, and fall upon it, provided themselves there, of
Water and Wood. Within the River there lieth three
other small Hands, which also are worth nothing, because
they yeeld no profit, and there is nothing abounding in
them but Wood. Those Hands at this day are called (for
before they had no names) the He De Moucheron, because
one Balthasar de Moucheron had by his Factors found
them, wherein he caused a Fort to be made, in the yeere
1600. thinking to dwell there, and to bring great Traffique
from other places thither. But they of Rio de Gabom,
understanding that there were Strangers inhabiting in
them, sought all the meanes they could to murther them,
and to take both the Fort and their Goods from them,
which they did, before they had dwelt foure moneths there,
(under a Captaine called Edward Hesius) and tooke the
Sconce from them by force, murthering all the men that
were in it, and called it the Hand of Corisco, which name
it had of the Portugals, because upon that Hand there arc
many Tempests of thunder and lightning, and great store
of Raine, and therefore it is not good to inhabite in, and
there will nothing grow therein but Cucumbers. It is
well provided of fresh Water, excellent faire red Beanes,
and Brasill wood, so exceeding faire and glistering, when
it is shaven, as any Glasse can be, which is so hard, that
without great paine and labour it cannot be cut downe.
The Hand is almost a great mile in compasse, but it is a
bad anchoring place, when the Travadoes come.
From Rio de An^ra, to Rio de Gabom, is fifteene miles.
The Inhabitants of Rio de Gabom, are not friends with
them of Rio de Angra, for they oftentimes make warrc
[II.vii.968.] one against the other, and then againe make peace, so
that the friendship betweene them is very small, they have
a King among them, but they are not so mightie as those
of Rio de Gabom, but better people to deale withall then
360
A DESCRIPTION OF BENIN a.d.
c. 1602.
those of Gabom, for since the time that they of Gabom,
tooke the Skonce and the goods of Moucheron, and kild
the men, they of Rio de Angra would have nothing to doe
with them, but were grieved that it was done, but because
they feared them of Kio de Gabom, and of Pongo ; they
durst not withstand them: with those Negroes there is
much Traffique to be had, and there are many Teeth to
buy, but not so many as in Rio de Gabom, but when you
Traffique there you must not stay long with your shallop
or boate there, for if you deale not with them for their
Teeth in two or three dayes, you shall not deale with them
at all, for by reason that few Pinnasses or shallops come
thither to Traffique, therefore the Negros bring all their
Teeth thither at the first, to barter for other Wares. Their
speech is not like theirs of Gabom, but for opinion and
religion they are almost one, and agree therein.
The River of Gabom, lyeth about fifteene miles South- R. Gabm.
ward from Rio de Angra, and eight miles North-ward
from Cape De Lopo Gonsalves, and is right under the
Equinoctiall Line, about fifteene miles from Saint Thomas,
and is a great Land well and easily to bee knownq. At
the mouth of the River there lyeth a Sand three or foure
fathome deepe, whereon it beateth mightily, with the
streame which runneth out of the River into the Sea.
This River in the mouth thereof is at least foure miles
broad, but when you are about the Hand called Pongo, ii
is not above two miles broad, on both sides the River there
standeth many trees. The Hand lyeth neere to the North,
then the South, and a little further there is an Hand wherein
there is good provision to be had, as of Bannanas, Iniamus,
and Oranges ; about two miles within the River you have
eight fathome deepe, good anchor ground. This Coast
reacheth North and South, the depth a good way from
the Land about a mile or a mile and an halfe is twelve
and thirteene fathome, and halfe a mile from the Land, it
is foure, five, sixe, and seven fathome, you may goe neere
about it, because all along that Coast it is good anchor
ground, by night you have the wind off from the Land,
361
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1602.
Three Kinp. and by day from the Sea. This River hath three mightie
Kings in it, which raigne therein, as one Kine; on the
North point, called Caiombo, and one upon the South
point, Oiiltd Gabom, and one in the Iland, called Pongo,
which hath a monstrous high hill; hee of Pongo is
strongest of men, and oftentimes makes warre upon him
of Gabom, he of Caiombo, is a great friend to him of
Pongo, and the Inhabitants of the South point of the
River, are great friends with those of Cape De Lopo
Gonsalves.
Cape Gon- Xhe twelfth of December, we got to Cape Lopo
sahes. Gonsalves, where we found three ships lying at anchor,
two of Zeland, and one of Schiedam. Touching their
Religion, they neither know God nor his Commande-
ments, some of them pray to the Sunne, others to the
Moone, others to certaine trees, or to the Earth, because
they receive food from thence, so that they esteeme it
a great fault to spit upon the Earth, they goe little abroad
in the streets, but when they goe abroad, they carrie a
great broad Knife in their hands : both the men and the
women have their bodies pinkt in divers sorts, strange to
behold, wherein they put certaine Grease, mixt with colour,
they will not drinke before they first put some of it out of
the Pot or Kan, and when they eate they use not
to drinke, but when they have dined, then diey drinke
a great draught of water, or of Palme-wine, or else of
MalafFo, which is mixed or made of Honey water. In
the morning as soone as it is day, they goe to salute their
Commander, or Chaueponso, and to bid nim good morrow,
and when they come to him they fall downe upon their
knees, and clapping both their hands together, say, Fino,
Fino, Fino, whereby they wish peace, quietnesse, and all
good unto him.
They are much addicted to Theeverie, and to steale
some-thing, specially from Strangers, whereof they make
no conscience, but thinke they doe well, but they will not
steale one from another. The women also are much
addicted to Leacherie and Uncleannesse ; specially, with
362
A DESCRIPTION OF BENIN a.d.
c. 1602.
strange Nations, whereby they thinke they get great credit,
and which is more, the men offer their wives unto strangers
that come thither, and the King himselfe presenteth and
honoureth Strangers with some of his Wives, whereof he
hath a great number. They have a filthy custome among i^^'^^ous
them, which is, that the King when any of his Daughters
waxe great, hee taketh and keepeth them for his Wives,
and the use of their bodies. The like is done by the
Queenes his Wives, when their Sonnes beginne to be great,
for they lie with them, as well as the King doth wi3i his
Daughters. Their apparell is fairer then theirs on the
Golden Coast, for they trimme their bodies more ; about
their middles to hide their Privities. They weare a Mat
made of barkes of trees, which is coloured red, with a kind
of red wood wherewith they dye it, upon those Mats, they
hang some Apes and Monkeyes skinnes, or of other wild
beasts, with a Bell in the middle, such as Cowes and Sheepe
have about their neckes. They paint their bodies red,
with a colour made of red wood, which is verie good, but
much lighter then Brasil-wood, oftentimes they make one
of their eyes white, the other red or yellow, with a streake
or two in their faces, some weare round Beades about their
neckes made of barkes, some small, some great, not much
imlike the Boxes, which men in Hamborough hang up to
put money in for the poore, but they will not suffer you
to looke what is in them. The men and women also for ^pp^reUand
the most part goe bare-headed, with their haire shoared and ^{^^'(^^ -i
pleated diversly, some of them weare Caps made of the *■ ' ^*-'
barkes of Cocos or Indian Nut-trees, others weare bixnches
of feathers made fast to their haire with little Irons, some
of them have holes in their upper lips, and through their
Noses, wherein they put pieces of Elxen bones, as thicke
as a DoUer with a stalke, which shutteth the hole, which
being thrust in comes out at the Nose, and over their
mouthes, which serveth their turnes well and to good
purpose, when they are sicke and fall into a swound, and
that men cannot open their hands by force, then they take
that bone and crush the sap of some greene herbe through
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1602.
it, wherwith they come to themselves again, so that they
serve them for two purposes. Some weare Rings in their
Kps and in the middle part of their Noses, some thrust
small Homes or Teeth tiirough them, and weare them so.
which they thinke to bee a great ornament unto them,
others boare a hole in their neather lips, and pky with their
Tongues in the hole; many of their men and women
weare Rings in their eares, whereof some weigh at least
a pound weight, some have stickes thrust through them,
of five or sixe fingers long, most of them, specially tk
men weare a Girdle about dieir middles made of Buffols
skin, with the haire still on it, which meeteth not together
before by almost a hand breadth, with a piece thereof
sticking out at each end, which is tyed together with a
small cord of Threed, upon their bellies they carrie a broad
Iron Ejtiife, the sheath thereof also being of Iron : some of
those Girdles are a hand broad, and some two or three
handfuls broad. Besides those, they use another sort of
Knives, with two or three points, which are very fearcfiiB
to behold, wherewith they cast at a man, and wheresoever
they hit they take hold.
Arms. They are better armed for weapons then they of Myna,
or the Golden Coast, their Armes are Pikes, or Assagaies,
Bowes, and Arrowes, long Targets made of barkes of
Trees. Their Drummes are narrow below and broad
above, their Pikes are very cunningly made, for they are
very curious Workmen in Iron ; the women carrie their
Husbands Armes for him, and when they will use them,
their Wives give them : they are cruell and fierce against
their Enemies, and fight one against the other by Land
and by Water in Canoes, and when they take any of their
Enemies (they were wont in times past to eate them, but
now they doe it not) they put them to great torture.
The women also set themselves out verie faire (as thev
thinke) and weare many red Copper and Tinne Rings
upon their armes and legges, some one, others two ; which
many times weigh three or foure pound weight, which arc
so fast and close about their armes, that men can hardlv
364
A DESCRIPTION OF BENIN ad.
c. 1602.
imagine how they get them on; those Rii^s also are
worne by some men, but more by women. The women
weare Araons made of Rushes, which I have seene them
make. Touching their clothes and setting forth of their
bodies, it is beastly and unseemely. They have no lesse Dyet.
lanseemelinesse in their eating and house-keeping, for they
live like beasts, and sleepe upon Mats laid upon the
ground, which they make very cunningly. The chiefe
meate they eate is Iniamus, Batates, and Bannanas. The
Bannanas they use in stead of bread, when it is well dryed,
they also eate fish and flesh, with Roots and Sugar-canes :
they lay all their meate in one dish, and sit round about
it, and eate like a company of beasts. Their King called,
Mani, eateth his meate out of a Tinne Platter, but the
rest in woodden Platters, sitting upon a Mat spread upon
the ground.
The greatest labour the women doe, is to fetch water. The King.
to gather fruit, and to dresse their meate : their Houses
are finely made of Reeds, and covered over with Bannanas
leaves, and better and cleaner then the Houses in the
Golden Coast. The King hath a faire House greater then
any in all the Towne, he is called Golipatta, hee is bravely
set out with many Beads made of beanes and shels, which
are dyed red, and hanged about his necke, and upon his
armes and legs, they strike their faces with a kind of
white colour, they are very much subject to their Kings,
and doe him great honour when they are in his
presence: before his House there lyeth an Iron Peece,
with certaine Bases which he bought in former time of the
Frenchmen. They are verie subtill to learne how to use
all kind of Armes ; specially, our small Gunnes. Their
Winter is from April to August, at which time it is
exceeding hot, and few cleere daies, and then it raineth
mightily with great drops, which fall so hot upon the
stones that they presently dry up, by which meanes also
the waters are thicke and slimie, in the Rivers and also
upon the shoare. There is good fishing. Oysters grow on Oysurs on
the branches of the Trees, which hang downe mto the '^''*^^'-
36s
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1602.
water. They draw their speech long, so that it is better
to leame then theirs in the Golden Coast. The Cape is
low Land, and is well to be knowne, for there is no Land
thereabouts, that reacheth so ferre Westerly into the Sea
as that doth, it lyeth about a degree Southward from the
Equinoctiall Line. When you are at the Cape, there
is a River which lyeth South-east from it, about three
miles, whereinto the shallops commonly saile, to barter for
some Teeth, which are there to bee had in the Village,
which lyeth about foure miles upwards within the River :
In this River there are many Sea-horses, and Crocodiles,
so that it is thought that the River of Nilus joyneth
thereunto, and hath an issue there into the Sea : In this
Countrey there are many cruell and strange beasts, as
Elephants, Buffols, Dragons, Snakes, Apes, Monkeyes,
which are very fearefuU to behold, and very hurtful!.
[II.vii.970.] Those people are better to be dealt withall, then they
^r^*^ ^ ^^ Gabom, and we find not, that they beare any spight or
^ ^' malice to the Netherlanders, (as they of Gabom have
done) in Anno 1601. to a ship called the Palme-tree, and
to another, called the Moorein of Delft, as also to a
Spanish Barke, who in short time, one after the other they
Of divers fell upon, and taking them, kild all the men and eate
^r^ ^ ^ them, with divers other such trickes more by them done :
Cafe Sierra refresh themselves, to fetch water, and to Calke them:
Leona^l^c.See therefore all the ships lie most at this place, to make
^elings and themselves ready, and fit to returne backe againe. About
nahbir^^' this Cape there lie many Sands, whereon a ship might
^ ' soone smite, but behind the bankes there is no feare, the
Lead will give a man meanes to find his way well enough.
366
ANDREW BATTELL
Chap. III.
The strange adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh
in Essex, sent by the Portugals prisoner to
Angola, who lived there, and in the adjoyning
Regions, neere eighteene yeeres.
§. I.
Andrew Battell, his Voyage to the River of Plate,
who being taken on the Coast of Brasill, was
sent to Angola.
N the yeere 1589, Abraham Cocke of
Lime-house, began his Voyage toward
the River of Pkte, with two Pinnasses
of fiftie Tuns a peece : The one was called
the May-morning; the other, the Dol-
phine. We sailed from the River of
Thames, the twentieth of Aprill ; and the
sixe and twentieth of the same moneth, we put into Plim-
moth, where we tooke in some provision for the Voyage.
The seventh of May we put to Sea, and with foule
weather were beaten backe againe into Plimmoth, where
we remained certaine dayes, and then proceeded on our
Voyage: and running dong the Coast of Spaine, and
Barbarie, we put into the Roade of Sancta Cruz, and there
set our Light-horse-man together, which we carried in two
pieces; Abraham Cocke made great account hereof,
thinking that this Boat should have made his Voyage.
This done, we put to Sea, and running along the Coast of
Guinea, wee were becalmed; because wee wer so neere
the Coast.
Heere our men fell sicke of the Scurvie, in such sort,
that there were very few sound. And being within three
or foure Degrees of the Equinoctiall line, we fell with the
Cape De las Palmas, where we had some refreshing, where-
with our men recovered. The people of the Cape de las
367
A.D.
I 589-1607.
B
Abraham
Cocks
Voyagg.
Santa Cniz,
Calmes on the
Coast of
Guinea.
The Scorbute.
Cafe de las
Palmas,
Aj>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
Palmas made much of us, saying, that they would trade
with us : but it was but to betray us. For they are very
TrecheroMs treacherous, and were like to have taken our boat, and hurt
f^^^' some of our men. From this Cape we lay South-west
off, but the Current and the Calmes deceived us ; so that
we were driven downe to the He of Saint Thome, thinking
that we had beene farther off to the Sea then we were.
And being in distresse for wood and water, we went in on
San Tome, the South end betweene San Tome, and the Hands Das
^RhJ^ Rolas : where we rode very smooth, and with our Light-
horse-man went on shoare, thinking to have watered:
but wee found none in the Hand. Heere we had great
store of Plantans and Oranges. We found a Village of
Negroes, which are sent from San Tome, for the Portugak
of §an Tome do use, when their slaves be sicke or weake,
to send them thither to get their strength againe. For
the Hands are very fruitful ; and though there be no fresh
water, yet they maintaine themselves with the wine of the
Palme trees. Having refreshed our selves with the fruit
Thej bume a of this Hand, we burned the Village. And running on
^k^T f ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Tome, we came before the Towne ;
San Tme! ^^^ ^^ durst not come neere : for the Castle shot at us,
which hath very good Ordnance in it.
Then we lay East and by South toward the Maine, and
Cape de lopo in foure and twentie houres, we had sight of the Cape De
Consalves. lopo Gonsalves : and being within three Leagues of the
said Cape, we cast about and stood againe toward the
Hand or San Tome, and turned up on the West side of
the Hand : and comming to a little River, which runneth
out of the Moimtaines, we went on shore with our Light-
horse-man, with sixe or seven Buts to fill with water.
But the Governour had imbosked one himdred men of
the Hand ; and when we were on shore, they came upon
Some hurt. US, and killed one of our men, and hurt another : where-
fore we retired to our Boat, and gate aboord.
They depart Then Abraham Cocke determined to fetch the Coast
^Ze^^ of Brasil, and lay West South-west into the Sea: and
being some fiftie Leagues off, we fell into a ScuU of
368
ANDREW BATTELL a,d.
1 589-1 607.
Dolphins, which did gready relieve us: for they did
follow our ship all the way, till we fell with the land:
which was some thirtie dayes. And running along the [II.vii.971.]
Coast of Brasil, till we came to Illha Grande, which standeth \^^ Grande
in five Degrees Southward of the line : we put in betwixt ^^^IsoSa^'
the Iland and the Maine, and haled our ships on shoare, oftheUne^on
and washed them, and refreshed our selves, and tooke in the Coast of
fresh water. In this Iland are no Inhabitants, but it is ^ranll.
very fruitflill. And being heere some twelve dayes, there
came in a little Pinnasse, which was bound to the River of
Plate, which came in to water, and to get some refresh-
ment : and presently we went aboord, and tooke the
Portugall Merchant out of the Pinnasse, which told
Abraham Cocke, that within two moneths there should
two Pinnasses come from the River of Plate, from the
Towne of Buenos Aieres. Buenos Jieres.
From this Towne there come every yeere foure or five
Caravels to Bahia in Brasil, and to Angola in Africa : which Bahia.
bring great store of Treasure, which is transported over
land out of Peru, into the River of Plate. Then Abraham
Cocke desirous to make his Voyage, tooke some of the
Dolphins men into his ship, and sent the Dolphin home The Dolphin
againe, which had not as yet made any Voyage. This ^^^^««^-
Portugall Merchant carried us to a place in this Iland,
where there was a banished man, which had planted great The benefit of
store of Plantans ; and told us, that we might with this ^ ^<^^^^
fruit goe to the River of Plate : for our bread and victuals ^"^*
were almost all spent.
With this hard allowance we departed from this Iland,
and were sixe and thirty dayes before we came to the He lie de Labos
of Labos Marinos, which is in the mouth of the River of ^^rinos.
Plate. This Hand is halfe a mile long, and hath no fresh
water ; but doth abound with Scales and Sea-morsses : in Morsses and
such sort, that our Light-horse-man could not get on ^^^''
shoare for them, without we did beat them with our Oares :
and the Iland is covered with them. Upon these Seales,
we lived some thirty dayes, lying up and downe in the
River, and were in great distresse ot victuals. Then we
VI 369 2 A
A.D.
I 589-1 607.
The Towne of
Buenos Aires,
lie Verdi.
They retume
North-ward,
The lie ofS.
Sebastian,
The Towne of
SpirituSancto.
The River of
Janeire,
Andrew
Battle and
fbure others
taken,
Andrew
Battle sent
prisoner to
Angola in
Africa.
The Citie of
S, Paul,
Quansa,
His Pilotage
and sicknesse.
A trade for
Elephants
teethy and
Oyle of the
Palme tree,
llede
Calabes.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
determined to run up to Buenos Aires, and with our
Light-horse-man to take one of the Pinnasses that rid at
the Towne. And being so high up the River as the
Towne, wee had a mightie storme at South-west, which
drave us backe againe, and we were faine to ride under
Isla Verde, that is, the Greene Iland, which is in the mouth
of the River on the North side.
Here we were all discomforted for lacke of victuals, and
gave over the Voyage, & came to the Northward again,
to the He of Sant Sebastian, lying just under the Tropicke
of Capricorne. There we went on shoare to catch fish,
& some went up into the woods to gather fioiit : for we
weare all in a manner famished. There was at that time
a Canoe fraught with Indians, that came from the Towne
of Spiritu Sancto. These Indians landed on the West
side of the Iland, and came through the woods, and tooke
five of us, and carried us to the River of Janeiro. After
this mischance, our Captaine Abraham Cocke went to Sea,
and was never heard of more.
When wee that were taken had remained foure moneths
in the River of Janeiro, I and one Torner were sent to
Angola in Africa to the Citie of Saint Paul, which standeth
in nine Degrees to the Southward of the Equinoctiall
line. Heere I was presently taken out of the ship, and
put into prison, and sent up the River Quansa to a Towne
of Garrison, which is one hundred and thirtie miles up
the River. And being there two moneths, the Pilot of
the Governors Pinnasse died : then I was commanded to
Carrie her downe to the Citie, where I presently fell sicke,
and lay eight moneths in a poore estate : for they hated
me because I was an English-man. But being recovered
of my sickenesse, Don John Hurtado de Mendo^a, who
then was Governor, commanded me to goe to the River of
Congo, called Zaire, in a Pinnasse,. to trade for Elephants
teeth, Wheate, and Oyle of the Palme-tree. The River
Zaire is fiftie Leagues fi-om the Citie to the Northward,
and is the greatest River in all that Coast. In the mouth
of this River is an Iland, called the He De Calabes, which
370
ANDREW BATTELL a.d.
1589-1607.
had at that time a Towne in it. Heere we laded oiir
Pinnasse with Elephants teeth, Wheate, and Oyle of the
Palme, and so returned to the Citie againe.
§. n.
His trading on the Coast, offer to escape, imprison-
ment, exile ; escape, and new imprisonment :
his sending to Elambo, and Bahia Das Vaccas ;
Many strange occurrents.
DHen I was sent to Longo, which is fifteene Leagues
to the North-ward of the River Zaire: and
carried all Commodities fit for that Countrey ; as
long Glasse-beads, and round Blew beads, and Seed beads,
and Looking-glasses, Blew and Red course cloth, and Blew and Red
Irish Rugs, which were very rich Commodities. Heere ^^^f^^I^r
wee sold our cloth at a great rate, for we had for one yard ^ ^-^^
of cloth, three Elephants teeth, that weighed one hundred Commodities.
and twenty pound : and we bought great store of Palme-
cloth, and Elephants tayles. So in little time, we laded
our Pinnasse. For this Voyage I was very welcome to
the Governour ; who promised me my liberty, if I would
serve him. So I went in his Pinnasse two yeeres and a
halfe upon the Coast.
Then there came a ship of Holland to the Citie, the Mer- [II.vii.972.]
chant of which ship promised to carrie me away. And ^^^P9f
when they were readie to depart, I went secretly aboord ; ^^j^fj^
but I was bewrayed by Portugals, which sailed in the ship,
and was fetched on shoare by the Sergeants of the Citie,
and put in prison, and lay with great bolts of Iron two Imprisonment
moneths, thinking that the Governour would have put me
to death : but at last, I was banished for ever, to the Fort Massangano
of Massangano, to serve in the Conquest of those Parts. ^^'
Here I lived a most miserable life for the space of sixe Sixe yeeres
yeeres, without any hope to see the Sea againe. mtserie.
In this Fort there were Egyptians and Moriscoes, that
were banished as my selfe. To one of these Egyptians I
brake my mind, and told him, that it were better for us
371
A.D.
I 589-1607-
Hefleethjrom
Massangano.
The River
Coanza,
Elamba.
Mani Cabech.
Lake of
Casansa.
The Totoneof
Mani
Casansa^ is
twelve leagues
from the Citie
of San Paulo.
The River
Bengp,
Abundance of
dangerous
Crocodiles,
The River
Dande,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
to venture our lives for our libertie, then to live in that
miserable place. The Egyptian was as willing as my
selfe, and told me, he would procure ten of his consorts
to goe with us. So we got three Egyptians, and seven
Portugals. That night, we got the best Canoe that we
could find, and went downe the River Coanza : and being
as farre downe as Mani Cabech, which is a little Lord in
the Province of Elamba, we went on shoare with our
twelve Muskets, Powder, and Shot. Heere we sunke
our Canoe, because they should not know where we went
on shoare. We made a little fire in the Wood, and
scorched Ginie Wheat, which we brought from Massan-
gano to relieve us, for we had none other food.
Assoone as it was night, wee tooke our journey all that
night, and the next day without any water at all. The
second night, we were not able to goe, and were faine to
digge and scrape up rootes of Trees, and sucke them to
maintaine life. The third day, wee met with an old Negro,
which was travailing to Mani Cabech, we bound his hands
behind him, and made him leade us the way to the Lake of
Casansa. And travailing all the day in this extreme hot
Countrie,we came to the Bansa,orTowne of Mani Casansa,
which lieth within the Land twelve leagues from the Citie
of San Paulo. Here we were forced to aske water : but they
would give us none. Then we determined to make them
flee their houses with our shot : but seeing that we were
desperately bent, they called their Lord Mani Casansa,
who gave us water and faire speeches, desiring us to stay
all night, onely to betray us : but we departed presently,
and rested that night in the Lake of Casansa.
The fourth day at night, we came to the River which
is toward the North, and passed it with great danger. For
there are such abundance of Crocodiles in this River, that
no man dare come neere the River side, where it is deepe.
The fift day at night, wee came to the River Dande, and
travailed so farre to the Eastward, that we were right
against the Serras, or Mountaines of Manibangono, which
is a Lord that warreth against the King of Congo, whither
372
ANDREW BATTELL ad.
I 589-1607.
wee intended to goe. Here we passed the River, and
rested halfe the night. And being two leagues from the
River, we met witn Negroes, whidi asked us, whither we
travailed. Wee told them, that we were going to Congo.
These Negroes said, that we were in the wrong way, and
that they were Masicongos, and would carrie us to Bambe,
where the Duke of Bambe lay.
So wee went some three niiles East up into the Land,
till wee perceived that we were the wrong way : for we
travailed by the Sunne, and would goe no further that
way: and turned backe againe to the Westward, they
stood before us with their Bowes, Arrowes and Darts,
readie to shoot at us. But we determining to goe through
them, discharged sixe Muskets together, and killed foure ;
which did amaze them, and made them to retire. But
they followed us foure or five miles, and hurt two of our
companie with their Arrowes. The next day, we came
into the borders of Bamba, and travailed all tlmt day. At Bamba.
night, we heard the surge of the Sea. The seventh day
in the morning, we saw the Captain of the Citie come
after us with Horsmen, and great store of Negroes.
Hereupon our companie being dismayed, seven of our
faint-hearted Portugals hid themselves in the Thickes.
I and the foure Egyptians thought to have escaped : but
they followed us so fast, that we were faine to goe into a
little Wood. Assoone as the Captaine had overtaken us,
he discharged a volley of shot into the Wood, which made
us lose one another.
Thus being all alone, I bethought my selfe, that if the ^- B. kft
Negroes did take me in the Woods, they would kill me : '^^•
wherefore, thinking to make a better end among the
Portugals and Mulktos, I came presently out of the Wood
with my Musket readie charged, making none account of
my life. But the Captaine, thinking that we had beene
all twelve together, called to me, and said, Fellow Souldier,
I have the Governours pardon, if you will yeeld your
selves, you shall have no hurt. I having my Musket His resolution.
readie, answered the Captaine, that I was an Englishman,
373
A.D.
1589-1607.
He jeeldeth.
They mere
taken pri-
soners ^ and sent
again to the
Citie of San
Faido.
[II.vii.973.]
Foure hundred
banished
Portugals
employed in
the Warres.
Sotoonso.
Namba
Calamba,
SoUancango.
Combricai-
anga.
Ingasia,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and had served sixe yeeres at Massangono, in great
miserie ; and came in companie with eleven Portugals and
Egyptians, and here am left all alone ; and rather then I
wul be hanged, I will die amongst you. Then the
Captaine came neere unto me, and said; Deliver thy
Musket to one of the Souldiers, and I protest, as I am a
Gentleman, and a Souldier, to save thy life, for thy
resolute mind. Whereupon I yeelded up my Musket and
my selfe.
Then the Captaine commianded all the Souldiers and
Negroes to search the Woods, and to bring them out
alive or dead; which was presently done. Then they
carried us to the Citie of San Paulo : where I, and the three
Egyptians lay in Prison three moneths, with Collars of
Iron, and great Bolts upon our legs, and hardly escaped.
At that time the Governour sent foure hundred men,
that were banished out of Portugall, up into the Countrey
of Elambe. Then I was with Proclamation through the
Citie banished for ever to the warres, and marched with
them to Sowonso, which is a Lord, that obeyed the Duke
of Bambe : from thence to Samanibansa, and then to
Namba Calamba, which is a great Lord, who did resist
us: but we burned his Towne, and then he obeyed us,
and brought three thousand warlike Negroes to us. From
thence to SoUancango a little Lord, that fought very
desperately with us, but was forced to obey : and then to
Combrecaianga, where we remayned two yeares. From
this place wee gave many assaults, and brought many
Lords to subjection. Wee were fifteene thousand strong,
and marched to the Outeiro, or Mountaine of Ingombe.
But first we burned all Ingasia, which was his Countrey,
and then we came to the chiefe Towne of Ingombe, which
is halfe a dayes journey to goe up.
This Lord came upon us with more then twentie thou-
sand Bowes, and spoyled many of our men. But with our
shot we made a great spoyle among them, whereupon he
retyred up into the Mountaine, and sent one of his
Captaines to our Generall ; signifying, that the next day
374
ANDREW BATTELL a.d.
1589-1607.
hee wovdd obey him. The next day he entred our
Campe in great pompe with Drums, Petes, and Pongoes,
or Waytes, and was royally received : and he gave great
Presents, and greatly inriched the Generall, and them
which marched up. Upon the toppe of the Mountaine
is a great Plaine, where he hath his chiefe Towne ; verie
fresh, full of Palme-trees, Sugar-canes, Potatos, and other
roots, and great store of Oranges and Limons. Here is
a Tree that is called Engeriay, that beareth a fruit as big ^Jrmtgood
as a Pome-water, and hath a stone in it, present remedie f^^^^^^^-
for the Wind Cholicke, which was strange to the Portugals.
Here is a River of fresh water, that springeth out or the
Mountaine, and runneth all along the Towne. Wee were
here five dayes, and then we marched up into the Coun-
trey, and burned and spoyled for the space of sixe weekes ;
and then returned to Engombe againe with great store of
slaves, sheepe and Goates, and great store of Margarite
stones, which are currant money in that Land. Here we
pitched our Campe a league from this pleasant Moun-
taine, which remayned twelve monethes : but I was shot
in my right legge, and many Portugals and MuUatos,
were carryed to the Citie to be cured.
Then the Governour sent a Frigat to the South-ward S^ngto
with sixtie Souldiers, my selfe beeing one of the company, jf^^ ^
and all kind of Commodities. We turned up to the Bahiade
South-ward till wee came into twelve degrees, riere we Tom.
foimd a faire sandie Bay. The people of this place
brought us Cowes and Sheepe, Wheate and Beanes ; but
we stayed not there, but came to Bahia das Vaccas, that
is, the Bay of Cowes, which the Portugals call, Bahia de
Torre, because it hath a rocke like a Towre. Here wee
roade on the North-side of the Rocke in a sandie Bay;
and bought great store of Cowes, and Sheepe bigger then StoreofCowiSy
our English Sheepe, and very fine Copper. Also we ^^iff^^-^'
bought a kind of sweet wood, called Cacongo, which the c>/^
Portugals esteeme much, and great store of Wheate and Cacongi a
Beanes. And having laded our Barke wee sent her home : ^^^^ ^ood,
but fiftie of us stayed on shoare, and made a little Fort
375
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
with rafters of wood, because the people of this place are
treacherous, and not to bee trusted. So in seventeene
dayes wee had five hundred head of Cattell : and within
tenne dayes the Governour sent three shippes and so wee
departed to the Citie.
A giodBay In this Bay may any ship ride without danger, for it
^fh^'^tkg^ is a smooth Coast. Here may any shippe that commeth
East Indies. ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ Indies refresh themselves. For the
Portugals Carracks now of late come along that Coast, to
the Citie to water and refresh themselves. These people
Endallanbon' are called, Endallanbondos, and have no government
^^' among themselves : and therefore they areverietrecherous,
and those that trade with these people must stand upon
their owne guard. They are very simple and of no
courage, for thirtie or fortie men may goe boldly up into
the Countrey, and fetch downe whole Heards of Cattell.
Catul bought We bought the Cattell for blue glasse-beads of an inch
^^P^"^ long, which are called, Mopindes ; and payd fifteene beads
inchkngJ" for one Cow.
Donibe, This Province is called, Dombe, and it hath a ridge of
high Serras, or Mountaines, that stretch from the Serras,
or Mountaines of Cambambe, wherein are Mines; and
lye along that Coast South and by West. Here is great
Mines of fine store of fine Copper, if they would worke in their Mines :
Qopper. j^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ more, then they weare for a braverie.
The men of this place weare skinnes about their middles,
and beads about their neckes. They carrie Darts of Iron,
and Bow and Arrowes in their hands. They are beastly
Meneffimi' }n their living, for they have men in womens apparell,
^^' whom they keepe among their wives.
Theattyreof Their women weare a Ring of Copper about their
tr foomen. j^^^j^^g^ which weigheth fifteene pound at the least, about
their armes little Rings of Copper, that reach to their
elbowes, about their middles a cloth of the Insandie Tree,
which is neither spunne nor woven, on their legs Rings
of Copper, that reach to the calves of their legs.
376
ANDREW BATTELL ad.
1589-1607.
§. IIL [ILvii. 974.1
Discoverie of the Gagas; Their Warres, Man-
eating ; Over-running Countries : His Trade
with them, betraying, escape to them, and
living with them, with many strange Adven-
tures. And also the Rites and manner of life
observed by the Jagges or Gagas, which no
Christian could ever know well but this
Authour.
j|N our second Voyage turning up along the Coast,
we came to the Morro, or ClifFe of Benguele, Bengiiele,
which standeth in twelve degrees of Southerly
latitude. Here we saw a mighty Cape of men on the
Southside of the river Cova. And being desirous to
know what they were, we went on shore with our Boat ;
& presently there came a troop of five hundred men to the
water side. We asked them. Who they were ? then they
told us, that they were the Gagas, or Gindes ; that came
from * Serra de Lion, and passed through the Citie of *Lopes was
Congo ; and so travelled to the East-ward of the great ^^^^^i !" ,,
Citie of Angola, which is called Dongo. The great Gaga, ^Ae^gE^ ^
which was their Generall, came downe to the waters side mcst waruL
to see us. For hee had never seene white men before, people.
He asked, wherefore we came ? we told him, that wee came ^^-^^^^^^'^Uf,
to trade upon the Coast : then he bade us welcome, and ^jy^Lr^j
called us on shoare with our Commodities : we laded our i^tkeirCAU/e
ship with slaves in seven dayes, and bought them so good M^ Great
cheape, that many did not cost one Riall a piece, which Jagge.ItMnke
were worth in the Citie twelve Millie-reys. GaZ!fir
Being readie to depart the great Giaga stayed us, and ciagas by
desired our Boat to passe his men over the River Cova : false spelTtng,
for he determined to over-runne the Realme of Benguele,
which was on the North-side of the River Cova. So we
went with him to his Campe, which was very orderly The Jagges
intrenched with piles of wood. We had Houses provided ^^^P^-
377
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
for us that night, and many burthens of Pahne-winc,
Cowes, Goats, and Flowre.
Their nurnner In the morning before day the Generall did strike his
ofnmove. Gongo, which is an Instrument of War that soimdeth like
a Bell ; and presently made an Oration with a loud voice,
that all the Campe might heare, that he would destroy the
Benguelas, with such couragious and vehement speeches,
as were not to be looked for among the Heathen people :
and presently they were all in armes, and marched to the
Rivers side, where he had provided Gingados. And
Their vaine- beeing readie with our Boat and Gingados, the Generall
was faine to beate them backe, because of the credit who
should be first. We carried over eightie men at once;
and with our Muskets we beat the enemie off, and landed,
but many of them were slaine. By twelve of the clocke
aU the Gagas were over.
Then the Generall commanded all his Drums, Tavdes,
Petes, Pongos, and all his Instruments of warlike Musicke
TheBenguelas to strike up, and gave the on-set, which was a bloudie day
saughter, ^^ ^^ Benguelas. These Benguelas presently broke and
turned their backes, and a very great number of them
were slaine, and were taken Captives, man, woman and
child. The Prince Hombiangymbe was slaine, which was
Rider of this Countrey, and more then one hundred of
his chiefe Lords, and their heads presented, and throwne
at the feet of the great Gaga. The men, women, and
children, that were brought in captive alive, and the dead
Gjrpses that were brought to bee eaten, were strange to
TheGagasare behold. For these Gagas are the greatest Canibals
Mm^eaursin ^^'^ Man-eaters that bee in the World, for thev fed
the World, chiefly upon mans flesh, having all the Cattell of that
Countrey.
They setled themselves in this Countrey, and tooke the
spoile of it. Wee had great Trade with these Gagas five
monethes, and gained greatly by them. These Gagas
were not contented to stay in this place of Benguela,
although they lacked almost nothing. For they had
great store of Cattell and Wheate, and many other
37S
ANDREW BATTELL ad,
I 589-1607.
Commodities, but they lacked Wine: for in these parts
there are no Palme-trees.
After the five monethes were expired, they marched
toward the Province of Bambala, to a great Lord, that is ^^ Prwince
called Calicansamba, whose Countrey is five dayes journey v^^^^^-
into the Land. In these five monethes space we made
three Voyages to the Citie of San Paul, and comming the
fourth time we found them not.
Being loth to returne without Trade, wee determined
to goe up into the Land after them; So we went fifty
on shore, and left our ship riding in the Bay of Benguek
to stay for us : and marching two dayes up into the Coun-
trey, we came to a great Lord, which is called Mofarigosat : Mofarigosatya
and comming to his first Towne, we found it burned to ^'^ ^^^
the ground, tor the Gagas had passed and taken the spoyle.
To this Lord we sent a Negro, which we had bought of
the Gagas, and lived with us, and bid him say, that he
was one of the great Gagas men, and that hee was left to
Carrie us to the Campe. This Lord bade us welcome for
feare of the great Gaga: but hee delayed the time, and
would not let us passe, till the Gaga was gone out of his
Coxmtrey. This Lord Mofarigosat, seeing that the Gagas
were cleere of him, began to palter with us, and would not
let us ffoe out of his Land, till we had gone to the warres
with him; for hee thought himselfe a mightie man having [II.vii.975.]
us with him. For in this place thev never saw white man
before, nor Gunnes. So we were forced to goe with him,
and destroyed all his Enemies, and returned to his Towne
againe. Then we desired him, that he woxild let us
depart: But he denyed us, without we would promise
him to come againe, and leave a white man with him in
pawne.
These Portugals and Mulatos being desirous to get
away from this place, determined to draw lots who should
stay : but many of them would not agree to it. At last
they consented together that it were fitter to leave me, ^atteUkft
because I was an Englishman, then any of themselves, ^uh the An^
Here I was faine to stay perforce. So they left me a daiambandos.
379
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1S89-1607.
Musket, Powder, and shot ; promising this Lord Moferi-
gosat, that within two monethes they would come againe,
and bring an hundred men to helpe him in his Warres,
and to trade with him: but all was to shift themselves
away, for they feared that he would have taken us all
Captives. Here I remiayned with this Lord till the two
monethes were expired, and was hardly used, because the
Portugals came not according to promise.
In dangtr of The chiefe men of this Towne would have put me to
^^' death, and stripped me naked, and were readie to cut off
mine head. But the Lord of the Towne commanded them
to stay longer, thinking that the Portugals would come.
And after that I was let loose againe, I went from one
Towne to another, shifting for my selfe, within the liberties
of this Lord. And beeing in feare of my life among them,
I ranne away, purposing to goe to the Campe of the
Gag;as.
And having travelled all that night, the next day I came
Cashilagreat to a great Towne, which was called, Cashil, which stood
Totfme. jj^ ^ mightie over-growne thicket. Here I was carried
into the Towne to the Lord Cashil ; and all the Towne
great and small came to wonder at mee, for in this place
there was never any white man seene. Here were some
of the great Gagas men, which I was glad to see, and
went with these Gagas to Calicansamba, where the Campe
was.
This Towne of the Lord Cashil is very great, and is so
over-growne with Olicondie Trees, Cedars, and Palmes,
that the streets are darkened with them. In the middle
A Giantly of the Towne there is an Image, which is as bigge as a
Ouesanm'and "^^' ^^^ standeth twelve foot high : and at the foot of
their IdoL' ^^ Image there is a Circle of Elephants Teeth, pitched
trous Rites, into the ground. Upon these Teeth stand great store of
dead mens skuls, which are killed in the warres, and
offered to this Image. They use to powre Palme-wine
at his feet, and kill Goats, and powre their bloud at his
feet. This Image is called Quesango, and the people have
a great beliefe in him, and sweare by him ; and doe beleeve
380
ANDREW BATTELL a.d.
I 589-1607.
when they are sick, that Quesango is offended with them.
In many places of this Towne were litie Images, and over
them great store of Elephants Teeth piled.
The streets of this Towne were paled with Palme-canes Their ^^uu
very orderly. Their Houses were round like an Hive, ^'''
and within hanged with fine Mats very curiously wrought.
On the South-east end of the Towne was a Mokiso, 4}^^^^^^^^
which had more then three Tunnes of Elephants Teeth
piled over him.
From this Towne of Cashil, I travelled up into the ^^^^^^
Countrey with the Gagas two dayes, and came to Calican- ^^^ 0^^/
samba, where the great Gaga had his Campe, and was Gaga,
welcome to him. Among the Caniball people, I deter- Of these
mined to live, hoping in God, that they would travell so G'^^&^y
farrc to the West-ward, till we should see the Sea againe ; ^pij^^fett^
and so I might escape by some ship. These Gagas bookofCong^^
remayned foure monethes in this place, with great abund- translated into
ance and plentie of Cattle, Corne, Wine, and Oyle, and ^n^shbyM.
great triumphing, drinking, dancing, and banquetting j^^^pif -^
with mans flesh, which was an heavie spectacle to behold, agg, L 7.
At the end of foure monethes they marched toward the But none amid
Serras, or Mountaines of Cashindcabar, which are mightie '^ ^^^^ ^^
high, and have great Copper-mynes, and they tooke the ^^^^^^^^Ll
spoyle all the way as they went. From thence they went a^edsolong
to the River Longa, and passed it, and setled themselves toith them.
in the Towne of Calango, and remayned there five or sixe '^^e River
monethes. Then wee arose, and entred into the Province p*^*
of Tondo, and came to the River Gonsa, and marched on ^'
the South-side of the River to a Lord that was called Tondo.
Makellacolonge, neere to the creat Citie of Dongo. ^^^^'«'^»
rlere we passed over mightie high Mountaines, and found Great cold in
it very cold. the high
Having spent sixteene moneths among these Canibals, Mountaines.
they marched to the Westward againe, and came along
the River Gonsa, or Gunza, to a Lord that is called
Shillambansa, Unkle to the King of Angola. We burned Shillambansa
his chiefe Towne, which was after their fashion very ^^^^^^^'
sumptuously builded. This place is very pleasant and
381
A.D.
I589-1607.
Sn^e offoild
Piococks.
The River
Coanza,
The Moun-
tainesofsiher,
Afalofwaters
heard thirtie
miles.
Casama,
[II.vii.976.]
Casoch a great
IVarrur.
The Authors
deare-bwght
crei&t.
Fort,
He getuth
agdne to the
Portugals,
Discourse of
Cakndola^
the great
Jaggt.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
fruitfull. Heere we foxind great store of wild Peacockes,
flying up and downe the Trees, in as great abundance as
other Birds. The old Lord Shillambansa was buried in
the middle of the Towne, and had an hundred tame
Peacockes kept upon his Grave : which Peacockes he gave
to his Mokeso, and they were called Angello Mokeso, that
is. The Devils or Idols Birds, and were accounted as holy
things. He had great store of Copper, Cloth, and many
other things laid upon his Grave ; which is the order of
that Countrey.
From this place we marched to the Westward, along
the River Coanza, and came right against the Serras, or
Mountaines of Cambanbe, or Serras de Prata. Here is
the great fall of water, that falleth right downe, and
maketh a mightie noyse, that is heard thirtie miles. Wee
entred into the Province of Casama. and came to one of
the greatest Lords, which was called Langere. He obeyed
the Great Gaga, and carried us to a Lord, called Casoch,
which was a great Warrier ; for he had some seven yeeres
before, overthrowne the Portugals Campe, and killed eight
hundred Portugals, and fortie thousand Negroes, that
were on the Portugals side. This Lord did stoutly with-
stand the Gagas, and had the first day a mightie battaile :
but had not the victorie that day. So wee made a Sconse
of Trees after their fashion, and remiayned foure moneths
in the Warres with them. I was so highly esteemed with
the Great Gaga, because I killed many Negroes with my
Musket, that I had any thing that I desired of him. He
would also, when they went out to the Warres, give charge
to his men over me. By this meanes I have beene often
carried away in their armes, and saved my life. Here we
were within three dayes Journey of Massangano, before
mentioned, where the Portugals have a Fort : and I sought
meanes, and got to the Portugals againe with Merchant
Negroes, that came to the Campe to buy Slaves.
There were in the Campe of the Gagas, twelve
Captains. The first, called Imbe Calandola, their General!
a man of great courage. He warreth all by enchantment,
382
ANDREW BATTELL a.d.
1589-1607.
and taketh the Devils counsell in all his exploits. He is
alwaies making of sacrifices to the Devill, and doth know ^^ ^P^-
many times what shall happen unto him. Hee beleeveth ^^^^'^
that hee shall never die but in the Warres. There is no
Image among them, but he useth certaine ceremonies. He
hath straight Lawes to his Souldiers : for, those that are H'u seveHHe.
faint-hearted, and turne their backes to the Enemie, are
presently condemned and killed for cowards, and their
bodies eaten. He useth every night to make a warlike
Oration upon an high Scaffold, which doth encourage his OratUms.
people.
