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Hakluytus Posthumus 


Purchas His Pilgrimes 

In Twenty Volumes 
Volume I 












One thousand copies of this book have been printed 

for sale in Great Britain and Ireland, of which one 

hundred copies are on hand-made paper 

Hakluytus Posthumus 


Purchas His Pilgrimes 

Contayning a History of the World 

in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells 

by Englishmen and others 



James MacLehose and Sons 

Publishers to the University 



Publishers' Note, ...... xxi 

The Will of the Rev. Samuel Purchas, B.D., . xxix 

The Epistle Dedicatorie to Charles, Prince of 

Wales, . . . . . . . xxxvii 

To the Reader, xxxix 

A Note touching the Dutch, .... xlix 

The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs 
in the First Volume of Purchas His 


A Large Treatise of King Salomons Navie sent from 
Eziongeber to Ophir : Wherein besides the Typicall 
Mysteries briefly unvailed, and many Morall specu- 
lations observed ; the Voyage is largely discussed out 
of Divine, Ecclesiasticall and Humane Testimonies : 
Intended as an historicall Preface to the Histories 
following. ....... I 

Ophirian voyage intended as a Preface to this whole 
Worke. The History and Mystery of Salomons 
Ophirian Voyage, 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

§. I. The Allegorlcall and Anagogicall sense or applica- 
tion of Salomons Ophirian Navigation. . . 5 

Mysteries of the Temple unvailed. Mans naturall right. 

§. 2. The Tropologicall use of the Story; and of Dis- 
coveries and negotiations by Sea. ... 9. 

Merchandising & Sea trade proved by Gods Law, 
Nature, Nations. Best traffique. Mans foure-fold 
Right or Tenure. 

§. 3. The Tropologicall or Morall use enlarged and am- 
plified ; and a view taken of Mans diversified 
Dominion in Microcosraicall, Cosmopoliticall, and 
that Spirituall or Heavenly right, over himselfe and 
all things, which the Christian hath in and by 
Christ. . . . . . . .14, 

Mans Microcosmicall state or tenure examined. The 
Christian Man an universall possessor of the 
Universe. Christians grace and glorie. Vanity of 
other things compared. Microcosmicall, Cosmopo- 
liticall & Christian tenure compared with propriety. 

§. 4. The Christian and Philosopher compared in that 
challenge to be rich, free, a King ; that this hinders 
not but furthers Politicall subjection : and of the 
happie combination of wisdome and royaltie in 
Salomon, as likewise in our dayes. . . .25 

The Christian, how both Free and a King. The 
Christian free, rich, a King. Heroicall Kings. 
Q. Elizabeth and K. James Englands two great 
Lights. Englands blessed shade under the Jacobajan 

§. 5. Of the propriety which Infidels have in their lands 
and goods : of propriety in the Sea, and of Salomons 
propriety of the Sea and Shoare at Ezion Geber. . 38 

Christians hold in Capite. Ethnicks in Villenage. Image 
of God. Keyes of Religion lock from heaven not 
earth. Meum & Tuum. 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

§. 6. The commendations of Navigation, as an Art worthie 
the care of the most Worthie ; the Necessitie, 
Commoditie, Dignitie thereof. .... 45 

Navigation necessary. Seas manifold serviceablenesse. 
Excellencie of Navigation, of the Sea and Salomon. 
The Tyrians. Sea-monopoly. Sea addes true great- 
nesse to greatest Kings. Sea-greatnesse of English 
and Dutch. Mariners, why unruly. Concent and 
consent of Elements to Navigation. 

§, 7, Of Ezion Geber, Eloth, and the Red Sea : that 
of Edom it received that name, and communicated 
it to the Indian Ocean, by the Phoenician Naviga- 
tions frequent in those times to India. . . 58 

Eziongeber where. Eloth & Esiongeber. Red Sea named 
of Idumaea, & that of Edom. Elath. Sinus Elani- 
ticus. The Phoenix true in Mystery, not in 
History. Sinai-desert and Ophir-voyage, mysteries 
of faith and free grace. 

§. 8. Of Ophir, divers opinions weighed and censured ; 
whether the Compas was knowne to the old World ; 
that the remote parts were lately inhabited, the new 
World but newly, and a great part thereof not yet. 

Peru why and whence so named. It was not Ophir. 
No new thing under the Sunne, how to be under- 
stood. The Ancients had not the Compasse. Peru 
is not Ophir. Columbus and Cabot mistaken. Sofala 
is not Ophir. Discourse of the confusion of Lan- 
guages ; of the Ebrew and Punick. The World 
peopled by degrees. America but newly. 

§. 9. Joctans posteritie seated in the East parts of Asia, 
amongst them, Ophir in India ultra Gangem, where 
Chryse was of old, and now is the Kingdome of 
Pegu, and the Regions adjoynlng. 

Name-search of Joctans Posterity in India. Ophirs deriva- 
vatives. Mesha, Sephar, Ophir. Gold-Ants and 
Gryphans, Emblems. Reports ancient, midle and 
moderne of the Gold in those parts. Store of Gold 
in Pegu and Sumatra, the head and foot of Ophir. 



The Contents of the Chzpters^Contmuet^. page 

§. lo. Of the Gold, Silver, Gemmes, Ivorie, Almug trees, 
Apes and Peacockes, which Salomons Fleet brought 
from Ophir, with divers other profitable observa- 
tions inserted. ...... 95 

Excellence of Metals, superexcellence of Gold. Greatest 
Ethnick sums. Davids talents, Salomons Revenue, 
audited. Davids Husbandry, Salomons Navigation, 
2. wings of Magnificence. Varietie of Indian 
Gemmes ; which prove Ophir to be India. India 
yeelds store of the things brought from Ophir. 

§. II. Probable conjectures of the course taken in the 
Ophirian Voyage, and accounts given of the three 
yeeres time spent there : also of the course taken in 
like Voyages by the Romans : and the divers Ports 
whereto the Spices and riches of India have in 
divers Ages beene brought, and thence dispersed to 
the severall parts of Europe. . . . .108 

Roman Navigations to the Indies. Arabian Gulfe. 
Ophirian Voyage discussed, and accounts of the 
time and course. D. Dees calculation. Salomons 
servants who. First Spice-Merchants. Severall Ports 
of Indian Merchandise, changing with the Empires. 
Succession of Ports and Staples for the Indian Spice- 

§. 1 2. Of Tharsis or Tharshish, whether it be the same 
with Ophir, and both, some indefinite remoter 
Countrie ; whether it be the Sea, or Tartessus, or 
any place in Spaine. Of the ancient Navigations 
about Africa, and of the Phoenician Antiquities. . 123 

Ophir and the voyage to Ophir. Opinions of Ophir 
and Tharshish. Tarshish what and where it was, 
discussed. Tartessus not Tharshish. Circumnaviga- 
tions of Africa. Phaenician and Spanish Antiquities. 
Q. Elizabeth and King James. 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 


Mans life a Pilgrimage. The Peregrinations of Christ, 
and the first Encompassing the habitable or then 
inhabited World by the holy Apostles and first 
Planters of the Gospell. . . . . -135 

§. I. Man by sinne becomne a Worldly Pilgrime ; Christs 
Pilgrimage in the Flesh to recover him : Mans Spiri- 
tual! Pilgrimage in and from the World. . . 135 

Mans Creation, Fall, Recoverie by an invaluable price. 
Christs peregrinations. Mans pilgrimage. 

§. 2. How Apostles differed from Bishops : their preach- 
ing the Gospell to all Nations. . . -139 

Apostles preeminence. Apostles preached thorow all the 
World in proper sense. 

§. 3. The Peregrination of S. Peter. . . . .142 

Peter not Bishop of Rome. Difference of an Apostle and 

§. 4. Of Saint Andrew, John, the two Jacobi, Philip and 

Simon Zelotes. . . . . . .146 

Apostles tongues and miracles. Saints, Andrew, John, 
James. Saints, Jacobus, Justus, Philip and Simon 

§. 5. Of S. Thomas, Bartholomew, Matthew, Jude, Matthias: 

and of counterfeit Writings in the Apostles names. . 151 

Saints, Thomas, Barthol. Matthew. Leaden legends & 
Counterfeits. Changelings fathered on Apostles. S. 
Paul & his Evangelists. S. Mark. 

§. 6. Of Saint Paul: Of Apostolicall Assistants: some doubts 

discussed. . . . . . . -^55 

The Apostles preached onely in the old knowne World. 
Alexander. Christians much fewer since the Tartars. 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pack 

§. 7. Of America, whether it were then peopled. . '159 

America new-peopled. Conquerors the conquest of 
Religion. Americas peopling and progresse. Multi- 
plication of the Israelites in Egypt, and of Americans. 

§. 8. The glorie of Apostolicall Conquests : the hopes 
of enlarging the Church in this last Age, by know- 
ledge of Arts and Languages through the benefit 
of Printing and Navigation. . . . .166 

Apostolicall Acts and Conquest compared with greatest 
Captaines. Two Hirams Paralel of Tabernacle and 
Temple ; Printing & Navigation. Learning revived 
by printing, by navigations help preacheth to the 
World. Romish and Jewish Church compared. 
Spaine fitted against Rome. Praier for more full 
Conversion of the World. 

CHAP. in. 

Of divers other principall Voyages, and Peregrinations 
mentioned in holy Scripture. Of the travels and 
dispersions of the Jewes ; and of Nationall trans- 
migrations. . . . . . .179 

History and Mystery of the Patriarkes Travells. Jewes 
Travells and dispersions. Hope of their conversion. 
World peopled by peregrination. National Travels. 


Fabulous Antiquities of the Peregrinations and Naviga- 
tions of Bacchus, Osiris, Hercules, the Argonauts, 
Cadmus, the Grascian Navie to Troy, Menelaus, 
Ulysses, yEneas, and others. . . . .186 

Truth occasion of Fables. Travells of Bacchus, Theseus, 
Hercules, the Argonauts. Argonauts Arts. Cadmus. 
Muster of the Grecian ships against Troy. The 
Travells of Menelaus, Ulysses, Daedalus, ^Eneas. 



The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 


A briefe recitall of the famous expeditions mentioned in 
ancient Histories, of the Assyrians, Egyptians, Scy- 
thians, Ethiopians, Persians, and others. . , 195 

Ninus his conquests and Ninive. Semiramis invadeth India. 
Sesostris Pillars. Zerah. Tearcon. Cyrus. Xerxes. 
Rom. Emperors travels. 


The travels of the antient Philosophers and learned men 
briefly mentioned. ..... 

The Author a great-little Traveller. Thales his Epistle. 
Solon. Solon and Croesus. Travells of Philosophers. 
Basenesse of Flatterers. Travels of Zeno, Pytha- 
goras, Apollonius, Histaspis, & of Historians. 


Phoenician Voyages, and especially that of Hanno, a 

Carthaginian Captaine. ..... 207 

Phasnician Hand. Hanno & Himilco discover the South & 
North parts. 

The Navigation of Hanno a Carthaginian Captaine on the 
Coasts of Africa, without Hercules Fillers, which he 
dedicated, written in the Punick tongue in the Temple 
of Saturne, after translated into the Greeke, and now 
into the English, with briefe annotations. . . 210 

Hanno voyage, acts and discoveries on the African-Atlantine 
Coast. Discourse on the Voyages of Hanno and 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. 


lambulus his Navigation to Arabia, and Ethiopia, and 
thence to a strange Hand, from whence he sayled 
to Palimbothra in India. .... 

Description of lambuli Insula, the people, rites, creatures, 
lambulus his reports of his Indian Travels. 



Great Alexanders Life, Acts, Peregrinations and Con- 
quests briefly related. . . . . .220 

Alexander. Bucephalus. Alexander the Great his Acts, 
Arts, Persian Expedition. Alexanders sicknesse, 
battels with Darius, Ammon-voyage. Darius slaine. 
Amazonian fable. Crueltie. Fountaine of Oile. 
Alexanders Ambition frustrate ; danger, escape, view 
of the Ocean. Alexanders returne, Mariage, Feasts, 
Guard, mourning, rage, death. 

The Voyage of Nearchus and his Fleet set forth by Alex- 
ander the Great, from the River Indus to the bottome 
of the Persian Gulfe. . . . . .232 

Journall of Nearchus his voyage from Indus to the Persian 
Gulfe. Nearchus his Voyage from Indus to Tigris: 
honoured by Alexander. 


The travels of Musaeus, Thebseus, and others mentioned 
by Saint Ambrose ; of others also mentioned in the 
Ecclesiasticall Histories of Eusebius, Ruffinus, Socrates, 
and Sozomen. . . . . . .239 

Indian voyages of Musaeus and Thebaeus. Epistle of 
Calanus. Frumentius. Conversion of Indians and 
Iberians. Palladius his posting. 


A briefe and generall consideration of Europe. . . 24.4 



The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

§. I. Of Europe compared with the other parts of the 

World 244- 

§. 2. The names of Europe. . . . . .245 

Bounds of Europe and Etymologies of the name, with their 

§. 3. The Ouantitie and Bounds. .... 247 

Frankes and Romanes. Quantitie, Qualitie, Conquests of 

8. 4. The Oualitie and Excellencies. .... 248 
Europes Arts and Inventions. Religion, Civility. 

§. 5 Of the Languages of Europe. . . . .252 

Languages. The Languages of Europe. Authors excuse 
for Europaean promise. 

CHAP. xn. 

Enquiries of Languages by Edw. Brerewood, lately pro- 
fessor of Astronomie in Gresham Colledge. . . 256 

Extent of the Greeke tongue in antient times. Extent of 
the Greeke tongue in vulgar use. Decay of the old 
Greeke, where and whence. How corrupted. Differ- 
ence of the old and moderne Greeke. Extent of the 
Latine. Roman tongue spread by Roman Colonies. 
The Latine abolished not the vulgar Languages. 
African, Gallike, Spanish, Panonian and Roman 
tongues. Latine, not vulgarly spoken in all places o\ 
the Roman Empire. When the Latine degenerated 
into Italian, French & Spanish. Roman Emp. when 
and by whom it fell. Threefold corruption of 
Latines. Extent of the Latine tongue, discussed. 
Change of the Roman and English tongues. 
Tongues of Italy and France. Originall of French, 
Walsh language of the Celtas. Spanish, &c. Punike 
or Phoenician language, that of Canaan &: Hebrew, 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. 

Punike, the same, or neere to Hebrew. Extent of 
Slavonian, The Arabike, Syriake & Turkish languages 
where spoken. Chaldee paraphrase. Hebrew not 
vulgarly understood after Captivity. 


Master Brerewoods Enquiries of the Religions professed 
in the World : Of Christians, Mahumetans, Jewes, 
and Idolaters ; with other Philosophical! specula- 
tions, and divers Annotations added. . . . 304 

Almost all Europe Christian. Almost all Afrike Mahumetan 
or Gentiles. Christians of Egypt. Habassia and 
other African Lands and Hands. Scaligers errour 
touching Presbyter John. Christians in Asia. The 
Christians in America, and their poore Christianity. 
The World of Mahumetan professors in the World. 
Mahumetans in Asia. The cause. Christianitie ad- 
vanced other wayes. Idolatrous Nations in Europe, 
Africa and Asia. Idolatry in Asia and America. 
Judaisme in what Regions. Traditionary and Karaim 
Jewes and Samaritans. Tartars not Israelites. Tar- 
tarians not Israelites. Saracens not of Sara. Their 
Circumcision. Tartars not Israelites. Esdras his 
allegation discussed. Jewish Fables of Inclosed Jews & 
of the Sea. Behemoth & Liviathan. Hyperbolicall 
Whales. Depth of the Sea more then the height 
of Hils. Land not levell : where highest. Declivitie 
of the Chanels of Rivers. Christians, Mahumetans 
and Gentiles how proportioned in the World. 
Centre of the Earth and Sea, the same. Divers 
sorts of Christians. Patriarke of Constantinople 
why so great. Opinions of Greeke Church. Tyrus 
gave name to the Syrians : Now subject to the 
Pat. of Antiochia. Georgians, Circassians, Russians, 
their Rites and Opinions. Greeke faith in Russia 
and Poland. Nestorians in the East. Muzal Patri- 
archal! See of Nestorians. Their opinions and 
rites. Patriarcke of Mozal, or Seleucia. Nestorian 
opinions and rites. Syriake Testament. Jacobites 
whence called. Their opinions and rites. Opinions 
of Jacobites. Of the Egyptian Cophti. Rites and 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. 

opinions of the Cophti, or Egyptian Christians. 
Alvarez taxed. Patt. & BB. of the East. Monks of 
SS. Antony & Basil. Rites and Opinions of the 
Ethiopian Church. Abassine Circumcision and annuall 
Baptisme. Armenian Church. Rites and opinion 
of the Armenian and Maronite Christians. Patriarch, 
rites and opinions of the Maronite Christians. Suc- 
cession of Easterne heresies. Saracens scourge amending 
the posteritie. Christian, Jewish, and Mahumetan, in 
what Languages. Armenians. Scriptures and Liturgie 
in vulgar tongues, of divers sorts of Christians. Scrip- 
ture-translations. Greeke, Latine, Chaldee, Syriake 
Liturgies. What Liturgies in the Syriake, Chaldee, 
Greek, or Latine tongues. 


Relations of divers Travellers, touching the diversities of 
Christian Rites and Tenents in divers parts of the 
World. ....... 403 

§. I. Tecla Maria an Abassine, his answeres to questions 

touching the Religion of the Abassines and Cophti. 403 

Christians divided into foure parts, Greeks, Romists, Pro- 
testants, &c. Ethiopian Rites and Faith declared 
by Tecla Maria an Ethiopian. Difference between 
the Cophti & Ethiopians. Their Orders how given. 

§. 2. Relations of the. Jacobites and Armenians, written 
by Leonard Bishop of Sidon, Pope Gregorie the 1 3. 
his Nuncio to the Easterne parts, . . .411 

Jacobite rites, Patriark & BB. Two Armenian Patriarks & 
their BB. 

§. 3. Of Simon Sulaka a Papall Easterne Patriarke amongst 
the Chaldaeans : and of divers others thither sent. Of 
Abdesu, Aatalla, Donha his successor?. . . 414 

Titular Patriarks obeying Rome. 



The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 

§. 4. Of the Cophti, their Synode at Cairo, the Jesuites 
being the Popes Agents, and of Stephen Colinzas 
message to the Georgians, and two Jesuites sent to 
the Maronites. . . . . . .415 

Synods of the Cophti. Georgians. Popes Messengers and 
gifts to the Maronites. 

Errores ex libris Maronitarum excerpti 1580 sunt 

autem hujusmodi. . . . .418 

A Jesuites collection of opinions ascribed to the Maronites. 

§. 5. Of the condition of life in which the Greeks now 
live, and of their Rites of Fasts, Feasts, and other 
observations, gathered out of the booke of Christo- 
pheros Angelos, a Greekish Monke and Priest. . 422 

Scripture mis-applied. Greekes tributes divers. Tithing 
of children. Greeke Rites observed in their foure 
Lents. Their manner of fasting. Wed. Frid. Sat. 
Sunday, Twelfdaies rites. Holy Bread and Water. 
Grascian giving of Orders, rites of Prayer, Confes- 
sion, &c. Greekish manner of administring the 
Sacraments, their Excommunication. Patriarch of 
Alexandria drinketh poison unhurt; Jew poisoned 
by it. Greeke Menkes hand-labour, habit, diver- 
sitie, fasts : no begging. Life of Greek-Monks, 
penance, fasts, night-prayers, probation. Greekes 
Monk-sharing, Forgivenesse, Easter, conceits of the 
Crosse. Maintenance of the Greeke Clergie. 


Collections out of Peter Stroza, Secretarie to Pope 
Paul the Fifth, his Treatise of the Opinions of the 
Chaldsans, touching the Patriarke of Babylon, and 
the Nestorians in Asia. ..... 449 

From the Patriarchall Chamber, Prayers and 

Blessings be given to you. . . . 450 

Elias Patriarke of Babylon. Flattering Letter of the poore 
Babylonian Patriarch to the Pope. Elias beliefe. In 
what things Easterne Nestorians differ from us. 


