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«
fQ-eo<j y/S^y. /y C/^J &
Harvard College ♦ Lament Library
This volume was acquired
with the income of a fund given by
Sidney Strauss
class of 1901
LAMONT REJEQ
LAMONT LIBRARY
HARVARD COLLEGE
LIBRARY
T
Hakluytus Posthumus
or
Purchas His Pilgrimes
In Twenty Volumes
Volume XIV
GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE 6* COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIYERSITY OF GLASGOW
IdACIdlLLAN AMD CO. LTD. LONDON
THE IdACIdlLLAN CO. NEW YORK
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA TORONTO
SIldPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON
IdAClilLLAN AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH
MCMVI
Hakluytus Posthumus
or
Purchas His Pilgrimes
Contayning a History of the World
in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells
by Englishmen and others
By
SAMUEL PURCHAS, B.D.
VOLUME XIV
Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
New York: The Macmillan Company
MCldVI
^/r/ V .
?4 ^ /'/)
THE TABLE.
PAGB
The G>ntents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in
the fourth Booke of the Second part of
Purchas his Pagrims.
CHAP. I.
A Voyage set forth by the Right Wonhipfiill Sir Thomas
Smithy and the rest of the Muscovie Company, to
Cherry Iland : and for a further Discoverie to bee
made towards the North-Pole, for the likelihood of a
Trade or a passage that way, in a Ship called the
Amitie, of burthen seventie tunnes ; in the which I
Jonas Poole was Master, having fbureteene Men and
one Boy : Anno Dom. 1610H I
Jonas Pooles Voyage for Northeme discovery. Jonas
Pooles Discoverie of Greenland. Names of pbces.
Jonas Poole eiveth names to divers places in Greenland.
Close-cove danger. Crosse-Road. Beasts in Green-
land. Variation. Whales. Sea-nnicomes borne.
Greenbnd-discovery. Beares and Deere slaine. Young
Beares taken. Sea-coale found. Bucb ht. Ice and
fogs, hinderance to Northerne Discoveries.
A briefe note what Beasts, Fowles, and Pishes were seene
in this Land 23
Beasts, fowles and fishes found in Greenland.
[Chap. II.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
CHAP. II.
A Commission for Jonas Poole our Servant, appointed Master
of a small Barke called the Elizabeth, of fiftie tunnes
burthen, for Discovery to the Northward of Greeneland,
given the last day of May, 1 6 lo. H.P. ... 24
Instructions to Edge and Poole for Northeme discovery.
CHAP. III.
A briefe Declaration of this my Voyage of Discovery to
Greeneland, and towards the West of it, as foUoweth :
being set forth by the right Worshipfull Sir Thomas
Smithy Govemour of the right Worshipfull Company
of new Trades, &c written by Jonas Poole. H. . 34
Greeneland Voyage Anno 161 1. Ice, Whales, Morses.
Mary Margaret lost. Woodcocke and Marmadoke.
The Allen a strange qualited fowle. Other fowles and
beasts.
CHAP. IIII.
A Relation written by Jonas Poole of a Voyage to Greene-
land, in the yeere 16 12. with two Shippes, the one
called the Whale, the other the Seahorse, set out by the
right Wonhipfull the Muscovie Merchants. H. 41
Dutch Merchant slaine. Thomas Marmadukes discoveries.
Nicolas Woodcock. Morses and Whales. Basks and
Hollanders.
CHAP. V.
A Joumall of the Voyage made to Greeneland with sixe
English Shippes and a Pinnasse, in the yeere 161 3.
written by Master William Baffin. H.P. ... 47
Baffins quick voyage to Greenland. Spanish and Dutch
there. Kings Armes and Crosse set up. Th. Bonner
vi
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pace
Pilot to the Dutch. Midnight Sanne. Crosse set up.
Biscainers and Dutchmen. Many Whales killed.
Rocb full of Foule. Greeneland Refraction altered
with the aire.
CHAP. VI.
A Voyage of Discovery to Greenebnd, &c. An. 1614.
written by Ro. Fotherbye. H.P 61
Fotherbies Greenland discovery. Troubles by Ice. Hack-
luyts Head-bnd in Greenland. Many Holland ships.
Kings Armes set up in Trinitie Harbour. Cape
Barren. Sadie Hand. Hackluits Head-land. Faire-
Haven. Further Discovery of Greenland Coasts.
Fotherby and Baffin. Wiches-sound. Sir Thomas
Smiths Inlet. Holland Discoverers. Cause of Ice in
the Seas. Red-clifie Sound. Point Welcome. Kings
Armes erected at Point Welcome. Point Deceit.
Corpo Santo, either before or after a storme.
CHAP. VII.
A true report of a Voyage, Anno 161 5. for Discoverie of
Seas, Lands, and Hands, to the Northwards ; as it was
performed by Robert Fotherbie, in a Pinnasse of
twenty tunnes called the Richerd of London. H.P. . 82
Northeme Discoverie, Error of Gronbnd. Kings Armes
set up. Mount Hackluyt in Sir Thomas Smiths Hand.
A Letter of Robert Fotherby to Captain Edge, written in
Crosse-rode, July 15. 1615 89
Fotherbyes opinion and advice. King of Denmarks ships.
CHAP. VIII.
Divers other Voyages to Greenland, with Letters of those
which were there employed, communicated to me by
Master William Heley, in the yeere 1617. 1618. 1619.
1620. 1621. 1623 91
Edges Hand and Witches Hand discovered. Store of
lading 161 7.
THE TABLE
The G^ntents of the Chapters — Continued. pace
A Letter of Master Robert Salmon to Master Sherwin. In
Sir Thomas Smiths Bay, the 24. of June 1618. . 94
Hart by Ice : more by Hollanders.
A Letter of Master Th. Sherwin : Bell-sound this 29. of
June, 1618 95
A Letter of James Beversham to Master Heley. From
^aire-haven, the 12. of July, 1618 96
Greenbnd Letters, 161 8.
A Letter of John Chambers to W. Heley, Bel-sound, June
16. 1619 98
A Letter of J. Catcher to Master Heley from Faire-haven.
Laus Deo, thb seventeenth of June, 1620. . . 100
Holland Nation honorable, notwithstanding some foule
mouthes.
A Letter of Robert Salmon from Sir Thomas Smiths Bay,
July 6. 162 1 loi
Laus Deo in Faire Haven, the foure and twentieth of
June, 1623 103
Salmon and Catchers Greenebnd Letters.
Master Catchers Letter: the nine and twentieth of
June 1623 105
Hollanders strong Fleete. Greeneland Letters.
Captaine William Goodlards Letter: Bel-sound this eight
of July, 1623 106
Peter Goodlard drowned. Difference of Whales.
CHAP. IX.
The late changes and manifold alterations in Russia since
Ivan Vasilowich to this present, gathered out of many
Letten and Observations of English Embassadours and
other Travellers in those parts. . . . .108
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
§. I . Of the reigne of Ivan, Pheodore his sonne ; and of
Boris io8
Pestilence and Famine in Russia. Goodnesse truest Great-
nesse. Supersuperlatives of crueltie by Ivan Vasilowich
Beala. Russe Merchants too much Russian.
The most solemne and magnificent coronation of Pheodor
Ivanowichy Emperour of Russia, &a the tenth of June,
in the yeere 1584. seene and observed by Master
Jerom Horsey Gentleman, and servant to her Majestie. 1 14
Ivans good parts, death, &c. Pompous Ceremonies of
Russia Emperours Coronation. Solemnitie of Pheodors
Coronation. Strife for precedence. Sir Jerom Horseys
double employment to and from Russia. Divorce
subscribed by 300. Boiarens. Boris plots. Demetrius
slain. Pheodore dieth. Empresse a Nun. Boris saith
nay oil, but takes. Solemne Coronation. Boris his
Issue, Acts and Arts.
§. 2. Occurrents of principall Note which happened in
Russia, in the time while the Honorable Sir Thomas
Smith remained there Embassadour from his Majestie. 132
Sir T. Smiths Embassage to Russia : his entertaynment.
Pompous magnificence. Solemne audience by Emp.
Boris and his sonne. Glorious Feast. Q. Elizabeths
glorie. Drinking Ceremonies. Newes of Demetrius.
John of Denmarke and Oucsinia. Boris his promises ;
sudden death ; rites ; person ; sonne. Vice a slavery :
politike charitie. Basman shifteth. Mutinie. Dem.
his letters. Mosco in uprore. Emp. and his mothers
death. Emperour Boris his Charter to the English
Moecovie Company.
§, 3. One pretending himselfe to be Demetrius, with the
Popes and Poles helpes attaineth the Russian Empire :
his Arts, Acts, Mariage, favour to the English, and
miserable, end. 157
Jesuits coinc. Pope makes currant ; Pole paints over a new
Demetrius. Thuanus his Historie of the Russian
Emperor Demetrius. Demetr/s Embassy to the
Pole.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. PAct
The Copie of a Letter sent from the Emperor Demetry
Evanowichy otherwise called Grishco Otreapyove. 164
The Copie of the translation of a Commbsion that was
sent from the Mosko, from the Emperour Demetry
Evanowichy alias Gryshca Otreapyove by a Courtier
named Gavaryla Samoylowich Salmanove, who was
sent downe to the Castle of Archangell, to Sir Thomas
Smith, then Lord Embassadour. .166
Letter and Passe to S. John Merick.
The Copie of the Translation of a new Priviledge that was
given to the Company, by the Emperour Demetry
Evanowichy otherwise called Gryshca Otreapyove, the
which Priviledge was sent into England over-land by
Olyver Lysset Merchant, and servant to the foresaid
Company 16S
The Messengers instruction and speech to Sir Th. Smith.
Embass. Demetr/s Charter of Priviledges to English
Merchants.
The Copie of the translation of a Contract, made by the
Emperour Demetry Evanowich, otherwise called
Gryscha Otreapyove, and the daughter of the
Palatine Sendamersko, chiefe Generall of Poland. . 172
Contract-compact betwixt Demetrius and Palatin Senda-
mersko. Demetrius his compact ; marriage ; securitie ;
late provision. Peter Basman and Demetrius slaine.
Merchants spoiled. Relations of Demetrius his vices,
&c. and of Sniskey. Demetrius his vision and death.
Cap. Gilbert.
§. 4. The Copie of the Translation of a Letter sent from
the new Emperour Vassily Evanowich Shoskey to the
Kings Majesty by Master John Mericke. • . . 1 84
Suiskys letter. Rosse story of Demetrius in a letter of
Suisky to K. James. Romish Religion, Jesuites.
Russian Empire. Popes Letter. Election of Swiskey.
New Patent. Polish insolencies. Lot oracle. Suiskys
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. PAct
vices and embassage. Demetiy's multiplied. Poles
invasion. King Charles his letter of agreement with
voluntaries. English Volantaries serve the Sweden.
Mutinie worst tempest. Fearfnll jealousie, an
inhospitaU and unjust Judge. Base cowardise.
Prudent Generall. Secret conqpiracie. Drunken
ferity. Cmell cowardise. Noble humanity. Royall
bounty. Misery fiirre fetched and deare bought
by Fooluntaries. English provided by their fleeing
enemies. Cruell Poles. Everhom the Finlander.
P. le Guard Generall of English. &c. Russe flight ;
French fight & flight ; English honor & composition.
Captaine Margarets Letter to Master Mericke from
Hamborough, Jan. 29. i6i2 22$
Third Demetrie slaine. Snisky more then slaine. Poles
crueltie. Reason of our Method, and best use of this
Russian storie.
% 5. Of the miserable estate of Russia after Swiskeys
deportation, their election of the King of Pobnds
Sonne, their Interregnum and popular estate, and
choosing at last of the present Emperour, with some
remarkeable accidents in hb time. H.P. . .230
Misery of popular ungovemed government : no King all
Tyrants.
Pacta inter Primarium Ducem Exercituum Regni Polonise,
& inter Heroes Moscoviae 231
Accord twixt Poles and Russes about chusing the Emperour.
Ladislaus his composition with the Russes for the
Empire. Michalowich elected Emperour. Peace with
the Poles.
CHAP. X.
A briefe Copie of the points of the Contracts betweene the
Emperours Majestie and the Kings Majestie of Sweden :
in Stolbova the seven and twentieth of February, 1616. 256
Contract betwixt Micalowich E. R. & G. A. King of
Sweden. Agreement twixt Dane and Sweden. Russes
travell to Catay.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued, face
CHAP. XL
A Relation of two Russe Cossacb travailes, out of Siberia
to Catay, and other Countries adjoyning thereunto.
Also a Copie of the last Patent from the Muscovite.
A Copie of a Letter written to the Emperour firom
his Govemours out of Siberia .273
The Copie of the Altine Chan, or golden Kings Letter to
the Emperour of Russia 273
King Altines Letter to Russe Emp. Catay Voyage and
Wals.
A Description of the Empires of Catay and Labin, and other
Dominions aswell inhabited, as places of Pasture called
Ulusses and Hords, and of the great River Ob, and
other Riven and Land passages 276
Countries betwixt Russia and Catay. Yellow Mugalls, &c.
Friers. Talguth. Cara CaUy. The wall and gates.
Shirocalga. Voyage of two Russes to Cauy Countreyes
in the way. Agreement twixt Dane and Sweden.
Russes travell to Catay. English Priviledges from the
present Russe Emperour. English Priviledges, Sealed
with the Golden Seale.
CHAP. xn.
Notes concerning the discovery of the River of Ob, taken
out of a Roll, written in the Russian tongue, which
was attempted by the meanes of Antonie Marsh, a
chiefe Factor for the Moscovie Company of England,
1584. with other notes of the North-east H. . . 292
Anthonie Marshes intelligences of Ob, &c. Russian jelousie.
The report of Master Francis Cherry a Moscovie Merchant,
and Master Thomas Lyndes touching a warme Sea to
the South-east of the River Ob, and a Note of Francis
Gaulle. H.P 296
Cherry, Linde, Gould. Use of a North-west passage.
xii
THE TABLE
The G)ntents of the Chapters — Continued. pace
CHAP. XIII.
Discoveries made by Englishmen to the North-west :
Voyages of Sir Sebastian Cabot, Master Thome, and
other Ancients : and Master Weymouth. H.P. 297
Discoveries by Madoc, Columbus, Sebast. Cabot. Maps.
Cabotas conceit ; his and other English Westeme
voyages. Ruts Letter to King Henrie, and Pratos to
Cardinall Wolsey.
The Voyage of Captaine George Weymouth, intended for
the discovery of the North-west Passage toward China,
with two flye Boates 306
Captaine Weymouths discovery 1602. towards the North-
west. Current. Maine banke of Ice. Blacke water.
Thicke fbgget. Mutinie and punishment. Ice-thunder.
Sea Foule. Variation. Variation various. Rockes
vanishing. Sea-Whirlewinde.
CHAP. XIV.
James Hall his Voyage forth of Denmarke for the discovery
of Greenland, in the yeere 1605. abbreviated. H. . 318
North-west Discoverie, by James Hall from Denmarke.
Gronland coast. Hands of Ice. Strong Current.
Hare-Lion. Terrible Ice-thunder. Banke of Ice.
Current, Capes, People, Customes of Groenland.
Groenland Boats, Seale-killing : the tides : Savage-
fight. The Countrey, people, beasts, fishes of Groen-
land. Groenlanders fiishions. Frost Ibnd. Con-
demned persons landed. Store of Whales.
CHAP. XV.
The second Voyage of Master James Hall, forth of
Denmarke into Greeneland, in the yeere 1606.
contracted. H 338
xiii
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pack
Hals second Voyage to Gronland. Voyage from Denmarke
to Groenland. Currents and variation. Observations
of Currents and Variations in Groen voyage. Hopes
of a silver Myne. Barter with Savages. Reine-Deere.
Groenlanders winter-houses. Secanunga the true
name. Their retume. Hands of Farre. Ships
employed.
CHAP. XVI.
The Voyage of Master John Knight (which had beene at
Greeneland once before 1605. Captaine of a Pinnasse
of the King of Denmarke) for the Discovery of the
North-west passage, begunne the eighteenth of Aprill,
1606. H
355
Pentle-frith : S. Margarites Hope, in Orkney. Their
poverty. Knights Voyage. North Currents. Fowles
white and blacke. Broken Land, John Knight and
others intercepted by Savages. Fight with the Savages.
Description of them. Broken Hands. Sunken Rockes.
CHAP. XVII.
The fourth Voyage of James Hall to Groaneland, wherein
he was set forth by English Adventurers, Anno 1612.
and slaine by a Greenelander. Written by William
Baffin. H 365
Hals last Voyage. Baffins observations to finde out the
longitude. Hall slaine. Hall buried. Mine found
of no value. Groenlanders Tents. Baffins Greenland
Voyage and daily observations. Variations. Orkney.
Groenland beasts with stone pizzles. Swift Boats.
Religion, Salutation, Burials.
CHAP. XVIII.
A true Relation of such things as happened in the fourth
Voyage for the Discoverie of the North-west Passage,
performed in the yeere 161 5. written by William
Baffin. H.P 379
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
Foorc North-west Discoveries. Icie lies of Dissolution ;
the Ue of Resolution. Groenland Dogges, Boat,
Images, people describecL Danger by diven sets of
tides. Proofe to finde Longitude. Observations to
finde the Longitude. Mill and Salisbury Hands.
North-west Discovery by Baffin. Cape Comfort
comfortlesse. Divers Hands. Instructions for the
next voyage.
CHAP. XIX.
A briefe and true Relation or Joumally containing such
accidents as happened in the fift Voyage, for the
discovery of a passage in the North-west, set forth at
the charges of the right Worshipfidl Sir Thomas Smith
Knight, Sir Dudly Digges Knight, Master John
Mostenholme Esquire, Master Alderman Jones, with
others, in the good ship called the Discovery of London ;
Robert Bileth Master, and my selfe Pilot, performed
in the yeere of our Lord 1616. .... 396
Baffins Letter to Sir John Wostenholme. Sea Unicome,
Baffins Bay how profitable or perillous. Variation
admirable. Tents, Men, Women, Rites, Dogs of
Groenland. Many Sea Unicomes seene. Midsummer
firost Whale Sound. Greatest knowne Variation.
Baffins Bay. Use of Scurvie Grasse.
CHAP. XX.
A briefe Discourse of the probability of a passage to the
Westeme or South Sea, illustrated with testimonies :
and a briefe Treatise and Map by Master Brigges.
H.P 411
Brigges his praise. Baffins death. Buttons hopes. Reasons
of a N.W. passage. Testimonies of T. Cowles and
M. Lock. Fucas Discovery of a passage in 47. deg.
from the S. to the N. Sea. Ivan de Fucas Letters and
Relation of a passage. Master Locks care. Master
Briggs his Treatise of a passage. Reasons of a passage
to the South Sea. Geographers errors.
XV
THE TABLE
PAGE
The Q)ntent8 of the Chapters and Paragraphs in
the Fifth Booke of the second part of
Purchas his Pilgrims.
CHAP. I.
A Description of the West Indies, by Antonio dc Herrcra,
his Majesties chiefe Chronicler of the Indies, and his
Chronicler of Castile. H.P 427
Ramusio taxed and defended. Herreras description of
America. How £irre America hath bin discovered.
Nature of the Loadstone. American Seas : Spanish
course and customes in those Navigations. Indian
Navigations. The ships retume not by the same way.
Navigation of the South Sea. Division of the Spanish
Indies. Spanish plantations in Hispaniola. S.
Domingo. Sugar planted. Spanish plantations. Ports,
numbers in Hispaniola. Herreras description of Cuba :
her Ports and Plantations. Herreras description of the
American Hands. Ginger. Strong Current. Canibals
or Men-eaters. Friers dangerous food. America
named of a wrong Father. Limits of Venezuela.
Herreras Description of the Spanish Indies. Venezuelas
Government. Prodigious Earthquake. Ponces fond-
nesse. Simplicitie of Florida. Description of the
Coast from Florida to New found Land. Florida.
New Spaine. Yucatan. Mexico described. Mexico
described ; and the government of New Spaine.
Province of Panuco. Bishopricke of Tlascala. Valley
of Atlisco. Veracruz. Indian Doctrines, or Parishes.
Bishopricks of Guaxaca. Golden Riven : Cacao-money.
Mulberies multiplyed. No Crosses in America till the
Spaniards came. A Man 300. yeeres old. Tabasco.
The Audience and Province of Guadalajara. Provinces
of New Biskay, Civaloa, California, Guatimala. Spanish
Townes in Honduras. Vulcanes. Bottomlesse Lake.
Chiapa. Verapaz. Feather pictures. Manati-fish
described. Gulfe and Coast of Honduras. Province
and Lake of Nicaragua. Herreras description of southern
America. Andes & Sierras of Peru. Herreras descrip-
tion of West Indies. Citie and Province of Panama.
Porto bello. Strange case of a Lizard. River of Snakes.
South Sea Points. New Kingdome of Granada. Saint
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapt«^ — Continued. ^^^
Michady&c Thunderbolts. R. Grande or Magdalen.
Sancta Martha her Provinces. Cartagena. Amazonian
women. El Dorado. Herreras W. Indies. Two
Rowes and highwayes the wonders of Nature and Art
in Peru. River Bamba. Raine a wonder. Payta.
Admirable high-way. How Emeralds grow. Giants.
Popayan, Quixos, Pacamoros. Inhumanitie of Canibal
Indians. Cali, Caramanta, Cartago, &c. Vulcans
described. Government of Pacamoros and Gualsango.
Gold how gotten. Government, Hills, Playnes, and
Raynes of Peru. Herreras description of Peru, S. James,
S. John, Guamanga, &c. Finding of Quick-silver.
Salt spring. Foure high-wayes admired. Earthquakes,
firom whence they proceed. Fertilitie without raine.
The bounds of Plate, or Charcas. Oropesa, Potosi.
Crosse worshipped worketh miracles. Thistle walls of
sober Indians. Eleven Spanish Q>lonies in Chili.
Raine seldome, not so oft. Herreras description of
Chili and Magelane Provinces, &c. Herreras descrip-
tion of the West Indies. Sir Richard Hawkins.
Herreras description of the Magillane Straits, and the
River of Plate. Terrible River-fall. River of Plate.
Tigre killing and killed. Herreras description of Brasil.
Jesuites Colledges. Coast and Ports. Herreras de-
scription of the Moluccas ; and of the Philippinas.
Hands of the Spicerie. Tandayala, Masbat, Mindoro,
Manila. Bursting out of waters, destroying of Cities,
Man, and Beast. Coast of new Guinea. Hands betwixt
the West and East Indies. Five Archbish. 27. Bishops,
400. Monasteries, 2. Universities, &c. in India.
Ecclesiastical] Government and spiritual] provisions
in and for the Indies. Herreras description of the
Spanish-Indian Government. Inquisition and forme
of Spanish-Indian Government. Herrera. The several]
Spanish-Indian Courts, their Residences and jurisdictions.
Indian Officers and Offices, how provided and ordered.
Herrera. Spanish Government of, and provisions for
the Indians. Indian Lawes. Contractation house.
Conncell for the Indies.
The Presidents, Counsellors, Secretaries, and Attourneys,
which unto this present day have served, and doe serve
in the supreme Councell of the Indies, from their first
Discoverie 587
xvii
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. paci
Names of the Spanish Presidents and Q>uncellours for the
Indies.
The Governours and Vice-royes, which have governed
untill this time, the Kingdomes of New-Spaine and
of Peru. 590
Spanish Viceroyes which have beene in New Spaine and Peru.
ILLUSTRATIONS
Hondius His Map of Muscovia,
Henry Brigges His Map of the North Part of
America, ......
Hondius His Map of America, .
Hondius His Map of Hispaniola, Cuba, etc.,
Hondius His Map of Florida, .
Hondius His Map of New Spaine, .
Hondius His Map of America Meridionalis,
Hondius His Map of the Magellan Streight,
PAGE
424
44B
464
496
544
xiz
THE FOURTEENTH VOLUME
OF
Purchas His Pilgrimes
Contayning English Northerne Navigations and
Discoveries, relations of Greeneland, Groen-
land, the North- West Passage and other
Arctike Regions, and later Russian
Occurrents ; with a Description
of the West Indies by
Antonio de
Herrera
English Northerne Navigations, [n1.iv.699.]
and Discoveries, relations of Greeneland, Groenland,
the North-West Passage, and other Arctike
Regions, with later Russian occurents.
THE FOURTH BOOKE.
Chap. I.
A Voyage set forth by the Right WorshipfuU Sir
Thomas Smith, and the rest of the Muscovie
Company, to Cherry Hand : and for a further
discoverie to be made towards the North-Pole,
for the likelihood of a Trade or a passage that
way, in the Ship called the Amitie, of burthen
seventie tuns ; in the which I Jonas Poole was
Master, having fourteene men and one boy :
A.D. 1 610.
He first of March 1609. ^ wayed at j,o. 1609.
Black-wall and went to Gravcsend. The Sectm^i.
third day I went downe to the Noore- Cmput.Jng.
head. The ninth, wee wayed and put out
to Sea (blessed bee God :) and by the
fifteenth day I was in the Bay of Rosse,
on the Coast of Norway, in Latitude 65.
d^ecs : at what time the wind came Northerly, and blew
XIV I A
A.D.
1609.
*The Mam-
sayU without
a Bonnet,
*Thefire-
sayU foithout
a Bonnet,
Hamersound
in Shotland,
North Cape in
71. degrees
20. minutes.
May the
second,
[III. iv. 700.]
Chery I land.
Ice.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
extreame fierce, with great store of Snow and Frost. The
sixteenth day, wee had the like weather and winds, so that
wee could not maintaine a * mayne-course, and we lost
some of our Beere. The seventeenth day, we had Snow,
and all the Beak-head was so laden with Ice, that it seemed
a firme lumpe, and the wind at North, which blew so fierce
that we coiJd not maintaine a * fore-course, and drave us
backe to the altitude 63. degrees, 56. minutes. The
storme continued so exceeding violent, that I was faine to
spoone before it fortie eight houres, and the same wind and
weather continued till the twentie one day, and in that
time wee were driven as farre to the Southwards as Shott-
land. And being fkire by the Land, and seeing no likeli-
hood of fkire weather, I got a Fisher-man to conduct mee
to a good Harbour, called Hamersound, not so much to
eschew the stormy weather, as to stop some leakes, and to
amend our tackling. I tarryed in Shottland till the
twelfth of April 16 10. at which time the wind was
Southerly. The former wind came to the North at mid-
night, with great store of Snow, which froze as fast as it
fell: which wind continued till the fourteenth at noone.
At two of the clocke it came to the East north-east, and I
stood to the Northwards, after many stormes, much cold.
Snow, and extreame Frosts. I had sight of the North-
cape the second day of May. Then I stood towards Chery
Hand, the winde being at West North-west. The third
day at noone, the Cape bare South South-east ; seaventeene
leagues off, we had much Snow with Frost. The fourth
day, it was thicke weather with great store of Snow and
Frost, the winde at North-west and by North. The fift
day, it was faire weather, the winde at North North-east.
The sixt day, at two of the clocke in the morning, I met
with some Ice, but not very thicke, so that I held my
course toward Chery Hand, the winde being at South : at
five of the clocke, I saw the Ice so thicke, that I could not
possibly get through it. Then I stood to the West wards
with a short sayle, and sounded, but had no ground at a
hundred fathome : thicke foggie weather, at eight of the
JONAS POOLE A.D.
1610.
docke it began to cleerc up, and I stoode into the Ice
finding it scattered in some places ; and at twelve at noone,
I found the Pole elevated above the horizon 74. degrees The sixt day
7. minutes, and sounded, but had no ground at one 9f^^ w^
hundred and seaventic fethomes. From twelve till foure, ^—J* J^
I ran North North-west two leagues, and sounded, and mlnutis,
had a hundred and sixtie fethomes. Then Chery Island
did beare, as I judged. North North-west, about fiftcene
leagues off or more : from foure till eight it was calme, at
eight of the clocke the winde came Southerly, and I stood
towards the Iland and found the Ice so thicke, that the
Ship had no roome to wend, and withall such a fogge that
I could not see one Cables length ; in which time the Ship
had many a knocke, but thankes be to God, no harme was
done. 6y twelve of the clocke, the seaventh day, I got
out of the Ice and lay a hxiU till the North Sunne, at which
time it began to be cleere weather : then I set saile, and
stood to the Eastwards, cold frosty weather.
The eight day it was very foggie, the winde at North
and by East, with Snow and Frost : I stood to the East-
wards, in hope to get the Easter end of the Ice, and so to
Chery Island ; and I ranne into a Channell betweene two
firme bankes of Ice, and could findc no way through, but
lay in the Ice till the ninth day at a South Sunne. Then I
observed, and found the Ship in the altitude 74. degrees
and 17. minutes, the winde being at North North-west,
very faire weather, but frostie.
I sailed in the abovesaid Ice, one while one way, and
another while another, in hope to finde some opening
towards the Iland : but which way soever I stood, I saw aU
the Sea covered with Ice. At a South Sunne, the Abtmdance of
tenth day, I observed both with my Astrolabe and Crosse- ^^'•
staff e, and found the Poles height 74. degrees and 15. 7\.Jegreis
minutes: and the variation 13. degrees and 30. minutes iS-«'*»*^^>
the North point Westerly : by a North Sunne I got out of ^^'^^^'^ '3-
t T • ^ ^1- o 1 • 1 ° degrees 30.
the Ice mto the open Sea, and to write each course, way, minutes.
and winde, with aU other accidents, would be too tedious :
but the thirteenth day of May, at midnight, I sounded,
3
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6ia
being in very thicke Ice, and had a hundred thirtie eight
TkiLyonesse fadoms; there presently I espied the Lionesse standing
«w sent t$ into the Ice, I kept her company till eight of the clocke at
Ckifj Hand, night, and then I steered as followeth, from eight above
said till twelve at noone: The foureteenth day I sailed
North-west and by North twelve leagues, the winde at
South South-east, thicke foggie weather : from twelve till
foure at night, I sailed seaven leagues North, the same
winde and weather with raine. And by the fifteenth day
at foure of the clocke in the morning, I had sailed North
twentie seaven leagues, the same winde and weather : at
what time I supposed, that I was not farre from land,
*JsCobodines because I see great store of Sea-Foule * about the Ship:
wildgeese and at eight of the clocke I sounded, but had no ground at a
Willocks. huncfred and fortie fathome : very foggy weather : likewise
I sounded at twelve of the clocke at noone ; no ground at
Ice. a hundred thirtie five fathomes, where I met with Ice and
great store of Fowle, as before, winde at South, and foggie
weather.
I stood through the Ice, till eight of the clocke at night,
holding no course by reason of it, at which time I sounded,
and had ninetie five fathom greene oze, the weather being
all one, and very much Ice from eight, till ten of the
clocke. I sayled North, one league and a halfe, and had
seventie five fathoms rockie ground. From ten till twelve
at midnight I sayled North one league and a halfe, and
sounded, and had thirtie seven fathoms, the wind being at
South, with great store of raine and fogs, and abundance
of Ice round about, but something broken. Then I stood
o£F West and by South, and tooke in all the Sayles, except
the fore^saile and maine top-saile : and at one of the clocke
the sixteenth day sounded, and had fortie fathomes oze :
likewise I sounded at two of the clocke, and had fiftie two
fathomes: I covdd neither perceive Current nor Tide in
Mnck rame. all this time, and it did raine as fast as I have commonly
seene in England : then I stood to the Eastwards, and at
three of the clocke sounded, and had fortie fathomes oze :
and thus I sailed among the Ice East and East and by
4
JONAS POOLE A.i>.
1610.
South, and East North-east, keeping no certaine course,
by reason of the Ice, and had these depths following, 30.
20. 19. 16. and fifteene fathomes, and then I saw the Land Land the 16.
within two leagues and lesse of me, bearing betweene the ^J rf^^-
South and by East, and the North-west : uien I stood in
East and by South, supposing to have found a harborough
within a ledge of rocks that lay o£F a low point, which
seemed like an Hand, and standing in, I found depths, to.
9. 8. 7. 6. 7. 4. and three fathomes, standing in it a shoald
bay, and full of rockes.
Then I steered away North-west and by West, and had
six, seven, eight, and ten fathome foule ground ; this part
of this Land is fovde ground a great way o£F, therefore
come no neerer this place then ten fathome, and that will
carry you cleere of all dangers that I could see. Towards
noone it cleered up, and I did looke the Meridian altitude
of the Sunne, which was 34. degrees and 20. minutes, the ^«^-
declination being 21. degrees and 10. minutes North, the
Equator must bee 13. degrees and 10. minutes above and [III. iv. 701.]
beneath my Horizon. The Complement being 76. 76. degreis
degrees and 50. minutes, the Poles neight. Likewise I IVT'?^''
found by true observation the Compasse to vary 16. f^ariaJm^iC
degrees, and before I had sayled foxire leagues I saw a degrefs.
Sound that lay East and by South in, the winde conuning The North
to the East South-east; then I sent the SkifFe on land in tx^nttoesterly.
the mouth of the Sound, because I supposed I had seene
Morses on the land, but they proved Rocks. I followed Roches.
into the said Bay with the ship, but standing in I had a
stiffe gale of winde off the shoare, which drave abxuidance
of Ice out of the Sound, through the which I enforced the
Aip, in hope there to have found an Harbour ; in turning
in I found these depths, thirtie five, thirtie, twentie, and
eighteene fathoms. The Boat came aboard about a North-
west Sunne, and the men told me they found deepe water
within and fovde ground; they saw great store of
Mohorses lying on the Ice, but none on land, and they Mohonesor
brought a piece of a Deeres horne aboord, therefore I ^^^^^'
caDcd this Sound Horne Sound, and a Mount that lyeth HomsouHd.
A.D.
161O.
Muscovy
Mount.
Forthisi
f laces see
CaptainEdges
Map.
Ice-point.
Bellpoint.
Point
pardtion.
Tkeayre
temperate.
Loumesse lie.
Lowsound.
Tki Sounds
season.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
foure leagues to the South of it, the Muscovy Companies
Mount, because it was my first landfele.
Then finding no benefit here to bee had, nor Haven for
the ship, I stood to Sea, and sayled North-west and by
North foure leagues : at midnight it blew very hard, and
I stood to the Westwards with a short sayle, and sayled
foure leagues West by eight of the clock the seventeenth
day. Then I stood to the Landwards, the winde being at
South South-west thick weather : and three leagues from
me I saw a Point, which I named the Ice Point, because
there lay abundance of Ice upon it. Then I saw another
Point beare North North-west five leagues off, which I
named Bell Point, because of a Hill formed like a Bell on
the top, and to the Northwards of Bell Point goes in a
great Bay with two Sounds in it, the one lieth in East
South-east, the other North-east and by East; the last
Sound you can hardly discerne, by reason there is a long
Iland lying in the mouth of it. But the going into the
said Sound is on the North side, yet there is an Inlet
under Point-partition, but very narrow and full of Rocks,
and an exceeding strong Tyde setteth in there. This day
I found the weather very warme and farre temperater then
I have found it at the North Cape at this time of the
yeere: this place lying in 77. degrees and 25. minutes,
and the Cape in 71. degrees and 20. minutes; this place
being to the Northwards of the Cape 6. degrees and 5.
minutes: and note, two leagues to the Southwards of
Bell Point is a ledge of Rocks three miles off the shoare,
and come no neerer the shoare then fifteene fathom : upon
the North side of the Bay is low land, which I named
Lownesse Iland. I called the North Sound Lowe Sound.
Into the Bay I turned, the winde at East North-east faire
weather; turning in I had no lesse then fortie fathoms
close by the shoare, and in the middest no ground at sixtie
fathoms, and being neere the Point that parteth both the
Sounds, the winde increased with raine. Then I saw the
Sound frozen over from side to side, and upon the Ice a
Beare and great store of Mohorses, but the winde blew so
6
JONAS POOLE AD.
1610.
extreme hard, that the Boat covild not row to windwards,
to trie if we could kill some of them. The fogs and raine ^^O thicke
continued till ten of the clock the nineteenth day, at which ^^^'
time the raine ceased, and it did freeze with snow and
winde and fogs, as before.
From twelve at mid-night the nineteenth day, till foure
in the morning the twentieth day, I sayled three leagues
South-west and by South, then I found the Ice thicker
then before. It was very thick fogs, with winde, frost, ExtreamecoU
and snow, and cold, that I thinke they did strive here ^^^^^^
which of them should have the superioritie. I put into
the Ice aforesaid in hope to get through, and after many a
sore stroke with the ship in it, I got through at a South-
west Simne, at what time it began to be faire weather.
Then I stood through the Ice towards the land againe, in
hope that that land would prove worth the laboiu: and
travell ; and going to set the mayne top sayle, it was frozen Sailes frozen.
as hard as ever I saw any cloath in all my life time, so that
all my company could very hardly set it ; and whereas I
supposed, and have often said, that this climate is not so
subject to foggs in May and June, as it is in July and
August, it is contrarie ; for I have not seene the Sunne on
the Meridian these five dayes, nor seene it at all in sixtie
hoiires : I had not sailed three leagues North-east, when it
was as thicke as it was before with Frost and Snow : yet I
stood still towards the Land.
The twentie one, I saw the Land at an East Sunne» and
stood towards it, and at a South and by West Westerly, I
observed the Sunne, and found the Meridian altitude of
it 33. degrees 30. minutes, the declination being 21.
degrees 50. minutes, 8cc the altitude of the Pole was 78.
degrees 26. minutes. The winde at North North-east:
coW frostie weather: This place I called the Black-point BLuh-point
He: I called a point (that lyeth foure leagues to the North- lie-
west of Black-point) Gipe cold, and to the South-cast Cape-coid.
of Black-point is a great sound, which because it was
covered with Ice, I c^ed Ice-sound, and standing neerer Ice-sound,
to the shore, I could not see any Sound or Harboxir open ;
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
therefore I determined to stand to the Northwards to seeke
what good might be done that way to profit the Merchants,
and also to get some Wood, for we had but little left. I
sounded at the Black-point, and had twentie three
fathomes streamy groimd. At two of the clocke I stood
off, and at midnight stood to the shore againe, cold weather
with frost, the winde at North and by East. The two and
twentieth day, at an East Sunne, I was faire by the Land,
betweene Cape-cold and Black-point, a lea^e o£F where it
fell calme, and I sounded there, and had twentie eight
fathoms, where I tried for Fish, but could take none.
[III. iv. 702.] The three and twentieth day, at an East North-east
Sunne, I was within three leagues of Capecold : this day it
was faire weather, and I tooke the Sunnes height at twelve
of the clocke, and found it to be 33. degrees 30. minutes,
the declination being 22. d^ees 13. minutes, the dis-
tance of the Pole from my Zeneth, was 11. degrees 17.
minutes, the complement thereof being 78. degrees and
43. minutes, the Poles altitude. All this day it was calme
Faire all the forenoone, warme sunshine weather, and whereas I
weather. named this place Cape-cold, if I had falne with it this day,
or the like, I should have given it another name. Here
I tried to take fish, but could perceive none. Item, there
is a point that beareth from Cape-cold North & by West
Fajer-firland. which I called Faire-forknd : this Forknd, and Cape-cold,
and Black-point, are all one Iland. At sixe of the clocke
at night, the winde came to the North North-west, then I
determined to view the Ice-sound better; but comming
neere it, I perceived it packt ful of Ice, so that I covdd see
no end thereof at the Top-mast-head, neither could I see
any open water in it. At a North Sun, the wind came to
the North-east, and by North, then I stood to the North-
wards, as before.
The foure and twentieth day, at a North-east Sunne, the
wind came to the South-west, faire weather and warme.
At a North north-east Sun, I tooke the Meridian Altitude,
which was eleven dewees above the Horizon, and by
working accordingly, I found the elevation of the Pole
8
JOlJAS POOLE Aj>.
1610.
zhovt the Horizon, to be 78. degrees, 37. minutes. The
five and twentieth day, at an East-south-east Sun, I set the
boat to the land, neere Fayer-forland, and it being cahne I
sounded fortie five fethoms, where I proved for fish, but
could find none, and within one league of the shoare I had Nofii.
five and thirtie, and thirtie fathome streamy ground. At
a South-east Sunne, the Boat came aboord laden with In all this
Wood, and some Whales fins. The men told mee there ^^^^^"^
was great store of Morses in the Sea, about the shoare ^tore^ofDrift-
side, and about thirtie on Land. Immediately I sent my wood, but none
Mate, Nicholas Woodcock with the Boat on Land againe, growetk here,
to see if they could kill any of the said Mohorses, and also ^/T^^^'
to search what other thing they shovdd hap to find that ^^^■-^*^-
might prove beneficiall. Moreover I was certified, that
all the Ponds and Lakes were \mfi-ozen, they being Fresh-
water, which putteth mee in hope of a milde Summer
here, after so sharpe a beginning as I have had, and my
opinion is such (and I assure my selfe it is so) that a
passage may bee assoone attayned this way, by the Pole, as Hope of a
any unknowne way whatsoever, by reason the Sun doth ^^^^
give a great heat in this climate ; and the Ice, I meane that P^^^^^-
. that freezeth here, is nothing so huge as I have seene in
73. degrees.
The sixe and twentieth day, at a North-east Sunne, the
Boat came aboord againe, having slaine but two Morses,
at twelve at midnight the wind came to the North, and
blew so hard, that I was enforced to try with a Mayne-
course, cold fi-osty weather, with snow. The sayd wind
and weather continued till a South Sun, the seven and
twentieth day, at eight of the clocke at night, the wind
came to the North-west and by West faire weather, then I
stood towards the Land again. And at a South-east sun,
the eight & twentieth day, I was within three leagues of
Fayer-forland, and standing in I sounded divers times, and
had these depths, 15. 17. 19. and 18. fathoms, within five,
sixe, and seven myles of the shoare, and when Fayer-
forland did beare South and by East by the Compasse. It
being two miles from me, I saw the Land beare North-east
9
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
His name was my Mate had hurt before with a shot ; hee went into the
Tk9. W^u- Se», when hee saw the Boate, where I slue him with a
^gg^^ Lance, and brought him aboord.
slaim. The second day at a North and by East Sunne. At a
South Sunne, I went to the South shoare of Deerc-sound,
where I found a good quantitie of Fins, and came aboord,
at a North North-west Sunne. The third day, being
Sunday, I rid still, having the wind at West South- West
much wind. Then upon the side of a Hill, a mile to
Acrossesitup. the Westwards of the Road, I set up a Crosse, with a
writing upon it, signifying the day of my arrivall first in
this Land, by whom I was set out, and the time of my
Crosse road, being heere. This Road I called Crosse-road. At a
^^^W South-east sunne the fourth day, I wayed the wind at
y^ ^ ^^^ ' West South-west, and when I was almost out, the wind
increased with fogs, which made me put back into the
Road, where I anchored the same day at six of the clocke,
at afternoone. The fifth day, at a North-east and by East
sunne I wayed, and it fell calme, then I went to the East
There is great side, and killed some Fowle, which I found in great
^-^^d^f^d abundance: and when I was readie to go aboord, I saw
^ * fourteene Deere, at which time I spent all my powder,
ABucksUnne, and shot but one shot, with the which I slue a fat Buck.
The same day, at a South sun, I went on Land and slue
Three Deere two Deere more. And at a South-west sun I went on
slaine. Land and slue a Doe, and took the Faune alive, and
lahm^^ brought it aboord, but it dyed the next day. The calme
continued till the sixth day, at an East North-east sunne
(and we drove in the Bay, with a little soaking tyde that
runneth there.) Then I sent the skifFe to the rocke afore-
said, to see what store of Mohorses were there ; at three
of the clocke they came aboord, and told mee there was
neere two hundred beasts. I tooke both the boat and
skifFe, with all my company, and went to the rock, and in
Beares slaine. going thither I slue a Beare : but when I came to the
rocke, the beasts began to goe into the sea, then I presently
went on land, with all my company, and slue eightie
Mohorses. beasts, whose teeth I tooke, and in going aboord slue
12
JONAS POOLE AD.
i6ia
another Beare, and came aboord the seventh day, at a
North-east sun. Then I saw two white fishes, which at WHte fishes.
the first sight I supposed to be Beares, they had long
snouts like Sturgeons, two flat Fins close by their gils, flat
bodied, small towards their tailes, and a broad taile.
The tenth day, I went on shoare and slue five Deere, Five Deere.
with the which, and them that I slue before I have
lengthened out my victuals, blessed be the Creator of the
World,* which hath not made any part thereof in vaine, *Isa. 45. 1 8.
but so that in these parts (which hath seemed unpossible
to our Ancestors to bee travelled \mto, by reason of the
cxtreame cold which they supposed to bee here) I find the
ayre temperate in the Lands, and nothing so cold as I have
found at Chery Iland in five severall Voyages. More-
over, in this Land I have seene great store of Deere, which
have neither bush nor tree to shelter them fi-om the
nipping cold of Winter, nor yet any extraordinarie pasture
to refi'esh them. If these (I say) having nothing but the
Rockes for a house, and the Starry Canopie for a covering;,
doe live here ; why may not man, which hath all the girts
of God bestowed upon him for his health and succour ?
The eleventh day in the morning, I sent the ski£Fe to a
Beach, that lyeth Northwards fi^om the Rocke where we
slue our beasts, but when they came to the Rocke, it
beganne to blow hard at North North-west, that they
could not proceed any further, upon the Rocke they found
a Beare, and slue him, and came aboord. In which time
I tooke the boate and went to the East side, and slue two Two Beares^
Beares and two Deere. and two Deere
The twelfth day, at a North-east simne I wayed, and ^^•'•
having very little wind, I sent the skiffe to goe to the
Elace abovesayd, at a North sunne, they came aboord and
rought some Whales Finnes and a Beare, and told mee
that it did blow very much wind at Sea, yet I had it all [III. iv. 704.]
this time calme in the Bay. Yet before I could get out
of the Sound, the wind came to the North-west, and blew
very hard, which made mee to put roome for Crosse-road, Crosse-road.
where I rid till the fourteenth day, in which time I caused
13
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
both the boates to bee trimmed, and the thirteenth day at
noone, I observed on Land, in this place, and found the
Poles height Poles height 79. degrees, fifteene minutes, and the varia-
inj<),degres tion of the Compasse 18. degrees, 16. minutes North-
^Compau%'an ^^^^ ' ^^^ ^^"^^ ^ ^ ^^^^ * Bucke.
1%. degrees The fourteenth day, at a South-east Sunne I wayed,
16. minutes, the wind at South-west foggie weather, at a South-west
Sunne, I went on Land and slew a Buck. The fifteenth
day, at East Sunne, I got out of the Bay, at which time
^^*' I saw abundance of Ice to the Sea-wards, but the wind
came to the South-east, and I sayled betwixt the Ice and
the shoare. At a North-west Sunne, I sent the skifFe
(with seven men in it) to the Land under Knottie-point,
at which time the wind came to the North-east, and I stood
to the North-wardes, where I had these depths, fifteene,
thirteene, and eleven fathomes foule-ground. These
depths were about a league, and to the Northwards of
Great store of Knottie-point, I saw great store of Whales, the like I
Whales. ^^ j^^ Deere-sound. The sixteenth day, the Ski£Fe came
Five Deere aboord, and brought a few Finnes, and five Deere, and
slaine. xhtj told mee that within the Bay, that lyeth betwixt
Knottie-point and Gurnerds-nose is a Haven, in the
entrance whereof is an Hand, and seven fathomes going
in, but within eight, nine, fifteene, and twentie fathomes
good ground. This maketh Gurnerds-nose, an Hand, for
this Haven goeth out on the North-west side of Gumerds-
Faier-Haven. nose. I named this Haven, the Fayre-haven ; I found a
great tyde heere, which runneth South South-west, the
floud commeth from the Southwards.
Then standing to the Northwards, I saw the Sea covered
Abundance of ^{^jj j^e^ which lay close to the Land which made me
stand to the Southwards again, I observed at Gumerds-
79. degrees nose, and found the Poles height 79. degrees, 50. minutes.
IhiuHTdeof ^^ ^ North-west Sun, the same day, I sent the skifFe on
Gornerdsnose. Land to search the Coast to the Southwards of Knottie-
point, where I sounded and had twenty foure fathomes
Foule-ground, and in the Fayre-way I sounded, having
these depths, 30. 35. 45. and 48. fathomes all Rocky-
14
JONAS POOLE A.D.
1610.
ground- By the seventeenth day, I was in the entrance The farthest
of Close-cove, at a South Sun, at which time the SkifFe P^f^ ^fj^y
came aboord, and brought a Beares skin, and a Buck, and /^"f^^/^
a good quantite of Whales Fins and an Unicornes home. This Unicorns
which was five foot and seven inches long, and in the home is the
biggest part of it, it was seven inches and a halfe about, ^omeofajish
The eighteenth day, at a South Sun, I came into the Road, a^^ln Boffins
where I rid all that day, having very much wind and raine discovery.
that wee could doe nothing. At a North Sunne, I sent
my Mate, with the Skiffe, and sixe men to seeke for more
Fins, 8a:. The ninteenth day, at a North Sun, they came
aboord, having slaine ten Beares, three of their skins and Ten Beares
fet they brou^t aboord, and a good quantitie of Fins, and ^^«^-
six poire of teeth. The twentieth day, in the morning,
I sent both the Boat and SkifFe to flay the other seven
Beares, the wind being at North feire weather. But they
were no sooner gone, but it blew very hard at North,
which brought abundance of Ice out of the bottome of
the Sound, but did the Ship no hurt. At a West South
West Sunne, the Boats came aboord with the Beares skins,
the wind abovesaid set so much Ice out of the sound
upon the Ship, that it inforced mee to set sayle.
The one and twentieth day, at a North Sun, I stood
towardes Fayer-forland, and sent out the skiflFe. The two
and twentieth day, at a South-east sunne, they came
aboord, with the skiflFe laden with Fins, and killed five Five Deere
Deere. Then I went on Land to search what I could find, ^^"'•
and I slew a Beare, and tooke a young one alive, and at A yongbeare
three of the clocke in the afternoone I came aboord with the ^'*^-
skiffe laden with Fins. The three & twentieth day, at a
South-east sun, the Boat came aboord, and brought a good
quantitie of Finnes, and a Beares skinne. Then I stood -^ Beare
toward Cape-cold, and the same day, at a South sunne, I '^^•
sent the skifFe on Land to the North-wards of the Cape,
where they found sixteene Mohorses on a rocke, which
they slue ; and at a North-east sun, the foure and twentieth
day, they had brought all the teeth and blubber of them Take heede of
aboord ; at which time the wind came to the North-west, thisfdnt.
IS
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6ia
and blew verie hard : then I stood towardes the Ice-sound
to seeke what commodities it would yeeld. At a North
simne I was neere Black-point, which hath a great many
sunken Rockes lying on the southermost end of it, therefore
you must come no neerer that shoare then twentie five
fathomes. The five and twentieth day, till a South sun,
it was calme, and the tyde drove the ship so fiure from the
Land, that I could not send the boat on shoare.
The sixe and twentieth day, at a South South-west
Sunne, I came aboord, more laden with travell then com-
A Bucke modities, at which time I slue a Buck. Then I stood
simne. toward Ice-sound, and at a Point which parteth Foule-
sound and Ice-sound, I had thirtie fathomes oze, & so to
ten fathomes Rockes, then I steered East along the shoare,
and had betwixt thirtie and fifteene fathomes oze and
sand. In fifteen fiithomes I anchored, having the wind at
North North-west, faire weather at a North-west sun, at
a North sun, I sent the skifFe to the shoare to search for
commodities. The seven and twentieth day of June, at
an East North-east sun, they came aboord, and brought
a good parcell of fins. At six of the clock I sent the
SkifFe to the Land againe, and set sayle with the ship ;
but it being calme, and the tide setting the Ship towards
[III. iv. 705.] a ledge of rocks, made mee to anchor againe. At a South
South-east Sun, they came aboord againe, and brought a
good quantitie of fins : at a South Sunne I sent the SkifFe
towardes the mouth of Ice-sound, and in the entrance
thereof I found a Cove in the which was twentie fathomes,
and so to thirteene, but by reason of the tyde, and edy-
winds, I could not get into it ; here the Ski£Fe came aboord
and brought a few finnes. Then I steered to another
Sound, in the South side of Ice-sound, where I anchored
in twentie fathomes oze, the same day at a North Sun.
The eight and twentieth day I stayed at the place above-
said, and tried the Beares grease to bring it into oyle, and
^^/tfr/ when we were all busied, a Beare came swimming over
siatni. ^j^^ g^y^ towards the ship, which I slue, and spUt my
Peece, the winde being at West. The nine and twentieth
16
JONAS POOLE Aj>.
1610.
day, at a South-east Sunne, I sent the skiffe to search the
Coast to the Westwards of this Bay, the wiiwi at North-
west. The last of June, the skiffe came aboord, at a
South-east Sunne, and brought a few Finnes, and a Bucke, J Buch.
the wind at North,
The first of July, being Sunday, I rid at the place above- July the first.
said, in hope to have more Mohorses on Land ; I observed
heere and found this place in 78. degrees, 24. minutes, and 78. degrees^
the variation Westwards, seventeene degrees. Then I *4- niinutes^
sent the skifFe to see if any more beasts were on Land. ^^' '^' ^'
The wind at North-west, faire weather. The second day,
at a North North-east Sunne, they came aboord and
brought two Deere, The third, wee slue a few Morses, Tm Dem
whose teeth and blubber wee brought aboord, at a North- ^^^^^'
west Sunne, at which time I slue a Pricket : this place I
named the Green-haven. Immediately I sent the skifFe ^^^j^'
to take the teeth, and fat of seven beasts, which lay slaine ^^ *^^
in another place. The wind at West, thicke foggie
weather. It floweth here on the Change day South, and
by West, and hyeth sixe foot water, and runneth halfe
tyde halfe quarter. The fourth day, we rid still the wind
at South-west with fogs and raine, and very much wind :
at the same time I saw great store of Ice in Ice sound. Ice.
The fifth day, at a North-east Sunne I wayed, the wind
at West thicke weather, and in standing out wee due a A Bean
she Beare, and tooke her two young ones. Indifferent ^^^'«^, /tw
fidre weather, we lay becalmed all this day. '^take^^^
The sixth day, I was ofF Lownesse (at a South Sunne)
the wind being at East blew so hard, with raine and thicke
weather, that I was enforced to tsUce in all the sayles save
a Mayne-course, which storme continued till eight at
night, at which time I set more sayle, and stood to the
Southwardes, hoping to get some goods that way. The
seventh day, at noone the wind came to the North-east,
and then it began to bee cleere weather, at what time I
saw the Land of Bel-sound, whither I purposed to goe,
yet could not by reason of abundance of Ice, which lay he.
above three leagues from the Land, which I could not
XIV 17 B
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
possibly passe. At a North-west and by West sun, I
saw abundance of Ice all along the Land, to the South-
wards of Bel-sound. The eight day, at twelve at noone,
I stood into the Ice, in hope to get to the shoare, the
wind at North and by West hasie weather, Home-sound
bearing East North-east, nine leagues of, I stood to the
landwards till foure of the clocke, at which time I found
the Ice so thick that I was forced to stand to the South-
wards to eschew it. I sayled by, and amongst the Ice,
till a North North-west Sunne, at which time I was within
three leagues of the shoare. Then I sounded, and had
thirtie sixe fathomes. Then I stood to the Westwards,
and finding all this part of the Land full of Ice, I purposed
to stand to the Northwards againe to search for com-
modities that way : the wind being at North-west, I turned
to windwards, till the tenth day, at eight of the clocke
before noone, at which time wee found a part of a dead
iir^if Whale, which I caused to bee made fast to the Ship,
determining to get into some Harbour, there to make the
best of it I could. Before I could get into Bel-sound, at
which time I saw all the bottom of the Sound full of Ice,
so that there was no refuge for the Ship. Then I was
faine to tume out with the winde at West, and beganne
to blow verie hard. At a North-west Sunne, it was fayre
weather, and I sent my Mate with the skifFe to search
the Coasts towardes Bel-point. The fourteenth day, at a
North-east Sunne, the skifFe came aboord, and brought
Three Beares three Beares, which they had slaine. Immediately I sent
slmne. ^h^ goat for water and wood, and then I stood through
the Ice, and got through it by a North Sun the fifteenth
day, the wind at North-west foggie weather. Then I
turned to windwards, to double Lownesse, and got cleere
of it : at sixe of the clocke at night thicke foggie weather.
The sixteenth day, at five of the clocke in the after-
noone, I got to Black-point, the wind comming to the
South, thicke weather. Then I sent the skifFe to range
the Coast, and to search what they might find. The
seventeenth day, at ten of the clocke they came aboord,
18
JONAS POOLE At).
1610.
and brought some Fins, and three Deere. Then I stood '^^ree Dems
towards Crosse-road, and anchored there at a North-sun, '^*^'
the wind and weather as abovesaid. The eighteenth day,
about five of the clocke in the morning, I sent the skiffe
to see if thev could find any Morses on Land, on the
Rocke, or in Deere-sound, and in the meane time, I, with
the rest of the company got drift-wood and water readie,
and about a South sunne, a Beare with two young ones ; A Beare with
thcf Dam I slue, and tooke the young ones aboord the two young ones
ship, the wind Northerly, cold, foggie weather. The nine ^^^^•
and twentieth day, in the mormng, I went to the East
side, to see if any Mohorses were on land ; there I slue
foure exceeding rat Buckes and a Doe. In which time ^^^f ^^^^
the skifFe came aboord and brought two Beares skins, ^^*^»
but foxmd no beasts, and in Deere-sound they found Sea- ^^/^^
coales, which burnt very well. Sea-coales.
The twentieth day, I sent the SkifFe into the bottome [III. iv. 706.]
of Closse-cove to search it for commodities, the wind at
South dose weather with raine : at eight of the clock at
night they came aboord, but found nothing ; immediately
I got wood and water aboord, which was ready before,
preparing to set sayle the wind and weather abovesaid,
we slue three Deere. The one and twentieth, I wayed,
the wind at North fiure weather. The two and twentieth
day, the wind came to the West, and then I stood to the
Northward, at eight of the clocke hasie weather. At twelve
of the clocke at noone the wind came to the North, and
I stood to the Southwards by Fayer-forland. The three
and twentieth day, at an East north-east Sunne, the Boat
brought some Whales finnes, and three Buckes, and one Three Bucks
Doe: In which time I thought I had scene Land beare ^^^•
West fix)m me. I stood to the Westwards, and by a
South South-east sunne, had run fifteene leagues West
and by South, then I perceived it to be fogs. The foure
and twentieth day, at seven of the clocke in the aftemoone
I came into Bel-sound and found but little Ice, then I sent
the SkifFe to seeke for a Road for the Ship, and also for
commodities. The five and twentieth day, at three of
'9
AJ). PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
the clocke in the morning;, the Skiffe came aboord, having
beene in the mouth of the North Inlet, which I call Low-
sound, they went into it by Point-partition, but there is
No giod no good Channell that way for a Ship : neverthelesse there
ckamU. seemeth to bee an Inlet or Channell, but it is full of Rockes
from side to side, and the men told mee, that upon the
Land lav some Mohorses, which I sent them to kill. At
eight ot the clocke, the Skiffe came aboord, and brought
the teeth of the sayd beasts, and some blubber. Immedi-
ately I sent them into Bel-sound, to seeke for a Road for
the Ship, the wind at West thicke foggie weather. About
an North West Sunne, I anchored in Bel-sound, in sixteen
fathomes ozie ground, this Harbour lyeth about two
leagues above Point-partition on the South-side of it, and
here a ship may ride safe from all windes. At a North
A Beare Sunne my Mate slue a Beare. The six and twentieth
slatne. ^^y jj^ ^^ morning, it blew hard, and I went on Land
A fat Bucke. and slue a Beare, and a Bucke which had three inches and
iLv^T^ an halfe in thicknesse of fat on the haunches. At nine of
writun of the ^^ clocke I sent both the Boats to fetch the fat of those
fatmsse of the Mohorses which were slaine the day before, and likewise
w/, yet the to search if they co\ild find any more, the wind at North
r^^ ^^twoani ^^^ ^^^^' ^^ ^^ ^^ ^^ clocke at night the Boats came
^three inches ^^oard with the fat, and brought two Buckes, but found
thicke of fat. no beasts on Land.
The seven and twentieth day, at a South South-east
Sunne I weighed, the winde being at North and by West
faire weather, and I steered out (betwixt an Hand and the
point where I rid) South-west and by West, having these
depths, 10. 7. 6. 5. and 4. fathomes: then I was in the
middest betwixt the said point, and a shoald which lay
South and North, one of the other, and after keeping the
same course, I had these depths, 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 12. and
13. fathomes, in all these depths I had sand, and after
oze. At sixe of the clocke the wind came to the South-
west with fogges, and I turned to the wind-wards. And
at twelve, the eight and twentieth day Lownesse did beare
North-east about foure leagues off, where I sounded
ao
JONAS POOLE A.D.
1610.
having thirtie two fathomes streamie ground with blacke
stones, at which time it was calme, and continued so till
the nine and twentieth day at sixe of the clocke in the
mcM-ning, then the wind came to the North with fogges,
and I stood to the Southwards, and to see what Com-
modities I could find that way.
At nine of the clocke I was neere the Ice-point, where My departure
I met with much Ice, which put mee fi-om the Land, and fr^ ^ ^^•
I was enforced to steere South-west and by South to ^^^•
shunne it, the winde at North-west which blew hard with
fogges. The wind increased, I stood towards Cherric
Iland (if possible I co\ild attayne it^ for fogges and Ice.
The thirtieth day, at fourc of the clocke in the morning
I saw no Ice, having kept no certayne course, by reason of
the Ice which I had past, the winde at North and by West,
cold foggie weather with raine. From the time above-
said till twelve of the clocke at noone I sayled South
South-east, and ranne fifteene leagues, the same wind and
weather, at which time I sovmded & had eightie fathoms
grecne ozc like Kowes dung. I sounded at two of the
docke, and at foure of the clock, the first, eightie eight,
the second, eightie two fathomes, and sayled sixe leagues,
the former course wind and weather. At which time I
heard a breach which proved Ice, then I steered West to
eschew it, the fogges being so thicke that I could not see
one Cables length.
The last of July at noone, I had sayled South and by
East halfe a point Southerly eight leagues having little
wind, and sounded, and found one hundred and fbftie
fethomes thicke foggie weather, and in haling up the Lead,
a fish followed it to the top of the water : then I tryed ^>^ seene.
to take fish but co\ild not. At foure of the clocke in the
aftcmoone, the winde came Southerly, and I stood to the
Westward, by reason the Ice lay both to the South and
East of us, at a North Simne it was deere weather, and I l^^^fi&two
saw the Ice round about us, cold weather with firost. ^Hndenmces^i^
The first of August, we beat in the Ice till noone, but the Northeme
could finde no ena thereof, because it was so foggie, and NamgatioMs.
21
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
the Ice packed very close ; yet after many intricate coiirses,
I got to the Westwards of it at mid-night the same day,
the winde at South-east, cold weather with raine and
fogges. And after I had seene so much Ice that I co\ild
not come neere Cherry Iland, to prosecute the rest of my
I stood towards Voyage, I determined to stand for England, as God would
Enifmd. gj^^ ^^ j^^g^ ^tom mid-night the first day, till eight
of the clocke the second day before noone, I sayled South-
west and by South five leagues, the wind at East South-
[IILiv.707.] east, thicke fogges with raine. From the second day at
eight of the docke, till the third day at twelve of the
clock at noone, I sayled West South-west fifteene leagues,
the wind at South and by East, wet foggie weather. From
noone abovesaid, till twelve at noone the fourth day, I
sayled foure leagues South, the winde variable, and the
most part of that time calme, and so continued till eight
of the clocke at night, at which time the wind came to
the South and by East, and blew very hard; from the
fourth day at noon till the fift day at noone I sayled South-
west Westerly seven leagues. The sixt day, the winde
was at South-east cleere weather, at noone I found the
shippe in 73. degrees, the North Cape bearing by my
computation, East South-east Easterly. The seventh day
at noone, I found the ship in 72. degrees 22. minutes,
indifferent faire weather. And fi-om the seventh day at
noone, till the eight day at noone I sayled foure and
twentie leagues, the course South South-west, the wind
at South-east and by East, at which time it beganne to be
very foggie, and the winde came to the South, but immedi-
atly it was calme, and continued so till mid-night. Then
the wind came to the North, little wind, and at a South
Simne the ninth day, I had sayled South seven leagues.
From the ninth day at noone till the tenth day at that
time I sayled South, and ranne seven leagues South, it
being calme most part of the day, with much rayne and
fogges. From twelve the tenth day, till noone the
eleventh dav, I sayled South and by West, and ranne
seventeene leagues, the wind Northerly. And from the
22
JONAS POOLE
eleventh day at noone, till the twelfth at that time, I sayled
South and by West eighteene leagues, the winde at North
North-west faire weather. From noone the twelfth day,
untill twelve at noone the thirteenth day, I sayled South
and by West fortie eight leagues, the wind betweene the
North, and the West North-west gustie weather. From
the thirteenth at noone, till the fourteenth at noone, I
sayled South and by West fortie five leagues, the wind
betwixt the West North-west, and the West South-west
gustie weather, latitude 64. decrees 21. minutes. From
die fourteenth day at noone, tiU the fifteenth day at that
time, I sayled South and by West nine and twentie
leagues, at which time I observed and found the ship in
62. degrees 53. minutes feire weather, the wind at North.
At foure of the clocke the same day, I saw Skutsnesse in
Norway seventeene leagues oflF, and bearing South-east,
fi-om whence I hold it superflous to write it, oeing a place
well knowne. The last of August I arrived at London,
Blessed be God for ever and ever. Amen.
A.D.
1610.
In 62. digrees
15. minutes.
A briefe note what Beasts, Fowles, and Fishes
were scene in this Land.
B Easts: Buckes, and Does, white Beares and Foxes,
of colour dunne and grey.
Fowles: white Partric&es, a small land Bird, like a
Sparrow, partly white, and partly browne, a Fowle with
a combe and a tayle like a Cock, a redde Fowle of the
bignesse of a Pidgeon ; a white Fowle with a greene bill,
the top of the bill of it and the eyes were redde, with
blacke feet. Wild Geese, Coluidines, Gulls, Sea-mewes,
WiUockes, Noddies, Ice-birds, Reeks, and Sea-pidgeons.
Fishes : great store of Whales, Gramposes, Mohorses,
the white nsh I spake of the seventh of June, a small
fish like Cuplen, hkewise I saw the bones of Cods, or
Haddocks ; but co\ild take no fish : I often looked for
Shel-fish, but coidd take none: divers of my company
did sec two Beavers.
23
TheCoMdim
is as big as d
Maiiard^ the
male is neerer
of the colour^
and the female
browne.
AJ>.
1611.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Poole enter-
tayned by a
certatne
stifend. He
was as I have
heard f miser-
ably and
basely
murthered
betwixt
Ratcliffe and
London after
his retume
from this
Voyage.
[III. iv. 708.]
Chap. II.
Commission for Jonas Poole our Servant, ap-
pointed Master of a small Barke called the
Elizabeth, of fiftie tunnes burthen, for Dis-
coverie to the Northward of Greenland, given
the last day of March 1 6 1 1 .
N as much as it hath pleased Almightie
God, through the industry of your selfe
and others, to discover unto our Nation
a Land lying in eightie degrees toward
the North-pole : We are desirous not only
to discover ferther to the Northward
along the said Land, to find whether the
same be an Hand or a Mayne, and which way the same
doth trend, cither to the Eastward or to the Westward of
the Pole, as also whether the same be inhabited by any
people, or whether there be an open Sea farther North-
ward then hath beene alreadie discovered. For
accomplishing of all which our desires, we have made
choice of you, and to that end have entertayned you into
our service for certayne yeares upon a stipend certayne :
not doubting, but you will so carrie your selfe in the
businesse, for which you were so entertayned, as God may
be glorified, our Countrey benefited, your selfe credited,
and we in our desires satisfied. And for your better
instruction to proceed in this your Voyage, we have
thought good to set downe our opinions what course wee
thinke fit to be observed in the same: which is, That
forasmuch as by your owne report of the great store of
Whales in those Seas, wee are at an extraordinary charge
this yeare, of setting out a ship and men for that purpose,
which ship is called the Marie Margaret of London, in
burthen one hundred and fiftie tunnes or thereabout : Our
meaning is, that you doe keepe company with the said
ship, and not to leave her, till God send you to the places,
24
COMMISSION FOR JONAS POOLE a.d.
1611.
where she may make her Vovage : which by yoiir report
should be at a place named by you the last yeare 16 10.
Whale Bay.
And God sending you to the said place, we would have
you to stay there the killing of a Whale, or two or three,
for your better experience hereafter to expedite that
businesse, if through extremitie of the Ice you should be
put from your Discoveries. And in the meane time while
you are staying about killing of the Whale, you may cause
some of your people to bee searching the Coast with their
Shallops for Whale finnes. Morses teeth, Ambergreese, or
any other commodities, that may be found upon that
Coast. And having thus stayed a convenient time with
the said great ship for the purpose above specified, wee
would have you then to proceed on your Discoverie for
the satisfying^ of our expectations formerly mentioned,
which is, to discover further to the North Pole as ferre as Further dis-
possibly you can, and how the Land abreadie discovered ^^^^ ^ ^^
doth trend, and whether there be any inhabitants in the ^^^'
said Land, and whether there be an open Sea to the North-
ward beyond the said land. And m this your coasting
the land, we doubt not but you will endeavour with your
Shallops to gather up all the Whale finnes you can finde,
to kill the Morses which vou can come by on land, and to
reserve the teeth and blubber to the most advantage that
naay bee, the better to beare out the great charge which
you know we are at in these Discoveries. And to that
end we have laden in you eleven Tunnes of emptie
caske.
And having spent so much time in this your Discoverie,
and in gathering up of such commodities as that Coast
will affoord, and as the season of the yeere will permit you,,
then we would have you returne for England, and in your
way homeward to touch at the place where you left the
Mary Margaret, to see if shee be not gone ; and finding
her there, and that the time of the yeare will permit, wee
would have you melt your Blubber into Oile before your
comming from thence, to avoid the great trouble and
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
obtayning commodities upon the coast of Greenland,
whereby to lade both ships ; then we would have you stay
at Cherie Iland, or other Hands thereabout so long time
as possibly you can, and as the season of the yeere will
permit you, to finish the rest of your voyage. And if
there bee suflScient lading betweene you both to lade the
bigger ship, wee would have her to bee dispatched from
thence with all speede, and you to stay there as long as
you may conveniendy for the good of the Voyage : which
the more beneficiall it prooveth, the more it will be for
your credit, and we will not be vmthankefuU at your
returne.
We would have you at every place of meeting with the
Mary Margaret, to deliver to Thomas Edge our servant
a particular Note of what goods you have taken into your
ship. And at your last lading place we would have you
make a general! invoyce of the whole Cargason of goods
laden in your ship, and having signed the same, to seale it
up, and direct the same to our Agent resident in London.
And if you doe chance to meete with the Mary Margaret
at or after your last Port of lading, we would have you
deliver a Copy of the said invoyce to our servant Thomas
Edge for our better satisfection, what casualtie soever
might happen by the way, and at any hand to have such
an mvoyce ever readie sealed, and for mortalities sake put
up in some sure place of custodie.
We hold it fit, that you Jonas Poole should be as grand
Pilot in this voyage to the Northward. And therefore
we would have you to accompany the great ship, and to
bring her to the places of fishing for the Whale ; or to any
other place, which you out of your experience shall thinke
fit to bring her for the good of the Voyage and benefit of
the Adventurers. And our will is, That Steven Bennet
Master of the said great ship together with the rest of the
company in that ship, doe follow the said Jonas Pooles
directions, as they will answer the contrarie upon their
perils at their comming home.
And for that heretofore the Company have beene abused
28
COMMISSION FOR JONAS POOLE a.d.
1611.
by lewd and bad people, who have imbeseled part of that
which by our great charges and adventures hath beene
obtayned : Our minde and will is, That you Jonas Poole
doe make search in your owne ship, that none of our
Whale finncs. Morses teeth, Oyle, or any other commodi-
ties gathered at our charge, be imbeseled or carried away
by any of the Mariners, who will looke to have the utter-
most of their wages paid them, and to bee fed with meate
and drinke sufficient. And God sending you into
England, we would have you suffer none of your people
to goe on shoare unsearched : neither would we have you
to leave the ship till your comming into the River of
Thames, that we give you order to the contrarie. And
if you chance to be winde bound upon the coast, you may
send up one of vour people with yoiu* Letter, but not to
come your selie on shoare till our farther order, as
aforesaid.
The like order we would have Steven Bennet to use in
his ship, by vertue of this our Commission, which we
have ordered to Thomas Edge our servant to see per-
formed accordingly.
And in as much as we have agreed here with a Tanner Agreetmnt
for all the Morses hides which wee kill and bring into ^^^^Tanner
England, and have sent men of purpose for the flaying, -^^^ ^^^^'
salting, and ordering of the same, whereof we have
appointed one to goe in your ship : We would have you
reserve the said hides, and floore your ship therewith in
stead of ballast. And if you obtayne a greater quantitie
then you can bring away with you, having alwayes regard
to commodities of more value, which are Oyle, Teeth,
and Whales finnes, that none of them be left behind ; We
would have you leave the said overplus of hides in some
convenient place, till the next yeere, that we send more
store of shipping.
[A Commission
«9
A.D.
l6ll.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Adventures
and losses
in first
Discoveries,
A Commission for Thomas Edge our servant, ap-
pointed to goe as our Factor in the Ship called
the Mary Margaret, of the burthen of one
hundred and fiftie Tunnes, for the killing of
the Whale and Morses upon the coast of
Greenland, or any other place in the North
Ocean: Given the 31. of March, 161 1.
YOu are not ignorant of our imploying you heretofore
in two severall Voyages to Cherie fiand. The first
whereof, by reason of one Duppers going thither, together
with certaine men of HxiU, glutting the said place, prooved
to us a thousand pound losse of our principall. As also
in the second Voyage, because you could not come to set
footing upon the said Hand, by reason of the abundance
of Ice lying round about the same sixteene leagues com-
passe tiU the twentie eight of July, by which occasion our
whole charge of setting out that yeeres adventure had
beene lost, if the refuge to lade our ship backe againe from
Saint Michael the Archangel in Russia had not holpen us :
yet notwithstanding that helpe, wee lost by that voyage
above five hundred pounds. We entring into due con-
sideration of the premisses, doe not impute the cause of
these our losses unto you; but to the accidents then
happening contrarie to our expectation : yet these losses
growing upon us in the times of your imployment, we
can doe no lesse then put you in minde thereof, to the
intent to incourage and stirre up your minde to doe your
uttermost indevour to further the businesse in this your
third imployment, that we may recover our selves of the
losses formerly sustained. And for that end we have
made choice or you againe to goe as our Factor in the Ship
Mary Margaret, of one hundred and fiftie Tunnees, the
Master being Steven Bennet, for the killing of the Whale :
And to that end, as you well know, have bin at charge of
[III. iv. 7 10.] procuring of sixe men of Saint John de Lux, accustomed
30
COMMISSION FOR THOMAS EDGE a.d.
1611.
to that function: whose names are as followeth:
videlicet, Juan de Bacoyne, Juan de Agerre, Martin de Sixe
Karre, Marsene de Horisada, Domingo de Sarria, and ^"^^^J^^
Adam de Bellocke : which men wee wo\ild have to be j^^go/^
used very kindely and friendly during this their voyage, jf^hak {as I
whereby being strangers and leaving their owne Countrie Aavt heard)
to doe us service, they may have no just cause of com- h ff^ootic^ks
plaint, but rather to be incouraged to doe us service %^^%^j ^nd
hereafter, if there be cause. And although it be our 3^^ imployed
meaning they should be encouraged by all good and with them in
curteous usage to be readie to doe us service, yet we will ^^^^ ^^»
have you together with our owne people and Mariners ^^*
imployed in this Voyage, to observe and diligently put in
practise the executing of that businesse of striking^ the
Whale, as well as they : And likewise to know the better
sorts of Whales from the worser, whereby in their
striking * they may choose the good, and leave the bad. *TMt was a
And to that end we doe set you downe here under, the ^^^«^ ^jf
severall sorts of Whales, together with the differences of ^chnuofcM
goodnesse betweene the one and the other, as we have kindes^ which
gathered the same by information from men of excellencie experience
in that businesse : who make knowne vmto us, that there ^^ ^^
are eight severall kindcs of Whales, all differing the one ^^^.
from the other in quantitie and qualitie. Which for your
better instruction, we have thought good to set downe
in this our Commission.
The first sort of Whales, is called the Bearded Whale, ^e of the kinds
which is black in colour, with a smooth skinne, and white 9f^^^^'
under the chops; which Whales is the best of all the added ^ih^^
rest: and the elder it is, the more it doth yeelde. This be compared
sort of Whale doth yeelde usually foure hundred, and with that^ fir
sometimes five hundred finnes, and betweene one hundred fa^^^ h^^^
and one hundred and twentie Hogsheads of Oylc. The
second sort of Whale is called Sarda, of the same colour
and fashion as the former, but somewhat lesse, and the
finnes not above one fathom long, and yeeldeth in Oyle,
according to his bignesse, sometimes eightie, sometimes a
hundred Hogsheads. The third sort of Whale is called
3J
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
Trumpa, being as long as the first, but not so thicke, of
colour Grey, having but one Tninke in his head, whereas
the former have two. He hath in his mouth teeth of a
span long, and as thicke as a mans wrist, but no fins:
whose head is bigger then either of the two former, and
in proportion farre bigger then his body. In the head of
SpermateH or this Whale is the Spermaceti, which you are to keepe in
^aT!^^ ^ n ^'^^^ apart from your other Oyle : you may put the Oyle
^^ garca ^^^ finde in the head and the Spermaceti altogether, and
marke it from the other Oyle, and at your comming home,
we will separate the Oyle from the Spermaceti. The like
is to be done with the Oyle of this sort of Whale, which
is to be kept apart from the Oyle of the other Whales.
The reason is, that the Oyle of this sort of Whale being
boyled, will be as hard and white as Tallow, which to be
mingled with the other Oyle being liquid, would make the
same to shew as footle Oyle, and so consequently spoylc
both, and be of little value : you are therefore to be very
carefull to keepe the Oyle of this sort of Whale apart,
as well of the head as of the body, for the reasons before
mentioned. In this sort of Whale is likewise found the
Amhergreese. Ambergreese, lying in the entrals and guts of the same,
being of shape and colour like unto Kowes dung. We
would have you therefore your selfe to be present at the
opening of this sort of Whale, and cause the residue of
the said entrals to be put into small Giske, and bring them
with you into England. We wo\ild have the Master also
to be by at the opening of this Whale, and to be made
privie of the packing of those Barils. And although it
be said, that the Ambergreese is onely in this Whale and
in none other, yet we would not have you be absent at the
opening of any other: but if you see cause to make a
reservation of the entrals of every Whale, that you shall
perceive to be cause of the least suspect to have any of the
said Ambergreese, being a matter, as you know, of good
worth, and therefore not slightly to be regarded. The
Teeth likewise of this sort of Whale we would have you
cause to be reserved for a triall ; as also any other matter
32
COMMISSION FOR THOMAS EDGE
A.D.
161I.
extraordinarie that you shall observe in the same. This
Whale is said to ycelde in Gyle fortie Hogsheads, besides
the Spermaceti. The fourth sort, &c. as sup. 471. 472.
And in as much as industrie and diligence are two
principall steps to atchieve great enterprises, and negli-
gence and idlenesse are enemies to the same ; we would
nave you in this charge committed unto you, to imbrace
the one, and to avoide the other : and to shew that example
of paines taking to the rest of the company of your Ship
in your owne person, as well in setting them on worke, as
in putting your owne hand to the businesse when neede
rcquireth, as that there be no idle time spent, but that
every one be imployed in some businesse or other in help-
ing to kill the Whale, or in searching the Bayes along the
coast for Whales, Ambergreese, Morses teeth, or any other
strange thing, that may be found upon that coast, or in
killing the Morses, Beares, or anything that may make
profit toward our great charges.
Touching directions for your keeping company together
with the Elizabeth, and of the course we thinke fitting
for the Master of that Ship to observe, we have set the
same downe at large in our Commission delivered to Jonas
Poole, a Copic whereof we deliver you herewith, for your
better instructions, to observe what is to be done on both
your behalfes for the good of the Voyage: which our
Conunission, we would have you strictly observe, unlesse
upon some speciall occasion to us unknowne, and by the
consent of the principall OflScers in both the Ships, you
shall see just cause to the contrary.
You have with you an order set downe by the Lords
of his Majesties privie Counsell, for the maintaining of
our Charter : which we would have you make knowne to
any of oxir Nation, that you may chance to meete withall
cidicr at Cherie Hand, or upon any of those coasts. And
if any stranger doe offer you violence, or doe disturbe you
in your trade, you may both defend your selves, and '^^^"^^^^^j
^ • ». * ^ J ^ ^v ^^ . r ^^ necessary to
maintaine your trade to the uttermost of your powers, tkgfubnhU
^* omitted.
XIV
33
161I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
[Ii1.iv.71 1.] Chap. III.
A briefe Declaration of this my Voyage of discov-
ery to Greeneland, and towerds the West of it,
as foUoweth : being set forth by the right
Worshipfull Sir Thomas Smith, Governour of
the right Worshipfull Company of new Trades,
&c. written by Jonas Poole.
Ee set sayle at Blacke-wall the eleaventh
Foure Shifs. ^ V*\lf/JlB/^ of April!, 1 61 1, with foure Shippes : The
one called the Mary-margaret, of burthen
one hundred and fiftie Tuns, with nine
and fortie Men and Boyes. The next
the Elizabeth, of burthen sixtie Tuns,
with eighteene Men and Boyes. The
third was called the Amitie, of burthen seaventie Tixnnes,
with foure and twentie Men and Boyes. The fourth was
called the Resolution, with about sixteene Men and
Boyes: the Resolution was appointed to goe to Saint
Nicholas in Russia, in hope to make two Voyages thither
Set Suf. L 3. this yeare. The Amitie was to goe to Pichora or Nova-
zembla, there to see if they could make a Voyage by way
of trade, or by killing of Mohorses, &c. The Mary-
margaret was appointed to keepe the Elizabeth companie
to Greeneland, abovesaid, there to kill the Whale, for which
purpose we had sixe men of Saint John de Luz, with all
things fitting for^ that piupose. The Elizabeth was
appointed to see if it weare possible to passe from Greene-
land towards the Pole, and to search in those Seas what
likelihood of a passage that way, &c. But before we
were as ferre to the Northwards as the latitude of sixtie
The Ships five, we were all separated, by reason of contrarie windes
separated. ^^^ fo^^ weather: the Elizabeth, in which Ship I was,
was stoked, that the water which was in her could not
come to the Pumpe, but lay upon the balast, which wa«
34
JONAS POOLE A.D.
1611.
the cause we co\ild bearc no sayle to keepe the Mary-
mai|[aret companie.
T^t by the thirteenth day of May I came to Cherie Cherie Iknd.
Hand, and the foureteenth I spake with the Amitie. The
sixteenth day I met with the Mary-margaret, which kept
mee companie to Greeneland, but in our passage thither
we saw a banke of Ice to the East wards of us, above
fortic leagues long. The nine and twentieth of May, we
anchored in a place named (by me the last yeare) Cross- Crosa Rode.
road, but before we got thither, wee were much troubled
with Ice and contrarie windes, and we found almost all the Ue a
sounds foil of Ice, that the Biscainers could not strike one ^^^71?
Whale, although they saw divers, which as they said were ^^^^^^
of the best kinde ot Whales.
I staid there till the sixteenth of June, in which time
we set up our shalops and ranged some part of the Coast,
but found little, by reason the beaches were covered with
Snow and Ice. Likewise in the same time, I was put out
of the roade with Ice, and stood out West and by North
into the Sea about foureteene leagues, where I found a
banke of Ice; then I stood into the sound againe and
got oflF the Shalop which was in the roade, at which time
(which was about the eleaventh of June) I stood to the
Sea againe and had a storme at South, which sunke our
^rnlop, and I saw the Ice lye close to the Land in 80. 80. Desrus,
degrees. Then I went into Crosse roade againe, and
had a Shalop from the Mary-margaret, and because I per-
ceived the Ice above said to \jt close to the land, and
unpossible to passe that way there running verie strong
Tides, in the which it is dangerous dealing with the Ice :
I determined to stand to the Southwards alongst the said
Ice, to see if I could finde the Sea open that way, and so
get to the Westwards of the said Ice, and then proceeded
on my Voyage : but I found it to lye the next hand South
South-west and South-west and by South, and ranne
alongst it about one hundred and twentie leagues, at J^^^^
which time I supposed my selfe neerc Groenland, as it is Hold with
hied downe by Hudscm and others, and called Hold with Hopt.
35
A.D.
l6ll.
St9noJ
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
hope : I ranne neere fortie leagues to the Westwards of
the Eastermost part of the said Land, as it is laid downe,
and by my accounts I was to the Southwards of it, neere
the latitude 74. dewees, where I saw abundance of Whales
by the sides of the Ice ; for I sailed all this time sometimes
in, and sometimes by the said Ice, and sounded most
commonly each watch, but had no ground at 160. 140.
180. and 200. fathomes.
Then the windc came to the North-west, and I per-
ceiving the Ice to trend still to the Southwards, determined
to stand to Greeneland, from whence I came, there to make
my Voyage and likewise to try the certaintie concerning
the misplacing of the Land, but the next day, being about
the seaven and twentieth of June, the winde came to the
North, and I stood for Cherie Hand, and came to it the
nine and twentieth of the same Moneth, where I foimd
that place of my being, when 1 supposed I should have
Ckifii Iland. found Land, did beare from Cherie Hand West and by
South, above one himdred twentie five leagues. When
Threehmdred I came to the Iland I saw about three hundred Morses
Mm-us. Qij \dXidi^ but a storme comming they went all into the
Sea.
The twelfth of Jxily, we slue above two hundred ; and
by the three and twentieth day wee had taken all their
fat Hides and Teeth, which with the Victuals we had laded
the ship : then I determined to hale up a shalop to goe to
Greeneland, to search if I could finde any Land or Ilands,
that might prove beneficiall the next yeere, and likewise
[III.iv.71*.] to search for Teeth and Whales Finnes. The fourc and
twentie, and five and twentie dayes, it was very much
wind at North, which caused the Sea to go so high that
we could not land. Yet at eight of the clock at night
the wind ceased, and I went on land where I foimd
certayne of the Marie Margarets men, by whom I imder-
stood, that the said ship was cast away, and that Master
Thomas Edge servant to the right WorshipfuU Company,
8a:. with Stephen Bennet Master of the said shippe, and
others to the number of thirtie persons, were arrived on
36
Mary
Margnnthst
JONAS POOLE A.D.
i6ii.
the South side in three Boats, and that they parted from
two Boats in Greenland with nine men in them.
Immediately Master Edge and Master Bennet came
aboard, and I weighed and stood to the West side of the
Hand, and anchored there, and put neere one hundred
Morse-hides on land, and some emptie caske, and haled
up a shallop. The six and twentieth day about noone, we
weighed and stood to the South-west side of the Iland,
and sent men on land to hale up two shallops there. And
at mid-night I set sayle for Greenland, carrying with mee
two Biscaine shallops, determining there to Xxj 3ie Blubber
of those Morses we had killed, and bring it to Oyle, and
to bring all the Oyle, Teeth, and Finnes which they had
gotten in that Countrey. And after divers winds, but
indifferent faire weather, I arrived at Blacke-point the
last of July, and having the wind at North, I was per-
swaded by divers that had gone that wav to go betwixt the
Hand and the Mayne, but when I was almost through, and
in sight of that place where the Mary Margaret lyeth
sunke, I could not find water enough for the ship, yet
I was told there was enough by divers that had gone that
way in the shallops. Here we stayed two dayes to buoy
the channell, which is shoald and narrow, for we had at
three quarters floud, but eleven foot water.
The third of August I got over, and about eight of the
docke at night, I anchored neere the Mary Margaret, the
Sunne being in 79. degrees, and there I found a shippe
of Hull conducted thither by one Nicholas Woodcock, he Ship of Hull.
being in one of the Boats which stayed in Greenland,
when those came from thence that came to Cherrie Iland.
The ships name was called the Hopewell, one Thomas
Marmaduke being Master. Here we found that hee had
slaine above one hundred and thirtie Mohorses, which
were left on land when Master Thomas Edge came from
thence with the Boats aforesaid, and we did determine to
kill at my arrivall. Assoone as the ship was moored, wee
>t out Blubber and sent it on land to bee brought into
le, and wee followed our worice till the seventh of
37
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
August at nootie, at which time having Oylc by the ships
side, we put out all the Blubber which was in hold, save
two tuns and a halfe, supposing the ship had ballast enoujgh
in her, for there was above twelve tuns of Hides, which
were the chiefest cause of the lossc of the ship, and nine
tunnes of Oyle, and above seven timnes of ballast, a
Hogshead and a Barrell of Teeth : besides haUe a tunne
of stones, all which was about nine and twentie timne
weight, and to any unpartiall mans judgement, sufficient
to shif^ a Barke of sixtie t\mnes. But as the last But
went out of her, the ship began to held, and with all a
great many men went to leeward, there being at that time
above forty aboard. Then the hides which lay in hold,
slid to leeward, and brought her altogether downe, then
every man made shift to save his life, and I being farre
from the hatches, could not get up so soone as others did.
Double At which time I saw death oefore mine eyes two wayes,
^&^' one if I stayed in hold, I was sxire to be drowned : the
other if I went up the hatches, I was in election to be
slaine ; for downe at the hatches fell hogsheads of beere
and divers other things, the least of them being sufficient
to beate a mans bones, and in attempting to get up, I was
beaten downe twice and hxirt. But it was not the will of
God to take my life from mee then, but to revive me, to
plucke me even from the jawes of death, and by swimming
and crawling I got into the Sea cleere of the ship where a
Boat tooke me up, and blessed bee God, no man perished
at that so dangerous an accident. We being all got into
three Boats, went to the Hull ship, where we foimd but
small comfort : for Duke told us plainly, wee should not
come aboard his ship, and caused Pikes and Launces to
bee brought to keepe us out. Then Master Edge and
divers others desired him to let mee come aboard, which
hee did, and with much adoe I got aboard, having mine
head broke to the skull, and my brow that one might
see the bare bones, and by mine eare I had a sore wound,
likewise the ribs on my right side were all broken and
sore bruised, and the collar bone of my left shoulder is
3a
JONAS POOLE A.D.
1611.
broken, besides my backe was so sore, that I could not
suffer any man to touch it.
That which foUoweth, being further accusation of
Marmaduke, is omitted. And I have here added out of
his Brother Randolph Poole their returne ; omitting the
former part of his Relations of the same Voyage.
In this our great distresse, Thomas Marmaduke Master
of the shippe of Hull, professed great kindnesse towards
us, promising us passage, and that he would try if he could
recover our ship: but hee deferred the time one whole
weeke, till shee was full of oze, so that when wee came to
weigh her, but her Cables burst, and so we left her to all
our sorrowes, without hope of recovcrie. Then we went
aboard the ship of Hull, which God had prepared for our
succour, where our Merchant agreeing for the fraight,
we got the goods aboard ; namely, about twentie, or one
and twentie timnes and an halfe of Oyle, and a Barrell of
Bcarcs Oyle, about tenne tunnes of Whales Finnes bound
up in an hundred and sixe bundels, in every one thirtie
Finnes, and in some more, five Hogsheads of Morses
Teeth, and one and twentie odd paire. And if our ship
had not miscarried, the Voyage had beene much better.
The nineteenth of August, we directed our course for [III. iv. 7 13.]
England, the weather being reasonable faire, and the wind
for the most part betwixt the North and the West : and
wee continued our co\irse homeward all that moneth. Thej retume
Upon Tuesday the third of September, about two of ^^^^^^
the clocke in the morning, we were imbayed with land, '^^ ^ ^'
and were neere the shoare before we were aware. Wee
steered backe North and by East : and at twelve of the
dodce we found our selves to be on the West side of the
Bcs of Orkney, and steered East into a great sound, called Orkney
Pcntlow Fryth, where wee beeing entred there came a ^^^^
Boat from the shoare, which brought us fresh meat, and ^^^- 0
one of the men directed us through the Sound. This ^^^^36? *
Sound lyeth in the latitude of 58. degrees and 36. minutes, mmuus.
and the course through, is East North-east, and West
South-west, it floweth there on the change day. South
39
A-i>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
South-east and North, North-west halfe a tyde, nine foote
high or thereabout. At the entrance in on the North side,
there is an high red Mountayne, and the Soimd there is
twelve miles over: but farther in the land is somewhat
lower, and the Soiind narrower. You may sayle along the
North shoare two miles oflF the land in fortie or fiftie
fathomes ; and on the said shoare about foure miles East
South-east. From the red CliflFe there is a Bay, into
which you may steere North by West, giving the West
point of the entrance into the said Bay a good birth : for
there the water is shoald and fowle ground : but in the
middle of the entrance, 30. 20. 18. 12. 10. 6. and 5.
fathomes : but wee anchored in 10. fathomes, fine sandie
ground.
The fift of September at an East South-east Sunne wee
set sayle, keeping oxir course above mentioned, leaving
five smaU Hands on our larboord side, and one Iland on
our starboord side : and so keeping an high ClifiFe, which
lyeth into the Sea on Scotland side, open of a low Land in
the sound on the same shoare, we sayled out as before is
said.
Upon the day at a North Sunne, we anchored in
Humber mouth : there it floweth on the change day West
South-west. Upon the eight day we arrived at Hull,
safely and well in body, but much distressed and impayred
in our states, which God at his good pleasure can restore.
At our first comming to this (Country of Greenland, the
Mountaynes and Valleyes thereof, except it were some
few places, were all covered with snow : but ere we went
away, the tops of the high Hils, and the lower Plaines
appeared greene with Mosse, and some little quantitie of
grasse. This Countrey, and likewise the seas in these
parts, are subject to marvellous thicke and mistie weather,
especially when the sunne, with his most forcible heat
Many fat melteth the Ice and snow, whose vapours obscure the light
Deeri^ whtie ^f ^j^^ sunne, making small diflFerence betweene the day
my and dun ^l^^re, and the irkesome night in other places.
Foxes. We found in this Countrey many fat Deere, which we
40
A.D.
l6l2.
Abundance of
sundry
FotoUs,
Allen a
devouring
Fotole.
Many hugjt
Morses.
JONAS POOLE
killed with our Peeccs and Dogges at our pleasure, which
was a ^eat refreshing to us in mat unquoth place : many
white Beares, with white, grey, and dunne Foxes. We
found also abundance of Fowle : namely, Culuidines, sea
Pidgeons, white land Partridges, wild Geese, Willockes,
and many other Fowles. Among which I noted the nature
of one, which we called an Allen ; who (like to the great
fishes, which eate up the small, or like to some great men,
which devoure all the labours of the poore) when some
smaller Birds have gotten any thing, then he leaveth not
beating of them, t3l thev have cast up what they have
eaten, which he laying hold of devoiireth up : and so with
litde meate in their gorges, and few feathers on their
backes, he leaveth them to get more, not for themselves
but for him. We found on the shoares many huge
Morses.
There is great store of fresh water in every VaUey,
which procecdeth most of the melted snow. On every
Beech is great plentie of drift wood, but never a bush nor
tree groweth in those quarters, as ferre as we have hitherto
discovered.
Chap. IIII.
A Relation written by Jonas Poole of a Voyage to
Greenland, in the yccre 1612, with two ships,
the one called the Whale ; the other the Sea-
horse, set out by the Right Worshipfull the
Muscovie Merchants.
He seventh of Aprill, 161 2. wee set sayle
at Blacke-waU, and went to Gravesend.
The third of May we came to Cherie Chery Iland.
Hand, where we foxmd a ship of Holland,
in which one Alan Salowes an English-
man was Pilot. The same day about a
North s\mne we anchored on the West
side of the Hand.
The fourth, we trimmed a shallop which I left there the
41
A.l>.
l6l2.
Tho,
Marmaduke.
Marmadukis
DisccverU to
82. degrees.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
East, cold frostie weather. All which day wee lay under
saile in the mouth of the Sound. The third day, wee
spake with Thomas Marmaduke of Hull, in a ship called
The Hope well. Wee sent for him to come aboord, but
he answered, that he was not well, and sent his Mate
Christopher Nayler. The same day, we stood to the
mouth of the Soimd, but it was covered with Ice. And
Marmaduke stood to the Northward; and as we were
afterward informed, discovered as farre as 82. degrees;
two degrees beyond Hakluyts Headland. The fourth,
we sent our shallop on shoare in Foule Sound, to see if
any harbour were open to ride in, and to put our Admirall
on ground to stop her leake. The same day, our long
Boate came to us from Brokennesse. And we turned into
the Sound, because we saw the Ice drive out with the
winde at South, and blew hard. The fift, we anchored in
Foule Sound in seventeene fathoms water and sandie
ground, where we saw the place where both the ships lay
which wee lost the last yeere, covered with Ice. The
same time wee sent our shallop with our Carpenters, to
finish the aforesaid shallop at Brokennesse. The winde
continued at South; and the Whale turned into the
Sound by us, and anchored there at a South-west by South
Sunne. The ninth, the Admirals Boate and ours went
with provision and men to worke upon a Whale, which
the Basks had killed ; and we stood toward the Foreland
with the ships, where the Whale was killed, the ^inde at
South, thicke foggie wither. And by an East North-east
Sunne wee anchored in the mouth of Foule Sound in
fifteene fathoms, gray sand with some shells. At a West
simne the Boate came aboord for caske and other pro-
vision, and told us, that the Basks had killed two other
Whales.
The seventeenth, one Baske named Chapel, tooke five
of our English men to him, and they trimmed the shallop
to kill the Whale. About a West North-west sunne they
went away, the winde at South. The twentieth, the
Biscaine shallop came aboord of us from the Foreland,
JONAS POOLE
A.D.
l6l2.
and told us that they had strooken three Whales, which
brake away.
The two and twentieth wee rid still, the winde being at [IILiv.7is.]
North-west, with snowe and frost. The five and twentieth,
we got the Whale on flote, having stopped her leakc.
We were no sooner oflF, but it blew most fiercely, so that
the Whales long Boate and our shallop brake from the
Whales steme, and were split in pieces on the Ice, that lay
on shoare. The same day about a South sunne two men
came from Faire Forelana, and told us that Master Edge
was come from the South in the Pinnasse, and had spoken
with one Nicolas Woodcock an Englishman, which was
my Mate to this Countrey of Greenland in the yeere 1610.
The said Woodcocke was now Pilot of a ship of Saint
Sebastian in Biscay, and rid in Ice Soimd. Moreover,
they spake with the men of the Boate of the Diana, and
saw the Hollanders Boate, but spake not with their men.
The two men abovesaid told us hkewise, that John Chapel
our Baske with five English men had killed a Whale:
and betwixt them and another shallop they had slaine
another, and had them both on shoare.
The seven and twentieth we rid still, and our Carpenter
went to worke to mend the knee of our beake-head. And
I went to see what Morses were on Land, where I found
neere one hundred and fiftie. The eight and twentieth,
the shallop that had all English men in her save one Baske,
came aboord for provision, and told me, that they and
Johannes Chapel, had slaine a great Whale close by our
ship, which towed them oflF into the Sound, and our long
Boate followed them. At the same time we saw sixe
Whales close by the ships side as we rode in harbour : and
we saw great store in the Sound, and within one hoxire
there were so many about our ships and in the Sound,
that we could not count them. About a North-west sunne
our lon^ Boate brought the men that strooke the Whale
abovesaid, and towed their shallop on land : for the said
Whale had sunke her with his taile. The same time our
Carpenter went to worke on the broken shallop, and I went
45
ffoodcock
Pilot of a
Bhcay sMp.
Tkifiwrth
andfifth
WhaUskilkd.
Thesixttohak
Med.
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
Three htm- to the pkce where the Morses lay, where I found about
dredMmes. three hundred on land. Then I went aboord the Whale
to get some harping Irons : for they had all, but I could
get but one, because the rest of the Basks had laid them
Biscmmrs up, envying that one Baske, that went with all English
^*^*^' men, had done so much, because by their good wills they
would not have us to have any insight into this businesse.
Moreover, hee that had the chiefest conunand in this
voyage, did greatly condemne the going of so many
Enghsh men with that one Baske, either for feare they
should kill none, and lose all their provision for the said
use, or for feare that our men should kill the Whale
aswell, and as soone as they ; yet was there none of the
other Boates but had lost more then they had lost. And
as for killing, there was not one Whale killed with one
Boate alone, save ours, with all English save the Baske
aforesaid, which slue three without the helpe of any other
Tie seventh Boate. This day the Basks slue another Whale at the
iVhale hilled. Foreland.
The nine and twentieth, the broken shallop was mended,
and I went to the Foreland, to see whether the other
shallops would come where the ships rode in harbour,
where abundance of Whales were still. The same time
The eight the Basks killed another Whale. Then I romaged my
fVhale htUed. gjjjp^ g^j p^^ caske on land. All this day it was calme.
The last of June, one came from the Foreland, and told
us, that the Basks had slaine two great Whales. All this
day likewise it was calme: and there lay abundance of
huge Whales in the harbour about our ships. One of the
whales abovesaid, Johannes with the five English men slue
without any of the others helpe. For they stood on the
land flouting, and saying, that it was unpossible for them
to kill him, and would not once lanch their Boates to helpe
them : yet hee was one of the greatest that were killed this
yeere. All this day the whales lay so thicke about the
ship, that son« ran against our Cables, some against the
Ship, and one against the Rudder. One lay under our
beake-head and ^ept there a long while. At which time
46
JONAS POOLE A.D.
1613.
our Carpenter had hung a stage close by the water,
whereon his tooles lay. And wee durst not molest the
said whale for feare he should have overthrowne the stage
and drowned all his tooles. In the end he went away,
and carried the ships head round, his taile being foule of
the Cable.
The first of Julv, at a North North-east Sunne, the
shallops came to kill whales in the harbour where we rid,
and strooke three, which all brake away. The same day,
Johannes strooke a whale, that smit in the side of his
shallop and split it. Now wee perceived the whales to
begin to goe out of the Bayes. The second day, the
Basks slue three great whales faire by ovir ships, in lesse The ninth and
then foure houres ; which wee with our long Boate and ^^ fVhaks
men towed into harbour, and made fast to our ship. And ^^^* f^ ^
the Basks went with their shallops to Faire Foreland. twelfth md
The seventh day, wee had abimdance of Ice about our thirteenth
ships, which with the winde and the tyde drave out oflF Whales kUled,
another Sound. The eight, we rid still, and were troubled
with much Ice, by reason of a storme that blue at South-
west and by west, &c. The rest is omitted as having
nothing of note, but ordinarie accidents.
Chap. V. [III.iv.716.]
A Journal of the Voyage made to Greenland with
five English Ships and a Pinnasse, in the yccrc
161 3. Written by Master William Baffin.
lY the fM-ovidence of Almightie God jscensmdaj.
wee departed fi-om Queenborough the
thirteenth day of May with sixe good
Ships, viz. The Tigre, Admirall; the
Matthew, Vice-admirall ; the Sea-horse,
called the Gamaliel, the Reare-admirall ;
the Desire ; the Annula ; and the Richard
aad Barnard ; with the John ami Francis shortly to follow.
The one and twentieth day, &ire weather, the winde
47
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
Southward, wee still making to the Northwards. This
morning wee had sight of Land on the Coast of Norway,
it lying East and by North oflF about twelve or fourteene
leagues. This day at noone, we were in the latitude of
61. degrees and 30. minutes, the variation of the Com-
passe at Scoutes-nes is eight degrees East, it being about
ten or twelve leagues off : wee having made a North way
halfe East, about thirtie leagues.
The three and twentieth at noone, in the latitude of
65. degrees and 45. minutes, in which place, the Needle
of Dedination doth dippe under the Horizon 63. degrees
and 30. minutes by that Instrument which declineth 54. at
London.
The thirtieth day, about three of the clocke, wee espied
Greenland the land of Greenland, being about eight or nine leagues
attained in off. The Southwardest part of it bare South-east and by
^^^^^ East off it, which shortly wee perceived to bee the Land
lying in 76. degrees and 55. minutes, which is called
Horne-sound. This Land lyeth by our common Com-
passe North North-west. Within two houres after we
had sight of Land, it began to snowe, and was very cold.
This evening the Compasse was varied thirteene degrees
West.
The one and thirtieth day, variable weather with snowe,
and very cold, and the winde also variable : and in the
afternoone the winde was at the North-east. In the morn-
ing, wee espied a ship, and about noone we spoke with
her, and their Master and Pilot came aboord of us. And
A ship of ^nt wee knew them to bee that ship of Saint John de Luz,
John de Luz. which had leave of the Companie to fish. And they told
f ^"^^ . us, that there were eight Spaniards on the Coast. Also,
^coLu ^ ^^ espied another ship, which we supposed to be a French
The GeneraU man, and had one Allan Sallas to their Pilot.
was Captaine The second of June, in the morning, about five of the
f ^i^/Lr ^^^^^y o^r Generall sent our shallop to a small Pinke, that
sUhie in%ht ^^ ^^^^ night we saw along the shoare, to bid their Master
tpttji a and Pilot come aboord us, which presently they did. The
Carrihe. Masters name was Clais Martin of Home, and his ship
48
WILLIAM BAFFIN ad.
1613.
was for Dunkerke, and he told us that he was consorted
with another ship that was his Admirall, the Captaines
name was Fopp of Dunkerke, and that he was on the
Coast. Wee kept the Master and Pilot aboord of us, and
sent some of our men aboord of her, and brought her
under oxir lee: and then, we sent their Master aboord
againe, charging them to follow us. This afternoone we
tooke their shallop with five or sixe men, whereof two
were English men, and one Scot, at the Faire foreland.
The fourth day also faire weather. This morning was Duuh ship.
the first Whale killed. Wee had no night since the three ^0 night, the
and twentieth of May. The fift day, faire weather, but *3. of May.
very cold, the winde North. Wee sayled along the Iland
bein^ about eighteene or twentie leagues in length ; lying
for the most part by the common Q)mpasse North and by
West halfe Westward. About nine of the clocke in the
afternoone, we saw our other three ships, viz. the Gamaliel,
the Desire, and the Richard and Barnard, which lay there
to and fro, because they could not goe into their Harbour
by reason of the Ice : and also, because there were foure
other ships in a Bay or Cove, called Pooppy Bay, or Nickes
Cove: and also other ships on the other side in Greene
Harbour. We sayled along the drift Ice untill about one
or two of the clocke in the morning, at which time, we
came to an anchor in the entrance of the Sound, because
the Ice came driving out so fast.
The sixt day, faire weather, the winde variable, till the
afternoone: at which time it came to the Northwards.
About three in the afternoone we weighed anchor, and
about ten of the clocke we came to the foiu-e ships lying
in Pooppy Bay : two of them being Hollanders, and one Divers
a Rocheller, and the other a ship of Burdeaux. The strang^s.
Masters of the Hollanders came aboord of our ship, to
speake with the Generall, both of them being of Amster-
dam, and brought a Conunission granted by the Grave
Maurice, for to fish in this Countrey. But, when they saw
our Kings Majesties Commission granted to the worship-
ful! Companie, they told our Generall, that they would
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
depart this Coast: having our Generals Ticket to shew
to their Adventurers, that they were there, and had made
their Port, and how he would not suflFer them to fish. We
anchored close by the French ship wherein was Allane
Sallas, being readie to fight, if they refused to come aboord
us. So, when we sent our shallop, the Master came pre-
sently and their Surgeon, who could speake English. At
the first, they denyed that Sallas was aboord of them : but,
[III. iv. 7 1 7.] being hardly urged, they confessed that hee and one
Thomas Fisher an English man were aboord, who were
both presently sent for. This Sallas was their Pilot, and
Fisher was their Gunner.
The seventh day faire weather, we road still at an
anchor. This day I observed the latitude of the place,
Lat. 78. deg. and found it in 78. degrees 24. minutes. The variation
24. minuL of the Compasse is in this place 15. degrees 21. minutes
S^p of Biscay. West. About a North Sunne a small ship of Biscay came
into the harbour where we roade.
Snowe. The eight day, for the most part snow, the winde South-
ward. This day the Master of the French ship, being a
ship of nine score, or two hundred, called the Jaques of
Burdeaux, agreed with our Generall that hee might fish
on the coast : our Generall was to have halfe the Whales he
could kill. Also, this day, the Master of the ship of
Rochel, and the Master of the small ship of Biscay, were
agreed to depart from the coast.
The ninth day, faire weather. This morning the
Gamaliel our Reare-Admirall, and the Desire weighed
Greene anchor to goe for Greene harbour, where two ships lay, one
harbour. of Dunkerke, and the other of Saint Sebastian in Biscay.
The Captaine of the Dunkerke, called Fopp, had beene
with our Generall, and told him that he would depart from
this Coast. Our Generall gave him leave to take the
Pilot of the small Pinke, and the other Dutch men he had
taken of his ; keeping only the English men and the Scots.
Also, the two ships of Holland, with the ship of Biscay,
and that of Rochel weighed anchor, and departed from this
Harbour. About six of the clocke in the afternoone,
so
WILLIAM BAFFIN
came the Master of the ship of Saint Sebastian aboord of
us, being brought by one of the Masters Mates of the
Desire (they having taken two of his Shallops) to know
our Genends pleasure, whether he should have them
againe, or no. Our Generall gave them him againe, upon
condition, that he would depart the Coast. About a
North North-west Sunne, we weighed anchor to goe for
Horne-Sound, where we heard, that there were divers
ships ; the wind Northward a snmll gale.
The tenth day, faire weather, the winde at North, being
very close weather. About a North Sunne we came to
an anchor in the entrance of Low Sound, where we saw
two ships ride at anchor. Our Generall sent our shallop
to see what ships they were, who found them to bee the
two ships of Holland. Also our long Boate went on
shoare to set up the Eangs Majesties ^fi-mes upon a low
point of land, lying a great way oflF, called Low-nesse.
We set up a Crosse of wood, and nayled the Armes upon
it.
The thirteenth day, in the morning, it snowed very fast,
being very thicke weather, the winde variable, we standing
oflF from the land. About seven of the clock it began to
deere up, at which time we espied three ships ; and making
toward them, at length we perceived them to be the three
ships which came from the Bay where we road : the winde
also was at East and by South, and blew a very stifFe gale.
Then we stood in for the shoare, and spent most of this
day in turning up Horne-Sound. And about a North
North-west Sunne, at ten a clock wee espied six ships lying
at anchor on the South side of the Sound, in a small Bay.
The one of them was Captaine Fopp the Dunkerker, who
came in before us, and was appointed by our Generall to
come into this harbour, and tnere to stay for us, and to
goe to the Foreland, to have his other ship which we kept
there. Foure of them were Biscaines of Saint Sebastian ;
and one of them was in the harboxir where we road and
found the French ship : The sixt was a ship of Amsterdam,
wherein Thomas Bonner was Master and Pilot, and above
SI
A.D.
1613.
Law sound.
His MajestUs
Armts and a
Crosse set vp
at Low-nesse,
Snowe.
Thomas
Bonner
Eng&sAmany
Master and
Pilot.
i6i3.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
twentie English men more. All the Biscaines came
aboord of us as soone as we were at an anchor: but
Thomas Bonn^ refused to come, being sent for by our
General! Our Generall commanded our Gunner to shoot
at him, he himselfe discharging the second Ordnance.
Then presently he began to set saile, and cut his cable,
thinking to get from us : but wee having shot him through
three or foure times, they began to weave us, so we sent
our shallop and he came aboord. There were five or sixe
more of the English men fetched aboord, and some of our
men sent to bring her to an anchor, where shee might ride
safe : for, shee was almost nm ashoare. This was about
a North sunne, or eleven a clocke. The Biscaines were
charged p-esently to depart, so soone as they had filled
fresh water, which, they said, they wanted ; and to bring
what Whale finnes they had found, or had taken, or other
things.
The fourteenth day, faire weather, the winde at East
North-east. This morning one of the Biscaines brought
a few Whale finnes aboord of us, and the skin of a Beare,
which they had killed. Then was our Boat-swaine sent
aboord of them to search their ships, and to bid them
depart. Our Generall kept the Holland ship, wherein was
Thomas Bonner, to the use of the Companie. This day I
observed the latitude of this place by a Quadrant of foxire
foote Semidiameter, and found it to stand in 76. degrees
S^. minutes: the Declination of the Needle under the
Horizon, is 67. degrees 30. minutes, pointing to the
Northwards: but pointing to the Southwards, it is 80.
degrees. The variation of the Compasse is 12. degrees
14. minutes west from the true Meridian : but from our
common sayling Compasse it is 17. degrees, because the
Compasse is touched five degrees and a halfe to the East-
ward, and the variation is to the Westward.
This day in the afternoone, the foure ships of Biscay
[III. iv. 7 1 8.] departed irom this Harbour, which is called Horne-
Sound: and about a North sunne, I, with the Master
Thomas Sherin went ashoare with other, to set up another
5*
76. d^g. 55.
min. dfc/ina-
Hon 6j. deg.
30. min.
Variation 12.
dig, 14. mm.
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1613.
Crosse with the Kings Majesties Armes, cast in Lead,
nayled upon it. Then I observed the Sunne upon his
North Meridian, by my foresaid Quadrant, and round it
elevated above the Horizon 10. degrees and thirtie
minutes : but because his heigth at the South Meridian,
and his heigth at the North did not agree, in finding of
the Latitude, I did abate five minutes from each, as the
meane betwixt both : for his altitude at the South Meridian
was 36. degrees 40. minutes, the declination 23. degrees
and 29. minutes.
The fifteenth day, feire weather, the winde in the morn-
ing South, but abnost calme. This day about noone we
weighed anchor with the ship of Amsterdam, and divers
of her men were fetched aboord us with their Shipper,
and some of our men were sent aboord her with one of
our Masters Mates, called Master Spencer. All this day
it was so calme, that wee were faine to towe our ship.
Our Carpenter did trim up two of the Biscaine Shallops
which they did leave behinde them, and they did leave
divers Hoopes and Caske staved ashoare.
The eighteenth day, faire weather, the winde variable,
we stearing away Northward. This aftemoone wee met
with another ship of Biscay, being a ship of two or three
hundred Tunnes. Our Generall, as he did to the rest,
caused her Master and Pilot to come aboord us, to whom
he shewed his Commission, charging them to depart this
Countrey. They, seeing no remedie, were content, so
soone as thev had filled fresh water. Wee met with them
off the Soutnward part of the Iland. Our Generall being
so ncere Greene Harbour, where the Gamaliel and the
Desire road, wee went into the Sound to see them, with
this great ship of Biscay, and the ship of Amsterdam.
We found that the entrance of Greene Harbour was quite
stopped with Ice ; and ran our ship into it, thinking to get Abundance of
through, but wee could not. Then wee got her out ^(^*
againe, and came to the Bay where wee roade on the other
side of the Soimd in Pooppy Bay, or Niches Cove.
The nineteenth day, raire weather, the winde North-
53
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
ward. This day about twelve of the clock we came to
an anchor in the foresaid Bay. This afternoone there
came another ship of Saint Sebastian into the Bay where
wee roade : and about seven of the clocke, the Captaine
came aboord of us, who told us that he had lost six of his
men and a shallop upon the coast of Groineland, upon an
An Ilandin Iland in the latitude of 72. degrees or thereabouts. This
jtiiigrees p ^^g ^^ Master which had beene here the last yeere, and
Q^^l^{ made a great voyage, Master Woodcocke being their
Pilot. His making so great a voyage, was the cause that
so many ships were here this yeere.
The twentieth in the morning, we had newes that the
John and Francis was come about two dayes agoe, and
Three and that they had killed one and twentie Whales at tie Fore-
twenHetohaks j^nd, and had also killed two at Greene harbour. This
day it was very close weather with some snowe; the
winde North-west. This afternoone the Captaines of
the two Biscay ships were commanded to depart this
Coast.
The one and twentieth, wee perceived another ship
standing toward us. Wee lessened o\ir sailes and stayed
for her to see what shee was. At length, we perceived her
to bee another Biscaine. About a North sunne we came
to an anchor in Greene harbour, by the Gamaliel, and
the Desire, and the ship of Burdeaux : and the Biscaine
followed us. So soone as they were come to an anchor,
their Captaine came aboord of us, to whom our Generall
shewed his Commission as he had done to the rest, charg-
ing him to depart those Coasts, and told him, that hee
would take away some of their shallops. They earnestly
intreated him not to take them away, and they would
depart: the Captaine offering his bond to our Generall,
that if he stayed either in Greenland, Groineland, or Cherie
Iland, he would willingly forfkit all he was worth. There
was another Whale killed in Greene-harbour, in the
A man siaine. killing whereof there was a man slaine, and a Boate
overwhelmed, by too much haste of following him, after
the harping Iron was in him.
54
WILLIAM BAFFIN
A.D.
1613.
LaHtude 78.
ileg. 7. mm.
Note.
A South South
westMooue
maketh dfidl
Sia hire.
The three and twentieth day, faire weather, the winde
Northward. This day, and the last night I observed the
htitude of the place where we roade, and found it by both,
to bee in the latitude of 78. degrees 7. minutes : the skie
at both observations being very cleere, where I finde that
there is no sensible error betweene a South observation
and a North, the skie being cleare. But if the skie be
hasie, there will be some cSfference, as of eight or ten
minutes, being observed on shoare by some large Quadrant
or other Instnunent for the purpose, also a South South-
west Moone by the common Compasse, maketh a full Sea
in this place.
The ninth of July, faire weather, the winde at North.
This day wee stood to the Southward along the Hand:
but, toward night it fell calme, and then the winde came
to the West. The tenth day, faire weather, but thicke and
dose, the winde South South-west. All this day we stood
for Bell-Sound. Our Gcnerall went on shoare this after-
noone, and killed foure Deere, and brought a young Morse
alive with him aboord.
The eleaventh day faire weather, but calme. This
afternoone wee perceived five shippes in a Bay in Bel-
sound. The winde was so calme, that we were faine to
towe in our shippes, and about a North North-west sunne,
we came to an anchor by them, with our three ships, viz.
the Tigrc Admirall, the Mathew Vice-Admirall, and the
Richard and Barnard, having made all things readie for to
fight. These five shippes which rid here, the one was a
great shippe of Biscay of seven hundred Timnes, and the [III. iv. 7 19.]
two Hollanders, which we found the sixt of June in
Pooppy-bay, and one small Pinke of Amsterdam, and
another small shippe of Rochell. This great shippe of
Biscay, which we expected would have fought with us,
sent their Captaine aboord of us before we came to an
anchor, and submitted themselves imto the Generall. The
two ships of Amsterdam, whose Masters names were these,
viz. Cornelius Calias, William Vermogon, Admirall, and
John Jacob Vice-Admirall, these two would gladly have
55
A Biscayau
ship of joo.
tuns.
A.ft.
1613.
Many rockes
JuU ofFotoie,
Lisets Hands,
Eighteene
IF kaks killed.
Three fVhaUs
kilUdby the
EngM.
JPURCHAS HIS WLGRIMES
stood out with us, if the Biscaine would have assisted
them.
The twelfth day faire weather. This day the ship of
John Jacobo was unladen of such goods as shee had in
her; as Oyle, Blubber, and Morses skinnes. The
thirteenth day I was sent in a shallop to Greene
Harborough.
The fourteenth day, thicke dose weather, the winde
Northward ; but toward noone it began to cleare up, and
then it blew more winde. About a West sxxnne, we came
to a small Hand, or rather a Rock, where Morses use to
come: where we found seaven which we killed, and
knocked out their teeth, and let them lye. In this place
are many of these rockes, where are great multitudes of
foule, and they are called Lizets Hands. The Land all
along is so full of Rockes, that it is unpossible for any
shippe to come neere the Maine, but in the Sands which
are very deepe, and good to come in. All this evening
and night wee rowed oetweene this Hand and Ice-sound.
The fifteenth day, about nine or tenne a clocke, wc
came to the shippes in Grecne-harborough, where we
found, that they had killed eighteene Whales in all.
Foure of these ships were Frenchmen, which had killed
eight Whales for the Companie according to the agree-
ment which the Generall had made with them : which was,
that they should kill eight for us, and after, what they
could kill, should be for themselves. 0\ir English men
had killed three in this place, and the Baskes in the Desire
also three. The Desire had taken in an himdred timnes
of Oyle when wee came there, and she was to be laden so
soone as she could.
The seaventeenth day also faire weather, the winde
Northward. This day, toward a West Sunne, the Master
of the French shippe came from Sea-horse Bay, who went
thither to speake with our Generall: because Master
Mason and Master Cooper had stayed his Shallops from
going to Sea, in regard they would not observe the orders
which the Generall had appointed them : which were, that
56
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1613.
those Whales which our Englishmen did chase, they
should not follow, nor our men should not follow the
Whales they chased. For the order of the Biscaines is,
that who so doth strike the first Harping Iron into him, it
is his Whale, if his Iron hold. This evening, I say, he
returned from Sea-horse Bay, having lost his labour : for
the Generall and Master Edge were in Bell-sound. We
understood by him, that they had killed some eight and Eig^t W
thirtie Whales in all ; and that there was one hundred and ^^j^^ if^haUs
sixtie tunnes of Oyle ready made. ^^^^'
The five and twentieth day in the morning, the Desire
weighed Anchor to go to the Generall, and the Master of
the French ship also this morning went from thence to
speake with the Generall, because of a Whale which was in
strife betweene his Biscaines and ours : when for pilfering Augiut i.
and for some peremptorie speeches, two of the Rochellers
were ducked at our Yard arme, the one on the one side,
and the other on the other. This day I also observed the
latitude of this place, and found it to be 77. degrees 40. LaHtudi 77.
minutes. Also, the variation of the Compasse is 13. degreesy^o.
degrees 11. minutes West. This variation was observed ^^^^:
the third of August in the morning: the height of the ^^^f^'/^
sunne above the Horizon was 17. degrees 24. minutes, tmnutes.
and the declination was 14. degrees 41. minutes North in
the latitude of 77. degrees 40. minutes, and his Magnetical
azimuth was 63. from South to East. The ninth ozy wee
had sight of Master Bonners Ship, wherein was Master
Marmaduke, who had beene to the Northward as farre as
Faire-haven: and now, as he said, he was bound to the
southward to discover beyond Point Looke-out, having
his direction firom Master Edge, as he said. Our Generafl
told him, that hee had hindered the Voyage more by his
absence, then his discoverie would profit ; and that it were
best that he went backe with him to the Fore-land, and
that he would give no licence to goe now for Discoverie,
because the yeare was farre spent : but bad him, according
to his Commission, so to proceede. The twelfth day I
observed, and found the latitude of this place by an exact
57
A.D.
1613.
Latitude 79.
degrees y 14.
minutes.
TUs was Ma.
Cudners skip
of
Latitude 79.
degrees 8.
minutes.
Bunnes
refraction.
[III. IV. 720.]
Note.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
observation to be in 79. degrees 14. minutes. They in
the Pooppy-Bay had seene a ship of England off Black-
point, and had spoken with her, who told them that they
were come from Kildeene.
The foureteenth day faire weather, the Winde at North
North-east. This day about tenne a clocke in the fore-
noone, we waied anchor to goe homeward, being sixe ships
in company, viz. the Tiwe Admirall, the Gamaliel Vice-
Admirall, the John and Francis, the Annula, the ship of
Burdeaux which the Generall agreed with to fish in
Greene-harborough, and the Biscay ship which fished in
Sir Thomas Smiths Bay.
The fifteenth day very faire weather, all the forenoone
almost calme : in the afternoone, an easie gale at North-
east. This day about twelve a clocke at noone, wee were
against Faire Foreland, which is in the latitude of 79.
degrees 8. minutes. This night was very cleere and faire
weather, and also calme, by which meanes I had very good
opportunitie to finde the simnes refraction. For behold-
ing it about a North North-east sunne, by the conunon
Compasse, at which time the sunne was at the lowest, it
was but one fift part of his body above the Horizon,
having about foure fifth parts below, so neere as I could
gesse. His declination ror that instant was 10. degrees
35. minutes North, being at noone in the 2. degree 7.
minutes of Virgo, his daily motion was 58. minutes:
whose halfe beeing nineteene to bee added to the former,
because it was at twelve houres afore noone. I say his
place at that instant was 2. degrees 26. minutes of Virgo,
whose declination was as before 10. degrees 35. minutes :
the Latitude of the place was 78. degrees 47. minutes,
whose complement was 11. degrees 13. minutes, the
declination being substracted from the complement of the
Poles elevation, leaveth 38. minutes, foure five part of
which 12. minutes; which being substracted from 38.
leaveth 26. minutes for the Refraction. But, I suppose
the Refraction is more or lesse, according as the a3^e is
thicke or cleare, which I leave for better schollers to dis-
ss
WILLIAM BAFFIN
cusse: but this I thought good to note, for the better
helpe of such as doe professe this studie.
The sixteenth day also very faire weather, and for the
most part cahne : the winde that was, was at North-west.
This morning, we espied a ship out in the oiflFen, over
against Cold-cape, which we stood with, and she also stood
with us. And when we came to her, wee found her to be
the Desire, a shippe of Alborough. Our Generall sent
for the Master and Merchant aboard of us, who certified
him that they came from Killedceve, and that they had
made but a bad Voyage of fish : and they were come to
see, if we could fraight them home. The Merchant was
of London, whose name was Master Cudner ; the Masters
name was Fletcher, who also brought sixe men which
Thomas Bonner had left at Cherie Iland. These sixe men
had killed but one Morse all this yeere at the Iland : who
also told us, that William Gourdon was gone to the North-
wards. At noone, the three and twentieth day, I observed
the variation of the Compasse, and found it to be one
degree 5. minutes East.
The three and twentieth day faire weather, with a fine
gale at North and bv East. We stearing away South and
by West halfe South : being at noone, by supposition, in
the latitude of 69. degrees no minutes. Having sailed
since yesterday noone, some thirtie leagues South, true.