It is the order of these people, wheresoever they pitch f^rJorHfy-
their Campe, although they stay but one night in a place, ^^^'
to build their Fort, with such wood or trees as the place
yeeldeth: so that the one part of them cutteth downe
trees and boughs, and the other part carrieth them, and
buildeth a round Circle with twelve Gates. So that every
Captaine keepeth his Gkite. In the middle of the Fort is
the Generals house, intrenched round about, and hee hath
many Porters that keepe the Doore. They build their
houses very close together, and have their Bowes, Arrowes,
and Darts, standing without their Doores : And when they
give alarme, they are sodainly all out of the Fort. Every
companie at their Doores keepe very good watch in the
night, playing upon their Drums and Tavales.
These Gagas told us of a River that is to the South- ^ ^}^^
ward of the Bay of Vaccas, that hath great store of Gold : ^^^Iq^
and that they gathered up great store of graines of Gold ^^ the South *
upon the Sand, which the fresh water driveth downe in ofBMadas
the time of raine. We found some of this Gold in the V^cas.
handles of their Hatchets, which they use to engrave ^^^/^^^
with Copper, and they called it Copper also, and doe not
esteeme it.
These Gagas delight in no Countrie, but where there
is great store of Pdmares, or Groves of Palmes. For
they delight greatly in the Wine, and in the Fruit of the
Palme, which serveth to eate and to make Oyle : and they palm-mue,
draw their Wine contrarie to the Imbondos. These how drawm.
383
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
Palme-trees are sixe or seven fathoms high, and have
no leaves but in the top: and they have a device to
goe up to the top of the Tree, and lay no hands on
it, and they draw the Wine in the top of the tree in
a Bottle.
Suchdijgference But these Gagas cut the Palme-trees downe by the roote,
Wiuusand '^^^^^ ^^^ ^^'^ dayes before they will give Wine. And
^ees! then they make a square hole in the top and heart of the
Tree, and take out of the hole every morning a quart,
and at night a quart. So that every Tree giveth two
quarts of Wine a day for the space of sixe and twentie
dayes, and then it drieth up.
What they doe When they settle themselves in any Countrie, they cut
being resuted. (Jowne as many Palmes as will serve them Wine for a
moneth : and then as many more. So that in a little time
they spoile the Countrie. They stay no longer in a place,
then it will afFoord them maintenance. And then in
Harvest time they arise, and settle themselves in the
Fruges con- fruitfuUest place that they can find ; and doe reape their
sumerenatu Enemies Come, and take their Cattell. For they will
not sowe, nor plant, nor bring up any Cattell, more then
they take by Warres. When they come into any Countrie
that is strong, which they cannot the first day conquer,
then their Generall buildeth his Fort, and remayneth some-
Stratagems. times a moneth or two quiet. For he saith, it is as great
warres to the Inhabitants to see him setled in their
Countrey, as though he fought with them every day. So
that many times the Inhabitants come and assault him at
his Fort : and these Gagas defend themselves and flesh
them on for the space of two or three dayes. And when
their Generall mindeth to give the on-set, he will in the
night put out some one thousand men : which do
emboske themselves about a mile from their Fort. Then
in the morning the great Gaga goeth with all his strength
out of the Fort, as though he would take their Towne.
The Inhabitants comming neere the Fort to defend their
Countrey, being betweene them, the Gagas give the
watch-word with their Drummes, and then the embosked
384
ANDREW BATTELL a.d.
1 589-1607.
men arise, so that very few escape. And that day their
General! over-runneth the Countrey.
The great Gaga Calando hath his haire very long, His attire.
embroyc&ed with many knots full of Banba shels, whidi ^«^^ '^^^•
are very rich among them, and about his necke a Collar of ^^/^^^^{
Masoes, which are also shells, that are found upon that among the
Coast, and are sold among them for the worth ot twentie Gagas,
shillings a shell : and about his middle he weareth Landes, [IIvii.977.]
which are Beades made of the Ostridges Egges. He
weareth a Palme doth about his middle, as fine as Silke.
His body is carved and cut with sundry workes, and every Cruell
day anointed with the fet of men. Hee weareth a peece ^ratfny.
of Copper crosse his nose, two inches long, and in his
eares also. His body is alwaies painted red and white.
He hath twenty or thirty wives, which followed him when
he goeth abroad ; and one of them carrieth his Bow and
Arrowes, and foure of them carry his Cuppes of drinke They use this
after him. And when hee drinketh, they all kneele downe, ^f!^^^y ^^
and clap their hands and sing. ^^'^•
Their women weare their haire with high trompes, full
of Bamba shels, and are anointed with Civet. They pull Foolish
out foure of their teeth ; two above and two below for a ^^^^'
bravery: And those that have not their teeth out, are
loathsome to them, and shall neither eate nor drinke with
them. They weare great store of Beades about their
neckes, armes and Tegs; about their middles, Silke
doathes.
The women are very fruitfuU, but they enjoy none of
their children: For as soone as the woman is delivered Generation of
of her Childe, it is presently buried quicke ; So that there ^jp^rs.
is not one Childe brought up in all this Generation. But ^^f^^^^,
when they take any Towne, they keepe the Boyes and rationo/Gaga.
Girles of thirteene or fourteene yeares of age, as their Panizaries.
owne children. But the men and women they kill and
eate. These little Boyes they traine up in the warres, ^^/^ tn^neJ
and hang a collar about their neckes for a disgrace, which Hf*^^^^^^-
is never taken off till he proveth himselfe a man, and
bring his enemies head to the Generall: And then it is
VI 385 2 B
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
taken off, and he is a Free-man, and is called Gonso, or
Souldier. This maketh them all desperate, and forward
to be free, and counted men : and so they doe increase. In
all this Campe there were but twelve naturall Gagas that
were their Captaincs, and foureteene or fifteene women.
These Gagas For it is more then fiftie yeares since they come from
'^^hLa ^"^ ^^ ^^^^' ^^^* ^^ ^^^"' nzXxvt^ Countrey. But
their Campe is sixteene thousand strong, and sometimes
more.
Hissolemne When the great Gaga Calandola, undertaketh any great
sMnfice to the enterprize against the Inhabitants of any Countrey, he
maketh a sacrifice to the Divell, in the morning before the
Sunne riseth. He sitteth upon a stoole, having on each
side of him a man Witch : then he hath fortie or fiftie
women which stand round about him, holding in each
Zebra. hand a Zeveras, or wilde horses tayle, where with they
doe flourish and sing. Behind them are great store of
Petes, Pontes, and I)nmimes, which alwaies play. In
the midst of them is a great fire ; upon the fire an earthen
pot with white powders, where-with the men Witches doe
paint him on the forehead, temples, thwart the breast and
belly, with long ceremonies and inchanting tearmes. Thus
he continueth till sunne is downe. Then the Witches
bring^ his Casen^la, which is a weapon like an hatchet, and
put It into his nand, and bid him bee strong against his
enemies: for his Mokiso is with him. And presently
there is a Man-childe brought, which forth-with he
Butcherly killeth. Then are foure men brought before him; two
"^^' whereof, as it happeneth, he presently striketh and
killeth; the other two he commandeth to be killed
without the Fort.
Here I was by the men Witches commanded to goc
away, because I was a Christian. For then the Divell
doth appeare to them, as they say. And presently he
commandeth five Cowes to be killed in the Fort, and five
without the Fort : And likewise as many Goates, and as
many Dogges ; and the bloud of them is sprinkled in the
fire, and their bodies are eaten with great feasting and
386
ANDREW BATTELL a.d.
1589-1607.
triumph. And this is used many times by all the other
Captaines of their Armie.
When they bury the dead, they make a vault in the Buriattof
ground, and a seate for him to sit. The dead hath his ^Q^^f
haire newly imbroydred, his body washed, and anointed fuurals.
with sweete powders. He hath dl his best robes put on,
and is brought betweene two men to his grave, and set
in his seate, as though he were alive. He hath two of
his wives set with him, with their armes broken, and then
they cover the vault on the top. The Inhabitants when
they dye, are buried after the same fashion, and have the
most part of their goods buried with them. And every
moneth there is a meeting of the kindred of the dead man,
which mourne and sing dolefuU songs at his grave, for
the space of three daies ; and kill many Goates, and powre
their bloud upon his grave, and Palme- Wine also; and
use this ceremony as long as any of their kindred be alive.
But those that have no kindred think themselves unhappy
men, because they have none to mourne for them when
they dye. These people are very kind one to another in C^«^«^ ^W-
their health ; but in their sicknesse they doe abhorre one *^'^'
another, and will shun their company.
§. nil. [II.vii.978.]
His returne to the Portugals : invasions of divers
Countries, abuse, flight from them, and living
in the Woods divers moneths: His strange
Boate, and comming to Loango.
|Eing departed from the Ga^s, I came to
Masangano, where the Portugals have a Towne Masangano^a
of Garrison. There was at that time a new y^i
Governor, which was called, Sienor Juan G>ntinho : who
brought authority to conauer the Mines or Mountaines of
Cambamba: and to perrorme that service, the King of
Spaine had given him seaven yeares custome, of all the
Slaves and Goods that were carried thence to the West-
Indies, Brasil, or whither soever : with condition, that he
387
A.a PURCHAS HIS PILGKIMES
1589.1607.
should build three Castles ; one in Demba, which are the
l^^Tur-^' salt Mines ; the other, in Cambamba, which are the Silver
Siher Mines, ^j^^^^ . ^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ j^ g^j^ ^^ Vaccas, or The Bay of
Cowes. This Gentleman was so bountifuU at his
comming, that his fame was spread through all Congo,
and many Mulatos and Negroes came voluntarily to serve
him. And being some sixe moneths in the Citie, he
marched to the Outaba of Tombe : and there shipped his
The River Souldiers in Pinnasses, and went up the River Consa, or
^^^' Coanza, and landed at the Outaba of Songo, sixtie miles
from the Sea. This Lord Songo is next to Demba, where
the Salt Mines be. In this ^ce there is such store of
Salt, that most part of the Countrey are perfect deere Salt,
without any earth or filth in it : and it is some three foot
under the earth as it were Ice: and they cut it out in
Sme-uiit, a stones of a yard long, and it is carried up into the Countrey,
'm^ttieT"' ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^^ commoditie that a man can carry to buy
Tie Rke is in any thing whatsoever.
Polan^i. Here the Governour stayed ten daies, and sent a
Pinnasse to Masangano, for all the best Souldiers that were
there. So the Captain of the Castle sent me down among
an hundred Souldiers, and I was very well used by the
»*^/^ Governor; and he made me a Sergeant of a Portugall
^aantofa Co'^pany, and then he marched to Machimba ; from thence
PortugaU ^o Cavo, and then to Malombe, a great Lord. Here we
Cmfany. were foure daies, and manv Lords came and obeyed us.
From thence we marchea to a mightie Lord, called
Angoykayongo, who stood in the defence of his Countrey,
with more then sixtie thousand men. So we met with
him, and had the victory, and made a great slaughter
among them. We tooke captives all his Women and
Children, and setled our selves in his Towne, because it
was a very pleasant place, and full of Catde and victuals.
Seignior Juan And being eight daies in this Towne, the Governour
^ContinAo sickned and dyed, and left a Captaine in his roome to
performe the service.
After we had beene two moneths in the Countrey of
Angoykayongo, we marched toward Cambambe, which
388
ANDREW BATTELL a.d.
1589-1607.
was but three dales journey, and came right against the
Serras da Prata, and passed the River Coanza, and ^^rrasde
presently over-ranne the Countrey, and built a Fort hard ^^^*
by the Rivers side. Here I served two veares. They
opened the Silver Mines : but the Portugals did not like
of them as yet ; because they yeelded small store of Silver.
This new up-start Governour, was very cruell to his
Souldiers, so that all his voluntary men left him ; and by
this meanes he could goe no farther. At this time, there ^^^^ ^f*^
came newes by the Jesuites, that the Queene of England ^^^^ ^J^
was dead, and that King James had made peace with En^andy
Spaine. Then I made a petition to the Governour, who 1603.
granted me licence to goe into my Countrey: And so I
departed with the Governor and his Traine to the Citie of
Samt Paid.
But he left five hundred Souldiers in the Fort of
Cambambe, which they hold still. Then I went with a
Portugall Marchant to the Province of Bamba : and from Bmba.
thence to the Onteiro, or Citie standing upon a Mountaine TheOntetroof
of Congo : from thence to Gongon and Batta : and there ^^&'
wee sold our commodities, and returned in sixe moneths to
the Citie againe. Then I purposed to have shipped my
selfe for Spaine, and thence homewards. But the
Governour denyed his word, and commanded me to
provide my selfe within two dales, to goe up to the
Conquest againe. This Governour had served his three
yeares, and the Citizens looked every day for another out
of Portugall. So I determined to absent my selfe for
ten or twentie dales, till the other Governour came, and
then to come to the Citie againe. For every Governour
that commeth, maketh Proclamation for all men that be
absent, to come with free pardon.
The same day at night, I departed from the Citie, with
two Negro Boyes that I had, which carried my Musket,
and sixe pounds of Powder, and an hundred Bullets, and
that little provision of victuals which I covJd make. In
the morning I was some twentie miles from the Citie, up The River
along the River Bengo, and there I stayed certaine dayes ; Bengt,
389
A.V. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
TAe River and then passed Bengo, and came to the River Dande,
Dm^. which is to the North-ward; purposing to know what
newes was in the Citie, for I was neere the high-way of
Congo : And one of my Negroes inquired of those that
passed, and brought me word ; That it was c^taine, that
the new Governour came not that yeare. Now I was put
to my shifts, whether I would goe to the Citie ag^ne and
be hanged, or to stay and live in the Woods : for I had
runne away twice before. So I was forced to live in the
Wood a moneth, betwixt the Rivers of Dande and Bengo.
[II.vii.979.] Then I went to Bengo again, to Mani Kaswea, & passed
The Lake of over the River, and went to the lake of Casansa. Here
CasoHsa, jg the greatest store of wild beasts, that is in any place of
Angola. About this lake I staid six monethes, & lived
only upon dried flesh, as Buffes, Deere, Mokokes,
Impolancas, and Ro-bucks, and other sorts which I killed
The manner of with my Musket, and dryed the flesh, as the Savages doe,
^j^ ^^l^A ^P^"^ ^^ Hurdle three foot from the ground, making
flesh. ^ underneath it a great fire, and laying upon the fle«h greene
boughes, which keepe the smoke and heate of the fire
downe, and dry it. I made my fire with two little stickes,
as the Savages use to doe. I had sometimes Guiney
Wheate, which my Negro Boy would get of the Inhabitants
for pieces of dryed flesh. This L&e of Casanze doth
abound with fish of simdry sorts. I have taken up a fish,
that hath skipped out of the water on shoare, foure foot
long, which the Heathen call Sombo. Thus after I had
liv^ sixe monethes with dryed flesh and fish, and seeing
no end of my miserie, I wrought meanes to get away.
In this Lake are many little Hands, that are fuU of
trees, called Memba ; which are as light as Corke, and as
He made a soft. Of these trees I built a JergMO, with a Knife of
^^ff^ ^ ^^^ Savages that I had, in the fashion of a Boat, nayled
with woodden pegs, and rayled round about, because
the Sea should not wash me out, and with a Blanket
Caza ^^^^ ^ ^*^' ^ made a sayle, and prepared three
faliethinto Oares to row withall. This Lake of Casanza is eight
Bengi. miles over, and issueth into the River Bengo. So I
390
ANDREW BATTELL ad.
1589-1607,
entred into my Gingado, and my two Negro Boyes, and
rowed into the River Bengo, and so came downe with the
current twelve leagues to the barre. Here I was in great
danger, because the Sea was great ; and being over the
barre, I rowed into the Sea, and then sayled afore the
wind along the Coast, which I knew very well, minding
to goe to the Kingdome of Longo, which is toward the
North : and being that night at &a, the next day I saw a
Pinnasse come before the wind, which came from the
Citie, and was bound to San Thome, and shee came neere
to mee. The Master was my great friend, for we had
beene Mates together, and for pitie sake he tooke me
in, and set me on shoare in the Port of Longo ; where I ^'^ toas three
remayned three yeares, and was well beloved of the •J^'^'^*
King, because I killed him Deere and Fowles with my ^*
Musket.
§. V.
Of the Province of Engoy, and other Regions of
Loango, with the Customcs there observed by
the King and people,
lom the Point of the Palmar, which is the North- ^^^^ ^^
side of the River Zaire, is the Port of Cabedna, ^^^^''•
where many ships use to water and refresh
themselves; and it is nve leagues Northwards. This
place is called Engoy, and is the first Province of Longo, ^wy *"' '^
and is fiiU of Woods and Thickets. And seven leagues ^fj^""''
North-wards of that place is the River Cacongo ; a very j*^ j^^^^
pleasant place and fruitfull. Here is great store of Cacwgo.
Elephants Teeth : and a Boat of ten tunnes may goe up
the River.
The Mombales have great Trade with them, and passe '^^ Mm-
the River Zaire in the night, because then it is calme; ^^''
and Carrie great store of Elephants Teeth to the Towne of
Mani Sonna, and sell them in the Port of Pinda to the
Portugals, or any other stranger, that first commeth. tj^ j^wr 0/
And foure leagues from Cacongo, is the River of Caye, C^j/.
391
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
or Longo Leuyes. This Towne of Cave is one of the
foure Seites or Lordships of Longo : and then the Angra,
Golfamdas or Gulfe das Ahnadias. In this Gulfe or Bay are great
Almadm. ^^^^ ^f Canoes and Fishermen, because the Sea is smoother
there, then upon the Coast. And two leagues North-
TA^ Port of ^^^ard is the Port of Longo. And it is a sandie Bay, and
^* a ship may ride within a Musket shot of the shoaie 10
foure or five fathomes.
The Towne of Mani Longo is three miles from the
waters side, and standeth on a great Plaine. This Towne
is full of Palme and Plantan Trees, and very fresh : and
their Houses are builded under the Trees. Their streets
are wide and long, and alwayes deane swept. The King
hath his Houses on the West-side, and before his dooie
hee hath a Plaine, where hee sitteth, when hee hath any
feasting or matters of warres to treate of. From this
Plaine there goeth a great wide street some Musket shot
from the place ; and there is a great Market every day,
and it doth begin at twelve of the docke.
Here is great store of Palme-dothes of simdry sorts,
which is their Merchandizes : and great store of Victuals,
Flesh, Hens, Fish, Wine, Oyle and Corne. Here is
Fine Logwood also very fine Logwood, which they use to dye withall : it
MoloMffu^or ig ^^ j,^^ ^f ^g Logwood, which is the best, and
^^^* Molangos of Copper. Here is likewise great store of
Ekphanu Elephants Teeth, but they sell none in the Market place.
The King hath ten great Houses, and is never certaine to
be found, but in the aftemoone, when he commeth to sit.
And then he keepeth alwayes one House. The House
is very long, and at twelve of the docke it is full of
Noblemen. They sit upon Carpets upon the ground.
The House is alwayes full of people till mid-night. The
last King Gembe, never used to speake in the day,' but
alwayes m the night. But this King speaketh in the day :
howbeit hee spendeth most of the day with his Wives.
And when the King commeth in, he goeth to the upper
end of the House, where hee hath his seate, as it were a
[II. vii. 980.] Throne. And when the King is set, they clap their hands
39"
ANDREW BATTELL ad.
1589-1607-
and salute him, saying in their Language ; Byani Pemba,
Ampola, Moneya, Quesinge.
On the South-side of the Kings Houses he hath a T^ ^^g
circuit or Village, where his Wives dwell: and in this ^^^*^
circuit no man may come in paine of death. He hath
in this place one hundred & fifty Wives and more. And
if any man be taken within his Circuit, if he be with a
woman, or doe but speake to her, they be both brought
into the Market place, and their heads bee cut off, and
their bodies qtiartered, and lye one day in the streets. The
last King Gymbe, had foure hundred children by his
women.
When the King drinketh he hath a cup of wine brought, Strang cus-
and he that bringeth it hath a Bell in his hand, and assoone f^^ v^rt^^-
as he hath delivered the cup to the King, hee turneth his
face from the King, and ringeth the Bell : and then all that
be there fall downe upon their faces, and rise not till the
King have drunke. And this is very dangerous for anv
stranger, that knoweth not the fashions : for if any seeth
the King drink, he is presendy killed, whatsoever he be. TyrannUall
There was a Boy of twelve yeares, which was the Kin^s ^*'^'^'-
Sonne ; This Boy chanced to come unadvisedly when his
Father was in drinking : presendy the King commanded
he should be well apparelled, & victuals prepared. So
the youth did eat & drink : afterward the King conunanded
that he should be cut in quarters, and carryed about the
Citie; with Proclamation that he saw the King drinke.
Likewise for his Dyet, when it is dinner time, there is an
House of purpose, where hee alwayes eateth ; and there
his Dyet is set upon a Bensa, like a Table : then hee goeth
in and hath the doore shut. So when he hath eaten, then
he knocketh and commeth out. So that none see the
King eat nor drinke. For it is their Beliefe, that if hee
bee scene eating or drinking, hee shall presently dye.
And this is an order with all the Kings that now are, or
shall succeed, unlesse they abolish this cruell custome.
This King is so honoured, as though hee were a God
among them: and is called Sambe and Pongo, that is,
393
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
ArrogaAng to Qod. And they bcleevc that he can give them raine,
pve raine. ^hen hee listeth. So once a yeare when it is time to raine ;
Itrmneth^re ^hich is in December, the people come to begge raine, and
icm er. j^j^-j^jg ^^itvr gifts to the King : for none come emptie.
Then he appointeth the day, and all the Lords farre and
neere come to that Feast with all their troupes, as they
goe in the warres. And when all the troupes of men be
before the King, the greatest Lord commeth forth with
his Bow and ^JTOwes, and sheweth his skill with his
weapons, and then he hath a merrie conceit or jest, that
he speaketh before the King, and kneeleth at his feet, and
then the King thanketh him for his love: and in like
manner they doe all. The King sitteth abroad in a great
place, and hath a Carpet spread upon the ground, which
is some fifteene fathomes about of fine Ensacks, which
are wrought like Velvet, and upon the Carpet his seat,
which is a fathome from the ground. Then he com-
mandeth his Dembes to strike up, which are Drums, so
great that they cannot carrie them, and others that are
very great. He hath also eight Pongos, which are his
Wayters, made of the greatest Elephants Teeth, and are
hollowed and scraped light : which play also. And with
the Drums and Waytes they make an hellish noyse. After
they have sported and shewed the King pleasure, he ariseth
and standeth upon his Throne, and taketh a Bow and
Arrowes in his hand and shooteth to the Skie, and that
day there is great rejoycing, because sometimes they have
Portcii of the raine. I was once there when the King gave raine, and it
Devils. chanced that day to raine mightily, which made the people
to have a great beliefe in their foUy.
Some white Here are sometimes borne in this Countrey white
children home children, which is very rare among them, for their Parents
ammg m. ^^ Negroes. And when any of them are borne, they bee
presented unto the King, and are called Dondos. These
are as white as any white man. These are the Kings
Witches, and are brought up in Witchcraft, and alwayes
wayte on the King. There is no man that dare meddle
with these Dondos. If they goe to the Market, they may
394
ANDREW BATTELL
take what they list, for all men stand in awe of them.
The King of Longo hath foure of them.
This King is also a Witch and beleeveth in two Idols,
which are in JLongo. The one is called, Mokisso k Longo,
the other is called, Checocke. This last is a little blacke
Image, and standeth in a little house, at a Village that is
called, Kinga, which standeth in the landing place of
Longo. This house of Checocke standeth in the high-
way, and they that go by clap their hands, which is the
courtesie of the Country. Those that be Crafts-men, as
Fishermen, Hunters & Witches do, offer to this Idol, that
they may have good lucke. This Checocke doth some-
times in the night come and haunt some of his best
Beloved : sometimes a man, sometimes a Boy, or a Woman.
And then they be franticke for the space of three houres.
And whatsoever the franticke Person speaketh, that is the
will of Checocke. And they make a great Feast and
dancing at his house.
There is another Mokisso, which is also in Kinga, and
it is called, Gomberi. It is the name of a woman, and is
in an house, where an old Witch dwelleth, and shee is
called, Ganga Gomberi, which is, the Priest of Gomberi.
Here once a yeare is a Feast made, and Ganga Gomberi
speaketh imder the ground. And this is a common thing
every yeare. I have asked the Negroes what it was, and
they told me, that it is a strong Mokisso, that is come to
abide with Checocke.
The children in this Countrey are borne white, and
change their colour in two dayes to a perfect blacke. As
for example, the Portugals which dwell in the Kingdome
of Congo, have sometimes children by the Negro Women,
and many times the Fathers are deceived, thinking when
the child is borne that it is theirs, and within two dayes it
proveth the sonne or daughter of a Negro; which the
Portugals doe greatly grieve at : for they rejoyce when
they have a Mulato child, though it be a bastard.
The Towne of Longo standeth in the middest of the
foure Lordships ; and is governed by foure Princes, which
395
A.D.
I589-I607.
Their Mekisso
and Checocke,
JVtliaff
called Kinga.
Mokisso
Gomberi,
Cobur of their
children when
they are borne,
[II.vii.981.]
Foure Princes
in Loango,
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
are the Kings sisters sonnes. For the Kings sonnes never
come to be Kings. The first is, Mani Cabang^o. The
second, Mani Salag. The third Mani Bock. The fourth,
Mani Cay. This Mani Caj is next to be King, and hath
his Traine and Court as a Prince. And when the King
dieth, he commeth presently into the seat of the King.
Then Mani Bock commeth to Giy : Mani Salag commeth
to Bock, and Mani Cabango commeth to Salag. And
then they provide another to goe to Cabango. So there
be foure Princes that wait to be Kings, when their tumes
come. The Mother of these Princes is called, Mani
Lombo : and shee is the highest and chiefe woman in all
the Land. Shee maketh choice of her husband, and when
shee is wearie of him, she putteth him away, and taketh
another. Her children are greatly honoured ; and who-
soever passeth by them, kneele downe and clap their
hands, which is the curtesie of the Countrie. These
Lordships are champaine pounds, and full of Corne, and
Fruit. The men in this Kingdome make great store of
Palme-doth of sundrie sorts, very fine and curious. They
are never idle : for, they make fine Caps of needle-worke,
as they goe in the streets.
Burial of their There is a place two leagues from the Towne of Longo,
fCtnp. called Longeri, where all their Kings be buried : and it is
compassed round about with Elephants teeth pitched in
the ground, as it were a Pale, and it is ten roods in
compasse.
}fo white man These people will sufli^er no white man to be buried in
may be buried (h^jj. Land. And if any Stranger or Portugall come
tn ongo. thither to trade, and chance to die, he is carried in a Boat
two miles from the shoare, and cast into the Sea. There
was once a Portugall Gentleman, that came to trade with
them, and had his nouse on shoare. This Gentleman died,
and was buried some foure moneths. That yeere it did
not raine so soone as it was wont, which beginneth about
December : so that they lacked raine some two moneths.
Then their Mokiso told them, that the Christian which was
buried, must be taken out of the earth, and cast into the
396
ANDREW BATTELL a.d,
1 589- 1 607.
Sea. And so he was taken up, and cast into the Sea ; and
within three dayes it rained: which made them have a
great beliefe in the Devill.
§. VL
Of the Provinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe,
Manikesocke, Motimbas : of the Ape-monster
Pongo, their hunting, Idolatries ; and divers
other observations.
the Eastward of Longeri is the Province of
Bongo, and it bordereth upon Mocoke, the Great Bongo.
Angeca is King. In this place is great store of
Iron, and ralme-cloth, and Elephants teeth, and great
store of Corne. To the North-east, is the Province of
Cango, and it is fourteene daves journey from the Towne
of Longo. This place is fuU or Mountaines and rockie
f'ound, and full of Woods, and hath great store of Copper,
he Elephants in this place doe excell. Here are so many,
that the people of Longo fetch great store of Elephants
teeth, and bring them to the Port of Longo.
To the Northwards of Longo three leagues is, the River
Quelle : and on the North side is, the Province of Calongo. Cakngo.
This Countrey is alwaies tilled, and full of Corne : and is
aU plaine and champaine nound, and hath great store of
Honie. Here are two httle Villages, that shew at Sea
like two homocks : which are the markes to know the Port
of Longo. And fifteene miles Northward is the River
Nombo : but it hath no depth for any Barke to goe in.
This Province, toward the East, bordereth upon Songo ;
and toward the North, upon Mayombe, which is nineteene
leagues from Longo, along the Coast.
This Province of Mayombe is all Woods and Groves ; Mayomhe.
so overgrowne, that a man may travaile twentie dayes in
the shadow without any Sunne or heat. Here is no kind
of Come nor Graine : so that the people liveth onely upon
Plantanes, and Roots of sundrie sorts very good, and
397
n
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
Nuts, nor any kind of tame Cattell, nor Hens. But they
have great store of Elephants flesh, which they greatly
esteeme ; and many kind of wild Beasts ; and great store
of Fish. Here is a great Sandy Bay, two leajgues to the
Cafe Negro is Southward of Cape Negro, which is the Port or Mayombe.
*Jemes'l» the Sometimes the Portugds lade Logwood in this Bay. Here
Swth of the ^s ^ g^^^ River, called Banna : m the Winter it hath no
Line. barre, because the generall winds cause a great Sea. But
Banna River, when the Sunne hath his South declination, then a Boat
may goe in : for then it is smooth because of the raine.
This River is very great and hath many Hands, and people
dwelling in them. The Woods are so covered with
Baboones, Monkies, Apes, and Parrots, that it will feare
any man to travaile in them alone. Here are also two
kinds of Monsters, which are common in these Woods,
and very dangerous.
II.vii.982.] The greatest of these two Monsters is called, Pongo,
GuJtZS' ^ ^^ their Language : and the lesser is called, Engeco. This
He told me in P^ngo is in all proportion like a man, but that he is more
conference like a Giant in stature, then a man: for he is very tall,
with Hm^that and hath a mans face, hollow eyed, with long haire upon
fm of these j^jg browes. His face and eares are without haire, and his
NemBoy^ hands also. His bodie is full of haire, but not very thicke,
hisy which suid it is of a dunnish colour. He differeth not from a
nvedamoneth man, but in his legs, for they have no calfe. Hee goeth
withthem. For alwaies upon his legs, and carrieth his hands clasped on the
Mw/ wMch^ ^^P^ ^^ ^^^ necke, when he goeth upon the ground. They
they surprise at sleepe in the trees, and buiU shelters for the raine. They
unawares, ex- feed upon Fruit that they find in the Woods, and upon
ce/>t they look Nuts, for they eate no kind of flesh. They cannot speake,
^^wlnded^^ and have no understanding more then a beast. The
He sMdf their People of the Countrie, when they travaile in the Woods,
htghthwasHke make fires where they sleepe in the night; and in the
a mansj but morning, when thev are gone, the Pongoes will come and
^il^ice^M^eat ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ *^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ' ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ "^ under-
l^saw*^^ Standing to lay the wood together. They goe many
Negro Boy. together, and kill many Negroes that travaue in the
'VS^xxis. Many times they fall upon the Elephants, which
398
ANDREW BATTELL a.d.
1589-6107.
come to feed where they be, and so beate them with their
clubbed fists, and pieces of wood, that they will runne
roaring away from them. Those Pongoes are never taken ^^*'"
alive, because they are so strong, that ten men cannot ^^f /i/
hold one of them : but yet they take many of their young ^^^^ Monsfer
ones with poisoned Arrowes. The young Pongo hangeth should be^ he
on his mothers bellie, with his hands fast cksped about her : hathfirgptun
so that, when the Countrie people kill any of the femals, %^ff'!^^
they take the young one, which hangeth fast upon his camtoay
mother. When thev die among themselves, they cover hand since Ms
the dead with great neapes of boughs and wood, which is ^^^f ^^tch
commonly found in the Forrests. '^iS^t-
The Morombes use to hunt with their Countrie Dogs, firences I
and kill many kinds of little beasts, and great store of mighthave
Pheasants. But their Dogs be dumbe and cannot barke at beamed. Per-
all. They hang woodden clappers about their neckes, and ^^' ^^
follow them by the ratling or the clappers. The Hunts- pi^eyPona^
men have Petes, which tney whistle their Dogs withall. killers, men-
These Dogs in all this Countrie are very little, with prickt tioned.
eares, and are for the most part red and dunne. The
Portugall mastie Dog, or any other great Dog are greatly
esteemed, because they doe barke. I have seene a Dog ^ Dog sold fir
sold up in the Countrie for thirtie pounds. thtrtte pounds.
In the Towne of Mani Mayombe is a Fetisso, called ^ T^'**^ ^-^
Maramba : and it standeth in an high basket made like an i^L^i,^^
Hive, and over it a great house. This is their house of The author
Religion: for they beleeve onely in him, and keepe his was twehe
lawes, and carrie his Reliques alwaies with them. They monetAssnthis
are for the most part Witches, and use their witchcraft for ^^*"''^-
hunting and killing of Elephants, and fishing, and helping
of sicke and lame men : and to fore-cast journeyes, whether
they shall speed well or evill. By this Maramba are all
thefts and murthers tried : for in this Countrie they use
sometimes to bewitch one another to death. And when
any dieth, their neighbours are brought before Maramba :
and if it be a great man that diefli, the whole Towne
commeth to sweare. The order is, when they come before
Maramba, to kneele and claspe Maramba in their armes,
399
A.D.
1589-1607.
All Angola
circumcised.
His travaile to
Mani Kesock,
Mani Seat.
PURCHAS HIS PILGKIMES
and to say ; Emeno, eyge bcmbet Maramba : that is, I
come to be tried, O Maramba. And if any of them be
guiitie, they fall downe starke dead for ever. And if any
of them that sweare hath killed any man or child before,
although it be twentie yeeres past, hee presently dieth.
And so it is for any other matter. From this place as
fkrre as it is to Cape De lopo Gonsalves, they are all of
this superstition. I was twelve moneths in this place, and
saw many die after this sort.
These people be circumcised, as they be through all
Angola, except the Kingdome of Congo, for they are
Christians. And those that will be sworne, to Maramba,
come to the chiefe Gangas, which are their Priests, or
Men-witches ; as Boyes of twelve yeeres of age, and men
and women. Then the Gangas put them into a darke
house, and there they remaine certaine dayes with very
hard diet : after this they are let abroad, and commanded
not to speake for certaine dayes, what injurie soever they
be olIFered : so that they suffer great penurie before they
bee sworne. Lastly, they are brought before Maramba,
and have two markes cut upon both their shoulders before,
like an halfe Moone ; and are sworne by the bloud that
felleth from them, that they shall be true to him. They
are forbidden some one kind of flesh, and some one kind of
fish, with many other toyes. And if they eate any of this
forbidden meate, they presently sicken and never prosper.
They all carrie a relique of Maramba in a little boxe, and
hang it about their necks, under their left armes. The
Lord of this Province of Mayombe, hath the Ensigne or
shape of Maramba carried before Mm, whithersoever he
goeth ; and when he sitteth downe, it is set before him ;
and when he drinketh his Palme-wine, the first cup is
powred at the foote of the Mokiso, or IdoU ; and when he
eateth any thing whatsoever, the first piece he throweth
toward his left hand, with enchanting words.
From Cape Negro Northward is a great Lord, called
Mani Seat; which hath the greatest store of Elephants
teeth of any Lord in the Kingdome of Longo: for, his
400
ANDREW BATTELL ad.
1589-1607.
people practise nothing else but to kill Elephants. And
two of those Negroes will easily kill an Elephant with
their darts. And here is great store of Logwood. ^^^^^ ^^^ 9f
There is another Lord to the Eastward, which is called ^ff^^-
Mani Kesock, and he is eight dayes journey from Mani Kesock.
Mayombe. Heere I was with my two Negro Boyes, to [II- v". 983-]
buy Elephants haires and tayles ; and in a moneth I bought Twentie thou-
twentie thousand, which I sold to the Portu^s for thirtie 1*^/^^^^
Slaves, and all my charges borne. From this place I sent ^
one of my Negro Boyes to Mani Seat with a Looking- 'fT^f
flasse: he did esteeme it much, and sent me foure „ard7fCape
Uephants teeth, (very great) by his owne men; and ffegro^ which
desired me to cause the Portugals, or any other shippe, ifahoutsix-
to come to the Northward of the Cape Negro, and hee t^^^gr^^^^
would make fires where his landing place is: For there ^^r^
was never yet any PortugaU, or other stranger in that
place.
To the North-east of Mani Kesock, are a kind of little TheMatimbas
people, called Matimbas ; which are no bigger then Boyes ^P^^rf
of twelve yearcs old, but are very thicke, and live onely ^s^tJ^ akind
upon flesh, which they kill in the Woods with their Bowes ofPigmeys.
and Darts. They pay tribute to Mani Kesock, and bring
all their Elephants teeth and tayles to him. They wifl
not enter into any of the Marombos houses, nor will
sufl^er any to come where they dwell. And if by chance
any Maramba, or people of Longo passe where they dwell,
they will forsake that place, and go to another. The
Women carry Bow and Arrowes as well as the Men. And Women using
one of these will walke in the Woods alone, and kill the ^J^^' ^^
Pongos with their poysoned Arrowes. I have asked the '^^^'•
Marombos, whether the Elephant sheddeth his teeth or ElephantSy
no? And they say no. But sometimes they finde their ^^f^^
teeth in the Woods, but they find their bones also. ^^^
When any man is suspected for any olIFence, he is carried
before the King, or before Mani Bomma, which is as it
were a Judge under the King. And if it be upon matter
that hee denyeth, and cannot be proved but by their oath ;
then the suspected person is thus sworne. They have a
VI 401 a c
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
kind of roote which they call Imbondo. This roote is
very strong, and is scraped into water. The vertue of this
roote is, that if they put too much of it into the water, the
person that drinketh it cannot voyd urine: and so it
striketh up into the braine, as though hee were drunke,
and he falleth downe as though he were dead. And those
that fall are counted as guiltie, and are punished.
In this Countrey none of any account dyeth, but they
The vertue of kill another for him : for they beleeve they dye not of their
tm^^ IT' ^^^^ naturall death, but that some other hath bewitched
toidmethat Aem to death: And all those are brought in by the
this root makes friends of the dead which they suspect ; so that many times
the footer as there come five hundred men and women to take the
^IS^taTtedu! ^""^'^^J "^^^^ ^^ *^ foresaid root, Imbonda. They are
and mteroot brought all to the High-streete or Market-place, and there
toill serve to the master of the Imbonda sitteth with his water, and
try one hun- giveth every one a cup of water by one measure : and
'^rh aJ^ ^y ^^ commanded to walke in a certaine place till they
^nrnkeand ^^^^ water, and then they be free: But he that cannot
made water urine, presently falleth downe, and all the people great and
after are small rail upon him with their knives, and beate and cut
^^Tyfd^^' ^^"^ ^^^^ pieces. But I thinke the Witch that giveth the
^s^tah^m ^^^^^ ^^ partiall, and giveth to him whom he will have to
they cryy Un- dye the strongest water, but no man * can perceive it that
doke^ Undoke, standeth by. And this is done in the Towne of Longo,
and presently almost every week in the yeare.
execute them.
See my Relat. * And therefore that conjecture seems unprobable. For how could
/. 7. r. 10. an ordinary tryall of life where are so many so perilous; and therefore
folnch I writ curious (more then) spectators, not perceive this in so long and frequent
from his mouth, experience, which costs so many their dearest friends their dearest life?
Neither may I thinke rather that this was the transcribers conjecture. I remember
tMs he ascribed no such scruple in his Narrations to me, who knowes not the Devils
to the vertue of ambition of Deity, and cruell Misanthropie or man-hating? This is
the herbey but his Apish imitation of Divinity, and those Rites prescribed for triall
to the vice of in case of Jealousie, Num. 5. In Guinea like triall is made by Salt,
Deviliy a mur- and also by the Fetisseroes pot. In Benomotapa, by a water also :
therer and his in the Moramba triall before, and Motamba triall by hot Iron in
Instruments. Angola; the Plough-shares in old times with us: and the tryall of
The Ganga or Witches still in the East parts by water, &c. were not unlike in deceive-
Priest, able supentition.
402
ANDREW BATTELL a.d.
1589-1607.
§. VII.
Of the Zebra and Hippopotamus : The Portugals
Warres in those parts: The Fishing, Graine,
and other things remarkable.
this Kingdome there is no kind of tame Cattle
but Goats; for none other Catde will live here.
Oxen and Kine have beene brought hither, but
they presently dye: The Hennes in this place doe so
abound, that a man may buy thirtie for the worth of sixe
pence in Beads. Heere is store of Pheasants, and great
plenty of Partridges, and wilde Fowle. Here is a kind Plenty of mliU
of Fowle that lives in the Land bigger then a Swan, and ^^^*
they are like an Heron, with long leeges, and long neckes,
and it is white and blacke, and hath in her breast a bare
place without Feathers, where she striketh with her Bill.
This is the right Pelican, and not those Sea Birds which ^^ right
the Portugals call Pelicans, which are white, and as bigge ^^^^•
as Geese, and those abound in this Country also.
Here is also the Zevera or Zebra, which is Uke an The Zevera
horse ; but that his mane, his taile, his strakes of divers ^ ^^^^'
colours downe his sides and legges, doe make a difference.
These Zeveras are all wilde, and live in great herds, and [II.v1i.984.]
will suffer a man to come within shot of them, and let
them shoote three or foure times at them before they will
runne away.
Moreover, there are great store of Sea or River Horses, The Hiffo-
which feed alway on the Land, and live onely by Grasse, ^^^fj^j^
and they be very dangerous in the water. They are the
biggest creature in this Countrey, except the Elephant:
They have great vertue in the dawes of their left fore-
foote, and have foure dawes on every foot, like the clawes
of an Oxe. The Portugals make Rings of them, and they ^^^^J^t .
are a present remedy for the Fluxe. IZxe
The Portugals make Mrarre against the Negroes in this ThePort-wars
manner. They have out of Congo a Noble-man, which in Congo.
is knowne to be a good Christian, and of good behaviour.
403
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
He bringeth out of Congo some one hundred N^roes
that are his followers. This Macicongo is made Tandala,
'^f^i^hi^h^^ or Generall over the blacke Campe ; and hath authoritie
Camped ^ ^^ '^^^J ^^ P^^ downe Lords, and make Lords, and hath all
the cheefe doings with the Negroes. And when any Lord
commeth to obey ; first he commeth to the Tandala and
bringeth his present ; as Slaves, Kine, and Goats : Then
the Tandala carrieth him before the Portugall Governour,
and bringeth two Slaves for the Governours Page before
he goeth in. Then he must have a great gift for the
Governour ; which is sometimes, thirtie or fortie Slaves,
besides Cattle. And when he commeth before the Gover-
nour, he kneeleth downe and dappeth his hands, and
falleth downe with his face upon the ground, and then he
riseth and saith; I have beene an enemy, and now I
protest to be true, and never more to lift my hand against
you. Then the Governour calleth a Souldier which hath
deserved a reward, and giveth the Lord to him. This
Soiildier seeth that he have no wrong: and the Lord
acknowledgeth him to be his Master ; and he doth main-
taine the Souldier, and maketh him rich. Also, in the
warres he commandeth his Masters house to be built before
his owne : and whatsoever he hath taken that day in the
warres, he parteth with his Master. So that there is no
Portugall Soiildier of any account, but he hath his Negro
Soua, or Lord.
Their Fislnng They use Upon this Coast to Fish with harping Irons,
en the Coast. ^^^ waite upon a great Fish that commeth once a day to
feed along the shoare, which is like a Grampas. Hee
runneth very neere the shoare, and driveth great skuls of
Fish before him : and the Negroes runne along the shoare,
as fast as they are able to tollow him, and strike their
Harping Irons round about him, and kill great store of
Fish, and leave them upon the Sand till the Fish hath
done feeding ; and then they come and gather their Fish
up. This Fish will many times runne himselfe on
[II.vii.985.] ground, but they will presently shove him off againe,
which is as much as foure or five men can doe. They call
404
ANDREW BATTELL ajx
1589-1607.
him Emboa, which is in their speech, A Dogge ; and will
by no meanes hurt or kill any of them. Also, they use
in the Bayes and Rivers, where shoald water is, to Fish ^ strange kiffd
with Mats, which are made of long Rushes, and they make rffi^^^S^^^
them of an hundred fathoms long. The Mats swim upon
the Water, and have long Rushes hanging upon one edge
of the Mat, and so they draw the Mat in compasse, as
we doe our Nets. The Fishes fearing the Rushes that
hang downe, spring out of the water, and fall upon the
Mat that lyeth flat on the water, and so are taken.
They have foure sorts of Corne in Longo: The first, Foaresoruof
is called Masanga, and it groweth upon a straw as bigge ^*'*'*«^^*^'
as a Reede, and hath an eare a foote long, and is like
Hemp-seed. The second, is called Masembala. This is
of great increase : for of one kernell there springs foure
or five Canes, which are tenne foote high, and they beare
halfe a pinte of Corne a peece. This graine is as big
as Tares, and very good. Thirdly, they have another
that groweth low Uke Grasse, and is very like Mustard-
seed: and this is the best. They have also the great
Guiney Wheate, which they call Mas-impota. This is
the least esteemed.
They have very good Peason, somewhat bigger then Two sorts of
ours : but they grow not as ours do. For the poodes grow ^^^'" ^^
on the rootes imderneath the ground ; and by their leaves ^^ ^^'
they know when they be ripe. They have another kind
of Peason, which they call Wandos. This is a little tree ;
and the first yeare that it is planted, it beareth no fruit :
but after it beareth fruit three yeares, and then it is cut
downe.
Their Plantan trees beare fruit but once, and then are
cut downe : and out of the root thereof spring three or
foure young ones.
They have great store of Hony, which hangeth in the Their Hony.
Elicondy Trees. They gather it with an hollow piece
of Wood or Chest, which they hang in the top of the
Tree, and once a yeare it is full, by smoake, rewarding the
laborious Creatures with robbery, exile, death.