The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page 


A briefe Survey of the Ecclesiasticall Politic ancient and 
moderne, or of the severall Patriarchs, Archbishops 
and Bishops Sees thorow the Christian world : also 
of the Jesuites Colledges and numbers, and of other 
Monasticall Orders. ..... 456 

Beginning and alteration of the number and power of 
Christian Patriarkes. Division of the Easterne world ; 
Patriarchs of Constantinople, &c. One Patriarchall 
See made five. Bishopricks Sc Jesuits Colledges in 
Italic. Catalogue of Bishoprickes and Jesuites in 
Italy and Sicilia. Bishoprickes of Spaine and their 
Revenues, as also of Dukes, &:c. Catalogue of Bishop- 
rickes and Jesuites in Spaine and France. Belgian, 
German and Switzer Bishops and Jesuits. Catalogue 
of Bishoprickes and Jesuites in Europe and India. 
Bishops Sees. Jesuits upstarts. Orders of Knight- 
hood. Other disorders. Numbers, kinds, and be- 
ginnings of Papall-religious Orders. Papall Orders. 


A Discourse of the diversitie of Letters used by divers 
Nations of the world : the Antiquitie, manifold use 
and varietie thereof: with exemplarie descriptions 
of very many strange Alphabets. .485 

Letters, how ancient and usefull ; by whom invented. 
Samaritan Letters whether ancienter then the present 
Hebrew. Greeke Inscriptions in lonikc Letters. 
Inventers of Letters. Diversity of Letters, and of 
the posture or reading of them. Phoenician, Hebrew, 
lonike, Greeke and Latine Letters compared. Hiero- 
glyphicall Obeliske. Hebrew Letters. Israel-Samari- 
tan Coines. Divers kindes of Alphabets. Divers 
Alphabets, old and new. Divers kinds of Easterne 
Alphabets. Malabar writing. Gotike, Saxon and 
English Alphabets. 




Facsimile of the Engraved Title Page, . . xxxvi 

Facsimile of the Title Page to the First Part, . xliv 

Hondius his Map of the Deserts and Israels 

Peregrination therein, . . . .72 

Hondius his Map of Saint Pauls Peregrinations, 160 

Hondius his Map of the Christian World, , .176 

Hondius his map of the Navigation of -^neas 

the Trojan, . . . . . ,192 

Hondius his Map of the Roman Empire, . . 200 

Hondius his Map of Alexanders Expedition, . 232 

Hondius his Map of the World, . ' . . 312 

The Alphabets of the Phoenicians, Greeks, and 

Latins, ....... 495 



The Hebrew Letters and Names thereof, . . 497 

Coins of the Old Samaritan Letters, . . -497 

Very many strange Alphabets, . • . 499-503 

Malabar Writing, 5^4 

Ulphila's Gothic, and the Saxon Alphabet, . . 505 



Samuel Purchas, son of George Purchas, Yeoman, 
was born at Thaxted in Essex. The date of his birth 
is uncertain ; in his Marriage Allegation, dated 2nd 
December, 1601, his age is given at * about 27,' but in 
the Thaxted Baptismal Register the date of his baptism 
is entered as * 20th November, 1577.' The use of the 
word * about' points to some uncertainty in the mind 
of the writer, and it is probable that his baptism took 
place shortly after his birth, and that at the time of 
his marriage he was really only in his twenty-fifth year. 
This is confirmed by the statement on the engraved title 
page of his ' Pilgrimes,' that at the date of its publication 
in 1625 he was aged forty-eight. He was educated at St. 
John's College, Cambridge, where he took the degree of 
M.A. in 1600, and afterwards proceeded to that of B.D. 
In 1 60 1 he was Curate of Purleigh in Essex, where he 
married in December of that year Jane Lease, daughter 
of Vincent Lease of Westhall, Co. Suffolk, Yeoman. 
Both Purchas and his bride are described as household 
servants of Dr. Freake, Parson of Purleigh. On the 
24th August, 1604, he was instituted to the Vicarage 
of Eastwood on the presentation of the King, and there 

he remained until 16 14. 

I xxi i 


It was doubtless during his residence at Eastwood 
that he commenced to gather materials for his * Pil- 
grimes.' Eastwood is only two miles from Leigh on 
the Thames, and Leigh, at that time, was a flourishing 
seaport ' well stocked with lusty seamen.' ^ There 
lived, when they were not afloat, the Cockes, the 
Bonners, the Goodlads, and many other seafarers whose 
names are mentioned in the ' Pilgrimes,' and there 
Purchas took down from ' his owne reports to myself 
the ' strange adventures of Andrew Battell, of Leigh, sent 
by the Portugals prisoner to Angola.' Purchas himself 
was no traveller : he tells us indeed that 'least Travellers 
may be greatest writers — Even I, which have written so 
much of travellers and travells, never travelled 200 miles 
from Thaxted in Essex where I was borne.' ^ But he 
made up for his want of experience as a traveller by his 
untiring industry. He was never able to maintain ' a 
Vicarian or Subordinate Scribe,' but ' his own hands had 
to worke as well as his head to contrive these voluminous 
Buildings [his books] except in some few Transcriptions 
or Translations, the most also of them by his sonne 
S. P. that one and the same name might both father 
and further the whole.' When it is mentioned that 
his * Pilgrimage ' and ' Pilgrimes ' together fill over five 
thousand folio pages of close print, his industry becomes 
impressive. In 1614 he was appointed Chaplain to George 
Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, and in the same year 
he was inducted Rector of St. Martin's, Ludgate, by 
the patronage of John King, 'late Lord Bishop of 
London, to whose bountie under God, I willingly ascribe 

1 Camden's Britannia, ed. Gibson, 1695, column 341. 

2 ' Pilgrimes,' I. i. 74. 



my life, delivered from a sickly Habitation, and con- 
sequently (as also by opportunities of a London Benefice) 
whatsoever additions in my later editions of my Pil- 
grimage ; these present Pilgrimes also with their pere- 
grinations,' The latter preferment ' afforded him the 
opportunities of bookes, conference, and manifold in- 
telligence ; and as the benefice was not the worst, so 
was it the best suited in the world to his content.' 
On July nth, 1615, he was incorporated B.D. of Oxford. 
He died in 1626, aged 49, leaving behind him a son 
Samuel, and a daughter Martha, another daughter, Mary, 
having predeceased him in 161 9. 

Anthony a Wood in his Fasti Oxonienses^ (and most 
of Purchas's biographers follow him) says of his ventures 
that ' by the publishing of which books he brought 
himself into debt, but died not in prison as some have 
said, but in his own house (a little while after the king 
had promised him a deanery).' Purchas was not a rich 
man ; he says, ' If I had not lived in great part upon 
Exhibition of charitable friends, and on extraordinary 
labours of Lecturing (as the terme is) the Pilgrime had 
beene a more agreeing name to me, than Purchas'; yet 
from his Will, which is here reprinted,^ it would seem 
that when it was drawn up on the 31st May, 1625, in 
the year before his death, he had considerable property 
to dispose of, and there is no evidence to show that in 
the interval his affairs had become embarrassed. The 
misunderstanding has probably arisen from the statement 
in the Preface to the ' Microcosmus,' where Purchas men- 
tions the death of his brother-in-law, Wilham Pridmore, 
in 161 8, 'leaving Mee the cares of another Family, the 

^Wood's Athenae Oxonienses, ed. Bliss, 181 5, Vol. II. column 363. 
^ Page xxix. 


Widdow and the Fatherlesse,' and a few weeks after, the 
death of ' my dearest Brother (Daniel) whose intangled 
Booke-estate perplexed Me in a new kind of Bookishnes, 
with Heterogenean toyle of Body, and unacquainted 
vexations of Minde, to pay manifold debts, and to provide 
for his foure litde Fatherlesse and Motherlesse Orphans.* 
But as this happened seven years before his Will was 
made, it would appear that Purchas had overcome 
whatever temporary difficulties the death of his brother 
and brother-in-law had occasioned. 

The only original portrait of Purchas now known is 
that on the engraved tide page of the ' Pilgrimes,' the 
portraits by Boissard and Richardson being copies of it. 
The Wiir of the Rev. Thomas Purchas (brother of 
Samuel, and his successor in the Vicarage of Eastwood), 
shows that there were in 1657 portraits both of 
Samuel Purchas, ' with the Coat of Arms,' and of his 
father, but these, if still in existence, have not been 

Of Samuel Purchas's books the first to be published 
was ' Purchas His Pilgrimage or Relations of the World 
and the Religions observed in all Ages and Places 
Discovered, from the Creation unto this Present.' This 
volume was first published in 16 13, a second edition 
appeared in 16 14, a third in 161 7, and the fourth and 
last in 1626. This fourth edition being printed uniform 
in size and type with the ' Pilgrimes ' is frequently bound 
and lettered as the Fifth Volume of that work : it is, 
however, a distinct work. 

' Purchas his Pilgrim. Microcosmus, or the Historie of 

'^Transactions of the Essex Archaeological Society, 1869, Vol. IV. 
p. 178. 



Man. Relating the Wonders of his Generation, Vanities 
in his Degeneration, Necessity of his Regeneration. 
Meditated on the Words of David. Psalm 39, 5.' 
was published in 161 9, as a thick foolscap 8vo., and 
has never been reprinted. ' The King's Tower, and 
Triumphant Arch of London,' a Sermon on 2 Samuel 
xxii. 51, appeared in 1623. 

* Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes, Con- 
tayning a History of the World, in Sea Voyages, & 
lande Travells, by Englishmen and others,' was ' Imprinted 
at London for Henry Fetherston at ye signe of the rose 
in Pauls Churchyard 1625.' It has an engraved title 
page, and also four other title pages which detail the 
general contents of the four volumes into which the 
work is divided. 

In the Preface To the Reader (p. xli) Purchas says 
* As for Master Hakluyts many yeeres Collections, and 
what stocke I received from him in written Papers, in 
the Table of Authours you shall find ; whom I will 
thus farre honour, that though it be but Materials, and 
that many Bookes have not one Chapter in that kind, 
yet that stocke encouraged me to use my endevors in 
and for the rest. I was therein a Labourer also, both 
to get them (not without hard conditions) and to forme 
and frame those Materials to their due place and order 
in this iEdifice, the which Artifice (such as it is) being 
mine owne.' From this it may be inferred that Purchas 
was assisting Hakluyt to collect the materials which 
were left unpublished at Hakluyt's death in 1 6 1 6 ; it 
accounts, too, for the bequest of Hakluyt's papers to 
Purchas, and for the title ' Hakluytus Posthumus ' on 
the engraved title page of the 'Pilgrimes.' 


Purchas tells us that the book was four years in 
printing, and that ' it had not beene possible for me 
in London distractions to have accomplished so great a 
Designe, but for the opportunities of His Majestie's 
Colledge at Chelsie, where these foure last Summers 
I have retired my selfe (without Pulpit Non-residence) 
to this Worke.' He pays a well-deserved tribute to 
'Master Henry Fetherstone ' in these words: 'And for 
the price, as I cannot set it, so I must acknowledge 
the adventurous courage of the Stationer Master Henry 
Fetherstone (like Hercules helping Atlas) so long to 
beare this my heavy world at such expense.' 

The first book of the ' Pilgrimes,' which is intended 
as an introduction to the whole, is paged separately, 
as it was printed after the greater part of the other 
nine books. Some copies of the first book contain on 
page 6^ a map entitled ' Hondius, his Map of the 
Christian World ' with the Latin title ' Designatio Orbis 
Christiani.' This map is repeated on page 115. Other 
copies contain on page 65 a difi^erent map entitled 'Typus 
Orbis Terrarum,' with the motto beneath 'Domini est 
Terra & Plenitudo ejus, Orbis Terrarum & Universi 
qui habitant in eo. Psalmo 24.' Both maps are here 

The text of this edition is an exact reprint of that of 
1625 with the following exceptions : the letters i, j, u, 
and v are used according to modern custom, contracted 
forms of letters have been extended, and obvious printers' 
errors, both of spelling and punctuation, have been 
corrected. The quaint headlines to the pages of the 
original edition, which Purchas states were partly his 
work, and partly ' such as pleased the Corrector,' are 



given in the Table of Contents. References to the 
volumes and pages of the original text have been 
inserted in square brackets in the margin, following 
the suggestion of Professor Skeat regarding Messrs. 
MacLehose's edition of Hakluyt's ' Principall Naviga- 
tions.' The five indexes of the original edition of 
the ' Pilgrimes ' will be superseded by a fuller index in 
this edition. 

January, 1905. 



Dated 31 May, 1625, Proved 21 Oct., 1626 
[P.C.a 137 Hek.] 

In the Name of God, Amen. May 31, a.d., 1625, 
I Samuell Purchas, Clarke, Rector of the Church of St. 
Martin's, neere Ludgate in London, often admonished of 
the present to provide for a better life and nowe in toller- 
able health, blessed be God, doe make and constitute and 
ordaine this my Last will and testament. Imprimis, I 
commend my soule to God my Father in the name of 
his Sonne Jesus my saviour, through the sanctifyinge of 
the Holy and Coeternall spirit, beleevinge that Christ, 
(God manifested in the flesh), hath died for my sinnes, 
risen againe for my justification, hath ascended in tryumph 
leadinge captivity captive, and beinge sett at the right 
hand of power farre above all heavens, there appeareth 
before God for all saints and for me, lesse than the 
least of all, to make intercession for us synners and in 
his Fathers house to take possession for us mortalls that 
where he is wee may bee also ; and from whence I expect 
with hope his glorious cominge to Judgment, my soule 
meane while shall out of his body of death returne to 
God that gave it, and rest with the spiritts of just and 
perfect men whose names are written in the booke of life ; 
My body also shall rest in hope of a better resurrection, 
whereby this vile body shalbe made like to his glorious 


body who hath loved me and hath given himselfe for me. 
O Lord I have waited for thy salvation, I live not but 
Christ liveth in me, and to me to live is Christe and 
to dye is gayne, nor desire I to live but to do his worke, 
and so doe service to his servants, nor feare I to dye 
because I serve soe mightie, soe mercifuU a Lord. Even 
soe come L: Jesu, come into me the worst of the worst 
of synners that where my synnes have abounded, thy 
grace may in the pardon and mortification of them super- 
abounde, that whensoever thou shalt come unto me, I 
may be ready with my loynes girded with oyle in my 
lampe and my lampe burninge, my soule also wakinge 
to enter with the Bridegroom, that what by faith I have 
beleeved by hope as an ancor of the soule sure and sted- 
faste laid hold on, I maye in his presence where is fullnes 
of ioye enioye in super excessive charitie. Amen & 
Amen ; the waie, the truth, the life, come L: Jesus, come 
quicklie, with with the spiritt of grace and power unto 
thy whole Church ; enlarge the bounds thereof to the 
worlds end and now make it truly Catholike in sinceritie 
of truth and in extension of thy charitie unto Jewes, 
Turks, Infidells that thou mayest be the light to en- 
lighten the Gentiles, and the glory of thine Israeli ; 
Protect thy people in peace, unite the disagreeinge harts 
and disioynted states of Christendome, recover those 
which have fallen by Mahametan impiety and thy ser- 
vantes which groane under Turkish tyranny ; Bringe out 
of Babilon those which are involved in the misteries 
of Papall impurity ; Let God arise and lett his enemyes 
bee scattered, that Babell may be Ruined and Syon 
repaired ; Putt into the harts of Christian princes 
to hate the whore and to love thy spouse, that they 
may be nursinge Fathers and nursinge mothers to 
the Israeli of God, And as wee blesse thy name for 
our late godly princes Q, Elizabeth and Kinge James 
of happy memory, soe lett this testimony of love and 
duty be inserted as a christian legacie, my prayer for 
his gratious Majestie Kinge Charles, that from the pre- 


sent hopes he may daily proceede In grace and godlines, 
still growinge noe lesse in piety then in yeares, filled 
with the spiritt of wisdome and understanding, the 
spiritt of counsell and fortitude, the spirit of knowledge 
of the feare of the Lord, that under him thy people 
of this citty and kingdome maye live in all godlynes 
& honesty. The Lord make our gratious Queene now 
cominge unto his house like Rachell & like Lea, which 
two did build the house of Israeli, that through them 
Create Brittaine may bee famous and Ireland may 
reioice, and their posteritie may swaye these scepters till 
the endes of time. To this Citty lett me bequeath 
prayers for thy mightie protection & manifold bounties 
and deliverance from the present pestilence, and from 
all hardnes of hart in sacrilege, usury and other synnes, 
and to that litle flocke committed to thy servantes un- 
worthy ministery, give O Lord fructifyinge grace, the 
ymortall seede which the mortall seedman hath sowen 
in their eares, still sproutinge and multiplyinge in theire 
harts and lives when he shall have passed the possibilitye 
of further mortalitye, and double thy spirit in the 
succeedinge Pastor. Now for the rest, thou, O Lord, 
art my rest, my hope, my happenes, my love, my life, 
thou art the husband of the widdowe, and father of 
the fatherles, the God of thy servantes and of their seede, 
and thou art the porcion of the livinge and of the dead, 
in confidence of whose free grace and meere mercy thy 
servant is bold to bequeath this legacie which thou 
hast written in thy testament and ratified by the death 
of the testator, and whereof thou ever livest the ex- 
ecutor, that thou wilt never faile nor forsake them and 
that thou wilt bee their shield and their exceedinge great 
reward, Blessed be thy name O Lord which out of 
nakednes and nothinge hast created and raised unto me 
this estate of worldlie goodes, and though I am lesse than 
the least of all thy mercies, borne naked into the world 
at first, and onely not naked when I entered into the 
affairs of the world in the state of matrymonie after 


beinge then without porcion or purchase of either fide 
(sic) without house, lands, livinge, or any ritches else, but 
thy gracious promise to those which seeke the Kingdome 
of God first and his righteousnes that all these things 
shalbee added ; yet hast thou given me house and landes 
with other goodes to bequeath to myne (or rather to 
thine) after me : my will is, (for thine is such) that 
all my debts be first trulie and fully satisfied and the 
charges of my Funerall in moderate sorte discharged, 
Also I bequeath five poundes to be given to the poore 
people of Thaxted where I first receaved light. Item I 
give will and bequeath to my sonne Samuell all that my 
messuage and tenement in the parish of Thaxted in 
Essex which I latelie bought of Absolon Onion, with the 
lands, mill and other the appurtenances nowe in the occu- 
pation of the said Absolon or his assignes conteyninge 
about tenn acres more or lesse. To have and to hold to 
him and his heires for ever. Item, I give, will and bequeath 
one other porcion of land of tenn acres or thereabouts 
lyinge neere to the former which I lately bought of my 

brother William Purchas, by him purchased of one 

Kent alias Reynolds who formerlie had bought the same 
of Absolon Onyon aforesaid, unto Martha my daughter 
and to her heires for ever. Moreover I bequeath unto 
the said Martha all those landes in fower croftes or closes 
neere to a hamlett called Boyton end (which latelie were 
belonginge to my Father George Purchas of pious memory) 
in the parish of Thaxted aforesaid, nowe in the tenure 
of my brother William above mentioned and containing 
about tenn acres more or lesse, with all the commodities 
and appurtenances thereto. To have and to hold to the 
said Martha and her heires for ever. Provided alwaies, 
and my will is that my wife Jane shall, so longe as she 
shall contynue a widdowe, have, hold and enioye the 
profittes and disposicion of the same house and landes 
before bequeathed to my sonne Samuell and my daughter 
Martha, to inhabite, sett, or lett, and to the use of the 
same as shall seeme best to her, payinge yearlie duringe 