The foure and twentieth day, very faire weather and
cleere, the winde all the fore-noone Northwards, but about
noone it came to the South-east. This morning I
observed the middle starre in the Great Beares tayle, and
foiud it to bee in the latitude of 68. degrees 24. minutes
about two a clocke, at which time that starre was on the
Meridian imder the Pole. Also I observed the starre in
the Beares Rumpe about one a clock, and found the like
latitude. Also all this day we had sight of Rost Hands,
being about ten or eleven leagues off us. Also at noone
I observed the latitude by the Sim, and found us to be in
the latitude of 68. degrees no minutes, which did agree
with the former Observations by the starres. Also the
59
A.D.
1613.
M. Cuimrof
LoHaOH,
mmam
GourdoH.
Fariatiott i.
degree 5. min.
Rost I lands or
Rosten,
68. deg. no
min.
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
The variation variation of this place is 4. degrees 8. minutes East from
^.degrees 8. ^h^ ^xnt Meridian, wee having runne since yesterday noone
minutes East. ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ twentie leagues South and by West.
Almost all the afternoon it was almost calme.
The five and twentieth day also very faire weather, the
winde this morning came to tne East South-cast a fine easie
gale. We steered away South and by West halfe West
ten leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 67. degrees
Fariation 5. 5 minutes. The variation of this place is 5. degrees 3.
deg. 3. minutes minutes East, neere to the set of our Compasse. This
• ^Evening the winde came to the South South-west, which
continued about two Watches.
The nine and twentieth day faire weather, with a good
gale of winde at North North-east. From two this last
night to sixe, we stood away South-west and by South, and
at sixe we steered away South South-west, being at noone
TAe lying 0/ by observation, in 62. degrees no minutes. The land
t^ land about about Scoutesnesse lyeth in this sort: from sixtie three
coutsnesu. toward sixtie two, it is nineteene leagues South South-
west halfe Westward: from thence tenne leagues South
and by West, which is two or three Hands, which are the
Westwardest land in Norway, lying in the latitude of 62.
degrees 44. minutes. But whether these Hands, or a
Pomt of land, which lyeth about three or foure leagues
more to the North, be called Scoutesnesse, I know not.
The sixt of September we entred the Thames.
60
ROBERT FOTHERBY ad.
1614.
Chap. VI.
A Voyage of Discoverie to Greenland, &c. Anno
1 6 14. Written by Ro. Fotherbye.
He ship Thomasine went downe from
Black-wall to Woolwich the sixteenth of
Aprill, and from thence to Gravesend the
three and twentieth, where shee remayned
imtill the eight and twentieth of the same ;
and weighing from thence she anchored
againe in Tflberie Hope, with ten ships
more of good burthen, and two Pinnasses all of the Green-
land Fleet, set forth also at the charge of the said Company,
under the command of Master Benjamin Joseph, Chiefe
Captayne and Generall of the said Fleet.
We set sayle out of Tilberie Hope the fourth of May, [III. iv. 721.]
and came to an anchor the same day in Lee Road, where
we stayed till the next morning, then wee set sayle againe
and went forth to Sea before night. We went firth
We proceeded in company of the Fleet, and met with ^^^^' ^ ^. .
stragling Ice the five and twentieth of May in the latitude jcfinjc.deg.
of 75. degrees 10. minutes, through which wee passed 10. minuut.
without danger, holding on our course all that day, till
time of mid-night ; then we found the Ice so close packt
together, that we were forced to tacke about, and stand
to the Westward, till wee found more open passage, wee
plyed through it without any great danger, till the eight
and twentieth day : but then being in sight of Land, we
passed amongst very much Ice all the fore-noone, which
lay in great abundance on both sides of us : but a desire
(as it seemes) to get through it, drew us on to be the more
intangled with it, for about noone we could neither find a
passage to goe forward, nor way to retyre backe againe,
but being nine ships and two Pinnasses (tor the Prosperous
and the Desire lost Company through foule weather, the
one and twentieth of May, otherwise we had beenc
thirteene sayle) we began very suddenly to bee inclosed
6%
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
and shut up with Ice. Now every one wrought the best
Eleven Sayies. meanes he could for the safetie of his ship ; Our Master in
fast in the Ice. the Thomasine, caused a Hauser and a Grapnell to be
^^Tf carried forth, and laid upon a great Iland of Ice, and so we
rid as at an Anchor, and by that meanes wee stayd from
forceable rushing against other peeces ; afterward we laid
forth an anchor for surer hold, and made fenders of an old
Cable, which was hung over the ships sides to keepe the
Ice from piercing of her plankes. Wee rid thus from the
eight and twentieth of May till the second of June, still
floating as the wind drove us with our anchor, holding
Iland, which now we accounted as the shoare, and made
use thereof accordingly, for upon it our Carpenter sealed
and trimmed our lesser shallop.
J»*^' On the second of June we had a great homeming Sea,
the wind being at North-west, whereby we judged we
were not fiirre from an open Sea to windward of us ; there
wee resolved to make tryall what we might doe, to free
our selves out of the Ice. In the aftemoone about three a
clock we got aboard o\ir Anchor, letting fall our fore top-
sayle, and putting forth our Mizen ; and so drove a sterne
for a while, till the floating Iland gave way ; then wee filled
our top-sayle, and attempted divers places where to passe,
but had repulse and fell asterne againe ; notwithstanding at
the length we prevayled, and with much adoe we attayned
We gse cleere an open Sea at a North, and by West Sunne, parting very
off the Ice. gladly from these ill neighbouring Hands; which at ovu-
parting from them, gave us, or rather received from us
some knockes, but whilest we remayned amongst them
they seemed much more perillous then they proved hiirt-
full, so wee praysed God for our safe deliverance, wishing
that the rest of the ships which we left in the Ice, were as
cleere out of it as was the Thomasine.
Having attayned the open Sea to the Westwards, we
proceeded to the Northwards ; keeping the Ice still on ovu-
Tj^m ^^^^ starboord side, and met with the Mary An-Sarah, that got
An-Zarah. ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^7 ^^^ ^^ came forth of It ;
we kept company together till the next day, when being as
68
ROBERT FOTHERBY a.d.
1614.
high as Prince Charles Iland, we both stood in for the
shoare, the Mary An-Sarah going for Bel-sound, her
assigned Harbour; but we proceeded to the Fore-land, We came to
where when wee came the sixt of June, wee met with two ^^ ^^''^ ^^'
shallops that belonged to the Desire, wherein was Cuth-
bcrt Appleyard, and William Simmes Harponiers; by
whom we imderstood, that the Prosperous and the Desire
had more desiredly prospered, then all the rest of the Fleet,
they escaped the danger that all the rest fell into, and came
to the Fore-land the third of June, finding the Harbour
open.
Here was yet no worke begunne, for they had not seene
one Whale since their commine into the Harbour ; so that
for us there was no cause of stay to bee helpfull unto
them, and therefore we proceeded to the Northward, Wepreaeded
hoping to find the shoare still as free from Ice, as it was to the North-
at this place ; but it fel out contrary to our expectations, ^^^'^^
for being; come as ^irre as Maudlen Sound, in the latitude MaudUn
of 79. degrees 34. minutes, we met with some stragling ^«»^«
Ice, and from the mayne top we saw much Ice lye betwixt
us and Hackluyts Head-land, which seemed to bee close to Hackluju
the shoare, therefore we sent some men in a shallop to Head-land.
Maudlen Sound, to see if it were open, that wee might ^e anchored
harbour our ship there, and search for a leake which wee ^^ M^udUn
found her subject unto in foule weather.
The Soimd was open, and we anchored in a good
Harboiir, but the Ice was not gone cleere from the shoare,
therefore we could not hale our ship aground, but we
carined her and set up o\ir Biscaine sl^op which we
carried with us out of England in pieces.
The next day after our comming hither I went forth in / went firth
a little shallop (the other being then unset together) to ^* ^ ^^^'
see how the Ice lay at Hackluyts Head-land, and whether
we might passe with our ship that way or no. Being come
forth of the Harbour, we perceived, that it was very foule
weather at Sea, notwithstanding I proceeded into Faire
Haven, where the South Harboiir was then open, but
much Ice lay then in the Sound unbroken from shoare to
63
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
shoare; otherwise wee might have passed that way to
Hackluyts Head-land, betwixt the Hand and the mayne
Land; we stayed here till the next morning, then the
weather beganne to cleere up, and wee put torth to Sea
againe, intending to goe without the Hands: but being
[III. iv. 722.] out of the Harbour wee found the foule weather to be
such, as our little weake shallop was not able to endure,
fVesetsayle therefore we returned againe to our ship into Maudlen
SS!lw ^^^^> ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ Female Morses, and took
followed the ^'^^^ Teeth, Hides and Blubber.
Ice. On the tenth of June we set sayle out of Maulden
Sound, and coasted along to the North-ward, till we were
past Hackluyts Head-land, but then we saw the Ice lye
before us, extending close to the shoare, so that for us to
passe further that way, it was not possible : therefore wee
turned to the Westward, to see if wee could find passage
further from the shoare. Wee sayled as the Ice trended
West and West South-west till the thirteenth day, and
keeping still alongst it, we found it to trend neerest South
and South South-west, we proceeded well thus far, till we
Prince came under the latitude of Prince Charles his Hand, in 78.
Charles Iland degrees 40. minutes, being eight and twentie leagues from
^lo mh^T ^^^^^> ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ altered our course, and stood in for
Wee stood the Foreland, to goe and be helpfull to the other ships
againe for there for the furthering of their Voyage according to oiu-
shoare. Instructions (as some did understand them) but contrary
I am sure to some of our desires. When we came neere
Eleven Hoi' the Fore-land, we saw eleven ships of Hollanders under
land slaps. sayle, plying to the Southwards : one of them came roome
towards us, and strucke her top-sayles twice, whereby we
supposed they tooke us for some of their Fleete, which
they wanted, but wee held on o\ir coiirse still into Sir
We anchored Thomas Smiths Bay, where we came to an anchor the
%^^^]In fift^^^ ^f Jime, by the John-Anne-Francis, and the
^'^ ^■^* Desire, the Mary Margaret being then under sayle to go
to the Fore-land.
Here was yet no need of any helpe that we could make
them, for they had hitherto neyther killed nor seene one
64
ROBERT FOTHERBY a.d.
1614.
Whale since their first comming in hither; therefore we
thought it best not to stay here, but rather goe to Faire
Haven, where wee should bee more readie to proceed on
our Discoverie when the Ice would give us leave, and in
the meane-time wee might bee helpmll to the two ships
thither assigned for the making of their Voyage, and so
much the rather wee hasted, because we understood that
the Hollanders also set forth a ship on Discoverie.
We set sayle the seventh of June, and met with the
Prosperous, that came from Crosse-road, and was going
into Sir Thomas Smiths Bay, there to get some Bricke and We went forth
Lime to mend their Fornace, as Nicholas Woodcocke the %^\^^).
Master told us; then we went forth to Sea, and being ^^ ^*
about foure leagues from the shoare, the winde began to
blow so hard from the North-west, that wee were forced
back againe to seek Harbour, and came to an anchor the
nineteenth of June, in Crosse-road. Here we stayed two ^f ^ere
dayes, much wind blowing at the North North-east, till ^^^f^ f^^
the one and twentieth of June, and then in the after-noone ^^v/^.^^
the wind came to the East and by South, and the weather
was faire, therefore at a North North-west Sunne, we
weighed and set sayle againe, and so did the Thomas WesetsayU
Bonaventure, that came to an anchor by us this morning, ^^ ^f Crosse-
beeing also bound for Faire Haven. '^^^
This next day in the afternoone we were thwart of
Maudlen Sound, and the weather being faire and calme,
we sent a shallop to the Northward, to see what alteration
there was amongst the Ice, and to seeke out some good
Harboxir for a smp, and also to set up the Kings Armes at
Hackluyts Head-land, or some other convenient place.
When Master Baffin was gone from the ship in the fore-
said shallop, I went presendy into the other shallop into One shalkp to
Maudlen Sound, there to set up the Kings Armes ; and ^ l^orth^
also to see if there were any Morses come ashoare; when ^^"^^ . .
I was within the Soimd, I found no Beeches bare for Maudlen ^^
Morses to come upon : for Ice and snow lay yet undis- Sound.
solved from the shoare side, but I went to tne Harbo\ir>
and there caused a Crosse to be set up, and the Kings
XIV 65 E
A.D.
1614.
The Kings
Armes set up
in Trinitie
Harbour,
Trinitie
Harbor is
under the
parallel of
79. degrees
34. minutes.
We came to
an anchor in
Faire Haven,
No Whales
were yet come
in,
IILiv.723.]
^he shallop
returned from
the North-
wards,
Cape Barren,
i
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Armes to bee nayled thereon ; under which also I nayled a
piece of sheet Lead, whereon I set the Moscovie Com-
panies Marke, with the day of the moneth and yeere of
our Lord. Then cutting up a piece of Earth, which after-
ward I carried aboard our ship, I tooke it into my hand
and said, in the hearing of the men there present to this
effect.
I take this piece of Earth, as a signe of lawftill posses-
sion ^of this Coimtrey of King James his New-land, and
of this particular place, which I name Trinitie Harbour)
taken on the behalfe of the Company of Merchants, called
the Merchants of New Trades and Discoveries, for the
use of our Sovereigne Lord James by the grace of God,
King of great Brittaine, France, and Ireland, whose Royall
Armes are here set up, to the end that all people who shall
here arrive may take notice of his Majesties Right and
Title to this Countrey, and to every part thereof. God
save King James.
This is a good safe harbour, and is under the latitude of
79. degrees 34. minutes, as I have found bv good observa-
tion, and have of Westerly variation 25. degrees. When
I had here set up the Kings armes, I retiirned toward our
ship, which was come to an anchor at the entrance of Faire
haven, staying till the floud came, because that at the Tide
of Ebbe, there runnes a great current out of the Sound ;
so at the next floud, we came into Faire haven and
anchored by the Gamaliel and the Thomas Bonaventure^
the three and twentieth day of June.
Then John Mason, Master of the Gamaliel, came
aboord of o\ir ship, and I asked him if he had any worke
for our men, for I would cause them to come a shore :
he told me, that hitherto he had not seene a Whale come
in, but his Furnaces and Coppers were already set up, and
therefore as yet he had no neede of helpe, but when
occasion served he would imploy them. This day about
eleaven a clocke Master Baffin returned in the Shallop
from the Northwards : he said that he had beene at Cape
Barren, which is the point of an Hand three or foure
66
ROBERT FOTHERBY a.d.
1614.
leagues from Hackluits head-land, but further then that
he could not passe for Ice which lay close to the shore, and
lie had not set up the Kings armes in any place.
On Munday the seven and twentieth day of June, I
went forth againe in the Shallop to the Northward, partly
to see what alteration there might be in the Ice, with the
Easterly windes which had blowne hard since the Shallop
last returned, but chiefely to set up the Kings armes in
some places convenient, because there was none set up to
the Northwards of Maudlen soimd.
We rowed to Cape Barren, where formerly Master
Baffin had bin, and finding the Ice there gone from the
shore, we proceeded further to an Iland which now we call
the Saddle, in respect of the forme thereof, more then a ^^^^ /^w^.
league distant from Cape Barren. In our way thither it
began to snow, and grew to be a great and vehement
storme from the West North-west, therefore we hasted and ^ Storm.
got to the lee side of the aforesaid Iland, and there made '
last our Shallop with a grapnell laid upon the Icie shore,
using the best meanes we could with o\ir shallops saile to
kcepe us from the extremitie of so cold an harbour : we
staid here eight houres, and the storme continued driving
the Ice still Eastward in great abundance and with wonder-
fidl swiftnesse : when the weather began to cleere, I caused
the men to rowe to Leewards to another Iland a league
distant, which seemed then to be a Cape of the maine land,
purposing there to set up the Kings armes ; but afterwards
wee found it to be an Iland, and to the maine wee could
not come for broken Ice.
This stormie weather continued from Mimday night till
Friday morning, during which time we had beene but
eleaven leagues at the furthest from our ship, yet went we
so farre as we could have gone, had the weather beene
never so faire; for at foure leagues distance from Cape
Barren, the Ice lay firme and unbroken two or three miles
from the shore, and close againe to it lay the shattered Ice
thronged together with this present storme.
On Friday morning we came backe againe to Hackluits JuTte.
67
A.D.
1614.
TkefFkales
began now to
comi in.
TaoWkaks
iscafed.
fVe came firth
o/Fidre
kaven.
We met with
Ice and stood
to the North-
wards,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
headland, and there I set the Kings armes in the like
manner as at Trinitie Harbour: from thence we rowed
towards our ship, and as we entred into Faire-haven, there
came a Whale that accompanied us into the harbour leap-
ing and advancing himselfe almost quite out of the water,
fafling headlong downe againe with great noise ; we hasted
aboord our ship, and I sent forth both our Shallops to
strike this Whale if they could, and told Master Mason of
her conuning in, who also went forth in his Shallop : but it
seemes the Whale past under the Ice which lay yet
unbroken betwixt the North harboiir and the South
harboiir, for they could not see her againe.
The next day there came more Whales in, and Robert
Hambleton, our Masters nute strucke two, which
unluckily escaped; the first for want of helpe, the
Gamaliels Shallop being in chase of another Whale, and
our owne little Shallop not able to row against a head-sea
to assist the other : so that at length the Whale having
towed the Shallop forth to Sea, the harpingiron came out :
the second was also strucken within the sound, and ranne
under the Ice, which lay yet unbroken at the East end of
the Sound, and drew the Shallop upon it cleare out of the
water; by which meanes the Harpingiron came forth.
Here we remained till the sixt of J\3ie, our men and
Boates being helpefull at all times to further the Voyage.
The sixt of Julie we set saile forth of Faire-haven,
intending to make triall if wee could to get to Westwards
of the Ice, and so proceede to the Northwards, having sent
away one of our Shallops the day before, provided with
twentie dayes Bread, to coast alongst the shoare, search
the Beach for Commodities, and set up the Kings Armes
at places convenient, hoping thereby to prevent the
Hollanders, who now rid in the North harbour of Faire-
haven, and were ready for the first opportunitie, to discover
and take possession of other harbours, having two Ships
to goe forth onely upon Discovery.
We sailed Westwards from Faire-haven seven leagues,
and then met with a maine banke of Ice which trended
68
ROBERT FOTHERBY a.d.
1614.
North & South, the Sea appeared to the Northwards to be
open so far as we could see, therfore we plied that wav :
when we had run seven or eight leagues more, the Ice lay
so thick on every side, that we were bard from proceeding
any further ; then we stood in toward the shore, and being
a little to the Northwards of Cape Barren, our Shallop had Our Sialkp
sight of us, & came rowing to us throi^h the broken Ice. ^^^ ^ *'•
Master Baffin told us the shore to the Eastward was much
pestered with Ice, and he had set up the Kings armes at
the entrance of a faire Sound, about foure leagues distant
from Cape Barren,
Now the weather being faire and calme. Master Sherwin,
Master Baffin and I, went in the Shallop to the place where
the Kings Armes were set up, purposing (because the ayre
was very cleere) to goe upon some high mountaine, from
whence we might see how the Sea was pestered with Ice,
and what likelihood there was of further proceeding.
According to this our intent, we ascended a very high hifl,
and from thence we saw the Ice lye upon the Sea so farre
as we could discerne, so that the Sea seemed to be wholly
toured with Ice, save onely to the Eastwards : we thought
that we saw the water beyond the Ice, which put us in
some hope that we should ere long get passage with our
Shallops along the shore, if we could not passe with our
shippe. Being thus satisfied, we returned abord our ship [III. iv. 724.]
and plyed towards Faire haven, advising amongst our ^^ returned
selves of the best course we could to further the businesse ?^^ '^
comnutted unto us.
We resolved to make our discovery along the shore with We intended
both our Shallops, and to carry with us our provision for ^^^^ '*
the Whale-kiUing, conceiving good hopes besides, of ^'*
profit which the beaches would afford us; therefore we
intended when our ship was brought safe into harbour
againe, to goe from her with both our Shallops, and to put
in practise this our late resolution. But the weather rail-
ing calme, and a fogge succeeding, which continued three j ^^^ ^^^
dayes, so that our ship came not into harbour till the i„ the we
twelfth of July ; I went from her the eleventh day, intend- Ualkp,
69
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
ing to search the Beaches, till Master Baffin came to me
with the other Shallop, and then we to proceede both
together : but before he came, I had gone so farre as that
the Ice would not suffer mee to passe a Boates length
further, and I had also searched a very fidre Beach which
was altogether fhiitlesse.
Master Baffin Master Baffin came to me at a place appointed the foure-
cam to me in teenth day of Julie, in the other Shallop, and we proceeded
^^^^ both together to the Eastwards againe, and found passage
^^* amongst the Ice about a league mrther then I had lately
beene, so that we came to the firme Ice, that lay almost two
Red-beach. miles from the shoare of Red-beach, unbroken up this
We- hailed our yeare. Here wee haled up our Shallops out of the water,
Shallop upon i^gt the broken Ice which is carried to and fro with the
the Ice. winde, might split them or bruse them: then Master
Baffin and I with foure men more walked over the firme
Ice and went ashore on Red-beach, where we travelled
about the space of three miles by the shore side, but found
no commodities as we expected to have done; for here
had the Hulmen been in 161 2. as we might know by fires
that they had made, and gathered the fruites that many
yeares before had brought forth. Thus as we could not
finde that which wee desired to see, so did we behold that
which we wished had not beene there to be seene, which
was great abundance of Ice, that lay close to the shore and
also off at Sea so farre as we could disceme; wherefore
being thus satisfied, and more wearie to know that we
could passe no further, then with travailing so farre, we
We returned returned to our Shallops, and went aboord of our Ship in
to our Shallop. Faire haven on Sunday the seventeenth of July, passing
the neerest way betwixt the Hands and the maine Land,
for now the Ice was broken betwixt the South-harbor
where we rid, and the North harbour, where the
Hollanders rid.
The next day we sent our Shallop to the North-east
side of Faire haven, there to lye for the comming of the
Whales over against the Gamaliels two Shallops that lye
on the other side for the same purpose.
70
ROBERT FOTHERBY a.d.
1614.
The twentieth of July, wee were under saile to goe forth W$ were
of Faire haven with the Gamaliel, purposing to have taken «*^'* ^^
two Ships that rid at the entrance of Maudlen-Sound, with ^^'^^•^
John Mason, who first descried them, supposed to be the
one a Bask, and the other an English man ; but the winde
blew right into the Harbour, so that we could not get
forth, and therefore we came to an anchor againe where
we rid before.
On the one and twentieth of July, our Harponiers killed We Med a
a Whale, which split one of our Shallops and strucke the f^hak.
Harponier that was in her overboord : but both hee and
the rest of the men were relieved and taken into an other
Shallop : then we sent our Carpenter to mend the Shallop
that was split: and on the five and twentieth day they
helpt to kiij another Whale.
On the sixe and twentieth of July, I drew the plat of
Faire haven, as it is here projected (but here too costly to
insert.)
When this Scoale of Whales were past, we went out of
Faire haven the first of August with both our Shallops, August.
Master Baffin in the one, and I in the other, with five men We mnt to
more in each Shallop, thinking that now we should finde ^ ^^^
the Ice broken and cleere gone from the shore, conceiving ^^sialkps
some good hope to proceede and make some new dis-
covery, which was the chiefe occasion of our imployment.
Wee passed over Red cliflFe-Sound, which we found cleare
of Ice ; and from thence we proceeded to Red-beach, where
we also found great alteration since our last being there,
notwithstanding the Ice was not cleerely voided from the
shore ; for in some places it was firme and unbroken off,
for the space almost of halfe a mile : so we rowed alongst
it, till wee came neere the North end of the Beach which fVe gfttothe
lyeth furthest into the Sea, and there we found an open ^^e^/^^d
way to the shore with our Shallops, and went on land ; but s^^Il^ '^
seeing in all places great abundance of broken Ice, we lay
close to the shoare, and doubting that although perhaps
with much adoe, we might get about the point of the
Beach, yet should we stiff be pestered with Ice from pro-
71
A.D.
1614.
We walked
over Red-
beach.
[III.iv.725.]
The Kings
armes are set
up at Wiches
Sound.
We passed
over Wiches
Sound.
Wefiund
Beach Fins.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
ceeding any further, we resolved to walke over knd, to
the other side of the Beach, where we saw a hill about
foure miles distant, from which we thought we should be
satisfied, how much further it was possible for us to pro-
ceed : so thither we travailed, where when we came, wee saw
a very faire Sound on the East side of the Beach which was
open within, but there lay very much Ice at the entrance
of it, which although it was extended more then halfe over
Sound, yet we doubted not but if we could get our
Shallops about the Beach, we should finde either one way
or other to passe over the said Sound, & from the high land
on the other side, we should receive very good satisfaction,
if the weather continued faire and cleare as now it was,
therefore we intended to make triall what we might do ;
but before we returned we went down to the point of the
Beach, at the entrance of the Sound, and there set up a
Crosse, and nailed a sixe pence thereon with the Kings
Armes. This being done, we returned to our Shallops,
and according to our late determination, we rowed about
the point of Ked-beach, and with many crooked windings
amongst the Ice, at length we got over Wiches Sound (ror
so it is now named.)
As soone as we were over on the other side, about
two leagues from Red-beach, Master Baffin and I clambred
up a very high hill, from whence we saw a point of land
bearing East North-east, by the ordinary Compasse eigh-
teene or twentie leagues distant, as I supposed. Wee
likewise saw another faire Sound to the Southwards of
us, which was much pestered with Ice, but we could not
see the end of it. Here upon the mountaine wee set
up a Warelocke, and then came downe againe with lesse
labour, but more danger then we had in getting up, by
reason of the steepinesse thereof : then we walked to the
shoare side, and there found many beach Finnes, whereby
I conjectured that Master Marmadukes men in his first
discovery, made in Anno 1612. had not beene upon this
land to search the Beaches, for in all other places where
we had beene heretofore, we coxild finde nothing at all.
72
ROBERT FOTHERBY a.d.
1614.
Now therefore we resolved to make further search alongst
this shoare, and to proceede with our Shallops so farre
as we possibly could: whereupon wee returned to our
men againe whom we left with our Shallops, where we
first landed.
Having stayed here a while and observed the latitude
which I found to be 79. degrees 54. minutes, we saw a
Shallop come rowing towards the extreamest point of f^emtmtk
this shoare, therefore we hastned towards them to see ^^tJHf^^^^
who were therein, and found them to be Master Marma- ^^'
dukes men, lately come from their ship the Harts-ease,
which they said they left at Sea amongst the Ice, about
a league from Red Beach: here they were setting up a
Crosse, which they said that they found there fallen aowne,
and had beene formerly set up in the time of Master Nou.
Marmadukes first discovery, by one Laurence Prestwood,
whose name I saw thereon engraven, with two or three
names more, and it had the date of the seventeenth of
August 1 61 2. Upon this Crosse they nailed the Kings
Armes.
Here we parted from them, and according to our former
determination we proceeded, some in the Shallops amongst
the Ice, and others on shoare, till wee went about foure
leagues further: in which space we found many more
Finnes, and one paire of Morses teeth, but now we found
the Ice so close packt together, that wee could not proceede
any further with our Shallops: wherefore Master BafiSn
and I intended to walke over land untill we should be
better satisfied how farre this Sound went in, for wee
could as yet see no end of it, and* it seemed to make a
separation of the land ; so leaving our men here with the
Shallops, wee travailed almost a league further, till we
came to the point of a sandie beach, that shot into the
Sound, which was wonderfully stored with drift Wood
in great abundance. From this point we received such
satis^tion as we looked for, because we saw the end 7*^^^ *^
of the Sound which lies South in about ten leases. It 5^/1, /^j^/
hath in it a good harbour that is landlockt, and doubtlesse ^cwend,
73
A.D.
i6i4-
A great mow
began.
I could not
fosse fir Ice.
The origtnall
cause of Ice at
Sea.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
in sight, bearing East halfe a point Southerly, nine, or
ten leagues distant ; to this end we put off from the shoare
of Red-beach, and rowed a league and more in an open
Sea, and then met with Ice which lay dispersed abroad,
and was no hinderance to our proceeding, so that we con-
tinued rowing the space of sixe houres, in which time
we had gotten more then halfe way over: but then we
found the Ice to lye very thicke thronged together, sa
that it caused us much to alter our course, sometimes
Southward and sometimes Northwards, and even in this
time, when we thought wee stood in most need of cleere
weather, it pleased God to send us the contrary, for it
beganne to snow very fest, which made the Ayre so thick
that we could not see to make choice of the most likely
way for us to passe, therefore I thought good to stay here
awhile, hoping that ere long the weather would bee more
agreeable to our purpose ; so a Grapnell being laid forth
upon an Hand off, to hold fast our shallop, a Tent was
made of the shallops sayle to keepe the weather from us,
and we remayned here five houres, but finding no altera-
tion in the constant weather, I willed the men to take
downe the Tent, and with faire tearmes perswaded them,
that notwithstanding the wet weather, it were good to be
doing something, to get over to the desired shoare, where
we might refresh our selves, and have fire to dry our wet
clothes ; they seemed well content with this motion, and
so we rowed the space of foure houres more, the Ice still
causing us to hold a South and South South-east course,
which carried us further into Sir Thomas Smiths Inlet,
and put us from the place where we wished to be.
The thicke snowie weather continued all this time, which
was very uncomfortable to us all, but especially to the
men that rowed ; and as the snow was noysome to their
bodies, so did it also begin to astonish their mindes, as
I well perceived by their speeches, which proceeded upon
this occasion. The snow having continued thus long,
and falling upon the smooth water, lay in some places an
inch thicke, being alreadie in the nature of an Ice com-
76
ROBERT FOTHERBY a.d,
1614.
pact, though not congealed, and hindred sometimes our
shallops way; this 1 say caused some of them, not
altogether without reason to say, that if it should now
freeze as it did that night when we came over Red-cliffe
Sound, we should be in danger here to be frozen up.
Howsoever this search might bee a meanes to discourage
the rest, that considered not of such a thing till they had
heard it spoken of : yet true it is, that I saw no likelihood,
hy reason of the Ice, how to attayne my desire at this
time, and therefore I bade them row toward the shoare / went backe
of Red-beach againe, where I intended to stay till the agMm^Rgd'
weather might happily be more convenient. So holding ^^ *
a West North-west course, so neere as the Ice would suffer
us, wee came to the East-side of Red-beach, having beene
«ighteene houres amongst the Ice, during all which time
the snow fell, and as yet ceased not. When we had been
here about an houre it began to cleere up, and the wind
to blow hard at East, wmch rather packt the Ice close
together in this place then disperst it, so that I was now
out of hope to get any further then I had beene alreadie :
wherefore I returned toward our ship, intending as I went / returned
to make a more particular Discoverie of Broad-bay, and ^^^^ <^
Red-cliffe Soimd, hoping that one place or other would ^ ^'
afford some thing worthy of the time and labour. When
we were come to the West side of Red-beach, it began
to blow much wind, where withall the Sea growing to be
great, all men advised to passe over Broad-bay, whilst the
winde and weather would serve us to sayle, for they said
it was like to be very foule weather: so seeing that it
was no convenient time for coasting, we came over the
Bay to Point Welcome (which I so named because it is a Point
plaice, where wee oftentimes rested, when wee went forth f^^^of^*
in our shallops) it is about foure leagues distant from the
North end of Red-beach.
At this point the Hollanders had set up Prince Maurice
his Armes, neere unto a Crosse which I had caused to
bee set up above a moneth before, and had nayled a sixe
j)encc thereon with the Kings Armes, but the men that [III. iv. 727.]
77
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
The Thomas- of winde at East, and the ship was steered West, and
E^^^^'^ then South-west homewards.
England. y^^ ^j^^ ^^ twentieth day, the winde Easterly an
easie gale ; at foure a clocke in the aftemoone Hackluyts
Head-land bore from us South east by East foure leagues
distant : this Evening was very warme.
The thirtieth day, the winde at North-east an easie gale,
at foure a clocke in the afternoone, Maudlen Point bore
East North-east halfe a Point Easterly about three leagues
distant: towards the Evening it fell calme, the weather
not cold.
The thirtieth day, faire Sunne-shine weather and calme
till noone, and then we had a good gale of winde from
the North-east, being five leagues distant from the Fore-
land, which bore South-east ; now wee altered our course
and stood to the West-ward : therefore to keepe us still
in the parallel that now wee were in which was 79. degrees
We stood to 8. minutes. West North-west course was directed, in
ae«esmar4s. ^^^^ ^f ^^ Variation, to make good a true West w^y.
This course wee held till we had runne about twentie
leagues, and then wee ranne twentie leagues more in a
West and by North course till one a clocke on Friday
morning ; at which time it fell calme ; and wee heard the
Sea make a great noyse, as if wee had beene neere Land,
but wee rather judged it to bee Ice, as indeed it proved
[III. iv. 728.] to bee, for in the morning when it was light and cleere, wee
saw the Ice about a league from us, which trended
Southerly; having now a gale at East North-east, wee
steered away South and South South-east, but in the
fVeemettoith afternoone we were embayed with a long banke of Ice,
^^^' which wee could not weather, therefore wee were faine
to tacke about, and the winde having come more Southerly
then it was in the morning, wee stood off from the Ice
North-east and North-east and by North, and then to the
Southwards againe, making sundrie boardes to get forth
to wind-wards of the Ice.
The third day before noone, wee had sight againe of
Ice to Westwards of us, and at noone were imder the
80
ROBERT FOTHERBY a.d.
1614.
parallel of 78. degrees 27. minutes, according to my Obser-
vation : then wee stood a way South to keepe cleere of
the Ice, for wee had a great homing Sea, although but
little winde; and therefore durst not be to bold to edge
too neere it, especially the wind being Easterly as then
it was.
On the fourth day our men saw the Ice againe from
the mayne top-mast head, and therefore wee still main-
tayned a Southerly course: the next day it began to be
foggie, and continued close weather and hazie for three
dayes, so that wee had no more sight of the Ice ; neyther We left the
could wee at this time receive any further satisfaction Ue and cam
concerning the same : therefore wee kept a Southerly ^ En^and.
course so neere as wee could, although wee had but little
winde, and the same very variable till the ninth day, but
then wee had a good gale of winde at West North-west.
On the tenth day faeeing Saturday, wee were by my
reckoning fiftie leagues distant from Low-foot, which bore
from us East South-east halfe a Point Southerlv: this
day the wind shifted to the South-west, and at nignt came
to the South with much raine; then came backe againe
to the West North-west and began a great storme. ^ ^^^"^^
This night the Master and others saw a light upon the ^<^*'^^-
Fore-bonnet, which the Saylers call a Corpo Santo : it A Corpo
appeared like the flame of*^ a Candle, and (as Sea-men ^J"^^'^
observe) it alwayes presageth an ensuing storme; which J/l^^^^
to verifie, this foule weather continued the next day, and storms.
grew to be so vehement on Sunday night, that the Sea
oftentimes over-raked our ship, and wee were faine to
lye atry with our fore course onely, and our Mayne top-
mast also strucke, which last thing (as Sea-men say) is
seldome done at Sea, then about one a clocke we were
forced to take in our fore course, and to lye a-huU for
five houres.
The fourth day of October, the shippe came to Wapping
with the whole number of men that shee carryed forth
(my selfe excepted that was come before) being sixe and
twentie, all in perfect health.
XIV 81 F
A.D.
1615.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Chap. VIL
true report of a Voyage Anno 16 15, for dis-
coverie of Seas, Lands, and Hands, to the
Northwards ; as it was performed by Robert
Fotherbie, in a Pinasse of twentie tunnes called
the Richard of London : set forth at the charge
of the Right WorshipfuU Sir Thomas Smith,
Knight, my very good Master, and Master
Richard Wiche, Govern ours : and the rest of
the Worshipful! Company of Merchants, called
the Merchants of New Trades and Discoveries,
trading into Moscovia, and King James his
New Land.
Y the providence of Almightie God I
went forth of Harwich Harbour in the
foresaid Pinnasse, the twelfth of May, in
the company of eight shippes of the Fleet,
for King James his New Land, who in
foule weather out-sayled me in the lati-
tude 71. degrees, or thereabouts. So I
proceeded alone towards King James his New Land : and
met with Ice in latitude 73. degrees 30. minutes, I stood
North-eastwards for the west of King James his New
Land, and had sundry conflicts with the Ice in rainie and
wet foggie weather, and had sight of Land the eleventh
of June, and on the nineteenth of the same I anchored
in Faire Haven. Here I stayed till the third of July,
for the Pinnasse had received some hurt amongst the Ice,
which to amend, I was faine to hale her aground, besides
divers other things necessary to be done, which detayned
mee longer then willingly I would have stayed there.
From hence I sayled Northward, but met with Ice in
Hackiuyts latitude 79. degrees 50. minutes, being six leagues from
Headland. Hackluyts Head-land, then I coasted the Ice as it lay in
82
ROBERT FOTHERBY ad.
1615.
Points and Bayes to the Westwards and South-westward,
and being thirtie leagues from the Land in latitude 79.
degrees 10. minutes, I found it to trend Northward and
North-westwards, and coasted it to the latitude of 79. [III.iv.729.]
degrees 50. minutes, but then I was embayed with Ice,
and was fidne to stand out againe and sailed above ten
leagues before I got cleere : when I was out of this Bay,
I proceeded South Westerly with the Ice on the starboord
to the latitude 78. degrees 30. minutes, where being fortie
leagues from the shoare, I was againe embayed with the
Ice, and having had faire Sun-shme weather all the day,
which made mee the bolder to stand so neere it, the weather
on a sudden fell foggie, and the wind beganne to blow
hard at South, which put us to great trouble and no small
periU: but the Almightie power who hath mercifully FeriUand
delivered us heretofore out of as great dangers, preserved ^^^^Z^-
us also from this : when wee were gotten cleere off the
Ice, we had the Sea much growne, and the storme increas-
ing, but beeing desirous still to keepe the Sea, I stood
dose by the wind under a payre of coarses, till the Pinnasse
waxt leake with bearing too much sayle, and there was
forced to lye atry under a mayne coarse only : and although
shee stemmed South-east and South-east by South, yet
was she hurried violently to the North-eastwards, and
by the mercifuU providence of God we fell right with
the Fore-land, in latitude 79. degrees, then I stood over
Sir Thomas Smiths Bay for harbour in Crosse-road, where
I anchored the thirteenth of July being Thursday. I
stayed here foure dayes, in which time my men mended
the Sayles and ships tackling that had received hurt by
the late storme, and made a new mayne Sayle to serve
in time of need, and on the seventeenth of July I weighed
out of Crosse-road, and sayling Westwards from thence
came to Ice againe in latitude 78. degrees 40. minutes,
which I coasted as it lay neerest South-west, or more
Westerly, but with many Points & Bayes, wherewith I
was sometimes intangled, yet, God be thanked, got cleere
againe, either by helpe or Oares or Sayles without any
83
A.D, PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1615.
hurt. In this sort I proceeded with good satisfaction,
although not with so good content, tm I came to the
latitude of 76. degrees, beeing above one hundred leagues
from Point Looke-out, but men was crossed with a con-
trarie storme from the South-west and South South-west,
which drove me to the South-east ward, till I came in
the latitude of 74. degrees, and then I made my way
Westward againe, so neere as I could lye, close by the
Note. winde, and over-ranne the formerly supposed Land of
Emmrof Groynland, which some have layd downe in plats and
Grtmland. extended to 75. degrees. When I came into the latitude
of 73. degrees, I stood West and North-west, and fell
with Ice againe in latitude 73. degrees 50. minutes, and
thought indeed at that time that I was neere Land by
abundance of Fowle, which we saw in great flockes : but
Foggjts, such thicke fogges have continued for three or foure dayes
together, that we might sooner heare the Land if any
were, then see it, and so did we first find this Ice by
hearing the rut, thinking till we saw it, that it had beene
Land, so that we were embayed with it, before we thought
that we had beene neere it ; then I stood out againe and
coasted the Ice still to the Westwards Southerly, but could
see no Land, as I expected to have done, untill wee came
under the latitude of 71. degrees thirtie minutes, and then
High Hill, we espyed a snowie Hill very high in the cloudes, for
this day was very cleere at Sea, but the fogge was not
ytt cleered from the Land, so that we could see no part of
it, but only the top of a snowie Mountayne, which
appeared very high although wee were fourteene or fifteene
leagues distant from it, bearing oflF us South-east and by
South.
Then I stood in for the shoare, supposing it had beene
part of the Mayne of Groynland: for the fogge lay on
each side of this Mount, as if there had beene a great
Continent under it, but it proved otherwise, for as we
came neerer to it, the fogge dispersed more and more,
and when wee were five leagues distant, the Land appeared
in forme like an Iland.
84
ROBERT FOTHERBY a.d.
1615.
When I came neerer the shore, I could find no Harbor
to anchor in. Notwithstanding, the weather being faire
& calme, I hoist out my Boat & went ashore with three
men more, and set up the Kin^s Armes : then we searched
a Sandie Beach, which was abundantly stored with drift Driftwood,
wood, but yeelded no other fruits, that we could find
worth the taking up, so I returned aboord againe, and
sent ashoare my Boat to fetch some wood. But before
the men had laid into her the little quantitie that she was
able to Carrie, they came aboard againe, for the wind began
to blow hard, and the Sea to goe loftie, so that here was
no place for us to abide any longer, otherwise I was pur-
posed to have searched further alongst the shoare, but this
gale of winde conmiing Northerly I stood from hence to
the Westwards, being desirous to see more Land or finde
a more open Sea. And having sayled about fifteene or
sixteene leagues I met with Ice again, in latitude 71,
degrees, and coasted it eight or nine leagues further West-
ward, and South-westward as it lay, but then the wind
came to the South-west, and we stood close by it a while
to the Southwards, but finding the gale to increase, and
considering that it was the most contrary winde which
could blow against my further proceeding (for the Ice as
we found did trend neerest South-west, and besides if
there had beene any high Land within twentie leagues of
us, wee might penectly have made it, the weather was
so laire and cleere.) In these respects, and for the Reasons
following, I tooke the benefit of this wind to returne to
the North-eastwards againe, being now about two hundred
leagues from King James his I^w Land in latitude 71.
degrees. Nou.
First, I purposed to sayle alongst the South-east side
of the Land that I had discovered, to bee better satisfied
what Harbours there were, and what likelihood of profit
to ensue ; and from thence to proceed to the place where
I first fell with Ice in latitude 73. degrees when I was
driven to the South-eastwards with a Westerly storme,
for I am yet verily perswaded, that being there we were [III. iv. 730.]
85
A.D, PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1615.
not farre from Land, although wee covild not see it by-
reason of thicke foggie weather. Then my further intent
was, if I found no good occasion to spend my time there,
for to coast the Ice, or try the open Sea to the Northwards,
betwixt 73. and 76. degrees, where formerly I had not
received desired satisfaction by reason of a storme that
drave me off, and then I purposed, if time might seeme
convenient, to proceed to the North Coast of King James
his New Land, to have seene what hope was there to be
had for passage Northward, or for compassing of the
Land, which is most like to be an Hand.
I stood away East and by South, and being neere the
foresaid Hand, the winde came to the West and blew a
very hard gale, wherewith I passed alongst the South-east
side of the Hand under a paire of coarses, but without
that satisfaction which I expected : for the winde blowing
so stormie, and the Sea growne very great, I was forced
to stand further from the shoare then willingly I would
have done, and besides there was a thicke fogge upon
the Land, whereby I could not be satisfied what Harbours
or Roads were about it, yet might we see three or foure
Capes, or Head-lands, as if there went in Bayes betwixt
them. I sayled about it, and then stood to the North-
ward againe, and being now assured that it was an Hand,
Sir T. Smiths I named it Sir Thomas Smiths Hand.
lland. This Hand is about ten leagues in length, and stretcheth
North-east and South-west: it is high Land, and at the
North end of it there is a Mountayne of a wonderful!
height and bignesse, all covered with Snow, which I called
Mount Mount Hackluyt ; the base or foot of it on the East side
Hackluyt. jg almost foure leagues long, it hath three such sides at
the base lying out to the Sea, and from the fourth side
doth the rest of the Hand extend it selfe towards the
South-west, which is also, as it were, a place fortified with
Castles and Bxilwarkes, for on each side there bee three
or foure high Rockes which stand out from the Land,
appearing like Towres and Forts. It lyes in the parallel
of 71. degrees, where the Needle varieth from the true
Z6
^
ROBERT FOTHERBY a.d.
1615.
Meridian Westwards eight degrees. The Land is gener-
ally so ferre as I have seene, Rockie and very barren, and
worse then the Land that I have seene in King James
his New Land, under eightie degrees, for there is no
grasse but mosse, and where I first landed upon low
ground, all the stones were like unto a Smiths sinders
Both in colour and forme, the sand is generally mixed
with a corne like Amber; the Beaches are abundandy
stored with drift wood and many stones, light like Pumis,
which will swimme on the water. I saw many traces of
Foxes and the footing of Beares, but not any signe of
Deere or other living creatures, and very small store of
Fowle.
From hence I stood to the Northward according to my
fonner purpose, but was crossed with a contrarie storme
from the North-west which put me off to the Eastward :
but as the wind shifted I made my way to the North-
westwards all I could, and came againe to the Ice in latitude
75. degrees, from whence I proceeded towards King James
his New Land, and had sight of the Land the eighteenth
of August, being in latitude 77. degrees 30. minutes, and
having a hard gale of wind then at North-west, I stood
close by it under a paire of coarses, but could not weather
Prince Charles Iland, and therefore I bore up, intending
to goe into Nicks Cove, which is on the North side of
Icc-soxmd, there to attend a fidre winde, and in the meane
time to get ballast aboard the Pinnasse, and all other things
necessary. But conuning to enter into the Harbour, I
thought it not a place convenient, because I could hardlv
have gotten out againe with a Southerly wind, which
would Carrie me to the Northwards, and therefore I stood
over for Green-harbor, where I anchored at one a clocke
in the morning, the nineteenth of August.
Here I caused my men to launch a shallop, and to get
ballast and water aboard the Pinnasse, and before nine a
docke at night I was readie to proceed Northward with
the first faire winde. I stayed here five dayes, during
^hich time it blew hard for the most part at North and
87
A.D.
1615.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
HndsmsHoU-
wtth-hope
questioned^ as
before also.
North-west, and on the foiire and twentieth of August^
the winde came to the East North-east as wee supposed^
till we were out of the Harbour, so I set sayle to proceed
Northward, and had the wind Easterly out of Ice-sound>
wherewith I stood North-west towards Cape Cold, but
being cleere of the high Land, we found the wind to bee
at North North-east, therefore I resolved of another
course, which was this.
Having perused Hudsons Journall written by his owne
hand in that Voyage wherein hee had sight of certayne
Land, which he named Hold-with-hope ; I found that by
his owne reckoning it should not be more then one
hundred leagues distant from King James his New Land^
and in the ktitude of 72. degrees 30. minutes or there-
abouts : therefore seeing I could not proceed Northward,.
I purposed to goe to the South-westwards to have sight
of this Land, and discover it, if wind and weather would
permit. So I stood awav South-west, and sometimes
West South-west, till I had runne one hundred and thirtie
leagues, and was by account in latitude 72. degrees 30.
minutes, where having the wind contrarie to proceed
further Westward, I stood Eastward till I had nmne thirtie
leagues, in which course I should have seene this Land^
if credit might be given to Hudsons Jovirnall, but I saw
not any. And having a hard gale of winde still Northerly^
I conceived no covirse so good to be taken at this time,
as to speed homewards ; and so stood to the Southwards^
directing my course for England, this beeing the eight
and twentieth of August. After which time the wind
continued Northerly till the sixt day of September, and
[III. iv. 73 1.] then wee were on the coast of Scotland in latitude 57.
degrees, and on the eight day of September had sight
of the land of England on the coast of Yorkeshire. Thus
by the great mercy of God have we escaped many dangers,
and after a cold Summer have some taste of a warme
Autumne. All glorie therefore be to God the Father^
the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost. Amen.
By this briefe Relation, and by the plat wherein I have
88
ROBERT FOTHERBY ad.
1615.
traced the ships way upon each severall traverse it may
plainly appeare, how farre the state of this Sea is discovered
betwixt 80. and 71. degrees of latitude, making difference
of longitude 26. degrees from the Meridian of Hackluyts
Headland.
Now if any demand my opinion concerning hope of a
passage to bee found in those Seas; I answer, that it is
true, that I both hoped and much desired to have passed
further then I did, but was hindred with Ice: wherein
although I have not attayned my desire, yet forasmuch as
it appeares not yet to the contrarie, but that there is a
spacious Sea betwixt Groinland and King James his New-
land, although much pestered with Ice ; I will not seeme
to disswade this worshipfuU Companie from the yeerly
adventuring of 1 50. or 200. pounds at the most, till some
further discoverie be made of the said Seas and Lands
adjacent, for which pvirpose no other Vessell would I
advise unto, then this Pinnasse with ten men, which I
hold to bee most convenient for that action, although
heretofore I conceived otherwise, but now I speake after
good experience, having sayled in her out and in above
two thousand leagues.
Ro. FoTHERBY.
A Letter of Robert Fotherby to Captaine Edge,
written in Cross-rode, July 15, 161 5.
M Aster Edge, By the mercy of God I came into
Crosse-road on Thvirsday last, being driven from
Sea neere shoare by extreme tempest. At the beginning
of the storme I was imwittingly embayed with Ice above
fortie leagues from land, in latitude 78. degrees and 30.
minutes, but, thankes be to God, I got cleare of it, yet
not without much trouble and great danger. Having
plycd under two coarses to and againe so long till my
Pinnasse was made leake with bearing, I tryed it under
a mayne coarse and stem'd South-east and South-east and
by South, notwithstanding I was hurried to the North-
89
A.D.
I617.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Hand was discovered; and what voyage was made
appeareth in the Letter following, written to Master
Decrow by William Heley.
Laus Deo, in Portnick the 12. of August,
1617.
Worshipfull Sir,
Y dutie remembred. May it please you ta
understand, that through Gods blessing
our Voyage is performed in all the
Harbours in the Coimtrie this yeere, with
a greater overplus then our ships will
carry: so that in some places wee must
of force leave good store of Oyle and
Blubber behinde for the next yeere. Wee are all for the
most part readie to set sayle, being full laden: onely I
desire to see the Coast cleere of Interlopers, whereby our
provisions may be left in securitie. We tooke a ship of
Flushing, called the Noahs Arke (Master, John Versile)^
in Horne-sound, having out of him two hundred hogs-
heads of Blubber and two Whales and a halfe to cut up,,
a great Copper, and divers other provisions, and sent him
away ballasted with stones. There were two more of
them who were gone laden with Blubber, before we could
get thither, having intelligence of our comming. There
were also two Danes, who made one hundred and odde
tunnes of Oyle, and laded one ship for Copen-haven, the
other with halfe the Oyle and Finnes for Amsterdam, and
left the Country about the sixth or seventh of August.
And for Master Cudner, he rid in Portnick, where he
killed eleven Whales, and made some seventie and odde.
tunnes of Oyle, which is laden aboord him and his Finnes..
In whom, if ovir ships had come together thither as I
desired, I would have laden fortie or fiftie tunnes of Oyle
in him, and displaced his men and sent him for England :
but bad weather hindring our ships getting thither, and
his sudden departure after our comming in with the
Pleasure, shee being laden and not suffiaently fitted ta
92
WILLIAM HELEY a.d.
1617.
surprise him, he escaped, but I sent her away in company
with him, whereby he may not doe any hurt in other places
in the Country. I would have had him to have taken
in some Oyle, for which I offered him fraight, so I might
put soihe men into him to see to it, and that it might be
brought' safe to London : but he refused, yet protesteth,
he piuposeth to bring his ship and goods to London : his
voyage is by the thirds, so that his men will rather dye
then forget that they have got. The small ship John
Ellis is returned from the South Eastward, having made
some further discovery, and killed some eight hundred
Seamorse, and laden the teeth, and thirtie tunnes of hides,
and the rest of his lading in Oyle: he brought some
Sea-horse blubber with him. He met with Thomas
Marmaduke of Hull in those parts, who had not done
any thing when he saw him towards making a voyage,
but went for Hope Hand, and no doubt but nee will doe
much spoile there. As for the Beare, shee departed for
Hamborough the third of August out of Crosse-road;
and the Gray-hound in company with her for England,
who, I hope, is safely arrived, and by whom I hope you
understand of her proceedings at full.
The Whales killed this yeere in the Country are about
one hundred and fiftie in number, and the Oyle made
will be about one thousand eight hundred and odde tunnes,
besides the blubber left for want of caske. The lading
of this ship is one hundred and eightie tunnes, as by the
Bill of lading here inclosed. Thus having not further
wherewith to acquaint vour Worship, withall praying God
to send all home in safety with a good passage ; I humbly
take my leave, and doe rest
Readie at our Worships command in all
dutifull service.
William Heley.
[A Letter
93
M'
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1618.
to vou, and wish you many a Venison pasty. We have
so little to doe wee feare we shall all have the Scurvy, but
we have pulled downe the Flemmish house, and brought
it neere more fit for ovir tvirne. Thus praying you to
remember my love to all at Faire-haven, I cease, with my
prayers to God, to send you and us all a prosperous
voyage, with all your good health, that we may goe merrily
home together.
A Letter of James Beversham to Master Heley.
From Faire-haven, the 12. of July, 161 8.
'Aster Heley, My commendations remembred to
yovir selfe. Master Salmon, Master Smith, and
Master Beymond, as also to Master Wilkenson, Mate
Headland, Master Greene, and the rest of our good fi-iends
with you, wishing all yovir healths as my owne; I am
very sorry to understand of the annoyances by the Flem-
mings, both with you and other places; as also of the
smaU hope there is, in making a voyage this yeere. For
our parts we are and have beene so pestered with Ice these
twentie dayes, that we have not beene able to goe out to
Sea with our Shallops above twice in the time, neither
have we beene able to doe any good by reason of foule
[III. iv. 734.] weather and fogs, nor have seene any more then one
Whale in all that time, which after shee was killed turned
us to much trouble, by reason of foule weather, and forced
us at last to leave her in the Ice, where the Beares made a
prey of her, who I feare will spoyle her before shee be
recovered. We have killed sixteene Whales besides,
whereof the Flemmish Biscainers stole one, for which they
have promised satisfaction, but they are so shut up with
Ice that they are not able to stirre either Ships or Shallops.
All the Sea to the Northward of Hakluyts headland, and
both Eastward and Westward thereof, is packt so full of
Ice, that I feare it will overthrow our voyage, and put our
ships in much hazard, the Lord release us of that miserie
in due time, I neither have nor will be slack to doe my
96
n
JAMES BEVERSHAM
best endevours for the good of the voyage, the prosperitie
whereof I doe much wish and desire both here and in all
other places. I pray remember my love to the Captaine,
by your next convoy to the Southward, with my com-
mendations to all the rest of ovir friends ; thus for present
wishing your health, I kindly take my leave, and rest your
loving friend.
I had thought to have added a large Discourse of occ\ir-
rents betwixt the Dutch and English in Greenland this
1618. and had prepared it to the Presse. But having
alreadie given some Relation thereof from Captaine Edge
&c. and seeing the insolencies of some of the Dutch were
intolerable to English spirits, which then suffered, or here-
after should reade them ; I chose rather to passe them by ;
advising my Countrimen not to impute to that Nation
what some frothy spirit vomits from amidst his drinke,
but to honor the Hollanders worth, and to acknowledge
the glorie of the Confederate Provinces, howsoever they
also have their sinks and stinking sewers (too officious
mouthes, such as some in this businesse of Greenland,
beyond all names of impudence against his Majestie, and
his Leege people, as others elsewhere have demeaned
themselves) whose lothsomnesse is not to be cast as an
aspersion to that industrious and illustrious Nation.
Every Body hath its excrements, every great House its
Vault or Jakes, every Citie some Port exquiline and dung-
hils, every Campe the baggage ; the World it selfe a Hell:
and so hath every Nation the retriments, scumme, dregs,
rascalitie, intempered, distempered spirits, which not
fearing God nor reverencing Man, spare not to spue out
that to the dishonor of both, which saving the honor of
both can scarsly be related after them. A difference is
to be made of relation and personall faults, of which we
have said enough in the East India quarrels, twixt ovirs
and the Dutch.
[A Letter
XIV 97 G
1618.
V
AO). PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1619.
A Letter of John Chambers to W. Heley, Bel-
sound June 16. 1619.
Oving and approved good friend, Master William
Heley, &c. I am forc't to write in teares unto you
Terri^k for the losse of our Men, by the most uncouth accident
Duaster. ^^^ ^^^^ befell unto poore men. The thirteenth of June
last we were put ashore in the Ice Bay, our Shallops being
not aboord: but as soone as wee heard of it, we made
what haste we could, and haled our shallops upon the Ice,
and went aboord ovir ship. By that time we had beene
there an houre, making what meanes we could to get her
out, a maine peece of the ClifFe falling, the fearefuUest
sight that ever I beheld being then aboord, expecting
nothing else but death, with all the rest that were in her :
But God of his great mercie and providence delivered us,
that were not then appointed to dye, that were past all
hope of life ; for the Ice fell so high and so much, that it
carried away ovir fore-Mast, broke our maine-Mast>
sproung our Bouldstrit, and fetcht such a careere that she
heaved a piece of Ordnance over-boord from under our
halfe Decke, hove me over boord amongst the Ice in all
the sea, and yet I thanke the Lord I was never hurt with
a piece of Ice, although it pleased God they were spoyled
and killed close by me. Thus having related unto you
the miserie of this our Voyage, hoping of yovir aide and
assistance in what you may, I shall be ever bound to pray
for you. The Captaine bid me write unto you for a five
inch Haser, which I pray you spare me and it be possible :
I have writ the particular of our wants in my Brother
Sherwins Letter, which I pray you be a meanes to further
me in. Thus ceasing any further to trouble you, I com-
mit you unto the Lord, unto whom I pray to blesse and
prosper you in this your present Voyage, with all the
rest of yovir dayes.
The men that are killed are these : My Mate Money >.
98
JOHN CHAMBERS a.d.
1619.
Nicholas Greene and Allin the Butcher. There be many
more hurt which I hope will recover it by the helpe of
God and the meanes or a good Svirgeon.
LOving friend Master Heley, I kindely salute you, &c.
Your Letter I received the fifth of this present :
wherein I understand of the backwardnesse of your
Voyage, the which I am hartily sorrie for : but you must
be content, seeing it is the will of God it shall be so, and
that other harbours take neighbours fare with you: our
best hopes of our Voyage was upon you, for of our selves
we doe little, in regard we are much troubled with Ice,
and have bin so this ten dayes, which hath made us hale
a shoare sixe or seaven times for it : we have had the
windes at North-east, and East North-east, and at North-
west, which now keepes in the Ice: we have killed ten
Whales, whereof eight are made into Oyle, which hath
made one hundred and eleaven Tuns & a halfe, the other
two were killed the fovirth of this present, being very
large fish, not doubting but they will make sixe and [III.iv.735.]
thirtie or fortie tunnes: we have the hundred tunnes
aboord, the rest Master Barker taketh in, in regard Master
Bushes shippe is not fitted up, we shall make her fore-
Mast to serve againe and all things else for this Voyage.
The fourth of this present, George Wivelden came fi-om
Home-soxmd, where they have killed foure Whales, they
have bin much troubled with windes Easterly, also much
Ice, there is so much Ice off of Point Looke out, that
George could not get about. This Ice hath put in young
Duke of Hull into Horne-sound, his ship being mucn
torne with the Ice, his Merchant is now aboord of us, his
name is Medcafe, whom the Captaine doth detaine, his
Voyage is utterly overthrowne, for he hath lost one shallop
with sixe men, and another shallop broken with the Ice,
his Ruther Irons being all broken, his Steeme broke a way
dose to the Woodings, also George did meete with a
Fleming of Flushing, burthen two hundred tuns, the
which he thinkes is cast away with Ice, for the Ice did
99
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1619.
beate her very sore. I understand by M. Catchers Letter,
that there is eleaven saile of Flemmings and Danes about
them, I doubt not but we shall call them to account of
how many tunnes of Oyle they have made, as they did
call us the last Voyage to account : my love is such imto
them, that I protest I could wish with all my heart that we
might goe and see them, and to spend my best bloud in
the righting of our former wrongs. Also I understood by
Robert Foxe, that Adrian of Flushing is one of them,
I should be very glad to see him, that I might balance the
account with him. The Captaine willed mee to write
imto you concerning the Russe house, that if you cannot
set it up, that then you should make an English house of
it, and to place the post of a Deales length, and to be
three Deales in length, and so much in breadth, and so
to cover it with Deales the next yeare, and so he thinketh
that it will make two frames: also hee could wish that
you would remove the Coppers more up into the Bay.
I pray you commend me to my loving friend Master
Sherwine, Master Wilkinson, Master Henderson and
Michael Greene; also my love remembred unto your
selfe, I take my leave, hoping we shall see you at the Fore-
land ere it be long : till when, I pray God to blesse you
and prosper you in all your proceedings. Resting still
Your assured friend to command
Robert Salmon Junior.
Bell-sound the fifth of
Jxily. 1 619.
A Letter of J. Catcher to Master Heley from
Faire-haven. Laus Deo, this seventeenth of
June, 1620.
LOving Brother, with my best love I salute you, wish-
ing you better then we at this time, to have good
store of Whales to make for you and us a Voyage, for we
have seene small store of Whales, but have killed none
as yet. In the Flemish harbour there is three Flemings
100
JOHN CATCHER a.d.
1621.
fircat shippes, whereof is one Statesman of Warre, who
have set to Sea eighteene shallops with three Biscaners in
cvcrie shallop ; and in our harbour two of the Kings of
Denmarkes ships, who have set to Sea seaven shallops
with three Biscainers in everie shallop: the Hollanders
have killed one Whale, and found one Whale of the last
ycares killing. I thought good to send to you the sooner,
because we hope you have good store of Whales, that you
may send for us to you, wnich I pray God you may, for
we are in great doubt, but our hope is, if that you are not
yet provided to send for us, we have a great time to stay
in this Countrie, in which time, it may so please God,
that we may here make a Voyage. For our selves, one of
our men is dead, and one other sicke, so that wee have
but one and fiftie men, which is too little as you know,
therefore if you can spare us three men, they will stand
us in good stead : if our Voyage commeth in, there is to
the Northward good store of Ice, which putteth us in good
comfort that we shall have Whales : the Danes doe report
that there is two shippes to come from Denmarke to our
harbour, but as yet are not come. I pray you commend
us to Master Wilkinson, Master Greene, Master Hedlam,
Master Cleyborne, Master Alpho, and all the rest of our
good friends. Humfrey Moore is very sicke, so that we
shall want a Harponiere. I know not what to write more
to you, for with griefe I write this. Thus kindely taking
my leave, beseeching God to blesse us, and send us a good
Voyage, with a merry meeting, I rest
Yovir loving brother to use
John Catcher.
A Letter of Robert Salmon from Sir Thomas
Smiths Bay, July 6. 1621
LOving friend Master Heley, with my love I salute
you, &c. These are to certifie you, that upon the
fifteenth of the last, we arrived at Sir Thomas Smiths
unfortunate Bay: since which time we have killed sixe
lOI
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
Whales, which are almost reduced into Oyle, being some
seventie tunnes or somewhat more; so within a day or
two we may goe sleepe, for I feare we have ovir portion
of Whales in this place : wee have not seene a Whale this
foureteene dayes, and faire weather is as scarse as the
Whales, for ten daies together nothing but blow, some-
time Southerly and sometime Northerly: I doe verily
[III.iv.736.] perswade my selfe that God is much displeased for the
blood which was lost in this place, and I feare a perpetuall
curse still to remaine yet; God I know is all-sufficient,
and may, if it please him, send a Voyage in this place.
Newes from Faire-haven I can write you none, for as yet
we have not heard from him : the reason thereof I cannot
conceive ; I feare his Shallop is miscarried, for certainely
else we should have heard from him ere this, or some other
cause there is : I pray God it be not so. I pray commend
me to Master John Hedlam, and tell him that the Master
and Pilot doe set both their horse together, being very
great friends: also I pray commend me to my Cosen
William Driver and Master Wilkinson, wishing them all
happinesse. I am in good hope that you have done some
good upon the Whale, not doubting but you will have
sufficient for your selves and to helpe your neighbours,
the which I desire may be. Other newes I have none to
write you. So desiring God to blesse you in your pro-
ceedings in this your Voyage, I take my leave : Resting
Your loving friend to command
Robert Salmon Jun.
Nine Ships were imployed Anno 1622. of which one
for Discoverie. Their disastrous successe you may reade
before, page 469. The last Fleete Anno 1623. was set
forth by the former Adventurers, imder the command of
Captaine William Goodlard, William Heley being Vice-
admirall. Of the successe thereof you may read the
Letters following.
102
NATHANIEL FANNE a.d.
1623.
Laus Deo in Faire-Haven, the foure and twentieth
of June, 1623.
M Aster Heley, your health wished, as also a happy
accomplishment of yoxir pretended Voyage desired.
I had written you according to order, of all matters
happening since ovir arrivall, had not contrarie windes and
weather prevented, and therefore have taken the first
opportunitie offering at present.
Wee arrived at our harbour with both our Ships in
safetie upon the third of this present, blessed be God,
finding the veare past to have beene a verie hard season,
in regard or the great quantitie of Snow and Ice, but yet
not very offensive to us in respect of our good harbour.
Touching ovir proceeding upon our Voyage, by the eight
of this present we had killed thirteene Whales, and then
were all ovir ShaUops constrained in, by reason of foule
weather, till the fifteenth, dicto, and upon the fifteenth we
killed two more, which being all boyled but the heads,
and then estimated will hardly make past eightie Tunnes,
which is a very small quantitie. The weather continued
bad till the twentie two, dicto, and upon the three and
twentieth we killed three more, which by probabilitie will
make neere fortie Tunnes. And thus wee doubt not but
by degrees we shall accomplish our Voyage, by the grace
of God.
As touching our order for the Flemmings, wee went as
yesterday aboord them, supposing that wee should have
found the Danes there, but they are not as yet arrived,
but wee found there five sailes of Flemmings, the Admirall
five hundred Tunnes, the Vice-admiralT of the same
burthen, the other three neere two hundred each Ship,
having also fiftie or sixtie persons amongst them, having
foure and twentie Shallops belonging to their five Ships,
and are building Houses and Tabernacles to inhabit, for
they make new and substantiall : also they told us, they
expected one or two Ships more everie day: after some
103
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1623.
time we had conference concerning the order given us with
the Generall Cornelius Ice, and declared unto him that the
time granted them to fish upon King James his New Land
was expired, and thereupon his Majestie hath granted to
ovir Principals a Commission imder the broad Seale of
England for the depressing of any Interloper or Flemming
whatsoever that we shall meete withall upon this Coast ;
yet notwithstanding it pleased ovir Principals to appoint
us to goe aboord them, and in a loving manner to informe
them hereof, which if you will condescend unto and desist
fishing, you shaU manifest your selves friends to o\ir
Principals ; if otherwise, you shall cause them to compell
by force, who had rather perswade by love. Unto which
he answered, that he heard of no such matter in Holland,
for if there were, it should be certified by writing: to
which we answered, that Sir Nowel Carroon their Agent
was not ignorant of it, who shoxild give information : and
saith he, I have a Commission fi-om the Prince of Orange,
for the making of my Voyage upon this Coast, which was
procured by my Merchants for my defence: and this is
that could be gotten by words fi-om him.
Also at ovir first arrivall, there rode two Biskie shippes
with the Flemmings, but within a day or two they waied
and stood for the Southward : but inquired of the Flem-
mings what port they were bound for, they answered, for
the North Cape ; but Master Mason is perswaded they
are at Greene-harbour: to which purpose I wrote to
Master Catcher, that he gives order to his shallop that
goes to Bel-sound, to stand in for the harbour, to give the
Captaine true information. And so for present I rest,
intreating you to remember me to Master Salmon and
Master John Hadland : and thus contracting my sailes,
lest the winde of my words carrie me into the Ocean of
discourse, here I anchor : resting
Your friend
Nathaniel Fanne.
104
JOHN CATCHER ad.
1623.
Master Catchers Letter the nine and twentieth of [Hl.iv.737.1
June, 1623.
BRother Heley, with my best love I salute you, wish-
ing your health with a prosperous Voyage, &c. Since
our departure, we have had much fome weather and
troubled with Ice before we coxild get into harbour, and
after we came into harbour, we never let fall anchor, by
reason of the Ice, till the sixteenth of this month, in which
time we killed sixe Whales at the Fore-land, which made
but eighteene Tims and a halfe ; and since we have killed
sixe Whales more, which I hope will make in all upwards
of eightie Timnes. We have fit nine Shallops verie well,
and I thanke God not one of our Men faileth, save one
that was shot accidentally with a Musket. I hope some
of the Southerne harbours will supply our wants, if there
be any, which I feare there will : our harbour, manie say
still, is unpossible to make a Voyage, by reason that the
Flemmings shed bloud there, which I pray God to take
that plague fi-om us. For Faire-haven, I doubt not but
that you shall heare by the Letters sent you of the pro-
ceedings; but Master Sherwin writ, that there is five
Flemmings of five hundred Tunnes a peece: there was
also two Biscainers which the English nor Flemmings
would suffer to fish: therefore they departed, and said
they wotdd goe for the North Cape ; but I thinke they are
in Greene-harbour, or gone to the Eastward; which if
they be in Greene-harbour, our Shallop going to Bel-sound
shall touch there to see, and so certifie the Captaine, and
know his will what he would have done in it : I hold it
not fit that they should harbour there. There are no
Danes in the Countrie as yet, &c.
105
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1623.
Captaine William Goodlards Letter : Bell-sound
this eight of July, 1 623.
Oving friend Master Heley, I kindely salute you,
1 wishing health to you with the rest of your companie,
praising the Lord for your good successe in yovir fishing.
To certifie you of our proceedings ; wee have killed here
in Bel-sound three and thirtie Whales, and lost manie
more by Irons broken, yet I hope sufficient to fill our
ships : we have boiled a hundred and eightie Tunnes, of
which a hundred and sixtie aboord our Ship, and make
account sixtie tunnes more will fill our hould. Ovir
Whales here prove verie watrish and leane, which maketh
bad Oyle, and hindereth us much in boyling. This pre-
sent day our shallop came from the Fore-land, at which
time they had killed fifteene Whales verie small, and are
verie doubtfull of a Voyage there : if God sendeth fish into
this harbour, I will not spare till I have killed sufficient to
fill all our Casks, to leave for them if there be occasion.
The foure and twentieth of June, there was killed at
Faire-haven eighteene Whales, which prove verie small
to yeelde, by their estimation one hundred and twentie
Flemmngs. tunnes : having there five Flemmings weU fortified, and
ships of five hundred Tuns some of them, and two more
expected thither everie day, which I feare will hinder much
our shippes in their fishing this yeare, and in my judge-
ment not to be removed from thence, for they having a
Commission from the States to fish upon this Coast ; were
our whole Fleete there, and could put them away, yet
would they flie to one of our Southerne harbours, and so
should we spend our time in following of them, and lose
our Voyage, &c. There were two French Ships of Saint
John de Luz at Faire-Haven, which were put away by the
Flemmings and our Ships, which they judge are gone
for the Cape.
With a heavie heart I write you the lamentable accident
which happened here the eight and twentieth of June, ovir
106
WILLIAM GOODLARD a.d.
1623.
shallops all out in chase, and my selfe asleepe ; my brother Peter Good-
having a shallop lying by the ships side, spide a Whale ^'"^ drowned.
going into the Ice Bay, followed him and strucke him,
and his rope being new ranne out with kinckes, which
overthrew his shallop, where he lost his life with my Boy
Bredrake, being as we thinke carried away with the rope
(the dearest Whale to me that ever was strucke in this
harbour) there was never anie losse, I thinke, went so
neere my heart, &c.
Many other Letters I coxild have added, but doubt I
have already wearied you with this uncouth Coast, whereto
our English Neptunes are now so wonted, that there they
have found not onely Venison but Pernassus and Helicon ;
and have melted a Musaean Fountain out of the Green-
land Snowes and Icie Rockes. Whole Elaborate Poems
have I seene of Master Heley, as also of James Presson,
there composed : but we have harsher Discoveries in hand,
to which wee are now shipping you. This I thought
good at our parting to advertise thee, that Master Hdey
hath affirmed to me touching the diversitie of weather in
Greeneland; that one day, it hath beene so cold (the Cold and
winde blowing out of some quarter) that they could scarce ^^{ Ti^^^^
handle the frozen sailes : another day so hot, that the pitch
melted off the ship, so that hardly they could keepe their
cloathes from poUution : yea, he hath seene at midnight
Tobacco lighted or fired by the Sunne-beames with a Tobacco
Glasse. Likewise for a farewell to our Whale-storie, I h^^^ h ^^
thought good to deliver Stowes relation touching a Whale ^*^^^^^
somewhat differing in forme from those here usually found
in Greeneland: myselfe also having spoken with some
diligent viewers thereof in Thanet where it was taken
Julie 9. 1 574. shooting himselfe on shore besides Rammes-
gate in the Parish of Saint Peter, and there dying forsaken
of his Ocean parent. Hee came on shoare about sixe of
the clocke at night, and died about sixe the next morning,
hefore which time he roared and was heard more then a [III.iv.738,]
mile on the land. The length was two and twentie yards,
the nether jaw twelve foote in the opening : one of his
107
A.D.
1623.
Gods mercy to
England
vfUles warres
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
eyes (which in the Greene-land Whale is verie small, not
much greater then the eye of an Oxe) being taken out of
his head, was more then sixe Horses in a Cart could draw ;
a man stood upright in the place whence the eye was taken.
The thicknesse from the backe whereon he lay, to his
bellie, which was upwards, was fourteene foote ; his taile of
the same breadth : three men stood upright in his mouth :
betwixt his eyes twelve foote : some of the ribs sixteene
foote long : the tongue fifteene foote long : his liver two
Cart load : into his nostrils anie man might have crept :
the Oyle of his head Spermaceti, &c.
Chap. IX.
The late changes and manifold alterations in Russia
since Ivan Vasilowich to this present, gathered
out of many Letters and Observations of Eng-
lish Embassadors and other Travellers in those
parts.
§. I.
Of the reignc of Ivan, Phcodore his sonne ; and of
Boris.
Eader, I here present thee not what I
would of Russian affaires, but what I
could. We Englishmen under the
government of his Majestie, have enjoyed
such a Sunshine of peace, that oxir Sum-
mers day to many hath beene tedious;
they have loathed their Manna, and
the rest of tke longed for I know not what Egyptian flesh pots. For
H^9rld. what else are Warres but pots set over the fire of Anger
(how often of Furie, yea of Hell, the Furies or Devils
blowing the coales) and boyling mans flesh .^ whole
Families, Villages, Townes, Cities, Shires, Provinces, not
onely hurried thereby in confusions of State, harried and
enflamed with combustions of goods and goodnesse, but
108
OBSERVATIONS OF RUSSIA a.d.
1570.
the flesh of Men, Women, and Children, but chered and
as it were boyled beyond the manifold shapes of Death,
unto the bones, into the Vapors, Froth, Scumme, Chaos,
nothing and lesse then nothmg of Humanitie! Such is
the inhumanitie, the immanitie, the inanitie of Warres!
And such Warres have made impressions into all our
Neighbour Countries (whiles wee sit under the shadow
of Seati Pacifici) have lightened on Turkie and blasted
the Seraglio, have thunder-stricken Barbaric, have torne
the Atlas there, and rent the Grison Alpes in Exirope;
have shaken France with earthauakes ; have raysed Belgian
stormes, Bohemian broyles, Hungarian gusts, Germanian
whirlewinds (these selfe-divided in Civill, that is, the vilest,
uncivillest massacres and worst of Warres) that I mention
not the inundations and exundations of Poland; the
Snowes and Mists of Sweden, the Danish Hailes and
Frosts. But all these and more then all these Tempests,
Turnado's, Tuffons have combined in Russia, and there
made their Hell-mouth centre, there pitching the Tents of
Destruction, there erecting the Thrones of Desolation.
Pestilence and Famine had gone two yeeres before as A. Thuan.
direful Heralds, to denounce these dreadfuU warres and ^^. /. i35«
mutations of State: the Pestilence possessing the
Northerne parts of the World, and dispossessing it of
many many thousands: the Famine in Russia wanting
necessaries to eate, necessarily devoured all things, not
onely Cats, Mice, and impure Creatures, but mens flesh
also, and that in neerest necessitude, Parents revoking to
their wombes by unnatxxrall passage the dearest pledges of
Nature, which having even now dyed with hunger, were
made preservatives from like death to those ^ich first
had given them life. The Mightier made sale of the
Poorer, yea. Fathers and Mothers of their Sonnes and
Daughters, and Husbands of their Wives, that price might
bee had to buy Corne, which was now beyond aU names
of whatsoever price credible. But these things must be
further searched.
Bloudinesse is a slipperie foundation of Greatnesse, and
109
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1570.
the Mercifiill have the promise to finde mercy: other
Jam. 3. wisedome (how ever seeming politike) is earthly, sensually
devillish; yea, mine to the foole-wise Consultors, as
appeareth in Pharaohs working wisely, that is, crueUy, to
Exod. I. prevent the multiplying Israelites. The greatest of
Creatures on Sea and Land, the Elephant and Whale, live
on grasse, weeds, and simpler diet, not on rapine and flesh
or fish-devouring prey : Thunders and all tempestuous
stormes trouble not the higher aiery Regions, but the
lower and those next the baser earthy dregs, the sediment
and sinke of the World: nor doth ancient Philosophic
reckon Comets other then Meteors, or falling Starres to
be Starres indeed, but excludes both from the heavenly
Sphaeres. Had Alexander followed this rule, and sought
Greatnesse in Goodnesse (like him which is Optimus
Maximus, the Great God, the great Good of the World)
[III. iv. 7 39.] and in himselfe rather then others, in being Master of
himselfe then Lord of large Territories ; he neither had
sighed after the conquests of other Worlds which Foolo-
sophie had created, before he had seene the tenth part of
this ; nor had dyed by poyson in a forraine Countrie, forced
to content himselfe with possessing, nay, being possessed
of a few feet of earth : then had he beene in very deed
(now but in Title) Great Alexander. Great Goodnesse is
the true and good Greatnesse.
I know not how fit a Preface this may seeme to the
ensuing Russian Relation ; this I am sure, that they which
write of Ivan Vasilowich, the Great Great Muscovite, doe
lay heavie aspersions on his Father and Grand-father, but
on himselfe supersuperlatives of crueltie (that I mention
not other vices) both for Matter and Forme. These
things are delivered particularly in the Histories of
Alexander Gwagninus, Tilmannus Bredenbachius, Paulus
Oderbornius, Reinoldus Heidensten and others, in large
Tractates written thereof purposely. His merits of the
English might procure a silence of his evils (wee of all
men being in regard of respect to our Nation unworthy to
speake, that which hee, if those Authours have not beene
no
OBSERVATIONS OF RUSSIA ad.
1570.
malicious, was worthy to heare) if so dreadfull effects did
not force an Historian (that is, the Register of the execu-
tion of Acts of Gods bountie and justice decreed in the
Court of Divine Providence) to looke to the direful!
Cause in foregoing sinnes, that after Ages may heare and
feare.
I will touch a few of those which Gwagninus alone ^^' Gtoagnini
relates. His owne brother being accused An. 1570. by q^^^^'^^^^'
Wiskonati, is said without leave granted to cleare himselfe, ^[j^ f^ the
to bee put to exquisite tortures first, and after to death ; his Emperor
wife stripped and set naked to the eyes of all, and then ^o»e to death.
by one on horse-backe drawne with a rope into the River ^^f f^^
and drowned. John Piotrowich, a man of principall com- ^J/^^^^y
mand, accused of treason, presenting himselfe to him, not omitted.
admitted to make any purgation, was set in Princely
accoutrements on a Throne, the Emperoxir standing bare-
headed before him and bowing to him, but soone after
with a knife thrusting him to the heart, the Attendants
adding other Furies till his bowels fell out; his body
dragged forth, his servants slaine, three hundred others in
his Castle executed, his Boiarens all gathered into one
house and blowne up with poulder; their Wives and
Daughters ravished before his ikce by his followers, and
then cut in pieces, and no living thing left in their houses
or grounds; the husbandmens wives stripped naked as
they were borne and driven into a Wood, where were
Executioners pxuposely set to give them their fatall enter-
tainment. His Chancellor Dubrowsti sitting at table with
his two Sonnes, were also upon accusation without answere
cut in pieces, and the third sonne quartered alive with
foure wheeles, each drawne a divers way by fifteene men.
Miessoiedowyschly, supreme Notarie, displeasing him, his
wife was taken from him, and after some weeks detayning
was with her hand-maid hanged over her husbands doore,
and so continued a fortnight, he being driven to goe in
and out by her all that time. Another Notaries wife was
ravished and then sent home and hanged over her
husbands table, whereat he was forced daily to eate. In
III
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1570.
travelling if he met any woman whose husband he liked
not, he caused her to stand with her nakednesse disclosed
till all his retinue were passed. Cutting out tongues,
cutting off hands and feet of his complayning Subjects, and
other diversified tortures I omit ; as also the guarding his
father in lawes doores with Beares tyed there, that none
might goe in or out, hanging his servants at his doores,
♦700. fvomen torturing him for treasure ; casting hundreds of men * at
4/ otu Am; once into the water under the Ice ; two thousand seven
Vnm^r^' hundred and seventie thus and by other tortures executed
$00. Mairms ^^ Novogrod An. 1569. besides women, and the poorer
and Virgins of persons which Famine forced, did eate the bodies of the
nobk bkud slaine, and were after slaine themselves ; the Archbishop
^^ W^/L ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ Mare with his feet tyed under the belly, and
Tartars tn its "i^de to play on Bag-pipes thorow the Citie ; the Monks
si^at spoyled and slaine; Tneodore Sirconii, the Foimder of
oMotAer time twelve Monasteries, tortxired to shew his treasure and then
^'- slaine : Wiazinsky his Secretarie, by many dayes renewed
tortures dying : hee recreating himselfe with letting Beares
loose in throngs of people ; John Michalowich Wiskewati
the Chancellor, his eares, lips and other members one after
*J SecretarU another cut off* by piece-meale, notwithstanding all pro-
ciMngoffhts testations of his innocency; above two himdred other
^J&idpresenth' ^obles at the same time variously executed, one his
witick the * Treasxirer, two other Secretaries ; the Treasxirers wife set
Emperour on a rope and forcibly dragged to and fro thereon (by that
constndng to torturing her naked flesh to learne her husbands treasures)
L^ca^'d whereof soone after she dyed in a Monasterie, into which
htm there ^^^^ ^^^ thrust. All these are but a little of that which
instautkf to Gwagninus alone hath written. A taste and touch is too
eau what he much of bloud, and in such immanities. He is also said
had cut off. jj^ ^ famine to have gathered many people, in expectation
of almes, on a bridge, and there guarded the bridge being
cut to drowne them, as the readiest way for cheapnesse of
corne. But I lothe such crudities. His last crueltie was
on himselfe, dving with griefe, as was thought, for the
death of his eldest sonne Ivan, whom falsly accused he
struck with a staffe wrought with Iron, whereof he dyed in
IT2
OBSERVATIONS OF RUSSIA aj>.
1570.
few dayes after. Hee was a man accused for communi-
cating in disposition with his father, and as a joyfull
Spectator of his tragical! executions.
But if any delight to reade the terrible and bloudie Acts
of Ivan Basilowich, he may glut, if not drowne himselfe
in bloud, in that Historie which Paul Oderborne hath
written of his life, and both there and in others take
view of other his unjust Acts. I will not depose for their
truth, though I cannot disprove it : adversaries perhaps
make the worst. For my selfe I list not to rake sinkes [III. iv. 740.]
against him, and would speake in his defence, if I found
not an universal! conspiracy of all Historie and Reports
against him. I honoxir his other good parts, his wit, his
learning (perhaps better then almost any other Russe in
his time) his exemplarie severity on imjust Magistrates,
his Martiall skill, industrie, fortune, whereby he subdued
the Kingdoms of Casan and Astracan (which also the
Turke sending from Constantinople an Armie of three
hundred thousand to dispossesse him of, A. 1569. besides
his hopes and helpes from the Tartars, few returned to
tell their disasters, and the destructions of their fellowes)
besides what hee got in Siberia and from the Pole, Sweden,
Prussian, extending his Conquests East, West, North, and
South : yea, his memorie is savourie still to the Russians,
which (either of their servile disposition needing such a
bridle and whip ; or for his long and prosperous reigne,
or out of distaste of later tragedies) hold him in little
lesse reputation (as some have out of their experience
instructed me) then a Saint.
His love to our Nation is magnified by oxir Countrimen
with all thankfulnesse, whose gaines there begun by him,
have made them also in some sort seeme to turne Russe
(in I know not what loves or feares, as if they were still
shut up in Russia, & to concede whatsoever they know of
Russian occurrents) that I have sustayned no small torture
with great paines of body, vexation of minde, and triall of
potent interceding friends to get but neglect and silence
irom some, yea almost contempt and scorne. They
XIV 113 H
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1570.
alledge their thankftilnesse for benefits received from that
Nation, and their feare of the Dutch, readie to take advan-
tage thereof, and by calumniations from hence to intervert
their Trade. This for love to my Nation I have inserted
against any Cavillers of our Russe Merchants : though I
must needs professe that I distaste, and almost detest that
(call it what you will) of Merchants to neglect Gods glorie
in his providence, and the Worlds instruction from their
knowledge; who while they will conceale the Russians
Faults, will tell nothing of their Facts ; and whiles they
will be silent in mysteries of State, will reveale nothing
of the histories of Fact, and that in so perplexed, diversi-
fied chances and changes as seldome the World hath in so
short a space seene on one Scene. Whiles therefore they
which seeme to know most, will in these Russian Relations
helpe me little or nothing (except to labour and frustrated
hopes) I have (besides much conference with eye witnesses)
made bold with others in such books as in divers languages
I have read, and in such Letters and written Tractates as
I could procure of my friends, or found with Master
Hakluyt (as in other parts of our storie) not seeking any
whit to disgrace that Nation or their Princes, but onely
desiring that truth of things done may bee knowne, and
such memorable alterations may not passe as a dreame, or
bee buried with the Doers. Sir Jerome Horsey shall
leade you from Ivans Grave to Pheodores Coronation.
The most solemne and magnificent coronation of
*0; Thedor. Phcodor Ivanowrich, Emperour of Russia, &c.,
the tenth of June, in the yeare 1584. seen and
5/> Jmm observed by Master Jerom Horsey Gentleman,
^^'^' and servant to her Majestie.
The death of T T rHen the old Emperor Ivan Vasilowich died (being
IvanVas'tU' W about the eighteenth of April, 1584. after our
^^•/ ^8^ computation) in the Citie of Mosco, having raigned fiftie
foure yeares, there was some tumult & uprore among some
of the Nobilitie and Comminaltie, which notwithstanding
114
1
JEROME HORSEY a.d,
1584.
was quickly pacified. Immediately the same night, the
Prince Boris Pheodorowich Godonova, Knez Ivon Pheo-
dorowich, Mesthis Slafsky, Knez Ivan Petrowich Susky,
Mekita Romanowich and Bodan Jacoulewich Belskoy,
being all noble men, and chiefest in the Emperours Will,
especially the Lord Boris, whom he adopted as his third Lord Boris
son, and was brother to the Empresse, who was a man adopted as the
very well liked of all estates, as no lesse worthy for his ^^^Y^'
valour and wisedome : all these were appointed to dispose,
and settle his Sonne Pheodor Ivanowich, having one
sworne another, and all the Nobilitie and Officers whoso-
ever. In the morning the dead Emperour was laid into
the Church of Michael the Archangell, into a hewen
Sepulchre, very richly decked with Vestures fit for such a
purpose: and present Proclamation was made (Emperoxir
Pheodor Ivanowich of all Russia, &c.^ Throughout all
the Citie of Mosco was great watch and ward, with
Souldiors, and Gunners, good orders established, and
Officers placed to subdue the tumulters, and maintaine
quietnesse : to see what speede and policie was in this
case used, was a thing worth the beholding. This being
done in Mosco, great men of birth and accompt were also
presently sent to the bordering Townes, as Smolensko,
Vobsko, Kasan, Novogorod, &c. with firesh garrison, and
the old sent up. As upon the fourth of May a Parliament
was held, wherein were assembled the Metropolitane,
Archbishops, Bishops, Priors, and chiefe Clergie men, and
all the Nobility whatsoever : where many matters were
determined not pertinent to my purpose, yet all tended to
a new reformation in the governement : but especially the
terme, and time was agreed upon for the solemnizing of
the new Emperours coronation. In the meane time the
Empresse, wife to the old Emperour, was with her childe
the Emperours son, Charlewich Demetrie Ivanowich, of
one yeares age or there abouts, sent with her Father
Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay, and that kindred, being
five brothers, to a towne called Ouglets, which was given [Ii1.iv.741.]
unto her, and the yong Prince her sonne, with all the
"5
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1584.
Lands belonging to it in the shire, with officers of all sorts
appointed, having allowance of apparell, jewels, diet, horse,
&c. in ample manner belonging to the estate of a Princesse.
The time of mourning after their use being expired, called
Sorachyn, or fortie orderly dayes, the day of the solemniz-
Thi day of ing of this coronation, with great preparations, was come,
PAiodorkis bemg upon the tenth day of June, 1584. and that day
corotta M. ^^^^ Sunday, he being of the age of twenty five years :
at which time. Master Jerom Horsey was orderly sent
for, and placed in a fit roome to see all the solemnity.
The Emperoxir comming out of his Pallace, there went
before him the MetropoUtane, Archbishops, Bishops, and
chiefest Monkes, and Clergie men, with very rich Coapes
and Priests garments upon them, carrying pictxires of our
Lady, &c. with the Emperors Angell, banners, censers,
and many other such ceremonious things, singing all the
way. The Emperour with his nobility in order entred
the Church named Blaveshina or Blessednes, where prayers
and service were used, according to the manner of their
Church : that done, they went thence to the Church called
Michael the Archangell, and there also used the like
prayers, and service : and from thence to our Lady Church,
Prechista, being their Cathedrall Church. In the middest
thereof was a chaire of majestie placed, wherein his
Ancestors used to sit at such extraordinary times: his
roabes were then changed, and most rich and unvaluable
farments put on him : being placed in this Princely seate,
is nobilitie standing round about him in their degrees,
his imperiall Crowne was set upon his head by the Metro-
politane, his Scepter globe in his right hand, his sword of
Justice in his lert of great riches : his six crowns also, by
which he holdeth his Kingdomes were set before him, and
the Lord Boris Pheodorowich was placed at his right hand :
then the Metropolitan read openly a booke of a small
volume, with exhortations to the Emperour to minister
true Justice, to injov with tranquility the Crowne of his
ancestours, which God had given him, and used these
words following:
116
JEROME HORSEY ad.
1584.
Through the will of the almightie and without begin-
ning God, which was before this world, whom we glorifie
in me Trinitie, one onely God, the Father, the Sonne, and
the holy Ghost, maker of all things, worker of all in all
every where, fulfiUer of all things, by which will, and
working, he both liveth and giveth life to man : that our
onely God which enspireth everie one of us his onely
children with his word to disceme God through our Lord
Jesus Christ, and the holy auickning spirit oflife, now in
these perillous times established us to keepe the right
Scepter, and suffer us to raigne of our selves to the good
profit of the land, to the subduing of the people, together
with the enemies, and the maintenance of vertue. And
so the Metropolitan blessed and laid his crosse upon him.
After this, he was taken out of his chaire of Majesty,
having upon him an upper roabe adorned with precious
stones or all sorts, orient pearles of great quantity, but
alwayes augmented in riches: it was in weight two
hundred pounds, the traine and parts thereof borne
up by six Dukes, his chiefe imperiall Crowne upon his
head very precious : his staffe imperiall in his right
hand of an Unicornes home of three foote and a halfe
in length beset with rich stones, bought of Merchants
of Ausbvu-ge by the old Emperour, in Anno 1581. and
cost him 7000. Markes sterling. This Jewel Master
Horsey kept sometimes, before the Emperour had it.
His Scepter globe was carried before him by the Prince
Boris Pneodorowich : his rich cap beset with rich stones
and pearles, was carried before him by a Duke : his sixe
Crownes also were carried by Demetrius Ivanowich Godo-
nova, the Emperours unckle, Mekita Romanowich the
Emperors unckle, Stephen Vasiliwich, Gregorie Vasili-
wich, Ivan Vasiliwich brothers of the bloud royall. Thus
at last the Emperour came to the great Church doore,
and the people cried, God save our Emperour Pheodor
Ivanowich of all Russia, His Horse was there ready
most richly adorned, with a covering of imbrodered
pearle and precious stones, saddle, and all furniture
117
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1584.
agreeable to it, reported to be worth 300000. markes
sterling.
There was a bridge made of a hundred & fiftie fadomes
in length, three manner of waies, three foot above ground,
and two fedome broad, for him to goe from one Church to
the other with his Princes and nobles from the presse of
the people, which were in number infinite, and some at
that time pressed to death with the throng. As the
Emperor returned out of the Churches, they were spred
under foot with cloth of Gold, the porches of the Churches
with red Velvet, the Bridges with Scarlet, & stammelled
cloth from one Church to another : and as soone as the
Emperor was passed by, the cloth of gold, velvet and
scarlet was cut, & taken of those that could come bv it,
every man desirous to have a piece, to reserve it for a
monument : silver and gold coine, then minted of purpose
was cast among the people in great quantitie. The Lord
Boris Pheodorowich was sumptuously and richly attired,
with his garments decked with great orient pearle, beset
with all sorts of precious stones. In like rich manner
were apparelled all the family of the Godonovaes in their
degrees, with the rest of the Princes and nobilitie, whereof
one named Knez Ivan Michalowich Glynsky, whose roabe,
horse and furniture, was in register found worth one
hundred thousand markes sterling, being of great
antiquitie. The Empresse being in her Pallace, was placed
in her chaire of Majesty also before a great open window :
most precious, and rich were her robes, and shining to
behold, with rich stones, and orient Pearles beset, her
crowne was placed upon her head, accompanied with her
Princesses, and Ladies of estate : then cried out the people,
God preserve our noble Empresse Irenia. After all this,
[III. iv. 742.] the Emperour came into the Parliament house, which was
richly decked : there he was placed in his royall seat
adorned as before : his sixe crownes were set before him
upon a Table : the Bason and Ewre royall of gold held by
his knight of gard, with his men standing two on each
side in white apparell of cloth of silver, called Kindry with
118
JEROME HORSEY ad.
1584.
scepters and battle-axes of gold in their hands, the Princes
and nobility were all placed according to their degrees all
in their rich roabes.
The Emperour after a short Oration, permitted every
man in order to kisse his hand: which being done, he
removed to a princely seate prepared for him at the table :
where he was served by his Nobles in very princely order.
The three out roomes being very great and large were
beset with plate of gold and silver round, from the ground
up to the vauts one upon the other : among which plate
were many barrels of silver and gold : this solemnitie and
triiunph lasted a whole weeke, wherein many royall pas-
times were shewed and used : after which, the chiefest
men of the Nobilitie were elected to their places of office
and dignitie, as the Prince Boris Pheodorowich was made
chiefe Counsellour to the Emperour, Master of the Horse,
had the charge of his person. Lieutenant of the Empire,
and warlike engins. Governor or Lieutenant of the Empire
of Cazan, and Astracan, and others : to this dignitie were
by Parliament, and gift of the Emperour given him many
revenewes and rich lands, as there was given him, and his
for ever to inherite a Province called Vaga, of three
hundred English miles in length, and two hundred and
fiftie in breath, with many Townes and great Villages
populous and wealthy : his yearely Revenew out of that
Province, is five and thirtie thousand Markes sterling,
being not the fifth part of his yeare Revenue. Further,
he and his house be of such authoritie and power, that in
forty dayes warning, they are able to bring into the field a
hundred thousand Souldiours well furnished.
The conclusion of the Emperours Coronation was a
peale of Ordnance, called a Peale royall, two miles without
the Citie, being a hundred and seventy great pieces of
brasse of all sorts, as faire as any can be made; these
pieces were all discharged with shot against bulwarkes
made of purpose : twentie thousand hargubusers standing
in eight ranks two miles in length, appareUed all in velvet,
coloured silke and stammels, discharged their shot also
119
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1584.
twise over in good order: and so the Emperour accom-
panied with all his Princes and Nobles, at the least fiftie
thousand horse, departed through the Citie to his pallace.
This royall coronation would aske much time, and many
leaves of paper to be described particularly as it was per-
formed: it shall suffice, to imderstand that the like
munificence was never seene in Russia.
The Coronation, and other triumphs ended, all the
Nobilitie, officers, and Merchants, according to an accus-
tomed order every one in his place and degree, brought
rich presents unto the Emperour, wishing him long life,
and joy in his kingdome.
The same time also Master Jerom Horsey aforesaid,
remaining as servant in Russia for the Queens most excel-
lent Majestie, was called for to the Emperoxir, as he sate
in his Imperiall seat, and also a famous Merchant of
Netherland being newly come to Mosco (who gave him
John de Wale, selfe out to be the King of Spaines subject) called John de
Wale, was in like sort called for. Some of the Nobilitie
would have preferred this subject of the Spaniard before
Master Horsey servant to the Queen of England, where-
unto Master Horsey would in no case agree, saying, hee
woxild have his legges cut off by the knees, before hee
would yeelde to such an indignitie offered to his Sove-
raigne the Queenes Majestie of England, to bring the
Emperour a present, in course after the King of Spaines
subject, or any other whatsoever. The Emperour, and
the Prince Boris Pheodorowich perceiving the contro-
versie, sent the Lord Treasurer Peter Ivanowich Galavyn,
and Vasili Shalkan, both of the G^unsell, to them, who
delivered the Emperour backe Master Horseys speech:
whereupon he was first in order (as good reason) admitted
and presented the Emperour in the behalfe of the English
Merchants trading thither, a present, wishing him joy,
and long to raigne in tranquilitie, and so kissed the
Emperours hand, he accepting the present with good
liking, and avouching, that for his Sisters sake, Queene
Elizabeth of England, he would be a gracious Lord to her
120
JEROME HORSEY a.d.
1584.
Merchants, in as ample manner as ever his Father had
beene: and being dismissed, he had the same day sent
him, seaventie dishes of sundry kinds of meats, with
three carts laden with al sorts of drinks very bountifully.
After him was the foresaid subject of the Spanish King
admitted with his present, whom the Emperor willed to
be no lesse faithfull & serviceable imto him, then the
Queen of Englands subjects were & had been, & then
the King of Spains subjects shold receive favor accord-
ingly.
All these things thus in order performed, prayses were
sung in all the Churches. The Emperour and Empress
very devoutly resorted on foote to many principal
Churches in the Citie, and upon Trinitie Sunday betooke
themselves to a progresse in order of procession, to a
famous Monasterie c^ed Sergius and the Trinitie, sixtie
miles distant from the Citie of Mosco, accompanied with
a huge armie of Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others,
mounted upon goodly Horses with furniture accordingly.
The Empresse of devotion tooke this journey on foote
aU the way, accompanyed with her Princesses and Ladies,
no small niimber : her Guard and Gunners were in number
twentie thousand: her chiefe Counsellor or Attendant,
was a noble man of the bloud Royall her Uncle of great
authoritie, called Demetri Ivanowich Godonova. All this
progresse ended, both the Emperoxir and Empresse
returned to Mosco : shortly after, the Emperour by the
direction of the Prince Boris Pheodorowich, sent a power [i11.iv.743.]
into the Land of Siberia, where all the rich Sables and
Furres are gotten. This power conquered in one yeere
and a halfe one thousand miles. In the performance of
this warre, there was taken prisoner the Emperour of the
Country, called Chare Sibersky, and with him many other cAare
Dukes and Noble men, which were brought to Mosco, Sibmky
with a guard of Souldiers and Gunners, who were received ^f^f ^ ,
into the Citie in very honourable manner, and doe there Lt!^J^^
remaine to this day. brtmgkt to
Hereupon the corrupt Officers, Judges, Justices, Cap- Mosco.
121
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1584.
taines and Lieutenants through the whok Kingdome were
remooved, and more honest men substituted in their
places, with expresse commandement, under severe
punishment to surcease their old bribing and extortion
which they had used in the old Emperours time, and
now to execute true justice without respect of persons:
and to the end that this might be the better done, their
lands and yeerly stipends were augmented: the great
taskes, customes, and duties, which were before laid upon
the people in the old Emperours time, were now abated,
and some wholly remitted, and no punishments com-
manded to be used, without sufficient and due proofe,
although the crime were capitall, deserving death : many
Dukes and Noble men of great Houses, that were under
displeasure, and imprisoned twentie yeeres by the old
Emperour, were now set at libertie and restored to their
lands : all prisoners were set at libertie, and their tres-
passes forgiven. In summe, a great alteration universally
in the government followed, and yet all was done quietly,
civilly, peaceably, without trouble to the Prince, or offence
to the Subject : and this bred great assiirance and honour
to the Kmgdome, and all was accomplished by the
wisedome especially of Irenia the Empresse.
These things being reported and carried to the eares
of the Kings and Princes that were borderers upon Russia,
they grew so fearful! and terrible to them, that the
Monarch of all the Scythians called the Crim Tartar or
^ophet Ken great Can himselfe, named Sophet Keri Alii, came out of
AUi King of his owne Countrie to the Emperour of Russia, accom-
the Cnm panied with a great number of his Nobilitie well horsed,
Mmo, ^ although to them that were Christians they seemed rude,
yet they were personable men, and valiant : their comming
was gratefuU to the Emperour, and their entertainment
was honourable : the Tartar Prince having brought with
him his wives also, received of the Russe Emperour
entertainment, and Princely welcome according to their
estates.
Not long after, one thousand and two hundred Polish
122
JEROME HORSEY ad.
1584-
Gentlemen, valiant Souldiers, and proper men came to
Mosco, offering their service to the Emperour, who were
all entertayned: and in like sort many Chirkasses, and
people of other Nations came and offered service. And
as soone as the report of this new created Emperour was
spred over other Kingdomes of Europe, there were sent
to him sundrie Ambassadors, to wish him joy and pros-
peritie in his Kingdome : thither came Ambassadors from
the Turke, from the Persian, the Bogharian, the Crim,
the Georgian, and many other Tartar Princes. There
came also Ambassadors from the Emperour of Almaine,
the Pole, the Swethen, the Dane, &c. And since his
Coronation no enemie of his hath prevailed in his attempts.
It fell out not long after, that the Emperour was desirous The new
to send a message to the most excellent Queene of Emperor
England, for which service he thought no man fitter then ^^^o^f
Master Jerome Horsey, supposing that one of the Queenes i^^^^j '^
owne men and subjects would bee the more acceptable Requests to the
to her. The summe of which message was. That the Queene.
Emperor desired a continuance of that league, friendship,
amitie and intercourse of traffique which was betweene
his Father and the Queenes Majestie and her Subjects,
with other private affaires besides, which are not to bee
made common.
Master Horsey having received the Letters and Master
Requests of the Emperour, provided for his journey over Horseys
Land, and departed from Mosco the fift day of September, ^^g^fi^^
thence unto Otver, to Torshook, to great Novogrod, to g^Zl^^^^^
Vobskie, and thence to Nyhouse in Livonia, to Wenden, i^fui,
and so to Riga : (where he was beset, and brought forth-
with before a Cardinall, called Ragevil, but yet suffered
to passe in the end : ) From thence to Mito, to Golden,
and Libou in Curland, to Memel, to Koningsburgh in
Prussia, to Elbing, to Dantzike, to Stetine in Pomerland,
to Rostock, to Lubeck, to Hamborough, to Breme, to
Emden, and by Sea to London. Being arrived at her
Majesties Royal Court, and having delivered the
Emperours Letters with good favour, and gracious accept-
123
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1584.
ance, he was forthwith againe commanded to repasse into
Russia, with other Letters from her Majestie to the
Emperour, and Prince Boris Pheodorowich, answering
the Emperours Letters, and withall requesting the favour
and friendship, which his Father had yeelded to the
English Merchants: and hereunto was he earnestly also
solicited by the Merchants of London themselves of that
Companie, to deale in their behalfe. Being thus dis-
patched from London by Sea, he arrived in Mosco, the
1586. twentieth of Aprill, 1586. and was very honourably wel-
commed, and for the Merchants behoofe, obtayned all his
Requests, being therein specially favoured by the Noble
Prince Boris Pheodorowich, who alwayes affected Master
Horsey with speciall liking. And having obtayned
priviledges for the Merchants, he was recommended from
the Emperour againe, to the Queene of England his
Mistresse, by whom the Prince Boris, in token of his
honourable and good opinion of the Queenes Majestie,
[III. iv. 744.] sent her Highnesse a Royall present of Sables, Luzarns,
cloth of Gold and other rich things. So that the Com-
panie of English Merchants, next to their thankfulnesse
to her Majestie, are to account Master Horseys paines
their speciall benefit, who obtayned for them those privi-
ledges, which in twentie yeeres before would not be
granted.
The manner of Master Horseys last dispatch from the
Emperour, because it was very honorable, I thought
food to record. Hee was freely allowed post-horses for
im and his servants, victuals and all other necessaries
for his long journey : at every Towne that he came unto
from Mosco to Vologda, which is by Land five hundred
miles, he received the like free and boimtifull allowances,
at the Emperours charge. New victuall and provision
were given him upon the River Dwina at every Towne
by the Kings OflScers, being one thousand miles in length.
When he came to the new Castle, called Archangel, he
was received of the Duke Kntz Vasili Ancfrewich
Isvenogorodsky by the Emperours Commission into the
124
JEROME HORSEV a.d.
1586.
Castle, Gunners being set in rankes after their use, where
he was sumptuously feasted: from thence he was dis-
patched with bountifull provision and allowance in the
Dukes Boat, with one hundred men to rowe him, and
one hundred Gunners in other Boats to conduct him, with
a Gentleman Captaine of the Gunners. Comming to the
Road where the English, Dutch, and French ships rode,
the Gunners discharged, and the shippes shot in like
manner fortie sixe pieces of their Ordnance, and so hee
was brought to his lodging at the English house upon
Rose Hand.
And, that which was the full and complete conclusion
of the favour of the Emperour and Boris Pheodorowich
toward Master Horsey, there were the next day sent him
for his further provision upon the Sea by a Gentleman
and a Captaine, the things following. Sixteene live Oxen,
seventie Sheepe, six hundred Hens, five and twentie
flitches of Bacon, eightie bushels of Meale, six hundred
loaves of bread, two thousand Egges, ten Geese, two
Cranes, two Swannes, sixtie five gaUons of Meade, fortie
gallons of Aquavitae, sixtie gallons of Beere, three young
Beares, foure Hawkes, store of Onions and Garleeke, ten
fi'esh Salmons, a wilde Boare.
All these things were brought him downe by a Gentle-
man of the Emperours, and another of Prince Boris
Pheodorowich, and were received in order by John Frese
servant to Master Horsey, together with an honourable
present and reward from the jPrince Boris, sent him by
Master Francis Cherry an English man : which present
was a whole very rich piece of cloth of Gold, and a faire
paire of Sables.
IVan Vasilowich is reported to have had seaven Wives,
and of them to have left three children surviving,
Theodore or Pheodore and Demetrius a yongling by his
last wife, and a Daughter, which was the wife of L. Boris Thuan. hist.
aforesaid, whose sister Pheodore had married in his ^^- i*o-
Fathers life time, who woidd have caused her divorse for
"5
Aj>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1586.
her barrennesse (as he had caused Ivan his eldest sonnc
divers times to doe and his refusing it at last, was the
occasion of that angry, last, and fatall blow, before men-
tioned) but being protracted by faire excuses for a time,
the divorse of soule and body in the Father prevented
that in the marriage bed of the Sonne. Yet by his
Testament he ordamed, that if within two yeares she
proved not fruitfull, hee should marrie another. The
Divorce executers urged this after that terme expired ; but Gernia
•^^^- or Irenia, so wrought with her husband, that their counsels
were fhistrate : wherein she was assisted by the politicke
wisdome of her brother Boris, who was now become chiefe
Pilot, though not the Master in that Russian ship : and
is said formerly to have been no small doer in those cruel
designes of Ivan his deceassed Master; yet had he
cunningly cast the blame on him now dead, and wisely
insinuated into the peoples favour, by mitigating the
severitie of his Decrees. You have read before of his
¥'eat Revenues and wealth, recorded by eye witnesses,
huanus saith, that three hundred of the Knazeys and
^' ^' "' Boiarens, whereof the Senate of the Empire consisted,
Borif Ais plot, by advise of the Executors, had subscribed. Boris made
the simpler Emperor beleeve, that it was a conspiracie
against him : whereupon they were all committed, ten of
which (whom he thought his most dangerous adversaries)
were suddainly and privly executed : to the rest, he
procured the Emperours pardon and favour, seeming very
sorrowfull that this clemency had beene so much fore-
slowed : and that the hastie execution had prevented his
officious indevors for their deliverance. And that he
7J«tf». htsL might seem serious, he got their goods to be restored to
DemHm" ^^^^^ heires : so working himselfe mto the good liking of
slain some tell all degrees.
that one pre- But soone after, yong Demetrius the Emperours brother
/5f^</i// ^as slaine, as hee was going to Church betwixt two
^^ '^ Boiarens, by a mad man (as he seemed) who was thereupon
mending it cut suddenly slaine ; but the author which set him on worke,
his throate, could not be found : whereupon Boris was suspected to
126
OBSERVATIONS OF RUSSIA a.d,
1598.
affect the soveraigntie. Thiianus elsewhere telleth, that
hee corrupted those which were about Demetrius : and the
great Bell being rung as is usuall in cases of fire to bring
the people together, Demetrius at that noise running forth,
some were set in that tumult to kil him, which accordingly
was effected, as he was comming downe a Ladder: the
rumour whereof, caused the tumultuous people (making
no curious search for the doers) to kil those or the Family
which they met in their furie, to put the suspition thereof
from themselves : which notwithstanding, Boris exercised
severer tortures and terrible executions upon them, and
as one which hartily execrated the fact, bxirned the fort "^It was in the
to expiate the parricide. This place being ferre remote * Northern
from the Court, whither he was thought purposely to have ^r!^^/
sent him, could not admit so open evidence of manifold [i11.iv.745.]
testimony; but that it gave occasion of other Tragedies,
by another supposed Demetrius, as shall anon appeare.
Meane while, Boris could not escape aspersion of the fact
past, and suspition of like intended to the present Prince,
and therefore was forced to conjure up his best wits to
worke him into better reputation. He did hereof either
take occasion, or make occasion by divers fires in * divers *Somi write
Cities of the Kingdome, the Houses being of wood, and ^* ^ ftf«/^^
easily consumed: which losse (made, as some deliver by -^i^",
,. ' . J.-1 ^11 • ^ tn Masco to be
nis own incendiaries, he seemed much to commiserate, jiredy and then
and by affected bountie, repaired those ruines out of the afterwards out
publique Treasure : others say, out of his private purse : ) of his owne
thus, not onely raising so many Phoenixes out of those ^ost repaired
ashes; but making devouring fire, become fuell to his '"'
magnificence, and raking reputation out of the flames
and cinders: thence erecting a Theatricall scene whereon
to acte in popular spectacles, his many parts of care,
industry, akcrity, wisedome, power, bounty, and whatso-
ever might fether his nest in the peoples hearts, thus
easily stoln and entertained in affection to him, whiles
Theodore lived, which was not long: he dying in the
ycare 1598. on twelfe day, having lived thirty sixe yeares,
and reigned neere fourteene. His impotency of body and
127
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1598.
D. Flit. minde, you have read before in part. Thuanus affirmeth,
that Ivan Vasilowich his Father said, he was fitter to ring
Bels in Churches, then to governe an Empire; aluding
therein to his superexceeding devotion and most devout
Diotk 9j superstition. His death caused a new aspersion on Boris
Tkiod»re, j^ procured, in some mens conceits (and reports) by
poyson.
His dead body was buried with his ancestors, in Saint
Michaels Temple in the Gistle, and Souldiours were
presently sent to the borders, to prohibitc ingresse or
egresse. Theodores will was read, and therein Gernia
The Empresse (or Irenia) his wife, and the Patriarch, entrusted with the
sucuedetk. administration of the State. Hereupon a generall State
assembly was assembled at Mosco, and their oathes given
to the Empresse. After this the Empresse went into a
Rmsiansmeof Nunnery, to passe there the fortie dayes destined to
firHedayes publique sorrow: in which time (whether of her owne
Im^Em^rwrs ^^ ^^^ ^^^ brothers accord) making shew of unspeakable
jioih. sorrow for her deceased Lord, she renounced the world,
and transferred the Imperiall government upon the
Knazeys and Boiarens, which her Husband had bequeathed
to her; that they, according to their wisdome, and love
to their Countrie, might take care thereof. This was
done by her brothers counsell, to try what the people would
doe: who were so moved therewith, that they came
thronging to the Nunnerie gates, lamentably imploring
her care in so perillous a time, whom onely they were
bound to serve. And when she bad them goe to the
Knazeys and Boiarens; they protested agamst them,
saying, they had sworne to her, and woxild be ordered
by L. Boris, her brother. Hereupon Boris Pheodorowich
goeth out to appease their tumxilt, and undertaketh for the
fortie dayes of mourning, together with the Knazeys and
Boiarens to administer 3ie Empire. In which time, the
r^ 2*JJ^ Empresse renounced secular cares, and professed her selfe
a Nunne ; changing her name from Gernia to Alexandrina.
The time of mourning being past, the people were
called into the Castle, and the Chancellour made an
128
tumeih Nun,
OBSERVATIONS OF RUSSIA ad.
1586.
Oration, perswading them to sweare obedience to the
Knazeys and Boiarens, which they with out-cryes dis-
claymed, offering to doe it to the Queene and L. Boris.
The Coimcell sitting to consider hereof, the Chancellor
came forth againe, and commanded them to sweare to the
Knazeys and Boiarens ; the Queene having now become
a Nunne, Whereupon they all named Boris her Brother,
as one worthy of the State, to whom they were readie to
sweare. Hee being present, rose up and modesdy excused
himselfe, protesting his unwillingnesse and unworthinesse, Boris khwiH-
and bidding them chuse some other more worthy. And ing untoilBng-
going withall into the Church, they laid in manner force- ^^^'
able hands on him, with loud cryes and lamentations,
beseeching him not to forsake them. Whereat he wept
and still refused, alleaging his insufficiencie : and to kindle
greater desire in the people and Nobles, absented and hid
nimselfe with his Sister in the Nunnerie the space of a
moneth. In which space the people fearing his flight,
besieged the place, and with continuall clamours xirged
the Queene, to perswade her Brother to accept of the
Empire which she had refused. Shee againe sends them
to the Knazeys and Boiarens, the mention of whose names
seemed to cast them into a fit of mutinie and sedition.
Boris then commeth forth and tels them, if they were no
ijuieter, he also woxild take Sack-cloth, and (as his Sister
had done) enter into a Monasterie. They made so much
greater stirres, casting out some desperate threats of
looking to themselves, where the Common-wealth was
desperately neglected. The Queene then wonne by their
importunitie perswadeth her brother no longer to resist
Goids will, which had put this constancie into the peoples
mindes, and to accept that which thus God seemed to
command, praying for his blessing therein.
Boris after new excuses, at last seeming overcome by
his Sisters intreaties, and to have held out suflSciendy to
remove envie, assenteth to her, and shee signifieth as
much to the people, to whom she presents him, praying
them to be as loyall to him, as they had beene earnest for
xnr 129 I
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1586.
BoHs kis him. Boris also spake unto them: Forasmuch as it
^ech, seemeth good to the Divine Grace and Providence,
whereby 3\ things are governed, that by common consent
and continuall Prayers mtreated, I take on mee the Princi-
palitie over you, and all the Provinces of Russia, I will
[III. iv. 746.] no longer resist, how heavie soever I conceive this burthen
to my shoulders, but have determined to undertake your
protection with greatest fidelitie, being readie to sway
the Russian Scepter and Government, as farre as Gods
grace shall enable mee. On the other side bee you faith*
full to mee and to mv command, as God may you helpe.
I am your most gentle King.
Boris Joytull acclamations followed, with all protestation of
Emferor. their fidelitie and future obedience. He entring into the
Monasterie, after Prayers, received the first Benediction*
The people returned full of joy, and the Bels (of which
are numbred in Mosco, three thousand) resounded the
publike Festivitie. All the Magistrates and Officers, &
such as received Salarie of the iSng, go presently to the
Monasterie and carrie Gold, Silver, Precious Stones,
Pearles, Bread, and Salt, (after the solemne custome) with
wishes of long life & al happines, and desiring to accept
in good worth their Presents. He with thankes rendred,
accepts only the Bread and Salt, saving, these were his;
the rest they shoxild take to themselves. Then doth hee
HisWifeySon^ bid them to a Feast, and presently with Mary his Wife>
W Daughter. Theodore his Sonne of ten yeeres old, and Arsenica his
Daughter being sixteene, he goeth out of the Monasterie
with pompeous Procession to the Castle. Like Presents
were oflFered to his Wife and Children, which accepted
only the Bread and Salt, remitting the rest to the Pre-
senters. When he was comne to the Castle, he chose his
Sisters Lodging; for that of the Prince deceased, as
oflFensive by his death, was destroyed and after new built.
After Festivall entertaynment of innumerable people,
solemne Oath was taken of all the Govemours; those
things being in action till Mav. Then came newes that
Tartars. the Crim Tartars had entred the borders thinking to find
130
OBSERVATIONS OF RUSSIA aj>.
1586.
all tilings troubled with an interregne; whereupon he
assembled an Armie of three hundred thousand, and went
in person against them. But the Tartars hearing how
things went, returned home and sent Embassadors to the
Emperours Tents. Hee returned with them to Mosco,
where the next September (which is the beginning of the
Russian New yeere, which enters in other places with Riusimi New
January following) hee was publikely blessed by the y^^'
Patriarke, carrying a golden Crosse in his hand, and on
the fourteenth of September, before the Knazeys, Boiarens,
Bishops and other Orders, had the Crowne set on his head Bomcmmud.
by the Patriarke, and the Scepter put in his hand, with
the Solemnitie in such cases accustomed.
Twelve dayes together all Orders were feasted in the
Castle, and the Magistrates and Officers had a yeeres
pay given them. Merchants also of other Countries had
Immunities and Priviledges granted. The Rustickes had
their payments to their Boiarens reasonably rated, and
their persons made more free. Germane Merchants had
moneyes lent them to repay seven yeeres after without
Usurie. Widdowes, and Orphans, and poorer persons
received much Almes. Pheodores Obsequies were
solenmely performed, and the Priests richly rewarded ; and
that Empire which seemed dead with the death of the
house of Beala, now was as it were revived, and received
a glorious Resurrection.
Thus have we delivered you Thuanas his report touch-
ing Boris manner of acquiring the Empire without publike
envie, and cunning wiping off the aspersions of Pheodore
and Demetrius their deaths. And as every bodie is
nourished by Aliments correspondent to the Principles
of the Generation, so did hee seeke by politike wisdome
to establish that which by wise Policies he had gotten.
Wherein his care was not little to multiply Treasure, and HUfoMdes.
as at first hee had seemed popularly prodigall, so after
a small time of his Reigne, hee became providently
penurious, the wonted allowances of the Court being much
shortened from that which had beene in former times, as
131
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1586.
I have received from eye-witnesses. Likewise he was
carefull to hold good tearmes with his Neighbouring
Princes, and aswell by plots at home, as by forreigne
Aliance indevoured to settle on his Race this new gotten
Empire. He is said for this end to have sought a Wife
for his Sonne out of England, and a Husband for his
Daughter out of Denmarke. His Wife was a woman of
haughtie spirit, who thought her too good for any Hollop
(so they call a slave, and such she esteemed all the subjects)
and on such tearmes she is said to have beene denied to a
P. Basman. great man his best Souldier and Commander of his Armie.
But while his Sunne shined now in the height of his
course, and with brightest and warmest beames of pros-
peritie, there arose grosse vapours out of Demetrius his
grave, which grew quickly mto a blacke darke cloud,
and not only eclipsed that Imperiall glorie, but soone
engendred a bloudie storme, which with a floud swept
away that whole Family, and over-whelmed also the whole
Empire. Contraries set together cause the greater lustre ;
for which cause I will bring on the stage a Gentleman,
*ff^iere the which attended Sir Thomas Smith employed in Honour-
censoriom able Embassage from his Majestie of Great Brittaine to
^2^^^^^ the then flourishing Emperor Boris : and out of his large
mtich to insult Relations deliver you this which followeth in his owne
on Boris Ms words (omitting the most part * to our purpose not so
Masters. pertinent) in the Booke printed, Anno 1605.
[IU.iv.747.] §. II.
Occurrents of principall Note which happened in
Russia, in the time while the Honourable Sir
Thomas Smith remayned there Embassador
from his Majestie.
pir Thomas Smith Knight, accompanied with Sir T.
Challenor and Sir W. Wray Knights, divers
Gentlemen and his owne Attendants, repayred to
the Court on the tenth of June 1604. then lying at Green-
wich, where by the Right Honourable the Earle of
i3«
AMBASSAGE OF SIR THOMAS SMITH a.d.
1694.
Solisburie he was brought to His Majestis presence, kissed
his Hand, 8a:. The next day he tooke leave of the Prince,
and on the twelfth being furnished with his Commission,
he came to Gravesend, and next morning went aboord
the John and Francis Admirall : and the two and twentieth
of July anchored within a mile of the Archangell. The
sixteenth of September, hee came to Vologda: the five
and twentieth to Perislawe, and there staid three dayes,
and then departed to Troites, (that faire and rich Monas-
tcrie) so to Brattesheen and Rostovekin, five versts from
the great Citie of Musco. The fourth of October, the
Prestave came and declared the Emperours pleasure that
hee should come into the Mosco that forenoone : presently
after came Master I. Mericke .Agent, with some twentie
Horses to attend his Lordship, which forth-with was per-
formed. Then we did ride, til we came within a little
mile of the many thousands of Noblemen and Gentlemen
on both sides the way, attended on horsebacke to receive
his Lordship. Where the Embassadour alighted from
his G)ach, and mounted on his foot-doth Horse, and so
rode on with his Trumpets soimding. A quarter of a
mile farther, met him a proper and gallant Gentleman
a-foot of the Eniperours stable, who with Cap in hand,
declared to the Embassadour, that the Emperour, the
young Prince, and the Master of the Horse, had so farre
favoured him, as to send him a Jennet, very gorgeously
trapped with Gold, Pearle, and Precious Stone: and
particularly, a great Chaine of plated Gold about his necke,
to ride upon. Whereupon the Embassador alighted,
imbraced the Gentleman, returned humble thankes to them
all, and presently mounted. Then he declared that they
likewise had sent horses for the Kings Gentlemen, whicn
likewise were very richly adorned, then for all his fol-
lowers : which Ceremonie or State performed, and all being
horsed, he departed, we riding orderly forward, till wee
were met by three great Noblemen, severed from the rest
of the multitude, and the Emperours Tolmache or Inter-
preter with them.
133
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1604.
They being within speech, thus beean that Oration
they could never well conclude : Which was, That from
their Lord and Master the mightie Emperour of Russia,
&c. they had a message to deliver his Lordship. The
EmbassadoiM- then thinking they would be tedious and
troublesome with their usuali Ceremonies ; prevented their
farther speech with this ^to them a Spell) That it was
unfitting for Subjects to nold discourse in that kind of
complement, of two such mightie and renowmed Poten-
tates on horsebacke. They (hereby not only put by
their Ceremonious Saddle-sitting, but out of their Paper
instructions) allighted suddenly, as men fearing they were
halfe unhorsed, and the Embassadour presently after them,
comming very courteouslv all three, saluting the Embassa-
dour and the Kings Gentlemen, taking them by the hands.
Thus like a SchoTer, too old to learne by rote ^the Duke
named King Volladamur Evanywich Mawsolskoy) with
his Lesson before him, declared his message ; which was,
that he with the other two Noblemen, were sent from the
Great Lord, Emperoiu- and great Duke Boris Pheodo-
rowich, selfe-upholder, great Lord Emperour, and great
Tidms Title. Duke of all Russia, Volademer, Moskoe and Novogrode,
King of Casan and Astracan, Lord of Vobskoe, great Duke
of Smolenskoe, Tuer, Huder, Ughory, Perme, Viatsky,
Bolgory, Src. Lord and great Duke of Novogrod in the
Low Countreyes, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskey, Rostove,
Geraslave, Bealozera, Leifland, Oudorskey, Obdorskey,
Condingskey. King of all Syberia and the North Coasts,
Commander of the Countreyes of Iversky, Grysinsky, and
Emperour of Kabardivskey, of Chirkasky, and of the
whole Countrey of Garskey, and of many other Countreyes
and Kingdomes Lord and Emperour, to know of his
Majesties health of England, the Queene and Princes.
The second, being a Captayne of Gunners (the Emperours
Guard^ named Kazrine Davydowich Beaheetchove, pro-
nounang the Emperour and Princes Title, said hee was
sent from them to know his Lordships health and usage,
with the Kings Gentlemen. The third, was one of the
134
AMBASSAGE OF SIR THOMAS SMITH a.d.
.1604.
Secretaries, named Pheodor Boulteene, observing the
former order did deliver what he had in command from
the Emperor, Prince and. Empresse, to informe the
Embassador of their much favour towards him, and the
Kings Gentlemen, in providing for his Honourable enter-
tayne and ease, a faire large house to lodge in : Also that
they three were sent from the Emperour, Prince, and
Empresse, to be his Prestaves, to supply the Emperours
goodnesse toward him, to provide his necessaries, and
deliver any sute it pleased the Ambassadour to make to
the Emperour. To all which the Embassadour very
wisely gave answere (as they made report unto the.
Emperour.)