4^5
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1589-1607.
laddidtik nr^His Alicunde or Elicondy Tree is very tall, and
^^fi^^f exceeding great; some as big as twelve men can
^^utomi ^^o"^c> spreading like an Oake; some of them are
selfe. Other hollow, and from die liberall sides receive such plentie of
Uke tJun^you water, that they are Hospitall entertainers of thousands in
mpfinifrm that thirstie Re£;ion. Once have I knowne three or fouie
scJurUbtm ^'^^^^^^^^^'^ remaine at one of those Trees, and thence
Pilgrimaff. receiving all their watery provision for foure and twentie
houres, and yet not emptie. The Negroes climbed up
with pegges of hard Woode (which that softer easily
receiveth, the smoothnesse not admitting other climbing)
and I thinke that some one Tree holds fortie tunne of
water. This Tree ailFoords no lesse bountifuU hospitality
to the backe then belly, yeelding (as her belly to their
bellies, so) her backe to their backes : excepting that this
is better from the younj^er Trees, whose tenderer backes
being more seasonable for Discipline, are soundly beaten
(for mans fault, whence came the first nakednesse) whereby
one fathome cut from the Tree, is extended into twentie,
and is presently fit for wearing, though not so fine as the
ThiJuzanda. Juzanda tree yeelds. This tree yeelds excellent doath
from the inner barke thereof by like beating. Of their
Palme Trees, which they keepe with watering and cutting
every yeare; they make Velvets, Sattins, TafFataes,
Damaskes, Sarcenets, and such like; out of the leaves
cleansed and purged, drawing long threads, and even for
that purpose. They draw Wine (as is said) from the Palme
Tree ; there is another kind of Palme Tree, which beareth
a fruite good for the stomacke, and for the Liver
most admirable.
One Crocodile was so huge and greedy, that he devoured
an Alibamba, that is, a chained company of eight or nine
Slaves : but the indigestible Iron paid him his wages, and
murthered the murtherer, found after in his belly. I have
seene them watch their prey, haling in gennet,Man or other
Creature into the water. But one Souldier thus wrapt in
shallower water, drew his knife, tooke his Taker in the
belly and slue him.
406
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO
A.D.
1588.
Chap. IIIL [ll.vii.986.]
A report of the Kingdome of Congo, a Rpgion of
Affrica: Gathered bv Philippo Pigafetta,* out * Jnno isss.
of the Discourses of Master Edward Lopes a
Portugall, translated out of Italian into English,
by Master Abraham Hartwell, and here ab-
reviated,
§. I.
The journey by Sea from Lisbone to the Kingdome
of Congo : Of the Ayre, Winds, Raines,|Tem-
perature thereof.
N the yeare 1588. when Don Sebastian
King of Portugall, embarked himselfe
for the Conquest of the Kingdome of
Morocco : Edward Lopes borne at Bene-
ventum U place foure and twentie miles
distant from Lisbone, neere upon the
South shore of the River Tagus) sayled
likewise in the moneth of Aprill towards the haven of
Loanda, situate in the Kingdome of Congo, in a ship
called S. Anthony, belonging to an Uncle of his, and
charged with divers marchandises for that Kingdome:
And it was accompanied with a Patache (which is a small ^^^^}r ^
vessell) whereunto the ship did continually yeeld good apfMosse/'^
guard, and ministred great releefe, conducting and guiding
the same with lights in the night time, to the end it should
not lose the way, which the shippe it selfe did kecpe. He
arrived at the Island of Madera, belonging to the King of J^^'^^ ^
Portugall, distant from Lisbone about sixe hundred miles, ^^^'
where he remained fifteene dales, to furnish himselfe with
fresh Victuall and Wine; which in great abundance
groweth in that Island, yea and in mine opinion the best
m the world, whereof they carry abroad great store into
divers Countries, and especially into England. He pro-
407
A.l>.
1588.
The Canaries.
Isle o/S.
Anthony.
Isle c/S.
James.
*These
generaU mnds
are the Etesii^
which blow
from some
Northerly
point unto
ttoentie nine
degrees South
latitude. For
about sixe
moneths
together fir
this cause they
use to set of
toward
Brasil^ to
gaine the wind
and retume to
Congo.
IsleofS.Elenay
allofEben-
wood.
l^URCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
vided there also sundry other Confections and Conserves
of Sugar, which in that Island are made and wrought both
in great quantity, and also singular excellency. From this
Island they departed, leaving all the Canaries belonging
to Castile, and tooke haven at one of the Islands of Cape
Verde, called S.Anthony, without having any sight thereof
before they were come upon it : and from thence to another
called S. Jacopo, which commandeth all the rest, and hath
a Bishop & a Chaplaine in it, that rule and goveme
them: and here they provided themselves againe of
victuals. These Islands of Cape Verde were established
by Ptolomee in the Tables of his Geography, to be the
beginning of the West, together with the Cape or Pro-
montorie which he termeth Cornu ultimum, or the Islands
Macarie or Blessed, which we commonly call Fortiuiate.
In these Islands of Cape Verde : the Portugals do often
arrive, and in those Countries do Trafficke with sundry
marchandises, as little balles of divers coloured Glasse,
and other such things, wherein those people doe greatly
delight, and Holland cloath, and Caps and Knives, and
coloured Clothes : In exchange whereof they bring backe
againe, Slaves, Waxe, Hony, with other kind of food,
and Cotten-cloth of sundry colours.
Now the shippe called S.Anthony, holding on his course,
met with the generall windes,* and then turned their Prow
and their Sayles, by North, and by North-west on the
right hand towards the Kingdome of Congo. And sayling
on-wards closely with the halfe shippe, they came in twelve
daies and twelve nights, to the Island of S. Elena, not
looking for the same, nor thinking of it. This Island was
so called, because of the Feast day of S. Helena, which
falleth upon the third day of May, it was by the Portugals
first descried. And as it is very small, so is it (as it were)
singular by it selfe: for being situate in the height of
sixteene degrees towards the Antarctike, it containeth in
compasse nine miles about, and is farre distant from the
iirme Land.
From the Island of S. Helena, they made sayle with the
408
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.i>.
1588.
same weather, and so widiin the space of seventeene dales
came to the haven of Loanda, which is in the Province of ^^ Port^f
Congo, the winds being somewhat more cahne then they -''^^^•
were afore. This is a very sure and great haven, so called
of an Island of the same name, whereof we shall speake
hereafter.
There are two courses of sayling from the Island of Thetectrnd
Cape Verde to Loanda; the one of them now declared, J^jT^I^^^
which being never used afterwards, was at the first
attempted and performed by the same shippe wherein
Signor Odoardo went, being then guided by Francisco
Martinez the Kings Pilot, a man very greatly experienced
in those Seas, and the first that ever conducted vessell by
that way: the other is atchieved by passing along the
Coast or the firme Land. From the Island of San Jacomo,
they came to Cape Das Palmas, and from thence direct DelasPalmas.
themselves to the Island of San Thomas, which lyeth The hk ofS.
under the Equinoctiall ; so called, because it was discovered J.^^' ,
upon that day, wherein the Feast of that Apostle is used ^ '^"'^ ''^
to be celebrated. It is distant from the firme Land, one
hundred and eightie miles, right against the River, called
Gaban, which is so termed because it is in shape very like
to that kind of Vesture, that it is called a Gaban, or a
Cloke.
The Haven thereof is fore-dosed with an Hand that The Haven of
raiseth it selfe in the Channell of the River, whereunto ^' ^^***«^-
the Portugals doe sayle with small Barkes from Saint
Thomas Hand, carrying thither such things as usually they
carrie to the Coast or Guinea, and from thence carrying
backe with them Ivorie, Waxe and Honey, Gyle of Palme,
and Blacke-moore slaves. Neere to the Hand of Saint
Thomas, towards the North lyeth another Hand, called
the He of the Prince, distant from the firme Land one The Ik of the
hundred and five miles, being^ of the same condition and £^*^^ f^
Trafllicke, that the He of Samt Thomas is, although in Thomas.
circuit some-what lesse. This Hand of Saint Thomas is
in fashion almost round, and in breadth contayneth sixtie
miles, and in compasse one hundred and eightie. Very
409
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
Gnat rich it is and of great trafficke, discovered at the first and
trafficki. conquered by the Portugals, at such time as they be&an
the conquest of the Indies. It hath divers Havens, but
the principall and chiefest of all, whereinto the Vessels
arriving there, doe with-draw themselves, is in the place,
where the Citie standeth.
Sugar. The Iland breedeth an infinite deale of Sugar, and almost
Ckurchis. all kinds of victuals. In the Citie there are some Churches,
and a Bishop, with many Clerkes and one Chaplain or
A Castle. Priest. There is also a Castle, with a Garrison and
Artillerie in it, which beate upon the Haven, beeing a
verie great and safe Port, where many ships may nde.
But a very strange and admirable thing it is, that when
the Portugals did first come thither, there was no Sugar
there planted, but they brought it thither from other
Ginger. Coimtries : as they did Ginger also, which tooke roote,
and grew there in most abundant manner. The soyle
indeed is moyst, and as it were appropriated to foster the
Sugar-cane, which without any other watering, multiplyeth
of it selfe, and fructifieth infinitely : the reason whereof
is, because the dew falleth there like raine, and moysteneth
the Earth.
Seventie There are in this Iland above seventie Houses or
huses to make presses for making of Sugar, and every Presse hath many
ugar in. Cottages about it as though it were a Village, and there may
bee about some three hundred persons that are appointed
for that kind of worke : They doe every yeare loade about
fortie great ships with Sugar. True it is, indeed, that not
^?[^" ^«r/- long agoe the Wormes (as it were a plague to that Land)
■^' have devoured the roots of the Canes, and destroyed the
fruits of their Sugar, in such sort as now of the fortie
ships, they doe not loade above five or sixe Vessels with
that Merchandize.
The Iland of Saint Thomas holdeth Trafficke with the
people that dwell in the firme Land, which do usually
Tk^R' nd ^^^^ ^^ ^^ mouthes or entries of their Rivers : The first
Uland of whereof (to begin withall) is named the River of Fernando
Fermmdo Poo. di Poo, that is to say, of Fernando Pouldre, who did first
410
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
discover the same, and lyeth in five degrees towards our
Pole. Right against the mouth of it, riseth an Hand of
the same name, lying thirtie and sixe miles distant from
it. The second River is called Bora, that is to say. Filth : River^ Bora,
The third. La riviera del Campo. The fourth, di San LaRivuraM
Benedetto, and the fifth, that of Angra, which in the ^f*^-
mouth of it hath an Hand, caUed di Corisco, that is g^J,^^^
to say, Thimder. All these doe Trafficke the same Mer- j^ip^r, £
chandizes, which we mentioned before. Angra.
But to retume to the Voyage of Saint Thomas : depart- '^^/^ e/"
ing from thence towards the South, we found the Cape of ^^^q'^^^ ^f
Lupo Gonzale, which standeth in the altitude or one LupoGmzak.
degree beyond the Equinoctiall towards the Pole Antarc- Zdriy the
tike, one himdred and five miles distant from the foresaid ^«^'^ R^^^
He. And from thence they saile with Land winds, ^f^^&^
creeping still all along the Coast, and every day casting
Anchor in some safe place either behind some point, or
else in some Haven, untill they come to the mouth of the
greatest River in Congo, called in their Tongue Zaire,
which signifieth in Latine, Sapio, (in English, I know.)
From whence if yee will goe through to the Haven of '^Here he^n-
Loanda, ye must saile the length of one hundred and *^th the second
fourescorc miles. Ki?X
The Kingdome * of Congo in the middle part thereof, „^k method
is distant from the Equinoctiall towards the Pole Antarc- / have fir
tike (just where the Citie called Congo doth lye) seven ^rev%^
degrees and two thirds: so that it standeth imder the ^^f^^^
Region which ancient Writers thought to be unhabitable, /^J^ Para-
and called it Zona Torrida. gra^.
The habitation there is exceeding good, the Ayre beyond The tempera-
all credit temperate, the Winter nothing so rough, but is ^^ ^f^
rather like Autumne in Rome. The people use no Furres, ^^^i^^-
nor change of apparell, they come not neere the fire,
neither is the cold in the tops of the Mountaynes greater
then that which is in the Plaines : but generally in Winter
time, the Ayre is more hot then it is in Summer, by
reason of their continuall raines, and especially about two
houres before and after noone, so that it can hardly be
411
A.D.
1588.
The com-
flexum of the
people.
[II.vii.988.]
Small tnffir-
ence bettoeeu
their Jayes
and nights.
Their Winter
and Summer,
The toinds in
this Countrey
in Winter
time.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
endured. The men are blacke, and so are the women, and
some of them also somewhat inclining to the colour of
the wild Olive. Their hayre is blacke and curled, and
some also red. The stature of the men is of an indifferent
bignesse, and excepting their blacknesse they are very like
to the Portugals. The apples of their eyes are of divers
colours, blacke and of the colour of the Sea. Their lips
are not thicke, as the Nubians and other Negroes are : and
so likewise their countenances are some fat, some leane,
and some betweene both, as in our Coimtries there are,
and not as the Negroes of Nubia and Guinea, which are
very deformed. Their nights and their dayes doe not
greatly differ, for in all the whole yeare yee shall not
discerne the difference betweene them to bee more then a
quarter of an houre.
The Winter in this Countrey (to speake at large) begin-
neth at the same time, that oiu: spring heere beginneth,
that is to say, when the Sunne entreth mto the Northeme
Signes, in the moneth of March. And at the same time
that wee have our Winter, when the Sunne entreth into
the Southerne Signes in the moneth of September, then
beginneth their Summer. In their Winter it rayneth five
monethes almost continually, that Is to say, in Aprill, May,
June, July and August. Of faire dayes they have but a
few, because the rame falleth so greatly, and the drops of
it are so big, as it is a wonder to see. These waters doe
marvellously supple the ground, which is then very dry,
by reason of the heate of the Summer past, wherein it
never rayneth for the space of sixe monethes together,
and after the ground is full, and as it were ingorged with
water, then do the Rivers swell beyond all credit, and are
so replenished with troubled waters, that all the Coimtrey
is surrounded by them.
The winds which blow in these Moones through all
this Region, are the very selfe-same that Caesar calleth by
a Greeke word Etesii, that is to say. Ordinary every yeare :
whereby are meant those winds that in the Card are noted
from the North to the West, and from the North to the
41a
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d,
1588.
North-east. These winds do drive the Cloudes to the
huge and high mountaynes, whereupon they rush with
very great violence, and being there stayed or their owne
nature, they are afterwards melted into water. So that
when it is likely to raine, you shall see the Cloudes
standing (as it were) upon the tops of their highest hils.
And hence ariseth the increasing and augmentation of The cause of
the Rivers that spring in ^Ethiopia, and especially of Nilus \f-t^^^^ ^
and others, that discharge themselves into the East and other Riveniu
West Ocean. And in the Kingdome of Congo and JBthufia.
Guinea, through which runneth the River Niger, so called ^ ^^^^
by the ancient Writers ; and by the new, termed Senega, ^^» ^
you shall see the said River increase at the very selfe-same rutJelSk West-
time that Nilus doth; but indeed carrieth his waters ward.
towards the West, directly against the Hands of Cape
Verde, whereas Nilus runneth by the He of Meroe in ^ilus nmneth
Egypt towards the North, refreshing and watering all those ^^rth-ward.
Regions that are fiill of scorching Heates, and Wilder-
nesses, and Deserts.
Now, for as much as in the Regions of Congo and
Ethiopia, it is alwayes woont to raine every yeare at a
certaine set time, the swelling and over-flowing of the
Rivers there, is of no great consideration, nor any strange
accident to make account of. But in the Countries, that
are farre distant and very dry, as in Egypt, where it never Itseldme
raineth (saving onely in Alexandria, and the Territories ^"^/i^
thereof) it is accounted a marvellous matter, to see every J^li^ Alex-
yeare so great a quantitie of thicke troubled water come aairia^ and
upon them, from places so remote, at a certaine set time, theramwhich
without missing: which water doth quicken the ground, *^^\f^^^
and mmistreth food both to man and beast.
This is then the cause of the increase of Nilus, and
other Rivers in that Climate, whereof the Ancients of olde
times made so great doubt, and invented so many Fables
and Errours.
But in their Summer, which is our Winter, there blow ThetrtaiMdtia
other winds that are quite opposite to the former, even in ^*"^''" ^^^•
Diametro, and are noted in the Carde, from the South to
413
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
the Southeast, which out of all question must needs be
cold, because thev breathe from the contrarie Pole Antarc-
tike, and coole all those Countries, even for all the World
as our winds in Summer doe coole our Countries. And
whereas, there with them, these winds doe make the Ayre
very faire and cleere, so doe they never come unto us, but
they bring with them great store of raine.
And certainly, if the breath of these winds did not
refresh and coole these Countries of ^Ethiopia, and Congo,
and other places neere about them, it were not possible
for them to endure the heate, considering that even in the
night time they are constrayned to hang two coverings over
C<w^»^e^itf/ fhem to keepe away the heate. The same cooling and
brfezem^ ^ ' refreshing by winds, is common also to the Inhabitants of
winds. the He of Candie, and of the Hands in Archipelago, and
of Cyprus, and of Asia the lesse, and of Soria, and of
Egypt, which doe live (as it were) with this refreshing of
the rore-said winds of the North-west, and of the West :
so that they may well bee called as they are in Greeke,
Zepheri, quasi ^wi<f>6poiy breeders of life.
Let it be also remembred, that in the mountaines of
iEthiopia, and of Congo, and the Regions neare adjoyning,
there ralleth no Snow, neither is there any at all in the
very tops of them, saving onely towards the Cape of Good
Hope, and certaine other hils, which the Portugals call,
Sierra Nevada, that is to say, the Snowie Mountaines.
No Snow nor Neither is there any Ice or Snow to bee found in all the
^tAiopia or ^ountrey of Congo, which would be better esteemed there
Congo. ^hen Gold, to mingle with their drinkes: So that the
Rivers there doe not swell and increase by melting of
Snow, but because the raine doth fell out of the Cloudes
for five whole Moones continually together, that is to say,
in Aprill, May, June, Jxily, and August: the first raine
sometimes beginning on the fifteenth day, and sometimes
after. And this is the cause why the new waters of Nilus,
which are so greatly desired and expected by the Inhabi-
tants there, doe arrive sooner or later in Egypt.
4H
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
§. 11. [Ii.vii.989.]
Of the circuit of the Kingdome of Congo, and of
the borders and confines thereof; As also of
divers bordering Nations: and remarkeable
Rarities therein.
Die Kingdome of Congo, is distingixished by foure
borders : The first, of the West, which is watered
with the Ocean Sea : The second, of the North :
The third, of the East ; and the last, which is towards the
South.
And to beginnc with the border lying upon the Sea, the V^J^^^^^^
first part of it is in the Bay; called Seno delle Vacche, ^^^
and is situate in the height of thirteene degrees upon the
Antarctike-side, and stretcheth all along me Coast unto
foure degrees and a halfe on the North-side, neere to the
Equinoctiall ; which space contayneth six hundred and
thirtie miles. This Seno delle Vacche, is a Haven but of
a moderate bignesse, and yet a good one, and able to
receive any ship that arriveth. It is called Seno delle
Vacche, that is to say, The Bay of Cowes, because there- '^^ ^^y ^f
abouts there are pasturing very many Herds of that king ^^''•
of Cattle. The Countrey is plaine^ and aboundeth with aD
manner of victuals, and there you shall find some kind of
Metals to be publikelv sold, especially silver, and it is
subject to the King or Angola.
A little more forward Iveth the River Bengleli, where a ^^^^^
certaine Lord, beeing subject to the King of Angola, doth ^^ '
specially command : and about the saicT River is a great
compasse of Countrey, much like to the former. And a
little further runneth the River Songa, so called by the ^'^'^wr
Portugals : wherein you may sayle five and twentie miles ^^^'
upwards in a Countrey also like to the former.
Then followeth the River Coanza, which issueth out The River
of a little Lake, fed by a certaine River that floweth out ^«^^-
of a great Lake, being the chiefe and principall Spring or
Head of Nilus, whereof in the other part of this Discourse
415
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
wee shall have occasion to write. Coanza, at the mouth of
it is two miles broad, and you may sayle with small Barkes
upwards against the streame about one hundred miles, but
hath no Haven. And here it is to bee noted, that all this
Countrey which we have here described, was wont to be
subject to the King of Congo: but awhile agoe the
Governour of that Countrey is become the absolute Lord
thereof, and professcth himselfe to be a friend to the King
of Congo, but not his Vassall: and yet sometimes he
sendeth the King some Present, in manner of a tribute.
Thellandof Beyond the River Coanza, is the Haven of Loanda,
Loantia, being in ten degrees, made (as it is said) by a certaine
Hand, called Loanda, which signifieth in that Language,
Bald, or Shaven; because it is a Coimtrey without anv
hils and very low: for, indeed, it scarce rayseth it scire
above the Sea. This Hand was framed of the sand and
durt of the Sea, and of the River Coanza, whose waves
meeting together, and the filthy matter sinking downe
there to the bottome, in continuance of time it grew to be
an Hand. It may be about twentie miles long, and one
mile broad at the most, and in some places but onely a
bow-shoot. But it is a marvellous thing, that in such a
sandie ground, if you shall digge to the depth of two or
three hand-br^thes, you shaU find sweet water, the best
Strange waur in all those Countries. Wherein also there is avery strange
spnnff. effect, that when the Ocean ebbeth, this water becommeth
somewhat salt, but when it floweth to the top, it is most
sweet. A thine^ that falleth out also in the Hand of Cadis
in Spaine, by the report and testimonie of Strabo.
The money of This Hand is the Mine of all the Money which the
Congo. j^jj^g ^f Congo spendeth, and all the people thereabouts.
For upon the shoares you shall have certaine women, that
use to dive and ducke into the Sea, two yards deepe and
more, and fill their baskets with sand, and afterwards
divide the gravell from certaine small Shel-fishes that are
among it, which are called Lumache: and when these
Lumache are severed by themselves, then doe they picke
out the Males from the Females, which they may easily
416
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO ad.
1588.
doe, because the Female is more fine then the Male, and
greatly esteemed for her colour, which is very neat, bright
and pleasant to the sight. These Lumache doe breed in ^^ Lumache
all the shoares of the Engdome of Congo, but the best of y ^*^^'
all are those of Loanda, because they looke very fine, and
of a very bright colour, some gray or ash-coloured, and
some of other colours not so precious.
And here you must note that gold and silver and metall ^* i^etall-
is not of any estimation, nor in use. of money in these ^^^'
Countries, but onely these Lumache : so that neither with
gold nor silver, in masse or in coine you shall buy any
thing there, but with these Lumache you shall buy both
gold and silver, or any thing else.
In this Iland there are seven or eight Townes, called
in that Countrey Language, Libata, the principall whereof
is Spirito Sancto: and therein dwelleth the Governour SpiHtoSattcio.
whidi is sent fi-om Congo, to minister Justice and to
Sther the treasure of the moneyes of these Lumache.
ere are also Goates and Sheepe, and Bores in great
numbers, which being tame at the first, doe afterwards
become wild and live in the Woods. Here groweth also ^^ ^^^
a tree, called Enzanda, which is a great one and alwayes ^^^.^' ^
greene, and endued with a singular qualitie. For firom *• •^"•99<^-J
the boughes of it that sprout upwards, there hang downe
certaine threeds (as it werc^ which creeping into the Earth
doe take roots, and out from these roots doe rise other
trees, and so they multiply. And within the outmost ^^'^ «Wi£? 0/
barke thereof, there groweth a certaine kind of Pill like J/'"'^ ^-^"^
fine Linnen, which bemg beaten and cleansed, they spread
out in length and in breadth, and therewith they cloath
their men and women, that are of the basest sort.
In this Iland they have certaine vessels made of the T^ir Boats or
bodies of Palme-trees, joyned together and framed after the ^^^^•
manner of our Boates, with a prow and a steme, wherein
they passe from place to place, both with Oares and Sayles.
In these Boates they use to fish about the Rivers, which are
indeed exceeding rail of fish, and sometime also they will
goe over to the firme Land.
VI 417 2D
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
In that part of this Iland, which is towards the maine
Land, in certaine low places there grow certaine trees
(which when the water of the Ocean ebbeth) discover
themselves : and at the feet thereof you shall find certaine
Shel-fokes other Shel-fishes cleaving as fast to the trees as may bee,
ffwtng on having within them a great fish as bigge as a mans hand,
and very good meate. The people of the CoUntrey know
AmKzUm^ them very well, and call them Ambiziamatare, that is to
'^^' say, The fish of the Rocke. The shels of these fishes, they
use to burne, and thereof make very good Lime to build
withall. And being like the corke or barke of the tree,
which is called Manghi, they dresse their Oxe-hides withall,
to make their shooe soles the stronger.
What Hnd of Xo be briefe, this Iland bringem forth neither Come
money u used ^^^ Wine, but there is great store of victuall brought
Countries. thither from all parts thereabouts, to fetch away these
Lumache. For as in all other places all things may be
had for money of metall, so all things here are had for
Lumache. Whereby may be noted, that not onely here
in this Kingdome of Congo, but also in her Neighbour
^Ethiopia and in Africa, and in the Kingdome of China,
and certaine others of the Indies ; they use moneyes of
other matter then of metall, that is to say, neither gold,
nor silver, nor copper, nor any other mixture tempered of
these.
Pepper money^ For in Ethiopia, their money is Pepper: and in the
^^- Kingdome of Tombuto, which is about the River Niger,
otherwise called Senega, their money is Cockles or
Shel-fish: and among the Azanaghi, their moneyes are
Porcellette: and in the Kingdome of Bengala, likewise
they use Porcellette, and metall together. In China they
have certaine Shel-fishes, called also Porcellette, which they
use for their money : and in other places Paper stamped
with the Kings S^e, and the barkes of the tree called
Gelsomora.
Great store of Neere to this Iland towards the outward Coast to the
Whales. Sea, there swimmc an innvunerable sort of Whales, that
looke blacke, and fighting one with another doe kill them-
418
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO ad.
1588.
selves : which afterwards being by the waves cast up upon
the shoare, as bigge as a midling Merchants ship; the
Negroes go forth with their Boats to fetch them, and to
take the Oyle out of them, which being mingled with
Pitch they use to trinune their Vessels withall. Upon the
ridges or backs of these creatures, there grow many
Shel-fishes, made like Snailes, Cockles, and Whelkes:
whereof Signor Odoardo affirmed, that he had seene great
store. He was also of opinion that Amber commeth not
from these fishes. For over all the Coast of Congo, where
there is an infinite number of them, you shall not find
either Ambergriz, or any other Amber, blacke or white in
any place.
Upon the firme Land directly over against the Iland is
a Towne, called Villa di San Paulo, altogether inhabited J^^ ^
with Portugals, and their Wives, which they brought with
them out of Spaine : and yet it is not fortified. All this
Channell is very full of fish, especially of Sardinaes, and Store offish.
of Anchioves ; whereof there is so great store, that in the
Winter time they will of themselves leape up to Land.
Other kinds of most excellent fishes there are, as Soles,
and Sturgeons, and Barbelles, and all manner of daintie
fish ; and great Crabs, in strange abundance, and all very
wholsome: so that the greatest part of the people that
dwell about the bankes there, doe live upon them.
Into this Channell runneth the River called Bengo, '^ ^^^^
which is a very great one, and navigable upwards twentie ^^'
five miles. This River with that other of Coanza, whereof
I told you before, do make the He of Loanda, because
when their waters doe meete together, they leave their
sand & filth behind them, and so increase the Iland. There
runneth also into it another great River called Dande, ^^ ^'^^^
which will receive Vessels of an hundred tunne : and then ^^*^-
another River called Lemba, which neither hath Haven, The River
neither doe any ships enter into it. Very neere unto this ^^'^*^-
there is also another River called Ozone, which issueth out The River
of the same Lake, whence Nilus likewise springeth, and O^^^-
it hath a Haven. Next to Ozone, there is another called
419
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
Tie River Loze, without any Haven: and then another great one
^:^- with a Haven called Ambriz, which runneth within foure
Ambrix.^ leagues neere to the Royall Citie of Congo. Last of all,
The River is the River Lclunda, which signifieth a Trowt fish, and
Ukmda, watcreth the roots of that great Hill, whereon the Palace
The Oteiro of ^f Congo standeth, called by the Portugals, the Oteiro.
^^' This River Lelunda, springeth out of the same Lake, from
whence Coanza issueth, and taketh into it by the way
another River, that commeth from the great Lake : and
when it doth not raine, then you may passe over Lelunda
on foot, because it hath so little store of water in it.
[ILvii.991.] Next unto this is the Zaire, a huge River and a large,
The Rsver ^j^j indeed the greatest in all the Kingdome of Congo.
^^^' The originall of this River commeth out of three Lakes :
one is the great Lake from whence Nilus springeth ; the
second, is the little Lake above mentioned ; and the third,
is the second great Lake which Nilus engendreth. And
certainly, when you will consider the abundance of water
that is in this River, you will say, that there was no need
to have any fewer or lesser springs to make so huge a
Huge hreoM streame as this carrieth. For in the very mouth of it,
o^firce of ^hJch js the onely entrance into it, the River is eight and
twentie miles broad, and when it is in the height of his
increase he runneth fresh water fortie or fiftie miles into the
Sea, and sometimes eightie, so that the passengers doe
refresh themselves withall, and by the troublesomenesse of
the water they know the place where they are. It is
navigable upwards with great Barkes about five and
twentie miles, untill you come to a certaine straight
betweene the Rockes, where it fallcth with such a horrible
noyse, that it may be heard almost eight miles. And this
place is called by the Portugals, Cachuiuera, that is to say,
Cataracts. a Fall, or a Cataract, like to the Cataracts of Nilus.
Betweene the mouth of this River, and the fell thereof,
Certaine there are divers great Hands well inhabited, with Townes,
Hands, ^^^ Lords obedient to the King of Congo, which somtimes
for the great enmitie that is among them, doe warre one
against another in certaine Boats, hollowed out of a stocke
420
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
f :, which is of an unmeasurable bignesse, and these
ley call Lungo. B^ats.
greatest Boates that they have, are made of a
t tree, called Licondo, which is so great, that sixe '^^ ^^^
mnot compasse it with their armes, and is in length ^^^^'
portion answerable to the thicknesse, so that one of
will Carrie about two hundred persons. They row
Boates with their Oares, which are not tyed to any
^s, but they hold them at liberty in their hands, and
e the water therewith at pleasure. Every man hath
Oare and his Bow, and when they fight together they
downe their Oare and take their Bow. Neither do
y use any other Rudders to turne and governe their
ats, but onely their Oares.
The first of these Hands, which is but a little one, is
called, the lie of Horses, because there are bred and T^I^tf
brought up in it great store of those creatures that the ^^'^''
Greekes call Hippopotami, that is to say Water-horses.
In a certaine Village within this Hand doe the Portugals
dwell, having withdrawne themselves thither for their
better securitie. They have their Vessels to transport
them over the water to the firme Land, upon the South
banke of the River, which Land is called the Haven of ^^ Haven rf
Pinda, where many ships doe ride that arrive therein. ^*'^'
In this River there are living divers kinds of creatures,
and namely, mightie great Crocodiles, which the Countrey CmoMs.
people there, can Caiman, and Water-horses above named : Water-horses.
And another kind of creature, that hath (as it were) two
hands, and a tayle like a Target, which is called, Ambize
Angulo, that is to say, a Hog-fish, because it is as fat as a Hog-fish.
Porke. The flesh of it is very good, and thereof they
make Lard, and so keepe it : neither hath it the savour or
taste of a fish, although it be a fish. It never goeth out
from the fresh water, but feedeth upon the grasse that
groweth on the bankes, and hath a mouth like the muzzell
of an Oxe. There are of these fishes, that weigh five
hundred pounds apiece.
The fishermen use to take them in their little Boats, by
431
A.D.
1588.
CacottgOyafish
Rke a Sa/mon.
Fishes Royatt.
LaBaiaJiias
AhnaMas,
The river de
las Barreras
FermegRas.
Baia
^Alvaro
Gonzales.
Capode
Caterina,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
marking the places where they feed, and then with their
hookes and tbrkes, striking and woimding them, they
draw them dead forth of the water : and when they have
cut them in pieces, they carrie them to the King. For
whosoever doth not so, incurreth the penaltie of death, and
so doe they likewise that take the Trowt, and the Tench,
and another fish called Gicongo, which is shaped after the
likenesse of a Salmon, saving that it is not red : but indeed
so fat it is, that it quencheth out the fire whiles it is rosted
or broyled. Other fishes also there are that are called
Fishes Royall, which are carried to the King, upon very
severe and rigorous punishments.
Beyond this River of Congo, there conuneth downc
another River, which the Portugals call. La Baia de las
Almadias, that is to say, the Gulfe of Barkes, because there
are great store of them, that are made there, by reason of
the abundance of Woods and Trees that grow thereabouts,
which are fit for that use, and wherewith all the Countries
round about doe furnish themselves. At the mouth of
this Bay there are three Hands, one great He in the middle
of the Channel, which maketh a convenient Haven for
small Vessels, and two other lesse, but none of them
inhabited.
A little higher runneth another streame, not very great,
which is called, De las Barreras Rossas, of the red Clay-
pits, because it floweth from among certaine Rockes of
Hils, whose Earth is dyed with a red colour: where
also there is a very high Mountaine, called by the
Portugals, La Sierra Complida, that is to say, the long
Moimtaine.
And yet going up a litdc fixrther, there are two Gulfes
of the Sea in the likenesse of a paire of Spectacles, wherein
is a good Haven, called La Baia d^Alvaro Gonzales, that
is. The Gulfe of Alvaro Gonzales. Beyond all these, are
certaine hils and shoares, not worth the remembrance,
untill you come to the Promontoric, that is called by the
Portugals, Capo de Caterina, which is the border of the
Kingdome of^ Congo towards the EquinoctiaU, and is
422
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO ad.
1588.
distant from the Equinoctiall Line two degrees and a halfe,
which is one hundred and fiftie Italian miles.
Now from Cape De Caterina on the North side, ril-vii.992.]
beginneth another Border or Coast of the Kingdome of Jf^^^J?^'*
Congo, which Eastward stretcheth it selfe to the place ^^^^,
where the River Vumba joyneth with the River Zaire,
contayning the space of sixe hundred miles and more.
Beyond this Coast of Congo towards the North, and
under the Equinoctiall Line upon the Sea shoare, and
about two hundred miles within Land, (comprehending in
that reckoning the aforesaid Gulfe of Lope Gonzales) the
People called the Bramas doe inhabite in a Countrey, that The Bramas.
is now called the Kingdome of Loango ; and the King The JCtngdm
thereof, Mani Loango, that is to say. The King of Loango. ^f^^iP-
The Countrey hath great abundance of Elephants, whose
teeth they exchange for Iron, whereof they make their
Arrow heads, their Knives, and such other instruments.
In this Countrie also, they weave certaine Cloth of the
leaves of Palme-trees, in sundrie sorts : as we shall tell you
in some other place of this narration.
The King of Loango is in amitie with the King of
Congo, and the report is, that in times past he was his
vassall. The people are circumcised after the manner of The People
the Hebrews, Kke as also the rest of the Nations in those ^f^^^&
g^ ^. ' ^ • ctrcumcued.
Countries use to be.
Beyond the Kingdome of Loan^, are the People called The Countrie
Anzigues, of whom wee shall debver unto you a historic, y^^^^^^-
which in trueth is very strange, and almost incredible, for
the beastly and cruell custome that they use in eating mans
flesh ; yea, and that of the neerest kins-folkes they have.
This Countrey towards the Sea on the West, bordereth
upon the People of Ambus ; and towards the North, upon
other Nations of Africa, and the Wildernesse of Nubia ;
and towards the East, upon the second great Lake, from
whence the River of Congo springeth, in that Part which
is called Anzicana ; and from the Kingdome of Congo, it
is divided by the River Zaire, wherein there are many
Hands (as before is told you) scattered from the Lake
4^3
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
downewards^ and some of th^n beloouging to the Dominion
of the Anzigues, by which River abo they doe traffique
with the People of Congo. In this Kingdome of the
Anzigues, there are many Mines of Copper; and great
SoMdirs. quantitie of Sanders, both red and grey : the red is called
Tauilla, and the grey (which is the better esteemed) is
called Chicongo, whereof they make a powder of a very
sweet smell, and divers medicines. They doe also mingle
it with the Oyle of Palme-tree, and so anoynting all their
bodies over withall, they preserve themselves m health.
But the Portugals use it being tempered with Vin^^ar,
Me£cmesfir which they lay upon their pulses, and so heale the French
the French Poxe, which they call in that Language, Chitangas. Some
doe affirme, that this grey Sanders is the very Lignum
Aquilas, that groweth in India: and Signor Odoardo
For the head- aflGinned, that me Portugals have proved it for the head-
^ ' ache, by laying it on the coales, and taking the smoake of
it. The pith and innermost part of the Tree is the best,
but the outter part is of no estimation.
They make great store of Linnen of the Palme-tree,
both of sundrie sorts and colours, and much Cloth of Silke,
whereof wee will discourse more hereafter. The people
are subject to a King that hath other Princes under hun.
They are very active and warlike. They are readie to
take Armes ; and doe fight on foot. Their weapons are
different from the weapons of all other people round about
Their Bowes, them : for, their Bowes are small and short, made of wood,
and wrapped about with Serpents skins of divers colours,
and so smoothly wrought, that you would thinke them
to be all one with the wood : and this they doe, both to
make the Bowe strono^er, and also to hold it the faster.
Their Strings are of htde woodden twigs like reeds, not
hollow within, but sound and pliable, and very daintie;
such as the Cavalieros of Portugall doe carrie in their
hands to beate their Palfreyes withall. They are of an
ash-colour, and of a Lion-tawney, somewhat tending to
blacke. They grow in the Countrey of the Anzieues, and
also in the Kingdome of Bengala, through which die River
424
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO
1588.
Ganges runneth. Their Arrowcs are short and slender, Their Arrows.
and of a very hard wood, and they carrie them on their
Bow-hand. They are so quicke in shooting, that holding
eight and twentie Shafts or more in their Bow-hand, they
will shoot and (lischarge them all, before the first Arrow
light on the groxmd : yea, and sometimes there have beene
seene divers stout Archers, that have killed birds as they
flie in the aire.
Other weapons also they make, as Axes and Hatchets, ^^'^
which they use and frame after a strange manner: for, ^^f^-
the handle is shorter by the halfe then the Iron is, and at
the lowest end of it there is a pommell, for the faster
holding of it in the hand ; and aU covered over with the
foresaid skinne of a Serpent. In the uppermost end of
it, is the Iron very bright and shining, fastned to the wood
with plates of Copper, in the manner of two nailes, as
long as the handle: it hath two edges, the one cutteth
like a Hatchet, and maketh a woimd after the fashion of
an halfe roundell ; the other is a Hammer. When they
fight with their Enemies, or defend themselves from their
Arrowes, they are so exercised with a wonderfull speed
and nimblenesse to manage their weapons, that whirling
them roimd about, as it were in a circle, they keepe all
that compasse of the ayre which is before them ; so that
when the Enemie shooteth, and the Arrow beginne to
fall, it lighteth upon the Hatchet, being so swiftly and
vehemenUy whirled about, that it breaketh the force of
the Arrow, and so it is repulsed : then doe they hanfi^ the
Hatchet upon their shoulder, and begin to shoot them-
selves. They have also certaine short Daggers, with
sheaths of the Serpents skins, made like Knives with an
haft luito them, which they use to weare acrosse. Their [ll.vii.99s-]
Girdles are of divers sorts ; but the Men of warre have
their Girdles of Elephants skin, three good fingers broad :
and because they are at the first two fingers thicke, and
very hard to handle handsomely, by the heat of the fire
they bow them round, and so with certaine buttons tye
them overthwart about them. The men are very active
4as
A.D.
1588.
The nature of
the Anxkos.
Fain-gkrious
madnesse.
Their
merchandise.
Circumcision,
The Anzichi
are circum-
cised j and
marhed in
their faces.
A shambles of
mans flesh.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and nimble, and leape up and downe the Mountaines like
Goats. Couragious they are and contemne death: men
of great simplicitie, loyaltie, and fidelitie, and such as the
Portugals doe trust more then any other. In so much as
Signor Odoardo was wont to say, that if these Anzichi
would become Christians (being of so great fidelitie,
sinceritie, loyaltie, and simplicitie, that they will oflFer
themselves to death, for the glorie of the world, and to
please their Lords will not stidce to give their owne flesh
to bee devoured) then would they with a farre better heart
and courage indure martyrdome, for the name of our
Redeemer Jesus Christ, and would most honourably main-
taine our Faith and Religion, with their good testimonie,
and example against the Gentiles.
Moreover, the said Signor Odoardo did likewise affirme,
that there was no conversing with them, because they were
a savage and beastly people, saving onely in respect that
they come and traffique in Congo, bringing thither with
them Slaves, both or their owne Nation, and also out of
Nubia (whereupon they doe border) and linnen Cloth
(whereor we wiJJ tell you hereafter,) and Elephants teeth :
in exchange of which chafFare they recarrie home with
them. Salt, and these Lumache, which they use in stead of
money and Coyne ; and another greater kind of Lumache,
which come from the He of Saint Thomas, and which they
use to weare for Brooches to make themselves fine and
gallant withall. Other Merchandises, also they carrie
backe with them, which are brought out of Porti^gall,
as Silkes, Linnen, and Glasses, and such like. They
use to circumcise themselves. And another foolish
custome they have, both men and women, as well of the
Nobilitie, as of the Commonaltie, even from their child-
hood, to marke their faces with siuidrie slashes made
with a knife, as in due place shall be further shewed
unto you.
They keepe a Shambles of mans flesh as they doe ^n
these Countries for Beefe and other victuals. For their
Enemies whom they take in the Warres, they eate ; and
426
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
also their Slaves, if they can have a good market for them,
they sell : or if they camiot, then they deliver them to the
Butchers, to be cut in pieces, and so sold, to be rosted or
boiled. And (that which a marvellous historie to report)
some of them beinj^ wearie of their lives, and some of them
even for valour of courage, and to shew themselves stout
and venturous, thinking it to bee a great honour imto
them, if they runne into voluntarie death, thereby to shew ^^f^ ^
that they have a speciall contempt of this life, will offer '^M^^-
themselves to the butcherie, as faithfuU subjects to their
Princes, for whose sakes, that they may seeme desirous to
doe them notable service, they doc not onely deliver them-
selves to bee devoured hj them, but also their Slaves, when
they are fat and well fed, they doe kill and eate them.
True it is, that many Nations there are, that feed upon ^ strange
mans flesh, as in the East Endies, and in Brasill, and in ^^«7^*'^"-
other places : but that is onely the flesh of their adversaries
and enemies, but to eate the flesh of their owne friends,
and subjects, and kinsfolkes, it is without all example in
any place of the World, saving onely in this Nation of the
Anzichi.
The ordinarie apparell of these people is thus: The ^^''
common sort goe naked from the girdle upwards, and ^fP^^^
without any thing upon their heads, having their haire
trussed up, and curled. The Noblemen are apparelled in
Silkes and other Cloth, and weare upon their heads, blue
and red, and blacke colours, and Hats and Hoods of
Portugall Velvet, and other kinds of Caps usuall in that
Countrie. And indeed, they are all desirous to have their
apparell handsome and neat, as their abilitie will suffer
them. The women are all covered from top to toe, aftta*
the manner of Afnca. The poorer sort of them doe gird
themselves close from the girdle downewards. The Noble
women and such as are of wealth, doe weare certaine
Mantles, which they cast over their heads, but keepe their
faces open and at libertie : and Shooes they have on their
feet, but the poore goe bare-foot. They goe very quicke
and lightsome. Their stature is comely, and their
427
A.D.
1588.
TAeir
Lanfftage.
Tke Easteme
border of
Congp,
The Moim-
taines of
Crystal!,
The Moun-
taines of the
Sunne.
The Moun-
taines of Sal-
Nitrum,
[ILvii.994.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
conditions faire and commendable. Their Language is
altogether different from the Language of Congo, and yet
the Anzichi will learne the Language of Congo very soone
and easily, because it is the plainer Tongue: but the
People or Congo doe very harcUy learne the Language of
the Anzichi. And when I once demanded wrat their
Religion was, it was told mee they were Gentiles, and that
was all that I could learne of them.
The East Coast of the Kingdome of Congo, beginneth
(as we have told you) at the meeting of the Kiver Vumba,
and the River of Zaire ; and so with a line drawne towards
the South in equall distance from the River Nilus, which
lieth on the left hand, it taketh up a great Movmtaine
which is very high, and not inhabiteid in the tops thereof,
called the Mountaine of Crystall, because there is in it
great quantitie of Crystall, both of the Mountaine and of
the Cliffe, and of all sorts. And then passing on farther,
includeth the Hills that are called Sierras de Sol, that is to
say, the Hills of the Sunne, because they are exceeding
high. And yet it never snoweth upon them, neither doe
they beare any thing, but are very bare and without any
trees at all. On the left hand there arise other Hills,
called the Hills of Sal-Nitrum, because there is in them
OTeat store of that Minerall. And so cutting over the
Kiver Berbela, that commeth out of the first Lake, there
endeth the ancient bound of the Kingdome of Congo on
the East.
Thus then the East Coast of this Kingdome is derived
from the meeting of the two foresaid Rivers, Vumba and
Zaire ; untill you come to the lake Achelunda, and to the
Countrie of Malemba; contayning the space of sixe
hundred miles. From this line which is drawne in the
Easterne Coast of Congo to the River Nilus, and to the
two Lakes (whereof mention shall be made in convenient
place) there is the space of one hundred and fiftie miles of
ground well inhabited, and good store of Hills, which doe
yeeld sundrie Metals, with much Linnen, and Cloth of the
Palme tree.