the said terme, unto my son Samuell £^ and to my 
daughter Martha other three poundes yearlie by even 
and equall porciones every quarter (that is to saye at 
Christmas, our Lady daie in March, Midsummer day 
and Michaelmas daie) to be paid unto each of them 
exceptinge such yeares or quarters of yeares as my said 
Sonne or daughter shall live in house with their said 
mother or shall receave soe much or more from her 
towardes or to his or her maintenance. But if my 
said wife Jane shall after my death be married to 
another husband, then my will is that she shall from 
thenceforth have the thirdes onely of the premised houses 
and landes, and that my sonne and daughter shall have 
present power to enter on the same tenementes & landes 
according as is before bequeathed, and the same to have 
hold and enjoie to their best behoofe. Item, my will 
is that if one of my children die before the other seized 
and in possession of any part of the premisses, that the 
survivor shall inherite the same, except the deceased left 
legitimate issue, but if (which God forbidd) both my 
Sonne and daughter shall dye without issue, my will is 
that, whatsoever of the premisses shall not be alienated 
by them or either of them before their said death, shall 
descend unto Daniell Purchas the sonne of my brother 
William and to his heires for ever, And if the said 
Daniell be then dead or leave noe issue, I bequeath the 
same to Samuell Purchas the sonne of the said William 
and to his heires for ever. And if it should happen that 
my brother William's posterity should faile (which God 
forbidd) I bequeath the said landes and remainder of landes 
with the appurtenances unto the heires of my brother 
George Purchas, that is to his eldest sonne John and his 
heires for ever. And in defect of such yssue of my brother 
George, I bequeath the said landes and remainder of landes 
as afore said to Samuell, sonne of my brother Thomas 
Purchas of Eastwood, and to his heires for ever, Provided 
alwaie and my will is that in such succession of Daniell 
Purchas or any other which shall inherite the premisses 


or any part thereof by defect of yssue of my sonne and 
daughter aforesaid, the fifte parte of the profittes and 
rentes reasonably valued and without fraude shalbe yearlie 
paid at Christmas to the Vicar and Church Wardens of 
Thaxted aforesaid for the time beinge, successively, to 
be distributed to the poore of that parish at their dis- 
crecion, And in defect of such payment my will is 
that the said Vicar and churchwardens or any two of 
them shall and may enter and distraine on the pre- 
misses soe much as maye make satisfaction for such 
defect or defects from time to time and for ever. Item, I 
will and hereby charge my said sonne and daughter 
that in case of unliklynes of yssewe of their own 
bodies that neither of them do alienate or sell awaye 
any parte of the premisses with intent to frustrate the 
intents before mentioned of the said Daniell or the rest, 
except uppon such cause or necessitye or other just 
motive as in the feare of God and in good conscience 
they shall finde reasonable and meete, without indirect 
dealinge or fraudulent carriage herein, that as I would 
not abridge their libertie in case of honestie for their 
iust good, soe they doe not wilfully abuse it to pleasure 
others and needlesly or wantonly to hinder the pre- 
mised intent. Item, I give and bequeath to Daniell the 
sonne of my brother William aforesaid, the somme of 
twentie marks to be paid to his Father or mother when 
he or they shall resume him into their tuition and 
maintenance, for the use and benefitt of the said Daniell. 
Item, I give my library and all my books, globes, 
mapps and chartes unto Samuell my sonne, except those 
bookes or workes or any part of them whereof I have 
beene the author, namely my Pilgrimage, Pilgrim and 
Pilgrimes of which he hath already had one printed 
coppie of each of them. The other printed bookes 
thereof nowe in my custody, or nowe due, or hereafter 
to be due uppon reckoninges from Mr. Fetherstone, I 
reserve and bequeath to the performance of my will, 
that is, one of each to my daughter Martha, Item, to 


my brethren George and William, and to my brother 
in law William Perkins to each of them one entire 
worke of my Pilgrimes in fower bookes nowe in their 
handes, and if any reckonings they or any of them have 
alreadye paid anye thinge for any of them, or shall 
pay hereafter (except the charges of bindinge) I will 
that the same or the worth thereof shalbe repaied 
to them againe. The rest of those bookes reserved as 
aforesaid, I bequeath to my wife to doe with as she 
shall thinke fitt. Alsoe I except out of the former guifte 
to my Sonne such English bookes of devotion as my 
said wife Jane shall reserve for her own use and her 
daughters. Item, I give and bequeath to Martha my said 
daughter thirtie poundes of English money to be paid 
her out of the said bookes by her brother for recom- 
pense and consideration of so great a guifte given to 
him, the same thirtie poundes to be paid to her assignes 
by her said brother Samuell my sonne at the daie of 
her marriage, or when she shall bee one and twentie 
yeares old, which shall first happen. Item, I give and 
bequeath to the said Martha my best bedd and bedd- 
stedd with curtaines, valence and coverlett, a paire of 
blanketts a paire of pillowes and pillowbeers, two paire 
of sheetes, a boulster, one damaske tablecloth and a 
dozen of napkins (all which peeces of household and 
naperie I will to bee of the best I have). Alsoe 
my best bowle ot silver guilt with the cover, one 
double salt of silver guilte and sixe guilded spoones 
of silver. Item, if my wife Jane shalbe married againe 
my will is that my said daughter Martha shall and 
maye demande, challenge and carry awaye the one 
moiety or halfe of all my goodes and moveables which 
shalbe left after the debtes and Funerall paid and dis- 
charged, or in defect thereof, soe much money as they 
shalbe valued at in equall and iust estimacion. Item, I 
make and ordaine my wife Jane sole Executrix of this 
my last will, and my brethren George, William and 
William Perkins aforesaid overseers, desiringe their care 


and assistance therein. Item, I give my seale ringe to 
my Sonne Samuell and my ringe with the deatheshead 
to my brother William. Alsoe I give to my sonne 
Samuell whatsoever bookes household or other goodes 
nowe in his possession at Cambridge. Item, my will is con- 
cerninge that peece of land at Monkes streete bequeathed 
to my daughter Martha, which I bought of my brother 
William, that if my sonne Samuell shall like to hold it 
and to contynue it to the house, that then he shall paye 
or cause to be paid to my daughter Martha or her 
assignes the somme of a hundred and tenn poundes for 
the same landes within sixe monethes after his mother's 
decease or marriage, which shall first happen, or else the 
same to remaine to Martha as above is in this my testa- 
ment declared. This my last will and testament, written 
all with mine owne hand, was sealed, subscribed and 
acknowledged the daie and yeare above written in the 
presence of Wm. Slatyer, Theodore Heape, John Gee, 
Richard Wossencrofte by his marke, William Purchas, 
Mary Bullivant her marke, Mary Colson her marke. 


Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum Apud Lon- 
don, coram Magistro Thoma Eden, Legum Doctore, 
Surrogato venerabilis viri Domini Henrici Marten, Mili- 
tis, Legum etiam Doctoris, Curiae Prerogativas Cantu- 
aniensis Magistri custodis sive Commissarii legitime 
constituti, vicesimo primo die mensis Octobris Anno 
Domini millesimo sexcentesimo vicesimo sexto, Juramento 
Janae Purchas relictae dicti defuncti et executricis in 
hujusmodi testamento nominatae, cui commissa fuit 
administratio omnium et singulorum bonorum, jurium 
et creditorum antedicti defuncti, de bene et fideliter 
administrand' eadem ad Sancta Dei EvangeHa juratae. 



Prince of Wales. 

Most Excellent Prince, 

Ay a poore Pilgrime salute Your High- 
nesse in the words of a better Samuel and \. Sam. c). 20. 
Seer, On whom is the desire of all 
Israel? is it not on Thee and all thy 
Fathers House? In this House we ad- 
mire the innumerable Royall Ancestrie, 
wee triumph in His Majesties present 

Kin. 7. 2 1. 


light, wee praise God and pray for the two hopefull 
Columnes, that they may be Pillars of Stabilitie and 
Strength in the Lords House, firmer then Salomons ^"^^ 3- ' 
Jachin and Boaz. 

Sir, having out of a Chaos of confused intelligences 
framed this Historicall World, by a New way of Eye- 
evidence ; Your Princely pietie, innate clemency, and 
the Time it selfe (festivall both in the ordinarie season and 
extraordinarie preparation) emboldned my obtrusion on 
Your Highnesse. The Magnificence of Your Princely 
Court hath entertayned Men of many Nations, yea hath 
admitted (in Parkes and Places fitting) Beasts, Fowles, 
Plants of remoter Regions : and now much more, in a 
World of acclamations to Your joyfuU designes, a world 



of Pilgrimes seemed sutable ; each of which presents one 
or other Countrey ; and all, the rarities and varieties of 
all. Here also Your Highnesse may refresh Your weari- 
nesse from State-affaires (if any of these Lines may at 
any time be ambitious of such lustre) in seeing at leisure 
and pleasure Your English Inheritance dispersed thorow 
the World, whereof these Twentie Bookes are the Evi- 
dence and Records : the English Martialist everywhere 
following armes, whiles his Countrey is blessed at home 
with Beati Pacifici ; the Merchant coasting more Shoares 
and Hands for commerce, then his Progenitors have heard 
off, or himselfe can number ; the Mariner making other 
Seas a Ferry, and the widest Ocean a Strait, to his dis- 
covering attempts ; wherein wee joy to see Your Highnesse 
to succeed Your Heroike Brother, in making the fur- 
thest Indies by a New Passage neerer to Great Britaine. 
Englands out of England are here presented, yea Royall 
Scotland, Ireland, and Princely Wales, multiplying new 
Scepters to His Majestie and His Heires in a New 
World. In all, the glorie of His Majesties happy 
Raigne, and thereby of the English Name and Nation, 
by a poore Zelote of both, is truly and amply related, 
beyond the conjectures of the passed Ages, to the ad- 
miration of the present, and amusing (if not amazing) of 
the future. In which so long a Worke humbly craveth 
pardon for other errors, for this presumption. 

Your Highnesse 

most humbly 



To the Reader 

Isdome is said to bee the Science of things The profit to 
Divine and humane. Divine things are ^^J'^^p^jh 
either naturall or supernaturall : these 
such, as the naturall man knoweth not, 
nor can know, because they are spiritually 
(with a spirituall Eye) discerned; called i.Cor. 2. 14. 
wisedome to salvation, the proper subject 
of Theologie, and not the peculiar argument of this ^- ^'^- 3- 
Worke; which notwithstanding beeing the labour of a '5* 
professed Divine, doth not abhorre from the same; but 
occasionally every where by Annotations, and in some 
parts professedly by special! Discourses, insinuateth both 
the Historic and Mystery of Godlinesse, the right use 
of History, and all other Learning. 

Naturall things are the more proper Object, namely 
the ordinary Workes of God in the Creatures, preserving 
and disposing by Providence that which his Goodnesse 
and Power had created, and dispersed in the divers parts 
of the World, as so many members of this great Bodie. 
Such is the History of Men in their diversified hewes 
and colours, quantities and proportions ; of Beasts, Fishes, 
Fowles, Trees, Shrubs, Herbs, Minerals, Seas, Lands, 
Meteors, Heavens, Starres, with their naturall affections : 
in which many both of the Antient and Moderne have 
done worthily ; but if neernesse of the Object deceive 
me not, this surmounteth them all in two Priviledges, 
the veritie and varietie, especially of things in this kind 
remotest and rarest. 


It is true, that as every member of the bodie hath 

somewhat eminent, whereby it is serviceable to the 

whole ; so every Region excelleth all others in some 

peculiar Raritie, which may be termed extraordinary 

respectively, though otherwise most common and ordinary 

See of the in its owne place. So Our England in the naturall 

Wonders of temper, accidentall want of Wolves, artificiall Rings of 

Harrison's Bels, Sheepe not at all or seldome drinking, Lands and 

Description of Waters turning Wood in some parts to Stone, Wonders 

Brit. /. 2. of the Peke and other parts, doth not degenerate from 

/7 ^f'rf°^^ nature, but hath a peculiar nature, almost miraculous to 

other Countries, as the naturall Wonders of their Regions 

are to us : so also Irelands want of venome in Creatures, 

fulnesse of it, and barbarousnesse in many of her wilder 

Natives, after so long trayning in Civilitie, and so ancient 

Renowme for Sanctitie : and so each part is to other part 

in some or other part, and particular respect admirable. 

What a World of Travellers have by their owne eyes 
observed in this kinde, is here (for the most part in 
their owne words transcribed or translated) delivered. 
What kinde of not by one professing Methodically to deliver the Historie 
^Hiftorie this °^ Nature according to rules of Art, nor Philosophically 
is^ to discusse and dispute ; but as in way of Discourse, by 

each Traveller relating what in that kind he hath scene. 
And as David prepared materials for Salomons Temple ; 
or (if that be too arrogant) as Alex, furnished Aristotle 
with Huntsmen and Observers of Creatures, to acquaint 
him with their diversified kinds and natures; or (if that 
also seeme too ambitious) as Sense by Induction of par- 
ticulars yeeldeth the premisses to Reasons Syllogisticall 
arguing ; or if we shall be yet more homely, as Pioners 
are employed by Enginers, and Labourers serve Masons, 
and Bricklayers, and these the best Surveyers and Archi- 
tects: so here Purchas and his Pilgrimes minister 
individuall and sensible materials (as it were with Stones, 
Brickes and Mortar) to those universall Speculators for 
their Theoricall structures. And well may the Author 
be ranked with such Labourers (howsoever here a Master- 



builder also) for that he hath beene forced as much to 
the Hod, Barrow and Trowel, as to contemplative sur- 
vaying: neither in so many Labyrinthian Perambulations 
thorow, and Circumnavigations about the World in this 
and his other Workes, was ever enabled to maintaine 
a Vicarian or Subordinate Scribe, but his own hands to 
worke, aswell as his head to contrive these voluminous 
Buildings ; except in some few Transcriptions or Trans- 
lations, the most also of them by his sonne S. P. that 
one and the same name might both father and further 
the whole. 

As for Master Hakluyts many yeeres Collections, and 
what stocke I received from him in written Papers, in 
the Table of Authours you shall find : whom I will thus 
farre honour, that though it be but Materials, and that 
many Bookes have not one Chapter in that kind, yet 
that stocke encouraged me to use my endevours in and 
for the rest. I was therein a Labourer also, both to get 
them (not without hard conditions) and to forme and 
frame those Materials to their due place and order in 
this Edifice, the whole Artifice (such as it is) being mine 
owne. Traduce mee not, nor let any impute to boasting 
what I have said of my sole working (I know there is 
a vae soli) but I am compelled to doe it to prevent an 
Objection of my promised Europaean supply to my 
Pilgrimage. I confesse, I was too forward to promise, 
because others have beene so backward to assist : which 
I have in former Editions signified, but to blind Eyes 
and deafe Eares. Whose Librarie, whose Purse hath 
beene opened to me, let his mouth be opened against 
me also : Europe otherwise could not, nor now upon 
any price (it is too late) can be Purchased. I would 
not be misconstrued to ungratitude. Many have ap- 
plauded my endevours, but probitas laudatur & alget. 
If I had not lived in great part upon Exhibition of 
charitable friends, and on extraordinary labours of Lec- 
turing (as the terme is) the Pilgrime had beene a more 
agreeing name to me, then Purchas. Yet let my name 



be for ever forgotten, if I remember not his, which the 
Adversaries have (seeking to steale him from us after 
his death) by their calumnie made more memorable ; I 
meane, my decessed Patron Doctor King, late Lord 
Bishop of London, to whose bountie under God, I 
willingly ascribe my life, delivered from a sickly Habita- 
tion, and consequently (as also by opportunities of a 
London Benefice) whatsoever additions in my later 
Editions of my Pilgrimage ; these present Pilgrimes also 
with their peregrinations. Yet such is ordinarily the 
greatnesse of the Epha, and smalnesse of the Shekel, 
in London Cures (especially within the wals) that wee 
are inabled thereby to disablings for workes of that 
kinde, whiles we must preach in season and out of 
season, (I say not out of reason) that wee may live. 

One wing that Reverend and bountifull hand gave in 
hope that some blessed hand would adde the other, to 
fit me for an Europaean flight, wherein not finding his 
hopes seconded, he promised to right me himselfe (these 
were his syllables) but death righted him, and I am 
forced to wrong the World. I speake not to accuse any, 
for of whom, to whom can I complaine, but to plaine 
and excuse my selfe, and withall to dedicate my thanke- 
fulnesse with the continuance of this Monument to that 
worthy Name. 
Acts 17, 21. But to returne to our Philosopher ; I also have beene 
an Athenian with these Athenians, one delighting to 
tell, the others to heare some new thing. I have there- 
fore either wholly omitted or passed dry foot things 
neere and common; Far fetched and deare bought are 
the Lettice sutable to our lips. Common and ordinarie 
plants I remit to the Herbarists. Europaean Rarities 
(except in the remoter Regions both from our habitation 
and knowledge, as Island, Norway, Sueden, Constanti- 
nople, the Mediterranean Hands, &c.) to the Historians 
peculiar to each Countrey therein. My Genius delights 
rather in by-wayes then high-wayes, and hath therein by 
Tracts and Tractates of Travellers made Causies and 



High-wayes, every where disposing these Pilgrime- 
Guides, that men without feare may travell to and over 
the most uncouth Countries of the World : and there 
be shewed with others Eyes, the Rarities of Nature, 
and of such things also as are not against Nature, but 
either above it, as Miracles, or beside the ordinarie 
course of it, in the extraordinary Wonders, which Gods 
Providence hath therein effected according to his good 
and just pleasure. And thus much for the workes of 

Things humane, are such as Men are, or have, or have 
done or suffered in the World. Here therefore the 
various Nations, Persons, Shapes, Colours, Habits, Rites, 
Religions, Complexions, Conditions, Politike and Oecon- 
omike Customes, Languages, Letters, Arts, Merchandises, 
Wares, and other remarkeable Varieties of Men and 
humane Affaires are by Eye-witnesses related more amply 
and certainly then any Collector ever hath done, or per- 
haps without these helpes could doe. And thus we have 
shewed the scope of the Author, and profitable use of 
the Worke : which could not but be voluminous, having 
a World for the subject, and a World of Witnesses for 
the Evidence : and yet (except where the Author or 
Worke it selfe permitted not) these vast Volumes are 
contracted, and Epitomised, that the nicer Reader might 
not be cloyed. Here also both Elephants may swimme 
in deepe voluminous Seas, and such as want either lust 
or leisure, may single out, as in a Library of Bookes, what 
Author or Voyage shall best fit to his profit or pleasure. 
I might adde that such a Worke may seeme necessarie 
to these times, wherein not many Scholers are so studious 
of Geographic, and of Naturall and Universall know- 
ledge in the diversified varieties which the various Seas 
and Lands in the World produce, seeming as exceptions 
to Generall Rules, which Aristotle the best Scholer in 
Natures Schoole and her principall Secretarie could not 
so punctually and individually see in the Ocean, the 
Remoter Lands and New Worlds, none of which he 



ever saw, nor till this last Age were knowne. And for 
the most part, those which are studious know not either 
to get, or to read the Authors of this kinde, of which 
so few speake Latine. 

As for Gentlemen, Travell is accounted an excellent 
Ornament to them ; and therefore many of them comming 
to their Lands sooner then to their Wits, adventure them- 
selves to see the Fashions of other Countries, where their 
soules and bodies find temptations to a twofold Whore- 
dom, whence they see the World as Adam had knowledge 
of good and evill, with the losse or lessening of their 
estate in this English (and perhaps also in the heavenly 
Paradise) & bring home a few smattering termes, flatter- 
ing garbes. Apish crings, foppish fancies, foolish guises 
and disguises, the vanities of Neighbour Nations (I name 
not Naples) without furthering of their knowledge of 
God, the World, or themselves. I speake not against 
Travell, so usefull to usefull men, I honour the industrious 
of the liberall and ingenuous in arts, bloud, education : 
and to prevent exorbitancies of the other, which cannot 
travell farre, or are in danger to travell from God and 
themselves, at no great charge I offer a World of Travel- 
lers to their domestike entertainment, easie to be spared 
from their Smoke, Cup, or Butter-flie vanities and super- 
fluities, and fit mutually to entertaine them in a better 
Schoole to better purposes. And for the price, as I 
cannot set it, so I must acknowledge the adventurous 
courage of the Stationer Master Henry Fetherstone 
(like Hercules helping Atlas) so long to beare this my 
heavy World at such expenses. 