So we ail presently mounted againe, the Prestaves on
either hand of the Amba^adour his Horse and Foot-cloth
being led by his Page, some small distance, his Coach
behind that, and some sixe thousand Gallants after behind [III. iv. 748.]
all: who at the Embassadors riding through the guard,
that was made for him, very courteously bowed himselfe.
Thus was he followed by thousands, and within the three
ynis of the Citie, many hundreds of young Noblemen,
Gentlemen, and rich Merchants well moimted, begirt the
wayes on every side : divers on foot also, even to the gate
of the house where the Embassadour was to be lodged,
which was some two miles. Whither being come, he
was brought into his Bed-chamber by the Noblemen his
Prestaves, where with many thankes for their honourable
paines, they were dismist, betaking themselves to their
mrther affaires. The next morning came three other
Prestaves with the former, to know of his Lordships
health, and how he had rested the night past: withall,
that if his Lordship wanted any thing, they all, or any
one of them, were as commanded, so readie to obey
therein. These, with the Interpreter and sixe Gentlemen
were most within the walls, lodged in a house over the
gate, besides we had fiftie Gunners to attend, and guard
us in our going abroad.
The eight of October being the fourth day after our
135
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1604.
comming to Musco, the Prcstavcs came to his Lordship
to let him imderstand, they heard he should goe up the
Strangp next day : wherefore they desired his speech and Embas-
nqnesL sage to the Emperour : and the rather, that the Interpreter
might (as they pretended) translate it. To this purpose,
very earnestly at severall times they made demand. The
Embassadour answered, that he was sent from a mightie
Prince, to bee his Embassadour to their Emperour, and
being sent to their Master, he deemed it not only a dis-
honour to him, but a weaknesse in them, to require that
at his hands.
His oiuRence. The eleventh of October, his Lordship being sent for
by his Prestaves there wayting, having excellent Jennets
for himselfe, the Kings Gentlemen, and good horses for
the rest : as likewise two gallant white Palfreis to carrie
or draw a rich Chariot, one parcell of the great Present,
with his followers and the Emperours guard, carrying the
rest: on each side the streets standing the Emperours
guard with Peeces in their hands well apparelled, to the
number of two thousand by esteeme, many Messengers
posting betwixt the Court and our Prestaves. Thus with
much state, softly riding, till we came imto the utmost
gate of the Court (having passed through the great Castle
before) there his Lordship dismounted. Then met him a
great Duke (named Knase Andriay Metowich Soome-
derove) with certayne Gentlemen, to bring him up. So
in order as we rode, we ascended the staires and a stone
Gallerie, where on each side stood many Nobles and
Courtiers, in faire Coates of Persian StufFe, Velvet,
Damaske, 8a:. At the entry to the great Chamber, two
Counsellors encountred the Embassadour, to conduct him
through that Roome, round about which sat many grave
and richly apparrelled Personages. Then we entred the
Presence, whither being come, and making obeysance,
we staid to heare, but not understand, a very gallant
P. Batman, Nobleman, named Peter Basman, deliver the Emperours
Title: Then the particvdar of the Presents, and some
other Ceremonies: which performed, the Embassadour
136
AMBASSAGE OF SIR THOMAS SMITH Aa>.
1604..
having libertie, delivered so much of his Embassage, as
the time and occasion then affoorded: After whidi the
Emperour arising from his Throne, demanded of the King
of Englands health, the Princes, and Queenes : then of
the Embassadors and the Kings Gentlemen, and how they
had beene iised since they entred within his Dominions :
to all which with obeysance wee answered as was meete.
Then the young Prince demanded the very same.
The Embassador having taken the Kings Letter of his
Gentleman Usher, went up after his obeysance to deliver
it, which the Lord Chancellor would have intercepted.
But the Embassadour gave it to the Emperours owne
hands, and his Majestic afterwards delivered it to the Lord
Chancellor : who tooke it, and shewing the superscription
to the Emperour and Prince, held it in his hand openly
with the Seale towards them. Then the Emperour called
the Embassadour to kisse his hand, which he did, as
likewise the Princes, and with his face towards them
returned. Then did hee call for the Kings Gentlemen to
kisse his hand, and the Princes, which they after obeysance
made, did accordingly. Afterwards, his Majestie invited
his Lordship, the Kings Gentlemen and the rest to dine
with him, as likewise Master L Mericke Agent by name,
who gave his attendance there on the Embassadoiu-, and
was now (as divers times) very graciously used of the
Emperour and Prince : no stranger (that I ever heard off)
like him in aU respects.
Being entred the Presence, we might behold the
excellent Majestie of a mightie Emperour, seated in a Bmj^ourt
Chaire of Gold, richly embroydered with Persian Stuffe : ^^•
in his right hand hee held a golden Scepter, a Crowne
of pure Gold upon his head, a CoUer of rich stones and
Pearles about his necke, his outward Garments of Crimson
Velvet, embrovdered very faire, with Pearles, Precious
stones and Gold : On his right side, (on eauall height to
his Throne) standing a very faire Globe or beaten Gold,
on a Pyramis, with a faire Crosse upon it, unto which
before hee spake, he turned a little and crost himselfe.
137
Aa>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1604.
Nigh that, stood a faire Bason and Ewer, which the
Emperour often useth daily.
Princes CI08C by him in another Throne sat the Prince, in an
sfkmiour. outward Garment like his Fathers, but not so rich, a high
blacke Foxe Gip on his head, worth in those Countreyes
five hundred pound, a Golden StafFe like a Friers, with
the likenesse of a Crosse at the top. On the right hand
of the Emperour, stood two gallant Noblemen in cloth
of Silver Garments, high blacke Foxe Cappes, great and
Poikxes. long chaines of Gold hanging to their feet, with Pollaxes
[III. iv. 749.] on their shoulders of Gold. And on the left hand of the
Prince two other such, but with Silver Pollaxes. Round
^jUmi-^^ about the benches sat the Councell and Nobilitie, in
Golden and Persian Coats, and high blacke Foxe Caps,
to the number of two hundred, the groimd being covered
with Cloth of Arrasse, or Tapistrie : The Presents standing
all the while in the Roome, within little distance of his
Majestie, where he and the Prince often viewed them.
Being now by our Prestaves and others come for to Dinner,
who led us through much presse and many Chambers to
one very faire and rich Roome, where was infinite store
PUu, of massie Plate of all sorts ; Towards the other end stood
the Emperours Uncle, named Stephean Vaselewich Godo-
nove. Lord High Steward, being attended with many
Noblemen and Gentlemen, whom my Lord in his passage
saluted, which with an extraordinary countenance of aged
Joy, he received, making one of their honourable Nods.
DhsMg roome. The Embassador entred the dining Roome, where we
againe viewed the Emperour and Prince, seated under two
Chaires of State, readie to dine, each having a Scull of
Pearle on their bare heads, but the Princes was but a
CAoMgfo/ Coronet. Also their Vestments were changed.
aymen . j^^^ former Duke, that for that day was the Embassa-
dours Prestave, came, as commanded from the Emperor,
and placed the Embassador at a Table, on the bench side,
some twentie foot from the Emperour. Then the Kings
Gentlemen, Master Mericke, Master Edward Cherrie, and
all the rest were placed, so that our eyes were halfe opposite
138
AMBASSAGE OF SIR THOMAS SMITH a.d.
1604.
to the Emperour. Over against the Embassadour sat his
Prestaves uppermost. Also in this large place sat the
Privie Counsell, to the number of two hundred Nobles Two hundred
at severall Tables. In the midst of this Hall might seeme ^^^^^ i^^^-
to stand a great Pillar, round about which, a great heigth
stood wonderfoU great pieces of Plate, very curiously
wrought with all manner of Beasts, Fishes and Fowles,
besides some other ordinarie pieces of serviceable Plate.
Being thus set ^some quarter of an houre as it were,
feeding ow eyes with that faire Filler of Plate) we beheld
the Emperours Table served by two hundred Noblemen, Three j^.
all in Coats of doth of Gold. The Princes Table served dred noble
with one hundred young Dukes and Princes of Cassan, ^rvitors.
Astrican, Syberia, Tartaria, Chercasses and Russes, none
above twentie yeeres old.
Then the Emperour sent from his Table by his Noble
Servitors, to my Lord and the Kings Gentlemen, thirtie
Dishes of meate, and to each a loafe of extraordinary fine
bread. Then followed a great number of strange and
rare Dishes, some in Silver, but most of massie Gold;
with boyled, baked, and rosted, being piled up on one
another by halfe dozens. To make you a particiilar
Relation, I should doe the entertaynment wrong, consist-
ing almost of innumerable Dishes: Also, I should
over-charge my memory, as then I did mine eyes and
stomacke, little delighting the Reader, because Garlicke GarBke and
and Onions, must besawce many of my words, as then Onms.
it did the most part of their Dishes.
For our Drinkes, they consisted of many excellent kinds Drinkes.
of Meadcs, besides all sorts of Wine and Beere. Divers Meads.
times by name, the Emperor sent us Dishes : but in the
midst of Dinner hee called the Embassadour up to him,
and dranke our Kings health, where the Emperour held
3ome discoiu*se of our King and State. But at one time
(striking his hand advisedly on his brest) Oh, said hee,
my deere Sister Queene Eli2^beth, whom I loved as mine Memory o/Q.
owne heart, expressing this his great affection almost in ^^2;^'^-
a weeping passion. The Embassador receiving tfie Cup
139
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1604.
from his Princely hand, returned againe to his owne place,,
where all of us standing, dranke the same health out of
the same Cup, being of faire Christall, as the Emperour
had commanded, the Wine (as ferre as my judgement gave
leave) being Alligant.
Thus passing some foure houres in banquetting, and
refreshing our selves too plentifully, all being taken away,
we did arise. The Embassadour and the Kings Gentle-
men beeing called by name to receive from his Emperiall
hands, a Cup (or rather as they call it a Yendover) of
excellent red Mead, a favour among them never observed
before, which Cups for they were great and the Mead
very strong, we often sipped at, but without hurting our
memories, we could not say Amen unto: which the
Emperour perceiving, commanded them to be taken away,
saying, Hee was best pleased with what was most for our
healths.
Thus after our low coiirtesies- performed, wee departed
from his presence, riding home with the same rormer
guard and attendance to our Lodgings; where our
Prestaves for that instant left us, but shortly after they
came againe, to accompany a great and gallant Duke, one
of them that held the Emperours golden Pollaxes, named
Knes Romana Pheodorowich Troya Narove, who was sent
from his Majestie to make the Embassadoiir and the Kings
Gentlemen merrie : likewise having instructions to drinke
their Emperours, our Kings, and both the Princes healths,
and divers Princes else, which hee did himselfe very freely
and some of us, as many of them as wee could with our
owne healths, there being such plentie of Meades and
other Drinkes, as might well have made fortie Russes
have stumbled to sleepe. Thus light-headed, and well
Gifts, laded especially if you take knowledge of the thirtie yards
of cloth of Gold, and the two standmg Cups with covers,
which the Embassadour rewarded him withall, before he
departed.
But unwelcome newes within foure dayes after our
audience so unhappily came, as not only our Affaires, but
140
AMBASSAGE OF SIR THOMAS SMITH a.d.
1604.
any else, except counsell against present danger, was not
T^arded. For this was held Tor currant, that one who named If ewes rf
himselfe Demetrie Evanowich Beak, as the Sonne of their ^^^^rius.
late Emperor Ivan Vasillowich; hee that in the reigne of [III. iv. 7 50.]
Pheodor Evanowich his brother was in his in^cie, as
was thought, murthered at Ougleets, is now revived
againe, and up in armes for his right and inheritance:
whereupon presently was sent an Armie of two hundred
thousand Sovddiers, either to take or slay him. But he
was so strengthened with Poles, Cossacks, &c. that a
number of Russes yeelded to his obedience.
Upon the one and twentieth of November, the young
Prince of an ancient custome going to a Church within
Mosco, the Kings Gentlemen upon knowledge thereof
{the Ambassador being unwilling to be seene publike, as
also for that the Emperor himselfe did not goe as hee was
accustomed) went and attended where his Excellency
might see them, and they, safely behold him, who rode in
a very faire and rich sled, having a gallant Palfrey lead by Princei pmp.
two Groomes to draw it, many hundreds running before
to sweepe the snowe away where he should passe, and were
said to bee slaves, which I verily beleeve, because certainly
they were his Subjects. Then came the Prince richly
apparelled with two Tartar Princes standing before on
his sled, and two young Dukes behind, with two hundred
sleds following him.
The eight of Februarie, the Emperor sent us sleds to
ride abroad, and this day the rather, that we might behold
a reported victorie, against the reputed RebeU Demetrie,
&c- So we the Kings Gentlemen did behold three
hundred poore Prisoners, seventeene Ensignes, and eleven
Drums brought in, with more glorie then victorie. About
this time returned Peter Basman, one of the Generals, P^terBasman.
who had performed very honourable service, and certainly,
he was the man of greatest hope and expectation in the
whole Empire, who was brought into the Mosco, with all
the Counsell, Nobles, Gentlemen, and Merchants, a grace
never performed before to any Subject. But not without
141
A.D.
1604.
Oucsinia the
Prineessi,
Second
audience.
Citizens
SouMers,
PURGHAS HIS PILGRIMES
suspition of some extraprdinarie secret herein, and besides
partioilar favours, bountiful! rewards, and a promise he
should never goe againe untill the Emperor himselfe went^
he was, being but a yoimg man, made a Privie Counsellor.
Forthwith one thing I win you shall observe the Emperors
fiivour, and his then noble Spirit, he making divers times
sute (as was thought) because they were in great danger,
to goe againe to the warres, once prostrated himselfe to
obtayne his desire, but falling down too humbly, hee could
not easily rise againe, whereby the Emperor imderstanding
of his many and great wounds, was said to weepe, rising
himselfe up to raise and helpe him up, but extraordinarie
Causes have the like Effects, as hereaifter you shall imder-
stand.
We were lodged in the same house where the young
Prince John of Denmarke, brother to that King and our
now Queene of England, did lodge, (who wovdd have
married the young Princesse Oucksinia, the Emperors
only daughter, but that he unhappily there died) but not
in any of those lodgings : for it is a custome there, that
where a Prince dyes (especially a stranger) not of long
time after to let any other lodge there.
Now the Ambassador understanding of the conveni-
ence of his passage downe by sled-way, also fearing (as
wise men had cause) what the issue of these warres would
be, knowing the state here used in any sutes, bethought
himselfe advisedly that it was high time, being the middest
of Februarie, to desire a second audience for his sooner
dispatch, which he forthwith requested, and wrote a letter
to that purpose unto the Lord Chancellor.
Upon the tenth of March, the Ambassador with the
Kings Gentlemen all richly apparelled, and all his followers
decently attending, very honourably (as before) and with
the like recourse of beholders, and guard of Gimners (but
that thev were said to bee Citizens by reason of their
warres, out in like appareU) was attended to the Court,
being received with the former grace, or more, he ascended
the Presence: the Emperour and Prince holding their
14a
AMBASSAGE OF SIR THOMAS SMITH a.d.
1604.
wonted state, onely changing their Vestments with the
season, but for the riches notning inferior.
So soone as the Ambassador and the Kings Gentlemen
were come opposite to his Throne, hee commanded seates
that they might sit downe : then with a Majestick coun-
tenance, representing rather constraint then former
cheerfulnesse, he declared, that He, his Sonne and
Councell, had considered his Majesties Letter, the
Majestie of King James of England, as also on what-
soever else was desired, and in token of his joyfuU received
amitie with the renowmed King of England, as with his
Predecessor, he had wrote his Princely Letters to that
purpose. Herewith the Chancellor from the Emperour
delivered the Ambassadors his Highnesse Letters to his
excellent Majestie. Withall understanding by the Chan-
cellor hee had some farther matter to intreat of, then in
his Briefe to his Majestie was remembred : therefore hee
had appointed foxu^e principall Councellors to consult with
him of his Requests, which was done. After, the Ambas-
sador yeelding courteous thanks for his Majesties favoxu*,
his Lordship attended by many Nobles, proceeded to the
Councell Chamber, whither p-esently after came foure
Councellors, and the Emperoxu^s Tolmach: who after
salutations, we withdrew to the next chamber, where wee
passed away an houre in discourse, among many young
Nobles, having the Ambassadors Interpreter. In the end,
after three or foure goings and returnes of the Chancellor
from the Emperour, wee went againe before him (where
after hee had conunanded us to sit downe as before) bv
the mouth of the Chancellor was openly delivered a Briete
of the whole Embassie (and that dayes particular desire,
according to the Ambassadors request, confirmed.) Also
in good and pleasing language, was declared the great [III. iv. 7 51.]
desire that the Emperoiir had, for the continuance of peace
and amitie with the renowmed James King of England,
as with the late Queene Elizabeth, withall that in due time
(all accidents well ended) he would send an honourable
Ambassador for further affaires, as likewise to congratulate
M3
A.D.
1604.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
with our King of his happinesse in so plausible comming
to his Right and Inheritance. Likewise, a Grant of a new
Priviledge for the Companie, which he said should be
GMen Seaie. under the golden Seale, &c.
Which ceremonious speech ended, the Emperor called
for the Ambassador and the Kings Gentlemen to kisse his
hand, and the Princes: which done, with the Emperors
nod or bowing to us, as likewise the Princes, desiring the
remembrance of his and the Princes conmiendations to his
Majestie, the Prince, and Queene of England, we were
dismissed, but not before the Emperor said he would send
home to us. Thus we tooke our last leave of the
Emperors Coiirt, being more graciously and especially
entertayned then before, or then ever any would take
knowledge Ambassadors were used withall : we are honor-
ably attended home, and a Duke of great account, named
Knas Evan Evannowich Courletev, was attended with
many of the Emperors servants within our Gates : foUow-
GreaidtHHir, ing him a dinner, sent from the Emperor by some two
hundred persons, consisting of three hundred severall
dishes of Fish (for it was now Lent) of such strangenesse,
greatnesse, and goodnesse (for their nimiber) as it were not
to bee beleeved by any report, but by a mans owne eye-
sight, with infinite store of Meades, and Beere, in massie
plate, &c.
The eighteenth of March, the Emperor sent by Vassilly
Gregorewich Telepnove, the Roll wherein was the
Demands of the Ambassador, and the particvdars of the
whole negotiation, as there at large appeares. The nine-
teenth, his Majestie sent by Menshoy Buldecove, imder
Treasurer, a royall Present to the Ambassador of many
particulars, also to each of the Kings Gentlemen, being
rewarded, he departed.
The twentieth of March, being honourably accom-
panyed with thousands of Gallants of each side the streets
Ambassadors all along as we passed, the Ambassador departed from the
departure. QA\\t of Mosco, with the whole numbers of horse-men
still becking us, till we came a short mile on this side the
144
AMBASSAGE OF SIR THOMAS SMITH a.d.
1604.
Citie where we made a stand, and after some complement
betweene the Ambassador and his kinde and honoiirable
Prestave, the Duke VoUagdemor, with almost weeping
on his part, the Ambassador went from the Emperors sled
to his coadi set upon a sled, and wee alighted from the Skd-pasMage.
Emperors horses, and betooke our selves to our easie and
pleasant passage in sleds, such a passage as this part of the
World wovdd wonder at, in which a man though hee goe
a Hackney pace, may as easily reade as sleepe.
Thus accompanyed with Master John Mericke, Master
William Russel, sometimes Agent for the Dutch, and
many other Merchants, we easily rode that night to Bratte-
shin, thirtie miles .from the Mosco, The next morrow
taking leave of them all, we continued oxir journey fiftie
and sixtie versts a day easily.
Within few dayes after wee heard newes certainly of
the Emperors sudden and untimely death: which, con- Emperor Boris
sidering neither the Prestave, the Governour, or Bishop, ^ death,
had not or would not of ten dayes after take knowledge of,
we might in the meane time have doubted of, but that his
Lordship had it from Master John Mericke by Letter
particularly. His death was very sudden, and it was in
it selfe, very strange : for within some two houres after
dinner, having (as nee usually had) his Doctors with him,
who left him in their judgements in health, as the good
meale he made could witnesse, for hee dined well, and fed
plentiftiUy, though presently after as may be thought,
feeding over-much, hee felt himselfe not onely heavie, but
also payned in his stomacke: presently went into his
chamber, laid himselfe upon his bed, sent for his Doctors
(which alwayes speeded) vet before they came, hee was
past, being speechlesse and soone after dying. Before his
death (as speedie as it was) hee would bee shorne, and new new
christned : what the cause was otherwise then the griefe, christening.
inward sorrow, with divers distractions about the warres,
and their bad successe, fearing the worst on his part, onely
God knowes: yet who so remembers Gods judgements,
or Princes policies for Kingdomes, with mans sinftilnesse,
XIV 145 K
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
and considereth the one with the other, may bee satisfied^
if not contented.
Emfenrs For the Emperoxirs person, he was tall and well bodied,
fersw, teaching out of his authoritie obedience, of an excellent
presence, black and thin haired, well faced, round and close
shaved, strong limmed. A Prince framed betweene
Thought and Resolution, as being ever in labour, but
never till death delivered : never acting (though ever plot-
ting) but in his Closet or Councel Chamber. One rather
obeyed then loved, being feared where hee was not served :
doubtlesse, upholding a true Majestie and government in
every part, but in his owne minae : that it is a question,
whether he were more kinde to Strangers, or severe and
just to his Subjects, or hatefuU and terrible to his Enemies.
HU respect to A father and a Prince, whose wordes, counsels, observa-
Hs mue, tions, policies, resolutions, and experiments, were but the
life of his deare Sonne, never advising, entertayning, no
not praying without him. In all Ambassies and Negotia-
tions, remembring his sonnes name with his owne, loving
him (being lovely) for that himselfe would bee loved,
unwilling to spare his presence, desirous to have him at
[III. iv. 75 2.] all occasions before his eyes. I shall not doe amisse, to
give a taste of the fruit sprung from so stately a Tree.
Being by a learned and well travailed Gentleman divers
times particularly advised, to let the Prince take some
more (then no recreation) by which meanes he might aswell
prolong his life, as instruct his judgement and delight his
minde : Oh, would the Emperour answere, one sonne is no
Sonne: nay, I am perswaded, three sonnes to me is but
halfe a sonne. But had I sixe sonnes, then I might safely
say I had one, how then should I part with that at any
time, I know not to bee mine for any time. This may
give satisfaction to any understanding both of his feares
^Because he and jelousies : his great love, and much care. It was an
^^ T'^^ usuall speech with tne Emperour upon good reason to say,
migkt^^m^ hee was the Lord and fiither of his sonne, yet withall, That
JkUf be he was not onely his servant, but his very * slave.
emmottdid. Two policies of the said Emperour I shall willingly
146
AMBASSAGE OF SIR THOMAS SMITH aj>.
1605.
acquaint you with, for divers reasons. One was, when
hee caused fire to bee kindled in foure parts of Mosco ;
whereat himselfe was noted to be very diligent, with all
his Nobles and Courtiers : and after it was quenched, he
sent his bountie to them all, that builded anew their
houses, and repaid aU their losses. And this was but to
stop the rumour, then so common, of his strange gayning
the Empire : by which stratagem of his, when his people
were readie to mutinie, they were created anew good Sub-
jects; yet did admire his not onely care, but goodnesse
towards them aU.
A second, was at that time the Land was visited with a
mightie famine, and as great a plague (some foure yeeres
since) whereof a third of the whole Nation is rated to
have died : and the murmuring multitude said the cause
was, their electing of a murderer to the Empire ; where-
fore God did thus visit them : Whereupon, hee caused
Galleries to bee builded round about the utmost wall of
the great Citie of Mosco, and there appointed daily to bee
given to the poore, twentie thousand pounds sterling:
which was accordingly performed for one moneth ; where-
upon the common peoples mouthes and bellies were well
stopped.
Here wee lodged till the sixt of May, being wearied
with the inconstancie and ill-come newes of flying reports,
whereupon the time of the yeere requiring, the Ambas-
sador resolved to passe downe the River to Colmogro, as
well that hee might the sooner have newes from England,
as happily to bee out of feare of any disaster, the rumours
being innumerable and uncertaine.
After the suspicious death of the old Emperour Boris
Pheodorowich, &c. by the appointment of the Prince (then
their expected Emperour) and the Coimsell, Peter Basman ?eter Basmam
(that noble Sparke) was speedily dispatched and sent as sentagamst
Generall unto their ill succeeding warres, as their last hope ^^f!^*
(indeed hee prooved so in a contrarie sense) and the onely '^^
refuge to the Conunons: whither being come, hee witn
himselfe presented most of his command, as many as freely
'47
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
would oflFcr themselves : Under which were all the Eng-
lish, Scots, French, Dutch and Flenunings, whatsoever:
and with him, or rather before him (as least suspected)
Ries Vasili Evanch Goleeche, the other Generall, a man
of great birth, and in the prioritie of place, to bee received
before Peter Basman. All which, the now well knowne
newly opinionated Emperour verjr graciously received,
happily not without some jelousie of many particulars.
Demetrius now sent Messengers with Letters which
entred the Suburbs, where the Commons in infinite
numbers brought them safe into the spacious Plaine before
the Castle gate: within which, as daily they did use, so
now were aU the Counsellors in consultation ; but happilv
not in a secret Counsaile ; also wherein was the Emperiall
Court.
Tumult tf the There these Boyerens made demand for many of the
Cmmous. Counsellors, especiaUy for the Godonoves, to come to
heare their right King Demetrius Evanowich speaking
unto them bv Letters : Who yet after refusall (and I cannot
condemne aU) many came ; the Commons being resolved,
else to fetch them out. Then, by the Boyerens aloud was
read the Emperours Letters, to this effect.
Demetrius JUs That hee much wondred at that time, wherein expedi-
^^^''- tion was to bee accounted safest policie, having sent many
Letters and Messengers to them, concerning their
approoving him to bee their lawfull Prince, as being the
Sonne of Evan Vasilowich their late Emperour, and the
onely brother of Pheodor Evanowich selfe-upholder, of
happy memorie, both with invincible Arguments and
direct Reasons to the manifesting thereof, they (notwith-
standing his long patience and gracious remisnesse) were
not onely so proud as not to answere his Princely Letters,
but so presumptuous as to retayne his Messengers,
whereby they made themselves apparently to bee no Tesse
Vipers to the State in obscuring him, then Traytors to
himselfo the true and right Emperour, by deirauding
them : yet giving him a strong Argument by their Silence,
of their guiltincsse ; also allowing thereby, time and oppor-
148
AMBASSAGE OF SIR THOMAS SMITH aj>.
1605.
tunitie ^if hee had not beene their true-borne Emperour,
and witn the natxirall Mother, tendered the life of her
deare Children) to have conquered and destroyed the
whole Nation.
All which notwithstanding, hee (being confident in his
owne conscience, of his just Title, made the Prince of
patience and humilitie from his former many great
miseries and dangers) had in his Princely wisedome and
clemency againe wrote these (but certainly his last Peace-
requiring;, and Grace-oflFering Letters : yea, was content to
desire tnem he might) and doubted not shortly but he
should command, onely ayming at the good of the Com-
monwealth and State in gencraH ; as he that without much
shedding of his Subjects blouJ, desired the Kingdome.
Also to this end hee had sent men of grezt birth, viz. [III. it. 75 3.]
Rues Pheodor, Evanowich Methithsosky, and Rues
Demetre, Evanowich Suskey; and given them Conunis-
sion to displace his Enemies, and Prestave the Godonoves,
and others, till his further pleasure were knowne, consum-
ing those monstrous bloud suckers and Traytors, with
returne of the Commons answere thereunto : Likewise to
demand his Messengers, and they to bee brought before
the Commons, whom hee had reason to beleeve were ill-
intreated, if not murthered; withall, that if they did
submit themselves now to him, as to their lawfuU Prince
and Soveraigne, (which hee was truely resolved their con-
sciences were guiltie of) that yet they should finde him a
gracious and mercifuU Lord; if otherwise, a severe and
just Revenger of them, and their many misdeedes towards
nim, as hee that had his Sword ever unsheathed to execute
his vengeance on them all : and was easily perswaded they
were not ignorant of the many Victories hee had obtayned
formerly against them, when they wovdd seeme able and
willing to fight with his Souldiers : and how afflicted and
troubkd herewith they all were: But that now, he had
their chiefe and strongest Heads and Armes in his owne
hand, the whole World might not betroth him they durst
once speake openly against nim, as assiired that all (except-
149
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
ing a very few, and they of the worst) in heart were his
loyall Subjects, &c.
But before this Letter was halfe read, the Hearts and
Hands of the multitude were strangely combined together,
not one speaking, but all confusedly like fettered and
chayned Horses stamping ; being indeed without any feare,
but of not doing mischiefe enough, all (as one) running
violently into the Castle, where (meeting two of the piti-
fully tormented Messengers) they paw^ to heare them
as sufficiently as their insumciencie would permit them,
deliver the vilde manner of their torturing, whipping, and
roasting, which was in deede a Whip andSpurre to drive
them, without wit or humanitie, as if they had beene fired
like Gun-powder with the very sparkes of heate: Such
barbarous crueltie, beastly actions, and inhimiane
spectacles, as without the great Devill had beene their
Generall, no particidar could have acted; laying violent
hands on all they met : but not killing (the great mercy
of God) any man of account.
Thus the whole Citie was in an uproare, all the Coun-
sellors houses, sellers, and studies ransacked, beginning
with the Godonoves; spoyling, renting, and stealing all
they met with ; but carrying little away but drinke, which
they could not carry away.
The Commons (no doubt) would have made this day
little inferiour to the massacre of Paris, so violent and
devillish were their sudden resolutions ; but that the Nobles
(best beloved and obeyed) intreated, where none could
command : others perswading, all wishing an end to this
most miserable and never exampled mischiefe. But the
multitude did what they would and could ; especially on
the greatest, which certainly were the worst: So as the
Empresse flying to a safer lodging, had her coUer of Pearle
pluckt from her necke.
Then the Prince, Empresse, and Princesse, were pre-
staved (a second command being come from the Campe)
with the Godonoves, and many others that were suspected
most : The Nobles joyning in one counsell for the present
150
AMBASSAGE OF SIR THOMAS SMITH aj>.
1605*
ordering of these sudden accidents, and for answere to the
Prince Demetrius Evanowich, who suddenly was by
eenerall consent concluded (by the particular knowledge ot
Bodan Belskey a great Counsellor, that was privie to his
departure, and some others) to bee their right and lawfull
Emperour, onely a few excepted. So as the young Prince
wis by many (but particularly by his mother) counselled to
leave the Kingdome utterly, before it forsooke him; to
follow his Fathers example in murdering himselfe, and
herein his mother (that Map of miseries, that Cradle of
<Tueltie) and his ondy deare sister would associate him.
Letters were devised, and Messengers framed to eflFect
this desperate treacherie on his innocent life ; so as in very
few dayes (for Mischiefe hath the wings of Thought and
Resolution) they three did consent (an imhappy con-
junction) to destroy themselves ; and rather to lay violent
hands upoh their hatefuU lives, then make an Enemie
seeme cruell in executing Justice on them: which* yet *Th$uii:but
certainly this Emperour never dreamt of, but determined ^^^' ascribe
the Pnnce should be within himselfe, not lesse then J^^jj^^
Absolute, and in a very great Dukedome. The Princely command aud
Mother began the heaith of Death to her noble Sonne, tHssilfi-
who pledged her with a heartie draught, therein so much mnrther was
strength did hee adde to his vile wicked obedience, that P^^^f^^^
hee prooved a banquerout presently, and hand in hand ^/^^
embracing each other, they fell, and died as one, the Death of
Mother counselling and acting, whilest the child bethought Mother tf
and suffered: yet see Providence and Commiseration, ^"**'-
Constancy and Obedience : the Princesse dranke, but like a
Virgin temperately: so as modestie (the want of which
was the death of the Mother) now prooved the life of the
Daughter.
However it was with Boris for other things, I thought
it not amisse to adde this testimonie of his respect to the
English Nation and Merchants in Priviledges granted
xhem, as foUoweth.
[One Almightie
151
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
(III. iv. 754.] /^Ne Almightie God without and before the Beginnings
Empmr Boris \J the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, ^om we
S^/mw/. glo"fi« i*^ ^^^ Trinitie, our onely God, Creator and Pre-
Uted w/dles " Server of all things everywhere, by which Will and Work-
Sir TA. Smith ing, he liveth and giveth life unto Man ; Our onely God
was there. which inspireth every one of us his Children with his holy
Word, through our Lord Jesus Christ, the Spirit of Life>
now in this latter times, establish us to hold the right
Scepter, and suffer us of our selves to reigne, for the good
of the Land, and the happinesse of the People, together
with our Enemies, and to the doing of good.
We the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Boris
Pheodorowich of all Russia, sole Commander of Volo-
demer, Mosco, Novogrod, Emperour of Cazan, King of
Astracan, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke of Smolensko,
of Twersko, Vhorskoy, Permskoy, Vatskoy, Bolharskay^
and of others. Lord and great Duke of Novagrod in the
low Country of Chernego, Rezan, Polotskay, Rostovskoy,
Yeraslavskoy, Belozerskoy, Leeflanskoy, Owdorskoy,
Obdorskoy, Condinskoy, and all Siberia, and the North
parts; Lord and Commander of Everskoy Land, and
Cabardinskoy Country, and of Cherces, and Igarskoy
Land, as also of many others Lord and Commander, with
our Sonne Prince Phedar Borisowich of all Russia. We
have bestowed on the Merchants of England, viz. Sir
John Hart, Knight ; Sir William Webb, Knight ; Richard
Saltanstall, Alderman; Nicolas Moshley, Alderman;
Robert Dove, William Garaway, John Harbey, Robert
Chamberlin, Henrie Anderson, John Audwart, Francis
Cherie, John Merick, Anthony Marlar ; Wee have granted
and licenced them to come with their ships into our
Dominion the Country of Dwina, with all manner of
Commodities, to trade freely from the Sea side and within
our Dominions, to the Citie of our Empire of Mosco.
Also there made sute unto us Sir John Hart, Knight, and
his Companie, to gratifie them to trade to our Citie of
Mosco, and to our Heritage of great Novogrod and
152
ENGLISH MERCHANTS' PRIVILEGES a.d.
160$.
Vobsko, and to all parts of our Empire, with their Com-
modities, and to Trade fr«^ without customer upon
which Wee the Rreat Lord Emperour and great Duke
Boris Pheodorowich of all Russia, with our Sonne Prince
Pheodor Borisowich of all Russia, have granted imto the
English Merchants, Sir John Hart, Knight, and his
fellowes, for our Sisters sake Queene Efizabeth, free
passage to come into our Kingdome of Mosco, and into
all the rest of our Dominions, with all manner of Com-
modities to trade and traffick freely at their pleasure. Also
we have conmianded, not to take any kinde of Custome
for their goods, nor any other Customes whatsoever, viz.
for passing by any place by Land, nor for passing by any
place by Water ; nor for Custome of their Boats or Head
money, nor for passing over Bridges and Ferries, nor for
any entrie of Wares : as also all manner of other Customes
or Duties whatsoever wee command shall not bee taken of
them : But they shall not bring other mens goods into our
Dominions, nor likewise recarry out of our Kingdome any
other mens goods as their owne : nor to sell or barter for
other men. Neither shall our Subjects buy and sell for
them or from them : neither shall they keepe any of our
peoples goods or pawnes by them to owne or colour them.
Likewise they shall not send any of our Subjects to any
Towne or Citie to buy Commodities. But what Citie
they come into themselves they shall sell their owne
Conmiodities, and buy our Commodities. And when they
shall come to our Heritage to great Vobsko and Novagroa,
or to any other Citie within our Dominions with their
Commodities, that then our Gentlemen and Governours,
and all other officers shall suffer and let them passe accord-
inj^ to this our Letter, and to take no manner of Custome
of them whatsoever for any of their Commodities for
passing by, nor for passage over any Bridges : neither shall
they take any other Custom whatsoever in all our
Dominions. And wheresoever they happen to come, and
doe proceed to buy and seU; as also wheresoever they
shall passe through with goods not buying of any Com-
IS3
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMBS
1605.
moditie nor selling their owne, then in those Cities they
shall take of them no manner of Custome whatsoever as
aforesaid: and wee have gratified and given them leave
to trade in all parts of our Dominions with their goods
fi-eelv without Custome. And likewise whensoever the
English Merchants shall bee desirous to buy or sell or
barter their wares with our Merchants wares for wares,
then shall they sell their wares whole sale and not byretaile,
Cloth by the pack and by Clothes and by remnants ; and
Damasks and Velvets by the Piece and not by the Yard,
or askeene, and such Commodities as is to be sold by
waight, not to seU them by the small waights, that is to
say, by the Zolotnick. Also they shall sell Wines by the
Pipe and the Hogshead, but by the Gallon, Quart or Pot
or Charke they shall not sell: moreover, they shall buy,
sell and exchange their owne Commodities themselves,
and the Russe Merchants shall not sell or exchange for
them or from them their Commodities, neither shaU they
carry any mans goods to no manner of place under colour
of their owne, and which of the English Merchants would
at any time sell his Commodities at Colmogro on the
Dwina, or at Vologda and at Yeraslavly they may, and of
all their Commodities throughout all our Cities and
Dominion, our Gentlemen, Governours, and all other
Officers shall take no manner of Custome according to this
our Imperiall Letter of favour. Also through all our
Dominions, Cities, and Townes they shall hire Carriers,
Boats, and men to labour or rowe in the said Boats at
their owne cost. Likewise when as the English Mer-
chants shall desire to goe out of our Dominion into any
other Kingdome, or into their owne Land, and that we
thinke it good for them to take with them from our
Treasure any Commodities to sell or exchange them for
us, for such Commodities as shall be fitting to our King-
dome, and to deliver them to our Treasurer: and with
those their and our goods, our Gentlemen and Governours
shall suflFer them to passe through all Cities and Townes
[III. iv. 75 5.] within our Dominions without Custome as befwe- And
IS4
ENGLISH MERCHANTS' PRIVILEGES ad.
1605.
when they have ended their Market, and doe desire to goe
from the Mosko, then they shall appeare in the Chancerie
to the Keeper of our Seale, the Secretarie Vassily Yacolo-
wich Schellcalov. Likewise, if there happen to the
English Merchants any extremitie by Sea, or that a ship
be broken, and that it be neere any place of our King-
dome, then we command that all those goods shall bee
brought out justly, and bee given to the English people
' that shall at that time bee in our Land, or if they be not
here, then to lay them up all together in one pkce, and
when the Englishmen come into our Land, then to deliver
those goods to them. Also wee have bestowed on the
Englisn Merchants the House of Yourya, in the Mosko
by a Church of Saint Maxims neere the Marget, to dwell
in it as in former time, keeping one House-keeper a Russe,
or one of their owne strangers: but other Russe folkes
they shall not keepe any. Likewise these Merchants have
Houses in divers our Cities as foUoweth : A House at
Yeres, a House at Vologda, a House at Colmogro,- and a
House at Michael the Archangell, being the shipping
place : these said Houses they shall keepe as in former
time according to this our Imperiall Letter of favour, or
gratified without paying any manner of Rent or any other
duties whatsoever, either at Mosko, Yereslave, Vologda,
Colmogro, or at the Castle of the Archangell, neither shall
they pay any taxe. Also at those Houses at Yereslave,
Vologda, Colmogro, and at Archangell they shall have
House-keepers of their owne Countrey-men, or Russes of
a meane sort that are not Merchants, a man or two in a
House: to lay up their goods in those Houses, and to
make sale of their goods out of those Houses, to whom
they will according to this our Imperiall Letter of favour,
but their Russe House-keepers in their absence shall not
sell any of their Commodities. And the English Mer-
chants shal come with their ship to their Port, as in former
times they have done to unlade their goods out of their
ships, and likewise to lade them againe with our Russia
Commodities, at their owne charges of Boates and hire of
H5
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
men, and ferrying over the said goods from their ships to
their House at the Castle of Archang^ell. Likewise our
Officers, Customers, and Swornemen shall take a just note
of all such goods as they have both of Russia and English
Commodities, and the note to passe under the Merchants
Firma, because it may be knowne what goods passeth of
the strangers and of tne Russes. But they shall not looke
over their goods, neither unbind any packs in any place,,
and when they doe send their owne Englishmen from
Archangell to our Citie of Mosko, or doe send Russia
Commodities into their owne Land, Then all our Officers
and Customers shall let them passe without delay, accord-
ing to this our Letter of favour. And whensoever the
Merchants shall be desirous to send any of their owne
Countreymen into their owne Land, or into any other
Kingdome over Land: they shall doe it freely with our
Imperiall Majesties order, without carrying any Com-
moditie over with them, and they shall have their Letters
of Passe given them in the Embassdours Office. And
concerning any matters of debate or controversie in Mer-
chandize, or injurie, then they shall be judged by the
Keeper of the Seale, and Secretarie Vassily i acolowich
Shelcolov, doing right and Justice to both parties with
equitie and truth, and what cannot be found out by Law^
Lot Law. or Inquisition, there shall be used Lots. His Lot that is
taken forth, shall have right done unto him. Likewise, in
what place else in all our Kingdome there doe happen any
matter of discord in Merchandize or by injurie, then our
men of authoritie, or Governours, and all manner of our
Officers shall doe true Justice betweene them : and what
cannot be sought out by Law shall be sought out by Lot :
his Lot that is taken out shall have right done vmto him
as before mentioned, as also they shall not take any
custome or dutie of them for any Law matter, not in any
place in our Kingdome. Moreover, this our Imperiall
Letter in all our Kealme and Dominion, our Officers, and
all manner of our subjects shall not disobey or breake it in
any point whatsoever, but if there bee any that doth dis-
156
ENGLISH MERCHANTS' PRIVILEGES a.d.
1605.
obey this our Imperiall Letter of favour, that then those
people shall bee in our high displeasure, and executed to
^eath. This our Imperiall Letter of gratitude, is given at
our Imperiall Palace and House in our Citie of Mosko,
from the yeere of the beginning of the World 7107. in
the month of November : being underwritten as followeth.
By the great Lord Emperour and great Duke Boris
Pheodorowich of all Russia, selfe-upholder : his Keeper
of the Scale, and Secretarie by name Vassily Yacolowich
Sheallcalove.
§. III.
One pretending himselfe to be Demetrius, with
the Popes and Poles helpes attayneth the
Russian Empire : his Arts, Acts, Marriage,
favour to the English, and miserable end.
■■■Aving thus presented you Boris his Tragedie out of
IB I that printed Author, and his Grant to the English
*^' from a written Copie; it shall not bee amisse to
take more leisurely and mature view of this Pretender,
against whom Boris his desire of secrecie (permitting none
guiltie of the murther to survive) had unfurnished him
of Arguments. He produced a Purse given him by his
Mother; with the Historic of his life after that sending
him away and acknowledging another whom she was more
willing to act that bloudy Scene then her own Son: with [Ii1.iv.756.]
other particulars which bred strong confidence in such as
(weary of Boris) were desirous it should be so. But for
the death of the yong Emperor, & his mother, it is by
most ascribed to Demetrius, who seeing the people of
Musco his friends, and the Emperour and his Mother in
hold, pretended he could not come thither whiles his
enemies lived, whereupon they in a mutinie slue them ; to
avert the envie whereof, it is probable that it was made to
be their owne act, and their Keepers therefore by him
imprisoned. Boris his daughter was thrust into a Nun-
nerie, and so made dead also to the succession. But as I
157
A4>.
1605.
Tkm. M. 135.
TAe JesuiUs
first aiUkorSy
orfautors at
least ofdds
Demetrius.
Sigismsmds
father John
wasimfrisoned
by KingEricus
1564.
Cossaks.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
have before delivered out of that diligent, learned and
sincere Historian Thuanus, Boris his attayning the Scepter,.
I shall likewise intreat your patience out of him to receive
these Relations of Demetrius.
Thuanus writeth that after the mxirther of that (true
or false) Demetrius, some yeeres after in the borders of
Polonia and Muscovia, appeared one which called him-
selfe Demetrius, and in testimonie thereof, shewed a Wart
in his face, and one arme shorter then the other (noted
before in the true Demetrius) a man of sharpe wit, bold
courage, liberall mind, gentle behaviour, and of parts
composed to a Scepter-worthinesse. First, was he made
knowne to the Jesuites of principall note in Poland, to
whom he promised if he might receive helpe for the
recovery or his just Inheritance, his first care should be to
reduce the Russians to the Union of the Romish Church.
This thing was commended to the Pope as conducing to
the enlarging of the holy See, by his ayde, and furtherance
with the l^olish King and Nobilitie, to be promoted ; which
also was done by the Jesuites themselves, who brought him
to George Miecinsy Palatine of Sendomir a man potent in
that Kingdome, with whom he covenanted also to marrie
his Daughter if hee succeeded in his Russian Enterprize.
He had lurked awhile in Liefland, casting off his Cowle,
and had there learned to speake and write the Latine
Tongue : and had written to Pope Clement the Eighth,,
with his owne hand not inelegantly. And being by the
said Palatine, and Visnovitzi his Sonne in Law, brought
before King Sigismund, he made a pithy and Masculme
speech, that he should remember that himselfe had beene
borne in Prison and Captivitie, whence Gods mercie had
delivered him, to leame him to succour others afflicted with
like disastre.
Thus by the Kings favour, the Palatines money, the
Jesuites Industrie (not to mention the Popes Sanctitie) he
procured an Armie of ten thousand Souldiers in Poland
well furnished, and in his Russian March, winneth to his
partie the Cossaks a kind of men which follow forreigne
158
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1605.
Warres and prey, and leades with him tenne thousands of
them. Passing Boristhenes hee first charged upon
Zemiga, & siunmoned them to yeeld to the true heire Zermgg.
Demetrius, which was done by Ivan Takmevy, who had
before conceived dislike against Boris. Corelas com-
manded the Cossaks, a notorious Sorcerer. He was the
Author of the siege of Putinna a populous Citie, which /••^jrw
Michelowich Soltekovi held with eight thousand Cossaks, J'^^'-
whom also he wrought with, that hee admitted and
followed Demetrius. Hereupon Boris sends an Army of
an hundred thousand men against him. He also sends
Ambassadors into Poland, to put them in minde of the
league betwixt both Nations, and earnestly desired this
counterfeit Demetrius, a Priests Bastard and notable
Sorcerer, to bee delivered unto him alive or dead, adding
threats if they persisted, and withall working under-hand
with the Nobles to deterre the King from his ayde. But
by the Popes and Jesuites prevayling power nothing was
effected, the King and the Poles resohring to assist him, as
thinking it the best course to accord both Nations.
Both Armies met at Novogrod, where Palatine Tke Palatine
Sendomir the Generall, in the end of Januarie, 1605. ^^'•
thinking to find a revolt in the Russian Armie, gave a
rash on-set, & was put to flight, and after returned to
Poland. Demetrius retyred himselfe to Rilskie Castle (in
the borders) with a few, and forsaken of others, he for-
sooke not himselfe. Hee had brought with him two
Divines of the Cistercian Order which returned home: CUtirdam
two Jesuites also, Nicolas Cherracovi and Andrew Lovitizi, ^^^^^i^-
which had beene Authors of the Expedition, and now
encouraged him by their exhortations and examples of
patience. He confident (as hee made shew) in the justice
of his cause, when he was to begin battell or skirmish, used
to call upon God, so as he might bee heard of all, with his
hands stretched forth, and his eyes lifted up to heaven, in
such like words. O most just Judge, kill me first with a DemtrtMs K$
Thunderbolt, destroy me first, and spare this Christian ^fi^^^
bloud, if unjustly, it covetously, if wickedly I goe about ^^^'f^'
^59
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
this Entcrprize which thou secst. Thou secst mine
innocencie, helpe the just cause. To thee O Queene of
Heaven, I commend my selfe and these my Soiildiers.
Which if they be truly related, and he not the true
Demetrius, he was either an impudent Jugler, or exceed-
ingly gulled with fortunes daliance and prosperous
successe, which concluded in a Tragicall period.
Part of Boris his Armie was now comne to Rilsky,
where in a battle betwixt the horsemen of both parts,
Dimtrim kis Demetrius got the better, and the lately conquered, and
vutorie. presently fewer, became Victors; at the first encounter
a thousand being slaine, two hvmdred taken, and the
rest put to flight, leaving their footmen to the slaughter,
and the baggage to the spoyle. Hereupon five neigh-
bouring Castles with their severall Territories, yeelded
Biai^nd. to Demetrius, one of which, Bialogrod yeelded him a
hundred and fiftie Peeces of Ordnance. The Captaynes
Leptina. were delivered into his hands. Soone after Jaleka and
Leptina yeelded, in which Hinsko Otiopelus, that famous
Sivmayeilds, Sorcerer was taken : after which all Severia, a large Princi-
palitie, came in, and eight Castlps; Demetrius using
great modestie in this unexpected victorie. Boris meane-
[III. iv. 757.] while sent some with large promises to murther him,
and the Patriarke excommunicated all which favoured him.
Demetrius writ hereof modestly to the Patriarke, and to
Boris also, offering faire conditions to his Family, if he
would resigne his usurped Empire, which he with indigna-
tion rejected. That happened when the Embassadors of
Denmarke and Sweden were in his Court to joyne league
Boris dyetk, with him against the Pole. In that consultation Boris is
^iT'^^ said to have beene in such a chase, that hee fell downe
with Aqua suddenly, much bloud passing fi-om his mouth, nosthrils
vitit to poyson and eares ; and in the end of^ApriU hee dyed; some say
•tkers. of an Apoplexie, others, of poyson which hee drunke:
^eque f*'"« after hee had reigned seven yeeres. His Wife with her
iu'^qMmnicis ^^^^ ^^^ advanced to the Throne after him, and the
arHficesarti Nobilitic sworne to them. The dead bodie was buried
firire sua, without any pompe. Constantine Fidler a Lieflander of
160
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1605.
Rie made an elegant Oration in his prayse, whose brother
Caspar served Boris.
Presently Peter Basman was sent away with an Arniie.* *Som say of
Hodunius (a neere Kinsman of Boris^ besieged Crom, 60000. mn,
to ravse whom, Demetrius used this policie. Hee sent a
simple man thither, which being deceived himselfe might
deceive others, with Letters Uiat fortie thousand were
comming to ayde the besieged. He being taken (sent bv
a way which he coiild not escape) and examined with
tortures confesseth the same with his Letters: which
caused a tumult in the Campe ; and in the end, the besieged
taking advantage of the rumour still increased by some
sent purposely with reports that they had seen the new
auxiliaries issued with a counterfeit shew of great numbers,
and caused the Russians to consxilt of yeelding. Basman Basnum
also the new Generall yeelded and cried out with a loud jp«^^-
voyce, that Demetrius was the true heire, and therefore
all true hearted Muscovites shoxild follow his example;
which the most followed. Hodunius was taken, and
refusing to acknowledge Demetrius was cast in Prison.
In the Tents were huge Ordnance found. After this
Campe-alteration, followed the like in Mosco, the people
resounding the name of Demetrius. The Empresse and
her Sonne were committed to ward, where some write that
they poysoned themselves, some that Demetrius com-
manded it. The Germanes flying out of the Borissian
Campe to Demetrius drew many with them.
From Crom doth Demetrius now march towards Mosco, Demetrius
the people all the way flocking to see their new Prince, commtk^
who in twentie removes came thither on the 19. of June, ^^'^^' ^
and entred with pompous procession of Souldiers & V^JJ^,
Priests, the Russian Priests having Banners with the
Pictures of the blessed Virgin and their Tutelare Saint
Nicolas, in the end of al the Patriarch, and after him
Demetrius by himselfe on a white Palfray with a gallant
trayne of attendants. Thus hee goeth to the Temple of
our Ladle, and after Prayers, from thence to Saint Michaels
Chxirch in which his Father lay buried, and hearing that
XIV 161 L
A.D.
1605.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Boris lay there interred, he presently commanded his bodr
to be taken up and to be removed to a meaner ChappeU
without the Citie. Passing by Boris his peculiar House,,
he could not endure the sight, but sent workemen pre-
sently to race the same ; saying, they were infamous with
Sorceries, and that an image was said to be placed under
the ground, holding in the hand a burning Lampe, having
underneath store of Gunpouder buried; things so dis-
posed, that the Oyle failing, and the Lampe breaking the
fire should (had it not beene before spied and removed)
blow up that, and the houses adjoyning. Thus had Boris
impeached him, and he now Boris of Magicall arts, which
are usuall accusations in those parts.
Thence he went to the Imperiall Pallace, and beganne
to governe the Empire, more inclining to the Poles and
forreiners, then to the Russes : which untimely expressing
himselfe, hastned his mine. Seventie noble Families of
Boris his kindred or faction were exiled, that their Goods
might be shared amongst strangers, and new Colonies of
men planted, brought into Russia. His clemency was
remarkable to Suisky, who being condemned for not onely
refusing to acknowledge this Emperour, but uttering also
reproachfuU speeches of him (as being of base Parentage,
and one which had conspired with the Poles to overthrow
the Russian Temples, & Nobility) and now his prayers
ended, and the fatall stroake on his knees expected^ on the
seaventh of July, by unexpected mercy, even then received
his pardon. The last which yeelded to him were the
Plescovites. Some tell of exceeding Treasures also which
hee found laid up for other purposes, which through his
profusenesse soone vanished. The first of September, was
designed to his inauguration (being New yeeres day to the
Russes, as sometimes to the Jewes) but for other causes
it was hastned, and his Mother was sent for out of a
Monasterie (into which Boris had thrust her) farre from
the Court. An honorable Convoy was herein employed,
Respect to his and himselfe with great shew of Pietie went to meet her.
Mother, embraced her with teares, and bare-headed, on foot,
162
PoUs
advanced.
Clemencie to
Suiskey.
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1605.
attended her Chariot to the Castle ; whence afterwards she
removed with her women into a Monasterie where the
Noblest Virgins and Widdowes of Russia use to sequester
themselves irom the World. His Mother was noted to
answere with like affection to him, whether true or dis-
sembled on both parts. At his entrance to the Kingdome,
after Ceremonies ended, Nicolas Cnermacovius a Jesuite
made him a goodly Oration: the like was done by the
Senate. To the Jesuits was alotted a faire place of enter- Jemts.
taynment not far from the Castle, wherein to observe the
Romish Rites and Holies : and even then by their meanes
he had declared himselfe in that point, but for feare of
Siiiskie hee stayed till fitter oportunitie.
Having thus setled things, his care was to recompence
the Poles, to enter league with that Nation, and to con- Embassage to
summate the Marriage. For which purpose hee sent three Po^amL
hundred Horsemen with Athanasius the Treasurer, who [III.iv.758.]
in November came to Cracovia, had audience of King
Sigismund, where he with all thankfulnesse acknowledged
the Kings forwardnesse with his Nobles to recover his
right, wnereto God had given answerable successe beyond
expectation; that he deplored the Txirkish insolencies in
Hungary and other parts: to vindicate which, he would
willingly jovne with the Pole, and other Christian Princes :
meane whiles hee was willing to make an everlasting
league with him, and to that end entreated his good leave
to take unto himselfe a Wife out of Poland, namely, Anna
Maria, the Daughter of George Miecinsie the Palatine of
Sendomir, to whom for money, men, and endangering of
his owne life, hee was so much engaged. The eight dav
after, the Contract was solemnely made by the Cardinal,
Bishop of Cracovia, and the Embassadour with her
Parents feasted by the King. Demetrius had sent her and
her Father, Jewels worth 200000. Crownes.
Thxis farre have wee followed Thuanus, and hee Jacobus
Margaretus a French Captayne of Demetrius guard of
Partisans, which published a Booke hereof. Now let us
present you a little English Intelligence touching this
163
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
Demetrius and his respect to men of our Nation in those
parts, and first his Letter to Sir John Mericke.
The Copie of a Letter sent from the Emperor
Demetry Evanowich, otherwise called Grishco
Otreapyov : the which Letter was sent to Mas-
ter John Merrick Agent, out of the Campe, as
Master Merrick was taking his Journie to the
Sea-side, the eighth of June, Anno 1605.
FRom the great Lord Emperour and great Duke
Demetry Evanowich of all Russia. To the English
Marchant John Merrick, wee give to understand, that by
the just judgement of God and his strong power, we are
raised to our Fathers throne of Vladedmer, Mosko, and
of all the Empire of Russia ; as great Duke and sole com-
mander: likewise we calling to memorie the love and
amitie of our Father, the great Lord Emperour and great
Duke Evan Vassilywich of all Russia, and our Brother
Theodor Evanowich of all Russia, which was held, and
kept by them and other great Christian Princes, in the
same forme and manner doe we likewise intend, and pur-
pose to hold and keepe Love and amitie : but especially,
and above all others, doe we intend to send and to have
love and friendship with your King James, and all you his
English Merchants, we will favour more then before.
Further, as soone as this our Letter doth come to your
hand, and as soone as you have ended your Markets at the
shipping place of Michael the Archangell, then to come up
to Mosco to behold our Majesties presence. And for your
poste Horse I have commanded shall be given you ; and
at your comming to Mosco, then to make your appear-
ance in our Chancery, to our Secretarie Ofanasy Vkssov.
Written in our Majesties Campe at Tooly, in the yeare of
the world Anno seaven thousand one hundred and
thirteene.
164
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1605.
The Copie of the translation of a Passe given to
Master John Merrick, which was given him
in the time of his being in the Campe at
Molodove with the Emperour Demetry Evan-
owich, otherwise called Grishco Otreapyove.
FRom the great Lord Emperour and great Duke
Demetrv Evanowich of all Russia, from Mosco to our
Cities and Castles, as also to the Castle of Archangell at
the Shipping place and haven to our Generals, Secretaries,
and all other our Officers, &c.
There did make suite unto us the English Marchant
John Merricke and his Company, that we would gratifie
them to be suffered to passe to me new Castle ot Arch-
angell, or to the shipping place or haven, in regard of
trafficice of Merchandise.
Also, that if he doe send home any of his fellowes and
servants from the shipping place, being of the English,
that then they might be suffered to passe into England.
Also that to whatsoever Citie of ours the English Mar-
chant John Mericke, and his fellowes, doth or shall come
unto ; then all yee our Generals, Secretaries, and all other
our Officers, shall suffer them to passe every where, with-
out all delay. And as for our Customes, as for passing by
or for head mony, our custome of goods, you shall not
take any of them nor of their servants. Likewise, when
the English Merchants John Merricke with his fellowes
and servants, shall come to the Castle of Archangell, then
Timophey Matphewich Lazarove, and our Secretary
Rohmaneum Mocaryoved, Voronove, at the foresaid
Casde of Archangell, shall suffer and permit the English
Merchant, John and his companie to trade freely. More-
over, when at the shipping place they have ended and
finished their Markets, and that then the said John Mer-
ricke shall desire to send into England any of his fellowes
or servants with goods, then likewise they shall be suffered
to passe. But Russe people, and other strangers of Mosco
16S
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
shall not be suffered to passe further : that if John Mer-
ricke with his fellowes and servants doe not goe for
England : but after their Market is ended doe purpose to
come backe againe to Mosco ; that then at the Castle of
[III. iv. 759.] Archangell Timophey Matphewich Lazarove, and our
Secretarie Rohmaneev Voronave ; as also at all other our
Castels and Cities, our Generals, Secretaries, and all other
our Officers shall let passe the English Merchant John
Merricke with his fellowes and servants, without all stay
or hinderance, and as for custome of them, their goods, or
their servants, there shall not be any taken.
And after the Reading of this our Letter and Passe, you
shall keepe the Copie of it by you: but this you shall
deliver backe againe to the said John, and his companie.
Written at our Campe at Molodone, the yeare from the
beginning of the World 71 13. the eighteenth of June.
The last of July 1605. at Archangell.
The Copie of the translation of a Commission that
was sent from the Mosko, from the Emperour
Demetry Evanowich, alias Gryshca Otreapyove
by a Courtier named Gavaryla Samoylowich
Salmanove, who was sent downe to the Castle
of Archangell, to Sir Thomas Smith, then Lord
Embassadour : as folio weth.
THe great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Demetry
Evanowich of all Russia, hath commanded Gavareela
Samoylowich Salmanove, to goe to Vologda, and from
Vologda to the new Castle of Archangell, or wheresoever
he shall overtake the English Ambassadour Sir Thomas
Smith. Also when he hath overtooke the Ambassadour,
then Gavareele shall send the Ambassadour his Interpreter
Richard Finch, willing him to certifie unto the Ambas-
sadour, that the great Lord Emperour and great Duke
Demetry Evanowich, sole commander of Russia, hath
sent unto him one of his Courtiers, in regard of his
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OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA ad.
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Majesties affaires: and after some two ho\ires respite,
Gavareela himselfe shall ride to the Ambassadour, and
deliver unto him his Majesties speeches, as followeth.
THe great Lord Emperour and great Duke Demetry
Evanowich of all Russia, and of many Kingdomes
Lord and commander, Hath commanded thee, Thomas the
English Ambassadour, to certifie unto James, King of
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, that by the just
juc^ement of God, and his strange power, we are come
and succeeded into the place of our Father and predeces-
sours : as also we are come to the throne of the great and
famous Kingdome of Vlodemer Mosco, and to the Empire
of Cazan, Astaracan and Siberia, and of all the Kingdomes
of the Empire of Russia ; being an Empire belonging to
the great Lords, Emperours, and great Dukes of all Russia.
Moreover, we calling to memorie the sending, love and
amitie betwixt our Father, the great Lord and Emperour,
and great Duke Evan Vasilywich of all Russia, of famous
memorie : as also our Brother, the great Lord and
Emperour, and great Duke Feoder Evanowich of all
Russia, sole commander, with their sister Elizabeth,
Queene of England : in the like manner doe we purpose
to have sendings, and to be in love with yoiu- Lord King
James, and more then hath bin in former time. And in
token of our said love and amitie, we doe intend to favour
all his subjects in our Land, and to give unto them freer
libertie then they have had heretofore; and you his
Ambassadoiu-, we have conunanded to dispatch without all
delay or hindrance. Therefore we would have you to
make knowne unto your Lord King James, oxu* Majesties
love. And as soone as God shall grant the time of our
Coronation to be finished, and that we are crowned with
the Emperiall crowne of oxu- predecessours, according to
our manner and worthinesse; then we the great Lord
Emperor, and great Duke Demeetry Evanowich of all
Russia sole Commander, will send our messenger to salute
each other, according to the former manner. And con-
167
Gc
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
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cerning those Letters which were sent by you from Boms
Godenove, we would have you deliver them backe againe
to our Courtier Gavareela, and after the deliverie of our
speeches to returne him to the Emperoiu-, under written
by the Chancellour Ofanasy Evanowich Vlaseov.
The Copic of the Translation of a new Privilcdge
that was given to the Company, by the Empc-
rour Dcmeetry Evanowich, otherwise called
Gryshca Otrcapyove, the which Privilcdge was
sent into England over-land by Olyvcr Lyssct
Marchant, and servant to the foresaid Company.
lOd, the Trenitie before, and without the beginning,
r the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, establish
us to hold and keepe our Scepter and Realme for the good
of oiu- Land, and the happinesse of oiu- people. Wee the
resplendant and manifest, and not the miserable upholder,
but sole commander, the great Duke Demetry Evanowich,
by the mercy of God, Caesar and great Duke of Russia,
and of all the Empire of Tartaria, and many other King-
domes ; as also or the great Monarchic of Mosco, Lord
Emperour and Commander, Have bestowed, and gratified
[III. iv. 760.] unto the English Merchants, viz. Sir Thomas Smith,
Knight, Sir John Spencer, Knight, Sir Humfrey Wild,
Knight, Robert Dove, Robert Chamberline, William Cara-
way, John Harvey, Richard Stapers, John Merricke,
Richard Wryght, Richard Cocks, Thomas Farrington,
Richard Wych, George Bowles, Bartholomew Barnes,
Richard Bowldra, John Casten, Edward Chery, Thomas,
the Sonne of Alexander alias Hicks : we have given them
free liberty to come with their ships into our Kealme and
Dominion, and to the Country of Dwina, & to the Castle
of Archangel, and to Colmogro, with all maner of com-
modities, and to trade freely, as also to come from the sea
side by land or by water, to our great dominion and
Caesars City of Mosco, & great Novogrod and Vobsko,
and all other cities within our dominions, to trade with all
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OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA ad.
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manner of commodities, in the same forme and manner,
as heretofore was bestowed on the English Merchants, in
the time of our father of famous memory, the great Lord
and Caesar, and great Duke Evan Vassilywich of all Russia,
sole Commander, and as was granted unto them in the
time of our Brother the great Duke Theodor Evanowich
of all Russia sole Commander. And as for custome of
their goods, or for passing by, as also for the custome of
their boates, or for Head-money, or for going over bridges
or Ferryes, or for entrie of goods. As also all manner of
Custome whatsoever, we command shall not bee taken of
them: Also the English Merchants shall not bring nor
sell other mens goods in our Dominion, as their owne :
neither shall our Subjects buy, or sell, or traffique for.
Also our Subjects pawnes they shall not keep by them,
nor send others about the Cities to buy goods : but what
Cities they come into themselves they shall trafficke and
sell their owne commodities, and buy Russe commodities
freely : And when they come into our Dominion of great
Novogrod and Vobsko, or to any other Cities within our
Realme to traflScke with their goods, and that after the
market is past, they shall bee desirous to passe for Mosco,
or for England, then our Gentlemen and Governours, and
all people shall according to this our Caesars Letter, let
them passe without delay, and as for Customes for them
and their goods they shall not take any. And whither-
soever they passe with their goods, without buying any
commodities, or selling their owne ; Then likewise in those
Cities they shall passe, and not take of them any manner
of Custome whatsoever as before : also the English Mer-
chants shall traflScke as followeth ; They shall barter their
owne goods, by the whole Salecloth by the Packe, and by
the Clothes : Damaske and Velvet not by the piece, but bv
the areshine and by retaile and retaile weights they shall
not barter or sell. Also goods, which is sold by weight,
by retaile, or by the zolotnicke they shall likewise not sell.
And Claret wine they shall sell by the piece, but by retaile,
as by the Veader stop, or Pot and Charck they shall not sell.
169
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
Likewise they shall buy and sell, and barter their goods
themselves: but the Russe Merchant shall not sell nor
barter their goods for them ; neither shall they carry other
mens goods m colour of their owne, not to any place what-
soever. Also if the English Merchants bee minded to
make sale of their commodities at Colmogro, or on the
Dwina, or at Vologda, or at Yeraslave, then they shall doe
it freely. And for their said goods in all our Cities within
our Realme, our Gentlemen and Governors, and all
manner of our Officers shall not of them take any Tole
or custome, according to this our Caesars Letter of Favour.
And in all our Cities within our dominion, they shall hyre
Carryers Boats, and men to row them freely as before.
And as the order is of the Merchants within our Realme :
so likewise if the English Merchants be desirous to goe
out of our Realme, mto any other Kingdome, or into
their owne Countrey : as also if they bee desirous in our
Realme to buy any Staple commoditie, and to carry it into
their owne Land, then shall they likewise buy and trafficke
freely at pleasure, and those Staple commodities which are
fitting for our Caesars Treasure, they shall likewise bring
it to our Treasure freely at pleasure, and for the said Staple
commodities in all our Cities, our Officers shall not take
any manner of Custome : but they shall suffer them to
!)asse without any staying of them. Also when the Eng-
ish Merchants have ended their market, and shall desire
to goe from the Mosco, then they shall appeare in the
Enibassadours Office, to our Chancellour and Secretarie
Evan Cowrbatov Hramoteenop. Moreover, if that by the
providence of God, the English Merchants have any ship-
wracke, and that the said ship bee brought or driven to
any place within our Realme, then our Caesars commande-
ment to those places where the ship is brought in, that
our men in office doe seeke out the English Merchants
goods justly, and to give them to the English people that
shall bee at that time m our Land. But if at that time there
bee none of them in our Realme, then to gather them
together, and to lay them up in one place : and so when
170
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1605.
the English Merchants doe come there, by our Caesars
Order, to deliver those goods to the said Merchants.
And whereas the English Merchants according to their
former Letters of Favor had a house in the Mosco by the
Chxirch of the holy Maxim by the market, which was
granted unto them by our predecessour the great Lord and
Caesar of Russia, the said English Merchants shall dwell in
the said house as heretofore they have done : Keeping one
house-keeper a Russe, or one of their owne strangers, but
any other Russes they shall not keepe. Moreover the
said English Merchants have houses in other Cities, a
house at Yeraslave, a house at Vologda, a house at Col-
mogro, and a house at the shipping place at the Castle of
the Archangell: and those houses they shall keepe and
hold by them, according to our Caesars Favour or Grati-
tude, as in former time they have done, and for any
subsidie, rent, dutie, or any custome whatsoever for the
said houses there shall not be any taken of them : and their
other houses, as at Yeraslave, Vologda, Colmogro and
Archangell, they shall have house-keepers of their owne
countrie-men or Russes, but the Russes shall bee meane
men, a man or two at a house : And they shall lay their
goods in those houses, and likewise shall make sale of their
goods out of their houses, to whom they will, according
to this our Caesars Letter of Favour, and their house-
keepers being Russes shall not buy or sell any manner of
commodities in their absence. Also they shall come with
their ships to the shipping place, as before with their [ill. It. 761.]
Commodities, and to unlade out of the shippe their goods,
and to lade their shippe with Russe goods, with their owne
hired labourers, as also to carry their owne goods over
in their owne Boats and Vessels, to their owne house at
the Castle of Archangell. And whatsoever goods they
have, our chiefe Customer, and Officers, and sworne men,
shall take a note of the goods under their owne firme, both
of goods they bring in, and also of goods they carry out.
But they shall not looke over, neither unpacke their packes
in any place ; as also they shall suffer them to passe in all
171
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
places, without all stay or delay, according to this our
Caesars priviledge and Letter of tevour. Also whensoever
the English Merchants shall be desirous to send out of
our Realme into their owne Land any of their servants
overland, or into other Kingdomes, then they shall likewise
send their people overland with our Caesars order freely,,
but without carying any Commodities, and their passe shall
be given them in the Embassadours ofl&ce. Further, con-
cerning any matter of controversie that any man shall have
to doe with them either in bargaining, or in injury,
according to this our Caesars order, they shall be judged
by our Counsellor and Secretary Evan Cowrbatov Hramo-
teev : Therefore, as before, wheresoever they, or any of
their servants, in all our Realme^ in what Citie soever,
have any matter of controversie in Bargaining, or in
Injurie against any man, or that any man have any matter
against any of them, then in all our Cities, our Gentlemen,
and Governours, and all other our Officers, shall judge
them, doing justice betwixt either of them with equitie
and truth. This priviledge or letter of favour was given
at our Caesars Pallace of Mosco. From the world Anno
71 13. in the moneth of December.
The Copie of the Translation of a Contract, made
by the Emperour Demetry Evanowich, other-
wise called Gryshca Otreapyove, and the
daughter of the Palatine Sendamersko, chiefe
Generall of Poland, in the time of Demetry his
being in Poland, the which was sent over by
Master John Merrick, and translated out of
Russc into English for the Kings Majestic, as
folio wet h.
A True Translation of a writing out of Polish into
Russe, given by a Monke who left his habit, called
by the name of Gryshca Ocreapyove, supposed to be the
Son of the Emperour Evan Vassiliwich, named Demeetry
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OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA Aa>,
1605.
Evanowich, who gave this assurance under his firme, to
the Palatine Sendamersko, as also hath beene avouched by
one Bewcheesko, principall Secretary unto the said
Demetry, before all the Nobilitie of Russia, that this said
writing was written by the Generall his owne hande, as
followeth.
Wee Demetry Evanowich, by the mercy of God, Prince
of all Russia, of Owgleets Demetryuskov, and Lord of
all the Empire of Mosco, and being of the stocke of
Preatrove ; Calling to memorie our former life, being not
in that forme and manner, as is in other great Monarchies,
as was in the time of oiu- Predecessoiu-s, and other
Christian people. Neverthelesse, by the providence of
God almightie, from whom proceedeth a beginning and an
end, and from whom commeth life and death ; We have
by him espied and made choise unto our selfe, with good
liking, in the time of our being in the Kingdome of
Poland, of a Companion, of great and honorable birth, and
of godly education, and is such a companion, with whom
we shall by the mercie of God, live peaceably : which is
the resplendent and Noble Lady Marina, daughter to the
Seat Palatine Sendemersko. And upon this occasion
ve taken him for our Father, and having requested of
him to give unto us his Daughter, Maryna in mariage,
and in regard that wee are not yet in our owne Kingdome,
therefore doe we purpose hereafter to take order for her
comming unto us with the Generall Sendamersko. Like-
wise, when I doe come to live in my owne Kingdome, then
shall the Palatine Sendamersko remember his teithfull and
true promise with his Daughter, the Lady Maryna her
vow, my selfe remembring my owne vow, and so both
of us to hold it faithfully with love and affection, and to
that end doe we binde oiu- selves by our writings. Like-
wise, first and principally, in the name of the hoty Trinitie,
I doe give my faithfull and true princely promise, that I
will take in marriage the Lady Maryna. If on the con-
trary, I doe not, then, I wish that I might give this as a
curse upon my selfe: also, so soone as I shall make
173
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
entrance into our Kingdome, and heritage of Mosco, then
will I give the Palatine, the Lord her Father, a reward of
tenne thousand peeces of Polish gold. And to the Lady
Maryna our wire, in consideration of her great and long
Journey, as also for the providing and furnishing of her
selfe, I will give out of mv Treasure Velvets wrought with
Silver and Sold. And tne Messengers that shall be sent
to me from the Lord her Father, or from the Lady her
selfe, I shall not hold or keepe, but shall let them passe,
and will reward them with girts, which shall be a token of
our Princely favoiu- ; and thereunto doe we give this our
Princely promise. Secondly, as soone as we shall come
to the Imperiall throne of our Father, then presently will
we send our Embassadour to the resplenciant King of
Poland to certifie unto him, as also to intreate him to take
knowledge of this businesse now passed betwixt us, and
withall, that he woxild be pleased to suffer us to conclude
and effect this our said businesse, without losse or
hindrance. Also unto the forenamed Lady Maryna our
[III. iv. 762.] wife, we give two Lordships, viz. Novogrod the great, and
Vobsko, with all the Provinces belonging to the same,
with Counsellors, Gentlemen, and Yeoman, and Priests^
fitting for a Congregation, to rule and governe freely with
full authority in the same forme and manner, as if we
ruled. And my selfe to have no more right or title nor
authoritie in the said two Cities of Novogrod and Vobsko :
and thereunto doe I binde my selfe with this writing, and
doe wholly give and bestow all on the said Lady
Maryna that is contained in this writing, as soone
as by Gods helpe we shall be married together, and
thereunto have given this our writing, sealed with
oiu* princely Seale. But if by chance our wife hath
not bv us any children, then in those two Lordships before
specified, shee shall place men in authoritie of her owne,
to governe and to doe Justice: and also it shall be free
for the said men in authoritie, to give Lands and Inherit-
ance to their owne Sovddiers, and to trade freely at pleasure,
as shall be best liking to them, and as though it were in
174
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA ad.
1605.
their owne true and lawful! dominion, and to build
Monasteries, and to set iip the Romish Religion, and to Promise of
have Latine or Romish Friests and Schooles. But she ^o^^^}
her selfe to abide and remaine with us. And concerning ^"^&^'
her Priest, to have as many as shall be needefull to be kept
for her owne godly Romish Religion, without all let or
hindrance : and as wee our selfe by the mercy of God arc
already inclined to the same, so will wee likewise with
earnest care, seeke by all meanes to bring all the Kingdome
of Mosco to the knowledge of the Romish Religion, and
to set up the Church of Rome. Also, if God should not
grant unto us good successe, whereby this be performed
within a yeare; then it shall be at the pleasure of our
Father to separate mee and his daughter Maryna. But if
it please him to forbeare till another yeare, then doe I passe
this my Bill, with mv owne handwriting, and thereunto I
have sworne my selre, and given a vow according to the
holy order, and all in this Bifl to hold and keepe carefully :
as also that I shall bring all the Russe people to the Latine
Religion. Written at Sambore the five and twentieth of
May, in Anno 1604. Underneath was his firme, to all
this foresaid as appeareth: Prince Demetry of
Owglets.
NOw let us returne with Thuanus into Poland, where
with his Historical eies we see this glorious Spouse,
her Father, Uncle, & trayne of women accompanying the
Russian Embassador in his returne ; whom many Mer-
chants out of Italie and Germanie followed in hope of
gaine. In this lingring journey, they continued from the
end of January to the sixe and twentieth of Aprill, before
they entred Mosco. And the seventh day after, Peter
Basman with a great troupe of Courtiers and Nobles,
attended the Spouse to the Court, where shee was
solemnely entertayned by her Husband, and thence con-
veighed to the Monasterie where his Mother abode. The
fourth day after, all things being prepared, shee was Demetrius his
brought into the Palace, and the next day married to him Marriage.
175
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
bv the Patriarch after Evening Prayer. Both of them
Both crowned, also, solenuiely crowned, returned with sound of Musick
and Ordnance into the Castle, and the night passed with
great Jubilee, Demetrius his mind being filled notwith-
Consfiracie. standing with cares. For a conspiracie which had beene
hatching sixe moneths, now growmg to ripeness, terrified
him : against which hee had armed himselfe with forrcignc
aides. At first hee had brought a guard of Germanes out
of Poland, which being without example of his Predeces-
sors, and seeing it dishked of his subjects, hee dismissed,
together with all forren Sovddiers. They being thus sent
away without pay, returned with the casheeredPolanders
to the borders, where thejr committed many outrages to
the greater discontent of the Russes. Many of them
found grievances notwithstanding, in his too much
respect to the Poles: and many made question of
his birth. Many were suspected of conspiracie, and
divers tortured, which was but quenching fire with Oyle,
the flame growing greater. Ana now beganne Demetrius
to repent of his hastie dismissing his guards, and began
a new Check-roll of Lieflanders and Germanes, to which
hee added an hundred English Halberdiers and as many
Scots ^their Captaynes hee calleth Matthias Cnotsenius
'^Isufposithis and * Albert Lant) and an hundred French under Jaques
should hee Margeret armed with Partisans. Then also he inlarged
T'cat^'ne ^'^ P^^' ^^^ ^'^'^ ^^^^•
Gilbert Ihave Alexander Gosenskie Corvinus was sent Embassadour
often heard of from Poland with rich Presents, and Letters from King
in that place of Sigismund to Demetrius, which because they expressed not
^^rtnc^*^^^^^ the Title of Emperour were not received nor opened. In
ZZ,f^Jlflf' excuse whereof the Embassadour used words unsuflFerable
men fanes oj t\ * • 11111 \ •% • %
these affaires to Russian patience, that he should goe and deprive the
which I have great Turke of those Titles. Demetrius dissembled not-
much sought to withstanding, in regard of his past experience, and hoped
Uiow^er- h^^P^s from the Pole. The dayes following were spent in
chants hands, pastimes and sloth. Saturday was solemne to the
Russians, a Feast then happening which they preferre
before Easter. The Emperour and Empresse sate
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OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a,d.
1605.
crowned in the Hall, and made a great Feast to their
owne and to strangers; in which the Pole Embassadoiir
refused to be present, except he might sit at the Princes
Table, as the Russian Embassadour had beene honoured at
Cracovia. The Russes denied stiffely, but Demetrius at
length yeelded. Many peremptorie and licentious pass-
ages happened, the Poles carrying themselves domineer-
ingly to the Russes, as Victors to the conquered.
Demetrius at first over-bold, now beganne to feare, and
warned the Poles to bee warie, and sent for all his guards.
On Friday, the Russes preparing for offence, and the Poles
for their defence (for they and not the Prince, seemed to
bee then in danger) in the Evening the Nobles command
the people to arme against the next day. The Empresse
was this while secure, and made ready a magnificent Feast
against Sunday. But on Saturday (the sixteenth of the Blotu&e daj.
Kalends of June) the Conspirators assemble early, and a
great cry is raysed to kill the Poles and Demetrius. Some [III. iv. 763.]
greedie of spoyle runne presently to the Poles Lodgings,
assault them and embroyle all with slaughters. Others
runne to the Castle. Few of the guard were there, delay
having bred seciu-itie in Demetrius, nor were any of their
Captaynes seene. Margaret then lay sicke as he after told
me (Thuanus) which disease saved his life. Things were
done with such furie and celeritie, that many Russes in
Polish attire were slaine before they were knowne.
Peter Basman came nmning forth halfe naked, & was />. Basman
killed by one of his own servants. Suiskie their Leader, skin.
carrying a Sword in one hand, a Crosse in the other, caused
the great Bel to be rung in token of fire that Demetrius
might be raised & come forth of his Parlor. He awakned
with the noyse, now seeing a greater danger then fire,
taketh a Tiu-kish Sword, and suddenly slips downe out of
a window, breaking his Icgge with the tall, whereby he
was easily taken by the people, and by Suiskoys command Demetrius
carried into the greater Hall, where Embassadours have *^^^^d
audience. There some upbrayding his impostiu-es, he ^^^"^'
with his sword layd one on the ground : and then desired
XIV 177 M
AD, PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
the Nobilitie to permit him to speake to the people, which
was denyed. Some say that he obtayned of Suiskey, that
he might be tryed by the testimonie of Vasilowich his
Wife ; which being brought out of the Nunnery, affirmed
before the Nobles on her oath, that her Sonne Demetrius
was many yeeres before murthered by Boris his perfidies,
which she at first seeing the peoples favour, and just
revenge on Boris, willingly dissembled, whereupon they
ranne upon him, and with many wounds slue him. Thus
writeth reter Paterson of Upsal which then was in Russia.
Contumelious When they had slaine him, they thrust a rope thorow his
•''^-^- secret parts, and drew him thorow the myre into the
Market place, where he remayned foure dayes lying all
gorie and myrie on a boord, with Peter Basman under it,
and an ugly Vizar over it, a Bag-pipe in his mouth, with
other lascivious cruelties exercised on his dead body.
The Palatine Sendomir (or Sandamersko) was blocked
up in his House, and other Poles Houses rifled, many of
Poies slaine. which died not unrevenged, howsoever by nxunbers over-
comne. Viteneskie after much slaughter of the assayling
Russes, when he saw Ordnance brought, set forth a white
flagge in token of yeeding, bidding his Servants cast
abroad his money ; which whiles the people were gather-
ing, he and his made way with their Swords with great
slaughter, & yeelded to the Boiarens which came fi-om the
The Queene. Castle. The miserable Bride was not only spoyled of
inestimable Treasure, but of all her Apparell, and Jewels,
carefuU only of her Father and Uncle, and thinking it a
happy purcnase, if she might save her life and recover her
Countrey. Meanewhile, without her Garment to cover
her, without Bed to lye on, without securitie of life, shee
expected in poore Weeds the issue of the peoples furie.
Merchants Many Merchants endured like fates. Ambrose Cellar,
^^'- besides the losse of thirtie thousand Crownes, lost his life.
James Win was with his own Sword beheaded : Nathan
lost one hundred and fiftie thousand Florens: Nicolas
Limborough fiftie thousand. Two of Auspurg had lent
two hundred thousand Crownes to Demetrius, which now
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OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1605.
was not to pay them. Marcellius lost an hundred thou-
sand Florens. Twelve hundred Poles lost their lives;
many were saved by the Boiarens. Foure hundred
Russes were slayne. At night the tumult ceased. Scarsly Russes slaine.
would the people give leave to bury the bodies after three
dayes wallowing in the diu-t, in the Germane Chiu-chyard.
After this tempest was calmed, the Boiarens assembled
in counsell about a new Election, where Suiskey made
speech to them, professing himselfe sorrowfull for that had Smskeys
passed, in the execution of a just zeale to the Imperiall 'Z^'^^-
Family and his Countrey, and in hatred of a cruell Tyrant :
that Ivan Vasilowich, how ever injuriously taxed by some,
had left Kingdomes annexed to his Inheritance as Monu-
ments of his great spirit ; by whom he had beene sent to
Stephen King of Poland to treate of peace, and ever since
had so carried himselfe in the State, that none could justly
blame him: that John being dead, Theodore succeeded,
but another ruled, who murthered the yonger brother, and
as was thought, after that poysoned the other ; so attayn-
ing the Empire, which how miserable was it all his time }
that Demetrius therefore (whosoever he was) found
friends, himselfe amongst others, but when their Religion
was endangered, Forreiners advanced, Lawes violated,
Exotike fashions brought in, liberties suppressed, he with-
stood with the peril of his life ; which it grieved him to
have enjoyed, as a Theeves benefit, by his grant which had
no right to take it: yet seeing their forwardnesse in a
cause so just (wovdd God it had not beene so bloudy)
more regarding his Countreyes safety then rumoiu-s and
reports, nee had beene their Captayne to doe that which
God the disposer of Kingdomes by the successe had
approoved, so that now they were freed from a cruel
Tyrant, nor had they any Sorcerer or Impostor to mock
them : that it remayned now, seeing the Imperiall Family
was extinct, they should now seeke one of noblest bloud,
of wisest experience, of most religious zeale, who might
csteeme his peoples hearts his strongest Forts, such an one
as either is, or is thought to bee the best man to become
179
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
He is chosen their Prince. Thus was himselfe chosen Emperour the
Emperour. thirteenth of the Kalends of June. A writing was pub-
lished to justifie the killing of Demetrius, a runnagate
Fryer called Grishka, or Gregorie Strepy, professed in the
Monasterie in the Castle (which therefore hee would never
enter lest hee should bee knowne) with other aspersions
[III. iv. 764.] of Heresie, Sorcerie, affectation of inducing Popery (the
Popes Letters also challenging his promise produced) to
give the Jesuites Temples, Colledges, and other neces-
saries ; with other over-tiu-es to the Palatine Sandomersko,
The Devlll is for Smolensko, and Novogrod ; his bringing in Poles in
^^/^"" Russian Roomes, his luxurie, riot^ pompe, reserving Boris
illwillers bad ^^^ Daughter in a Nunnerie with intent of incestuous lust,
U made worse, having Murthered her Mother and Brother ; making a
Ands9 silver Throne with sixe Lions on each side, and other
perhaps hj pride ; abusing Nunneries to lust and lasciviousnesse, 8a:.
^nwastMs ®^^ ^^^ shall give you hereof more authenticke testi-
Demetrius. monie then this of Thuanus in Suiskeys Imperiall Letter
to His Majestie. Meanewhile touching this Demetrius
we will produce a few English Testimonies extracted out
of their Letters and Relations : wherein if some circum-
stantial discrepance appeare (in things done both so farre
and so foule in tumultuous furie, where men had rather
hide themselves then become witnesses, lest whiles they
would bee Spectators, they should bee forced to bee Actors,
and have their parts acted in that bloudie Tragedy) it is no
marvell. I produce all Witnesses I can, in a cause of so
remarkeable consequence, and choose rather to bee prolixc
The former then negligent, that the Reader out of so much evidence
part of this may better weigh and examine the truth.
intelligence I
•2r^2£^ T^He late Emperour of Russia called by the name of
Papers; the ^ Demetry Evanowich, is now credibly said (as some
latter by con- of them say) to have beene the Sonne of a Russe Gentle-
forence, ^c. man, named Gregorie Peupoloy, and that in his younger
Peiu^h'^^^See 7^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ shorne a Frier into a Monasterie: from
SMk^sLetur whence hee afterwards privily got away, travelled into
filing. Germanic and other Countreycs, out had his most abiding
180
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1605.
in Poland, in which time he attayned to good perfection
in Armes and Military knowledge ; with other abilities of Occasion of
sufficiencie; Afterwards finding a conceit taken by the ^'w^^^^'-
Russes of a secret conveying away of Demetry Evanowich,
brother and heire to Pheodore Evanowich Emperour ; and
that some other should be made away in his steed : And
finding also the generall distaste of the Government of Boris ill
Boris then Emperour, who after a feire beginning, did in i<^^rnmint,
his latter yeeres uphold himselfe, and his house with
oppression and crueltie: And having also many circum-
stances and oportunities of time and age, and such other
likelihoods, to advantage and second his pretence, began
first to broach his Title (as before) and by degrees found
such a generall acceptation of all sorts of people, that it
so daunted Boris, that (as it was then rumoured about)
hee, first, and afterwards his Wife, and his Sonne succeed-
ing him, made themselves away by Poyson. Though
now it goeth for certayne, that the poysoning of them was
procured by the Pretender, to make the easier way to the
Empire, which thereby he obtayned, entring and con- Demetrius
tinuing the same with all the State, and greatnesse that ^^P^^^^*
such a place required : Untill at length the Russes moved
rather by other certainties, then by any thing discovered
by himselfe, the sixt day after his marriage (which was kept
with very great pompe and solemnitie) being the seven-
teenth of May last past, taking a time when the Poles
stood least on Guarcl ; came to the Court with one con-
sent of Nobilitie and Commons about three of the clocke
in the morning, and mastring the Guards, drew the
Emperour out of his bed from the Empresse, and charging
him that hee was not the true Demetry Evanowich, but a
fiJse Pretender, he confessed the Deceit, and was forthwith
hewed in pieces by the multitude : Peter Basman resisting He is sldne.
was likewise slaine ; and both brought into the Market
place, where their bodies lay for a time to bee viewed of
every man. The old Queene denied him to bee her
Sonne, excusing her former acknowledgement to have
proceeded from feare and the generall acceptance which he
181
A.D.
1605.
Smskey
Emfertmr
*Tlds might
be rumour ed:
Others say hee
was not of that
but of very
noble bkud.
See sup. in
F leu her and
Thuanus.
Demetrius his
person
described.
Some say that
he was not like
Demetrius and
that he seemed
adozenyeeres
elder: but
perhaps they
mistake tins
for an other
after Preten-
der y calTing
lumselfe
the same
DemetriuSj
Uc.f as after
shall appear ey
a de firmed
man,
[IILiv.765.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
found amongst the people. As many Poles as made
resistance, were slaine to the nimiber of seventeene
hundred. The new Empresse, her Father, his brother
with the other Poles were committed to safe keeping, to
the number of eight or nine thousand.
And then proceeding to a new Election they chose
Emperour Vassiloe Evanowich Shoskey, who not long
before was at the filocke to have beene beheaded, for
reporting that hee had seene the true Demetry Evanowich
after he was dead, and did helpe to burie him. But the
Emperour did recall him, and afterwards advanced him to
the chiefest place of dignitie about his person. He is
the next of bloud * living, descended of the Race of the
old Emperour Ivan Vasilowich, of the age of fiftie yeeres
or thereabouts, never married, but kept under during Boris
time, a Prince of great wisdome, and a great favourer of
our Nation, as did specially appeare by the care hee had to
fuard the English House from rifling, when the late
)emetry was brought in by the Poles.
The late Pretender was of stature low, but well set,
hard favoured and of no presence ; howsoever otherwise
of a Princely disposition, executing Justice without
partialities ; And not remitting the insolencie even of the
Poles; well seene in martiall practises, and trayning his
Nobilitie to the Discipline of warre, to make them the
readier against the Tartar, not given either to women or
drinke, but very liberall and bountifiill, which occasioned
some grievous Exactions to maintayne the same. And to
conclude, a man in the opinion of such as knew him, not
unworthy of a better gotten, and longer continued Empire,
which hee lost chiefly through the greatnesse of his minde,
supposing that none of his Subjects durst attempt any
such matter against his person, when as in the meane time
the practice went on with such a generall Conjuration,
that the Russes were summoned by the ringing of a Bell
to bee readie to enter the Court. And to shake off that
Government which would have made them a more noble
Nation then formerly they beene.
182
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1605.
IT is reported by some of Oiirs, that hee the rather was
inclinable to our Nation in the respect he bare to his
Majestie, having read that his worthy Worke dedicated
to Prince Henrie. Hee is said also to have beene a
resolute man of his hands, to have delighted in fighting
with the Beare ; active and strong. I have likewise heard
that hee gave the command of his Guard consisting of
strangers to Captayne Gilbert a Scot ; to have made one Captayne
Buchenskoy (a Learned and Religious Protestant) his GiT^/rr.
Secretarie ; and otherwise to have beene so alienated from ^«^^^^^-
Russian manners, and so well affected to Strangers, that
they conspired as aforesaid. The people are said to have
entred the Castle (which was a quadrant, having a high
bricke wall of seven stories, and another of stone, and a 5/wr^/ rare
Market place) with stones in their pockets (which are rare ^*^ ^^^^•
thereabouts) and some with weapons.
Some report from Captayne Gilberts Relation, that lying Captaine
on his bed not long before his death (as hee thought, GUhertsrepert
awake) an aged man came to him, which sight caused him ^-^^ ^^««*-
to arise and come to Captayne Gilbert, and his guard that
watched, but none of them had seene any thing. Here-
upon he returned to his Bed, but within an houre after he
againe troubled with like apparition called, and sent for
Buchinskie : telling him that he had now twice seene an
aged man, who at the second comming told him, that
though for his owne person he was a go<xi Prince, yet the
mjustice and oppressions of his inferiour Ministers must
bee punished, and his Empire should bee taken from him.
In this perplexitie his Secretarie gave him good and holy
counsell, saying till true Religion were there planted, his
Officers would bee lewd, the people oppressed, and God
Almightie offended, who perhaps by that Dreame or
Vision had admonished him of his dutie. The Emperour
seemed much moved, and to intend that good which
that Coxuitrey was not so happy to receive. For a few
dayes after (as that Relation averreth) his Russe Secretarie
came to him with a Sword, at which the Emperour jested*
183
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
Jnother and hee suddenly after sawcie speeches assaulted him, with
IT^A "^^^y otJ^^r Grandes of that Conspiracie, and like another
re^f^ Caesar slue him, crying Libertie, before his guards could
apprehend the danger; of which some were slaine, but
the most with Gilbert their Giptayne, got to a place called
Cokga, Coluga, which with the helpe of some Russes they forti-
fied and held for their defence. Buchinskie the Secretarie
was taken and imprisoned, the strangers murthered, the
English except, who have in all changes been well beloved
of the Russians; as indeed they deserve, having alway
done good service to the Emperours. And their interest
saved the life of that worthy man Buchinskey, which they
requited with much observance to the succeeding Em-
perour Suiskey, who comes next to be spoken of ; and first
you shall have his Letter to our Gracious Sovereigns
§. nil.
Suiskey the Successour his Letter to our King, des-
cribing the former Demetrius his Acts and
Tragedie.
The Copie of the Translation of a Letter sent from
I find him the new Emperour Vassily Evanowich Shoskey
caikdShoskey, to the Kings Majestic by Master John Mericke.
Ziska, ^c. The love and mercie of God that guideth us in the
^Jm^imr^ wayes of peace, we glorifie with the Trinitie.
proHunciaHon KBSRom the great Lord Emperour and great Duke
being hard, I^H Vassily Evanowich of all Russia, sole Commander
IB^B of Voladomer, Mosko, Novogrod, King of Cazan
and Astracan, of Syberia, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke
of Smolensko, Twerskoy, Yavharskoy, Pearmskoy, Vats-
koy, Bollharskoy, and of other : Lord and great Duke of
Novogroda of the Low Countrey of Cherneego,
Rezanskoy, Polotskoy, Rostovskoy, Yereslaveskoy, Besuo-
zerskoy, Leeflanskoy, Owdorskoy, Obdorskoy, Condin-
skoy, and Commander of all the North parts : also Lord
184
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1606.
of the Land of Eeverskoy, Cartalinskoy, and over the
Empire of the Gorgians of the Land of Cabardinskoy,
and Eeharskoy Land, likewise of many other Lordships
Lord and Commander.
To our beloved Brother James King of England, Scot-
land, France, and Ireland, Wee give to understand that
Sigismund King of Poland, and great Duke of Letto, in
Anno 7109. did send unto the late Emperour Boris, his
Embassadour named Lewis Sapeago, being Chancelor of
the great Dukedome of Poland, requesting the said
Emperour Boris, that the former league and peace
made and concluded upon by the great Lord Em-
perour and great Duke Theodore Evanowich of all
Russia, and him Sigismond King of Poland, might be [III Ay. y 66,]
stedfastly holden and continued tiff the time of that league
were expired. As also that the Emperour Boris would
inlarge the said league for thirtie yeeres more, whereupon Lfague with
the Emperour Boris yeelded thus farre unto the request the Pole.
of the King of Poland, that hee would continue the old
league till the fiill time were expired, and assent to a new
league for twentie yeeres more; and to that eflFect he
tooke an Oath, to hold and keepe all the contents faith-
fiiUy, mentioned in the said Writing, touching the same
league: and instead of the King of Poland, his Embas-
sadour Lewis Sapeagoe was sworne in the presence of the
Emperour Boris. And after the Polish Embassadour was
departed from the Mosko, the Emperom- Boris sent unto
Smismund King of Poland his Embassadour, being one
of the Privie Councell, called Michailo Zleabowich
Sallteecove, with some others to end and finish the afore-
said league, to the which league the King of Poland
himselfe was sworne in the presence of the Emperour's
Embassadour to hold and keepe the said league faithfully. He taxeth the
according to the tenour of their Writing. King of
But not long after Sigismund King of Poland, with one P^^^-
Pavarade, entred into such a practise, as he therein fiJsified ^^^hsf^
his Oath, and made way to the shedding of much Christian pittenJng
bloud: First, by retayning and upholding one Gryshca Demetrius.
185
A.D.
i6o6.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
A Frier,
A Ckarke.
Magidan,
Otreapyove, a Runnagate, a Conjurer, and one that left
his profession being a Monke, and ran away out of Russia
into Poland; and being come thither, tooke upon him
to be the Son of the great Emperour Evan Vassilawich
of famous memorie, and by name Demetry Evanowich :
when as it was well knowne in our Kingdome, that
before he was shorne a Monke, he was commonly
called Yowshco, Son to one Bowghdan Otreapyove,
dwelling at a place called Galitts: and when hee had
committed much villanie, to save his life he shoare
himselfe a Frier, and so runne from one Monasterie
to another; and lastly, came into a Monasterie called
Chowdo, where hee was made one of the Clearkes;
being so placed there by the Patriarke of Mosko him-
selfe: But he did not leave off his former life; for he
continued still in his most Devillish actions, as he did
before he was shorne, conunitting villany, forsaking God
and falling to the studie of the Blacke Arte, and to many
such like evils he was inclined. Also there was found
by him a Writing which shewed how he was falne from
God, and the same was made well knowne to the holy
Patriarch of Mosko, and of all Russia, and to the Metro-
politanes. Archbishops, and Bishops, and to all the holy
Cleargie : whereupon the said Rulers of our true Christian
Faith, which is from the Grecian Law, for these his most
ungodly works, consulted to send him to perpetuall Prison,
there to end his life. Whereupon this notorious Instru-
ment of Satan, perceiving this his overthrow, and that his
vile practises were discovered, ran away out of the King-
FB^toLem, dome of Mosko, beyond the borders, and into Letto to a
place called Keeyeve: thus according to the Devils
instructing of him, as one forsaken of God, he made this
his doing manifestly known to all people, leaving oflF his
Monks Habit, and withall by the coimsell and advice of
our Enemie the Polish King, and one of his Palatines
named Sandamersko Yourya,"* with Duke Constantine,
and Duke Veshnevetskoy and his Brethren with other
Polish Lords that were ox his Councell, began to call him
i86
Greeke
Church,
"^ George.
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1606.
the Son of the great Lord, Emperour and great Duke
Evan Vassilywich, by name Prince Demetry of Owglitts.
As also by his villanous treacherie and the DeviUs per-
swading of him, he made much trouble in our Land, by
sending abroad many of his intising and provoking
Letters, to divers places upon the borders of our
Countrey: that is, to a place called Done, and to the
Volgoe, to our Cossacks and Souldiers, naming himselfe to
he the Prince Demetry of Owglitts. Moreover, there
came to our Kingdome of Mosko many Polish Spies,
which brought and dispersed Libels both in Citie and
Townes, and in the high-wayes, practising to rayse dis-
sention in the Kingdome of Mosko. Also it is well
knowne, not only to them in the Empire of Mosko, but
likewise in other Kingdomes, that the great Lord
Emperour, and great Duke Evan Vassilywich of famous
memory, had a Sonne called by the name of Prince
Demetry, and after his Fathers decease, there was given Demetry of
unto him and his Mother the Citie of Owglitts. But in OtogRts,
the yeere 7095. being in the Reigne of the great Lord, ^'^ murther,
Emperour and great Duke Theodore Evanowich of all
Russia, this foresaid Demetry was murthered by the order
and appointment of Boris Godenove. And at his Funerall
was his Mother now called the Empresse Martha, with
her owne Brethren by name Michaila and Greegory the
Sonnes of Theodore Nahovo. Likewise to his burying,
there was sent from the Mosko Metropolitanes, and
Archimandreets, and Abbots: and the great Lord
Emperour, and great Duke Theodore Evanowich sent
to his Funerall many Nobles and Courtiers of the Land Buriall,
which saw him buried in the chiefest and principall Church
of Owglitts. Moreover, Martha the Dutches and
Empresse his Mother is yet living, and many of her
Brothers and Unckles, which doe at this present time
^erve us the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Vassily
Evanowich, of all Russia sole Commander : Likewise in
these last yeeres past, as in Anno 71 1 1. and in Anno 71 12.
and 71 13. concerning that foresaid Tray tour and Here-
187
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
ticke, the forsaken of God Gryshca Otreapyove, many of
oxir Gentlemen, Captaynes and others our Officers did
many times write from the North parts of the borders of
our Kingdome into Poland and Letto, and to others their
inferiour Cities, to the Rulers and Governours of the
same; as also our spirituall people: the Patriarke, the
Metropolitans, Archbishops, and Bishops wrote unto the
Letters to spirituall people of Poland, declaring unto them what that
Poland. Heretick and Traytor was, likewise from whence he came
and what manner of person he was; as also of his
demeanour, and likewise of the occasion why hee nmne
away to them out of the Land, as also the manner of the
making away of the Prince Demetry, and withall
requested the Rulers and Spirituall people of Poland, that
they knowing what Runnagate this was, would not give
credit unto him, nor to make a breach of the late league
concluded upon.
[III. iv. 767.] But the Governours of the Dukedome of Poland and
Letto, as also the spirituall men, according to the King of
Poland his commandment, gave no credit unto our writ-
ings, but began, more then before to intice and perswade
men to uphold the Traitor, and to aide him. Moreover,
to make trouble and dissention in our Land, they tooke
this forsaken of God, Greeshca unto them, and cald him
by the name of Prince Demetry of Owglits : likewise the
King gave unto him a chaine or gold, with many thousand
PoRsh Mdis. peeces of Polish gold, to the defraying of his charges ; as
also sent in armes to our borders with one of his Lords,
the Palatine Sendamersko, and another of his chiefest
Lords, with many troopes of Poles. But when the
Emperour Boris understood how that this Gryshca
Otreapyove was called, by the name of Prince Demetry
Evanowich of Owglits, and withall, that they did aide and
helpe him against the Kingdome of Russia : he caused his
Counsell to send a messenger, as from themselves, to the
Polish Lord Panameerada, which Messenger was named
Smeemoysent. Smeernay Otreapyove, being Unckle to the said Gryshca
Otreopyove being the Son of one Jamateen Otrepayov,
188
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1606.
onely to declare unto them what this Gryshca was; but
that Polish Lord Panameerada would not suffer him, and
his Unckle to be brought face to face. But he made
answer to the said Messenger Smeernay, that they did not
aide him, neither did they stand for him in any sort.
So after he had sent away the Messenger Smeernay, the
King of Poland, and the Lord Panameerada did aide
Gryshca Otreapyove with men and treasure more liberally
then before, purposing to make great strife and trouble,
and to shed much bloud in the Kingdome of Mosco.
Also at the same time Sigismund, King of Poland,
requested the aide of one of the Princes of Crim in Crim Tartar.
Tartaria, named Cazateera; and to that end he should
aide Gryshca with his forces, against the Kingdome of
Mosko ; and he in consideration, did promise to give unto
the foresaid Crim, Prince, what hee woidd demand. Then ^
the Emperour Boris understanding what practises were in
hand, being altogether contrary to the league ; thereupon
purposely he sent to Sigismund King of Poland, another
speciall Messenger, one named Posnicke Agareove ; like-
wise at the same time, the holy Patriarke of Mosco, and
all Russia, with the Metropolitans, Archbishops, and
Bishops, with all the rest of the holy Clergie, sent their
Messengers with Letters to the State of Poland, and so jnother
the great Dukedome of Letto, to the Archbishops, and Messengtr,
Bishops, and to all the Spiritualtie. Moreover, in the
said Letters, the Emperour Boris with the Patriarke, and
all the holy assembly, wrote unto the Lord Panameerada
concerning Gryshca, making it knowne unto them what
he was, and wherefore he ranne away into Poland, and
likewise that the Sonne of the great Lord Emperour, and
great Duke Evan Vasiliwich, the Prince Demetry was
dead : And to that intent, that the King Sigismund should
not give credit to the said Gryshca, and that they should
not spill Christian bloud, nor violate the league.
Hereupon Sigismund King of Poland writ unto the
Emperour Boris, and further, by word of mouth, both he
and Panameerada delivered to the said messenger in his
189
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
message, that hee did hold and keepe their League, and
moreover, did not violate or breake his oath no manner of
way: and likewise* did write, that he did not ayde that
foresaid Gryshca, neither did give credit unto him : withall
denying that he was with him in his Kingdome: and
further he did write, that if there were any out of Poland
or Letto that did aide or assist him, that then they should
be executed. But after he had dispatched away the
messenger of Boris, not regarding his oath, still more and
more did aide and helpe this Gryshca Otreapyove. Also
the Palatine Sendamersko, and Myhala Ratanisko came
into the Kingdome of Mosco, to a place called the Land
of Seeversko, putting the people or that Land in feare,
and perswading them there, this Gryshca was the true
Prince, and that the King of Poland and Panameerada,
had found out the certaintie thereof : and therefore they
will have Poland and Letto stand for him. Also from out
of many other Kingdomes they goe to aide and assist
him: likewise other inferiour Kingdomes are willing to
stand for him: moreover, that Gryshca in the foresaid
Land of Seeversko, and in other places of our Borders,
by the meanes of his divellish practises and conjurations
did intise and tempt him to fall to him : likewise the people
of those foresaid places of the Land of Seeversko, and on
the Borders, being simple people, and resorting seldome to
the Citie of Mosco, and being intised by Gryshca, and the
rest of the Governours, could not withstand, but yeelded
them imto them. Whereupon against those Polonians
and Lettoes, and other enemies that were already entred
the Kingdome of Mosco, the Emperour sent his Nobles
with a great Armie : but by the appointment of God, the
Emperour Boris deceased ; upon whose death, the chiefest
of the Nobles departed the Campe. And after their
departure, the Armie hearing ot the death of the
Emperour, and being drawne thereto by feare and other-
wise, at last yeelded themselves over unto Gryshca, as the
Borderers had done before.
Also the foresaid Gryshca, by the helpe of the Divell,
190
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1606.
and King Sigismund, and Panameerada, came into the
Citie andKingdome of Mosco, to the great disquietnesse
and trouble of the whole Land ; by whom the Rehgion was
corrupted, and by him were many true Christians put to
exile, for denying his right and interest to the Kingdome
of Mosco. And shortly after he was setled in the King-
dome, and he tooke to wife the daughter of one Sanda-
mersko, as was appointed by the King of Poland and
Panameerada : the which wife of his was in Mosco with
her Father and Brother Senatskoy, and with one Vesh-
nevetskoy, with their Polish and Letto Lords, and other
people, by whom Religion was prophaned : as also we were Mutatim of
rorced and driven to receive many wrongs and injuries, ReRpw,
which the people of the Kingdome of Mosco could not
indure. Also, at last this Greeshca, by the counsell of
the Palatine Sandamersko his Father in Law, and by the
counsell of Veshnevetskoy, and other Polish and Letto
people, which he brought in with him, was piirposed, by a [III. iv. 768.]
secret politicke devise to have put to death the Metro-
politans, Archbishops, and Bishops, and all the holy and
spirituall assembly, with the Nobles, and Courtiers, and
divers others which were of the better people, and so to
have sent others into Poland and Letto ; withall to have
changed the Religion, and to have established the Romish Romisk
Religion, for which piupose he brought with him many R^^igiw and
Jesmtes. ^^'*^'^'-
The which we the great Lord and great Duke Vasily
Evanowich, of all Russia, with the Metropolitans, Arch-
bishops, and Bishops, and with all the holy spirituall
assembly, and with the Nobles, Courtiers, and Commons
of the Kingdome of Mosco, well considering, and per-
ceiving what an alteration this would be to our Christian
feith, with the overthrow and utter undoing to our whole
Kingdome : we then earnestly bewaiPd and lamented, and
withall hartily praved to the almightie Trinitie our onely
Lord God, that hveth and defendeth mankinde, that it
"Would please him to deliver us, and the Common-wealth
from those vile, cruell, divellish attempts, and devises of
191
Aj>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
theirs. Thus desiring the mercy of God, we all returned
and stood stedfiist to our former unspotted and true Chris-
tian faith, against that usurper and coimterfeit Gryshca
and his Counsell, with a resolution to stand in the same
manfully, and even to the death, hoping and longing for
the time that all people, and warlik men and Souldiors
and many others of the Empire of Mosco might come to
gather themselves together, & that they might likewise
perceive and discern this usurping Heretick, and his
divellish courses, by which he did decline from the true
Large Empire Christian faith of om- Religion. The largenesse of the
•/Russia. Kingdome of Mosco cannot be unknowne unto you our
loving Brother, how farre it extendeth it selfe both to the
South, and to the West, as also to other places, that in
halfe a yeares space they could not gather themselves
together. But when as the power and warlike Souldiours,
and all other people were gathered together, then through
the mercie and favour of God, this enemy of Gods Com-
monwealth was discovered to all what he was. And the
Empresse Martha, being Mother of the true Prince
Demetry Evonowich, did certifie unto us before the
Metropolitans, Archbishoppes, and Bishoppes, and before
all the holy assembly, as also to the Nobles and Courtiers,
and other Officers, and men of worth within our Empire,
did shee deliver, that her Sonne the Prince Demetri was
murthered beyond reason, at a place called Owglits, by
appointment of Boris Godenove, and that he dyed in her
armes ; vet did this Gryshca falsely call himselfe by the
name of him that was murthered.
Also we found in the custody of this Gryshca, the Copie
of a writing, which was the contract and agreement that
he made betwixt him and the Palatine, before his comming
^e hefire. out of Poland ; in which was written, that as soone as he
did come to the Kingdome of Mosco, that then he would
take to wife the daughter of the Palatine, and would give
her two Provinces, cdled great Novogrod and Vobsko,with
counsell. Courtiers, Genaemen, and Priests, fitting to a
Congregation, with inferior Castles and Lands, freely in
192
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1606.
those foresaid, to build and set up Monasteries, and also
to set up the Romish Religion ; And when he came to the
Kingdome of Mosco, that then he should give unto the
Palatine tenne thousand pieces of Polish Gold, which is
by our Russia account, three hundred thousand Markes :
and to his wife, in consideration of her long Journey, he
promised to give cloth of Gold, and cloth of Silver, and
of all the best things that was in the Treasurie of the
Kingdome of Mosco. Likewise, that hee the said
Gryshca at his comming to Mosco, would take order to
bring these things to passe with all diligence, whereby he
might draw all the Dominion of Mosco from our true
Grecian Religion, and so to have turned us into the
Romish Religion, and to have destroyed the holv Church
over all the Empire of Mosco, and so to have built up the
Religion of the Church of Rome : and for the performing
of all this, the said Gryshca was sworne to the Palentine
Sandamersko, in the presence of the Teachers of the Land,
as beforesaid ; that he according to his owne handwriting,
would hold all the said covenants with all diligence, as
likewise to bring all the Empire of Mosco to the Romish
Religion. The which covenants and agreements the
Generall Sandamersko himselfe hath confessed to our
Majestie, and Nobles, that the foresaid agreements and
covenants betwixt him and the foresaid Gryshca were true,
and how that they trusted one to another : moreover, the
Palatine did certifie unto our Nobles, how Gryshca sent
him a Letter under his owne hand and Seale, in which he
promised to give him Smolensko, with all the Provinces
belonging thereto, and another place called Seeverow, as
also cave him liberty to set up Monasteries, and the
Religion of the Church of Rome. Further, there was
found bv him Letters which were sent to him from the Popes Letter.
Pope of Rome, and the Cardinals, and Priests, to that
effect, that he should remember and withall be mindefull
to take in hand speedily those matters and businesse upon
which he had given to Sigismund, and the Cardinals his
troth and vow, the which was, as beforesaid, to be himselfe
XIT 193 N
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
of the Romish Religion, as also to bringall the people of
the Kingdome of Russia into the same Romish Religion,
not onely them that of themselves were willing thereto,
but also others by compulsion, and to put them to death
that soi^ht to contrary the same. And not onely them
of the Kingdome of Russia, but likewise other godly
people of severall Religion: and that doe serve in the
Kingdome of Mosco, as the Catholicks, and the Calvinists,
them likewise he should seeke to bring into the Romish
Religion with all perswasions. Moreover, Gryshca him-
selfe, before us, and our Nobles, and Coiu'tiers, and before
om- Commons, did acknowledge as much, and thereupon
veelded himselfe to be in fault : as also that he did all with
nelpe of the Divell, having forsaken God.
For which these his vile actions, this Gryshca, according
to the true justice, received an end to his life, and was by
abundance of people slain in the Mosco, where he lay
[III. i?. 769.] three dayes in the midst of the Citie, to the view
of all such like usurpers, and disturbers. And because his
SkttMi W body was loathsome unto us, we caused it to be carried out
burnt. of the Citie, and there to be burnt.
This Enemie thus having ended his life, then the Kings
sonnes of divers Coimtries, now dwelling within our King-
dome, with the Patriarke, Metropolitanes, Archbishops,
and Bishops, with the Nobles, Courtiers, and the Com-
mons, made entreaty \mto us Vasili Evanowich, to raigne
Ekctmrf and governe over them and over all the Kingdome of
Swisky. Mosco, as their Lord, Emperour, and great Duke of all
Russia. According to which entreatie made unto us by
the said Kings sons of divers Countries, as likewise by our
Nobles, Courtiers, Merchants, and all the rest of the
Commons of all the Kingdome of Mosco, Wee are come
to the great Kingdomes of Volodemar, Mosco, Novogrod,
and as also of the Kingdomes of Cazan, Astracan, and
Siberia, and over all the Provinces of the Empire of
Mosco: as also wee the great Lord Emperour, and
great Duke of all Russia, are crowned with our Imperial!
Crown: and for the said Kings sonnes of divers
X94
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a-d.
1606.
Religions, and oiir Nobles, Courtiers, and Souldiers, and
all manner of People, doe serve oiir Imperiall Majesty
with desire and good liking voluntarily, and not by
delusions and conjurations, as the Poles and Lettoes were
bewitched by Grishca. But we the great Lord Emperour
and great Duke Vasili Evanowich, with great care stayed
and restrayned our People from the spoyle of the Poles
and the Lettoes, defending them from death ; and withall
have conunanded to let goe many of them into Poland and
Letto : but the chiefest of them that were of the Coimcell,
and that practised to bring trouble and dissention in the
Kingdome of Mosco, are now taken. And we to doe an
honour xuito the dead body of the true Demetrie, have
(upon conference with our Metropolitanes, Archbishops,
and Bishops, and all the holy Assembly, our Nobles and
Courtiers, and all the Kingdome of Mosco) sent to the
Citie of Owglets a Metropolitan, named Filareta, of
Rostove and I eraslave, who was called before he was made
Metropolitan, Theodor Neekete, which being one of the
Nobles in times past, and with him the Archbishops of
Astracan, called Feodosia, and our Nobles the Duke Evan
Michalowich Vorotinskoy, with the rest of his fellowes,
conunanding them to bring up with them the body of the
Prince Demetrie Evanowich, who was murthered by the
appointment of Boris Godonove, and to bring it up to our
Citie of Mosco with great honour, which body shall be
buried in the principall Church of Mosco, called Michael
the Archangel, neare to his father the great Lord
Emperour and great Duke Evan Vasilowich of famous
memorie, and by Gods power his body shall not be touched
or abused any manner of way. Likewise will we, by the
feyour of God, honour the Funerall of Demetrie Evano-
wich with speciall solenmitie, which body performeth many
cures, and worketh miraculously unto them, that come to Mirscks.
him with Faith to be cured of their diseases.
And now most loving and deare brother, wee calling
well to minde the great amitie and friendship that was
betwixt the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke Evan
19s
i6o6.
Sir J9ku
MerrUki,
New Patent.
1606.
Tku.L
135.
PoBsk
imokncies.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Vasilywich, and his Sonne Theodor Evanowich, the
Emperour Boris, and the great Lady Queene Elizabeth :
the like brotherly love doe we desire to have with you,
most loving and deare brother, to be established and con-
tinued betwixt us, as it was with them, during our lives.
Therefore may it please you, our loving brother James,
King of England, after the hearing of these great and
strange dangers past, to rejoyce with us, that he hath
delivered from such a vile enemy, and that he, our
mercifull God, hath divided and scattered that wicked
counsell, and that he hath turned their cruelty upon their
owne head, to their shame and confusion. And concern-
ing your Merchants that were in our Kingdome, John
Merricke with his fellowes, we have graced them with our
Emperiall presence ; as also have given unto the said John
Merricke and his fellowes, a new privilege, and Letters of
favour, by which they shall come mto our Kingdome, and
to traficke with all manner of goods freely, without paying
any Custome whatsoever, and as to them was granted in
former time, and this favour we have given them to mani-
fest unto you our loving Brother, our Brotherly love.
And the reason that we have not sent to you, loving
brother, our Embassadour, is, because we had not time, in
regard of many our Emperiall affaires, but hereafter doe
purpose to send, to visite you in your Kingdome. Written
at our Emperiall palace and Citie of Mosco, from the be-
ginning of the World Anno 71 14. the fourth day of June.
Thus is Demetrius painted out by his Enemies, which
perhaps were not altogether led with simplicitie of truth,
but in many things made him worse, that they might make
their owne cause (bad enough) to appeare better. They
tell also of great outrages committed by the Poles, (like
those sometimes here in England by the Danes) their
proud insulting over the men, ravishments of women,
fetching them out of their houses and husbands bosomes
to serve their lusts : neither did Demetrius, as they say,
punish them ; one ondy being sentenced, and hee violently
rescued from execution by the Poles. They say also that
196
OCCURBENTS IN RUSSIA a.i>.
1606.
Demetrius his body was plucked out of the grave and
burnt, the ashes throwne into the aire, the se^s, as the
sequele seemed to shew, of many Demetrii after.
Suiskey is also by some reported to have bcene chosen Casing by
by lot in this manner. The Nobles cast lots foure times ^'*
to receive a Successor, as it were, by divine sentence in
lot-orade: in every of which times the lot fell upon
Suiskey (for as some say, there were three or foure neerer
then hee) he modestly refusing and enforced by constancy
of the various lot to accept that Scepter ; whereof others
thinke him as ambitious, as was modest Boris before him.
However, he hath left his name and memorie written in
as blacke inke as either Boris or Demetrius, if Reports bee
true, which say that he proved a wicked Prince, partly by [III. iv. 770.]
poison, partly by the Tartars, making away all, whose
bloud might by Nobilitie threaten a probabilitie of their Stdshys vkes.
proving his Corrivals. Yea, he is said to have sent for The like is told
Witches and Sorcerers, Laps, Samoeds, Tartars, or what- ^^^^^
soever other Nation yeelded such Hell-hags, incarnate \^^J^
Fiends, the Devils blacke guard, to consult about his Am of one to
Empire and succession ; and (the Devill is a murtherer) to stuceel, whose
have sealed their predictions with bloud. Thus being namhegau
told that one Michalowich should succeed, he is said pre- !f^^^^
sently to have plotted the death of three Grandes of that Q^orge Duke
name, his best servants: yet the superstitious people ofCUrencekis
observe (after much chopping and changing) that in little Irotker^ and
time the State was settled on one of that Name, which still ^^^ ^^jT
swaieth the Scepter ; Who then being a vouth of no State- ^j^p^„^'j
terror, was his attendant in Court and bare an Axe (after ^i 1614.
their customc) before him. ulsofagjreat
One of his first Acts, was to send into Poland an 2f*»^^^
Embassage, which could not bee admitted audience tiU J^^^jil
Januarie. Hee thereby complayned of Sandomerskos one Glasco
artes which obtruded that Changeling on Russia, whereby wasarrajnedy
above two hundred of princip^ Nobilitie had lost their andtofrepent
lives: demanding restitution of the moneys which that T^.-^^^
Impostor had caused to bee transported into Poland, and staBM
restitution of goods ; otherwise hee woiild with Charles Mmse/fi, i^.
197
i6o6.
Cap. Gilbert.
that fiurteene
horses were
missing in the
Khff stabk
mAemittsacre
hence was
occasioned a
suspicion of
escape f lie
J strange
Jnggler.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
of Sweden Duke of Suderman, enter Poland with an
Armie to bee revenged for the league (which they had
sworne) broken, &c. Sigismund answered modestly, with
excuse of their helping the right Heire in their conceits,
and that his desire was that peace should continue (being
loth in times then tumultuous at home, to provoke a
forreine enemie, so neere in dwelling, so remote in
affection) Sandomersko still remayned prisoner in Russia.
But things being better setled in Poknd, and growing
worse in Russia, oy the dislike conceived against Suiskey,
a double danger grew to him both from another revived
Demetrius (yea many pretending that Name and Title did
after arise, as out of his dispersed ashes) within Russia ;
and from the Poles without, willing both to assist him
under colour of Revenge, and with hope of Conquest also,
to invade and fish for themselves in troubled waters.
As for that Demetrius new risen from the dead (not to
mention the others of inferiour note) I shall relate Captaine
Gilberts reports which knew him and was by him enter-
tayned, as I received them of a judicious friend of mine,
which had them from his owne mouth. Hee being at
Coluga (as before is said) received a Letter from this new
Demetrius*, so written that it appeared to bee of the
former Demetrius his owne hand : and thus also he used to
doe to others being able to counterfeit his writing, and to
relate such other particulars as seemed impossible to any
but Demetrius to doe. Hereupon Captaine Gilbert went
with his Guard of Souldiers to meete him and the Polake
Generall which came with him. And whiles he was yet a
good distance off, Ah (this Demetrius called to him) my
true servant, where were vou and my Guard, when the
villaines hurt me ? but if I had foUowed the counsell which
you gave me such a time in such a place (relating the
particulars) I had prevented them. This circumstance had
moved him to beleevc this to be the former Demetrius,
had not he differed from this in person, as night from day.
Thus also he said he affirmed to the Pole Generall, asking
him how he liked this Demetrius, that This and That were
198
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
i6o6.
as like as Night and Day (for the former was of goodly
personage, and this a very deformed wretch.) The Pole
replyed. It is no matter, Captaine, this Demetrius shall
serve our tume to bee revenged of the perfidious and
bloudie Russe. And this Demetrius acted the other so
neerly, and coiild so cimningly and confidently relate parti-
cular passages of past occurrents, that the Lady of
Demetrius was by him bedded. Thus was miserable
Russia groimd betwixt these two Mill-stones, the pre-
tending Demetrius and the super-intending Pole.
Suiskey is helped not a little by the English, which Eng&ioide.
brought him strang^ely and adventurously powder and
mumtion to his Casue to Mosco, which yet at last by revolt
of the Citizens delivers up it selfe and him to the Poles.
And as for that pretendinj^ Demetrius, he was afterwards
murthered in his Campe by a Tartar. But it is meet to
take hereof larger view.
Sigismimd King of Poland layeth claim to Sweden, as SmdeM TttU.
Sonne to King John (who is said to have unjustly deprived
Ericus of his life and Kingdome) whose yonger brother
Duke Charles first receivecf his Nephew King Sigismund
(then also elected and still continuing King otPoland) but
upon warres which after arose betwixt them, the issue was,
that the Pole holds the Title ; but Charles obtayned both
Regall Title and Power, wherein his Sonne hath succeeded.
Suiskey takes hold of this diflPerence, and Charles assists
him with an Armie sent under the command of Pontus de
la Card a French Coronell, consisting of English, French, Fomdnandis
and Scots. These march to Mosco, which the new totheRussn.
Demetrius and Poles held besieged, and put Demetrius
into such feare, that not trusting the Pole, and fearing his
Adversaries on both sides, he stole away by night with a
small retinue : and the Poles obtayned Articles of com-
position and departed. But miserable were the distresses
by famine, fire, sword, rapes, and other outrages in other
parts of Russia, caused by other Poles ; and yet these but
as a beginning and prelude to other following. For the
King of Poland entred with a huge Armie (some say of
199
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
an hundred thousand men^ invaded the Muscovite, and
especially laid siege to Smolensko. He is reported thence
to have sent twentie thousand to besiege Mosco.
Suiskey had sent to King Charles for more aide, which
[III. iv. 77 1.] he procured out of England, and other Countries, of which
I had rather let you heare an eye-witnesse speake of this,
as elsewhere other English men have related their owne
voyages. This indeed deserveth relation, as a tragedie of
meaner persons with manifold vicissitudes of miseries
(attending voluntarie Souldiers) as before you have seene
tragedies of Princes and Grandes. And first you may
reade King Charles his compact and promised stipend to
such voluntaries, which for the more understanding
Readers delight I have here inserted.