428
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
And seeing wee are now come to this point of this
discourse, it will be very necessarie to declare unto you the
marvellous Arte which the people of this Countrie, and '^^J^^^.^f
other places thereabouts doe use in making Clothes of ^'^^il^/i
Sundrie sorts, as Velvets shorne and unshorne, Cloth of coast^of
Tissue, Sattins, Taffata, Damaskes, Sarcenets, and such Palm-trees.
Eke, not of any silken Stuffe, (for they have no knowledge
of the Silke-wormes at all, although some of their apparell
bee made of Silke that is brought thither from our
Countries.) But they weave their Clothes afore-named
of the leaves of Palme-trees, which Trees they alwaies
keepe under and low to the ground, every yeere cutting
them, and watering them, to the end they may grow
small and tender against the new Spring. Out of these
leaves, being clean^ and purged after their manner, they
draw forth their threeds, which are all very fine and
daintie, and all of one evennesse, saving that those which
are longest, are best esteemed : for, oF those they weave
their greatest pieces. These StufFes they worke of divers
fashions, as some with a nappe upon them like Velvet, on
both sides, and other Cloth, called Damaskes, branched
with leaves, and such other things ; and the Broccati, which
are called High and Low, and are farre more precious then
ours are. This kind of Cloth no man may weare but the
King, and such as it pleaseth him. The greatest pieces
are of these Broccati : for they containe in length foure or
five spans; and in breadth, three or foure spannes, and
are called Incorimbas, by the name of the Countrey where
it groweth, which is about the River Vumba. The Velvets
are called Ensachas, of the same bignesse; and the
Damaskes, Infulas; and the Rasi, Maricas; and the
Zendadi, Tangas; and the Ormesini, Engombos. Of
the lighter sort of these StufFes they have greater pieces,
which are wrought by the Anzichi ; and are sixe spannes
long, and five spannes broad, wherewith every man may
apparell himselfe according to his abilitie. Besides that,
they are very thicke and found to keep out the water, and
yet very light to weare. The Portugals have lately begun
439
A.D.
1588,
TheSouOeme
Coast.
The Moun-
talne of Silver.
TheKsngof
Matama.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
to use them for Tents and Boothes, which doe marvellously
resist both water and wind.
This Easterne Coast (as it is before set downe) endeth
in the mountaine, called Serras de Plata, that is, the
Movmtaines of Silver ; and there beginneth the fourth and
last border of the Kingdome of Congo, towards the South,
that is to say, from the foresaid Mountaine to the Bay of
Cowes on the West, containing in length the space of
foure hvmdred and fiftie miles. And this Southerne Line
doth part the Kingdome of Angola in the middle, and
leaveth on the left hand of it, the foresaid Mountaines of
Silver ; and farther beyond them towards the South, the
Kingdome of Matama ; which is a great Kingdome, very
mightie, and absolute of it selfe, and sometimes in amitie,
and sometimes at utter enmitie with the IGngdome of
Angola.
The King of Matama is in Religion a Gentile, and his
Kingdome stretcheth towards the South to the River
Bravagal, and neere to the Mountaines, commonly called
the Mountaines of the Moone; and towards the East
bordereth on the Westerne bankes of the River Bagamidri,
and so crosseth over the River Coari.
This Countrie aboundeth in Vaults of Crystall and other
Metals, and all manner of victuall, and good aire. And
although the people thereof, and their neighbour borderers
doe ttufHque together: Yet the King of Matama, and
the King of Angola, doe oftentimes warre one s^ainst the
other, as we told you before : And this River Bagamidri
divideth the Kingdome of Matapa from the Kingcfome of
Monomata, which is towards the East, and whereof John
de Barros doth most largely discourse, in the first Chapter
of his tenth Booke.
430
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA
A.D.
1588.
§. III.
Of Angola, the Warres betwixt Congo and Angola:
their manner of warfare. The present King-
dome of Congo bounded. Of Bamba, one of
the sixe Princes of Congo, and the Creatures
therein.
BSpwards the Sea-coast there are divers Lords, that
HB ^^ upon them the Title of Kings: but indeed
^■™ they are of very base and slender estate : Neither
arc there any Ports or Havens of any accoiuit or name in
the Rivers there. And now, forasmuch as we have often-
times made mention of the Kingdome of Angola, this will
bee a very convenient place for us to intreat thereof;
because it hath beene heretofore said, that the King of
Angola, being in times past but a Governour or Deputie
under the King of Congo ; although, since that time he
is become a Christian, he made himselfe a free and an
absolute Prince, and usurped all that Quarter to his owne
Jurisdiction, which before he had in regiment and
government under another. And so afterwards in time
conquered other Coxmtries thereabouts ; insomuch, as he
is now growne to be a great Prince, and a rich, and in
power little inferiour to me King of Congo himselfe, and
therefore cither payeth tribute, or refuseth to pay tribute
unto him, even at his owne good pleasure.
It came to passe, that Don Giovanni the Second, being
King of Portugall, planted the Christian Religion in the
Kingdome of Q)ngo ; and thereupon, the King of Congo
became a Christian. After which time the Lord of Angola
was alwaies in amitie, and (as it were) a Vassall of the
forenamed King of Congo, and the People of both
Countries did traffique together one with another, and the
Lord of Angola did every yeere send some Presents to
the King of Congo. And by licence from the K. of
Congo, there was a great trade betwecne the Portugals
431
[II.vii.995.]
The King of
Angplafreeth
himsilfifrom
tubfectiou to
the King of
Congo f since
Congpreceived
tke Faith.
John the
Second^ King
ofFortugflUy
first brought
Christianitie
into Congo,
1588.
Pauk DiaZf
the first ^'
coverer oftMs
traffuk.
Don Sebastian
King of
Portngall.
Pauk Diaz
buiUeth an
house in
Anzelle.
The Author
calUth him
Lordy because
he was then
but a petie
King,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and the People of Angola, at the Haven of Loanda^ where
they bought Slaves, and changed them for other mer-
chandises, and so transported all into the lie of S. Thomas.
Whereby it came to passe, that the traffique was here
imited with the traffique of S. Thomas : so that the ships
did use first to arrive at that Iland, and then afterward
passed over to Loanda. And when this trade began in
processe of time to encrease, they dispatched their ships
from Lisbone to Angola of themselves, and sent with them
a Govemour, called Paulo Diaz of Novais, to whom this
businesse did (as it were) of right appertaine, in r^;aid
of the good deserts of his Ancestors, who first discovered
this Traffique. To this Paulo Diaz, did Don Sebastiano
King of Portugall grant leave and authoritie to conquer,
for the space of three and thirtie leagues upwards along
the Coast, beginning at the River Coanza, towards the
South, and within the Land also, whatsoever hee could set
towards all his charges for him and his heires. With him
there went many other ships that opened and found out a
freat trade with Angola, which notwithstanding was
irected to the foresaid Haven of Loanda, where the said
ships did still discharge themselves. And so by little and
little he entred into the firme Land, and made himselie
an house in a certaine Village, called Anzelle, within a mile
neere to the River Coanza, because it was the more
commodious and nigher to the traffique of Angola. When
the trade here began thus to encrease, and merchandises
were fi'eely carried by the Portugals, and the People of
Congo to Cabazo, a place belonging to the Lord of Angola,
and distant from the Sea, one hundred and fiftie miles,
there to sell and barter them, it pleased his Lordship to
give out order, that all the Merchants should be slaine,
and their goods confiscated, alledging for his defence, that
they were come thither as spies, and to take possession of his
estate : but in trueth it is thought that he did it onely to
fiine aU that wealth to himselfe, considering that it was a
eople that did not deale in the habite of Warners, but
after the manner of Merchants. And this fell out in the
432
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA ad.
1588.
same yeere, that the King Don Sebastiano was discomfited
in Barbarie.
When Paulo Diaz understood of this course, he put PatJoDtaz^in
himselfe in Armes against the King of Angola, and with fj^llilf*^'^
such a troupe of Portugals as he covud gather together, that jng:^.
were to be found in that Countrie, and with two Gallies
and other vessels, which he kept in the River Coanza, he
went forward, on both sides of the River conquering, and
by force subdued many Lords, and made them his Friends
and Subjects. But the King of Angola perceiving that his
Vassals had yeelded to the obedience or Paulo Diaz, and
that with all prosperous successe he had gained much
Land upon him, hee assembled a great Armie to goe
against him, and so utterly to destroy him. Whereupon
Paulo Diaz requested the King of Congo, that he would ^- ^^
succour him with some helpe to defend himselfe withall, '^f**^^^
who presently sent unto him for ayde, an Armie of fQngofCongp.
sixtie thousand men, under the conduct of his Cousin Don
Sebastiano Mani-bamba, and another Captaine, with one
hundred and twentie Portugall Souldiers, that were in
those Countries, and all of his owne pay for the atchieving
of this enterprise. This Armie was to joyne with Paulo
Diaz, and so altogether to warre against the King of
Angola : but arrivmg at the shoare, where they were to
passe over the River Bengo, within twelve miles of
Loanda, and where they should have met with many
Barkes to carrie the Campe to the other shoare, partly
because the said Barkes had slacked their conmiing, and
partly because much time would have beene spent in
transporting so many men, the whole Armie tooke their
way quite over the River, and so going on forwards, they
met with the People of the King of Angola, that were
readie to stop the Souldiers of Congo from entring upon
their Countne.
The militarie order of the Mociconghi (for by that terme The mBtarie
wee doe call the naturall borne People of the Kingdome of ^^^f^
Congo, as we call the Spaniards, those that are naturally Q^g^/
borne in Spainc) and the militarie order of the People of
VI 433 2 K
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
Angola, is almost all one : for both of them doe usually
fight on foot, and divide their Armie into severall troupes,
fitting themselves according to the situation of the Field
where they doe encampe, and advancing their Ensignes
and Banners in such sort as before is remembred. ihe
How the Soul- removes of their Armie are guided and directed by
mZ iumdth ^^'^'^^ sevendl sounds and noyses, that proceed from the
pleasure of Captaine Generall, who goeth into the middest of the Annie,
theirGenerall. and there sig^nifieth what is to be put in execution ; that
is to say, eimer that they shall joyne battell, or else retire,
or put on forward, or turne to the right hand, and to the
left hand, or to performc any other warlike action. For
by these severaU sounds distincdy delivered from one
to another, they doe all understand the commandements
of their Captaine, as we here among us doe understand
the pleasure of our Generall by the sundrie stroakes of the
Drum, and the Captaines sounds of the Trumpet.
[II.vii.996.] Three principal! sounds they have which they use in
pw^w^e/" Warre: One which is uttered aloud, by great Rattles,
mThtMr ^^'^^ ^^ certaine Wooden Cases, hollowed out of a tree,
warres. ^^ covered with Leather, which they strike with certaine
litde handles of Ivory. Another is made by a certaine
kind of Instrument, fashioned like a Pyramis turned
upward : for the lower end of it is sharpe, and endeth as it
were in a point, and the upper end waxeth broader and
broader, like the bottome of a Triangle, in such sort, that
beneath they arc narrow and like an Angle, and above
they are large and wide. This Instrument is made of
certaine thinne plates of Iron, which are hollow and emptie
within, and very like to a Bell turned up-side-4ownc.
They make them ring, by striking them with woodden
wands : and oftentimes they doe abo cracke them, to the
end that the sound should be more harsh, horrible, and
warlike: The third Instrument is framed of Elephants
teeth, some great, and some small, hollow within, and
blowen at a certaine hole which they make on the side of
it, in manner of the Fife, and not aloft like the Pipe.
These are tempered by them in such sort, that they yeeld
434
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA a.ix
1588.
as warlike and harmonious Musicke, as the Comet doth,
and so pleasant and jocond a noyse, that it mooveth and
stirreth up their courages, and maketh them not to care
for any danger whatsoever. Now of these three severall ^^ *f^ ^f
sorts of wadike Instruments, there are some bigger, and j^^ ^^^'
some lesse. For the Captaine Generall carrieth alwaies
with him the greater sort, to the end that by them he may
give signification to the whole Campe what they shall doe.
The particular bands and troupes of the Armie have in like
manner their smaller sort, and every Captaine in his
severaU Regiment hath also one of the smallest, which
they strike with their hands. Whereupon it falleth out,
that when they heare the sound of the generall Rattle, or
Comet, or the other third kind of Instrument, every part
of the Army doth presently answere in the same note,
signifying thereby, that they have well understood the
good pleasure of the Captaine, and so consequently the
under Captaines doe the like. Neither doe they onely
use these Instruments and sounds universally, but also
when they are in fight and in sJdrmish, the valiant and
couragious Souldiers go before the rest, and with this kind
of befls, which they strike with their woodden wands, they
dance, and encourage their fellowes, and by the note doe
signifie unto them in what danger they are, and what
weapons they have met withall.
The Military apparell of the better sort, and of the TheMtUtane
Lords of the Moci-Conghi, is this. On their heads they ""{f^^J^^
carie a Cap, which is garnished with sundry Plumes of
the feathers of the Estridge, of the Peacocke, of the Cocke,
and of other kinds of Birds, which make them to seeme
m«i of greater stature then they are, and terrible to looke
upon. From the girdle upwards they are all naked, and
have hanging about them fi-om their necks, both on the
right side and on the left, even as low as to both their
flankes, certaine chaines of Iron, with Rings upon them
as bigge as a mans little finger, which they use for a certaine
militarie pompe and bravery. From the girdle downe-
wards they have breeches of Linnen, or Senide, which are
435
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
covered with Cloath, and reach downe to their heeles, but
then they are folded againe upwards, and tucked under
their girdle. Upon their girdle, which (as we told you)
is made with exquisite and curious worke, they doe fasten
certaine bells, very like to the instruments that are before
named, which in mooving of themselves, and in fighting
with their enemies, doe nng, and make a noyse, and addc
courage unto them, while they are in combate with thdr
adversaries. Upon their lesges they have likewise thdr
Their Buskins, after the Portugal! feshion. Their Armour we
toe^ws. j^^^^ already declared, that is to say ; Bow and Arrowcs,
Sword, Dagger and Target : but yet with this caveat, that
whosoever weareth a Bow, he weareth also a Dagger, but
no Target: for those two weapons may not be wornc
together, but Sword and Target they may lawfully weait
both at once.
The MiBtarii xhe common Souldiers goe all naked from the girdk-
^mm^wrt ^^^^ upwards, and have the rest of their bodies armed
with Bow and Arrowes, and Daggers. These are they
that doe first offer the skirmish, going out before the rest
of the Army, as it were severaUy and di^>ersedly provoking
to fight, and receiving the shot fi-om a farre off, they tumc
and winde this way and that way, and doe nimbly leape
fi-om one side to another, to the end they may avoyd the
lighting of their enemies Arrowes. Besides these, there
are also certaine quicke and gallant young men, that runne
out before the rest, which with the ringitij^ of their belh
ias before is said) are as it were comforters of their
ellowes, and when they have fought so much, that the
Captaine thinketh them to be even weary, then doth }ie
call them backe with the soimd of one of those instnunents
above mentioned : so that perceiving the medley to wax
hot, they turn about and retyre themselves backe againe,
and others succeede in their places, which covirse is still
observed and kept untill such time, as both the Armies
doe indeed joyne all their maine forces together, and so
fight it out.
In the place above described, there were sundry
436
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA ad.
1588.
encounters on the one side, and on the other. And in the
first batailes the people of Congo remained Conquerors: '^^ 1"^^
but afterward, when they had divers times fought together ^^' ^^^'
with great losse on both sides, and victuals began now to
faile, and consequently men waxed sicke and died, the
Campe of the Kang of Congo was dissolved, and every
man returned to his owne home.
In this meane while Paulo Diaz, though he could not ^- Pj^^ ^^
joyne his forces with the Army of his friends that came ^^ '
to succour him, yet set himselfe forwards, and passing over
the River stayed at Luiola, because it was a place very
strong, and fit to resist the King of Angola. The situation
of Luiola is this : The two Rivers, Coanza and Luiola doe
joyne together about one hundred and five miles from the
Sea shore, and a little above the said joyning, these Rivers
doe sever themselves, for the space of an Harquebusse
shot, so that they make as it were an Iland betweene them.
In which Iland, at the meeting of the two Rivers there [II.vii.997.]
riseth a hill, which Paulo Diaz surprized and fortified for
his better safetie. And whereas in times past, there was
never any habitation there, now at this present it is growne
to be a prety Countrey inhabited by the Portugals.
From this place thus surprized by Paulo Diaz, and
called Luiola, you may saile sdong the River with certaine
small vessels, even to the Sea, and goe by land without
any danger for the space of one hundred and five miles.
Neere thereunto are the hills, that are called the hills of '^^,^f
Cabambe, producing infinite store of Silver: which the ^^^**^^-
said Diaz doth every day by little and little endevour to
conquer. And these hils are the grand quarrell betweene
him and the people of Angola. For knowing that the
Portugals doe esteeme gready of these hills, in regard of
the Silver pits which are there in great abundance ; they
doc use all the force and skill they can to keepe the
Portugals from them. They fight also with them in
divers other places: for the Portugals passing over the
River Coanza, do continually make in-roades into the
Countries that are subject to the King of Angola.
437
A.D.
1588.
Tie weapons
oftkepeopU
of Angola.
Thiir miR-
tarii acfions.
Rudenesse of
art military^
andfrovision
of and fir
soiddiers.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
The weapons of these peoples, are Bowes sixe handfiill
long, with strings made or the barks of Trees, Arrowes of
Wood, lesse then a mans little finger, and sixe handfuls
long^. They have Iron heads, made like a hooke, and
feamers of Birds in the tops of them: and of these
Arrowes they use to carry to the number of sixe or seven
upon their Bow hand, without any Quiver at all. Their
Dage;ers are fashioned with a haft after the manner of a
Knife, which they weare at their girdle, on their left side,
and hold them aloft in their hands, when they fight with
them. By their Militarie actions and proceedings, you
may observe their great skill and good order in matter of
warre. For in divers batailes that were betweene them
and the Portugals, it was plainely seene how they could
chuse their advantages against their enemies, as by
assaulting them in the night time, and in rainy weather,
to the end that their Harquebusses and Gimnes should
not take fire ; and also by dividing their forces into many
troopes, to trouble them the more. The King doth not use
to goe to the warre in his owne person, but sendeth his
Captaines in his stead. The people are also accustomed
to flye and runne away incontinently, as soone as they see
their Captaine slaine, neither can they be perswaded to stay
by any reason or argiunent, but presently yeeld up the
field. They are all Foot-men, neither have they any
Horses at all: and therefore the Captaines, if they will
not goe on foote, cause themselves to bee carried on the
shoulders of their Slaves, after one of the three manners,
which we will shew unto you hereafter.
This Nation goeth out to warre, in number almost
infinite, and very confusedly : they leave no man at home
that is fit to carry a weapon : they make no preparation of
victuals necessarie for the Campe: but such as perhaps
have any, convey it with them upon the shoulders of their
Servants, and yet they have sundry sorts of creatures that
might bee managed, and serve their turnes to draw, and to
carry, as in the second part of this Treatise shall be
described unto you. And thereupon it falleth out, that
438
A DESCHIPTION OF ANGOLA A.ji.
1588.
when they come into any Countrey with their whole
Anny, all their food is qiiickly quite consumed, and then
having nothing left to feed upon, they dissolve their hoast
even m the greatest necessitie of prosecuting their enter-
prise, and so are inforced by hunger to returne into their
owne Countries.
They are greatly given to Divination by Birds: If a They are ffven
Bird chance to flye on their left hand, or cry in such ^'^^^^^^
manner, as those which make profession to understand ^
the same, do say, that it fore-sheweth ill lucke and
adversity, or that they may goe no fiirther forwards, they
will presently turne backe and repaire home: which
custome was also in the old time observed by the ancient
Romans, and likewise at this day by sundry other Pagans.
Now if it shall seeme strange to any man, that so few ^^y '^ ^^^^
Portugall Souldiers, as Paulo Diaz retaineth there with p^^^^
him, and others of the Portugall Nation, which Trafficke j^ ^^^j^ ^^-^^
into the Realme, and releeve him with succours, being in wasabie to
number but three hundred at the most, accounting their resist so huge
Slaves, and also the Male-contents, the Rebels and "^^"JP"^ f
Fugitives of Angola, which daily resort unto him, and ^AnJk^
amount not in aS to the quantitie of fifteene thousand
men, should be able to make so gallant a resistance against
that innumerable rabble of Negroes, being subject to the
King of Angola, which are gathered there together (as it
is said) to the number of a Million of soules. I answere,
that great reason may be alleadged for the same. For
the Armie of the Negroes is all naked, and utterly destitute
of all provision and fiirniture for Armour of defence:
And as for their weapons of offence, they consist onely but
of Bowes and Daggers (as I told you.) But our few
Portugals that are there, are well lapped in certaine Jackets
that are stuffed and basted with bombaste, and stitched
and quilted very soundly, which keepe their Armes very
safe, and their bodies downe-wards as low as their knees :
Their heads also are armed with cappes made of the same
stuffe, which doe resist the shot or the Arrow, and the
stroke of the Dagger : Besides that, they are girt with long
439
AD. PtmCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
swords, and some Horsemen there are among them that
cany speares for their weapons. Now 70U must under-
stand that one man on horse-backe, is of more worth then
a hundred Negroes, because the Horsemen doe afright
them greatly : and especially of those that doe discharge
Gunnes and Peeces of Artillarie against them, thejr doe
stand continually in an extreame bodily feare. So that
these few being well armed, and cunningly and artificially
ordered, must needs overcome the other, though they be
very many in number. This Kingdome of Angola, is full
nil.vii.998.] of people beyond all credite: For every Man taketh as
fj ^^'^'^ many Wives as he listeth, and so they multiply infinitely :
populws sM^ ®^^ ^^^7 ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ ^^ ^° ^^ ^^ kingdome of Congo,
posed to hold which liveth after the manner of the Christians.
amiirtonof This Kingdome also is very rich in Mines of Silver,
•^^^^ ^^ and most excellent Copper ; and for other kinds of Mettall,
HesofJnxpla ^^^^ ^^ more in this kingdome then in any other Countrey
of the world whatsoever. FruitfiJl it is in all manner of
food, and sundry sorts of Cattell, and specially for great
heards of Kine. True it is, that this people doe love
Dogges flesh better then any other meate: and for that
purpose they feed and fatten them, and then kill them
and sell them in their open shambles. It is constantly
-^ ^^ aflirmed, that a great Dog accustomed to the Bull, was
'hundred Jid ^^^ ^7 exchange for two and twentie Slaves, which after
twentie the rate of ten Duckets a poll, were worth in all two
Duckets. hundred and twentie Duckets: in so high a price and
account doe they hold that Creature.
Thi money of T^e Monyes that are used in Angola, are much different
*"^ ^* fi-om the Lumache of Congo : for they of Angola doe use
Beads of Glasse, such as are made in Venice, as bigge as
a Nut, and some of lesser quantitie, and of divers and
sundry colours and fashions. These doe the people of
Angola make, not onely to use them for money, but also
for an ornament of their men and women, to weare about
their necks and their armes, and are called in their tongue
Anzolos : but when they are threeded upon a string like a
paire of Beads, they call them Mizanga.
440
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA a.d.
1588.
The King of Angola is by reli&^ion a Gentile, and Tke ReR^
worshipped! Idols, and so doe all the people in his v^^ff^^-
Kingdome. It is true, that he hath greatly desired to
become a Christian, after the example of the King of
Congo. But because there hath not beene as yet any
possibilitie to send Priests unto him, that might illuminate
and instruct him, he remaineth still in darknesse. The
foresaid Signor Odoardo told mee, that in his time the
King of Angola sent an Ambassadour to the King of
Congo, requesting that hee would send him some religious
persons to informe him in the Christian Religion : but the
King of Cons^o had none there that he could spare, and
therefore cou& send him none. At this day, both these
Kings doe Trafficke together, and are in amitie one with
another: the King of Angola having now cleered and
discharged himselfe for the injuries and slaughters that were
committed upon those of Congo, and upon the Portugals
at Gabazo.
The language of the people of Angola is all one with ^^^ language
the language of the people of Congo, oecause (as we told ^fj^^^^^f
you before) they are both but one Kingdome. Onely the ^^
difference betweene them is, as commonly it is betweene
two Nations that border one upon another.
We have signified unto you heretofore, that the Bay of The rest of the
Cowes doth divide the Kingdome of Angola, in the ^l^^'^^
middest; and hitherto we have treated but-<3f the one j^sfribed,
halfe thereof : Now wee will describe unto you the second
part of it, which lyeth fi-om the said Bay of Cowes towards
the South. From this Bay then, to the blacke Cape, called CapeNegroi.
Cape Negro, by the Coast of the Ocean, they doe reckon '^ ^^^^
two hundred and twenty miles, of such Countrey and ^^'
soyle as the former is, and possessed by many Lords that
are subject to the King of Angola. From Cape Negro
there runneth a line towards the rlast, through the middest
of the Mountaines, that are called, Monti Freddi, that is Mwti Freddu
to say, The cold Mountaines : which also in some certaine i. The cold
parts of them, that are higher then the rest towards the AftfuirXtfw/.
Equinoctiall, are tearmed by the Portugals, Monti Nevosi,
441
1588.
TheMotm-
UUMiS of
CkriftaJL
The West cw-
taineth 37$.
miles.
The north
450.
The East soo.
TheSo»ths6o.
The hingdme
ofCongp ems-
taineth in com-
passes 1685.
miles.
In breadth
600. miles.
PURCHAS HIS FILGRIBfES
or Snowy M ountaines, and so endeth at the rootes of other
Moimtaines, that are called the Mountaines of Crystall.
(Out of these Snowy Mountaines doe spring the waters of
the Lake Dumbea Zocche.) This foresaid line, from the
Mountaine of Crystall, ckaweth on-wards towards the
North through the Mountaines of Silver, till you come
to Malemba, where we told you the Kingdome of Congo
was divided, and parted the River of Coari in the midst.
And this is the Countrey possessed by the King of Angola,
whereof I have no more to say, then is aheady set downe,
neither of the qualities of his person, nor of his Court.
Beginnin^therefore at the River Coanza, and drawing
towards the Eauinoctiall three hundred seventie five miles,
you shall finde the River, that they call Las Barreas
Vermellias, or the Redde Pits, which are indeed the ragged
mines of certaine Rockes wome by the Sea ; and wnen
they fidl downe, doe shew themselves to bee of a red
colour. From thence by a direct line upon the North,
that which the King possesseth, is foiire hundred and
fifty miles. And then the said line dividing it selfe
towards the South, passeth by the hills of Crystall (not
those that we told you before did belong to Angola, but
others that are called by the same name) and so by the
Mountaines of Salnitro, traversing the River Verbela, at
the roots of the Mountaines of Silver, it endeth at the
Lake Aquelunda, which is the space of five hundred miles.
The fourth line runneth along the River Coanza, which
issueth out of the said Lake, and containeth three hundred
and sixtie miles. So that the whole Realme now possessed
by Don Alvaro, the King of Congo is in compasse, one
thousand sixe hundred eightie five miles. But the breadth
thereof beginneth at the mouth of the River Zaire, where
the point is, which in the Portugall speech is called,
Padraon, and so cutting the Kingdome of Congo in the
middle, and crossing over the Mountaines of the Simne,
and the Mountaines of Crystall, there it endeth, contsuning
the space of sixe hundred miles, and within one hundred
and fiftie miles, neere to the River Nilus. Very true it
44a
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA a.d.
1588.
is indeed, that in ancient time the Predecessors of this
Prince did raigne over many other Countries there-abouts,
which in processe of time they have lost : and although
they bee now in the government of others, yet doe the [II.vii.999.]
Kin^s of Congo, retaine still to this day the tides of those The title or
Regions, as for example, Don Alvaro, King of Congo, and (?^ ^^
of Abundos, and ot Matama, and of C^izama, and of ^""^^ ^^'
Angola, and of Cacong[o, and of the seven Kingdomes of
Congere Amolaza, and of the Pangelungos, and Lord of
the River Zaire, and of the Anziquos, and Anziquana,
and of Loango.
This Kingdome is divided into sixe Provinces, that is '^^ first
to say, Baniba, Songo, Sundi, Pango, Batta, and Pemba. ^^^^^
The Province of Kimba, (which is the greatest and the the description
richest) is governed by Don Sebastian Mani-Bamba, cousin of it.
to the King Don Alvaro last deceased, and it is situated Seiastian
upon the Sea-coast, from the River Ambrize, untill you ^^^^^^"
come to the River Coanza towards the South. This Don ^^ those that
Sebastian hath under his Dominion many Princes and rule under
Lords, and the name of the greatest of them are these, >*«'«•
Don Antonio Mani-Bamba, who is Lieutenant and
Brother to Don Sebastian, and Mani-Lemba another, and
Mani-Danda, and Mani-Bengo, and Mani-Loanda, who
is Governour of the Iland of Loanda, and Mani-Corimba,
and Mani-Coanza, and Mani-Cazzanzi. All these doe
governe all the Sea-coast but within Land, for that part
which belongeth to Angola, there are another people cadled
the Ambundos, who dwelling on the borders or Angola,
are subject to the said Mani-Bamba, and they are these,
Angazi, Chinghengo, Motollo, Chabonda, and many
others of baser condition.
Note, that this word Mani, signifieth a Prince or a Mani.whatit
Lord, and the rest of the word is the name of the Countrey ^^ff'ifi^^'
and Lordship, where the Lord ruleth. As for example,
Mani-Bamba signifieth the Lord of the Countrey of
Bamba, and Mani-Corimba, the Lord of the Countrey of
Corimba, which is a part of Bamba, and so likewise of tj^ Confines
the rest. This Province of Bamba confineth with Angola of Bamba.
443
JLv. PURCHAS HIS PILGR»IES
1588.
on the South, and upon the East of it towards the Lake
TAt C^MM/Tff Achelunda, tyeth the Countrey of Quizama, iMdi is
tfQmzama. govaned like a Common-wealth, and is divided among a
number of Lords, who indeed living at their owne libertie,
doe neither obey the King of Congo, nor the King of
Angola.
And to be short, these Lords of Quizama, after they
had a long time quarrelled with Paulo Diaz, yet at last
they became his subjects, because they would avoyd the
yoke of the King of Angola, and by their good aid and
assistance, doth Faulo Diaz greatly helpe himselfe against
the said King of Angola.
Bambathi Now, the aforesaid Countrcy of Bamba, (as we have
SS^?"^ told you) is the prindpaU Province of aU the Reabne of
^Omm. ^%^» ^^d indeed the very Key, and the Buckler and the
Sword, and the defence thereof, and (as it were) the
frontier which opposeth it selfe against all their Enemies.
For it resisteth all the revolts and rebellions of those
Sxiarters, and hath very valorous people in it, that are
Iwayes readie for to fight, so that they doe continually
keepe their Adversaries of Angola in great awe : and if it
happen at any time that their King stand in need, they
are alwayes at his command to annoy the other Countries
Bamha whensoever. When need requircth, he may have in
«/^^ooooo ^*"^P^ ^^^^ hundred thousand men of Warre, and yet
mnofmtm. ^^^ number is but onely the sixt part of the whole
Kingdome, though indeed it be the better part and the
stronc^er. The principall Citie of this Province lyeth in
the Pkine which is betweene the River Loze and Ambrize,
Panza the and is called Panza (which is a common name for every
pnncipall Towne.) There dwelleth the Lord of the Province, and
Bamba ^^ ^^ distant from the Sea one hundred miles. In this
Mimsofsilver Signorie also doe the hils begin, where the Mines of silver
and other and other metals are found, and so stretch out towards the
metals. Kingdome of Angola. It is very rich, for upon the Coast
of the Sea there, they have great store of the Lumache,
which are used for moneyes over all the Kingdome of
Congo: Besides, there is also a greater Tramcke and
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA a.d.
1588.
Market for slaves, that are brought out of Angola, then Incredible
in any place else. For there are yearely bought by the *^^*^'^/
Portugals above five thousand head of Negroes, which \old^to^the^ '^
afterwards they conveigh away with them, and so sell them Portugals,
into divers parts of the World. One M. T,
The people of this Province, are in Armes the most J^^^^^
valiant of all the Kingdome of Congo. They goe armed ^^ ^ ^y
like the Slavonians, with long and urge Swords, that are loooo. slaves
brought them out of PortugSl. There are among them out of these
very mightie men, that will cleave a slave in the middest p^rtsofjfiica
at one blow, and cut off the head of a Bxdl at one stroke ^^^^^^^z
with one of those Swords. And (that which is more, me Portugall
and will peradventure seeme incredible) one of these inBrasillhad
valiant men did beare upon his arme a certaine Vessell loooo.
of Wine, which was the fourth part of a Butte, and might
weigh about three hundred twentie five pound, until! it
was cleane emptied. Moreover, they doe carrie Bow and
Arrowes, whereat they are very quicke and nimble, and
withall their long Targets made of the Dants skinne,
whereof wee told you before, when wee made mention of
the Anzichi.
The creatures that are found in this Province, are first Oertainecrea-
the Elephants, which do breed over all the Kingdome oi ^^^/^"^
Congo, but principally in the Countrey of Bamba, because Elephants,
it aboundeth in Woods, in pastures and in waters.
Signor Odoardo told mee, that hec had oftentimes taken -'^ Elephants
the measure of an Elephants foot in the dust, and one of ^^^^^^^
them was in plaine Diameter foure spannes broad. But in j^j^ Elephant
these quarters they say that the Elephants doe live one rtvetk 150.
hundr^ and fiftie yeares, and that untill the middle of yeares.
their age they continue still in growing. And to confirme t^!- vn.
this truth he added, that hee had seene and weighed divers ^^ Elephants
of their Teeth (which are not of home, as some thinke) Tooth of zoo.
and their waight amounted to two hundred pounds apiece, tomght.
after the rate of twelve ounces to every poxmd. In the
Language of Congo, the Elephants Tooth is called Mene-
Manzao, that is to say, The Tooth of an Elephant.
Their Eares are greater then the greatest Targets that
445
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
the Turkes use to weare, in length sixe spannes, in shape
like an Egge, and towards their shoulders they grow to
be narrower and sharper. With their Eares, and with
their Trunke, and widi their Tayle, they beat away the
Flies that trouble them.
^^i^^' They have in their Tayle, certaine haires or bristles as
^phantsunk ^^Rg® ^ Rushes or Broome-sprigs, of a shining blacke
very fricums. colour. The older they be, the Surer and stronger they
M. JohsM bee, and of great price among them.
g^emmuof p^^ fo^ the cause lately rehearsed, many there arc,
w«M ^h ' which wayting for the Elephants, when they ascend some
blacki stroBg steepe and narrow way, doe come behind them, and with
hmres. very sharpe Knives cut off their Tayles : the poore beast
being not able in those straites to turne backe to revenge
it seffe, nor with his Trunke to reach his Enemie. And
this they doe, onely to have those haires, which they sell
for two or three slaves a piece. Other light and
couragious persons there are, tluit trusting much to their
swiftnesse in running, doe lye in a waite, and set upon the
poore beasts behind, whiles they are in feeding, ana at one
blow attempt to cut off their Tayles, and so endevour to
save themselves by running away in a round. Fch* the
freatnesse of the beast is such as out-right it is very swift,
ecause it maketh very large strides, though indeed but
slow, and in the plaine is farre quicker then any lustie
Horse : but in turning round it loseth much time, and so
the Huntsman escapeth in safetie.
The manner of In their feeding, they use to shake and root up the great
^^^P^/^ Trees with the force of their shoulders, and strengdi of
wMof^es ^^^^^ whole backes: But the smaller Trees they take
is afahk. betweene both their Teeth, and so bow them and plucke
them downe, that they may feede upon the leaves of them :
insomuch, as sometimes they breake one of their Teeth
with so doing. And this is the cause why you shall find
divers of them in the fields that have lost their Teeth.
They chawe their meate with their short Teeth, which
are not seene as their two long Tuskes are: and they
carrie it to their mouth by their long Snout, or Trunke,
446
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA a.d.
1588.
which is to them in stead of an arme and a hand. The
tip of their Tninke is feshioned and divided into little
slits, and (as it were) fingers, wherewith they will take up
very small things, as Nuts, and Strawes, and Berries, and
so reach them to their mouth, as I, Philippo Pigafetta have
seene my selfe at Lisbon.
The Females of these Creatures, doe beare their brood '^^^'
in their wombe for the space of two yeares and no more : ^
And for as much as the yong Elephant cannot so quickly
be brought up, (for it groweth very slowly) the Milke is
kept from it, and so it waxeth apt to feed of it selfe. And
therefore Mother Nature hath provided that the Elephants
are not great with young, but from seven yeares to seven
yeares.
Their skinne is hard beyond all credit. For being: foure 1'^^^^^^^
fingers thicke, it cannot be pierced, no not with the shot
of an Harquebusse.
The people of that Countrey have not the skill to tame The^f^aimerof
these beasts. Whereby they might reape great commoditie ^£^f^fj
and profit, for carrying their stufiFe from place to place for
divers other good uses. But yet they take them by
digging certaine deepe Trenches in the places, where they
use to pasture, which Trenches are very narrow at the
bottome, and broad above, to the end the beast may not
helpe himselfe, and leape out when hee is fallen into them.
These Trenches they cover with Soddes of Earth, and
Grasse, and leaves, because the beast should not see their
traine, but passing over them remayne there entrenched.
Whereupon the Gentleman beforenamed told me, that he ^J^^^
had seene with his owne eyes a very strange and admirable ^^
thing in Coanza; namely, that a young Elephant following
his Damme, fell downe by chance into one of these Pits,
and after that she could not with all her skill and strength
draw him out of it, she buried him therein, and covered
him with Earth, with branches and with boughes, inso-
much as she filled the pit up to the top, to the end that the
Hunters should not enjoy her Calfe, choosing rather lo
kill it her selfe, then to leave it to the mercie of the cruell
447
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
Huntsmen. This loving and kind Mother, not fiaring
the people (that stood round about her, and shouted
against her, and threatned her with sundry weapons, and
uttered strange clamours and noyses to affray her, aiKi
cast many fires at her) but assuring her selfe in her owik
strong and valiant nature, did kbour and toylc from
morning till night, that she might draw her Calfe ou:
of the pit : and when shee found that it was not possible
for her to atchieve what shee desired, then she covered it ir
manner as we have told you.
The nature of The Elephant is a very gentle beast, and trusteth grcatk
the Elephant, j^^ j^jg ^aturall strength. Hee feareth nothing, nor hurtcth
any man that doth not trouble him : and haunteth neere
to mens houses, without doing any harme at all. If hee
espie men that goe in his walke, hee will not meddle witk
them, unlesse they seeke to molest him : saving that som^
times peradventure he will gently with his Snout, hoyse
them upwards into the Ayre, whom hee meeteth withaE
[II. vii. in his way, and that is all the hurt he will doe unto them.
looi.] These Elephants doe greatly delight in waters. For
Signor Odoardo affirmed, that in the way betweene
Cazanza and Loanda, in a little grasse Valley he had seeoe
about one hundred of them in a company, old and young
that followed their Dammes : they use to goe together is
Heards, as Kine, and Camels, and other such like gentk
Creatures doe, and not alone like Lions and other sucb
wild beasts.
There are brought into the Countries of the Anzichi.
some of the Homes that grow upon the nose of the
Rhinoceros^ or Rhinoceros, that are both of great value and esdmatioc
Abadas. ^^^ ^^ ^^^ f^^ ^^ helpe of divers Diseases.
Lions, There are in the Region of the Anzichi, Lions alsa
like the Lions that breed in other parts of the World, bu:
they doe not use to haunt the Region of Bamba : But in
Bamba there are verie great store of Tygres, which art
of the very same shape that those in Florence are, which
Tygres. Signor Odoardo saw there, and testifieth to be very Tygrts
indeed. They will not set upon any men that are white,
448
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA ad.
1588.
but onely such as are blacke: And it hath beene found,
that when the white and the blacke have slept together in
the night-time, they have slaine the blacke to devoure
them, and spared the white.
When they are hungry, they will be so bold as to fetch
Cattle, even out of the yards that are about the houses
without any feare at all, when they cannot find any victuals
abroad in the fields. They are very dangerous and hurtfull
to all kinds of Creatures whatsoever they bee, and in that
Language they are called, Engoi.
They are as fierce and crueUbeasts as the Lion, and roare
as the Lion doth. They are also altogether like the Lion,
saving onely in the colour of their haire ; for the Tygre
is spotted, but the Lion all of one colour. They use to
take and kill these Tygres after divers manners. For ^"^^^
besides that, which hath beene before spoken, they poyson Twf^,
them with Sublimate, or some other venome, mingled
with flesh which is laid for them. Or else they tye young
Goates at certaine Lines made like snares, and fastned
about the stocke of a Tree, so that when the beast commeth
to her prey, the Engine openeth it selfe, and the more the
beast striveth withall, the more it is intangled, and so at
last is hanged therein.
Signor Odoardo told me, that he had gotten one of JtamTygre.
them, that was fifteene dayes old, and hee brought it up
with Goats Milke : which being afterwards growne bigger
would follow him like a Dogge: and although it were
tame, yet it would not willingly suffer any other to touch
it, besides his Master. He would also roare mightily,
and when hee was angry, his eyes would looke very terribly
and fearefuUy. But in processe of time this Typ-e killed
a Dogge, belonging to the house, and also a Zebra, that
were very deare to their Master, and thereupon, perceiving
how periUous a beast it was, he slue it with an Harque-
busse-shot. Hee reported, moreover, that the Mostacchios
of the Tygre are held in that Region to be mortall Poyson :
for beeing given in meates, it procureth a man to die, as
it were in a madnesse: And therefore the King doth
VI 449 2F
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
punish all those that bring him a Tygres skin without the
Mostacchios.
There breedeth likewise in this Countrey another
Thi Zebra. Creatiire, which they call a Zebra, commonly found also
in certaine Provinces of Barbary and Aifrica, which
although it be altogether made like a great Mule, yet is
not a Mule indeed, for it beareth young ones. It hath
a most singular skin, and peculiar from alTother Creatures.
For from the ridge of the chin downe towards the belly,
it is straked with rowes of three colours, blacke, white,
and browne Bay, about the breadth of three fingers a
piece, and so meet againe together in a Circle, every row,
with his owne colour. So that the necke, and the head;
and the Maine (which is not great) and the eares, and all
the legs are so interchanged with these colours, and in
such manner and order, as with out all faile, if the first
strake beginne with white, then foUoweth the second with
blacke, and in the third place the Bay: and so another
course beginning in white, endeth still in Bay. And this
rule is generally and infallibly observed over all the bodie.
The Tayle is like the Tayle of a Mule, of a Morell colour,
but yet it is well coloured, and hath a glistering glosse.
The feet like the feet of a Mule, and so are the hoofes.
But touching the rest of her carriage and qualities, she is
very lustie and pleasant as a Horse : and specially in going,
and in running shee is so light and so swift, that it is
admirable. Insomuch as in Portugall and in Castile also,
it is commonly used (as it were for a Proverbe) as swift
as a Zebra, when they will signifie an exceeding quick-
nesse. These Creatures are all wild, they breed every
yeare, and are there in such abundance that they are
innumerable. If they were made tame, they would serve
to runne and to draw for the warres, and for many other
good uses, as well as the best Horses that are.
The manner of Necessitie has taiight them to use men in steed of
^^^?J7/*^^ labouring Cattell. For either they lav themselves all
^Cmzld along in certaine Litters (as it were) or else set themselves
upright, with shadowes over them to keepe them from
450
A DESCRIPTION OP ANGOLA aj>.
1588.
the Sunne, and so they cause themselves to bee carryed
too and fro, by their slaves, or by other men that for wages
are alwayes readie at Poste-houses to that purpose. They
that meane to journey with speed, doe take with them
many slaves, and when the first number are weary, then
doe the second number undertake the burden, and so
sucessively change one after another, as the Tartarians and
Persians use to doe with their Horses: and these men
being thus accustomed to these labours, (and so often
changing) will goe as fast as any Postilion gallop.
There are also to be found in this Countrie, certaine [H.vii.
other foure-footed beasts, somewhat lesse then Oxen, of j,, j^^^^
coloxir Red, with homes like Goats homes, which are very
smooth and glistring, and inclining to blacke, whereof
they make divers pretie knackes, as they doe likewise of
the Busses homes. They have their heads and their
haires, like the heads & haires of Oxen : and their skins
are of great estimation; and therefore they are carried
into Portugall, and from thence into Germanie to be
dressed, and then they are called Dantes. The King of
Congo is very desirous to have some men that had skill
to dbanse them, and dresse them, and to make them fit
for use, to end he might employ them for Armour of
defence. And yet those Nations doe akeadie use them
for Shields and Targets ; and doe find that they will resist
the blow of a weapon, and especially the shot of an Arrow.
They kill them with Harquebusses, and with Arrowes.
But if they doe espie the Huntsman, they will set upon
him, and being by nature very fierce, and couragious, they
will so knocke him and thumpe him with their feet, and
their Muzzle (because they cannot doe him any harme
with their homes) that they will leave him either halfe
dead, or starke dead. There is also an infinite number of
wild BuflFes, that goe wandring about the Desarts, in the wlUBuffes.
Kingdome of the Anzichi ; and wild Asses likewise, which Wild Jsses.
the Greekes call Onagri.
There are besides these, other beasts, called Empalanga, EmpaUmga.
which are in bignesse and shape like Oxen, saving that
4SI
A.D.
1588.
Other fruit'
fktt Catull.
Wohis.
Foxes.
Htmtimg
game.
In PemiOf
Civet-cats.
In Batta,
Sables.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
they hold their necke and head aloft, and have their homes
broad and crooked, three hand-breadths long, divided into
knots, and sharpe at the ends, whereof they might make
very iaire Cornets to sound withall : and although they live
in the Forrests, yet are they not noysome nor harmefuU.