The Method IVTOw for the Method, I confesse, I could not be there- 
and order of \f\ \^ exact : first because I had such a confused Chaos 
of printed and written Bookes, which could not easily be 
ordered : partly because this Method by way of Voyages 
often repeates the same Countries and (though I have 
often pruned repetitions) yet, sometimes admitted for 
more full testimonie the same things, by divers of our 


this Works. 






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Authors travelling the same parts, observed, in which 
my Method brings in ordinarily the Authours whole 
Voyage there, where that part or Countrey, in which 
and for which we entertaine him, principally occasioneth 
his memorie ; and partly because in this long space of 
imprinting (from August 162 1.) many things have comne 
to my hand by diligent enquiry, which were not enrolled, 
nor in possession to be mustered in their due file and 
ranke ; yea, divers things have beene done since our other 
passages of like nature were printed off : And thus divers 
Dutch quarrels are related, which yet since the Impression 
of that part have beene composed. Yet are we not alto- 
gether without Order. 

First, we have divided the World in our Method The first 
into the Old and New, alloting to each his owne Tome, ^'^''^• 
the first Ten Books to the former, the later to the other. 
But the Worke growing more voluminous then was 
expected, we are forced to cut each of them asunder in 
the midst, the figures in the top and Alphabets in the 
bottome, and some marginall references and annotations 
intimating but two Tomes, which only the quantitie 
hath made Foure. Againe in the Elder World, that is, 
Asia, Africa, and Europe, we observe Antiquities and 
Generalities in the First Booke, one of the last printed, 
though first placed : universall Circumnavigations (all 
knowne in that kind) in the Second ; which though they 
containe many things of America and the South Continent, 
yet being from and for Europe, and spending most of 
their time on the Asian and African Coasts, are thither 
referred : in the Third, Fourth, and Fifth, are Indian 
Voyages and Affaires of the English, with Portugall and 
Dutch intercourse ; in which is observed a tolerable order 
of time from Queene Elizabeths Times to the present. 

In the Second Part you have first Africa in Two Bookes The Second 
(the East Indie ships but touched on the Coasts) the ^'^^'• 
Sixth Booke handling the Northerne parts, whatsoever 
of Africa is not termed Ethiopia, and the seventh the 
-Ethiopian part. The Eighth Booke enters into the 



Continent of Asia ; in the first Chapters relating the 
History of the Franks (as all Asia since cals the Western 
Christians) in the Holy Land Wars ; in the later, some 
Pilgrimages thither and the parts adjoyning, with divers 
Turkish Observations. The Ninth proceedeth thorow 
the mayne land of Asia into Persia, Arabia, India, taking 
large view of those and other Asian Regions, returning 
by Africa with later and larger intelligence of the Easterne, 
Westerne and Northerne shores thereof; New view of 
the Turkish Dominion and Seraglio, as also of the 
Maldivae Hands : which and the whole Tenth Booke 
came later to hand, and therefore is rather a Supply to 
all, then any well ordered part of the Worke, being 
therefore printed after the rest. 

Now for the New World, we begin at China, which 
the Ancients knew not, and take all the East and North 
parts of Asia from the Caspian Sea, the Arctoan Regions, 
all America and Terra Australis, comprehending all in 
that New Tide. The First of those Bookes beginning 
our Third Part, delivereth especially the Authors of 
Tartaria in the succession of about three hundred yeeres, 
wherein the Second succeedeth, adding also Japan, Corea 
and China, with the first Discoveries of the Northerne 
and Caspian Seas by the English. This Arctoan Region 
contayning Russia, Nova Zembla, the Samoyeds, Siberia, 
Island, Frisland, Norway, with the Neighbour Regions, 
Cherry Hand, Greenland, Greenland, &c. the Third 
Booke relateth ; continued in the Fourth with further 
Discoveries intended for a North or North-west Passage. 
The Fifth Booke giveth generall Relations of America, 
in her Mexican or Northerly, and Peruan or Southerly 
Moyties (with what we could find of the South Continent) 
their Antiquities and state before, and since the Spanish 
Conquest. The Sixth (which begins the Fourth Part) 
containeth English Voyages to America, the Great Bay 
especially and the Southerne Moytie to the Magellan 
Straits ; which in the Seventh Booke are more amplified, 
and further enlarged with the Creatures, and Countries 



within Land, the Peruan Antiquities related by one of 
the Inca Linage, the Spanish Conquest, and other occur- 
rents of the Peruan America and Terra Australis. The 
Eighth Booke comes homeward thorow the Mexican 
America and Florida unto Canada, relating the French 
Acts and English beginnings in those parts, touching 
in the way homeward at the Azores. Virginia is 
the Argument of the Ninth Booke, in the succession 
and successe thereof from the Plantation 1606. to 
1624. whereto Summers Hands are added. The 
English Plantations in New England and Newfound- 
land follow in the Tenth, with divers Fleets set forth 
by Queene Elizabeth of famous memory, with whose 
blessing continued and confirmed by His Majestie, 
wee commit you to God, and give you leave to rest 
at home in peace, under the shadow of your owne Vine 
and Fig-tree, which God for his Christs sake continue 
and confirme to us and our posteritie. Amen. 

You have here a long Preface to a long Work, and 
yet you have a longer touching the utilitie thereof in 
the first Paragraphs of Salomons Ophir. It had not 
beene possible for me in London distractions to have 
accomplished so great a Designe, but for the oppor- 
tunities of His Majesties Colledge at Chelsie, where these 
foure last Summers I have retired my selfe (without 
Pulpit Non-residence) to this Worke : which as it one 
way furthered, so another way it occasioned many Errata, 
by my absence from the Presse, as in the Bodie of the 
Worke, so especially in the Titles over each page ; halfe 
of which I thinke, are mine owne, the other such as 
pleased the Corrector, needing correction enough, and 
sometimes not giving sufficient direction to the Reader ; 
whom I intreat to accept of his Day and Night, Summer 
and Winter together, pardoning the one for the others 
sake. A Table had beene necessary, if Time and assist- 
ance to a wearie hand had permitted ; I adde, if some 
had not committed contrary to promise. It is time to 
make an end of Prefacing. The Authors follow ; such 



as have no letter annexed are Mine ; such as have H. 
added, I borrowed from Master Hakluyts papers, and 
such as have H. and P. pertaine to both, beeing other- 
wise printed or in my possession written, wherein yet I 
made use of some labour of his. Let the name and 
glory be to any other, so as above all and in all it bee 
to God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ (who hath 
enabled my weake bodie beyond hopes ; to so great a 
Worke) and the profit to Thee Reader, whom in the 
Lord, I bid farewell. 


A Note touching the Dutch. 

THe necessitie of a Historic is, as of a sworne Wit- 
nesse, to say the truth, all the truth (in just dis- 
cretion) and nothing but the truth. This I have 
indevoured in the whole Worke. But, Veritas odium 
parit. Some perhaps will blame me for relating some 
Truths, specially the Dutch Zelots, in that I have 
related such abuses of some of that Nation in the East 
Indies and Greenland to the English there, as if I sought 
like an unseasonable and uncharitable Tale-bearer to raise 
discord betwixt Neighbours. I answere that no Nation 
is in this World so pure, but hath both officious 
members, and some bad members also as Diseases 
thereof; which to impute to the whole, were as if a 
man should kill himselfe for a felon in his Thumbe, or 
Corne in his Toe : or as if he should therfore find 
fault with his own body because it hath not only a 
head, heart and hands, but excrements also, & a funda- 
ment, and other parts for evacuation ; with a Palace for 
houses of Office, with a Citie for common Sewers, with 
the World which hath Devils and Hell in it. I question 
not, but that the English have also such, and such wee 
have occasionally noted. Fugitives, Apostataes, Theeves, 
Murtherers, &c. which yet are not Nationall faults, but 
personall, except the Nation doth justifie such unjustice, 
as Troy the Rape of Helena, and the Benjamites those 
Beasts of Gibeah, either by impunitie or defence. Nor 
needed wee good Lawes, but for bad Subjects. If the 
Dutch have such also, in the History of both I must 
mention both, and yet protest before God (to whom I 



shall answere it with the burning of bodie and soule, 

not these Bookes alone, if I bee perfidious) that I am 

not guiltie to my selfe of hatred to that Nation, yea in 

these Discourses I have honoured it with and before 

others, following them round about the World to that 

purpose. And for this cause I have omitted some odious 

Greenland Relations, have altered and reprinted some more 

offensive generall speeches disgorged by the passionate 

loosers, with Titles on the tops of pages, intended to 

Offenders, but in such unwarie termes as might by ill 

willers be extended to the whole Nation : yea, I had 

purposed to omit many things printed alreadie, rather 

leaving a x«^/"«> then causing a Chaos, but that since 

the sore hath broken out by that terrible Tragedie at 

Amboyna. I could have wished that such things had 

never beene told in Gath, nor published in the streets 

of Askalon, lest any enemie of our State and Religion 

should rejoyce. But seeing the necessities of the English 

East Indian Societie have forced such a publication, my 

sparing purpose had beene in vaine to conceale the 

Shilling where the Pound was made manifest. I might 

also have beene accounted partiall against mine owne 

Nation. This I have done ; I for the most part, doe 

but publish others Relations, (and Losers perhaps will 

speake the most) and by Annotations dispersed intimate 

that these are personall faults of that East Indie 

Company, or some Commanders there, not of the 

whole Nation ; and if any Marginall Notes with 

Dutch Epithetes seeme to speake more, yet 

are they but directions to the Reader to 

shew what in that page or place is 

handled without further intent ; so 

with my Prayers for Peace on 

both sides I commend 

both to the God 

of Peace. 




Purchas His Pilgrimes 

Contayning the Voyages and Peregrinations made 
by Antient Kings, Patriarkes, Apostles, Philo- 
sophers, and others. To and thorow The 
Remoter Parts of the Knowne World : 
Enquiries also of Languages and 

The Voyages &f Peregrinations [i. 

made by Antient Kings, Patriarkes, Apostles, 

Philosophers, and others, to and thorow the 

remoter parts of the knowne World : 

Enquiries also of Languages and Religions, 

especially of the moderne diversified 

Prosessions of Christianitie 



Chap. I. 

A large Treatise of King Salomons Navie sent from 
Eziongeber to Ophir : Wherein, besides the 
Typicall Mysteries briefly unvailed, and many 
Morall Speculations observed; the voyage is 
largely discussed out of Divine, Ecclesiasticall 
and Humane Testimonies: Intended as an his- 
toricall Preface to the Histories following. 

Ntending to present the World to the 
World in the most certaine view, I 
thought a world of Authors fitter for 
that purpose, then any One Author 
writing of the World : whose discourse 
might haply bee more even, facile, 
methodicall, and contracted to a more 
compendious forme ; but could not avoid to be dispendious 
(if I may so speake) in the matter, and to suspend 

I I A 


the Readers judgement for the authoritie. Oculatus 
testis unus praeestat auritis decern. I had rather heare 
Plaut. the meanest of Ulysses his followers relating his 
wanderings, then wander from the certaintie with 
Homer after all his readings and conjectures. Lo here 
then (after my Pilgrimage of the former Nature, for 
such as better like that course) in open Theatre pre- 
sented a Shew of Discoveries on an English Stage, 
wherein the World is both the Spectacle and 
Spectator; the Actors are the Authors themselves, each 
[I. i. 2.] presenting his owne actions and passions in that kind, 
kindly (in generous and genuine History) acting their 
acts ; not affectedly straining, or scenic-all-ly playing 
Terent. their part ; the Arts indeed of the Poet, Maker, or 
Composer, aiming at delight more then truth (Populo 
ut placerent, quas fecisset Fabulas) seeking to please 
the vulgar with fabulous wonders, and wonder-foole 

And for a Prologue, behold Salomons Ophirian 

Navigation, that Worthy of Men, being most worthy 

to bee Our Choragus, whose ayme is in this long 

Worke to fetch from Ophir Materialls for the Temples 

structure, and to edifie Christs Church, with more full 

and evident knowledge of Gods Workes in the 

World, both of Creation and Providence, then any one 

Naturall or Humane Historian, yea (absit invidia verbo) 

then all hitherto in this (perhaps in any) course have 

done. I compare not with Aristotle, Plinie, and others 

in philosophical! and learned speculation of Reason, but 

in evident demonstration of Sense, and herein (not to us 

Lord, not to us, but to thy Name be given the glory) 

it exceedeth not modesty to speake thus much in behalfe 

of this cloud of witnesses which we bring, testifying 

what they have seen, that these exceed the former in 

certainty (relating what they have seene) and in ful- 

nesse (by advantage of New Worlds found in, and 

besides the World knowne to them) no lesse then they 

are exceeded in Antiquitie and learning. 


For mee, I say with Agur, surely I am more foolish Prov.'io. z, 
then any man, and have not the understanding of a ^' ■*■'"• • 5- 
man in mee ; Alas Master (I may proclaime to each 
Reader) all is borrowed : I never travelled out of this 
Kingdome (ingenuously I confesse, it is the totall 
summe of all my Travell-readings) the Centre of the 
Worlds good things, and Heart of her happinesse ; and 
yet (yea thereby) have, as thou seest, conceived (where 
Dinahs gadding gained onely losse) and travelled <^^»- 34- 2. 
of a Gad, a Troup of Travellers; So said Leah, A ^'"- 3°- "• 
troup commeth and shee called his name Gad. And 
seeing we have stumbled on that Word, let it be 
ominous, so others read it Fceliciter, Bagad, being by 
the Hebrewes resolved into *Ba Mazal tob, that is; *SeeM.Se/- 
Good fortune commeth. I am not Leah, I take no f'^"^^^'}' 
such authority on mee, but when shee hath left 
bearing (when better leisures, quicker wits, sounder 
health, profounder learning, and all abler meanes looke 
on) let not Jacobs Bed, for the propagation and edi- 
fication of the Church, be envied to Zilpah, Leahs 
mayd ; And let this my Service in conceiving and 
nursing up this Gad be accepted of all Jacobs Friends. 
And that it might bee accepted, I have begun 
(Dimidium facti qui bene cepit habet) with the most 
acceptable Voyages mentioned in the Old and New 
Testaments ; the one a Type of the other ; those of 
Solomon to Ophir, and of the Apostles about the 

Salomon was first in time, and shall bee first here ; 
the first in all things which usually are accounted first, 
Royaltie, Sanctitie, Wisdome, Wealth, Magnificence, 
Munificence, Politie, Exploits, Renowme : Salomon Matth. 6. 29. 
in all his glory, is proverbiall, and He first in 
these by the first and greatest of testimonies ; the 
particulars of Salomons voyage are recorded in the first, 
best, and more then humane Histories ; Yea the things 
recorded, are first indeed, before other things, yea 
before and greater then themselves, and that which 



Apoc. I. the First and Last hath said, is true of them all in 

typicall relation, A greater then Salomon is here. Let 
Salomon then, as elsewhere, so here also have the pre- 
eminence ; let Salomons name as the Character of 
peace and happinesse, boad holy, happy, and peaceable 
successe to this Work ; and let Thy Name, O thou 
Greater then Salomon, grant protection, assistance, & 
some .part of Salomons wisdome and prosperity to our 
Ophirian voyage, that we may buy of thee Gold tried 
in the fire to make us rich in grace, so to prepare us 

Jpoc. 21. lo, to that holy Jerusalem, descending out of Heaven from 

II, 1 8, 22, Qod, having the Glory of God ; a Citie of pure Gold 
like unto cleere glasse, where the Lord God Almighty 
and the Lambe are the Temple, and the Glory of God 
doth lighten it, and the Lambe is the light thereof. 
Be thou, O Christ, in this our Navigation both 
Load-starre and Sunne, for direction of our course, 
and knowledge of our true height and latitude : Let 
our Sayles hoised up in thy Name, be filled with 
inspiration of thy Spirit, and aspiration of thy favour, 

Ac. 27. till they arrive in the Fair-havens of humane Pleasure 

and Profit, thy Churches service and edifying. Divine 
acceptance and glory. Amen, O Amen. 

Of Salomon the holy Scriptures have thus recorded. 
I. Kings 9. 26, 27, 28. And King Solomon made a 
Navie of Ships in Ezion Geber, which is beside Eloth, 
on the shoare of the Red Sea in the Land of Edom. 
And Hiram sent in the Navie his servants, Shipmen 

[I. i. 3.] that had knowledge of the Sea with the servants of 
Solomon. And they came to Ophir and set from thence 
Gold 420. Talents, and brought it to King Solomon. 
And Cap. 10. 11. The Navie also of Hiram, that 
brought Gold from Ophir brought in from Ophir great 
plenty of Almug trees and precious stones; 12. And 
the King made of the Almug trees, Pillars for the 
house of the Lord, & for the Kings House ; Harps also 
and Psalteries for Singers : there came no such Almug 
Trees, nor were scene unto this day. 13. Now the 



weight of Gold that came to Solomon in one yeere was 
666. Talents of Gold. 15. Besides that he had of the 
Merchant-men, and of the trafficke of the Spice-Merchants, 
and of all the Kings of Arabia, and of the Governours 
of the Countrey. V. 21. And all King Solomons drinking 
Vessells were of Gold, and all the Vessells of the House 
of the Forrest of Lebanon were of pure Gold : none 
were of Silver, it was nothing accounted of in the dayes 
of Solomon. For the Kings Ships (the cause is added, 
2. Chro. 9. 21.) went to Tarshish with the servants 
of Hiram : every three yeerfes once came the Ships of 
Tarshish, bringing Gold and Silver; Ivory, and Apes, 
and Peacockes. 22. And King Solomon passed all the 
Kings of the Earth in Riches and Wisdome. 26. And 
hee reigned over all the Kings, from the River, even 
unto the Land of the Philistines, and to the border of 
Egypt. 27. And the King made Silver in Jerusalem as 
Stones, and Cedar Trees made hee as the Sycomore 
Trees, that are in the Low Plaines in abundance. 

§. I. 

The Allegoricall and Anagogicall sense or applica- 
tion of Solomons Ophirian Navigation. 

His is an extract of Solomons Story, so much as 
concernes our present purpose, the authoritie 
whereof is Sacred, a Divine, infallible, inviolable. 

and undenyable veritie ; the fitter ground for many high whitak. des- 
and worthy consequences hereafter to be delivered. I crip. q. 5. 
shall here leave to the Divinitie Schooles, in more 
leisurely contemplation to behold the Allegoricall sense 
(shall I say, or application }) wherein Solomon seemes 
to signifie Christ, his Navy the Church, (long before 
lively represented in that first of Ships, the Ark of 
Noah) which in the Sea of this variable World seekes 
for the golden Treasures of Wisdome and Knowledge, 
with (that plentiful! riches) the rich plentie of good 
Workes. The Servants of Hiram, the Doctors chosen 



^/^m/. Ep. Qut of the Gentiles, with the learned Christian Jewes (the 

doc Christ 1 ^^'"vants of Solomon) imployed joyntly in this Ophirian 

2. c. 40. Discovery, thence bring the rich materialls (as the 

Bns horn. 24. Israelites the Egyptian spoyles for the Tabernacle, so 

de legend lib. these) for building and adorning the Temple (the true 

Nvsensintnt ^^"^^ °^ Scripture) after long absence by a troublesome 

Mosis. Navigation (in the search of Authors Divine, Ecclesiasticall 

I. Co. 2. 14. and Humane, an Ocean of toyle) from their homes. 

I. T. 3. 16. Por the naturall man, that abides at home in himselfe, 

and hath not travelled from his owne Wisdome and 

Selfe-conceit, knowes not the things of God, nor the great 

Mysteries of Godlinesse ; he must leave the Land, his 

Earthly Wisdome (Terraque urbesque recedant) and 

lanch into the deepe, there having his sayles filled with 

the winde, the illumination of that Spirit, which leads 

into all truth ; the Scriptures being their Card, the 

faithful heart the Load-stone, Christ himselfe the Load- 

starre and Sunne of Truth, as before is intimated. Thus 

shall the Temple, and Church of God be edified, enriched, 

adorned, after wee have arrived at Ophir, and have scene 

our owne weaknesse, and taken paines in myning Gods 

Treasures, and undermining our owne hearts, searching 

and trying our owne and Gods wayes ; casting off, and 

purging from us all superfluous Earth, and detaining the 

Gold and richer Mettall, which wee may carry and 

present, as the Talents gained by our Talents, in the 

best improvement of Gods graces, when wee shall 

returne to our Solomon, the Judge of quicke and dead, 

after our Navigation and earthly Pilgrimage ended. 