NOs Carolus Nonus, Dei gratia Suecorum, Gothorum,
Wandalorum, Finnonum, Coreliorum, Lapporiun,
Conanorum, Esthonumque in Livonia, &c. Rex. Notum
facimus quod illustrem & generosum nobis syncere
dilectum Dominum Jacobum Spentzium, Baronem Wol-
merschonium in ministrorum nostrorum numerum
clementer receptum, omnium qui nostris nunc militant,
aut in posterum militaturi sunt auspiciis, Anglorum,
Scotorumque ducem & praefectum constituimus, ea con-
ditione ut in nostrum, Regnique nostri usum, pedites
mille, & equites quingentos, spectatae virtutis milites con-
scribat, adductosque ineunte vere ad 12. scilicet Maii
sequentis Anni 1609. ^^ Regno sistat. Cui nos ad dictos
milites tam colligendos qukm in regnum traducendos, in
pedites quidem novem, in equites vero quatuor thalerorum
imperialium millia & quingintos assignavimus. Cum
autem in regnum praefatus militum numerus appulerit,
illis si equos & arma subministraverimus, ea pieditum
quidem smgxilonun dimidii equitum vero duorum de
cujusque stipendio menstruo tnalerorum singulis men-
sibus donee pro armis & equis nobis satisfiat, detractione
solventur. Ipsi duci primario Peditum vero singulis
cohortibus (quarum qusvis ducentis Capitaneo cseterisque
200
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1609.
officiariis una comprehensis constabart miUe septingentos
thaleros in mensem dabimus. Equidem autem cohors
au2elibet centum equites continebit. Quod si pauciores
nierint, quot personae in prima lustratione defecerint,
totidem thalero menstruo Capitaneorum, Equicumque
Magistronun stipendio detrahentur : In sequentibus vero
lustrationibus quae singidis mensibus semel institui debent,
si qui forte interea ex hac vita decesserint, aut alio
quocunque modo, militum numerus fuerit ita diminutus,
ut pedites cujusque cohortis ducentis pauciores sint (non
tamen in eam paucitatem redactus ut ad tuendum,
CMrnandumque vexillum modo militari pedites impares
inveniantur) Capitanee nihilominus stipendium integrum
ad sex menses persolvetur, quod si postea defectum non
suppleverit, ipse officio Capitanei carebit & pedites ipsius
per caeteras cohortes, ad earum supplementum distri-
buentur. Equites vero cohortis cujusque, si centum
pauciores fuerint, Magister equitum nihilominus donee
numerus sexagenario major fuerit stipendium integrum
consequetur, idque ad sex menses duntaxat. His autem
exactis, nisi praestitutum, centum equitum niunerum sup-
pleverit, ipse munere suo privabitur, & equites per caeteras
cohortes distribuentur. Magistro equitum centum,
Vicario seu locum tenenti quaoraginta, Signifero triginta,
Decurioni viginti, sing\ilis ductoribus viginti, cuique
bucdnatori sex, Equitibus vero singulis duooecem thaleri,
in singulos menses munerabuntur. Dicto autem duci
generaS, ut sequentes officiarios sibi adjungeret clementer
pcrmisimus: Vicarium generalem, cui quadringintos,
praefectum vigiliarum, cui nonaginta, Secretarium cui
octoginta, Praetorem cui sexaginta, Praefectum annonae cui
sexaginta, Pastorem cui sexaginta, Chirurgum cui quad-
raginta, Archicustodem cui quadraginta, Inspectorem
armorum cui quadraginta, Tympanistam cui sedecim
florenos in singiuos menses promissimus. Primus autem
stipendii mensis intra decimxim quintum diem k militum in
regnxim adventu inchoabitur. Libcram quoque habebit
praefatus dux Primarius plenamque justitiae exercendae
aoi
A.a PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
potestatem in omnes suo impcrio subjectos, idcjue in onuii
criminis gencre exccpto crimine lasae Majcstatis ; Peditum
cuique subsidii loco thalenun unum ; Capitaneis autem &
reliquis ofEciariis stipendii singulis designati dimidium;
Magistro militum duodecim ; Ejus Vicario octo ; signi-
fero sex, cuique Decurioni quatuor singulis ex tnbus
ordinxim ductoribus tres, Bucanatori imum cum dimidio,
singulis vero equitibus duos in septimanam thaleros
dabimus; Semestri quolibet exacto nabitaque accurata
supputatione,quod de menstruo stipendio reliquum est,eis
persolvetur, habita tamen ratione numeri quern in singidis
delectibus seu militum lustrationibus Capitanei equi-
tumque Magistri exhibuerint. Quod si dux militibus suis
secundum aSquod praelium fecerit, aut arcem urbemque
aliquam vi expugnaverit, eo ipso die quo id contigerit
priore finito novus mensis inchoabitur. jLiberum quoque
erit Ducibus singidis, quoties necesse erit ad cohortium
supplementum adducendum aliquem mittere, qui dum
absens erit stipendium suum nihilominus consequetur, pro
singulis autem qui in supplementum adducti fuerint decern
thaleri numerabuntur. Quod si in praeliis, velitationibus,
excubiis aut alio quovis casu quenquam duciun, aut
militum in hostium potestatem venire contigerit, idque
non spontanea deditione aut alia ratione subdola & fraudu-
lenta accidisse compertum fuerit, is alius suae conditionis
statusque captivi permutatione liberabitur. Hostium
vero aliquis si captivus ad nos nostrive exercitus Ducem k
quoquam eorum perductus fuerit, quod pro sui liberatione
captivus praetium spoponderit, id ei, qui captivum duxerit,
numerabitur. Quod si quisquam norum militum pila
ictus tormentaria, aut alio quovis modo mutilus, aut
mancus evadat, ita ut ipse se alere victumque quaerere
nequeat, illi k nobis pro ut cujusque requirit status &
conditio, honestun\ stipendium per omnem vitam sup-
peditabitur: sin vero diutius in hoc Regno nostro
commorari noluerit, tum unius mensis accepto stipendio
integrum ei erit, quo libuerit commigrare. Cum conortcs,
sive simul, sive seperatim exauctorabuntur, singulis
303
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1609.
officiariis & militibus mensis unius numerabitur stipen-
dium. Si aut prae&tus primarius aut alius inferiorum
Ducum vcl Officiarionim k S. R. M. Britanniae accersctur,
persoluto quod time forte restabit stipendio, ipsoque duce
remunerato, libera dabitur discedendi tacultas. In quorum
cvidentiorem fidem manus propria subscriptione Regiaeque [III. iv. 772.]
nostri sigilli appensione praesentes munivimus. £x Rej^ia
nostra Stochomxensi die 7. Octobris, Anni Millesimi
sexcentesimi octavi.
Subscript. Carolus.
A Bout a fortnight before Midsummer, which was
A. 1609. * companie of Volimtaries, to the niunber of
a thousand and two hundred Souldiers, were at severall 1200.
times shipped from England to passe into Sweden, to aide ^^^J^jl^
the King of that Countrie in his warres against the King g^^fj^
of Poland. To which aide divers other Nations did like-
wise resort, as French, high Dutch, &c. Of the English
Companies that went thither, the first was commanded by
one Calvine a Scot; who by appointment was made CoUttfl
Lieutenant Colonell, and chiefe of the other Captaines over Cahnne.
the footmen.
After the first Companie was gone, a second number of
three hundred men (of which I the Relator of this, was
one) were put into one ship belonging to Sweden, and
came from thence for us. We were assaulted with a great
tempest, and were tossed so long, that all our victuals were A tmpest.
almost spent : the miserie of which, threw us into more
desperate feares: now were wee assaulted by double
deaths (Famine and Shipwrack) what course to take for
our reliefe no man presently knew. Continue without
foode it was impossible, and as impossible was it for us
to recover the Land in any short time, without the assured
destruction of us all. At this season, our Commanders
were these ; Lieutenant Benson, Lieutenant Walton, who
was Provost Martiall of the field ; and an Ancient of the
Colonels companie. The common Souldiers vowed and
resolved to compell the Mariners (seeing the present
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A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
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miseries, and no hopes promising better) to set us all
on shoare upon the first Land that could be discovered.
Our Commanders did what they coxild by disswasion to
alter this generall resolution, because they feared it woiild
bee the losse of the greatest part of our Companies, if
they came once to bee scattered : and besides, they knew
that it would redound to their dishonour and shame, if
they should not discharge the trust imposed upon them
by our Captaines, which trust was to conduct us and land
us before, whilest our Chieftanes remayned a while
behinde in England, to take up the rest of our Companies.
Yet all this notwithstanding, Land being discovered, there
was no eloquence in the world able to keep us aboord cur
jinother ship, but every man swore if the Master or the ship would
^^^^^ ^'^ ^^^ ^^ ^s on the shoare, the sailes should be taken into
vulgar! ^^^ owne hands, and what was resolved upon (touching
present landing) should in despite of danger be eiFected.
Upon this the Master of the ship and the Mariners told
us, that if we put to land in that place, we should all either
perish for want of victuals, whidi were not to bee had in
that Countrie, or else shoxild have our throats cut by the
people. Wee resolved rather to trie our bad fortxmes on
the land, and to femish there (if that kind of death must
needes attend upon us) then to perish on the Seas, which
we knew coxild affoord us no such mercy : and on shoare
wee went, as fast as possibly we could. When our Officers
saw, that there was no remedie, nor force to detayne us
aboord, they then disheartned us no longer, but to our
great comforts told it, that the Master of the ship (which
thing hee himselfe likewise openlv confessed) knew both
the Land and Governour thereof (as indeed we proved
afterwards he did :) and therefore desired they all our com-
panies not to misse-behave themselves toward the people,
They land in for that it was an Hand called Juthland, under the
Jutland. Dominion of the King of Denmarke, but subject to the
command of a Lord, who imder the King (as his Sub-
stitute) was the Governovir.
And that we might be the better drawne to a civill
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1609.
behaviour towards the Inhabitants, our Officers further
told us, that they would repau-c to the Lord Governour of
the Countrie, and acquaint him with the cause of our
imexpected landing there ; upon which we all promised to
offer no violence to the people ; neither was that promise
violated, because we found the Inhabitants tractable, and
as quiet towards us, as we to them: yet the greater
numbers of them ran away with feare, at the first sight of
us, because (as afterward they reported) it could not bee
remembred by any of them, that they ever either beheld
themselves, or ever heard any of their ancestors report,
that anv strange people had landed in those places and
parts of^ the Iland : for they thought it impossible (as they
told us) that any ship should ride so neere the shoare, as
ours did, by reason of the dangerous Sands.
Our Officers so soone as they were at land, went to the
Governour of the Iland, whilest the Souldiers (who stayed
behind them) ran to the houses of the Ilanders, of purpose
to talke with the people, and at their hands to buy victuals
fbr a present reliefer but when wee came among them,
they could neither understand us nor we them ; so that the
Market was spoiled, and wee could get nothing for our
money, yet by such signes as wee could make, they under-
stood our wants pitied them, and bestowed upon us, freely,
a little of such things as they had. In the end, a happy
meanes of our reliefe was foxmd out by a Souldier amongst
us who was a Dane by birth, but his education having
beene in England, no man knew him to be other then an
English man.
This Dane made use of his owne native language, to
the good both of himselfe and us, certifying the people [III. 17.773.]
(who the rather beleeved him because he spake in their
knowne tongue) of the cause that compelled us to land
upon their Coast, and that we intended no mischiefe,
violence, or money: to which report of his thev giving
credit, stood in lesse feare of us then before, and thereupon
furnished us with all such necessaries, as the Countrie
affoorded to sustaine our wants. The foode which wee
20s
Aj>. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
i6o9«
Fiskciispi. bought of them was onely fish, and a kinde of course
bresS, exceeding cheape. Of which foode there was such
plentie, that for the value of three pence wee had as much
fish as twentie men could eate at a meale, and yet none of
the worst sorts of fish, but even of the verv best and
daintiest, as Mackrels and Lobsters, and such like. In
which our trading with the poore simple people, we found
Ipura»t them so ignorant, that many, yea most of tnem regarded
Bms. ,jQ( whether you gave them a Counter, or a Shilling : for
the bigger the piece was, the more fish they would give
for it : but besides fish wee could get no other sustenance
from them, or at least, could not understand that they had
any other. But observe what happened in the meane
time that we were thus in traffique with the Ilanders for
victuals, our Officers (as before is said) beiM[ gone to the
Lord Governour, who lay about twelve English miles
from the Sea side, the Master of our ship on a sudden
hoysed up sailes, and away he went, leaving one of his
owne men at shoare, who accompanied our Officers as their
guide, through the Iland. The cause of the ships
departure, did so much the more amaze us, by reason it
was so unexpected, and the reason thereof unknowne to
us: But wee imagined the Master of the ship and
Mariners feared to receive us into the Vessell againe,
because some of our men at their being at Sea, threatned
the Saylers, and offered them abuses before they could be
brought to set us on land.
On the next day following, the Lord Governour of
the Iland came to us, bringing our Officers along with
him, yet not being so confident of us, but that (for avoyd-
ing of any dangers that might happen) he came strongly
giKurded with a troupe of Horse-men well armed. And
(upon his first apprcKih) demanding where our ship was,
it was told him in what strange manner it stole away and
forsooke us : he then asked what we intended to doe, to
which we all answered, that we would be ruled by our
Officers : hereupon hee inquired of them, what they would
have him to doe in their behalfes : they requested nothing
206
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1609.
else at his hands, but onely his &vo\irable Passe through
the Countrie, and a ship to cany us forward into Sweden :
to which request hee made answere, that he could grant
no such licence imtill he had made the King of Denmarke
acquainted with our being there, for the Iland belonged
to the King, he said, and he was no more but an Officer
or Substitute under him. Yet in consideration that our
ship had so left us in a strange Land, he promised to doe
all that lay in his power to effect our good : but withall
told us, that the people had inward feares, and were possest
with suspitions, that our intents of landing upon such a
Coast, were not, as we our selves affirmed, only to get
foode, but rather to make spoile of the poore Inhabitants.
And therefore, to remoove all such feares and jealousies
out of the peoples hearts, he held it most convenient for
the jgencrall safeties of both parties, to separate our
numbers, and to spreade us abroad in the Countrie, one
and one in a house, where it was agreed that we should
receive both a lodging, and meate, and drinke, untiU hee
had sent to the King of Denmarke some of his owne men
with our Officers, to understand his Majesties pleasure,
and what should become of us.
To this we all agreed, and accordingly for that purpose,
were by the Lord Sovernour, safely by these armed horse-
men which were his ffuard, conducted to his owne house.
To that place were aJ the people of the Iland summoned
together, thty came at the appointed day to the nixmber
of^five or six hundred, circling us round with Bils,
Holbards, two-hand Swords, ana divers other weapons:
And at the first sight of us grew into such rage, that
presently they would have cut all our throats, and hewed
us to pieces, but that the authoritie of the Governor kept
them from offering violence, yet was hee faine to use
the fairest meanes of perswasion to allay their furie. For
they would not beleeve but that our arrivall there was to
destroy them. Yet the Govemour shewed imto them
all our number, which was but three hundred men, and
those all unweaponed, and so consequently, neither likely
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1609.
nor able to undertake any mischicfe against them : Charg-
ing the unruly multitude, upon paine of death, not to
touch the least finger of us, but to divide us equally into
severall Villages, as it should seeme best unto them, and
so bestow kinde and loving entertainment upon us till
they heard further fi-om him, which command of his they
accordingly performed.
Immediately upon this setling of them and us in quiet-
nesse, one of our Officers with two of the Governours men,
were sent away to the King of Denmarke, to understand
his Highnesse pleasure, which Messengers were no sooner
dispatched about the businesse, but the Ilanders growing
JeaUusie of more and more suspitious, came againe to the Governour,
the people. ^nd never would cease or give over troubling him, untill
they had gotten him to make Proclamation (in hearing
of us all.) That if any of us would freely discover the
true cause of our landing upon that Coast, and reveale
the plots of any dangerous enterprise intended against
them, he should not onely be rewarded with great store
of money, and have new apparell to his backe, but also
should without tortures, imprisonment, or death be set
free, and sent backe againe into his owne Countrie. This
Proclamation strucke us all with feare and astonishment,
[III. iv. 774.] because albeit we to our selves were not guiltie olF any
plot, or villany intended to the place or people, yet wee
knew this might be a meanes to endanger all our lives,
how innocent soever. Our suspition of danger fell out
Griffin a base according to our feares : for one Thomas Griffyn a Welch
coward and man, one of our owne company, went and kneeled before
yUowef ^^ Governour, and with a race counterfeiting a guiltinesse
and fearefuU destruction, told him that we came thither
onely, and for no other purpose, then to surprise the
Hand, kill the Inhabitants, make spoile of their wives and
goods, and having set fire of their Townes and Villages,
to flye to Sea againe. Yet for all this would not the
A wise Governour beleeve him, telling him it was a matter very
Governour. unlikely, that so small a number, so distressed for want
of foode, so weather-beaten and so disarmed, should
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OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA aj>.
1609.
ventum upon an enterprise so full of dangerous events :
but the villaine replyed, that all those complaints of want,
were but songs to beguile the people, for that upon the
least Allarum given, other ships that lay hovering at Sea,
and furnished both with men and armour, woxild on the
sudaine, and that very shortly land for the same desire
of spoyle, as these their fellowes had done, and therefore
counselled the Governour to prevent such imminent
mischiefes betimes.
The Governour being thus farre urged, presently called
before him Lieutenant Walton, whose lodging was*
appointed in his house, and having related to him ail that
Griffin had discovered, and withall, demanding of Lieu-
tenant Walton what he could say to this matter of treason
and conspiracie : the Lieutenant at the first stood amazed,
and utterly denied any such intended viUany, protesting
by the faith of a Souldiour, that this report of the Welch-
man proceeded fi-om the rancour of a vile traitors heart,
and therefore on his knees intreated the Governour, not
to give credit to so base a villaine, who for the greedinesse
of a litde money, went about to sell all their lives, and to
make all the inhabitants of the Hand become murderers :
The rest lay scattered about and knew nothing of the
matter. Now soone after, just as the traitor had told
the Governour, that more ships were not farre off, but
were ready to second us upon our arrivall, it chanced that
in the very heat of this businesse, and their feares of danger
where none was, two other shippes full of armed Soxildiers r«^ ^^>'-
came to the same place of the Hand where our shippe
put in : These two ships had brought Souldiours out of
the low Countries (a cessation of warres being there) and
were going into Swethland, as we were, but by crosse
windes and fowle weather, lay so long at Sea, that wanting
victuals, they were driven in hither for succour. Whose
sudaine approach and arivall being signified to the Lord
Governor, the Welch-mans words were then thought true ;
all the Iknd was presently up in Armes to resist the
strength and furie of a most dangerous supposed enemy :
xiY aog Q
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
and so secretly did the Inhabitants put on Armes, that
we who were kept like prisoners amongst them, knew
not of these uproares. But night approaching, the
Generall gave speciall charge that secret watch should
be set and kept over every Souldior that lodged in any
mans house : which by the conmion people was as narrowly
performed, for they did not onely watch us as the Governor
commanded, but amongst themselves a secret conspiracie
was made, that in the dead of night, when wee should be
&st asleepe, they should come and take us in our beds.
Hard usage, and there to binde us with cords : it being an easie thing
to doe so, when our company were divided one from
another over the whole Hand. At the houre agreed upon,
the plot was put in force, for they entred our Chambers,
and bound every Soxildier as he lay, making them all
ready like so many sheepe marked out for the slaughter.
For mine owne part, I had five men and three women
to binde me, who so cunningly tyed me fast with cords,
whilst I slept, and felt nothing, nor dreampt of any such
matter, that with a twitch onely I was plucked starke naked
out of my bed, and laid upon the cold earth underneath a
Table, with my armes bound behinde me, so extreamely
hard, as foure men coidd draw them together, my feete
tyed to the foote of the Table, and my necke boimd to
the upper part or bord of the Table.
In these miserable tortures lay I, and all the rest (in
severall houses) all that night, and the most part of the
next day, our armes and legges being pinched and wrung
together in such pittilesse manner, that the very bloud
gushed out at the fingers ends of many. The enduring
of which torments was so much the more grievous, because
none knew what we had done that comd incense them
to this so strange and spitefuU cruelty, neither could we,
albeit we inquired, learne of our tormenters the cause,
because we imderstood not their language.
Whilest thus the whole Hand was full of the cries of
wretched men, and that every house seemed a shambles,
r^djr to have Innocents there butchered the next day,
?i9
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA aox
1609.
and that every Ilander had the ofEce of a common cut-
throate or executioner ; Gods wonderfull working turned
the streame of all their cruelty : For the two ships that
came out of the low Countries, and whose arrival! drave
so many miserable soules almost upon the rocks of
destruction, having in that dolefull and ruinous night,
gotten some provision aboord, weighed Anchor, and
departed towards Swethland. Which nappy newes being
served up at breakfast to the Lord Governour betimes
in the morning, and that the Shippes had ofFerd no violence
to the Covmtrey, but had paid for what they tooke : About
eleaven of the clocke the very same day at noone, wee
were all like unto so many dead men cut downe, and
bidden to stand upon oiu* legges, although very few had
scarce legges that could stand.
Of one accident more that befell, I thinke it not amisse
to take note, which began merrily, but ended tragically, [III. iv. 775.]
and in bloud ; and that was this : Foure of our company
being lodged in one Village, and they being bound to
the peace, as you may perceive the rest were ; it happened
that an Hoast, where one of them lay, had tipled hard,
and gotten a Horses disease, called the Staggers : In comes Effects of
he stimibling, to the roome where the poore Englishman dnmkeimessi.
was bound to the Table hand and foote: which thing
the drunken Sot beholding, drew his Hatchet, which he
wore at his girdle, according to the fashion of the Country,
and because hee would be sure his prisoner should not
escape, with his Hatchet he cleft his head. And thinking
in that drunken murderous hmnour, he had done a
florious act, away he reeles out of his owne house to that
ouse where the other three Souldiours lay bound,, where
beating at the doores and windowes, and the Hoast asking
what he meant to make such a damnable noyse; he told
him so well as he could stammer it out, that the Lord
Governour had sent him thither to put the three English-
men to death. Upon this, the divell and he (hand in
hand) were let in, the one standing so close at the others
elbow, that he never left him till he had deft two of their
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PUKCHAS HIS PIIXSRIMES
1609.
heads, that lay bound: and being then weary (it shovdd
secme) with playing the butcher, he never ceased swearing
and staring, and nourishing with his bloudy Axe about
their heads, till the people of the house had hung the
third man upon a beame in the roome. But they having
lesse cunning in the Hang-mans trade, then will to practise
it, tyed not the halter so rast about his necke, as to strangle
him: so that after hee had hung an houre, hee was cut
downe, revived againe, was well, and afterwards was skine
in Russia.
This bloudy feast being thus ended, and all stormes
as we well hoped, being now blowne over to our freedome,
and sitting at liberty from our tormentors ; on the necke
of these former miseries fell a mischiefe more dangerous
to us then all the rest : for tidings were brought to the
Governour, that our Aimcient, who travailed with the
Govemours two men to the King, had trayterously
murdered those his guides, and then ranne away himselfe :
upon this rumour, nothing but thundring and lightning
flew from the common peoples mouthes: there was no
way now with us but one, and that one was, to have all
Cruett our throats cut, or our heads cleft with their Axes. But
cowarMse and ^h^ Governor pittying our misfortunes, laboured both by
base jeakusig. j^j^ ^uthdrity & by faire speeches, to keepe that many-
headed dogge (the multitude) from barking. And in the
end, when he saw nothing but the bloud of us poore
Englishmen would satisfie their thirst, because they still
held us in suspition and feare ; he most nobly, and like a
vertuous Magistrate, pawned to the inhumane Rascals (to
my knowledge) his honour, all that ever he was worth,
yea, his very life unto them, that within three dayes the
messengers sent to the King, should returne home, and
that during those three dayes we should be of good
behaviour to the Ilanders : and besides that, if they did
not returne in such a time, that then he would deliver us
up into their hands. Our Aimcient with the Governours
King of Den- two men, came home upon the third day, to the Gover-
marks bounty. fiouTS house, and brought from the King of Denmarke
ai2
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1609.
his licetice> to carry us not onely through the Country,
but commanding that we shouM be allowed shipping also
at convenient place, to carry us to Sweveland, whither
wc were to goe: And according to this Licence the
Govemour caused us to be called all together the very
next day ; at which time, Thomas Griffin the Welch Judas,
who had all this while lyen feasting in the house of the
Lord Govemour, began to tremble and repent him of his
viiknie, begging most base fbrgivenesse on his knees,
both from the Govemour, and us his Countrimen and
fellow Souldiours, protesting that what he did, came out
of his feare to save his owne life. But our Officers (upon
hearing him speake thus) had much adoe to keepe the
companies from pulling downe the house where Griffin
lay, because they womd in that rage have hewed the
vukine in peeces.
But leaving him and all such betrayers of mens bloud
to the hell of their owne consciences, let us set forward
out of this infortunate Hand, and not stay in any place
else, till in small Boates wee come by water to Elzmore E/zinorg.
in Denmarke, where wee joyfully got aboard once more ;
and are hovsing up sailes for Sweveland. Yet even in
this son-shine day a storme fals upon us too: for our
Officers not having s\ifficient money to furnish us with
victuals, wee were enfwced to jpawne our Auncient and
Lieutenant Walton, for the safe retume of the Shippe,
with condition, that they should not be released until! a
sufficient sunune of money was sent to defray all charges.
So that we left our Officers behinde us; but the lung
of Sweveland did afterwards release them, and then they
came to us. But before their comming, wee having a
good winde, landed at a place called Newleas in Sweve :
and from thence were carried to Stockholme (the Kings Stockhlme.
seate^ and there was the King at the same time ; betweene
whicn two places, it was a daies march on horsebacke»
Upon this our arrivall at Stockholme, wee met with the
rest that had gone before us, and with divers others of
our Countrimen, that came out of the LcmK:oQntrie3^. as:
Aj>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
before is related. In this place we lay so long, and had
such poore meancs, that wanting money to buy foode, wee
wanted foode to maintaine life, and so a number of us
Misery after were readie to starve : till in the end, our miseries making
misery. us desperate, we fell together by the eares with the Burjgers
of the Towne : in which scambling confusion and mutinie,
every man got one thing or other, of which he made
present money to relieve his body withall: yet lay wee
[III. iv. 776.] at the walles of the Citie, crying out continually for money,
money, till our throates grew hoarse with oauling, but
the stones of the walles gave more confort to us, then
the Inhabitants. One day (above all the rest) wee heard,
that the King was to ride a Hunting ; and wee imagining
that all the abuses, wrongs, and miseries, which wee
endured, proceeded from some under-hand hard dealing,
and packing of our Captaines and Officers, resolved to
gather about the King at his comming forth, and to cry
out for money: but the King being angry (as wee sup-
posed) came riding amongst us, drawing his Pistoll from
the Saddle-bow, as if hee purposed to have shot some
of us : but seeing none of us to shrinke from him, nor
to be dismayed, hee rode backe againe, wee following him,
and desiring, hee would either give us money, or else to
kill us out-right ; one amongst the rest (whose name was
William Attane) spake to the King aloud, thus: I hold
it honour to dye by the hands of a King, but basely to
starve to death, I will never suffer it. Upon these oxir
clamours, the King looking better upon our necessities,
sent money the next day, and immediately after gave us
a moneths meanes in money, and two moneths meanes in
cloath, to make us apparreU.
Of the cloath wee received some part, but the money
CapUttstes being payed, was by our Captaines sent into England to
^^^^^*^&* their wives; no part of it ever comming to the poore
common Souldiours hands : for presently upon this, wee
were commanded aboord the Ships, with promise that
when wee were aboord, wee should have our money. But
being in the Shippes under hatches, away were wee carried
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OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1609.
with provision onely of one moneths victuals : when by
reason of the weather, wee were forced to lye eight weekes
at Sea : in all which time, wee had nothing but pickelled
Herrings, and salt Stremlings, with some small quantitie
of hard dryed meates : by which ill dyet, many of our
men fell sicke, and dyed. In the Shippe wherein I was,
wee lived fourteene dayes without bread, all our best foode
being salt Herrings, which wee were glad to eate raw;
the best of us all having no better sustenance.
At the last, it pleased God to send us to a place called
Ufrasound in Fynland, where wee landed, (Fynland being f inland.
subject to the King of Sweveland.) From Ufrasoimd wee
were to goe to Weyborough, a chiefe Towne in the
Countrie of Fynland : where wee no sooner arrived, but
our Souldiors ranne some one way, and some another, so
long that the Captaines were left alone with the Shippes :
This running away of them, being done onely to seeke
foode, so great was their himger.
By this carelesse dispersing themselves, they lost the Dispersing,
command of the whole Coimtrey, which they might easily
have had, if they had beene united together: and not
onely were deprived of that benefit, but of Horses also,
whidb were allowed by the King for them to ride upon.
So that, what by the reason of the tedious Journey (which
wee were to travell, being fourescore leagues) and what
by reason of the extreame cold, being a moneth before
Christmas, at which time the Snow fell, and never went off
the groimd untill Whitsontide following; but all the
Raine, and all the Snow that fell, freezing continually,
divers of our men were starved to death with the Frost. Distresse by
Some lost their fingers, some their toes, some their noses, Frost.
many their lives: insomuch, that when wee all met at
Weyborough, wee could make no more but one thousand
and foure hundred able men; and yet when we were
landed at Ufi-asoimd, wee were two thousand strong ; the
extremity of the cold Countrey having killed so many
of our Souldiours in so little time.
At our landing at Weyborough wee had good hopes
215
A.P. PURCHAS HIS PILQRtMfiS
1609.
to receive better comforts, both of money and victvu4$ :
for the Inhabitants told us, the King had allowed it 1:1s,
and in that report they spake truth : yet contrary to our
expectation, wee lay there about fourteene dayes, and
had nothing but a little Rice, of which we made bread,
and a little butter, which was our best reliefe. Drinke
had we none, nor money : oiu* Captaines gave us certaine
letherne pelches^ onely made of Sheeps skins, to keepe us
from the cold.
At this place we received armes to defend us against
the enemy, and six Companies that were allowed by the
King for Horsemen, received Horses there. From thence
TJkeir mhir- vdiec were to march into Russia, where our enemies con-
Mimank tinued. But the journey was long and uncomfortable:
Ml Russta. f^^ ^^ marched from Newyeares day untill Whitsontide,
continually in Snow, having no rest, but onely a little in
the nights. So that the miseries and misfortunes which
wee endured upon the borders of Fynland, were almost
insufferable, by reason the number of them seemed
infinite. For all the people had forsaken their houses
long before wee came, because they were evermore
oppressed by Souldioiu*s: by which meanes we could
get neither meate nor drinke, but were glad to hunt
Cats^ and to kill them, or any beasts wee could lay
hold on, and this wee baked, and made them serve for
daily sustenance. The greatest calamitie of all was, wee
Wantrfmeau could get no Water to drinke, it had beene so long frozen
mUrf Water, up, and the Snow so deepe, that it was hard to say, whether
wee marched over Water, or upon Land. So that wee
were compelled to digge up Snow, and with stones redde
hot, to melt in tubbes, and then to drinke it.
[III. iv. 777.] This affection continued about twelve or fourteene
dayes, till we came into Russia. Upon our very first
entrance into which Kingdome, we marched over an arme
of the Sea, that was eight leagues over, many of us
starving to death in that passage, by the cold freezing
windes that blew the same day. In which frosty journey,
I saw so much bread as a man might buy for twelve pence,
4x6
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d-
1609.
sold away in litde bits, for the value of fortie shillings.
But this misery ended the next day, at our setting foot
into Russia, where we found plenty both of corne and
cattle; onely the people of the Countrey ranne away, Russians
leaving all their goods behinde them, but so cunningly runngawaj.
hidden, that the best poUicie of ours could hardly finde
them out. By this meanes of the peoples running away,
we were glad to play the Millers, and to grinde all our
corne our selves, to bake our bread, and to dresse our
owne victuals. Then marched wee up to Novogrod (a f^ovogrod.
cbiefe Citie in Russia) where wee were to receive all our
meanes that rested behinde impayed : but our Captaines
beguiled us, and kept it for themselves: yet to stoppe
our mouthes, they told us wee should goe into Muscovy,
and there all reckonings should be made even.
We had scarce marched above three dayes towards
Muscovy, but that newes came, how a certaine number
of our enemies lay in a sconce by the way ; the strength Polake
of them was not perfectly knowne, but it was thought enenues.
they were not above seven hundred, and that we must
use some stratagem to expell them from thence: upon
which relation, our Captaines drew forth to the number
of three hundred English horsemen, and two hundred
French horsemen:, so that in all we were about five
hundred that were appointed to set upon the supposed
seven hundred Polanders, (our enemies) that so lay
insconsed : upon whom we went. Our chiefe Commander
in that service was Monsier la Veile, a French man, who
so valiantly led us on, that the enemy hearing of our
comming, fled over a water that was by the sconce ; yet They fled.
not with such speede, but that wee slue to the nimiber of
foure himdred of their side, and lost onely three men
of our owne : but we tooke the sconce. About the sconce Scme taken
stood a faire Towne called Ariova, with a river called the ^ttk store of
Volga, running through the middle, but no bridge over ^'^'•
it ; onely a few Boates and Sloates (made and cut out of
trees) were there, to carry the people over from the one
halfe of the Towne to the other. This sconce furnished
21 f
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
us not onely with great store of riches, but also with a
number of Polish Horses, and as many armes as served
to arme five hundred men ; our want of that commoditie
being as much as of any thing besides : for of those five
hunA-ed men that went upon the service, there were not
three hundred fixed armes ; yet through the hand of him
that deales victories, or overthrowes, as it pleaseth him
best, the day was ours.
Over this river Volga the enemies were never driven
before, either by the Emperor of Russia, or by the King
of Swethland : for which cause ^as afterward wee heard)
the next day when they departed from the other side of
the River, they burnt that halfe of the Towne on which
side they were themselves, and in most bloudy, barbarous,
Poles cruelties and cruell manner, made havocke both of men, women and
mostexecrable. children, albeit (not above halfe a yeare before) the Inhabi-
tants on that side had revolted from their owne Emperour,
and turned to them. In which tyrannicall uprore, their
custome was, to fill a house full of people, and then (the
doores being locked upon them, that none might issue
forth) the house was fired about their eares : and often-
times were yong children taken by the heeles, and cast
into the middest of the flames : This inhumane tyrannie
being practised not onely by the Poles, that were our
enemies, but even by those Russes that were traitors to
their owne Emperour, and served under the Poles, and
were called Cossakes, whose cruelty farre exceeded the
Polish.
The Towne being thus burnt to the earth, all the sixe
thousand (which as I said before, fled over the River,
out of the sconce, and were bv us supposed to be but
seven hundred) came downe in full battalion to the Rivers
side with such fiercenesse, as if presently they and their
horses would have swom over, to fight with us, which
being perceived, our poore five hundred stood ready to
resist them. But whether they feared our numbers to be
greater then they were, and that wee had some other secret
forces, I know not : but away they marched, the selfe same
218
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1609.
day in which they came downe in that bravery, not doing
any thing : of which, wee for our parts, were not mixch
sorry ; because if the battailes had joyned, wee knew our
selves ferre unable to withstand them. And this was the
service of the most noate, that wee went upon.
Two or three other sconces and Townes we tooke from
our enemies, they not once daring to resist us, because
they knew nothing of our numbers and force. But the
dishonest dealings of our Captaines, made the whole Armie Caytiffi
discontent ; insomuch, that our Souldiors would often- Captaims,
times deny to goe forth upon service, because they had
beene almost a yeare in the Land and had received no
more but one Rubble (amounting to the value of ten
shillings English.) So that upon these discontents, fiftie
of our men ranne away to the enemy at one time, and FugtHva.
discovered to them our strength. After which, we durst
not be so bold as before we had beene. The fire of a
new conspiracie was likewise kindling, but it was per-
ceived, and quenched with the bloud of the conspirators,
of which, the chiefe were hanged. On therefore we went :
when we came within fortie leagues of Muscovie, newes [III. iv. 778.]
was brought, that the enemy had beleaguard seven
thousand Kusses that were our friends, and that unlesse
wee forced the siedge to breake up, the seven thousand
Russes would every man be starved where they lay. This
sad report, (albeit we had resolved never to goe upon
any more service, imtill wee had our pay) so wrought in
our hearts, that wee much pittied the miseries of others,
because wee our selves had tasted of the like.
Our Generall (whose name was Everhorne) was a
Fynlander, and with a company of Fynland blades (as they
tearme them) well appointed on Horsebacke, was by the
King of Sweveland, sent after us, as our Convoy, untill
wee shovdd come to Pontus le Guard, who was chiefe Pontusle
Generall over the whole armie of strangers that came into Gi«r</.
the Land : so that according as he was sent and charged
by the King, hee overtooke us before we came to Ariova.
By the intreatie therefore of this Fynlander, and the
319
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
flattering promises of oiur owne Captaines, we were conr
tented to goe upon this service, and to deliver the R\isse8>
or to dye our selves in the action. Yet with condition,
that (as they promised to us) we should by the way meete
our chiefe Generall, Pontus le Guard, who with certaine
numba^ of English, French and Dutch (which the yeare
before were come into the Land) was upon a march out
of Muscovy, not onely to meete us, but to joyne with
us, and pay us all our money which remained good to us ;
provided likewise, that so soone as ever wee should release
the seven thousand Russes, our money should be payed
downc. On these conditions (I say) wee yeelded to goe
upon the businesse.
They met. At length Pontus le Guard met us (according to the
promise) and with him was money brought to pay us,
and hia word given that presently wee should receive it.
But the lamentable ^tate, in which the poore besiedged
Russes were ^within the sconce) being at the point of death
for want of toode, required rather speedy execution^ then
deliberation : so that the necessities of their hard fortunes
craving haste, on wee went, having about ninteene or
[III. iv. 7 79.] twenty thousand Russes, that were people of the same
Countrey, joyned to our Armie, to aide them in this
enterprize. But as we all were upon a march, the enemy
having received intelligence of our approaching, set for-
ward, to the number of eight thousand Landers and more,
to intercept us by the way : and being within one dayes
march of the place to which wee were likewise going, they
set fire upon three or foure Villages hard by the place
where we lay at Grasse with our Horses, for a token that
An. 1 610. they were comming. And this was done upon Mid-
summer day last in me morning, by breake of day. Then
came they thundring with shouts and cries to set upon
us: but no sooner was the Alarum given, when the
greatest part of those nineteene or twenty thousand
Base Russi Russes, that were joyned to us zs our aide, fled most basely
fl*^^^' before any blow was given. This sudden cowardice of
theirs somewhat amazed us: but the houre being now
OCCURKENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
i6to.
come, wherein we were not to tallce of datngers, but to
goe meete them, with our sixe companies of English horse,
we bravely resisted the Polanders, and with great hurt to
them, but with little losse upon our part, charged them
three severall times.
At last Pontus le Guard (our chiefe Generall) tooke his P. k Guard
heeles and fled too, leaving us utterly destitute of all ^^•
direction : which much astonished us, as not well under-
standing what to doe : for our greatest strength (being by
their flight) taken from us, none but wee strangers were
left in the field, and of us there was not in all, above two
thousand, and of that number there were above six hundred
French horsemen, who seeing both the Generall gone, and French flee.
the Russes fled, turned their badcs upon us, and ranne
away too most valiantly, yet not out of the field, but to
the enemy.
Then were wee not above twelve or fourteene hundred
at the most left to resist eight thousand at the least : upon
whom notwithstanding, our six companies of English
horsemen, charged three severall times, without any great
losse, but with much honor : And at the fourth time, for En^$k
want of powers to second them (which the French should ^^*^-
have done) all our six companies were scattered and over-
throwne with the losse of few of our colours. The
Captaines over these sixe Companies of Horse, were
these:
Captaine Crale, of whose company I was. Captaine
Kendricke, Captaine Benson, Captaine Carre, Captaine
Coibron, Captaine Creyton.
Which six Captaines had not in all their companies
above five hundred men. In this battaile, Captaine
Creyton was slaine in the field ; Captaine Crale was shot
in the knee, and within a short time after dyed of that
wound; not above twelve of his companie escaping.
Captaine Kendrick was wounded in divers places of the
head, and dyed. Captaine Benson was shot in the hand,
and wounded in the head, and yet escaped, and lived:
onely Captaine Carre and his Comet escaped, but dl his
Aj). PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1 6 10.
compamc scattered and lost. Divers other Officers were
slaine, whose names I cannot remember.
Thus were all our English horse-men dispersed and
overthrowne, to the number of five hundred and upwards.
Our Generall Everhome with his companies of Finland,
or Finsco blades, were also put to retrait: so that there
was not left in the field above sixc or seven hundred,
which were foot-men. And of these, one halfe was
English, one halfe Dutch, who kept onely a certaine place
by a wood side, barricadoed about with wagons, having
with them foure field pieces, with which they did great
spoile to the Enemie. But their number being but few,
neither durst they venture on the Enemie, nor durst the
Enemie enter upon them, but kept them still ^as it were
besieged) in that place onely, because they coula no wayes
escape. The inconvenience of which cooping up in so
narrow a roome, being looked into, and the dangers on
every side well considered, it was held fittest for safetie,
to summon the Enemie to a parley. In which parley, the
Enemie offered, that if they would yeeld, and fall to their
sides, they should have good qviarter. And if any man
had desire to goe for his owne Countrie, hee should have
libertie to goe with a Pasport from the King of Poland.
Or if any would serve the King of Poland, hee should
have the allowance of very good meanes duly paid him.
Upon these compositions they all yeelded, ancl went* to
the Enemie ; onely Captaine Yorke and his Officers, with
some few of their Souldiers, went backe into the Countrie,
and came not to the Enemie, as the rest had done : who
from thence marched up to the Polish Leaguer, being ten
miles distant from the place, and there tney continued.
But such as desired to travell to their owne Countries,
were sent to the King of Polands Leaguer, which lay at
that time at a place caffed Smolensko, and there accordingly
had their Passe, to the number of one himdred, of whicn
number I my selfe was one. What became of the rest
I know not: but I with five more held together in
travell, untill we came to Dantzicke, a great Towne in
232
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1611.
Prussia, being distant from Smolensko one hundred
leagues.
To make an end of this Storie of the Foxe and the
Beare, the pretending Demetrius and contending Suiskey ;
it is reported, that Demetrius seeing these perplexities of
Suiskey, raysed a great Armie of such Russes as volun-
tarily * fell to him (the Pole having now rejected him, *Som say he
except some Voluntaries) and againe laid siege to Mosco; ^ 1 00000.
2^1kiewsky for Sigismund, beleagred another part thereof ^^'^J^
with fortie thousand men, whereof one thousand and five credible.
hundred were English, Scottish, and French. Suiskey
seeing no hope to withstand them, his Empire renouncing
him, hee would seeme to renounce the Empire first, [III. iv. 780.]
betaking himselfe to a Monasterie. But not the sanctitie
of the place, nor sacred name of an Emperour might
protect or seciu-e him. The Muscovites yeelded up their Moseoyeelded.
Citie and his Person to the Pole, and the Castle was
manned for Sigismund. All joyne against Demetrius,
who betaketh him to his heeles, and by a Tartar (as before
is said) was slaine in his camjpe. Charles King of Sweden Second Dem-
dyed Octob. 30. 161 1. and Gustavus his sonne succeeded, frius slaine.
Sigismund obtayneth Smolensko also after two yeeres siege
and more : in which time the Defendants had held out so
resolutely, that the Polish Peeres and States (which in that
Kingdom beare great sway) had called the King to their
Parfiament, the rather in regard of the King of Denmarke
warring upon Sweden (in which warre divers thousands
of our English voluntaries * assisted the Dane) but he * Under the
first desiring to trie his fortune, carried the Citie with two ^J^^^JT^t,
hundred pieces of Ordnance and other rich spoile. Many ^fj^j^ ^*
were slaine, and divers great persons taken, of which was pook^ \ic.
the Archbishop. Many were blowne up (as was thought)
by their owne voluntarie act, by fire cast into the store-
house, in which is said to have beene (if our Author
niistake not) fifteene thousand vessels of poulder : where- A. Jansmm^
upon seemed to returne the very Chaos, or in stead thereof q^^^cies
a Hell into the World. It is accounted one of the J^Jf ,^^'^''
strongest Forts in Christendome, the walls able to beare ^ ' ' *
323
A.a PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
two Carts mcctine; in the breadth. It was taken the
twelfth of July, 10 10.
Siusieys Suiskey was carried into Poland and there imprisoned
imfrisimment {^ Waringborouffh Castle, and after the losse of libertie
'"''^'"^- and his Empirerexposed to scornc and manifold miseries,
hee dyed in a forraine countrie. But before that Tragedie,
the Poles are said to have more then acted others. For
when they held him prisoner before his departure from
Moscovia, they sent for many Grandes in Suiskeys name,
as if he had much desired to see them before his fatall
farewell, to take a friendly and honourable leave of them.
PoRshcmelHe. They come, are entertayned, and in a private place knocked
on the head and throwne into the River: and thus was
most of the chiefe remayning Nobilitie destroyed. The
Poles fortified two of the Forts at Mosco, and burnt two
others, as not able to man them. But the Muscovite also
there held them besieged till famine forced them to yeeld :
Their reward, the Russians finding there sixtie barrels of pouldred mans
flesh (it seemeth of^such as had dyed, or were slaine, that
Eaters of mans their death might give life to the Survivers) a just, but
flesh forced to miserable and tragicall spectacle. We shall conclude this
^«tf«/ Discourse with giving you two Letters, the one taken
' out of a Letter written from Colmogro Sept. 7. (the yeere
is not dated) amidst these broiles ; the other from Captaine
Margaret before mentioned by Thuanus : and after them,
for mrther illustration and profitable use of this storie,
is added part of a Letter of Doctor Halls.
ON Thursday morning came George Brighouse from
Mosco, he hath beene three weekes on the way, but
dMi'^^r ^y reason of his small staying here, I can learne but small
mi^ed occurrents, which is, still Mosco holdeth out, of late some
Demetrie of the Nobilitie issued out and gave the Enemie a small
that was skirmish, slue neere foure thousand of them, tooke
^^^^Ld^ prisoners one hundred and seventie, whereof eleven Polish
recovered Gentlemen gallant men, are almost starved in prison.
hberHe. Sandomirsky* is entred the borders with a new supply
224
Sfiffrm
1 U M I I M I firm n-1-i-p-s i i !,■ ^ r ■ fVH^j
V=°=^
DV MUSCOVIA
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a^ix
1611.
of Souldiers, the which Demetrie his sonne in Law hath
long since expected.
The Crim Tartar is returned from thence into his owne Russia spoykd
Country, hath taken more then twentie thousand prisoners h '^^rtars.
captives out of Resan and thereabouts: Knez Scopin*
is two nineties from Yeraslave, he meanes to march from
thence to Mosco, but by Georges speeches he makes no
great haste.
Boxiginsky that was Secretarie to Demetrie, is still under
prestave with an Officer, was almost starved with hunger,
but Master Brewster doth daily releeve him to his great
comfort.
George Brighouse came Poste by Volodemer: the
Princessc, wife to Evan Evanowich, that was eldest sonne
to the * old Emperour (shee to whom you gave the good ^GewraUof
intertainment to) is there at his going up and comming c'^'f'^^^^
backe, made very much of him ; he dined in her Presence : ^^^
after dinner sent him a great Present of many dishes and A Dam
drinkcs for your sake, and often remembred you and your homey see
great kindnesse to her and hers ; still remembring T. La. ^^^^^
and kept him so a long time in her owne Cell. g"^ '*
There is a great conspiracy still in the Mosco against Vasihwich.
the Emperour Vasili Evanowich, onely the Muscovites Smskey now
stand with him, and very few of the Nobilitie. Daily ^^P^^h .
there issueth out by force or stealth divers of the Gentrie, Qi^y^jt
most of the Dutch \ specially the Women are gone out ^UejUmders
of the Mosco to the Tartar. It is supposed that the that inhabit
Emperour cannot long hold out, and * Demetrie Evano- ^^•
wich is reported to bee a very wise Prince. Dmetiiuf
which was
Captain Margarets Letter to Master Merick from ^ ^-^
Hamborough, Jan. 29. *i6i2. ^Taru^^
Right worshipfiiU Sir, I could not omit this commoditie EngRsh
without commending my service to your Worship, accontit.
and also briefly to advertise you of the State of Mosco,
which is not as I could wish. Also I left Master Brewster
in good health at my departure ; but three dayes after the
XIV 235 p
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
The Poks in Towne within the red wall was burnt with certaine fire
^^h^^^^^ Bals shot in by the Russes, so that there is but three houses
mf :« TIW left whole, the English house also being burnt. Master
Iii1.1v.70i. J _ I P 1 • 1 ^11. . n It
Enghsh house Brewster is constrained to have his dwelling in a Seller
humu under the Palace, without great friends except Misslofsqui.
The Generall Cotquevilsh is arrived there, and left a
sufficient number of men to keepe the Castle, and the
red Wall, hee himselfe with his Armie is gone towards
Resan, and he hath sent with much to doe, and upon
certaine conditions, to the River of Sagia towards the
Volga, to bring victuals to maintayne them that are in the
Castle besieged of the Muscovites. The King of Poland
is altogether resolved to goe there in person this summer,
and it the Russes have no forraine helpe, as there is no
appearance, no question it will come to passe as I writ
last to your Worship, that they will be torced to yeeld.
I write briefly to your Worship, because I hope to take
my voyage to France through England, and there to meet
with your Worship; intreating your Worship to accept
these few lines as a testimony of the service I have vowed
to your Worship, &c. and so I end in haste.
Thus have we finished foure Acts of this Tragedie:
the first, ending with the end of Bealas family ; the second^
with the ruine of that of Boris ; the third, with that (what-
soever) Demetrius ; the fourth, with this Suiskey, attended
with that shadow or ghost of another Demetrius. Now
as I have seene sometimes the Spectators of Tragedies
whiled with discourse of a Chorus, or (as in our vulgar)
entertayned with musicke, to remit for a time those bloudie
impressions fixed in attentive mindes ; so have we repre-
sented Pheodores Coronation added to the first ; Boris his
Charter to the English to conclude the second; that of
Demetrius to the third, and for this fourth I have here
made bold with a Letter of my worthy friend (so am I
bold to call that good Man, zealous Protestant, elegant
Writer, industrious Preacher, learned Doctor, and
Reverend Deane, Doctor Hall, a Hall adorned with so
•926
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA aj>.
1612.
rich Arras, and with all the ground, light, life, the All
of these, Christian hxunilitie) which mav serve as a Letter
of commendation to my intent, as it was mtended to another
worke, which had it beene publike, might have prevented
the greatest part of this: A worke of Master Samuel Master Sa.
Southeby, in Sir Th. Smiths Voyage mentioned, touching Soittkehy.
those Russian occurrents which he in part saw. As a
Traveller he deserveth place here. And howsoever I have
neither beene so happy to see the Worke nor the Work-
man, yet this Epistle tells what we have lost, and my
worke easily proclaimes the defect of such a Wardrobe,
being (as you see) like a Beggars cloke, all of diversifyed
patcnes; so mucn more labour tp mee, in both getting
and stitching them, though so much lesse satisfaction to
thee. Once, as I have placed this long Russian storie in
the midst of Marine Discoveries, to refresh the Reader
a while on Land : so amidst these tragicall, harsh Relations,
I thus seeke to recreate thy wearie spirits with this chat
of mine, and after these Minda gates, more really, with
this Letter so usefuU to the present subject, so pleasing
in the stile. The whole, and the next following to
Buchinski, the Reader may finde in his so oft published
Decades of Epistles.
TRavell perfiteth wisedome; and observation gives
perfection to travell: without which, a man may
please his eyes, not feede his braine ; and after much earth
measured, shall returne with a weary body, and an empty
minde. Home is more safe, more pleasant, but lesse
fruitful! of experience : But, to a minde not working and
discursive, all heavens, all earths are alike. And, as the
end of travell is observation ; so, the end of observation
is the informing of others: for, what is our knowledge
if smothered in our selves, so as it is not knowne to more ?
Such secret delight can content none but an envious nature.
You have breathed many and cold aires, gone farre, seene
much, heard more, observed all. These two yeares you
have spent in imitation of Nabuchadnezzars seven ; con-
327
l6l2«
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
versing with such creatiires as Paul fought with at
Ephesus. Alas I what a face, yea what a backe of a Church
have you seene ? what manners ? what people ? Amongst
whom, Ignorant Superstition strives with close Atheisme,
Treachery with Cruelty, one Devill with another; while
Truth and Vertue doe not so much as give any challenge
of resistance. Returning once to our England after tms
experience, I imagine you doubted whether vou were on
Earth, or in Heaven. Now then (if you will heare mee,
whom you were wont) as you have observed what you
have seene, and written what you have observed; so,
Eublish what you have written: it shall be a grateful!
ibour, to us, to Posteritie. I am deceived, if the fickle-
nesse of the Russian State, have not yeelded more memor-
able matter of Historie then any other in our Age, or
perhaps many Centuries of oxir Predecessors. How shall
I thinke, but that God sent you thither before these broiles,
to bee the witnesse, the Register of so famous mutations ?
He loves to have those just evils which hee doth in one
part of the World, knowne to the whole, and those evils,
which men doc in the night of their secresie, brought
forth into the Theater of the World; that the evill of
mens sinne being compared with the evill of his punish-
ment, may Justine his proceedings, and condemne theirs.
Your worke shall thus honour lum ; besides your second
service, in the benefit of the Chxirch. For, whiles you
discourse of the open Tyrannie of that Russian Nero, John
Basilius ; the more secret, no lesse bloudy plots of Boris ;
the ill successe of a stolne Crowne, though set upon the
head of an harmelesse Sonne; the bold attempts and
miserable end of a false, yet aspiring challenge ; the per-
fidiousnesse of a servile people, unworthy of better
Govemoxirs; the missc-camage of wicked Governoxirs,
unworthy of better Subjects; the unjust usurpations of
men. Just ^though late) revenges of God ; crueltie rewarded
with bloua, wrong claimes with overthrow, treachery with
bondage ; the Reader, with some secret horror, shall draw
in debght, and with delight instruction : Neither know
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d,
1611.
I zny Relation whence hee shall take out a more easte
Lesson of Justice, of Loyaltie, of Thankefulnesse.
But above all, let the World see and commiserate the [III. iv. 782.]
hard estate of that worthy and noble Secretarie, Buchinsky.
Poore Gentleman I his distresse recalls ever to my thoughts
£sops Storke, taken amongst the Cranes: He now
nourishes his haire, under the displeasure of a forreigne
Prince ; At once in durance, and banishment. He served
an ill Master; but, with an honest heart, with deane
hands. The Masters injustice doth no more infect a good
Servant, than the truth of the Servant can justifie his ill
Master. A bad Worke-man may use a good Instrument :
and oft-times a deane Napkin wipeth a foule mouth. It
joyes me yet to thinke, that his pietie, as it ever held
friendship in Heaven, so now it winnes him friends in
this our other World : Lo, even from our Iland unexpected
deliverance takes a long flight, and blesseth him beyond
hope ; yea rather, from Heaven, by us. That God, whom
hee serves, will bee knowne to those rude and scarce
humane Christians, for a protectee of innocence, a favourer
of truth, a rewarder of pietie. The mercy of oxu- gradous
King, the compassion of an honourable Counsellour, the
love of a true friend, and (which wrought all, and set all
on worke) the grace of oxu- good God, shall now lose
those bonds, and give a glad welcome to his libertie, and
a willing farell to his distresse. He shall (I hope) live
to acknowledge this; in the meane time, I doe for him.
Those Russian Afl^aires are not more worthy of your
Records, than your love to this friend is worthy of mine.
For neither could this large Sea drowne or quench it, nor
time and absence (which are wont to breed a lingring
consumption of friendship) abate the heate of that afll^ec-
tion, which his kindnesse bred, religion nourished. Both
rarenesse, and worth shall commend this true love ; which
(to say true^ hath beene now long out of fashion. Never
times yeelaed more love; but, not more subtle. For
every man loves himselfe in another, loves the estate in
the person: Hope of advantage is the Load-stone that
329
A-D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
l6l2.
drawes the yron hearts of men; not vertue, not desert.
No Age afFoorded more Parasites, fewer friends : The most
are friendly in sight, serviceable in expectation, hollow
in love, trustlesse in experience. Yet now, Buchinsky,
see and confesse thou hast found one friend, which hath
made thee many, &c.
§. V.
Of the miserable estate of Russia after Swiskeys
deportation, their election of the King of
Polands Sonne, their Interregnum and popular
estate, and chusing at last of the present
Emperour, with some remarkable accidents in
his time.
|Hus have we seene the Russian sinnes utterly
rooting up so many Russian Imperiall Families
and persons : the whole Family of Ivan extirpate,
that of Boris succeeding, annihilate; two pretending
Demetrii and Suiskie extmct : and yet have wee greater
abhominations to shew you. No Tyrant, no Serpent, no
Dragon is so exorbitant and prodigious as that which
hath many heads: and therefore in divine Visions
Monarchies (how ever excessive and tyrannical) have
beene resembled by simpler and more uniforme beasts,
Dan. 2. W 7. but the Devill in a great red Dragon with seven heads
^ 8' and ten homes, and the Beast likewise to which hee gave
M I* ^'^ ^^^ power and his seat and great authoritie, which opened
ij\ i\ ' his mouth in blasphemie against God, &c. On which
/W.17.6. W sate the great Whore, the Antichristian Babylon. There
18. 1. (^ 19. was no King in Israel, is both Alpha and Omega, Preface
I. W 21. 25. j^j^j Conclusion Divine Writ to some misery in Israel;
as if all Kings and no King, were the Circumference of
all the lines proceeding from Mischiefes Centre. And
now was Russia a Monster of many heads, that is, a
bodie fallen into many pieces. One man possessed of the
Wife of that double Demetrius, got to Astracan, there
230
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1612.
seating himselfe to set up an usurped shop of Rule ; the
Southerne parts chose Prince Vladiskus, Son of K.
Sigismund of Poland; those of the North thought of
other Princes ; and at last when neither the Fig-trees Jud, 9.
sweetnesse nor Olives fatnesse, nor cheering Wine from
the Vine could take place in their inconstancie, the
Brambles conceived a fire which devoured the Cedars of
Libanus : a popular government happened, or if you will, l^opukr
a Confusion of the multitude bare sway, which killed and ^^^nment in
murthered every Great Man, whom any Rascall would ^
accuse to be a mend to the Poles, or to any of the dead
Emperoxirs, whom those popular injudicious Judges
fiuided not. And now Russia blushed with impudencie,
that is with shamelesse sight of the daily effusion and
profusion of her best bloud; now every man was an
Actor : and oh had they beene but Actors! too really did
they present (not represent) bloudie Tragedies, of which
their whole Countrey was becomne the Theatre ; the Devill
the Choragus (a Murtherer from the beginning) and the
whole World Spectator, stupid with admiration, quaking
with horrour or so imcouth a sight!
Now for the overtures betwixt the Muscovites, and
Stanislaus Stanislawich Zolkiewskie, Generall of the
Polakes, touching their Election of Vladislaus Sonne of
King Sigismund, and the Articles propounded: also the
answere of Prince Vladislaus to the same Articles, Anno
161 2. I have here expressed in Latine as I found them;
fearing I should be over-tedious to translate them, especi-
ally seeing the businesse came not to effect: and the
English i&tides following of the Russian Embassage to [III. iv. 783.]
the King of Poland, doth lay open that and other passages
of the Russian Confusions.
Pactainter Primarium Ducem Exercituum Regni
PoldniaB, & inter Heroes Moscoviae.
SErenissimi Potentissimique Imperatoris Sigismundi
tertii Dei gratia Regis Polonise, Magnique Ducis
Lithuaniae, Russiae, Prussiae, Samogitise, Kieviae, Volhoniae,
231
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
PodoliflB, Podlachiae, Succonun, Oestonorum, aliorumque
nee non haereditarii Regis Snecorum, Gottorum, Van-
dalorum, Finlandiaeque Principis. Palatinus Kijeviensis,
Primarius Dux Exercituum Kegni Poloniae Capitaneus
Rohativensis, Camsenacensis, Kdusciensis. Ego Stanis-
laus Stanislaides Zolkiewsky de Zolkwia, Mamfestxun
facio prsesentibus pactis, & confirmatis meis Uteris. Qu6d
Omnipotentis in Trinitate adorandi Dei gratia, & volun-
tate, turn & benedictione venerabilis Hermogenis, Mos-
covitarum, totiusque Russiae Patriarchae, Metropolitarum,
Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Archimandrytarum,
Humaenorum totiusque venerabilis Cleri. Et post
MCta omnium Heroiun, Comitum, C^itaneonun,
Primariorum Dapiferorum, Aulicorum, Tenutariorum,
Aidicorum arcibus Praefectorum, & Decurionxun Sclo-
petariorum, necnon quorumvis Moscoviae haeredum,
Heroumque liberorum, Advenarum, Mercaturam exer-
centium, Jaculatorum,velitum,Fabrorum tormentariorum,
& reliquorum incolarum magni Imperii Moscovitarum.
Heroes, utpotfe Comes Albertus Ivunoviz Mscislawskii,
Dux Venceslaus Venceslaides Galicziin, Albertus Ivanoviz
SeremetiijDux Venceslaus Mieliechii,& Primarii Deputati
Venceslaus Telepnievii, & Thomas Lugowskii, & universi
totius Moscoviae Primates, Egerunt, deliberaveruntque
mecum, de eligendo Imperatore, in Wlodiimiriense
universumque Moscovitarum Imperium, ac tradiderunt
mihi suam confirmatam sigillatamque obligationem &
sacrosanctum vivificmn baptisma sacrae Regiae Majestatis
exosculati sunt non tantum Primarii Comites, sed etiam
Heroes, incolentes Aulici, Capitanei, Primarii Dapiferi,
Aidici, Cubicularii, Structores, Tenutarii, & Decuriones
Sclopetariorum, omnisque dignitatis homines, Jaculatores,
velites, Fabri Tormentarii, variisque status serviles, &
liberi homines Imperii Moscovitici, Hunc in modum:
Quod venerabilis Hermogenes Moscoviae, & universal
Russiae Patriarcha, Metropolitae, Archiepiscopi, Episcopi,
Archimandrytae, Humaeni singuli & universi venerabiles
Heroes, Capitanei, Primarii Dapiferi, Aulici, Cubicularii,
032
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1612.
StructOTcs, & Deoiriones Sclopetariorum, Tenutarii,
haeredes Heroiim, Advenae, homines Mercaturam exer-
centes, Jaculatores, Velites, Fabri tormentarii, omnis sortis
scrviles, & harcditarii Imperii Moscovitici, constituunt
Legates mittere, atque supplicare magno Imperatori,
Serenissimo Sigismundo Rqri Polonise, & Serenissimo
sacrae ejus Majestatis Regiae nlio Vladislao Sigismundi, ut
Serenissimus Imperator Sigismundus Rex, commisereri
corum velit, constituatque Vlodiimiriensis todusque
Imperii Moscovitici Imperatorem Vladislaum Sigismundi
sacrae suae Regiae Majestatis filium. Quod ut fiat,
venerabilis Hermogenes totius Moscoviae Patriarcha,
Metropolitae, Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Archimandrytae,
Humaeni, totus denique venerabilis Clerus, Deum ter
optimum maximum rogat, & Imperatorem Serenissimum
Vladislaum Sigismundi filium sacrae Regiae Majestatis
Imperio totius Moscoviae constitxii laeto exoptant animo.
Omnes etiam Heroes, Aulici Imperatorii, Capitanei,
Primarii Dapiferi, Equites, Cubicularii, Structores,
Decuriones Sclopetariorum, Tenutarii, in arcibus Praefecti,
Dispensatores, liberi Heroum, Advenae, Mercaturam exer-
centes, Jaculatores, velites, Fabri tormentarii, omnisque
conditionis serviles, & liberi incolae Imperii Moscoviae,
Serenissimi Imperatoris, filii Serenissimi Regis Poloniae
Vladislai Sigismuntoviz, & posteritatis (si quae ipsius
fiitura) exosculati sunt sacrosanctum vivificum baptisma,
hoc signo indicantes, se dim ipsi Imperatori, tiim omni
ipsius posteritati aeternis temporibus servituros, omniaque
prosperima exoptantes, in omnibus non secus ut superiori-
bus haereditariis magnis Imperatoribus, & Caesaribus,
Magnis item Ducibus universi Imperii Moscovitici, nee
uUum malum ipsi, & ejus posteritati ominaturos, machina-
turos, cogitatiu-os, aut alium quempiam ex Moscovito
Imperio, vicinisgue Imperiis, in Imperatorem Moscoviae,
praeter Serenissimtun Vladislaum Sigmuntoviz filium
Serenissimi Regis Poloniae introductores, adoptaturosve.
Quibus ver6 cum conditionibus in Imperatorem Mosco-
vitici Imperii exun sint susceptiu-i, hac de re Heroes
«33
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMBS
utpot^ sacnti panes, femunitia, summse pecuniades, & his
de va]4i$ reditibus similia : hos prqventus Ecclesic dicatos,
& omnium Imperatorum antiquorum Moscovise, nee
Herorum, aut aliorum hominum donationes, si quas
Templis, aut Monasteriis Dei dicaverunt, aut dicaturi
sunt) adimere debet, nulla secundum antiquiun morem
constituta violando. Spirituales, & Regulares status nuUo
modo infringendo, Dimensariis omnia pensa spiritualia, &
Repilaria, quibus antiquitus dabantur, ex fisco Impera-
tono omnia reddendo, ut solitum ftiit, & ex Imperatorio
Thesauro in Templa & Monasteria, stipem variorum
redituum augcndo. Heroes, Imperatorii Aidici, Capi-
tanei, Primani Dapiferi, Cubicularii, & cujusvis generis
Tenutarii, in omnibus negotiis, in omnibus Impenalibus,
Castrensibus, & terrestribus causis, in Arcibus Palatini,
Capitanei, sive Tenutarii & Telonarii, aut alii cujusmodi
Praefecti, & omnis conditionis homines, ut antiqua retine-
ant Privilegia prout constitutxmi est in Moscovitico
Imperio, ab antiquis magnis Imperatoribus, in id Serenis-
simus Imperator incumbet seri6.
Poloni ver6 & Lithuani, in Moscovia nuUis in terres-
tribus, forensibus negotiis, aut Arcibus Palatinorum,
Capitaneorumve esse debent, nee successiones Praefecturse,
aut dignitatis in Arcibus illis tribuendse simt.
Quia autem Poloni, & Lithuani ex utroque Imperio
videtur consultum, ut praeficiantur confinibus Arcibus ad
absolutum levamen hujus Imperii, ea de re Serenissimus
Imperator ciun Heroibus collationem instituet suo
tempore.
Jam vero universa Respublica supplex Serenissimum
Imperatorem precatur, ne ad executionem perducat hanc
conditionem, antequam fuerit hac in parte utrinque
deliberatum.
Qui ver6 Poloni & Lithuani penes Serenissimum
Imperatorem Vladislaum Sigmuntoviz sunt futuri, eos non
solum honoraturi, sed etiam contentaturi pecuniali nume-
ratione, & promoturi secundum imiuscujusque merita
sumus.
136
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA A,a
Moscovitici Imperii Heroes, Aulicxss, Imperatorios,
Capitaneos, Primarios Dapiferos, Cubicularios, JPracfectos,
Structores, Tenutarios, Arcivim Praefectos Sclopctariorum,
omnesque ad Aulam Imperatoriam pertinentes homines, &
liberos Heroum, Advcnas, Mercatores, Jaculat<M-es, velites,
Fabros tormentarios, & omnis conditionis bellicosos
homines, aliosque haeredes Imperii Moscovitici, Sercnis-
simus Impcrator debet habere in dignitate, honore, gratia,
& amore, ut fuit antiquitus apud primos magnos Moscovise
Imperatores; Nee antiquos mores & status qui erant in
Imperio Moscoviae immutare, vel Moscoviae Ducum,
Heroumque viduas Advenis in patria, vel Tenutis elocare,
aut deprimere.
Tributa pecunialia, stipendia reddere, & hsereditates
2uas aliquis possidebat ad haec usque tempora, is etiamnum,
: in posterum possidere debet.
Haereditaria bona k nemine abalienare, sed semper
omnibus hominibus Moscovitici Imperii providere per-
pendendo servitia eorum, prout aliquis de Republica
moitus est.
Advenis onmibus qui vocati fuerant ex variis Nationi-
bus, k primis Imperatoribus Moscoviae, necessariis [ill. iv. 785.]
?'ovidere, prout antea solitum fuit: nee stipendia,
enutas, & possessiones eorum ab iis abalienare.
Hercibus, Aulids, Cubicukriis, Dapiferis, & liberis
Heroum, omnibusque Aulae Imperatonae inservientibus,
Imperatoriam benevolentiam commonstrare, & salaria
debita, secundum antiquum morem reddere, Serenissimus
Imperator tenebitur.
Quod si ver6 alicui salaria multiplicabimtur, posses-
sionesque aut tenutae, supra ejus dignitatem, vel contra
alicui minuentur, praeter culpam ipsius, ea de re Serenis-
simus Imperator conferre, & consultare debet cum
Heroibus Primariis : & prout unanimes decreverint, idque
secundum aequitatem, ita sit facturus.
Qui vero Aulid, aut fiberi Heroum sumunt beneficio
Imperatoris, ex Arcibus omnibus stipendiariis, quibus
beneficia tempore praeteritorum Magnorum Imperatorum
237
Aj>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
l6l2.
minimis ad maximos usque absque pecuniali redemptione.
Proventus Imperatorios ex Arabus, aliisque possessioni-
bus, tiun ex tenutis & arendis census, omnesque reditus,
debet Serenissimus Imperator exigere, ut antea fecere
Primi Imperatores, & prioris Magistratus mores, & statuta
absque consensu in nullis inunutare.
Arces, aut Civitates, quae bello vastatse, ad eas mitterc
debet Serenissimus Imperator, & praecipere, ut con-
scribantur Registra eorum, quae per vastationem periere :
ut vicissim sumptis proventibus aliunde, secimdum con-
scripta registra, possint resarciri.
Quorum ver6 Haereditates, Possessiones, vel Tenutae
[III. iv. 786.] spoliatas, iis levamen dandum, sed non absque consensu
Heroimi. £t quae recens vastatae Arces, illas quam-
primum restaurare, consilio inito cum Heroibus, &
Nobilibus.
Mercatores Moscovitici Imperii omnium Civitatiun, in
Polonia & Lithuania, sic Poloni, Lithuani, in Moscovia,
Polonia, Lithuania, merces coemere debent more usitato,
ut antea : Istud tamen cavendum, ne invicem sibi fecessent
negotia Mercatores, & alii Christiani in Lithuaniam ex
Russia, & ex Lithuania in Russiam, sese transportando
cum mercibus Heroes, & Aulici omnes, mancipia debent
in servitute detinere, prout solitmn.
In Volda, Dona, & Tekier Arcibus, velites, si illis opus
fuerit, servari debent : de quibus Serenissimus Imperator
conferre debet cum Heroibus, & Nobilibus, postquam
coronabitur.
Arces Moscovitici Imperii, ad Imperatorem pertinentes,
tum illae, quae in tenutas Polonis, & Lithuanis traditae simt,
vel quas jam Vor praefatus sub potestatem suam subjedt :
Ego Primarius Dux exercituum Regni Poloniae, constitui
cum Heroibus Moscoviae, quod Serenissimus Rex Poloniae,
Filio sacrae suae Regiae Majestatis Serenissimo Vladislao
Sigmuntoviz, has arces, cum omnibus quae sunt vastatae,
Moscovitico Imperio restituere debet. lUustres vero
Legati Moscovienses, hoc in negotio tractaturi sunt cum
sacra Regia Majestate de siunptibus, & expensis sacrae
940
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA ad.
Regiac Majestatis in milites expositis, & de persolvendis
Polotiis, & Lithuanis, sunt quoque consultaturi, quomodo
absolvi possint.
Vor autem prsfatus, qui sesc Caesaridem Moscovitici Demetrius
Imperii, Demctrium Evanoviz appellat: de iUo, mihi st^mHtm
Primo Duci Regni Poloniae consilium ineundum, & omnis ^^^*«^*
cura habenda, ut capi, vel penitus h vita tolli possit.
Qui postquam captus, vel occisus fuerit, Ego Primarius
Dux Exeratuum Regni Polonise, cum exercitu sacrae
Majestatis k primaria Arce, sedis Imperatorias, Moscovia
praefiita discedere ad Arcem Mozaisko, vel ubi fuerit opus,
post coUationem cum Heroibus institutam, ibique Legatos
Moscoviae, & mandatum sacrae Regiae Majestatis, prae-
stolari tenebor. Quod si nihilominus Vor praefatus contra
Imperatoriam arcem Moscoviam sic dictam tentaverit
insidiari, aut seditiones aliquas excitare; Ego Primarius
Dux R^ni Poloniae, ilium profligare, & armis persequi
tenebor.
Dominiun vero Sapieza, qui se Vor praefiito adjunxit, ab
iUo & exercitum Polonicixm, & Lithuanicum abducere;
Quod si idem Vor praefatus, ex Moscovia cum Ruthenis
discesserit, militum autem Polonorum, & Lithuanorum
Juosdam apud se detinuerit ; Ego Primarius Dux Regni
^oloniae, cum exercitu sacrae Regiae Majestatis, una cum
Heroibus Moscoviae, ne sanguicidium imposterum ex-
ordiatur, sed Imperium pace publica assecuratum
stabiliatur, dabimus operam.
Mulier V€r6, quae cum eodem Vor praefato per Demetrii
Moscoviticum Imperixun, cum exercitu passim grassatur, frimi $up.
Imperatricem Moscoviae sese ventilando ; lUi prohibendum ^or, Pala-
ne eandem se imposterum cognominare, vel quippiam ^^J^^-
istiusmodi, aut aliquas difficultates, contra Imperium
Moscoviticum moliri audeat: sed, quamprimiun in
Poloniam reduccnda est. Imperator ver6 Serenissimus,
filius R^is Poloniae Vladislaus Sigmuntoviz in omnibus
antiquitus, jura sancita, & pacta Magnorum Legatorum
Moscoviae, cum Serenissimo Sigismundo Rege Poloniae, &
cotifirmata privilegta imitari debet.
XIV 341 Q
Aj>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
Civitatem & Arcem Smolinsk prsfatum ^uod attinet ;
Ego Dux Primarius exerdtuum regni Polomae supplicabo
apud S. R. Majestatem, ut pronibcat, ne milites in
Civitate tanta homicidia cxerceant, & Arccm spolient.
DiBi^Hsmo De baptismatc vcr6, ut iUud Impcrator Vladislaus
repetendo. Sigmuntoviz, filius sacrae Regiae Majcstatis suscipiat, &
baptizetur in illorum Sacrosancta legis Gnecae rcligionc, in
iUaque perseveret, ut & de aliis nondum contractis actis, &
conoitionibus, & reliquis circumstantiis antiquitus in
Imperio Moscovitico, ad praesentem usque expeditionem
belUcam observatis: Inter Serenissimos Imperatores &
Imperia omnium, consilium & collatio institui debet, ut
amor, & amicitia, utrinque augeri, & conservari possit.
Qua de re, Ego Primarius Dux militiae, oun jam k S, R.
Majestate commissa,& mandata nulla habeam, contuli cum
Heroibus, quid ipsis responsi sum daturus : sed primiun
cxun sacra Regia Majestate hoc in negotio, tum etiam cum
Serenissimo Imperatore Vladislao Sigmuntoviz filio sacrae
Regiae Majestatis, conferam.
Insuper, Ego Primarius Dux exercituum regni Poloniae,
in Arcem Moscoviam praefiitam, Polonos, Lithuanos, Ger-
manos, & omnis generis bellicosos, qui sxmt mecum, &
cum Domino Sapieza, absque permissu Heroum, vel ipsa
necessitate, intromittere non debeo. In Arcem Mos-
coviam praefatam, Mercatonun Polonorum, & Lithuan-
orum, mercium coemendarmn gratia, ex omnibus
Provinciis regni Poloniae, cum meis Imperialibus testi-
monialibus Uteris, non ultra viginti, vel paulo plures simt
intromittendi : absque Uteris ^ me datis testimoniaUbus, in
Arcem Moscoviam praefatam, aut aUbi, nemo proficisd
debet,
Ob majus ver6 robxir, & confirmationem Pactorum
istorum. Ego Primarius regni Poloniae Dux exerdtuvun,
Stanislaus otanislaides, ZoUciewsky de Zolkwia sigillvun
meum apposui, & manum propriam subscripsi. Sic etiam
Domini PrimipoU, & Centuriones exeratus, qui tum
temporis mihi aderant, ad haec mea scripta nomina sua sub-
scripsere. Datum in Castris, apud Arcem, sedis Impera-
242
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA aoi.
l6l2.
toriae Moscovitici Imperatoris. Anno 1610. Augusti
27. die.
Responsum ad Pacta inter Primarium Ducem [in.iv.787.]
Exercituum Regni Poloniae, & Heroes Mos-
coviae, Serenissimi Regis Poloniae, & Serenis-
simi Vladislai Sigmuntoviz Filii Sacrae Regiae
Majestatis.
'^^ A^us Dei gratia Imperator Vladislaus Sigmuntoviz,
IVX Filius Serenissimi Regis Poloniae, Sueciae, &c.
Amplissimi Moscovitarum Imperii universo venerabili
Clero, Ministris Dei vigilantissimis, Heroibus, Capitaneis,
Liberis Heroum, Advocatis velitiun, Jaculatoribus, &
Velitibus, Advenis, Mercatoribus, omnibus servilibus, &
liberis hominibus significamus. Nos quandoquidem vobis
Imperatorem totius Imperii Moscovitici, Caesarem, &
Magnum Principem Wlodymiriensem, necnon uni-
versarum Moscovitici Imperii Provinciarum coronari
petiistis : Nos quoque post Legatorum vestronmi suppli-*
cationem, pro vobis mtercessimus apud Serenissimum
Tertixun Regem Poloniae, Magnumque Ducem Lithuania,
Dominum parentem nostnun, ut secundum suae sacrae
Regiae Majestatis misericordiam, consuetudinem, vestrae
subveniat calamitati, & prout caepit, ad finem usque vos, &
totimi Moscoviticum Imperium restauret, & pace con-
firmet : & sanguinem Christianiun qui jper malos quosdam
pacis publicas violatores, & perjuros etfunditxir, coerceat :
Serenissimus itaque Rex Poloniae, Dominus Parens noster,
post vestrAm Legatorum supplicationem, & nostram filii
sui intercessionem, Decrevit nobiscum filio suo, in
Moscoviticum Imperium, iter quamprimum suscipere : ut
confirmetur Imperium, & sanguicidium sanguinis vestri
cohibeatur, vobis ver6 pax, & Patria, ex integro restituatur.
Et vobis venerabili Clero, Heroibus, Incolis, Capitaneis,
& universis cujuscunque sortis hominibus, Spiritualibus,
& Politids, istud necessari6 sdendxun est. Vos autem,
qui Serenissimo Regi Poloniae, Domino Parenti nostro, &
243
i6ia.
PURCHAS HIS PILGBIMBS
nobis, ad hoc usque tempus fidem inviolatam conscrvastia,
jam quoque nobis Magnis Imperatoribus vestris officia
vcstra, & promptitudinem animi conservabitis, advent-
umque nostrum in Imperium Moscoviticiun, cum ^udio
in iMu:e cxpectabitis. Qui vcr6 mail dc nobis opmione,
contumacia, & scductione Vor praefati, repulsam feccre, iis
ne ampliis tergivcrsentur, promittenao iUis nostram
benevolentiam, & amorem, persuadere debetis, & ad nos
Imperatores convertere, ut sint quoque vobiscum unani-
mes, £t supremi Gincellarii Exercitus, Serenissimique
R^is Poloniae, Domini Parentis nostri, nostrisque scse
adjungant: £t cum supremo Cancellario, de nostris
Imperatoriis, & terrestribus negotiis consultent, com*
modaque Patriae curent, ut quamprimum possit Imperium
Moscoviticum, ad pristinum statum reduci, & paci, ac
tranquillitati antiquae restitui: ac nos, donee venerimus,
Isti praestolentur. Seditiosis, ac mal^ de nobis opinanti*
bus, nullam fidem habeant, nee ullis obediant, qui
secundum animi sui praesumptionem falsam, se suamque
posteritatem Imperatoribus Moscoviticis successuram
arbitrantur. £t qui de sacra Regia Majestate, Domino
Parente nostro, nobisque metipsis, rumores nefarios,
scriptis ad Arciiun Praefectos Uteris spars^e, & diasemi-
narunt, verbaque dolos^ exco^tata, inter homines dimis^re,
& jam disseminant: atque hac tyrannide, & malitia sua,
recentes seditiones in Moscovia concitaverunt, quibus
multam copiam san&;uinis Christiani frustra efiFundi passi
sunt,& totumlmpenum divisenmt, & hac pertinacia, atque
malitia siia, Dei ter Opt. Max. castissimaeque Deipars
voluntati, necnon Serenissimi Sigismimdi Dei gratia Regis
Poloniae misericordiae, & ipsius benevolo erga se animo
adversantur, Nobisque Serenissimo Imperatori juramen-
tum exosculatione vivifici Baptismatis praestitum violant.
Quare quosdam eorum jam etiam propterea Deus Omni-
potens, justo suo judicio, ex hac vita sustulit, & puniit :
quosdam ver6, ejus atrocissima vindicta expectat, nisi it
sua contumacia conversi, apud nos, Magnos Imperatores
suos, culpam quamprimum supplices deprecentur. Insuper,
244
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.b.
1611.
omnibus Tobis in universrum sciendum est^ quod ii, qui
ad nos Magnos Imperatores dUos, & nostrammisexicordiain)
asylumque confugerint, iis secundum magnum affectum
nostrum Imperatorium, miserebimur : poems remissis con-
donabimus omnia, & in tutelam eosdem nostrum
redpiemus.
Sacrosanctam quoque Religionem vestram Legis Grscs
permittimus, earumque secundum constitutiones Patrum
Sanctorum, tuebimur, in nuUo puncto violandam, &
immutandam. Et universam venerabilium Patrum,
MinistPorum Dei Confessariorum vestrorum Coronam,
dd>ito in honore sumus habituri. Heroes, Aulicos, &
cujuscunque sortis alios diligere, pnomovere, patriam
possessionem, pecunialem, aliamque omnem provisionem,
i nemine abalienando: sed suum unicuique attribuere
promittimus, secundum antiquam consuetudinem : &
msuper nostra Imperatoria provisione, unumquemque
secundvmi ipsius dignitatem, & merita promovere. Qui
autem in malitia, & contumacia sua perseverare non
ccssabunt, ii, Deum Opt. Max. & castissimam ejus
Genitricem, strictissimb illos gladio punituros ccrto
sdant : & nostrum Imperatoriimi benevolum animum, in
ifam, 8c vindictam mutatum experientur. Non vuk enim
Deus Omnipotens, ut, ob malitiam, & contumaciam
Rebellium, innocentium ulterius sanguis effundatur,
Templa Dei spolientur, & gloria sancti Nominis ejus,
tttt^s, ac magis deprimatur. Vos omnes, apud animum
vestrum diligentius perpendite, & his, qui adhuc nobis
tergiversantur renunciate, ut animo mutato, ad vcritatis
agnitionem redeant, & seditiosos, & pacis publics diremp-
tores relinquant.
Jam vcro, ad quas Arces, & Civitates, hae literae nostrse
pervenerint. Mandamus, ut eorum Capitanei, & Tenutarii,
omnia ad victum neccssaria, & pccuniam colligant, in
pu^tisque habeant, ad nostnun adventum. Interea
Exercitus sacrae Regi« Majestatis, Domini Parentis nostri,
nostrique proprii, ne uUum detrimentum patiantur, sed
una in fratcmo amore, quoad venerimus, vinatis : Et donee
l6l2.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Rurick.
Phiodor
EvMoufichm
Boris
Godcnovf.
[III. iv. 788.] Opt. Max. ex mcra gratia sua, nostraque Imperatorium
cura, & diligcntia, toto Imperio Moscovitico firmato, &
restaiirato, vobis potiri concesserit. Dabantur Varsoviae,
Anno Domini 16 12. 9. die Martii.
The points of the Embassage of the Russian
Messenger sent to his sacred Majesty, briefly
collected.
BY what manner their naturall Lords ruled over them,
they alleaged, to wit, beginning from Borik, who was
of the bloud of Augustus Caesar, Emperour of Rome,
even unto the last Lord and Emperour Pheodor Evano-
wich, in whom their Race ceased.
That Boris Godonove abiding with Pheodor Evanowich,
was created (by his owne force and power) Emperour or
Lord: but after a little time, the pleasure or God so
working, being thrust out of the Imperiall seate, departed
this life shamefully, and by violent death, together with
his Wife and Children.
That Christophorus Otropitii the Rostrige, being of
base descent, under the Name which he did beare of
Emperour, otherwise Demetrii Evanowich, slaine at
Owglets, did fraudulently and by deceit (wherewith he
deceived the common people, and others that beleeved
them) obtaine the Imperiall Seate by force, without the
consent of the Spiritualtie, and all the chiefe Bishops and
Lords, and great men of the Kingdome, who durst not
withstand the same, seeing the Commons to yeeld there-
unto.
How the excellent Lord Palatin of Sandomire, gave
his daughter in marriage to the Rostrige, and himselfe
(many Gentlemen both of the Kingdome of Poland, and
great Duchy of Litow, accompanying him) came into
Moscovia.
Then, that Vasili Evanowich Suiskey, with his brethren,
and many others associated to this attempt, and stirring
up other great men of the Land, did kill the Rostrige,
246
Gregerii
Rutropioy
Rostrige.
Demetrii
RvdHOtsnch*
Primates,
Lord Palatin
of Sandomire.
FasiR Evano-
wick Suiskey.
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a,d.
1612.
with many Gentlemen of Poland, and the great Duchy
of Litow, and put the rest into divers Gistles. And him-
selfe was made Emperour, although he were not elected
by all the States. Whereupon many of our sort did not
^nllingly acknowledge him Emperour, and many would
not obey him.
How another named the Wor, did rise up at Kalusia, Tki War.
and caused himselfe to bee named Demetrii, and so Coluga.
accounted. Whereof when many (both Russes and Poles)
heard, they assembled unto him, thinking him to be the
true Demetrii: and the Russes did so much the more
willingly draw unto him, because of the murtherers.
How others called Wors, did name and call themselves other Wm^
sonnes of the slaine Emperour, as Ivan, Peter, Pheodor, or pretemUrsj
and by many and divers other names : and under the same ^p^^^^*
names, did consimie the State, and shead much bloud. ^*
How the Kings sacred Majestie, comming to Smol- TheKsngof
ensko, sent his Messengers the Lord of Praemislave, and ^ji^'
other noble men, who comming unto the Campe, the y^^^^v
forenamed Wors fled away : but divers of the Russes came
unto his Majestie. And taking counsell with the Boiarins,
^t that time remayning with Suiskey in the chiefe Citie,
we sent our Messengers to his Majestie at that time, being
at Smolensko, viz. Michael Salticove, and others, request- Michael
ing that his Majestie would grant us his Sonne to be our SalHcove.
Lord.
How they were dispatched away, and what answere they
brought from his Majestie, with conditions engrossed, and
signed with his hand and seale.
How that after the deposing of Suiskey, the noble The Artkiet
Lord Generall of the Kingdome, comming into Moscovia, ^re befire in
concluded all the said businesses and treaties: and con- **
firmed them with the oath of himselfe, and his fellow
Souldiers. And that they after that oath, likewise made
their oath for the same. Then, that for the greater defence
of the said principall Citie from the Wors, they sent
Souldiers into the Citie, and sent also their Messengers
from the whole Countrie Fidareta, the Metropolitan and
347
A.0. PUHCHAS HIS PILGRIMBS
FasiR Vasili Gaiichin, with others^ unto the Kings Maiestte, and
GaRcHn. required an oath in his Majesties behalfe, dF all the severall
Provinces.
How that his Majesties Souldiers dwelled and behaved
themselves in this capitall Citie of Mosco^ before the
troubles began, without injuring any man, punishing the
evill according to their deserts.
How the Boiarins handled other Gentlemen, and
principall persons of the Russe Religion, although more
inclined unto them: but especially the Officers and
Servants of the Wors, as also such as had fled over.
It fblloweth, how they often sent word unto the Citie
of Smolensko, and willed them to deliver up the Citie
unto his Majestie, to bee under his prosperous govemment
and power. As for the secret plots of^ their Messengers,
GaUchin. Galechin and others, they said, thev were ignorant, as also
HaUMaWor of some unknowne practises, handled with the Wor called
or Pretend. Halusin. But they said, that they hftd written very often
to the Citie of Smolensko, and commanded them to doe
whatsoever stood with his Majesties pleasure, and Ukcd
him, without further effusion of bloud.
[III. iv. 789.] How also it befell in the chiefe Citie to Lepim^ and
f <^^- Sarusky, and the other Rebels, when they viok^ed their
That they certified his Majesties Souldiers thereof, and
that they, with them, did rise against the Rebels, and
that even to this present, they doe keepe, and will keepe
their oath once made, and their due obedience imto their
Lord.
And, in that Lepun was punished of God for his
treacherie, and departed this life with so ^amefuU a
death, wee thinke it to bee for the good example of others,
to reduce them into their former estate, to revoke others
imto their fidelitie, and for keeping their oath ahreadie
given.
Therefore, after many circimistances, they inferred, that
they would presendy send their Messengers to the generaH
Parliament: but mooved with the persWasion of the
a4«
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA A.a
l6l3.
bonoutable Lord GenertU, to wit, that his Majestie would
bet contented with their fidelitie once made, and performed
nftdcr oath, and with their griefe for the same cause, and
will cheertfiilly forgive them : and doth not refuse to give
hf8 Sonne to raigne over them. Adding withall, that
manj Kingdomes, to wit, the Kingdome of Hungarie,
the Kingdome of Bohemia, and a great part of Russia, doe
earnestly request, that he would receive them under the
bippj government of his Majestie : that they might enjoy
the privUedges of Poland, and Litow, to which, none in
the whole world can be compared.
But, because his Excellent Majestie, as a Christian Lord,
rejecting all other Kingdomes, and Dominions, will
gracicmsly receive under his Rule and government the
said Dominions, and that he is sorry for their destruction :
he therefore now admonisheth them, if they will bee under
his prosperous Rule, and enter into an union together with
the Kingdome of Poknd, and the great Duchy of Litow,
and live friendly with them : if they will performe, and
consent thereunto, His Excellent Majestie promiseth to TJ^ King
rttnit their offence, and to receive them imder his happy assents.
government and authoritie, and refuseth, and by no meanes
win alter or change their faith and conscience, or places
dedicated unto God, or builded for devotion : neither will
impose on them any other Religion, or alter their ancient
Manners, or Customies, but will bestow on them privi-
ledges and offices: and that the Rights and Priviledges,
which the Poles, with the great Duchy of Litow doe enjoy,
shall be conferred on them : and that they shall be equalled
with the Kingdome and great Duchy of Litow, &c. which
jurisdictions and priviledges, in former times, their Prede-
cessors wanted.
For this perswasion therefore of the honourable Lord
Generall, which he had in charge from his Majestie to
make, they yeeld all thankes: but notwithstanding they
propotmd, and plainly adde, that their oath shall be so,
that his Majesties sonne shall succeed in their g^ovemment,
with certaine additions, to wit, that they wifl have none
949
A.D.
l6l2.
Klutzinsky a
IVoror
Pretender^
achmokdg^d
Emperour,
Astracan,
Lapland.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
other over them but onely his Majesties sonne, and that
the whole Land doth make it knowne, and propound their
judgement and sentence, by way of denunciation, that by
no meanes, but by offering his Majesties sonne, these
troubles of Moscovia can be extinguished. Adding
withall, that at that time, in the first troubles, when the
honourable Lord Generall came into the Country of Mos-
covia, and required the oath for the Kings Majesties
Sonne: if his Majestie had made any mention thereof,
it is certaine, that the Commons and all the Nobilitie,
would not have consented thereunto by any meanes, and
that greater effusion of bloud had risen thereupon : And
that they had taken for their Prince Klutzinsky, called the
Wor, to whom all were not assembled, who also at that
time had a great power of men, as well of Poles, as Russes
and Litowes. They therefore seeing the great discord
amongst the people, taking counsell, did fredy choose for
their Lord and Emperour his Excellent Majesties sonne,
unto whom they had a great affection, and who had a
long time before layen in their hearts: assuring them-
selves also, that by this election of his Majesties sonne,
many troubles and dissentions would be pacified, and so
r^ected the aforesaid Wor Klutzinsky: As also they
received into their chiefe Citie the chiere Generall. But,
when it was heard that his Excellent Majestie, would by
no meanes give unto them his sonne for their Lord, and
to rule over them, they fell into such effusion of bloud
and insurrections, As also the same time, the whole
Coxmtry of Moscovia looked and expected nothing else
then his Majesties sonne. Calling to memorie, for their
better advice, that it was to be reared, least whilest his
Majestie came too late with his sonne, divers parts of
the Land should choose unto themselves several! Lords.
As to the Southward the Castles Strachen and others, to
the King of Persia; part of Pomerland and Siberia, to
the Kings of Denmarke and England ; Novogrod, Plesco,
Ivanogrod, and others, to the King of Sweden : and that
the other Cities would choose to memselves other Lords
250
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1612.
separate from the rest. In the meane season, they desire
his Excellent Majestie, to make a speedy end of these
warres, according to his Obligation and promise ratified
by the oath of the honorable Lord Generall, and the
whole Armie: and that his Majestie himselfe, with his
Sonne, would come into Moscovia. They request also,
that his Excellent Majestie would retayne with himselfe
and his Sonne, Counsellors, and Messengers of their
Commonwealth, for the ordayning and conceding of per-
petuall Conditions. They request also, that his Majestie,
m the name of his Sonne, would send unto all the Inhabi-
tants of the Townes, and write unto the severall Cities,
signifying his conuning into their Dominions, and willing, [ni.iv.790.]
tMt out of the severdl Provinces, all sorts of men send
their Messengers, to treate and conclude of the aflFaires
of all sorts of People, and of perpetuall tranquillitie.
Promising after the said Charge and Letters to all people
in generdl, and notifying from their said Lord, that (by
Gods grace) there may bee throughout the whole Land
of Moscovia, tranquillitie, peace, and securitie.
To conclude, they pray heartily unto the Lord God, to
grant unto his Majestie in this businesse begun, a pros-
perous and speedy end.
Thus have wee seene dissolute resolutions, or resolute
dissolutenesse, men onely constant in inconstancy, resolved ^«'^'^»
upon irresolution. As we often see sicke persons turning *^^^^^^'
every way, and no way eased ; in the night time longing
for day, and in the day for night ; such was now the Russian
sicknesse, they would and they would not, and yet would
againe, and againe would not, they scarsly knew what or
why ; fluctuatmg in an inward storme of diversif yed hopes,
feares, desires, distracted affections, no lesse then in that
outward broile of State. For it was not long that they
looked toward Poland, whether for breach or conditions
of that part, or out of inveterate hate to the Pole, or their
Nationall jedousie and distrust of Strangers, or a naturall
inconstancy; they fell off from that Prince: and their
Chancellor (Father to the now raigning Emperour)
251
l6l3.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
body.
employed there with others in Embassage) were cktayned
thereupon prisoners. It is also repeated that they made
secret overtures to His Majestie of Great Britaine, and
that Sir John Merick and Sir William Russel were therein
employed: but the strong convulsions and sharpe agues
and agonies of that State could not, or would not endure
the lingring of such remote phisicke ; the wheele of Things
being whined about before such a Treatie might admit
a passage of Messengers to and fro. Once that Russisui
Head grew so heady and giddy, that at last it bred
Mmtf-kiiuUd innumerable Heads, yea the whole Body became Heads
in the worst of tyrannies, a popular (government shall I
say? or) confusion. Neither were Hydras heads (mon-
strously multiplying two for each cut off) like this : for
besides so many Wot*s after the first and second Demetrius
(which might make up that comparison) each Umbe, nay
almost eadi haire of this Hydra (not the Nobles sdone,
but the basest which had nothing but themselves, and
were nothing but Numbers) became so many prodigious
Heads ; they also like Pharaohs leane kine devouring the
fat, and upon light pretences beheading themselves in
cutting off the heads and nobler Persons amongst them.
When they had thus made away almost all the Grandes,
and left the South parts to the spoile of the Poles, which
once againe were drawing neere to Mosco to besiege it;
the Poles also suffered some disaster, their Soiudiers
mutinying for want of pay, and banding themselves to
retiirne mto Poland, there invaded Uie Mints and
Custome^houses, and some governments, detayning them
for their pay; sending also threatning Letters to divers
Cities and Townes, torced divers Nd>les and Plebeians
to composition. The Turkes and Tartars brake likewise
into Walachia, Moldavia, and Polonia, so that Zolkiewdcy
or Sukosky the Generall was forced to goe against them,
of whom he made so great a slaughter, that the Great
Txirke committed the Polake Embassadour at Constanti-
nople to Ward, and threatned the Poles with invasion.
These mutinous Souldicrs continued meane while that and
JansM, A.
1612.
OCCURHENTS IN RUSSIA ad.
1613.
the next yecre to ^poile Poland, doing much damage to
the King and the Bishops, challenging many millions due,
as they said, for pay. Yea they passed further into
Prussia, and made spoile in every pkce, on the eight of
Novemb» 161 3. passing with a great prey to Thorn,
being parted into three Bands, the Sapians, the Sborovians,
and Smolenskians. Another companie of them terrified
Silesia. The Tartars likewise made impression and com**
mitted great spoile in Podolia.
Thus an Armie divided could not conquer, nor so utterly Godsprm-
exterminate Russia as otherwise opportunity was offered : w^^
the Pole Souldiers beinc: herein like anery Elephants f^^^^ ^
which sometime recoyle upon their owne troupes and doe jif^Ha.
more spoyle then the enemy could either have effected
or exported. But whiles the Invaders were thus invaded,
the Russes were forward to worke those executions on
themselves, which their enemies could have wished to
them ; till at last awakened with the horrour of their owne
evils, some began to thinke of a better course. In the
North about the Dwina, a bold fellow, a Butcher, rayling strange
at the Nobilities basenesse, and the Officers corruptions, alteration of
said, if they would choose a good Treasurer and pay ^ff^res by a
Souldiers well, they might have those which would fight ^'^^*
and expell the Poles their Enemies : provided, that they
would first choose a worthy Generall, for which place he
recommended to them a poore maymed Gentleman, called
Pozarsky, who had done good service, but being neglected,
now had retyred himselre not farre off. The multitude
approved the Butchers counsell, and chose Pozarsky for Pozarsky
their Leader, and that Butcher for a Treasurer, delivering ^^^^
into his hands what money they had, which he so faith- ^^!^h/^^
fully disbursed, Pozarsky also discharging so well the ^Treasurer.
trust reposed, that a great Army was gathered, and the
siege or Musco thereby raysed. And joyning with Knes
Demetry Mastroukswich (a kind of Tartar which com-
manded an Army of Cossaks in service of the Russe) they
fell in consultation with Boris Liciu, the third Great Boris Lmn.
Souldier of that Countrey, upon choice of an Emperour.
253
1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Micakufick
Soti to the
Chancellor
chosen.
Their mindes herein disagreeing (some naming one^ some
another) some named MastrovSiswich himselte, other for
[III. iv. 79 1.] further securitie against the Poles, and to recompence the
sufferings and imprisonment of the Russian Chancellor in
Poland, named his young Sonne Micallowich, under whose
Empire (having a goocf Councell appointed) they mieht
live happily. This was first approved by the Cosssu^s,
and then by the other Armies, the Butcher also was taken
to become a Counsellor, and diose three Leaders aforesaid
were made Militarie Commanders for the present
Emperour against the Poles. Embassadours also were
sent to divers Princes to mediate betwixt them and the
Pole, and betwixt them and the Sweden; and by his
Majestie of Great Brittaine (whom God long preserve
to reigne over us) his countenance and intercession, there
hath beene some agreement, and the young Emperour hath
setled his Dominions in peace, making at last a truce for
fourteene yeeres with the Poles, obtayning also in that
Treatie his Father the. Chancellour his Ubertie and returne
out of Poland, who since is consecrated Patriarke of
Russia.
His Embassadour to the Emperour came to Lintz in
December 16 13. and thence was conveighed by the
Emperours Officers to the Court, where hee had solenmc
audience, where after rich presents of Furres and his
Letters, he delivered his speech, that Michael Phedorowich
was now by unanimous consent advanced to the Russian
Empire, and willing to entertayne and continue the ancient
contederacie betwixt both Empires : desiring the Imperiall
Majestie to dehort the Pole from his unjust attempts, to
deliver the Russe Captives, and not againe to infest the
recovered Musco, but to enter into peace, and abstayne
fi-om Christian bloudshed. Likewise to send an Embassa-
dour to his Court, &x:. This mediation Caesar promised,
and gave the Embassadour liberall entertainment, and
gentle dispatch.
Not long after in May 16 14. the Russian Embassadour
had audience with the States of the United Provinces at
254
Our Kings
mediatioH.
His Fathers
returne and
Patriarkship,
Janson.
OCCURRENTS IN RUSSIA a.d.
1616.
Ha^e ; and before that in England. I was present both
at his arrivall at Gravesend, and his honourable entertayn-
ment into London^ and saw him also presently after the
running at Tilt at White-hall, the foure and twentieth
of March, admitted to his Majesties presence, performing
that Russian Rite of bowing with his face downe to or
neere the ground, &c.
Anno 16 1 5. The Turkish Embassador treated with the
Caesarean Majestie about the mediation betwixt the Pole
and the Muscovite, who employed to that purpose
Erasmus Heidel and the Baron of Dohn. The Pole not-
withstanding sent an Army in his Sonnes challenge (who
was shortly to follow to Smolensko) into Muscovia;
Pontus Teilagard the Sweden Commander infesting also
the Russians at the same time. But the next yeere 161 6.
Sir John Merike Knight, a man of great experience in SirJ.Mmkes
those Northerne parts, was employed his Majesties mgiHaHon.
Embassadour to negotiate betwixt those two Great Princes, ^1^. ^«^
the Moscovite and the Sweden, the Articles of whose senfEmlma-
composition I obtayned by the mediation of Sir Thomas ^ in a
Smith (my ancient Benefactor in this kind) and have here troublesome
conununicated to thee, but in another Chapiter as being time, when he
now past our Tragicke Thunders : as also the following ^fj^jj^^^^
Russe-China Newes, that you may see not only the face /^ Mouo/br
of Russia washed ft'om her bloudy pollutions, but her the enemie, in
hands further then ever extended (fortunate in treaty of the fir$t times
Commerce) as far as China : likewise the Russe Patent ^f^^^^^^'^-
to the English. Sweet is the name of Peace, and the
thing it sdfe a Heaven upon Earth. Blessed are the
Peacemakers (His Majesties word else-where, here his
deed) for they shall be called (said the only begotten Son)
the Children of God ; even the God of peace will make
them his heires of Heaven, which (models of Deityj seeke
to establish the peace of God upon Earth. Ana let it
not seeme tedious here to present these His Majesties
Travels, amongst our other Travellers, but in a more
glorious manner (liker to God unmoveable which moveth
all things) who hath not only been our Sunne, and with
i6i6.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMBS
lightsome heate and influence filled our Brittiah Hernia
sphere, but hath dispersed his brifi;ht rayes of Light, and
warmoi with sweet quickning beames of heat, those
remoter frozen Climates of Sweden and Russia, (not to
mention, or but to mention the quarrels of Denmarke and
Sweden) and after their long frostie Night (such is the
nature, such was the state of those States) to reduce the
faire day-light of Peace, the warmth whereof hath thawed
the Icie hardned hearts of Enmity, and filled all things with
sweets, and cheere of a returning SpM*ing. Nulla salus
bello, pacem te poscimus omnes.
OhHvitm of
former
quarrels.
[ni.iv.79*.] Chap. X,
A briefe Copie of the points of the Contracts
betweene the Empcrours Majestic, and the
Kings Majestic of Sweden : at Stolboua the
seven and twentieth of February, 161 6.
Nprimis, and especially that all matters
be set aside, forgotten, pacified, and
renounced, which passed these former
yeeres since the conclusion of peace at
Taffina in the yeere 7003. betweene the
former great Lords, Emperours. and great
Dukes of all Russia, and afterwards our
great Lord, Emperour and great Duke Michaelo Phedoro-
wich of all Russia Sam. his Imperiall Majestie, and Empire
of Russia; and betweene their late high, mightie Lord
King Charles the Ninth of Sweden, the above named
Kings Majesties highly honored and beloved Father,
especially their high mighty Lord King GustavusAdolphus
o\ Sweden, his Kingly Majesty and the Crowne of
Sweden : As also both the Princes their Dominions, Lands,
Cities, and people, chance or hap of the Subjects, which
happened or was done by robbery, burning, killing, or
other enmities whatsoever might bee, or by whom it was
done, that all those griefes and troubles in all matters shall
256
Michaelo
PhiOiiorowich
Emperor of
Russia,
Gustavus
Adolphus
King of
Sweden,
RUSSIAN TREATY WITH SWEDEN aj>.
i6i6u
be set aside, and hereafter not be revenged or remembred
of neither party, for ever and by this present strong con-
clusion of peace betwixt our great Lord Emperour and
great Duke Michaelo Pheodorowich of all Russia, Sam.
and betwixt their great mightie Lord, King Gustavus
Adolphus of Sweden, &c. and of other Dominions, Lands,
Castles, aswell those of old, as those which by this con-
elusion of peace are given and yeelded up, and betwixt all
the Subjects and people to bee renewed, established, con-
firmed and held unremoveable in the manner of a peace
for ever and ever ; and sure friendship perpetually : Also
that the Emperours Majesty, and the Kings Majesty shall
desire one anothers best in all matters, and neyther seeke a
better friend, but to deale faithfully and truly in all matters
reciprocally.
2. Item, is given unto our great Lord Emperour and
great Duke Michaelo Pheodorowich of all Russia, Sam.
his heires, successors and hereafter comming great Lords,
Emperors, and great Dukes of all Russia, and the Empire
thereof, by their great Lord King Gustavus Adolphus of
S¥F©den ; for himselfe, his successors, and hereafter being
Kings of Sweden, and for the whole Crowne of Sweden,
doth deliver and cleere by the power of this conclusion of
peace, these Castles of the Empire in Russia with the
Townee and Suburbs which were taken in these yeeres,
namely, great Novogrod, Stararousse, Porcove, Lodiga, Great Novo-
Odo, with their Territories, Somerskey, Volost, with the gro^t ^c.
Villages belonging to the Emperors Houshold, to Metro- returned to the
TOlie, Monasteries, Gentlemens Lands, Inheritances, '"'^'
Farmes, with all their profits and revenues according
to former Borders and Limits, except those Castles which
the Emperours Majestie doth yeeld by power of this Con-
tract of peace, as hereafter more certainly shall be exprest.
3. Item, The Kings Majestie of Sweden doth give unto
the Emperours Majestie, with the aforesaid Castles and ^^^.
Townes, all nwnner of Church ornaments which are in the fg^toredxoith
Church of Sophia, The Sapience of God, and within all their goodsy
Churches afid Monasteries in Novogrod, and in other lie.
nv as7 r
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1616.
Castles and Townes which the Kings Majesty hath given
to the Emperours Majesty without carrying any thing
away. Also the Kings Majesty doth give the Metropolite
and all the Spiritualtie, with all their goods, as also all
manner of Russe people what calling soever they be, which
are in those Townes, Castles, and Territories, dwelling
now or planting themselves there with their Wives,
Children, and all their goods whatsoever any hath. As
also the Kings Majesty shall give all manner of Writings
and Bookes, which are in those Castles and Townes to be
found in Roserades judgement houses, or elsewhere with
all Russe Ordnance, Munition, and Provisions there
belonging, and the Bells in those aforesaid Castles and
Townes, in such manner as they were the twentieth of
November last past, according to agreement made with
the Kings most excellent Nlajesty of Great Britaines
SirJ.Merike Ambassadour Sir John Merick, except those Bells which
Ambassador. ^^^ ^to^\t of Novogrod themselves did sell after that
agreement, for the payment of Souldiers, and were carried
away from Novogrod, but those Bells which the Kings
servants and people did take perforce without buying, shdl
be in right manner sought out and brought backe againe
to Novogrod and restored there. Also which Bells the
Kings Majesties people bought at Novogrod, it shall bee
free for the Novogrod men to redeeme them backe againe
at the same price they sold them for, and the Kings people
hereafter shall not buy any more Bells of the people of
Novogrod by no meanes whatsoever.
4. Item, the Kings Majesties people of Sweden, at
their departure out of the Emperours Majesties Castles
and Towns aforesaid, namely, great Novogrod, Stararouse,
Porcove, Lodiga, Somersko, Volosco, &c. shall use no
Liberie of violence to the Emperors Majesties people by burning,
perstms. robbing, or killing, neyther carry any Russe people with
them to the Kings Majesties side, neither men, nor women,
nor children, nor any of their goods : and if any goods
remayne of the Swethish people, at their going out of the
aforesaid Towne, which at that time they cannot take all
RUSSIAN TREATY WITH SWEDEN a.d.
1616.
with them, such goods shall be kept in safetie by those
with whom they are left, till such time as every one of
them shall come thither for his owne goods, or send some
bodie for them, and these people shall have free libertie to
goe without all molestation or let, to come for their goods,
and to returne againe at their owne convenient time.
5. Item, the Kings Majesties Governours and Officers [III. iv. 793.]
shall deliver unto the Emperours Majesties Voyavodes
and Commanders the above named Townes and Castles,
to say great Novogrod, Stararouse, Porcove, with their
Territories, and Somerskey, Volost in presence of the great
Gentlemen, the which the above said great Ambassadour
Sir John Merike Knight, ficc. or the said Kings Majesties
Gentfcmen, the which the above said great Ambassadour
shall send to that end clensing and giving over the said
Castles and Townes, two weekes after this contract is con- Ttm of
firmed betweene us both, great Commissionors by deftverie.
Writings, Hand, Seale, and Kissing of the Crosse of our
side, and on their part, by oath upon the holy Evangelists.
6. And after that the Castle of Lodiga and Territories,
shall bee delivered to the Emperours Majesties Messengers
by the Kings Majesties Governour, three weekes after the
confirmation of this contract, in presence of the abovesaid
great Lords, James King, &c. his Gentlemen, which to
that purpose the great Ambassadour shall send, then the
said Castle and Province to be redeemed and given up,
with all the Russe Ordinance, people thereto belonging,
none to be carried away, nor no violence to bee offered
them by robbing, or otherwise spoyling of them ; nor no
Russe Ordnance to bee carried away. But the Castle of
Odow, and Province, and people is to remayne on the Odototo
Kings Majesty Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, for a time, remajm
till this contract of peace be confirmed by both the ^^*^^^-
Potentates, by their Writings, by the Emperours Majesty
with the Seale of the Empire, and by the Kings Majesties
hand and Seale of the Kingdome of Sweden, as also by
the Emperours Majesties kissing of the' Crosse, and the
Kings Majesties Oath upon the holy Evangelists con-
^59
A^ PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6i6,
firmed, and the borders divided and measured out justly.
And the Ambassadour which both the Princes shall send
to that effect having beene with both the Princes shall
returne againe to the borders, having well concluded the
busines, as then two weeks after that time the Emperors
Majesties Voyavodes and Commanders, which his Majestic
shall send for the receiving of the said Castle and Province
of Odow from Vlasquo shall receive the said from the
Kings Majesties Governours, with all the Russe people
and Ordnance with all their goods, and what they have,
and as long as the Castle of Odow is on the Kings
Majesties side, all the people of Odow and the Province
thereof shall give unto the Kings Majesty their former
Corne, and doe service as before for the mayntayning of
those Souldiers that remayne there, the Kings Majesties
people in the meane time shall do to those people of
Odow no violence nor robbery, neyther carry any Russe
people, or Ordnance from thence, nor cause any to be con-
veighttl away.
CharksPhirtp 7. Item, the Kings Majestie G. A. &c. best beloved
Prince of brother Prince Charles Phillip, Prince hereditarie of S. 8cc.
^^^ "^^ ^ shall hereafter lay no claime or challenge to these Castles,
^ ^ ' and Townes, namely great Novogrod, Porcove, Stararouse,
Somerskey, Volost, Odow, Ladogo, and all their confines,
borders and Provinces; nor come upon them with no
manner of Warre, to seeke to attaine them : nor remember
any more that oath which formerly the people of those
places made to the Prince C. Ph. Also the Kings Majestie
GA. shall promise not to give any aide of men or money
to his abovesaid Brother C.rh. against the aforesaid Castles
and Townes in no wise.
8. And against or in liew of the above said our great
Lord Emperor, and great D.M.F. of all Russia, Sam. &c,
for himselfe, his successours, and hereafter being great
Zar or Czar^ Lords, Zares, and great Dukes of all Russia, &c. and for
mltD^^ the whole Empire of all Russia, Sec. especially, for the
^ ' dominion of Novogrod the great, hath given and yeelded
\mto their high mi^ty Lord King G.A, of S. &c. from the
969
RUSSIAN TREATY WITH SWEDEN a.d.
161&
dominion of Novogrod, from himselfe and the whole Places yeeUed
Empire of Russia, especially in respect of love and friend- h^^
ship, these Castles, Forts, and Land, following, which here- fj^s^l^^
tofore did adjoyne to the Dominions of Novogrod, as
namely Evanogrod, Yam, Coporea, Orieseke, with all unto
them adjoyning, Townes, Lands, and Provinces, with all
Townes, and villages in the Countrey to them belonging,
and due unto them, according to their former, just, and
auncient borders, with the people that dwell, and plant
themselves there, with all other profits, revenewes; and
paiments, with the shoares of Rivers, with Lakes, nothing
exempted, the Emperours Majestie hath yeelded, and
given to their Kings Majestie, G.A. of Sweden &c. as
proper and owne to him and his Majesties successours, and
hereafter being Kings of Sweden, and to the Crowne of
Sweden for an everlasting propertie for them to hold, with-
out cavillation or any contradiction, by the Emperours
Majestie, or his Majesties Successours, or hereafter being
Emperours, and great Dukes of all Russia, as also by the
whole Empire of Russia, and from the Dominion of
Novogrod, for everlasting times, in all points, as former
great Lords, and great Dukes of all Russia, held and kept
the same ; namely the late, of blessed memory, great Lord
Emperour, and great Duke Evan Vasiliwich, of all Russia,
Sam. and the great Lord Emperour, and great Duke,
Pheodor Evanowich of all Russia, Sam. and the spiritualty,
as Menkes, and all others in those Castles and Townes, as
well Gentlemen, as other inhabitants of the said places,
two weekes after the conclusion of this contract, when it
shall be revealed unto them, they shall have free libertie,
all such as desire to goe to the Emperours Majesties side,
with their wives, children, families, all goods and chattels,
which way soever they will into the Emperours Majesties
Lands and Townes. And that all Russe people, m the
said Castles, Forts, and Townes, might know the same : it
is here agreed and concluded, that as soone as the con-
clusion of this peace shall be effected and confirmed
betwixt us both, the great Potentates great Commissioners
361
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1616.
shall send their Posts and Messengers into all the afore-
named Townes and Castles, which they in presence of the
Lord King James his great Ambassadoxirs, Messengers,
shall openfy reveale and proclaime, that all spiritualty, with
their goods, Coiirtiers, Gentlemen, Burgesses, and Townes-
[III. iv. 794.] men, which are desirous to goe from thence within two
weeks after to the Emperors Majesties side, they shall
have libertie to go from thence with their wives, children,
families, all their goods, and chatties, and none of them
to leave any thing behinde them against their wil, neither
to be staied nor violated by the lungs Majesties people ;
but moreover, to have convoys and prestaves, to bring
them without all feare or wrong to the Emperours
Majesties next borders, in such manner that they be
neither robbed nor killed, but especially and certainely, it
is concluded and agreed on betweene us both sides great
Commissioners, that all Russe Countrie Priests, and
Husbandmen in the said Townes and Countries which are
given and yeelded by the Emperours Majestie, shall by
no manner of meanes be inticed or carried from thence, but
shall remaine there with their wives, children, and femilie,
under the Sweths Crowne, as also all Courtiers, Gentle-
men, and Burgesses, which doe not remove from thence,
in the foresaid two weekes.
9. As also from the Emperours Majestie, great Lord
and great Duke M. F. of all Russia, Sam. &c. the Kings
Momy to be Majestie, &c. shall have 20000. rubbles, in ready go^
^ventotki current unchangeable Silver deynings, and those monies
Sweden. immediately as soone as this contract of peace shall be
concluded and confirmed betweene us, shall be given to
the Kings Majestie of Sweden great Commissioners by the
great Embassadour of the Kings most excellent Majestie
of great Brittaine his great Ambassadour Sir John Mer-
ricke. Knight.
Ordnance and lo. And as for the Russe Ordnance in these Castles
MunitioHio which shall be given to our Lord Emperour, and great
Duke, &c. from the Kings Majestie GA. &c. which
Ordnance shall remaine there, shall be given to his
263
rematne.
RUSSIAN TREATY WITH SWEDEN aj>.
1616.
Majesties Officers, and what munition of Artillerie, as
provision for Warres, and Bels, and other matters, which
their Kings Majestie hath taken in the Land of Russia out
of those Castles, before the contract which the Kings
Majesties great Commissioners, and the great Lord King
James &c. great Ambassadour Sir John Merricke, Knight,
did erect, as the twentieth of November, such Ordnance
and provisions shall remaine to the Kings Majesties use,
and Crowne of Sweden, without all contradiction or
cavilation.
11. And because the late great Lord Emperour, and
great Duke VasiUy Evanowich of all Russia, Sam. did give
and confirme by writings, unto their high, mighty, late
Lord, King Quurles the ninth of S. &cc. and to the Crowne
of Sweden the Castle Corela, and the Province thereof,
for that faithfull and good willing aide which was done
unto him, against the Polish people : in like manner doth
confirme, and establish the same by this contract of our ThecwtractoJ
great Lord Emperour, and great Duke M.F. &c. the same ^- ^- A
yeelding and donation of the great Lord Zare, and /^'tv^
great Duke Vasily Evanowich, &c., for himselfe, his torusycon-
successours, and hereafter being Emperours, and great firmed to
Dukes of all Russia, and for the whole Empire of all ^w^^^-
Russia, that the said Castle of Coreila, with all profits,
revenewes, and rents, by Land and by Water, according
to their former auncient, and now being borderers, nothing
exempted in all, accordingly as it was by former
Emperours, and great Dukes of all Russia, as they possest
and held it, so hereafter it shall remaine to their Kings
Majestie, G.A, of S. ficc. and to his Majesties Successours,
and hereafter following Kings of Sweden, and the Crown
of Sweden, without all cavillation or contradiction for
everlasting times.
12. And that hereafter there be no more difficiJty or
variance concerning the borderers of the Land, it is con-
cluded and agreed upon, that in this yeare 7125. upon
the first of ^ne, our great Lord Emperour, and great
Duke M-F. &c. and their high, mighty King G.A, &c.
263
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1616.
shall send on both sides, speciall good Courtiers^ and
Commissioners Notaries, to meete between Lodiga and Oreseke, at the
of both Sides to mouth of the River Lava, whence it doth fall into the
^^^' Lake of Lodiga, so that they shall meete upon the said
River, on the midst of the Bridge, which of both sides
their people shall make upon that River, and when there
the one shall have shewed the other their ample Commis-
sions, and shall appeare that they are worthy to measure
out the borders thereby, betweene the Emperours
Majestie, and the Kings Majesties Lands: so that from
the borders of Novogrod, Lodiga, and Odow, with their
Provinces, and also from Somerskey, Volost, be devided
from the auncient and former precincts, and borders of
Oreseeke, Copora, Yam and Evanogorod, in just manner
as it ought to be, at the same time next ensuing the first
day of June, then the said Courtiers and Notaries, three
in presence in the said manner on both sides, shall meete
together upon the borders of Novogrod, betweene the
Province of Olimets and Corela at Salomensky Towne, by
the Lake of Lodiga ; which Courtiers also shall view the
same Provinces according to the former borders, and as the
former are exprest, how they have bin, and confirme the
same, and if they so chance, that they cannot happen upon
the former auncient borders, then shall they, by just
inquisition, make new borders and Land-markes, in such
manner, that hereafter there be no further controversie
concerning those borders, and those Courtiers or Gentle^
men shall not part asunder of neither side, till they have
sufficiently and friendly ended that businesse in all manner,
and what those Courtiers shall finish and efiFect in this
manner, the same according as befitteth there shall expresse
by writing upon parchment on both sides, and confirme
the same by their subscription, Seales, kissing of the
Crosse, and oath interchangeable : and as concerning the
deviding of borders, and me Gentlemen shall doe it, as
namely of Novogrod, Lodiga, Odo, Somerskey, Volost, of
one part, and also betweene Oreseke, Copora, Yam, and
Evanogorod, on the other side, and also betweene the
264
RUSSIAN TREATY WITH SWEDEN a.d.
1616.
borders of Novogrod and Corela, shall be set downe and
written, the same shall be inremoveable and fast for ever-
lasting times, by our great Lord Emperour, and great
Duke Michall Fedorowich of all Russia, &cc. and the Kings
Majestie Gustavus Adolphus, ficc. and their successours,
and hereafter being on both sides, for everlasting times,
according to this contract of an everlasting peace : and for [III. iv. 795.]
more firme confirmation of the same, that it shall be held
and kept; it shall be declared further in the Letters of
contract, which shall be hereafter given betweene both
Princes, from the Emperours Majestie, by kissing the
Crosse, and confirmation of his said Letters by his great
Seale, and by the Kings Majesties oath upon the holy
Evangelists.
13. As also the former, of blessed and most £unous
memory, great Lord Emperoxir, and great Duke Fedor
Evanowich of all Russia, Sam. our great Lord Emperour,
and great Duke Michall Fedorowioh, of all Russia, Sam.
&c. Unckle in conclusion of peace made at Tavsin, in
the yeare 7103. did yeelde and give over all his pretention
and claime to the Countrey of Leifland, as also the great
Lord Emperour, and great Duke Vasily Evanowich, of all
Russia, Sam. in a conclusion of peace made at Wyburgh,
in the yeare 71 17, did renounce the same; so it is now
here concluded and agreed, that our great Lord Emperour,
and great Duke M.F. &c. and his successours, and here-
after being Emperours and great Dukes, shall at no time
for ever cmllenge unto themselves any right, or pretence
to the Countrey of Leifland ; neither shall our great Lord T^ title of
Emperour and great Duke M.F. of all Russia, Sam. nor Leifland
his successours, great Lords, Emperours, and great Dukes ^y*^ p
of all Russia, hereafter write unto their great Lord, King wn^gk^
Gustavus Adolphus, nor his successours hereafter, being Anno j 117.
Kings of Sweden, nor to the Crowne of Sweden, with the now confirmed.
title of Leifland, or those Casdes which the Emperours
Majestie hath now renounced to the Kings Majestie for
ever, neither by Letters of confirmation to write them-
selves, or name themselves in them, nor suffer his
^65
A.D.
i6i6.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
For brevitic, I have omitted the following Articles to
the 29. the substance whereof is as foUoweth. The 16.
determineth what debts shall be recoverable. The 17.
Free passage of Subjects thorow each others Territories.
18. Freedome of Prisoners, on both sides. 19. Liberty of
Inhabitants to stay in the places surrendred. 20. Fugi-
[III. iv. 796.] tives to be redelivered. 21. Borderers to be restrained
from robberies. 22. For ending of quarrels, if any
happen. 23. 24. Confirmation of former contracts, of
Tawsina and Wiburge. 25. No private orpublike practise
to be made against each other. 26. Shewing of Letters
of confirmation at the meeting of Ambassadours of both
sides. 27. Honorable convoy for Ambassadours on either
part. 28. And also for Interpreters free passage.
29. Item, It is agreed and concluded, that if by the
permission and pleasxire of God, there happen an alteration
of government in Sweden or Russia, then that Prince
which shall newly come to his government first, shall
reveale by his Ambassador to the other Prince from him-
selfe, and after that the other shall visit him by his
Ambassadour.
30. Item, If it so fall out at any time, that of both sides
the Princes, as our great Lord, ficc. & their great Lord
King Gustavus Adolphus shall send one to the other their
great Ambassadours, to confer of good matters, then those
said great Ambassadours upon the borders shall meet with-
out aJl controversie or strife, either betweene Odow and
Evangorod ; or betweene Lodiga and Oreseke, where they
shall thinke most fitting for them on both sides, in the
midst of the division ot the borders, and there to conferre
of these good matters in friendly and loving sort, eyther
by the Princes Commission or other commandement, as
they shall have.
31. Item, If it happen that the Emperours Majesties
Subjects and Merchants, their Boates, Lodies, and Mer-
chants Vessels shall go to Revell, Wybourgh, or other
Townes and Castles of Swethen, Fynland or Liefland, or
ships and other Vessels, whereupon the Emperours
268
New J mhos-
sadors in case
of new
snccessors.
Place of
Ambassadors
meeting.
RUSSIAN TREATY WITH SWEDEN a.d.
1616.
Majesties Ambassadours and Messengers shall be going
to the Emperors Majestie, to the Pope, into England, or
any other Kingdome, by the Kingdome of Swethen, or
comming backe againe bee cast away and brought to the
Swethish shoare, eyther upon the Salt Sea or the Lake of Case of
Lodiga, by tempests or other meanes, such people shall ^^f^racke.
have free libertie without hinderance to goe from thence
with all the goods they can save or shall get saved, and
the Kings Majesties people shall helpe them to save their
eoods. In like manner if it happen with the Kings
Majestie Gustavus Adolphus of Swethen, &c. Subjects,
and Merchants Boats, and Merchants Vessels with Com-
modities, or otherwise be cast away and brought to the
Emperors Majesties shoare upon the Ladigo or Plesco
Lake, then these people shall have free liberty to goe away .
with all their goods which they can save or get to be saved
without let or hinderance, and the Emperors Majesties
people shall helpe them to save their goods.
32. Item, It is concluded and agreed on, that our great
Lord, &c. shall not ayde or assist against the Kings Majesty Neither party
of Sweden Gustavus Adolphus, and the Crowne of Sweth- * ^'^ *^
land, the Kingdome of Poland and Lettow, nor his Sonne * ^^'
Ladislaus and the Crowne of Poland, and the Dukedome
of Lettow, nor all the Dominions of Poland and Lettow,
nor shall helpe him with men or treasure, nor stand for
him as one himselfe, nor any other Prince for him shall not
(practise or seeke any thing against the King of Sweden.