The skins of their neckes are used for shoo-soles, and their
flesh for meate. They might likewise be brought to draw
the Ploiugrh, and doe good service in any other Labour, and
tilling of the ground. Moreover, they feed great herds
of IQne, and tame Oxen, tame Hogs, and wild Boares,
flockes of Sheepe and Goats. Signor Odoardo aflBrmed,
that the Goats and the Sheepe doe bring forth two, and
three, and foure Lambs or Kids at a time, and two, when
they have fewest, and never one alone at any time.
There are Wolves also which love the Oyle of Palmes,
beyond all measure. They will smell this Oyle afarre off,
and steale it in the night time out of their houses of
straw, and sometimes from those that carrie it by the way,
whiles the poore soules doe rest themselves and sleepe.
The Oyle (as shall be told you) is made of the Palme-tree ;
it is thicke and hard, like Butter. And it is a marvell to
see, how these Wolves doe take a Bottle that is fiill of
this liquor betweene their teeth, and so cast it on their
shoulders, and runne away withall, as oxir Wolves here
doe with a Sheepe. There arc very great store of Foxes,
that steale Hennes as our Foxes doe. And farther in
this Countrie of Bamba, there is an innumerable quantitie
of hunting game, as Stags, fallow Deere, Roe-buckes, and
Gazels, whereof he affirmed that he had seene exceeding
great herds, as also of Conies and Hares, because there
were no Hunters to kill them.
In the Region of Pemba there are many wild Civet-
cats, which the Portugals call Algazia, and some of these,
the people of that Countrie hsS made tame, that they
might enjoy their Civet, in the smell whereof they doe
greatly delight. But this was before the Portugals did
trafficke with those Countries. And in Manibatta there
are caught many Sables, with very white haires, and
45^
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA a.d.
1588.
exceeding fine, called Incire : but no man may weare these
skinnes unlesse the Prince permit him so to doe ; for, it is
held in great estimation, and every Sable is worth a Slave.
Towards the Anzichi they catch Marterns also, wherewith ^ ^nTjgua^
they apparell themselves, as in due place we will note unto ^^"*^^^*
you. Apes, Monkies, and such other kind of beasts, ^^^^^i^^^
small and great of all sorts there are many in the Region ^ ^^'*
of Sogno, that lieth upon the River Zaire.
Of Adders and Snakes you shall find some that are five ^^^ ^
and twentie spanne long, and five span broad: and the j^^c^f^g.
bellie and the mouth so large, that they can swallow and
receive into their bellie a whole Stag, or any other creature
of that bignesse. And it is called, Naumri that is to ^^^^^
say, A great Water-adder. It will goe forth of the water ^^^^^ ^^
up to the Land to prey for his victuals, and then returne nam. In
into the Rivers againe, and so it liveth in both the BranUthej
Elements, It will get it selfe up upon the boughs and ^^J^^^"'
branches of Trees, and there watch the Cattell that feed '^
thereabouts, which when they are come neere unto it, pre-
sently it will fall upon them, and wind it selfe in many
twines about them, and clap his taile on their hinder parts,
and so it straineth them, and biteth so many holes in them,
that at last it killeth them. And then it draweth them
into some Wood, or other solitarie place, where it
devoureth them at pleasure, skinne, homes, hoofes and all.
Now it falleth out, that when it is thus full, and (as it
were) great with so monstrous a meale, it becommeth
almost drunke, and very sleepie, so that any child may kill
it. And in this sort will it remaine full and satisfied for
the space of five or sixe dayes together, and then returne
againe to prey. These Adders doe change their skinnes
in their ordinarie seasons ; yea, and sometimes after they
have eaten so monstrously, and the said Sloughs, when
they are found, are gathered up, and reserved tor a shew
of so unmeasurable a Creature. These Adders are also
greatly esteemed by the Pagan Negroes, for they doe use
to roast them, and eate them for meate, and make more
account of them then they doe of Hennes, or any such
453
A.D.
1588.
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
Vipers.
Amtkir,
strauff Crea*
tare.
delicate flesh. They find great store of them, when they
have occasion to biirne their thicke Woods : for there they
[11. viL shall have them lying on the ground, rosted with the fire.
'°°3-J Besides these there are Vipers also, well knowne unto that
People. Which Vipers are so venemous, that such as arc
bitten by them, doe die within the space of foure and
twentie houres. But the Negroes are acquainted with
certaine herbs that will heale their wounds.
There are also certaine other Creatures, which being as
big as Rams, have wings like Dragons, with long tailes,
and long chaps, and divers rowes of teeth, and feeid upon
raw flesn. Their colour is blue and greene, their skinne
bepainted like scales; and two fett they have, but no
more. The Pagan Negroes, doe use to worship them as
Gods, and at this day you may see divers of them, that
are kept for a wonder. And because they are very rare,
the chiefe Lords there doe curiously preserve them, and
suffer the people to worship them, which tendeth greatly
to their profit, by reason or the gifts and oblations which
the people offer unto them. There are there also to be
found Chamelions.
Other Serpents there are that are venemous, that carrie
upon the tippe of their tayle, a certaine little roundell like
a Bell, which ringeth as they goe, so as it may be heard.
Tki Estridff. Estridges are found in those Parts of Sundi, and of
Batta, that are towards the Muzambi. The young
Estridges doe spring out of their egges, being warmed and
disclosed by the eye and heate of the Sunne. Their
feathers are used in stead of Ensignes and Banners in
Warre, mingled with some plumes of the Peacocke, and
are ^hioned in the likenesse of a shadow against the
Sunne. And forasmuch as I am fallen into the speech of
Peacocks. Peacocks, I must tell you by the wav, that in the Parts of
Angola, there are Peacocks brougnt up privately in a
certaine Wood that is compassed about with walls: and
the King will not suffer any other bodie to keep those
Birds but onely himselfe, because they are for the Royall
Ensignes, as I told you before.
454
ChameRoHs,
A strange
Serpent.
A DESCRIPTION OF ANGOLA a.p.
1588.
There are also Indi&<ocks, and Hens, and Geese, and ^^^' ^f
Duckes of all sorts both wild and tame : Partridges, so ^^^" '^'^•
many as children take them with ginnes. Other Birds
they have likewise, as Phesants, which they call Gallignoles,
Pigeons, Turtles, and of these small Birds, called Becca-
fichi, an infinite number. Birds of prey, as Eagles Royall, Birds of prey,
Faulcons, Gerfaulcons, and Sparrow-hawks, and others,
gre^t store, which notwithstanding the people never use
to hawke withall. Birds of the Sea, as Pelicanes (for so ^'''^ ^f^
the Portugals doe call them) white and great, which ^^'
swimme under the water, and have their throats so wide,
that they will swallow a whole fish at once. This Bird
hath so good a stomacke, and naturally so hot, that it
easily digesteth the Fish that it swalloweth whole, and the
skinne of it is so hot, that the people of that Coimtrie doe
use to weare them, and to warme their cold stomackes
withall, and therefore make great reckoning of them.
There are many white Herons and grey Bittours, that
feed in the Washes there, and are ouled, Royall Birds.
Other Fowles there are of the likenesse of a Crane, with Otker kinds of
a red biU and red feet, as bigge as Storkes, and their ^^^'
feathers for the most part red and white, and some
darke grey. Goodly Birds they are to looke to, and
the people of the Countrie doe call them Flemmings,
because they doe much resemble them, and are good meat
to eate.
They have Parrots of grey colour, great and very Parrots.
talkative : and others of greene colour, but they are little
ones, and not so talkative. They have likewise cer-
taine small little Birds, which they call Birds of Birds of
Musicke, and yet greater then the Canarie Birds, ^^^'
of feather and bill red: some greene, with their
feet and bill onely blacke: some all white: some
grey or dunne: some aU blacke, and this kind is more
sweet in their notes then aU the rest afore-named; for
you would thinke that they talked in their singing.
Others there are of divers colours, but they doe all sing in
sundrie sorts, so that the chiefe Lords of those Countries,
455
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
from ancient times to this day, have continually kept them
in Cages, and greatly esteemed them for their song.
§. nil.
Of the five other Provinces of Congo, to wit, Sogno,
Sundi, Pango, Batta, and Pemba.
The second BBHis Countrie is bounded with the River Ambrize,
s'^'^'^mJ tAe BH ^^^^"^^^ ^^ North in seven degrees and an halfe,
ii^riptwn ™" and so traversing the River Lelunda, and the River
thervf. 7.^\TCy it endeth at the Rockes, called Berreur as Vermellias,
that is to say, the Red pits, which are in the Borders of
the Kingdome of Loango. In the middest of this Pro-
vince there is a certaine Territorie, called by the same
Sogno the chief name Sogno, where the Govemour of the Countrie
P^nf^" dwelleth. The chiefe Lords that rule this Province, arc
'^'*^^' called Mani-Sogno, that is. Princes of Sogno, and arc
conmionly of the bloud RoyjJl. The Prince that govemeth
*i588. there at this day,* is called Don Diego Mani-Sogno. He
c/Sef Gover- ^^^^ under his dominion many other petie Lords, and
now- 0/ Sogno, Other Provinces, that in old time were free, and lived by
and those that thcmsclvcs, as the People of Mombalas, situate somewhat
rule under necrc to the Citie of Congo, which are now subject to this
^'«- government. And on the other side of the River Zaire
towards the North, is the Province of Palmar, that is to
say, of Palmes, because there is great store of Palme-trees
growing therein. Other Lords there are, that border
upon the King of Loango, who was sometime subject to
[IL vii. the King of Congo ; but in processe of time he became a
^oo^\ g.^^ Lord, and now posesseth himselfe to bee in amitie
with the King of Congo, but not to be his vassall. The
people that are under these Lords in those borders, are
The Bramas. called the Bramas : and they reach within the Land, under
the Equinoctiall line towards the East, to the bounds of
Anzicana, aU along the Mountaines which divide them
from the Anzichi upon the North. They are called by the
people of Loango, Congreamolal, because they were
subject to Congo.
4S6
THE PROVINCES OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
In this Countrey of Loango there are many Elephants, '^J^ common-
and great store of Ivory, whioi they doe willingly exchange ^' vSogno.
for a little Iron, so that for the naue of a ship (oe it never
so small) they will give a whole Elephants tooth. The
reason thereof, is eimer because there groweth no Iron in
that place, or else they have not the skill to get it out of
the Mines where it groweth : But all the Iron they can
get, they imploy for the heading of their Arrowes, and
their other weapons, as we told you when we spake of the
Bramas.
They make great store of cloth of the Palme tres, '^^^^r^
whereof we made mention before: but these are lesser, iljj^i^^
and yet very fine. They have great abundance of Kine,
and of other cattell, before named. They are in Religion
Pagans : their appareU after the fashion of the people of
Congo: They mointaine warre with their bordering
neighbours, which are the Anzichi, and the Inhabitants of
Anzicana; and when they enterprise warre against the
Anzichi, then they crave ayde or the people of Congo,
and so diey remaine halfe in freedome, and halfe in danger
of others. They worship what they list, and hold the
Sunne for the greatest God, as thougn it were a man, and ^^^^ ^^^'
the Moone next, as though it were a woman. Otherwise ^^ff^^-
every man chooseth to himselfe his owne Idoll, and
worshippeth it after his owne pleasure. These people
would easily embrace the Christian Religion : For many of
them that dwell upon the borders of Congo, have beene
converted to Christendome : and the rest, for want of
Priests, and of such as should instruct them in the true
Religion, do remaine still in their blindnesse.
Sundi, is the neerest of all to the Citie of Congo, called, ThethirdPro-
Citta di San-Salvatore, the Citie of Saint Saviours, and ^'SiS
beginneth about fortie miles distant from it, and quite out thereof,
of the Territorie thereof, and reacheth to the River Zaire,
and so over the same to the other side, where the Caduta
or Fall is, which we mentioned before : and then holdeth
on up-wards on both sides towards the North, bordering
upon Anzicana, and the Anzichi. Towards the South it
4S7
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
goeth along the said River Zaire, untill you come to the
meeting of it with the River Bancare, and all along the
bankes thereof, even to the rootes of the Mountaine of
Thechiife Crystall. In die bounds of the Province of Pango, it
rwOTj^e^ hath her principall Territorie, where the Governor
^ ^' lyeth, who hath his name from the Province of Simdi, and
is seated about a daies journey neere to the Fall of the
River, towards the South.
This Province Xhis Province is the chiefest of all the rest, and (as it
ejT^iw^, u ^erej the Patrimony of all the Kingdome of Congo : and
governed by therefore it is alwaies governed by the Kings eldest Son,
tke heire and by those Princes mat are to succeed him. As it fell
apparentofthe out in the time of their first Christian King, that was
^^^S^f called Don John: whose eldest sonne, that was Gover-
^^^' nour heere, succeeded him, and was called Don Alfonso.
And ever sithence, the ICings of Congo have successively
continued this custome, to consigne this government to
those Princes which are to succeed in the Kingdome : As
*i588. did the King that now* is called Don Alvaro, who was
in this government before Don Alvaro the King his father
died, and was called Mani-Sundi.
Inallthe king' And heere by the way you must note, that in all the
dmeofCongo^ Kingdome of Congo, there is not any person that possesseth
any thing of ^^X proper goods of his owne, whereof he may dispose,
his owne and leave to his heires : but all is the Kings, and he
whereof he distributeth all Offices, all Goods, and all Lands, to whom-
mpd^fose^or soever it pleaseth him; yea, and to this Law, even the
^re^hiuall ^^^^ owne sonnes are subject. So that if any man doe
is the Kings, not pay his tribute yearely (as he ought) the King taketh
awav his Government from him, and giveth it to another.
As It happened to the King that now liveth, who at the
time that Signor Odoardo was at the Court, being of his
owne nature very liberall, and bountifull beyond measure,
and one that bestowed much upon his servants, could not
discharge those impositions that the King had laid on
him. Whereupon he was by the King deprived of his
revenues, of his government, and of his royaU favour;
that is to say, in that language, he was Tombocado, as
458
THE PROVINCES OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
we will declare more at fiill in the second part of this
Discourse.
Many Lords there are that are subject to the Governour ThemMuertf
of Sundi. The people doe Trafficke with their neighbour '-M^efS***
Countries, selling and bartring divers things. As for
example, Salt, and Cloathes of sundry colours, brought
from the Indies, and from Portugall, and Lumachette, to
serve for their Coyne. And for these commodities they
doe exchange cloath of Palme Trees, and Ivory, and the
skinnes of Sables and Marternes, and certaine girdles
wrought of the leaves of Palme trees, which are greatly
esteemed in those parts.
There groweth in these Countries great store of Crystall,
and divers kinds of Metall : but Iron they love above all
the rest; saying, That the other Metals are to no use:
for with Iron they can make Knives, and Weapons, and
Hatchets, and such like Instruments, that are necessary
and profitable for the use of mans nature.
The Province of Pango in ancient time was a free
Kingdome, that was governed of it selfe, and bordereth [Il.vii.
on the North upon Sundi, on the South upon Batta, on a'°?^*^
the West upon the Coimtrie of Congo, and on the East p^^ce
upon the Mountaines of the Sun. The principall Terri- Panff^andtki
tone, where the Governors dwelling is, hath the same description
name that the Province hath, (viz:) Pango. It standeth ^'^^.
upon the Westerne side of the River Barbela, and in old cAUfiLumof
time was called, Pangue-lun^os : and in time afterwards, tj^i. Province.
the word was corrupted and cianged into Pango. Through
the midst of this Province runneth the River Berbek, Berbeia.
which fetcheth his Originall from the great Lake, (whence
the River Nilus also taketh his beginning) and from
another lesser Lake, called Achelunda, and so dischare^eth
it selfe into Zaire. And although this be the kast
Countrey of aU the rest, yet doth it yeeld no lesse tribute
then the rest.
This Province was conquered after the Countrey of
Sundi, and made subject to the Princes of Congo : and is
now slU one with it, both in speech and manners ; neither
4S9
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
1588.
is there any difference at all betweene them. The present
^f 7?^*^^' Governor thereof is called^ Don Francesco Mani-Pango,
^wro^aun *^^ ^^ remained in the government of this R^on Tor
the space of fiftie yeares, and no man ever complained of
him.
Tkifift Pro- The bounds of Batta are towards the North, the Coun-
faTM^^^ trey of Pango : on the East it taketh quite over the River
tiou tiirtof, Barbela, and reacheth to the Mountaines of the Sunne,
and to the foote of the Mountaines of Sal-Nitre. And
on the South from the said Mountaines, bv a line passing
through the meeting of the Rivers Barbela and Gudnga,
to the Mountaine Brusciato, that is to say. Scorched.
Batta^ the Within these bounds is Batta contained, and the prin-
'SbH^^'^ cipall Citie where the Prince dwelleth, is likewise called
Batta. In ancient time it was called Aghirimba, but
afterwards the word was corrupted, and it is now called
Batta. It was in old time a verv strong and a great
Kingdome, and voluntarily of it selre, without any warre it
{'oyned it selfe with the Kingdome of Congo, peradventure
because there were some cussention among their Lords :
and therefore it hath more preheminence then the rest of
the Provinces of the Kingdome of Congo, in priviledgcs
Thepri' and liberties. For the Government of Batta is alwaies
^^^^-^ assigned to one, that is of the blood of the Kings of that
of Batta, Countrey, at their choise and pleasure, having no more
respect to one then to another, so that he be of^the stocke
and blood Ropll, neither to the eldest sonne, nor to the
second. Neither yet goeth this Government by inherit-
ance, but the King of Congo (as is told you before) doth
dispose it at his owne pleasure to whom he thinketh best,
to the end they should not usurpe it by way of succession,
or by rebellion. He dwelleth neerer the King then any
other Governour or Lord of the Kingdome of Congo, and
is the second person therein, neither may any man gaine-
say his arguments and reasons, as they may any of the
rest, for it is so decreed among them. Now if^ the line
of the King of Congo should chance to faile, so that there
were none of that blood to succeed, the succession shall
460
THE PROVINCES OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
fall upon the Governoxir of Batta. He that now
govemeth there, is called, Don Pedro Mani-Batta. ^/*r^'
Sometimes he eateth at the Kings owne Table, but yet '^^fs^^
in a baser seat then the Kings seat is, and that also not ijgg.
sitting, but standing ; which is not granted to any other State-
Lord of Congo, no nor to the sonnes of the King himselfe. <^^«»wj^-
His Court and his Traine, is little lesse then the Court
and traine of the King of Congo. For he hath Tnunpets
and Dnmis, and other instruments going before him, as
becommeth a Prince.
He doth hold continuall warres with the Pagans that
border upon him, and he is able to gather together about
seventie or eightie thousand fighting men. And because
he doth still maintaine warre with the people that are next
him, he hath libertie granted unto him to entertaine Har-
quebusires, that shall be of his owne naturall subjects. For
tiie King of Congo will not suffer any other Governor of ^^ f^H^f
any other Provinces, nor any of their children, to have any ^^ fotUnot
Harquebusiers that are borne within their Countrey, but ^uir^bome
onely the Portugals. subject in
Towards the East of Batta, beyond the Mountaines of Cwg^ytohave
the Sunne, and of Sal-Nitre, upon the bankes of the East ^^^^^
and West of the River Nilus, and in the borders of the ^^'
Empire of Mohenbe-Muge there liveth a Nation, which
by the people of Congo, are called Giaquas, but in q^^J^^'
their owne language they are called Aga^: Very fierce JndrnoBat-
they are and warbke, much given to fight and pillage, uU^wHch
and make continuall inroades into the Countries neere iivedoHd
adjoyning; and sometimes among the rest into the ^^^^^^^
Province of Batta. So that this Countrey must needs
be in continuall Armes, and stand upon good guard, and
maintaine Harquebusiers to defend themselves from
them.
The Prince of Batta hath many Lords under him : and ^^ couMws
the naturall people of this Province are called Monsobos, ^f^P^^^^f
and their language is well understood by the Inhabitants
of Congo. They are farre more rude and rusticall then
the Moci-Congi, and the Slaves that are brought firom
461
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
thence, doe proove more obstinate and stubbome, then
those that come from other Countries.
ThesixtPro' fhe Province of Pemba is seated in the heart and
^^the^tua- "^^ddle of the Kingdome of Congo, compassed and com-
tion thereof, prised within the bounds before described, whose Governor
Dw Anumto is called Don Antonio Mani-Pemba, second sonne to
chiefeGover' King Don Alvaro, that dead is, and brother to the King
nor of Pemba, that raigneth at this present. And for as much as his father
P^- ^"' r 1 ^^^ ^^^^ ^^"^ dearely, he assigned unto him this Govem-
'ooo.j nigjjt^ because he knew not what better thing to give him,
saving the Realme it selfe: which in d^ he would
willingly have bestowed on him, for that hee was more like
unto him in quality and nature then his eldest sonne was.
But it would not be by reason of the law of the Kingdome,
which would not have yeelded thereunto.
^^/^^ This Countrey is the very Centre, and middest of all
Congo U ^^ ^t2X!t of Congo, and the originall of all the ancient
ntuau in this Kings, and the Territorie where they were borne, and the
Propince of chiefe and principall seat of all the other Provinces and
Pemba, Principalities. And therefore the chiefe and royall Citic
of all that Enipire, is assigned to this Province, whereof
we will hereafter deliver you a full information. The
Governor of Pemba dwelleth in a Territory of the same
name, situate at the foote of the scorched Mountaine, along
the River Loze, which riseth out of the Lake, and runnel
The Courtiers through the Region of Bamba into the Sea. The Coiirtiers
Wr., icp/// ^^^ Lords, and Servitors belonginc: to the King of Congo,
for the most • ..' . • -^j °- ^•
partinPemba. "*^® ^^^^ goods and possessions, and revenues in this
Province; because it is neerest to the Court, and very
convenient for the conveighing of their victuals, and their
other stufFe unto the Court. Some of these Lords, in
that part specially, that bordereth upon the aforesaid
Province of Bamba, have much adoe to keepe fight and
defend themselves from the people of Quizama, because
they are neerest unto them. For this people (as we told
you) did rebell against the King of Congo, and revolted
from him, and doe professe that they will be at libertic,
and governed of themselves.
46a
THE CITY OF SAN SALVATOR a.d.
1588.
§. V.
3f the situation of the Royall Citie of the King-
dome of Congo : Of their first conversion and
Warre^ thence arising betwixt the Kings two
Sonnes.
JLthough the chiefe and Rojrall Citie of the King- '^^ Territp
dome of Congo be after a sort comprehended qI^I^^/^
within the Province of Pemba, vet notwithstanding Cwgty con-
dor as much as the government thereof, and the Territoric tdneth in cm-
rhereunto belonging, which may in compasse amount to fosse twentie
the space of twentie miles about, doth depend wholly of ' ^'
'he King of Congo himselfe, we will place it in a severall
Regiment, and intreat of it by it selfe.
This Citie is called San Salvatore, or Saint Saviour, and [IL ▼"•
in times past in that Countrie Language it was called ^. x-^^'^
Banza, which generally signifieth The Court, where the citit^called
King or the Governoxir doeth ordinarilv sojourne. It is San Salvatore.
seated about one hundred and fiftie miles from the Sea, The sittuam
upon a great and a high Mountaine, being almost all of a ^^ ^^^^*
Rocke, but yet having a veyne of Iron in it, whereof they
have great use in their housing. This Mountaine hath TheMounudn
in the toppe of it a great Plaine, very well manured and **'*^^ *^
furnished with Houses and Villages, contayning in circuit
about ten miles, where there doeth dwell and live, the
number of one hundred thousand persons.
The soyle is fruitfuU, and the aire fresh, wholsome, and '^^ ^^t ^
pure : there arc great store of Springs, of indifferent good ^'^^i^^
water to drinke, and at certaine times doe not harme any c^^gi/^
man : and of all sorts of Cattell great abundance. The
top of the Mountaine is severed and distinguished from
aU the rest of the Hill which is about it, and therefore
the Portugals doe call it. The Otheiro, that is to say, A The OOeiro,
view, or a Watch-tower, or a Singular heighth, from
whence you may take a sight of all the Champaine round
about : onely towards the East, and towards tne River, it
is very steepe and rockie.
463
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
The reami For two causes did the Princes of this Kingdom place
^^dA^tf^ this habitation in the foresaid heighth of this Mountaune.
» tkufUue. pj^^ because it lieth in the very middest, and (as it were)
in the Centre of all the Realme, from whence hee may
presently send aide to any part of his King^dome, that
2* may stand in need of reliefe : and secondly, because it is
situated in a Territorie that is by Nature moimted aloft,
having a very good aire, and of great safetie ; £:»- it cannot
be forced. By the chiefe common high-way that goeth up
to the Citie, and looketh towards the Sea, being distant
from thence one hundred and fiftie miles (as hath beene
told you) which way is very large and competent, though
j^ "J^ it goe somewhat about in compasse, you shall ascend five
mm rfOu!' ™"^^ ^^ ^^ bottome to the top of the Mountaine. At
HiUtothetop. the foot thereof on the East side there runneth a River,
A Rstfer at whereunto the women doe descend by the space of a miles
tki Hillfiot. walke to wash their clothes. In divers other parts thereof
there are sundrie valleys planted and manured : neither doe
they suffer any part of the Countrie thereabouts to be left
untiUed or unused, because it is the Countrie where the
Court remaineth.
TheforHeular The Citie IS seated in a corner or angle of the hill
s^Honoftke towards the South-east, which Don Alfonso the first
Christian King did compasse about with walls, and gave
J several! unto the Portugals a several! place for themselves, shut
^Pm^^ up likewise wimin walls. Then did he also inclose his
TheKinp owne Palace and the Kings Houses with another wall,
Palace, and in the middest betweene these two enclosures left a
TheprincipaU great space of ground, where the principall Church was
M^^l^^ built, with a tare Market place before it. The doores
arM place. ^^^ ^^^^ ^ ^^U ^f ^^ Lodgings of the Lords, as of the
Portugals Inhabitations, doe open on the side of the said
Church. For, in the uppermost end of the Market place
doe divers great Lords of the Court dwell, and behind the
Ch\u*ch doeth the Market place runne into a narrow street,
where there is also a gate, and beyond that gate many
houses towards the East. Without these wafis, (which
doe enclose the Kings houses, and the Citie of the
464
THE CITY OF SAN SALVATOR ad
1588.
Portugals) there are a number of other biiildings, erected
by divers Lords, every man making his several! choise of
the place which he thinketh most fit and convenient for
his dwelling neere unto the Court. So that the greatnesse
of this Citie cannot well be determined or limited.
Beyond these walls also, that thus doe compasse this Citie ;
there is a great champaine Plaine, full of Villages, and
sundrie Pakces, where every Lord possesseth (as it were)
a whole Towne within himselfe. The circuit of the
Portugals Citie containeth about a mile ; and the Kings
houses as much. The walls are very thicke: the gates
are not shut in the night time, neither is there any watch
or ward kept therein.
And although that Plaine doeth lie very high and aloft, Good store of
yet is there great abundance of waters in it, so that there is «'^^''^'
no want thereof. But the Court and the Portugals Citie
doe aU drinke of a certaine Fountaine that springeth
continually, towards the North, and lieth downe the hiU,
as farre as a Gunne will shoot : and from hence they doe
fetch all their water, and bring it to the Citie in vessels of
Wood, of Earth, and Leather, upon the backes of their
Slaves.
All this Plaine is very fruitfull,.and well manured. It Tki Plaine
hath Meadowes full of Grasse, and Trees that are alwaies ^^Ofi^^tfi^-
greene. It beareth sundrie sorts of Graine, but the ^^^raU sorts
principall and best of all is called Luco, which is very like f^ j^^k^
to Mustard-seed, but that it is somewhat bigger. When '
it is grinded with Hand-querns (for so they use to do) it
yeeldeth a very white Meale, whereof they make Bresui,
that is both white, and also of a very 20od savour, and
wholsome withall : neither doth it give pkce to our Wheat
in any sort, saving that they doe not celebrate the
Sacrament with it. Of these Graines there now is great
store, over all the Kingdome of Congo: but it is not
long since that this Seed was brought thither from that part
of the River Nilus, where it falleth into the second Lake. ^uSthe
There is also a white kind of Millet, called the Mazza of Mazza of
Congo, that is to say. The Corne of Congo : and another Conga.
VI 465 2 G
A.D.
1588.
Maiz.
[II. vii.
1008.]
Divers kinds
of Trees bear-
ingfruit.
ottHttHA,
Divers kinds
of Palm-trees,
The Oyle of
Palme.
The Bread of
Palme.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Graine which they call Maiz, but they make no account
of it, for they give it to their Hogs: neither doe they
greatly esteeme of Rice. The foresaid Maiz they
commonly terme by the name of Mazza-Manputo, that
is to say, the Portugals Corne ; for they call a PortugaD
Manputo.
There are moreover divers and simdrie sorts of Trees,
that beare very great store of Fruits, insomuch as the
greatest part of the people doe feed upon the Fruits of
the Countrie, as Citrons, Lymons, and specially Oranges,
very full of liquor, which are neither sweet nor sowre, and
are ordinarily eaten without any annoyance or harme at
all. And to shew the fruitfulnesse of this Countrie, the
said Signor Odoardo reported, that he had seene from a
kernell of the fruit of a Pome-Citrone, which was left
within the rind thereof, there sprung up within the space
of foure dayes a pretie taU sprig. Other Fruits there
are, which thev call Banana, and wee verily thinke to be
the Muses or £gypt and Soria, saving that in those
Countries they grow to be as bigge as Trees ; but here they
cut them yeerely, to the end they may beare the better.
The Fruit is very sweet in smell, and of good nourishment.
In these Plaines there grow likewise sundrie kinds of
Palme-trees; one that beareth Dates, and another that
beareth the Indian Nuts, called Cocoes, because they have
within them a certaine shell that is like to an Ape : and
thereupon they use in Spaine to shew their children
Coccola, when they would make them afraid. Another
Palme-tree there groweth also very like to the former, but
of a more strange and singular propertie : for it yeeldeth
Ovle, Wine, Vinegar, Fruit and Bread. The Oyle is made
or the shell of the fruit, and is of the colour and substance
of Butter, saving that it is somewhat greenish. They use
it, as other people doe use Oyle and Butter, and it will
burne like C>yle. They anoint their bodies withall ; and
besides, it is very good to eate. They presse it out of
the Fruit, as Oyle is pressed out of the Olives, and then
they boyle it, and so preserve it. The Bread is made of
466
THE CITY OF SAN SALVATOR a.d.
1588.
the stone of the fruit it selfe, which is like to an Aknond,
but somewhat harder: and within the same is there a
certaine kernell or pith, which is good to eate: very
wholsome and of good nourishment. The whole Fruit, '^^^Jj^^
together with the outter shell is greene ; and they use to ^ '
eate it both raw and rosted. The Wine is drawen from '^^tmmd
the top of the Tree, by making an hole therein, from p^^j^
whence there distilleth a liquor like Milke, which at the
first is sweet, but afterwards sowre, and in processe of time
beconuneth very Vinegar, to serve for Sallets. This Wine
they drinke cold, and it moveth to urine very much : so
that in those Countries, there is not a man that is troubled
with Gravell or Stone in the bladder. It will make them
drunke, that drinke too much of it : but indeed it is of a
very good nutriment.
There are other Trees, that beare a certaine fruit, called ??^^'
Cola, as big as a Pine-apple, which hath within it other ^^ ^^^
fruits like Chest-nuts, wherein are foure severall shells or finches
skins, of red and Carnation colour. These they use to Jounudl.
hold in their mouthes, and chaw them, and at last to eate
them, for the quenching of their thirst, and better relishing
of their water. They comfort and preserve the stomacke,
but above all other qualities, they are singular good
against the diseases of the Liver. And it is said, that Andrew
the Liver of a Henne, or of any other like Bird, which is ^^ 1 ^
putrified, and stinketh, being sprinkled over with the ^4^^. '
matter of this fruit, retumeth into his former estate, and
becommeth fresh and sound againe. This food is
commonly and generally used among them aU, and there is
very great abundance of it: and therefore it is good
cheape. Other kinds of wild Palme-trees there are, which Other kinds of
yeeld divers fruits that are eaten : and their leaves reserved ^^^'^^*'
to make Mats, wherewith their houses are covered ; and
Baskets and Skeps, and such other like Instruments that
are necessarie for their daily uses. Other Trees there are '^^^^ ^^'>
likewise, called Ogheghe, which beare a fruit which is like ^^if^-
a yeUow Plumme, and is very good to eate, and hath a
very sweet smell withall. Of these Trees they cut off
467
A.^ PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
the boughs, and plant them so thicke together, that they
touch one another, and stand closely all in a ranke; so
that when they are growne great, they make a strong
Fence or wall about Aeir houses, which being afterwards
covered with Mats, it resembleth a handsome Court or
Closse, wherein they use to walke, (as it were) in an Arbour
that niaketh a great shadow, and defendeth them from
the heate of the Sunne. In the middest of these
enclosures, they use to build certaine houses of wood,
covered with straw, and divided into sundrie convenient
roomes, all on the ground without any Stories or SoUers
above them. These they doe line with very fiure and
delicate Mats, and furnish them with other ornaments in
very handsome manner.
Great '^^ rf There are to bee found among them many masses and
stmjo^httUi lumpes of stone, which are of such thicknesse and huge-
nesse, that you may cut out a whole Church, even of one
whole piece ; yea, and of the same kind of stone, whereof
the Obelisco is made, that is erected before Porta
del Popolo in Rome. Besides this, there are whole
Mountaines of Porphyrie, of Jasper, and of white Marble,
and of other sundrie colours, which here in Rome are
called, Marbles of Numidia, of Africa, and of Ethiopia :
certaine Pillars whereof, you may see in the ChappeU of
Pope Gregorie.
Other Stone there is, that is speckled with graines or
strakes, but among all the rest, that kind is most admirable,
which hath in it faire Jacynthes, that are good Jewels. For
the strakes being dispersed like veynes over all the bodie
of their Mother-stone, if you shall divide them, and
plucke them out as you would picke the kernels out of a
Fomemnate, they will fall into g^raines and little pieces
of perfect Jacynth. But if you please to make Pillars, or
Obeliskes, or other such like memorials, of the whole
masse, you shall see them shine and sparkle, full of most
faire and goodly Jewels.
[II. vii. There are also other kinds of rare stones, which make a
1009.] shew of metall in them, as of Copper, and of sundry
468
THE CITY OF SAN SALVATOR a.d.
1588.
other colours, that arc very fresh, and bright, and smooth,
whereof you may make Images, or any other worke of
singular beautie. True it is, indeed, that they want Wantofmrk-
Masons, and Cutters, and Playsterers, and Carpenters, and *«^ ^ * •
other such Artificers: for when the Churches, and the
walls, and the other fabrickes in those Countries were
built, the Workmen were brought thither out of Portugall.
There are also Tamarindes, and Cassia, and Ceders in f^^^'..
such multitudes growing all along the River of Congo, ^^j^J^^
besides other Trees of an unmeasiu^ble length and thick-
nesse, that an infinite number of ships and houses may be
builded of them. Their Gardens doe beare all manner of
Herbes and Fruits, as Pompions, Melions, Cucumbers, ^^' ^
Coleworts, and such like, besides other sorts that doe not •^^'
agree with our Climates of Europe.
The King of Portugall, Don Giovanni the second, being Tkejirsttraf-
desirous to discover the East Indies, sent forth divers ships -C^ i^- to
by the Coast of Africa to search out this Navigation, who conA
having foimd the Hands of Cape Verde, ancf the lie of
Saint Thomas, and running all along that Coast, did light
upon the River Zaire, whereof we have made mention
before, and there they had good Trafficke, and tryed the
people to bee very courteous and kind. Afterwards hee
sent forth (for the same purpose) certaine other Vessels, to
entertaine this Trafficke with Congo, who finding the
Trade there to bee so free and profitable, and the people
so friendly, left certaine Portugals behind them, to Icarne
the Language, and to Trafficke with them : among whom
one was a Masse-priest. These Portugals conversing
familiarly with the Lord of Sogno, who was Uncle to Mani-Scguo,
the King and a man well stricken in yeares, dwelling at ^ ^^^^
that time in the Port of Praza (which is in the mouth of fayneJTtke "
Zaire) were very well entertained and esteemed by the Pmugak.
Prince, and reverenced as though they had beene earthly
Gods, and descended downe from Heaven into those
Covmtries. But the Portugals told them that they were
ratxi as themselves were, and professors of Christianitie.
And when they perceived in how great estimation the
469
1588.
hicnua
CkrisAoB.
ThiKingrf
Cwgiy
fnmisitk t9
hecome a
CkrisHan.
TheKingof
PortugaU
snuUtk Priests
to thi King of
CoHgji to
instruct Mm.
MiWt^Sogfto
fromotitM tHi
Ckristian
ReBffOfi.
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
people held them^ the fwesaid Priest and others bc^;an
to reason with the Prince touching the Christian Religion,
and to shew unto them the errors of the Pagan super-
stition, and by little and little to teach them the Faith
which we protesse, insomuch as that which the Portugals
spake unto them, greatly pleased the Prince, and so he
became converted.
With this confidence and good spirit, the Prince of
Sogno went to the G>urt, to enforme the King of the true
Doctrine of the Christian Portugals, and to encourage
him that he would imbrace the Christian Religion which
was so manifest, and also so wholsome for his soules health.
Hereupon the King conunanded to call the Priest to Court,
to the end he might himseUe treat with him personally,
and understand the truth of that which the Lord of Sogno
had declared luito him. Whereof when hee was fully
informed, he converted and promised that he would
become a Christian.
And now the Portugall ships departed from Conm, and
returned into Portugall: and by them did the iQn^ of
Congo write to the King of Portugall, Don Giovanni the
second, with earnest request, that he would send him some
Priests, with all other Orders and Ceremonies to make him
a Christian. The Priest also that remayned behind had
written at large touching this businesse, and gave the King
full information of all mat had happened, agreeable to his
good pleasure. And so the King tooke order for sundry
Religious persons, to be sent unto him accordingly, with
all Ornaments for the Church and other service, as Crosses
and Images : so that he was throughly furnished with all
things that were necessarie and needfuU for such an
action.
In the meane-while, the Prince of Sogno, ceased not
day and night to discourse with the Portugw Priest, whom
hee kept m his owne House, and at his owne Table,
aswell that hee might learne the Christian Faith himselfe,
as also instruct the people therein : so that hee began to
favour Christianitie with all his power.
470
THE CITY OF SAN SALVATOR a.d.
1588.
At last the ships of Portugall, arrived with the expected r>4^ j^>'
provisions (which was in the yeare of our Salvation 1491.) ^^^^fi^
and landed in the Port which is in the mouth of the River j^g^f* '
Zaire. The Prince of Sogno with all shew of familiar Manisogno
joy, accompanied with all his Gentlemen, ranne downe to (5f Ms traim
meete them, and entertayned the Portugals in most ^t^^^
coiuteous manner, and so conducted them to their ^ ^^^ '
Lodgings. The next day following, according to the
direction of the Priest that remayned behind, the Prince
caused a kind of Church to be builded, with the bodies fj^^^
and branches of certaine trees, which hee in his owne qj^^^^j^ ^
person, with the helpe of his Servants, most devoudy had
felled in the Wood. And when it was covered, they
erected therein three Altars in the worship and reverence
of the most holy Trinitie, and there was baptised him- ¥ff.^^^
selfe and his young Sonne, himselfe by the name of ^p^^f^^
our Saviour, Emanuel, and his childe by the name of
Anthony, because that Saint is the Protector of the Citie
of Lisbone.
The men and women before this had no proper names
agreeable to reasonable creatures, but the conunon names
of Plants, of Stones, of Birds and of Beasts. But the
Princes and Lords had their denominations from the Places
and States which they governed. As for example, the
foresaid Prince, which was the first Christian in Congo,
was called Mani-Sogno, that is to say. The Prince of
Sogno, and when hee was christned, was called Emanuel,
but at this day thev have all in generall such Christian
names as they have learned of the rortugals.
After a Masse was celebrated and simg, one of the
Priests that came from Portugall went up, and made a [n.vii.
briefe Sermon in the Portugafl Language, declaring the . 1010.]
summe of the new Religion, and raith of the Gospell tinninzthT
which they had received. This Sermon, the Priest that sum of Christ-
was left behind, having now learned the Congo speech, t^ RiRgion.
did more at large expound to the Lords that were in the
Church: for the Church could not possibly hold the
innumerable multitude of the people that were there
471
Ai>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
gathered together, at the conversion of their Prince : who
Mani-SogHo ajfterwards came abroad unto them, and rehearsed the whole
l^^taMs Sermon, with great love and charitie, moving and
P^^l^ exhorting them to imbrace likewise the true beliefe of the
Christian Doctrine.
ThePortugals When this was done, all the Portugals put themselves
c^ ^ ^ b ^^ ^^^^ ^"^5^ towards the Court, to baptise the King, who
tiu^the K^. ^^^ * "^^^^ fervent longing attended the same. And the
Governour of Sogno tooke order that many of his Lords
should wait upon them with Musicke, and singing, and
other signes of wonderfull rejoysing; besides, divers
slaves which he gave them to carrie their stuffe, com-
manding also the people, that they should prepare all
manner of victuall to bee readie in the streets for them.
So great was the number of people, that ranne and met
together to behold them, as the whole Champaigne seemed
to bee in a manner covered with them, and uiey all did
in great kindnesse entertaine and welcome the Portugall
Christians, with singing and sounding of Tnunpets and
Cymbals, and other Instruments of that Countrey.
Hotobeatatfid And it is an admirable thing to tell you, that all the
^^umtlMt^ streets and high-wayes, that reach from the Sea, to the
bring tydin^ C\t\t of Saint Saviours, being one himdred and fiftie miles,
of peace f were all cleansed and swept, and abundantly furnished
with all manner of victuall and other necessaries for the
Portugals. Indeed, they doe use in those Countries, when
the King or the principall Lords goe abroad, to cleanse
their wayes and make them handsome.
The Courtiers Three dayes journey from the place whence they
fffp^t^ak d^P^^^d> *^y descryed the Kings Courtiers, that came to
or uga . ^^^^ them, to present them with fresh victuals, and to doe
them honour : and so from place to place they encountred
other Lords, that for the same purpose were sent by the
King to receive the Christians, who were the Messengers
and Bringers of so great a joy. When they were come
within three miles neere to the Citie, all the Court came
to entertaine and welcome the Portugals, with all manner of
pompe and joyfulnesse, and with Musicke and Singing, as
47«
THE CITY OF SAN SALVATOR a.d.
1588.
in those Countries is used upon their solemnest Feast-
dayes.
And so great was the multitude of people, which
abounded in the streets, and that there was neither Tree
nor Hillocke higher then the rest, but it was loden with
those that were runne forth and assembled to view these
Strangers, which brought unto them this new Law of their
Salvation. The King himselfe attended them at the gate TheKingkim-
of his Palace, in a Throne of Estate erected upon a high ^ receiveth
Scaffold, where he did publikely receive them, in such
manner and sort as the ancient Kings of that Realme were
accustomed to doe, when any Embassadours came unto
him, or when his Tributes were payed him, or when any
other such Royall Ceremonies were performed.
And first of all, the Embassadour declared the The Portugall
Embassage of the King of Portugall, which was S^^^''
expoimded and interpreted by the foresaid Priest, that was Embassage.
the principall Author of the conversion of those people.
After the Embassage was thus delivered, the King raysed The King re-
himselfe out of his Seate, and standing upright upon his J^^^^^ ^^ ^
feet, did both with his countenance ancf speech, shew most " ^^^'
evident signes of the great joy, that he had conceived for
the commmg of the Christians, and so sate downe againe.
And incontinently aU the people with shouting, and The people
sounding their Trumpets, and Singing, and other manifest ^^J^^^ ^^ '^•
arguments of rejoyang, did approve the Kings words,
and shewed their exceeding good liking of this Embassage.
And further in token of obedience, they did three times
prostrate themselves upon the ground, and cast up their
reet according to the use of those Kingdomes.
Then the King tooke view of all the Presents that were The King
sent him by the King of Portugall, and the Vestments of ^^^ ^
the Priests, and the Ornaments of the Altar, and the ^^kimh
Crosses, and the Tables, wherein were depainted the the King of
Images of Saints, and the Streamers, and the Banners, Portngail.
and all the rest, and with incredible attention, caused the
meaning of every one of them to be declared unto him,
one by one. And so withdrew himselfe, and lodged the
473
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
Embassadour in a Palace made readie of ptirpose for him,
and all the rest were placed in other Houses of severall
Lords, where they were furnished with all plentie and
ease.
Consukatkn The day following, the King caused all the Portugals to
^P^^/br ^^ assembled together in private : where they devised of
theChris^ng ^^ coxirse that was to be taken for the Christning of the
of the King^ Kin^, and for effecting the full conversion of the people
and fir the to the Christian Faith. And after sundry Discourses, it
^Chaxk^^^ was resolved and concluded, that first of all a Church
should bee builded, to the end that the Christning;, and
other Ceremonies thereunto belonging, might be celwrated
therein with the more Solemnitie : and in the meane-while
the King and Covirt should be taught and instructed in the
Christian Religion. The King presently commanded, that
with all speed provision shouM be made of all manner of
stufFe necessary for this Building, as Timber, Stone, Lime,
and Bricke, according to the direction and appointment
of the Work-masters and Masons, which for that purpose
were brought out of Portugall.
An insurrec- But the DeviU who never ceaseth to crosse aU good
ticn raysfd By ^^j j^^jy proceedings, raysed new dissentions and con-
Mmiir the spiracies, by procuring a rebeUion among certame people
progress of of the Anzichi, and of Anzicana, which dwell upon both the
Christian bankes of the River Zaire, from the foresaid rals upwards,
R^Tiffcn. to the great Lake, and are subject and belonging to the
^"loiil ^^'^S ^^ Congo. Now this monstrous River being
restrayned and kept backe bv these fals, doth swell there
mightily, and spreadeth it seife abroad in a very large and
deepe diannell. In the breadth whereof there are many
Hands, some small and some great, so that in some of them,
there may be maintayned about thirtie thousand persons.