But alas how many make shipwracke of Faith by the 

way, and either are split on the Rockes of enormous 

crying Sinnes, or sinke in the smaller innumerable sands 

of habituall Lusts, covered with the shallowes (meere 

shadowes) of civill Righteousnesse. 

Or if you had rather adjoyne to the Allegory, the 
Anagogicall sense and use ; this History will appeare also 
a Mystery and Type of Eternitie. Every Christian man 
is a ship, a weake vessell, in this Navie of Solomon, 



and dwelling in a mortall body, is within lesse then 
foure inches, then one inch of death. From Jerusalem 
the Word and Law of our Solomon first proceeded, by- 
preaching of Solomons and Hirams servants, the Pastors 
and Elect vessells to carry his Name, gathered out of 
Jewes and Gentiles, which guide these Ships through a 
stormy Sea, beginning at the Red Sea, Christs bloudy 
Crosse, which yeelded Water and Bloud, till they arrive 
at Ophir, the communion of Saints in the holy Catholike 
Church. Thither by the water of Baptisme first, and by 
the waters of Repentance, drawn out of our hearts and 
eyes in manifold Mortifications after ; (the feare of God 
beginning this Wisdome, the windy lusts of concupiscence, 
and unstable waves of the world in vaine assailing) they 
attaine in the certaintie of Faith and assurance : where Col. z. 
seeking for Knowledge as for Silver, and searching for ^'■''^- ^• 
her as for hidden Treasures, they doe as it were labour 
in the Mynes for Gold, which they further purifie by 
experimentall practise and studie of good Workes : yet i Co. 3. 12. 
not in such perfection, but that to this foundation. Gold, 
Silver, precious Stones, some Almug trees are added for 
the Temples Pillars, oftentimes also of our owne. Hay 
and Stubble, as worse and more combustible matter 
joyned ; the Ivory, being a dead Bone may serve for a 
secular Throne and worldly use ; but here death is dead ; [I. i. 4.] 
the Apes and Peacockes lively expresse Hypocrisie and 
worldly pompe, which in the best of Saints usually 
leave some tincture in their voyage for Heaven. In 
the returne to Solomon, these shall be burnt (as those 
were by Nebuzaradan) but he himselfe shall bee saved; Jer. 52. 
and the former admitted by that Prince of Peace, the 
Heavenly Solomon to the building of that Temple in 
the new Jerusalem, for charitie never falleth away. This 
is that holy Citie figured by that of Palestina, where all 
is brought to Solomon, that God may bee all in all, as 
the Alpha which set them forth, so the Omega, who hath 
made all things for himselfe, for whose will and glories 
sake, all things are and were created : And the Kings of Ap. 21. 24. 



the Earth bring their glory and honour unto this Citie. 
Not that hee needs any thing, but that wee need the 
same, who in seeing him as hee is, doe all partake of 
his glory. Happy are thy men (may more truly be said 
I Reg. lo. 8. of this Solomons servants) happy are these thy servants 
which may stand in thy presence and heare thy wisdome : 
which may enjoy eternitie, signified by Gold, which alone 
of mettalls neither fire, nor rust, nor age consumeth 
Jpoc. 2 1. 1 8. (and this Citie is pure Gold) and that Inheritance of the 
Fi. P. Ptl. I. Saints in light, figured by Silver, the most lightsome and 
delightsome of mettalls to the eye. As for precious 
Stones, the foundations of the Wall of the Citie are 
garnished with all manner of them. And touching the 
Jpoc. 3. 12. Almuggim Trees, whereof Solomon made Pillars for the 
tffjii. Temple and Psalteries, every Tree which here beareth 
good fruit, and every one that overcommeth, will this 
Solomon there make a Pillar in the Temple of his God, 
and hee shall goe no more out. And they shall serve 
him Day and Night in his Temple, and hee that sitteth 
on the Throne shall dwell among them. These have 
also the Harps of God, And they sing the Song of 
Moses, and the Song of the Lamb, nay these are the 
Ps. 16. Psalteries and Harpes, which filled with all fulnesse of 

God, alway resound praises & thanks unto the King 
of Saints, and with everlasting harmony in that Angellical 
Quire, are tuned with Alleluiah, and Te Deum, and 
Holy, holy, holy, in fulnesse of joy at his right hand, 
Jp. 21 22, and plea'sures for evermore. Thus in divers respects are 
f- 3- I- 15- they both the Citie, and Temple, and Kings and Priests, 
and Instruments, and all these, and none of these : For I 
saw no Temple therein, saith that Seer, for the Lord God 
Almightie, and the Lambe are the Temple of it. Even 
God himselfe shall bee with them, and God shall bee all 
in all : and as hee is incomprehensible, so Eye hath not 
seene, nor eare hath heard, nor can the heart of man con- 
ceive what God hath prepared for them that love him : 
Coeli coelorum Domino, terram dedit Filus Hominem. 
And unmeet is it for me to attempt so high climbing. 




Not so the Tropologie or Morall use, not so the 
History, for our learning wherein the same is written. 
And although the History in Nature should precede, 
yet because wee intend the Tropologicall sense or 
application of this History, as a kind of Preface or 
preamble to the many Histories ensuing, wee have here 
given it the first place. 

§ II. 
The Tropologicall use of the Story ; and of the 
lawfulnesse of Discoveries and Negotiation by 

Erein therefore Solomon may become a wise guide 
unto us, and first by his example teach us the 
lawfulnesse of Navigation to remote Regions. 
His particular Dominion is Palestina, his subject 
Provinces added, extend not beyond Egypt and the 
River Euphrates, as is before delivered. But God which 
had enlarged Solomons heart with Wisdome, did not 
enlarge it to injustice by an overlarge conscience: and 
hee which renounced the price of a Dog and a Whore 
in his offerings, would not permit the Temple, which 
sanctifieth the offerings, to bee built and adorned with 
robbery and spoyle. It remaines then that Solomon had 
a right, not extraordinary as the Israelites to spoyle the 
Egyptians, by Divine especiall Precept ; but such a right 
wherein Hiram was interessed also. The Ebrewes might P^ilo de vita 
both at Gods command, who is Lord of all, and in j"^' '^\ 
Equitie demand wages ot the Egyptians tor so long ^^ ^-^ ^^^^ 
and tedious service ; which had not Divine Precept and deojubenti 
power interposed, the same tyranny which had imposed minhtenum 
the one, would have denied the other. But what had ^f^l"'^'"^'- 
the Ophirians wronged Solomon, of whom and whose jq.^ ^j. ' ' 
Countrey they had not heard, that thus by a numerous 
and strong Fleet hee should enter on their Coasts .? We 
must not thinke godly Solomon to be Alexanders pre- 
decessour, whom the Poet calls Terrarum fatale malum & 



fidus iniquum Gentibus : whom the Pirat accused as the 

* Civ. greater,* finding no other difference betwixt them, but 

4- ^- +• a smal Ship and a great Fleet. Remota institia, quid 

sunt regna saith Augustine, nisi magna latrocinia, quia & 

ipsa latrocinia quid sunt, nisi parva regna ? And before 

* Cy/>. £■/-. ^(Z hini Cyprian,* Homicidium cum admittunt singuli, 
onat. . 2. criiYien est, virtus vocatur cum publice geritur. 

Jc. I-'. 26. Impunitatem acquirit saevitiae magnitudo. Surely Solomons 
right was his being a Man, which as a wise & a mightie 
King of Men, hee might the better exercise and execute. 
For howsoever God hath given to every man & to every 
Nation, a kind of proprietie in their peculiar possessions ; 
yet there is an universall tenure in the Universe, by the 
Lawes of God and Nature, still remaining to each man 
as hee is a Man, and /cofT/jtoTroX/r;/?, as the common or 
Royall right of the King or State is neither confounded 
nor taken away by the private proprietie of the Subject. 

[I. i. 5.] True it is that God, which hath made of one bloud 

all Nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the 
earth, and hath determined the times appointed, hath 
also determined the bounds of their habitation. But 
not so straitly of Negotiation. In Habitation proprietie 
is requisite, that every man may sit under his owne 
Vine, and under his owne Fig-tree, and drinke the 
waters out of his owne Cisterne and running waters 
out of his owne Well, and that they bee onely his 

Prov. 5. 15, owne, and not the strangers with him. But hee that 

^7- hath made all Nations of one bloud, would still they 

should bee as fellow members one of another ; (a 

Deut. 23. shadow of which was in the Law, permitting to eat in 
the neighbours Vineyard, but not to carry forth ;) and 
that there should still remaine mutuall Necessitie, the 
Mother of mutuall Commerce, that one should not bee 
hungry, and another drunken, but the superfluitie of 
one Countrey, should supply the necessities of another, 
in exchange for such things, which are here also 

Hrg. necessary, and there abound ; that thus the whole 

World might bee as one Body of mankind, the 



Nations as so many members, the superabundance in 
each, concocted, distributed, retained or expelled by 
merchandising (as by the Naturall bodily Offices and 
Faculties in nourishment) whereby not without mutuall 
gaine One may releeve others Wants. Non omnia 
possumus omnes : may bee said of Arts; Nee vero Ez.zyif^ii 
terras ferre omnes omnia possunt, may bee added of 
Regions, each Countrey having her owne, both Artifi- 
cial! and Naturall Commodities, whereby to inrich 
themselves with enriching of others. Thus in old 
times, Tyrus chief Staple of the worlds Merchandise, 
and consequently chiefe Store-house of the worlds 
Treasures; (see the same elegantly & particularly jBz. 27. 33. 
deciphered by the holy Ghost) as it received from all 
parts, so when her wares went forth out of the Seas, 
shee filled many people, and did enrich the Kings of 
the Earth, with the multitude of her riches and 

And because no one National Law could prescribe in 
that wherein all are interested, God himself is the Law 
giver, and hath written by the stile of Nature this 
Law in the hearts of men, called in regard of the 
efficient, the Law of Nature, in respect of the object, 
the Law of Nations, whereto all Men, Nations, Com- 
monwealths, Kingdomes and Kings are subject. And 
as he hath written this Equity in mans heart by 
Nature, so hath he therfore encompassed the Earth with 
the Sea, adding so many inlets, bayes, havens and other 
naturall inducements and opportunities to invite men 
to this mutuall commerce. Therefore hath he also 
diversified the Windes, which in their shifting quarrels 
conspire to humaine trafficke. Therefore hath hee 
divided the Earth with so many Rivers, and made 
the shoares conspicuous by Capes and promontories ; 
yea, hath admitted the Sunne and Starres in their Firg. y£tt. 
direction and assistance unto this Generall Councell, 
wherein Nature within us and without us, by ever- 
lasting Canons hath decreed Communitie of Trade the 


Sunt autem 
privata nulla 
natura. Cic. 



Omnia reruni 



Ov. Met. I. I . 

Ov. Met. I. 6. 

world thorow. And thus hath she taught them who 
had no other instructor, with disHke and disdaine to 
admire at such immanity and inhumanity, Quod genus 
hoc hominum quaeue hunc tam barbar a morem, Per- 
mittit patria ? hospitio prohibemur arenae ! yea whereas 
by Nature the Earth was common Mother, and in 
equall community to be enjoyed of all hers. 

Nam propriae telluris herum Natura nee ilium. 

Nee me, nee quenquam statuit : 
and howsoever this case is since altered in this element, 
lest the idle should live on the sweate of others browes : 
yet the other and nobler elements still remaine in 
greatest part in their originall communitie, and cannot 
so fully bee appropriated to private possession, since 
the supposed Golden age is vanished, and this Iron 
(or golden in another sence) hath succeeded. Yea, 
then also the house, wife, children, and such things as 
are wasted or growne worse in the use, as meate, 
drinke, apparell, were appropriate and private chattels 
to the possessor, howsoever things immoveable con- 
tinued the freehold of every man in the common 
tenure of common humanity, as still in the life of 
Brasilians and other Savages in the following relations 
is to be scene. By humaine consent and divine dis- 
pensation the Earth was divided among the Sonnes of 

Communemque prius ceu lumina solis & aurae. 

Cautus humum longo signavit limite messor. 

Thus some things became publike, that is, proper to 
the Kingdome, State, or Nation : other things private, as 
each mans possession, and that also in differing degrees, 
as the Commons, and Champaine Countries with us in 
their differing tenure from grounds inclosed, doe mani- 
festly enough argue. But since that division of Languages 
and Lands; the Poet still proclaimes Natures right. 

Quid prohibetis aquas ? usus communis aquarum est. 

Nee solem proprium Natura nee Aera fecit. 

Nee tenues undas. In publica munera veni. 


and another 

-Cunctis undamque auramque patentem. 

These so farre as they have not by possession of Firg. ^n. 7. 
other men before, or otherwise by their own Nature 
cannot be appropriated, are Natures Commons, which 
both Free-holders as Men, and Coppie-holders, as other 
Hving creatures. Beasts, Fishes, Fowles, and creeping 
things according to their scverall kinds do communicate 
in. If any quarrell this poeticall Proofe ; I answere that 
they were Natures Secretaries in the cases of Reason, 
and the Common Law of Humanitie, which having 
not the Law, were a Law to themselves, and in like Rom. 2. 
cases therefore produced as good evidence by the Planter [I. i. 6.] 
of the Gospel, and Doctor of the Gentiles. And if we 
will surmount Reason, and appeale to divine censure, 
what need we other testimonie then this of Salomon ^"f"- 2- 
in his best times, and for his best act, imitated herein f^^^gj\. 
(though with unlike successe) by godly Jehoshaphat? 7^/^,1.' 
These things are also written for our learning to the 
ends of the World, that wise, magnanimous, fortunate, 
peaceable and godly Kings might propound this pat- 
terne to their industries. Yea, more then in Salomons 
time is this lawfuU to Christian Kings, in regard that 
the Jewish Pale is downe, and the Church is Catholike, 
not appropriated to One people, or circumscribed in a 
circumcised corner, or swadled in a small Cradle, as 
in that infancie of the Circumcision ; but open and 
common to the Communitie of Mankind, to which in this 
last Age no better meane is left then Navigation and 
commerce; wherein though the most aime at gaine, 
yet God that can raise of stones children to Abraham, 
and made Davids Conquests and Salomons Discoveries 
serviceable to the Temple, can no lesse convay the Gos- 
pel then other Wares into those parts, to whom hee 
hath given such rich attractives in the East and West, 
perhaps that this negotiation might further another, in 
barter and exchange of richer treasures for their 



He which brought the Northerne people being then 
Pagans, into the Roman Empire, to make them Lords 
of it and Subjects to him, can of Merchants allured 
with Gold, make, or at least send with them, Peachers 
of his Sonne. And if the Devill hath sent the Moores 
with damnable Mahumetisme in their merchandizing 
quite thorow the East, to pervert so many Nations 
with thraldome of their states and persons, out of the 
frying panne of Paynim Rites, into the fire of Mahu- 
metrie : Shall not God be good to Israel, and gracious 
to the ends of the earth, so long since given in 
inheritance to his Sonne ? 

§ III. 

The Tropologicall or Morall use enlarged and 
amplified; and a view taken of Mans diver- 
sified Dominion in Microcosmicall, Cosmo- 
politicall, and that spirituall or heavenly right, 
over himselfe and all things, w^hich the 
Christian hath in and by Christ. 

H«^|Enerall Rules have exceptions. Salomon was just 
1^9 and wise, well knowing the difference of 
- ™ **' Ezion-Geber and Ophir, and that difference of 

Dominion which God (that made Man after his Image) 
hath given us over the Creatures, diversified both in 
the subject and object. E Coelo descendit yvcoOi 
aeavTcov, was written in Adam by Creation, in Salomon 
by Revelation, before Nature suggested that sentence to 
Chilo, or the Delphian Devill (the Ape of Divinitie) 
had caused it to be written in Golden Letters on the 
Frontispice of that Temple. To know a mans selfe 
aright is annexed to the knowledge of God (in whom 
wee live, moove, and are, of whom and for whom are all 
things) not his essence, but his expressed Image thereof 
in his workes, of which, Man is in this World the 
principall ; what hee hath received, what he hath lost, 
what he retaineth by Nature, and what he recovereth, 



and more then recovereth by grace, in and of that 
divine resemblance. In the first state all men had a 
naturall right in common over the creatures. But the 
Devill (the greatest Incloser) by sinne inclosed these Maninhisfall 
Commons of Humanitie, and altered their tenure from ""^^ '"^^f^ f 
Fee Simple, to meere Vdlenage: yet so (God m justice J.^^^^ainhis 
remembring mercie) that some ruines remaine since naturall gifts. 
the fall, not only in the faculties and substance of Supernaturali 
bodie and soule, but in the personall rights also over ^'Vf^l^^l^ 
torpid, vegetative, and all unreasonable creatures, con- f;J^/„^^ 
tinued to him by that Charter of Reason, which in so obtained but 
well ordered furniture, and so well furnished order as h-j Gods free 
the name Kotr^o'i and mundus import, could not but have gft. and called 
beene confounded, if both the immortall and spirituall ]^ r^^i^^^mes 
part in himselfe, should not have exercised dominion in y holinesse. 
some kind over the mortall and bodily ; and if in the Eph, 4. 
greater World, the reasonable should not have disposed ^f.''^''fj^°lf^ 
of the unreasonable. As for the conformitie of mans ^' ^^J^!^^]"! 
will and actions to God and right, using of that right over ^^yed nature. 
the creature, to the sole glory of the Creator (to whom 
man is subordinate, as the creature to him) this was by 
the cracke of our earthen Vessell in Mans Fall lost, and 
as a more subtile and spirituall liquor, ranne out. Yet 
still remaine in this defaced Image some obscure linea- 
ments, and some embers raked up in the ashes of Mans 
consumption, which being by naturall diligence quickned, 
give lively expressions of God ; and where supernaturali 
worke recovereth, are more then recovered, internally 
and inchoatively in the state of grace, externally also 
and eternally in that perfection of glorie. 