Those Lands and Castles which belongeth to the King-
dome of Sweden of old, or those which now the Emperours
Majesty hath yeelded to the Kings Majesty by this con-
clusion of peace, he shall not seeke to get them imder
him, or have possession of them. In like manner the
Kings Majesty of Sweden shall not stand against the
Emperours Majesty ficc. to assist the King of Poland and
Lettow, and all the Dominions of Poland and Lettow,
neyther with men nor treasure, and not to be with him
as one. Neyther shall the Kings Majesty by himselfe or
other Princes and Governours seeke any practise against
469
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMBS
1613.
5. That the King of Denmarke shall have Grone-land
free, without paying of any contribution unto the King of
Sweden.
6. That the King of Denmarke shall beare the three
Crownes without any gaine-saying or contradiction of the
King of Sweden (which was the first and principall cause of
these aforesaid bloudy and unneighboxirly warres, and con-
tinuall irruptions.) Both Kings subscribing hereto.
Chap. XL
A relation of two Russe Cossacks travailes, out of
Siberia to Catay, and other Countries adjoyning
thereunto. Also a Copie of the last Patent
from the Muscovite. A Copie of a Letter
written to the Emperour from his Governours
out of Siberia.
O our Lord Emperour and great Duke
Michailo Fedrowich of all Russia, yoiu*
Majesties Vassals, Evan Koorakin, and
Evan Koboolitin, doe knocke their heads,
&c. Lord this present 7127. yeere (or
1619) we writ unto your Majestie by a
Cozack of Tobolsko, Clement Oboshkin,
Ambasiodour that there were come to Tobolsko Ambassadours out of
^^mthe ^^^ Dominions of Catay, and from the King of Altine,
^ingof ^^^^ ^^ people of Tobolsko. Evashko Petlin, and
AlHne. See Andrashko Madiegene : And with them together doe go
sup. fag. 527. to you great Lord Ambassadours, out of the Dominions
^ S5«- of Labin, and the Altine Char, from Skiugia with presents,
the which we dispatcht to your Majestie, with Burnash
Nikonove, the sixt of JiJy, and before them wee dispatcht
to your Majestie Evashko Pettlin and Patoy Kizall, by
whom we sent unto your Majestie a Letter from Tambxu*,
King of Cathay, and a Copie of the King Altines Letter
translated, with a Card and description of the places, which
way Evashko Petlin, & Andrushko Madig^ae, passed
972
COSSACK TRAVELS ad.
1619.
from the Casftle cf Tomao, into the Dominions of Catay,
08 also in what other Dominions they were. The Letter
it eeife which came from Altine Char, Labatharshan doth ^^^^^
came to your Majestie: but as for the Letter out of cAina
Catay, there is none in Tobolsko to trandate it. Characters,
The Copie of the Altine Chars, or golden Kings
Letter to the Emperour of Russia.
TO the Lord Emperour and great Duke : The golden
King received your Letter. In former times (Lord)
it came to my hearing, that your Princely good Ambassa-
dours, did seeke a way or passage to come to me, since
which time it is now thirteene yeeres, but then the people [III. iv. 798.]
of Iskirgi, Tubents, Mattara, & black Kolmaks did not EastemeTar-
suffer your Princely good Ambassadors to come to me, *^''^^'^'-
but did rob and spofle them. Now since ten of your
Majesties people are come to me, and I have sent to you
Ichicmen Kichenga, to do obeysance unto your Majesty,
and see your Princely eyes, whom your Majestie vouch-
safed to doe their obeysance and see your Princely eyes.
And to me you sent of your Grace three Cups of Silver, Russian
a Bow, a Sword, two Gunnes, and two Garment Clothes, ^^^^^^'
all which vour Princely favours I have received, and what
shall bee oehoveftiU for your Majesty from hence, I will
furnish you withall : As also I am to request your Majestie
in respect the Ambassadours doe passe betweene us very
miserably, and poore, by reason there are now some small
warres betwixt us and the blacke Kolmacks, and there are
but small forces in Tobolsko Castle, and in the Castles of
Tomuo, Tarko, and from the Barban people. Now if so
be your Majestie will favour me, and defend me with
these people from Karakula ; and will bee pleased to pro-
ceed on warre on yo\ir owne side, and I on mine, that
matter will bee done betweene us ; and all good matters
continue betwixt us. And so by your Princely favour,
Ambassadors may continually passe betweene us. Ivan
Tarchan Varchies and Anorei Tarchan Varchies, did
3UY 273 s
AJ>.
1619.
TarchoH 0/
Labma.
Sirgos.
Three
Leopards^ \3c,
for a Present.
His requests.
RekAonof
two Rttsse
travellers of
their Voyage
to Catay.
Tomo a new
Castle beyond
Ob. See sup.
Kirgis.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
conduct two of your Majesties Messengers into the
Dominions of Catay, according to your Majesties com-
mandement, and they are returned to me againe out of
Catay. Also (Lord) there is come unto me the Tarchan
of Labaia, and I have sent imto you with my Presents the
said Tarchan Labar and Kitibacshii Anchaii, and with them
ten men, and two men of Sirgos ; in their Letter is written
that there is sent unto your Majestie three Leopards with
their clawes, an Irbish with his dawes, three Lizernes with
their clawes, a red and a yellow Damaske upon a gold
found, a piece of Velvet, and an ambling Horse. And
am humbly to request your Majestie, if it bee your
Majesties favour to grace mee for your owne honour with
a garment of cloth of Gold, and of divers colours, five
Garments of fine Cloth, a Head-piece, a shirt of Male,
a Sword, a Bow, twentie Gunnes, a Flaggon of Gold, a
Kettle of Silver, and five sorts of Precious Stones, of each
one, a Jennet, a Dwarfe, and Workmen to make Guns and
Powder, and two thousand pence. Your Majesties name
is growne renowmed and famous every where, therefore
I doe reverence unto your Majestie, because many Kings
of many Countreyes have spread abroad the none of
your Majesties name every-where. And I request that
Ambassadours may speedily passe betwixt us, and now
if it be your Majesties favour, I desire you to dispatch
these my Ambassadours with speed to me backe againe.
Anno 7128. the three and twentieth of September in
the Emperours Dominions at Soldota, a Cazacke of
Siberia, called Evashko Pettlin, did report, beeing
examined of his Travels. The last yeere past 7127. hee
said that the Boiaren and Voyavod Knez Evan Simonowich
Koorockin, sent him from the Castle of Tomo, and his
fellow Andrashko, to conduct the Kings Altines Ambassa-
dours, as also to inquire or search the Kingdomes of Catay.
They went from the Castle of Tomo, about the ninth of
May, and travelled from Tomo to Kirgis, with much
expedition tenne dayes, and in Kirgis is a Duke subject
to the Emperours Majestie, his name is Nemi, who ^ve
?74
COSSACK TRAVELS ai).
1619.
them victuals and post. Through this Land of Kirgis
they went halfe a day, and came to the Dominion of
Mutalla, to the Altine King, who gave them provisions Mutalia,
and post, and dispatched mem thence: so they passed
through his Land five weekes to the Coimtry of Shere- Shenmu^la,
mugafy ; where raigneth a Queene called Manchika, who Q. Manchika.
caused to have provision and post given them. In this
Coimtrey of Sheromogula they travelled foure dayes, and
came into the Dominions of Catay; called Grim, where
is a wall made of stone fifteene fathomes high, alongst the ff^all of
side of which wall they went ten dayes, where they saw C^^-
pettie Townes and Villages belonging to the (^eene
Manchika; but in those ten dayes they saw no people
upon the wall at all. At the end of these ten dayes, they
came to the gate, wherein lye very great Peeces of Thegauand
Ordnance, shooting shot as bigge as a mans head, and ^^^^
in the said gate standeth in watch three thousand men,
and they come with their Merchandizes to traflSque at the
gate. The Altine men also come to the gate, with their
Horses to sell to the Catay men ; but are not permitted
to come within the walls, except very few at once. Thus
their whole travell from Tomo Castle to this gate, was ^e fir better
twelve weekes, besides some dayes that they stood still, understanding
and from the gate to the great Empire of Catay tenne ^^ ^^'
dayes, and came to the Citie or Castle of Catay about the jj^if^^^
beginning of September, and were lodged in the great Relations in
Embassadors house: and having beene there in Catay the second
foure dayes, there used to come unto them a Secretary ^^^^^^
with two hundred men upon Asses very well apparelled,
and did entertayne and feast them with Sacke and other
Drinkes made of Grapes, and told them that the
Emperour, or King Tambur had sent him to aske them
wherefore they were come into the Dominions of Catay.
Whereupon they answered that our great Lord and
Emperour had sent them to discover the Dominions of *
Catay, and see the King thereof ; but hee answered them
againe, that without presents they could not see the King,
and withall gave them a Letter, which Letter they broxight
«75
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1619.
with them to Tolbosko, and from thence is sent to the
Emperoxirs Majestie by them. Out of Catay they went
about the twelfth of October, and came to the Castle of
Tobolsko about Whitsontyde the same jeert 161 9.
[III. iv. 799.] A Description of the Empires of Catay and Labin,
and other Dominions aswell inhabited, as
♦5«fi are the placcs of Pasturc * called Ulusses and Hords,
Joelftngs or ^^^ ^^ ^^^ g^^^^ River Ob, And other Rivers
fieeAngs, and Land passages.
rather with
thnr beasts. T7Rom Kirgis to the River Bakanna is sixe dayes traveU,
Their X} and from Bakanna to Kinchike, is nine dayes travell,
Jcuma/, or fj^^^ Kinchike to the great Lake, (in which Lake Rubies
journeyesfrom ^^ Saphires grow) is tlu'ee dayes travell, and the compasse
flace to place, of that Lake is twelve dayes travell on horsebacke. There
Hug^ Lake, felleth also into the said Lake foure Rivers, to wit fix)m
the East, South, West and North, yet the water doth not
increase in the Lake, nor decrease. There falleth yet
another River into the said Lake, which commeth from
betweene the East and the North, and is called Kitta, upon
which we went fifteen dayes to the head of it, where we
found the King Altine in progresse ; the way is very stonv.
lOmg Altine. ^^j fj.Qjrj^ ^^^ King Altine to an Ulusses five dayes travell ;
Tatiariott ^^'^ Uhisses is called Algunat, and the Duke in it is called
Hords. Tormoshine ; from him to another Ulusses five dayes, the
Ulusses is called Chikursha, and the Duke in it is called
Carakula; from thence to an Ulusses five dayes called
Siddussa, wherein is a King called Chaksata, from him to
an Ulusses called Bisut, five dayes, the Dukes name is
Chichim; from him to an Ulusses called Iglethin, five
daves, the Duke is Taschils Cherekta, from him to an
Ulusses called Beskutae, five dayes, the Duke is called
* Cherkar, from him to an Ulusses called Girut, fbure daies
without water, the Duke is called Chichevoas. From him
to an Ulusses called Isut five dayes, the Duke of it is
called Chechen. From him to an Ulusses called Tulent
176
COSSACK TRAVELS a.d.
1619.
Unient foure dajres, the Duke is called Tayku, Katin.
From him to the Uliisses Yogorsin three dayes, there is a
King called Bakshuta. From thence to an Ulusses of
the yellow Mugalls called Mugolchin, wherein is a Telioto
Dutchesse called Manchika, with her Sonne Ouchai Mugals.or
Taichie, it is within two dayes journey of the Land of ^^''^^rtan.
M\igalla, a very dangerous passage throiigh the cliffes of
the Kockesy which being past they came into the Land of
Mugalla, wherein are two Castles or Cities built of stone, Mugallay or
they are called with them Bashum, in one of them is a Tartaria
Duke called Talaii Taishen ; and in the other the Duke 9^^^^^
is called Egidon Taishen ; there is also a third Citie in i^'sac^a to
it called Lobin, wherein doth governe a woman called a^Sea.
Dutchesse Manchika with her Sonne, the said Dutchesse
doth command all the Cities of Mugalla, and her command
extendeth into Catay. If any man be to travell over the
borders^ and into Catay, he must have a Passe under her
Seale ; which if they have not, they may not passe through
Catay. The Land of Mugalla is great and large from
Bughar to the Sea; all the Castles are built with stone TMr
foure square: at the corners. Towers, the ground or building.
foundation is layd of rough, grey stone, and are covered
with Tiles, the gates with counterwards as our Russe
gates are, and upon the gates alarum Bels or Watch-bels
of twentie poode weight of metall, the Towers are covered
with glazed Tiles; me houses are built with stone foure
cornerd high, within their Courts they have low Vaults,
also of stone, the seelings whereof, and of their houses are
cunningly painted with aU sorts of colours, and very well
set forth with flowres for shew. In the said Countrey
of Miigalla are two Churches of Friers, or Lobaes, built FrUrs.
of square stone, and stand betweene the East and the
South ; upon the tops of them are made beasts of stone,
and within the Church just ^minsX. the doore are set three
great Idols or Images, in the forme of women of two Itiols.
and an halfe fathome long, gilt all over from the heads
to the feet, and sit a fathome high from the ground upon
beasts made of stone, which b^ts are painted with all
277
A.D.
i6i9*
Candles.
Candles burn-
ing without
flame.
Rites of
ReR^on.
Come,
Fruits.
People and
attyre.
Distilled
wine,
[III. iv. 800.]
Cutufls, or
Patriarkes.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
manner of brave colours. Those Idols have each in their
hand a Vessell, and there bume before them three tallow
Candles ; on the right side of them are erected eight Idols
more in the forme of men, and on the left side eight Idols
more in the forme of Maydens, gilt all over from the
head to the foote, their armes stretched out after the
manner as the Mugall people, or Religious men use to
pray. And a little way from these Idols stand two Idols
more made naked as a man is in all parts, not to be
discerned, even as though he were alive, having before
them Candles burning, as small as a straw, and bume
without a flame only in an Ember or Corall.
Their service or singing in these Churches is thus.
They have two Trumpets of a great length, about two
fathomes and an halfe long, and when they sound on these
Trumpets, and beate upon Drummes, the people fall
downe upon their knees and clap their hands againe, cast-
ing their armes asunder, they fall to the groundand lye so
hsJfe an houre. Their Churches are covered with glazed
Titles. As for bread in the Land of Mugalla there groweth
all manner of Graine, as Prosso, or Russe Rice, Wheate,
Oates, Barley, and all sorts of other Graine in abundance,
and their Wheate bread is as white as Snow. As for
Fruit in Mugalla they have of all sorts, as Apples, Melons,
Arbuses, Pompeons, Cheries, Lemons, Cucumbers, Onions,
Garlicke. The men are not feire, but the women exceed-
ing faire, and weare for their Apparell, Velvets and
Damasks, the Capes of their Garments both of the men
and women hang downe to their shoiilders. They distill
Aquavitae out of all sorts of Graine, without Hops. As
for Precious Stones and Gold thev have none, but for
Silver they have great store out or Catay. Their Boots
they weare of their owne fiishion. They have no Horses,
only Mules & Asses in abundance ; they till and plough
their ground with great and small Ploughes, as we doe in
Siberia at Tobolsko. Their CuttufFs are in our Language
Patriarkes, and both in Mugalla and Catay are but two
Cuttuffs ; the one was about twentie, and the other thirtie
278
COSSACK TRAVELS a.d.
1619.
vecres of age. Within the Ch\irches are made for them
high places with seats whereupon they sit : the King doth
honour them with bowing downe before them. Their
Lobaes are in our Language Friers, which are shorne about Ubas^ or
twentie yeeres of age, and know no women from their ^^
Mothers wombe, thev eate flesh continually every day, ^^^^'
and shave both Beards and Mustachoes : their Garments '
are of Damaske of all sorts and colours, and their Hoods
yellow, they say that their Religion and ours are all one,
only the Russe Monkes are blacke, and theirs white.
Beyond the Land of Mugalla are three other Coimtreyes Three
or Dominions, stretching towards Bughar, the one called Kingdoms.
Ortus, the Kings name there is Evakan, the Citie is of Onus.
stone, and the langdome rich.
The other is called Dominions of Talguth, the Kings Talguth.
name is Savelanche, his Cities are also of stone, and his
Kingdome rich.
The third Countrey where the chiefe Citie is, is called
Shar, and the King thereof is called Zellezney, or Iron Shar.
King, his Kingdome is rich, and not hxxt from Bughar.
From this Iron King come Diamonds, and all these three
Kingdomes are imder the South, and on the other side of
the blacke Mugalls are the yellow Mugalls, stretching all Blacke
alongst the Sea, aswel Townes as waUcing people, with Mugoisyor
their Families and Herds. ^^^^ ^^^J'-
From the Coimtrey of Mugalla, where the Dutchesse
Manchika dweUeth, to the Citie of Shrokalga in Catay, Shrokalgain
is two dayes travell on horsebacke: and the bordering Catay.
or frontier wals stand under the South towards Bughar, Walls of
two moneths travell, all made of Bricke of fifteene fethome Catay.
high, whereupon they told about a hundred Towres in
sight, on both sides of them, but towards Bughar, and
towards the Sea, the Towres are not to bee numbred, and
every Towre standeth from another about a flight shot
distant. The said wall stretcheth downe towards the Sea
foure moneths travell. The people of Catay say, that this
wall stretcheth alongst from Bughar to the Sea, and the
Towres upon it stand very thicke ; it was made, as they
279
1 619.
Totoer-becons.
Cara Catay.
But five gates
in the wall.
S^rocalga,
Short
Ordnance,
Tara.
i?URCHAS HIS I^ILfiElMES
say, to be a border betweene Mugalla. and Catay* The
Towres upon it are to the end, that when any enemy
appeareth, to kindle fires upon them, to give tin people
warning to come to their places where they arc appoxnted
upon die wall. At the entrin^ without the wall dwell
the blacke Mugalls ; and within is the Coimtrcy and Cities
of Catay. In the wall to Catay are five gates, both low,
and straight or narrow, a man cannot ride into them
upright on horse-backe, and except these five gates there
is no more in all the wall; there all manner of people
passe into the Citie of Shrokalga.
Within the borders or wall is a Citie or Castle of Catay,
called Shirokalga, built of stone, the Govemour thereof
is called Duke Shubin, who is sent thither for a time firom
Tambur King of Catay, the Castk is very high walled
and artificially built ; the Towres are high after the manner
of Mosco Castle, in the Loope-holes or Windowes are
Ordnance planted, as also upon the Gates or Towres ; their
Ordnance is but short, they have also great store of smal
shot, and the Watchmen every-where upon the Gates,
Towres, and Wals, well appointed ; and assoone as they
perceive the Simne going downe, the Watch dischargeth
their Peeces of Ordnance thrice, as also at the brcake of
day in the morning, they shoot out of their Pieces thrice,
and doe not open the Casde Gates till the sixt hotire of
the day. Within the Castle are shops built of stone, and
painted cunningly with divers colours, wherein they have
all manner of Merchandizes, as Velvets, Darnaskes,
Dorogoes, TaflFataes, Cloth of Gold, and Tissue of divers
colours, sundry sorts of Sugars, Cloves, &c. in the Gover-
nours house is a strong Watch of Partisans and Halberds,
and their Drummes made like great Barrels. When the
Governour goeth abroad, they carry a Canopie over him,
and make way before him with Rods, as before our
Emperour in Mosco.
And from Shirokalga to the Citie Yara is three dayes
travell : this Citie is large, built of stone, and the circuit
of it is two dayes travell, with many Towres, and foure
380
COSSACK TRAVELS a^^
1619*
Gates to come in at, the Markets in the Citie are well
and richly accommodated, with Jewels, Merchandizes,
Grocerie, or Spices, the Citie weU inhabited having no
pkce void or waste in it. The houses and shops are
built with stone, with streets betweene ; the Governours
here are called Duke Bym and Duke Juchake, heere they
have Post Stages as wee, their Markets have a very
odoriferous smell with Spices.
And from this Citie, to a Citie called Tayth, is three Tayth.
dayes journey, it is built of stone, large, and high walled,
& is m compasse two dales travel about, at the first
comming to it are five gates barred and bolted with Iron,
very thicke and close, fastned with Nailes ; the houses and
shops, or Ware-houses are all built of stone, wherein are
all manner of Merchandizes, Spices, or Grocerie, and
predous things more abimdant then in the aforesaid Cities,
they have Tavemes or Drinking houses stored with all
manner of Drinkes, as Aquavitse, Meade, and Wines
from beyond Seas in abimdance, there they have also their
Watch, Ordnance, and Munition in great store; the
Governours of this place are one Duke Tuga, and the
other Duke Zumia, there wee saw Sinamon, Anniseeds,
Apples, Arbuzes, Melons, Cucumbers, Onions, Gar-
licke. Radish, Carrets, Parsenips, Turnops, Cabbage, [III. iv. 801.]
Limons, Poppiseeds, Nutmegs, Rice, Almonds, Pepper,
Rubarbe, & many other Fruits, which we know not, so
that they want nothing whatsoeva: groweth in the World ;
the shops are within the Citie, stored of all manner of
Commoditie as is said, as also victualling and drinking
Houses, stored with all manner of Drinkes, where they
have also Dicers and Whores, as with us. Their Prisons
in the Citie are of stone, for theft they hang the thecves,
and for Robberie or Murther they stake the Murtherers,
or else head them.
And fixjm Shirokalga to a Citie of Catay, called Shirooan Bkirooim.
IS a dayes journey : this Citie is built of stone high walled,
and large m compasse, it is a dayes travell, it hath twelve
Towres ; whereupon, as also on the Citie Gates is planted
281
A.D- PURCHAfi HIS PILGRIMES
i6i9»
but now hee only endeth his Letter to your Emperour.
The Citie of Catay, where the King dwelleth, is built upon
an even plaine ground, and is incompassed round about
with a River caUed You^, which ^eth into the bkcke
Sea, which is from the Citie Catay seven dayes travell,
so that there come no ships neerer the Citie Catay, then
seven dayes travell off, but all things are transported in
small Vessels and ship-boats. The Merchandizes the
King doth send into all parts of his Dominions of Catay,
and from thence are carried over the borders, into the
Land of Mugalla, to the King Altine, to the blacke
Kollmakes, to the Iron King, into Boghar and other
Dominions, their Patriarkes and Friers, travell with the
Commodities, as Velvets, Sattens, Damaskes^ Silver,
Leopard Skinnes, Turkesses, and blacke Zenders, for which
they buy Horses, and bring them into Catay, for in Catay
are but few horses, only Mules and Asses, and Cloth they
have none, their Horses and Silver goeth into strange
Countreyes, or as they say, Nemtsii, the Silver is made
in Brickes, which they call Ej-itsii, valued each Kritsii at
fiftie two Rubles, their Apparell they weare with long
broad hanging sleeves, like the Gentlewomens Summer-
coats or Lettniks in Russia, the people are very faire but
not warlike, timorous & most their endevoiir is in great
and rich traffick. They told us that not long before our
comming, the people of Mugalla had taken two Castles
[III. iv. 802.] from them by deceit, also they told us that their King
hath a stone which lighteth as the Sunne both day and
night, called in their Language Sarra, and in our Tongue
Jachant, or Ruble ; another stone they say hee hath, which
driveth away water from it, it is also called a Ruble.
Mmhants. There come to them Strangers, or Nemtsii every yeerc,
with all manner of Merchandizes, and barter for Deere
Skinnes, and Loshids, Sables, Bevers, Velvets, Taffataes,
and Zendews, or Calico ; these strangers, they say, come
K talla ^^ them out of the blacke Sea, from the East and the
River. South, also, they say, there is a River called Kartalla:
Ob. which falleth into the great River Ob; but they know
2«4
ENGLISH MERCHANTS' PRIVILEDGES a.d.
1621.
ncythcr the head, nor the fall of it, they imagine it
commeth out of the blacke Sea, and feileth into it againe,
upon this River dwell many people with wdking
rierds.
For a triple testimony of Sir John Mcrikes honourable
courtesie, I have added this succeeding Patent, which how-
soever in some things it concurre with the former of Boris
and Demetrius; Yet those being obscurely translated or
written, this may illustrate them; and it also presenteth
both larger Priviledges, the Patriarkes name joyned with
the Emperours, and the Golden Seale.
Wi the great Lord Emperour and great Duke
Michaell Pheodorowich of all Russia, sole Com-
mander of Volodemer, Mosco, and Novogrod, Emperour
of Cazan, Emperour of Astracan, Emperour of Siberia,
Lord of Plesco, and great Duke of Smolensky, Twensky,
Ugorsky, Psermesky, Vatsky, Bolgorsky, and others;
Lord and great Duke of Novogrod, in the lower
Countreyes, Cheringosky, Rahansky, Rostovskey, Yara-
slavdcy, Belozersky, Udorskey, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and
of all the Northerne parts Commander, and Lord over the
Country of Iversky, and Caberdynland, Cherkaskey, and
of the Dukedomes of Igorskey, and of many other King-
domes, Lord and Conquerour. Together with the great
Lord PhiUeret Neketicn, the holy Patriarkc and Head of
the Reverend Clergie of the Imperiall Citie of Mosco, and
of all Russia by the flesh our naturall Father, and by the
power of the Holy Ghost our Spirituall Pastor and Ghostly
Father.
Whereas there was sent unto us the great Lord
Emperour, and great Duke Michaell Pheodorowich of
all Russia, and to our Father, the great Lord, the holy
Patriarke of Mosco, and of all Russia, From our loving
Brother James, by the grace of God, King of Englano,
Scotland, France, and Ireland; and of many others his
Majesties Ambassadour Sir John Merike, Knight and
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
Gentleman of his Majesties Privie Chamber, upon both
our Princely Affaires.
The said Sir John Merike, in the name of our said
loving Brother King James requested our Imperiall
Majestie, and our Fadier the great Lord, the holy
Patriarke, to bee pleased graciously to favour the English
Merchants, to grant them leave to come with their shippes
imto our Port and Havens of Archangell, with all kind
of Commodities, and freely to traffique from the Sea side,
to our Imperiall Citie of Mosco, and to our Patrimonie
of great Novogrod and Plesco, and unto all other our
Cities, Townes, and Countreyes of our Empire, with all
sorts of Commodities, without paying of Custome in as
ample manner as formerly hath beene granted to the
English Merchants, and that our Imperiall Majestie,
together with our deere Father the holy Patriarke, would
be pleased to grant anew our gracious Priviledges
under our Princely Seale, according as our Predecessors
Emperours, and great Dukes of all Russia, have hereto-
fore granted unto them.
We therefore the great Lord Emperour, and great Diike
Michaell Pheodorowich of all Russia, sole Commander ;
together with our deere Father the holy Patriarke of
Mosco, and of all Russia; for the love we beare to our
most loving Brother the great Lord King James, with
whom wee are willing and desirous ever to remayne in
the strongest bonds of brotherly love and friendship, have
graciously granted to his Kingly Majesties Subjects the
English Merchants, Sir Thomas Smith Knight, Sir John
Merike Knight, Sir Richard Smith Knight, Sir William
Russell Knight, Sir George Bowles Knight, Hugh
Hamersley Alderman, Ralph Freeman, Richard Wytch,
Morris Abbot, Robert Bateman, William Stone, Rowland
Healing, Job Hanby, Richard Ironside, Edward James,
John Caslen, Benjamin Deicrow, Fabyan Smith, and their
fellowes free leave to come with their shippes into our
Kingdomes, into our Countreyes of Dweena, unto the
Port of Aixhangell, and from thence to our Imperiall
286
ENGLISH MERCHANTS' PRIVILEDGES a.d.
1621.
Citic of Mosco, and of Novogrod the Great, and unto
Plesco, and into all other the Cities of our Empire, to
trade and trafiique with all kind of Merchandizes, free
of all Customes, as well the great Customes as Tole:
unlading of Vessels or Boats, passages through any place
by water or Land entries, Head-money, Bridge-money,
Ferryings, or any manner of Customes, or Duties whatso-
ever can bee named.
The English Merchants being thus licensed to trade
in our Kingdomes, free of all customes for their owne
conunodities, shall neither colour nor sell strangers wares,
as their owne ; neither shall our people sell for them any
of their goods, nor yet shall they keepe any of our people
under their protection : and into what Cities the English
Merchants themselves, or their Factors, or Servants shall
come with their goods, it shall be lawfuU for them freely
to trafficke and sell their owne commodities, in barter,,
or otherwise against Commodities of our Countrey.
And whensoever the said Merchants shall come into
our Patrimony of great Novogrod and Plesco, or into
any other the Cities of our Empire; Wee straightly
command our Nobles in general!, and all other our [III. iv. 803.]
authorized j>eople, that according to this our Imperial!
letters of priviledge, they suffer the foresaid Merchants
to passe without afl manner of hindrance or lets, & with-
out taking any manner of custome of them for themselves,
or for their goods ; and into what place soever they shall
come, or passe with their Merchandize, and shall not
desire to buy nor scU with our people ; those our authorized
people shall freely let them passe without taking anv
manner of customes, according to this our Imperiall
gracious priviledge.
And wheresoever the English Merchants shall happen
to seU or barter any of their conmiodities with our
Merchants, they arc to barter and sell them in their owne
house by grosse sale, and not by retaile, in small measure ^^^ ^^
and weight, as by the yard, poimd and oimce ; that is to dotibtfkU pass-
say, their Cloath by whole Cloathes and Packs: Damaske affs,fag.j6o.
287
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
and Velvets by the Peece ; and all other wares that are to
be sold by weight accordingly. Also the Wines by the
great, viz. by the Butt, the Pipe, the Hogshead, and by
the Aume, and not by small measiire, as Veders or Pots.
And the said English Merchants are to seU and barter
their owne Commodities themselves in our Empire. But
the Russe Merchants shall neither sell nor barter for them,
neither shall the English carry or transport to or from
any place, any Wares belonging to other Strangers, by
way of their owne goods.
And if the said English Merchants shall be desirous to
sell any of their commodities, at Colmogro, or upon the
River of Dwina, or at Vologda or Yereskve, or other
the Townes and Cities of our Empire, they may sell at
their pleasures; as likewise at their owne choise and
pleasure, they may transport their goods into all or any
. part of our Dominions, and hire Carriers, Boats, and men
at such price as they themselves can agree.
Also when the English Merchants themselves, or any
of their Factors, doe travell out of our Dominions into
their owne, or other forraigne Kingdomes, and that wee
shall be pleased to deliver them of our Treasure, they
shall take it with them, and sell, and barter it f>r sucn
commodities as wee shall thinke fit and necessarie for
our use, and Treasury : our Governours, and all other our
Officers, in all our Cities and Dominions, shall suffer them
and their people freely to passe without taking any custome
of them : but when the English Merchants have done
their trafficke, and are going from otir Citie of Mosco,
they shall give notice thereof unto the Chancellour of our
Office of Ambassadours.
Fiuther, when any English Merchants shall come with
their Shippes and Vessels by Sea, into our Dominions,
and that any misfortune happen unto them by shipwracke
on any of our shoares or coasts, our Governours and
Officers shall cause search to be made for their goods, and
shall aide and helpe them faithfully therein, and the goods
gathered together shall be restored to the English
988
ENGLISH MERCHANTS' PRIVILEDGES a.d.
1621.
Merchants, who shall be at that time in our Kingdomcs ;
and if there shall be at that time none of the English
Merchants, or people in our Kingdomes, the said goods
shall be taken and laid up in safety, and delivered without
delay to the English Merchants when they shaU come into
our Countrey, and shall challenge the same.
Further, of our gracious goodnesse, we gave free leave
to the English Merchants, and Company, to keepe the
house in Mosco by Saint Maxsime behinde the Market
place, and shall remaine after their old manner, and therein
shall have one housekeeper a Russe, or else one of their
owne Servants, but no other Russe people: the houses
which the English Merchants have in other places of our
Dominions, as at Yereslave, Vologda, Collm. and at Saint
Michaell Archangell, they shall keepe and use at their
pleasure, according to our former gracious favour, without
paying any duetie, rent, taxe, or any manner of custome
whatsoever : neither shall the people of the said Townes
take any thing of them, or theirs, for any duetie whatso-
ever belonging to their houses: and the said English
Merchants shaU enjoy their said houses peaceably to them-
selves, without the annoyance of any Stranger or other
to lodge in them, whether in time of their oeing there,
or .in their absence.
And in their houses at Yereslave, Vologda, Collmogro,
and Archangell, they shall likewise have a housekeeper of
their owne people, or of our Subjects, a man or two of
the meaner sort; but so, that those our people be no
merchants.
Their Housekeeper being a Russe shall not undertake
to meddle or sell any of their wares without themselves
be present, and they the English Merchants, by vertue
of this our gracious Letters of priviledge, shall lay their
wares and commodities in their owne houses, and sell
them to whom they please.
And it shall be lawful! for the said Merchants, when
they shaU' {urrivc at our Sea Port, to lade and unlade their
Merduuidizes, as in times past, at their pleasures: and
xrv 389 T
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
when they kdc or unlade their Shippes, it shall be lawfull
for them to hire any of our Subjects to helpe them, and
shall have leave to carry their goods to and fro with their
owne Vessels, and howse them in their owne Ware-houses :
onely they shall give a note under their hand to our
Governours, Customers, or sworne men, what goods they
bring in, and Shippe out; Whereby it may be knowne
what goods commeth in, and goeth out of our Kingdomes :
but in no wise our Officers shall open or unpacke any
of their Wares or Merchandize in any place wheresoever.
Also when the English Merchants shall Shippe or
transport any of their Countrie Commodities from Saint
Michaell Archangell, to our royall Citie of Mosco, or
Russe Commodities, into their owne Countrie: o\u-
authorised Officers and Customers, by vertue of this o\u*
[III. iv. 804.] Imperiall Letters of priviledge, shall suffer them to passe
with their goods in and out, without doing them any
manner of hindrance.
And whensoever any of the said English Merchants
or Factors shall have occasion to send overland, out of
our Dominions, any of their people, or Servants, into their
owne Countrie overland, they shall freely passe by this
our speciall command, onely they are to take a passe letter
from our Chancellour of the Office of Embassie.
And whosoever in any of our Cities, shall have any
matter against the English Merchants by way of con-
tention, we conmiand that none of our Governours, nor
other of our Officers, doe judge the English Merchants,
their Factors or people: neither shall they send Officers
for them, except for matto* of murther or theft, and that
also not to be done, but by manifest token thereof: but
the English Merchants, their Factors and people, shall
onely have triall, and be judged in our Imperiall Citie of
Mosco, bv vertue of this our gracious Letters of privi-
ledge, before our Chancellour in this Office of Embassie,
and in no other place or Towne, and he to heare their
causes, and to give justice betweene both parties, according
to equitie and right ; and where the truth cannot be found
290
ENGLISH MERCHANTS' PRIVILEDGES ad.
1621.
out by Law, it shall be referred to oath and lot, and on
whom soever the lot fals, to him shall the right be
adjudged.
And if any of the English Merchants, in any of our
Cities within our Kingdomes, doe complaine of any
wrong offered them by our people, for debts growing
by trade or otherwise: we command our Governours,
and all other our authorised people, that they presently
minister true justice unto them. Aiid for any wrong or
other matter of controversie that the English Merchant
shall have against any of our Subjects, our Governours
and other our authorised people upon their complaint for
all controversies (matters of debt excepted) shall give our
Subjects so offending upon suretie, setting them time to
appeare at Mosco, to answere the same with the English
Merchants, face to face, before our ChanccUour, in the
Office of Embassy : and in these matters our Chancellour
shall truely examine the businesse, and minister true
justice : and what by examination cannot be found, shall
be referred, as before, to oath and lot: the Judges and
Justices through our Dominions shall take no kmde of
duetie of the English Merchants for their matters of
Law.
We will and command, that these our Imperiall gracious
Letters of priviledge, be strictly observed in all points,
in all parts of our Dominions, and by all our Subjects,
Governours, Secretaries, and other Officers, without dis-
obeying in any thing.
And whosoever shall not obey this our Princely and
gracious Letters of priviledge, but shall offer wrong to
the English Merchants, those our Subjects shall be with
us in our high displeasure.
These our gracious Letters of priviledges, are sealed
with our Imperiall Seale of Gold, in our Princely Pallace Sealed with
of our Imperiall Citie of Mosco, in the yeare from the '^ Golden
Worlds creation 7129. in the moneth of May, the eleventh ^
day.
Subscribed by our Imperiall Majesties Chancellour of
291
A.D.
l62I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
our Office of Embassy, and our privie Chancellour Evan
Corbatovesin Gramotin.
BUt it is now high time to leave Russia, and all that
Barbarous shoare, of Samotees and Tartars: onely
we will borrow helpe of some Barbarians to shippe us
thence to Sea. And although Finch, Gourdon, and others
have in the former Booke inserted so great light: yet
seeing Master Marsh hath entertained other guides, we
will take Sea by Ob, and thence set forth on further dis-
coveries.
Chap. XIL
Notes concerning the discovery of the River of
Ob, taken out of a Roll, written in the Russian
tongue, which was attempted by the meanes of
Antonie Marsh, a chiefc Factor for the Mos-
covie Company of England, 1584. with other
notes of the North-cast.
Irst he wrote a Letter from the Citie of
Mosco, in the yeare 7092. after the Russe
accompt, which after our accompt was in
the yeare 1584. unto foure Russes that
used to trade from Colmogro to Pechora,
and other parts Eastward : whose answere
was:
By writings received from thee, as ako by reports, wee
imderstand thou wouldest have us seeke out the mouth
of the River Ob ; which we are content to doe ; and thou
must give therefore fiftie rubbles: it is requisite to goe
to seeke k out with two Cochimaes, or companies ; and
each Cochima must have ten mtn : and wee must goe by
the River Pechora upwards in the Spring, by the sidfe of
the Ice, as the Ice swimmeth in the River, which will aske
OusoH River, a fortnights time ; and then we must fall into Ouson
29a
How tofinde
out Ob from
Pechora.
ANTHONY MARSH ad.
1584.
River, and fall downe with the streame before we come to
Ob, a day and a night in the spring. Then it will hold
us eight dayes to swimme downe the River Ob, before
we come to the mouth: therefore send us a man that can [III. iv. 805.]
write; and assure thy selfe the mouth of Ob is deepe.
On the Russe side of Ob sojoiuTie Samoeds, called
Ugorskai & Sibierskie, Samoeds; and on the other side Ugorskdand
dwel another kinde of Samoeds, called Monganei, or Si^i^sk^.
Mongaseisky, Samoeds. We must passe by five Castles
that stand on the River of Ob. The name of the first
is Tesvoi Gorodok, which standeth upon the mouth of
the River Padou. The second small Castle is Nosoro-
gorodock, and it standeth hard upon the side of Ob. The
third is called Necheiour-goskoy. The fourth is Chared-
mada. The fift is Nadesneki, that is to say. The Castle
of comfort, or trust ; and it standeth upon tl^ River Ob,
lowermost of all the former Castles toward the Sea.
Heretofore your people have bin at the said River
of Obs mouth with a Ship, and there was made shipwracke, -^ sktfwracke
and your people were slaine by the Samoeds, which thought ^^^ '•^•^ ^f
that they came to rob and subdue them. The Trees that
grow by the River are Firres, and a kinde of white, soft
and light Firre, which we call Yell. The bankes on both
sides are very high, and the water not swift, but still and
deepe. Fish there are in it as Sturgeons, and Cheri, and
PidJe, and Nelma, a dainty fish like white Salmons, and
Moucoun, and Sigi, and Sterlidi : but Salmons there are
none. Not farre distant from the maine, at the mouth
of Ob, there is an Island, whereon resort many wilde An Island
beasts, as white Beares, and the Morses, and such like, f^^^f^ *^
And die Samoeds tell us, that in the winter season, they ^^*^ ^-^
oftentimes finde there Morses teeth. If you would have j,^ ^
us traveU to seeke out the mouth of Ob by Sea, we must discotferObby
goe by the Isles of Vaygats, and Nova Zembla, and by Sea,
the Land of Matpheove, that is, by Matthewes Land, ^^ttphewnn-
And assure thy selfe that from Vaygats, to the mouth of ^^f^^^
Ob, by Sea, is but a small matter to sayle. Written at AjkronrsHh
Pechora, the yeare 7092. the twenty one of February. 1584.
^93
A.D.
1584.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Camnos.
Medenuke.
Carareca,
Carska.
Ob.
CaHtnos.
Colgneve,
Nova Zembia.
Naromske,
Mattuschan
Tar,
The Sands.
The im Seas:
that is^ the
North and the
East Sea.
The bignes of
the CRJfe or
Isle of
Mattuschan.
Anthonie
Marsh sent
two of his men
upon the dis-
covery of Ob
by land tvith
fiure Russes.
Bodan Master
Marsh his
man brought
to Mosco.
Master Marsh also learned these distances of places
and Ports, from Caninos to Ob by Sea.
FRom Caninos to the Bay of Medemske (which is
somewhat to the East of the River Pechora) is seven
dayes sayling. The Bay of Medemsky is over a day and
a halfe sayling. From Medemske Savorost to Carareca,
is sixe dayes sayling. From Carska Bay to the farthest
side of the River Ob, is nine dayes sayling. The Bay
of Carska is from side to side, a day and a mghts sayling.
He learned another way by Nova Zembk and Mat-
thuschan Yar to Ob, more North-eastward. From Caninos
to the Iland of Colgoieve, is a day & a nights sayling.
From Colgoieve to Nova Zembla are two dayes sayling.
There is a great Osera or Lake upon Nova Zembla, where
wonderfliU store of Geese and Swannes doe breede, and
in moulting time cast their feathers, which is about Saint
Peters day : and the Russes of Colmogro repaire thither
yearely, and our English men venter thither with them
severaJl shares in money : they bring home great quantitie
of Doune-Feathers, dried Swannes, and Geese, Beares
skinncs, and Fish, &c. From Naromske Reca or River
to Mattuschan Yar, is sixe dayes sayling. From
Mattuschan Yar to the Perovologli Teupla, that is to say.
To the warme passage over-land, compassing or sayling
round about the Sands, is thirteene dayes sayling: And
there is upon the Sands at a full Sea, seven fathomes water,
and two fathomes at a low water. The occasion of this
highing of the water, is the falling into the Sea of the
three Kivers, and the meeting of the two Seas, to wit.
The North Sea, and The East Sea, which make both high
water and great Sands. And you must beware that you
come not with your Shippe neere unto the Iland by the
River Ob. From Mattuschan Yar to this Iland, is five
dayes sayling. Mattushan Yar is in some parts fortie
Versts over, and in some parts not past six Versts over.
The aforesaid Anthonie Marsh sent one Bodan his man,
294
ANTHONY MARSH a.d.
1584.
a Russe borne, with the aforesaid fonre Russes, and a
yong youth, a Samoed, which was likewise his Servant,
upon the discovery of the River of Ob, by Land, through
the Countrie of the Samoeds, with good store of com-
modities to trafficke with the people. And these his
Servants made a rich Voyage of it, and had bartered with
the people about the River of Ob, for the valew of a
thousand rubles in sables, and other fine Furres. But
the Emperour having intelligence of this Discovery, and
of the way that Bodan returned home by, by one of his
chiefe Officers lay in waite for him, apprehended him,
and tooke from him the aforesaid thousand Markes worth
of Sables, and other Merchandises, and delivered them
into the Emperours Treasurie, being sealed up, and
brought the poore fellow Bodan to the Citie of Mosco,
where he was committed to prison, and whipped, and there
detained a long while after, but in the end released.
Moreover, the Emperours Officers asked Anthonie Marsh,
how he durst presume to deale in any such enterprise.^
To whom he answered, that by the priviledges granted
to the English Nation, no part of the Emperours
Dominions were exempted from the English to trade and
trafficke in : with which answere, they were not so satisfied,
but that they gave him a great checke, and forfeited all
the aforesaid thousand Markes worth of goods, charging
him not to proceede any further in that action : whereby
it seemeth they are very Jealous that any Christian should [III, iv. 806.]
grow acquainted with their Neighbours that border to Rt^^an
the North-east of their Dominions, for that there is some •^^™^ ^
great secret that way, which they would reserve to them- ^'
selves onely. Thus much I understood by Master
Christopher Holmes.
[The report
29s
1584.
PUBCHAS HIS PIL6R1MES
M'
The report of Master Francis Cherry a Moscovic
Merchant, and Master Thomas Lyndes touch-
ing a warme Sea to the South-east of the River
Ob, and a Note of Francis Gaulle,
Aster Francis Cherry, one of the chiefe Merchants
of the Moscovy Companie, which was the Emperour
Ivan Basiliwich his Interpreter, and hath travailed in
person into Permia farre to the East in Russia, saith.
That he hath eaten of the Sturgeon that came out of the
River of Ob. And that in those parts it is a common
received speech of the Russes that are great travailers,
that beyond Ob to the South-east there is a warme Sea.
Which they expresse in these words in the Russe tongue ;
Za Oby reca moria Teupla, that is to say. Beyond the
A warm Sea River Ob is a warme Sea. Furthermore, Master Thomas
beyond Ob, Lynde an honest and discreet English Merchant, which
ThmasLiude. ^^ likewise lived many yeeres in those parts of Moscovy,
saith. That this Sea beyond Ob, is by the report of the
Russes, that are travailers, so warme, that all kinde of
Sea fowles live there as well in the Winter as in the
Summer, which report argueth, that this Sea pierseth farre
into the South parts of Asia.
Third Volume Xj^Rancis Gaulle that passed the Ocean betweene Japan
ofEn^sk ±; and Nova Hispania, in the Latitude of 37. degrees
^ages,fag. ^^^ ^ halfe, writeth thus. Proving a great Sea to come
* from the North-east parts of Tartaric ; running thus East
and East and by North about three hundred leagues from
Japan, we found a very hollow water, with the streame
running out of the North and North-west, with a full
and very broad Sea, without any trouble or hinderance
in the way that we past. And what winde soever blue,
the Sea continued all in one sort with the same hollow
water and streame^ untiU we had passed seven hundred
leagues. About two hundred leagues from the Coast of
New Spaine we began to lose the said hollow Sea, whereby
296
FRANCIS GUALLE a.d.
1584.
I perswade my selfe that there you shall finde a Channell
or strait passage betweene the firme Land of New Spaine
and the Countrie of Asia and Tartaria. We found all this
way Whales, Tunnies, Bonitos, which are fishes that keepe
in Channels, Straits, and running Waters, there to disperse
their seede, which further confinneth me in that opinion.
But seeing thus we are shipped from Rus^a, and have Seg of these
againe taken Sea, that which Ice permitted not to Stephen poj^es. Hak.
Burrough, Pet and Jackman, nor others, English and ^^' '•
Dutch, which have attempted that North-east passage;
and that which Master Baffin said to me, that if he might
have imployment, he would adventure to discover from
the Coast of China and Japan on the North of Asia hither-
ward; all this shall be suddenly pervious to our swifter
and unstayable thoughts, to set us in a new discovery by
Danish and English assistance for a North-west passage,
so often, not so fortunately attempted, as by Reason it
seemeth probable and almost certaine, especially that way
where Sir Th. Button and Nelson left. But we will dis-
cover these Discoveries more methodically and historically
to you, that you may see the English ancient right, as
I may say, to those parts of the new World.
Chap. XIII.
Discoveries made by English-men to the North-
west : Voyages of Sir Sebastian Cabot, Master
Thorne, and other Ancients: and of Master
Weymouth.
|E have before given some light of the
North-west, in Hudsons and other mens
Voyages. The desire of Riches in some,
of Knowledge in others, hath long wheted
mens industries, to finde out a more com-
pendious way to the East Indies, by a
shorter cut then the usuall passaj^e, which
in going to the places of prindpall Trade there, and
297
A.D.
1 170.
[III. iv. 807.]
Some Mnke
that the
Mexican
Kings {Mute-
zuma the last^
professed that
they were
strangjtrs)
were hence
derived.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the returning thence by enforced compassings, is made
no Icsse a Voyage for time, cost, danger and labour, then
the immediate compassing of the whole Globe, as in
Master Candishes circxunnavigation ^not to mention
others) is evident. But if either by the North-east, or
North-west, or North, a passage be open, the sight of the
Globe (the Image of the site of the World) easify sheweth
with how much ease, in how little time and expense the
same might be effected, the large Lines or Meridians
under the Line contayning sixe hundred miles, contracting
themselves proportionably as they grow neerer the Pole,
where that vast Line and Circumference it selfe becomes
(as the whole Earth to Heaven, and all earthly things
to heavenly^ no Line any more, but a Point, but Nothing,
but Vanitie. Hence such laborious searches from
Columbus his first discoverie (that also occasioned by a
conceit of finding the East by the West, whereupon he
named Hispaniok Ophir, thinking he had then arrived
at the East Indies) especiallv the English, seated com-
modiously for that discovene, and to rcigne over the
Northerne and Westerne Ocean, have herein beene more
then industrious.
Doctor Powell in his historic of Wales saith, that
Madoc Sonne of Owen Guyneth left the Land in conten-
tion betwixt his brethren, and prepared certaine ships with
men and munition, and sought adventures by Sea, sayling
West, and leaving the Coast of Ireland so farre North,
that hee came unto a Land unknowne, where he saw
many strange things. There hee left many of his people
An. 1 170, and returned for more of his owne Nation and
Friends to inhabite that large Countrie, going the second
time thither with ten sailes. This westerne Land is like
to be some part of the West Indies, though the
universavagenesse of those parts make it questionable
where. But he which seeth how some of our English in
small time have growne wilde in Ireland, and become in
language and quafities Irish, few of whom doe in exchange
become civilized and English (even as healthfull men are
298
DISCOVERIES TO THE NORTH WEST ad.
1480.
easier infected in a contagious aire, then sicke men
recovered in that which is wholesome and sound) will
not wonder that in so many Ages the halfe civilized Welsh
amongst Barbarians, without succession of Priests and
entercourse of these parts might wholly put on feritie.
Meredith ap Rise a Welsh roet, which lived before
Columbus, had begim his discoverie, hath these verses.
Madoc wyf, myedic wedd, Jawn Genau, Owyn
Guynedd
Ni finnum dir, fy enaid oedd Na da Mawr, ond y
moroedd. that is.
Madoc I am the sonne of Owen Gwynedd, with stature
large and comely grace adorned.
No lands at home nor store of wealth me please. My
mind was whole to search the Ocean seas.
Columbus also sent his brother Bartholomew to King
Henrie the seventh, to make oflFer of his service in the
New- Worlds discoverie, which fell by the way into the
hands of Pirats, whereupon povertie assaulted him with ^^ r. ^^
sicknesse in a forraine Countrie, so that hee was forced ^ ^^ ^^^^
to get somewhat about him by making of Maps: one Christopk.
whereof had this more ancient then elegant inscription. Col. r. 13.
Janua cui patria est, nomen cui Bartholomseus
Columbus de Terra Rubra, opus edidit istud
Londoniis An. Domini 1480. atque insuper anno
Octavo decimaque die cum tertia mensis.
Februarii. Laudes Christo cantentur abunde.
Whose Countrie Genua is, whose name Bartholomaeus
Colon de Terra Rubra, this worke set forth new
At London, A thousand foure hundred eightie
Februarie thirteenth, sing praise to Christ on height.
One of these Maps hee presented to King Henrie with
299
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGMMES
1497-
the said offer, who cheerftdly aco^ted the same, and sent
to call his brother into England, who before he could
effect it, was imployed by the King of Castile.
Columbus his fortunes awakned others industrie,
amongst the rest John Cabota a Venetian, and his three
sonnes Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, who obtayned a
Patent of King Henrie the seventh for discovcrie with
five ships with English Masters, Mariners, and Colours
also, the same to erect in whatsoever Lands unknowne
before to Christian, to hold the same to them and their
See Hak. torn. Heires as Vassals and Lieutenants to the Crowne of
Z'f^S' 5- England, paying the fifth part of their gaine at Bristoll,
&c.
In the yeere 1497.. John Cabot a Venetian, and Sebastian
his Sonne (these are the wordes of the great Map in his
Majesties privie Gallerie, of which Sebastian Cabot is
often therem called the Authoxu-, and his Picture is therein
TkisMap^ drawne, with this Title, Effigies Sebast. Caboti Angli
some say^ was fijii Jq. Ca. Venetiani Militis Aurati, &c.) discovered that
^SirSebCabots ^and which no man before had attempted Jun. 24. about
Map by Clem, five in the morning. This Land he called Prima vista
Jiiams 1549. (primum visam, or first seene^ because that was first
descried from Sea. That liana which lyeth out before
the land, he called Saint Johns Iland, because on that
feast day it was discovered. The Inhabitants weare beasts
skins and as much esteeme them, as we doe garments most
precious. In their warres, they use Bowes, Arrowes,
Pikes, Darts, Clubs of wood and Slings. The soile is
barren in some places and yeeldeth little fruit, but it is
full of white Beares and Stags of unusuall greatnesse. It
aboundeth with Fishes and those great, as Seales and
Salmons ; Soles also an elle long. Especially there is great
store of those fishes which thev call commonly BacaUaos.
There breede also Hawkes as blacke as Ravens, Partridges
and blacke Eagles.
Thus wee see New-found Land discovered by English
Ramus. Ships, Mariners and jurisdiction. Sir Sebastian Cabot,
Tom. 2. for his English breeding, conditions, affection and advance-
300
DISCOVERIES TO THE NORTH WEST a.d.
1497-
ment, termed an English man, thus reported of this
voyage ; That upon occaaon of the admiration of Colum-
bus his voyage into the East, where Spices grew, by the
West, so rite then in the Court of King Henrie the See Hoi.
seventh, there arose in his heart a great desire to attempt Tom.z.fag.j.
some notable thing. And understanding by the Sphere [III. iv. 808.]
(saith he) that if I should saile by the North-west, I should
by a shorter Tract come into India; I thereupon caused
the King to be advertised of my devise ; who immediately
commanded two Carvels to bee furnished with all things
appertayning to the Voyage; which was, as farre as I
remember, in the yeere 1496. in the banning of Summer.
I beganne therefore to saile toward me North-west, not
thinking to find any other Land then that of Cathay, and
from thence to txime toward India. But after certaine
dayes I found that the Land turned toward the North, JU the Coast
which was to me a great displeasure. Neverthelesse, to Florida dU-
sayling along by the Coast to see if I could finde any ^^^^^"^
Gulfe that turned, I found the Land still continent to the erf ^^! 30.^
56. degree under our Pole. And seeing that there the mln, as he
Coast turned toward the East, despayring to finde the writ to
passage, I turned backe againe, and sayled downe by the ^^«JJ^*^- ^•
Coast of that Land toward the Equinoctiall (ever with K/ashhe^se
intent to finde the said passage to India^ and came to that he was the
part of this firme land, which is now called Florida ; where cause of the
my victuals fayling I returned towards England; the ^^^^
timiults and preparations of warres against Scotknd caused ^H^^f^
that then no more consideration was had to this voyage.
Whereupon I went into Spaine, &c. By the King and
Queene there he was set forth and discovered the River
of Plate, and sayled into it more then sixe score leagues.
After this he made many other voyages, &c. Sir Seb.
Cabot was after by King Edward the sixt constituted
grand Pilot of England with the annuall stipend of one See sup, I 2.
himdred and sixtie six pounds thirteene shillings and foure ^* '•
pence, and was Author of the Russian and North-easterne
discoveries. Fabian in his Chronicle A. R. Hen. 7. 14.
hath this testimome. This yeeie also were brought unto
3«
A.D.
H97-
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Thorn and
Eliotfirst
Anders of
America,
the King three men taken in the New-foiind Land, in
w. Purckas. William Purchas time being Major. These were clothed
in beasts skins, and did eate raw flesh, and spake such
speech that none could understand them, and in their
demeanour like to bruit beasts, whom the King kept a
long time after. Two veeres after I saw two of them
at Westminster, apparelled like English, &c.
Master Robert Thorne writes, mat his Father and
Master Hugh Eliot a Merchant of Bristoll, were the first
discoverers of New-found Land: and if the Mariners
would have beene niled and followed their Pilots minde,
the West Indies had beene ours : so that it seemeth this
Discoverie was before that of Columbus. Master
Haklujt hath published the particulars of these things
more mlly, as also divers Treatises touching the North-
west of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and others: to which I
referre the Reader; and no lesse for the Voyages made
by divers English into those parts : three by Sir Martin
Frobisher, in the yeeres 1576, 77, and 78. Two of
Captaine John Davies, in 86, and 87. that of Master Hore,
An. 1536. that of Sir Hxmiphrey Gilbert, 1583. that of
Master Charles Leigh to Ramea, An. 1597. and before
in 1593. that of George Drake; with those of Jaques
Cartier, and divers others. My purpose is not to steale
Master Hakluyts labours out of the World, by culling
and fleecing them for our purpose, but by this Index to
instruct men where they may have festivall store in this
kinde. I had rather give you new things. Such are to
the World, these that you had before in Hudsons vovages
set together, as also those of Greenland: and such are
those of Waymouth, Knight, Hall, Baffin, &c. And first,
as Foreman of our Quest, we will give you Sir Humphrey
Gilberts Letter, written with his owne hand from New-
found Land, whereof he tooke formall possession to the
Crowne of England, and was as a Martyr of those Dis-
coveries. It was written to Sir George Peckham (a great
Adventurer in that voyage, and a greater in one of longer
life, his written Treatise of Westerne planting, extant in
302
DISCOVERIES TO THE NORTH WEST a.d.
1583.
Master Hakluyts third Tome) and I have here inserted,
it being hitherto unprinted, as a memorial of both their
worths; and after it (though in time before) wee will
recreate you with a plaine Mariners Letter endorsed in
homely phrase, To the Honourable Kings Grace of Eng-
land, here (as I thinke) given you from the Originall. I
have also another written to Cardinall Wolsey touching the
same voyage in Latin, by Albertus de Prato; for the
antiquitie, rather then any remarkable raritie, worthy here
to be mentioned.
Sir George, I departed from Plymouth on the eleventh
of June with five sailes, and on the thirteenth the
Barke Rawley ran from me in faire and cleere weather,
having a large winde. I pray you solidte my brother
Rawley to make them an example of all Knaves. On
the third of August wee arrived at a Port called Saint
Johns, and will put to the Seas from thence (God willing)
so soone as our ships will be ready. Of the New-found
Land I will say nothing, untill my next Letters. Be of
good cheare, for if there were no better expectation, it
were a very rich demaynes, the Country being very good
and full of all sorts of victuall, as fish both of the fresh
water and Sea-fish, Deere, Pheasants, Patridges, Swannes,
and divers Fowles else. I am in haste, you shall by every
Messenger heare more at large. On the fifth of August,
I entred here in the right of the Crowne of England ; and
have engraven the Armes of England, divers Spaniards,
Portugals, and other strangers, witnessing the same. I
can stay no longer ; fare you well with my good Lady :
and be of good cheare, for I have comforted my selfe,
answerable to all my hopes. From Saint Johns in the
New-found Land, the 8. of August, 1583.
Yours wholly to command, no man more.
Hum. Gilbart.
I mentioned before Master Thomes fathers finding [III. iv. 809.]
New*found Land, with Master Eliot. These animated
303
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1583.
King Henrie the ei$;ht to set forth two ships for discoverie,
one of which perished in the North parts of New-found
Land. The Master of the other, John Rut, writ this
Letter to King Henrie, in bad English and worse Writing.
Over it was mis superscription.
Master Grubes two ships departed from Plymouth the
10. day of June, and arrived in the New-found Land in
a good Harbour, called Cape de Bas, the 21. day of July :
and after we had left the sight of Selle, we had never ^ht
of any Land, till we had sight of Cape de Bas.
PLreasing your Honorable Grace to hcare of your servant
John Kut, with all his Company here, in good health,
thanks be to God, and your Graces ship. The Mary of
Gilford, with all her thanks be to
God: And if it please your honorable Grace, we ranne
in our course to the Northward, till we came into 53.
degrees, and there we found many great Hands of ke and
deepe water, we foimd no sounding, and then we durst
not goe no further to the Northwsffd for fezre of more
Ice, and then we cast about to the Southward, and within
foure dayes after we had one hundred and sixtie £ithom,
and then wee came into 52. degrees and fell with the
mayne Land, and within ten leagues of the mayne Land
we met with a great Hand of Ice, and came hard by her,
for it was standing in deepe water, and so went iin with
Cape de Bas, a good Harbor, and many small Hands,
and a great fresh River going up farre into the mayne
Land, and the mayne Land all wildemesse and mountaines
and woods, and no naturall groimd but all mosse, and
no inhabitation nor no people in these parts : and in the
woods wee found footing of divers great beasts, but we
saw none not in ten leagues. And please your Grace,
the Samson and wee kept company all the way till within
two dayes before wee met with all the Hands of Ice, that
was the first day of July at night, and there rose a great
and a marvaikms great storme, and much foule weather ;
304
DISCOVERIES TO THE NORTH WEST a.i>.
1527.
I trust in Almightie Jesu to heare good newes of her.
And please yoxir Grace, we were considering and a writing
of all our order, how we would wash us and what course
wee would draw and when God doe send foule weather,
that with the Cape de Sper shee should goe, and he that
came first should tarry the space of sixe weeks one for
another, and watered at Cape de Bas ten dayes, ordering
of yoxu- Graces ship and fishing, and so departed toward
the Southward to seeke oxu* fellow: the third day of
August we entered into a good Haven, called Saint John,
ana there we found eleven saile of Normans, and one
Brittaine, and two Portugall Barkes, and all a fishing, and
so we are readie to depart toward Cape de Bas, and that
is twentie five leagues, as shortly as we have fished, and
so along the coast till we may meete with our fellow, and
so with all diligence that lyes in me toward parts to that
Hands that we are commanded by the grace of God, as
we were commanded at our departing: And thus Jesu
save and keepe your honorable Grace, and all your honour-
able Rever. in the Haven of Saint John, the third day of
August, written in haste. 1527.
By your servant John Rut, to his uttermost
of his power.
I have bv me also Albert de Prato's orieinall Letter,
in Latin stile, almost as harsh as the former JEnglish, and
bearing the same date, and was indorsed, Reverend, in
Christo Patri Domino Domino Cardinali & Domino Legato
Angliae: and began, Reverendissime in Christo Pater
salutem. Reverendissime Pater, placeat Reverendissimae
paternitati vestrae, scire, Deo favente postquam exivimus
k Plemut Quae fuit x. Junii &c. (the substance is the same
with the former, and therefore omitted) Datum apud le
Baya Saint Johan in Terris Novis, die x. Augusti, 1527.
Rever. Patr. vest, humilis servus, Albertus de Prato. (the
name written in the lowest corner of the sheet.)
[The voyage
xiY 305 u
O"
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1602.
The voyage of Captaine George Weymouth,
intended for the discoverie of the North-west
Passage toward China, with two flye Boates.
^N Sunday the second day of May, 1602. in the after-
noone, I weighed anchor and set saile from RedclifFe
with two Fly-boates, the one called the Discovery, of
seventie Tunnes ; and the other called the God speed, of
sixtie Tunnes, to discover the North-west passage, having
in my ships five and thirtie men and boyes, throughly
victualled and abundantly furnished with all necessaries
for a yeere and an halfe, by the right Worshipfull
Mosc.and Merchants of the Moscovie and Turkic Companies : who
Turkie foj. ^^^ better successe of the voyage provided mee of a
mJ^ Cart' g""^^ travailer and learned Minister one Master John
tortghtkadbin Cartwright. The Master under mee in the Discoverie
in Persia and was one William Cobreth, a skilfliU man in his profession ;
^•'"l*^- ^^^ and in the God speed, one John Drewe, and Mate in the
Tom!^' ^^^ ^^P ^^^ ^^^^ L^^^-
Buquhamms. The first of June, we descried Buquhamnes in the
Latitude of 57, degrees. The second day we saw the
Point of Buquhamnes North-west from us, being a very
[III. iv. 8 10.] smooth land; and the land by it to the Southward risetn
with many Homocks. There lyeth a ledge of Rockes
hard by the Nesse, in a sandie Bay faire by the shore.
When we came neer the land, we met with a fisher Boat,
and I agreed with one of the fisher men to carry me
betweene the Isles of Orkney, because I was not acquainted
with the coast. The foxirth day, at ten of the clodce, wee
Orkney. descried the Isles of Orkney. Some of those Southerne
Hands are prettie high land; but the Northcrne Hand,
Tie Start. which is called the Start, is very low land. There is no
danger, giving the shore a good birth, unlcsse it be by
the Nordier point of the Start: there doth a ledge of
Rockes lye a mile from the shoare. At noonc I found
S9. degrees my selfe to be in the latitude of 59. degrees and 30.
30. minutes, minutes, the point of the Start bearing West : and at one
3q6
GEORGE WEYMOUTH a.d.
l602.
of the docke in the afternoone, we saw a faire lie, which Fmre Ik.
bare North-east and by North from us : and at eight of
the clocke at night, wee were North of the Start : Then
I directed my course West and by North. The fifth day
about ten or the clocke in the morning, we ranne some
tenne leagues, and then we saw two small Hands, some Two small
two leagues oflF : and at eight and nine of the clocke we ll^ds.
saw foure or five Boats of Fisher-men, and spake with
one of them, and they were Scottish-men. The sixt, in
the morning fell much raine, and lasted till nine of the
clocke : and at ten of the clocke it cleared up, and became
very faire weather, and very temperate and warme, and
our course was West. The seaventh, the winde was at
East and by North, faire weather, and our course West.
The eight, at noone I observed the Sunne, and found
us to be in 59. degrees and fortie seven minutes, and we
ran West South-west.
The twelfth day we held our course West, the winde
at East North-east, with foggc in the morning : at noone
I observed the Sunne, and found my selfe in 57. degrees, 57. de^-ees
and ^^. minutes, the variation here was nothing at all, 55- »^*- ^
The thirteenth at noone, oiu- course was West and by ^^^^^^^*^'
North, the winde at North-east, with fogge some three
or foure houres, and then cleare againe: the ayre very
warme, as in England in the moneth of May. The foure-
teenth was faire weather, and the winde at East North-
east, and our course West and by North. The fifteenth
much raine all the forenoone, oiu- course West, the winde
at East and by North. The sixteenth, the winde was at
North North-east, with much raine, winde and fogge.
In the forenoone, being very cold, and at noone, I observed
the Sun, and found us to be in 57, degrees and 35.
minutes: we found the variation to be eleven degrees VariatiM
Westward ; and by that meane I foimd my selfe to be ^^^ degrees
one degree more to the Southward, then we should have '^^'^^^^^
bin by our coiu^se; for we could not see the Sunne in
96. houres before this day at noone, and at our last obser-
vation before this, which was the twelfth day, we could
307
A.D.
l602.
No tmnadm.
Gulf and
Pigms.
mitt.
J great Ilatui
o/Ice.
Grtmelatid.
A maine battk
oflce.
Black water
as thick as
ptiddle.
The Cape of
desolation.
60. deg, 37.
min.
Store of Guls.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
not finde any variation at alL Then we stood dose bv
a winde to the Westward, the winde being at North
North-east. The seaventeenth wee ranne North and by
West, the winde at North North-east, faire weather. This
day we saw many gray Guiles, and some Pigions. The
eighteenth at noone I observed the Sunne, and found our
selves to be in the latitude of 59. degrees, and ci. minutes.
And then we first descried a great Iland of Ice, which
lay North from us, as ferre as we could ken it from the
head of our maine topmast : and about two of the dockc
in the afternoone, we saw the South part of Groneland,
North from us some ten leagues. As we coasted this Ice
to the Northward, we found it to be a maine banke of
Ice ; for we saw the other end of it to beare West North-
west from us ; the winde being at South South-west, Uttlc
winde : Then we ranne West South-west, to deere us of
the Ice. The nineteenth, the winde was at Elast South-
east, with some small raine. The twentieth, our course
was West North-west, the winde being at North and by
East, little winde. This day sometimes we came into
blacke water as thicke as puddle, and in sailing a little
space the water would be deare againe. Seeing this
change of water, so often to be thick, and deare againe
so suddenly, we imagined it had beene shallow water:
then we sounded, and could fetch no ground in one
hundred and twenty fathomes : and the Sea was so smooth,
that we could discerne no current at all. At this time
I reckoned the Cape of desolation to beare North North-
east twentie foure leagues from us. The one and
twentieth, the winde was variable. The two and
twentieth, we were in the latitude of 60. degrees and
37. minutes : the winde being at West, wee ranne North
and by West. The seaven and twentieth, the winde was
at West South-west: then our course was North-west
and by North, the weather feire and warme, as in England,
in the moneth of May. This day we saw great store of
Guiles, which followed our Ship sundry dayes.
The eight and twentieth, the winde being at North
308
GEORGE WEYMOUTH A.a
1602.
and by West, wee directed oiir coxirse to the Westward ;
aiKi about twelve of the clocke the same night, we descried Jmmca
the knd of America, in the latitude of 62. degrees and ^scried in
30. minutes ; which we made to be Warwicks foreland. ^^' ^V' ^^^
This Headland rose like an Hand. And when we came ^°' ^*^'
neere the Foreland, we saw foure small Hands to the
Northwards, and three small Hands to the Southward of
the same Foreland. The Foreland was high land : all the
tops of the hils were covered with Snow. The three
small Hands to the Southward were also white, that we
could not discerne them from Hands of Ice: also there
was great store of drift Ice upon the Eastside of this
Foreknd : but the Sea was altogether voide of Ice : the
Land did Ive North and by East, and South and by West,
being six leagues of length.
The nine and twentieth, at sixe of the clocke in the
morning, wee were within three leagues of this Foreland :
then the winde came up at North-east and by East, a
good stifFe gale with rogge: and wee were forced to [III. iv. 811.]
stand to the Southward, because wee could not wether
the Land to the Northward: and as wee stood to the
Southward along by Warwicks Foreland, we could dis- WarwUh
ceme none otherwise, but that it was an Hand. Which Foreland mp-
if it fell out to be so, then Lumleys Inlet, and the next ^"^^ ^^ ^
Southerly Inlet, where the great Current setteth to the rp.^ '.^,,
---. ' /.' ••1° o i«tMii I ine greatest
West, must of necessitie be one Sea; which will be the hope of the
greatest hope of the passage that way. The thirtieth. North-west
the winde was at North-east, with fogge and Snow. This f^^^&*
day wee came into a great whirling of a Current, being j^fr^J^^j:^
in the latitude of 61. degrees, and about twelve leagues sixtUone
from the coast of America. degrees.
The first day of July, the winde was at West, with
fogge and Snow; the ayre being very cold. This day
wee came into many Overfels, which seemed to runne a
great current; but which way it did set, wee could not
well disccmc. The greatest likelihood was, that it should j current
set to the West. But having contrary windes some six- ^fMy to set to
teene or sevcnteene dayes, we alwayes lay in traverse ^^ ^^^f-
309
A.D.
l602.
A nunne bank
of Ice in 60
degrees.
The North
coast of
America
seemeth to be
broken land.
Blacke puddle
water.
America
agasne
discried in
63. ^g' 53-
min.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
among these overfals; but could never finde any great
current by our courses : wee sounded sometimes, but could
get no ground in one hundred and twentie fathomes.
The second day, wee descried a maine Banke of Ice
in the latitude of 60. degrees : the winde was at North
North-west, and very faire weather. Wee wanting fresh
water did sayle close to this Land of Ice, and hoysed out
our Boate, and loaded her twice with Ice, which made
us very good fresh water. Within twenty leagues of the
coast of America, wee should oftentimes come into many
great overfels. Which doth manifestly shew, that all the
coast of America is broken Land.
The third, the winde was at South-west, very foggie :
and as wee stood toward the coast of America, wee met
with another maine Banke of Ice. The fogge was so
thicke, that we were hard by the Ice, before wee could
see it. But it pleased God that the winde was faire to
put us cleare from this Ice againe ; and presently it began
to cleare up, so that wee could see two or three leagues
off; but we could see no end of the Ice. Wee ju^ed
this Ice to be some tenne leagues from the coast of
America. We found the water to be very blackish and
thicke, like puddle water.
The eight, the winde was at North North-west, very
faire weamer; wee standing to the Westwards met with
a mighty maine Banke of Ice, which was a great length and
breadth, and it did rest close to the shoare. And at eleven
of the clocke in the forenoone, wee descried againe the
Land of America, in the latitude of 63. degrees and 53.
minutes, being very high Land : and it did rise as Hands,
the toppes being covered with Snow. This Land was
South-west and by West, some five leagues off us: we
could come no neerer it for the great quantitie of Ice,
which rested by the shoare side.
The ninth, the winde being at North-east and by East,
blew so extreamely, that we were forced to stand to the
Southward, both to cleare our selves of the Land, and
of the Ice : for the day before we passed a great banke
310
GEORGE WEYMOUTH aj>.
1602.
of Ice, which was some foureteene leagues to the Eastward
of us, when the storme began; but thankes be to God,
we cleared our selves both of the Land and of the Ice.
This day in the afternoone the storme grew so extreame,
that we were forced to stand along with our forecourse
to the Southward.
The seventeenth was very foggie, the winde being at
East : and about two of the clocke in the afternoone, wee
saw foure great Hands of Ice, of a huge bignesse: and
about foure of the clocke we came among some small
scattered Ice, and supposed our selves to be neere some
great Banke. The fogge was very thicke, but the winde
krge to stand backe me same way wee came in ; or else
it would have indangered our lives very much. And at
nine of the clocke at night we heard a great noyse, as Thi ioatksme
though it had bin the breach of some shoare. Being myseoflce,
desirous to see what it was, we stood with it, and foimd
it to be the noyse of a great quantity of Ice, which was
very loathsome to be heard. Then wee stood North
North-west, and the fogge continued so thicke, that wee
could not see two Shippes length from us: whereupon
we thought good to take in some of our sayles ; and when
our men came to hand them, they found our sayles, ropes, Sayksy ropes
and tacklings, so hard frozen, that it did seeme very strange ^^ tackUng
unto us, being in the chiefest time of Summer. frozen.
The eighteenth day, the winde was at North-east and
by North, the ayre being very cleere and extreame cold,
with an exceeding great trost ; and our course was North-
west. This day in the forenoone, when we did set our
sayles, we found our ropes and tacklings harder frozen
then they were the day before: which frost did annoy
us so much in the using of our ropes and sayles, that wee
were enforced to breake off the Ice from our ropes, that
they might runne through the blockes. And at two of the
clocke in the afternoone, the winde began to blow verv
hard, with thicke fogge, which freezed so fast as it did fall Thick figge
rn our sayles, ropes, and tackling, that we could not fr^^H ^
ost hoyse or strike our sayles, to have any use of them, -^ ^ ^ /^ •
311
A.1X PURCHAS HIS PILGBIMES
1602.
This extFeame frost and long CDntinuance thereof, wae a.
maine barre to our proceedings to the Northward,, and the.
discouraging of all oiir men.
The nineteenth day, the winde was at North and by
[III. iv. 8 1 2.] East, and our course to the Eastwards. The same nigjbt
Mutinie. following, all our men conspired secretly together, to bcare
up the helme for England, while I was asleepe in my
Cabin, and there to have kdpt mee by force, untill I had
sworn imto them that I would not offer any violence
unto them for so doing. And indeede they had drawn
in writing, the causes of their bearing up of the helme,
and thereunto set their hands, and would have left them^
in my Cabin: but by good chance I understood their
pretence, and prevented them for that time.
The twentieth day, I called the chiefest of my Company
into my Cabin, before Master John Cartwright our
Preacher, and our Master, William Cobreth, to heare
what reasons they could alleadge for the bearing up of the
Helme, which might be an overthrow to the Voyage,
seeing the Merchants had bin at so great a charge with
it. After much conference, they delivered mee their
reasons in writing :
Concluding, that although it were granted, that we
might winter betweene 60. and 70. degrees of latitixie,
wiui safetie of our lives and Vessels, yet it will be May
next before wee can dismore them, to lanch out into the
Sea. And therefore if the Merchants should have purpose
to proceede on the discoverie of these North-west parts
of America ; the next yeare you may be in the afcM-esaid
latitudes for England, by the first of May, and so be
furnished better with men and victuals, to passe and pro-
ceede in the aforesaid action.
Seeing then that you cannot assiire us of a safe harbour
to the Northward, wee purpose to beare up the Helme
for England, yet with this limitation, that if in your wise-
dome, you shall thinke good to make any discovery, either
in 60. or 57. degrees, with this faire Northerly winde,
we yeelde our lives with your selfe, to encounter any
312
GEORGE WEYMOUTH A.a
i6q2.
danger. Thus much we thought ueedefull to signifie, as
a matter builded upon reason, and not proceeding upon
feave or cowardise.
The% wee being in the latitude of 68. degrees and 53. 68. deg. 53.
imotttes : the next following, about eleven of the clocke, ««*».
thej* bare up the Helme, being all so bent, that there was
no meanes to perswade them to the contrary. At last
understanding of it, I came forth of my Cabin, and
demanded of them, who bare up the Helme? They
answered me. One and All. So they hoysed up all the Thej return
sayle they could, and directed their course South and by fi^ ^
West. ^^'^•
The two and twentieth, I sent for the chiefest of those,
which were the cause of the bearing up of the Helme,
and punished them severely, that this pimishment might MuHnen
be a warning to them afterward for felling into the like p^^^^-
mutinie. In the end, upon the intreatie of Master Cart-
wright our Preacher, and the Master, William Cobreath,
upon their submission, I remitted some part of their
punishment. At twelve of the docke at noone, wee came
hard by a great Hand of Ice : the Sea being very smooth ji great Iland
and almost calme, wee hoysed out the Boates of both a\xc of ice cracked
Shippes: being in want of fresh water, and went to this ^^^^^^^^'
Hand to get some Ice to make us fresh water. And as ^^^^J^
wee were breaking off some of this Ice (which was verie
painefuU for us to doe; for it was almost as hard as a
Rocke :) the great Hand of Ice gave a mightie cracke two
or three times, as though it had bin a thunder-clappe ;
and presently the Hand began to overthrow, which was
like to have sunke both our Boates, if wee had not made
good haste frota it. But thankes be to God, we escaped
this danger very happily, and came aboord with both our
Boates, the one halfe laden with Ice. There was great Great store of
store of Sea Foule upon this Hand of Ice. ^^ ^ouk
The five and twentieth and six and twentieth, the winde *5^ ^ ^^^'
being at East, did blow a hard gale, and oiu- course was
West and by South, with fogge. This day in the after-
noone I did reckon my selfe to be in the entering of an
313
A.D.
l602.
An Inlet in
6\,degrees\S
40. minutes.
The return out
of the Inlet,
The variation
l^' degrees
IVestward,
An I land on
the coast of
America in
55. deg, \S
30. min.
[III.iv.8i3.J
The God-
speede stroke
upon a piece of
Ice,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Inlet, which standeth in the latitude of 61. degrees and
40. minutes.
The seven and twentieth, the winde was at South South-
east, and blew very hard, our course was West. The
eight and twentieth and nine and twentieth, our course
was West and by South, the winde blowing very hard
at East South-east, with fogge and raine. The thirtieth,
the winde came up in a showre by the West North-west,
blowing so hard, that wee were forced to put a fore the
Sea. Now because the time of the yeare was farre spent,
and many of our men in both Shippes sicke, wee thought
it good to returne with ^eat hope of this Inlet, to bee
a passage of more possibilitie, then through the Straight
of Davis : because I found it not much pestered with Ice,
and to be a straight of fortie leagues broad. Also I
sayled an hundred feagues West and by South, within this
Inlet; and there I found the variation to be 35. degrees
to the Westward, and the needle to decline, or rather
incline 83. degrees and an halfe.
The fifth of Augxist (the winde all that while Westerly)
wee were cleare of this Inlet ajgaine. The sixth the winde
was at East South-east with f^ge. The seaventh, eight,
and ninth, we passed by many great Hands of Ice. The
ninth day at night, we descried the land of America, in
the latitude of 55. degrees, and 30. minutes. This Land
was an Hand, being but low land and very smooth : then
the night approaching, and the weather being something
foggie and darke, we were forced to stand to the North-
ward againe. This night we passed by some great Ilands
of Ice, and some bigge peeces which did breake from the
great Ilands: and we were like to strike some of them
two or three times : which if we had done, it might have
endangered our Shippes and lives. Our consort, the God-
speede, strooke a little piece of Ice, which they thought
had foimdred their Shippe ; but thankes be to God they
received no great hurt, for our Shippes were very strong.
The tenth day, the winde was at North-east and by
North, with fogge and raine ; and our course was to the
314
GEORGE WEYMOUTH a.d.
1602.
South-eastward: for we could by no meanes put with
the shoare, by reason of the thicknesse of the fogge, and
that the winde blew right upon the shoare, so that we
were forced to beare saile to keepe our selves from the
land, untill it pleased God to send us a cleare, which
God knoweth we long wanted. At sixe of the clocke in
the afternoone, it was calme ; and then I judged my selfe,
by mine account, to be neere the Land: so I sounded,
and had ground in 160. fathomes, and fine grey Osie
Sand : and there was a great Iland of Ice, a ground within
a league of us, where we sounded, and within one houre
it pleased God to send us a cleere. Then we saw the land
some foure leagues South-west and by South from us.
This land lyeth East and by South, and West and by
North, being good high land, but all Hands, as fiure as Many Hands.
wee could discerne. This caJme continued untill foure
of the clocke in the afternoone of the eleventh day : the
weather being very cleere, we could not discerne any
Current to goe at all by this Land. This day the Sea
did set us in about a league neerer the Land, so that wee
judged our selves three leagues off. Here we sounded
agame, and had but eightie fathoms.
The variation of the Compasse we found to ht 22. The variation
degrees and 10. minutes Westward. At five of the clocke "• '^ff'^^' ^
there sprung up a fine gale of winde, at East South-east, ^^^'
and being so neere night, wee stood to the Southward,
thinking the next day to seeke some harbour. But it
pleased God, the next day, being the twelfth, to send
us a storme of foule weather, the winde being at East A Storm.
and by South, with fogge : so that we could by no meanes
get the shoare. Thus wee were forced to beate up and
downe at Sea, untill it should please God to send us
better weather.
The foureteenth, I thought good to stand to the West-
ward to search an Inlet, m the latitude of 56. degrees.
I have good hope of a passage that way, by many great
and probable reasons.
The fifteenth the winde continued at the South, with
31S
A.D.
i6o2.
55- ^i' 31.
min,
FartaHoH 17.
digr, i^.min,
Thej discrie
theumdagain.
55. deg. to.
min.
A pleasant
hto landy being
all I lands,
55. degrees.
The variation
18. deg, and
12. min.
Westward,
Temperate
ajre.
Great hope of
a passage in
three places.
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
exceeding fairc weather, and our course was West. We
were this day at noone in the latitude of 55. degrees and
31. minutes: and I found the variation to be 17. degrees
and 15. minutes, to the Westward. And about seven of
the clocke at night, we descried the Land againe, being
tenne leagues to the Eastward of this Inlet. This Land
did beare from us South-west, some eight leagues off:
and about nine of the clocke the same night, the winde
came to the West ; which blew right agamst us for our
entring into this Inlet.
The sixteenth, the winde was at West North-west, and
was very faire weather, and oxn course South-west : about
nine of the clocke in the forenoone, we came by a great
Iland of Ice; and by this Iland we found some peeces
of Ice broken off from the said Iland: And being in
great want of fresh water, wee hoysed out our Boates
of both Shippes, and loaded them twice with Ice, which
made us very good fresh water. This day at noone wee
found our selves to be in the latitude of 55. degrees and
twentie minutes: when we had taken in our Ice and
Boates, the weather being very faire and cleare, and the
winde at West North-west, we bent our course for the
Land, and about three of the clocke in the afternoone,
we were within three leagues of the shoare. It is a very
pleasant low Land; but all Hands, and goodly sounds
foing betweene them, toward the South-west. This
,and doth stand in the latitude of 55. degrees; and I
found the variation to be to the West 18. degrees and
12. minutes. This coast is voide of Ice, unlesse it be
some great Hands of Ice, that come from the North, and
so by windes may be driven upon this coast Also we
did finde the ayre in this place to be very temperate.
Truely there is in three severall places great hope of a
passage, betweene the latitude of 62. and 54. degrees;
if the fogge doe not hinder it, which is all the feare I
have. At sixe of the clocke, wee being becalmed by the
shoare, there appeared unto us a great ledge of rockes^
betweei^ us and the shoare, as though the Sea did flye
316
GEORGE WEYMOUTH
over it with a great height* As we all beheld it, within
one houre, upon a sudden it vanished cleane away ; which
seemed very strange unto us all. And to the Eastward
of us, some two leagues, we saw a great Rocke, lying
some three leagues ofF the Land : we then supposing it
to be shoald water, by this broken groimd, sounded, but
coidd get no ground in one hundred and sixtie fathoms.
About seven of the clocke, there sprung up a gale of
winde, by the South South-east, which was a very good
winde to coast this Land.
But the seventeenth in the morning, the winde being
at the South, it began to blow so extreamely, that we
durst not stay by the shoare, for it was like to be a great
storme : then our course was East North-east, to get us
Sea roome. This storme still increasing, our flye-boates
did receive in much water ; for they wanted a Sparre-decke,
which wee found very dangerous for the Sea. About
twelve of the clocke at noone, this day there rose up a
great showre in the West, and presently the winde came
out of that quarter with a whirie, and taking up the Sea
into the ayre, and blew so extreamely, that we were forced
alwayes to runne before the Sea, howsoever the winde did
blow. And within twelve houres after this storme
beganne, the Sea was so much growen, that we thought
our flye Boates would not have beene able to have endured
it.
The eighteenth, the winde was at North-west, and the
storme increased more extreame, and lasted untill eight
of the clocke in the morning of the nineteenth day, so
furious, that to my remembrance, I never felt a greater :
yet when we were in our greatest extremities, the Lord
delivered us his unworthy servants. And if the winde,
with so great a storme, had bin either Northerly, or
Southerly, or Easterly but one day, we had all perished
against the Rocks, or the Ice : for wee were entred thirty
leagues within a Head-land of an Inlet, in the latitude
of 56. degrees. But it pleased God to send us the winde
90 faire, as we could desire, both to cleare our selves of
3^7
1602.
Jgnatlidgof
Rocksstran^
vanisking*
Aff-iotRocke.
A WJnrl-
vnnde taking
up the Sea.
[III. iv. 8 1 4.]
TAiy were
entered 30.
leagnes into an
Inlet in 56.
degrees.
AJ3.
l602.
Tkey returned
for England.
This Book was
also subscribed
byfF.Cobre/b
and John
Drew,
The lands end.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the Land and Ice. Which opportunitie caused us for this
time to take our leaves of the coast of America, and to
shape our course for England.
The fourth, in the morning, wee descried the Hand of
Silly North-east and by East, some foure leagues off us.
Then wee directed our course East and by North: and
at tenne of the clocke in the forenoone, wee descried the
Lands end, and next day were forced to put into Dart-
mouth.
Aftfy 160$.
John
Cunningham
Chap. XIV.
James Hall his Voyage forth of Denmarke for the
discovery of Greeneland, in the yeare 1605.
abbreviated.
N the name of Gk>d Amen, we set sayle
from Copeman-haven in Denmarke, the
second day of May, in the yeare of our
redemption 1605. ^^^ ^^ Shippes and
a Pinnace: The Admirall, called the
Frost, a shippe of the burthen of thirty
or fortie lasts, wherein was Captaine, and
chiefe commander of the whole Fleet, Captaine John
Cunningham, a Scottish Gentleman, servant unto the
Kings Majestie of Denmarke, my selfe being principall
Pilot. The Lyon Viceadmirall, being about the foresaid
burthen, wherein was Captaine, one Godscaio Lindenose,
a Danish Gentleman, and Steereman of the same, one
Peter Kilson of Copeman-haven. The Pinnace, a Barke
of the burthen of twelve Lasts, or thereabouts : wherein
John Knight of was Steereman or commander, one John Knight, my
whom after. Countrie-man. So setting sayle from Copeman-haven,
with a faire gale of winde Easterly, wee came unto
Elsonure, where we anchored, to take in our water.
The third day we tooke in our water, at which time,
the Captaines, my selfe, with the Lieutenants, and the
other Steeremen, did thinke it convenient to set downe
certaine Articles, for the better keeping of company one
318
JAMES HALL a.d.
1605.
with another, to which Articles or covenants wee were
all severally swome, setting thereunto our hands.
The sixt we came to Flecorie, into which harbour, by FUcorie.
Gods helpe, we came at two a clocke in the afternoone.
The seaventh day we supplied our wants of wood and
water. The eight day, aoout two a clocke in the after-
noone, we set sayle forth of the harbour of Flecorie, about
six a clock it fell calme, till about eight, about which
time, the Nase of Norway, by the Danish men, called
Lyndis-nose, bare next hand North-west of us, sixe leagues
off; at which time I directed my course West North-
west, finding the compasse varied 7. degrees 10. minutes,
to the Eastwards of the true North.
The thirteenth, we had sight of the Iland of Faire De,
and also of the South-head of Shotland, called Swimbome
head, which are hi^h Lands : at noone, the Iland of Faire
He bearinfi; West halfe a point Northerly : foure leagues
off I macfe observation, and found us in the latitude of Fariatum
59. degrees 20. minutes. This night about seven a clocke, observed.
wee came about an English league to the Northwards
of the North-west end of Faire lie, wee met with a great
race of a tyde, as though it had beene the race of Portland, j1 race of a
it setting North North-west. Being out of the said rac«, ^^•
I directed my course West and by North, having the
winde North-east and by North : this evening Faire He
bearing East South-east foure leagues ; Swimborne head,
North-east and by North eight leagues : the Iland of
Foole, North-east and by East, seven leagues. I found
bv exact observation, the compasse to be varied to the Fariatitm
Efast-ward of the true North 60. degrees 10. minutes. ^^^^rved.
The fourteenth in the morning, the winde came to the
East South-east, wee steering West and by North away :
this morning the Hand of Faire lie did shew in my sight
to bee about ten leagues off, at which time we did descrie
two of the Westermost Hands of Orkney, which did beare
South-west and by South.
The eighteenth, the winde at North-west and by West,
wee laid it away South-west and by West, and sometimes
319
A.D.
i6o5.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
South-w«st. This day at noonc wee were in the Latitude
[III. iv. 8 1 5.] of 58. degrees 40. minutes. The nineteenth day, the
winde at South-west and South-west and by West, wee
lying as the night before, being at noone in the Latitude
of 59. degrees and a halfe. The foure and twentieth day,
the winde at North-east and by East, we steering still
with a fresh gale West South-west, this evening we fcoked
Busse llaud to have seene Busse Iland, but I A)e verily suppose the
wrong placed, same to be placed in a wrong Latitude in the Marine
Charts, The sixe and twentieth at noone, wee were in
the latitude of 57. degrees 45. minutes. The thirtieth
day in the morning betweene seven and eight, the weather
began to cleere, and the Sea and winde to waxe lesse,
wee looking for the Lion and the Pinnasse, coidd have
no sight of them, we supposing them to bee astane off
us, we standing still imder our coiu'ses. This day the
winde came to the North-east and by East, being very
cold weather, we lying North North-west away, Makine
my observation at noone, I found us in the latitude c?
C9. degrees 15. minutes, our way North North-west {cxtvt
leagues. This afternoon between one and two a clock
we descried Land, it bearing North North-east off us
about ten leagues off North-east & by North off us about
ten leagues, it being a very high ragged land, Ipng in
the latitude of 59. degrees 50. minutes, l)ring alongst
South-east and by South, and North-west and by North.
This Head-land wee named after the Kings Majesties
of Denmarke, because it was the first part of Groenland,
which we did see. This aftemoone about one a clock,
bearing in for the shoare we saw an Iland of Ice, which
bore West South-west of us three leagues off, so having
the wind at East South-east, we bore in for the shoare.
The shoare where wee found so much Ice that it was impossible either
/uUoflce. for us or any other ship to come into the shoare without
great danger : yet wee put our selves into the Ice as wee
thought convenient, being incumbred and compassed about
with the same in such sort, as the Captaine, my selfc, the
Boatswaine with another of our companie, were forced
3B0
First Sight of
Groenland,
Cape
Christian,
JAMES HALL a.d.
1605,
to goe overboord upon an Hand of Ice, to defend it from
the ship, at which time I thought it convenient to stand
oflF into the Sea againe, and so being cleere of the Ice,
to double Cape Desolation, to the North-westwards of Cape
which I doubted not but to find a cleer coast, so standing I>esokti(m.
away all this night West South-west, to cleere us of the
Ice, which lay rarre from the shoare, being very thicke
towards the Land with great Hands of ice that it is
wonderfiiU. This evening, the Cape Christian bearing
North-east and by East five leagues, I foimd the Compasse Cmpasse
varied 12. degrees 15. minutes to the North-westwards, varied.
Moreover, standing to Seaward from the foresaid Cape,
we came in blacke water, as thicke as though it had beene Black water.
puddle water, we sayling in the same for the space of
three houres.
The one and thirtieth in the morning feire weather,
with the winde somewhat variable, wee steering away
North-west and by West, betweene foure and five in the
morning we had sight of the Lion againe, but not of the Sight of the
Pinnasse. They being a Sea-boord off and having espied ^^'^•
us, they stood with us, at which time the Captaine, Lieu-
tenant, and Steereman came aboord us, earnestly intreating
mee to bestow a Sea Chart of the Steerman, and to give
him directions if by tempestuous weather they should
lose us, they protesting and swearing that they would
never leave us as long as winde and weather would permit
them to keepe companie with us. By whose speeches
I being perswaded did give them a Sea Chart for those
Coasts, telling them that if they would follow me, that
by Gods assistance I would bring them to a part of the
Land void without pester of Ice, and also harbour the
ships in good Harbour, by Gods helpe; they swearing
and protesting, that they would follow mee so long as
possibly they could, with which oathes and faire speeches
I rested satisfied, thinking they had thought as they had
swome, but it fell out otherwise. So having made an
end with us about noone, they went aboord againe, wee
being this day in the latitude of 59. degrees 45. minutes,
XIV 321 X
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
having stood all the night before, and this forenoone also,
so nigh the shoare as wee could for Ice, the Cape Christian
South South-east and North North-west, and from the
Cape to Cape Desolation, the Land lyeth East and by
South, and West and bv North about fiitie leagues. This
day betweene one and two a clocke, the Vice-admirals
Boat, being newly gone aboord, it fell very hasie and
thicke, so that wee could not see one another by reason
of the fog, therefore our Captaine caused to shoote off
certaine Muskets with a great peece of Ordnance, to the
intent the Lion might heare us, which heard of them
they presently stood with us, at which time the fogge
began somewhat to cleere, wee having sight one of another
and so stood alongst the shoare, as nigh as we could for
Ice.
Jime 1605. The first of June, wee had a fresh gale of winde at
South-west, wee steering North-east and by North into
the shoare, about three in the morning there fell a mightie
fogge, so that we were forced to lye by the lee, for the
Lion playing upon our Drum to the intent for them to
heare us, and to keepe companie with us, they answering
us againe with the shooting of a Musket, wee trimming
our sailes, did the like to them, and so stood away North-
east and by East: larboord tackt aboord halfe a glasse.
Hands of Ice, when we were hard incumbred amongst mightie Ilands
Mightie of Ice, being very high like huge Mountaines, so I caused
incumbranceof ^^ ^^^ ^y^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^j^^ Westwards North-west and
A mightie ^7 West. About twelve of the clocke this night it being
current setting Still calme, wee found our selves suddenlv compast round
North North' about with great Ilands of Ice, which made such a hideous
^^tt. noyse as was most wonderfull, so that by no meanes wee
could double the same to the Westward : wherefore wee
were forced to stand it away to the Southwards, South
[III. iv. 8 1 6.] South- West, stemming the Current, for by the same
Ciurent wee were violently brought into this Ice, so being
incumbred and much to doe to keepe cleere of the mightie
Ilands of Ice, there being as both I and others did pkinly
see upon one of them a huge rocke stone, of the weight
322
JAMES HALL aj>.
1605.
of three hundred pounds or thereabouts, as wee did
suppose. Thus being troubled in the Ice for the space
of two or three houres, it pleased God that we got thorow
the same.
The second day in the morning about three a clocke,
I came forth of my Cabin, where 1 foimd that the Shipper
whose name was Arnold had altered my course which I
had set, going contrarie to mv directions North North-
west away, whereupon hee and I grew to some speeches,
both for at this time and other times hee had done the
like. The Captaine likewise seeing his bad dealing with
me, did likewise roundly speake his minde to him, for
at this instant wee were nigh imto a great banke of Ice,
which wee might have doubled if my course had not beene
altered, so that we were forced to cast about to the South-
wards, South and by East and South South-east, with the
winde at South-west and by South or South-west till ten
a clocke, when we stood againe to the Westwards, lying
West North-west and North-west and by West, being at
noone in the latitude of 60. degrees 18. minutes. Cape
Desolation is, I did suppose, bearing North and by West
three or foure leagues off, the weather being so thicke
and hasie that wee could never see the Land.
The fourth day betweene one and two a clocke in the
morning, it began to blow a fresh gale Easterly, we
steering away North and North and by West, we being
at noone in the latitude of 59. degrees 50. minutes,
having made a West and by North way foure and twentie
leagues. This evening about seven a clocke we had very
thicke water, and continued so about halfe an houre:
about nine a clocke we did see a very high Iland of Ice
to the windward of us, and about halfe an houre after
with some drift Ice, they in the Lion thorow the feareful-
nesse of their Commanders presently cast about standing
away larboord tackt, till they did perceive that I stood
still away as I did before, without impediment of the
Ice, they cast about againe and followed us.
The fift in the morning, being very faire weather with
323
A,D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605,
the winde at East South-east, our course North North-
west, some of our people supposed they had seene the
Land: our Captaine and I went aboord the Pinnasse,
when after an houre of our being there wee did see the
supposed Land to be an hasie fogge, which came on us
so fast that wee could scarce see one another. But the
Lion being very nigh unto us, and it being very calme,
wee laid the Pinnasse aboord of her, and so the Captaine
and I went aboord of them.
The ninth day about foure a clocke, it began to blow
an easie gale at South-east and by South, I directing my
course still North North-west, when some of our people
would not be perswaded but they did see Land, and there-
fore I stood in North and by East and North North-east,
till about three a clocke in the afternoone, when wee met
A huge high ^ith a huge and high Hand of Ice, wee steering hard to
Ilandoflce. j^^^j ^^it same, and being shot a little to Northwards of
it, there fell from the top thereof some quantitie of Ice,
Noyse by the which in the fall did make such a noyse as though it had
fi^' beene the report of five Cannons. This evening wee
came amongst much drift Ice, being both windwards and
to leewards of us, yet by Gods helpe we got very well
through the same, when being cleere I directed my course
againe North North-west.
The tenth day the winde at South-west and by West,
I steering still North-west and by North. This forenoone
also wee met with great Hands of Ice, it being very hasie
and thicke weather, the which did drive them in the Lion
into great feare, and calling to us very fearfully perswaded
me to alter my course and to returne homeward, saying
that it was impossible for us by any working, and course
keeping to sease upon the Land, which did drive all our
Our people companie into such a feare, that they were determined,
^!^!^yiJX. whether I woxild or not, to have returned home, had not
the Captaine as an honest and resolute Gentleman stood
by mee, protesting to stand by me so long as his blood
was warme, for the good of the Kings Majestie, who had
set us forth, and also to the performing of the Voyage.
324
retume backe
againe.
JAMES HALL a.d.
1605.
Which resolution of his did mitigate the stubbornenesse
of the people : yet nothing would perswade those fearfull
persons in the Lion, especially the Steerman, who had
rather long before this time have returned home, then
to have proceeded on the action, as before the said Steer-
man had done when he was imployed eight yeeres before Former
in the said action or discoverie. Therefore our Captaine discoveries,
and my selfe seeing their backwardnesse now, as before
we had done, went our selves the same evening into the
Pinnasse, having a mightie banke of Ice of our larboord ^ mightie
side, and spake to them very friendly, giving order both ^^^ ^f^^^-
to our owne ship and to them, that they should keepe a
Seaboord of us (for I did suppose this banke of Ice to
lye in the narrowest of the Streight, betweene America
and Groenland, as indeed by experience I found the same
to be) therefore I determined to coast the Ice alongst till
I found it to bee driven and fall away, by reason of the
swift current that setteth very forcibly through the said
Strait, and then by the grace of God to set over for a
cleere part of the coast of Groenland, so all this night
we coasted the Ice as close aboord as we could East North-
east and North-east and by East, till about midnight,
when we foimd the said banke to fall away.
The eleventh day, being cleere of the Ice, I stood away
North North-east till sixe a clocke, when we met with [III. iv. 8 17.]
another great banke of Ice, at which time the Commanders Jnother banke
of the Lion being now againe very fearfull as before, ^f^^^-
came up to oia: ship, perswading the Shipper and Com-
panie to leave us, and to stand to Seaboord with them.
But the Shipper who was also Lieftenant of the ship,
being more honestly minded, said, that he would follow
us so long as he could : with which answere they departed,
using many spitefiiU wordes, both of the Captaine and
mee, saying we were determined to betray the Kings
ships, at which time they shot off a peece of Ordnance, The Lions
and so stood away from us. I seeing their perverse ^^^H
dealing let them goe, wee coasting alongst the Ice North ^^ ^'
North-east with a fresh gale, it being extreme cold with
325
A«D.
1605.
A migkUi
current.
Sight of Land,
Mount
Cunningham.
Queene Annet
Cape,
Qjueene
Sophias Cape,
Christians
Foord,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
snow and hayse, the Sea also going very high by reason
of a mightie current, the which I found to set very force-
ably through this Strait, which being nigh unto America
side, setteth to the Northwards, and on the other side
to the contrarie, as by proofe I found. So coasting alongst
this mayne banke of Ice, which seemed as it had beene
a firme Continent till about eleven a clocke, when wee
espyed the Ice to stretch to windward, on omt weather
bow wee setting our starboord takes aboord, stood away
East and by South with the winde at South and by East,
till wee had doubled a Seaboord the Ice, at which time
I directed my course directly over for the cleere coast of
Groineland, East and by North, which course I directed
all the Frost to goe, wee standing away our course all
this night, it being very much snow and sleete.
The twelfth day in the morning about foure a clocke,
we espyed the Land of Groenland, being a very high
ragged Land, the tops of the Mountaines being all covered
with snow, yet wee found all this coast utterly without
Ice, wee standing into the Land espyed a certaine Mount
above all the rest, which Mount is the best marke on
all this Coast, the which I named Mount Cunningham
after the name of my Captaine. We comming into the
shoare betweene two Capes or Head-lands, the Land lying
betweene them North and by East, and South and by
West, the Southmost of which Forelands I named Queene
Annes Cape, after the name of the Queenes Majestie
of Denmarke, and the Northermost of the two I called
Queene Sophias Cape, after the name of the Queene
Mother.
So standing into the Land, we came amongst certaine
Hands, where sayling in still amongst the same unto the
Southermost foot of the foresaid Mount, wee came into
a goodly Bay, which wee did suppose to be a River, being
on both sides of the same very high and steepe Moim-
taines, wee named the same King Christianus Foord, after
the name of the Kings Majestie of Denmarke. So sayling
up this Bay, which wee supposed to bee a River, the space
326
JAMES HALL aj).
1605.
of sixe or seven English leagues, finding in all that space
no anchoring, bein^ marvellous deepe water, till at the
length we had sayfed up the Bay the foresaid distance,
at length I brought the Ship and Pinnasse to an anchor Our
in sixteene fathom shelly ground, at which time our ^nchoriug.
Captaine and I went aland, giving thankes unto God
for his unspeakable benefits, who had thus dealt with us
as to bring us to this desired Land into so good an
Harbour; which done, the Captaine and I walked up Our first
the Hills, to see if wee could see any of the people, landing in
having oia: Boat to row alongst with us. Having gone Ornnland.
alongst the River side upon the tops of the Huls the
space of three or foure English miles ; at length looking
towards our Boat, wee saw upon the River side foiare
of the people standing by their Houses or rather Tents, Our first si^
covered over with SeaJe-skins. Wee comming downe the of the people.
Hills towards them (they having espyed us) three of them
ranne away upon the Land, and the other tooke his Boat
and rowed away leaving their Tents. Wee being come
downe the Hills called to our men in the Boat, and entring
into her rowed towards the Savage who was in his Boat Boat of Beak
made of Seale-skins. Hee holding up his hands towards J^'*J-
the Sunne, cryed Yota ; wee doing the like, and shewing
to him a knife, hee presently came unto us and tooke the
same of the Captaine. When hee had presently rowed
away from us, wee rowed a little after him, and seeing
it was but in vaine wee rowed aland againe and went Our entring
into their Tents, which wee found covered (as is aforesaid) ^*^ ^^^
with Seale-skins. Wee finding by the houses two Dogs ^*^'
being very rough and fat, like in shape to a Foxe, with
verv great abundance of Seale fish, lying round about
their Tents a drying, with innumerable quantities of a
little fish unto a Smelt (which fish are commonly called
Sardeenes) of which fish in all the Rivers are wonderfuU
skuls, these fishes also lay a drying round about their
Tents in the Sunne in great heapes, with other simdrie
kindes. Then entring into their Tents, wee found
certaine Seale skins and Foxe skins very well drest ; also
327
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605.
certaine Coates of Seale skins and Fowle skins with the
feather side inward: also certaine Vessels boyling upon
a little Lampc, the Vessell being made after the manner
of a little Pan, the bottome whereof is made of stone,
and the sides of Whales finnes ; in which Vessell was some
little quantitie of Seale fish boyling in Seale oyle; and
searching further, wee did finde in another of their Vessels
Eaters of a Dogs head boyled, so that I perswaded my selfe that
^^&' they eate Dogs flesh. Moreover, by their houses there
did lye two great Boates, being covered under with Seales
skins, but aloft open after the forme of our Boates, being
about twentie foote in length, having in each of them
eight or ten tosts or seates for men to sit on, which Boates,
as afterwards I did perceive, is for the transporting of
their Tents and baggage from place to place, and for a
saile they have the guts of some beast, which they dresse
very fine and thin, which they sow together.
[III. iv. 8 1 8.] Also the other sorts of their Boats are such as Captaine
%t%B^ Frobisher, and Master John Davis brought into England,
There is one ^^ich is but for one man, being cleane covered over with
of these Boats Seale skins artificially dressed except one place to sit in,
in Sir T. being within set out with certaine little ribs of Timber,
Smiths Hail, ^herin they use to row with one Oare more swiftly, then
our men can doe with ten, in which Boates they fish being
disguised in their Coates of Seale skinnes, whereby they
deceive the Seales, who take them rather for Seales then
men ; which Seales or other fish they kill in this manner.
The manner They shoot at the Seales or other great fish with their
^^l**^''^^ Darts, unto which they use to tye a bladder, which doth
^orSeaks ^^7 ^P ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ manner that by the said means
they catch them. So comming aboord our ships having
left certaine trifles behind us m their Tents, and taking
nothing away with us, within halfe an hoiare after our
comming aboord, the Savage to whom wee had given
the Knife with three others, which we did suppose to be
Theircomming them which we saw first, came rowing to oia: ships in
to our ships, their Boats, holding up their hands to the Sunne, and
striking of their brests, crying Yota. We doing the like,
328
JAMES HALL a,d.
1605.
they came to oiir shippe or Captaine : giving them bread
anci Wine, which, as it did seeme, they made little account
of ; yet they gave us some of their dryed fishes, at which
time there came foure more, who with the other bartered
their Coats, and some Seale skinnes, with our folke for
old Iron Nailes, and other trifles as Pinnes and Needles,
with which they seemed to be wonderfully pleased, and
having so done, holding their hands towards the Sunne
they departed.
The thirteenth, there came fourteene of them to owr
ship, bringing with them Seale skinnes. Whale Finnes,
with certayne of their Darts and Weapons, which they
bartered with owr people, as before. This day I made
observation of the latitude, and found this Roadsted in observatumof
the latitude of (^(i. degrees 25. minutes, and the mouth the latitude,
of this Bay or Sound, lyeth in the latitude of 66. degrees
30. minutes. Also here I made observation of the tydes, observation of
and found an East and West Moone to make a full Sea, the titles,
upon the Full and Change, more it floweth, three fathome
and an halfe water, right up and downe.
The fourteenth and fifteenth dayes we rode still, the
people comming to us, and bartering with us for pieces
of old Iron, or Nailes, Whale Finnes, Seales Skinnes,
Morse Teeth, and a kind of Home which we doe suppose
to be Unicornes Home, at which time the Captaine went
with oiu: Boat, to the place where we had seene their
Tents, but found them removed ; and the other fish and
the Seale fish lying still a drying: the Captaine taking
a quantitie of the Sea fish into the Boat, caused some of
the Mariners to boyle it ashoare, the Savages helping
oxir men to doe the same, the Captaine using them very
friendly, they having made about a barrell and an halfe
of Oyle, leaving it aland all night, thinking to bring
the same aboord in the morning. But the Savages the
same night let the same forth. Yet notwithstanding, the
Captaine shewed no manner of discontent towards them. Qurdepartinz
The sixteenth day, I went into the Pinnasse, to discover inthePinnasse
certaine Harbours to the Northwards, the wind being from the ship,
329
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1 605,
our sailes, to defend us from their Stones, Arrowes and
ThesuhHMi Darts. They seeing this, went certaine of them from
of the Savages, ug rowing to certaine Hands, to which they did thinke
wee wolJd come: leaving no more but about ten men
and Boates about us, who rowed alongst the space of
an houre with us, making signes of friendship to us. At
length perceiving, that wee were not minded to goe forth
amongst these Iknds, upon which the rest of their folke
were, they threw certaine shels and trifles into the Boat,
making signes and tokens to fetch them, the which my
Boy c^ed William Huntries did. He being in the Boat,
My Boy shot they presently shot him through both the buttockes with
with a Dart. ^ Dart, at which time they rowed from us, they mustering
upon the Hands to the number of three hundred persons,
keeping themselves farre enough from our danger.
About sixe a clocke this Evening it began to blow a raire
gale Easterly, we getting ofi^ to Sea, stood all this night
North and by East alongst the Land.
A Topographicall Description of the Land as I did
discover the same.
N'
[Ow having proceeded for the discoverie of the Coast
and Harbours so iarre, and so long time as the time
limited to me, therefore I thinke it convenient, to make
a briefe description of the same, according as by my short
experience I foimd the same to be.
Thi descrtfh- The Land of Groenland is a very high, ragged and
^^^^j^j mountainous Coimtrey, being all alongst the Coast broken
^ * Hands, making very goodly Sounds and Harboiars, having
also in the Land very many good Rivers and Bayes, into
some of which I entred sayling up the same tne space
of ten or twelve English leagues, finding the same very
navigable, with great abundance of fish of sundrie sorts.
Ofthifer- The Land also in all places wheresoever I came, seemed
tiRtyofthe ^q be very fertile, according to the Climate wherein it
^' lyeth: for betweene the Mountaynes was most pleasant
332
JAMES HALL a,d-
1605.
Plaines and Valleyes, in such sort as if I had not seene
the same, I could not have beleeved, that such a fertile
Land in shew could bee in these Northerne Regions.
There is also in the same great store of Fowle, as Ravens, Store offiwle.
Crowes, Partridges, Pheasants, Sea-mewes, Guiles, with
other sundry sorts. Of Beasts I have not seene any,
except blacke Foxes, of which there are very many. Also Blacks Foxes.
as I doe suppose there are many Deere, because that
comming to certaine places where the people had had
their Tents, we found very many Harts Homes, with
the bones of other beasts round about the same. Also
going up into the Land wee saw the footing and dunging
of divers beasts, which we did suppose to be deere, and
other beasts also, the footing of one which wee found
to be eight inches over, yet, notwithstanding we did see
none of them : for going some two or three miles from
the Pinnasse we retximed againe to goe aboord. More-
over, in the Rivers we found simdry sorts of Fishes, as Fishes.
Seales, Whales, Salmons, with other sorts of fishes in great
abundance. As concerning the Coast, all alongst it is of the Coast.
a very good and faire Land, having very faire snoalding
of the same: for being three English leagues ofi^ the
same, I found very faire shoalding in fifteene fathomes,
and comming neerer the same fourteene, twelve, and tenne
fathomes very faire sandie ground. As concerning the
people, they are (as I doe suppose) a kinde of Samoites, Of the people.
or wandring Nation travelling in the Sunmier time in
Companies together, first to one place, and having stayed
in that place a certayne time in hunting and fishing for
Deere and Seales with other fish, streight they remove
themselves with their Tents and baggage to another. Thecokurof
They are men of a reasonable stature, oeing browne of the people.
colour, very like to the people of the East and West The people
Indies. They be very active and warlike, as we did per- ^^ ^^^^' ,
ceive in their Skirmishes with us, in using their Slings They eat thetr
, T^ • 1 1 iTn 1 • ° ^ meat most part
and Darts very nimbly. They eat their meate raw, or ^^^
a little perboyled either with bloud, Oyle, or a little water, [III. W. 820.]
u^hich they doe drinke. They apparell themselves in the
333
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605,
East halfe Easterly some ten leagues, I found my selfe
in the latitude of 66. degrees 10. minutes, when I directed
my course South South-west till sixe aclocke when wee
were amongst much Drift Ice, being to leeward two points
upon our lee-bow, so that I was forst to lie off West
North-west till we were cleere of the same, at which time
I directed my coxirse South-west and by South, wee sayling
so all the night following.
The twelfth day, the wind at North North-east, wee
went away South-west and by South till ten a clocke,
when we were amongst more Drift Ice, wee being againe
to lie West North-west, to ^t cleere of the same, which
we did about noone, we havmg this day and the Evening
before a mightie hollow Sea, which I thought to be a
J gr^at current, the which setteth thorow Fretum Davis to the
current setting Southwards, as by experience I proved : for making obser-
to tAeSoutA- yj^tjQjj (his ^^y ^^ noone, we found owr selves in the
latitude of 62. degrees 40. minutes, whereas the day
before we were but in the latitude of 66. degrees 10.
minutes, having made by accoimt a South and by West
way about ten leagues. This afternoone I directed my
coxirse South South-west.
The thirteenth day, the wind as before, we steered still
South and by West, being at noone in the latitude of
60. degrees 17. minutes, going at the same time away
South and by East. This foresaid current I did find to
set alongst oie Coast of Gronland South and by East.
The fourteenth day, close weather, being an easie gale
we steering South-east and by East. The fifteenth day,
[III. iv. 82 1.] stil close weather til noone, we steering as before, being
in the latitude of 59. degrees. This day at noone I went
away East South-east; this afternoone it was hasie and
Drift Ice. still weather, when we had sight of some Drift Ice. The
16. day, close weather with the wind at North-west and
by West, our coxirse East South-east til about ten adock,
A mighty bank when we met with a mightie bank of Ice to windward
^^^^* of us, being by supposition seven or eight leagues long,
wee steering South South-east to get cleere of the same.
336
JAMES HALL a.d,
1605.
We met all alongst this Ice a mightie scull of Whales. Agreatsculof
Moreover, wee light with a great airrent, which as nigh ^^^f-
as we could suppose, set West North-west over for ^^
America. This day at noone, the weather being very
thicke, I could have no observation, this Evenmg by
reason of the Ice, wee were forced to lye South and by
West, and South South-west, to get cleere of the same,
amongst which we came by divers huge Hands of Ice.
The seventeenth day, being cleere of the Ice, about
foure in the morning, I directed my coiarse South-east by
South till noone, at which time I went away East and by
South, the weather being very haysie and thicke: about
midnight it feU calme, the wind comming up Easterly.
The eighteenth day, the wind still Easterly, we lying
East South-east, away under a couple of courses larboord
tackt. This day in the forenoone, we saw certayne Hands
of Ice. The nineteenth day, the wind still Easterly with
the weather very hasie.
The first day of August also it was very thicke weather,
with a faire gale at South-west and by West. This fore-
noone wee met with a scull of Herrings, so that I knew
wee were not fiirre from the lies of Orkney, so having
a shrinke at noone, I found us in the latitude of 58.
degrees 40. minutes, at which time I sounded with the
deepest Lead, finding 42. fathomes redde sandie ground,
with some blacke dents. This Evening betweene five
and sixe a clocke wee sounded againe, when we had no
more but twentie fathomes dent groimd, whereby I knew
that we were faire by the shoare, when some of our men
looking forth presently, espied one of the Hands of We fell with
Orkeney, it being very thicke, wee cast about, and stood Orktuy.
with a small sayle to Seaboord againe, we lying West
North-west ofi^ all this night.
The tenth day, about five in the morning, we came
thwart of the Castle of Elsonvere, where we discharged
certaine of our Ordnance, and comming to an Anchor in
the Road, the Captaine with my selfe went ashoare, and
hearing of his Majesties being at Copeman-Haven, wee
XIV 337 Y
A«D.
1605.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
prescndy went aboord againe, and set sayle comming
thither about two a clocke. The Pinnasse also which
he had lost at Sea, in which my Countreyman John Knight
was Commander, came also the same night about foure
a clocke, both they and we being all in good health, praised
bee Ahnightie God. Amen.
Godske
LifuUno,
Captaine
Cunningham,
Hans Broftme
a Gentleman
0/ Norway.
Rickerson a
Dane.
Andre$NeUof
Bergen.
Chap. XV.
The second Voyage of Master James Hall, forth of
Denmarke into Groenland, in the yeere 1606.
contracted.
E departed from Copeman-Haven, the
seven and twentieth of May, in the
yeere of our Redemption 1606. with
foure ships and a Pinnasse. The Frost
beeing Admirall, wherein went for
principall Captaine of the Fleet Captaine
Godske Lindeno a Danish Gentleman
with my selfe, being under God Pilot Major of the
Fleet. In the Lyon which was Vice-Admirall, went for
Captaine and Commander, Captaine John Cunningham a
Scottish Gentleman, who was with me the yeere before.
In the Yewren went Hans Browne, a Gentleman of
Norway. In the smal ship called The Gilleflowre, went
one Castine Rickerson a Dane. In the Pinnasse called
the Cat, went one shipper Andres Nell, of Bergen in
Norway. So by the providence of God, wee weighed
and set saile about sixe a clocke in the Evening, with a
faire gale at South South-west, comming to an Anchor
in Elsonoure Road to take in our water.
The nine and twentieth in the morning, we shot off
a Peece of Ordnance, for all the Captaines and Com-
manders to come aboord of us, who being come, our
Captaine commanded the Kings Orders to bee read, which
done, they returned aboord, at which time wee weighed
with a faire gale at East North-east, standing away North
338
JAMES HALL a.d.
1606.
and by West till I had brought the Cole North-east and
by East off, when I steered away North North-west, and
North-west and by North. This Evening about five a
clocke, I set the Annold, it bearing West halfe Northerly,
three leagues and an halfe. All this Evening wee stood
away North-west and by North.
The thirtieth day, the wind at East South-east, wee
steering as before, this morning about sixe a clocke, the
Lesold bore West and by North of us sixe leagues off.
At five this Evening, the Scaw bearing West South-west
five leagues, I directed my coxirse West North-west, with
the wind at North-east and by East.
The one and thirtieth in the morning, very hasie weather
with a stiffe gale at East North-east, we steering West [III. iv. 822.]
North-west away, till about nine a clocke, when we had
a shrinke of the Land which was the wester gate of
Mardo, we steering alongst the Land. Wee came to an
anchor in Flecorie, where we were to make and take in Our comming
wood and water. to Flecorie,
The second of June we weighed, and came forth of Our
the Harboiu: of Flecorie about sixe in the morning, having ^rture,
a fresh gale at East North-east. About eleven at noone,
I set the Nase of Norway, it bearing North North-west
foiare leagues off. The fourth day in the morning about
two a clock, we were faire by the high Land of the i eddoe,
I causing to cast about stood to the Southwards, West
and by South and sometimes West. This day at noone,
I foimd my selfe in the latitude of 57. degrees 45. minutes,
the Nase of Norway bearing East North-east two and
twentie leagues off. This day at noone also I cast about
and stood to the Northwards, lying North with the
stemme, having the winde at North fJorth-west. This
afternoone dyed one of o\jt Groinlanders called Oxo. ' All One of our
this evening, and the night following, the winde as before, 9^^^^^
we lying also North with little winde. ThefifiZd^
The seventh day, the winde at South-west and by ^ixt mostwhat
South and South South-west, we steering West and West cdm,
and by North. This day at noone we were in the latitude
339
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
of 58. degrees 40. minutes. The tenth dav about foure
in the mornings it began to blow a fresh gale at East and
by South, at which time we stood alongst the Land to
the Southward, till I had brought the South Head of
Shotland, called Swinborne H^, North-west and by
North about three leagues off; and Faire He next hand
South-west and by South eight leagues off, at which time
I directed my course away West with a fresh gale at
East South-east about halfe an houre to three. I set the
Shotland, South head of Shotland it bearing North-east eight leagues
off, Faire He next hand South-east seven leagues off,
foule next hand North foure leagues, wee still steering
away West with a fresh gale at East South-east. AU
this afternoone and the night following it was very thicke
and raynie weather, the winde continuing as before. This
OurGroen- night at midnight dyed the Groenlander which we had
lander dyed, aboord US, named Omeg.
The fourteenth day, the winde as the night before a
faire gale, we steering as we did before, with haysie
weather having a shrinke, at noone I found us in the
latitude of 58. degrees 40. minutes, having made a West
and by South way Southerly two and thirtie leagues,
differing to the Westward from the Meridian of the Nase
19. degrees 45. minutes. This afternoone we had a faire
gale at South-east with thicke weather, we steering away
West.
The fifteenth day, the winde as before, we steering
away West, being by my imagination in the latitude or
58. degrees 40. minutes. The three and twentieth day,
the winde at the North-east a faire gale, we steering
betweene the West North-west, and the West and by
North, being at noone in the latitude of ^6, degrees 10.
minutes, having by reason of a Northerly current contrarie
to my expectation, made a West way Southerly two and
twentie leagues. The Compasse also as I doe suppose,
being varied more then a Point to the westwards.
Sight of Land The first of July wee saw Land being eight leagues
with Ice, off, with a great banke of Ice lying off South-west, wee
340
JAMES HALL a,d.
1606.
setting our tacks aboord laid off East and by South and
East South-east, to double the same, about two a clocke
having doubled the same, wee went away West and by
South all this evening and night following. This Land
I did suppose to be Busse Iland; it lying more to the
Westwards then it is placed in the Marine Charts.
The second day thicke weather with the winde at North
North-west, we steering West and by North. This after-
noone we were in a great Current setting South South- A cutrent,
west. The which I did suppose to set betweene Busse
Iland and Freseland over with America; wee steering
West North-west with a faire gale at North. This night
about nine a clocke, the Pinnasse came foule of the Vice- The Pimasse
admirall, where with her anchor shee tore out about a camfiuUof
foot of a planke a little above water, and broke downe ^ ^^^*
the beakes head.
The sixth making observation, I foimd us in the latitude
of 58. degrees 50. minutes, contrarie to my expectation,
whereby I did see the Southerly Current to bee the princi- ^outh cmrenu
pall cause. The seventh day, the winde at North and by
East, we lying West North-west, being at noone in the
latitude of 59. degrees 40. minutes, our way North-west
two and twentie leagues. This evening I found the North
Point of the Compasse to be varied 12. degrees 5. minutes, VaHaim
to the Westward of the true North. observed.
The eight day, the winde came up more Southerly
betweene the South-west, and the South-west and by
West with an easie gale, we steering away North-west
and by West ; being at noone in the latitude of 59. degrees
30. minutes, having by reason of the Current and 'Sta-
tion made a West way Southerly about ten leagues.
The ninth day close weather, it being calme all the
forenoone, wee perceiving by oxir ships which lay becalmed,
a violent Current setting South-west. This day at noone, A current
we were in the latitude of 59. degrees 40. minutes. The ^^*^^Z ^^^^^
tenth about foure in the morning, the winde came up to ^^^^'
the North North-west. I casting about stood to the
Westwards, lying West with the stenune, being in the
341
file
as
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
Sight of latitude of 60. degrees 16. minutes. We saw the coast
^9L^^ ^* of America about nine leagues off, at which time I made
and^o^^' observation of the variation, and foimd the Needle varie
minuus. ^4- degrees to the Westwards of the true North.
[III. iv. 823.] The Hill tops were covered with snow, and the shoare
to the Northwards full with Ice, but to the Southwards
J Current, it seemed cleere. Here I found a great Current to set
West into the shoare, which about midnight did bring
us to bee incxmibred with very many Hands of Ice, having
much to doe to get cleere off the same without danger:
but by Gods helpe it being faire weather with a fresh
le at South-west, wee got cleere off the same, standing
Last South-east and South-east and by East.
The fourteenth in the morning being cleere of the Ice,
I went away East North-east and Norm-east and by East
till eight a clocke, when I directed my course North-east
and by North, being at noone in the latitude of 59.
degrees, the Cape or Head land which wee saw that night
bearing West South-west sixteene leagues off. All this
afternoone and night following it was for the most part
Variation still weather: this evening f found the variation 23.
observed. degrees 55. minutes.
The sixteenth faire weather with a fresh gale at East
South-east, our course as before, being in the latitude of
60. degrees 20. minutes, the ships way North and by
East northerly twentie leagues. This afternoone and the
night following the wind as before, we steering still North-
east and by North.
The eighteenth also thicke weather, being forced to
stand away North North-west to double a great banke
with great Mountaines of Ice almost incredible to be
reported, yet by the helpe of God wee passed the same,
savling all this day by great and huge mountainous Hands
or Ice, with the winde at South-west and by South, being
at noone in the latitude of 63. degrees 45. minutes. Wee
Compassed did see our selves beset roimd about with mightie bankes
about toith Ice. of Ice, being forced to make more saile, and to lye to
and againe aU this night to keepe us cleere of great and
342
JAMES HALL ad.
i6o6.
small Hands of Ice, where many times we were in such
danger, that we did looke for no other thing then present
deam, if God had not beene mercifull unto us and sent
us cleere weather, where by his assistance we kept our
selves very hardly and with great difficultie cleere of the
Ice.