In these Ilands and in other places adjoyning to the Rivers
thereabouts, did the people make an insurrection, and
renounced their obedience to the King, and slue the
Governours that he had sent thither to rule.
The King must needs goe himselfe in person to padfie
these broyles : howbeit, he resolved to bee baptised before
474
THE CITY OF SAN SALVATOR a.d.
1588.
his going, and so was enforced to forbeare the building of
the Church of Stone, and with all speed, in stead thereof to '^^1^^%
erect one of Timber, which Church hee in his owne person j^^ ^ ^^^^
with the advice of the Portugals, did accomplish in such of timber.
manner and sort as it ought to bee, and therein did receive The King wd
the Sacrament of holv Baptisme, and was named Don Queeneof
Giovanni, and his wire Donna Eleonora, after the names ^"^ v
of the King and Queene of Portugall, and the Church it The Church of
selfe intituled and dedicated to Saint Saviour. s. Saviours.
The same day, wherein the King was baptised, divers Dhers Lords
other Lords following his example were baptised likewise, ^f^^^-
having first learned certaine Principles of the Christian
Faith. And when all this was done, the King went in The King
person to disperse the turbulent attempts of his Adver- ^^*^'**
saries, against whom hee found the Prince his Sonne, and ^^^^^ ^^^^
the Lord of Batta alreadie fighting with a formall Armie. discomfiteth
But at the arrivall of the King, the Enemies yeelded, and thm.
submitted themselves to the obedience which before they
performed : and so he returned in triumph to the Citie of
Congo, and the Prince his Sonne with him, who presently Mani-Sundi
was desirous to become a Christian, and was christned by ^^^^^^
the name of the first Prince of Portugall, called Alfonso : ^^^vw.
and with him also were christned many Gentlemen and
Cavalieros, and other of his Servants, that came with him
out of his Province.
The Kings second Sonne, would not agree to receive Mmti-PoHgo
the new Religion, many other Lords favoured him, who ^'^^^^ ^
being addicted rather to the sensualitie of the flesh, then p^^i^^.
the puritie of the minde, resisted the Gospel, which began
now to be preached, especially in that Commandement,
wherein it is forbidden, that a man should have any more
Wives but one.
The eldest Brother Don Alfonso, did with great
fervende, defend Christianitie, and burned all the Idols
that were within his Province. The second Brother (called
Mani-Pango, because hee was Governour of the Countrey
of Pango) did resist it mightily, and had gotten the
greatest part of the principal Lords of Pango to be on
475
A.D*
1588.
Mani'Pangf
^ Ms Cm-
pRces accuse
Mam-Sundifo
his Father,
ThiKtng
depriveth
ManiSutuiiof
his guvim"
ment.
MottiSofffOj
maketh inur-
cession fir his
Brother.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
his side. For there were divers of the new christncd
Lords, whose Ladies seeing themselves seperated, and
forlorne of their Husband-Lords by force of the Christian
Law, did take it as a great injurie and scorne done unto
them, and blasphemed and cxirsed this new Relimon
beyond all measure. These Lords united themselves
together with others, and began to plot Trecherie against
Don Alfonso, hoping that if they could rid him out of the
World, the Christian Faith would utterly cease of it sclfe.
And therefore Mani-Pango and his Complices gave
intelligence to his Father, that the Prince Don Alfonso
favoured the Christian Faction, onely to the end that under
the colour of his countenance and favor, they might rayse
an Insurrection & Rebellion against him, & so drive him
out of his Kingdom.
The King gave credit to their informations, and
deprived his Sonne of the Government wherein hee was
placed : But the Providence of God which reserved him
for a greater matter, did relieve him by the e;ood mediation
and counsell of his friends, who entreated the King his
Father, that hee would not be moved to anger, before he
had examined the Answeres and Reasons of the Prince his
Sonne. Wherein the King was especially perswaded by
Mani-Sogno, who (as wee told you) was before christned,
and callea, Don Emanuel, and by good hap was in Court
at that present. This man (being the ancientest Courtier
and Lord of that time, singularly well beloved of the
King and all his people) cud with sound reasons and
dexteritie of wit, procure the King to revoke the sentence,
with a speciall charge, that hee should not proceed with
such rigour against the Gentiles, for the propagation and
exaltation of the Christian Religion. But he being full
of fervent charitie, and godly spirit, ceased not (for all
that) to advance the Faith of the Gospell, and to put the
Commandements of God in execution.
Whereupon his Adversaries who never rested from their
former attempt, were continually at the Kings elbow, and
sought by all cunning shifts and secret devises, to destroy
476
THE CITY OF SAN SALVATOR a.d.
1588.
that which the good Prince had builded, especially when
they saw that the Prince of Sogno was depart^ from
Court, and returned into his government. So that no
bodie being now left to protect and defend the Christian
Religion, the King began to doubt of the Faith, which The King
with so ^eat zeale he had before imbraced : and therefore ^^^'^^*^j
sent to his Sonne, that he should come againe to the Court, ^^j^ Mani-
to make account of those Revenues that hee had gathered Sundi to
within the Countrey of his Government, with a full intent account^ of
and meaning, indeed, to deprive him, when his accounts P^f^^^ ^
should be finished.
But he, in the meane-while, his Father being an old '^^ ^^^
man, did by meanes of a natxmdl infirmitie depart out of ^
this life. And his Mother who alwaies persevered constant
in the Catholike Faith, loving her eldest Sonne most
entirely, concealed the Kings death for the space of three
dayes, being therein ayded and assisted by some of her
trustie friends, & gave it out, that the King had taken
such order as no man might come unto him to trouble
him. In the meane season, she did secretly signifie to her '^^ Queem
Sonne, the death of his Father, which she would keepe ^''J^/^^
close till his comming, and charged him without any delay, yg^ ^ 5^^^
and in all haste to speed him to the Court. Mam'Sum/L
This shee did by certaine Runners, that from place to [n.vii.
place in convenient distances and journeyes, are alwaies 1012.]
readie like Postes, to convey the precepts and commande-
ments of the King over all the Realme. Whereupon he
presendy caused himselfe to be carried poste both day and
night, by certaine Slaves according to the use of that
Countrie, and in one day and two nights, with most
exquisite diligence, accomplished the lourney of two
hundred miles, and so arrived at the Citie, before he was
expected.
Now together with the death of the King, there was Thefimerall
also published the succession to the Crowne of Don ^^^^^^f^^
Alfonso, being then present, who in his owne person did ^jcinz^Mfmso
accompanie the corps of his dead Father to the buriall,
with all the Lords of the Court, and all the Christian
477
A.D.
1588.
MoHi-PangPf
nbelUth
against kis
hrothir.
The King to
Ms SouliHers,
Thi King
erecteika
Crosse of a
great kngtk.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Portugals, which was solemnized after the manner of
Christendome, with service and prayers for the dead, and
all this with such funerall pompe, as was never seene before
among those people. But they which heretofore were
adversaries to this new King, doubting of their owne
safetie, if they should remaine in the G>urt, united them-
selves with Mani-Pango, who was now departed into the
Province of his owne Grovernment, and while his father
lived, was wholly employed in fighting against the
Mozombi, and certaine other people that had rebelled
against him.
Mani-Pango and his forces set forwards to the besi^ng
of the Citie, with so great a noyse of warlike Instruments,
and cryes, and showtings, and terrible threatnings, that
the poore few, which were in the Citie, as well Christians
as others, fainted in their hearts, and failed in their
courage, and came and presented themselves before the
King, saying, that he had not power enough to resist »>
powarfull an Enemie, and therefore they thought it better
for him to grow to some concord and composition, and to
abandon the new Religion, which he had lately begun to
professe, to the end he might not fall into the lumds of his
cruell adversaries. But the King being resolute, and full
of religious constande, reproved meir cowardise, and called
them dastards, and base people ; and willed them, if they
had any mind or desire to forsake him, and goe to the
Enemie, that they should so doe. As for himselfe, and
those few that would follow him, he did not doubt, but
assuredly trust, thoug^h not with the possibilitie or strength
of Man, yet with mt favour of God, to vanquish and
overcome that innumerable multitude. And therefore hee
would not request them either to joyne with him, or to
put their lives in hazard against his adversaries for his
sake, but onely they might rest themselves and expect the
issue that should follow thereon.
He did presently cause a Crosse to be planted, and
erected in the middest of the Market place, right against
the Church, which his Father had builded. This Crosse
478
THE CITY OF SAN SALVATOR a.d
1588.
was of a wonderful! length, f:>r it was fourescore spanne
long, and the Crosse-barre in proportion answerable there-
unto. The Crosse is to be seene in the same place,
wherein it was erected, at the front of the Church, which
Church was called Saint Crosses, of the Crosse there
planted. This Crosse the last King, that dead is, Don
Alvaro, Father to the King that now is, renewed and made
another of the same bignesse that the first was of.
Mani-Pango terrified with visions, and not with his "^^^^^^^
brothers forces, overcome with feare and danger ranne auaoraddesj
away, and fell into the Snares and Nets which he himselfi^ iave omitud^
had laid for the Christians; For, lighting among the a vision of
foresaid Stakes, he was with one of them thrust into the ^^^^^f^^
bodie, and so being surprized with an evill death, he ^'^Jli^of
finished his life, as it were in a rage. For you must ourLadieand
imderstand, that the sharpe ends of the said Stakes, were Smnt James^
envenomed with a certaine poyson, which taking hold of -^^^^^^ .
the blood, and entring somewhat into the flesh, would kiU p^^^^'"
without all cure or remedie. By this victorie and death of 7*^ stratagem
his brother, did the King remaine in securitie and libertie. o/Mani-
All things well established, the King Don Alfonso tooke Pango^tumetk
order, that they should presently goe in hand with the ^^J^
fabricke of the PrincipaU Church, called Saint Crosses, The death of
which was so named of the Crosse that was there planted, Mam-Pangp,
(as wee told you before) and also because upon the Feast The bmlding
day of the holy Crosse, the first stone was laid in the ^^^j^^^
foundation thereof. Moreover, he commanded that the ^w/«.
men should bring stones, and the women should fetch sand
fi-om the River, for the furthering of this worke. The
King would needs be the first Porter himselfe, and upon
his owne shoulders brought the first basket of stones,
which he cast into the foundation, and the Queene her
basket of sand likewise, thereby giving an example to
the Lords and the Ladies of the Coiirt to doe the like,
and to encourage and hearten the people in so holy an
action. And so this fabricke being furthered by so good
Work-masters and Workmen, in a very short time was
fully finished, and therein were celebrated Masses, and
479
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
other Divine Service, with great sokmnitie, beades, a
number of Lords and others, that were there baptised and
christned: so that the multitude of such as came to be
partakers of the holy Baptisme abounded so greatly, that
there were not Priests enough to execute that office.
^'*^^^^ After this the Kin^ dispatched away the Portugall
^atpa^att Embassadour, who tifl this time had remained at the
Emhastadonr^ Court, by reason of these troubles : and with him he sent
and (mother If also another Embassadour of his owne, called Don
HfowmMto Roderico, and divers others that were of kinne both to
PortugfUl. himselfe and to his Embassadour, to the end that they
should learne, both the Doctrine of the Christians in
Portugall, and also their Language, and further declare
unto the King all these accidents that hapned.
'^^f^F^ Moreover, hee caused the Lords of all his Provinces to
^IM^bli ^ assembled together, in a place appointed for that
brwg^in^ P^^H^^) ^^^ there publikely signified unto them, that
and all other whosoever had any Idols, or any thing else that was
thinp that are contrarie to the Christian Religion, he should bring them
^tlTchrhHan ^^^^^ ^^^ deliver them over to the Lieutenants of the
ReBgm. Countrie. Otherwise, whosoever did not so, should be
bxirned themselves, without remission or pardon. Which
commanded was incontinently put in execution. And a
wonderjFuU thing it is to be noted, that within lesse then
one moneth, all the Idols, and Witcheries and Characters,
[II. vn. which they worshipped and accounted for Gods, were sent
'°'^J and brought unto the Court. Many there were, that
caried a devotion to Dragons with wings, which they
noxirished and fed in their owne private houses, giving
unto them for their food, the best and most cosdy Viands
that they had. Others kept Serpents of horrible figures :
Some worshipped the greatest Goats they could get ; some
Tygres, and other most monstrous creatures; yea, the
more uncouth and deformed the Beasts were, the more
they were honored. Some held in veneration certaine
uncleane Fowles, and Night-birds, as Bats, Owles, and
Scritch-Owles, and such like. To be briefc, they did
choose for their Gods divers Snakes, and Adders, and
4S0
THE CITY OF SAN SALVATOR aj>.
1588.
Beasts, and Birds, and Herbs, and Trees, and sundry
Characters of Wood and of Stone, and the figures of all
these things above rehearsed, as well painted in Coloxirs,
as craven in Wood and in Stone, and in such other stuiFe.
Neither did they onely content themselves with wor-
shipping the said Creatures, when they were quicke and
alive, but also the verie skinnes of them when they were
dead, being stuffed with straw.
The act of this their adoration, was performed in divers Theirdevout
sorts, all wholly addressed, and directed to expresse their ^^W^g^f
humilitie, as by kneeling on their knees, by casting them-
selves groveling upon the earth, by defiling their feces
with dust, by making their prayers unto their Idols, in
words and in actions, and by offering unto them the best
part of the substance which they had in their possession.
They had moreover, their Witches, which made the foolish Witches.
people to beleeve that their Idols could speake, and so
deceived them: and if any man being in sicknesse or
infirmitie, would recommend himselfe unto them, and
afterwards that man recovered his health, the Witches
would perswade him that the Idoll had beene angry with
him, but now was appeased, and had healed him.
The King caused fire to be set unto their Idols, and
utterly consumed them. When he had thus done, he
assembled all his people together, and in stead oF their
Idols which before they had in reverence, hee gave them
Crucifixes, and Images of Saints, which the Portugals had
brought with them, and enjoyncd every Lord, that every The king cm-
one in the Citie of his owne Government and Regiment, ^^f^,^-^
should build a Chxux:h, and set up Crosses, as he had chunLhithe
ab*eady shewed unto them by his owne example. And Citieofhis
then he told them, and the rest of his people, that he had otone govern-
dispatched an Embassadoxir into Portugall to fetch Priests, ^^*
that should teach them Religion, and administer the most j^J^
holy and wholesome Sacraments to every one of them, and
bring with them divers Images of Christ, of the Virgin
Mother, and of other Saints to distribute among them.
In the meanwhile, he willed them to be of good comfort,
VI 481 3 H
A.D.
1588.
rA? King
bmldetk three
Churches.
One to Saint
Saviour,
The second^ to
our Lady of
Helpe,
The tMrd^ to
S. James,
The ships
retumefrom
Portugallfoith
Friers and
Priests,
Priests
worsHpped,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and to remaine constant in the faith. But they had so
lively imprinted the same in their hearts, that they never
more remembred their former beliefe in false and lying
Idols.
He ordained moreover, that there should be three
Churches builded. One in reverence of our Saviour, to
give him thankes for the victorie which he had granted
unto him, wherein the Kin^s of Congo doe lye buried,
and whereof the Citie RoyaOl tooke the name, (for as it
was told you before, it is called, S. Saviours.^ The second
Church, was dedicated to the blessed Virgm, the mother
of God, called. Our Ladie of Help, in memorie of the
succour which he had against his enemies: And the
third, was consecrated to S. James: in honour and
remembrance of the Miracle which that Saint had wrought
by fighting in the favoxu- of the Christians, and shewing
himselfe on Horse-backe in the heate of the battaile.
Not long after this, the ships arrived from Portugall,
with many men that were skilmll in the holy Scriptures,
and divers religious Friers of the Orders or S. Francis,
and of S. Dominick, and of S. Austine, with sundry other
Priests, who with great charitie and fervency of spirit,
sowed and dispearsed the Catholike Faith over all the
Countrey : which was presently embraced by all the people
of the Kingdome, who held the said Priests in so high
reverence, that they worshipped them like Saints, by
kneeling unto them, and kissing their hands, and receiving
their blessing, as often as they met them in the streetes.
These Priests being arrived into their severall Provinces,
did instruct the people in the Faith of Christ.
482
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
§. VI.
The death of the King Don Alfonso, and the
succession of Don Piedro. How the Hand of
S. Thomas was first inhabited, and of the Bishop
that was sent thither: The Kings linage ex-
tinct: Invasion of the Jagges: Their savage
conditions*
|Hile these matters were thus in working for the
service of God, and that Christianitie vnLS now
begun and increased with so happy successe, it
pleased God to call away to himselfe the King Don f^S^^^Bso
Alfonso, who at the time of his death, discoursed of the ^ *
Christian Religion, with so great confidence and charitie,
as it evidently appeared, that the Crosse and Passion, and
the true beliefe in our Saviour Jesus Christ, was imprinted
in the root of his heart. To Don Piedro, his sonne and ^^ ^J^^
successor, he did especially and principally recommend the ^^
Christian doctrine, which indeed following the example of
his father, hee did maintaine and uphold accordingly.
In his time, there began to saile into these quarters a
great number of vessels, and the Iland of S. Thomas was P^- ^*-
inhabited with Portugals, by the Kings commandement. t^^/j^^^.
For before those dayes, it was all waste and desert within Tkmnas begin-
Land, and inhabited onely upon the shoare by a few nethtohe
Saylers that came from the Countries adjoyning. But ^*^^^'
when this Iland in processe of time was well peopkd with
Portugals, and other Nations, that came thither by licence
of the King, & became to be of great Trafficke, and was
Tilled and Sowed, the King sent thither a Bishop, to JJ*^^-^
governe the Christians that were in that Iland, and those ^^^5**/ to
also that were in Congo : which the said Bishop did i,g Buhf of
accomplish presently upon his arrivall, and afterwards in the lie o/S.
Congo, where hee tooke possession of his Pastorall charge. ^^»«^^e/"
When he was come into the Kingdome of Congo, it was a **^*
thing incredible to see, with how great joy he was enter-
tain^ by the King and all his people.
483
A.D.
1588.
Tkeentertmn-
mentofihe
Bishop in
Congp,
The Bishop
fimdeth the
Cathedratt
Church ofS.
Crosses.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
For from the Sea side, even unto the Citie, being the
space of one hundred and fiftie miles, he caused the streetes
to be made smooth and trim, and to bee covered all over
with Mats, commanding the people, that for a certaine
space severally appointed unto them, they should prepare
the waies in such sort, that the Bishop should not set his
foot upon any part of the ground which was not adorned.
But it was a far greater wonder, to behold all the Countrey
thereabouts, and all the Trees, and all the places that were
higher then the rest, swarming with men and women that
ran forth to see the Bishop, as a man that was holy and
sent from God, offering unto him, some of them Lambs,
some Kids, some Chickins, some Partridges, some Venison,
and some Fish, and other kinds of victuals in such abund-
ance, that he knew not what to doe withall, but left it
behind him ; whereby he might well know the great zeale
and obedience of these new Christians. And above all
other things it is to be noted for a memorable matter, that
the Bishop going on his way, there met him an innumer-
able multitude of men, and women, and girles, and boyes,
and persons of fourescore yeares of age, and above, that
crossed him in the streets, and with singular tokens of
true reliefe required the water of holy Baptisme at his
hands: neither would they suffer him to passe xrntill he
had given it them : so that to satisfie their desires, hee was
greatly stayed in his voyage, and was faine to carrie water
with him in certaine vessels, and Salt, and other provision
necessary for that action.
And now I will tell you, he arrived at the Citie of Saint
Saviours, where he was met by the Priests, and by the
King, and by all the Coxirt, and so in procession entred
into the Church, and after due thankes given to God, he
was conducted to his lodging, that was assigned tmto him
by the King. And then presently he beganne to refbrme
and reduce to good order, the Church it selfe, and the
Friers, and Priests that dwell therein : ordaining the said
Church to be the Cathedrall Church of Saint Crosses,
which at that time had belonging unto it eight and twentie
484
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
Canons, with their Chaplaines, and a Master of the
Chappell, with Singers, and Organs, and Bels, and all
other furniture meete to execute Divine service. But
this Bishop who laboureth in the Lords Vineyard, some-
times in Congo, and sometimes in the He of Saint Thomas,
going and comming continually by ship, the space of
twentie daies, and still leaving behind him his Vicars in
the place where he himselfe was absent, at the last dyed, Tke Bisk^
and was buried in the Island of Saint Thomas. ^''^•
After this Bishop, succeeded another Bishop in Congo,
being a Negro, and descended of the blood Royall, who
before had beene sent by King Alfonso first into Portugall,
and afterwards to Rome, where he learned the Latine
tongue, and the Christian Religion, but being returned
into Portugall, and landed out of his ship, to goe and
enter upon his Bishopricke of Saint Saviours, he dyed by The secwd
the way: whereupon the Kingdome remained without a ^^^Z^'^^-
Pastor for the space of divers yeares. Don Piedro also TkeKingDw
the King aforesaid, dyed likewise without Children ; and ^* ^
there succeeded him his Brother, called Don Francisco, J>wFram$co
who in like manner lasted but a while: and then was 2J^^
created the fift King, named Don Diego, who was next Dm Diego Og
of all the race Royall : A man of haughtie courage, and /ft King.
magnificall, and wittie, of a very good disposition, wise
in counsell, and above all other qualities, a maintainer of
Christian Faith: and in briefe, so great a Warriour he
was, that in few yeares he conquered all the Countries
adjovning. He loved the Portugals very much, so that
he rorsooke the usuall garments of his owne naturall
Countrey, and attired himselfe after the Portugall fashion.
He was very sumptuous, as well in his appareB, as also in TAe King
the ornaments and furniture of his palace : he was besides ^^^ ^^^
very courteous and liberall, and would bestow largelv, '**"* '"'
both upon his owne Subjects, and also upon the Portugals.
With great cost would he provide and buy such stuffe as
pleased him, and would often say, that Rare things should
not be in the hands of any but onely of Kings. He used
to weare one sxiite of apparell but once or twice, and then
48s
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
he would give it away to his followers. Whereupon the
Portugals perceiving that he did so greatly esteeme doath
of Goui and Arras, and such other costly houshold-stuffe,
they brought great store thereof out of Portugall, so that
at that time, Arras-hangings, and Cloth of Gold, and of
Silke, and such like Lordly furniture, began to be of great
estimation in that Kingdome.
TAe third Jn the time of this King, there was a third Bishop of
Th W f ^'^^ Thomas, and Congo, by Nation a Portu^all, who
CoHff. * ^^^ ^^ usuaJl ceremonies was entertained both by the
way, and also in the Court at Saint Saviours. And now
every man esteemed himselfe not onely to be as fi;ood as
the Bishop, but also to be a farre better man then he was ;
and therefore would yeeld no obedience to their Prelate.
But the King like a good Catholike, and a faithful!, did
alwaies maintaine the Bishops part, and to cut off these
troubles and stirres, he sent some of these Priests to prison
into Portugal!, and others into the He of Saint Thomas,
and some others went away with all their substance of their
owne accord.
Also after the death of this King, there started up three
[II. vii. Princes at once to challenge the succession. The first was
'OI5-] the Kings Sonne, whom few of them favoured, because
they desu'ed to have another, so that hee was slaine incon-
tinently. The two other that remained were of the blood
Rovall : one of them was created King by his favourites
and followers, with the good liking of the greater part of
the people, but utterly against the minds of the Portugals,
and certaine of the Lords, who aymed and endeavoured
to set up the other. In so much as the foresaid Lords,
together with the Portugals, went into the Church to kiD
the King elected : making this reckoning with themselves,
that if they slue him, me other must of necessitie bee
made King. But at that very selfe-same time, those of
the contrary faction had slaine the King that was akeady
made by the Portugals, perswading themselves assuredly,
that he being dead, there woiild be no difficiilty for them
to obtaine the State for their King, because there was none
486
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
other left, that by law could challenge the Scepter Royall.
And thus in an houre, and in two several! places, were
these two Kings murthered at once.
In these conspiracies and slaughters, when the people ThePortugals
saw that there were no lawfull persons left to enjoy the ^j^^^
Royall Crowne, they laid all the blame upon the Portugals, ^^^^ *
who were the causers of all these mischietes : and thereupon
they turned themselves against them, and slue as many of
them as they could find: Onely they spared the Priests,
and would not touch them, nor any other that dwelt in
other places.
Seeing therefore (as before is said) that there was none
of the blood Royall left to be placed in the Government,
they made choise of one Don Henrico, Brother to Don ^^ Henrico
Diego the King deceased. And this Henrico going to ^^^^^^'*^-
warre against the Anzichi, left behind him in his stead for
Governour, under the Title of King, one Don Alvaro, a
young man of five and twenty yeares of age, sonne to his
Wife by another Husband. But Don Henrico dyed ^j^S Henmo
shordy after the warre was ended, and thereupon the said j^^^
Don Alvaro was with the common consent of them all g^ceedeth:
elected King of Congo, and generally obeyed of every and so the
man. And thus failM the Royall stocke of the ancient stockeoftki
Kings of Congo, in the person of Don Henrico. ^"^^' ^'*^'
But Don Alvaro was a man of good judgement and ceasedf
government, and of a milde disposition, so that he did KingAharo
presently appease all these tumults in his Kingdome, and restoreth the
caused all the Portugals that by the last warres were ^^^^^i^-
dispearsed over all Uie Countries there-abouts, to be
gathered together, as well religious persons as lay men,
and by their meanes he was much better confirmed in the
Catholike Faith, then he was before.
Moreover, he used them very courteously, and cleared
them of all &ults that were laid to their charge, declaring
unto them by gentle discourses, that they had not beene
the occasion of the former troubles, as every man would
confesse and acknowledge: and to that efiFect hee deter-
mined with himselfe to write a large information touching
487
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
all these accidents to the King of Portugal!, and to the
Bishop of Saint Thomas, which he did accordingly, and
dispatched certaine Messengers unto them with his letters.
ThiBuhopof When the Bishop of Saint Thomas understood these
^ /T*^' newes, he was very glad thereof, and whereas before he
CoHg9. '* durst not adventure to goe into the Kingdome of Congo
in the heate of all those troubles, he did now presently take
ship and sayled thither, where he imployed himselfe wholly
with all his authoritie, to padfie his former dissentions, and
to set downe order for all such matters as concerned the
worship of God, and the office of his Priests. And a
while after he had so done, he returned to his habitation
The Bishop of in the He of Saint Thomas, where by meanes of sicknesse
S, Thmas jj^ finished his dales. And this was the third time, that
those parts remained without a Bishop.
KingAlvan Now it Came to passe, that for want of Bishops, the
^Aomh^^' King and the Lords, and the people likewise began to
^^' waxe cold in the Christian Religion, every man addicting
himselfe licentiously to the libertie of the flesh, and
especially the King, who was induced thereimto by divers
young men of his owne age, that did familiarly converse
with him. Among whom there was one principall man,
that was both a Lord, and his Kinsman, called Don
Francisco Francisco Bulkmatare, that is to say. Catch-stone. This
BtMMa/arey jj^^^^ because he was a great Lord, and wholly estranged
panion ^ ^^^^ ^ instructions of Christianitie, walked inordinately
CounseUour to after his owne pleasure, and did not sticke to defend openly,
the King. That it was a very vaine thing to keepe but one Wife, and
therefore it were better to returne to their former ancient
custome. And so by his meanes did the Devill open a
gate, to the overthrow and destruction of the Church of
Christ in that Kingdome, which untill that time with so
great paine and travaile had beene there established. But
BuUamatare afterwards the man did so wander and stray out of the way
dieth: and as of truth, that he fell from one sinne to another, and in the
^c^d^outof ^^^ quite relinquished and abandoned all true Religion.
his grave by ^^^ ^^ ^^e last, the said Francisco died, and was solemnly
Devils. buried.
488
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.i>.
1588.
For not long after, there came to rob and spovle the What people
Kingdome of Congo, certaine Nations that live after the ^P^^)!
manner of the Arabians, and of the ancient Nomades, and ^ZdiUMs!^
are called Giachas. Their habitation or dwelling is about and toeapans.
the first Lake of the River Nilus, in the Province of the Ofthesey see
Empire of Moenemugi. A cruell people they are, and a ^^^QhA
murderous, of a great stature and horrible countenance, J^„^j^
fed with mans flesh, fierce in battell, & valarous in courage, hetur knew
Their weapons are Pavises or Targets, Darts and Daggers : them,
otherwise they goe all naked. In their fashions and daily
course of living, they are very savage and wilde: Thev
have no King to governe them, and they leade their life
in the Forrest under Cabbins and Cottages like Shepheards.
This people went wandring up and downe, destroying, \}^' ^"-
and putting to fire and sword, and robbing and spoyling 2*^ GUchas
all the Countries that they passed through, till they came spoiie the pn-
to the Realme of Congo, which they entred on that side vinceofBatta.
where the Province of Batta lyeth. Those that first came
forth to make resistance against them, they overthrew, and
then addressed themselves towards the Citie of Congo, ^^ Giachas
where the King remayned at that time in great perplexitie, ^^aUQifig
for thisvictorie that his enemies had gotten in theCountrey of Congo.
of Batta : yet some comfort he tooke to himselfe, and went
out against his Adversaries with such Soiildiers as he had,
and in the same place, where in times past Mani-Pango
fought with the King Don Alfonso, he joyned battell with
them. In which encounter the King being halfe discom-
fited, retyred into the Citie, wherein when hee perceived
that he could not remayne in good safetie, being utterly
forsaken of the grace of God by reason of his sinnes, and
not having that confidence in him, that Don Alfonso had,
he thought good to leave it for a prey to his Adversaries, ^. ^^^^^
and to betake himselfe to an Hand within the River Zaire, jiygt^ i„^ fj^
called Isola del Cavallo, that is to say, the He of Horse; lie 0/ Horses.
where he continued with certaine Portugall Priests, and ^^ Giachas
other principall Lords of his Kingdome. And thus were ^^^^^
the Giachi become Lords and Masters of the Citie Royall, ^^ blithe
and of the whole Realme. For the naturall Inhabitants Kingdom.
489
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
fled away, and saved themselves in the Mountaynes, and
desart places : but the enemies burned and wasted, Citie,
and Churches, and all, and spared no mans life, so that
having divided themselves into severall Armies, they ruled
and governed sometimes in one Province, and sometimes
in another over all the Kingdome.
As for the poore people, they went wandring like
Vagabonds over all the Countrey, and perished for hunger
TheKingyand and want of necessaries. And for the King with those
^^iL^\' ^^^^ followed him, and had saved themselves in the Iland,
pUff^d^th ^^^y ^^> l^^ca^se the He was very little, and the multitude
anextream ff^^^^y were oppressed with so terrible a scarsitie of
famim. victualls, that the most part of them died by famine and
pestilence. For this dearth so increased, and meate arose
to so excessive a rate, that for a very small pittance (God
wot) they were feine to give the price of a slave, whom
they were wont to sell for ten Crownes at the least. So
that the Father was of necessitie constrayned to sell his
owne Sonne ; and the Brother, his Brother, and so every
man to provide his victualls by all manner of wickednesse.
The persons that were sold, for the satisfying of othsx
mens hunger, were bought by the Portugall Merchants,
that came from Saint Thomas with their ships laden with
victualls. Those that sold them, said, they were Slaves ;
and those that were sold, justified and confirmed the same,
because they were desirous to be rid of their greedie
Many of the torment. And by this occasion there was no small quantitie
bkttdRoyaU q{ Slaves, that were borne in Congo, sold upon this
^t^a^P^m- 'i^c^ssitie, and sent to the He of Saint Thomas, and to
gaUs. Portugall, among whom there were some of the bloud
Royall, and some others, principall Lords.
By this affliction, the King did manifestly learne and
know, that all these great miseries and adversities abounded
for his misdeeds : and although he was not much punished
with hunger, because he was a King, yet he did not escape
the cruel! infirmitie of the dropsie, that made his legs to
swell exceedingly, which disease was engendred, partly by
the aire, and very ill diet, and partly by the moystnesse of
490
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO iu>.
1588.
the Iland, and so it accompanied him even untill his death.
But in the meane while, being stricken to the heart with
these misfortunes and calamities, he converted and turned
to God, requiring pardon for his offences, and doing pen-
ance for his sinnes : and then was counselled and advised
by the Portugals, that he should send to request succours KingAharo
of the King of Portugall, by certaine Embassadors, that ^^^p^.
might recount unto him ail the mischiefs which had lighted gaU fir succor.
upon him. This embassage was accordingly performed,
at the same time that the King Don Sebastiano began his ^^ Sebastian
reigne, who with great speed and kindnesse sent him ^p^^hi
succours by a Captame, called Francisco di Gouea, a man ^^^
well exercised in divers warres, both in India, and also succour unto
in Africa, who lead with him sixe hundred Souldiers, him.
and many Gentlemen Adventurers, that did accompanie
him.
This Captaine Francisco di Gouea, carried with him a ^J[^^^^ ^^
commandement from his King, that the Hand of Saint ^l^gththe
Thomas should provide him ships and victualls, and what- King^ and
soever else was requisite for this enterprise. And with this iriveth the
provision he arrived at the last in the He of Horse, where Gi^hasout of
the King of Congo was resident. In whose companie '^*
the Portugalls departing from thence, and gathering
together aU the men of warre in that Countrey, with afi
speed possible, put themselves onwards against their
Adversaries, and fought with them sundrie times in plaine
battell, so that at the end of one yeere and a halfe, they
restored the King into his former estate. Which victorie
they atchieved indeed by the noyse and force of their Francisco a
Harquebusses, for the Giachi are exceedingly afraid of that Gouea^ afUr
weapon. fiureyeeris
The Portugall Captaine stayed there for the space of p^f^^ JS
foure yeeres, to settle the King in his Kingdome, and then i^tursfir moe
returned into Portugall with letters of request to his King, Priests.
that hee would send over some moe Priests to uphold and '^^e King
maintayne the Christian Religion. And the King being ^*^'^ ^
thus established in his former degree, and the Kingdome ckrisHan
all in quiet and peace, became a very good Christian, and and marrieth.
49>
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
married the Lady Katharina, who is yet alive ; by whom
hee had foure daughters, and by certaine Maid-servants,
which he kept, two sonnes and one daughter. And because
in those Regions the women doe not succeed: there
remayned as Heire of his Kingdome his elder sonne,
called also Don Alvaro, who liveth at this day, 1588.
[11. vii. During the time, that the foresaid Giptaine stayed in
TJukVp'^ Congo, the King of Portugall, Don Sebastiano under-
tugall %ndeth Standing, that there were in that Kingdome divers Caves
to make search and Mmes of Silver, of Gold, and other Metals, sent
in Conpfir thither two persons that were cunning and skilfull in that
metaU Mines, ^rte, (for therein they had served the Castilians in the
West) to make search for them, and to draw some profit
Francisco thereof. But the King of Congo was by a certaine
^t!^ththe P^^^^^^g*^' ^^ Francisco Barbuto, that was his Con-
Kingfrom fessor, and great familiar, perswaded to the contrarie, that
making the he should not in any case suffer those Mines to be dis-
search^ and covered : signifying unto him, that thereby peradventure
avt^deth it bj ^^ g.^ enjoying and possession of his Kingdome, might
^ "^' by little and little be taken quite from him, and therefore
advised him that he would cause these skilfull Masters to
bee led and guided by some other wayes, where he knew
there were no metall Mines to be found, which he did
The incon- accordingly. But assuredly, it grew afterwards to a great
^s^trinzthe^ mischiefe: for, thereupon began the great trade and
metall Mines trafficke in that Countrie to cease, and the Portugall
to be digged Merchants did not greatly care for venturing thither, or
and melted, dwelling there any more. And so consequently, very few
^not^^sw^* Priests resorted among them. So that as well upon these
s9ules so much occasions, as also for other such causes afore rehearsed, the
as to get gpld. Christian Religion waxed so cold in Congo, that it wanted
The King very little of being utterly extinguished. But the King
^E^b^ ^T ^^^ Alvaro ceased not still to send new Embassadors into
into Portugall Portugall, with earnest request that he might have moc
firmoePriests, Priests, and such as were skilfull in the holy Scriptures to
maintaine the Catholike Faith, which was now almost
utterly forgotten in that Realme, onely for want of
religious persons, that should teach the people and
492
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
administer the Sacraments. He had none other answere
from him, but words and promises, that he would have a
care of the matter that was demanded : but in the meane
whik he provided neither Priests, nor Divines to be sent
for Congo. Whereupon the King of Congo dispatched
againe another principail Embassadour, being his kinsman,
called Don Sebastiano Alvarez, together with a Portugall, ^^ Sebas-
to beare him companie. But he was feine to returne home ^^^fi^^^
againe into Congo, without any Priests or Religious cZff!^£t
persons to goe with him. any Priests.
Three yeeres after, the King Don Sebastiano dispatched ^nmio degR
a certaine Bishop (called Don Antonio de gli Ova, being ^^^^ ^.
a Castilian borne) principally to the Iland of Saint Thomas : xinzThe
but withall hee gave him also a commission to visite the Bishop ofS,
Kingdome of Congo : who being arrived at Saint Thomas, Thmas^ and
fell at Jarre with the Captaine there, and so sailed into ^^&*
Congo ; there he stayed eight moneths, and then departed
againe, and left behind him in Congo, two Friars, and Don Sebastian
foure Priests. The Bishop being thus gone, and the King ^^^f
overthrowne in Africa, there was exalted to the Crowne i^ ^j^^^ ^^
of Portugall, Don Henrico the Cardinall, to whom the Dw Henrico
King of Congo did write, with great instance, and earnest ^be Cardinall
request ; that hee would send him some religious persons, ^!!!ffJ!^^' -
and Preachers. Sfjf '^
After Don Henrico succeeded Philip King of Castile, ceedetb the
who sent advertisements to the Captaine of SSnt Thomas, Cardinall.
that he was invested in the Crowne of Portugall, and P^^^X-^
Letters also to the King of Congo, to the same effect : and j^^£pt
in his Letters proffers to discover unto him the metall spaine the dis-
Mines, which heretofore had beene concealed from all the eoverie of the
other Kings his Predecessors : and withall sent him divers ^^^ Mines
trials of them; beseeching him especially withall afFec- J^^fJ^'^^
tionate entreatie, that (as soone as possibly he could) he p^sts.
would furnish him with some store of Priests : But Costa, Costa dieth by
which was sent, died by the way, the Vessell wherein he ^ ^^y* ^^
sailed being cast away upon the shoare of Portugall, and ^^ ^"^^
every man drowned that was in it : and the naughtie newes i^f^^ ^^
were knowne by the contents of the Letters, that were werefiund.
493
A.D.
1588.
The Emku-
saffrf
Odoardo
Lopextotke
K. ofSpdm,
HisEmbassagi
to thi Pope.
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
found in a littk Chest, which was driven on Land by the
waves of the Sea.
After this he made choise of one Odoardo Lopez, a
Portugall borne, from whose mouth Pigafetta tooke his
present report, and put it in writing. This man had
dwelt now a good time in those Regions, and was weU
experienced in the affaires of the World.
The summe of his Embassage was this : That he should
present his Letters to the King Don Philip, and at large
discourse tmto him the state, wherein the Kingdome of
Con^o stood, touching matter of Religion, by the reason
of the former Warres, and" scarsitie of Priests, and there-
upon request his Majestie to provide him a competent
number of Confessors, and Preachers, that might be
sufficient to maintaine the Gospell in those remote
Countries, being but lately converted to Chrisdanitie.
Moreover, that he should shew unto him the sundrie trials
of Metals, which he had made, and many other matters,
which were worthie to be knowne: and withall, that he
should proffer unto him in his name, free and liberall
trafficke of them, which heretofore was ever denied to his
Predecessors. Touching the Pope, That he should like-
wise on his behalfe kisse his feet, deliver unto him his
Letters, and recount the miserable trouble and detriment
that his people had suffered ibr the Christian Faith. That
he should recommend those poore soules to his Holinesse,
and beseech him, as the universall Father of all Christians,
to have compassion upon so many faithfuU persons, who
because they had no Priests to deliver the holy Faith imto
them, and to administer the wholsome Sacraments, were
by little and little falling into everlasting perdition. And
being thus dispatched he departed from the Court, and
went about certain services for the King, wherein he spent
about eight moneths. So that in Januarie, being then
Sommer time in Congo, he embarked himselfe in a Vessell
of one hundred Tunne burthen, which was bound with
her lading for Lisbon. But forced by leakes and winds,
the Pilot thought it better to turne his course, and .taking
494
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
the wind in the poope, to goe and save themselves in the
Hands of Nova Hispania. And they arrived with much
adoe, at a little Hand, called Cubagoa; and situate over Tkelkof
against the He of Saint Margarete, where they fish for ^^f^\f^
Pearles. From thence, when they had in some haste Margarete. '
amended their ship, and some-what refreshed themselves, [iLvii.
they sayled with a short cut to the firme Land, and tooke 1018.]
Haven in a Port, called Cumana, or ^as it is called by CumoMorth^
another name) The new Kingdome ot Granado in the J^^^SlJ
West Indies. This battered and weather-beaten Vessell, ^ ^^^ ^
was no sooner arrived in this safe Harbour, but it sunke Indies.
presently. TkesMpsmki
While the foresaid Embassadoxir endeavoured in this «[f*'^^«'-
place to recover his former health, the company of ships, ^^^ suneth
which is called La Flotta, that is to say, The Fleet, and in Cumana^ a
useth every yeare to saile from that Coast for Castile, yeareanda
departed from thence, so that he was constrayned to stay ^^'j^.
for a new Navie, and so consumed a whole yeare and a q ^mdeth
halfe without doing any good. In this meane time, the Dm piedn
King of Congo sent another Embassadour with the selfe- Anmioy and
same commandements, called Don Piedro Antonio, the OasparDiaz
second person in all his Realm, & with him one Gasparo ^ ^^^^
Diaz, a Portugal. Embassa&
But an infortunate end had this Embassadour, for he wHchhesent
was taken at Sea by Englishmen, and his ship also, which h L^pex-
being drawne towards England, when it was neere imto the Z^^t!f!^
Coast, by ^eat misfortune it ranne a-thwart the shoare, EngTuh^ and
and there 6on Piedro Antonio, and his Sonne were both hy misfinum
drowned : but the Portugall and some few others with him drowmdy and
escaped, and arrived in Spaine, at such time as the said ^^^««»^«w7*
Odoardo was come to the Coxirt, and had entred upon the
charge of his Embassage.
There he was courteously entertained by his Catholike
Majestie, to whom he propounded the contents of his AharoKingof
Conmiissions. But divers great accidents there happened. ^^& ^Jf^
For first, he heard the dolorous newes of the Kin^s death, ^/^
that sent him on this message : and then the Kmg Don ^ Conanest
Philip was wholly busied about the Conquest of England, of England.
495
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
1588.
90 that his businesse went nothing forwards^ but was
delayed from time to time : neither £d he see any meanes
of dispatch, but rather he was given to understand, that for
that time they could not intend to barken unto him.
Odoardo Now the foresaid Odoardo, being afflicted with so many
c^^thlns ^diversities, renounced the World with all the deceitful]
Inndof pompe and glorie thereof, and in M adrill apparelled him-
frofesswn. selfe in a grey course habit, and so went to Rome, to
Lopez, gpeth to declare to Sixtus Quintus the Pope, the Tenor and
ht^^^l^ijh Conunission of his Embassage, beaiuse he would not
entertained ^together neglect the good intent and meaning of the
bj the Pope, ^^^ig, that had sent him, although hee were now descended
into a better life. Hee was kindly welconmied and
received by his Holinesse, to whom he discoursed the
miserable estate wherein the Christian people of the
Realme of Congo did stand, for want of the worship and
service of God, and also the small number of Priests, that
were there to instruct them in the Doctrine of the Gospel,
and to deliver unto them the Sacraments of the Church,
especially the multitude in that Coimtrey, being (as it
were) innumerable, that every day resorted together, to be
baptised, instructed, confessed, and conununicated. More-
The Vow of over, he made a vow and resolved in his mind, that with
2^^ such store of wealth, as God had blessed him withall in
aSminar7^ Congo, ^which was not very small) he would build a
and an ' house, wnerein for the service of God, there should dweU
Hospital/ in certaine learned men, and simdry Priests, to instruct the
Congo. youth of those Countries in all good Languages, and in
the Arts Liberall, and in the Doctrine of the Gospel, and
in the Mysteries of our Salvation. Out of which House,
as it were out of a holy Schoole, there might come forth
from time to time, many learned men and well studyed
in the Law of God, that should be able in their owne
naturall Countrey Tongue, to awaken and raise anine
the Faith of Christ, which was now asleepe, and aryed
up in those Regions: and thereby in processe of time
there would spring up many fruits of blessing, and vigilant
soules in the Christian Faith. Hereunto hee meant also
496
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d
1588.
to adde an Hospitall, that might be a Recoxirse and
Harbour for Gods poore, which comming and sayling out
of strange Countries should have reliefe and entertaine-
ment in that HosteLy, and there be cured and restored of
their infirmities and necessities. With this purpose
therefore he went to Rome, to obtaine of his Holinesse a
Licence to erect this Seminarie and Hospitall, and to
beseech him also that he would grant him Jubilies, Indul-
gences, and other Dispensations, that for such Christian
and wholsome workes are requisite, especially to the use
and benefit of those Countries, which are so remote from
Christendome. He presented himselfe to the Pope, and
delivered unto him his Letters of credence, and then
declared unto him at large the Tenor of his Commissions,
wherein hee had a gracious audience. But when the Pope The Pope
did understand that the Kin&fdome of Congo belong^ed to ^^^^^"^ ^
1 -wT* r e> • 1 » t t °iii waoie matter
the King of Spame, he remitted that matter wholly unto ^ ^ j^^^ ^
him. Spaine.
§. VIL
Of the Court of the King of Congo. Of the
apparcll of that people before they became
Christians and after. Of the Kings Table,
and manner of his Court.