Hence ariseth to a man a threefold tenure, more Foure kinds 
and more excellent then any which Littleton hath ''{j^£lJ"'^ 
related ; a Microcosmicall in respect of our selves ; a q^^ ^ ' 
Cosmopoliticall in regard of the World ; a Catholike, 
Spirituall, and Heavenly in relation to Christ the 
Head, his Bodie the Church, and that everlasting inheri- 
tance ; besides that (which is the last and least of all) 
in reference to Politicall Law and Societie. The first [I. i. 7.] 


costne or Pil- 


orlginall of all dominion and right is God, who is Lord of 
all, whose Image as is said is imprinted on and in Man, as 
otherwise so in this Lordship or right; which he hath first 
See my Micro- \^ ^nd on himselfe Microcosmically in the members of 
his bodie, as the Regions of this Selfe-kingdome ; where 
the continuall Court of Conscience, the large jurisdiction 
of Reason (without which a man is, as suspended from 
the power of himselfe, termed impos sui, besides himselfe, 
as in drunkennesse and madnesse) the freedom of the 
Will (which is no longer will, then willing and cannot be 
constrained) the Naturall, and Vitall actions wrought 
within us, (and yet without us, without our owne know- 
ledge or direction, and much lesse subject to the correction 
of others) the Animall also in externall and internall senses, 
which cannot but exercise their faculties upon their due 
objects : these all proclaime that the poorest Slave is Lord 
by divine grant, even since the fall, of no lesse then this 
little- World ; yea, while he obeyeth others, he commands 
himselfe to that obedience ; in which selfe-commands is 
the true exercise of vertue or vice. This Inheritance and 
Dominion is so naturall that it cannot be alienated, 
without confiscation of the whole to the eternall giver of 
whom he holds it. For even in and by his eternaU Law, 
is this made the rule of all righteousnesse, to doe as we 
would be done to, to love our Neighbours as our selves ; 
and if there were no power in and of our selves, there 
could neither be vertue nor vice in loving or hating our 
Neighbour : if no freedome of will and affections, no 
reward with God or man ; if no government of mans selfe 
reserved. Martyrs of all men were the most monstrous, 
which for obeying God rather then man, are the most 
honoured and admired. Once ; subjection to God is 
absolute ; to Princes as they are called Gods, and yet die 
like men, with reservation ; for conscience of Gods Com- 
mandement, where his revealed will to the contrary frees 
not ; and yet even then we must by suffering doe the will 
of Superiours, thereby to shew our fidelitie in keeping 
Gods Proviso, though with losse, of our Wils where we 



love, and our lives where wee feare ; shewing that we love 

& feare him most of all, which yet were neither love, nor Pro. i6. 32. 

feare, nor vertue, without this liberty of wil and power in 

our selves. He that ruleth his owne mind is better then 

hee that winneth a Citie. This is the greatest conquest, 

the greatest possession to be master of thy selfe. Nor is 

this power absolute to our selves over our selves : Wee 

are not our owne, wee are Gods who hath created us ; our 

Parents which have procreated us, our Countries which 

sustayneth us, our Kings which maintayneth us ; our 

Neighbours in common humanity : to neglect a Mans 

fame or life, (much more prodigally to reject them) is 

to robbe all these of their due in us. 

But in Christians it were a deeper Sacriledge : they are i Cor. 6. 20. 
not their owne, they are bought with a price (the greatest ^ 7- 23- 
of prices, the bloud of God) they are gained by conquest, p^^ ^[ 
Christ having bound the strong man and spoiled his 
goods; they are given by the Father for the Sonnes 
Inheritance, and in Baptisme have by mutuall Covenant, 
given over themselves to his service. The freedome Christian 
which Christ hath purchased for us, doth yeeld Libertie, ^^^^^'t"^- 
not Licentiousnesse ; frees not from duties, to doe what 
wee lust, but makes us have a lust to doe our duties ; 
sweetly inclining the Wil, and renewing the Minde to 
esteeme the Service of God, and of men for his sake, the 
greatest freedome. Hee then that is Christs, is a new Gal. 5. 
Creature, to which, bondage or freedome and other worldly ' ^^''- 7- 
respects, are meere respects and circumstances. For hee 
that is bond, is the Lords freeman, and hee that is free, 
is the Lords Servant. It is the Devils Sophistry, as to 
separate what hee hath joyned, so to confound what hee 
hath distinguished ; and it is observable, that the Pope The^ Pope 
and the Anabaptist, which are brethren in this Iniquity, ^^^^" ^" 
have first denied their Baptisme, the Scale of their ^^^^ ^^ 
Christianitie. For these many rights doe not subject us other is re- 
to many Masters, but subordinate our subjection in the baptised. 
beautie of order. Even in Politicall or Civill right One 
may be Lord of the Fee ; another of the Soile ; a third 
I 17 B 


* As is the 
use of some 
Parishes after 
Lamas, i^c. 

Sen. Epist. 9. 

Ad I'ivendum 
multis reb. 
opus est, ad 
bene vivendum 
animo sano 
y erecto y 

[I. i. 8.] 
Laert. in Zen. 

of the way by ingresse, egresse, regresse ; a fourth, 
hath right in the same ground, in time of Faire or 
Market; the whole Vicinity in Commoning* times; 
and others other wayes : all whose Rights, are subject 
to the Right Royall, and Sovereigne. 

And if in proprietie of strictest Nature, there may bee 
such communitie of subordinate rights without tumul- 
tuous crossing or pernicious confusion, how much more 
in things more spirituall, and more easily communicable ? 
In which respect, the Philosophers, held themselves of 
themselves compleate, and (in whatsoever state) sapientem 
seipso contentum esse, not dependant (where he is 
properly a man) of other men of the World : not con- 
tracting him intra cutem suam (to use Senecaes words) in 
this Microcosmicall happinesse, but needing the Cosmo- 
politicall helpe ad vivendum, not ad beate vivendum ; to 
live at least, howsoever to live well, a sound heart and 
good conscience are sufficient ; to the other food and 
raiment are necessary, to this ex te nascentia bona : the 
best societie is of vertuous thoughts which make men, 
as Scipio said, nunquam minus solos quam cum soli, 
nee minus otiosos quam cum otiosi sint, but vicious 
company (as the company of Vices) are the most horrid 
and desolate Wildernesse. No exile can deprive a man 
of this Citie, no Prison of this Societie, no Pillage of 
these Riches, no bondage of this Libertie, 

In this sence Socrates said he was Koa-fio-KoKirri^ all 
places his Countrie, all men his Countrimen ; in this, 
Bias, when he had lost all by fortune of warre, carried all 
his away with him : in this Zeno, marvelled at nothing 
neither in Nature, whose depths cannot be searched, nor 
in Fortune, whose possibilitie of most licentious effects 
must be the glasse to view our owne fortune, and to make 
that light by long premeditation, which others doe by 
long suffering: in this, Seneca, Coelo tegitur qui non 
habet urnam ; in this, another Seneca teacheth. Cum 
Orientem Occidentemque lustraveris animo, cum tot ani- 
malia, tantam copiam rerum quas Natura beatissime fundit, 



aspexeris ; emittere banc Dei voce In omnia mea sunt ; in 

this, Diogenes when Pirats exposed him to sale, professed 

his art was to rule men, and bad them sell him to 

Xeniades, for he needed a Master ; from whom when his 

friends would have redeemed him, he refused, saying, 

Lions were Masters, and not servants of them which fed Laert.inDiog. 

them ; in this, the Stoicks called their poorest Wiseman, 

rich, free, a King; in this sense Socrates with whom we 

began, said if his fortune would not sute and sort to him, 

he would make himselfe sutable to his fortune. 

So long as life lasteth and humanitie continueth, they 
are universall possessors of the Universe, in which kind, 
Aristotle hath left more memorable Monuments of Con- 
templation, then Alexander of Conquest : Natures com- 
mons, the Sun, Stars, Heavens, Aire, are common, at least 
to their mindes in utmost of miseries, and with internall 
plentie they supply all externall defects. In this Miscro- 
cosmicall and Cosmopoliticall Wealth, consisted all the 
Philosophers estate and revenue, which they called Vertue 
and Moralitie : which made them Masters of themselves, 
and thereby of the World, the just Circle of the Centre of 
Humanitie, for which it was created. These things (me 
thinkes) I see not without pittie, nor can resemble Them 
more fitly then to Horses of excellent courage ; but hood- 
winked so, that some little transparence of light makes 
them more importunate to others mischiefes, and their 
owne prascipice (whence Philosophers have been called Tertul. 
Patriarchs of Heretikes) or else like Mil-horses to com- 
passe with this Worlds Wheele the immoveable Centre of 
Natures corruption, to which they are subject, no lesse 
then others which worke at a Querne, and stand still 
at their Hand-mill ; by a larger circumference alway 
mooving, promovendo nihil, proceeding in true freedome 
nothing at all. If the Sonne make you free, you shall be Joh. 8. 
free indeed. These, to make the noblest comparison may 
seeme starres, children of the night, which in their Moral- 
itie gave rayes of light that to the World made them 
eminent Ornaments, and may| make many of us ashamed, 


saith of the 
sceca vivunt. 
Mai. \. 
Col. I. 
I. Thes. 5. 

P//. 4.. II, 12, 

I 3. Discip- 

I'wa, Scientia, 


Impenum est 


art'ium, quod 

ex verbis 



1 Cor. 2. 14. 


which in the Daies Sun-shine of the Gospell love and live 
darknesse, and like Owles, Bats, and wild Beasts, hide our 
selves studiously from the Sun, flie abroad and prey in 
the darke, fashioning our selves to this World, have our 
cogitations and conversations darkened. Christ is never- 
thelesse to all that have eyes to see, the Sunne of Right- 
eousnesse, by whome wee are by Regeneration translated 
from the power of darknesse, and made the children of 
the day; that wee may know what wee worship, and 
whom we have beleeved, not so much talking as walking, 
even in this bodily prison, these liberties of the Gospell, 
being truly (though yet in the imperfect grouth of in- 
fancie) restored to our selves, to the World, yea to a more 
glorious state, whereof Nature could not so much as 
dreame; that wheras Man had lost both the former by 
suggestion of Evill, Devil-Angels, Christ hath exalted 
farre above all Heavens visible, to supply these Thrones 
of Dominion, which those rebellious Thrones and 
Dominions lost. The evidence whereof we have by 
Faith and Hope, our Head already having taken Liverie 
and Seisin, and from thence living in us, actuating and 
mooving us by his Spirit, preparing us in this fight of 
militant grace to that light of triumphant glorie. 

Even these first fruits are sweet and solid ; 1 have 
learned (saith our Apostle) in whatsoever state I am, 
therewith to be content. And I know both how to be 
abased, and I know how to abound, everie where and in 
all things, 1 am instructed both to be full and to be 
hungrie, and to abound and have need. I am able to 
all things through Christ strengthening me. This was 
the true riches not in the Chist, but in the heart, which 
therefore neither men nor Devils could take away. And 
see his Degrees in this Schoole ; first eixaOov^ I have 
learned this Discipline, not in the Schoole of Nature 
but of Grace, for we are all taught of God : secondly, 
oi^a this Science, I know : whereas the wisest of Philo- 
sophers professed to know but this one thing that hee 
knew nothing : thirdly /ue/jLvr'/imaij and without all contro- 


versie this is a great mysterie of godlinesse, in which the 
naturall man is not initiated, hee knowes not the things of 
God, nor can know them, for they are foolishnesse to him ; 
but the unction of the Spirit only enters men in these 
mysteries (which the word signifieth) after which followes 
in due order, Udvra i(rxv(jo. I am able to all things, to doe, J"^- i5- 
to suffer all things, (and therefore Lord of himselfe and of '• ^°^- ^5- 
the World) but eV rep evSvva/m.ovuTi fxe -^lcttu) in Christ 
enabling ; without me saith Christ, yee can doe nothing ; 
and not 1, saith Paul but the grace of God in me : 
whereas those Philosophers having no stocke, but their 
owne, were poore Pedlers, not Royall Merchants, which 
would seeme to flie but wanted wings, yea life. 

And as for this Christian selfe and World, and 
Heaven-interest, it troubles not, intermedles not, dis- 
turbes not Earthly possessions and powers, for the 
greatest is a servant of all, and hee is often poore in Luk. 22. 
secular sense which makes many rich, as having nothing, ^- ^^'^- • ^°- 
even then when he possesseth all things. Am I not free .? y^^.^^ \^' 
have we not power } saith Paul, Who when he was free 
from all, made himselfe the servant of all that he might 
gaine the more ; not (as they) running quasi in incertum, 
and fighting quasi aerem verberans, but in this freedome 
and rule of the Spirit, beating downe and subduing the i.Cor. 9. 26, 
bodie of flesh and mortifying his earthly members, not !|' ^ ^ 
seeking his owne but the good of others: As I please all ^\^\'g\ 
men in all things (lawfull, for of other things he 
saith, if I should please men, I should not be the 
servant of Christ) not seeking mine owne profit, Cal. i. 10. 
but of many, that they may bee saved. The con- 
tempt of riches and greatnesse is the most compen- 
dious way to bee rich and great (the contempt I meane, 
which proceeds from content, not that of the unthankfull 
prodigall, nor of the desperate begger) and he can never 
be poore that hath Christ, himselfe, and all things in 
present possession ; God and Heaven in reversion. This, 
this is that which lifts up his thoughts, and so fils them 
with the fulnesse of God, that he neglects these baser and Ephes. 3. 


truly inferior matters ; and, that which others are vitiously, 
hee is (and it is his vertue to bee) covetous, voluptuous, 

Rom. 14. 17. ambitious, but the objects are righteousnesse, joy in the 
Holy Ghost, and the Kingdome of Heaven. 

This whole Globe of Earth and Waters, seemes great 
to them that are little, but to thoughts truly great and 
like to God, it holds its true place, price, quantitie, that 
is, the lowest, basest, least. Quid ei potest videri 
magnum in rebus humanis, cui aeternitas omnis, totiusque 
Mundi nota sic maegnitudo ? said the Orator. Hoc est 
punctum, quod inter tot gentes ferro & igni dividitur. 
O quam ridiculi sunt mortalium termini .? said Seneca. 

Som. Sap. Scipio was ashamed of the Roman Empires point of 

P/ifi. L 2. this point : and another (haec est materia gloria nostra, 
hic tumultuatur humanum genus, &c.) is ashamed of 
this stirre for earth by foolish man, not considering 
quota terrarum parte gaudeat, vel cum ad mensuram 
avaritias suas propagaverit, quam tandem portionem ejus 
defunctus obtineat. Horum agrorum possessione te 
effers, qui nulla pars sunt terras } said Socrates to 
Alcibiades bragging of his lands, which yet in an 
universall Map hee could not shew : whereas the 
Universe it selfe is not large enough to bee the 

I. Co. 3. 22. Mappe of the Christians inheritance, whose are the 

Heb. 2. world, and life, and death, and things present and 

things to come, all are theirs; the third Heaven and 
Paradise of God their Patrimonie ; the Angels their 
Gard (are they not all ministring spirits sent forth for 
their sakes that are heires of salvation.'') the Devils, the 
World, Sinne, Death and Hell their triumph ; Paul, 
Apollo, Cephas, all the Worthies, Elders, Senators & 

Heb. 12. Patres Conscripti of the celestiall Jerusalem, those first- 
borne, whose names are written in Heaven, their Kindred, 
Brethren, fellow Citizens, fellow members; Christ him- 

Apoc.zi. selfe their head, their life; and God their portion, their 
exceeding great reward, their owne God amongst them, 
in a tenure like himselfe, eternall and unspeakably 
glorious. The degrees of this Scala Coeli, are men- 


tioned by Paul, '' All are yours, and you Christs and '' i- Cor. 3, 
Christ Gods, and this the descent of our right, God, ^^' ,^9- 20. 
Christ, all things; God gave all to his Sonne, his Sonne 
with all to us. Christ with his bodie is the Centre, 
and God the Circumference of this mysticall Corpora- 

Rowze up then thy thoughts, O my Soule, let these 
worldly Pismires toile about their Hils, and busie Bees 
about their Hive ; and let them in Courts and Suits, where 
Forum "" litibus mugit insanum, contest about the shadow " Cyprian. 
of the Asse. Shadowes; obscure & darke shadowes are 
Time of ^ternitie. Motion of immutabilitie. Earth, of 
Heaven ; and in a vaine shew or shadow walks he, dis- 
quieting himselfe in vaine, that heaps up riches and 
knowes not who shall gather them. All that I see is 
mine, said the Philosopher : Foolosopher ! that I see not 
is mine, things seen are temporall, things not seen are ^^^- n- i- 
eternall ; my faith is the evidence of things not scene, ^T" 
my hope were not hope if scene, and my Charitie mind 
the things above, & out of sight, where Christ my love 
(so Ignatius called him) sits at the right hand of the 
God of love, which is love. And yet if I affect shadowes, 
this Sunne yeelds so farre to my yet weaker and grosser 
bodily affects, and whiles it thus shines on my soule, 
by grace it makes the shadowes as mooving indices of 
time attend my bodie, this being the prerogative of 
Christian godlinesse, to have the promises of this life, 
and that which is to come. Sure if I were in the ^ ^ . 
starrie Heaven, with mortall eyes I could not thence 71/5 
in such distance be able to see this small Globe, whence ^ The sun is, 
I see so small the greatest starres, whence the light of the if ^rt hath 
World and King of starres (so much neerer in place, ^#^0" 'j^^"^- 
greater "^ in quantitie, more visible in qualitie) seemes iss] times- 
as little, as the head that viewes it. And should this the greatest 
Earth which cannot there be scene, so Eclipse my lower ^''^'-f* ^l>o^'e 
Moon-like borrowed beames by interposition, that all ^°°" S^'^'^^^'' 
should be shadow in a double night and twofold dark- ^^^^^ 
nesse .'' No, No, I will get up thither, even farre above Rom. lo. 



my selfe, farre above all Heavens, (say not in thine heart, 
who shall ascend into Heaven? that is to bring Christ 
from above) and thence with a spirituall and heavenly 
eye looke on earth, and not here and hence with a 
carnall and sensuall eye looke on Heaven (this makes 
the heavenly bodies little, the great light of Heaven 
eclipsed, not in it selfe, but to me by every interposed 
Moone, and the Heaven of Heavens wholy, invisible) 
so shall it not annoy my sense; so shall not my sense 
of earth annoy my reason; so shall not my reason 
perplexe my faith, but I shall use it as not using, as 
not abusing' it, to helpe and not to hinder my present 
I. Cor. 7. And thinke not that we speake impossibilities : of 

EpAes. 2. 6. every Christian it is said, conresuscitavit & consedere 
Rom. 6. 5. ^^^j^ -^ coelestibus in Christo Jesu; and we are crvfxcpvToij 
planted together into the similitude of his resurrection 
by Baptisme, both in regard of the imputation and 
infusion. If this high Mysterie be hid, yet, as when 
thou hast viewed the Sunne, it makes thee uncapeable 
of seeing the earth, either at that time or for a space 
afterwards : so the soule that often by devout contem- 
plation is accustomed to view this Sunne, neither can 
then equally, nor cares much to fixe his eyes on earthly 
delights after, but having drunke of these heavenly 
waters, is not very thirstie of these muddie Springs, and 
of troubled Ale after such generous Wines. These things 
[I. i. 10.] are indeed effected by degrees, nor can we at once leape 
from the Cradle to the Saddle, and I suspect the forward 
Herculean hands that can so soone with new-borne gripes 
strangle old Serpents : yet is not the Christian alway a 
Dwarfe, but still growes up in grace, and is ever grow- 
E/>Aes. 4. ing into him which is the head, Christ. He is the 
Alpha and Omega, hee is Lord of all as the Son and Heire, 
of Man, the World and Heaven; and he with all this 
right is given unto us, inhabiting, purifying, quickning 
Mans heart by faith; whence he also is Microcosmically 
Master of himselfe, Cosmopolitically of the World, in 



Catholike Christianitie heire of Heaven; All, of, in, by 
and for Christ, to whom be glory for ever. Amen. 

§. nil. 