The nineteenth day in the morning cleere weather with
a fresh gale at South-west, wee plymg amongst the Ice
to see if wee coidd get a gut to get deere of the same,
at which time wee saw the Land of America about the Land of
latitude of 64. degrees, it lying next hand South and -'^»^^^-
North, being high ragged Land covered with snow, the
shoare being all beset with Ice. So lying off and on
amongst the Ice in great perill till about noone, when
God of his goodnesse sent us to espie a little gut where
wee went through, and stood South South-east away,
comming still by many Hands of Ice. Heere I did finde
both by my course and reckoning (the variation also of
the Compasse respected) that wee were carried with a
mightie Current to the Westwards, as both now and ^ ^^g^tj cwr-
afterwards wee did probably proove and see the same. ^^ ^^^^^
For I setting my course from the coast of America in the ^ ^
latitude of 58. degrees and a halfe for the coast of Groen-
land North North-east with a compasse, whose wyers were
placed more then two third parts of a Point to the East-
wards of the North, the variation being 23. degrees 30.
minutes Northwesting and 24. degrees, as by observation
I found betweene the latitude of 58. and a halfe and 54. Note.
degrees, yet I did finde my selfe contrarie either to mine
owne, or to any of their expectations which was in the
Fleet with mee, carried almost foure Points with the
Current to the westwards over our judgements.
The twentieth, wee still sayled to the Eastwards by Here I did
many great Bankes and Hands of Ice, being still compassed ^ve directum
in, wee being forced to stand to the Southwards to get ^^^^^
deere, where being sometimes becalmed, wee did plainly ^^y^^^ ^^y
sec and perceive our selves carried into the Ice to the course for
westward very violently. This Current setteth West Groenland.
343
A.D.
i6o6.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
FariatioH
observed.
North-west. The twentieth in the evening I found the
G^mpasse varied 23. degrees.
The one and twentieth day in the morning faire weather,
wee espyed a gut through the Ice, it seeming cleere to
the southwards of the same, where bearing into the same
about noonc, wee were cleere of all the Ice by the mercifull
providence of God. Here I observed the latitude, it
being 63. degrees 3^. minutes. Now having the one and
twentieth day at atternoone caused the Ac&iirall to call
the other Captaines and Steermen aboord, with whom
wee might conferre, and having shewed briefly my
reckoning with the other events, which contrarie to my
expectation had happened, the cause whereof at that instant
they did plainly see and perceive: They confessing, the
The Current. Current as they did now plainly see, to bee the cause of
the same. So having done, I gave to the other Steermen
directions, that being cleere of the Ice they should goe
betweene the East and the East and by North over for
the coast of Groenland and not to the Northwards of the
East and by North, because of the former events. And
now at this instant, by Gods helpe, being cleere I called to
them, giving the same directions. This afternoone and
the night foUowing it was calme. This evening I found
the Compasse varied 23. degrees 25. minutes.
The two and twentieth day at noone I found us in the
latitude of 63. degrees 20. minutes. The three and
twentieth faire weather, the ayre very cold, as with us
in the moneth of Januarie, the winde variable betweene
the East North-east, and the South-east and by East,
being at noone in the latitude of 63. degrees, having made
[III. iv. 824.] a South-east and by South way eleven leagues. This day
at noone I cast about to the Westwards, the other ships
doing the like, lying North-east and by North with the
stemme, finding this evening the Needle varied to the
Westwards 23. degrees 30. minutes.
The foure and twentieth, the winde variable betweene
the South South-east and the South-east and by South
with raine and fogge. This day about eleven a docke
344
Fat ia Hon
observed.
Variation
observed.
JAMES HALL a.d.
1606.
wee did see much Ice to leeward, wherefore I cast about
to the Southwards, the winde comming to the East North-
east, wee lying South-east with the stemme, supposing
the ship to have made a North and by West way halre
Northerly two and twentie leagues. This afternoone, by
reason of the fogge, we lost sight of the Lion and the Wee lost the
Gilliflowre, wee looking earnestly forth for them, and ^^f^
shooting both we and the Urin divers pieces of Ord- ^^^fi^^^-
nance, but wee could neither see nor heare them, at
which time the winde came up Southerly, we standing
away our course betweene the East and East and by
North.
The five and twentieth, wee had sight of Groenland,
being about ten leagues to the Southward of Queene
Annes Cape. Wee standing away East South-east in
with the Land with the winde at South. All this night
it did blow very much, wee steering North by West and
North North-west.
The seven and twentieth day in the morning was reason-
able cleere weather with a fresh gale at South South-west.
This morning betweene foure and five of the clocke, I
espyed Queene Annes Cape to beare East by South next
hautid of mee, and King Christians Foord South South-
east of me, being thwart of Rvimels Foord, Queene Sophias
Cape bearing North halfe westerly, about five leagues off.
Therefore I thought it convenient to put into Cunning-
hams Foord where the silver was, both in regard that I The siher
had sworne to his Majestie as concerning the same; and ^^^^
also because wee were expresselv commanded to bring
home of the same. So having a raire gale at West South-
west, wee came into the aforesaid River, anchoring in a
very good Sound, hard by the Ure, in sixteene fathoms,
at the mouth of Cunninghams Foord, about five of the The f lace of
clocke. There came presently foure of the Countrie f^^^^er
people unto us after their old accustomed manner. This ^^'
evening about sixe of the clocke the Urin anchored by
us. This night the Admirall, my selfe, and Captaine
Browne went on Land to see the Myne of silver : where
345
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
had served our Giptaine the yeere before, which for a
certaine faidt committed by him our Giptaine left behinde
in the Coimtrie. About noone our men came aboord
againe ; and after Dinner some of the people came unto
Five of the US, of whom wee caught five with their Boates and stowed
people taken them in our ships, to bring them into Denmarke, to
agmne. enforme our selves better by their meanes of the state of
Groeniand their Countrie of Groineland, which in their owne
called by the language they call Secanunga, and say, that up within
Inhahttants ^^^ Land they have a great King, which is carried upon
mens shoulders.
The tenth of August in the morning, the winde being
at East South-east, we weighed and came forth of Rombes
Foord, but being come forth to Sea amongst the Hands,
the winde came up to the South-west and by South, the
Sea going marvellous high, we lying West and West and
by North to Sea, doubUng certaine Hands and Rockes.
Where the Sea going so wonderfiill high had set us upon
the Rockes, where we had all dyed, if God of his mercy
at that instant, when wee saw nothing before our eyes
but present death, had not sent us a great gale of winde
at South South-west, whereby wee lay West North-west
away with a flawne sheat, wee doubling of the Hands and
Rocks, were forced to goe between certaine little Hands,
which lye off Queene Sophias Cape foure leagues into
the Sea. The which Hands I named the yeere before,
Knights Koiights Hands, after the name of John Knight. So
Hands, having passed these Hands not without great danger, wee
found betweene them many blinde Rocks, and being deere
in the Sea. The thirteenth at noone, we were in the
latitude of 66. degrees 50. minutes, being off Gipe Sophia
West and by North hafle westerly about sixteene leagues.
The eighteenth about foure in the morning, we got
deere off the Ice, steering South and by West away, it
being very thicke weather till noone, when it cleered up :
at which time wee saw the shoare rising like Hands, being
very high and stretching South and by East, and North
and by West about foure and twentie leagues, the shoare
348
JAMES HALL a.d.
1606.
being beset all foil with Ice, so that in that place it is
impossible for any ship to come into the shoare. Also
of the Southennost of these two Capes, lay such a great
banke of Ice stretching into the Sea, that wee were forced
to lye West and by North to double the same.
All this aftemoone, wee were almost compast with Ice,
we bearing to the same, the winde comming up to the
East South-east, we standing South to the Ice were forced
to loose for one Hand, and to beare roome for another
tiU about foure a clocke, when by Gods helpe wee got
cleere off the same, the winde conmiing up to the South-
east and by South, wee lay South-west and by South off
all this night.
The two and twentieth thicke weather, the winde as
before. This morning about seven a clocke we saw a
saile West and by South of us, we standing to him, for
it was our Vice-admirall the Lion, who had beene greatly Wemtagaine
troubled with the Ice, wee being glad to meete one another ^^^ the Lion.
againe.
The eight and twentieth about foure in the morning,
the storme ceased, the winde comming up to the West
South-west. About three a clocke wee set our sailes
standing South-east away. But being under saile, we
spyed great bankes and Hands of Ice to leeward of us,
lying off East and by South, which Ice I did judge to
lye off Cape Desolation about eight leagues off : the which
by reason of the fogge we could not see.
The nine and twentieth about sixe in the morning, the
winde came up to the North-east and by North, we making
saile went South South-east away till noone with a stiffe
gale, wee seeing in the morning pieces of drift Ice to
windward of us ; having at noone a shrinke of the same
I found us in the latitude of 59. degrees 46. minutes,
having from noone to noone made a South-east and by
South way eight leagues.
The one and thirtieth, the winde continuing, wee
holding stiU our course with the winde still at North
North-west, with faire and cleere weather it blowing very
349
A.D.
i6o6.
The streame
under the
Hands of
Farre,
Turco,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
The twentieth, wee did sec the streame had set us to
the Northwards. This streame setteth under the Hands
of Farre next hand East and West. So casting about
wee stood to the westwards, lying West South-west and
sometimes West and by South, and sometimes South-
west, it being very raynie weather, about midnight it
fell calme and so continued all night unto the mormng.
The first of CX:tober in the aftemoone about foure of
the clocke, we had sight of The Holmes. The second
day, wee steered away South-east and by South and South
South-east for The Col. And about eight of the clocke
this night wee came into Turco, where wee rode all the
day foUowing. The third day at night the winde came
to the North-east ; so wee weighed and came into Elsenor
Road. The fourth day, by the providence of God, we
arrived in our desired Port of Copen Haven, 1606.
The severall burthens and numbers of men
employed in the ships of the Fleet aforesaid,
were as folio weth.
THe Trust being AdmiraU, was of sixtie tunnes, had
eight and fortie men. The Lion Vice-admirall, was
of seventie tunnes, had eight and fortie men. The Urin
or Eagle Reare-admirall, of one hundred tunnes, had fiftie
men. The Gilliflowre was of fortie tunnes, had six-
teene men. The Pinnasse called the Cat, was of twentie
tunnes, had twelve men. Bredaransies Foord is most
Northerly. Cunninghams Foord is next in sixtie seven
degrees and odde minutes. The Foord wherein they saw
the Towne ten leagues up the same, is two leagues to the
South of Cunninghams Foord. The Kings Foord is in
sixtie sixe de^ees and an halfe.
[III. iv. 827.] William Huntris of Stowborow in Yorke-shire, is
Master Hall his man, and is allowed thirtie pound by
the yeere of the King of Denmarke, for his skill in Navi-
gation.
352
JAMES HALL
I have also Master Halls Voyage of the next yeere
1607. to Groenland from Denmarke, written, and with
representations of Land-sights cviriously delineated by
Josias Hubert of Hull, but the Danes (envious perhaps
that the glory of the. Discovery woxJd be attributed to
the English Pilot) after the Land saluted, mutinied, and
in fine forced the ship to retume for Island. For which
cause I have here omitted the whole.
A.D.
1606.
Chap. XVL
The Voyage of Master John Knight, (which had
beene at Groenland once before 1605. Captaine
of a Pinnasse of the King of Denmarke) for
the Discovery of the North-west Passage,
begun the eighteenth of Aprill 1606.
Set sayle from Gravesend in a Barke of April 1%,
fortie tunnes, called the Hope-well, well '^o^-
victualled and manned at the cost of the
Worshipfull Companies of Moscovie, and
the East Indie Merchants, for the Dis-
coverie of the North-west Passage the
eighteenth of Aprill 1606. and arrived
the sixe and twentieth of the same moneth in the He of
Orkney, in a Sound called Pentlefrith. Heere wee were PentUfrithy in
stayed with contrary winds at West and North-west, and Orkney,
with much storme and foule weather above a fortnight.
In which meane space, I entertained two men of this
Countrey, which arc both lustie fellowes at Sea and Land,
and are well acouainted with all the Harbours of these
North parts of Scotland. These men brought us into a
very good Harbour, called Saint Margarites Hope, where Baint Marga-
we had the Sea open to us for all winds that are good for rites Sound,
us to proceed on our Voyage. In this Countrey we found
little worthy of Relation. For it is poore, and hath no
wood growing upon it. Their Corne is Barley and Oates.
XIV
353
i6o6.
Two small
Hands,
The Bling-
kead the
Vorth-east
fart of Lewis.
Fifty-eight
degrees 27,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Their fire is Turffe, their houses are low and unseemely
without, and as homely within.
Upon Munday the twelfth of May, I set sayle from
Saint Margarites Sound or Hope in Orkney, at nine of
the clocke in the morning, our course being West and
by South : and at eight of the clocke at night, the Hill
called Hoyce, did beare West Southerly eleven or twelve
leagues, and the Stacke South and by East Easterly three
leagues and an halfe, the winde beeing at East South-
east.
This day was for the most part calme, and sometimes
wee had a fresh gale of winde : our course was West and
by South, halfe a point Southerly. This day I passed by
two small Hands. The one of them is called, the Clete,
and the other the Run. They are distant foure leagues
the one from the other. The course betweene them is
South-west and North-east. The Southermost is called
the Clete, and is the lesser of the twaine: it is distant
from the North-east part of Lewis, called the Bling-head,
seven leagues : and the course betwixt them is North-west
and South-east. Also this Bling-head is distant from the
Farro Head, of the Hieland of Scotland West and by
North halfe a point Westerly, and is distant seventeene
leagues. Also the course betweene Bling-head and the
North-west part of Lewis, is West and by South halfe
a point Westerly, and faire low Land without Wood.
There is good riding all along the shoare, the winde beeing
off the Land, and in some places are very good Harbours
for all winds. From eight to twelve at night, we ran
sixe leagues West South-west.
This morning we had a fresh gale of wind at East
North-east : our course was South-west and by West two
houres five leagues. From two to ten South-west, and
by South 20. leagues. From ten to twelve West South-
west sixe leagues. The latitude at noone was 58. degrees
27. minutes.
From Wednesday at noone tiU Thursday at noone, was
for the most part raine and fogge, the wind at North-east
354
JOHN KNIGHT a.d.
1606.
and by East : our covirse was West halfe a point Southerly :
our latitude at noone being Thursday, 58. degrees 23.
minutes. From Thursday at noone till Friday at noone,
being the sixteenth, our way was West Southerly about
twcntie leagues: the latitude at noone was 58. degrees
19. minutes. This night the wind was sometimes variable
betweene the South and by West and South-east, with
faire weather, the Magneticall Declination 18. degrees: Ei^teene
the height of the Pole was 58. degrees 10. minutes. Also degrees of
in the morning the Sunne Seeing tenne degrees above the «'<'^*"^-
Horizon, was distant from the East to the North-wards
of the East twentie two degrees.
From Friday at noone xmtill midnight was little wind
Southerly, and sometimes calme, and from midnight till
twelve at noone the next day a stiffe gale of wind at
East North-east. This foure and twentie hoiu^s I judged
our way to be made good West, something Southerly
thirtie leagues. The latitude at noone was 58. degrees [lll.iv.828.]
10. minutes. Also the sunne did rise fiftie degrees to
the Northward of the East.
From Saturday at noone being the seventeenth, till
Sunday at noone being the eighteenth, our course was
West and by South a stiffe gale of wind fiftie leagues,
being close weather, we made no observation of latitude.
From Sunday at noone till Munday at noone I steered
away West and West and by South, having a storme at
East and by North : our course was West and Southerly
fiftie leagues.
From Munday at noone till midnight, ovir course was
West and Southerly : and from that time till noone West
and by North and West among. I judged wee sayled
fortie leagues these foure and twentie hovires, being for
the most part foggie. The latitude at noone was 57.
degrees 50. minutes.
From Tuesday at noone till noone on Wednesday, our
course was West and by North fortie five leagues, being ^ current to
foggie weather without observation. Here wee had a the North-
cvurent, which I judge setteth to the Northwards. ward.
355
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
From Wednesday at noone till Thursday at noone,
being the two and twentieth, our course was West and
by North fiftie leagues with much fogge and dose
weather, and much winde at North-east and by East.
From Thursday at noone till midnight, our course was
West and by North. Then the winde came to the North :
wee tooke in our mayne course, and I spooned away with
our fore-saile till Friday, the winde being at North North-
east, I judged our way West South-west, the twelve houres
that I spooned about fifteene leagues, the other twelve
houres West Northerly five and twentie leagues. This
Many GuUes three and twentieth day, wee saw many Guiles and much
andmuch Rock-weed.
Rock-weed. From Friday at noone till Saturday at noone, I judged
our way to bee made South-west and by West, but it
f)roved West and bv South, rather Westerly, twentie
eagues by reason of a current, that I judge setteth to
the Northeast (he North-eastward. The latitude at noone was 57.
''''^' degrees 53. minutes. The variation of the Compasse
was about a point to the Westward. This forenoone
and all night the wind was at North a very hard gale ;
wee spooned with our fore-sayle. Also this forenoone,
we saw much Sea Tange and Rock-weed.
From Saturday at noone till Sunday at noone, our
course was Southward about twentie leagues, the wind
being Northerly. This day we saw much Kock-weed and
Drift-wood. The latitude was fiftie seven degrees. The
The variation variation was to the Westward thirteene degrees or there-
iZ. degrees about. The sunne being five degrees high in the
^ morning, was twentie foure degrees to the Northward of
the East.
From Sunday at noone till two of the clocke the next
day in the morning, beeing Munday, our covirse was
West North-west, we made our way West and by North
twentie leagues, having a fresh gale at South-east and
bv East: it fell calme till foure of the clocke: then it
blew an easie gale at West South-west, wee stemming
North-west, &c. betweene that and North North-east the
356
JOHN KNIGHT a.d.
1606.
wind being variable. The wind freshed toward noone.
This morning we saw an Owle. Jm Otak.
The latitude at noone the eight and twentieth, was
57. degrees 57. minutes. The variation of the Compasse Tie variation
was fourteene degrees and an halfe to the West. This i^- Agrees
day wee had blacke water, and many over-falls, streame ^^^^^{l
leeches, and sets of currents, as it seemed to the North-
ward, and some to the Westward.
The thirtieth, we found our latitude to be fiftie eight FiJ^e eight
degrees. Heere it seemed that we were in a tyde gate, ^-^.^^^ ^
which I judged to set North and South, or that it was '^'*^-
the Eddie of the currents, which we saw the other day.
Also wee saw white Fowles, which cheeped like Spar- White fiwles,
hawkes. Also we saw driving many dead Cowes. Dead Corns,
The one and thirtieth, the simne being fiftie degrees
above the Horizon, I foxmd it to bee twentie seven degrees
to the Eastward of the South : againe in the afternoone,
the sunne beeing fiftie degrees high, it was distant from
the South to the Westward fiftie one degrees: at noone
it was ^K^. degrees 6. minutes, the height of the Pole was
58. degrees 3. minutes. The variation of the Compasse The variation
was twentie foure degrees toward the North-west. Our ^f^^ *' --
way made these twentie foure houres was not above sixe ^^rmVmh-
leagues West, being little wind for the most part. toestward.
From Saturday at noone till two of the clocke it was
calme : then it began to blow an easie gale at North. At
night I observed the sunne setting, and found it to set
twentie one degrees to the Westward of the North, the
winde continuing variable betweene the North and the
West North-west till noone, being the first of June. June i.
Then I found my selfe by observation to be in the latitude
of 57. degrees 35. minutes. I judged our way from
noone to noone West and by South or thereabout thirteene
leagues.
From Sunday at noone till ten of the clocke the same
Evening, it was calme. Then it began to blow a stifl^e
gale of wind at South South-east. Our coxirse was West
till noone, the next day being Munday, twentie three
357
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
Many bUcke leagues. This day wee saw many blacke Fowles like
wildfiwles. Willockes flying in flockes together.
LaAtude 56. The fourth my latitude at noone, was 56. degrees 40.
m\^'% 1 ^^^^^^5- ^^^ latitude next day at noone was fiftie sixe
VariaA(m\t ^^g^^^^' The variation of the Compasse by the Scale
deff-ees was twentie degrees, and by my other Instrument twentie
Wesfward. foure degrees to the West. The sunne was twentie two
degrees and an halfe high, and to the North of the West
thirtie degrees by the Instniment, and twentie sixe degrees
by the Scale.
Fifty eight Our latitude at noone the eleventh, was fiftie eight
Agrees. degrees. And at night the sunne did set fourteene degrees
to the Westward of the North, and did rise fiftie degrees
to the Eastward of the North.
The thirteenth, the Ice seemed to be dispersed thinner
with the wind, or some other accident : then I set sayle
with our two courses, but was forced to take them in
againe, and moored to another great Hand of Ice, about
a mile to the Westward of the other. Here setteth some
A small smal current to the South-westward. For the great flakes
current to the of Ice that were somewhat deep, drave to the Southward,
South-tpest, ^^^ ^YiQ ^^j^gj. gj^^ij j^^ jffYach was flotie drave with the
wind, which was variable betwixt the North-west and the
Sight of Land North. Here we were in sight of Land, which bore West
Rke Hands. South-west fi-om us, shewing in some parts like Hands.
Our latitude at noone was 57. degrees 25. minutes.
From Friday at noone till eight of the clocke at night,
wee continued moored to the aforesaid Ice : then it fell
calme, and I loosed and rowed to the West-ward with
our Oares, hoping to get thorough, till twelve of the
clocke, then the Ice grew very thicke. I moored againe
till foure of the clocke the next morning. Then we
rowed and sayled with an easie gale of wind till eight
of the clocke the next morning being Satvirday. Then
it began to blow a fresh gale Easterly, and we cunned
the ship among the Ice with our Oares till noone. Our
latitude was fiftie eight degrees. From Saturday at noone
till midnight wee guided our shippe to the Westward
358
JOHN KNIGHT a.d.
1606.
among the Ice with our Oares, hoping to get thorough :
but wee were suddenly compassed about with many great
Hands of Ice, and continued so distressed with a sore
storme of wind at South-east, being foggie and thicke
weather: we were so bruised betweene mightie great
Hands of Ice, that we were in danger every minute to
be crushed in pieces with force of the heaving and setting
of the said Ice with the great Sea that the wind made,
had not God of his mercie provided for us : for our owne
endevours did little availe to our helpe, though wee
employed aU our industries to the uttermost of owr
powres.
The nineteenth, we descryed the Land of America, T/te Land of
which riseth like eight Hands : the Northermost part of ^^^^^^
it did beare North and by West about fifteene leagues ^^^'^^jj^
from us. I observed the latitude, and found my selfe ^g. minuus.
to be in 56. degrees and 48. minutes. The variation of America hen
the Compasse was twentie five degrees to the Westward. ^^^^^^^ ^^
All this Coast sheweth like broken Land or Hands ; and ^"^^^ ^^'^'
the tyde of floud commeth from the Northward.
Tuesday the foure and twentieth all the morning, there
blew a storme Northerly, and such a suffe of the Sea,
and so much Ice came in, that our fasts brake that were
fast on shoare, and our Rudder was driven from our
Sterne with the force of mightie Hands of Ice ; so that
we were forced to hale close into the bottome of the Cove
to save our clothes, furniture and victuals : wee did our
best, but before we had done, our ship was halfe full of
water: the night comming upon us being wearie, we
tooke a little rest.
On Wednesday, we went hard to worke when the ship
was on ground, to get the water out of her, and to stop
so many of her leakes as we could come by, and to save
so much of our bread as we could; and some went to
building our shallop. Also I caused ovir Boate to be
lanched over the Hand ; and sent my Mate Edward GorreU, ^^^^// ^^^
with three others, to seeke for a better place where to Masters
bring our ship on ground, if it were possible, to mend Mau.
359
A.D.
i6o6.
M.John
Knight with
five more
passe th over to
a great lland^
where he and
three of his
company seem
to have bin
intercepted by
the Savages,
Their
Trumpettor.
[III. iv. 8 30.]
Their BhaUop
mt finished.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
her againe. But they retiirned without any certaintie by
reason of the abundance of Ice, which choked every place.
They found wood growing on the shoare.
Thursday being faire weather.] Here Master John
Knight ended writing in this Jouriiall. On this Thursday
the sixe and twentiem of June in the morning, our Master
caused some of our men to goe aboord ovir ship, to save
what things they could. And hee and Edward Gorrell
his Mate, and his brother, and three more of our Company
tooke the Boate, carrying with them foure Pistols, three
Muskets, five Swords, and two halfe Pikes for to goe over
to a great Iland, which was not above a mile from our
ship, to looke if they could find any Harbour or any
Cove, to get our ship into for to mend her. Also he
carried an Equinoctial! Diall with him, and paper to make
a Draught of the Land. When they were passed over
to the other side, our Master, his Mate, and his brother,
and one more went on shoare, leaving two of us in the
Boate with one Musket, one Sword, and an halfe Pike
to keepe it : which two stayed in the Boate from ten of
the clocke in the morning, untill eleven of the clocke at
night, but could heare no newes of them after their
departvire up into the top of the Hill. Then did the
Trumpettor sound two or three times, and the other did
discharge his Musket two or three times, and so they
came away to the other side to the West of the Company,
where the ship was: where they were watching for our
comming; who seeing us two comming and no more,
they marvelled where the rest of the company were.
When wee came on shoare, they enquired for our Master
and the rest of our company. But we could teU them
no newes of them after their departure out of the Boat,
but that we did see them goe up to the top of the Iland.
Which report did strike aQ our men into a great feare
to thinke in what extremitie we were, because we did
want our Master and three of our best men, and our
Ship lay sunke, and we had nothing to trust to but our
Shallop, which was not at that time halfe finished. This
360
JOHN KNIGHT a.d.
1606.
night lying on shoare in our Tent, which was betweene
two Rockes, we kept very good watch, for feare of any
peoples sudden assaulting of us: or if our Master and
his company had travails! so ferre, that they could not
come againe that night, and would shoote a Musket, that
wee might heare them. But they came not at all.
The next day being Friday, and the seven and twentieth
of Jxme, wee consulted to goe over seven of us with our
Boate, to try if we could see or learne any news of our
Master, or any of our men ; for we were afraid that they
were either surprised by the Savages of the Countrie, or
else devoured by the wilde Beasts. So we tooke with us
seven Muskets, and Swords, and Targets, and such pro-
vision as we had in the Ship, and went downe to the
Sea-side, but wee could not get over for Ice. At length They could not
we returned, with much adoe to get on shoare, and went t^"^ ^ ^
to our Ship, to save what things we could all that day. ^"l^ ^^^
On Saturday, the eight and twentieth, we did likewise ^
save what things we could, and gat all our things out of
our Ship, and made her cleane in hold, havmg faire
weather, hoping in God to save her, and to mend all
things, as weU as we coidd ; for she lay upon hard rocks :
wherefore we kept her as light as we could, for beating
and bruising of her huU. That night about nine of the
clocke, it began to raine very sore, and so continued all
night : and about one of the clocke at night, our Boate-
Swaine and our Steward being at watch, and their watch
almost out, the Steward went aboord the Ship to pumpe,
leaving the Boate-Swaine at watch some Musket shot
length from our Tent: while he was in pvunping, there
came over the rocks a great sort of the Countrey people
toward the place where the Boate-Swaine was : who when
they saw him, they shot their arrowes at him, running TheSavagesof
toward him as fast as they could. Whereupon hee dis- ^ Countrie
charged his Musket at them, and fled to our Tent as ^*j^/^^^y
fast as hee could, thinking they had beset us, they were the clocke at
so many of them in si^t. The Steward hearing his night.
Musket goe ofl^, came out of the Ship, and as he was
361
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
the windc came to the West North-west, and was faire
weather: so we steered away East and by North, to get
Tkey^toutofyxs out of the Bay: And at noone, the watch being out,
Ju^^thi which was the third watch that we had after we came
rode. ^ ^^* ^^ ^^^ Countrey (for before, continually we did watch
all, to keepe our Shippe cleare of the Ice, as ncere as we
could) we began to Pxmipe our Shippe, but could not
make her sucke in a thousand stroakes, if she had stood
but one halfe houre unpumped. Then were wee forced
to unromage our Ship, to see if we could finde our leakes.
We soone found a great many oi leakes, but not that
which caused us to Pumpe so sore. At the last, we found
Our SHppes \x. close abaft our forefoot, where her keele was splintred
^R tmd ' ^^ ^^ ^^ three places, where the Sea came running in
twoortkree ^ ^^t, that it was not possible to keepe her free with
places. both our Pumps, and wee could not come to it to stop
it; for it was under the timbers. Then did wee take
our maine Bonnet, and basted it with Occom, and put
it overboord, right against our leake, which eased us some
foure or five hundrai strokes in an houre. Then upon
Theycmuultto consultation had among our selves, wee resolved to shape
^^/t^T' ^^^ course towards Newfound Land, to see if we coidd
•^ * get any place to mend our Ship, hoping there to meete
with some English or French men. At this time we had
one of our men very sicke, and another had his hand
very sore splitted ; and most of us all were so sore with
rowing and pumping, that we were scarce able to stirre,
but that we must perforce.
The fift of Julie, wee shaped our course for New found
Land, with the winde at West South-west.
The one and twentieth, the winde was at South South-
west ; and we fell with the Land, being nothing but broken
Broken Hands Hands. Then we stood to the Westward, being in the
^+9-^'^Uatitude of 49. degrees and an halfe.
^titude. ^^^ ^^ ^"^^ twentieth was faire weather, and the winde
very variable : and about sixe of the docke at night, the
winde came to the West North-west. Then we steered
in among the Hands, to see if we could finde any harbour
364
JOHN KNIGHT a.d.
l6l2.
to mend oxir Shippe ; for she was very leake. When we
were come in among them, we found nothing but broken Many broken
Hands, and a great current, which did set from Hand to Hands toMcA
Hand, and had no ground at an hundred fathoms. That ^p/^
night we were very sore intangled with sunken Rocks, Sunken Rocks.
and in great danger of casting away oxir Ship, having very
thicke weather : wherefore we kept to and fro all that night.
The foxire and twentieth of July, in the morning, we
spied some dozen Shallops, which were fishing some two Ttoehe
leagues from us. Then wee made what way wee could Skalkpsof
toward them, &x:. We remained in this Bay of Fogo, ^^^^''«^-
in repairing oxir Shippe, and refreshing of o\ir selves
imtill the two and twentieth of August. Then taking
oxir leaves of oxir kinde and loving friends, with giving
them most heartie thankes for their goodnesse towards
us, we put forth to the Sea, and with an indifferent and
reasonable good passage we arrived safely in Dartmouth
in Devonshire, and sent word to London xmto oxir owners,
of the losse of oxir Master and his three companions, and
of the dolefuU successe of oxir Voyage, the foxire and
twentieth day of September, 1606.
The rest of this Journall, from the death of Master John
Knight, was written by Oliver Browne, one of the Company.
Chap. XVIL
The fourth Voyage of James Hall to Groeneland,
wherein he was set forth by English Adven-
turers, Anno 161 2. and slaine by a Greenelanden
Written by William Baffin.
Ednesday, the eight of Jxily, 1612. in the
morning I perceived the Sunne and the
Moone, both very feire above the horizon,
as I had done divers times before. At
which time I purposed to finde out the
longitude of that place, by the Moones
comming to the Meridian. Most part
of this day I spent about finding of the Meridian line;
365
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
west, and blew so stiflFe a gale, that we could not get to
Sea that day. That night, eighteene of us went into
the Hands to looke for some Deere, but found none. But
Great footing, we perceived the foote-steps of some great Beast, which
wee supposed to be of some great Elxe: the foote was
as bigge as any Oxe foote.
Tuesday, the twentie one, the weather still continued
in such sort, that wee could not by any meanes get to
the River, where the supposed Myne should bee. Where-
Ramls River, fore oxir Master bare roome for Ramelsford, being a River
Southward of another, called Cunninghams ford, some
twelve leagues. And we came to an Anchor at the
entrance on the Southside of the Ford, about seven of
the clocke.
Wednesday, the two and twentieth day, about nine
or ten of the clocke, the Savages came to barter with us,
being about fortie of them, and continued about an houre
Jams Hail and an halfe: At which time oxir Master James Hall,
didhn ^^^'^S ^^ ^^ Boate, a Savage with his Dart strooke him
lavage, ^ deadly woimd upon the right side, which oxir Sxirgean
did thinke did pierce his liver. We all mused that he
should strike him, and offer no harme to any of the rest :
unlesse it were, that they knew him since he was there
with the Danes ; for out of that River they carried away
five of the people, whereof never any returned againe:
and in the next River, they killed a great number. And
it shoizld seeme that he which killed him, was either
brother, or some neere kinsman to some of them that
were carried away: for he did it very resolutely, and
came within foxire yards of him. And, for ought we
could see, the people are very kinde one to another, and
ready to revenge any wrong offred to them. All that
day he lay very sore pained, looking for death every
hoxire, and resigned all his charge to Master Andrew
Barker, Master of the Harts-ease, wiUing him to place
nil iv 8^^ 1 ^^^^^^ ^^ his roome Master of the small Ship.
TJ^deatJk of Thxirsday, the three and twentieth, about eight of the
James HaU, clocke in the morning he dyed, being very penitent for
368
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
l6l2.
all his former offences. And after we had shrowded him,
wee carried him in the Shallop, to burie him in some out
Iland, according to his owne request while he was living.
After we had buried him, we went in the Shallop to seeke
for the mine, which we had expected so long. All that
day we rowed along toward the North, passing by a Gipe Queene
caUed, Queene Sophias Cape. That night we staled at Sophias Cafe.
an Iland, some three leagues short of the River.
Fridav, the foure and twentieth, in the morning, wee
rowed along, and came to the place, which is on the oouth-
side of the entrance of Cunninghams River: And we Cunningham
found divers places, where the Danes had digged ; it was ^^''^'*-
a kinde of shining stone, which when oxir Goldsmith,
James Carlile, had tried, it was found of no value, and The supposed
had no mettall at all in it : but was like \mto Moscovie ^^^^^'^
sludde, and of a glittering colour. That day after we ^^-^^^^^
had dyned, wee rowed up that River some foure leagues,
where divers of our company went up into the Moun-
taines, and found a Valley more pleasant, then they had ^P^^^t
seene in the Countrey. That evening we returneci, and ^^^'
came to the place where the Danes had digged their
supposed Mine, and tooke some of it in our Boate to
carry with us, and returned toward our Ship. That night
we rowed and sailed, and the next morning about nme
of the clocke, we came to oxir Ship.
Satxirday, the five and twentieth, being Saint James
his day, in the forenoone, we came to our Shippe, lying
on the South side of the River, called Ramels River.
And as soone as our Master found, that the people came
no more to trade with us, he determined to depart with
the Shippe into the Kings Ford to the Patience: and
rowing aoout the harboxir, where we lay to finde some
neerer way out to the Sea, we found among the Hands, Umy of their
where many of their winter houses had bin, and some winter houses
of their Tents were but lately carried away. In which ^^J^amels
place wee also found one of their long Boates, made of j,T^ ,.
wood, and bound together for the most part, with shivers their^eaur
of Whales fins, and covered with Seales skinnes, being Boates.
XIV 369 2 A
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
l6l2.
some two and thirtic footc in length, and some five foote
broad, having tenne thoughts or seates in it. That day
about twelve of the clocke we weighed anchor, and
Ramls Ford departed out of Ramels Ford, which lieth in the latitude
i»^ ^tift^f of 67. degrees, and the variation of the compasse is 24.
%il'J^^J^!l degrees 16. minutes, being a very fiiire River, and one
is 2\. degrees, ^f "^^ Ttiost prmapall, which wee saw m that Countrey,
16. minutes. Stretching in East and East and by South. This night,
about one of the clocke, we came to the Patience, lying
in the Kings Ford.
Simday, the sixe and twentieth. Master Andrew Barker,
and our Merchant, Master Wilkinson, with other of the
Company, were in conference about returning home,
because that since oxir Master was slaine, none of the
Savages would trade with us, as they were wont.
Wednesday, the nine and twentieth, we were likewise
occupied about taking in of ballast; for our Shippe was
very light : and that evening it was agreed, that Andrew
Barker, Master of the Harts-ease, should goe Master of
the Patience, which was sore against the minde of William
fFUliam Gourdon : and William Himtrice was appointed Master
Htmtrice of the Harts-ease, and John Gartenby, one of the quarter
HeartiXsT ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Patience, was Masters mate of the Harts-
ease.
Tuesday, the fourth of August, in the morning the
Tkey come out winde being Northerly, a very small gale we got to Sea,
of harbour, where the winde came to the Southward, and we tacked
sometime on the one boord, and sometime on the other,
making small way on our course.
Munday the tenth, was raine and foule weather, as it
had continued every day since wee came from harboxir,
saving the seventh day, which was somewhat faire: For
Thick and commonly while the winde is South, it is very thick and
fi^^ foule weather. We tacked sometimes on one boord, and
^nde^beinz ^^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^ Other, making a South by West way,
^f^fff^ at noone sixe leagues.
Wednesday, the twelfth, it waxed calme, we being some-
BumilsCape. what Southward of a Cape, called Burnils Cape: and
370
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1612.
about three or foure of the clocke in the afternoone, the
winde came to the North and by West, an easie gale,
with faire weather.
The eighteenth, at noone we were in 58. deg. 50. min.
The seventeenth day, I tooke the variation or the com- Variation 13.
passe, finding it to be 13. degrees 22. minutes, contrary ^,g^- **•«»•
to the observations of others in this place. And if any
doe doubt of the truth thereof, they may with a little
paines prove it. The eighteenth of August, the declina-
tion of the Sunne was 9. degrees 58. minutes, for the
Meridian of London. But we being almost foure hoxires
of time to the Westward thereof, there are three minutes
to be abated from the rest: and so the declination was
9. degrees ^^. minutes ; and his height above the horizon
was 24. dcCTees 40. minutes in the latitude of 59. degrees
o. min. and his distance from the South to the Westward,
by the compasse, was 81. degrees. And for truth of the
first observation, I tooke another shortly after, finding
them not to differ above 4. minutes.
Wednesday the nineteenth, the winde stiU continued
with thicke and hasie weather, we being at noone
in the latitude of 58. degrees 30. minutes, or there-
about, making a South South-east way, about ten
leagues.
Thursday the twentieth, was faire weather, the winde
at East North-east, wee steered away South-east and
South-east and by East, making at noone a South-east
and by South way, about thirtie leagues, being at noone
in the latitude ot 57. degrees 20. mmutes. This day in
the afternoone, I tooke the variation of the compasse, and Variation 11.
found it about 11. degrees 10. minutes. degr. 10. mtn.
Friday the one and twentieth, faire weather, with the [III. iv. 834.]
winde at North and North by East, and we made an East
South-east way, halfe Southerly twentie foxire leagues,
being at noone by observation, in the latitude of ^6.
degrees 50. minutes.
Satxirday the two and twentieth, faire weather, the wind
at North and North by East, wee made an East way halfe
311
A.D.
l6l2.
Variatku 7,
degrees 23.
minutes.
VariaHoH 7.
degrees 20.
minutes.
The true
variation 6.
minutes.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Southerly, some twentie two leagues, being at noone in
the latitude of ^6. degrees 47. minutes.
Simday the three and twentieth, faire weather, the wind
at West North-west, we making an East and East by
North way about twentie foure leagues. This day I tooke
the variation of the Compasse, and found it to be 7.
degrees 23. minutes, being at noone in the latitude of 57.
degrees 26. minutes.
Mimday the foure and twentieth, being S. Bartholo-
mewes day, feire weather with a North North-west wind
wee making an East North-east way, halfe Northerly about
twentie seven leagues, and were at noone by observation
in the latitude of 58. degrees 4. minutes. This day I
observed and found the Compasse to be varied 7. degrees
20. minutes.
Tuesday the five and twentieth, fiiire weather and
calme : the winde at North, wee made a North-east and
by East way seventeene leagues, being at noone in the
latitude of 58. degrees 30. minutes. This day I found
the common Compasse to be varied one point, and the
true variation to bee 6. degrees 4. minutes.
Wednesday the sixe and twentieth iaire weather also,
with the wind North North-west, we made a North-east
and by East way halfe about twentie two leagues, being
in the height of 59. degrees 10. minutes.
Thursday the seven and twentieth indifferent feire
weather, with a stiffe gale of wind at the North North-
west, we making a North-east way about thirtie one
leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 60. degrees 10.
minutes.
Friday the eight and twentieth, the wind at South-east
with a stiffe gale, wee made good about noone a North-
east and by East way about twentie nine leagues. This
day in the afternoone it blew so great a storme, that wee
were in great distresse, the winde at East South-east. But
about eleven of the clocke it came to the North-west, and
North-west by North. And we ranne some twentie
leagues.
372
WILLIAM BAFFIN ad.
1612.
Satxirday the nine and twentieth, it blew so stiffe, that
wee could beare none but our fore-saile, making an
East and by South way halfe Southerly, about tnirtie
leagues.
Sunday the thirtieth, all the forenoone it blew a very
stiffe gale, and about noone the winde came Southerly;
and it blew a verv great storme, which continued all that
day and that night in such sort, that we could not saile
at all, but all that night lav at hull.
Munday the one and tnirtieth, in the morning about
foxire of the clocke, the winde came to the South-west a
very stiffe gale. At which time we set o\ir fore-saile.
The wind continued all this day and night, we steered
away East and by South, making at noone an East North-
east way about thirtie foiire leagues.
Tuesday the first of September, the wind still continued
at South-west, blowing a very stiffe gale, we steered away
East and by South, making an ^ast way about fiftie
leagues. This day at noone we were in the latitude of
60. degrees 45. minutes.
Wednesday the second fiiire weather with the wind at
South-west, wee made an East and by South way halfe
a point Southerly about fortie two leagues, being at noone
in the latitude of 60. degrees 10. nunutes. This day I
observed, and found the Compasse to be varied three
degrees to the Westward.
Thursday the third day feire weather, the wind at South-
west : wee made an East by North way at noone about
twentie leagues. This day in the after-noone, the winde
being at North Nprth-west, it blew a very stiffe gale for
two Watches; and toward seven or eight of the clocke
the storme so increased, that oxir shippe was not able to
beare any saile. And aJd that night wee lay at hull.
Friday the fourth, the storme still continued, and we
could beare no saile all that dav till about foxire of the ^^. .
clocke in the aftemoone, at which time we set our fore ^!!2 J\k!Z^
course, and oxir maine course. The night berore in the consorty Thi
storme, we lost The Harts-ease. This day wee made Hartsease.
373
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
some twelve leagues East and bv North. And we fell to
lee- ward lying at hxill some five leagues South by West.
Sat\irday die fift calme weather, but very thicke and
close all the forenoone : the wind continued still at North
North-west, we making from the time wee set our courses
the day before, about twentie leagues East halfe Southerly ;
beeing at noone in the latitude of 59. degrees 53. minutes.
Sunday the sixt, feire weather, the wind at North North-
west, we steering away East North-east, and East and by
North, made an East by North way, halfe Northerly some
29. leagues, being at noone in 60. degrees 10. minutes.
VariaHon 6. This day the Compasse was varied to the East sixe degrees.
iUgreestothe yj^jg afternoone it was almost calme: and wee sounded,
Gnimd found, ^^^ fovind ground at sixtie eight fathomes. This Evening
about ten of the clocke the wind came to the South-east.
Munday the seventh, very faire weather, the wind
[III. iv. 835.] South-east and South-east by East, wee tacked in the
morning to the North-ward, and ranne East North-east
and East by North untill seven or eight in the afternoone :
at which time we tacked up to the Southward, and went
away South-west till toward twelve a clocke that night
twentie leagues.
Tuesdav the eight, in our morning Watch I found our
selves to be in 59. degrees 20. minutes : And about five
if*^ . of the clocke I espied Land, which we supposed to bee
The^lles of ^^ ^^^ ^^ Orkney, as afterward we found them to be the
Orkney. same. And toward three of the clocke, we came to an
Anchor in a Channell running betweene the Hands ; where
the people came to us, and brought us Hennes, Geese,
and Sheepe, and sold them to us for old clothes and shooes,
desiring rather them then money. There are about
eighteene of these Hands, which are called by the name
of the Orkeneis.
Wednesday the ninth, it was thicke weather, and the
winde so Easterly that wee coizld not weigh Anchor.
Thursday the tenth, faire weather, and the wind came
to the North-west, and about noone we weighed Anchor ;
and toward five of the clocke we were cleere off the lies.
374
WILLIAM BAFFIN ad.
1612.
The Channell for the most part lyeth North-west and The lying of
South-east. All that night we stood away South-east. {^ Channeil
Friday the eleventh, faire weather, with the wind at ^* ^''^'^^y-
North North-west. And about nine of the clocke in the
morning, we steered away South South-east. At which
time wee had sight of Buquham-nesse : And about two Buquham-
of the clocke we were thwart of it. The seventeenth, ^^"^
we came to an Anchor in H\ill Road, for which the Lord "^^y ^^^^
bee praysed. "^^ ^*^^-
Here I thinke it not amisse brieflv to relate the state
and manners of the people of Groenland, forasmuch as I
could learne : As also what likelihood there is of a passe
into the Sea, which lyeth iipon Tartarie and China.
The North-west part of Gronland is an exceeding high
Land to the Sea-ward, and almost nothing but Moun- f^^g^ Moun-
taynes; which are wonderfull high all within the Land, ^J^"^f^^^^
as farre as wee coizld perceive: and they are all of stone, ^^f^^^'
some of one coloxir, and some of another, and all glistering,
as though they were of rich value ; but indeed they are
not worth any thing. For oxir Gold-smith James Carlile
tryed very much of the Ure, and found it to bee nothing No profitable
worth. If there bee any Mettall, it lyeth so low in the ^^^
Mountaynes, that it cannot bee well come by. There
are some Rocks in these Mountaynes, which are exceeding
pure Stone, finer, and whiter then Alabaster. The sides
of these Mountaynes continually are covered with Snow Contintiall
for the most part, and especially the North sides, and the ^»^-
North sides of the Valleyes, having a kind of Mosse, and
in some places Grasse with a little branch running all along Grasse.
the ground, bearing a little blacke Berrie, it runneth along
the ground like Three-leafed Grasse heere in Englano.
There are few or no Trees growing, as farre as wee could No Trees.
perceive, but in one place some fortie miles within the
Land, in a River, which wee called Balls River. There Balls River.
I saw on the South-side of an high Mountayne, which
we went up, and found (as it werej a yong Grove of small ^ Grove of
Wood, some of it sixe or seven foot high like a Coppice small mod.
in England, that had beene some two or three yeeres
375
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
l6l2.
cut. And this was the most Wood that wee saw growing
in this Countrey; being some of it a kind of Willow,
Juniper, and such like.
We foimd in many places much Angelica. We suppose
the people eate the Roots thereof, for some causes. For
we have seene them have many of them in their Boats.
Foxes. There are great store of Foxes in the Hands, and in
the Mayne, of simdry coloxirs : And there are a kind of
ividte Hares. Hares as white as Snow, with their furre or hairc very
long.
Deere. Also there be Deere, but they are most conunonly up
within the Mayne very farre ; because the people doe so
much hunt them, that come neere the Sea. I saw at one
time seven of them together, which were all that wee did
see in the Countrey: But oxir men have bought divers
Coates of the people made of Deeres skinnes, and have
These seeme bought of their Homes also. Besides, we have divers
to be Elkes^ or times seene the footsteps of some beast, whose foote was
Losshes. bigger then the foot of a great Oxe. Furthermore, the
Dogges like Inhabitants have a kinde of Dogges, which they keepe
Wolves. at their Houses, and Tents, which Dogges are almost
like imto Wolves, living by fish, as the Foxes doe. But
Thefizzelsof one thing is very strange, as I thought: for the Pizzels
Dogges and ^f both Dogges and Foxes are bone.
bone^' ^lo also ^^^ people all the Sununer time use nothing but fishing,
ts the Morses drying their fish, and Seales flesh upon the Rockes for
pizx,le^ of their Winter Provision. Every one both man and woman
which I have have each of them a Boate made with long small pieces
^^m one of ^f Firre-wood, covered with Seales skinnes very weU drest,
and sewed so well with sinewes or guts, that no water
can pierce them through, beeing some of them above
twentie foot long, and not past two foot, or two foot and
an halfe broad, in forme of a Weavers shittle, and so
light, that a man may carrie many of them at once for
'^^^^^^ f ^^ weight. In these Boates they will row so swiftlv,
^th^^Boats. ^^^^ ^^ *s almost incredible: for no ship in the World
is able to keepe way with them, although shee have never
so good a gale of wind : and yet they use but one Oare,
376
stone.
WILLIAM BAFFIN aj>.
1612.
who sitting in the middle of their Boate, and holding
their Oare in the middle, being broad at each end like Their Oares
our Oares, will at an instant goe backward and forward, broad at both
as they please.
In these Boates they catch the most part of their food, [III. iv. 8 36.]
being Seales and Salmons, Morses, and other kinds of Salnms and
fishes. Some they kill with their Darts, and other some M<^rses, ^c
with Angles, having a Line made of small shivers of Jngles and
Whales Finnes, and an Hooke of some fishes bones : with ^^*«^^-
which Line and Hookes, we also have caught very much
fish.
Also they have another kinde of Boate, which is very Their great
long. For wee have seene one of them thirtie two foot ^^ 3^->^
in length, open in the toppe like our Boates ; having tenne ^*
seates in it. In which when they remoove their Dwel-
lings, they Carrie their Goods or House-hold-stufi^e : for
they remoove their Dwellings very often, as their fishing
doth serve, living in the Summer time, in Tents made
of Seales skinnes, and in Winter in Houses some-what
in the ground.
Wee could not particrikrly learne their Rites or Cere-
monies : but generally they worship the Sxmne, as chiefe They worship
Authoxir of their Felicitie. At their first approach unto ^^^,'^^^'
us they used with their hands to point up to the Sunne, and jolu^^^
to strike their hands upon their brests, crying Ilyont ; as
who would say, I meane no harme : which tnev will doe
very often, and will not come neere you, \mtill you doe
the like ; and then they will come without any feare at all.
They bxirie their dead in the Out-Ilands neere the Sea Their burials.
side. Their manner of Buriall is this. Upon the tops
of the Hils they gather a company of stones together,
and make thereof an hollow Cave or Grave, of the length
and breadth of the bodie, which they intend to burie,
laying the stones somewhat close like a wall, that neyther
Foxes, nor other such beasts may devoxire the bodies, ^^ ^*^^
covering them with broad stones, shewing afarre off like '^^^//^^
a pile of stones. And neere unto this Grave where the Furniture of
bodie lyeth, is another, wherein they burie his Bow and the dead.
377
A.D.
l6l2.
They use fire.
They are not
Man-eaters.
NaiUs y old
Iron greatly
desired of the
Savages.
Men are not
to gpe among
Savages
toithout their
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Arrowcs, with his Darts and all his other Provision, which
hee used while hee was living. Hee is buried in all his
Apparell: and the coldnesse of the Climate doth keepe
the bodie from smeUing and stinking, although it lye above
the Ground.
They eate all their Food raw, and use no fire to dresse
their Victuals, as farre as wee could perceive. Also wee
have seene them drinke the Salt-water at our shippes side :
But whether it bee usuall or no, I cannot tell. Although
they dresse not their meate with fire, yet they use fire tor
other things, as to warme them, &x:.
Divers of oxir men were of opinion, that they were
Man-eaters, and would have devoured us, if they could
have caught us. But I doe not thinke they would. For
if they had bin so minded, they might at one time have
caught our Cooke, and two other with him, as they were
filling of water at an Iland, a great way from oxir ship.
These three I say were in the ships Boate without eyther
Musket, or any other Weapon, when as a great company
of the Savages came rowing unto them with their Darts,
and other Furnit\ire, which they never goe without, and
stood looking into the Boate for Nayles, or any old Iron,
which they so greatly desire, while our men were in such
a feare, that they knew not what to doe. At length our
Cooke remembred that hee had some old Iron in hispocket,
and gave each of them some, as farre as it would goe,
with his Key of his Chest. And presently they all
departed without offering any harme at all. But this I
speake not, that I woizldhave men to trust them, or to
goe among them unprovided of Weapons.
378
WILLIAM BAFFIN
A.D.
1615.
Chap. XVIII.
A true Relation of such things as happened in the
fourth Voyage for the Discoverie of the North-
west Passage, performed in the yeere 161 5.
Written by William Baffin.
Fter three sundry Voyages towards the
North-west, to the great charge of the
Adventurers: the last being under the
command of Captaine Gibbins (in which
was little or nothing performed.) Yet
the Right Worshipfuff Sir Dudley Digges
Knight, Master Wostenholme Esquire,
Master Alderman Jones, with others being not therewith
discoiiraged, This yeere 161 5. againe set forth the Dis-
covery, a ship of fiftie five tunnes or thereabouts, which
ship had beene the three former Voyages on the action.
The Master was Robert Bileth, a man well acquainted
that way: having beene employed in the three former
Voyages: my sefie being his Mate and Associate, with
fourteene others and two Boyes.
The sixteenth, we weighed Anchor at Saint Katharines,
and that tyde came to Blackwall, the winde being at
South South-west. The seventeenth, wee went downe to
Gravesend, and the eighteenth to Lee, where we anchored
that night.
Upon the sixt of May, we saw Land on the Coast of
Groenland, on the East side of Cape FareweU : and that
night we had a great storme: so wee kept a Southerly
coxirse to get about the Ice which lay on that shoare, and
then kept oxir coxirse untill the seventeenth day of May,
all which forenoone we sayled by many great Hands of
Ice, some of which were above two hundred foot high
above water (as I proved by one shortly after) which I
foimd to be two hundred and fortie foot high, and if
report of some men be true, which affirme, tluit there is
379
The first by
HudsMy in
tohich hee
perished; the
second by Sir
Thomas
Button^ the
third by Cap-
taine Gibbins.
[III. iv. 837.]
Groenland.
Cape
farewell.
High Icie
Hands.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6i5.
but one seventh part of the Ice above water, then the
height of that piece of Ice, which I observed was one
hiindred and fortie fathomes, or one thousand sixe hundred
and eightie foote from the toppe to the bottome: this
proportion I know doth hold in much Ice, but whether
it doe so in all, I know not.
This seventeenth of May, about noone we were come
to the firme Ice, as one would suppose, being in the lati-
tude of 6i. degrees 26. minutes or thereabout, being the
lie of latitude of the South part of the He of Resolution : we
Resolution, comming to this Ice, o\ir Master asked my opinion con-
cerning the putting into the Ice. My judgement was
it would be best for us to stand, and ply it up to the
Northwards. Hee answered, we were on the North side
of the South Channell, and much Ice we must passe
through, and if that we could get some two or three
leagues within the Ice, it would every tide open, and we
should get some thing onward of our way, having all
the Channell to the South-wards of us. So with this
resolution we put within the Ice, the wind being at East
North-east : this first entrance I liked not very well, scarce
finding any place to put in our ships head, and being neere
thirtie leagues from the shoare, towards Evening wee
were fast amongst the Ice.
But sometimes each day the Ice would a little open,
we making what way we could towards the North-west
in for the shoare till the two and twentieth day, having
had the wind all Southerly. Yet we plainly saw that we
set to the Southwards, for all that wee could doe.
. The two and twentieth day, the wind came up at North
North-west: then oxir Master determined to stand forth
againe. For if the wind should have come to the North-
east, it would be unpossible for us to fetch any part of
the ChanneU, seeing wee drove so fast to the Southwards,
with Southerly winds, and having so farre into the shoare,
not having seene the Land.
Oxir Master was also determined to spend some twentie,
or foure and twentie dayes in Fretum Davis, to see what
330
WILLIAM BAFFIN aj).
1615.
hopes would be that wayes, supposing there would be
little good to be done in Hudsons Streights for this time
limited: then we plying to get to Sea-ward, and so by
eight a clock at night, the three and twentieth day, we
were cleere of the thick Ice: againe, the Lord make us
thankful!, the wind at North-west and by North faire
weather: but no sooner were we forth of the Ice, but
that our Master changed his opinion: and beeing cleere
of this thicke Ice wee stood to the Northward as much
as the Ice and winde would give us leave, running some
thirteene leagues true North-east by North, being in the
latitude of 61. degrees 50. minutes. The foxire and
twentieth day faire weather : the five and twentieth day,
also faire weather, the wind at North and by West, till
sixe a clocke, we having made a North-east by North
way about twelve leagues and an halfe, oxir latitude at
noone 62. degrees 20. minutes, at sixe a clocke the wind
was at the North North-east. The sixe and twentieth
day, all the forenoone faire weather and cold : but in the
aftemoone it blew very hard, being close hasie weather,
that about two a clocke this afternoone wee tooke in our
sailes and hulled with oxir ship till the next morning at
foure a clocke, all the time that we sayled this day we
past through many ledges of Ice having great quantitie
to the Northward of us, and having runne about twentie
one leagues true upon a West coxirse. And note where
I put this word true, I meane the true course, the variation
or the Compasse, and other accidents allowed.
The seven and twentieth day close foggy weather with
much snow freezing on our shrowds and tackling: the
like we had not all this yeare before : but towards foxire
a clocke in the afternoone it began to cleere up, and about
five a clocke we saw Land, being the Iland of Resolution,
and bearing West from us about thirteene or fourteene
leagues. This morning we set sayle, and stood to and
fro as the Ice would suffer us, and at ten at night, wee
moored our ship to a piece of Ice, the wind being at
West.
381
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1615.
so fearefuU of us, and we not willing to trust them, I
made another signe to them, shewing them a Knife and
other Trifles, which I left on the top of the Hill, and
returned downe to their Tents againe. There wee found
some Whales Finnes to the nvmiber of fortie or fiftie,
with a few Seale skinnes which I tooke aboord, leaving
Knives, Beades, and Counters instead thereof; and
amongst their houses I found a little bagge, in which
Bagge of was a company of little Images of men ; one the Image
Images. of a woman with a child at her backe, all the which I
brought away.
Among these Tents being five in number, all covered
with Seales skinnes, were running up and downe, about
Their Dogges thirtie five or fortie Dogges ; most of them muzled. They
Ascribed. ^^j-^ of our mxmgrell MastiflFes, being of a brinded blacke
colour, looking almost like Wolves. These Dogges they
use in stead of Horses, or rather as the Lappians (k)e their
Deere, to draw their sleds fi-om place to place over the
Ice: their sleds are shod or lined with great bones of
fishes to keepe them from wearing, and their Dogges have
Collars and Furniture very fitting.
The people These people have their Apparell, Boots, Tents, and
described. other necessaries much like to the Inhabitants in Groine-
land, saving that they are not so neate and artificiall,
seeming to bee more rude and uncivill, ranging up and
downe as their fishing is in season. For in most places
where wee came ashoare, we saw where people had beene,
although not this yeere; but where their Habitation or
their abode in Winter is, I cannot well conjecture.
Situation. xhis Iland lyeth in the latitude of 62. degrees 30.
minutes, and in longitude West fi-om London, 72. degrees
or neere thereabouts, being sixtie leagues fi-om the entrance
of the Streights : here the Compasse doth varie 27. degrees
30. minutes, and a South-east Moone foure degrees East
maketh u ftill Sea : it doth ebbe and flow almost as much
water, as it doth at the Resolution, and here the floud
commeth fi-om the Eastward, although our Master was of
opinion to the contrarie.
384
WILLIAM BAFFIN ad.
1615.
The tenth day in the morning, at sixe a clocke we set
sayle, the winde at North, which continued not, but was
very variable till noone, and then it came to North-west,
we having sayled along by the shoare, about some nine
leagues and an halfe North North-west, the Ice lying so
thicke in the ofFen, that wee could not well get out of
it : then perceiving a good Harbour betweene two small
Hands and the Mayne, wee went in with our ship, where
wee moored her, and stayed till the twelfth day at Evening.
In this place it is high water on the change day, at
nine of the clocke, or a South-east Moone maketh a full
Sea : the latitude of this place is 62. degrees 40. minutes ;
and the floud doth come from the Eastward, although our [III. iv. 839.]
Master was perswaded otherwise, as well in this place, as
at Salvage Ilands: for being among Hands, every point
hath his severall set and eddie. But I going to the top
of the Hand, plainely perceived the Ice to come from the
South-east, and from the North-west on the ebbe. In
this place is no signe of people, as we could perceive.
The sixteenth day, lying still in the Ice, the weather
being very close and hasey, as it hath beene these six
dayes : and being neere a great company of Ilands, in the
aftemoone, the winde being at West North-west, wee
stood in amongst these Ilands, and in the evening we
moared our Shippe to one of them in a small cove, the
better to defend her from the Ice. In this place wee
stayed all the seventeenth day : and upon the eighteenth,
being Sunday, about eleven a clocke we set sayle, being
almost calme, making the best way wee could to get forth.
Here are a great company of Ilands, each hath his severall Man^ Ilands
set and eddy, that the Ice doth so runne to and fro, and ^d severall
with such violence, that our Shippe was in more safetie ^^ ^^^*
further off then in this place : the latitude of the He we
rode by is 63. degrees 26. minutes, and longitude West
from London, neere 72. degrees 25. minutes : the Com-
passe hath variation 27. degrees 46. minutes; and at a
quarter of an houre after nme on the Change day, doth
make a full Sea. This Evening, and the next morning,
XIV 385 2 B
A.D.
1615.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
wee had a fairc steering gale of winde at South-east, wee
standing along by the I^nd, it beeing all small broken
Hands, to a point of Land about twelve leagues in distance
from the He wee put last from: which Point, I called
Broken Point. Broken Point, it being indeede a point of broken lies.
On the nineteenth dav, hj twelve a clocke at noone,
wee were about foure miles from the Point before named,
fast inclosed with Ice, very fiiire weather; and well we
might have called this Point Fairenesse or Faire Point,
for from this day till the thirtieth day, the weather was
so faire, and almost, or altogether calme, that in few places
elsewhere, finer weather could not be ; and till the seven
and twentieth at night, wee were so fast inclosed up with
Ice, that at some times one could not well dippe a paile
of water by the Ship sides : while wee were thus fast in
the Ice, upon the one and twentieth day, I saw both the
Sunne ana Moone at one time, as indeede it is usuall in
faire weather.
This one and twentieth, being faire weather, as afore
is said, and I seeing both the Sunne and Moone so faire :
Observations I thought it a fit time to make an observation for the
o/Ungitude, longitude.
But the two and twentieth day being very faire and
cleare, and also calme, being almost as steedy as on shoare :
it was no neede to bid me fit my Instrument of variation
to take the time of the Moones comming to the Meridian,
having also my quadrant ready to take the Sunnes almi-
canter, it being indifferent large, as of foure foote
semideamiter : have taken the variation of my needle as
precisely as possible I could, which was 28. degrees 20.
minutes West, and if any be desirous to worke the same,
they may, but my worke was as followeth.
The Sunnes almicanter, at the instant when the Moone
was on the Meridian, was 26. degrees 40. minutes : and
the Sunnes declination for that time 23. degrees 6.
minutes. By which three things given, I found the houre
to be five a clocke 4. minutes 52. seconds, i. third 4.
fourths, or 76. degrees, 13. minutes, 16. seconds, of the
386
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1615.
cquinoctiall afternoone: and according to Searles Ephe-
merides, the Moone came to the Meridian at London at
foxire a clocks 54. minutes, 30. seconds: and after
Origanus the Moone came to the Meridian at foure a
clocke 52. minutes, 5. seconds, at Wittenberge the same
day. Now having this knowne, it is no hard matter to
finde the longitude of this place sought. For according
to the Moones meane motion, which is 12. degrees a
day, that is in time 48. minutes: and to this account, if
she be on the Meridian at twelve a clock this day, to
morrow it will be 48. min. past 12. So I having the
time found by observation at this place, viz. 5. houres,
4. minutes, 52. seconds, i. third 4. fourths: but in this
I neede not come so precise : and at London, at 4. houres,
54. minutes, 30. seconds: which substracted from the
former, leaveth 10. minutes, 22. seconds, i. third, 4.
fourths, now the Moones motion the foure and twentie
houres, was 22. degrees, 38. minutes: which converted
into time, is 50. minutes 25. seconds 20. thirds: then
the proportion standeth thus ; If 50. minutes, 25. seconds,
20. thirds, give 360. degrees, what shall 10. minutes,
22. seconds, i. third, 4. fourths give? the fourth pro-
portionall, will be 74. degrees 5. minutes, which is West
of London ; because the Moone came later by 10. minutes,
22. seconds, and by the same working by Origanus
Ephemerides, the distance is 91. degrees, 35. minutes.
West of West. But whether be the truer, I leave to
others to judge : in these workings mav some errour be
committed, it it be not carefully looked unto : as in the
observation, and also in finding what time the Moone
commeth to the Meridian, at the place where the
Ephemerides is supputated for, and perchance in the
Ephemerides themselves : in all which, the best judicious
may erre : yet if observations of this kinde, or some other,
at places farre remote, as at the Gipe Bonasperanze, Bantam,
Japan, Nova Albion, and Magellan Straits, I suppose wee
should have a truer Geography then we have. And seeing
I am entred to speake of celestiall observations, I will note
387
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1615.
another which I made the twenty sixt of April, being
outward bound at Sea, by the Moones comming in a
right line, with two fixed Starres ; the one was the Lyons
heart, a Starre of the first magnitude ; the other a Starre
in the Lyons rumpe, of the second magnitude, as
followeth : The circumference or outward edge of the
[III. iv. 840.] Moone, being in a right or straight line, with those two
Starres before named : at the instant I tooke the altitude
of the South ballance, which was 2. degrees 38. minutes,
because I would have the time: but m this it is good
to waite a fit time, as to have her in a right line, with
two Stars not farre distant, and those not to be much
diflFerent in longitude, because the Moon will soone alter
the angle or position, and such a time would be taken
when the Moone is in the nintieth degree of the eclipticke
above the horizon, for then there is no paralell of longitude,
but onely in latitude: but who so is painefull in these
businesses, shall soone see what is needefull, and what is
not : my observations were as followeth :
'Right assention 46. d^. 28. min. 30. sec.
Declination — 13. deg. 57. min. 30. sec.
Lyons heart - Longitude 24. deg. 29. min. 45. sec.
Latitude 00. deg. 26. min. 30. sec.
Almicanter — 23* ^^g- 40- "^J"- 00. sec.
(Right assention 163. deg. 23. min. 00. sec.
Declination - - 22. deg. 38. min. 00. sec.
Longitude 5. deg. 53. mm. 45. sec.
Latitude 14. deg. 20. min. 00. sec.
Paralax 00. deg. 47. min. 46. sec.'
Moones- Latitude 03. deg. 20. min. 00. sec. -North.
Almicanter — 37. deg. 00. min. 00. sec.
Latitude of the place - - 56. deg. 43. min.
These notes I have set downe, that if any other be
desirous to trie, they may spend a little time therein;
my selfe have spent some therein, and more I would have
spent, if leisure would have permitted: but finding it
388
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1615.
not to my minde, I have not here set downe my particular
worke: the working of this observation I received from
Master Rudston. ^^^^
But if it had pleased God, we had performed the action ^'""^'
we were boxmd ror, I would not feare but to have brought
so good contentment to the Adventurers, concerning the
true scituation of notable places, that small doubt should
have beene thereof : but seeing so small hopes are in this
place, I have not set downe so many observations as
otherwise I would.
We lying here inclosed with the Ice with faire & calme
weather (as before is said) till the seven and twentieth
day at evening, at which time we set sayle; the winde
at South-east, an easie gale : all the eight and twentieth
and nine and twentieth dayes, we made the best way
through the Ice we could, but the nine and twentieth day,
the Ice was more open then it had beene these ten dayes
before, and at noone we saw Salisbury Iland, it bearing
due West from us.
The first of July close foggie weather, with much raine,
the winde at South South-east: by noone this day we
were some three leagues from the Land : but having much
Ice by the shoare, we stood along the Iland to the North-
ward : and the next morning wee were faire by another
small He, or rather a company of small Hands, which
after we called Mill Iland, by reason of grinding the Ice, Mill Iland.
as this night we made proofe thereof: at noone, being
close to this He, wee took the latitude thereof, which is
neere 64. degrees. Here driving to and fro with the Ice
all this day, till seven or eight a clocke, at what time the
Ice be^an to open and separate; The Ice, as is said,
beginmng to open: we had not stood along by the He,
on the East side thereof, an houre; but the Ice came
driving with the tide of floud from the South-east, with
such swiftnesse, that it oyer went our Shippe having all
our sayles abroad with a reasonable eale of winde, and
put her out of the streame, into the eddy of these lies.
This Iland or lies, lying in the middle of the channell,
3«9
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1615.
having many sounds running throxigh them, with many
points or headlands, encountering the force of the tide,
caused such a rebound of water & Ice (which ran one
way, and the streame another) our ship having met the
Ice with the first of the floud, which put her so neere the
shoare, that she was in the partition betweene the Ice,
which the eddy caused to runne one way, and the streame
the other, where shee endured great distresse; but God,
which is still stronger then either Ice or streame, preserved
us and our Shippe from any harme at all. This continued
till towards a high water, which was about one a clocke ;
then with no small trouble we got into the channell, and
stood away to the North-west ward. After we had past
some distance from this Iland, wee had the Sea more open
then it was since we put first into the Straits ; and sailed
all the next day through an indiflFerent deare Sea, with
the winde at South-west: but towards eight a clocke at
night, wee were come againe into much Ice; this Ice
being more thicker and bigger then any wee had beene
among : this place where we began to be inclosed againe,
is sixe and twenty leagues distant from the small Hand
we were at last : and our true course North-west by West :
after wee were fast in the Ice, we made but sinall way,
yet we perceived a great tyde to set to and fro. The next
day, wee sounded, and had ground at one hundred &
twentie fathoms, soft Osey ground: standing more
Northerly: the next morning we had ground at eightie
fathoms, then the winde came to the North, and we
setting somewhat Southward, had ground at a hundred
and ten fathoms. Thus seeing this great abundance of
Ice in this place, and the more we got to the North-west
ward, the shoalder it was, the Ice also being foule and
durtie, as not bred farre from shoare : our Master deter-
mined to stand to the Eastward, to be certainely informed
of the tide.
The sixt day in the morning, we brake in a planke
and two timbers in our Ships bow, which after we had
mended, we proceeded for to get to the East side, which
390
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1615.
we called the North shoare, because it is the Land stretch-
ing from the Resolution, on the North side of the Straits.
The seventh day we saw the land, it being but low land, [III.iv.841.]
and the Sea is shoald, in respect of other places, having
ten or twelve fathom about a league off from shoare, some
thirty fathoms five or six leagues off shore, but fiirther
off some twenty or eighteene leagues, there is a hundred
or a hundred and five nithoms ; having very good channell
Eound, as small stones & shels, some twelve or fourteene
igues from shoare, but the further off the more Osey :
and also here is a very great tide runneth to the North-
ward, which this evening we found to be the tyde of
ebbe, for comming with our Shippe neere the shoare,
about seven a clodce, we hoysed out oxir Boate, then I
with five other went on shoare, and found it to ebbe:
we staled on shoare about an houre and a halfe, in which
time the water fell about three foote and a halfe, and a
South-south East Moone maketh a full Sea, or halfe an
houre past tenne, as Sea men account : we saw no signe
of people to be here this yeare, but in yeares heretofore
they have beene, as we might well see by divers places,
where their tents had stood: and perchance their time
of fishing was not yet come, there being such great
abundance of Ice as yet.
The eight day the winde was at West, and the ninth
almost caune : wee reeking neere to this shoare the tenth
day, our Master determined to stand for Nottinggams Nottinggam
Hand, to make triall of the tide there ; yet the winde was ^^^'
at South-west so that we were forced to txirne, but towards
night it came to the North North-west, so that then we
stood away to the West wards, leaving the search of
Nottinggams He, having a great swelling Sea, come out
of the West with the winde which had blowne, which
put us in some hope : the eleventh day in the morning,
we saw Land West from us, but had no ground at one
himdred & thirty fathoms : so standing along by the Land
which here lay about North-west by North, the next morne
we were thwart of a Bay: then standing over to the
391
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1615.
Northwards towards a faire Cape or head land which we
saw, in the after-noone it was ahnost calme, and being
about a league from shoare, we hoysed out our Boat, and
sent some of our men in her, to sec what tide it was by
the shoare, and from whence it came; they went from
the Ship at five a clock, and came aboord againe at eight,
who brought us word, that it was falling water, and that
it had eb'd while they were on shoare somewhat above
two foot: also they affirmed, that the floud came from
the Northward in this place, the which we also perceived
by the setting of our Ship, she setting a pace to the North-
ward, although no whit of winde: also we might see
by the rocks, that the water was now falne: this put us
in great comfort and hope of a passage in this place.
CapiComfirt. Then our Master called this Cape or head land. Cape
Comfort, for the reasons beforesaid; also we had one
himdred and fortie fathoms in depth, not a league from
the shoare: and here a South by East Moone maketh
a full Sea: the latitude of this Cape is 6^. degrees 00.
min. and 85. degrees 20. minutes West from London.
But this our sudaine comfort was as soone quailed, for
the next day having doubled the Cape, and proceeded
not past ten or twelve leagues, but we saw the land trend-
ing from the Cape to the Westward, till it bare from us
North-east by East, and very thicke pestered with Ice,
and the further we proceeded, the more Ice, and the more
Northerly, the shoulder water and small shew of any tide.
At six a clocke this afternoone, we sounded, & had ground
in one hundred and thirty fathoms, soft Osey, having had
at noone one hundred & fiftie fathoms.
This was the farthest of our Voyage, being in the lati-
tude of 6^. degrees 26. minutes, andlongituac West from
London 86. degrees 10. minutes: for seeing the land
North-east by East, from us about nine or ten leagues
o£F, and the Ice so thicke : oxir Master was fully perswaded,
that this was nought else but a Bay, and so tacked and
turned the Shippes head homewards, without any farther
search.
39a
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1615.
The foxirteenth day, the winde was for the most part
at South-east, that we covild make but small way backe
againe: and the next morning very foule weather, we
comming to an Anchor in a small Inlet, neere the Cape
Comfort, on the North-west side thereof ; here wee found,
as on the other side, a South by East Moone, to make
a full Sea ; but from whence the floud came, we could not
well see, it being so foule weather at Sea : in the after-
noone the winde came to North by West : then we waied,
and stood along to the Southwards by the shoare, with
a stiffe gale of winde, and very hasey. By the sixteenth
day at noone we met with a great quantitie of Ice, lying
some few leagues within the point of the Land : among
this Ice we saw a great number of Sea Morse, not seeing
anv more in all the Straits but here, and these very fearc-
fiifl, not suffering a Ship or Boat to come neere them:
by eight a clock we were come to this Southern point,
which I called Sea Horse point, where we came to anchor Sea Horse
open in the Sea, the better to try the tide : here most Z^'*^-
apparently we foimd to all our companies sight, that in
this place the tide of floud doth come from the South-
east, and the ebbe from the Northwest. We weighed,
and stood over with a stifi^e gale of winde, which con-
tinued all this day, and toward night very foule weather
& a sore storme: by tenne a clocke we were come to
Anchor on the North-west side of Nottinghams He, where
are two or three smal lies, lyeth oflF from the greater, which
make very good Soimds & Harbors: about this He we
had store of Ice, but nothing as we had heretofore in
other places. We staled about this Hand til the seven
and twentieth day, having much foule weather, many
stormes, often fogs, and imcertaine windes, many times
we weighed anchor to goe to that side of the He, where
this Ship road when Captaine Button was in her : finding
in other places of this He the tyde of floud to come from [III. iv. 842.]
the South-east ward, and the time of high water on the
change day, to be at halfe an houre past ten, and not at
halfe an houre past seven, as they supposed. In these
393
A.D.
1615.
[III. iv. 843.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
course you must make all possible haste to the Cape
Desolation, and from thence, you William Baffin as Pilot,
keepe along the Coast of Groenland and up Fretum Davis,
untill you come toward the height of eightie degrees, if
the Land will give you leave. Then for feare oT inbay-
ing, by keeping too Northerly a course, shape your course
West and Southerly, so rare as you shall thinke it
convenient, till you come to the latitude of sixtie degrees :
then direct yoxir course to fall with the Land of Yedzo
about that height, leaving your farther sayling Southward
to yoxir owne discretion, according as the time of the
yeere and windes will give you leave, although our desires
be, if your voyage prove so prosperous that you may have
the yeere before you, that you goe so farre Southerly as
that you may touch the North part of Japan, from whence
or from Yedzo, if you can so compasse it without danger,
we would have you to bring home one of the men of
the Countrey, and so God blessing you with all expedition
to make your returne home againe.
Chap. XIX.
To the Right Worshipful! Master John Wosten-
holme Esquire, one of the chiefe Adventurers
for the discoverie of a passage to the North-
west.
Orthy Sir ; there neede no filling a Joxirnall
or short Discourse with preamble, com-
plement, or circumstance, and therefore I
will onely tell you, I am proud of any
Remembrance, when I expose your Worth
to my Conceit, and glad of any good
fortune, when I can avoid the imputation
of ingratitude, by acknowledging your many favours : and
seeing it is not unknowne (to yoxir Worship) in what
estate the businesse concerning the North-west hath beene
heretofore, and how the onely hope was in searching of
396
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1615.
Fretum Davis, which if your selfe had not beenc the more
forward, the action had well nigh beene left o£F : Now it
remayneth for your Worship to know, what hath beene
performed this yeere: wherefore I entreat you to admit
of my custome, and pardon me if I take the plaine highway
in relating the particulars, without using any refined
phrases and eloquent speeches.
Therefore briefly, and as it were in the forefront, I
intend to shew you the whole proceeding of the voyage
in a word: as namely, there is no passage, nor hope of Howsoever the
passage in the North of Davis Streigths, wee having passage this
coastSi all or neere all the Circumference thereof, and ^^, ^^
finde it to be no other then a great Bay, as the Map here ^^{formJ^
placed doth truly shew: wherefore I cannot but much discoverieof
admire the worke of the Almightie, when I consider how 5<> T'ho,
vaine the best and chiefest hopes of man are in things ^^^^ ^j^
uncertaine. And to speake of no other matter, then of Z^,^/;»^^L^
1 1 /• 11 * 1 -KT 1 x-r /• secret for some
the hopenill passage to the North-west; How many of intent 0/ his)
the best sort of men have set their whole indevours to is both more
prove a passage that wayes, and not onely in Conference, P^^^^^ ^^
but also in Writing and publishine: to the World, yea ^^,^^*
I ^ /• 1 1 t^ \ \ judicious more
what great summes of money hath beene spent about that then probable ;
action, as your Worship hath costly experience oflF. and that by
Neither woxild the vaine-glorious Spaniard have scattered ^^^ '^y^
abroad so many false Maps and Journals, if they had not ^[i^^l^
beene confident of a passage this way, that if it had pleased Master Brigs
God, a passage had beene found, they might have eclipsed his Map
the worthy praise of the Adventurers and true Dis- and nous
coverers; and for my owne part, I would hardly have ^tP^^^^^-
beleeved the contrarie, untill mine eyes became witnesse
of that I desired not to have found, still taking occasion
of hope on every little likelihood, till such time as we had
almost coasted the Circumference of this great Bay.
Neither was Master Davis to be blamed in his report and
great hopes, if he had anchored about Hope Sanderson, to
have taken notice of the Tydes : for to that place which is
in 71. degrees 12. minutes the Sea is open, of an unsearch-
able depui, and of a good colour, onely the Tydes keepe no
397
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1615.
certaine coxirsc, nor rise but a small height, as eight or nine
foote, and the flood commeth from the Southward, and in
all the Bay beyond that place the Tyde is so small, and not
much to be regarded, yet by reason of snow melting on the
Land, the Ebbe is stronger then the Flood, by meanes
whereof, and the windes holding Northerly the fore-part
of the yeere, the great lies of Ice are set to the Southward,
some into Fretum Hudson, and others towards New found
land, for in all the Channell where the Sea is open are great
quantities of them driving up and downe, and till this
yeere not well knowne where they were bred.
Now that the worst is knowne (concerning the passage)
it is necessarie and reauisite, your Worship should under-
stand what probabilitie or hope of profit might here be
made hereafter, if the voyage bee attempted by fitting
men. And first for the killing of Whales, certaine it is
that in this Bay are great numbers of them, which the
Ston of Grand Biscainers call the Grand Baye Whales, of the same kinde
Bay Wholes, which are killed at Greenland, and as it seemeth to me
easie to be strooke, because they are not used to bee chased
or beaten, for we being but one day in Whale Sound (so
called for the nxmiber of Whales that wee saw there)
sleeping and lying aloft on the water, not fearing our ship
or ought else ; that if wee had beene fitted with men and
things necessarie, it had beene no hard matter to have
strooke more then would have made three ships a saving
voyage, and that it is of that sort of Whale there is no
Baffin twice at feare. I being twise at Greenland, tooke suflScient notice
Greenland. ^q know them againe ; beside a dead Whale wee found at
Sea, having all her finnes (or rather all the rough of her
mouth) of which with much labour, we got one hundred
and sixtie the same evening we found her; and if that
foule weather, and a storme the next day had not followed,
wee had no doubt, but to have had all or the most part of
them, but the winde and Sea arising shee broke from us,
and we were forced to leave her. Neither are they onely
to be looked for in Whale Sound, but also in Sir The.
Smiths Sound, Wostenholme Soimd, and divers other places.
398
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1615.
For the killing of Sea Morse, I can give no certaintie, Morses,
but onely this, that our Boat being but once ashoare in all
the North part of this Bay, which was in the entrance of
Alderman Jones Sound, at the returne, our men told us,
they saw many Morses along by the shoare on the Ice;
but our ship being under saile, and the winde conmiing
iaire, they presently came aboord without further search,
besides the people inhabiting about 74. degrees, told us by
divers signes, that toward the North were many of those
beasts, having two long teeth, and shewed us divers pieces ^^ Unuome.
of the same. ... Id^S'h
As for the Sea Unicome, it being a great fish, having a ^ n^^j ^t
long home or bone, growing forth of his forehead or Wiudsore
nostril (such as Sir Martin Frobisher in his second voyage {where I have
found one) in divers places we saw of them, which ir the ^^^^ ^J!2»*^^
home be of any good value, no doubt but many of them ^^jcressed ^
may be killed. effr.
And concerning what the Shoare will yeeld, as Beach [III. iv. 844.]
finnes, Morse teeth, and such like, I can little say, because
we came not on shoare in any of the places where hope
was of finding them.
But here some may object and aske, why we sought that
Coast no better: to this I answere, that while we were
thereabout, the weather was so exceeding foule wee covdd
not, for first wee anchored in Wostenhoune Sound, where
presendy our ship drove with two anchors a head, then
were we forced to stand forth with a low saile. The next
day in Whale Soimd, we lost an Anchor and Cable, and
could fetch the place no more ; then we came to anchor
neere a small Hand, lying between Sir Tho. Smiths Sound,
and Whale Sound, but me winde came more outward, that
we were forced to weigh againe ; neverthelesse if wee had
beene in a good harboxir, naving but our Ships Boat, we
durst not send her farre from the ship, having so few men
(as seventeene in all) and some of them very weake ; but
the chiefe cause wee spent so little time to seek a Harbour,
was our great desire to performe the Discoverie, having
the Sea open in all that part, and still likelihood of a
399
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1615.
passage ; but when we had coasted the Land so farre to
the Southward, that hope of passage was none, then the
yeere was too farre spent, and many of our men very
weake, and withall we having some beliefe that ships the
next yeere would be sent for the killing of Whales, which
might better doe it then wee.
And seeing I have briefly set downe, what hope there is
of making a profitable voyage, it is not unfit your Worship
should know what let or hinderance might be to the same.
The chiefest and greatest cause is, that some yeere it may
happen bv reason of the Ice, lying betweene 72. degrees
and a halfe, and 76. degrees no minutes, that the ships
cannot come into those places, till toward the middest of
July, so that want of time to stav in the Countrey may
bee some let: yet they may well tarry till the last of
August, in which space much businesse may be done, and
go^ store of Oile made : neverthelesse if store of Whales
come in (as no feare to the contrarie^ what cannot bee made
in Oile may bee brought home in Blubber, and the Finnes
will arise to good profit. Another hinderance may bee,
because the bottome of the Sounds will not be so soone
cleere as would be wished, by meanes thereof now and
then a Whale may be lost (the same case sometime
chanceth in Greenland^ yet I am perswaded those Sounds
before named, will all be cleere before the twentieth of
July : for we this yeere were in Whale Sound the foxirth
day among many Whales, and might have strooke them
without let of Ice. Furthermore^ there is little wood to
bee expected, either for fire or other necessaries, therefore
Coles and other such things must bee provided at home,
they will bee so much the readier there.
Thus much I thought good to certifie your Worship,
wherein I trust you will conceive, that much time hath not
beene spent in vaine, or the businesse over carelesly
neglected, and although wee have not performed what we
desired (that is, to have found the passage) yet what wee
promised (as to bring certaintie and a true description)
truth will make manifest, that I have not mxxch erred.
400
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.i>.
1616.
And I dare boldly say (without boasting) that more good
discoverie hath not in shorter time (to my remembrance)
beene done, since the action was attempted, considering
how much Ice we have passed, and the difficultie of sayling
so neere the Pole (upon a traverse) and above all, the
variation of the Compasse, whose wonderfuU operation is f^anation of
such in this Bay, increasing and decreasing so suddenlv ^ Con^asse
and swift, being in some part (as in Wostenholme Souna,
and in Sir Tho. Smiths Sound) varied above five Points
or ^6, degrees, a thing almost incredible and matchlesse in
all the world beside, so that without great care, and good
observations, a true description could not have beene had.
In fine, whatsoever my labours are or shall be, I esteeme
them too little, to expresse my thankefull minde for your
many favours, wherein I shall be ever studious, to supply
my other wants by my best endevours, and ever rest at
Your Worships command,
William Baffin.
A briefe and true Relation or Journall, contayning
such accidents as happened in the fift voyage,
for the discoverie of a passage to the North-
west, set forth at the charges of the right
Worshipfull Sir Tho. Smith Knight, Sir Dudly
Digges Knight, Master John Wostenholme
Esquire, Master Alderman Jones, with others,
in the good ship called the Discoverie of
London ; Robert Bileth Master, and my selfe
Pilot, performed in the yeere of our Lord
1616.
IN the Name of God, Amen. The forenamed ship March 26.
being in fiill readinesse upon the twentie sixe of March,
we set saile at Gravesend, being in number seventeene
persons, having very faire weather, which continued till
the second of April : by that time we were ofi^ Portland,
then the winde comming Westward with foule weather,
XIV 401 2 c
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1616.
we kept Sea till the fourth day, then being not able to
fetch Jrlimouth, bore roome for Dartmouth, where wee
stayed eleven dayes, in which time was much foule weather
and westerly windes.
[III. iv. 845.] The fifteenth day of Aprill, being clcere of Dartmouth,
we were forced the next day to put into Plimouth. The
nineteenth day we set saile from thence, and the twentieth
in the morning we past betweene the Lands end and Silly
with a faire winde. Continuing our course, as in the
briefe Table or Joumall is set downe, with every particular
from noone to noone, that here I need not make a tedious
repetition, nothing worthy of note hapning, but that we
had a good passage, and the first Land we saw was in
Groinlatui. Fretum Davis, on the coast of Groinland in the latitude
of 6$. degrees 20. minutes. On the fourteenth of May
in the forenoone, then sixe of the people being a fishing
came to us, to whom we gave small pieces of Iron, they
keeping us companie being very joytuU, supposing wee
had intended to come to anchor : but when they saw us
stand off from shoare they followed us a while, and then
went away discontented, to our seeming.
We prosecuting our Voyage, were loth to come to
anchor as vet, although the wmde was contrarie, but still
plyed to tne Northward, untill we came into 70. degrees
20. minutes : then wee came to anchor in a feire Sound
(neere the place Master Davis called London Coast.) The
twentieth of May at evening, the people espying us fled
away in their Boates, getting on Rocks wondring and
gasing at us, but after this night we saw them no more,
Menanddoff. leaving manv Dogs running to and fro on the Iland.
At this place we stayed two dayes, in which time wee
tooke in fresh water and other necessaries: here we had
some dislike of the passage, because the Tydes are so
small as not arising above eight or nine foot, and keepe no
certaine course, but the neerest time of high water on the
change day is at a quarter of an houre past nine, and the
Flood commeth from the South.
The two and twentieth day at a North Sunne, wee set
402
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1616.
saile and plyed still Northward, the winde being right
against us as we stood ofF and on. Upon the sixc and
twentieth day in the afternoone, we found a dead Whale, Dead Whale.
about sixe and twentie leagues from shoare, having all her
finnes. Then making our ship fast, wee used the best
meanes wee could to gtt them, and with much toile got a
hundred and sixtie that evening. The next morning the
Sea went very high and the winde arising, the Whale
broke from us, and we were forced to leave her and set
saile, and having not stood past three or foure leagues
North-westward, came to the Ice, then wee tacked and
stood to the shoare-ward, a sore storme ensued.
By the thirtieth day in the afternoone, wee came feire by
Hope Sanderson, the ferthest Land Master Davis was at, Hope
lying betweene 72. and 73. degrees; and that evening by Sanderson.
a North Sunne we came to much Ice, which we put mto,
plying all the next day to get through it.
The first of June, we were cleere of the Ice before
named, and not ferre from shoare, the winde blowing very
hard at North North-east, then we put in among divers
Hands, the people seeing us fled away in all haste leaving
their Tents behinde, and upon a small Rocke they hid two Tents^ Men
young Maides or Women. Our ship riding not farre off, ^^^ Women.
we espyed them, to whom our Master with some other
of our companie went in the Boate, they making signes
to be carried to the Hand where their Tents were dose
adjoyning. When they came thither, they found two old
women more, the one very old, to our csteemation little
lesse then fourescore, the other not so old. The next
time we went on shoare, there was another Woman with
a child at her back, who had hid her selfe among the
Rocks, till the other had told her how well wee had used
them, in giving them pieces of Iron and such like, which
they highly esteeme, in change thereof they give us Seales
skinnes, other riches they had none, save dead Seales, and
fat of Seales, some of which fat or blubber afterward we
carried aboord, the poore women were very diligent to
carry it to the water side to put into our caske, making
403
A.D.
1616.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
shew that the men were over at the Mayne, and at an
other small Iland something more Eastward. Then
making signes to them that wee would shew them our
ship and set them where the men were : the foure yoimgest
came into our Boate ; when they were aboord they much
wondred to see our ship and furniture : we gave them of
our meat, which they tasting would not eate. Then two
of them wee set on the Iland, where they supposed the
men to be; the other two were carried to their Tents
againe. Those that went to seeke the men could not
finde them, but came as neere the ship as they could, and
at evening wee set them over to the other.
This pkce wee called Womens Hands ; it lyeth in the
latitude of 72. degrees 45. minutes: here the Flood
commeth from the Southward, at nep Tydes the water
ariseth but sixe or seven foote, and a South South-east
Moone maketh a full Sea. The Inhabitants very poore,
living chiefly on the flesh of Seales, dryed, which they
eate raw, with the skinnes they cloathe themselves, and
also make coverings for their Tents and Boats which they
dresse very well. The Women in their apparell are
different from the men, and are marked in the face with
divers blacke strokes or lines, the skin being rased with
some sharpe instrument when they are young, and blacke
colour put therein, that by no meanes it will be gotten
forth.
Concerning their Religion, I can little say : onely they
have a kinde of worship or adoration to the Sunne, which
continually they will point unto and strike their hand on
their breast, crying Ilyont ; their dead they burie on the
side of the Hils, where they live (which is commonly on
small Hands) making a pile of stones over them, yet not
so close but that wee might see the dead body, the aire
being so piersing that it keepeth them from much stinking
savour. So likewise I have seene their Dogs buried in
the same manner.
[III. iv. 846.] Upon the fourth day we set sayle from thence, having
very faire weather, although the winde were contrary, and
404
Womens
Hands.
The people
described.
Women*
ReRgm.
BuriaUof
Men and
Doff.
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
i6i6.
plyed to and fro betweene the Ice and the Land, being as
it were a channell of seven or eight leagues broad : then on
the ninth day, being in the Utitude of 74. degree 4.
minutes, and much pestered with Ice, neere unto three
small Hands, lying eight miles from the shore, we came to
anchor neere one of them.
These Hands are used to be frequented with people in
the latter part of the yeare, as it seemed by the houses and
places where the tents had stood: but this yeare as yet
they were not come: here the tides are very small,
especially the floud, which ariseth not above five or six
foot, yet the ebbe runneth with an indiflFerent streamc,
the cause thereof (in mine opinion) is the great abundance
of Snow, melting on the Land all this part of the yeare.
The tenth day wee set sayle from thence, and stood
through much Ice to the Westward, to try if that further
from the shoare, wee might proceede; but this attempt
was soone quailed, for the more Ice we went through, the
thicker it was, till wee could see no place to put in the
Ships head.
Seeing, that as yet we could not proceede, we deter-
mined to stand in for the shoare, there to abide some few
dayes, till such time as the Ice were more wasted and gone
(for we pkinely saw that it consiuned very fast) with this
resolution we stood in, and came to anchor among many
Hands, in the latitude of 73. degrees 45. minutes. On
the twelfth day at night here wee continued two dayes
without shew or signe of any people, till on the fifteenth
day in the morning, about one a clocke, then came two and 42. InAaii-
fortie of the Inhabitants in their Boates or Canoas, and ^<w^«
gave us Seale skinncs, and many peeces of the bone or
home of the Sea Unicorne, and shewed us divers peeces Unicomes
of Sea Mors teeth ; making signes that to the Northward homes.
were many of them : in exchange thereof, we gave them
small peeces of Iron, Glasse Beads, and such like : at foure
severall times the people came to us, and at each time
brought us of the aforesaid commodities, by reason thereof
we cSled this place Home Sound. ^<»rn€ Sound.
40s
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1616.
Here we stayed six dayes, and on the eighteenth day at
night, we set sayle, having very little winde ; and bein^
at Sea, made the best way we could to the Northward,
although the winde had beene contrary for the most part
this moneth, but it was strange to see the Ice so much
consumed in so little space, for now we might come to the
three Hands before named, and stand off to the Westward
almost twenty leagues, without let of Ice, untill we were
more North (as to 74. degrees 30. minutes) then we put
among much scattered Ice, and plyed to and fro all this
month, still in the sight of shoare, and many times fast in
the Ice, yet every day we got something on our way,
nothing worthy of note happening, but that at divers
times we saw of the fishes with long homes, many and
T^ see many often, which we call the Sea Unicorne: and here to write
SeaUnUomes. particularly of the weather, it would be superfluous or
ncedlesse, because it was so variable, few dayes without
Sknf frost OH Snow, and often freezing, in so much, that on Midsununcr
MiMMsnmer ^j^ ^^ shrowds roapes and sailes were so frozen, that we
^' could scarce handle them ; yet the cold is not so extreame,
but it may well be endured.
The first of July we were come into an open Sea, in the
latitude of 75. degrees 40. minutes, which a new revived
our hope of a passage, and because the winde was contrary,
wee stood oflF twenty leagues from the shoare, before we
met the Ice : then standing in againe ; when we were neere
the Land, we let fall an anchor to see what tyde went, but
in that we found small comfort. Shortly ancr the winde
came to the South-east, and blew very hard, with foule
weather, thicke, and foggie: then we set sayle, and ran
along by the Land : this was on the second day at night.
The next morning we past by a faire Cape, or head land,
SirDitdfy which wee called Sir Dudley Digges Cape, it is in the
Digs Ms Cape, latitude of 76. degrees 35. minutes, and hath a small
Hand close adjoyning to it, the winde still increasing, we
past by a faire Sound twelve leagues distant from the
former Cape, having an Hand in the midst, which maketh
two entrances. Under this Hand we came to anchor ; and
406
WILLIAM BAFFIN a.d.
1616.
had not rid past two houres, but our Ship drove, although
we had two anchors at the ground, then were we forced
to set sayle, and stand forth : this Sound wee called Wosten- Wostenholme
holme Sound ; it hath many Inlets or smaller Sounds in it, ^^««^-
and is a fit place for the killing of Whales.
The fourth day at one a clocke in the morning, the
storme began againe at West and by South, so vehement,
that it blew away our forecourse, and being not able to
beare any sayle, wee lay a drift till about eight a clocke,
then it cleared up a little, and we saw our selves imbayed
in a great Sound : then we set sayle and stood over to the
South-east side, where in a little Cove or Bay we let fall
an anchor, which we lost with cable and all, the winde
blowing so extreamely from the tops of the hils, that we
could gtX. no place to anchor in, but were forced to stand to
and fro in the Sound, the bottome being all frozen over ;
toward two a clocke it began to be lesse winde, then we
stood forth.
In this Sound we saw great numbers of Whales, there-
fore we called it Whale &)und, and doubdesse if we had Whale Sound.
beene provided for killing of them, we might have strooke
very many. It lyeth in the latitude of 77. degrees 30.
minutes. All the fift day it was very feire weather, and
wee kept along by the Land till eight a clock in the
evening, by which time we were come to a great banke
of Ice, it being backed with Land, which we seeing, deter-
mined to stand backe some eight leagues, to an Hand we [III. iv. 847.]
called Hackluits He, it lyeth betweene two great Soxmds,
the one Whale Sound, and the other Sir Thomas Smiths sir Thomas
Sound : this last runneth to the North of seventy eight Smiths Sotmd
degrees, and is admirable in one respect, because in it is ^'* 7^. deg.
the greatest variation of the Compasse of any part of the yariatiott of
World known : for by divers good Observations I found it the compasse
to be above five points or fitty six degrees varied to the 5^- degtees to
the West.
Which may make questionable D. Gilberts rule. Tom. i, L i, c.i. that where more earth is,
more attraction of the compasse hafpeneth by variation toward it. Now the known continents
of Asia y lie must be unspeakably more then here there can be^ and yet here is more variation
then about Japan^ or Brazslj PerUy is^c.
407
A.f>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1616.
Westward, so that a North-east and by East, is true North,
and so of the rest. Also this Sound seemcth to bee good
for the killing of Whales, it being the greatest and largest
in all this Bay. The cause wherefore we minded to stand
to this Iland, was to see if we could find any finnes or
such like on the shore, and so indeed this night wee came
to anchor, but with such foule weather, that our Boat
could not land. The next day wee were forced to set
sayle, the Sea was growne so high, and the wind came more
outward. Two dayes wee spent and could get no good
place to anchor in : then on the eight day it clecred up,
and wee seeing a company of Hands lye off from the shoare
twelve or thirteene Leagues, wee minded to goe to them,
to see if there we could Anchor. When wee were some-
thing neere, the winde tooke us short ; and being loth to
spend more time, we tooke opportunitie of the wind, and
Caries Hands, left the searching of these Hands, which wee called Careyes
*This Map of Hands, all which Sounds and Hands the Map * doth truly
'ihh'Tdlit describe.
formr Voyage ^ ^^ Stood to the Westward in an open Sea, with a
with the stiffe gale of wind, all the next day and till the tenth day
Tables of his at one or two a clocke in the morning, at which time it fell
journalland ^alme and very foggie, and wee neere the Land in the
^smewh^^^^ entrance of a faire Sound, which wee called Alderman
troublesome Jones Sound. This afternoone being faire and cleere, we
and too costly sent our Boat to the Shoare, the ship being under sayle,
^Ay^' and assoone as they were on shoare, the wind began to
Jones^und ^^^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^^^ returned againe, declaring that they saw
many Sea Morses by the shoare among the Ice, and as
farre as they were, they saw no signe of people, nor any
good place to anchor in along the shoare. Then having
an easie gale of wind at East North-east, we ranne along
by the shoare, which now trendeth much South, and
beginneth to shew like a Bay.
On the twelfth day we were open of another great
Sound, lying in the Latitude of 74. degrees 20. minutes,
and we called it Sir James Lankasters Sound: here our
hope of passage began to be lesse every day then other,
408
WILLIAM BAFFIN ad.
1616.
for from this Sound to the Southward, wee had a ledge of
Ice betweene the Shoare and us, but cleare to the Sea
ward, we kept close by this ledge of Ice till the foureteenth
day in the aftemoone, by which time wee were in the
latitude of 71. degrees 16. minutes, and plainely perceived
the Land to the Southward of 70. degrees 30. minutes, TkeysuLand
then wee having so much Ice round about us, were forced and find thm-
to stand more Eastward, supposing to have beene soone ^^^'^^«^^'^^-
cleare, and to have kept on the off side of the Ice, untill
we had come into 70. degrees, then to have stood in againe.
But this proved quite contrary to our expectation : for wee
were forced to nmne above threescore leagues through
very much Ice, and many times so fast, that wee could goe
no wayes, although we kept our course due East; and
when wee had gotten into the open Sea, wee kept so neere
the Ice, that many times we had much adoe to get cleare,
yet could not come neere the Land, till we came about 68.
degrees, where indeede we saw the shoare, but could not
come to it by eight or nine leagues, for the great abundance
of Ice, TWs was on the foure and twentieth day of July :
then spent we three dayes more to see if conveniently
wee could come to anchor, to make trial of the tides,
but the Ice led us into the latitude of 6^. degrees 40.
minutes. Then wee left off seeking to the West shoare,
because wee were in the indraft of Cumberlands lies, and CumhnUmds
should know no certaintie, and hope of passage could ^^^*
be none.
Now seeing that we had made an end of our discovery,
and the yeare being too farre spent to goe for the bottome
of the Bay, to search for drest Finnes; therefore wee
determined to goe for the Coast of Groineland, to see if
we could get some refreshing for our men : Master Hubert
and two more, having kept their Cabins above eight dayes
(besides our Cooke, Kichard Waynam, which died the day
before, being the twenty six of July) and divers more of
our company so weake, that they could doe but little
labour. So the winde favouring us, we came to anchor in
the latitude of (i^, degrees 45. minutes, at six a clocke in
409
A.D.
i6i6.
The King
satisfied
touching the
fassagjs.
Hubherts
hope.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
I heare that weightie occasions have detained him out of
England, and I cannot communicate that which I could
not receive : which if I doe receive, I purpose rather to
give thee out of due place, then not at all. Once he was
very confident in conference with me of a passage that
way, and said that he had therein satisfied his Majestie,
who from his discourse in private, inferred the necessitie
thereof. And the maine argument was the course of the
tyde: for wintering in Port Nelson (see the following
Mappe) hee found the tyde rising every twelve houres
fifteene foote ([whereas in the bottome of Hudsons Bay it
was but two toote, and in the bottome of Fretum Davis
discovered by Baffin, but one) yea and a West winde
equalled the nep tydes to the spring tydes; plainely
arguing the neighbourhood of the Sea, which is on the
West side of America. The Summer following he found
about the latitude of 60. degrees a strong race of a tide,
running sometimes Eastward, sometimes Westward;
whereupon Josias Hubbard in his plat, called that place
Hubbarts Hope, as in the Map appeareth. Now it any
make scruple, because this discoverv was not pursued by
Sir Thomas Button, let him consider, that being Prince
Henries Servant, and partly by him employed (whence I
thinke he named the Country New Wales) the untimely
death of that Prince put all out of joint ; nor was hee so
open, that others should have the glory of his discoverie.
And if any man thinke that the passage is so farre, as
the Maps use to expresse America, runnmg out into the
West : it is easily answered, that either of negligence, or
over-busie diligence. Maps by Portugals in the East, and
Spaniards in the West, have beene felsely projected.
Hence that fabulous strait of Anian, as before by Francis
Gaules testimonie and navigation is evident : And hence
the Portugals to bring in the Moluccas, to that moity of
the world agreed upon betwixt the Spaniards and them,
are thought to have much curtailed Asia, and the longitude
of those Hands, giving fewer degrees to them then in just
[III. iv. 849.] longitude is requisite. So the older Maps of America
412
ON THE NORTH WEST PASSAGE a.d.
i6i6.
make the Land from the Magelane Straits to the South
Sea, runne much West, when as they rather are contracted
somewhat Easterly from the North. The like is justly
supposed of their felse placing, Quivira, and I know not
(nor they neither) what Coimtries they make in America,
to run so farre North-westward, which Sir Francis Drakes
Voyage in that Sea (his Nova * Albion, being little further *This easily
Westward then Aquatulco) plainely evince to be otherwise. ^^^'^''^ j?
Yea the late Map of California foxmd to be an Hand, the y^^^\J^
Savages discourses in all the Coimtries Northwards and compakngthat
Westwards from Virginia : fame whereof filled my friend hefon of
Master Dermer with so much confidence, that hearing of ^^- ^^*f
Strange Ships which came thither for a kinde of Ure or
earth, the men using forkes in their diet, with Caldrons
to dresse their meate, &c. things nothing sutable to any
parts of America, hee supposed them to come from the
East, neere to China or Japan, and therefore he made a
Voyage purposely to discover: but crossed with divers
disasters, hee returned to Virginia, frustrate of accomplish-
ment that yeare, but fuller of confidence, as in a Letter
from Virginia he signified to me, where death ended that
his designe soone after. But how often are the usuall
Charts rejected by experience in these Navigations, in this
worke recorded ? Painters and Poets are not alwayes the
best Oracles.
For further proofes of a passage about those parts into
the West Sea (or South, as it is called from the first
discovery thereof to the South, from the parts of New
Spaine, whence it was first descried by the Spaniards) there
is mention of a Portugall (and taken in a Carricke in
Queene Elizabeths dayes, of glorious memory) confirming
this opinion ; Sir Martin Frobisher also from a Portugafi
in Guinie, received intelligence of such a passage, he
saying he had past it. The Pilots of Lisbone are said
generally to acknowledge such a thing ; and the Admirall
of D. Garcia Geofl^roy Loaisa of Cite-Real, in the time of
Charles the fifth, is reported by the Coast of Baccalaos and
Labrador, to have gone to the Moluccas. Vasco de
413
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGBIMBS
1596.
which the Vizcroy of Mexico sent from Mexico, armed
with one hundred men, Souldiers, under a Captain,
Spaniards, to discover the Straits of Anian, along the coast
or the South-Sea, and to fortifie in that Strait, to resist the
passage and proceedings of the English Nation, which
were feared to passe through those Straits into the South
Sea. And that by reason of a mutinie which happened
among the Souldiers, for the Sodomie of their Captaine,
that voyage was overthrowne, and the Ships returned
backe from California coast to Nova Spania, without any
effect of thing done in that Voyage. And that after their
returne, the Captaine was at Mexico punished by justice.
Also he said, that shordy after the said Voyage was so
ill ended, the said Viceroy of Mexico, sent him out againe
Anno 1 592. with a small Caravela, and a Pinnace, armed
with Mariners onely, to follow the said Voyage, for dis-
covery of the same Straits of Anian, and the passage
thereof, into the Sea which they call the North Sea, which
is our North-west Sea. And that he followed his course
in that Voyage West and North-west in the South Sea,
all alongst the coast of Nova Spania, and California, and
the Indies, now called North America (all which Voyage
hee signified to me in a great Map, and a Sea-card of mine
owne, which I laied before him) untill hee came to the
Latitude of fortie seven degrees, and that there finding
Land trending that the Land trended North and North-east, with a broad
^'» 47- Inlet of Sea, betweene 47. and 48. degrees of Latitude:
iiigrees, ^^^ entred thereinto, sayling therein more then twentie
dayes, and found that Land trending still sometime North-
west and North-east, and North, and also East and
South-eastward, and very much broader Sea then was at
the said entrance, and that hee passed by divers Hands in
that sayling. And that at the entrance of this said Strait,
there is on the North-west coast thereof, a great Hedland
or Hand, with an exceeding high Pinacle, or spired Rocke,
like a piller thereupon.
Also he said, that he went on Land in divers places, and
that he saw some people on Land, clad in Beasts skins :
416
ON THE NORTH WEST PASSAGE a.d.
1596.
and that the Land is very fruitfull, and rich of gold, Silver,
Pearle, and other things, like Nova Spania.
And also he said, that he being entred thus &rre into
the said Strait, and being come into the North Sea already,
and finding the Sea wide enough every where, and to be
about thirtie or fortie leagues wide in the mouth of the The muth of
Straits, where hee entred ; hee thought he had now well ^ Straight
discharged his office, and done the thing which he was ^^^^-q ^
sent to doe : and that hee not being armed to resist the ^o. J^agues
force of the Salvage people that might happen, hee there- hrooii.
fore set sayle and returned homewards againe towards Nova
Spania, where hee arrived at Acapulco, Anno 1592. hoping
to be rewarded greatly of the Viceroy, for this service
done in this said Voyage.
Also he said, that after his comming to Mexico, hee was
greatly welconmied by the Viceroy, and had great promises
of great reward, but that having sued there two yeares
time, and obtained nothing to his content, the Viceroy told
him, that he should be rewarded in Spaine of the King
himselfe very greatly, and willed him therefore to goe into
Spaine, which Voyage hee did performe.
Also he said, that when he was come into Spaine, he
was greatly welcommed there at the Kings Court, in
wordes after the Spanish manner, but after long time of
suite there also, hee could not get any reward there neither
to his content. And that therefore at the length he stole
away out of Spaine, and came into Italie, to goe home
againe and live among his owne Kindred and Countrimen,
he being very old.
Also he said, that hee thought the cause of his ill reward
had of the Spaniards, to bee for that they did understand
very well, that the English Nation had now given over all
their voyages for discoverie of the North-west passage,
wherefore uiey need not feare them any more to come that
way into the South Sea, and therefore they needed not his
service therein any more.
Also he said, that in regard of this ill reward had of the
Spaniards, and understanding of the noble minde of the
XIV 417 2D
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1596.
Queene of England, and of her warrcs maintayncd so
valiandy against the Spaniards, and hoping that her
Majestie would doe him justice for his goods lost by
Captaine Candish, he would bee content to goe into
England, and serve her Majestie in that voyage for the
discoverie perfectly of the North-west passage into the
South Sea, and would put his life into her Majesties hands
to performe the same, if shee would furnish him with
onely one ship of fortie tunnes burden and a Pinnasse,
Thestratghtto and that he would performe it in thirtie dayes time, from
be ducwered j ^^ ^^ ^^^^^^ ^f ^^ Streights. And he willed me
tn 30. dines. • • . t^ 1 j °
SO to write into England.
[III.iv.851.] And upon this conference had twise with the said Greeke
Pilot, I did write thereof accordingly into England unto
the right honourable the old Lord Treasurer Cecill, and to
Sir Walter Raleigh, and to Master Richard Hakluyt that
famous Cosmographer, certifying them hereof by my
Letters. And in the behalfe of the said Greeke Pilot, I
prayed them to disburse one hundred pounds of money, to
bring him into England with my selte, for that my owne
purse would not stretch so wide at that time. And I had
answere hereof by Letters of friends, that this action was
very well liked, and greatly desired in England to bee
effected; but the money was not readie, and therefore
this action dyed at that time, though the said Greeke Pilot
perchance liveth still this day at home in his owne Countrie
in Cefalonia, towards the which place he went from me
within a fortnight after this conference had at Venice.
And in the meane time, while I followed my owne
businesse in Venice, being in Law suit against the Com-
panie of Merchants of Turkie, and Sir John Spencer their
Governour in London, to recover my pension due for my
office of being their ConsuU at Aleppo in Turkie, which
they held from me wrongfully. And when I was (as I
thought) in a readinesse to returne home into England,
for that it pleased the Lords of her Majesties honomable
Privie Counsell in England, to looke into this Cause of
my Law suit for my reliefe ; I thought that I should be
418
ON THE NORTH WEST PASSAGE ad.
1596.
able of my owne purse to take with me into England the
said Greeke Pilot. And therefore I wrote unto him from
Venice a Letter, dated in July 1596. which is copied here-
under.
Al Mag*^- Sig"- Capitan Juan De Fuca Piloto de
Indias, amigo mio char"'*'* en Zefalonia.
MUy honrado Sennor, siendo yo para buelverme en
Inglatierra dentre de pocas mezes, y accuerdandome
de lo trattado entre my y V. M. en Venesia, sobre el viagio
de las Indias, me ha parescido bien de scrivir esta carta k
v. M. paraque si tengais animo de andar con migo, puedais
escribirme presto, en que maniera quereis consertaros. Y
puedais embiarmi vuestra carta, con esta nao Ingles que
sta al Zante (sino hallais otra coientura meier) con el
sobrescritto que diga, en casa del Sennor Eleazar Hycman
Mercader Ingles, al tragetto, de San Thomas en Venisia.
Y Dios guarde k persona de V. M. Fecha en Venesia al
primer dia de Julio, 1596. annos.
Amigo de V. M. Michael Lok Ingles.
And I sent the said Letter from Venice to Zante, in the
ship Cherubin. And shortly after I sent a copie thereof in
the ship Mynvon. And also a third copie thereof by
Manea Orlancio Patron de Nave Venetian. And unto
my said Letters he wrote mee answere to Venice by one
Letter which came not to my hands. And also by
another Letter which came to my hands, which is copied
here-under.
Al 111"^- Sig^- Michal Loch Ingles, in casa del
Sig*^- Lasaro Merca. der Ingles, al tragetto dc
San Thomas en Venesia.
MUy lUustre Seg**- lo carta de V. M. recevi k 20. dias
del Mese di ^ttembre, por loqual veo Loche V. M.
me manda, io tengho animo de complir Loche tengo
419
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1596.
promettido k V. M. y no solo yo, mas tengo vinte hombres
para lievar con migo, por che son hombres vaglientes ; y
assi estoi esperando, por otra carta che avise k V. M.
parache me embiais los dinieros che tengo escritto k V. M.
rorche bien save V. M. como io vine pover, porche me
glievo Capitan Candis mas de sessanta mille ducados, come
V. M. bien save: embiandome lo dicho, ire k servir k
V. M. con todos mis compagneros. I no spero otra cossa
mas de la voluntad h carta de V. M. I con tanto nostro
Sig"- Dios guarda la lUustre persona de V. M. muchos
annos. De CefFalonia k 24. de Settembre del 1596.
Amigo & servitor de V. M.
Juan Fuca.
And the said Letter came to my hands in Venice, the
16. day of November, 1596. but my Law suite with the
Companie of Turkie was not yet ended, by reason of
Sir John Spencers suite made in England at the Queenes
Court to the contrarie, seeking onely to have his money
discharged which I had attached in Venice for my said
pension, and thereby my owne purse was not yet readie
for the Greeke Pilot.
And neverthelesse, hoping that my said suite would
have shortly a good end ; I wrote another Letter to this
Greeke Pilot from Venice, dated the 20. of November,
1596. which came not to his hands. And also another
Letter, dated the 24. of Januarie 1596. which came
to his hands. And thereof he wrote me answere,
dated the 28. of May, 1507. which I received the
[III. iv. 8 5 2.] first of August 1597. by Thomas Norden an English
Merchant yet living in London, wherein he promised still
to goe with me into England, to performe the said voyage
for discoverie of the North-west passage into the South
Sea, if I would send him money for his charges according
to his former writing, without the which money, he said
he could not goe, for that he said he was undone utterly.
The Ship when he was in the ship Santa Anna, which came from
Santa Anna. China, and was robbed at California. And yet againe
420
ON THE NORTH WEST PASSAGE aj>.
1602.
afterward I wrote him another Letter from Venice, where-
unto he wrote me answere, by a Letter written in his
Greeke language, dated the 20. of October, 1598. the
which I have still by me, wherein he promiseth stUl to goe
with me into England, and performe the said voyage of
discoverie of the North-west passage into the South Sea
by the said streights, which he calleth the Streight of Nova The Stretght
Spania, which he saith is but thirtie dales voyage in the of Nova
streights, if I will send him the money formerly written ^j"*-^"^^
for his charges. The which money I could not yet send i^^^
him, for that I had not yet recovered my pension owing Streight.
mee by the Companie of Turkie aforesaid. And so of
long time I stayed from any furder proceeding with him
in this matter.
And yet lastly, when I my selfe was at Zante, in the
moneth of June 1602. minding to passe from thence for
England by Sea, for that I had then recovered a little
money from the Companie of Turkie, by an order of the
Lords of the Privie Counsell of England, I wrote another
Letter to this Greeke Pilot to Cefalonia, and required him
to come to me to Zante, and goe with mee into England,
but I had none answere thereof from him, for that as I
heard afterward at Zante, he was then dead, or very likely
to die of great sicknesse. Whereupon I returned my
selfe by Sea from Zante to Venice, and from thence I went
by land through France into England, where I arrived at
Christmas, An. 1602. safely, I thanke God, after my
absence from thence ten yeeres time ; with great troubles
had for the Company ox Turkies businesse, which hath
cost me a great summe of money, for the which I am not
yet satisfied of them.
[A Treatise
421
Aj>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1616.
A Treatise of the North-west passage to the South
Sea, through the Continent of Virginia, and by
Fretunni Hudson.
THe noble plantation of Virginia hath some very
excellent prerogatives above many other famous
Kingdomes, namely, the temperature of the aire, the
fruitfulnesse of the soile, and the commodiousnesse of
sitiiation.
The aire is hcalthfiiU and free both from inmioderate
heate, and from extreme cold ; so that both the Inhabitants
and dxeir Cattell doe prosper exceedingly in stature and
strength, and all Plants brought from any other remote
climate, doe there grow and fructifie in as good or better
manner, then in the soile from whence they came. Which
though it doe manifestly proove the fruitfulnesse of the
soile, yeelding all kindes of Graine or Plants conunitted
unto it, with a rich and plentifidl increase ; yet cannot the
fatnesse of the earth alone produce such excellent effects,
unlesse the temperature of the aire be likewise so favour-
able, that those tender sprouts which the earth doth
abundandy bring forth, may bee cherished with moderate
heate and seasonable moisture, and freed both from
scorching drought, and nipping frost.
These blessings are so much the more to be esteemed,
because they are bestowed upon a place situated so conveni-
endy, and at so good a distance both from Europe, and the
West Indies, that for the mutxiall conmierce betwixt these
great and most rich parts of the habitable world, there
cannot bee devised any place more convenient for the
succour and refreshing of those that trade from hence
thither : whether they be of our owne Nation, or of our
Neighbours and Friends, the mixltitude of great and
navigable Rivers, and of safe and spacious Harbours, as it
were inviting all Nations to entertaine mutuall friendship,
and to participate of those blessings which God out of the
abundance of his rich Treasures, hath so graciously
422
HENRY BRIGGS a.d
lOIO.
bestowed some upon these parts of Europe, and others no
lesse desired upon those poore people : which might still
have remayneci in their old barbarous ignorance, without
knowledge of their owne miserie, or of Gods infinite good-
nesse and mercy ; if it had not pleased God thus graciously
both to draw us thither with desire of such wealth as those
fruitfuU Countries afford, and also to grant us so easie,
certaine, and safe a meanes to goe unto them: which
passage is in mine opinion made much more secure and
easie by the commodious Harbours and refreshing which
Virginia doth reach out unto us. The coasts of Florida to
the West, being not so barberous ; and of New England
to the East, somewhat more out of the way, amongst so
many Flats and small Hands not so safe. Neither is the
commodiousnesse of Virginia's situation onely in respect
of this West Atlanticke Ocean, but also in respect of the
Indian Ocean, which we commonly call the South Sea,
which lyeth on the West and North-west side of Virginia,
on the other side of the Mountaines beyond our Falls, and
openeth a free and faire passage, not onely to China, Japan,
and the Moluccaes ; but also to New Spaine, Peru, Chili,
and those rich Countries of Terra Australis, not as yet
fully discovered. For the Sea wherein Master Hudson
did winter, which was first discovered by him, and is
therefore now called Fretum Hudson, doth stretch so
ferre towards the West, that it lyeth as farre Westward [III. iv. 853.]
as the Cape of Florida: So that from the Falls above
Henrico Citie, if we shape our journey towards the North-
west, following the Rivers towards the head, wee shall
undoubtedly come to the Mountaines, which as they send
divers great Rivers Southward into our Bay of Chesepiock,
so likewise doe they send others from their further side
North-westward into that Bay where Hudson did winter.
For so wee see in our owne Countrie, from the ridge of
Mountaines continued from Derbishire into Scodanc^ doe
issue many great Rivers on both sides into the East
Germane Ocean, and into the Westeme Irish Seas : in like
sort from the Alpes of Switzerland and the Grizons, doe
423
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1616.
runne the Danubie Eastward into Pontus Euxinus, the
Rhene into the North Germane Ocean, the Rhosnc West
into the Mediterrane Sea, and the Po South into the
Adriatike Sea. This Bay where Hudson did winter,
stretcheth it selfe Southward into 49. degrees, and cannot
be in probabilitie so farre distant n-om the Falls as two
hundred leagues ; part of the way lying by the Rivers side
towards the Mountaines from whence it springeth: and
the other part on the other side cannot want Rivers like-
wise, whidi will conduct us all the way, and I hope carry
us and our provisions a good part of it. Besides that
Bay, it is not unlikely that the Westeme Sea in some other
Creeke or River commeth much neerer then that place:
For the place where Sir Thomas Button did winter, lying
more Westerly then Master Hudsons Bay by one hundred
and ninetie leases in the same Sea, doth extend it selfe
very neere as fore towards the west as the Cape of Cali-
fornia, which is now found to bee an Iland stretching it
selfe from 22. degrees to 42. and lying almost direcdy
North and South ; as may appeare in a Map of that Iland
which I have seene here m London, brought out of
Holland; where the Sea upon the North-west part may
very probably come much neerer then some doe imagine :
who giving too much credit to our usuall Globes and
Maps, doe dreame of a large Continent extending it selfe
farre Westward to the imagined Streight of Anian, where
are seated (as they fable) the large Kingdomes of Cebola
and Quivira, having great and populous Cities of civill
people; whose houses are said to bee five stories high,
and to have some pillars of Turguesses. Which relations
are cunningly set downe by some upon set purpose to put
us out of the right way, and to discourage such as other-
wise might be desirous to search a passage by the way
aforesaid into those Seas.
Gerardus Mercator, a very industrious and excellent
Geographer, was abused by a Map sent unto him, of foure
Euripi meeting about the North Pole; which now are
found to bee all turned into a mayne Icie Sea. One
424
^'
HENRY BRIGGS ad.
1616.
demonstration of the craftie falshood of these usixall Maps
is this, that Cape Mendocino is set in them West North-
west, distant from the South Cape of California, about
scventeene hundred leagues, whereas Francis Gaule that
was imployed in those discoveries by the Vice-roy of New
Spaine, doth in Hugo Linschotten his booke set downe
their distance to be onely five hundred leagues.
Besides this, in the place where Sir Thomas Button did
winter in 57. degrees of latitude, the constant great Tydes
every twelve houres, and the increase of those Tydes
whensoever any strong Westeme winde did blow, doe
strongly perswade us 3iat the mayne Westerne Ocean is
not ferre fi-om thence; which was much confirmed unto
them the Summer following ; when sayling directly North
from that place where they wintered, about the latitude of
60. degrees, they were crossed by a strong Current running
sometimes Eastward, sometimes Westward: So that if
we finde either Hudsons Bay, or any Sea more neere unto
the West, wee may assure our selves that from thence we
may with great ease passe to any part of the East Indies :
And that as the World is very much beholding to that
famous Colimibus for that hee first discovered unto us the
West Indies ; and to the Portugal for the finding out the
ordinarie and as yet the best way that is knowne to the
East Indies, by Cape Bona Speranza: So may they and
all the world be in this beholding to us in opening a new
and large passage, both much neerer, safer, and farre more
wholesome and temperate through the Continent of
Virginia, and by Fretum Hudson, to all those rich Coun-
tries bordering upon the South Sea, in the East and West
Indies. And this hope that the South Sea may easily from
Virginia be discovered over Land, is much confirmed by
the constant report of the Savages, not onelv of Virginia,
but also of Florida and Canada ; which dwelling so remote
one from another, and all agreeing in the report of a large
Sea to the Westwards, where they describe great ships not
unlike to ours, with other circumstances, doe give us very
great probabilitle (if not frill assurance) that our endevours
42s
A^. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
all that is written no credit could be given, for over-much
licence, wherewith untill then it was done) hee used great
diligence in gathering the most certaine Relations that
were found as well in the Indies, as in Spaine, of that
which happened in the Discoveries of those Regions, the
foundations of those Townes and Customes of the people.
And many yeers being past after his death, without
making any beginning of this History, your Lordship
being provided for President of the Royall and Supreme
Councell of the Indies, knowing how much it behoved,
[III. V. 856.] that deeds so worthy of memorie should no longer be
buried, and that they should be written by a Royall
Chronicler (seeing so much fruit is gotten of Historie,
that it exceedeth so much the Picture, as the soixle, the
bodie, against the opinion of a modeme Writer.) Provid-
ing all the meanes necessarie with liberalitie and diligence,
have beene the meere and onely Instrument; following
the opinion of S. Augustine, that this Historie, and the
Descnption that followeth hath come to the present estate.
And because it hath not beene of least importance to
honour the Author, animating him to goe forward with
so great a labour, conforming your selfe with the universall
opinion of the much that is due to the watchings, and
labours of the Writers; placing this Office of Chiefe
and verball affectation and obscuritie. I have examined it with the
Spanish Original!, and compared it also with the Latine Transla-
tion, with great paines for thy greater pleasure & profit, correcting and
illustrating the phrase and sence, being before very rude, obscure and
in very many places utterly sencelessc. But having none to write for
mee but my owne hands, I rather chose to amend this as I could, then
to translate it anew. I have seene it also in French. The Latine is
exceeding false in some numbers, as 2000. for 20000. divers times, &c.
which I note for their sakes which reade that and have not the Spanish.
I have not contracted this (as I have done divers other Relations)
because it is a briefe contraction of the Spanish-Indian Contractation,
presenting the Spanish Proceedings, Colonies, Townes, Officers and
Government Spiritual! and Temporal! in the Indies. This Author
hath written eight Decades of the Spanish Acts in the West Indies,
which give great light to those parts, but would be too long for this
Worke.
428
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
1601.