. ancient time this King and his Courtiers were The ancient
apparelled with certaine Cloth made of the Palme- %^^lf^^^
tree (as wee have told you before) wherewith they andi^s
covered themselves from the Girdle-stead downewards. Courtiers,
and girded the same straite unto them with certaine
Girdles made of the same stufi^e, very faire and well
wrought. They used also to hang before them, like an [Il.vii.
Apron, certaine delicate and daintie skinnes, of little ^°"9]
Tygres, of Civet-cats, of Sabels, of Maternes, and of such
like creatures for an ornament : and for a more glorious
pompe and shew, they did weare upon their shoulders a
certaine Cape like a Hood. Upon their bare skinne they
had a certaine round Garment like a Rotchet, which they
VI 497 a I
A.i> PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
call Incutto, reaching downe to their knees, made after
the manner of a Net, but the stuffe of it was very fine
cloth of the said Palme-tree, and at the skirts there hung
a numbo: of threed-tassels, tihat made a very gallant shew.
These Rotchets were turned up againe, and tucked upon
their right shoulder, that they might be the more at
libertie on that hand. Upon tnat shoulder also they had
the tayle of a Zebra, fastned with a handle, which they
used for a kind of braverie, according to the most ancient
custome of those parts. On their heads they wore Caps
of yellow and red colour, square above and very little, so
tliat they scarcely covered the tops of their heads, and
wome rather for a pompe and a vanitie, then to keep them
either from the Aire or from the Sunne. The most part
of them went tmshod: but the King and some of the
great Lords did weare certaine shooes of the old fiishion,
such as are to bee seene in the ancient Images of the
Romanes, and these were made also of the Wood of the
The ancient Palme-tree. The poorer sort and common people were
appareilofthi apparelled from their middle downewards, after the same
manner, but the cloth was courser : and the rest of their
bodie all naked. The women used three kinds of
Traverses, or (as it were) Aprons : beneath their Girdle-
stead. One was very long and reached to their hedes :
the second shorter then that, and the third shorter then
both the other, with fringes about them, and every one of
these three fastned about their middle, and open before.
From their brests downewards, they had another Garment,
like a kind of Doublet or Jacket, that reached but to their
Girdle : and over their shoulders a certaine Cloake. AU
these severall Garments were made of the same cloth of
the Palme-tree. They were accustomed to goe with their
faces uncovered, and a little Cap on the head, like a mans
Cap. The meaner sort of women were apparelled after
the same manner, but their cloth was courser. Their
Maid-servants ; and the basest kind of women were like-
wise attyred from the Girdle downeward, and all the rest
of the bodie naked.
498
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
But after that this Kingdome had received the Christian '^^^ «^
Faith, the great Lords of the Coxirt beganne to apparell ^J^^
themselves after the manner of the Portugals, in wearing ^^
Cloakes, Spanish Caps, and Tabbards, or wide Jackets of
Scarlet, and cloth of Silke, every man according to his
wealth and abilitie. Upon their heads they had Hats, or
Caps, and upon their feet Moyles or PantofHes, of Velvet
and of Leadier, and Buskins after the Portugall fashion,
and long Rapiers by their sides.
The conunon people, that are not able to make their
apparell after that manner doe keepe their old custome.
The women also goe after the Portugall fashion, saving
that they weare no Cloakes, but upon their heads they
have ccrtaine Veiles, and upon their Veiles blacke Velvet
Caps, garnished with Jewels, and Chaines of Gold about
their neckes. But the poorer sort keepe the old fashion :
for onely the Ladies of the Court doe oedecke themselves
in such manner as we have told you.
After the King himselfe was converted to the Christian The Court of
Religion, hee conformed his Court in a certaine sort after ?*^^
the manner of the King of Portugall. And first, for his q^^^ ^
service at the Table when he dineth or suppeth openlv in Portugail.
publike, there is a Throne of Estate erected with tnree
steps, covered all over with Indian Tapistrie, and there-
upon is placed a Table, with a Chaire of Crimson Velvet,
adorned with Bosses and Nayles of Gold. He alwayes
feedeth alone by himselfe, neither doth any man ever sit
at his Table, but the Princes stand about him with their
heads covered. He hath a Cupboord of Plate of Gold
and Silver, and one that taketh assay of his meate and
drinke.
He maintayneth a Guard of the Anzichi, and of other
Nations, that keepe about his Palace, ftirnished with such
Weapons as are above mentioned : and when it pleaseth
him to goe abroad, thev sound their |[reat Instruments,
which may be heard about five or sixe miles, and so
signifie that the Kins is going forth. All his Lords doe
accompany him, and likewise the Portugals, in whom hee
499
iS88.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Tie Customs
and Lowes of
Cong9.
rqx>8eth a singular trust : but very seldome it is that hee
goeth out of ms Palace.
Twice in a weeke he givcth audience publikety, yet no
man speaketh unto him but his Lords. And because
there are none, that have any goods or Lands of their
owne, but all belongeth to the Crowne, there are but few
Suites or Quarrels among them, saving peradventure about
some words.
No ffrithig. They use no Writing at all in the Congo Tongue. In
Cases Criminall they proceed but slendeny, for they doe
very hardly and seldome condemne any man to death. If
there be any Riot or Enormitie committed against the
Portugals by the Mod-Conghi, (for so are the Inhabitants
of the Realme of Congo, called in their owne Language)
they are judged by the Lawes of Portugall. And if any
mischiefe bee found in any of them, the King confineth
the Malefactor into some Desart Hand : for he thinketh
it to be a greater punishment to banish him in this sort,
to the end he may doe penance for his sinnes, then at one
blow to execute him. And if it so happen, that those
which are thus chastized doe live ten or twelve yeares,
the King useth to pardon them, if they be of any
consideration at all, and doth imploy them in the Service
of the State, as persons that have beene tamed and well
scooled, and accustomed to suffer any hardnesse. In Civil!
disagreements there is an order, that if a Portugall have
any Suite against a Mod-Congo, he goeth to tne Judge
of Congo : but if a Moci-Congo doe impleade a Portugsdl,
he citeth him before the Consul, or Judge of the Portugals :
for the King hath granted unto them one of their owne
Nation to be Judge in that Countrey. In their bargaines
betweene them and the Portugals, they use no Writings
nor other Instruments of Bils or Bonds, but dispatch their
businesse onely by word and witnesse.
They keepe no Histories of their ancient Kings, nor
any memoriall of the Ages past, because they cannot write.
They measiire their times generally by the Moones. They
know not the houres of the day nor of the night : but
Soo
[Il.vii.
1 020.]
Time
measured by
the Moone.
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
they use to say, In the time of such a man such a thing
happened* They reckon the distances of Countries not
by miles or by any such measure, but by the joiurneys
and travell of men, that goe from one place to another,
eyther loden or unloden.
Touching their assembling together at Feasts, or other '^^r mamur
meetings of joy, as for example, when they are marryed, %^^^^^^'
they sing Verses and Ballads of Love, and play upon fnen^of^'^'
certaine Lutes that are made after a strange fashion. For Mustek.
in the hollow part and in the necke they are somewhat
like unto oxir Lutes, but for the flat side (where wee use
to carve a Rose, or a R\mdle to let the sound goe inward) .
that is made not of wood, but of a skinne, as thinne as a
Bladder, and the strings are made of haires, which they
draw out of the Elephants tayle, and are very strong and
brJjB[ht: and of certaine Threeds made of the wood of
Pakne-tree, which from the bottome of the Instrument
do reach & ascend to the top of the handle, & are tied
every one of them to his several ring. For towards the
necke or handle of this Lute, there are certaine rings
placed some higher and some lower, whereat there ha^
divers plates of Iron and Silver, which are very thinne,
and in bignesse diflFerent one from another, according to
the proportion of the Instrument. These rings doe make
a sound of sundry tunes, according to the striking of the
strings. For the strings when they are stricken, doe cause
the rings to shake, and then doe the plates that hang at
them, helpe them to utter a certaine mingled and confused
noyse. Those, that play upon this Instrument, doe tune
the strinfirs in good proportion, and strike them with their
fingers, like a Harpe, but without any quill very
cunningly: so that they make thereby (I cannot tell
whether I should call it a melodic or no, but) such a sound
as pleaseth and delighteth their sences well enough.
Besides all this (which is a thing very admirable) by this Speech by
Instrument they doe utter the conceits of their minds, and ^^^^mi^^'
doe understand one another so plainly, that every thing
almost which may be explaned with the Tongue, they can
SOI
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
declare with their hand in touching and striking this
Instrument. To the sound thereof they doe dance in
good measure with their feet, and follow the just time of
that Musicke, with clapping the palmes of their hands
one against the other. They have also in the Court,
Flutes and Pipes, which they sound very artificially, and
according to the sound they dance and move their feet,
as it were in a Moresco, widi great gravitie and sobrietie.
The common people doe use little lUttles, and Pipes, and
other Instruments, that make a more harsh and rude sound,
then the Court-Instruments doe.
TheirPkjskk. In this Kingdome, when any are sicke, they take nothing
but naturall Physicke, as Herbes, and Trees, and the
barkes of Trees, and Oyles, and Waters, and Stones, such
as Mother Natiire hath taught them. The Ague is the
most common Disease that raigneth among them: and
plagueth them in Winter by reason of the continuall raine,
that bringeth heat and moysture with it more then in
Summer, and besides that the sicknesse which heere wee
call the French Disease, and Chitangas in the Congo
Tongue, is not there so dangerous and so hard to be cured,
as it is in our Countries.
Their MeS' They heale the Ague with the poidder of a wood,
cine fir an called Sandale, or Sanders, whereof there is both red and
^ ff^Jy "^l^ch is the wood of Aguila. This poulder being
mingled with the Oyle of the Palme-tree, and having
anointed the bodie of'^the sicke person two or three times
with all from the head to the foot, the partie recovereth.
Their Midi- When their head aketh, they let bloud in the Temples,
H^d^^i^ H with certaine little boxing homes: first, by cutting the
otherffHefesof skinne a little, and then applying the Cornets thereunto,
the boHey is which with a sucke of the mouth, will bee filled with
letAng of bloud : and this manner of letting bloud is used also in
bkud. Egypt. And so in any other part of a mans bodie, where
there is any griefe, they draw bloud in this fashion and
Thetr Midi- heale it. Likewise they cure the infirmitie, called
erne fir Oe Chitangas, with the same Unction of Sanders: whereof
there are two sorts, one red (as we told you) and that is
502
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
called Tauila : the other gctVy and is called Chicongo : and
this is best esteemed, for they will not sticke to give or
sell a slave for a piece of it. They piurge themselves with '^^^ Purga-
certaine barkes of trees, made into powder, and taken in ^^^'
some drinke : and they will worke mightily and strongly.
When they take these purgations, they make no great
accoimt for going abroad into the Ayre. Their wounds Curing of
also they commonlv cure with the juyce of certaine Herbes, *^**'^-
and widb the Herbes themselves.
§. Vni. [ILvii.
Of the Countries that are beyond the Kingdome of
Congo, towards the Cape of Good-Hope : Of
the River Nilus, and of Sofala, Monomotapa, the
Amazones, Saint Laurence, and other ^Ethiopian
Countries.
lUimbebe (which is the Kingdome of Matama) from The kmgilome
the first Lake, and the Confines of Angola, ofMauma.
containeth all the rest of the Countrev Southwards,
till you come to the River of BrauaguU, which springeth R. BrauagfU.
out of the Mountaines of the Moone, and joyneth with
the River Magnice, and that springeth out or the foresaid R, Magnke.
first Lake : These Moimtaines are divided by the Tropicke Tie Motm-
of Capricorne, towards the Pole Antarcticke, and beyond ^*^' ^'^
this Tropicke lyeth all the Countrey and borders of the ^^^'
Cape of Good-Hope, which are not ruled and governed
by any one King, but by divers and sundry severall
Princes. In the middest betweene that Cape and the
Tropicke, are the said Moimtaines of the Moone, so
famous and so greatly renowned among the ancient
Writers, who doe assigne them to be the originall head Nottheheadof
and spring of the River Nilus: which is very false and ^^•
untrue, as the situation of the Coimtrey doth plainly shew,
and as we a litde hereafter will discover unto you. This
Countrey is full of high and roug^h Moimtaines: it is
verie cold, and not habitable : It is mquented and haunted
with a few persons that live after the manner of the
503
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMBS
1588.
Arabians, under little Cabbins in the open fieldes, and
apparelled with the skins of certaine beasts. It is a
savage and rusticall Nation, without all faith and credite,
neither will they suffer any strangers amongr them. Their
furniture is Bowes and Arrowes. They feed upon such
fruits as the land breedeth, and also upon the flesh of
beasts.
The Lake Among these Mountaines of the Moone, there is a
• Lake cafled Gale: a very little one it is, and lycth
somewhat towards the West. Out of this Lake there
T^^^s^' ** issueth a River, called Camissa, and by the Portiigals,
jll^gf^^^ named, the Sweete River, which at the point of the Cape
of Good-Hope, voydeth it selfe into the Sea, in that very
The False place that is termed, The False Cape. For the shippes of
^^' the Indies sayling that way, doe first discover another
'^h^fP^'/ ^ grater Cape, which is called. The Cape of the Needles,
!/jra^j ^'^ and then anerwards this lesser Cape : Whereupon they call
it the False Cape, because it is hid and covered with the
true and great Cape. Betweene these two Capes or
Promontories, there is the distance of an hundred miles,
containing^ the lar^enesse and breadth of this famous Cape :
which being divided into two points, as it were into two
homes, it maketh a Gulfe, where sometimes the Portugall
ships doe take fresh water, in the River that they call the
Sweete River.
The Inhabitants of this Coast, which dwell betweene
*Notferfect these two points, are oi colour black,* although the Pole
Antarctick in that place be in the elevation of five and
thirtie degrees, which is a very strange thing; yea, the
rude people that live among the most cold Moimtaines of
the Moone are blacke also.
Beyond the Cape or Point of the Needles, there arc
many competent Harboroughs and Havens, the principall
Seno Formoso. whereof is Seno Formoso, the Faire Bay : and Seno del
SenodelLaip. Lago, the Bay of the Lake: For there the Sea maketh
a certaine GiUfe, wherein are sundry Hands and Ports:
River of Saint ^^^ somewhat beyond there nmneth into the Sea the
Christopher. River of Saint Christopher, and at the mouth thereof there
504
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
lye three pretie Ilets. And a little further forwards, the
Coast runneth all along by a Countrey, which the Portugals
call, Terra do Natal, the Land of the Nativitie, because it '^^rra do
was first discovered at Christmas : and so reacheth to the ^^^'
Cape, called Delia Pescheria. Between which Cape and Capodelk
the River Magnice, within the Land is the Kingdome of ^^^^^'
Buttua, whose Territories are from the roots or bottome of MagnUe.
the Mountaines of the Moone, untill you come to the The kingdom
River Magnice towards the North, where the Countrey of Buttua.
of Monomotapa standeth, and Westwards from the River '^^^H^^
Brauagul towards the Sea, all along the bankes of the }^^^^^
River Magnice. In this Kinfi^dome diere are many Mines r, Brauagul.
of Gold, and a people that is of the same qualities and Store of Gold
conditions, that the people of Monomotapa is, as hereafter ^**^^-
shall bee shewed imto you. And so going along the
shoares of the Ocean, you come to the River Magnice,
which lyeth in the very entrance of the Kingdome of
Sofala, and the Empire of Monomotapa.
The Kingdome of Sofala beginneth at the River Theorigmall
Magnice, which springeth out of the first Lake of Nilus, ^f^^ ^^^
and conveyeth it selfe into the Sea in the middest of the ^^^^'
Bay, betweene the Point Pescheria, and the Cape, called
Cape Delle Correnti, situate in three and twentie degrees
and a halfe of the Pole Antarcticke, under the Tropicke of
Capricorne. With this River neere xmto the S^ there
joyne three other notable Rivers, the principall whereof Three Rivers
is by the Portugals, called Saint Chrystophers, because T^^*^/*^
upon the day of that Saints Feast it was first discovered, ^^^^'
but by the Inhabitants it is named Nagoa. The second i- ^*^^^
tooke the name of one Lorenzo Margues, that first found ^1^
it. These two Rivers doe spring originally from the *' ' ^^m^^-
Mountaines of the Moone, so greatly renowned among
the ancient Writers, but by the people of the Countrey [n.vii.
they are called, Toroa: out of which Mountaines they 1022.]
did thinke, that famous Nilus tooke also his beginning : ^^ ^^^^^^
but they were utterly deceived. For (as wee have alresdy %^^J^^f
told you) the first Lake ariseth not out of those tkeMoMe!see
Mountaines, but lyeth a great way distant from it: and oftMsinfc.S.
SOS
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
betweene it and them, is there a very great and a hugt
low plaine. Besides that, the streames that flow from me
said Moxmtaines, doe runne towards the East, and bestow
their Waters upon other great Rivers; so that it is not
possible for them to passe into the foresaid Lake, much
lesse into Nilus, considering especially that the River
Magnice, springeth out of that first Lake, and by a farre
diflFerent course from the course of Nilus, runneth towards
the East, and so joyneth it selfe with the two Rivers
Rwer Arm. aforesaid. The third, is called Arroe, and ariseth on
another side out of the Mountaines of the Gold Mines of
Monomotapa : and in some places of this River there are
found some small pieces of Gold among the Sand.
These three Rivers enter into the great Magnice, necre
unto the Sea, and all foure together doe make £ere a great
Water, in a very large Channell, and so dischargeth it
selfe into the Ocean. From the mouth of this River all
along the Sea Coast, stretcheth the Kingdome of Sofala,
The River of unto the River Cuama, which is so caffed of a certaine
Cuama, Castle or Fortresse that carrieth the same name, and is
possessed by Mahometans and Pagans : but the Portugals
call it. The mouthes of Cuama ; because at the entry into
the Sea, this River divideth it selfe into seven mouthes,
where there are five speciall Hands, besides divers others
that lie up the River, all very full, and well peopled with
Pagans. This Cuama commeth out of the same Lake,
and from the same springs from whence Nilus floweth.
The ksugdome And thus the Kingdome of Sofala is comprised within the
ofSofiia. gj^jj ^Q Rivers, Magnice and Cuama, upon the Sea coast.
It is but a small Kingdome, and hath but a few Houses or
Townes in it: The chiefe and principall head whereof,
is an Hand that lyeth in the River called Sofola, which
fiveth the name to all the whole Coimtrev. It is inhabited
y Mahometans, and the King himselte is of the same
sect, and yeildeth obedience to the Crowne of Portugall,
because he will not be subject to the Empire of Mono-
motapa. And thereupon, the Portugals there doe keepe
a Fort in the mouth of the River Cuama, and doe trade
506
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
in those Countries for Gold, and Ivory, and Amber, which T^ cmmodt-
is foxind upon that Coast, and good store of Slaves, and ^^^^^fi^f
instead thereof, they leave behind them Cotton-doath, amdAm^.
and Silkes that are brought from Cambata, and is the
common apparell of those people. The Mahometans that The Inkabi-
at this present doe inhabite those Countries, are not tanuof^fik.
naturally borne there, but before the Portugals came into
those quarters, they Trafficked thither in small Barkes,
from the Coast of Arabia Foelix. And when the
Portugals had conquered that Realme, the Mahometans
stayed there still, and now they are become neither utter
Pagans, nor holding of the Sect of Mahomet.
From the shoares and Coast, that lyeth betweene the
two foresaid Rivers of Magnice and Cuama, within the
Land spreadeth the Empire of Monomotapa, where there The Empire of
is very creat store of Mines of Gold, which is carried from ^f^^^/f^*
thence mto all the Regions there-abouts, and into Sofola, Mines. ^
and into the other parts of Africa. And some there be Sojbia supposed
that will say, that Solomons Gold, which he had for the Opkir.
Temple of Jerusalem, was brought by Sea out of these
Countries. A thing in truth not very unlikely: For in
the Coxmtries of Monomotapa, there doe remaine to this
day many ancient buildings of great worke, and singular
Architecture, of Stone, of Lime, and of Timber, the
like whereof are not to be seene in ail the Provinces
adjoyning.
The Empire of Monomotai>a is very great, and for The people of
people infinite. They are Gentiles and Pagans, of coloiir Monomtapa.
blacke, very couragious in Warre, of a middle stature, and
swift of foot, lliere are many Kings that are vassals
and subjects to Monomotapa, who do oftentimes rebell and
make warre against him. Their weapons are Bowes and
Arrowes, and light Darts. This Emperoxir maintaineth The King of
many Armies in severall Provinces, divided into Legions, Monomotapa
according to the use and customes of the Romanes. For «»«*»a»^«^^
being so great a Lord as he is, he must of necessitie be ^'^•^ ^rm^^*
in continuall warre, for the maintenance of his estate.
And among all the rest of his Souldiers, the most valourous
507
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
1588.
in name, are his Legions of Women, whom he esteemeth
vety hi^ily, and accoimteth them as the very sinewes and
Left-handed strength of his militarie forces. These Women doe
Amazons. burnc their left paps with fire, because they should be no
hindrance unto them in their shooting^, after the use and
manner of the ancient Amazons, duat are so greatly
celebrated by the Historiographers of former prophane
memories. For their weapons, they practise Bowes and
Arrowes: They are very quicke and swift, lively and
couragious, very cunning in shooting, but especially and
above all, venturous and constant in fight. In their
battailes they use a warlike kind of craft and subtilde:
For they have a custome, to make a shew that they would
flye and runne away, as though they were vanquished and
discomfited, but they will divers times turne themselves
backe, and vexe their enemies mightily with the shot of
their Arrowes. And when they see their Adversaries so
greedy of the victorie, that they bemn to disperse and
scatter themselves, then will they suddenly turne againe
upon them, and with great courage and fiercenesse make a
cruell slaughter of them. So that partly with their
swiftnesse, and partly with their deceitftiU wiles, and other
cunning shifts of warre, they are greatly feared in all those
parts. They doe enjoy by the Kings good favour certaine
Countries, where they dwell alone by themselves: and
[II. vii. sometimes they choose certaine men at their owne pleasure,
"^*3«] with whom they doe keepe company for generations sake :
So that if they do bring forth Male^children, they send
them home to their fathers houses : but if they be Female,
they reserve them to themselves, and breed them in the
exercise of warfiire.
The situation The Empire of this Monomotapa lyeth (as it were) in
oftheEmpireof ^^ Hand, which is made by the Sea-coast, by the River
onomotafa. j^j^gnice, by a piece of the Lake from whence Magnice
floweth, and by the River Cuama. It bordereth towards
the South, upon the Lords of the Cape of Good-Hope,
before mentioned, and Northward upon the Empire of
Mohenemugi, as by and by shall be shewed unto you.
S08
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
But now returning to our former purpose, that is to
say, to runne forwards upon the Sea-coast, after you have
passed over some part of the River Cuama, there is a
certaine little Kingdome upon the Sea, called Angoscia, ^^ khgdme
which taketh the name of certaine Hands there so called, e^^»^^^^-
and lye directly against it. It is inhabited with the like
people, both Mahometans and Gentiles, as the Kingdome
of Sofala is. Merchants they are, and in smaU Vessels doe
Trafficke along that Coast with the same Wares and
Conunodities, where-with the people of Sofala doc Trade.
A little beyond, suddenly starteth up in sight the ^^ kingdom
Kingdome of Mozambique, situate in foureteene degrees ^f^^^^'
and a halfe towards the South, and taketh his name of ^^^'
three Hands, that lye in the mouth of the River Meghin- ^- ^^<ff*»-
cate, where there is a great Haven and a safe, and able to ^"^'
receive all manner of ships. The Realme is but small,
and yet aboundeth in all kind of Victuals. It is the
common landing place for all Vessels that sayle from
Portugal!, and from India into that Countrey. In one of
these lies, which is the chiefe and principall, called ??^^^7f^
Mozambique, and giveth name to all the rest ; as also to ^*2;^^^*'-
the whole Kingdome, and the Haven aforesaid, wherein
there is erected a Fortresse, guarded with a Gsirrison of
Portugals, whereupon all the other Fortresses that are on
that Coast doe depend, and fi"om whence thev fetch all their
provision: all the Armadas and Fleetes tnat sayle from
Portugal! to the Indies, if they cannot finish and performe
their Voyage, will goe and Winter (I say) in this Iland of
Mozambique: and those that travell out of India to
Europe, are constrained of necessitie to touch at
Mozambique, to furnish themselves with Victuals. This
Iland, when the Portugals discovered India, was the first
place where they learned the language of the Indians, and
provided themselves of Pilots to direct them in their
course. The people of this Kingdome are Gentiles: ThelnhM-
Rustical! and rude they bee, and of colour bkcke. They 55!«Li«^V«^
go all naked. They are valiant and strong Archers, and
cunning Fishers, with all kind of hookes.
509
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
As 70U go on forwards upon the foresaid Coast, there
The Hngdme jg another fland, called Quiloa, in quantitie not great, but
ofQiuloa. £^ excellency singular : For it is situate in a very coole and
fresh Ayre : It is replenished with Trees that arc alwaies
greene, and affordeth all varietie of Victuals. It lyeth at
tht mouth of the River Coavo, which springneth out of
the same Lake from whence Nilus floweth, and so runneth
about sixtie miles in length, till it conuneth neere to the
Sea, and there it hath a mightie streame, and in the very
mouth of it maketh a great Hand, which is peopled with
Mahometans and Idokters, and a little beyond that,
towards the Coast on the West, you may see the said
ThelUmdof Hand of Quiloa. This Hand is inhabited with
aelnhM-- Mahometans also, which are of colour some-thing
toKU thereof, whitish. They are well apparelled, and trimly adorned
with Cloath ot Silke and Gotten : Their Women doe use
ornaments of Grold, and Jewels about their hands and
their neckes, and have good store of houshold-stuffe
made of Silver. They are not altogether so blacke as the
men are : and in their limbs they are very well propor-
tioned. Their houses are made of Stone, and Lime, and
Timber, very well wrought, and of good Architecture,
with Gardens and Orchards, full of Hearbs and sundry
Fruits. Of this Hand the whole Kingdome tooke the
name, which upon the Coast extendeth it selie from Capo
Delgado, (the Cape Delicate, that bordereth Mozambique
and Quiloa,) and is situate in nine degrees towards the
South, and from thence it runneth out unto the aforesaid
River of Coavo. In old time the Kingdome of Quiloa
was the chiefest of all the Principalities there adjoyning,
and stood neere to the Sea : but when the Portugals arrivoi
in those Countries, the King trusted so much to himselfr,
that he thought he was able with his owne forces not onely
The King of to defend himselfe against them, but also to drive them
Qmloaover- from those places which they had already surprised.
P^ahjnd Howbeit the matter fell out quite contrary. For when it
driven out of came to Weapons, he was utterly overthrowne and
the Iknd. discomfited by the Portugals, and so fled away. But they
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
tooke and possessed the Iland, and enriched themselves
with the great spoyles and booties that they found therein.
They erected there also a Fortresse, which was afterward
pulled downe by the commandement of the King of
Portugall, because he thought it not necessarie, considering
that there were others sufficient enough for that Coast.
And heere we may not leave behind us the He of Saint ^^ ^^f -
Laurence, so called by the Portugals, because they did ^^^^
first discover it upon that Martyrs feast day. It is so s. Laurence.
great, that it containeth in length almost a thousand miles, O///, see the
and standeth right over against the Coast which wee have firmer
described, beginning directly at the mouthes of the River •^^*'*^-
Magnice, which are in sixe and twentie degrees of the
South, and so going forwards to the North, it endeth right '• Jo^^^l
against the mouths of Cuama in the Kingdome of Quitoa.
Betweene this Hand and the firme Land, there is (as it
were) a Channell, which at the entry West-ward, is three
hundred and fortie miles broad : in the middest where it
is narrowest, over ag^ainst the Hand of Mozambiche, one
hundred and seventie miles, and for the rest, it enlargeth
it selfe very much towards India, and containeth many
lies within it. The ships that goe from Spaine into India,
or retume from India to Spaine, doe alwaies for the most
part passe and sayle in, and through this Channell, if by
time or weather they be not forced to the contrary. And
sxirelv, this Hand deserveth to be inhabited with a better
people, because it is furnished with singular Commodities.
For it hath many safe & sure havens. It is watred with
sundry Rivers, Aat cause the earth to bring forth fruits
of divers kinds, as Pulse, and Rice, and other Graine,
Oranges, Limons, Citrons, and such like fruit. Flesh of
all sorts, as Hens, &c. and Venison, as wilde Boare, & Deere,
and such like, and all this of a very good taste and relish,
because the soyle is very fat : their Fish also is exceeding The InhM-
good. The Inhabitants are Pa^^ans, with some of the Sect ^^^rf the lie
of Mahomet among them. They are of the colour which ^^^^
the Spaniards call Mulato, betweene black and white. Their
Very warlike they are, and given to their weapons, which Weapons.
5"
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
are Bowes and Arrowes, and Darts of very light Wood,
strengthned with Iron, whereof they make the heads of
their Darts, which are crooked like hookes: and these
they will cast and throw most slighdy and cunningly.
They iise also Tar^ts, and Jackes that are made of certaine
beasts skinnes, wherewith they save themselves in fight
fi-om the blowes of their enemies.
This Hand is divided among severall Princes, that are
at enmitie one with another: for they are in continuall
Warres, and persecute one another with Armes. There
are divers Mmes of Gold, of Silver, of Copper, of Iron,
and of other Metals. The savage people doe not use to
sayle out of the Iland, but onely from one side to the other
they goe coasting along the shoares, with certaine Barkes
that are made but of one stocke of a Tree, which they
hollow for that purpose. The most part of diem doe not
willing^ly entertaine strangers, neither will they consent
that they shotdd TraflBcke or converse with them. Not-
withstanding, in certaine Ports the Portugals doe use to
Trade with the Ilanders, for Amber, Waxe, Silver, Copper,
Rice, and such other things, but they never come upon the
Sundry 1 lands Land. In the Channell before mentioned, there are divers
in the channel, ji^nds, some greater, and some lesse, inhabited with
Mahometans. The diiefe of them is the He of Saint
Christopher, and then of Santo Spirito : and another, called
Magliaglie, and so the rest, as the lies of Comoro,
Anzoame, Maiotto, and some other.
But let us returne to the Sea side, and prosecute the
Coast of the Kingdome of Quiloa, where we left. Next
The hingdme ^nto it, IS the Kingdome of Mombaza, in the height of
^2^Tg^ three degrees and a halfe towards the South, which taketh
and Silver^ ' the name fi-om an Iland inhabited with Mahometans,
andPearL which is also called Mombaza, where there is a fiiire Citie,
with houses that have many Sollers, furnished Pictures,
both graven and painted. The King thereof is a
Mahometan, who taking upon him to resist the
Portugals, received the same successe that hapned to
the Kmg of Quiloa, so that the Citie was ransacked and
S"
THE KINGDOM OP CONGO a.d.
1588.
spoyled by his enemies, who found therein good store of ^ ^'^^ ^f
Gold and Silver, and Pearle, and Cloath of Cotton, and J^T^
of Silke, and of Gold, and such other Commodities. This q^-^ ^^^
Kingdome lyeth betweene the borders of Quiloa, and
Melinde, and is inhabited with Pagans and Mahometans,
and yeeldeth obedience to the Empire of Mohenemugi.
A Httle beyond is the Kingdome of Melinde, which J^^JJj^^
being likewise but a little one, extendeth it selfe upon •'
the §ea Coast, as farre as the River Chimanchi, and lyeth
in the height of two degrees and a halfe: and up the
streame of that River, it reacheth to the Lake Calice, the
space of one hundred miles within land. Neere unto
the Sea, along the bankes of this River, there is a great
deale of Coxmtrey inhabited by Pagans and Mahometans,
of colour almost white. Their houses are built after our
fashion. But there is one particidaritie to be admired,
that their Muttons or Sheepe, are twice as great as the
Sheep of our Countrey: for they divide them into five
Quarters, (if a man may so call them) and reckon the tayle ^a/J„ ^^
for one, which commonly weigheth some five and twentie, MeVtndi
or thirtie pound. The Women are white, and sumptu- weigheth com-
ously dressed, after the Arabian fashion, with Cloath of «<»^ *5- ^
Silke. About their neckes and hands, and armes, and |^'^*"^/-
feet, they use to weare Jewels of Gold and Silver : When of^QpAan
they go abroad out of their houses, they cover themselves tkape.
with TafFata, so that they arc not knowne but when they
list themselves. In this Countrey there is a very good
Haven, which is a landing pkce for the Vessels that sayle
through those Seas. Generally, the people are very kind,
true and trustie, and converse with Strangers. They
have alwaies entertained and welcomed the Portugals, and
have reposed great confidence in them, neither have they
ever offered Aem any wrong in any respect.
In the Sea betweene these two Capes of Mombaza and
Melinde, there are three lies : the first, is called Monfie ;
the second, Zanzibar ; and the third, Pemba ; all inhabited
only with Mohemetans, that are of colour white. These
lies abound in all things as the others do, whereof we
VI 513 2K
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
made mention before. These people are somewhat
enclined to Armes: but they are in deed more addicted
to dresse and manure their ground: For there growcth
much Sugar, which in smdl Barks they carrie away
to sell into the firmc Land, with other fruits of that
Countrey.
[Il.vii. Besides these three Realmes kst described, Quiola,
'o*5-J Melinde, and Mombaza, within the Land is the great
'^l^^^f Empire of Mohenemugi, towards the West. It bordcreth
okemmugt. ^^^ ^j^^ South, with &e Kingdome of Mozambique, and
with the Empire of Monomotapa to the River Coavo,
upon the West with the River Nilus, betweene the two
Lakes ; and upon the North it joyneth with the Empire
of Prete-Gianni. Towards the Sea, this EmpCTour
standeth in good termes of peace with the foresaid Kings
of Quiola, Melinde, and Mombaza, by reason of their
trafficke together, and the better to secure the entercourse
and trade by Sea : by meanes whereof they have brought
unto them much doth of Cotton, and dotn of Silke fix>m
divers Countries, and other merchandises that are well
esteemed in these parts: and particularly certaine little
balls, that are made in the Kingdome of Cambaia, of a
kind of Bitumen or dammie Clay, like unto Gksse, but
that it is (as it were) of a red colour, which they use to
weare about their neckes, like a paire of Beades instead of
Neck-laces. It serveth them also in stead of Money, for
of Gold they make none accoimt. Likewise with the
Silkes that are brought imto them, they doe apparell
themselves from the girdle downewards. In exchange and
barter of all these conunodities, they give Gold, Silver,
CoppCT, and Ivorie.
But on the other side towards Monomotapa, there are
continual! warres ; yea, and sometimes so bloudie, that it
is hardly discerned who hath gotten the victorie. For
in that Border there meet together two of the greatest and
most warlike Powers and Forces that are in all those
Regions : that is to say, on the Partie of Monomotapa,
ther^ came forth into the field the Amazones, of whom wee
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1588.
told you before ; and on the other partie of Mohenemugi
are the Giacchi, (as the Moci-Congi doe call them) but in Tke GMas,
their owne tongue they are called Agagi, who did some- ^j^^^^attell
time so greatly afflict the Kingdome of Congo, as you say th^ that the
may remember. Neither are these people lesse couragious Jaggts came
or strong then the Amazones, but are of a bkcke com- f^ ^^^^
plexion, and presumptuous coimtenances. They doc use ^^]^^^j
to marke themselves above the lip upon their cheekes with ^jZnuhes as
certaine lines, which they make with Iron instruments and a gemraU
with fire. Moreover, they have a custome to turne their fesAktue^ and
eye-lids backwards: so that their skin being all blacke, ^^*^
and in that bkcknesse shewing the white of their eyes, and ^j^^ ^^^
those markes in their faces, it is a strange thing to behold parts of
them. For it is indeed a very dreadnill and Devillish Ethiopia.
sight. They are of bodie great, but deformed, and live
like beasts in the field, and feed upon mans flesh. In fight
they shew themselves exceedingly couragious, and doe
utter most horrible showting and crying, of purpose to
daimt and aflFright their Enemies. Their weapons are
Darts, and Pavises of Leather that cover all their whole
bodie, and so defend themselves therewith. Sometimes
they will encampe together, and sticke their Pavises in the
ground, which are unto them instead of a trench. Some-
times they will goe forwards in the battell, and shrowd
themselves under them, and yet annoy their adversaries
with the shot of their Darts. And thus by warlike policie
they doe ordinarily plague their Enemies, by endeavouring
with all subtiltie to m^e them spend their shot in vaine,
upon their Targets : and when they see they have made
an end of shooting, then doe they renew the battell a
fresh, and driving them to flight, make a cruell slaughter
of them without all mercie. And this is the manner which
they use against their Enemies, and the Amazones. But The
the Amazones, on the other side, which are very well ^«<«»««.
acquainted herewithall, doe fight against them with other
militarie strata£^ems (as we have above declared) and doe
overcome the forces of their Adversaries with their swift-
nesse, and great skill in matters of Warre. For, they doe
A.a PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1588.
assure themselves, that if they be taken, they shall be
devoured : and therefore with doubled courage they fight
for life, that they might ovoxome, and in any case save
their lives from that fierce and cruell Nation. And in
this sort doe they maintaine continuall Warre, alwaies
with great mortalitie on both sides. These A^ags dwell
at the beginning of the River Nilus, (where it runneth
Northwards out of the Lake,) upon both the bankes of
the River, till it come to a certaine limite, wherein they
are bounded ; and then Westwards all over the bankes of
the said Nilus, even to the second Lake, and to the
borders of the Empire of Prete-Gianni. Touching these
Agags, I thought it convenient in this place to adde this,
which before I had omitted. Betweene the confines of
this Mohenemugi, and Prete-Gianni, there are sundrie
other petie Lords, and people that are of a white colour,
and yeeld obedience sometimes to one of these two Princes,
and sometimes to the other. They are men of a farre
greater stature then all the rest of the people in those
Countries.
Towards the Cape of Guarda-Fuy, there are many places
inhabited with Mahometans, all along the Sea-side, of
Mmiyffod colour being white. Upon this shoare there are divers
Havens. good Havens, where the ships of sundrie Countries doc
trafficke with the foresaid merchandises. The first of
these places, is called Patee ; the second, Brava ; the third,
Magadoxo ; the fourth, Affion ; and the last is, the
The Cape of famous Promontorie and Cape of Guarda-Fuy: which
Guarda Fuj. because it is very great, and jutteth out a good way into
the Sea, is well knowne to all Sailers that come fi'om India,
and fi-om Ormuz, and fi-om Arabia Foelix. It is the place
and harbour where the Portugals are wont to attend, and
yeerely with their Navies to watch for the Vessels of the
Mahometans, that being laden with precious merchandises,
doe saile into those parts without their licence, they being
the Lords of the trafficke and trade for Spicerie, and all
[Il.vii. other commodities that are brought from India. So that
1026.] every yeere the Portugall Fleet doth take great prizes of
516
THE KINGDOM OF CONGO a.d.
1520.
Merdiants ships in that place, as the English and the
French doe at Cape Saint Vincent.
After you have compassed about the foresaid Cape of
Guarda-Fuy, toward the red Sea, you shall come to other
Townes and Havens of the Mahometans. The first of J>ivirs Ports
them is called Methe, and another beyond that, called ^J^^^^ds
Barbora. And this is the farthest place wherein you shall ^ ^^ ^^^
find any people with white skins : for here the men beginne
to be all blacke. Then there is Ceila, and Dalaca, and
Malaca, and Carachin : and all this Coast is called in that
Countrie language, Baragiam. The People that inhabite
therein are 2ul blacke, valiant in Armes, and apparelled
from the girdle downewards with cloth of Cotton: but
those that are of the best accoimt among them, doe weare
upon their shoulders certaine Clokes with Hoods, called
Bernussi, such as the old Romans used, and were termed
Saga Romana. It aboundeth in Gold, and in Ivorie, and l^^^^^i
in Metals, and in Victuals of all sorts. j^asHa,
Then follow the Mouths or Entrances into the red Niks, (ic, is
Gulfe. omitted.
Chap. V.
The Voyage of Sir Francis Alvarez, a Portugall
Priest made unto the Court of Pretc Janni, the
great Christian Empcrour of Ethiopia.*
|N the Name of Jesus, amen. I, Francis Alvarez,
Priest of the Masse, which by especiaU commande-
ment of the King our Lord, Don Emanuel (whom
God hath received into his glorie) went with Edward Gal-
vano, a Gentleman of his house, and one of his Counsellors;
which was Secretarie unto the King Don Alfonso, and unto
King John, his Sonne, till his dying day ; and by King Don
*\ know not who translated this Booke, I found it in Master Hack-
luyts papers, and have abbreviated it where I conld ; although it still
continueth veiy long, if not tedious. I also examined it with Ramusio
his Italian Edition, and in many places amended the translation, in
many supplied it, and added other things : illustrating it with marginall
notes, &C. He that compareth these Relations with those of the Great
S17
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1520.
Emanuel was sent Ambassadour luito King Prete Janni,
have determined to write all things which hapned unto
us in this Voyage, and to describe the Countries wherein
[Il.vii. y^Q were, with the qualities, customes, and usages thereof,
'^*70 and how they agree with Christian Religion. Neither doe
I here take upon me to reprehend or approve their cus-
tomes and usages, but leave them wholly imto the Readers
(which are able to instruct mee) to praise, amend, and
correct whatsoever they shall thinke eood. And because
I may seeme sometimes speaking of one Countrie, and
eftsoones of another, to confound the same together,
I say, that wee were resident in these Coimtnes for
the space of sixe yeeres together, wherein I sought
to know a great part of the Coimtries, Kingdomes,
and Signiories of the said Prete Janni, and their
customes and usages, some by sight, and some others
by the report of credible persons. And ever, as I came
to the knowledge of them, so I put them downe in writing,
that is to say, delivering such things as I saw, as having
seene them ; and things reported, as received by hearing :
and therefore I sweare and protest upon my conscience,
that I will not wittingly report any untruth. And even
as I hope and trust in our Lord God, that my confession
shall be true imto my lives end, so likewise shall this my
R resent writing be true : for he that lyeth to his neighbour,
/eth to God.
Mogoll in Sir T. Roe, shall find great correspondence in the uncivil]
customes whereinto wild Majestie and barbarous Greatnesse, both here
and there, have degenerated: both vast bodies rather then strong; the
one flourishing, the other £illen, and now retaining but the struggling
extremes of that giantly unweldinesse here by this eye-witnesse in those
times observed. He calls him Prete or Priest John, following the vulgar
errour, growing from the relations of a Priest John in Asia, and by
ignorance applied to this Negus of Ethiopia, as in my Pilgrimage you
may see at krge. I esteeme his relations true in those things which he
saith he saw : in some others which he had by relation of enlarging
Travellers, or boasting Abassines, hee may perhaps sometimes rather
mendacia dicere then mentiri. Even yet the Law-giver is not departed
from Juda, if Melechs posteritie hath ever since raigned, wily wits had
their pias firaudes to make Religion a stirrop of State.
518
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ ad-
1520.
Matthew the Ambassadour of Prete Janni, is con-
ducted by the Portugals unto the Haven of
Maczua in the red Sea, and what hapned to
his death.
IHereas I said that I went with Edward Galvano ^he Chapters,
(whom God pardon) true it is that I did so, and ^^/l^
he died in Comoran, an He of the red Sea, neither Ramusio, are
tooke his Ambassage any effect, during the time that expressed by
Lopez Suarez was Captaine genendl of the Indies. Diego the figures in
Lopez de Sequeira succeeding Suarez in the government ^^^^^F
of India, effected that which Lopez Suarez would never „j^^ method
execute, to wit, the conducting of Matthew (who was sent ihavereduced
Ambassadoxir from Prete Janni to the King of Portugall) *> our wonted
to the Haven of Maczua, neere unto Ercoco, being a f^rfnetfPara-
Port-towne of Prete Janni. This Diego Lopez prepared ^^ St^sims
a goodly and great Fleet, wherewith we sailed into the red should mahe
Sea, and arrived at the said Hand of Maczua on Munday the Boohe to
in the Octaves of Easter, the sixteenth of the moneth of w/^w^^r-
Aprill, in the yeere 1520. which Hand we found abandoned JJJ^^^ ^^
and forsaken by the Inhabitants, because that five or sixe Mazua.
dayes before they had knowledge of our comming. This Ercoco.
He is distant from the Continent about two Crosbow-shots, '5*^-
whither the Moores of the said Hand were fled with their
goods. Our Fleet therefore riding betweene the Continent
and the Hand, the Tuesday following, there came unto
us one Christian and a Moore from the Towne of Ercoco.
The Christian said that the Towne of Ercoco belonged
to the Christians, and was under the Jurisdiction of a
great Lord, called Barnagasso, being subject unto Prete Bamagasso.
Janni ; and that the Inhabitants of this He of Maczua,
and of Ercoco, when the Turkes came thither, fled all
into the Mountaines ; but at this present they would not
flee away, having understood that wee were Christians.
S19
A.D.
I520.
Matthew the
Amhassadour
of the Abas-
sine.
7he Mimas-
terie of Bison.
Prophesies,
[Il.vii.
1028.]
EasUr Rites
by Monhes,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Our Generall having heard thus much, gave thankes to
God, that he was come to the happie knowledge of Chris-
tians; and this procured great favour imto Matthew,
which before that time was uttle accounted of.
2. The day following being Wednesday, the Captaine
of the said Towne of Ercoco came to sp^e with our
Generall, and presented foure Oxen unto him, and the
Generall gave him very courteous and honourable enter-
tainment.