The Christian and Philosopher compared in that 
challenge to be rich, free, a King; that this 
hinders not but furthers PoHticall subjection: 
and of the happy combination of wisdome 
and royaltie in Salomon, as likewise in our 

LI Arts are but the supply of Natures defects, 
to patch up her ragged and worne rents, to cover 
rather then to cure or recover Mans fall ; even 
that King of Arts, the Politicall Art of Kings, is not 
heire by whole bloud ; but the gift of God, begotten 
since the fall, and abundantly argues our unrulinesse 
otherwise, which must have Lords and Lawes to rule 
us. By like favour of God, least mans dissolution 
should bring a desolation, came in Politicall tenure 
and Civill state and Right amongst men. The lest 
possession is this, which wee call our proper, as being 
no part of our selves, and a small part of the smallest 
part of the Universe : greater is the Universe it selfe, 
and the greatest right thereto is that which is most 
universall, whereof the soule is only capable; greater 
then the greater World is this Little, for whom that 
was made, yea, for whom the Word, the maker of 
both was made flesh ; and as in it selfe, so also to 
us, whom little it advantageth to winne the whole world Psal. i6. 
and loose our owne soules : greatest of all and Greatnesse 
it selfe is God, the lot of the Christians inheritance and 
the portion of his cup, to whom the Father hath given the 
Sonne, and with him all things. These things may con- 
curre and did in Salomon, without confusion ; that the 
three last may also be separated from the first, and that 
subsist without the least knowledge of these last, is a true 
conclusion. And how many have much in Politicall and 



Sen. de bene/. 
I. -] c. \ ad 
reges potestas 
pertinety ad 
singulos do- 
minium, Laert. 

dWui /JLeV TT)S 

7r6\ewj, &W(i)s 
de Twv xpwyo^- 

See Laert. in 
vit. Diog. ifj 
Amb. Ep. 7. 
where you 
may read 

Epistle, and in 
the end of this 

Cuncta cupit 
Crcesus, Dio- 
genes nihilum. 
Eum maxime 
divitiis frui 
qui minimi 
divitiis indiget. 
A nimusoportet 
sejudicet divi- 
tem, non homi- 
num sermo, 
\3c. Cic. 
Ccelo tegitur 
qui non habet 

Civill possession, which are had and held of the things 
they have and hold, as the price of their freedom, not 
so much as dreaming of any other tenure but propriety, 
laughing at the Philosopher, and raging at the Christians 
farther challenge, which yet disturbes not (as not a worldly 
tenure) Propriety but that positive sicut erat in principio, 
(in the fuit of mans incorrupted nature) is now compara- 
tively more certaine, more ample by faith, and shall be in 
saecula saeculorum a superlative of fullest happinesse. 
Even still proprietie in strictest sence, is the Subjects 
state and that with many subdivisions and diversifica- 
tions ; a higher and universall right appertaineth in each 
mans proprietie to the King, as Lord of all. That naked 
Cynike, that neither had house nor dish, not only com- 
pared himselfe with Alexander, (in emulation of his great 
Titles, proclayming I am Diogenes the Dogge) but even 
great Alexander, had he not beene Alexander, professed 
hee would wish to bee Diogenes. Neither feare nor 
desire could any whit dazzle him in that Royall lustre, 
but beeing questioned by Alexander, if hee feared him 
not, asked if hee were good or bad ; beeing answered, 
good ; and who (saith he) is afraid of good \ being bidden 
aske, he desired no-thing but the restitution of the Sunne 
which his interposition had taken from him ; insinuating 
a greater riches in Natures inheritance, then in the greatest 
Kings beneficence ; and in his owne mind, then in the 
Others spatious Empire. Plus erat quod hie nollot 
accipere, (saith Seneca) quam quod ille posset dare. 
Nor had Greece alone such spirits : Calanus in India 
was more admired of Alexander, then the King of him. 
Corpora, saith he in his Epistle to Alexander, transferes 
de loco ad locum, animas non coges facere, quod nolunt, 
non magis quam saxa, & ligna vocem emittere. I speake 
not, as approoving these men in all their speeches and 
actions : but if they could doe so much in that twilight of 
Nature, how much more may Christians aspire unto, on 
whom, as is said before, the Sun of righteousnesse is risen .'' 
These indeed are Children of the day, which know how to 



honour the King, in that feare of God, which is the begin- 
ning of wisdome ; which the Cynikes, Gymnosophists and 
Stoikes, not having attained, dreamed in their night, and 
did those things rather as men talking and walking in their 
sleepe, then as men truly knowing what they said and did. 
Like these Ophyrians wee write of, which possessed much 
Gold, but Salomon alone knew how to bestow it on the 
Temple, which sanctifieth the Gold. And yet how farre 
did these Philosophers Dreames exceed the seeming 
waking and watchfull cares of Croesus and Crassus 
(which rather in troubled, feverous, phrenzie, or Opium 
sleepes were more fatally perplexed) esteeming Vertue the 
truest treasure; and Riches rather to consist in needing 
little, then holding much, and a contented mind to bee a 
surer Coffer, then the bottomlesse Bags of insatiate [I. 1. ii.] 
Avarice ; and Natures commons of the Heavens and q^„/^ gj^s 
Elements to be greater possessions, then a few handfuls of sunt non 
inclosed dust ; more admiring the Physicians skill, occupatione sed 
then the Druggists shop full of simples, or the Apothe- ''^^^"J^J^^^^ 
caries of medicines ; more joying in, more enjoying (as the "^^^"^ J^ ^^^ 
members of the body) the publike then the private wealth, singula 
more the contemplation, whereby the minde reasonably mancipantur. 
useth all things, even those of others, without further Tuetur hoc 
cares, then that proprietie whereby the sense distinguisheth ^intumr : VU. 
the owner, and addes to this little owne, the great cares of up, Manud. 
getting, keeping, spending, and no lesse feares of loosing, adStoic 
yea (in many a Tantalus) of using, as if he were the PAt/./.s.dtss. 
Gaoler rather then Owner of that wealth which hee lades J,'* Ep,^^ 
with Irons and strangles in his Iron Chest, for no other Oonat. L 2. 
fault, but calling such a Mizer Master. Quibus hoc Ep. 2. 
sordibus emit ut fulgeat } vigilat in pluma ; Nee intelligit 
miser speciosa esse sibi supplicia, & possideri magis quam 
possidere divitias. The wise man is like Isaac in whom 
Abrahams seede is called, whom he makes his heire : 
but these which are called rich, are sometimes like Ismael, 
thrust out of all ; at the best, like the Sonnes of the Con- ^^''- ^5- ^• 
cubines, to whom Abraham gave gifts and sent them j^'^^^-^^Vs. 
away : the Minde, as that which alone is immortall, hath 



Amb. Ep. 7. 
handles this 
Theme sagely, 
godly, Eivai 
7d/3 Tid) eXeu- 
Ttu diSovXeid- 
ffT^prqffiv avTO- 
vpayidi : 
Laeri. in 

^Xevdepos i(XTiv 
6 ^Civ ws ^oi/Xe- 

itXTiv, ijfc. it 
may be said 
of a good man, 
and his affec- 
tions as Virgil 
of Augustus, 
volentes. Per 
populos dat 
jura viamque 
Epict. irpocFKo.- 
Tartra xdfJ-ov 

rtW OpfJitd) Tl^ 

Sev, isc. 
Subducit se 
custodiee in 
qua tenetur iff 
ceelo rejicitur. 

Joh. 14. 23. 
Gal 2. 2. 20, 
Joh. 6. 
Cant. I. 
Bern in 
Cant. 21. 
Satius est ut 
me trahas, ut 

State of perpetuity and inheritance, the Sense in her pro- 
priety is capable onely of gifts and moveables. 

From this glimpse of reason did those Philosophers the 
sonnes of Nature (how much more should we the Sons of 
the free women ?) attribute libertie and a Kingdome 
to their Wise man. Saint Paul more fully, Justo non est 
lex posita. Saint Ambrose laden with the spoiles of these 
Egyptians, therewith adornes the Christian Tabernacle. 
He is a free man saith he, which doth "" what he will, ^ and 
lives as he pleaseth, nor can be forced to any thing : now 
the wise man wils that which is good, hates the evill ; not 
for feare but for love, obeieth the commandement ; seekes 
not to please the uncertaine vulgar, but his minde hangs 
evenly in the ballance poized with the sheckle of the 
sanctuary ; not forced by Law, but he is law to himselfe, 
and hath the same written not in tables of stone, but in 
flesh ie tables of the heart, ; not fearing the Law, because 
his debts are acquitted, and cannot therefore be arrested ; 
not servant to any, yet making himselfe the servant of all, 
for their good ; whose service to God doth not consume 
but consummate his libertie, for God's service is perfect 
freedome ; to whom when all things are lawfull, yet 
nothing is lawfull that is not expedient, that edifies not ; 
who abides founded and grounded on Christ the rocke, 
and therefore feares not the swelling waves, nor raging 
windes, fluctuates not with every blast of doctrine : is not 
pufl^ed with prosperity, dejected with adversity, but 
like Joseph (which bought those that bought him, even 
all the land of Egypt besides, for Pharao, after himself 
had bin sold for a slave) abides himself in whatsoever 
changes of fate and state. He hath subordinated his 
will to Gods will, and if hee will have him doe or suffer 
any thing, possesse or loose either himselfe or ought 
he hath, it shall be his will also. This made Job abide 
himselfe, when he was shaken, and as it were thunder- 
stricken out of all at once : yea, by a sacred antiperistasis 
he gathered his spirits together and not onely not 
blasphemed, but blessed; then and therefore blessed God, 



who is no lesse good In taking then in giving, who hath vim qualitn 
loved us and given himselfe for us, before he takes ought '^^^f^Zdo, 
from us, yea therefore takes this that he might give that y^ ^^.^^^ 
(both himselfe and our selfe) to us. He that looseth his quodammodo 
life findes it, and hee that denieth himselfe and his in vitam ut 
owne will, puts off the chaines of his bondage, the slavery -^^^^.-^jf^^ll^ 
to innumerable tyrants, impious lusts, and is thus a free forpentem ut ' 
man indeede, freed from the divell, the world, himselfe, reddas cur- 
breathing the free ayre of heaven in the lowest and rentem, y^ 
darkest dungeon, yea in the closest of prisons (his owne ^g^°-/J'Ji^^^ 
body) closely by contemplation conveies himselfe forth to ^^^7^^ 
fetch often walkes in the Paradise of God. Once, he loves moribas. 
Christ, hee lives Christ, and therefore cannot be compelled Ck. par. 5. 
by another, will not be compelled and mastered by Him- p^^^'^'^' ^^' 
selfe, longs to be more and more impelled by that Spirit j^'^ ^'^ 
(which sweetly forceth into the desired haven) and to be 
drawne by the Father that he may be enabled to follow 
the Sonne, with whom he is unable to hold pace ; and 
fearing because he loves, thus desires helpe, that (be it by 
stripes, or threates, or other tentations) his feete may 
be made more sure, more swift. He feares God, and 
therefore feares nothing. And whereas hee that com- 
mitteth sinne is the servant of sinne, he is thus not onely 
set free by Christ, but more highly dignified and made 
a King and Priest to God. He daily sacrificeth praiers, 
praises, good workes, his owne living body in reasonable 
service, not the bodies of dead and unreasonable beasts ; 
hath alway the doore of the heavenly pallace, the eare 
of the heavenly King open to his intercessions. He 
is also a King over himselfe (a little world, a great 
conquest) over Fortune the magnified Lady of the greater 
World (which he frames to his owne manners ; and if he 
cannot bend it to his will, knowes how to bend his will to 
it) over the Divell, the God of the World ; over Death, 
which hee makes (as Sapores did the Roman tyrant 
Valerian, and Tamerlane the Turkish Bajazeth) his foot- 
stoole, or stirrop to mount up to a higher and better life, 
and like David cuts off the head of this Gyant (which 



1. 12, 

Eph. I. ult. 
Pro. 14. 17. 
Lips. Manu- 
duct, //. 3. 
d. 13. 

oia-qs dpx^s 
Ltf^r/. ;'« 
Zen. regnum 
potestas nulli 

to his true home ; 
prepare a place for 
spirit with us, hath 
to take possession, 

hath defied all the armie of Mankinde) with his owne 
sword : hee is (a King) over the world, which he neither 
loves (for his heart and treasure is in heaven) nor feares 
(for what can it doe at the worst, but further his heavenly 
happinesse) nor fashions himselfe to it, but it to himselfe, 
using it as not using it, not setting his heart on it, 
for the fashion of this world passeth away, as a 
Scene, where he but acts a while his part ; and a strange 
Country thorow which he travelleth 
where his King is gone before to 
him, and leaving the earnest of his 
taken our earnest, our flesh, there 

to make intercession in the presence of God for us. 
Our Head is there already which cannot so farre degenerate 
as to neglect his body, the reall and living parts of Him- 
selfe, the fulnesse of him that fils all in all things : This 
Kingdome is not meate and drinke, pompe and splendor, 
and much less intruding into the secrets, obtruding on the 
scepters of their soveraignes, but righteousnesse, peace, and 
joy in the holy Ghost, which the Philosophers knew not, 
and whatsoever they have challenged (as a Ratione Reges) 
yet in comparison of true Christians they were but as 
Kings in a Play (as Plutarch said of the Stoickes) which 
talked, stalked, walked on their Stage, and acted that part 
which in deede and in spirituall right is our reall part 
and inheritance. And if a Kingdome be a power subject 
to none, then every true Christian is a King (not in Ana- 
baptisticall phrenzie to cast off all yoakes of loyalty, to cast 
out all States and Royaltie, and like their John of Leyden 
to make himselfe a licentious Monarch, pressed downe 
meane while with so many envies, vices, miseries, but) in 
this, that pectore magno, Spemque metumque domat, vicio 
sublimior omni, Exemptus fatis : in that he obeieth his 
soveraigne not so much of his slavish feare, as because 
he loves him, and loves that God which hath given him 
soveraignty, and therefore as to the living image of God 
yeeldes obedience to him, not grudgingly or of necessitie 
but cheerefully, and with a willing heart, making his 



superiours will to be his owne (because it is Gods) will. 
And if he commands that which he findes countermanded 
by the highest Law, he rebels not, reviles not, Rex Se»ec. 
est qui posuit metus, Et diri mala, pectoris, where he 
cannot be willing to doe, he will yet be willing to suffer 
the will of his soveraigne, Occurritque suo libens Fato, nee 
queritur mori. Thus is this man spiritually a King and 
Infra se, videt omnia, beholds all things beneath him, by 
suffering, overcomming ; by obeying, ruling, himselfe if 
not others. In this sence Christ saith of the Church 
of Smyrna, I know thy poverty, but thou art rich : and of y^poc. z. y 3. 
the Laodiceans which esteemed themselves rich, encreased ^^^- 3- 
with goods, and needing nothing, that they were wretched, 
and miserable, and poore, and blinde, and naked. Silver 
and Gold have I none, said that rich Apostle, whose pre- 
tended successours, out of a will to be rich, have fallen into 
tentation, and a snare, and many foolish and noisome 
lusts : For the love of money is the roote of all evill, Tim. 6. 
which while these covet after, they have erred from the 
faith : and instead of Apostolical, have proved Apostati- 
call, with Babylonicall mysteries confounding things 
spirituall and externall, enclosing all the commons of the 
Church and the Spirit, to the onely use of the Vatican ; 
and then with the spoile of all Christians This spirituall 
man must judge all, and be judged of none, usurping 
the rights of, and right over Kings, not considering the 
diversity of these tenures. 

But yet (to returne to our Salomon), if a man by this fiozv good a 
Christian wisdome becomes free, rich, a King ; what shall f-^^ ''"'^ """' 
a King of men be (with addition of this wisdome) but 
heroicall, and if not more then a man, yet a worthy 
of men, and neerest to God .? This appeares in David 
and Salomon, two learned, no lesse then potent Kings, the 
one gaining greatnesse at home, the other dispersing those 
raies beyond their owne Orbe, to remotest Ophir. This 
we see in Philip and Alexander, in Cassar and Augustus. 
Learning is the best Jewell in a Kings Crowne, and Chris- 
tian wisdome like the verticall crosse upon it ; which both 



in Bookes (by King Alphonsus called his faithfuUest 
Counsellors) and in their bosomes, speakes that without 
feare or flattery, which servants cannot or dare not ; makes 
them to see with their owne eyes, and not onely by 
experience of others ; yea with the eyes of the Worthies of 
former times, and to converse with the Auncients of 
all ages : and searching into the causes of things to 
penetrate seasonably into aflFaires which suddenly 
assault others. But especially in Marine discoveries, we 
are not so much indebted to the power as the learning of 
Kings, and both together make a blessed match, and have 
produced to the world the best knowledge of it selfe. 
Salomon is example, who in the writings of Moses, being 
instructed of Ophyr, attempts the discovery. How little 
knowledge had the Greekes of Asia till Alexander emploied 
both Aristotle with great costs, and Himselfe also in 
discovery of the Lands and Seas, besides Nearchus and 
other his Captaines,? Julius and Augustus opened the 
first lights in manner to the Romans, the one in 
discovery of the world and the parts adjoyning, the other 
also unto the Indies. How little of the world hath beene 
discovered for want of learning by the Turke, Mogoll, 
Persian, Chinois, and Abassine, howsoever called great ? 
how little are most of them all } But what neede 1 
forraine examples ? How little in comparison hath our 
Nation (the Oceans darling, hugged continually in her 
bosome) discovered and made use of (yea they were the 
prey of the Easterlings and Lumbards, scarcely know- 
ing their neighbour Seas) before the late eruption of 
captived learning in the former age, and more especially 
in the glorious Sunshine of Queene Elizabeth, and (after 
that Sunset, Sol occubuit nox nulla sequuta est) in the suc- 
ceeding, that I say not in Ophyrian regions, exceeding 
times of King James ? I dare not presume to speake 
of his Majesties learning which requires a more learned 
pen, and where to speake the truth would seeme flattery ; 
nor yet of that learned Queene, who sometime brake 
in peeces the artlesse pictures made to represent her 



(for Apelles is onely fit to paint Alexander, Homer to sing 
Achilles, and Virgil his Augustus.) Thus a more learned Sir F. Bacon 
witnesse hath said, and I will recite : that to the last yeare "[f^^"^)"-^^ 
of her life duely and daily shee observed her set houres for 
reading : that this part of the Island never had 45. yeares 
of better times, and yet not through the calmenesse of the 
season, but through the wisedome of her regiment : the 
truth of religion established, the constant peace and 
security, the good administration of justice, the temperate 
use of the prerogative not slacked nor much strained, the 
flourishing state of learning, the convenient state of 
wealth and meanes both of Cowne and Subject, the habit 
of obedience, and moderation of discontents, notwithstand- 
ing the differences of Religion, her single life, Romes [I. i. 13.] 
alarmes, and the neighbour Countries on fire. Hence 
that felicity of the State, of Religion, and especially 
of Navigation, now in threescore yeeres continuance, 
growne, almost out of the cradle and swadling cloathes, 
to the present ripenesse amongst us. That our Virgin- 
mother, in her preparation to the Crowne by the 
Crosse and in happy exploits, another David ; in care 
of just Judges and Justice Jehosaphat, in reformation 
Hezekiah, in restoring the Law that was lost Josiah, ^ The Saxons 
1 ° -n J /^u -n expelled the 

m peace, plenty, successe, magnincence, and (the pillar Brttaineswith 

of all this) Navigation, another Salomon, and (with their learning. 
greater happinesse then his) leaving her Name without The Danes 
Salomons imputation of falling to Idolatry, to survive iflfier learning 
, ^ , , 1 1 • J had blessed the 

her person, and to become her heire and successour ^^^.^-^^^^^ 

in them all : dying in a good age (as is said of David) Saxons) 

full of daies, riches, and honour. In these times drowned all 

Britaine hath recovered her eyes and spirits, and hath learned men, 

discovered the Westerne Babylon and her labyrinthian ^^^^/'^J/J^j' 

mazes and gyres of superstition, first of all Europaean p^d, that in 

Kingdomes : and in maturest order casting off that K. Alfreds 

yoake, which ignorance (caused by irruption of bar- '^'"f hmselfe 

barians'^ into all parts of the Roman Empire had ^"/^^j/„'J 

brought in as a myst, whereby that Romish mistery priest could 

of iniquitie might worke unespied) had put on the understand his 
I 33 «= 


Ladu Service, 
and till the 
conquest this 
mist continued 
in great part, 
that Priest 
then being a 
zuonder that 
knew his 
Grammer. Al- 
fredi epist. ap. 
Asser. Men. 
Mat. Paris, 
An. 1067 
Clerici adeo 
lit. carebant 
ut cateris stu- 
pori esset qui 
gram, didi- 

* Sir F.Drake 
zvas the first 
Generall that 
swam about 
the Globe, 
Candish the 