Chronicler in that point and reputation that so noble an
Exercise deserveth, ^as the most famous men of the World
have judged it, and it is esteemed and talked of among all
Nations be they never so barbarous) your Lordship shall
be praysed eternally, and thanked of all that are interessed Rammio
in it ; by which is procured the making mention of their uncharitably
Fathers, and Predecessors with their Names and Countrey, ^^^/'^^^
all that hath beene possible, against the barbarous and most thifiUy of
unjust opinion of John Baptista Ramusio, in his Proeme Sfanish
in the third Volume of the Navigations, where hee saith Authors which
to bee a vaine thing, and ridiculous, that the Spanish ^^^J'^^
Authors shoixld take paines in writing the names and ^Q^onethi
Countrey of those which served in the matters of the nam$y Wr. of
Indies. Wherein he sheweth the venime of the envie those which
conceived of the glorious deeds of these Catholike Kings, jf^^ ^^^
and of the Castifiian Nation, seeing the Chronicles doe '^SHa^^
serve to honour the good, and to reproch the evill, for an nbelRons^then
example of those to come ; which coixld not be obtayned the description
with the opinion of this Ramusius, whom the saying of ^f^ ^^»
Cato against the Grecians doth fit. But the opinion of fi^/^'J^
your lordship hath beene according to your prudence and Heaven, i^d
valour, of the which as it is just, there will be a perpetuall in the Indus:
memorie, and for that which this Nation is indebted unto A ^^^^^
you for the same, you shall bee reknowledged of it ^^*^J^
eternally. God keepe your Lordship, from Vallyadolyeede ow^.
the fifteenth of October 1601.
THe compasse of the Earth is 360. degrees, which Chap, i.
being reduced to leagues of Castile are 6300. and by Of the bounds
the compasse of the Earth is understood the Sea together ^^^^^
with it, which two Elements make the Globe; whose ^^^^
upper face in part is Earth, and in part is Sea: The
Ancients divided the Earth in three parts, and gave to
every one his name. The first they called Europe, more
celebrated then any of the other. The second Asia, which
is greater then the rest, and contayneth the great King-
dome of China. The third Africa. And men being in a
supposition that the World contayned no more then was
439
A.IX PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
Don Antmtii hcere a wonderfull effect of his, discovered by Don
Osscric,Jis' Antonie Ossorio, a Gentleman of Valladolid, and it is,
^'^e^femt of ^^ ^^ ^^^ communicate to the Iron, more attractive
the Loadstotii. vertue then naturally it hath of it selfe, seeing that apply-
ing an Iron to the part of the stone that hath most force,
much more weight will bee raysed with the Iron, then
with the stone it selfe, so it bee joyned with it, in sort that
to a Load-stone, that weigheth no more then two pound one
quarter, and hath no naturall vertue for to lift more then
sixe ounces weight, it made the Iron in my (wesence to lift
fourteene pound of Iron, and this vertue hath not the
Load-stone of Spaine, a thing that causeth the Philo-
sophers to muse much upon.
The Author had here inserted a Table or Generall Mao
of America ; the defect of which wee have supplyed with
this farre more complete of Hohdius.
[IIL V. 858.] ^T^He Ocean that is toward the East, is called the North
^^ ^- X Sea, and that which falleth to the West, Mar del Sur,
Navigation of ^^ ^^ South Sea : this washeth Nova Hispania and Peru :
theln£es. that washeth those Regions which are situated on the
South coast of Brasile toward the Magellan Streight : and
especially the North coast from Brasile toward Castile, and
other Septentrional parts. These two vast Seas are
divided into other lesser Seas and Gulfes, and are saykd by
How many foure principall Navigations. The first and most ancient.
Navigations from Castile to Terra firme, and to Nova Hispania. The
E Ini^s. s^ond, from Castile to the River of Plate, and the Streight
of Magellan. The third, from the coast of Nova
Hispania to Guatimala, and Panama, to Peru, Chile, and
the Streight. And the last, and newest, fit)m Nova
Hispania to the Hands of the West, and trafficke of China,
as it is seene in the Table preceding.
The first Navi^tion, because it is most used, called
Carrera de las Indias, The course of the Indies, is divided
in two, one to the port of Saint John of Ulua in Nova
Hispania, whitherto from Sivil is sayled about one
thousand and seven hundred leagues in two moneths and
432
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad,
1601.
an halfe: and another to Nombre de Dios, and now to
Porte bello, which is in the Kingdome which they call
Terra firme, of one thousand and foure hundred leagues,
in two moneths large, and both goe by one course, till they
come to the Hands of the North Sea, from Saint Lucar of Difficultie in
Barrameda, whence yee cannot take Sea without a Pilot gplngoutofthe
skilfiill in the Channell, a fit winde and spring Tydes, and f]^^^-^^""*'
light of the day, or lights, for to see the markes of the ^
Barre.
The Times for to begin these Navigations, are divers. In what Hmts
For Nova Hispania, the winter being past, from the t^seNaviga-
beginning of April unto the end of May, and not after, ^^^J^^^ ^
that they may not come to the Ilands of the North Sea
after August, when the North windes begin to reigne, and
the Uracanes doe begin, which are stormes and great gusts Monsons.
arising of contrarie windes. And to Terra firme, the
Navigation is before the entring of the Winter, in all
August and September, that they may come to Porte bello
from November forward, when by the beginning of the
North windes that Coast is alreadie least diseased, and
more healthfull.
From Saint Lucar they goe to the Canaries, whither Th^ voyage 0/
there is about two hundred and fiftie leagues of Naviga- ^ ^^^^ ^^
tion, of eight or ten dayes, through the Gixlfe de las ^^^^ fL.
Yeguas ; which in winter is very dangerous for stormes : tjjj goe.
and in the Port of Canarie they cast anker when they
thinke it good, or else in the Port of Gomera, which is
the best of those Ilands. From the Canaries they saile
to Desseada, which stands in 15. degrees and little more ;
and to Dominica, whither they make seven hundred
leagues, through the great Ocean, and they stay five and
twentie dayes, whereby they cannot returne, because the
Brises are ordinarie, and contrarie at their returne. The
Brises are windes which comprehend all the Easterne WhattBng
windes with all their quarters, and are so ordinarie and the Brises are.
firme, because the swift motion of the First Moover, doth
carry after him the Element of the Aire, as the other
superior Orbes: and so the Aire followeth alwaies the
XIV 433 2 E
A.D.
i6oi.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Tkeytake
water alreadie
in thi Ik of
Guadalupe^
where the
Cottrses are
(Bvuled.
motion of the Day, going from East to
varying, and the effectualf motion of the
West, never
Aire carrieth
after him also the vapours and exhalations that doe arise
from the Sea, and therefore the Brise winde which runneth
from the East, is so continuall in those parts. This voy
from the Canaries to Dominica, Peter Arios of A\
which was called Gentill and the Juster, made the first, the
yeere of 1514. when hee went with an Armie for
Governour and Captaine generall of the Kingdome of
Golden Castile, now called Terra firme, since which the
Navigation hath beene ordered, that untill then went out
of order.
Because it is now ordered that fresh water and wood be
not taken in the Iland of Desseada, and in Dominica, the
Fleet of Nova Espanna goe hence to Occoa, a Port of the
Iland Hispan-yola, to ta^e refreshing, and they stay long
because the stormes from Cuba doe overtake it. And
they that goe for Nova Espanna, doe water in the Iland
of Guadalupe, and there they divide the courses. The
fleet of Nova Espanna goeth in demand of the Cape of
Saint Antonie, which is in the furthest part and most
Occidentall of the Iland of Cuba, to which place they saile
about five hundred leagues in twentie dayes ordinarily, in
sight of Saint John of Forto Rico and of Espannola, two
leagues off the Port of Saint Domingo, running along the
coast by the Point of Nizao, and betweene the lianas of
Cuba and Jamayca, they goe with great heede of the
shoales, which are called the Jardines, neere to the middest
of the coast of Cuba where many ships have beene lost,
passing afterward in sight of the Iland of Pinos and Cape
Correntes twelve leagues short of the Cape of Saint
Antonie. From whence there are two courses to the Port
of Veracruz, both of ten or twelve dayes; one which
they call Within Land, of two hundred and fiftie leagues,
for the Summer time from May to September, when there
bee no North windes which are crosse windes on the coast
of Yucatan, whereby they passe ; and another which they
call Without, for the time of Winter, of about two
434
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
hundred and eightie leagues somewhat higher in altitude :
and the best Navigation, for to goe to the Port of Saint ff^AkA is the
John de Ulua, is to leane to the coast of Florida, and the ^V* ^"^
Playnes of Almeria, that no contrarie wind stay him from CapeofS. '
seasonable attayning the Port of Saint John de Ulua. jfnmie^ to S.
The fleets that went from Dominica, and now goe from John de Ulua.
Guadalupe to Terra firme (whither is about foure hundred
leagues voyage of fifteene dayes) they goe in demand of
Cartagena, tore oflF the coast of Terra firme, where the [III. v. 859.]
Brises are almost perpetuall, and contrarie to the returne,
and the Southerne wmdes continuall in Summer, and the
Northeme in Winter, which are crosse windes. They doe
reknowledge by the way the Cape de Vella, between Santa
Martha and •Venezuela, and the Cape'* del Aguja neere ^OrRttk
Cartagena, where they unlade the merchandise that are to ^^^^' .
goe to New Kingdome; and those which are to passe ^fg^
to Peru, are carried to Porte bello, whitherto from Carta-
gena are ninetie leagues, foure or sixe dayes sayling,
reknowledging the Pomt of Captina,and from the Canaries
to Cartagena is five and thirtie dayes sayling.
Those that goe to Hunduras and Guatemala, goe in The voyage of
companie with them of Nova Espanna, unto Cape ^^durasaad
Tiburon, the utmost Westerne part of Espannola, from ^^*^^*
whence running along by the Hand of Jamayca on the North
side, unto the Point of the ^Negrillo, the uttermost of ""OrRttk
it, they put to Sea in demand of the Cape of the Camaron, ^^^ Moore.
the beginning of the Gulfe and Provmce of Hunduras,
fi-om whence they goe to anker to Truxillo fifteene leagues
to the West from the Cape, where the merchandize are
unladen that are to remaine there, and the rest doe passe
to the Port of Cavallos, and to Golfo Dulce, along the
coast by the Gulfe of Hunduras, to transport them to
Guatemala.
Chap. 3.
THe returne from the Indies to Spaine, cannot be made ^^^ein hee
by the course which they take in going thither, and ^^^L.
therefore they must come to a ^eater height, going out of ^vw/ of the
the Tropicks to seeke fresh windes which doe blow from Indies.
435
A.D.
i6oi.
Tki FkiU dot
ntm-Mi to
Castik by
4motkir way.
When the
fleets ought to
depart to come
fitr Castile,
Whither the
Fleets doe goe
from
Cartagjtna,
""Ortahe
away sleepe.
The ships of
Hunduras re-
knowledge the
Cape of Saint
Antonio,
When the
Fleets of Nova
Espanna doe
depart thence.
The voyage of
them of Santa
Martha and
Venezuela.
Navigation
from the
Avana to
Castile.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
towards the North ; all the Flectes doe meete in the Port
of Havana, about the moneth of June, to come to Spaine
before Winter ; for the East winde is against them, and
is traverse in the Channell, and the South also is traverse
in the Coast from the Cape Saint Vincent to Saint Lucar.
The fleet of Terra firme, departeth from May forward
from Porte bello, when the North windes doe alreadie
cease ; and returneth to Cartagena to take the freight of
Silver and Gold from the new fcngdom of Granada : and
also for to avoid the Coast of Veragua, and the streame of
Nicaragua, whence they can hardly get out if they ingulfe
themselves by reason of the Brises, and contrarie and
dangerous Currents that are in the way. From Cartagena
thev goe for Cape Saint Antonie, the furthest West of
Cuoa about two hundred leagues, voyage of ten dayes,
with care of the shoales that are in the way of Serrana and
Serranilla, and "^Quitasveno, and from the Cape of Saint
Antonie to the Avana, are neere fiftie leagues: and the
ships that come from Hunduras, doe come dso to reknow-
ledge the Cape of Saint Antonie.
The fleetes of Nova Espanna doe depart in the begin-
ning of May, while the North windes doe last, which doe
serve for the returne to the Avana, ascending a little in
altitude unto the Sound, which they call las Tortugas, unto
which place they saile about three hundred leagues in
fifteene dayes.
The ships of Santa Martha and Venezuela, to come to
Castile, came out betweene Cuba and Hispaniola, to
reknowledge the Cape of Saint Nicholas in the Western
part of it, from whence through the middest of the lies of
the Lucayos, they goe take the coiirse of the fleets, and
when they come in sight of the Cape of Saint Antonie,
they goe to the Avana for feare of Pirates.
From the Avana to Castile, having past the Channell of
Bahama (which the Pilot Antonie of Alaminos sayled first
of all, the yeere 1519.) they doe saile through the Gulfe
which is called of the North, or of the Sagarzo, about nine
hundred or a thousand leagues or more (a sayling of five
436
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
1601.
and twentie or thirtie dayes with ordinarie windes) by two
wayes, one for Summer, in a greater height, till they come
to thirtie eight or thirtie nine degrees, in the which stand
the Hands or Azores ; and another for Winter, by a lesser Navigatiou
height, because of the stormes and showres which doe come from the I lands
alwayes neere unto it, whereby they goe unto thirtie nine ^fT^^**^
degrees no more, wherein standeth the Hand of Santa
Maria, one of the lies of Azores, and they ascend one
degree more for to touch in the Tercera, where the fleets
doe alwayes come to take refreshing, without permitting
any one to goe ashoare. And from the Hands of Azores
unto Saint Lucar of Barrameda, the Mariners make three
hundred leagues of Navigation in fifteene dayes, others in
thirtie for the many Brises that doe reigne in this Gulfe
of the Azores, whereby they saile till thev come upon the
Coast of Portugal, and the doubling of the Cape Saint
Vincent ; and after in sight of the Coast unto the Port of
Saint Lucar.
The Navigation from Castile to the River of Plata Navigatm to
(whitherto there is one thousand and sixe hundred leagues, ^^ ^^^^ 9f
and to the Streight of Magelanes neere two thousand) ^
hath beene much longer in the time then in the distance
of the way, because being necessarie to come to those
Provinces in their Summer, which is from September
forward, they cannot depart from Castile at such time as
not to passe the Equinoctiall by June or August, when in
it the Calmes are many and very great, and therefore they
stay five moneths in the Voyage, which might bee made
in two or three, if from Sivil they did depart by August
or before : and touching in the Canaries they goe North
and South, to eight or nine degrees on the other side of
the Equinoctiall, from whence some doe saile East and
West, to reknowledge the Cape of Saint Augustine in
Brasile, and afterward in sight of the Land unto the River
of Plate and the Streight. Others from the eight degrees
have gone straight through the South Sea to the Streight,
although few have come to passe it, before the Summer bee [III. v. 860.]
ended, which is very short and full of stormes, because it
437
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
stands in so great a height, whereby this Navigation is
very diffioilt.
Navigatkn of The Navigation of the South Sea hath alwayes beene
tki South Sea. along the Coast, and because the South windes are very
continuall, and the Current of the Streight ordinarie to
NavigaHoH of the North ; The Navigation of Panama to the Citie of
^^dedJlu^ The Kings, is wont to continue two moneths, and the
jl^gg^ returne lesse then thirtie dayes, and the same from the
Kings to Chile, from whence to Panama are sayled nine
hundred leagues in lesse then two moneths, eight being
needfull for the going, which is alreadie shorter then it
was : for putting to 3ie Sea they finde better windes to
performe it.
NavigsHoM of The Navigation to the Westerne Hands, Malucas and
^^"^ Philippinas, from Castile to the Streight of Magellane
" "' passeth foure thousand leagues, and so for being so long
as for the difficultic of passmg the Streight of Magellanes,
it is held for diffioilt to use it, and from Nova Espanna
through the Westerne Gulfe, which is in the South Sea.
This Navigation was made from the Port of the Nativitie
in the Coast of Nova Espanna ; at this time it is made
from the Port of Acapulco, from whence to the Malucas
and Philippinas, they doe make a voyage of one thousand
sixc hundred, or a thousand and seven hundred leagues,
which is sayled in two moneths, or two and a halfe, depart-
ing in November which is the time most free from calmes.
And the retiirne to Nova Espanna is longer, because not
being able to returne the way they went, it is necessarie
to ascend to 39. degrees, and depart in May and June,
when the Brises bee less, and they stay foiire moneths
in sayling two thousand leagues that may bee in the
joiirney.
CA^. 4. '^TAture having divided these western Indies in two
^ff^i/^T parts, by the Isthmos or narrownesse from Porte bello
of the North. ^^ Panama, placed the one to the North, and the other to
the South ; wherefore wee will call them the Indies of the
North, and of the South. The Kings of Castile and Lion,
438
ANTONIO DE HERBJERA ad.
1601.
with the advice of the supreme Councell of the Indies, Here mas
have ordayned, that in each place there bee a Vice-roy, *^^^^/,
Courts, and Governments, and Bishopricks, as hereafter ^^^Xj^^/-
shall bee shewed. And first shall be entreated of the America. But
Northerne Indies, which commonly they call Nova Master
Hispania, because the first discoverers (which were John ^^tggs hath
Grijalva and his Companions) having not seene in the ^J^-^'^'^
Ilands houses of stone, nor other things as in Spaine, which ^^^ afarre
here they found with people appareffed, and more civill ; farre better^ to
They named it New Spaine : which exceedeth the other ^^ch I
part of the Indies in pastures, and therefore they have ^l^fl^^'V
innxunerable Cattle of all sorts : and it exceedeth also in j^J^^ ^i\^^
husbandrie and fruits : it hath no wine, because generally i^orth and
the grapes doe not ripen with perfection, the raines of July which of the
and August not suffering them to ripen. The * upper ^f^*
Ilands have also great Pastures, and a pleasant prospect : ^^^ ^!aUed ^'
for all the yeere they are greene and flourishing, with Hew Spaine.
great pleasantnesse, and great Arcabucos, which are very Greatpastures
thick Groves and Inclosiires, and in the Playnes are great '" ^^
Lakes and Quagmires. Neither Bread nor Wine grow i^^'
in them ; for the great ranknesse of the groimd doth not weathermost
suffer it to ripen nor eare : the Rivers for the most part or upper
have gold. Florida, Nicaragua, and Guatimala are almost ^^<^.
in this manner, as of all more particidarly wee will rehearse
in their place, and in the Table following shall the bounds
of these Northern Indies bee seene.
THe Coiirt of the Iland Hispaniola, which in time and Chap. 5.
place is the first, being neerest unto Castile, it hath S^/f^/^**J^
of bounds East and West five hundred and fiftie leagues, ^ o/TJht'
and North and South more then three hundred, wherein Dominicke.
are included the Ilands and Governments of Hispaniola,
Cuba, Saint John, Jamayca, Margarita, and the fishing of
the Pearle : the Province and Government of Venezuella,
and for neernesse the Provinces of new Andaluzia,
Guayana, and Florida, with all the Ilands of the North
Sea, which doe passe a hundred which are named, and are
above sixe hundred great and small : and those which doe
439
A.i>. i>URCHAS HIS PlLGHlMES
i6oi.
leane toward the Coast of Terra firme, the Mariners doc
call of the Leeward, and the other to the Weatherward.
The temperature of them all is commonly moist and
exceeding hot, and although they be plentifull in Pastures
and Trees, they are not so of the Seedes of Castile, nor of
Wheat, Barly, Vines, nor Olives : but there is great store
of great Cattell and small, as Kine, Mares, Swine, and
Sheepe, and therefore their principall traflScke is Hides and
Sugar, for there is great store ; and although in the most
of them there is gold ; it is not sought for.
Chap. 6. 'THHe Countrie-men called the Hand of Hispaniola, Ayti
Oftkilland X and Quisqueya, which signifieth Roughnesse, and a
aiSTfOiba S^^^ Countrie. The figure of it is like a Chesnut leafe :
It stands in nineteene degrees and a halfe of elevation of
the Pole, it compasseth about foure hundred leagues and
somewhat more, and hath in length East and West an
hundred and fiftie, and North and South from thirtie to
sixtie where it is broadest, it is very plentifull of Sugar,
and Cattell, and of Yuca, the roote whereof maketh the
Cazabibread. Cazabi, the bread of the Countrimen. They have no
Millet nor Wheat, although they begin to reape some in
the inward parts and coldest. It is nch of Copper mynes
and other metals, and some veine of Gold though but
Ten Spanish little is gotten, for want of workemen : it hath ten Spanish
Tczoms. Townes.
[III. V. 86 1.] The Citie of Saint Dominicke or Domingo neere the
T^^^^^ ^ Coast of the South, on the River of Ozama, stands in the
Donuuga. ^^^^ ^9" degrees and a halfe, and 6o. of Occidentall longi-
tude from the Meridian of Toledo, from whence unto it
there may bee by direct line one thousand two hundred
fortie seven leagues, it hath above sixe hundred housholds.
There is resident in it the Audience or Councell, the
Officers of the Goods and Royall Treasure ; a Mint house,
and the Cathedrall Church. And the Archbishoprick hath
for SufFraganes the Bishopricks of the Conception de la
Vega (which is united with that of Saint Dominicke) those
of Saint John, Cuba, Venezuela, and the Abbotship of
440
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
Jamayca ; and in the Citie are Monasteries of Dominicans,
Franciscans, Mercenaries, and other two of Nunnes, a
Grammar Schoole, with foure thousand * Pesos of Rent, *Peso'ufoure
and an Hospitall with twentie thousand. The Haven ^^^'
which is great, and capable of many ships, is in the mouth
of the River Ozama, and hath the Citie on the West,
which the Deputie Don Bartholomew Collon did build
the yeere 1494. on the East side, better and wholsomer
in situation, and the chiefe Knight of Alcantara, Nicholas
of Ovando being Governour of Hispaniola, An. 1502.
removed it where now it is, from the other side the River
to the East, upon occasion that the Citie had fallen by a
great Earthquake. The Village of Salvalyon of Yguey, Salva/yon of
eight and twentie leagues from Saint Dominicke to the ^^P^*
East, of the Archbishoprick ; the Captaine, John of
Esquivel, did people it. The Village of the Zeybo, The Village of
twentie leagues from Saint Dominicke to the East, toward ^^^'
the Iland of Saona: the Captaine also planted it in the
time of Nicholas of Ovando. The Village of Cotuy ElCotuy.
sixteene leagues from Saint Dominicke to the North, and
very close in his circuit, Roderick Mexia of Trillo, founded
it. The Village of Azua in Compostella, in the coast of jfzua.
the South, foure and twentie leagues from Saint Dominicke
to the West, in his borders are manv sugar Mills ; it was
peopled bv the President James Vellazques, it was called
Compostella by a Gallizian Knight, which held an Heritage
in that situation, and Azua is the name of the place which iVho carried
the Indians had there. The first that carried sugar Canes ^ ^ ^*^'
to the Indies, and began to make triall of them there, was qJ^^
one Atien9a, and the Bachellor Velosa. The Village of i^ raguana.
Yagiiana, which they call Santa Marie of the Port, seated [III. v. 862.]
on the Westeme coast of the Iland, is fiftie or sixtie leagues
from Saint Dominicke, as betweene the North and the
West ; the chiefe Knight Nicholas of Ovando did people
it.
The Citie of the Conception of the Vallev, is in the Concecionde
Kingdome of Guarinoex, which the first Aamirall Don ^ ^^^'^'
Chnstopher Collon built, neere to the which he obtayned
441
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
Nicholas, the furthest West on the North side of the
*0r Gnats. Hand. A little further the Port of * Mosquitos, in the
North Coast, and twentie leagues forward the Port of
Valparayso, or of the Conception, North and South, with
the Tortuga an Hand neere the Coast of five leagues in
length: Port Royall twelve leagues to the West from
Monte-Christe, which is as much, or a little more before
Isabela, and this from the Port of Plate, other twelve
leagues: Cabo Frances, and Cabo del Cabron, in the
turning, which the Coast maketh to the East, before the
Gulfe of Samana, which entreth five or sixe leagues the
Land inward, unto the place where the Towne of Sancta
H'kiritkiy Cruz Stood. And in the River of Samana, was the first
first tim' time that Armes were taken against the men of the Indies ;
against because they would have done violence to the first
Indians. Admirall. The Cape of Deceit, (Cabo del Enganno) is
the furthest West of the Hand where the Coast retiirneth
by the South to the West, at the beginning of the which
stands the Saona, an Hand which the fleets doe reknow-
ledge, when they goe, and somewhat more towards Saint
Dominicke is another little Hand, which is called Saint
Katherine ; and all the names rehearsed were given by the
first Admirall.
[III. V. 863.] The Hand of Cuba which first was called Juana, or
Cn6a. Joane, by the Father Don Juan, and after it was com-
manded to be called Fernandina by his Father. The
Captaine Sebastian of Ocampo, made an end of compassing
the yeere of our Lord 1508. by order of Nicholas of
Ovando : for untill then it was not wholly believed that
it was Land, and the yeere 151 1. the President James
Velazques went over with three hundred Spaniards, by
order of the second Admirall to pacific it. It hath two
hundred and thirty leagues from the Cape of Saint
Antonie, unto the Point of Mayzi, going by Land,
although by the Sunne, and by water there are not so
many. It hath in breadth from the Cape of Crosses, to
the Port of Manati, fortie five leagues, and then it
beginneth to streighten, and goeth to the kst Cape, or
ANTONIO DE HERBJERA a.d.
1601.
Occidentall Point, where it is narrow, of twelve leagues,
little more or lesse, from Matamano to the Avana. Her
situation is within the Tropicke of Cancer, from twentie
to twentie one degrees, the Countrey is almost all plaine,
with many Forrests, and thicke Woods : from the Easterne
Point of Mayci, for thirtie leagues it hath most high
Mountaynes, and likewise in the middest it hath some,
and there runne from them to the North, and to the
South, very pleasant Rivers, with great store of fish.
On the South side it hath the little Hands, which the
first Admirall called the Queenes Garden, and the other
on the North side, which James Velazquez called the
Kings Garden, the trees are of many diflFerences, and
wild Vines as bigge as a man: they gather no Wheate
nor other Seedes of Spaine, but great abimdance of
Cattle: it hath great Copper Mynes, and of Gold, and
it is found in the Rivers, though it be base in the
touch.
James Velazquez peopled first the Citie of Saint James S. Jago.
in the South Coast, fortie leagues from the Cape of
Tiburon, which is in Hispaniola, and two leagues from
the Sea, neere to a Port, one of the best in the World,
for securitie and greatnesse. The Citie came to have two
thousand Inhabitants ; now it hath few with a Governoiirs
Deputie: the Cathedrall SuflFragane to Saint Domingo,
is resident in it, and a Monastery of Franciscan Friers.
The Village of Baracoa, is a Towne furthest East of the Baracoa.
Iland of Cuba, at the beginning of the North Coast 60.
leagues from the Citie of S. James toward the East North-
east, which was also an inhabiting of the President
James Velazquez. The Village of Bavamo, which Bayamo.
James Velazquez also built, is 20. leagues from S. James
to the North-west, it is the soundest Town of the Iland,
of a more open soyle, and of a good disposition. The
Village and Port of the Prince, in the Coast of the North, Puerfa del
is about fortie leagues from Saint James to the North- Princtpe.
west. The Village of Sancti Spiritus, is a Port on the SancH
South side, betweene the Trinidad, and the Cayo de Basco Spirttus.
445
i6oi.
Tkefirstdvill
toarre among
the Spaniards y
was in
Jamajca,
""Or Lizards.
""OrNegriUo.
^Oropen thi
eye.
S. Juan de
Puerto Rico.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
leagues forward the Port of Melilla, where they say the
first Admirall arrived, and called it Santa Gloria, when
hee returned lost from Veragxia; and heere happened to
him the mutiny of the Porras of Sivill : and it was the
first Civill Warre of the Indies. Other ten leagues thence
standeth the Port of Sivill, before the Point Negrillo,
from whence the Q)ast windeth, unto the Cabo de Falcon,
neere to Oristan, and goeth by the South to the Port of
Guayano. And five leagues from this Coast, are the
Harmingas, a dangerous shoale, and seven leagues further
las Vivotas, small Hands compassed with shoales, and to
the South of them the Serrana, and a little Hand compassed
with shoales, with other foure or five neere unto it, and
to the North-west of it, the Serranilla, and to the Weist
of it the Roncador, another Rocke, and to the South-west
of it. Saint Andrewes, an Hand compassed with shoales
North and South, with Nombre de Dios, about fortie
leagues from it, and neere from thence another called
Sancta Catilina; the "Caymanes directly West from
Jamayca, twentie five leagues from the little ° Blackmoore,
which are two little Hands sixe leagues the one from the
other, and the great Cayman another Hand of seven
leagues in length, fifteene leagues from the Caymanes to
the West, and to the North Coast, betweene Cuba and
Hispaniola, another shoale which is called ^ Abre-ojo.
The Hand of Saint John of Port Rico, which the Indians
called Barriquen, lyeth betwixt twelve and fifteene leagues
from Hispaniola, to the East, of fortie five leagues in
length, East and West, and from North to South, betwixt
twentie and thirtie, very plentifuU of all that Hispaniola
hath, and of Millet, Yuca, and of Mynes of Gold. The
temperature is good, and almost one all the yeere, except
in December and January. There is in it three Spanish
Townes with a Government, and a Bishoppricke : the
President John Ponce of Lion passed to discover this
Hand the yeere 1508. being Governour in the Province
of Yguey, for Nicholas of Ovando in Hispaniola, and
returned the yeere 15 10. by order of the King to people
448
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
it. The Citie of Saint John, is in the beginning of the S. Join.
North Coast, on the East side in eighteene degrees of
height, and they call it of Port Rico, for the excellencie
of the Haven. The Bishop and the Governoiir are
resident in it, and the Officers of the Kings Revenues:
and it is Suffragane to Saint Domingo. Arrecibo stands TheArreciho.
thirtie leagues to the West from Port Rico : the Towne
of Guadianilla, or Saint German the New, in the Westerne Gua4&anitta.
Coast three and thirtie leagues from Port Rico to the ^- G^^*^-
South-west.
There was in old time in this Iland another Towne
which was called Guanica, in the South Coast, at the end
of it where now is the Port of Mosquitos, which is very
good, from whence it was removed to another situation
of the Westerne Coast, which they call Aguada, or the
Watering, with name of Soto-Mayor: there is in this
Iland a row of Mountaynes, that divide it in the middest
East and West unto the Sea, and Borders of Saint German,
and heere is found the Tree called Tabernaculo, which The tret
yeeldeth white Rozen, like Gunmie-Anime, and it serveth Tabemack.
for Pitch for the ships, and for fire or light, and it is
medicinable to take out the colde or niunnesse, and to
cure woimds.
There are few Ports in this Iland, for all the Coast of
the North is very foule with shoales, and Rockes : those
that are, are to the East from the Port of Saint John. The
River of Luysa, and that which they call Canoba, and la '^^ Aw«r/ of
Cabe^a; the farthest East point of the Iland, neere to ^^^^ ^^^'
the Hill of the Loquillos, and in it a Port which they
call Saint James; three leagues further is another called
Yabucoa, and three leagues from the Coast, on this side
of the passage, is a little lUet, and at the beginning of
the South passage, another which they call Boyqui, and
forward the Iland of Saint Anne, Guayama a Port, and
afterward the Rivers Neabon, and Xavia, six leagues
before the Port of Guadianilla, two leagues to the East
of the River of Mosquitos, in whose mouth is the River
called Guanica, and six leagues from it, the Cape Roio,
XIV 449 2 r
i6oi.
[III. V. 865.]
fFko carried
the Ginger to
the Hands of
Barkvento,
The Hands of
the Lucayos,
Where the
Channell of
Bahama is.
Admirable
Current,
Baxos de
Bimini,
Guanahanithe
first Land that
was discovered
in the Indies.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the furthest West of the South Coast : and to the West
of it, toward Hispaniok is the Iland of Mona, and to the
North of it the Manico, and Zecheo, other two little
Hands: the Port of Pines, and the Port of Mayaguez,
and the Bay of Saint German the old, and the mouth of
the River Guanabo, or the Watering, and that of
Guahataca more forward, and afterward in the North
Coast, that of Camay, and of Cibuco, and Toa, neere
to Port Rico, and in the middest of the Coast of the South
Sea, leaning unto it the Haberianas, foiire or five little
Hands. There is also much Ginger gathered in this Iland^
which is a Root like unto Madder, or Saffron, which
the Portugals brought from the East, to this Iland of
Barlovento.
The Hands which are to the North of Saint John,
Hispaniola, and Cuba, of which none is inhabited with
Spaniards, are called the Lucayos. One the most Septen-
trionall, is above twentie seven degrees of altitude, which
is called Lucayoneque, or Yucayoneque, which hath almost
to the West Bahama another Hand in twentie sixe degrees
and an halfe, of thirteene leagues in length, and eight
in breadth, from whence the Channell of Bahama betweene
Florida and the shoales Delos Mimbres taketh the name,
whereby the Currents of the Sea doe goe so swift to the
North, that although the wind be prosperous the ships
cannot enter it, and although they be contrary they goe
with the Currents.
The shelves of Bimini, are so called of an Iland in the
middest of them, of five leagues in length, which the
first Admirall gave the name the first time he came to
Cuba, and it is that which John Paul of Lyon did agree
to inhabit. Abacoa, is another in the middest of the said
shelfe of twelve leagues in length : Cigateo of twentie
five. Curateo, another small Iland m twentie sixe
degrees : and Guanima fifteene leagues of length, and ten
in breadth, and neere unto it Guanahani, the first Land
of the Indes, which the first Admirall discovered, which
he called Saint Savioiir; Yuma of twentie leagues, and
4SO
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
1601.
eight in breadth, in twentie fourt degrees and an halfe,
which the Admirall named Isabella, in honoiir of the
famous Queene Donna Isabella his particular Protectresse,
and that gave him this Discoverie. Jumeto in twentie
three degrees and an halfe, fifteene leagues in length, to
the North of Hispaniola. Samana seven leagues over,
betweene Jumeto and Guanima^ three square of eight
leagues in length, in twentie foure degrees, Yabaque of
ten leagues, in twentie two degrees and an halfe. Mira-
par-vos, are three little Hands m triangle, compassed with
shelves, to the South of Jumeto. Mayaguava, twentie
leagues in length and ten in breadth, in twentie three
degrees. Yuagua of ten leagues, in twentie degrees and
an halfe. The Caycos, an Hand of five leagues, in twentie
one degrees, and to the North of it is another, called
Hamava, and another Conciva. Ma9arey stands in
twentie degrees compassed with shelves. Abreojo is a
great shelfe of fifteene leagues, the middest of it in twentie
degrees, and among these Hands are many little ones
without name.
The Hands that are from the Hand of Saint John of
Porte-Rico, to the East of it, toward the coast of Terra
firme, were called the Gmibals, by the many *Caribes, TheCanibals.
eaters of humaine flesh that were in them : and in their * Or Indian
language, Canibal, is to say Valiant man ; for they were ^J^!*^'
held for such of the other Indians. All these Hands are camball
dangerous for shelves, and the nearest to Saint John, are signtfieth.
Sancta Cruz, to the South-west from it, in 16. degrees,
and a halfe of sixteene leagues, and Saba las Virgines,
two little illets compassed with shelves, and other eight
or ten Hands, the greatest of ten leagues : Virgen gorda,
and the Blancos or White Hands, Westward from Virgen
gorda. La Ane gada, or seven leagues in length, in 18.
degrees and a halfe compassed witn shelves, as Sambrero
is, a little Hand neere unto it: and these Hands which
are called the Weather Hands or Barlovento, the first
Admirall discovered : and in particxilar, the men of Sancta
Cruz, and others, had a custome to goe and hunt for
451
A.IX PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oi.
Men kmurs. men to the Iland of Saint John, for to eate, and at this
day they of Dominica doc it. They did eatc no women,
but kept them for slaves. Now they say, that within this
Friir unwioi- little while, they of Dominica did eate a Fryer, and that
smefiod. jj] ^y ^hich did eate his flesh, had such a fluxe, that
some dyed, and that therefore they have left eating humane
flesh : and it mav be, because instead of men, with lessc
danger, they steale Kine and Mares, for the great quantitic
there is of them, and with this they satisfie their raging
appetite.
Anguilla hath ten leagues of length, it standeth in i8.
degrees. Saint Martin in 17. degrees and a halfe, it is
of sixteene leagues, compassed with little lUets : and neere
unto it Saint Eustace, Saint Bartholomew, and Saint
Christopher, every one of tenne leagues. The Barbada
in 17. degrees and a halfe, compassed with shelves, neere
to the Redouda and the Snowes or Nieves, and of
Mouserrate, of five leagues every one, in 15. degrees
and a halfe. The Antigua, Guadalupe, and Todos Santos,
from 14. to 15. degrees. The Desseada to the East of
Guadalupe, about sixe leagues, the first which the Admirall
Don Christopher discovered, in the second Voyage that
he made to the Indies, in 14. degrees and a halfe, fta-
which the fleete goe alwayes from the Canaries. Mari-
galaute, the name of the Shippe the Admirall had, five
leagues to the South-west fi-om the Desired, and fix>m
the Dominica, in 13. degrees, twelve leagues in length,
where the Fleetes take in water and wood, ror it hath good
roades, although with danger of the Canibals. Neere
unto Dominica to the South, stands Matinino, Sancta
Lucie, and the Barbudos, the which because they fall on
the left hand of the Fleetes, when they goe, they call
them already of the Hands of the Leeward (de Sotavento)
which appertaine to the coast of Terra firme : and of them
the greatest, the first, and the most Orientall is the
[III. V. 866.] Trinidad, neere two hundred leagues from Hispanioh,
North and South with the Dominica, about sixtie leagues
from it. It hath fiftie leagues in length East and West,
45*
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
and almost thirty in breadth. The Admirall discovered The discovery
it the yeare 1498. the third Voyage that he made to the ^fJ^fJ^f^^^ '^f
Indies, and called it the Trinitie, because having great ^-^^^^
trouble in the Voyage, he had promised to God to give j^^g,
such a name to the first Land that he should finde, and
presently the Mariner that was in the top, saw three points
of Land, whereby the name fitted every way to his vowe :
then hec discovered also the mouthes of the Dragon, and
of the Serpent, the gulfe of Paria, and all the firmc Land
unto Cumana, which injustly Americus Vesputio claimes ^rrogancie of
to himselfe, whose name unworthily is given to the port ^^^^'^;^^
which they call Peninsula Australis or Indies of the South. ^9^^'
This Hand of Trinidad is knowne that it is no good
Countrie, though it hath many Indians; it hath thirtie
five leagues of longitude, and others say more, and twentie
five of latitude, it stands in 8. degrees : the most orientall
part of it, is a point on the North side, which is called
de la Galera : and to the North of it a small Hand, com-
passed with little lies, which they call Tabago: and in
the South coast a Cape which they call the Round Point :
at the East, the point of Anguilla, at the West in the
gulfe of Paria, which is that that is fi-om the Hand to
Terra firme, which may be eight leagues of distance,
because the firme Land maketh an oblique semicircle, as a
Diadem ; and in the entrance of the East is the distance
recited; in the entrance of the West, the straightnes is
much, and with great depth, and two little Hands at the
end of the North coast ; by the West, which is called the
Dragons mouth: and to the North S. Vincent, and
Granada, other two little Hands.
The Hand of Margarita, so named by Christopher
Colon, the first Admirall ^as also all the rest, a most
suflficient proofe of the Finder, to the confusion of those
which deprived him of the glory of the discoverie of the
firme Land, attributing it to Siemselves, although changing
the times) it is twentie leagues fi-om Trinidad Westward,
and one hundred and seventy from Hispaniola: it hath
sixteen leagues in length East and West, and yet some
453
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
say twenty, and the halfe in breadth ; it hath no store of
water, although it is very plentiful! of Pastures for Cattle.
There is in it two Townes, one neare the Sea, which
reacheth to a fortresse where the Govemour is resident,
and another two leagues within the Land, which is called
the Valley of Sancta Lucie : there is in his coast a good
port, and a nooke, and many beds of Pearles, whither
the fishing of them is removed, which before was in
Cubagua, and they say it went away from thence, for
the nmiour of the ordnance of the many Shippes that
fVherejore resorted to this Iland, to the trafficke of the Pearles, which
^^yV . was very great. Cubagua stands one league from Mar-
^of^thiptarUs g^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^s^> ^'^^^ ^^ ^'^ water in it, and yet the new
passed from the Cadiz was built there, and they carried their water seven
Iland of leagues, from the River of Cumana. To the East of
Cubaffta. Cubagua are foure little lUets, close by the shoare, which
*0r the the first Admirall called Los * Frayles : and to the East
Triers, between them and Granada, other roure or five, which he
called (Los Testigos) the Witnesses, and to the West
after Cubagua, another little Iland which he named
rTortuga) the Tortoyse, neere to the point of Araya : and
from hence the discovery being made from below Paria,
he went to Hispaniola, with a purpose to finish the dis-
covery of Terra firme : and as here after shall be seene,
hee went after to discover, and found the Hands of the
Guanaios, and from before Veragua, untill he passed
Nombre de Dios. The Officers and Royall treasure are
in Margarita : and it, and the Iland of Cubagua, are in
Chap, 8. eleven degrees, a little more.
OfVenezuela^
^^^kf nr^He Government of Venezuela parteth the bounds
Fkri(k!^^d -*• ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ Terra firme, to the East, with the
GuifeofNova new Andaluzia, from whence to the River of Hacha, and
Hispaniay Government of Sancta Martha, with which it joyneth
^^^^hl ^ ^^ ^^^ West, is an hundred and thirty leagues, and within
7emaineth of ^^^ Land about eightie, unto the bounds of the new King-
theUmltsof dome of Granada. In this Countrie are vaines of Gold
this Counsell of more then two and twentie carracts and a halfe : it is
454
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
plentiful! of Wheate, because there is two harvests in the
yeare, and most abundance of all kinde of Cattle, great
and small. There goeth from this Province great store
of Meale, Bisket, Cheese, Bacon, and much Cotten-linnen :
and in the port of Guayra, in the Province of Caracas,
are laden many Cowe-Hides, and Sarsaparilla. There is
in it eight Spanish Townes : and the name Venezuela was
given It, because when the Beh^ares, Almaines, went to
governe in this Province the yeare 1528. by a covenant
which they made with the Emperour, they thought to
inhabit in a Rocke and hils that are in the mouth of the wherefire it
Lake of Maracaybo, where it falleth in the Sea, a Towne vjos called
which they named Venezuela. It stands in 8. degrees, r^^^^-'^
a little more, and from hence the Government tooke the
name. His first Towne is the Citie of Coro, which the T^ CiHe of
Indians call Coriana, which commonly they call now ^^^•
Venezuela, it stands in 11. degrees of altitude, and 79.
degrees one third part from the Meridian of Toledo, one
thousand and five hundred leagues from it: here the
Governor is wont to be resident, and there is the Cathedrall
Church suffragane to the Archbishop of S. Dominicke.
John of Ampues built first this Citie, and then those that
went for the Belzares made their abode in it, the first
was Ambrose Alsinger : it is so healthfuU, and of so good
an ayre, that there is no neede of Physitians.
The second place is our Lady of Carvalleda, in the Our Lady of
Province of Caracas, neere to the Sea, East from Coro Carvalleda.
eightie leagues, and with a bad Haven: Don Francisco
Faiardo built it the yeare 1560. which went for that [III. v. 867.]
purpose from the Margarita. S. James of Lyon in the
same Province, seven leagues witWn the Land, and three
from Carvalleda to the South, and sixtie from Coro, where
at this time the Governour is most resident. The new
Valencia sixtie leagues from Coro, and twentie five from
S. James of Lyon, seven from the port of Burburata, The 5. Jaga de
Captaine Villacinda peopled it. The new Xerez about ^^•
fifteene leagues, almost South from the new Valencia, and ^^'
twentie from the new Segovia, and sixtie from Coro to the Segtvia,
455
A.D.
160I.
Tucvyo.
TruciUo.
The Lake
Maracaybo.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
South-cast, a new Townc. The new Segovias, in the
Province of Bariquizimito, twentie leagues from Xerez
to the South, and tenne from Tucuyo, and eightic from
Coro to the South-east, where the Officers royall, the
Governour, and the Lieutenant are resident at times:
John of Viilegas peopled it in the yeare 1552. The Citie
of Tucuyo is famous, because in it they dew the tyrant
Lope of Aguirre, it stands tenne leagues from Segovia,
to the South-west, eightie five from Coro ; it is the habi-
tation of the Captaine Carvajal. Truxillo, or our Ladie
of Peace, in the Province of Cuycas, about eightie leagues
almost to the South, direct from Coro, somewhat to the
East, and twentie five from Tucuyo, directly to the
West.
The Auditor Vallejo discovered this the yeare 1549,
the Bacheller Tollosa being Governour in it: and the
yeare 1559. the Captaine James Garcia of Paredes
inhabited Truxillo : and there may be in this Government
more then 100000. Indies tributaries, and in them are
not comprehended from eighteene under, nor above fiftie
yeares, because the supreme Counsell of the Indies hath
provided, that in no place of this Orbe, these doe pay
tribute : and because daily they increase and diminish
in number, it cannot be said precisely and perfectly how
many there are.
The Lake of Maracaybo, which the Castilanes call of
our Lady, is of fresh water, it entreth fortie leagues within
the Land, from the Sea, and hath more then tenne in
breadth, and eighty in compasse, with many Townes upon
his Borders: m the end of it entreth a River that
descendeth from the new Kingdome of Granada, by the
which, and the Lake, Marchandise are transported which
came to the new Kingdome of Castile, and to other places ;
some of the men of this Lake doe live in Boates, their
houses being made in the Trees within the water, and at
the Border, whence it tooke also at the first, the name of
Venezuela; sayling by some parts of this Lake, ye can
see no Land: there enter into it other great Rivers, it
456
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
lOOI.
runneth to the Sea, it hath about halfe a league of mouth,
and in it the shoale and rocks abovesaid.
The Ports, Capes, and Points of the coast of this Theporuand
Government, and those annexed unto it, are to the West, ^^^J^t/^/-
Marcapava, the Urchik, an Hand against the River y^^^.
Gynare, neere to another called Rocke of the Ilets, and
afterward the Cape of the Codera, and Puerto Flechardo,
and the haven of Sardinas or Pilchers : and opposite the
He of Aves or Birds, before Burburata, a marvellous
haven, which the Bachiler Tolosa peopled, and is a Scale
or Port for the new Kingdome (Nuevo Reyno) &
Provinces of Peru, and after that is Gulfo triste, and to
the North of the Bonayre, an Hand of ten leagues in
length, and eight in breadth, and afterward Punta seca,
andright against it Curacao, and a little forward Curacaute,
foureteene leagues in length, right against the Cape of
S. Roman to the South of the Hand of Aruba. S. Roman
entreth twentie leagues into the Sea, it standeth twelve
from Coro, the Indians doe call it Paraguana, it lacketh
a little to be an Hand : it may have in compasse twenty
five leagues and more of plaine ground, with a Mountaine
almost m the middest : it is discovers! a great way into
the Sea. There is at the beginning of the Gulfe of
Venezuela, the entrance and channell of the Lake of
Maracaybo, and at the entrance of it the River Mitare,
and to the West the Monkes, three little Hets close by
the Point and Cape of Coquibocoa, where onely in all
the Indies was found waight and touch for the Gold, and
afterwards the deepe Baye (Balna Honda) and the Portete,
the Cape de Vela, which the Captaine Alfonsus of Ojeda
named, when Americo Vespucio went with him the first
time, much after that the Admirall discovered this coast,
which stands in 12. degrees, somewhat more. And there
is from the Cape de Vek, to the River of Hache eighteene
leagues, without any stone in them, nor water, but raine
water. This Government remained destroyed, since the
time of the Almaines, because they would not inhabit,
onely seeke to make slaves, and to waste the Countrie.
457
A.D.
i6oi.
Margarita.
Fkrida.
The spring
which John
Ponce did sake
thatrenuidthi
old men.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
earth it began to shake, and the fortresse which the
Captaine Jacome of Castellon had built by order of the
Counsell of Hispaniola, fell, and the earth did open in
many places, whereout sprang much salt water as blacke
as inke, and did stinke of bnmstone, and the mountaine
of the gulfe of Cariaco remained open with a great rift :
many houses fell, many people died drowned, and with
feare, and taken with the earth quake. Margarita one
league from Cubamia a more pleasant Iland, the Bachiller
Marcelo of Villalobos did people it.
The Province and Government of Florida, bordering
on the Counsell of Hispaniola, according to the Govern-
ment of Peter Melendez, is all that which lyeth from
the River of Palmes, which doth confine with the Govern-
ment of Panuco in new Spaine, limits of the Counsell
of Mexico, which is neere the tropicke in 22. degrees,
unto the point of Bacallaos, which ralleth in 48. degrees,
and a halfe, in the which are 1258. leagues of Coast,
and from thence to 73. degrees of altitude to the North
by the Coast, and within the Land all that which hee
discovereth. Of this hath beene coasted and discovered,
from the River of Palmes unto the Point of Sancta Helena,
and the River Jordan, which are about 600. leagues, it is
a firme Land of a good climate, plentifuU, and well
inhabited in many phu:es, as those that went through it
with Hernando of Soto did know it, the yeare 1536. and
1537. John Pardo borne in Cuenca, went by Land from
Florida to new Spaine, in lesse then two yeares, and it
is the neerest Europe of any part of the Indies, & from
the Bay of S. Joseph, which is eightie leagues from Panuco.
There is also discovered unto New found Land, but that
which is particularly taken for Florida, is the point that
goeth into the Sea North and South, with the Iland of
Cuba, of a hundred leagues in length, and twentie five
in breadth East and West, and ^when it is most) thirtie.
John Ponce of Lyon discovered it Anno 15 12. on Easter
day, and for this cause he called it Florida: and after-
ward returned the yeere 1521. and retired wounded to
460
ANTONIO DE HEKRERA a.d.
i6oi.
Cuba, where he dyed, leaving a report that he sought
the Fountaine or River which the Indians said that old
men washing themselves therin, became yong. This
Province is according to the temperature of Castile, and
many finits were found there like the finits of Spain, and
it seemeth fit for Cattle and Corne. There is no Gould, ^^ ^f
neither seemeth that the Indians did know it, nor Silver; j^^^^^
for it hath beene seene that they have found the Chests 5^^^ j^ '
with bars of it and money in their coasts, and made no Uwie.
account of it : yet Hernando de Soto, within the inward
parts of the great River, found great abundance of
Pearles.
There are but two Fortresses in this Province with
men in Garison, both in the Coast that looketh to the
East: the one is called Saint Marke, in the point of
Saint Helena, about one hundred leagues from the
Havana, and another of Saint Augustin, which is the
prindpall, because the haven is good, and is neere the [III. v. 869.]
channell of Baliama. It stands about fiftie leagues from
Ids Martyres, which are many little Hands inhabited, which
are neare the point of Florida, whereby it joyneth most Ports^ Capes^
with the Hand of Cuba, a league and a halfe, and lesse, ^j f ^^^ ^/
the one from the other, with a ranke of shelves with ^"*^^^'
mouthes, in twentie three or twentie foure leagues, which
these Martyres have in length ; whose beginning on the
West side, is called the Point of the Martyres, and to
the East, the Head of the Martyres; and there is an
Hand of foureteene leagues in length, and very narrow,
the Point of it is the first of Terra firme to the East,
in 24. degrees and a halfe, where a Towne of Spaniards
was built, which continued not, and to the North, almost
direct the River Ays, and more Northward in 28. degrees,
the Point of the Caves, and forward the River of * Gnats, *0r
before the River of Matanca, which is so called by that ^^squltos.
which Peter Melendez did to the Captaine Ribao, and his ^^^^^'^
Frenchmen : and the Point of S. Augustin in 29. degrees jr^^;^-^. 5^^
three qxiarters, and ten leagues from thence the River of Hak. 103.
S. Mathew, from whence the Coast turneth to the North
461
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
of it, which as now it is, may have in length about foure
hundred leagues, from the furthest East of Yucs^tan, unto
where it parteth boxmds with the G)uncell of new Gallozia,
and North and South, about two hundred from the end
of the Government of Panuco xmto the South Sea, his
bounds remayning open on the North side, whose prind-
pall Provinces are the Archbishopricke of Mexico, the
Bishoprickes of Mechoacan, and that of los Angelos, c^
Tlascala, and of Guaxaca, and of Chiapa, and the Govern-
ments of Panuco and Yucatan, with that of Tobosco, and
for circuit or commerce, the Hands PhiUipinas, and the
dispatch of the Navigation of China.
iVw Sfaim. New Spaine is one of the best Provinces of the new
World, and the most habitable in a good temper, having
abundance and plentie of Corne, Mmet, and Cattle, and
all other necessaries for humane life, except Oyle and
Wine, and although in many places of it there is Gold,
Silver is most generall, whereof there are many good
Mynes.
The Archbishopricke of Mexico, falleth betweene the
Bishopricke of los Angelos, and that of Mechoacan, it
hath in length North and South, one hundred and thirtie
leagues, and in breadth eighteene, which it hath by the
Coast of the South Sea, unto sixtie within the Land,
wherein are included the Provinces of Mexico, and to
the North-east of it Lateotlalpa, Meztitlau, Xilotepeque,
and Panuco the most distant : and to the West, Matalzingo
neere to Mexico, and Cultepeque the furthest off : and to
the East, Tezcuco neere to Mexico : and to the South-east,
Chalco, neere to that of Mexico : and to the South of it
Suchimilco, the first, and after Tlaluc, and betweene South
and South-west Coyxca, and Acapulco, the furthest to
the South. There are no more in all but foure Townes
of Spaniards, although in the Province of Mexico are
Tenoxtitlan. many Spaniards dwefling in the Townes of the Indians.
^f'b d V • ^^^7 called Mexico in old time, Tenoxtitlan ; it stands
frm Toledo ^^ nineteene degrees and an halfe of altitude, and one
IT ^o. leagues, hundred and three degrees of longitude from the Meridian
464
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
of Toledo, from whence it may be distant by a direct
Line, one thousand seven hxmdred and fortie leagues,
which are eight houres of * Sunne : it stands in the middest *That is, the
of two great Lakes that doe compasse it, the one of salt SmmerUetk
water, because his bottome is Salt-petrish ; the other fresh ^^ ^/^'
having fish, and voydeth into the Salt one; each is of Toledo, tken at
five leagues in breadth, and eight in length, and both Mexico:
doe compasse thirtie three le^ues. They goe into the vjinch seems
Citie by three causies of halfe a league in length, and ^J^^^
there are in it foure thousand Spaniards, and thirtie
thousand Houses of Indians or more. In the foure
ancient streets wherein the Citie was divided, in the time
of their Paganisme, which at this day is called of Saint
John, Saint Mary the Round, Saint Paul, and Saint
Sebastian ; and the Tlatelulco is the principall street which
they call Saint James.
The Coxmcell is Resident in Mexico, and the Vice-roy [III. v. 871.]
govemeth in it, and three Judges, the Officers of the
Revenue and Royall Treasure, a Founding House, and
a Mint House, and the Archiepiscopall Metropolitane, Si^aganesof
that hath for SufFraganes the Bishoprickes of Tlascala, %^I^lg^f
Guaxaca, Mechoacan, new Gallicia, Chiapa, Yucatan, Mexico.
Guatemala, Verapaz, and the Phillipinas. And Don
Fernando Cortes was he that bxiilt this great Chvirch, and
set for Bases of the Pillars certayne Idols of stone which
are seene to this day, and the Bishop, President and Gover-
nour of New Spaine, Don Sebastian Ramirez of Fuenleal,
continued the building with great speed. The first Bishop
of Mexico was Frier John de Zumarraga of the Order
of Saint Francis, of great vertue and example, borne in
Durango, in the Loroship of Biskeyc, which also was the
first Archbishop.
There are in Mexico Monasteries of Dominican,
Franciscan, and Austine Friers, the company of Jesus, El
Carmen, la Merced, the Bare-foot, and Trinitarie Friers; "^f^'fff^^^f
ten Monasteries of Nunnes, one CoUedge of Indian ^^ *
children, and another of Arrepentidas, the Repentantes" ^ from the
and "Recogidas, or Retyred, and the Universitie, where World.
xrv 465 a G
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
curious and learnedly the Sciences are read with other
Colledges and Hospitals. And the Spaniards which
*Los cUnto y inhabit the bordering Townes of the Indians, and Granges,
^jlf^^'^^i ^^ about three thousand, and there are reckoned about
tHnkeiu ^^ hundred and fiftie Townes of Indians, in which the
nuarnth sme chiefe places of * Doctrine are one hundred and five : and in
ParishknaU them and thereabouts are six thousand Granges, more then
^''w* r h ^^^ hundred thousand tributarie Indians, and more then
%In^ms ^^^ hundred and fiftie Monasteries of Franciscan,
had their Dominican, and Austine Friers. And the Doctrines (or
piCM^r Schooles) of Priests and Friers, to teach the Faith Catholike
Priests and ^q ^he Indians, are without number, besides the Fathers
pHests^u h ^^ ^^^ Company, and Mercenarie Friers: there is also
them reRgiott, Resident in Mexico, the holy Ofllice of the Inquisition,
After in cap. whereof we will intreat hereafter.
28 he cals In the Coast boxmding on this Archbishopricke towards
themheneficks ^^c South Sea, and the Province of Acapxxlco, is the good
cnradoSm ■»-* r a ^ • t ••i»
Benefices^ Port of Acapulco, m seventeene degrees height, sixe
with Cure, as leagues from the River Yopes, whereby the Archbishop-
Personagts. ricke is joyned with the Bishopricke of Tlascala. And
[III. V. 872.] other eight more to the West, the River of Citala, and
other foure, the River of Mitk. In the Coast of the
North, it hath that which falleth in the Government of
Tanuco. In the limits of this Councell are the Mynes
of Puchuca, fourteene leagues from Mexico, and the
Mynes of Tasco twentie two, those of Ysmiquilpo, which
are of Lead, twentie two, the Mynes of Talpuiana twentie
foure, the Mynes of Temazcaltepeque eighteene, those of
Cultepeque 22. those of Zacualpa twentie, those of
Zupanguo 40. those of Guanaxato sixtie, those of Com-
maia, seven. From Guanaxuato: those of Achichica,
eighteene from the Citie of los Angelos, and those of
Gantla, or Zumatlan, and Saint Lewes of the Peace, and
in them all there may bee above foure thousand Spaniards,
which with industrie and labour doe attend these Mynes,
all of Silver except one, which as hath beene said, is of
Lead, and procuring that the Indians taking example of
them, may live politickly : and the first that with marvel-
466
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
lous cunning and wisdome, brought in the breedings of
cattell and tillages, which have beene the mightiest meanes
for the preservation of the Mynes, was the above said
President Don Sebastian Ramirez of Fuenleal, originall Don Sebastian
and the foundation of all the good of those Reabnes. f;^^^^* the
The Province of Panuco to the North of Mexico, hreedln^and
Nunno of Guzman had in government : it hath fiftie ploughing.
leagues in breadth, and in length, and after it was incor- Govemmentof
porate with the limits of the Councell or Audience of ^^*^^'
Mexico. The Countrey that looketh toward New Spaine
is the best, plentifull of victuals, and hath some Gold.
That which runneth toward Florida is miserable, from
whence till yee come to his bounds, are more then five
hundred leagues. This government hath three Spanish
Townes, Panuco, in somewhat more then twentie three
degrees, and by another name the Village of Saint Stephen
of the Haven, which Gon9alo of Sandovall built, by order
of the Marquesse Don Fernando Cortes, when they went
to resist Francisco Garay, and to pacifie the Indians of
Chila, the yeere 1520. and it standeth sixtie five leagues
from Mexico to the North North-east, eight leagues &om
the Sea, neere to a River whose entry is a Haven : it is a
chiefe Alcaldia, or Justiceship, provided by the Vice-roy
of New Spaine. The Village of Saint James of the S. Jagp de ks
Valleyes, twentie five leagues from Panuco to the West. ^'^^•
The Village of Sant Luys de Tampico, eight leagues from
Panuco to the North-east, neere to the Sea : and although
in the Coast of this government are many Rivers, & some
rode unto the River of Palmas, they are not knowne in the
Gulfe of New Spain, but the River of Panuco, & his
haven, which is not very good.
The Bishopricke of Tlascala, which by another name is
called de los Angelos, betweene the Archbishopricke of Los Jngeks.
Mexico, and the Bishopricke of Guaxaca, is of 100.
leagues, and more in length, from the Coast of the South
to that of the North, and betwixt the confines of the
Archbishopricke, and of Guaxaca 80. and as many in
breadth, by the Coast of the North Sea, and no more then
467
A.0. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
18. or 20. bv that of the South. There is not in it all
more then tnree Spanish Towns, which is the City or
Towne of the Angels 22. leagues from Mexico to the
East, somewhat inclining to the South, of 1500. housholds
in foure streets: it is a Chiefe Justice-ship where the
Cathedral Suffragane to the Archbishoprick of Mexico is
Resident, with Monasteries of Dominidcs, Franciscan, and
Austine Friers, one of Nuns, & one Colledge of more
then 500. Indian children, to be instructed, with ioocx5.
The B'ukof Pezos rent, which the Bishop Don Sebastian Ramirez built,
Don SebasHoH which sent the Batchelor Sauneron Auditor of the Councell
R^^ezbmlt ^^ j^^jj^ ^^as City, and although he had determined to have
the Angeh. ^^^de it in Tlascala, he lett it because he would not
endamage the Indians, nor touch their Lands ; for he had
a great regard in generall to the good of the Indians, and
in particular for those of Tlascala, being so well deserving
of the Crowne Royall.
The Citie was built in the bounds of Cholula, from
whence went 25000. men to warre, and it was seated in a
Plaine called Cuetlaxcoapa, neere to a Valley called Atlisco,
on the border of a small River that commeth out of the
^Vulcan or "^Vulcan, where they gather Wheate, Wine, and all the
Bokan^ is a Fruits of Castile, Sugar and Flaxe, and all manner of
^fi^^iuuta^as ^^^^^- ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^ temperate Countrey, more hot then
Ema^HecIa^ cold, although the Corne of the grounds neerest the Citie,
£5fr/ * are somewhat blasted: and a little space from Tlascala,
spring Fountaynes whence groweth a River that when it
commeth betweene the Citie of the Angels and Cholula,
it goeth very great and without fish, it passeth through the
Provinces of Mechoacan, and entreth into the South Sea
by Zacatula, and there bee in it so many Caymanes, or
Crocodiles, that they have dispeopled some places.
Tlascala. In Tlascala to the North of the Angels, which stands in
more then twenty degrees in height, where the Cathedrall
Church was till the yeere 1550. when it was remooved to
The Falky of ^^^ ^^^^^ * ^^^ ^^^^ Bishop was Frier Julian Garces, the
AtTtsco Valley of Atlisco, which may have in breadth about one
famous, league and an halfe, where the Corne is never blasted, and
468
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
there is gathered in it above looocx). Haveges, and there
are more then iocxd. Spaniards that do traffick in it, and
7. leagues from the Citie to the East, is the Valley of
Ocumba : and in the Province of Tepeaca, the Marquesse
of the Valley built a Spanish Towne, which he called
Segura : and in the Valley of S. Paul, may be other I3cx>.
housholds of Spaniards, in Farmes and Orangeries of
cattle, that multiply so much, that there were men that
with two shag-haird sheepe came to have above 400CXD.
The Citie of Veracruz, one way stands sixtie leagues La Veracruz.
from Mexico, and by another sixtie five, it stands one
quarter of a league from the Sea, it is of more then two
hundred Spanish housholds. There is in it Treasurie
Royall, and House of Contractation. The Port is called Soh Juan de
Saint John of Ulxia, a name which the Captayne John ^^*^-
Grijalva, which discovered it the yeere 1 51 8. and the frame ^ * ^' ^^'■'
of the Key that it hath, the Vice-roy Don Antonie of
Mendo^a began. It is five leagues from the mouth of the
River of Veracruz, between the Coast and the little Hand,
which is about one league in compasse, compassed with
shelves, and so low that the tydes doe cover it right against
the mouth of the River of Saint John of Ulua. They goe
into this Haven by two Channels : the most frequented is
that of the Flat, the other is called the Gallisian Channell,
which is very deepe, and there the ships doe fasten them-
selves to a great wall of more then foure hundred foot
with Rings of Iron and Brasse, and when the North winds
are very strong, they are not very sure. The Veracruz
stands in eighteene degrees, somewhat more, and there was
wont to be the unloading of the Fleets, and they stayed
foure or five monethes in unloading, because it stands five
leagues from Saint Juan of Ulua, therefore it is now made
in the Port of Buytron, which is from the Port of Saint
John of Ulua about eight hundred paces, and it is finished
in one moneth and an halfe, and it is called Buytron, by a
House that was there of one called Buytron, and they
begin to make a Towne there in that situation.
There are in this Bishopricke two hundred chiefe
469
A.D.
i6oi.
*A kinde of
Parish or
Schole
Mvishm, Spa,
partUos de
doctrina.
Chaf. 10.
Ofthi
Bishoprickesof
Guaxacay
Mechoacott
and Yucatan :
y ofthi
Province of
Tabasco^
which is the
rest of the
bounds
described.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Townes of the Indians, and one thousand subject, although
there may be two hundred fiftie five thousand Tributarie
Indians, in thirtie six charges of * Doctrine of Priests,
and thirtie Monasteries of Dominicke, Franciscan, and
Austine Friers : and in the Coast of this Bishopricke on
the North Sea, is the River of Alvarado, where the bounds
of the Bishopricke of Guaxaca, and the River of Almeria
doe joyne neere to the River of Saint John of Ulua, where
the Towne of Medellin was built by Andrew of Tapia,
the yeere 1522. when the Marquesse Don Fernando Cortes
sent the said Andrew of Tapia, and Gon9alo of Sandevall,
to conferre with Christopher of Tapia, which had Warrants
to take away the Government or New Spaine from the
Marquesse, and the Factor Salazar, and the Over-seer
Peralmindez dispeopled. The River of Almeria springeth
in the long Rowe, in the Provinces of Totonaques, and
Micantle, and betweene Mountaynes it goeth into the
North S», and against this River is the Iland of Sacrifices,
which the Captayne Grijalva gave the name unto, and the
River of Zempoala to the North fi-om Veracruz, and
upward the River of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, which
springeth in the same Rowe, and the River of the Cazones,
Tuspa, and Tamiagua, neere the Government of Panuco.
THe Bishopricke of Guaxaca (so called by the Province
wherein it is, and Antequera by the Citie where the
Cathedrall is resident betweene the Bishopricke of the
Angels, and the Bishoprickes of the Councell of Guate-
mak) is of one hundred and twentie leagues, from the one
Sea to the other, by the Confines of the Bishopricke of
Tlascala, and sixtie by the Confines of Chiapa, and one
hundred in breadth by the Coast of the South Sea, and
fiftie by the North Sea, wherein are included the Provinces
of la Misteca, high and low ; the high fortie leagues fi^m
Antequera to the West, & the low more to the South Sea.
John Nunnez Sedenno, and Fernando of Badajoz inhabited
first the Citie of Antequera : and after the first Councell
of Mexico inhabited it againe; the only Judges therein
470
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
were Batchelour John Ortiz of Matienzo, and Delgadillo,
which was the first, that as a man of Granada, began to
breed Silke in Mexico. The President and Governour,
the Bishop Don Sebastian Ramirez, began the Cathedrall
Church, the beginning of the good of those Kingdomes :
the Church hath all the Fillers of Marble of one piece, very
treat and bigge, and the Citie hath about foure hundred
panish Hou^olds.
This Valley of Guaxaca, from whence the Marquesse of Guaxaca
the Vallev taketh his Title, beginneth from the Mountayne ^^^' ^^^^
of Cocola, in the bound of Guaxoloticlan. In it is t^^y^ttrif
fithered much Silke, Corne, and Millet; it hath the
apoteca Tongue. There hath beene in it good Mynes of
Gold. The situation of the Citie of Antecjuera (which as
hath beene said) they call Guaxaca, was mhabited with
people of Mexico, which lay in Garrison by order of the
second Moteziuna, and the many Garrisons that the Kings
of Mexico had through their Empire made general in it
the Mexican Tongue. The River of this Citie doth sinke BinJdng
under the ground, against Cimatlan, and riseth two leagues ^^^^r.
off, at the Mountaynes of Coatlan, other two &om
Guaxaca; and at a halfe a league from the Citie right
against a Hill that stands to the North, is a point of a little
Hill, and there goeth a glade of a Valley all plaine, for the
space of eight leagues, which is the abovesaid feire Valley
of Guaxaca, pleasant, and temperate, and of a most health-
full Ayre, where plentifully are gathered all kind of things,
and especially fruits of Castile, most pleasant. To the
South-west stands the Province of Tutepeque, which hath Tuupeque,
many Townes by the Sea-coast, and is of more then sixtie
leagues : and that of the River of Alvarado, betweene the
North and North-east : and that of the Zapotecas to the
North-east from Antequera, and Guazacoaloco in the Con-
fines of Tabasco, all rough Countrey, & notwithstanding
the rich Mynes of Gold, little is gotten because of the
roughnesse. There are foure Spanish Townes. The said
Citie of Antequera is eightie leagues from Mexico, to the
South-east in the high way of Chiapa, and Guatemala:
471
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
and the first that entred to pacific this Province, was John
Nunnez of Mercado, the yeere 1522. by Commission of
Don Fernando Cortes, and from thence were men of War
sent to serve the King Quantimoc, in the defence of
Mexico, when Don Fernando Cortes subdued it.
[III. V. 874.] The Treasurer Alfonso of Estrada, when he did goveme
^thf^mi ^^ Mexico, inhabited the Village of Saint Alifonso de los
^ ^' Sapotecas, twentie leagues from Antequera, toward the
North-east. Thev live in it by Gold, Cotton-wooU, and
Millet, there are aoove thirtie thousand Indians tributaries.
5. James of It stands betweene most high Hils. Saint Jago de Ncxapa
^Te^' 'to ^^ ^^^ Valley of Nexapa, twentie leagues from Antequera
5^^ to the East, in the way of Chiapa, and Guatemala. The
Village of the Holy Ghost in the Province of Guazacoalco,
at the Coast of the North Sea, in the Confines of Tabasco,
is ninetie leagues from Antequera. Gon9alo of Sandovall
inhabited it in the yeere 1 522. It hath about fiftie Townes
of Indians, it stands on the border of the River, on the
side of Chiapa : this River springeth in the Mountaynes
of the Mixes, and Choutales, neere to Tecoantepeque, and
with the waters of the Neighbour Provinces of Chiapa,
and the Choutales, it goeth into the North Sea, there enter
into it ships of one hundred tun.
Golden In all this Bishopricke there is no River that doth not
Rivers, yeeld Gold, and the Indians doe live without want if they
will worke, for they lacke nothing for backe nor belly : and
Cocao-money they have the Cacao, a Fruit like Almonds, which serveth
andPTtne. f^^ Money, and they make Wine of it, and it is eaten
tosted, and is held for a great sustenance. They are whol-
some Countreyes, and pleasant. The silke was before
nourished by the Castilians, with the Mulberie Trees of
the Countrey, wherewith the Indians served themselves,
for to make Paper of the second barke : and the Spaniards
have planted so many of Castile, that they grow infinitely :
T^ Indians and if the Indians did pay tithe of it, and of other things,
should pay no five Bishoprickes might be made ; but none doe pay time
Tithes. but the Castilians onely.
This Bishopricke hath three hundred and fiftie Head
472
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
1601.
townes of Indians, and in them, and in three hundred
Granges of more then an hundred & fifty thousand
tributary Indians, & one hundred and twentie Monasteries
of Dominicke Friers, and the rest Schooles of Priests for
Doctrine. The Coast of the North Sea of this Bishop-
ricke, beginneth in the River of Alvarado, that commeth River of
from the Mountaynes of the Zapotecas, and betweene Aharado,
many other it goeth to the Province of Chinautla, and
crossing overthwart the Mountaynes whence it sprung,
goeth out into the North Sea, betweene the River of
Gxmzacoalco, and Saint John of Ulua, and there is also the
River called Agualulco, whose mouth may serve for a
Haven ; and the divided Rocke, a point of the Land that
commeth from the Mountaynes of Saint Martine, named
by ships that have bin lost upon a shoale full of Rockes
under water, which lye along the Coast right against them
in the Coast of the South ^. This Bishoprick hath the
Haven of Guatulco in fifteene degrees and an halfe, great, Guatulco.
good, and frequented. The President Don Peter of
Alvarado set this Province of Guatulco in obedience, and
the Port of Tecoantepeque is neere, which also is reason-
able ; and the Towne is great, and there is in it a great
fishing for Shrimps, and other fish which they came to
Guaxaca, and in the high way of Cuyztata is a Myne of
Christall-borill. Tecoantepeque is fortie five leagues from
Antequera, they passe by the Mountaynes of the Chou-
tales, Nixapa, and Mexalpeque, whitherto this Bishopricke
extendeth, and hath many Townes subject by the Coast of
the Sea.
The Bishopricke of Mechoacan (which is a Province The Bishops
betweene the Archbishopricke of Mexico, and the new rkke of
Galicia) hath in breadth by the Coast of the South Sea, ^^^^^^•
about eightie leagues, and sixtie within the Land, with
open boimds, by the Septentrionall parts : in it are included
the Provinces of Zacatula, and of Colima, both in the
Coast of the South Sea. The Citie of Mechoacan, or
Pazcuaro, in little more then nineteene degrees, and fortie Pazcuaro,
seven leagues from Mexico, of plaine way. In Guayan-
473
A.D.
i6oi.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
A Mm of
300. yeans
oU.
Mersda.
when the Spaniard entred in it, Crosses of Latten, which
was never found in any Province of the Indies : it is very
plentiful! of game, especially wilde Boares and Deere, they
breede up in it great store of Poultrie : they gather much
Gotten wooll, and Azure, the people multiplieSi and liveth
long ; a man there was which attained to three hundred
yeares : it hath all the kinde of Cattle of Spaine, and good
Horses.
There are in this Government without that of Tabasco,
which goeth joyntly with it, foure Spanish Townes, and
one Bishopridke : and the Townes are buildings of the
first Governour, the President Don Francisco of Monteio.
The Citie of Merida is in twentie degrees height, almost
in the middest of the Province, neerer to the coast of the
North Sea, twelve leagues within the Land. In it are
resident the Governour, the Officers of Revenues, and
treasure Royall, and the Cathedrall suflFragane to Mexico,
with a Monasterie of Franciscane Fryers, they called it
Merida, for the great and aimcient buildings that it hath
like Merida in Castile, and it causeth admiration, that
having no kinde of Mettall in this Province, so great
Stones could be wrought, in the which were found
engraven naked men, with eare-rings, whereof is inferred
that they were Temples, and that it was a very famous
Countrie. The Village of Valladolid is thirtie one leagues
from Merida, toward the South-east with a most
sumptuous Monasterie of Franciscan Fryers, and 15000.
tributarie Indians in the limits. The Village and port of
Can^che. Saint Franciscus of Campeche, in 20. degrees, in the Coast
that looketh to new Spaine, about finie leagues from
Merida to the West, declining to the South, it hath a
reasonable Haven, though little depth for being a Bay.
Don Franciscus of Monteio gave it the name. The
Salamanca. Village of Salamanca the President called so by his owne
Countrie. In the Provinces of Bacalar, and Chetemal,
seventie leagues from Merida, North and South, leaning
to the West, and other seventie from Valladolid, neere to
the Coast of the gulfe of Honduras: there are in this
476
VaUadoUd.
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
i6oi.
Province Monasteries of Franciscanes, and six Schooles of
Priests for Doctrine.
The Coast of all this Province is so shallow, that in ^^allow
few parts ye can ride at anker at lesse then foure or five ^fj^^i-
leagues from the Land, and so there is no Port but for
small Shippes, and it floweth and ebbeth more in this
Coast then in any other place of these Provinces of new
Spaine. The Ports that are, be these: Ciclo, and Teli- ThePoruand
chaque, Cical and Cauquil : the River with two mouthes, ^^^^^^
Campeche in the Coast that looketh to new Spaine, and
in it the small Cape from whence the Coast beginneth to
winde to the East, and neere to the Point a little Iland
which is called la Desconocida or the UnthankefuU, com-
passed with shelves: and to the West from this, about
eighteene leagues, another which they call the Zarza, and
the Triangle, which are three small Hands, close by another
little Iland compassed with shelves, other sixteene leagues
from ' Cabo Delgado, Hands de Arenas (of Sandes) and the ^Or Skarpe.
Redde (la Bermeia) and another Hand thirtie leagues from
the said Cape to the North, and los Negrillos, three little
Hets compassed with shelves, to the East from the ^ Redde, ^OrBermeia.
about thirtie five leagues, and the *^Scorpiones twentie ""Or
leagues of the coast North and South, with Merida, and ^^^cranes,
the Cape of Coutoche, the Point most to the East of
Yucatan, from whence goe foure little Hands, which are
called de Mugeres of Women, leaning to the Coast in
the which is the Iland of Cozumel, named by the famous
IdoU Place in it, whither all the people of the Province [III. v. 876.]
went in Pilgrimage ; it stands foure leagues to the Sea, at
the beginning of the Gulfe of Honduras, almost North A famous
and South with Valladolid, more inward to the Gulfe, XfS
other three little Hets with shelves, almost over against the cen/iUs in
Lake of Bacalal, which is within the Land thirtie leagues Cozumel.
from the Lake of Chetemall, in the Coast that goeth
painted with Hands unto Salamanca, which is the first
tantoia, neere one shelfe called *Quitasnenno, and another * Or take
Zaratan, and another Lamanay, and the last Ylbob. ^^^ ^^^P^-
The Province of Tabasco, which goeth with the Tabasco,
477
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
ciscan Friers; and it was also inhabited by Nunno
Guzman, the ycare 1531. which travelled two ycares in
these Countries, which they called the ^eater Spaine, in
emulation of Don Fernando Cortes, in all that time
nothing being knowne of him in Mexico. The Village
of the Purification, to the South-west, from Gxmdalajara,
and thirtie leagues from it, neere the port of the Nativitie,
in the confines of the bounds of this Counsell, and of that
of Mexico, in a very hot and sickly Countrie : and unto
the end of the yeare 1531. Nunno of Guzman discovered
one himdred and fiftie leagues of Land by the Coast of
Xalisco, which stand in somewhat more then 22. degrees.
TheZacaucas. In the Province of the Zacatecas, are rich mines of
Silver, and want of Water, Corne and Millet : there are
three Townes of Spaniards, and foure Camps appointed of
mines: those which they call of the Zacatecas are the
principall, fortie leagues from Guadalaxara to the North,
[III. V. 877.] and eightie from Mexico, wherein are ordinarie more then
five hundred Spaniards, five hundred Slaves, one thousand
Horses and Mules, and one Monasterie of Franciscane
Fryers ; and there is resident alwayes one of the Officers
Royall of Guadalajara. In this Province also are the
Mines of Avinyo, in the confines of the Zacatecas, and
those of Saint Martin seven and twentie leagues from the
Zacatecas, to the North-west, wherein are wont to be about
foure hundred Spaniards, and Xerez of the Frontier, thirtie
leagues from Guadalaxara, to the North, and tenne from
the mines of the Zacatecas, in the way to them. There are
besides these other Reales or Campes, whereof no mention
is made, because they are so fiimous. The Village of the
The Erena. Erena, & the Mines called of the little * Hat, are five and
2p^ twenty leagues from Zacatecas to the North-west, neere to
those of Samt Martin, and others that are in the limits. The
*TheNameof Village of * Nombre de Dios, is sixtie eight leagues from
^^^- the Citie of Guadalajara, and tenne from the Mines of
Saint Martin to the North, with a Monasterie of Francis-
can Friers, aboundant in Corne, and Millet, and good
Mines in his Borders. The Village of Durango, in the
480
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
Borders of the Mines of Saint Martin, and the Valley of
Saint Salvador, eight leagues from Nombre de Dios, a
wholesome Countrie, & many Rivers, with whose watering
they gathered great store of Corne, and Millet, and of
other Provisions, and in the Borders are the Mines of
Saint Luke, and a very good Salt-pit. And the Indians of
this Kingdome in many places were in armes, and the
Chichimecas, and Guachachiles did great hurt in the way
of Guadalajara to the Zacatecas, and this warre was very
costly, and tedious, and was ended, the Marquesse of
Villamanrique being Viceroy. The Indians are divided in
this precinct in one hundred and foure partitions or tribes.
The Province of new Bizkie, is North-westward from Nueva
the Zacatecas fiftie leagues from them; a Countrie of yizcaya.
Provisions, and much Cattell, and of good Silver Mines,
the Mines of Hindehe are in it, of Sancta Barbola, and of
Saint John, and in it is the Province of Topia ; and in this
discovery, and inhabiting, Franciscus Ybarra did many
services. The Province of Chiametla, twenty leagues Chiamtla.
broad and long, in the Coast of the South Sea, about fortie
leagues from Xalisco, hath Mines of Silver, and in it
stands Saint Sebastian, a Village of Spaniards, which was
first of the Counsell of Mexico, and it stands in more then
22. degrees. Culiacan is a government in the South Sea,
more to the East, and West from Chiametla; it is a
plentifoU Countrie of Victuals, and showes of Silver
Mines, whereof there is a Campe peopled, which they call
of the Virgins. The Village of Saint Michael, eightie S, Michael,
leagues from Compostella, and one hundred and three from
Guadalajara, Nunno of Guzman inhabited it the yeare
1531-
The Province of Civaloa, the last, and most Septen- Cipaloa.
trionall of the new Kingdome of Galicia, two and tortie
leagues from Culiacan, one hundred and fiftie from Guada-
lajara to the North, was a Towne built in it that was
called Saint John of Civaloa, of Spaniards, and could not
be kept. This Province was discovered, Don Antonie of
Mendoca being Viceroy in new Spaine, and they said there
XIV 481 2 H
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oi.
was a Citie scene wrought with stone, which they called
Granada, and that those Indians were warriers, and that
QuiUra. 1^ the Countrie was great store of Victuals. Quibira,
stands in fortie degrees, of a temperate and fruitfiill soyle,
CiMm. Cibola, stands thirtie leagues from Culiacan, toward the
North, and Quibira two hundred from Cibola to the East ;
it is all of poore people ; for that they have no Cotten, they
weare Deere skmnes, and of the Countrie Kine, which
have a liunpe on the ridge of the backe, and long haire in
the fore parts, the homes lesser then ours ; and in them
consisteth the greatest part of the sustenance of the people,
for of the skmne they cloathe, and make Shooes, and
Cords ; they eate the flesh, and make tooles of the bones :
they have sundry languages in this Province, because they
communicate little the one with the other.
CaRfirnia. California is a great point of the Land that putteth out
to the Sea in the uttermost West of new Spaine in two
and twentie degrees height, from whence it extendeth to
. the North-west, neere about two hundred leagues,
although of it there is no certaine notice, nor of the Ports,
and Hands of the Gulfe California, which is made betweene
the said point, and Gulfe of new Spaine, which goeth along
that way, as to the North-west; in the which although
there be many Rivers, Capes, and Points, and landing-
places, there is no particxilar notice had of them, because
they are not much frequented. At the beginning, and
entrance of this Gulfe are very long and narrow Hands
along the Coast, and very close with it, which is caUed the
Guayavall, that reacheth from the River of our Ladie, or
of Sebastian of Bora, unto the River of Christmas in
Culiacan. The River of the Village of Saint Michael is
called Ciguatlan ; and neerer to new Spaine is the River
of Pastla, and against it the Desart Hand, and afterward
the River of the Holy Ghost, and the port of Xalisco, and
to the South of the point of California, is Annublada or the
Cloudie Hand, and the Hand of Saint Thomas, and the
Hand of Flores, and another which is called Las Monias.
482
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
IT was first called the Counsell of Guatemala of the Chap. 12.
confines, because it was commanded first to be built in Of the Bounds
the confines of the Provinces of Nicaragua, and Guate- YA^rl^^i^
mala, without assigmng any certaine Towne. It hath in Guatemala.
length East and West two hundred and fortie leagues, and
from the Meridian fi-om 84. to 98. of longitude, and North
and South, in breadth one hundred and eightie, from 9. to [III. v. 878.]
10. degrees of height, unto eighteene or nineteene, in the
which are comprehended the Provinces of Guatemala,
Soconusco, Chiapa, Suchitepeque, the *Verapaz, Honduras ^ Or true
and Cacos, Saint Saviour, and Saint Michael, Nicaragua, ^^^^•
Chuluteca, Taguzgalpa, and ^Costarica, and in every one ^ Or Rich
of these Provinces they alter in speech : and according to ^<^^-
the opinion of Religious men, it was the worke of the
Divell, for to plant cSssentions and discord betweene these
Nations which were bloody and revengefull. The Govern-
ment and Province of Guatemala on the South Sea coast, Guatemala.
in length of it may be about seventie leagues, and in
breadth North and South thirtie: it is a Countrie of a
good temperature, plentifull of Millet, Gotten wooU,
Corne and other fruits, though they preserve not the Seede
of one yeare for the other : the waters are few, but when
it raineth they are very violent from Aprill to October,
the windes are North and South, and the North lasteth
but fifteene or twentie dayes, and it is very cold, and
furious. There are in it five Spanish Townes, buildings of
the President Don Pedro of Alvarado, in the yeare 1524.
and 25. The Citie of Saint James of Guatemala, whose Saint James.
situation was called Cachequill, which signifieth an Eagle,
because the Generall of this Nation, when hee went to
warre, did beare an Eagle for his Plume : it is the head of
the Government, where the Counsell is resident, in 24.
degrees and a halfe of height, and 93. degr. from the
Meridian of Toledo, fi-om whence it may bee distant by a
greater circle of one thousand sixe hundred and sixtie
leagues, and it is twelve fi*om the Sea, and a towne of sixe
hundred Spanish housholds: the OflScers of the goods
and Royall Treasure, are resident there, the melting house,
483
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
and the Cathedrall SufFraganc to Mexico, with one
Monasterie of Dominicans, and another of Mercenaric
Friars, and one Hospitall, and in the bounds five and
twentie thousand tributarie Indians. This Citie is seated
in a very pleasant Valley, with fruits of divers sorts, and
all kinde of provision and dainties.
Saint The Citie of Saint Saviour, which in the Indian
Sahador. language is called Cuzcatlan, is fortie leagues from Saint
James to the South-east, with one Monasterie of Domini-
Tki TriMtHe. cans. The Village of the Trinitie, which in the Indian
tongue was called Conzonate, sixe and twentie leagues
from Saint James to the South-west, foure leagues from
the Port of Axacutla. It is a chiefe Commissionership
with title of his Majestie, with one Monasterie of
Dominicans, in a plentifxill soile of Cacao, and the Indians
of it are of the jurisdiction of Saint James, it is a place of
great trafficke, and the Port a touch for the ships of Peru,
Saint MichaeL and of New Spaine. The Village of Saint Michael sixtie
two leagues from Saint James, and two and twentie fi-om
Saint Saviour to the South-west, two leagues fi-om the
Sea and Bay of Fonseca, which serveth it for Haven, and
in the bounds are eightie Townes of Indians. The
Xerez. Village of Xerez of the frontier, in the Indian speech
called Chuluteca, in the confines of Guatemala and
Nicaragua, eightie leagues from Saint James, and twentie
from Saint Michael to the South-east, both plentifull of
Cotton wooll and Millet. Neere the Citie of Saint James
*OrJiene is that *Volcan so famous of Guatemala, and in all the
ifmt^s hke Indies are many of these Volcanes (but the most famous
are those of Guatemala, which hath burst out divers times,
casting fire, stones, and ashes, with great hurt of the
Countrie.) That of Arequipa, of Tlascala, Quito, and
others. In this Countrie are many springs of water, hot,
and of sundrie properties and colours ; there is much and
good Balme, which the Spaniards knew without learning
it of the Indians, against the which some Author speaketh,
and also liquid Aniber, Gumme-anime, Copall, and Suchi-
copall, and other Gummes, and Liquoris most perfect, and
484
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
beasts that breed the Bezar stone, they gather great store
of Cacao, which is great riches : it is a meane Tree, the Cacao
leaves like a Chesnut though bigger, it giveth flower and ^^^^^^^
fruit every Moone, and the same doe in that Countrie the
Orange trees. The Cacao is a tree that loveth moisture
better then the Sunne, and therefore they plant neere him
another tree to shadow him.
The Ports of this Government in the South Sea, beside Ports of Ms
the rehearsed, are the Bay of Fonseca neere to Saint Government.
Michael, in twelve degrees and a halfe of height, Gil
Gonfales of Avila gave it the name in the yeere 1522. for
the Bishop John Rodrigues of Fonseca, President of the
Councell of the Indies. And within the Bay is an Hand
which he named Petronilla, by a Neece of the Bishop.
The Port of Acaxutla, neere to the Trinitie, in twelve
degrees height, is the best of this Government for New
Spaine and Jreru, and the Bay of Guatemala twelve leagues
from it, and the River of Xicalapa seven leagues from the
Bay to the West. On the North side this Province hath
no coast, for it commeth not to the Sea by fortie leagues,
unto a landing place which they call the Port of the fresh
Gulfe, from wnence the merchandize that goe from Spaine,
are conveighed by the Gulfe of Honduras, into the Land
with carriages unto Guatemala, Saint Savioxir, and the
Trinitie, and twelve leagues before Guatemala, in the high
way of Mexico, is the great Lake of Atitlau, of ten Bottomlesse
leagues in compasse, and foure in breadth, without bottom. ^^^^^
The Province and Government of Soconusco is the Soconusco,
furthest West from Guatemala upon the coast of the South
Sea, of length and breadth about foure and thirtie leagues,
plentifoll of Cacao (the greatest trafficke of it, and of all
that in it is sowne except Wheat) there is no more then
one Spanish towne, which is called Guevetlan, founded by
Don I^edro de Alvarado, where the Governour is resident ;
her coast which is in the South Sea, beginneth seven
leagues from the River of Ayutla to the West, and pre-
sently the Rivers Coatlan, Capanercalte, Colatl, Haztadan,
Amituc, and Quizatatlan.
48s
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
[III. V. 879.1 The Province and Bishoprick of Chiapa is Mcditcr-
CUapa. ranean, betweene Soconusco by the South, and the
uttermost of New Spaine by the West, and by the North
"^Or true and the East, betweene Tabasco and * Verapaz, in length
peace. East and West about fortie leagues, and some lesse in
breadth, some lesse fertile of Wheat and Millet, and other
Seedes, and of Cattell, except Sheepe that are not many.
It hath one Towne of Castilians, which is called Citie
Royall, seventie leagues from Saint James of Guatemala
toward the North-east, which by a particular priviledge is
governed by ordinarie Justices. The Cathedrall is resident
here with one Monasterie of Dominicke Friars, and many
Indian Townes in her limits : Chiapa is the principallest
Towne of them, from whence the Province tooke the
name. The Countrie-men have skill in breeding of
Horses, that those of this Countrie become the best that
are in New Spaine : thev are Musicians and Painters, and
learne any Trade that doth consist in arte : they were in
old time of Nicaragua, and the Captaine James of Maza-
riegos, the yeere 1531. built this Citie in a Valley where
now it stands, round, of a marvellous situation in 18.
degrees and a halfe, sixtie leagues from the North Sea,
and as many from the South.
Verapaz. The Province of Verapaz (a name which the Dominicke
Friars gave it, because they pacified it with preaching) is
also Mediterranean betweene the bounds ot Soconusco,
Chiapa, Yucatan, Honduras, and Guatemala, of thirtie
leagues over, and as many from Saint James of Guatemala ;
a moist Countrie, and therefore the better for the Millet
that in it is gathered twice a yeere, and for Wheat. There
is Cotton wooll, and some Cacao, and much Fowle of those
P/V/»r/ that give the coloured feathers for the pictures which the
feathers, Indians doe make, which is a merchandize of this Pro-
vince, and the Kings of Mexico carried them from this
Province, which was the most esteemed thing they had,
and it was judged for a great sinne to kill these Fowlcs,
but to plucice them and to let them flie. There is in this
Countrie but one Monasterie of Dominicke Friars, with
486
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
1601.
one Indian Towne of seventeene Indian children that are
there, by order of the religious men for to instruct them
the better ; for before they Bved scattered and like savages,
and now they live like Christians, and in temporall things
politikely.
In this Province there is no Governour, but a chiefe
Justice, provided by the Councell. The River of Zacatxila
divideth this Province from the Province of Guatemala,
from the which it extendeth unto the fresh Gulfe, whither
all the Rivers of it doe nmne, whereby and by the many falls
of waters that descend from most high Hils, the Countrie
was so moist, that the Millet rotted ; but it is bettered
in the temperature, since the cutting do wne of the Woods :
it hath many Lions, Tigres, and Buffes, whose flesh the
Indians doe eate although it be luscious and soft; it is
called the Fresh Gulfe, for the multitude of the Rivers Golfidolce.
which on that side doe enter into the Sea. The water is
fresh, and there are exceeding great Fishes, and specially
the Manati, which is the Sea calfe, which swimmeth so Manatiafish
delicately, that being very great he maketh no noyse ; when described.
hee fleeth he goeth to the Deepe, and waxeth angrie and
fierce against them that seeke him, and giveth great
strokes ; his flesh is very fat like unto fat beete.
THe Province and Government of Honduras hath in chap. 13.
length East and West, by the coast of the North Sea, OfHmdurasy
more then one hundred and fiftie leagues, and in bredth ^icaragua^
from the Sea vmto the bounds of Costa Rica and Guate- ^ ^^^^the
mala, in parts eightie : it hath many Hills, and is plentifull Rich Coast.
of Millet, Wheat, and all sorts of Cattell, and some Mynes Honduras.
of gold and silver : there is in it sixe Spanish Townes in
one Bishopricke, and the first Bishop was Friar John of
Talavera, Prior of Prado, of the Order of Saint Jerome of
Spaine.
The Citie of Valladolid, in the Indian language, is called
Comayagua, in more then sixteene degrees, stands sixtie
leagues from Saint James of Guatemala to the East, and
about fortie from the North Sea : in it is the Governour
487
A.D.
i6oi.
*0r o/our
Lady of tie
Favour,
FisitatioH of
the In^ner
BapHsta
AntoneU of
the way of the
Port of
Cavalios or
Horsesy to the
Bay of
Fottseca,
*Thankes bee
to God.
Saint Peter.
Saint John.
[III. V. 880.]
Truxillo.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
resident, and the Cathedrall, since the ycere 1558. when it
went from Truxillo, whereat first it was ; and one Monas-
terie de la Merced.* The Captaine Alonso of Cacercs
pacified this Countrie, by order of Don Peter of Alvarado :
it stands in the middest of the two Seas, and from the one
to the other are three and fiftie leagues, from the Port dc
Cavalios or of Horses in the North Sea, unto the Bay of
Fonseca in the South Sea, and the Inginer Baptista
Antoneli visited this way, by order from the King ; because
many thought that by it the trafficke of the North Sea
was more easie to the South Sea, and hee found that it had
many inconveniences.
The Citie of * Gracias Ji Dios, is thirtie leagues from
Valladolid almost to the West ; the Captaine Gabriel of
Rojas peopled it 1530. for the benefit of the Mynes of
gold that were thereabouts, and had great encounters with
the Indians, which assaulted him many times in a Fort that
he had. But the Governours of Honduras and Nicaragua,
not succouring him by reason of grudges betweene them,
hee was forced to forsake it. And in the yeere 1536.
Captaine Gon^alo of Alvarado, inhabited this Citie againe.
The Village of Saint Petro is thirtie leagues from Coma-
yagua to the North, somewhat aside to the West, and
eleven from the Port of Cavalios, where the OflScers Royal]
are resident, because the Port of Cavalios is sickly, whither
the dispatches of the ships doe come. The President
Don Peter Alvarado built it 1536.
The Village of Saint John of the Port de Cavalios is
in 15. degrees of altitude, eleven leagues from Saint Peter,
foure from Comayagua, it is inhabited with Factors of the
Merchants, and with Black-moores, because it is an
unwholesome Port ; for although it be a Bay, it is a good
one, it was called the Port of The Horses, because some
were cast in the Sea by a storme. The Citie of Truxillo
is sixtie leagues from Comayagua to the North-east, and
fortie from the Port of Horses to the East, and one from
the North Sea: the Cathedrall was here, the Haven is
called Saint Gil, it is good, though it be a Bay dead and
488
k.
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.0.
1601.
sheltered, where the ships that goe for Guatemala doe
touch first. Francisco de las Casas, began to inhabit this
Citie 1524. and because they were all people of Estrema-
dura, he called it Truxillo, and Don Hernando Cortes
ended the inhabiting of it when he went to the Ybueras.
The Village of Saint George of Olancho, is fortie leagues Saint George.
from Comayagua to the East, of fortie housholds, and in
her borders sixteene thousand tributarie Indians, and much
gold, chiefly in the River of Guayape, ten leagues from
this Towne. This Valley of Olancho is very pleasant and Falley of
profitable, and in it was much gold gotten, and the Olancho.
Governours of Honduras and Nicaragua, had in other
times great diflFerences: for every one would have it in
his jurisdiction, and therefore here it was where Gil
Gonfales Davila tooke one hundred and twentie thousand
Pesos of gold of Hernando of Soto, and dismissed the
people which Pedrarias Davila had for his defence ; and
here Gabriel of Rojas defended the entrance of Gon^alo of
Sandoval, for Don Hernando Cortes did send him from
Truxillo, and here the Indians killed John Grijalva, a very
famous Captaine, and others.
The coast of this Province is all in the North Sea, in the Poinu and
Gulfe which they call de Honduras, which is all the Sea ^^^ 9f^^^^
coast betweene this Province and Yucatan, to the place ^^^^^^^'
where it joyneth with it by Verapaz, where it was adled
the Gulfe of Guanajos, the first Point is of the Ybueras,
so called, because they first found many pompions on the
Sea, which they call Ybueras in the language of
Hispaniola; it stands in sixteene degrees of height.
Neere to the Fresh Gulfe a Port for Guatemala, where
Saint Gil of Bonavista was built, neere to the Cape of
Three Points to the East from the Fresh Gulfe, and Gil
Gonfales Davila peopled it 1 524. And more to the East
is the River Piche, and Rio Baxo, and the River of Ulva,
by another name Balahama before the Port of Horses,
which stands in fifteene degfees. And afterward the River
and Point de la Sal, and Triumpho de la Cruz, a Cape of
three points, where the yeere 1524. the Master of the field
489
A.D.
i6oi.
Ports and
coast.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
There are in this Government many Townes of Indians,
and in them store of tributaries, and in the Confines of
this Government, and of Costa Rica, and of Nicoya eight
and fortie leagues from Granada, in the South coast, is a
Corregidorship ; in which, and in the Hand of Chyrt,
which is of the jurisdiction thereof eight leagues to the
Sea, are many tributarie Indians of the Crowne Royall,
subject in other times to the Councell of Panama, unto the
yere 1573. at which time it was incorporated in Costa
Rica ; whose Governour placeth a Deputie, and the Bishop
of Nicaragua a Vicar. There is in it a reasonable Port,
Rivers of this \^ ^^^ ^oast of this Province on the North Sea. After
this is the River Yare that divideth it from that of Hon-
duras, the River of Yairepa, before the River and Port
of Saint John, which is called the Voyding or Desaguadero,
with a great Hand at the mouth, and after, some other
Rivers common to Costa Rica. In the South Sea, it hath
besides the Realejo, the Port of Saint James, before the
Chira, and the Port of Paro right against Nicoya, in the
Gulfe called of the * Salt-pits, before the Point of Saint
Lazarus, and the Cape of Borrica, at the East side whereof
are the Ilands of Samt Marie, Saint Martha, Cobaya, and
Sebaco, neere to the bounds of Veragua, common to Costa
Rica.
In the Coast of Nicaragua, on the South side, the Village
of Bruxelles was peopled 1529. and James Lopes of
Salcedo disinhabited it, because they had received in it
Pedro de los Rios, Governour of Castilla del Oro, which
went to take the Government of Nicaragua, where Salcedo
had thrust himselfe, and had gone from Honduras his
owne Government unto it. Captame FranciscusHernandez,
planted it 1524. in the doubtfull Streight, in the seate of
Uritina, and on the one side it had the Sea, on the other the
Playnes, and on the third side the Mountaine of the
Mynes, and in all this Orbe there are. no Indians more
expert in the Castillan tongue then those of Nicaragua.
The Province and Government of Costa Rica, the
furthest East of the Northerne Indies, and Councell of
492
*De SaHnas,
Bruxelles.
Costa Rica,
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
i6oi.
Guatemala, hath in length East and West ninetie leagues
from the Confines of Veragua unto those of Nicaragxxa,
with which it joyneth by the North, and by the West.
In it are two Townes, it is a good Countrie, with many
showes of Gold, and some of Silver. The one Towne is
the Village of Aranjues five leagues from Chomes Aranjuez,
Indianes, a Towne of the jurisdiction of Nicoya. The
Citie of Cartago, fortie leagues from Nicoya, and twentie Cartafft.
from the Sea almost in the middest of the Province, hath
a Port and landing place in the Coast of the South Sea,
and the North Sea, wherein there is some Rivers betweene
Nicaragua and Veragua, common to this Government, and
the Bayes of Saint Jerome and of Caribaco, neere the limits
of Veragua.
THe part of the Indies of the South is unjustly called ^^/- H-
America, it is all that is discovered from Nombre de ^{ ^jfJ^"
Dios and Panama to the South, wherein is included Terra ^
firme, the Kingdomes of Piru, the Piru Chile, which the
Indians call Chille; The Provinces of the Streight, the
River of Plate and Brasile, where are five Councels of
Panama, new Kingdome of Granada, Saint Francise of
Quito, Lima, the Charcas, and the eleven Governments :
part of their Coast toucheth in the North Sea, and part in
the South: in the which for the most part reigneth the
South and the South-west, which contrarie to his natxire
is there pleasant, and doth mitigate the great heate,
whereby that Countrie may bee inhabited, although it never
rayneth nor hayleth in it, but in a very little distance.
And the two rowes of Mountaines that runne equally a ff-eat
through all these Indies, have a great difl^erence, though difference of
they are in one altitude of the Pole: for the one is well ^^P^raturein
replenished with Trees and it alwayes rayneth in it, and \fpiru^^^
it is hot : the other is all bare, and cold in Summer and
Winter. These rowes are called Andes, and Sierra or the
Mountayne; they have most high Hils, and goe in sight ^j^^^^^^
the one of the other one thousand leagues, almost equally, almost looo.
In the Hill are bred sundrie beasts, and in the parts where leagues equall.
493
A.D.
i6oi.
AcU.
A strange case
of a Lizard.
Veragua,
The
Conception,
The Trinitie,
*Holy Faith.
Charles.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
for the warrc with the Casique Urraca. The inhabiting
of Ada, and Captaine Gabriel of Rojas finished by comr
mandement of Peter Arias, in the Coast of the North Sea,
and entrance of the Gulfe of Uraba, right against the
Iland of Pinds, whereof at this present there is no more
memory then that there was the death of that famous
Captaine, whose memory will last eternally, the President
Basco Nunnez of Balboa, and of his company. In the
breach of Almagro, and in the head of the River Chiepo,
there is Gold, and in times past was much gotten. In
all these Rivers are many Lizards or Crockadiles, and
very great, which put the first discoverers and pacifiers
to great trouble, and did devoure some men. It happened
that a man being in a Boate neereto the Kings House
in Panama, a Lizard came and snatched him from the
Stearne of the Boate, and carried him away to eate him
on certaine Rockes, and having begunne to teare him in
Eieces, they shot at him with a Caliver and killed the
.izard, so that he before his death received the Sacraments
of the Church.
The Province of Veragua, which stands in somewhat
more then tenne degrees, doth confine with Costarica^ on
the West side : it hath in length East and West fiftic
leagues, and in breadth five and twentie : a Mountainous
Countrie, full of bushes, without Pastures or Cattle,
Wheate, Barley, little Millet or little Pulse ; but fiill of
Gold with many vaines of it, and rich Mines in the
Rivers, and breaches, and those Indians that are, are m
warre : it hath the Citie of the Conception fortie leagues
from Nombre de Dios, to the West, where the Gov«rnour
and the Officers (which they of Panama at this present
doe provide) are resident. The Village of Trinitie stands
six leagues to the East of the Conception by Sea (for
yee cannot goe by Land) neere to the River of Bethleem,
at three leagues from the Sea. The Citie of * Sancta Fe
stands twelve leagues from the* Conception to the South,
with melting houses, and Deputie Officers. The Citie of
Charles, in the coast of the South Sea, neere to the Sea,
496
ANTONIO DE HERKERA ad.
1601.
fiftie leagues from the Citie of Sancta Fe, to the East :
all the Indians of this government are in warre.
There is no Port of name in the two Coasts South, The Ports,
and North, of this government, and in all the bounds
of the Counsell, are the Rivers, Ports, and points follow-
ing. The Bay of Carabaco, or Saint Hierome, in the
coast of the North Sea, and the confines of Veragua, and
to the East of it, and of the River of the Trinitie, of the
Conception, and of Bethlehem (where was the first
inhabiting that the first Admirall made in Terra firme,
of all that Orbe, in the yeare 1503. which continued not) :
and right against the Shield, an Hand, and the River of ElEscudo.
Chagre, and more to the East a league the Portete, to
the place where the Admirall came discovering the same
yeere, and the Ports of 'Langostas twelve leagues from ^ Or Locusts.
Nombre de Dios, to the West, and the Port de Gallinas
or of Hennes nine degrees, and the Port of Bonaventure
six, Portobelo five, and right against it the Hands of the
** Lookings, and those of the Provisions or Bastimentos : ^Las Miras.
and having Nombre de Dios two leagues, the River of
^ Sardinilla, and the Hand of **Sardina, foure; and the ''Or Little
River of Millet or Mayz, and the River of Snakes, or f^ ^^^ .
Culebras, eight ; and at the entry of the Gulfe of Uraba,
where in the yeare 1509. the Bachiller Enciso built the
Citie of Sancta Marie of Darien. This Bachiller Enciso
was he that published that in the Province which was called
Castilla del Oro, there were places where the gold was
fished with nets, which encouraged many people to goe to
the Indies, which passed in the yeare 1514. with Peter Arias
Danila : and the President Basco Nunnez of Balboa, went
1 5 13. from the Darien in demand of the South Sea, and
discovered it. The Point of the Hand of Captiva, stands
right against the Mountaines of Saint Bias, and the Hand
of Comagre, and the Hand of Pinos, more within the
Gvdfe of Uraba, and in the inward Port of it, the Port
of Nilcos, neere to the mouth of the River of Darien,
which divideth the bounds of this Counsell, and those
of the Governement of Cartagena, and there is Culata
XIV 497 2 1
Aj>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
de Uraba, where in the yeare 15 10. Alonso of Oieda
inhabited Saint Sebastian of Uraba. This Gulfe stands
in 8. degrees, it hath foureteene leagues of longitude into
the Lands, and in the entrie it hath six in breadth, and
[III. V. 884.] a little forward fiftie, and at the end foure, and five leagues
within was the Citie of Sancta Marie, the aundent of
Darien.
In the South Sea stands the Cape of Sancta Marie, and
point (de Guerra) of Warre, and toward Panama, the
Gulfe of Parita, or Paris where stands Nata, the point
of Chiame, the Countrie of that Cazique Chiapas, the
friend of Basco Nunnez of Balboa, which holpe him in
his discovery : and passed the Port of Panama, the Riva
of Chepo, and the Balsa, or of Congos in the inner part
of the Gulfe of Saint Michael, North and South from the
Iland of Pearles, and the Point or Port of Pinyas, at
the entrie of the Gxilfe on the South side, which is fiftie
leagues from Panama, and twentie overthwart to the Gulfe
of Uraba, and Puerto Quemado, or Burnt Haven, neere
to the Cape of Corrientes, in 5. degrees of altitude Septen-
trionall.
Chap. 16. 'T^He bounds of the Counsel of the New Kingdome
'^ttc^^^^Uf ^^^ ^^ length East and West, three hundred leagues,
Sancta^Fi of ^^^ ^ many North and South, wherein are comprehended
Bogota: which the Provinces of the New Kingdome, the governments
is the new of Sancta Martha, and Cartagena, and part of that of
Kingdom of popayan ; & for borders the Provinces of the Dorado,
ranada. ^^ ^^^ Stremadura : the Province of New Kingdome,
which is that which the Counsell govemeth : it hath in
length from East to West foureteen leagues, and eightic
in breadth North and South of plaine ground, for the
most part with Valleys and hils, and good Pastvires for
all sort of Cattle, which are in abvmdance, and in many
places, Wheate, Millet, and the fruits of Castile, and
generally much Gold and very fine, and Mines of Copper
« Steele: and the Countrie men for the most part are
able men, great tnJfickers, and doe weare Cotten cloath.
49«
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
And the Townes that be in the Kingdome of Spaniards,
are the Citie of * Sancta Fe of Bogota, which was built *^^h ^^^*^-
at the foote of Bogota, so called by the Cazique which
was called Bogota, which the President Gon^alo Ximenez
of Quesada built, and gave the name to the Citie and to
the Kingdome, because he was of Granada, though in
the discovery the President Belalcazar, and Nicholas
Federman had part: it stands 72. degrees and a halfe
of longitude from the Meridian of Toledo, which by a
greater circle may be one thousand foure hundred and
rortie leagues, and 4. degrees on this side of the
Equinoctial, it hath more then six hundred housholds,
in it is resident the CounseU, the Kings Officers and
Royall treasurie, and Melting house, the Cathedrall
Metropolitane, whose suffragans are, Popayan, Cartagena
and Sancta Marta, with a Monasterie or Dominicke and
another of Franciscane Friers, and in her borders more
then fiftie thousand tributarie Indians and the Lake of Lahof
Guatavita, which was a worshipping place of the Indians, Guatavifa.
where it is reported that they did cast great summes of
Gold in offring to the Idols.
The Village of Saint Michael in the bounds of Sancta SaintMichaeL
Fe, twelve leagues from it to the North, was built for
trafficke with the Pauche Indians, because being of a hot
Countrie it did them hurt to goe to Sancta Fe, which is
cold. The Citie of Tocayma fifteene leagues from Sancta Tocayma.
Fe, to the West, somewhat inclined to the North, with a
Monasterie of Dominicke Friers, was inhabited the yeare
1545. by the Captaine Hernando Vanegas, in the border
of the maine River Pati, which runneth into the River
Magdalene. It hath no gold, and is most hot, and by
night there falleth no Deaw in it. In all the Kingdome
there is no generall tongue, that which is most understood,
is that of the Pauches. In the Province of the Musos,
and Colimas, which by another name are called Canupeis,
five and twentie leagues in length, to the North-west of
Bogota, a rough Countrie, sound, plentifull of Pastures,
Gold, and Emeralds: there are two Townes; the Citie
499.
A.D.
i6oi.
The TrinitU.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
*0r FBes.
The Palma.
Tmia,
of the Trinitie twentie leagues from Sancta Fe, to the
North-west, which the Giptaine Lanchero inhabited the
jreere 1582. when hee went to warre with the Indians
* Moscas, a quicke and fearefuU Nation : and in these
bounds stands the rich Mine of the Emeralds, with many
Indians which yet are peaceable, and in the Province of
Chia^nachi, which signifieth Snailes, for there be many.
The Village of Palma in the Colimas, of a temper
hotter then cold, fifteene leagues from Sancta Fe to the
North-west, the Captaine Don Gutierre of Ovalle built
it 1572. in the Province of Tunia, which tooke the name
of the Cazique, almost to the North, direct to that of
Bogota, and m all like vmto it : The Citie of Tvmia stands
two and twentie leagues from Sancta Fe, to the North-
east, on a high hill, a strong scituation, for the warre
with the Indians. There goe out of this Citie above
two hundred Horse-men, and it is the most aboundant
of Victuals of all the Borders, and there is the greatest
Market in all the Realme: it hath one Monasteric of
Dominicke, another of Franciscane Friers. The Captaine
Gon9alo Xuarez Rondon built it, for the President
Gonzalo Ximenez of Pulsada. The Citie of Pamplona
seventy leagues from Sancta Fe to the North-east, hath
one Monasterie of Dominick Friers; much Gold is
gotten in it, it hath abundance of Cattle: the Bachiller
Michael Diaz of Armendariz peopled it. The Village of
Saint Christopher is thirteene leagues from Pamplona to
the North, the Captaine Franciscus of Caceres built it
*0r Crying, neere the Province of * Grita, so called because the Indians
came out of the high wayes to shoute and crie after the
Spaniards, and to kill them: litde Gold is gotten in it,
and it hath commoditie, for to breede Cattle.
The Citie of Merida, in the bounds of the government
of Venefuela and the New Kingdome, fortie leagues from
Pamplona to the North-east : it is a plentifrill Countrie of
Mines of Gould, and of Wheate. The Citie of Belez
thirtie leagues from Sancta Fe to the North, and fifteene
from Tunia, hath one Monasterie of Franciscane Fryers :
500
Pamplona,
Merida.
[III. V. 885.]
Beiex.
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
the Captaine Goncalo Ximenez Rondon inhabited it. It
is a Countrie where many thvinderboults fell, and there Thunderbolts,
fall not so many since the holy Sacrament of the Altar
is there abiding: it hath one fierie mouth that casteth
many stones. The Citie of Mariquita of Ybague, by Mariqtdta.
another name Saint Sebastian of the Gould, is fortie
leagues from Sancta Fe to the North-west, the Captaine
Pedroso peopled it 1551. in certaine Meadowes, leaning
to the hill, the temper is very hot. The Citie of Ybague rbagut.
is three hundred leagues from Sancta Fe, almost to the
West: it is the first Towne of the New Realme, that
doth confine with Popayan, the Captaine Andrew Lopez
of Galarza peopled it 1 551. by commission of the Counsell,
for to eschew the harmes these Indians did with those
of Tocayma, and Cartago, and for to open the way to
the government of Popayan, it hath a Monasterie of
Dominicke Friers.
The Citie of the Victorie of the Remedies, fiftie leagues Fictorie de ks
from Sancta Fe, to the North-west, is very rich of Mmes. ^«^^w/.
The Citie of Saint John of the Plaines, fiftie leagues SiuntJoknof
from Sancta Fe to the South, is a Countrie of much '^^^w/.
Gould. The Citie of Tudela which the Captaine Peter
of Ursua built, by order of the Bachiller Don Michael
Diuz of Armendariz was disinhabited, because the Indians
* Moxcas received hurt by it. And there are of the limits *^^ ^h^^-
of the Counsell of the new Realme, seven Townes of
the government of Popayan, Sancta Fe of Antiochia,
Caramanta, Arma, Anzerma, Cartago, Saint Sebastian of
the Silver, and Saint Vincent de las Pazes.
The Merchandize enters this Kingdome, by the great
River of Magdalene, from the * Baranca of Malamba, of *0r Water-
the jurisdiction of Cartagena, and the first that sent to ^^p^^
discover this River, was Garcia of Lerma, Governour of ^ ^I^ ^
Sancta Martha 1531. It entreth into the Sea so broad ^if^^
and strong, that at the passing, the Ships are wont to
be in danger, if they goe not somewhat distant, for the
combat or the current, and working of the Sea. It hath
an Hand in the mouth, it is navigated more then one
SOI
A,D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
hundred and fiftie leagvies, and in more then three hundred
it is not waded: it commeth from above Popayan from
two Fovmtaines that are fortie leagues distant, by which
{'oyning the River is made : it was called of Magdalene,
because on that day was the mouth discovered, in 12.
degrees of height, and six and twenty leagues from
Cartagena.
Saucta The Province and Government of Sancta Martha in
Martha, xhe, coast of Terra firme is seventie leagues in breadth
and length, betweene Carthagena and the River of Hache :
it is a plentifuU Coimtrie of Millet, and Potatoes, much
Gould, and Copper, and some Emeralds, and other Stones :
in it are five Spanish Townes ; and though there be many
of the Countrie-men, the most are in warre. The Presi-
dent Bastidas peopled the Citie of Sancta Martha 1525.
neere to the Sea, in 10. degrees of latitude, and 74. of
longitude, one thousand foure hundred and twentie leagues
from Toledo, where is resident the Governour, and Officers
Royall, and the Cathedrall suffragan to the New King-
dome. The Port is reasonable. This Government hath
foure Provinces, Pozignay, Betona, Chimica, and Tayrona,
which signifieth a Forge, and with great reason, because
in that Countrie are an infinite quantitie of divcrsitie of
Mettals, and Stones of great esteeme and value.
Tenerife. Tenerife Stands by the border of Rio Grande or the
great River (which is that of Magdelene) fortie leagues
from Sancta Martha to the South-west, part by the Sea,
and part by Land: Franciscus Euriques did people it,
by order of Gon9alo Perez which governed in Sancta
Tamak' Martha, by Commission of the President Lxigo. Tama-
«^f«^- lameque, or Village of the Palmes is sixtie five leagues
from Sancta Martha to the South, and twentie from
Tenerife, two leagues from the Great River : the Captaine
The Kings. Bartholomew Dalva peopled it 1561. The Citie of los
Reyes in the Valley of Upari, is plentifuU of Millet,
Provision, and Cattle, and of much Copper, to the South-
east of Sancta Martha, fiftie leagues from it, and thirtic
from the River of Hache: the Captaine Sanct Anne
502
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
peopled it, by commandement of the Bachellor Michael
Diuz, *La Kamada was built before, called first new ^ Sanaa
Salamanca, fortie leagues from Sancta Martha to the East, Ramaiia.
and eight from the River of Plate, at the overflowings of
the Snowie Moimtaine. It stands in the Valley of Upani,
where there is as much Copper as Stone. The Merchan-
dize of this Government goeth up to the New Kingdome
by the marsh of this Citie, which is eight leagues from
it by the Sea, and afterward twelve imto the Barranca of
Malambo, in the great River. Ocanna is also in this Ocanya.
Government, which the Captaine Franciscus Hernandez
inhabited 1572. and was first called Sancte Anne. There
is in the Coast of this Government the River of Buhia,
neere Ramada, and the River of Piras, and that of
^ Palomino, where a Captaine of this name was drowned, ^Or Tong
and the River of Don James, the *" Ancones of Buritaca, Pigeon.
and the Cape of ^ Aguia neere Sancta Martha, right against \^ ^^'*
the hill of Bonda, and the River of Gayra, to the West. f^Jedk.
The Province and Government of Cartagena, in the Canagjma.
Coast of Terra firme, and the North Sea, hath in length
East and West, from the River of the Magdalene, unto
the River of Darien, eightie leagues North and South,
and as many unto the confines of the New Kingdome,
though men say it is more in Voyage. The Countrie is
Mountainous of Hils and Valleys, of high Trees, rainie
and moist : the seedes of Castile beare no seede, there is
no Wheate, nor Gould, but in some places. There is [III. v. 886.]
much rozen made in some Mountaines of this Govern-
ment, and Gums arromaticke, and other liquors which they
get out of the Trees, and great quantitie of Sanguis
Draconis, and a very fragrant balme of great vertues.
The Citie of Carthagena stands neare the Sea, two CiiUof
leagues from the Point of Canoa, to the West, in tenne Cartag^a.
degrees of latitude, and seventie six of longitude, one
thousand foure hundred and sixtie leagues from Toledo,
of more then five hundred housholds, among them above
two thousand women. In it is resident the Governour,
the Kings Officers, & treasurie Royall, and the Cathedrall
503
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
suffragan to the New Realme, with Monasteries of
Dominick and Franciscan Friers. The scituation is plain,
and ahnost like an Iland, the Sea compasseth it on the
North side, & it is a rough coast, and very shallow ; and
on the land side it hath an arme of the Sea which reacheth
to a Marish, which is the Lake of Canapote, which ebbeth
& floweth after the order of the Sea, & at the same houre,
and they passe from the Citie to Terra firme, by a &idge
and a manner of a Causie, which hath about two hundred
and fiftie paces. The Citie is built on Sand, & within two
fathoms they finde fresh water, though sometimes it is
unwholesome, not so much as the coast of Nombre de
Dios ; for the ayres in respect of the Marish are wont to
cause diseases, but for the most part it is wholsome. The
Haven is one of the least of the Indies, though the great
Ships doe ride farre from the Citie. It hath at the entric
an Iland like that of Escombrera in Cartagena of Castile,
whereby they called it Cartagena, and the Iland was called
Codego, now they call it Cuces, it hath two leagues in
length, & little more then halfe a league in bredth: it
was wont to be inhabited with Indian Fishers, & it hath
no water. The first that saw Carthagena, in the year
1502. was Roderick Bastidas, & the year 1504. Juan de
la Cosa or John of the Thing went a shore, and found
Lewes Guerra, and they were the first that began the
warre with the Indians, which were proud and bould,
Anutzonum and both men and women fought, with venomed arrows.
women. Afterward returned Alonso of Oieda with John of the
Thing for Pilot Major, & Americo Vespucio for Mariner,
& some years after Gregorie of Obiedo took upon him
to inhabit Cartagena, & performed it not. The year 1532.
went Don Pedro of Eredia born in Madrid, and inhabited
it, and pacified a great part of the Countrie, though with
labour and cunning, because the people were very warlike,
VaTtant ^^d there was a woman that before they could take her,
Virago. being about eighteene yeeres old, slew with her Bow
ZaintJames eight Spaniards.
ofTolu, The Village of Saint James of Tolu, is six leagues
504
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
from the Sea to the South-west of Cartagena two leagues
from it, part by Sea (for by Land it cannot be gone) and
part by the Marishes and Mountaines. It is a sound
Countrie, of great breedings, and tillage, and fruits of
Gistile : the President Don Peter of Heredia peopled it.
The Village of Marie thirtie two leagues from Cartagena, The Village of
to the South, is also the inhabiting of Don Peter of MarU.
Heredia, in the yeare 1534. The Village of * Sancta *Holy Crosse,
Cruz of Mopox is seventie leagues from Cartagena by
the Sea and River of Magdalene, neere whose border it
stands, & whereby they goe about more then halfe the
way; it is not sound oeing among Quagmires. A
Captaine of Don Peter of Heredia peopled it 1535. The
veare of 1509. the Bachiller Eusico (as hath been said)
inhabited Sancta Marie, the auncient of the Darien, which
is in this Government, forsaking the Village of Saint Saint
Sebastian of Bona vista, which the same Captaine Alonso Sebastian.
de Oieda had inhabited, in the furthest place of Uraba :
& afterward the Captain Alonso of Heredia inhabited
Saint Sebastian againe, for the President his Brother, in
certaine little hils, almost halfe a league from the Sea.
And in the yeare 1537. the Bachiller John of Vadillo went
out of Saint Sebastian with a good number of Souldiours,
and passing many troubles, & most rough Moxmtains,
& thick woods, came to the Citie of Antioquia, of the
government of Popayan, & there was a Souldior that from
thence came to the Citie of the Plate, in the Charcas, which
is 1200. leag.
The * Barranca of Malambo, which is a Custome house The
of the jurisdiction of Cartagena, thirtie leagues from it. Barranca,
o\\ the border of the great River, and twenty from Sancta *^^ ^^^^r-
Martha, & six from the Sea, where the Merchandize that
are carried by Land to the New Realme are unloaden, &
from the Barranca are carried up by the River in Canooes.
Lower then Nopox entreth the River of Cauca into the
River of Magdalene, which also springeth about Popayan :
& more toward Cartagena and to the West, standeth the
Knobbe, and the point of Zamba, and Butrio del gato or
505
A.D.
160I.
Los Llanos,
Las Sierras.
Diversitie of
nature.
Chap. 17.
Oftki
Conncell of
Saint Francis
of the Quito.
*0r
Cynamon.
EI Quito.
Aire and
seasons.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
is more, and it is divided in three parts: The Playnes,
which have ten leagues in breadth, and in parts lesse, they
are the coast of the Sea: The Hills, which have about
twentie, and is all Hills and some Valleys : and the Andes
other twentie, which are most thicke Groves and Woods,
and in so little space as fiftie leagues equally distant from
the Line and Pole: there is so great diversitie, that in
the one place almost it rayneth alwayes, and in the other
almost never, which is the G)ast, and in the third which
is the Mountaines that fall in the middest of these
extreames, sometime it rayneth, and sometime not, for
it hath his Summer and Winter as in Castile: and the
causes of not rayning in the Coast, and rayne in the Andes,
are spoken of in the beginning of the Historie.
THe bounds of the Councell resident in Quito, and
confining Northward with that of Panama, in the
Port of Bonaventura, and on the North-east with the
New Realme, and on the South with that of Lima ; hath
in length by the South coast, which is the place wher? it
lengthens most, about two hxmdred leagues from the Port
of Bonaventure, which is in the Gulfe of Panama, or of
Saint Michael, the Port of Payta in the coast of Pirn,
and from thence crosse to the uttermost of Popayan, more
then other two hundred and fiftie, the limits remayning
open on the East side: in it is included three Gov^n-
ments, besides those of the Councell, which are Popayan,
Quixos, la Canela,* and that of Juan de Salinas, of the
Pacamoros, and Gualsango, divided in two Bishopricks.
The Province and Government of Quito, which the
Councell governeth, hath in length eightie leagues, fit)m
neere the Equinoctiall to the other side, and m it these
Townes of Spaniards following. The heaven and earth
thereof, although it stands under the Equinoctiall, is like
to that of Castile, cleere and faire, rather cold then hot,
and in parts where the snow continueth all the yeere, it
rayneth from October to March, which they call the
winter ; and in the other moneths they cut their Grasse,
508
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
which though it be not long it is fit for the Cattell of
Castile, whereof there is great store; and of Wheat and
Barley, and gold in some places: and in this Region
they live pleasantly, for there is nothing more pleasant
for humane life, then to enjoy a wholesome and cleere
skie, for they have no Winter to trouble them with cold,
nor Summer to molest with heat. The Townes are, the
Citie of Saint Franciscus of Quito, where Athavalpa Athavalpaor
Emperour of Piru was borne, it stands in halfe a degree Atabariba.
of height from the Equinoctiall, and eightie two nrom
the Meridian of Toledo, by a greater circle one thousand
sixe hundred eightie sixe leagues from it, and sixtie from
the South Sea ; it is of five hundred housholds : In it is
resident the Councell for matters of Justice, for those
of the Government are at the Vice-roy his charge. There
are also in this Citie the Officers of the Kings Rents and
treasurie Royall, and the Cathedrall of this Bishopricke, [III. v. 888.]