Twentie or foure and twentie miles from this place
standeth a very high Mountaine, with a famous Monas-
terie thereupon, which Matthew oftentimes made mention
of, being called the Monasterie of Bisan, that is. Of the
Vision. The Friars of this Monasterie having knowledge
of us, came seven of them the Thursday after the Octaves,
to visite us ; whom our Generall and all his people went
on shoare to meet, with great joy and gladnesse : and they
seemed to rejovce no lesse ; and said, that they had long
time looked for Christians, because they had certaine
Prophesies in their written Booke, which foretold that
Christians should arrive at this Haven, and that a pit
should there be digged, after the openincr whereof, no
more Moores should dwell in that place : with many other
Speeches tending to the like purpose. At all these things
the Ambassadour Matthew was present, whom the fore-
said Friars did greatly honour, kissing his hands and his
shoulders, according to their manner; and he, on the
other side, tooke great delight in them also. These Friars
said that they observed then the Feast of Easter, and
eight dayes next ensuing, and that during those eight
dayes they used neither to traveU, nor to doe any other
work ; but so soone as they heard say that Christians were
arrived at that Haven (a thing which they so earnestly
desired) they craved licence of their Superiour to under-
take this joxirney for the service of God, and that Bama-
gasso was likewise informed of our arrivall, but that he
would not set forward out of his house till eight dayes
after Easter.
520
Sm FRANCIS ALVAREZ aj>,
1520.
3. These Friars use to carrie Crosses in their hands,
and other people weare them about their neckes, made of
blacke wood, and all our companie bought of the same .
Crosses which they weare about their neckes, because it
was a new thing, and not usuall amongst us. While these
Friars abode with us, the Generall commanded one
Fernando Diaz, which understood the Arabike Tongue,
to goe and view their Monasterie.
4. On Tuesday the foure and twentieth of Aprill, Comrnhgof
Barnagasso came to the Towne of Ercoco, and gave us ^^'*^^^*-
advertisement of his arrivall. Order was taken, that they
should meet one another in the mid-way. Barnagasso Stauobstrvid.
came thither first, but he would not come to the place
which was prepared for him. The Generall being lighted,
seing that he would not come thither, caused the prepara-
tives to be carried before neere unto the place where he
stood: which ag^aine, to maintayne his grandure and
reputation, would not once stirre with his people to come
unto the plaxx prepared, so that the said Anthonie de
Saldanza and Matthew the Ambassadour, were constrained
to retume againe, which in the end resolved, that both of
them at one instant, should set forward, that is to say, the
Generall and Barnagasso, and so they did, meeting League cw-
together and conferring in a large champaine field, as -^^^
they sate on the ground upon certaine Carpets. And
among many discourses that they had together, giving
thankes to God for this their enterview. Barnagasso
taking a Crosse of Silver in his hand (which was there
readie for the same purpose) said, that he sware upon the
signe of the Crosse, upon which our Lord suffered his
Passion, in the Name of Prete Janni his Master, that he
would alwaies favoiir and aide the people and affaires of
the King of Portugals, and also assist his Captaines which
should arrive at that Haven, or in any other Havens or
Lands, where it lay in him to aide and assist them, and
likewise that he would take into his protection the
Ambassadour Matthew, and other Ambassadours, which
it pleased the Generall to send into the Kingdomes and
A.D.
1520.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Dominions of Prete Jauini, with all such people and goods
as they should carrie with them.
Mtuuatt gifts. The Generall sware, on the other part, to doe the like
for the Subjects and Affaires of Prete Janni, and of
Bamagasso, there and in every place where he should find
them, and that the rest of the Captaines and Lords of the
King of Portugall should doe the like. The Generall
gave unto Bamagasso a faire Armour, and certaine pieces
of cloth of Silke ; and Barnagasso gave unto the Generall
a faire Horse and a Mule : and so they departed glad and
contented on either part.
This Barnagasso had in his traine two hundred persons
mounted upon Horses and Mules, and two thousand
Footmen. Our Gentlemen and Captaines seeing these
so good newes which God had sent us, and that a doore
was opened to exalt the Catholike Faith, whereof afore
wee had small hope of any successe, all men holding this
Matthew for no true Ambassadour, but for a false man
and a Counterfeit, whereupon they were ondy of opinion
to put him on Land, and let him goe his way, when they
had seene these things (as wee have said before) they all
rouzed up themselves, requesting the Generall of his
favour, that hee would suffer them to goe with the said
Matthew to Prete Janni, in that Ambassage ; considering
that by that which they had seene, it was perfectly knowne
that the said Matthew was a true Ambassadour. And
albeit, many requested this charge, yet was it granted to
Roderigo de Lima: and the Generall appoint^ certaine
that should goe with him, which were these, George dc
Breu, Lopez de Gama, John Scolaro Secretarie o? the
Ambassage, John Gonsalvez Interpretor and Factor of
the same Ambassage, Emanuel de Mares an Organist,
Pedro Lopez, Master John the Physician, Gaspar Pereira,
Stephen PagUarte, both Kinsmen of Don Roderigo, John
Fernandez, Lazarus deAndrada Painter, Alfonso Menzdez,
and my selfe, Francis Alvarez Priest, though unworthy.
All we before mentioned went in the company of Don
Roderigo, and likewise, three Portugals accompanied
523
RtuUrigp Ji
Lima^ sent to
the PreU in
Embassage*
Tie use of a
Painter in ^'
coveries.
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ a.d.
1520.
Matthew, of whom, the one was named Magaglianes,
another Alvarenga, the third, Diego Fernandez, Presents
also were provided.
We went to Ercoco, where we were appointed by
Barnagasso, which caused us to lodge two or three Crosse-
bow-shoots distant from the Towne in a certaine Plaine,
which is at the foot of a Mountaine, whither immediately
hee sent us of free gift an Oxe, and Bread and Wine of
the Countrie. We stayed there, because in that place
they were to provide us of Horses and Camels to carrie
our goods. This was upon a Friday, and because in this
Countrey they observe the old and the new Law, we rested
the Saturday and the Sunday to keepe both those dayes Saturday and
holy. Sunday
In this meane space, the Ambassador Matthew, dealt
very effectually with Don Rodorigo, and with us all, not
to stay with Barnagasso, although hee were a great Lord,
but tnat it was farre better to goe unto the Monastery of
the Vision, where wee should have farre better dispatch.
Whereupon, giving him to understand, that wee were not
to stay with him, hee departed and went his way, neverthe-
lesse hee gave us fourteene Horses and tenne Camels to
carrie our goods.
6. We departed out of this Plaine, neere unto the [ll.vii.
Towne of Ercoco on Munday, the thirtieth of ApriU, wee '°*9]
travelled not above two miles from that place, but that
wee rested about noone, neere unto a River which was
dryed up, which had no water saving in certaine small Pits. Droughty heat^
And because the Countrey through which we were to ^^^^^^f'^-
travell, was dry and barren, and the heate extreame ; each
of us carried with him his Vessels and Bottles of Leather
full of water. Upon the bankes of this River grew many
trees of divers sorts, among which were Sallowes, and
trees of bearing the fruit, caUed Jujuba, with other fruit- Giuggfok,
lesse trees. While we rested by this River, about noone
there came a Gentleman unto us, named Framasgual, J Geutkmau.
which in our Language signifieth, The Servant of the
Crosse, who in his blad^nesse was so faire, that he seemed
S«3
A.D.
1520.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Matthiw
tttsfidous.
to be a Gentleman indeed, and they said that he was allved
to Barnagasso, that is to sa^, his Wives Brother. Before
he came at us, he lighted from his Horse, because this is
their custome, and they use it also for a courtesie. The
Ambassadour Matthew, hearing of his comming, said he
was a Thiefe, and came to rob us, and that we should all
betake us to our Weapons ; and Matthew himselfe caught
up his Sword, and put on his Head-piece. Framasgual
hearing this noyse, sent to crave leave to come imto us,
and though he could not obtaine it of Matthew, yet
neverthelesse, he came unto us as a man well brought up
and very courteous, and as one that had beene conversant
at the Court. This Gentleman had a very good Horse
before him, and a faire Mule whereon hee rode, and foure
men which went by him on foot .
7. From this Lodging we departed all together, and
the said Gentleman riding upon his Mule with his Horse
before him, accosted oiu* Ambassadour, Don Roderigo with
his Interpreter, and they rode a great while confemng and
devising together. Hee was in his conference and m his
answeres very gentle, and courteous, and the Ambassadour
J Caravan, tooke singular delight in him. Wee foimd a Caravan of
Camels and people, which came from Ercoco, because they
travell not but in Caravans for feare of theeves. Wee
lodged all in a Wood where there was water, being an
ordinary place for Caravans to lodge in, and the foresaid
Framasgxwl remayned with us, where we and those of the
Caravan kept watch all night for feare of wild beasts. The
next morning, we departed from this place, alwayes
travelling over dry Rivers and Brookes, most huge Moun-
taines standing on both sides of the way, with great Woods
and Trees of divers sorts, most beautifull and tall, the
greatest part whereof were without fruit, and among them
were some which I my selfe knew, being called Tamarindi,
which beare clusters of fruit like unto Grapes, which being
pressed are somewhat blacke, because they make Wine of
them, some quantitie whereof they carrie imto all their
Faires, as they use to make of Raisins. The Rivers and
Dry Rivers,
Momtaines
and Woods.
tamarinds.
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ ad.
1520.
wayes whereby we passed, seemed to be high and ragged,
which commeth to passe through the fury of the water of
stormes and tempests mingled with Thunder, which waters Furims storms
hinder not the way, according as they told us, and as we ^»*« ****^'"'-
saw our selves in other places like unto these. The
remedie was at the time of these stormes to stay upon the
side of some Hill, the space of two houres, untill the
force of these stormes be runne downe. And how great
and terrible soever these Rivers became through the
foresaid showres, the water is no sooner falne from the Strange suJ-
said Mountaines, and come into the Plaine, but it is ^^^^^^
dispersed and soked up, and never commeth unto the
Sea : neither could we leame that anv River of Ethiopia
entereth into the Red Sea, but that all of them have their
ending, as soone as they come to the low and plaine
fields.
Upon these Mountaines and Rockes, are many beasts Many hosts.
of divers kinds, as we our selves saw, to wit, Elephants,
Lions, Tygres, BufFes, Badgers, Ante, Deere without ^nu a kind of
number, and other beasts of aB sorts, saving two, which I ^^^'
neither saw, nor heard to be in those parts, that is to say,
Beares, and Conies. There are likewise all kind of singing ^0 Beans nor
Birds, which may be imagined, and also Partridges, ^^*^'-
Quailes, wild Hens, Doves, and Turtles, in such incredible
numbers, that they covered the Sunne, of all those sorts
which are in our parts, saving that I saw no Pyes, nor
Cuckoes. All along these Rivers and Rockes I saw
great plentie of sweet Herbes, which I knew not, saving ^^^ ofBasiU
onely Basill, whereof there was exceeding store, which ^T^'^
yeelded a fragrant and sweet smell, and had leaves of
divers sorts.
8 . The time of resting our selves being come, Matthew
determined to cause us a-new to leave the high way, and
to travel with him toward the Monasterie of the Vision,
through Mountaines and Woods exceeding full of high
Trees.
We departed from this Lodging, and travelled through
a more rough and craggie Countrey, and through farre
S»5
1520.
Matthitpsper*
verseness to
lead them
foayksse
ways: con-
trary to
Framasgualt
Rking.
mid beasts.
Millet.
Naked people.
[Il.vii.
1030.]
Matthew
false.
David l^
Jiha.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
greater and thicker Woods, being our selves on fix>t, and
our Mules before us, which were not able to travell.
The Camels yelled out as though they had beene possessed
with Devils. It seemed, to us all, that Matthew had
brought us into this way, eyther to make us lose our lives
or our goods, for in that place we could doe no other but
call upon God to helpe us ; and the Woods were so darke
and foarefoll, that Spirits would have beene afraid to passe
them. We saw many savage and cruell beasts at noone-
dayes, passing this way and that way, without being any
whit afraid of us. For all this we went forward, and
began to find people of the Countrey, which kept their
fiekls that were sowne with Millet, and came farre off to
sow it upon these high and craggie Mountaynes. We
saw likewise many Herds of goodly Oxen, and Goats
feeding. The said people which we found there, were all
naked, and hid in a manner, no part of their bodies. They
were very blacke, and were said to be Christians. They
had their Wives with them, which covered their Privities
with a ragge of cloth halfe torne. These women weare
upon their heads a kind of attyre, made after the fashion
of a Crowne, as blacke as Pitch, and their haire bound up
in round wreathes like Kandles of Tallow : the blacknesse
of these attyres, with these Lockes of haire fastned unto
them, seemed a very strange thing to behold. The men
weare a piece of skinne before their Privities.
Thus travelling forward through many other Woods
which could hardly be passed, and wee owr selves lighting
on foot, and unlading oiu* Camels there met us tenne or
twelve Friers of the Monasterie of the Vision, among
whom, there was foure or five very aged, and one
older then the rest, whom all the rest did reverence,
and kissed his hands; and our selves did the like,
because Matthew told us that he was their Bishop,
but afterward we knew that he was no Bishop ; but
that he had the Title of David, which signifieth a
Warden; & that in the Monasterie there was another
above him, whom they call Abba, which signifieth
5*6
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ ad.
1520.
a Father, beeing like unto a Provinciall, and in regard of
their age and cfrynesse (for they were as dry as a stocke)
they seemed to be men of a holy life at the first blast.
The foresaid Friers travelled through the Woods to gather
their Millet which they had sowed, as also to gather up
their Roots, which are payed unto them by such as sow
Corne in those Moimtaines and Woods. Their apparell
was made of dressed Goat-skinnes, others weare apparell
made of old yellow Cotton, and went bare-foot. From
hence we departed not till our Camels had rested a little :
afterward, within the space of halfe a mile, we came to the
foot of a very rough and cragged Mountaine, upon the Inaccessible
which our Camels could not ascend, and hardly the Mules ^««*^"«^-
without their burthens, and heere wee rested our selves at
the foot of a Tree.
9. The next day the Ambassador Matthew com-
manded his goods to be laden upon the backs of Negroes,
to carry them into a small Monasterie, halfe a league
distant from us, called Saint Michael de Iseo. Here ^- Michael^
Framasgual departed fi-om us, and wee came unto the ^^*
Monasterie halfe dead, as well for the roughnesse and
steepnesse of the way, as also because of the great heat.
While we aboad there, the said Matthew came unto us
with a counter-mand, and said imto us, that he had written
imto the Court of Prete Janni, and to Queene Helena,
and to Marke the Patriarke, and that the answere could
not bee returned in lesse then fortie dayes, and that with-
out the same we could not depart, because from that place
they were to furnish us, and to have Mules for us, and for
our goods ; neither was he well assured of the performance
of this, but said that Winter began to approach, which
lasted about the space of three monethes, wherein we
could not travell, and that therefore it was needfull, that
wee should provide victuals for our selves: for three
monethes in the Winter they travell not in these Countries, Their mnter
to wit, from the midst of June to the midst of September, fi^ ^^ ^
which is their ordinarie Winter. Within a short space ^P*^^*
after our arrivall here, our people as well Portugals as
527
IS20.
Tkiyfalisicke.
Matthew
dittk.
Tie death of
Matthew^ the
Ahasnne
Jmbassadour,
JhasftMes
untruftief awd
therefore
mistrustfuii.
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
slaves fell so sick, that few or none escaped untouched,
and many were sidce to the point of death, insomuch that
they stood in need often to be let bloud and to be pui^ged.
Among the first, Master John our Physician fell sicke,
which was all our humane helpe, yet it pleased God that
he recovered, and from that time forward he laboured for
us with all his power.
Among these, Matthew the Ambassadour fell acke also,
which had many Medicines ministred unto him, and when
he seemed to be very well recovered and strong, he rose
up and commanded his goods to be carryed to a Townc
belonging to the Monasterie of the Vision, where he
yeelded up his spirit unto our Lord, which was the foure
and twentieth of May, Anno Dom. 1520. and I confessed
him, and ministred the Communion unto him, and he
made his will in the Portugall Tongue, but it was also
made in the Abassin Tongue, by a Frier of the said
Monastery. We caused the corps to bee buried very
honorably in the said Monastery, where wee said Service
and Masse for him according to our custome, and the
Friers did the like according to theirs.
10. Wee determined, to send to request Bamagasso,
that hee would give us some meanes to retume into our
Countrey, to the end wee might not pmsh in that place.
The Friers understanding this, tooke it in very ill part,
and calling Don Roderigo aside, perswaded him not to
send thither, praying him to attend the comming of the
Provinciall, which would bee within ten dayes, and if he
come not, they would furnish us with necessaries for our
joumies. And because they are people of small trust
themselves, they gave no credit unto us, although the
Ambassadoiir had promised them to doe so, but soug^ht
to minister an Oath unto each of us upon a Crucifixe, that
we would stay during those tenne dayes, and they likewise
tooke an Oath to performe that which they had promised.
5^8
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ
A.D.
1520.
[ILvii.
1031.]
§. IL
Of the manner and situation of the Monasteries,
and of their holy Rites, Times, Places, and
Things : And first of this of Saint Michael.
ii*IKSIiIr^t, this Monasterie is situate upon the cragge
of a Mountaine, which is very wild, seated at
the foot of another huge Mountaine, upon the
which no man can ascend. The stone of these Rockes is
of the colour and graine of the stone, wherewith the wall
of the Cities of Portugall are bviilt, and the stones are
verie great. All the ground except these stones is covered
with many great Woods, and the greatest part are wild
Olive Trees, and great store of Herbs grow among them,
and the most part is Basill. The Trees which were not
Olives, were not Icnowne of us, and all of them were
without fruit. In certaine narrow Vallies, which belong
to this Monasterie, were Groves of Orange-trees, Limons, Orchards.
Cedars, Vines, and Figs of all sorts, as well of those which
are found in Portugsul, as those of India, and Peaches:
there were also Cabbages, Corianders, Cressis, Worme-
wood, Mirtles, and many other kindes of Herbes fragrant
and medicinall: and all was ill husbanded, because they T&e^^assins
are people of no industrie ; and the Earth bringeth forth ^^^^^^^'^^
the things aforesaid, as it bringeth forth wild things, and
would bring forth much better, all they should plant or
sow. The House of the Monasterie seemeth, indeed, to The^bmlding
bee a Church-building beeing made like unto ours:
hath about it a circuit like to a Clovster, and the covering
above is fastned to the covering or the Church. It hath
three gates, as ours have, to wit, one chiefe gate in the
fore-front, and one on each side in the midst. The
covering of the Church, and of the circuit is made of wild
Reed, which lasteth the life of a man.
The body of the Church is made with lies, very well
wrought, and the Arches are very well stored, it seemeth
all to be made like a Vault : It hath a little Quire behind
MoHosurie,
VI
539
2L
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMBS
1520.
the great Altar, with a Crosse afore it, whereupon hang
Curtaines which goe from one side to another ; and like-
wise, there are other Curtaines before the Gates, passing
from one Wall to another, and they are of Silke, and the
entrie by these Curtaines is at three places, and are
fastned against the Walls : and at these three entrances or
LittkBeis, gates, are little Bels fastned to the Curtaines, about the
bignesse of Saint Anthonies Bels ; and a man cannot enter
in at the gates, but these Bels will ring. There is but one
Altar belonging to the whole Church, which standeth in
the great Chappell. Above the Altar is a Cloath of Gold
borne up with foure pillars, and the Altar toucheth all
these foure Pillars, and the said Cloath of Gold is hoUow
like a Vault, it hath his Super-Altare, or consecrated stone,
which they call Tabuto, and upon this stone standeth a
very great Bason of Copper, and it is flat in the bottome,
and is low brimmed, which reacheth unto all the foure
Pillars of the Altar, because the Pillars are set in a square,
and in the said Bason is set another lesser Bason, and on
every side of this cloth of Gold, that is to say, behind and
on both sides a Curtaine hangeth downe which covereth
the whole Altar downe to the ground, saving that it is
open before.
BtUofttone. Their Bels are of stone, that i$ to say, long and thin
stones, hanged up with Cords, and they beat them on the
inside with a piece of wood, and they make a very strange
sound, like to the sound of broken Bels when they are
heard afarre off. And likewise oh Festivall dayes, they
Basons used take Basons, and strike them with certaine small stickes,
fir Bels. ^hich make them sound very loud. They have likewise
Irm Bels. Bels of Iron, which are not fully round, but have two sides
like \mto the Jacket of a Muletier, whereof the one part
covereth him before, and the other behind ; they have a
clapper which beateth the same first on the one side, and
then on the other, and- it maketh a sound like unto a man
that diggeth Vines. They have also other Bek ill-
favouredly made, which they carrie' in their hands when
they go on Procession, and ring them altogether upon
S30
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ a.d.
1520.
Festivall dayes, on other dayes they use their Bels of
stone, and of Iron; they ring to Mattens two houres ^^^^
before day, and they say them by heart without light: ^^*^^'
onely there hangs a Lampe before the Altar, wherein they ^^J"^^
burne Butter, for they have no Oyle. J^ y^-
They sing and say with a loud and harsh voice, as of ^^ ^^
one that cryeth, without any art of singing : they sav no ^^^^
Verses, but their speech is as it were in rrose, and yet
they are Psalmes, and on their Holidayes, besides their
Psalmes, they say Prose, and according to the Feasts so is
their Prose, and alwayes they stand on their feet in the
Church. They say not above one Lesson at their Mattens,
with a harsh, disordered and untuneable voice, and like
unto that wherein wee pronounce the words of the Jewes,
in representing the Passion of our Saviour Christ. And
although their voice be so harsh, yet they speake it
running, as fast as the tongue of a man can wagge, and a ^^^^^
Clerke or a Frier saith the same ; and this Lesson is read
before the principall gate.
Which being end^ on Saturday and Sundayes, they
goe on Procession with foure or five crosses, being carryed Processm.
upon certaine staves not very high ; and they carrie the CeuMm and
same in their left hands, because m their right hand they Crosses.
carrie a Censer, and alwayes there are so many Censers as [^^- v"-
there be Crosses. They weare certaihe Copes of Silke, q^^,]^}^^
but rudely made, for they be no broader then the breadth ^fj^ ^^
of a piece of Damaske, or of any other piece of Silke from Vestments,
the upper part to the neather part; and on the breast
before, they have a traverse ; and on both sides they sewe
a piece of other Cloth of what colour soever, although
it agree not with the principall ; and of the principall
Cloth they let a traine hang downe upon the ground.
They make this Procession in their Ciifcuit, which is like
unto a Cloister. Which being ended on Saturdayes, and
Sundayes, and Festivall dayes, he ^hich is to say Masse,
with two others, enter into the ChappeO, and take out i^g^g^f^^
an Image of our Ladie, which they have in an old CeU ^^^
(for in all Churches they have of their * Cells) and they ^Jncmi.
53"
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1520.
put it on a Crozier, turning the face toward the principall
gate, and this Image holdeth her hand before her breast^
and they which stand on both sides of it hold lighted
Caniks. Candles in their hands, and then they which are before it
beginne to sing in manner of prose, and they goe all
crymg and dancmg as if they were in aTowne-dance. And
going before this Image with this their song or prose,
they ring their little Bells and Cymbals with the like
sound, and as often as any chanceth to passe before this
Image they doe great reverence to it, which seemeth to
the beholder to be done with great desire of devotion :
and so they carrie in this Feast Crosses and Censers, as
they did in their Procession.
When this is ended, which continueth for a long space,
they salute the Image, and then they goe unto a certaine
closet, which standeth toward the North; and that part
where the Gospell is said, according to our Masse, is
without the circuit, wherein they make the Host, which
The manner of they call Corbon, and they carrie Crosses, Censers, and
C^!^fJ^ Bells with them, and from hence thev bring a Cake of
Mmg^th^ Wheat-flowre unleavened, newly made, very white and
Etkiofians. very faire, of the bignesse and roimdnesse of a great
Great tmlea- Paten, because there are but a few people in this Monas-
venedCah. terie : but in other Monasteries and Churches (whereof
there be many) they make this Cake great or small
according to the number of the people, for all doe com-
municate, and according to the breadth so they make the
thicknesse, either halfe a finger, or a whole finger, or a
thumbe thicker and they carrie this Cake in the little
Bason which is one of them that belong to the Altar
^ covered with a cloth, with a Crosse and Censer, and a Bell
someAmsso "^S^^^S ^^^^^ them. Behind the Church where that Quire
strictly is, which they hold as a Cloister, no man may stand which
observed^ that is not in holy Orders,* but all of them must stand before
^^^n^' ^^^ principall gate, where there is another great circuit
^^^^ /rf^ which all Churches have, but it is not covered, and there
toremwe^KSc - if.
Procession ^'^J Stand any man that bst.
with the Host. When they goe in Procession with this Cake, all they
53^
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ a.d.
.1520.
which stand in the Church and in the circuit, when they
heare the little Bell, bow downc their heads untill the Bell
cease, which is, when they set it upon the Altar in the
lesser Bason which is set (as I said before^ in the greater
Bason, and they cover it with a bkcke Cloth like unto a
Corporall. This Monasterie hath a Chalice of Silver, and CkaRcesof
likewise in all principall Churches and Monasteries they ^^* ^iher^
have Chalices of Silver, and in some they have Chalices of
Gold. In the Churches of the poorer people (which they
call the Churches of the Balgues, that is to say, of the
Husbandmen^ they have brazen Chalices. These vessels
are more wioe then ours are, but eviU made; but they
have no covers. They powre into the Chalice, wine f^tne of
made of Raisins in great quantitie; for, as many as ^^^' . .
receive the Bodie, receive also the Bloud. ^^ ^^^
Hee that is to say this Masse, beginneth, saying Rather speak-
Hallelwa, with a lowd voyce, rather speaking then ingOen
singing, and all the companie answere him ; and then he ^^&^S'
holdem his peace, and beginneth to blesse them with a
little Crosse which he carrieth in his hand ; and as well
they that are about, as those which are within beginne to
sing, imtiU a certaine time, when as one of them two that
stand at the Altar take a Booke, and receiveth blessing of
him that sayeth Masse, and the other taketh a Crosse,
and a Bell, and goeth ringing the same toward the princi-
pall gate, where all the people standeth in that circuit ; and
there he readeth the Epistle running very fast with his The EfUtU.
tongue, and afterwards singing retiirneth backe to the
Altar: suddenly he which singeth the Masse taketh a
Booke from the Altar, kissing the same, and giveth it to
him which is to say the Gospell, which boweth downe his
head, and asketh him blessing; which when hee hath
received, as many as stand at the Altar doe kisse the same,
a candle is borne with this Booke, and he which reads the
Gospell, readeth it as the Epistle was read, very hastily. The GosptlL
and with as high a sound as his tongue can utter, and his
voyce can beare : and returning to the Altar, on the way
he beginneth likewise another song, and those which goe
S33
A.D.
1520.
Kissing the
Booke.
Censing.
Blessing with
crossing.
Consecration
in the vulgar
Tongue,
No elevation,
[Il.vii.
Deacon and
Sub^acon,
The Wine
admiuistred
tutth a spwHie,
Hot) Waur,
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
with him foUow him : and when they be come to the Altar,
they give the Booke to kisse to him that sayeth Masse, and
so they put it in its place.
And suddenly, he which sayeth Masse, taketh a Censer,
and censeth the upper part of the Altar, and they goe often
about it and cense the same. When they have done these
censings, he turneth to the Altar, and blesseth it very
often with the Crosse, and then hee imcovereth the Cake
which he had covered in stead of the Sacrament, and taketh
it up in both his hands, and lifting up his right hand the
Cake remayneth in his left hand, and with his thumbe he
maketh five signes like prickes, that is to say, one in the
top, another in the midst, another in the bottome, and
the other two on both sides ; and therewithall he conse-
crateth it in his owne Language, with the very words that
we use, and he useth no elevation. The very same he
doth over the Cup, and lifteth it not up, he sayth over
the same, the very words that wee use in has owne
Tongue, and he covereth it, and taketh the Sacrament of
the Bread in his hands, and breaketh it in twaine, and of
the part that is in his left hand, hee breaketh a little
Morsell of the top of the samp, and the other two pieces
hee layeth the one upon the other. The Priest takedi this
little Morsell for himselfe, and likewise taketh part of the
Sacrament of the bloud, and after he taketh the Bason
with the covered Sacrament, and giveth it to him which
hath said the Gospell, and likewise he taketh the Chalice
with the Sacrament, and giveth it to him which read the
Epistle : and suddenly they give the Commimion to the
Priests which stand at the Altar, receiving a small piece of
Sacrament out of the Bason, which a Deacon holdeth in
his right hand; and while the Deacon giveth the same,
a Sub-Deacon taketh of the bloud in a spoone of Gold, of
Silver, or of Copper, according to the abilitie of the
Church, and giveth it unto him which receiveth the
Sacrament of the body in very small quantitie: and on
the other side, standeth another Priest with a little Vessell
of holy Water, and powreth into the palme of his hand,
534
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ a.d.
1520.
which receiveth the Commiinion, a litle of that water,
wherewith he washeth his mouth, and afterward swalloweth
it up.
This being done, they all goe to the Altar with this
Sacrament, before the first Curtaine, and in this sort they
give the Communion to them which stand there, and after-
ward to all those of the other Curtaine, and lastly, to the
Secular people which stand at the principall gate, as well
men as women, if the Church be such that women may
bee suffered to come thither: at the giving of the
Communion, and at all other divine Services all stand Standhg.
upon their feet: and when they goe to receive the
Communion, all of them come with their hands lifted up
before their shoulders, with the palmes of their hands
spread abroad before them : and when any man receiveth
the Sacrament of the bloud, he receiveth of that Holy
Water, as I said before. And also generally al such as are
to receive the Communion before the Masse, use to wash Wasl&ng.
their hands with water, which is placed in all Churches
and Monasteries for this purpose. The Priest which
saith the Masse, and they which stood with him at the
Altar (the Communion being ended) returne unto the
Altar, and wash the Bason wherein the Sacrament was put
with the water remayning in the Vessell, which they say
is Holy Water : this Water is put into the Chalice, and
he which said Masse drinketh it up aU. This done, one
of the Ministers of the Altar taketh a Crosse and a sacring
Bell, and beginning a little Song, goeth to the principall
gate where the Epistle and Gospell were read, and where
they ceased to give the Communion, and all they which
are in the Church, and without the Church, incline
their heads and take their leaves, saying. That this
is the blessing, and that without this no man may No man may
depart. On Saturdaies and Sundaies, and Feastivall ^rtwitAcut
daies, in all Churches and Monasteries, they use to *^^^^^^^S'
give holy Bread. The forme of Ceremonies which
this little Monasterie useth (which hath not above twentie
or five and twentie Friers) is observed in aU other Monas-
535
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1520.
Short Masse, teries and Churches. The service of the Masse, (except
the Processions) is very short, because the Masse in the
weeke daies, is ended almost as soone as it is begun.
Manner of 12. The manner how they make the Cake ubresaid,
iMldng the jg ijjjg . The house where they make it in all Churches &
^ ^* Monasteries, is placed (as is said before) toward that part
where the Gospel is said without the Church, and the
covered circuit, which is as a Cloyster in all Churches and
Monasteries: and they use the other circuit which is
without and not covered, as a Churchyard. This house
is as bigge as the Quire behind the great Altar, and some-
what bigger, and in all Churches and Monasteries they
House of pur- have nothing else in that house, but that which serveth for
pose for it. ^jjjs businesse ; to wit, a StafFe to beate the corne out of
the eares, and an Instrument to grinde the Meale, because
they make it very white, as is convenient for such a
purpose : because they make not the said Sacrament with
No foomen M«Je or Wheate, wherein Women have put their hands.
ImJjT^^ '^ ^^^y ^^^ Earthen Platters, wherein they knead the
Mesde, and they make the Dow harder then we make it,
The Oven. they make a little Oven like a Still to Still Water, and
upon the same a plate of Iron, (and some Churches have
it of Brasse, and some others of Bricke) which is round,
with a large compasse, and they put the fire xmdemeath
it, and when it is hot, they make it deane with a course
cloath, and then lay a good piece of this Dow upon it,
and spread it abroad with a Woodden Knife, as broad as
they will have it, and make it very round, and when the
Cake is baked they take it away, lay it aside, and make
another after the same fashion; and this second Cake
after it is likewise ready, they take the former, and lay it
thereupon, to wit, that side which was uppermost they
turne downe-ward, and so both these two Cakes are laid
together, as they were one Cake, and they doe nothing all
the while but turne and tosse them upon this Plate, untill
they bee baked beneath and above, and on every side, and
so they make as many as they will. In the same house
The Raisins, are also the Raisins where-with they make their Wine,
53^
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ a.d.
1520.
and the Instrument where-with they presse the same. In
these houses also is the Holy Bread made, which is Holy Bread.
distributed on the Saturdaies and Sundaies, and other
Feastivall dayes, and when their great Feasts are held, as
Christmas, Easter, and our Lady of August, they fetch
out this Sacrament of Bread with a Vestment, * Bels and '^FoBo.
Crosses, very devoutly, and before they enter into the
church therwith, they go once about the circuit, which is
like unto a Cloyster, but when it is not Holy day they [ILvii.
go strait into the Church. The Saturday before '°34-]
Ascension day when we use to say our Letanies, these
Friers made a Procession, and because we were strangers Rogatm^ or
in the Countrey, it seemed a goodly sight unto us, and it S^P^i^^
was on this wise : they tooke Crosses and a consecrated
stone of the Altar with great reverence, covered with cloth
of Silk, & a Frier which carryed it on his head, was like-
wise wholly covered with the like cloth of Silke: they
carryed also Bookes, Bels, Censers, and holy water, and
went into certaine fields sowed with Millet, and there
they made their Devotions, with cryes after the manner of
Letanies, and with this Procession they returned unto the
Monasterie. And when we asked them wherefore they
did this, they said, because the Wormes doc eate their SfrinkMng
Corne, therefore they went to sprinkle them with Holy u^hl^T^^to
Water, and pray to God to take them away. He which kiUthm.
saith Masse, hath no other difference in his apparell from
a Deacon and Sub-deacon, saving a long Stole slit in the
midst, so that hee may thrust his head through it, and
behind and before it reacheth downe to the ground. The
Friers which say Masse weare their haires long, and the
Priests weare it not, but are shorne, and so they say Masse,
and are alwayes bare-footed, and no man may come shod Bcrt-fioudin
into the Church, and for this purpose they alleage that *^^rf
which God said unto Moses, Put off thy shooes, for the ^^''"
place where thou standest is holy ground.
13. In this Monasterie of Saint Michael, where we
were, we said Masse every day, not in the Monasterie, but
in the circuit which is like a Cloyster: because in this
537
A.D. PURCHAS HIS P1L6RIMES
1520.
ButoneMassi CountTcy they say but one Masse a day in every Church
^^' or Monasterie. The Friers came unto our Masse with
great devotion, as they seemed, and supplyed our want
with Censers and Incense, because wee had brought none
with us: and they thinke it an ill thing to say Masse
without Incense, and they said that all things seemed
well imto them, saving that they thought it not conunend-
Many Priests able for one Priest sQone to say Masse, because among
necessary u them they use not to say Masse, except they bee three, or
five, or sixe, and all these stand at the Altar. Also, they
Shooesand misliked that we went with our shooes into the Church,
Tkarfkis *^^ much more when we did spt in the Church. But
misRked, ^^ excused our selves, saying ; That this was the fashion
in our Countrey. And so wee said Masse every day
untill Trinitie Simday, and when the Munday after the said
Trinitie Sunday came, then they would suffer us to say
no more Masse in the morning, and we marveiling thereat,
and not well pleased, and havmg at that instant no Inter-
preter to learne wherefore they would not suffer us to say
Masse, at length we understood, that which by experience
Tie great fasts afterward we saw, to wit; that they observe, the Old
^^'^^^men Testament in their fasting; for they fast very straitly in
me.^^'^ the Lent, which they begin the Mvmday after the Sunday
of Sexagesima, which are ten daves before our Shrovetide,
and so they make their Lent or fiftie dayes, and say that
they take those dayes before, for the Saturdayes on which
In Fasts^ no they doe not fast : and their Fast is to eate at even-tide,
eating tiU ^^^ every day they receive the Communion, and therefore
dnmu. ^ ^^^y ^^y ^^^ Masse but in the evening, and when Masse
is done, they receive the Communion and then goe to
supper. And like as they have these fiftie dayes of fast,
so they take as many dayes after Easter and Whitsontide,
wherein they fast not at all ; and when. it is not fasting day,
they say Masse in the morning, and all those dayes they
eate flesh without observing any one of them, and say
Masse in the mornings, and strait way goe to dinner
because they fast not.
When this time is ended, and Trinitie Sunday past,
538
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ a.d.
1520.
all the Clerkes and Friers are bound to fast every day
saying Saturdayes, Sundayes, and this Fast continueth
untill Christmasse day. And because they fast all, they say
Masse at night, alleaging for proofe hereof the Supper of
Christ, how that it was fasting time, and almost night
when he consecrated his Bodie. But commonly, the Lay-
people as well men as women are bound to fast weekly on
Wednesdayes and Fridayes, from Trinitie Sunday untill A fast firm
Advent : and from Christmasse Day till the Purification of f*^^ ^
the Virgin Marie (which they call the Feast of Saint ci^^Lasse.
Simeon) they fast not at all. The three dayes after
the Purification being not Saturday nor Sunday, are an
exceeding strait Fast for the Clerkes, Friers, and Lay- ^ ^^st tUl
people, tor they say that they eate but once in all these ^^^^^^^
three dayes, and they call it the Fast of Ninive, These f^^^rf
three dayes being ended, untill the beginning of Lent, ^^^^^'
they fast againe as they did before, imtiU the Feast of the
holy Trinitie. In the Advent and all the Lent the
Clearkes, the Friers, the Laitie, the men and women, small
and great, sound and sicke doe all fast. And likewise,
from Easter unto Trinitie Sunday, and from Christmasse
unto the Purification, the Masse is said in the morning
because there is no Fast, all the rest of the yeare it is said
in the evening because they fast.
The Monasterie where we buried Matthew, is distant ^^ situatitm
from this wherein we aboad three miles space of very bad ^^^^^^
way, & it is called, The Monastery of the Vision of Jesus. inAttML, T^
It is seated upon the point of a Rocke exceeding high, and Fismo/Jesus.
from every part as a man looketh downward, there is a DnadfaU
Valley which seemeth to be as deepe as Hell. The Church ^y^' ^ ,
of the Monasterie is very great of bodie, & greater in (^^J]
revenues, and is very well disposed and governed. It is
built with three great allies or walkes, which are very
finely made with their Arches and their Vaults, which
seeme to bee made of wood, because they are all painted
over, so that a man cannot perceive whether the Church be
built of stone, or of wood. It hath, two walking places
in forme of a Cloyst^r about the , bodie of the Church,
559
A.D.
1520.
[ILvii.
I035-]
Saint George
OH horse-backe
in all their
Chnrcies.
Saints in
Arras.
Imaffs in a
Vestry.
Hard Dyet.
Novices,
They aboad
six yeares in
jEethi^ia.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
which are both covered and painted with the Pictures of
the Apostles, and Patriarkes, and with the storie of all the
Old Testament, and with S^nt George on Horse-backe,
which is to be seene in all their Churches. And likewise,
there is in the same a great piece of Arras, wherein is
woven a Crucifixe, our I^die, the Apostles, the Patriarkes,
and Prophets, and every one hath his title or name in
Latine, which sheweth tiiat the same worke was not made
in those Countries. There are also many ancient Images,
which stand not upon the Altars, because it is not their
fashion, but they keepe them in a Vestry lapped up with
many Bookes, and they bring them not forth but on Holy-
dayes.
In this Monasterie there is a great Kitchin, with all
things thereto appertayning, with a great roome to dine in,
where they sate sdtogether, and they eat three and three in
a Treen dish which is not very deepe, but plaine like imto
a wooden Platter. Their Dyet is very homely, their
Bread is made of Millet and of Barley, and of another
Seed which they call Tafo, which is small and'blacke. This
Bread they make round, about the bignesse of an Apple
of Adam, and they give three of these to each one, and
unto the Novices they give three of them betweene two,
and I wonder greatly to thinke how they can live with so
little a quantitie. Likewise, they give each of them a
little fresh fish without Oyle or Salt. Of the selfe-
same Dyet, they send so many aged and honorable Friers,
towards whom they use great reverence, which come not
unto the dining hall. And if any man aske me how I
know this, I answere, that besides that which I saw when
we buried Matthew, the greatest part of the sixe yeares
which wee aboad in ^Ethiopia, our Lodging was not farre
from the said Monastery, so that I departed oftentimes
from our house upon my Mule, and came in the evening
to the Monasterie, and for the most part I went
to passe the time with the Friers, and principally at their
Festivall times, and I learned many things of them con-
cerning their Affaires, Revenues, Usages, and Customes.
S40
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ a.d.
1520.
An hiindred Friers are commonly in this Monasteries and
the most part of them are very aged, and as dry as a
stocke, few of them are young. There are also many
little children, of eight jeares ofl and upward, which they
bring up, and many or them are lame and blind. This
Monasterie is walled round about, and hath no entrie but
by two gates which are alwayes shut.
14. This Monasterie is the head of sixc Monasteries, Six other Cels
which stand about the same among these Mountaines, and ^J^^^'^
that which is farthest, is not past nine and twentie or ^ yuwH/as
thirtie miles off, and all of them are subject and yeeld in times pasts.
obedience unto this Monasterie. In every one of them Albans and
there is a David, that is to say, a Warden placed by the ^^^^^^
Abbot or Provinciall, and that Monasterie which hath a ^^^^ ^
David, that is to say, a Warden is subject to the Abbot, Three thou-
which is as Provinciall. I alwayes heard reported, that sand Friers.
there were about three thousand Friers in this Monasterie,
and because I doubted much thereof, I came once to their
Feast of our Ladie in August, to see how many were
assembled there together: and surely, I tooke pleasure
when I beheld the riches of this place, in a certaine
Procession which they made, and in my judgement, the
Friers were not above three hundred, and the greatest part Threehsmdred
of them were old men. I saw a great circuit, which this ^??^'' *^''
Monasterie hath about two places, which are like to ^ **^'
Cloysters, which circuit is open ; but at that time it was
all covered over with great and small Clothes of Gold, Their riches.
Velvets of Mecca, all long pieces sewed one unto another,
to hang round about that circuit, through which they
made a j^oodly Procession, all clad in Copes of the said
Cloth of Gold, but made ill-favouredly, as I have said Ahasnneshad
before. They carried fiftie Crosses of Silver, small and ^^fi^^-
badly made, and as many Brazen Censers ; when they said
Masse I saw a great Chalice of Gold, and a Spoone of
Gold, wherewith they gave the Communion. And of the
three hundred which were assembled in this Monastery,
there were very few of mine acquaintance : I enquired of
certaine of my friends, wherefore seeing so many Friers
541
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
1520.
belonged to this Monasterjr, as they said, so few were
present at so great a Solemnitie : theyanswered me that the
number was greater then they looked for, because they
are divided in other Monasteries, Churches, and Faires to
Tong Friers eame their living as long as they be yong : for they cannot
%^J^^ be maintayned in the Monastery, but by their owne
Industrie, and when thev are so old that they cannot
travell, they come to ena their dayes at this Monastery.
This day I saw seventeene yong men taken into Orders.
In this Monastery is the buriall of an Abbot or Pro-
f'hiUp^ an vinciall, called Philip, and his workes of Holinesse were
c^^^ very great : for they say, that there was once a King or
Prete Janni, which ordained that they should not keepe
the Saturday holy throughout all his Kingdomes and
Dominions. And this Philip repaired immediately unto
him with his Brethren and with many Bookes, and shewed
him how God had conmianded that the Sabbath Day should
bee observed, and that whosoever observed it not should
be stoned. This man disputed this question before all the
religious men of ^Ethiopia, and was commended before
the King : and therefore they take him to bee a Saint, and
HoJjjf day to they observe an Holy-day unto him every yeare in the
^^' moneth of July, which they call the Fascar of Philip,
which sinifieth the Testament or Memorie of Saint
Philip. And therefore the Inhabitants of this Countrey
and Monasterie are more infected with this Jewish Heresie,
then any other part of the Dominions of Prete Janni,
although all of them bee in part infected : but these are
Difference of more then any others. I have seene them with mine eyes
Rius. seethe fish on the Sabbath, and bake bread also: and on
the Sabbath in this Monastery, they make no fire at all : on
the Sunday following, they make readie all things needfull
[11. vii. for their Dyet, and I came twice to this Fascar of Philip,
103^-] at which times they rieceived me with great honour. And
Oxen offered at this Feast yearely, they kill many Oxen, and at one of
toFhinpsfeast. ^)^^^ j g^^^ ^^^ j^jH ^hirtie, and at another eight and
twehtie, which were offered by the Inhabitants their
Neighbours, for devotion unto this Philip, and they give
542
SIR FRANCIS ALVAREZ a.d.
1520.
this flesh raw to all the people, that come to the Fascar
without any bread at all. The Friers eate no kind of
flesh.
They sent me yearely two great fat quarters of beefe, ^ri^^ ^^te
with much bread and wine of Honey, which likewise the ^^Jf
Friers drinke not in the Monastery, but when they are Homy^or
abroad with us Portugals, they drinke wine and eate flesh Mead.
if they be but one alone, but if they be two, they doe it
not, for feare the one of the other. This Monastery and
all the rest which are subject to it, observe an order, that
no woman may enter into it, nor shee Mules, nor Kine, ^^"^"^^
nor Hens, nor any other beast of the female kind. This j^laksexi
I both learned and saw my selfe ; for when I came thither may com
a Crosse-bow shoot distant from the Monastery, they nuretku
came to take my MxJe, not suffering mee to come with A^^««'<^-
her to the Monastery, and they sent her to a house of
theirs, called Giangargara, where Matthew died. They
kill their Kine and Hens, a certaine distance from the
Monasterie. I saw but one Cocke in the Monastery
with two bels at his legs, without Hennes, and they said,
that they kept him to crow at the time of their Mattens.
If any woman come into the house, they know it, for
oftentimes I asked certaine children which were brought
up there, whose Sonnes they were, and they named unto
me, the Friers for their Fathers, and so I know the yong
Friers to be called the Sonnes of all the old Friers.
END OP VOLUME VI.
4
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11