SufFragane to the Archbishop of The Kings (los Reyes)
there are three Monasteries of Dominicke, Franciscan, and
Mercenarie * Friars : and in her jurisdiction eightie seven ♦Fmr/ de la
Townes, or parcialities of Indians. In the situation where ^^rcedyorour
this Citie was built, were certaine great lodgings which Q^l^f
the King Topayuga built, and his sonne Guayvacapa
beautified, and were called Quito, from whence the Citie
tooke the name : the President Sebastian of Belalca^ar, a
souldier of Don Franciscus Pi^arro built it, a loyall man
to the King, by order of the President Don James of
Almagro, which left him for Governour of the Province
when hee went unto it, having ended the agreement with
the President Don Peter of Alvarado.
The River Bamba in the Province of the Purvaes, is River Bamha.
a Countrie to Castile in the temperature, of herbes, flowres,
and other things: it is a towne of shepheards, it stands
five and twentie leagues to the South-west of Saint
Francisce of Quito, the way to the Kings, wherein are
fortie thousand head of cattell, the greatest part sheepe.
Here the Yugas had certaine Royall houses, and here
the President Belalcazar had a tedious battaile with the
509
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
went to the River to recover health, for the multitude
of the rootes of Zar9aparrilla that are in the River: it
is not very great, nor those that run to the South Sea are
so bigge as those that runne into the North Sea, because
they runne but a little way; but notwithstanding they
are strong and with sudden flouds, because they fall from
Hofotherivirs the Mountaine. The Indians doe use many shifts for
are passed in to passe them ; they have in some places a rope over it,
^^^** and a basket on it, and the passenger being put into it,
they pull him from the other side. In other Rivers the
Indian goeth riding on a trusse of straw, and carrieth
[III. V. 889.] the passenger behinde him: in other places they have a
great Net of gourds, upon the which they lay the cloathes
and the persons, and the Indians fastened with certaine
coardes goe swimming and pulling as coach-horses ; and
a thousand other artes they use for to passe the Rivers.
The Port of this Citie stands neere unto it, for the River
is very broad, whereby they bring up the merchandise
from the Sea, and they goe by land to Quito. The yeere
Castro. 1568. Captaine Contero planted the citie of Castro, in
the Valley of Vili, the Licentiate Lope Garcia of Castro
^^- beng Gk)vernour. Vili is in the Provinces of Bunigando,
Imdivono, and Gualapa, which they call the Province of
the Emeralds, and he went about it from Guayaquil, and
discovered all these Provinces from Passao unto the River
of Saint John, which entreth into the South Sea.
*0r old Port, The Citie of Puerto Viejo * is about eightie leagues
from Saint Francis of Quito to the West, though not of
open way, and other fiftie from Saint James of Guayaquil,
whereby yee goe from Quito : in her borders stands the
Passao, which is the first Port of the countrie of Pirn,
and from it, and from the River of Saint James, began
the government of the Marques Don Franciscus Pifarro :
and because this coimtrie is so neighbour to the Equi-
noctiall line, that it stands in one degree ; some beleeve it
is unwholsome, but in other parts as neere the Line men
live with much health, plentie and abundance of all things
for the sustenance of man, against the opinion of the
5"
ANTONIO DE H£RB£RA a.d.
1601.
ancient: and so it is that the Indians of this countrie
doe not live long, and in many of them there breede
certaine red warts in the foreheads and noses, and other
parts, which beside the disease being grievous, it dis-
figureth them very much, and it is beleeved that it
proceedeth of eating some fish. In these bounds stands
the towne of Manta, whither great riches have beene Manta.
brought from within the Land ; and it is held for certaine,
that here is a Myne of Emenilds, which are the best of
the Indies, and they grow in a stone like Cristall, and How the
they making like a veine, and by little and little congealing ^^ralds do
and refining themselves, and of halfe white and halfe ^^^^'
greene, they goe ripening and recovering their perfection.
The Captaine Franciscus Pacheco peopled this citie 1535.
by order of Don James de Almagro : it hath many Indians
in warre : there is in it a Monasterie of Mercenarie Friars,
they gather no Wheat, for it rayneth the eight moneths
in the yeere from October forward, and there are many
good showes of gold.
In the coast of this Government are the Ports, Hands, Poru y
and Points following. The ^ Aucon of ^ Sar dinas, before ^^^ ^/^
the Bay of Saint James, which is fifteene leagues from the ^^^J^
Point of Manglares to the South, and then the Bay of ^rNooh.
Saint Matthew, and after the Cape of Saint Francis ; and "^Or Pikhers.
past it Quiximies, foure Rivers before Portete,^ where the
blacke Moores that saved themselves of a ship that was J t^ume of
cast away, joyned with the Indians, and have made a hkch Moores.
towne ; the Passao, a Point or Port of Indians, where they
^ay the Equinoctiall line passeth, neere the Mountaine of
Queaque, and the Bay of Carta which is before old Port,
one degree from the Equinoctiall to the South, and five
leagues from thence the Cape of Saint Laurence, and neere
irom thence the Hand of Plate, and forward the Ports of
Callo, and Calango, before the Point of Saint Helen, in
two degrees hight ; the River of Tumbez in foure degrees,
and the Hand of the Puna neere unto it, and the Hand
of Sancta Clara somewhat more to the Sea, and Cabo bianco
:fifteene leagues from Tumbez to the South, and then the
XIV 513 aK
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
•OrwJdte Point of Parina, and to the South the Iland of ^Lobos^
Cafi. fbure leagues from the Port of Payta abovesaid, and k
'Or umhes. silla, before the Point del Aguia, and the Port of Tangora.
The GioHts of The men of this countrie say, that in old time diere
tki Point of came by Sea in Balsas (which are many pieces of timber
Santa Heliud. fj^g^^jig^ one Upon another) men so bigge that had as
much from the knee downward, as an ordinarie man in
all his body, and that thev made certaine Wells most deepe
in a quicke Rocke, which at this day are seene very fresh
and cold in the Point of Saint Helen, and that because
that they used most abominable sinnes, fire fell from heaven
and consumed them all, and now are found in that situation
exceeding great bones of men, and pieces of teeth of
fburteene ounces weight, and in New Spaine in the bounds
of Tlascala, are bones foimd of the like bignesse. There
are in this Point of Saint Helen, eyes and veine of Tarre,.
so perfect that they might calke with it, and it commeth
out very hot.
Chap. 18. nnHe government of Popayan one hundred and twentie
OfP^ayon, A leaguds North and South, from the confines of the
r**^' Province of Quito, imder the Equinoctiall unto the con-
Pasamiros ^^^^ ^^ Cartagena by the North, and another one hundred
ondGuai' ^^ the confines of new Realme by the East unto the
songp^ tohkk South Sea, wherein are some Spanish townes, part of the
"^ZklJ^^f Councell of Quito, and part of the new Realme. The
theConnceUof ^^^^^*^ ^'i^^'TTA ^"^5 T^ very raynie, and therefore
Quito. *^y l^ve uttle Millet, and lesse Wheat, and no store ot
Cattell, but it is rich of Mynes of gold, and the Townes
are these following.
The Citie of The citie of Popayan stands in two de»ees and a halfe
Popayan. to the Septentrionall part of the Equinoctiall, and 78. and
a halfisL or Idngitude, one thousand five hundred and eightie
leagues from Toledo : in it is resident a Liefrenant Gover-
nour, the Cathedrall, and one Monasterie of Mercenarie
Friars. The President Sebastian of Belalcazar peoj^ed
this dtie 1537. the people of these Provinces are hirrc
dilflFereat from that of Piru, for these are of greater under-
514
ANTONIO DE HEKRERA a.d.
1601.
standing, and lived in more policie: the men of this
government lived as in liberties. It was called Poj)ayan,
of the name of the Cazique Lord of it : it hath part in the [III. t. 890.]
coast of the South Sea, and high Mountaines that goe
Eastward: and on another side the Row of the Andes,
and on both sides spring many Rivers, and the River of
the Magdalene is one, which runneth into the North Sea :
in this government are many coole and wholesome townes,
and others hot and sickly.
The Citie of Call stands in foure degrees, and two and Can.
twentie leagues fix)m Popayan, and eight and twentie from
the South Sea, it was inhabited 1537. by the Captaine
Michael Munioz; and Sebastian of Belalcazar made it
first in the townes which are called the *Gorroves; it *Orgre^
hath the seate in a plaine Valley, leaning to the foot of a C^^s.
Hill, the temper is hot, the Governour, the Officers, and
the Kings treasure are resident in it ; a melting house, a
Monasterie of Mercenaries, another of Augustme Friars.
The Port of Bonaventure falleth in his jurisdiction in
three degrees and a halfe of altitude: in it are some
housholds resident for to receive the merchandize. The
Indians of Cali are of a good condition, and good
Christians, their old Lord was called Lisupete. The
village of Saint F^ of Antiochia, is more then an hundred AnHtekU.
leagues from Popayan to the north-east, in the borders
of the River Giuca, of the bounds of the Councell of
the New Realme, and Bishopricke of Popajran, rich in
Mynes of gold, neere to the Hill of Buritaca famous for
the much gold that was in it: it is seated in certaine
Plaines. Ine coimtrie people are ^poA fblkes, well made
and white, and the temperatiu^ is such that they goe
to sleepe on the houses, without any offence of the deaw :
they breede much Gittell, many fruits, and fish in the
Rivers and Plashes: the Guptaine Caspar of Rhodes
inhabited it by commission or the President Belalcazar,
theyecre 1541.
Tlie Villi^ of Caramanta is sixtie or seventie leagues Caramanu.
from Popayan to the North-cast, necrc to the great River
AD. PURCHAS HIS P1L6RIMES
1601.
Giuca, of the bounds of the New Reakne^ govcmmcat
and Bishopricke of Popayan, plentif\ill of Millet and other
scedes, without Wheat, and with little Cattell, though
they have many Swine, they goe by the River in five or
sixe houres to Antiochia, though it bee fiftie leagues;
for it runneth very swift: it is the plantation of the
President Beklcazar. The village of Saint James of
Arma. Arma, which hath many Mynes of gold, is fiftie lesu^es
fi-om Popayan to the North-east, dSdining to the East,
it is of the Coimcell of the new Reahne, the government
and Diocesse of Popayan; without Wheat or seedes of
Castile, but plentifim of the countrie seedes. The Presi-
dent Belalcazar inhabited this village, and here hee
beheaded the Marshall George Robledo. It stands
sixteene leagues fi-om Ancerma : the people of the countrie
Canibah, are SO butcherly that the quicke are the sepulchre of the
InhumamHiof dead, for it hath beene seene the husband to eate the
/t ^b^^ ^ ^^^ ^^ brother the brother or sister, the sonne the &ther,
Arma, ^^ ^^'^ having fatned any captive, the day that they are to
eate him, they bring him forth with many songs, and the
Lord commandeth that an Indian doe goe cutting ofF
every member, and so alive they goe eating him, and
after the inhabiting of Arma they mive eaten more then
eight thousand Indians, and some Spaniards have also
suffered this martyrdome.
Ancerma. The village of Saint Anne of Ancerma is fiftie leagues
fix>m Popayan to the North-east, in the border of Cauca,
of the Councell of the new Kingdome, government and
Bishopricke of Popayan, without Cattell or Wheat, very
much annoyed with thimder-bolts : the Captaine George
Robledo built it by order of Laurence of iUdana. Like-
wise the men of this countrie are eaters of humane flesh ;
they goe naked, they have no Idols, nor any thing to
worship: there are in this jurisdiction good Mynes of
gold; the climate is hot, and many thunder-bolts doe
Carta^, rail. The citie of Gutago, five and twentie leagues fix>m
Popayan about the Norui-east, is of the Councell of the
New Realme, Government and Bishoprick of Popayan,
S16
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
i6oi».
without Wheat or any seedes of Castile : it is a temperate
and wholesome coimtrie, of little gold, it rayneth much,
they breede no other cattell but Kine, and Mares : they
have many Moimtaines, in the which breede many Lions,
Tigres, Beares, and *Dantas, and wilde Boares: they *0r Bt^s.
have a Monasterie of Franciscan Friars: the Captaine
George Robledo inhabited it, and it was called Gutaga,
because all the inhabiters were of Gutagena. The village
of Timana is fortie leagues from Popayan to the South- TmsM,
east, and sixtie from Santa F^ of Bogota, and thirtie from
the Provinces of Dorado; here is a Lieftenant of the
Govemour, which also hath at his charge Saint Sebastian
de la Plata: the Indians of their borders doe decay, for
they are so inhumane that in many places they have Inkumam^tf
Eublike shambles of men which they take captive. They ^^^ IndUm.
ave their seate in the beginning or the Valley of Neyva,
the temper is most hot : m their bounds is a Mountaine
where they digge the Load-stone, and the Indian Paezes fVhere the
are neere, and the Pixaos, which also are *Caribes. Load-smeis
The Citie of Guadalajara of Buga, is fifteene leases •^^" ^
from Popayan to the North-east, is of the bounds or the hJnJufiesk,
Coimcell of Quito, and Diocesse of Popayan. The Citie Btqin,
of Saint Sebastian of the Plate, in the confines of this Saint Sebas-
Govemment is thirtie five leagues from Popayan, and tianoftke
thirtie to the South-west from Santa Fe, Diocesse of ^^'
Popayan, wh«*e are many Mynes of silver, and in her
borders twentie foure repartitions : it is three leagues from
the Port of Onda, in the great River of Magdakn, where
those that come up from Gutagena doe land : it is built
in a Plaine, neere to the River Guala: there are manv
Earthquakes, and in Winter it is more hot then cola.
The Countrymen goe to decay, because the ^ Caribes which ""OrCaniMs.
they call del Rincon do eate them and have publike
shambles of them, without any remedie fi^r it: and the
President Belalcazar built this Citie. The Citie of ["I- v. 891.]
Almaguo* is twentie learaes from Popayan to the South- J/mgnir.
east; it is plentiful! of Wheate ana Millet, and other
seeds, and cattle, and it hath Gold: the Captaine Alonso .
S'7
A.D.
i6oi.
9f Rendncia.
TruxUk.
Agrtda.
Saint J§iM de
Reliffim,
WUitki
JStnus artf
Mdwiert$f
tkij pncadi.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
of Fuenmayor, by order of the Licentiate Brizenyo Govcr-
nour, and ** Judge of Accounts, of Popazan peopled it,
being seated in a Hill of Zabana, and the climate is fresh,
and the people doe weare Cotton-doth.
S. John of Truxillo, and by another name Yscauce is
thirtic leases from Popayan to the South-east. The
Citie of Madrigall, or Chapanchica, thirtie five from
Popayan about £e South, a rough Countrey, where they
neither reape Wheate, nor breed cattell, though they gather
Millet twice a yeerc in their jurisdiction : and for the
roughnesse of the Coxmtrey, the men are evill to padfie,
and in this Citie, and in the Citie of Agreda, and
Almaguo*, are Mynes of Gold. Agreda, and oy another
name Malga, stands fortie five leagues from Popayan to
the South-west. The Citie of Saint John of the Pasture,
so called because it is a Countrey of many Pastures, it
stands fifrie lea|;ues from Popayan, about the South-west,
and as many from Quito about the North-east, and in
one degree from the Equinoctiall Diocesse of Quito, in
a good soyle, of a good climate, and plentifuU of Millet,
and other provisions, with Mynes of Gold ; In her borders
are 24000. Indians of fee, which are not Caniballs, but
of evill visages, filthy, and simple: they had no Idols
in the time of their raganisme, they beleeved that after
death they shoxdd goe to live in more joyfiill places. The
River which they call Whoate, is betweene Pasta, and
Popayan, it is of a very delicate water, and passed this
River is the Mountayne whither Gon9alo Pi9arro did
follow the Vice-roy Blasco Nunyez Vela, and ixnto the
River Augasmayo, which is in this Province came the
King Guaynacara.
Beyond the River Caliente or hot River in a Moun-
tayne, is a firie mouth, that casteth store of smoake, and
it brake forth in andent times, as the Countreymen doe
say. The Philosophers being willing to declare what
these firie mouthes or £tnaes are, doe say, that as in the
Earth are places that have veitue to attract a vaporie
substance, and to convert it into water, whereof the coo-
S18
"k
ANTONIO DE HEBILBRA a,i>,
i6oi«
tinuall springs are made: there are also pkces that doe
attract to themselves dry and hote exhalations, which
are converted into fire and smoake, and with the force
of them thev cast also another grosse substance which
is dissolved mto ashes, or into stones, and these are the
£erie mouthes. Saint John de Pasto hath Monasteries
of Dominicke, Franciscan, and Mercenarie Friers: it is
a cold Countrey, with abundance of victiials, it hath
Sugar Mils, and many Fruites of the Countrey and of
Castile : when the Captaine Lawrence of Aldona built it,
hee called it • Villa viciosa de Pasto, it stands fortie leagues ''Ortheranke
-from the South Sea, towards the Iland Gorgova. VUkge $f
There hath beene disinhabited, or diminished in this ^^'^^'•
Province, the Citie of Antiochia, the Village of Neyva in Neyva.
the Valley of Neyva, twentie leagues from Timiava, and
it was through the rigour of the Indian Paezes, and Pixaos,
and for the Manipos, in the Valley of Saldavya, and the
Citie of Saint Vincent of the Paezes, sixtie leagues from Saint Vincent.
Saint John of the Plaines, in the confines of Popayan,
which Domingos Lozavo built, and the Citie of los
Angelos, twentie two leagues from Tocayma, and nine The AngeL
from Neyva. There is in the Coast which this govern- Rivm^Cafis,
ment extendeth on the South Sea, from the Cape of *^ ^^^ rf
Corrientes, that stands in five degrees Septentrional! from ^^ ^^' ^
the Line, the River of Soliims, betweene the Cape of mUT^^'
Corrientes and the Iland of the Palmes in fbure degrees
one third part, and in the Coast that lyeth unto Gorgova,
the River of Saint John among many other which make
the Countrey boggie, and right against the mouth, the
Iland of Gorgova, two leagues compasse, wh«*e Don
Franciscus Pi^arro was forsaken of all his men, with his
thirteene companions. The River of Saint Lucar, and
the River of Nicardo, before the River of 'Zedros, in ^Orddars,
two degrees from the Line, in which stands the He del
Gallo, and after the Port of the Crosse, and the point of
Manfflares, where beginneth the Coast of Quito.
Of the government of the Quixos, and Canek, there
28 no more notice, but that it rails to the East of the
5>9
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
i6oi.
Province of Quito, and part of the South, toward the
government of John of Salinas; there are in it three
Spanish Townes, with a Govemour which the Vice-roy
of Piru provideth, and in spirituail respect it is of the
Bishopridce of Quito : the Countrey is rough and Moun-
taynous, without Wheate, and little Millet, with certayne
Trees which seeme of Cinamon. The first Towne is
Baefa eighteene leagues from Saint Francis of Juito,
toward the South-east, where the Governour is Resident :
the Citie of Archidova is twentie leagues beyond Bae^a :
the Citie of Avila stands to the North of Archidova.
PMamtnsmid The government and Province of Pacamoros and
GuslmgB. Gualsango, or of John of Salinas whose bounds and limits
are one hundred leagues, which were assigned him to
the East, from twentie leagues before the Citie of Zlamora,
in the Rowe of the Andes, and as many more North and
South. It is a good Countrey in temper and disposition
for Wheate, seeds, and cattle, of rich Mynes of Gold
where they have pieces of great bignesse: there are
in it foure Townes of the Bishopricke of Quito, for
the Captaine John of Salinas did build them. The
Citie of Valladolid is in seven degrees height, twentie
leagues from Loxa to the South-east, having past the
Rowe of Piru, the Citie of Loyola, or Cumbruania is
sixteene leagues to the East from Valladolid: the Citie
of Saint James of the Mountaynes, fiftie leagues from
Loyola, toward the East, and in her borders much gold,
and very high in touch, and as touching the gold we
[III. V. 892.] need not intreat of his excellencies, being houlen foe
the Supreame power in the World. It is gotten in these
In how many Mynes in three manners : The first is in JPippens, which
^^tm^ are whole pieces without mixture of any oUier Metall,
^n^iru,and ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ purified by fire, and these graines
•tkirphuii. conunonly are like a Pompeon Seed, and sometimes
l^^g^ ' of this g(^ is found but litle, in respect of the
rest. The second sort is in stone, which is a vaine that
^[Toweth in the stone it selfe, and these stones are fbimd
in the government of John of Salinas very great, all
520
ANTONIO DB HERRERA ad.
1601.
passed through with gold, and some which are halfe Gold,
the which is found in Pits and Mynes, and it is hard to
workc. The third, is gotten in powder, and is the greatest
quantitie, and this is found in Rivers, or in places where
some streame of water hath passed, and the Rivers of
these Indies have many, especially in the Kingdoms of
Chile, Quito, New Realme of Granada, and in the
b^inning of the Discoveries, there were many in the
* Weather Hands. The highest in touch is that of ^Barkvento,
Carabaya in the Piru, and that of Valdivia in Chile, for
it reacheth to twentie three Charracts and an halfe, and
yet it passeth.
THat which is called Piru, is proper and particularly ^{^n^^\
the bounds of the Councell ot los Reyes, and is ^{rA^k^eof
comprehended North and South, from sixe unto seven TheKhgs^w
Southerne degrees of altitude, which are two hundred los Reyes,
and twentie leagues, though in Voyage they put three ^^»^^^\
hundred from the jpoint del Aguia, beyond Payta, whereby ^r^^wtin
it joyneth with the Councell of Quito, till passing the the Playnes of
Citie and Port of Arequipa, where beginneth the Councell Piru.
of the Charcas, East and West. The inhabited part of ^ Some are of
this Councell hath about one himdred leagues from the ^*^^^^^
Coast of the South Sea toward the East, whereby her trees are
bounds rems^ne open unto the Provinces of the River of nourished by
Plate, and ot BrasiU, that which is from the Rowe, where, vapours: yea
as hath beene said, it nnrneth continually, unto the Sea, ^^^ r^
they call the Plaines or Piru, in the which it neither Y^'^^J^
rayneth nor thundreth, because the great height of the RvingCrea-
Moimtain doth shelter the Plaines in such sort, that it ^res. SoGeu.
permitteth no wind from the Earth to blow, whereby the *• ^J^^ j*
Sea wind reigneth, which having no contrary doth not xJ^smtneas
represse the vapours that doe arise to make raine, in sort Head of the
that the shelter of the Hill hindereth the thickning of Worlds the
the vapours : and this want of matter causeth that in that HartasSmme
Coast the vapours are so thinne, that they make no more J^^^^'
then a moyst or dankish mist, which is profitable for nomishmeut
their sowings, which have not without the ^ nust so much hy vapours.
i6oi.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Mirajknt.
many Vines and fruits of Castile, and Wheat: it is all
watered ground, and a wholesome Countrie, and there bee
g^ieat Orchards of Oranges, and breeding of Poultrie. It
stands in seven degrees and a halfe, eigntie leagues from
Lima neere the Sea, with Monasteries of Saint Dominicke,
Saint Francis, and Saint Augustine, and another of the
Mercenaries, and Officers Royall, provided by the Vice-
roy: and in her bounds about fifrie thousand tributarie
Indians, in two and fortie repartitions. The Port is two
leagues off in an open Bay, evill, and of little securitie.
The Village of Miraflores is in the Valley of Zava, ninetie
five leagues from the Citie of The Kings to the North
Chaehaptjds, side, and neere to the Sea. The Citie of Chachapoyas,
or &unt John of the Frontier, is about one hundral and
twentie leagues from the Citie of The Kings to the North-
east, it hath one Monasterie of the ^lercenaries, and
another of the Franciscans: in her bounds arc Wheat,
Millet, and Flaxe, many Mynes of gold, and more then
twentie thousand tributarie Indians, which held out
valorously a long time against the Ingas, but in the end
they were over-come, and for jgreater quietnesse of the
Countrie they carried many of them unto Cuzco, and
they inhabited in a Hill which is called Carmenga. These
Fdrelndimu. are the whitest and best favoured Indians of all the Indies,
and the Women very fairc. The Marshall Alfonsus of
Alvarado, entred in this Province the yeere 1536. by
order of the Marques Don Francisco Pifarro, and pacified
it, and built the said Citie in a strong situation called
Levanto, and afterward he passed to the Province of die
Guancas.
Smmt James rf The Citie of Saint James of the Valleys, or Moyobamba,
tke Faikys. more then one hundred leagues from The Kin£;s North-
eastward, and five and twentie from Saint John of the
Frontier, stands in a very raynie soile, Mid plentiful! of
Cattell. The Citie of Lion of the Guanuco, nflie leagues
from the Cite of The Kings to the North, neere the high-
way of the Ingas, somwhat distant towards the East, hath
Monasteries of Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercen*
Lion of
GtUttUlC§m
ANTONIO DE HEKHERA a,d.
1601.
aries, and in her bounds thirtie thousand tributarie
Indians. Anno 1539. for the wane that the Tyrant
YUotopa made to this Province, the Marques Don
Franciscus Pifarro sent Captaine Gomez of Alvarado
which built it, and afterward it was disinhabited, and
Peter Barroso reedified it, and after the battell of Chupas
the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, sent Captaine Pedro de
Puelles to make an end of the plantation. It stands in
a good and wholesome situation, abundant of victuals
and Cattell : it hath Mynes of silver, and the people is
of good capacitie. They reape much Wheat, for the
Indians have learned to be good husbandmen: for as
before in these Indies there was no Wheat, nor Barley,
nor Millet, nor Panick, nor any seede of the bread of
Castile of Europe, and they knew other kindes of Graine
and Rootes, only of the which Mayz or Millet was the
principall, bein^ found in all the Indies ; the Countrimen
have since dekghted much in it, and have received it
well in those places where it is gathered, because the QuaTtAisof
Mayz is not so strong nor of so much substance as the ^ Milkt.
Wheat: it is fatter, and hot, and engendreth bloud, it
g[roweth in Canes, and beareth one or two bunches, and
some Spaniards doe eate it where they have no other
shift.
The Citie of Guamanga, or Saint Juan of the Victorie, Guamanga.
sixtie leagues from Lima to the South-east, in the way
of the Ingas, Bishoprick of Cuzco, hath Monasteries of
Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercenaries, and one of
Nunnes, and in her bounds more then thirtie thousand
tributarie Indians : it is plentifuU of Wheate and Wine,
and rich of silver Mynes. The Marques Don Franciscus
Pi^arro built this Citie 1539. and placed it the first time
in a towne of Indians called Guamanga, neere to the great
Row of the Andes, and left for his Lieftenant the Captaine
Francisco de Cardenyas. Afterward it was removed to
the Playne where now it is, neere to certaine small HiUs
on the South side, and nigh to a Brooke of good water.
In this Citie are the best houses in Piru, of stone and
5^5
AD. FURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
1601.
and multiplieth every day; it hath store of Cattell of
all sorts.
Tke Lake jhe Lake of Titicaca compasseth eightie leagues, and
Ttticaca. j^^ some places it hath eightie fitthom deepe, and in this,
and in the waves are raysed when there is any winde, so
that it seemeth as a Bay of the Sea, from which it stamds
about sixtie lesu^xies, twelve or thirteene Rivers enter into
it, and many Brookes, and from it goeth a River into
another Lake, which they call the Aiil^^as, which hath no
voyding place, though because some Eyes of water have
beene seene that under ground goe into the Sea, it is
judged that it might bee the water of these Lakes did
goe, opening a way throiigh the entrailes of the Earth unto
the S^. Round about the great Lake are many Townes,
and in it great Hands, with great Tillage in them, and
there were the Indians wont to keepe their most precious
things for greater securitie.
Cmzco. The great Citie of Cuzco, Seate Royall of the Ingas,
and Head of their Empire (and now of the Kingdomes
of Piru, by a Title which it nath of it from the Kings of
Castile and Lion) stands in thirteene degrees and a lialfe
height, seventie eight of longitude, one himdred and five
and twentie leagues from the Citie of The Kings to the
South-east, of more then one thousand Spanish housholds;
the Marques Don Franciscus Pi9arro founded it. It hath
eight Parishes, and foure Monasteries of the foure Orders,
of Saint Dominicke, Saint Francis, Saint Augustine, the
Mercenaries, and the Companie of Jesus, and one of
Nunnes. Heere is resident the Cathedrall, Suffragane to
the Archbishopricke of The Kings. There goe from this
Citie since the time of the Ingas from the Market place
Foure Hgk foure high wayes towards the foure parts of the world ;
^LT^ one called Chinchasuyo to the North, toward the Playncs
and Provinces of Quito : another Condesuyo, to the West
toward the Sea : the third called CoUaosuyo, to the South
and Chile: and the fourth to the East, which they call
Andesuyo, which goeth to the Andes and skirts of the
Mountaine. It stands in a soile of a good temper, moder-
S»8
ANTONIO DE H&RIUBRA a^d.
i6oi«
ately fresh and healthful!, free from all venemous wonnes, Ne venmous
and plentifuU of all things, with a thousand kindes of ^^w-*'/.
fruits of Castile, and smelling herbes and flowres at all
times which are of great delight. In her jurisdiction is
the Valley of Toyma : there is great trafficke of Coca, and
showes of Gold, Silver, and Quick-silver ; and there may
bee in her borders about an hundred thousand tributarie
Indians. In all the parts of these Indies the Indians have
a great delight in carrying ordinarily in the mouth Rootes,
Boughes, or Herbes, and that which they most use in all
Piru, is the Coca, for as they say, they fi^le little hunger. Coca a tra.
and finde themselves with great vigour chewing it alwaies, [in. y. 895.]
though it rather seemeth a custome inherited, or a vice.
This is planted, and j^oweth to small trees, which are culti-
vated and cherished, and yeeld a leafe like mjn^tle, and
dried they carry it in baskets to sell, and much mony is
gotten by it.
In the VaUey of Vilcabamba, stands Saint Francis of the Smut Francis
victorie in Andesuyo, between the Row of the Andes, oftkevkfrie.
about twentie leagues from Cuzco to the East side, with
a Govemour provided by the Vice-roy: it is of the
Bishopricke of Cuzco, in a rough ground, and of great
Mountaines.
The village of Saint John del Oro, is in the Province Smut John of
of Carabaya eightie leagues from Cuzco to the East South- ^ ^«^-
east, and thirtie to the j£ast from the Lake of Collao, and
it is called del Oro, of the Gold, for the great store that is
in her borders. The Citie of Arequipa is in sixteen Areqmpa.
degrees somewhat more, one hundred and thirtie league
irom the Citie of The Kings, almost to the South-east as
the Coast runneth, and sixtie from the Citie of Cuzco, of
the Bishopricke of Cuzco: it hath Monasteries of
Dominicks, Franciscans, and Mercenaries; it hath fiftie
thousand tributarie Indians, and is of most pleasant
temperature to live in of all places in Piru. They gather
in her borders great store of Wine, and Wheat. The
Port is at the entrie of the River Chile, which passeth neere
the Citie where the merchandize is unladen.
XIV Sa$ 2 L
t6oi.
Esrtk-fiUihj
in tki InMis
vitj ttrrikU
md strmgf.
FrwHwkiMci
tki earth-
quakis doe
froceedi.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Arequipa stands in the Vallejr of Qjiilca, fourteenc
kagiies m>m the Sea. In her lunsdiction is the Province
of Condesufo, the Townes ot the Hubinas, GoUaguas,
Chiqiai^uaniU, and Quimistaca ; the Marques Don Fran-
cisco Pi^arro built it 1534- it is very subject to earth-
auakes as all these Indies, especially the Sea coasts. In
ie yeere 1582. there was an earth-quake that almost
ruinated this Citie, and since there hath beene another, and
a breaking out of a fierie mouth, whereof they tell stran£;e
things, in the yeere 1586. There was another in the
Citie of the Kings the ninth of July, which ran one
hundred and seventie leagues in length by the Sea side»
and fiftie within the Land ; it spoyled the Citie, indangered
few people, because they went out into the fields, and a
little after the earth-quake was past, the Sea went out of
her boimds, and entred a great way within the Land
fourteene fathom deepe. Such another earth-quake was
in Quito the next yeere, in the Citie of la Paz in the yeere
1 58 1 . a great high Rocke fell which tooke under it a great
many Indian witch trees, and the earth which fell did run
one league and a halfe. In Chile was another great earth-
quake uiat over-threw Mountaines and Valleyes, stopped
the Current of the Rivers, brought the Sea out of her
limits the space of some leagues, cast downe whole
Townes, and slue many men. The Philosophers say that
the earth-quake proceedeth from the heate of the Sunne,
and of other celestiall Bodies, which not onely doe draw
the exhalation to themselves, and the vapour of the super-
ficies of the earth, but that also which is in the bowels of
it, which comming out engendreth windes and raynest
and if it happen that the earth is so close that the exhalation
cannot come out any way, then it mooveth from one part
to another through the pores of the earth, with great
violence breaking forth, as the powder in a Myne, tearing
with such a furious rage, that it renteth the earth where it
is, and openefh it selfe a way with great furie, and so much
furious it is, how much more the exhalation inclosed is
greater.
S30
ANTONIO D£ HERRERA a^d.
i6oi«
The Village of Saint Michael de la Ribera is sixe leagues Saint Michaa
from the Sea, in the Valley of Camana, one hundred and ^/^ ^*^'"-
thirteene leagues from The Kings, two and twentie from
Arequipa to the part of the Equinoctiall, of the Bishop-
ricke of Cuzco. The Village of Valverde in the Valley Vahtrdi.
of Yea, five and thirtie leagues from the Citie of The
Kings, ten from the Port of Sauealla, is of the Jurisdiction
of The Kings, and of the Ardmishowicke ; her borders
are plentiful! of Wheat, Millet, and Fruits, and of much
Wine-
The Village of Cavyete, or of Guarco, by the Valley Guam.
where it stands, is distant from The Kings five and twentie
leagues to the South, one league and a mlfe from the Sea :
her bounds are plentifull of bread the best of this King-
dome, whence is carried great quantitie of meale to Terra
firme. Before the commmg to this Valley, are the Valleys
of Chilca, and Mala ; in the first it never rayneth, neither
passeth any Fountaine nor Brooke through it, and they
orinke of the Wells, and it is full of arable groimds, and
fruits, which grow onely by the deaw of the Heaven. FerARAe
They catch many Pilcherds in the Sea, and with every ^^^*^*
graine of Millet they put into the hole where it is sowen
one or two of the heads, and with that moysture it groweth
well. In the Valley of Mala, Don James of Almagro, and
Don Franciscus Pi9arro being in quarrell, the father Bova-
dilla of the Merced or Mercenarie Order, as an Arbitrator
resolved their difiFerences ; through this Valley passeth a
great River, which doth them great pleasure. Five
teagues forward is the River of Guarco in a Valley most
pkntifull in all things, where the Countrimen maintayned
the warre foure yeeres against the Ingas, and to preserve it
they caused to build a Citie, and called it Cuzco, and
erected for the triumph of the victorie a s;reat Fortresse
on a Hill, that the waves of the Sea doe beate upon the
stayres. Sixe leagues from Guarco is the Valley of
Chincha, famous, pleasant, and very plentifull, where a
Monasterie of Dominicke Friars was built in stead of the
Temple of the Sunne which the Indians had, with the
S3I
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
1601.
M onasterie of the Virgins. Then fblloweth the Valley
of Yea, which is no lesse plentiful!, goin^ out of the
Valleys, and Rivers of Nasca, and the prindpall is called
Caxamalca, where excellent Wines are made. They goe
Oesmkt. from these Valleys to that of Hacari, where stands Ocanna,
Camana, and C^iilca, which is the Port of the Citie of
Arequipa, and forward are the Valleys of Chuli, and
[Ill.y. 896.] Tamoopalla, and the Deylo, and them of Tarapaca, Rivers
and plentifoU, with good Mynes of silver, and necre the
Sea: the Indians of the Hands of The Scales doe carry
great store of Fowles dun^ for their grounds, wherewith
of a barren, they make a plentifuU ground.
Potjt^ C^sy There are in the coast of this Q)\mcel from the Point
^uB(Mau[ del Aguia, of the Needle, where it joyneth with that of
rftki Comuel Quito, in sixe degrees of Southeme altitude, the Hands and
rfTke Khp. Ports following ; two Hands which they call de Lobos in
seven degrees, the one foure leagues from the Coast, and
the other more to the Sea ; and forward another called of
Saint Rooke to the South-east, ne^e to Pazcamavo, and
forward Puerto de Mai Abrigo, ten leag[ues before the
Port of Truxilk), in seven degrees and a halfe, and seven
leagues from the Port of Guanape ; and of Sancta in nine
degrees, and five leagues from this to the South, Porte
Ferrol; and sixe from it that of Cazma; and afterward
eight leagues the Port of Guarmey at the mouth of a
River; and the Barranca twentie leagues to the South;
and the Port of Gaura where is a very great Salt pit ; and
after this the Hand of Lima, at the entrie of the Port of
CoUao; and twentie leagues to the South the Point of
Guarco, and one Hand de Lobos Marinos, or Seale fishes
neere to it, and the Point of Chica in fifteene degrees, and
neere to the Nasca; and forward the Point of Saint
Laurence, in the Valley of Quika, and neere the River of
Arequipa, and the Creeke of Chxilien ; and afterward the
River of Nombre de Dios, where the limits doe joyne by
the Coast of the Counsels of The Kings, and of Charcas.
53a
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a,d,
1601.
THe bounds of the Counsell of Charcas (which parteth C^^. 21.
Kmits with that of The Kings, stands in twentie OftheBomds
degrees and a halfe of Southerne altitude, by the River of f/^J^jf
Nombre de Dios, and the beginning of the Lake of CoUao) fj^ pj^^ ^
hath in length three hundr^ leagues unto the Valley of ofClmrcas.
Copiapo, beginning of the Province of Chile in eight and
twentie degrees of height, though in voyage they are
reckoned neere foure hundred leagues East and West, that
which is betweene of the South Sea unto the North Sea,
or South which answereth to the Provinces of the River of
Plate, which though it is not altogether discovered, it is
understood that bv placing all the Countrie of this
Cotmsell in much altitude, it is more cold then hot.
The Government of this Counsell, is at the chaige of
the Vice-roy of Piru, as that of the Counsell of Qiito,
and of The Kings : there are two Governours, and two
Bishopricks, that of Charcas and Tucuman. The Pro-
vince of the Charcas (which conunonly is named that which
is from the bounds or the Counsell of The Kings, till they
passe Potosi^ hath in length North and South about one
htmdred and fiftie leagues, and as many East and West ;
a Cotmtrie not very plentifuU, though abundant of Cattell,
especially in CoUao, that is from the Lake of Titicaca imto
Charcas, where the Winter and Summer are contrarie to
Europe : it is a plentifuU Countrie of all Cattell, especially
of sheepe, which are many, and of a very fine wooll.
In this Province are foure Townes of Spaniards of one
Bishopricke, which are the Citie of the Plate, which the
Captame Peranzures inhabited, in the yeere 1583. by order
of the Marques Don Frandscus Pi^arro. It stands in
seventie two decrees of longitude from the Meridian of
Toledo, from whence it may be distant by a greater circle
one thousand seven htmdrra and eightie leagues, and in
nineteene degrees of latitude, one hundred seventie five
leagues itova Cuzco to the South, or Antartick Pole within
the Tropicks, in the uttermost of the Torrid 2^ne. There
are in the borders of this Citie in Chacaras (which are Hmdsd$$4k
manured grounds) eight hundred Spanish housholds. It grmg^pkt.
533
AD. PURCHA8 HIS PIL6RIMES
1601.
is a Coxmtrie extreme cold, whereas it should be temperate
or hot, according to the height of the Pole it staads ia :
the Counsel! and the Cathedrall is resident in this Citie>
and there are Monasteries of Dominicke, Franciscan,
Augustines, and Mercenarie Friars, and in her jurisdiction
sixtie thousand tributarie Indians, divided in nine and
twentie repartitions, and the seedes of Castile doe grow
well, and there are many rich mynes of silver.
Our Lady of The Citic of our Lady of the Peace, by another name
tki Peace. tiie New Towne, and Cnuquiabo, in the middest of the
Colko, one hundred leagues from Cuzco, and eightie fit>m
the Pkte, hath Monasteries of Franciscans, Augustines,
and Mercenaries, with store of Wines and CatteU. Cap-
taine Alfonsus of Mendo^a built it 1549. when was
President the Governour of Piru, the Licentiate Pedro de
la Gasca, afterward Bishop of Siguen^a. The Province of
CAumto. Chicuito in Collao, somewhat North-cast from the Pro-
vince of Plata, more then an hundred leagues from it,
inhabited by Indians, with a Spanish Governour, of the
Bishopricke of Charcas, and one Monasterie of Dominidcs,
bath much Cattell, and it stands at the border of Tiricaca.
Onpesa. Oropest, is a plantation of the Vice-coy Don Francisco de
Toledo, in the Valley of Cochabamba, twentie leagues
from the Citie of la Plata; their husbandrie is crops (A
Wheat, Millet, and CatteU.
P9t9n. The Imperiall Towne of Potosi is in nineteene degrees
of altitude, eighteene leagues from the Citie of the Plate,
and about eight from the Lake of the Aulagas to the East,
in the skirt of the Hill of Potosi, that looketh to the
North-east ; it hath five hiudred ho\isholds of Spaniards
which doe attend the mynes, and of Merchants, and about
50000. Indians of ordinarie goers and commers to the
trafftcke of the silver. And uough it be a Towne of it
selfe, it hath no Rukr, but that of the citie de k Plata.
There reside the Officers, and Royall treasiuie of this
Province, for the mynes of the Hill of Potosi, which a
Cattillane discovered 1545. called ViUarod, by meanes of
[III.VWB97.] certaine Indians; and it is called Potosi, because the
534
ANTONIO DE HERRERA aj>.
1601.
Indians doe so call Hills and high places ; and the silver
was so much that they ^ot at the beginning in the yeere
1549. every Satiirday, that when they cast it, there came
to the Kings fifts from five and twentie to thirtie thousand
Pesos. The Hill is flat and bare, their habitation drie and
cold, unpleasant, and altc^ther barren. It bringeth forth
no fruit, graine or herbe, and because of the silver it is the
greatest mhabiting of the Indies, which hath about two
leagues in circuit, and where all kinde of dainties are
found, and plentie, though brought thither by carriages.
The colour of the ground of the Hill draweth towards red,
darke. The forme is like a Sugar loafe, that ovar-peareth
all the other Hills that are neere it : the going up is rough,
and yet they goe up on horse-backe ; it extendeth a league,
and from his top to the foote is about a quarter of a lesLgue.
It hath on all sides rich veines of silver, from the top to
the foote, and the Port of Arica whereby the merchandize Jrua.
come, and the silver of this HiU is carried, is from it about
ninetie leagues, almost West.
Sixe leagues from the aforesaid Hill in the way of the
Port of Anca, is the Hill of Porco, an ancient seate of Porco.
Mynes of silver : whence it is affirmed the Ingas got the
greatest part of the silver that was in the Temple of the
Sunne of Curianche, whence yet is and will much silver be
gotten.
Santa Cruz de la Sierra stands one hundred leagues from TJieiofycm^
the Charcas to the East, in the way whereby they goe from ^/^^ HW.
the Charcas to the Assumption, in the Provinces of the
River of Plate, whitherto they make three hundred leagues
journey, with a Governour provided by the Vice-roy, of
the Diocesse of the Charcas, and one Monasterie of Met*
cenaries, in a Coimtrie scarce of water, though plentifuU ♦j'iij jf^ tie
of Wheat, Wine, and Millet. This Province hath neigh- after his
bourhood with many Nations of Infidell Indians, and many miraclesmany^
of them are ahreadie baptized, and the first that strooke a ^^fir
devotion in the Countrimen, was a Spanish Smddier,* that ^^^^'
was among them, fled for faults ; which for a great anguish p^^/'see
they were in for water made rficm a great Grosse, and ^r. 7.7.^.17.
535
Aa>.
i6oi.
Ports a
Points of tins
Comuill.
Los Faral-
bms.
PmstaBiasud,
Honda.
Province of
Tncaman,
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
perswaded them to worship with ^^eat devotion that same
Crosse, and to aske water ; and God for his mercy heard
them, and sent them much raine in the veere 1560. The
Captaine Nuflo of Chaves went out of the Citie of the
Ascention in the River of Plate, to discover, and conuning
to Sancta Cruz of the Hill, having made great discoveries^
the people came unto him, and seeming to him that hee
was neere to Piru, went to the Citie of The Kings, where
the Marques of Gavyete was Vice-roy, and with his order,
and for Lieftenant of his sonne Don Garcia of Mendofa,
the Captaine Nuflo of Chaves went againe to inhabit this
Citie, though he came out of the River of Plate, with
piupose to discover the Provinces of the Dorado.
In the Coast of this Councell, which b^inneth in seven-
teene degrees and a halfe in the River of Nombre de Dios^
or Tambopalla, is the Port of Hilo neere to a River, in
e^hteene degrees and a halfe, and more to the South, £1
Morro de los Diablos, and the Port of Arica in nineteene
degrees one third part, and that of Tacama in one and
twentie, and the Point of Tarapaca to the South, and
more forward the River of Pica, and that de la Hoja, or of
the Leafe, and of Montelo, the Port of Mexillones, and
more to the South the Point of the Beacones, or Mc»to
Moreno, before the Bay and River of Sancta Clara, and
more to the South the Breach, and the White pointy and
the Deepe breach, and the River of Sancta Clara, about
thirtie lea&^ues from the River of Copiapo, where the Coast
of Chile b^nneth, and the Coast of the Charcas endeth.
The Province and Government of Tucaman, is all Medi-
terrane; her bound begins from the Cotmtrie of die
Chichas, which are of the jurisdiction of the Imperiall
village of Potosi : it stands in the same Line of the Cide
of the Assumption of the River of Plate, about an hundred
leagues from the South Sea coast ; it doth confine with the
Province of Chile, it is a Cotmtrie of a good temper,
reasonably plendfull, and imtill now without Mynes of
silver, or gold. There is in it some Spanish Townes in
one Bishopricke, which are of the Cide of Saint lago del
53^
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
i6oi,
Estero, which at the beginning they named del Varcp, or Saint James of
of the Boate, in e^ht and twentie degrees of altitude, one ^ Monk.
hundred eightie five leagues from Potosi to the South,
dcxdining somewhat to the East : the Governour and the
Officers of the goods, and treasurie Royall, and the Bishop,
and the Cathec&all are resident here.
The Citie of Saint Marie of Talavera, is five and fortie Takvera.
leagues from Saint James to the North, and fortie from
Potosi in sixe and twentie degrees. The Citie of Saint SaintMUkaeL
Michael of Tucuman eight and twentie leagues from Saint
James to the West, in the way of the Charcas in seven and
twentie degrees. There were inhabited in this Govern-
ment in the time of Don Garcia of Mendo^a, his father
the Marques of Cavyete being Vice-roy, the New London, ^e^ Lontkn,
and Calcnaque, which they called ^New wisedome, in the ^Hi^-Nneva
Province or the Jurias, and Draguita, which afterward were ^^^^^^
dishabited within a few yeeres. The people of this Coimtrie
goeth clothed in woollen, and in wrought leather, made by
arte like the guilt or wrought leather of Spaine: they
breed much Cattell of the G>imtrie, by reason of the profit
of their wooU : they have the Townes very neere the one
to the other, and the Townes are small, because there is
but one kindred in every one, they are compassed rotmd , . ^^^^ ^
about with ^Gutiones, and thornie trees for the warres Thistle tUt
that they had among themselves. They are great husband- ^9wetk every
men, and it is a people that is not drunke, for they are not stemmefmre
given to drinke, as other Nations of the Indies. There ^^* T!^*
are in the Province seven mayne Rivers, and more then ^^Hl^^J!^
' % • Tk % /• i t t ^ ^^^^ ^ nurse
eightie Brookes of good waters, and great pastiu'es : the tacke^ and
Winter and the Sununer are at such times as in Spaine : taketk mmk
it is a healthfull Countrie and of a good temper, and the ir^^^fM
first that entred in it, were the Captaines Diego de Rojas, ^1^^/
Philip Gutterres, and Nicolas de Heredia; they dis- oneroote.
covered on this side the River of Plate unto the Fortresse [III.y. 898.]
of Gabota.
S37
A.D. PURCHA8 HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
Franciscan, and Mercenarie Friars, in a plentifull soile of
wheat, Wine, and other things, and of very rich Mynes of
gold, and in her jurisdiction more then eightie thousand
Indians in sixe and twentie repartitions. This Citie is
served of the Port of Valparayso at the mouth of the
River Topocalma, which passeth necrc tmto it.
The Serena. Captaine Valdinia peopled also la Serena in the yeere
1544. neere to a good Haven; it is the first Towne of
Spaniards, at the entrie of Chile sixtie leagues from the
Citie of Saint James, somewhat North-west neere to the
Sea in the Vsdley of Coquimbo, with Monasteries of
Rames seUm Franciscan, and Mercenarie Friars. It rayneth in it but
Minever. three or fourc times a yeere, and in the Countries before
it, it never rayneth. The Port which they call of
C9fmm6o. Coquimbo, stands in two and thirtie d^ees, it is a good
Nooke where the ships of Piru doe make a stay. In the
Province of Chucuito, which is on the other side of the
Rowe of the Andes, in a cold and barren Coimtrie, doe
Mendeza. stand the Citie of Mendo9a, and of Saint John of the
SmntJokn of Frontier ; for Don Garcia of Mendo9a peopled them both.
tAeFrtmuer. ^^^ ^j^^ ^f Mcndofa is of the same height with Saint
James, about fortie leagues from it, of a difficult way, for
the snow that is in the Andes. The Citie of Saint John
of the Frontier stands to the South of the Citie of
Mendo9a.
[III. V. 899.] In the Bishopricke of the Imperiall are seven Spanish
Townes, which are the Citie of the Conception in seven
and thirtie denees of height, seventie leagues to the Soudi
of the Citie of Saint James, neere to the Sea, Peter Valdinia
inhabited it in the yeere 1550. The Govemours are
resident in it, since the Councell (that was there from the
yeere 1567. unto 1574.) was taken away. There arc
Monasteries of Dominicans, Franciscans, and Mercenarie
Friars. The Port of this Citie stands in a nooke at the
shelter of an Iland. The Citie of the new village of los
New vUioffof Infantes, or los Confines ; Don Garcia of Mendofa peopled
the In/snts. {^^ jmj the Governour Villagran conunanded it to be called
de los Confines. It stands sixteene leagues from the Con*
S40
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.ix
1601.
ception to the side of the Streight, eight leagues from the
Row of the Andes, and foure from that which goeth along
the Coast. It hath one Monasterie of Dominicans,
another of Franciscan Friars. The warlike Indians come
to the boimds of this Citie, and the mayne River Biobio
by them, and others which doe enter into it, and the River
Ninequeten.
Peter of Valdinia peopled the Citie of the Imperiall T^ImfmaH.
1 55 1, which is in nine and thirtie degrees of height, nine
and thirtie leagues from the Conception toward the
Streights side, three leagues from the Sea, where the
Cathedrall is resident with one Monasterie of Franciscans,
another of Mercenarie Friars ; and in her bounds are more
then eightie thousand Indians, with many other that in her
bounds are in armes. The River Cauten passeth neere it,
which is navigable to the Sea, though the Haven bee not
good nor secure. Captaine Valdinia peopled also the
•Rich Village, sixteene leagues from Imperiall, about the *Jf^\
South-eastward, and about foure and fortie from the Con- ^^'
ception, neere to the Snowy Row,** with one Monasterie ^Con&lkra
ot Franciscans, another of Mercenaries, in a Countrey cold ^^^^•
and barren of Bread and Wine.
The Citie of Valdinia is two leagues off the Sea, and ValSma.
fiftie from the Conception to the Streight ward : peopled
also by Captaine Valdinia, with Monasteries of Domini-
cans, Franciscans, and Mercenaries, in a plentifull Coimtrie
of Wheat, and Seedes, and in place of good pastures for
Cattell, and without Vines. The merchandize comes up
by the River of Valdinia, which passeth neere it, and the
Port stands in the mouth of it in fortie degrees of height.
The Citie of Osomo, Don Garcia of Mendo9a peopled, Osmio.
sixtie leagues or more from the Conception to the port of
the Streieht, seven leagues from the Sea. It hath one
Monasterie of Dominicans, another of Franciscans, with
another of Ntmnes, in a cold Countrie, scarce of victuals,
but of much gold, and in her bounds two hundred
thousand Indians of repartition. The Citie of Castro,
which was inhabited by the Licenciate Lope Garcia de
541
A.D.
i6oi.
Sir Rukard
HdwJnMS,
S freight of
Magglkn,
[III. V. 901.]
TMs is not
true: fir Cap-
taine Winter
li otkershave
done it; which
howsoever he
calsFiratSyjet
they have
better des-
covered tiuse
Strmgkts then
the Spaniards,
PURCHAS HIS PILORIMES
ftides, which enter very broad and long to the one and the
other puts, which have not beene navigated, and a gitat
Sea of Hands which ah^yes was said to bee at the South
side neere to the mouth of the Streight, the which Sir
Richard Hawkins denyeth; for hee saith, That at this
mouth of the Streieht on the South side, he found no
more then foure snum Hands, and one in the middest like a
Sugar loofe, and that at the least they are distant from the
mouth of the Streight sixe leagues, and the great Sea is on
the one side, and he holdeth for certaine it is that which
thev say is the firme Land of the South side of the Strcight,
and that there is no firme land. The Streight though wy
have past it from the South to the North side, by order
of the Vice-roy Don Franciscus of Toledo, Peter Sormi-
ento, and Antonie Pablo Corso, and it is knowne it stands
from 52. to 53. degrees of altitude, where it draweth most
to the South, and that in length it hath one hundred and
ten leagues, or one hundred and fifteene, little more or
lesse, and in breadth from one to tenne: it Imth never
beene navigated to an end from the South Sea to the North
Sea, nor the Pyrats that have past it from the North to the
South, are understood to have returned by it. The above
said Sir Richard Hawkins saith, that he sailed many dayes
by the Straight, and affirmeth that all the Coimtrie on the
South side is no firme Land, but many Hands which reach
to 56. degrees; the which he might know, because he
sayled to the same 56. degrees through the middest of
those Hands, and seeing he found nothing but Sea, hee
followed his coiu-se agame through by the Straight, and
that this cannot be so farre, the differences of Seas^ whidi
the many entrings doe cause that are among those Hands,
and that the habiting of them is of people on the North
side, which doe passe to those Hands to sustaine themselves
of fishings, and in their seasons retume to their Countries;
and that he comprehended this of many things especially
of not having seene any seated inhabitating, but some
Cabbins which the Indians doe make for a time. The
same said Sir Francis Drake, that it hapned him when he
544
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
i6oi.
passed the Straight, the yeare 157Q. who after his comming
out into the South Sea, he ran along with tempests com-
passing this Sea, unto the mouth of the North Sea, and
by the same way he had runne, he made sure his navigation
to the South Sea.
The parts most famous of the Straight at the entring
of the South are the Cape Desseado, or Desired, in 53.
degrees, and the Channell of all Saints, two and twentie
leagues from the mouth, very broad, and large, and past
it the port of the Treason, and afterward another great
large Channell which runneth to the North-west, and Row-
lands Bell, a great Rocke in the middest at the beginning
of a Channell. They gave it this name of one of
Magellanes fellowes called Rowland, who went to reack-
nowledge it, which was a Gunner : the point of possession
which is foure leagues from the Cape of Virgenes, at the
entring; of the North Sea in 52. degrees and a halfe of
altituoe, when Peter * Sarmiento, and Antonie Pablo Corso *0r Fine
by order which they had to reknowledge the Straight, for •^"'^•S^-
it had beene conunanded long before for to see if it were
a more easie navigation to the South Sea, then that of
Panama : they viewed the two narrow places, that at the
entrie of the North, and it seemed to Peter Sarmiento
that the one was so narrow, that with Artillerie it might ^^ ^''^-
be kept, and so much he perswaded it, that although the *^^^*
Duke of Alva affirmed it was impossible, the Armie which
James Flower carried unfruitfully was sent about it, and
in the end was knowne that that navigation is dangerous,
and the flowing of two Seas which come to meete in the
middest of the Straight, doe withdraw themselves with
such furie, ebbing in some places more then sixtie fathoms,
that when the Shippes did carry nothing but Cables to
preserve themselves from loosing that which they had
sayled, they would ffoe full froaghted.
In foure hundred leagues, there is of Coast from the
mouth of the Straight, unto the River of Plate, which
runneth altogether North-east and South-west, there is
the River of Saint Ilefonsus twelve leagues from the Cape
xiv 545 2 M
A.D.
i6oi.
*Hisf. ri$
Gaileip.
Chap. 24.
Of the Fro-
vinces of the
River of
Plate, ^ of
Brasile,
Sebastian
Gabote
remaineth in
the River of
SoRsy which is
called of the
Plate. Hetoas
an EngRsh"
man by breed-
ingy borne a
Venetian, but
spending most
part of his life
in England
and English
imployments.
See the former
Boohe.
Plentifidttesse
of the Pro-
vinces of the
RiverofPlate.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
of the Virgencs, the ^Gallizian River, and the Bay of
Saint James, foureteene leagues from the River of Sancta
Cruz, in 50. degrees, and at the mouth an Uand
called of the Lyons, and the Port of Saint Julian
49. degrees, and the River of John Serrana to
m
the South of the Hands of Duckes, in 47. d^ees, the
River of Cananor in 45. degrees, the Cape of Saint
Dominicke, before the Cape of three Points, and the Land
de los Humos or of the Smoakes, in 38. degrees, the Point
of Sancta Hellene, and of Saint ApoUonia, in 37. d^ees
before the White Cape, at the entne of the River of Flatc
on the South side.
John Dias de Solis discovered the River of Plate 1515.
and Sebastian Gaboe an English-man, going with an
Armie by order of the Emperour, in pursuit of the Fleetc
which Frier Garcia de Loaysa Commander, had carried
to the Hands of the Malucos, and conceiving hee could
not overtake them, he thought good to busie himselfe
in something that might be prontable; and entred the
yeare 29. discovering the River of Plate, where he was
almost three yeares ; and being not seconded, with relation
of that which he had found, returned to Castile, having
gone many leagues up the River, he found Plate or Silver
among the In^ans of those Countries, for in the wanes
which these Indians had with those of the Kingdomes of
Piru they tooke it, and from hence it is called the River
of Plate, for before it was called the River of Solis. These
Provinces are joyned with those of Brasil : by the line of
the markes they have no determined bounds, but by the
Coast of the Sea that falleth to the North, and entrance
of the River of Plate, of the which the Countrie hath
taken the name, and the mouth of this River may stand
sixteene hundred leagues from the Bay of Saint Lucar of
Barrameda.
All these Provinces are very plentifull of Wheate, Wine,
and Sugar, and all other seedes and fruites of Castile doe
grow well : they have great Pastures for all sorts of Cattle,
546
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
which have multiplied infinitely, especially the Horses,
and though they have beene many yeares without thinking
there were any Mines of Gold, or of Silver, they have
already found a showe of them, and of Copper, and Iron,
and one of very perfect Amathists. All these Provinces
are of one Government, with title Royall, subordained for
nearenesse to the Vice-roy of Piru, with one Bishopricke
wherein are three Spanish Townes, and a great multitude
of the Countrie men, of big bodies, and well conditioned. [III. v. 902.]
And the Townes are ; the Citie of our Lady of the
Assumption, the first inhabiting, and the head of this The
Province, it stands in 25. degrees and a halfe of altitude : ^"^^P^^-
the Captaine John of Salazar built it by order of the
Governour Don Peter Mendo9a. The territory thereof
was first called Gurambare: it hath Brasil at the right
hand two himdred and eightie leagues, and in this com-
passe it hath the Citie Royall at eightie leagues, which
the Indians call Gxiayra. And on the side of riru, which
is East and West, it hath at foure hundred and eightie
lea£;ues, the Citie of la Plata, and at two hundred and
eightie, the Citie of Sancta Cruz de la Sierra or of the
Hill, which Nuflo of Chanes built. To the South side
which is toward the Straight of Magelane, it hath very
great and rich Countries, and this Citie stands three
undred leagues from the mouth of the River of Plate,
built neere to the River Paraguave, on the East side, with
foure hundred Spanish Housholds, and more then three
thousand children of those that were borne to them in ^ou,
the Countrie (which they call Mestizos) in it are resident
the Governour, and Officers Royall, and the Cathedrall
which is called the Bishopricke of the Plate, suffragan to
the Archbishoprick of the Kings, and in her jurisdiction
more then 400000. Indians, which doe increase daily.
Citie Royall was called by another name Ontiveros, CiudadreaL
built by Ruidias de Melgareio ; it stands eightie leagues
from the Assumption North-east, toward the Land of
Brasil, neere to the River Parana; it stands in a good
soyle of Victuals, and Vines, and much good Copper, and
547
Aj>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
great number of Indians^ which also doe much increase.
In this River Parana, neerc the Citie Royall, there is a
FdUf great fall, that no man dare come neere it by Land within
Cataract very two hundred paces, for the great noyse, and mist of the
terrible. water, and by the River no Canoe, nor Boate dare come
neere by a league ; for the furie of the water doth carry
it to the fall, which is above two hundred fathomes off
a steep Rock, and it is so narrow, and the water goeth
so close, that it seemes ye may throw over it with a dart.
*0r Good * Buenos ayres is a Towne which in old time was
^^"' disinhabited neere the place where now it is built againe,
in the Province of the Morocotes, in the borders of the
River of Plate, in a plentifull soyle, where all things of
Castile doe grow very well ; the Governor Don Peter of
Mendo^a built it 1535. which caused all that which Gabote
forsooke to be discovered. All this Countrie is commonly
plaine : for except the Cordilleras or Rowes (which are
on the Sea coast, and may be twentie leagues toward Brasil,
afterwards compassing dl the Countrie toward the RivCT
Maranyon) and the Rowes of the Kingdomes of Piru, all
is plaine, except some small hils.
Ports and There are knowne in the Coast of these Provinces from
reasonable Ports, the Port of Saint Vincent, in 33. degrees
height, right against Buenabrigo, an Uand where the line
of the repartition passeth; and six leagues to the South
the River Ubay, and the Port, and the Iknd de la Cananea
in 35. degrees ; and forward the River de la Barca, before
the Port of Bahia or River of Saint Francis, and the
Iland of Sancta Catalina, by another name the Port of
Vera, or Port of the Duckes (de Peros) and the Port of
Don Roderigo, twentie leagues to the South from Sancta
Catalina, an Iland 29. degrees and more to the South,
^Hisf. Puerto five leagues 'Close Haven, and fifteene the ** Inhabited
hZ^^lr^ River, and as much the Deepe-Bay from this, and the
BMaonda, ^^^er Tiraqueri, in 32. degrees and a halfe, before the
Cape of Saint Marie, which is in 35. degrees at the entrie
of the River of Plate.
54»
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
1601.
The River is called in the Indian language Paranaguazu, Riverof Plate,
and commonly Parana, hath his entrie and mouth in the
South Sea, from thirtie five unto thirtie six degrees of
altitude, between the Capes of Saint Marie, and Cape
Blanke, which is from the one to the other about thirtie
leagues of mouth, and from thence inward other tenne
leagues in breadth, with many Hands in the middest, and
many very great maine Rivers, which enter into it by the
East and West side, unto the Port of the Kings, which
is a great Lake called of the Xarayes, little lesse tnen three
hundred leagues from the River of Plate, where enter
many Rivers that come from the skirts of the Andes and
they may be of those Rivers that proceede in the Provinces
of the Charcas and Cuzco, which runne toward the North,
whereby entreth another maine arme into the said Lake,
which hath given occasion to thinke that this River doth
communicate with the River of Saint John of the
Amazones ; others say that it commeth from the Lake of
the Dorado, which is fifteene journies from the Lake of the
Xarayes, though there be opinions that there is no Darado.
The Captaine Salazar governing in these Provinces by The chance of
the death of Don Peter Mendoca, in the yeare 1C4C. a the Captaine
Spaniard bein^ in his bed and his wife by him on the out f Jj^^."'''^
side, in the night there came a Tigre and gave the man *
a blow that he killed him, and carried him away, and Tigre killeth
betweene certaine Caves he did devoure him: in the ^^"^^^^^'
morning the Captaine Salazar went forth with fiftie
Souldiours to seeke the Tigre, and going through a wood,
hee went alone by a path, and as soone as hee discovered
the Tigre, hee being flesh set upon him, and at the time
hee lifted up the pawe for to strike him, the Captaine let
flee the Shaft out of his Cross-bowe, and strooke him to the
heart, and it fell downe dead : an exploit of great courage,
heede and dexteritie. [III. v. 903.]
Chap, Z5.
THe Provinces and Countrie of Brasil in the Coast p^^^^ ^^
of the North Sea, and Terra firme, is called all that countrie of
which falleth to the East from the line of the repartition, Brasil.
549
AJ>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
from twcntic nine degrees of longitude from the Meridian
of Toledo, unto thirtie nine, which are two hundred
leagues from East to West, and foure hundred and fiftic
North and South, from two degrees of Southeme altitude,
by the Gipe de Humos or of Smoakes, unto five and
twenty, by the Iland of Buenabrigo or Good-harbour.
And from the first inhabiting, unto the last of Brasil,
there are three hxmdred and fiftie leaches. Vincent Yanes
Vincent Yanei Pinzon discovered first this Coimtne by conunandement
f**^» ^^ of the Kin^s Catholike, and presently after him James
^ofPakuRs^ of Lepe, in the yeare 1500. and six moneths after
covtredthi Poralvarez Cabral, going with a Portugall armie to India,
Brmly and which to avoide the Coast of Guinea did put so much to
thin Diegi di ^hg Sea that he foimd this Countrie, and called it Sancta
^^' Cruz, because on that day he discovered it. All of it is
very hot in Winter and Summer, and very rainie, and
compassed with Woods and Mists, unhealthfiiU, and ftdl
of venemous Wormes, plentiftiU in Pastures for Cattle,
and not for Wheate, nor Millet; there are in it great
showes of Silver and Gold, but as the Portugals, have no
stocke to make any profit of the Mines, they leave them
as they are.
The principall foode of this Countrie is the Cazabi
which they make of the Yuca, and the ^eatest trafficke
is Sugar, and Cotten Bimibast, and Brasil Wood, which
was it that gave it the name. There are in all the Province
nine Governments, which are called Captainships, and in
them seventeene Portugal Townes: in it may be about
three and thirtie hundred housholds, and great multitude
of warlike Indians, which have not suffered the Portugals
to build but on the Coast, in which are many Rivers,
Landings, and many Ports, and very safij, where any
Ships may come in, be they never so bigge.
InhabiHngs of The Colonic of the first Captainship, and the most
M/ Coast of auncient is Tamaraca, the second Pemambuco, five leagues
from Tamaraca to the South, in eight degrees of altitude,
and there is a house of the Fathers of uie Companie of
Jesus : the other is, that of aU Saints, one hundred leagues
SSo
ANTONIO DE HERREKA a.d.
1601.
from Pemambuco in thirteene degrees, and there the
Governour, the Bishop, and the Aiuiitour generall of all
the Coasts are resident, and it hath a CcSledge of the ManyJesuius
Company : the foixrth Captainship of the Hands is thirtie GoUedges.
leagues from the Bay of All Saints, in foureteen degrees
& two third parts, it hath a House of the Fathers of the
Companie. In this Captainship is found a Tree where
out they take a precious Balme. The Captainship of the
Sure-haven is thirtie leagues from the Hands in sixteene Puerto seguro.
degrees and a halfe: it hath three Inhabitings, and a
House of the Fathers of the Companie. The Captaine-
ship of the Holy-Ghost fiftie leagues from Puerto seguro,
in twcntie degrees, where they gather much Brasil, and
there is one house of the Company. The Captainship of
the River of Genero is sixtie leagues from the Holy-Ghost,
in twentie three degrees and one third part, with a house
of the Fathers of the Company, and they cut in their
jurisdiction much Brasil Wood; the River is very fiiire,
with fine and profitable borders. The last Captaineship
is Saint Vincent, sixtie leagues from the River of Genero,
in foure and twentie degrees, it hath a fortresse in an
Hand for a defence against the Indians and Pirates, and
a house of the said Fathers, which have done great profit
in the inhabiting of this Countrie, and conversion of the
Indians, and their libertie. The Cattle that are in these
Provinces are many, and great breeding of Swine, and
Hens, they gather much Amber which the Sea casteth Jmbar.
up with stormes at the spring tides, and many persons
have inriched themselves with it. Their Sunmier is from
September to February, and the Winter from March imto
August ; the dayes are almost as long as the nights, they
increase and diminish onely an houre, in the winter the
winde is alwaies at South and South-east, in Summer
North-east and East North-east.
There are in this Coast eight or tenne Ports more Theprind'
wincip»ll then the rest, which are the River of Saint P^^st Ports of
Dominicke and de las Virtudes to the North-east of ^^" ^^^'•
Pemambuco, and Tamaraca, which is an Iland, and as it
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
is said, the first Plantation, and before the Cape of Saint
Austine, which stands in nine degrees, the River of Saint
Francis in ten degrees and a halfe, which is great and
mightie : the Bay of All Saints three leagues broad, and
thirteene into the Land unto Saint Saviour, the River and
Port Trevado, where the Ships doe touch that goe this
Voyage, and the River of Canamum in thirteene degrees
and a lulfe, the River of the Beades or of Saint Austine
is foureteen degrees and a halfe; and the River of the
Virgenes in sixteene. Portesecure in seventeen degrees:
the River of Parayua in twentie degrees, neere to Sancti
spiritus: the River of Genero neere to Saint Sebastian,
Cabo Frio. and G)ld Gipe in three and twentie d^;rees beyond Saint
Vincent.
Chap. 26. TNdies of the West, are all the Hands and firme Land
^eH^aT^^ 1 comprehended within the markes of the Crowne of
Indies of the Castile and of Lyon, at the Occidentall end of the said
fVest, which bounds ; whose line as is said passeth on the other side
are the I lands the world, through the Citie of Malaca from whence
Phiftppimu, toward the East, and New Spaine, is a great Gulfe of
Japan onT'' ^^^^^^^ Ilands great and small, and many pieces of Coasts,
the Lequias. and firme Land, which are divided into the Ilands of the
Spicerie, or of the Malucos, Ilands Philipinas, the Coast
of China, Ilands of the Lequios and Japones, Coast of
[III. V. 904.] the new Guinea, Ilands of Salomon, and of Ladrones or
the Theeves: the temper of all these Ilands and Lands
in generall is moist, and temperately hot, plentifuU of
Victuals, and Beasts, with some Gold, but base, no Silver,
store of Wax, and the people of sundry colours, and the
ordinary colour like Indians, and some white among them,
and some cole-blacke.
The Ilands of the Spicerie (which properly are called
so, because all the Pepper, Cloves, Sinamon, Ginger, Nut-
megs, and Masticke that is spent in Europe, is brought
fi-om themj are many, though the most famous of wsX
Gulfe are nve small Ilands under the Equinoctiall in one
hundred nintie foure degrees from the Meridian of Toledo,
552
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
1601.
included in the morgage which the Emperor Charles the
fift made of them to the King of Portugall for three
hundred and fiftie thousand Duckets, which are Terrenate Of these see L
of eight or nine leagues compasse, with a Port called \]^r\mlish
Talangame, and in it raigned Corala, which yeelded him- vwagei in the
selfe tor subject to the King of Castile, when the Shippes first Tom,
that remained of Magelanes fleete found these Iknds. SeeMaffknes
The Iland of Tidore stands one league from Terrenate to ^ ^^^' ^^^'
the South, it hath tenne leagues compasse. The Iland CertaineTree
of Matil, or Mutier is of foure leagues compasse, and is bearingakind
under the Elquinoctiall, and Maquin three leagues to the <!fl>ate.
South, of seven in compasse, and tenne leagues to the South.
Batan or Baquian is twentie leagues in compasse. In the
Iland of Tidlore nugned Almanzor, which also gave him-
selfe for subject or the King of Castile, the which, and
Carala did write and John Sebastian of the Cano, borne
in the Village of Guitarca, in the Province of Guipuzcoa
brought their Letters; the which departing from Tidore
in the yeare i C22. touched in the Iland of Zamatia, and
going up to almost fortie two degrees toward the Antar-
ticke Pole, he arrived at the Iland of Saint James of the
Greene Cape or Cabo Verde, and from thence to Sivill
with the Shippe called the Victorie, having spent seven
moneths time little lesse in comming from the Iland of
Tidore, Patian is the fift Iland like the other; Moores
inhabited in it, and Gentiles also, which knew not the
immortalitie of the soule. And when the Shippe of the
fleete of Fryer Garcia of Loaysa came, Roiami raigned
in Tidore of thirtecne yeares of age, and againe acknow-
ledged the King of Castile, and suso the King of Gilolo
called Sultan Abderta meniani, and confirmed it with
an oath. Gilolo is an Iland imder the line foure leagues
distant from those rehearsed ; it is of two hundred leagues
compasse, without Spicerie : the Iland of Ambon in three
degrees and a halfe to the South, from the Iland of Gilolo
without Spicerie. The Hands of Bandan are in foure
degrees or Southeme altitude, where the Nutmegge is
gathered, and Mace ; and the Burro, which is to the West
SS3
A.D.
160I.
The Citie of
Manilla,
Hisvoiageyou
have before.
1 1000.
Ilands,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Roades : Masbat a meane Iland to the West of Tandaya,
of seventecnc leagues in length, and fifteene in breadth,
with one Haven : Mindoro of five and twentie leagues in
length North and South, and halfe in breadth; there is
Pepper in it, and Mines of Gold : the Iland of Luzan, called
the New Castile, as great or greater then Mindanao, the
most Septentrionall of the Phillipines, in the which is built
Manila, a Citie of Spaniards, with title of Famous where
the Governour, Officers of the goods, and chest Royall,and
the Cathedrall are resident; it is a plentifuU soyle of
Victuals, with many Mines of Gold : the Haven of this
Citie is bad, and for all that there is great trafficke with the
Chynas, which bring Porcelane Vessell, Tinsels, coloured
silkes, and other Merchandize : Lu9on hath in length two
hundred leagues, and it is very narrow.
In all these Ilands are many Mahometanes, whither they
came by the East India, and could easily plant their
falshood amongst those blinde Gentiles. Captaine Magel-
lanes as above said discovered these Ilands, the yeare 1 520.
going with an Armie of the Crowne of Castile, in search
of the Ilands of the Malucoes, and tooke possession of
them, and afterward Michael Lopez of Legazpi made an
end of discovering them, the yeare 1564. with an Armie
which hee tooke frrom New Spaine, by order of the Vice-
roy, Don Lewis of Velasco : it is judged that those Ilands
doe amount to eleaven thousand great and small. There
are pacified about fortie of them, and converted more then
a Million of men unto the Catholike Faith, with so many
expences of the Crowne Royall, not having had untill now
any profit fi-om those Countries ; for every Religious man
of those that are sent thither, doth cost to set there one
thousand Duckets. Those which hitherto have laboured
in that Vineyard, with most great fi-uite of the soules, are
the Religious Dominicans, Franciscans, Barefooted, and
Austine Fryers, and the Company of Jesus ; and from
these Ilands hath beene begun to bridle the Mahometans,
which from the Coast of Asia went by little and little
extending through these, and other Ilands, and also to the
556
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
i6oi.
Chinas and Japones, and the Portugals had already lost the Stnce, the
Hands of the Malucos, if the Spaniards of the Provinces ^^^^f'^n^^
of the Phillippines had not holpen and succoxxred them f^^p^^als.
divers times and many wayes.
There is already a plainer notice had of the Chynas, by China: see our
the commerce of the Phillippines, and their riches and ^^!^
plenty is knowne : it is of the richest and mightiest King-
domes of the World, and from Manila may be to the
coast of China three hundred leagues, of eight dayes
sayling, and the coast of that Countne goeth running as to
the North-east, more then seven hundred leagues, from
twentie one to twenty two degrees of Septentrional lati-
tude, and upward, and it is known that crosse over the
Countrie inward is a Voyage of five or sixe moneths, to
the confines of Tartaria ; being a Countrie of great Cities,
with many Townes, and the people politicke, and prepared
for their defence, but not warlike, and the Coast much
inhabited with maine Rivers, and good Havens : it extends
from seventeene unto fiftie degrees North and South, and
East and West it occupieth two and twentie: the Citie
of Paquin, where the King hath his Court, stands in fortie
eight degrees of our Pofe, it is divided in fifteene Pro-
vinces, sixe Maritime, and nine Mediterrane, and the
one are devided from the other with certaine Mountaines
like the Pirineis, and there are but two passages whereby
they doe conmiunicate.
Thomas Perez Ambassadour of the King of Portugal!, '^^ Provinces
was from Cantan to Nanqui foure Moneths, traveffing ^^q^^"^^
alwayes to the North : and to the largenesse of this King-
dome is joyned the plentie of the Coimtrie, which is great,
for the which the multitude of the navigable Rivers that
do water it, are a help, wherewith it seemes a pleasant
Forrest or Garden, and the abundance is doubled by many
wayes, for the Kings spare no cost to make the Countrie
watered in every place, cutting great hils, and making
great Valleys plaine ; and the neate not wanting in any
place, for all the Countrie almost is contained in the bounds
of the temperate Zone, nor the moisture by the demencie
557
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
for the which these Hands are much celebrated in the
world, and by the comming of the Ambassadours of the
new Christendome to the Fope, and to the King Phillip
the second, the Prudent : and so as nature placed mem in a
sdtuation separated from the rest of the Land, the men
of that Region are diflPering in customes from other people.
In the yeare 1592. Nobunanga which caused himselfe to
be called Emperour of Japan, interprised with eightie
Vessels, and 20000. men, certaine Provinces tributarie
unto China, and wan it.
From the Hand of Simo, which is among them of Japan
the greatest, is extended a row of small Iknds, call^ the
Le^uios. Lequios, and doe prolong themselves toward the Coast
of China ; the two greater, which is every one of fifteene
or twentie leagues, neere the Coast of Japan, are called
the greater Lequio, and other two also great, though not
so much, which are at the end of the Rowe, they call
Lequio the lesser: some are inhabited of well shapen
people, white, politicke, well apparelled, warlike, and of
good reason, they abound in Gold more then others of
that Sea, and not lesse in Victuals, Fniits, and good
Waters. Neere unto the lesser Lequio stands Hermosa,
or the beautifuU Hand, which hath the same qualitie, and
say it is as big as Sicilie.
CAafi, 27. 'T^He Coast of new Guiena beginneth one himdred
0/f^nm J[ leagues to the East of the Hand of Gilolo, in little
IloHdto/ more then one degree altitude, on the other side of the
Salomon, and Equinoctiall, from whence it is prolonged toward the East
the Theeves, three hundred leagues, till it come to five or six d^rees.
^J^^^J^^ It hath beene doubted untill now, whether it be an Iknd
which they cai ^^ fim^^ Land, because it doth enlarge it selfe in so great
West In£es, a Voyage from being able to joyne with the Countries of
The Leqms. the Hands of Salomon, or Provinces of the Straight of
Magellanes by the South side ; but this doubt is resolved
with that which those do affirme that sailed on the South
side of the Straight of Magelanes, that that is not a
continent, but Iknds, and that presently foUoweth a
560
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
i6oi.
spacious Sea, and among those that doe aflame it is Sir
Richard Hawkins, an English Knight, which was five and ^^^ -^•
fortie dayes among the same Hands. Hawkins.
From the Sea the Land of this coast of Guinea seemeth [HI. v. 907.]
good, and the men that have been seene are cole black, ^^^^fȣ
and in the coast are many Hands with good roads, and coasto/Guine.
ports whereof is no particular notice ; for having sailed it
few times, those which are found in some cards are Aguada
or the watering to the East thirty five leagues fi-om the
first Land, is m one degree of Southern altitude; and
eighteene forward the port of Saint James, and the Hand
of the Crespos of sixteene leagues long neere the coast,
right against the Port of Saint Andrew, and neere to it
the River of Saint Peter, and Saint Paul, before the Port
of Saint Jerom, and a small Hand neere the * thrust out ^ Or Curled,
Point, 40. leagues from S. Austin, which they call of
Good-peace, and more forward from it, the ** Shelter, and ^Hisp.
Evill people, two little Hands, and the Bay of Saint ^«»^^^^-
Nicholas, fiftie leagues from Puntasalida, and among other ^^^P^^-
Hands one of white men, and the Mother of God before
Good Baye, and of the Nativitie of our Lady, the last of
that which is discovered, and as to the North from it the ''^^^&^'
Caymana, an Hand without in the Sea among others which
have no name.
The Meridionall coast is not yet known, the first that
discovered the new Guine was AJvaro of Saavedra, being
lost with many stormes from his course, returning to new
Spain, when in the year 1527. the Marques of the Valley
sent him that on that side he should seek the Hands of the
Spicerie.
The Hands of Salomon are eight hundred leagues from Hands of
Piru, & the opinion that is held of their riches, gave them Salomon,
this name, the which properly are called of the West,
because they fal to the West from the Provinces of Piru,
from the place that Alvaro of Mendo^a made discovery of
them by order of the Licentiate Lope Garcia de Castro his
Unckle, Governor of the Kingdomes of Piru, in the yeare
1567. the first that saw the Land of these Hands was a
XIV 561 2 N
A.D.
i6oi.
H.di
Atraxifes,
^ Or Good
sight.
^Or Boughes.
^OrFranticke.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
yong man, called Trcjo, in the top of a Ship : they arc
from seven degrees of altitude on the other side of the
Equinoctiall about 15CX). leagues from the Citie of the
Kings, they are many in quantity and greatnes, and
eighteen the most famous, some of 300. leagues in com-
passe, and two of 200. and of 100. and of 50. and thence
downward, besides many which are not yet made an end
of coasting, and they say that they might be a-continent
with the coast of the new Guiney, and the Countries to
be discovered toward the West of the straight: the
Countrie of these Hands seemeth of a good temper, and
habitable, plentifuU of victuals, and Cattell : there were
found in them some fruits like those of Castile, Swine &
Hens in great number: the Countrie men some of a
brown colour like Indians, others white & ruddie, and
some cole blacke, which is an argument of continuance
with the Countries of the new-Guinie, whereby there may
so many differences of people be mingled of those which
resort to the Hands of the Spicery.
The greatest and most renowned are Sancta Ysabel,
from eight to nine degrees of altitude, of more then 150.
leagues in length, and eighteene in breadth, and one good
port called of the Star : Saint George or Borbi to the &)uth
of S. Isabel one league and a halfe, of thirty leagues com-
f)asse. Saint Marcos, or Saint Nicholas of one hundred
eagues compasse to the South-east of Saint Isabel ; the
Hand of the *^ Shelves as great as the former to the
South of Saint Isabel, and Saint Jerome to the West of
100. leagues compasse; and Guadalcavall to the South-
west greater then all : and to the East of Saint Isabel, the
Hand of ^ Buenavista, and Saint Dimas, and the Hand of
Florida of twenty leagues circuit every one; and to the
East of it, the Hand of * Ramos of 200. leagues compasse,
and neere to it Malayta, and ' Atreguada of thirty, and the
three Maries, certaine little Hands, & the Hand of Saint
John of twelve leagues compasse betweene the Atreguada
and the Hand of S. James to the South. Malata of icx).
leagues circuit, and to the South-east of it, the Hand of
56a
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
Saint Christopher as bigge as it: and Saint Anne, and
Saint Catherine, two smaU Hands fast by it : the Name of Hisp,N ombre
God, a small Hand distant from the other fiftie leagues, in ^ ^^^'
seven degrees of altitude, and in the same Rumbe to the
North of Saint Isabel, the Shelves, which they call of
'Candelaria. 'c^^masse
There is in the voiage that is made from Piru to the
Hands of Salomon, an Iland called of S. Paul, in fifteen
degrees of altitude, 700. leagues from Piru, nineteen
degrees, 300. leagues of Land, others which may be those
that they called of Salomon, and they say also that they
might be others which this little while have beene dis-
covered in the same Rombe of Chile.
The Hands of the Theeves are a row of 16. smal Hands
together which runne North and South, with the middest
of the coast of Guiney, from twelve degrees of altitude
unto seventeene Septentrionall or more, not farre from the
Phillippinas to the East. They are all barren ground,
and miserable, without Cattle, or Mettals, scarce of
Victuals, inhabited with poore people, well shapen, naked,
and much inclined to steale, even to the nayles of the
Shippes that came there, whereby Magelane named them la Ingiesa
of the Theeves, in the yeare 1520. when he came to them Hands of the
going in demand of the Spicerie. Their names are, the ^^^ones.
English, the most North, and after it Ota Mao, Chemechoa La Ingiesa.
Gregua, Agan, or Pagan, Oramagan, Gugnan, Chareguan,
Natan, Saepan, Bota, Volia. There are among these
Hands Phillipines, other eighteene or twenty, called of the The Kings,
Kings, Archipelagus, or Hands of the Corrall, and the Hands of
Gardens, another quantity of little Hands, and Pialogo, ^l^^k ^.
Saint Vilan, another little Iland, the Gardens, and the Hand zQr ^
of the Matalotes, and that of the Shelves, and of Saint jEthnaes.
John, or of Palmes, neere the Malucos, and on the North ^ Or Evil/
side of the Theeves, five or six little Hands together, called ^jf"^"
the * Volcanes, where is store of Cochinilla ; and ^ Malpelo ^aUed^^^ ^^
another small Hand, where are * Civaloes very fine, and on Two sisters.
the East side of the Theeves, the two Sisters, two little S. Bartholo-
Hands in ten degrees, and Saint Bartholomew in foureteene ^^•
563
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
[III. V. 908.] and more toward new Spaine, the Shelves, Look how thou
goest, Take away sleep, or See thou sleep not ; & neere to
Martin. them the Iland of Martine, and Saint Paul, another small
^^^^int"' Iland with shelves, and the inhabited the most Eastward
Paul, toward new Spaine, Alvaro of Saavedra was also in the
Iland of the Theeves, in the yeare 1527. retxirning from
the Iland of Spicerie to new Spaine.
Chap. 28. T^He Catholike King of Castile, and of Lyon continuing
Ofthesuprem 3l in their auncient, and Christian pietie, presently after
^^^^^{^f these new Countries were discovered, and joyned with this
Oe spiHtuaU ^^^ Monarchie, procured to plant, and settle the Catholike
gwemmenty Religion in them, and temporall poUicie, with so much care
and EccUsias' and advice of the wisest men of these Kingdomes. For as
tkall Rojall ^j^e discoveries did increase the businesses, they formed a
atronage, particvdar Counsell with President and Councellours, that
busying themselves in no other thing, with more diligence
they might resort to that which so much pertained to the
service of our Lord God, and government of that Orbe.
And because hereafter mention shall be made of the
persons which from the beginning have laboured, and
Cowselloftke served in the supreame Counsel of the Indies, which hath
Indies. carried so great a waight unto this present houre, first shall
be spoken of the spirituall and temporall government, and
the rest worth the knowing, that the order of that Mon-
archie may be understood, with all brevitie.
The first thing that these godly Kings did charge and
command the first Discoverer, and from man to man
commanded the other Discoverers and Governours of that
new World with very straight orders, was, that they should
procure that the people which they carried, with the
Christian life, and with their good customes, should give
such example to the Indians, that they might be glad to
imitate them, and shovdd binde them unto it, entring first
according to the Evangelicall Law, the religious men
preaching it, that so rather with the sweetnesse of it, then
with the force and noyse of Armes it shovdd be admitted,
and that justice shovdd be administred with such equalitie
5^4
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
to all men, that it might be much respected & esteemed.
All went forward, the townes went augmenting in such
manner, that with the zeale of the service of God, and
good of the men it hath come to such a point, that at this
day there are found built and established in all that Orbe
of this Crowne possessed, as before hath beene seene, five
Archbishopricks, twentie seven Bishopricks, two famous fiow many
Universities, where with great learning and doctrine al ^^^j^^^H'
the Sciences are read, more then foure hundred Monas- Bishopricks^
teries of religious Dominicks, Franciscans, Augustines, Monasteriesy
Mercenaries, and the Companie of Jesus, with some and^chooUsof
Monasteries of Nimnes, and Colledges, infinite Hospitals, P^^V t^^
and Fraternities, innumerable store of beneficed Cures, %^HffJj/i^!'
which are called Doctrines, for to teach those new Con- dem is said fo
verts, and Heremites, and Chappels in the high-way signijiey the
erected on pillars, having Crucifixes in them, without translatorhad
number. Ail the which was begun at the charge of the ^7^^ J
Crowne, and at this day it goeth forward where there is no pceniten^arii.
maintenance for it. In effect, this Catholike pietie by the
clemency of God goeth from good to better, augmenting
with so much reverence and honour of God, that in no
place of Christendomc it is done with more order or care,
by the care of the supreme Councell of the Indies. Of
the which is inferred, that the Concession of the Apostolike
Roman Sea made to the Crowne of Castile, and of Lion,
of the Patronage Ecclesiasticall of that New World was
a very great remedie, in the which our Lord God (as Hee
which onely is Hee that seeth, and preventeth all things
to come) did a thing worthv of His greatnesse, seeing
Hee hath shewed the expenence that if this had beene
governed otherwise, it had beene impossible to have pro-
ceeded with the harmonie, and even concent as it hath, of
Religion, Justice, and Government, with so much obedi-
ence and quietnesse.
The Ecclesiasticall Patronage is governed in the same How the
manner that in the Kingdome of Granada, the Kings Ecclesiasticall
Catholike presenting to the chiefe Bishop onely the Arch- ^^^^nage is
bishops, and Bishops, that from his holy hand they may ^^^^^'
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
receive these Prelacies, and may dispatch their Bulls,
procuring alway that they be persons of a religious life,
and great learning. All the other Dignities and Benefices
are provided by the King, and consultation of the supreme
Councell of the Indies, and they go not to Rome for Buls :
and their rents consist in tithes and first fruits which arise
of the Spanish inhabiters. For in the most places of these
Indies the Countrie men paie not, and where the tithes
are wanting, it is supplied out of the goods royall: and
touching the tithes and first finxits that are to be paied,
many ordinances and rates are made according to the stile
of these Kingdomes, that the men of each Colony, it is
just it shouM follow her customes. And though the
Kings of Castile, and of Lyon, are Lords of the tithes by
Apostolike concession, & might take them to himselfi^
supplying where it wanteth with that which in other places
doth exceede, he leaveth them to the Prelates & Churches,
providing of his own goods Royall with the liberality of
so Catholik Princes, to all the necessities of the poore
Churches, giving to every one that is built anew the
greatest part of that which is spent in the building, with
*0f Images a Chaliz, a Bell, and a painted * Table.
or Pictures. That the distribution of that which proceedeth of the
tithes, and of that which is bestowed out of the goods
Royall in maintenance of the Prelates, Dignities, and
Canons of the Cathedrall Churches, and Benefices, Cures,
and persons that are occupied in the divine Service, and
instructing of the Indians, may be fruitfully imploied
according to the holy intention of the Kings ; the supreme
Counsel! hath made good ordinances. First, that all the
said persons be of an approved life and customes, &
especially those that doe meddle in the Doctrines, being
[in, V. 909.] first examined touching * learning, and after in the
Las Letrm. language of the Indians ; for it would little availe, that the
Disciples should not understand the Maister: and that
these do continually reside: and that no Curate, or
Teacher may have two Benefices; and that those which
shall from these parts passe to the Indies be more
566
L
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
approved, it is commanded that no Priest doe passe with-
out licence of his Prelate and of the King, and that if any
be there foxmd without it, presently they should send him
to Spaine.
And that the manner how the Royall Patronage is He continueth
governed may better be xmderstood, seeing it appertaineth ^^ gpv^rne-
to this Crowne, because that it hath discovered and ^ckHasttcall
acquired that New World; and hath also built and Patronage.
endowed, out of the goods Royall, so many Churches, &
Monasteries, as by the Apostolike concession, that for no
cause the said patronage, nor any part of it, either by
custome, or prescription, or other title may be separated
from it : it is ordained what care the Vice-roies, Counsels,
Governors, & Rulers, are to have in it, and what penalties
the transgressors should incur. First, that no Cathedrall
or Parish Church, Monasterie, Hospitall, nor votive
Church, should be founded without consent of the King.
That when in the Cathedrall Churches there are not foure
* Beneficed men resident, provided by royall presentation, *0r Pen-
& canonicall provision of the Prelate, because the other doners.
Prebends be voide, or absent for more then eight moneths
(though for a lawfiill cause.) The said Prelate, till such
time as the King doth present, may chuse to the accom-
plishing of the foure Clarks (besides those that are
provided and resident) of the most sufficient of those that
shall offer themselves, without that the said provision be
in Titvdo (to be removeable at pleasure) & that they have
no seate in the Quire, nor voice in Counsell. That no
Prelate may make canonicall institution, nor give posses-
sion of any Prebend, or Benefice, without presentation
Royall, & in such a case that without delay they make the
provision, and command to resort with the finiits. That
in all the dignities, & Prebends, the learned be preferred
before the unlearned, and those which have served in the
Cathedral Churches of Castile, and have more exercise
of the service of the Quire, before them that have not
served in them. That at the least there be presented for
every Cathedrall Church a graduate Lawyer, & a Divine
567
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
for the Pulpet, with the obliMtion that in these Kingdoms
the doctoral Guions, & Nfagistrates have; & another
learned Divine to read the sacred Scripture : and another
Lawyer or Divine for the Cannonship of Pennance,
according to the sacred Counsell of Trent. That all the
other Benefices, Cures, and simples, secular, and regulars,
and the Ecdesiasticall Offices that shall be voide, or pro-
vided anew. That they may be made with lesse delay,
and the Royall patronage may be preserved, it is com-
manded that they be made in the forme following. That
any of the abovesaid Benefices, or Offices being voide, the
Prelate shall command to make edicts with a competent
tearme, and of those that shall offer themselves having
examined them, and being informed of their behavior,
shall name of the best ; and the Vice-roy or Governor of
the Province, shal chuse one and remit the election to
the Prelate, that he make the provision. Collation, and
Cannonicall institution by way of recommendation, and
not in a perpetuall title, so that when the King doth make
the presentation, and in it shal be expressed that the
collation be made in a perpetuall tide, the Canonicall
institution shall be in title, and not in recommendation:
and the presented by the King be alwayes preferred before
thepresented by his Ministers.
Provision of That in the repartitions, and Towns of the Indians,
the Prebendsy and Other places where they have no benefice to elect, or
and Benefices, j^eans to place one to administer the Sacraments, the
Prelates shall procure there be one to teach the Doctrine,
making an Edict, and having informed himselfe of his
sufficiency and goodnes, he shall send the nomination to
the Ministers Royal, that they do present him one of the
two nominated, and if there be but one, that, and in the
vertue of such a presentation the Prelate shall make the
provision, giving him the instruction how he is to teach,
and commanding him to give notice of the fruits. That
in the presentations of all the dignities, offices, and bene-
fices, the best deserving, and that most exercised in the
conversion of the Indians, and the administration of the
568
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
Sacraments shall be provided; which, & those that best
speak the language of the Indians, shall be preferred before
the other. Tnat he which shall come or send to request his
Majestie to present him to some dignitie, office, or bene-
fice, shall appeare before the Ministers of the Province,
and declaring his petition, he shall give information of
his kindred, learnmg, customes & sufficiency, and the
Minister shall make another of his office, and with his
opinion to send it, and that the pretendant do bring also
an approbation from his Prelate; for without these
diligences those that come shall not be admitted. That
none may obtaine two Benefices, or dignities in one, or
in sundry Churches. That the presented not appearing
before the time contained in the presentation before the
Prelate, it shall be voide, and they may not make him a
Cannonicall institution.
BEsides that which is rehearsed, it is provided that thev Cht^. 29.
doe not permit any Prebendary in the Cathedrall ^fj^
Churches, to enjoy the rents of it, except it be serving & q^"^_
being resident ; and that the Benefices of the Indians be ^^^^ q^^^ qj-
Cures, and not simples, and that in the new discoveries, Uendeceased:
and plantations that shall be made, there be presently an oftkemarried:
Hospitall built for the poore, and sicke persons, of sick- ^J/^J^^l
nesses that are not contagious, which shall be placed neere ^aid%nerd "^
the Temple, and for a Cloyster of the same ; that for the inqmiAon,
sicke of contagious diseases, the Hospitall shall be set Bmldingofan
that no hurtfull winde passing by it doe strike in the ^^^P^^^-
other inhabiting, and if it be built on a high place it will
be better. And because the King being informed that
goods of the deceased in those parts do not come so [III. v. 910.]
wholly as they might, nor so soone to the hands of the
heyres, by will of the said deceased, for many causes,
whereby the heires received great damage, and the testa-
ments were not performed : for a remedy, it was provided, Orders for the
that whatsoever Spaniard shall come to any ViUage, or s^odsofthe
Towne of those parts, he shall present himselfe before ^^^^^^^'
the Clarke of the Counsell, where he shall Register the
5^9
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6oi.
sidcring also the singular grace which God for his mercy
hath used with them, in giving them knowledge of our
holy Catholike Faith; that it was necessary to have a
speciall vigilancy in the conserving of the devotion, and
reputation of the inhabitors, and Castillane pacifiers, which
with so many labours procured the augmenting of the
Religion, and exalting of the Catholike Faith (as in those
parts like faithful & Catholik Christians, and good naturall
and true Castillans they have done) & seeing that those
which are out of the holy Catholike & Apostolic Roman
Chxirch, obstinate, and stubborne in their errors, and
heresies, do alwayes procure to pervert the faithful
Christians, labouring to draw them to their false opinions,
scattering certain damned Books, whereof hath followed
great hurt to our sacred Religion ; and having so certain
experience that the best meanes to prevent these evils,
consisteth in the separating the communication of heretical
persons, punishing their errors, according to the disposi-
tion of the sacred Canons & laws of these Kingdoms
(which by this holy means, by the divine clemency have
beene preserved from this wicked contagion, and is hoped
they will be preserved hereafter) to the end that the Ohrbc
doe not receive so much hurt, wnere the inhabiters of these
Kingdomes have given so good example of Christianity,
& the Country-born have not perverted themselves with
erronious doctrines of the hereticks : It seemed good to
his Majestie, with the advice of the Cardinal D. James of
Espinosa, Bishop of Siguen^a, Inquisitor generall in these
[III, V. 911.] Kingdoms, a man of great prudence, and of many rare
parts and vertues, for the which he made election of his
person, to help him to beare the burden of so many King-
domes, and Lordships, and of the Counsels of the holy,
and generall Inquisition, and of the supreame Counscll
of the Indies (for it behoved to place one Counsell of the
holy Office in Mexico ; for the Kingdomes of New Spaine,
and the rest of the Indies of the North, and another in
the Citie of the Kings, for the Kingdomes of Piru, and
the adherents, which are called the Indies of the South)
572
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
1601.
which the authority that the Councels of these Kingdomes
have, so that as yet they should not meddle with the cases
of the Indians, but onely of the Castillanes, & other
Nations that should be found in the Indies, and so that
the appeals should come to the supreame Counsell that is
resident in this Court, as it is done in Spaine, and in the
accomplishing thereof, in the yeare 1570. the King Don
Phillip the second, called the Prudent, gave a generall
power to the Towne of Madrid, the 16. of August, that
the Apostolike Inquisitours that shoxild be named for the
present, and for hereafter against the hereticall pervers-
nesse, & Apostacie; and the Officers and Ministers
necessary for this holy Office, which was commanded to be
seated in the Cities of Mexico, and of the Kings, shoxild
exercise & use their Offices, and royall warrants, that Don
Martin Enriques, and Don Franciscus of Toledo, Vice-
royes, and Captains generall in the Kingdomes of New
Spaine, and Piru, and the Counsels, and Justices,
Governours, and other persons should give all aide, and
favour to the holy Officio, and the Inquisitors, and Officers
were nominated, as in their owne place shall be spoken
more at large.
THese Catholike Kings, most wisely constituted the Chap, 30.
Supreme Counsell of the Indies, that they might Of the form
helpe them to beare so great a bxirden, as is already the ^-^^fJfT^'
government of that Orbe, and the Counsell consisteth in supreame
one President, and eight or more Counsellors, as necessitie Counsellofthe
requireth with one Atturney, Secretaries, Clerkes of the Indies^ and of
Chamber, Relators, and other Officers, and an Office of fjfj^'^^^^'^
Accompts, where a notice is had of all the goods Royall of Q^^sels and
those parts. And that proceeding might be according to chanceries
rule and order, they declared first that the Counsell should royall of those
meet three houres every day in the morning, and two in P^''^^-
the afternoone, three dayes in the weeke that bee no holy
dayes, and that they should firme the Warrants that shovdd
be delivered for these Kingdoms; but that those that
were for the Indies, should have the seale Royall: and
573
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
Rovall Chanceries, that (as hath beene said) are in the
Indies, with the Statutes, and orders that hath beene
given them, that the Ministers may doe their office^ and
{ustice be well administred, and the Townes obtained the
)enefit pretended.
Tki Court of The first Coxirt that was established, was in the Citic
^H' ala ^^ Saint Dominicke in the Iland of Hispaniola, with one
^p^y • President a learned man, though now because of the warrc
he is a Souldiour, with title of Captaine Generall, and
^Or foure Justices that beare rods, like an 'Alcalde, and deale
Ordinary \^ civiU and criminall matters, in a degree of apeale, and
Justtce^ \5c, jj^ ^j^^ instance in matter of Court, and the Government
is onely commended to the President (which now is in
Don Antonio Ossorio) and the limits thereof. The
The Court of second Court was established in the Citie of Mexico,
Mexico. in New Spaine: the first President which was Nunyo
of Guzman, had no authoritie, for he was placed
but for a season : with the second Court, the Bishop D.
Sebastian Ramirez (for he was so in the Court of
Hispanyola) he had the Government of the Kingdomes,
and the supreame authoritie, and hee left that, established
that which belonged imto it, and unto justice, as at this
present it is. The President of this Court is the Vice-roy
(which now is the Earle of Monterrey) there are eight
Justices, which doe judge in civill matters, and in the
appeale of the cases of government which the Vice-roy
establisheth. There are three Justices of criminall cases,
which beare rods, and deale in criminal cases, and two
Atturnies, one of civill, another of criminall causes, and
hee provideth the Rulers charges that are not reserved
to the King, and the other Officers, and helpes of cost in
releases, and vacations in the limits of this Court of
Mexico, and in that Counsell of new Galicia.
The Court of The third Court was that of Panama in Terra firme
Panama. ^f^j. ^}jjg name was given to it, because it was the first
Wherefore it P^^^^ where from the Ilands the Castillanes went to inhabit,
was called and as their common speech was to say that they went and
Terra firme. came from the Firme Land, though other Provinces were
576
ANTONIO DE HERRERA a.d.
i6oi.
found in the firme land of that Orbc) this Province con-
tinued this name, loosing that of Castilla del Oro,
wherewith the Kings commanded it should be called : and
when the affaires of Peru grew «-eater, in the yeare 1542.
it was thought good that this £ourt shovdd be removed
to the Citie of The Kings, where the Vice-roy (which now
is Don Lewis of Velasco) hath at his charge the govern-
ment of these limits, and that of the Courts of the Charcas
and Quito. There is in this Court of the Kings eight Court of the
Justices, three Justices of Court, and two Atturneys, in ^y^^f^^
the same order as in Mexico : and the Vice-roy is resident ^*"^'"
in the Citie of the Kings, and is the President of this
Court, and shall be in the other two, when he is present in
them, and doth divide all the repartitions of Indians that
are voide in the bounds of them.
The fourth Court was established in the Province of
the Confines, and seeming it was needlesse it was dis-
solved, and the yeare 1570. it was established againe in
the Citie of Saint James, of the Kingdome of Guatemala : The Court of
in it is one President which is the Doctor Criado of Guatemala.
Castile: foure Justices with rods, and one Attornev.
They sit on civill and criminall cases, in appeaks, and in
the first instance : in matters of Co\irt the President onely
hath the Government, and assigneth the Indians, pro-
videth the Ridcrships, and other Oflices temporall. The
fift Court was established in the Citie of Suicta Fe de
Bogata, in the new Kingdome of Granada, with one The Court of
President (which now is the Doctor Francisco de Sande) ^^f «««'
foure Justices with rods, and one Atturney, with the same ^^^i^^^-
authority that the former. The sixt was established in
the Citie of Guadalajara, of the new Kingdome of Gallicia, The Court of
with one Regent, three chiefe Justices, which dispatched z, the new
great while without Seale, and the matters increasing, the ^l^^ ^^
Seale was given, and a Register, and a President was
placed, whidi now is Doctor Sanctiago de Vera : and three
Justices with rods, one Atturney, and the Viceroy of New
Spaine hath the Government. The seventh Court, was The Court of
placed in the Citie of Saint Francis of Quito, of the Qjuito,
XIV 577 2 o
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
Province of Piru, where there was also a Regent, chiefe
Justices without Seale, and afterward the Court was estab-
lished with a President (which now is the Licentiat Miguel
de Vuarar) with three Justices with rods, & one Attumy
with the same faoilty of Guadalajara, the govenunent^
& the rest remaining to the Vice-roy of Piru, as abovesaid.
Tki Court of The eight Court was in the Citie of the Plate, in the
ikeCharcas. Province of the Charcas, with a Regent and chiefe
Justices: after there was placed a President, fburc
Justices with rods, Atturney, Scale, and Register, and
now is President the Licentiat Cepeda, with reservation of
the providing the charges, and the rest to the Vice-roy of
Cotmseliof Pini. The ninth Court, is that which was established
PmMiM. againe in the Citie of Panama, with a President of * Sword
Soldiour. ^^^ Cloake, because of the matters of warre, which is
now Don Alonso de Sotomayor, with the title of Captaine
Generall of Terra firme: there are three Justices with
roddes, which doe deale in Appeales of civill and criminall
cases, and at first instance in matters of Court, and it
hath onely the Government. In the Citie of Saint
James, of the Province of Chile, was placed the tenth
[III. V. 913.] Court, and because it seemed needelesse, it was dissolved,
and a Governour was provided, which dependeth on the
The Court of Viceroy of Piru. In the Citie of the Philippinas, called
tkiPhiUiptues. Manila, was a Court, and it was dissolved, because it
seemed needelesse : a few yeares since it was established
againe, with a Captaine Generall which is Don Peter of
Acunya which is President, and foure Justices, and one
Atturney, with the same authoritie that the other Coiuts.
For the Catholike Kings of Castile, with the advise of
the supreme Councell of the Indies, doe alwayes provide
with a sincere and just minde, that which is convenient
for the preservation, and augmenting of the spirituall and
temporall things of those parts, without any spare of
expences, or labor: and every Court hath according to
the use of these Kingdomes, Secretaries, Relators, Ser-
geants, Porters, and the Officers which are necessarie.
578
ANTONIO DE HEBRERA a.d.
1601.
THe harmonic and agreement of this great Monarchic, Chap, 31.
is such, that to every Minister hath beene given the ^/^/^*^
authoritie that as well by reason of estate, as for the proJ^^i^
reputation of justice hath seemed to be convenient, the supreme
reserving to the supreme Majestic that which hath beene dnmceUofthe
judged to be necessarie to his authoritie. For to the ^»<^^^«^^
Vice-royes and Presidents, that they may have to reward J^^^/—^
the well-deserving, and they be more respected, there are
Offices assigned which they may provide, and matters
wherein they may gratifie, and to the providing of the
Person Royall have remayned, with considtation of the
supreme Councell of the Indies the offices following.
For the Kingdome of Chile a Governour and a learned T^^ govern-
Justice, with fkcultie to inconunend or authorise the ^^^f^^
Indians: another for Tuciunan, with tne same fkcultie: a^wV^/I/Vi
another for the Provinces of the River of Plate, for the Indies.
Popayan, Sancta Martha, Cartagena, and Veragua, with
their Governour in every one with the same power. In
the Provinces of Nicaragua, and the Rich Coast, one : in
the Iland of Cuba, one Governour, and Captaine which is
resident in the Citie of Saint Christopher of the Avana :
there are besides the Govemours of the Iland of Saint
John of Porte-rico, Venezuela, Soconusco, Yutacan,
Cozumel, and Tabasco, which is all one government with
authoritie to commend the Indians. His Majestic pro-
videth also the governments of Honduras, the Margarite,
Florida, new Bisquie, Dorado, those of the new Realme
of Lion, and that of Pacamoros, Ygualsango, which are
for terme of life, and the same in the Provinces of Choco,
Quixos, the Cynamom, Hands of Salomon, Sancta Cruz
of the Hill, and the last is that of the new Andalusia.
Likewise there are provided by his Majestic the Ruler- The Ruier-
ships following. The Cuzco, the Citie of the Plate, and ^> ^'^^^
the scate of the mynes of Potosi, and the Province of j^^
Chicuito, the Andes of Cuzco, the citie of Truxillo,
Arrequipa, Saint James of Guayaquil, Guamanga, the
citie of the Peace, Chiqjuiabo, Saint John of the Frontier,
Lion of Guanuco, Old Haven, Zamora, the inhabiting of
579
AD. PUKCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
1601.
the mynes of the Zacatecas in new Galida, Cuenca, Loxa^
Tunja, the citie of Mexico, the dtie of the Kings, the
province of Nicoya. Chiefe Justiceships, are those of the
village of Saint Saviour of the province of Guatemala,
^Ortkemmi the inward part of Hispsmioh, *Nombre dc Dios, the
rfG§d. village of Chuhiteca, province of the Chiapa, Zapotlitan,
the village of Nata, Sancta Marie of tne victorie in
Tabasco. And the chiefe Bayliwickes are, in the dtie of
Saint Dominicke in Mexico, in Guadalajara, Saint James
of Guatemala, Panama, holy Faith of Bogota, Saint
Francis of Quito, the dtie ot the Kings, the Plata. In
the Cities recited in every one is a chide Bayliefe, which
hath a voice in Councell as a Ruler, and Deputies named,
for the use of his Office, and in every Court is another
chiefe Bayliefe with &cultie to name other two Deputies.
For the government of the goods Royall are provided
by his Majestie, with the opinion of the supreme Coimcell
of the Indies, many Officers, Factors, Treasurers, Tellers,
and Over-seers, which all doe give assurance in Castile
and in the Indies, of good and faithfuU administration :
and because this new Commonwealth doth augment so
much, it seemed behoofefuU to the service of God, and of
the King, to ennoble and authorize it more, with placing
two Vice-royes, one in New Spaine, another in the King-
domes of Piru, that in the Kings name they should
govcrne and provide the things belonging to the service
of God, and of the King, and to the conversion and
instruction of the Indians, sustayning, continuing,
inhabiting, and ennobling of the said Kingdomes, whioi
experience hath shewed, that it hath beene convenient:
to the which Vice-royes instructions are given very
particular of that which is recited, and that they may have
in protection the holy office of the Inquisition, and with
their strong arme to defend and protect it, that this con-
formitie as a fast knot, may be the pure and true
preservation of the spirituall and temporal! Estate, which
is the best and truest estate, and most according to the
Evangelical! estate.
580
ANTONIO DB HERRERA a.d.
1601.
The Vicc-roycs arc commanded also, and likewise the That wtick is
Judges, not to have houses proper, nor to trafficke, nor M^'^^ ^
contract, nor be served of the Indians, neither have any anTj^m,
* Orangeries, nor meddle in Armies, nor Discoveries ; that *whire herds
they receive no guifts nor presents of any person; nor ofCatuUare
borrow mony, nor any thing to eate; nor pleade, nor ^''-^^•
receive arbitrements. That no Lawyer may plead where
his father, father in law, brother in kw, cousin, or sonne
is Judge. That no Vice-roy, President, Justice, Judge of
the criminall Cases, Solicitor, nor their children may marry
in the Indies. That no Govemours, Rulers, nor their
Deputies, may buy Lands, nor build Houses, nor trafficke
in their jurisdiction. That they may not farme the Bayli-
wickes, nor Jaylorships, nor other offices. That no
Govemour, Ruler, nor chiefe Bayliefe, during the time of
his office, may marry in the bounds of his jurisdiction.
That no Judge be {^ovided for a Rxiler, neither shall the
said Judges, or Bayliefs, have any charge in which thev [III. ?. 914.]
are to make any absence from their offices : neither shall
any office of justice be given to the sonnes, sonne in law,
brothers in law, nor fathers in law of Presidents, Justices,
nor Solicitors, nor to the Officers of the Courts, and of the
goods Royal, neither to servants not allied of theirs : and
the same is commanded the Vice-royes. And that none
of the abovesaid Ministers, doe accept warrant for
recoveries nor other things, nor serve themselves of the
Indians without paying them. That no Advocate,
Scrivener, nor Relator, ctoe dwell in the house of Judge,
nor Bayliefe, nor the Suiters serve the Judges. That Sie
Judges of Panama, doe not accompanie themselves with
the Dealers, nor give leave to their wives to accompanie
them. And that no Justices of all the Courts, shall have
much communication with the Suiters, Advocates, nor
Attumeys : neither in body of a Court to goe to Marriages,
Funerals, nor Spousals, except it be a very weighty
matter: neither visite any Neighbour for any cause.
That they doe not meddle in matters of the Common-
wealth, nor any Justice, nor other minister of the Court*
S3i
i6oi.
ChMf, 32.
H^kgrein kit
cmtsMiutk the
mstteroftki
gmd govern-
mentoftki
Interfritirs.
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
may have two offices in it. And besides these many other
Ordinances^ and z^ood Lawes, which are all concerning
administration of justice.
ANd because these Catholike Kings have left nothing
which most wisely they have not provided for
according to their dutie^ the first thing they command
the Vice-royeS) and all the Ministers in generall and
particular is^ the good usage of the Indians, and their
preservation, and uie accomplishing of the Orders which
are made as touching this, for to punish the OflFenders
with g;reat rigour: and as the Indians doe learne the
Castilkn policie, and can complaine, and know in what
things they receive wrong, for their greater ease it is
provided, that they give no place that the ordinarie
writings be made in the suites betweene, or with the
Indians, neither make any delayes, as it is wont to happen,
by the malice of some Advocates, and Attumeys, but
that sununarily they be determined, keeping their uses
and customes, not being manifestly injust, and that by all
meanes possible, they doe provide the good and short
dispatch of them. And having notice that in the
interpretation of the Indians languages, there were some
fraudes; for to prevent all, it was ordayned, that every
interpretation be made by two Interpreters, which shall
not confer both together about that which is controverted
by the Indian : and that before they be received to the use
of the office, they shall take their oath to administer it
faithfully, and that they receive no guifts of the Indians
suiters, nor of others. That they doe assist at the Agree-
ments, Courts, and visitations of the Prisons. That in
their houses they heare not the Indians, but to carry them
to the Court. That the Interpreters be not Solicitors, not
Attumeys of the Indians. Tnat they aske them nothing.
And for their greater good, it is proviaed, that the Atturney
of the supreme CounceU of the Indies, bee Protector of the
Indians, and defend them in their suites, and aske in the
CounceU all the necessarie things for his instruction,
S8»
ANTONIO DE HERRJSRA a.d.
1601.
preservation, and politike life: and now there are
appointed Protectors in the Kingdomes of Piru, and New
Spaine, with new orders for their better usage.
It is also commanded, to set up Schooles of the ^^l^sfor
CastiUane tongue, that the Indians may learne it, and may ^^^^J^
doe it from their childhood; and that no vagabond Spanish
Spaniard doe dwell or remayne in the Townes of the rngtu.
Indians, nor among them, but that the Vice^royes and
the Courts, doe put all diligence in driving such out of
the Land, shipping them for Castile: and 3ie *Co\mtrie *Sc.ofthe
borne be compell^ to serve and to learne Trades. And ^^f!j^^^
as well to the Prelates, as to the Vice-royes, Courts, triwmeti ^
Governours, and Rulers, and other whatsoever Justices, is
ordayned, and particular care is had they doe accomplish
it, that they doe provide how the oflFences that were done
to God may cease, in the Indians marrying whiles they
are children, without having respect of age : the Caziques
marrying with more than one woman, though he be an
Infidel: in hindering that when some Cazique did die
they should kill another to bee buried with him, and
other like abominable uses. That it be permitted to the
Indians that they may dispose of themselves what they
list, as free men, and exempted from all manner of labour,
though it shall bee procured that they doe labour and not
be icfle, and may have libertie to dispose of their goods,
the Lands being set to sale by out-cry thirty dayes, and
the moveable nme, the Jxxstice being present. That the
Lands remayning of any Indian deceasmg without a Will,
shall remayne in the Townes where they dwelt. That
they make the Markets freely, and sell in them their
merchandize. That their good uses and ancient customes
be approved. That they may send to these Kingdomes
Indian Atturneys for three yeeres. That the * Residencies "^Or accmpu
be published in the Indian Townes, to see if any wiU oftheJudgesy
demand justice. That in every Towne of the Indians ^ ^^^^^^^^
there bee an Hospitall with the things necessarie.
In this matter of the Indian slaves, there were in the That they hi
beginning of the Discoveries divers opinions, and orders, ** '^'^•
583
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
1601.
governiafi' themselves as the time required and the state
of the mitigs: but after the Bishop Don Sebastiaa
Ramirez came for President of New Spaine, this use was
absolutely abolished, notwithstanding the ancient one
which the Indians had to make themselves slaves one to
another: neither might they buy of them, nor receive
them, neither that any person may bring to these King-
domes any Indian in title of a slave, though he be taken
in lawfuU warre : and for this are so straight orders eiven
that they are effectually kept, and so in no place oT the
[III. V. 915.] Indies are Indian slaves, though they be out of the
boimds of Castile and Lion. And to eschew this incon-
venience the more, the bringing Indians to these parts for
whatsoever title it bee, is forbidden.
jiboMt unquiet And the quietfiesse for the Commonwealth being above
{persons. jjj very necessarie, facultie is given to the Vice-royes,^
Presidents, Governours, and other Justices, that they may
drive away, and banish from the Indies all vmquiet
persons, and send them to these Kingdomes, judging^
it so to bee convenient for the quietnesse of those, but
that it bee not for hatred or passion, nor for any such
reason.
And that it may be some bridle to the Superiors, they
are commanded, that they hinder no man th^ writing to
the King, to his Councell, and to other persons, what they
will : neither open, nor take any papers, or letters, under
great penalties, and that they permit to passe and repasse
through the Countrie them that will, providing wayes
and bridges in the places where they are wanting.
Matters of As touching the matters of Warre, it is also provided
warre, ^j^ gi^^t deliberation, for the Vice-royes greater
authoritie, facultie is given them to have a Giurd on foot,
and on Horse-backe: to make a casting place for
Ordnance and Bvdlets, and a building for munitions, to
levy men, arme ships, and make fortifications, and provide
all the rest convenient for the defence of those Kingdomes^
and how the excesses of the Souldiers may be eschewed^
as well by Land as by Sea, and to them that goe in the
S«4
^
ANTONIO DE HERRERA ad.
1601.
fleetes, committing the punishing of them to whom it
beiongeth, for to excuse competencies of jurisdiction.
It hath akeady beene said how all the Government of ^^ ^^^, ^f
this Orbe, depends of the supreme and Royall Councell '^^^^^
of the Indies, that are neere the Person Royall. But as
it is necessarie that the executions of those parts have corre-
spondence in these ; and here also there be they that may
provide in effecting that is behoofefixll for the matters
there: it was necessarie to place in Sivil, where all the
trafficke of the Indies doth come, a house Royall of con-
tractation of it, that medleth not but in the dispatching
of those businesses, and dependants of them, without any
person nor Justice doe intermeddle in any thing belonging
to the Indian affaires : and it is in substance, a TribunaU
of ^eat authoritie, in the which is a President, which now
is Don Bernardino Dek^adillo of Avellaneda, a Teller, a
Treasurer, one Factor, three learned Judges, one Solicitor,
one Relator, one Seigeant, Scriveners, Porter, Jaylor, and
other Officers. In the Ilands of Tenerife and Palma,
are placed two learned Judges, called Officers Royall,
or Judges of the Registers, to cause Orders to be kept
that are given for the lading and Registers of those Ilands,
and Navigation of that voyage. The house of the Con-
tractation hath her instruction and ordinances, how her
jurisdiction is to be governed and exercised, and the
learned Judges have it also for their use and exercise,
keeping in the seeing of the plea, betweene parties, the
order that is held m the Courts of Vallaidolid, and
Granada : and because the particular care of the officers
of this house, is the dispatch of the Fleetes and Armies,
that they may depart in due times, they employ them
selves in it with great diligence, and in receiving them
that come, and setting in safeguard the Gold, Silver,
Jewels, and other things that doe come, with a distinction
of the waight and carracts, charging themselves with all,
that there may be more account and reason, and for to
make the provisions of the Fleetes and Armies. There
are so good orders given, that neither the Ministers doe
585
i6oi.
PURCHAS HIS PIL6RIMES
Lewis Quixada, Lord of Villagarcia, and of the Councell
of Warre.
The Licenciate John of Obando^ of the supreme
CounceU of the holy Inqxiisition) did preside in the
Councell of the Indies, and of the goods RoyalL
The Licenciate Don Antonio de radilla, of the Royal
and supreme Counsell of Castile, passed to be President
of the Councell of the Orders, and after to the supreme
Councell of the Indies.
The Licenciate Hernando of Vega and Fonseca, of the
supreme Covmcell of the holy and generall Inquisition^
passed to the Councell of the goods Koyall, and from it
to the Royall and supreme Coimcell of the Indies.
The Licenciate Don Pedro de Moya of Controls, the
first Inquisitor that went to Mexico for to seate the holy
Office in that Citie. Hee was Archbishop of that Citie,
and President of the supreme Councell or the Indies.
The Licenciate Paul of Laguna, of the Royall and
supreme Coimcell of Castile, and of the holy and general!
Inquisition, passed to governe in the Councell of the
goods Royall and Tribunals of it, and was after President
of the supreme CoimceU of the Indies: and in his time
began the Royall Councell of the House-hold.
Counsellors.
HErnando of Vega, Lord of Grajal, which was chiefe
Knight of Lion, and President of the CounceU of
Orders. Licenciate Lewis Zapata. Licenciate Moxica.
Doctor S. James. Doctor Palacios Penbios. Doctor
Gonqdo Maldonado, which was Bishop of the citie
Rodrigo. Master Lewis Vaca, Bishop of Canarie.
Doctor Aguirre. Doctor Mota, Bishop of Badajoz.
Doctor Sosa. Doctor Peter Martyr of Angleria, Abbot
of Jamayca. Mosiur of Lassao, of the Emperours
Chamber, and of the Coimcell of Estate. Licenciate
Garcia of Padilla, of the habit of Caktrana. Doctor
Beltran. Doctor Galindez of Carrajal. Doctor Bemai.
Licenciate Peter Manuel. Licenciate Rodrick of the
588
ANTONIO DE HEKRERA a.d.
1601.
Court. Licenciate Montoya. Licenciate Mcrcado.
Licenciate Antonie of Aguilera. Licenciate Don Her-
nando of Salas. Licenciate John Thomas. Doctor
Vilk&nye. Licenciate Bottelbo Maldonado. Licenciate
Otalora. Licenciate James Gasca of Salazar. Licenciate
Gamboa. Doctor Gomez of Santillana. Licenciate
Espadero. Licenciate Don James of Zunnigo. Licen-
ciate Lopez of Sarria. Licenciate Enao. Doctor Lope
of Bayllo. Licenciate Gedeon of Ynojosa^ of the habit
of Samt James. Licenciate Villafanne. Doctor Antonie
Gon9alez. Licenciate Franciscus Balcazar. Licenciate
Medina of Sarauz. Licenciate Don Lewis of Mercado.
Doctor Peter Gutierrez Flores. Licenciate Peter Dayes
of Tudan9a. Licenciate Benitte Rodriguez Valtodano.
Licenciate Austine Alvarez of Toledo, and of the
Chamber. Doctor Don Roderick Zapata. Licenciate
Peter Brano of Sotomayor. Licenciate Molina of
Medrano, of the habit of Saint James, & of the
Chamber, Commissioner of this Historie. Licenciate
James of Armenteros. Licenciate Alonso Perez of
Salazar. Licenciate Gon9alo of Aponte, and of the
Chamber. Licenciate Don John of Ocon, of the habit
of Calatrana. Licenciate Hernando of Saanedra. Licen-
ciate Don Thomas Ximenez Ortiz. Licenciate Eugenius
of Salazar. Licenciate Don Franciscus Arias Maldonado.
Licenciate Andrew of Ayala. Licenciate Benavente of
Benavides. Licenciate Roocke of ViUagutierre Chuma-
zero.
Secretaries.
JOhan Colona. Michael Perez of Almazan. Gaspar
of Gricio. The Knight Lope of Conchillos. Fran-
ciscus of the Cobos, chiefe Commander of Lion. John
of Samano. The Commander Franciscus of Eraso. [III. v. 917.]
Antonie of Eraso. The Commander John of Ybarra.
589
AD- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1601.
best. He died Bishop of Sifi^uen^a, and his Funerall tod
Tix^hees are seene in MagdUene Church in Valladolid,
and in his absence the ^[ovemment remajned to the Court
of the Citie of The Kanes.
The second that carried Tide of Vice^roy and Captaine
general!) was Don Antonie of Mendo9a, that governed
the Kingdoms of New Spaine.
Don Andrew Hurtado of Mendofa, Marques of
Cauyetc.
Don James of Zunyga and Veksco^ Earle of Nieva.
The Licenciate Lope Garcia of Castro, of the Royall
and supreme Councell of the Indies, caried title of Presi-
dent and Governor general.
Don Franciscus of Toledo, brother to the Earle of
Qropesa, Steward to the King.
Don Martin Enriquez, from the charge of New Spaine«
passed to goveme the Kingdomes of Piru.
Don Garcia of Mendo^a, Marques of Cavyete.
Don Lewis of Velasco, from the charge of New Spaine,
passed to the Kinedomes of Piru, where now he is, and
at the instant of the impression of this Worke, is
provided for Vice-roy and Captaine generall of those
Kingdomes, Don John Pacheco, Duke of Escalona.
Printed at Madrid by Juan Flamenco. An. 1601.
END OF VOLUME XIV.
3 2044 024 484 404
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