* In the ques- 
tion of Anti- 
christ in his 
Monit. Pre- 

neckes and veiled hearts of our forefathers, which by 
the light of learning was now espied and exiled : and 
this freedome maintained maugre all the gates and 
forces of Rome and Hell. Yea, he that commanded 
Honour thy Mother, made her sexe honorable, and 
caused that a Woman had the honour over that Sisera, 
that Abimelech, that Holofernes ; the sword of a 
woman prevailed, not by close advantages but in the 
sight of the Sun, in the worlds amphitheatre, all Europe 
looking on and wondring (yea the most, still giddie 
with that cup, enterposing against her.) This Christian 
Amazon overthrew those Romish both gladiatores & 
sicarios and (as they write of the Rhinoceros) tossed 
those Buls (which had thought to have pushed her 
by their homes of deprivation and invasion, and the 
close fights of treason and insurrection, out of England 
and Ireland) to the admiration of men, the joy of 
Angels, and acknowledgement in all of the sword of 
the Lord and of Gedeon, the power of the highest 
perfected in her weakenesse. And (which more fits our 
Navigation treatise) this virago (not loosing her owne 
virgin-zone) by her Generall* first loosed the virgin 
zone of the earth, and like another Sunne, twice 
encircled the Globe. Learning had edged her sword 
then, but the successour of this our Debora, like 
Achilles in the Poets, hath a Panoplie, a whole armor 
of learned devise ; and like Apollo in the mids of the 
Muses, so have we seene him in the learned disputa- 
tions of both Universities ; such an Apollo whose 
Oracle discovered the Divels Master peece and Papall 
monster peece of powder treason, and brought it to 
poulder, by the light of his wisedome preventing those 
infernall lightnings and sulfurous hellish thunders : 
whose learned writings as the arrowes of Pythius have 
given the deepest* and most fatall wounds to this 
mystie mysticall Python : whose birth hath made him 
a great King, whose great learning hath purchased 
another Kingdome, and made the Schooles to admire 



him in Divinitie, the Tribunall in Law, the Senate and *^» (he Mo- 
Counsell table as the table of Counsaile and Map of f^^^^'^Z^ 
humaine wisedome : whose armes ! but blessed are we ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ 
that his learning and wisedome keepe us from their of (Ais war) as 
drery noise and dismall experiments ; that we in the / ^a'^ h ^f- 
tragedies of so many Nations are spectators, that the ^^l°" £f^^^^_ 
God of peace hath with the Gospell of peace given us ^Jj^dor 
a Salomon, truest type of the Prince of peace, whose there. 
daies are daies of peace at home, whose treaties pro- 
pound wayes of peace abroad, whose sun-like raies 
have shined not by bare discoveries, but by rich 
negotiations to this our Salomons Ophir in what part 
of the world soever the quarelsome wits of men have 
placed it. If you looke neere hand, Scotland is added, 
and Ireland now at last made English dispersing feares 
by English Cities, and plantations : If you looke further, 
with those which seeke for Ophir in the West Indies, 
there may you see English Plantations and Colonies 
in Virginia and other parts of both those supposed 
Peru's, the Northerne and Southerne America : if to 
Sofala on the South of Afrike, or to the East of Asia, 
there also have the English fleetes passed, traded (and 
if you thinke nothing compleate without armes) sur- 
passed, the most advantagious assailants : that even the 
Indians (which yeelde commonly in martiall, alway in 
Neptunian affaires to the Moores) have a proverb, 
three Moores to a Portugall, three Portugals to an 
Englishman : whose happy times have exceeded Salo- 
mons and Hirams discoveries ; even where no writing 
hath mentioned any name of Noahs Sonnes, where 
none of Noahs Sons ever yet inhabited, where the Sun 
it selfe seemes affraid of uncouth Seas, horrid lands, 
and marine monsters, hiding himselfe divers moneths 
in the yeere together, and but peeping when he doth 
appeare, as it were fearfully prying and compassing ^ 

about with obliquer beames, there have the beames of ,^"!f''^?^\ 
. T , . , , J 1 1 J ^ /its Nezv land. 

our Brittish Sunne descried, ^ named, and exhaled profits '^ The Whale 

from those portentuous •= Dragons of the Sea (loe these fishhg. 



the happiest warres against the beasts by Sea and 

Land, not like Nimrods hunting of men) and sought 

^ In the new ''discoveries, notwithstanding the Oceans armies 

Northtvestdis- ^f j^^jg Hands affronting, till the Sea it selfe (fearing 

'^Hud'son'^ But- tot^l^ subjection) hath embaied it selfe and locked up 

ton, Baffin all passages by unknowne lands. And (not to mention 

yr. the New Wales there discovered) England hath her 

Beet. Virginia, Bermuda, New England ; Scotland, a New 

an magn , Y)2i\xg\\tQv of her own name ; yea, Ireland by the care 

See Bests voy- of the present Deputie is now multiplying also in 

age. America, and his Majestie hath sowne the seedes of 

New Kingdomes in that New World. 

Let not the severer sort censure me of presumption, 
if I thus embellish my ruder lines with these glorious 
names, wherein I communicating in the publike bene- 
fit, at once testifie my feare of God the Authour, with 
mine honour to these two great lights of heaven to 
our Britaine- World, as actors, autors, instruments, 
mortall images of the immortall. He alone it is qui 
tempus ab aevo ire jubet, and makes our King a 
defender of the faith, by which aeternitie flowes from 
time well husbanded, & to resemble herein also, stabi- 
lisque manens dat cuncta moveri. In this tranquilitie 
[I. i. 14.] we may employ our industry in painfull and gainfull 
labours. I also in this peace, under Israels Salomon, 
can from the shore behold with safety, with delight, 
& in this glasse let others see, the dangerous Naviga- 
tions and Ophyrian expeditions of our Countrie men, 
& view their warlike fights in the waterie plaine as 
from a fortified tower (so the Mogols did the battell 
of the English and Portugals) not only free from perill, 
but enjoying, some the gaines of their paines, others 
the sweete contemplations of their laborious actions, 
all of us the fruites of our labours and negotiations 
at home and abroad, which grow from that Jacobaean 
tree : whose blossomes are inscribed Beati pacifici. This 
Worke is the fruite of that Peace, and my Song may 
be, Deus nobis haec otia fecit, that I may write with 



Inke at leisure, and (under the shadow of this tree) 
you read with pleasure, what these Pilgrimes have 
written with hazard, if not with bloud in remote Seas 
and Lands. 

I flatter not the present, I devote to future posterity, 
this monument of praise to the Almighty, who hath 
given us this Salomon, if not in all dimensions, (never 
was there, or shall be such) yet herein like, that wee 
enjoy under his wings (in the combustions of neigh- 
bour Countries) this our peace, plenty, learning, justice, 
religion, the land, the sea voyages to Ophir, the world, 
new worlds, and (if wee have new hearts) the com- 
munion of Saints, guard of Angels, salvation of Christ, 
and God himselfe the portion of our Cup, and lot of 
our inheritance. Blessed are the people that be in Psa. 144. ult. 
such a case, yea blessed are the people that have the 
Lord for their God, This is the day that the Lord Psa. 118. 
hath made, let us rejoyce and be glad in it. And if 
our times yeelde some exceptions also, and the Tra- 
ducer impute it to flattery that I bring not evils on 
the stage : I say that blessed and loyall Shem and 
Japheth hid from themselves & others that which 
cursed Cham and Canaan quarrelled : Salomons times 
yeelded grievances, and we live on earth, not in heaven; 
there is the perfection of wisdome, holinesse, happinesse, 
whereof Salomons times were a compleate type : we 
have the truth in part, but all fulnesse is in him, in 
whom dwelleth all the fulnesse of the Godhead bodily. Col. i. y 2. 
which to expect here were Epicurisme and state-Puri- 
tanisme. Quis me constituit vel judicem vel indicem ? 
Malecontent, I am no Lord of times, nor Prince of 
Princes (they are both Gods peculiar) I endevour to 
keepe me in the ofiices of my calling, to choose the 
good part, and in conscience towards God to acknow- 
ledge Gods workes in all, and specially in those of 
whom he hath said, Yee are Gods : To be an accuser 
is the Divels office, and they which be evill themselves 
will onely see evill in others. 



Of the proprietie which Infidels have in their 

Lands and Goods : of proprietie in the Sea, 

and of Salomons proprietie of the Sea and 
Shoare at Ezion Geber. 

Hus have wee discoursed of the prerogative of 
Gods peculiar, the right which the true Children 
of the Church have in Christ and by him in all 
things : but what shall we say of propriety? of propriety 
of Infidels ? Christs Kingdome is not of this world, 
and properly neither gives nor takes away worldly 
proprieties, civill and politicall interests ; but addes to 
his subjects in these things a more sanctified use, all 
Tit. 1. u!t. things being pure to the pure, impure to the impure ; 
I Tim. 4. £qj, ^j^gy ^j.g sanctified by the word and praier, which 
Infidels know not. In that interior court of conscience 
(which in the wicked is defiled) the just have before 
God a juster use, using the world as not abusing it, 
not being high minded, nor trusting in uncertaine 
I Cor. 7. riches : not setting their heart on them, though they 
I Tm. 6. increase, nor loosing their hearts with them in their 
Mat. 6. decrease or losse : not laying up to themselves trea- 
Luk. 12. sures on earth where rust and moth and theefe have 
power : not singing a requiem, soule take thine ease, 
thou hast laid up treasure for many yeeres, when this 
fooles soule it selfe is the worst thing it hath, and 
may be turned this night out of that secure body and 
secured state. But in the outward civill Court, and 
before Men, the Gospell alters not, removes not the 
land marke of the law, but as well bids Give to Cassar 
that which is Caesars, as to God that which is Gods. 
And therefore the rights of men by the royall or com- 
mon lawes established (all derived from that of Nature, 
and consequently from God, who is Natura naturans, 
the creator of Nature) are in conscience of Gods com- 
mandement to be permitted to them. Neither without 



Gods speciall command might the Israelites spoile (as 
they did) the Egyptians, or invade the Canaanites. 
It is Saint Judes note of filthy Sodomites, sleepers, /«</. Ep. 
ignorant, beasts, disciples of Cham, Balaam, and Core,, clouds without water, corrupt trees twise dead, 
raging waves, wandring starres, to despise government : 
naturall bruit beasts (saith Saint Peter prophesying of ^ Pet. z. 
his pretended successors) spots and blots, wels without 
water, clouds carried about with a tempest, to whom 
the blacke darknesse is reserved for ever : promising 
to others liberty, and are themselves the servants of 
corruption (in this sence the servants of servants.) 
Neither could the Divell devise a greater scandall to 
the Gospell, then that it should rob Kings of their 
supremacy and preheminence, subjects of their lands 
and state, as if to convert to Christ were to evert 
out of their possessions, and subvert states : which 
is the cause of so few Jewes converted, and so perverse 
conversions in America, as I have elsewhere shewed. 
The Gospell is not a sword to take away earth, but 
to destroy hell, and addes the Keyes of the Kingdome [I. i. 1 5-] 
of heaven, not a hammer to breake in peeces the doores 
of earthly Kingdomes : and least of all making instead 
of Keyes, Picklockes (the note of a theefe, even though 
he should enter at the doore and lawfully succeede lawfull 
Bishops) which open and shut all at pleasure ; against 
which there is but one word of force, and that is, force 
it selfe and power which their faction cannot overthrow, 
the Romish conscience being Lesbian and leaden, or Iron 
and running compasse and variation, as the Needle of that 
See hath touched it to observe the Pope as the magneticall 
Pole, which Philosophers say is not that of heaven but of 
the earth. God hath made us men, his Sonne hath called 
us to be Christians, and this opinion doth turne men into 
Beasts, yea Christian men into wilde Beasts without all 
propriety, or any thing proper to humanity, which with 
the rights thereof extends to Infidels. Infidels pro- 

These hold not Christ, nor hold of him, as joynt heires : f'^'^- 



yet are they not without all right, yea of him also they 
hold in another tenure, not as sonnes, but as servants 
(and the servant abideth not in the house for ever, but 
70/ the Sonne abideth ever: but if the Sonne make them free 
they are free indeede ?) These hold, in a tenure of villen- 
age not in state of spirituall inheritance, which yet warrants 
a just title for the time, contra omnes gentes, against all 
men (as servants use their Masters goods) but being 
called by death to give accompt to their Lord, are dis- 
possessed of all and themselves also for ever : whereas 
the children here seeme in wardship, and to receive some 
short allowance in the nonage of this life, but in the day of 
death (the birth day of true and eternall life) as at full 
age, enter into full possession of heaven and earth for 
ever. That tenure yet of godlesse men (whith are without 
hope, without Christ, without God in the world) is a 
tenure from God, though as is said in a kinde of villen- 
Eph. 2. 10. age ; and warrants against all men, as holden of and at the 
Col. 1. 16. ^jji of the Lord Christ, by whom and for whom all things 
^'^' ^' were created, and hee is before all things, and in him all 

things consist. And hee is the Head of the Body the 
Church. This tenure in capite is the Churches joynture ; 
that of humane nature, from him whose all things are 
Eph. 2, jure creationis, remaines to forreiners, which are strangers 

Col. I. ixovci the Common-wealth of Israel, and from the pri- 

viledges of the Holy Citie the New Jerusalem. For 
after the Image of God, by this Image of the invisible 
God were all Men created ; which though it bee in part 
by sinne defaced, yet through the mercy of God in part 
remaineth in the worst of men, which still retaine an 
immortall reasonable spirit indued with understanding, 
will, and memory (resembling the unity and Trinity) 
animating and ruling (how imperfectly soever) the organi- 
call body, and with it the inferiour creatures : which 
dominion over the creatures is by God himselfe reckoned 
to the image of God ; infected with sinne, and infested 
G/r«. 1.26. y ^^^^ ^ curse ; but God even in the sentencing that judge- 
3. 1 7. 1 8. 1 9. ment remembring mercy, added thornes, and thistles, 



and sorrow, and sweate, but tooke not away the use ; 
yea he renewed the blessing to all the Sonnes of 
Noah, and enlarged their commission, indenting in 
mans heart this naturall right, and in the Beasts this 
naturall awe and subjection, by Natures owne hand 

Hee that then blessed them with. Replenish the earth. Gen. 11.7. 8. 
did confound their Babel building, and scatter them abroad 
from thence upon the face of all the earth, to put it in 
execution, and hath made of one bloud all Nations of men ^<^f- ^7- 26. 
(as is said before) to dwell on all the face of the earth, and 
hath determined the times and bounds of their habitation. 
Thus hee that gave Canaan to the Israelites is said (in a 
proper sense though differing manner) to have given Are Deui.z.g.ig. 
unto the children of Lot for a possession, the land of the 
Emims, and the land of the Zamzummims which hee 
destroyed before them : as he did that of the Horims to 
the children of Esau, that as the former generations 
entered by the Law of Nature, as first finders, so these 
by the law of Warre, as confounders of the former, and 
founders of a second state and succession, both guided by 
the hand of divine providence. Salomon gave Hiram 1 R<'g- 9. 
twenty Cities in recompence of Cedars, and Firre-trees 
and Gold : and innumerable are the compacts and con- 
tracts mentioned in Histories, whereby the rule of 
Countries and States have beene made over to new 
Masters, or to the old in a new tenure, as Joseph bought Gen. 47. 20. 
all Egypt, their lands and persons to Pharaoh. But in 
all these workes of Men, God is a coworker ; the most O^"- 4- 
high ruleth in the Kingdomes of Men, and giveth it to 
whomsoever hee will, was verified both actively and 
passively in Nebuchadnezzar : Cyrus is called his servant, 
Pilates power is acknowledged by the Lord of power to be 
given from above, and to that Roman soveraignty (how Joh 19. n. 
unjust soever their conquest was) hee submitted himselfe 
in his birth (occasioned at Bethlehem by the decree and 
taxation of Augustus) in his life by paiment ot tribute, 
and in his death by a Roman both kinde and sentence. 


not! a repub. 
sed abipso deo, 
ut Catholtci 
doctores senti- 
unt. quamvis 
n. a rep. ccn- 
stituatur, non 
potestatem sed 
propr'iam au- 
thoritatem in 
regem trans- 
fert, 55V. Fr. 
a v'ut. Re led. 
de pot. Civi/i. 
Omne Domi- 
nium a deo est : 
domini est 
terra i5 plen- 
eius Dom. 
totius creature 
ISj omnis po- 
testas a deo. 
Rom. 13. 
Jos. Angles. 
Valent. parts, 
z. q. de dom. 
Rom. 13. 
I Pet. 2. 13. 
[I. 1. 16.] 

* Hence came 
the Lawyers 
Smiths com- 
mon wealth. 
I. 3. c. 10. 
Zee this ques- 
tion handled 
more largel'^ 
in baiting P. 
Alex his bull. 
I.2.C. I. Read 
also a Spanish 
divine Fr. a 
Victoria in his 


Per me reges regnant is his Proclamation, whether * by- 
divine immediate vocation as in Moses, or mixed with Lot, 
or meere, or free choise, or inheritance, or conquest of 
warre, or exchange, or gift, or cession, or mariage, or 
purchase ; or titles begun in unjust force, or fraud at first, 
yet afterward acknowledged by those whom it concerned, 
and approved by time, which in temporall things pro- 
scribeth, and prescribeth : by this King of Kings doe 
Kings reigne, and the powers that be are ordained of God, 
to which every soule must be subject, even for conscience 
sake, & propter Deum ; Whosoever therefore resisteth 
the power, resisteth the ordenance of God, and they that 
resist shall receive to themselves damnation. 

This was written when all Kings were Idolaters and 
Infidels, nor had the World many Ages after ever heard, 
that Infidelitie, Heresie, or Idolatry were causes sufficient 
for rebellion in Subjects or invasion of Neighbours, as in 
the many examples of the Israelitish and Jewish Kings, 
which neither invaded others for Infidelitie, nor were at 
home deprived for Heresie, though all the neighbours 
were Infidells, and most of those Kings Idolaters. To 
usher Religion by the Sword is scarsly approved amongst 
Mahumetans, which permit men liberty of soule, though 
not of body : but to turne all the World into Timars, and 
Knights or Souldiers fees, is more intolerable. It was 
barbarous Latine to turne fides into feodum, the title of 
all free lands of Subjects holden in fide, in * trust of 
performing rents, services, and other conditions annexed 
to the first Donation by the superior Lord : but this more 
barbarous Divinitie, to dispossesse Barbarians of their 
Inheritance, and by their want of Faith to increase our 
fees of Inheritance, as if all the world were holden of the 
Pope in Catholike fee, obtruded on us for Catholike 
Faith : Christ came not to destroy the Law but to fulfill 
it; and therefore did not disanuU by the Gospel, that 
naturall Commandement of Alleageance and Obedience 
to Princes, the Honor due to the Parents of our Countrey. 
Neither doth Religion make a Father or Mother, but 



Nature ; and it is said. Honour thy Father and Mother, Select, de Pot. 

without annexion of qualitie good or bad. Nor could J^^' ^ 

Jonathan deny filiall observance, or loyall subjection to ^^y^,^ '^^^^,^„ 

Saul with such excuse ; nor could the Keyes that came arguments con- 

later expel Scepters, which were of more ancient founda- futcththispre- 

tion ; nor heavenly Keyes open or shut earthly Doores : ^^"'^^^ /^"'^^ 

nor can Infidelitie which concerneth Divine Law, yea in Qaietanal'soi 

matters supernaturall, take away that right which Positive 2. q. 66. a. 8. 

or Naturall Law hath given ; nor exclude from just title T. Aq. 2. 2. 

on Earth, which some hold poena, rather then peccatum, j- jo-/^f-J- 

in such as have not heard : nor can a pretended Vicar ^^j ^ ' y 

challenge justly, what his Lord never claimed, what hee pertotamrela. 

also disclaimed : nor did hee send Souldiers but Preachers, In which he 

to convert the World to the Faith truly Catholike, and /'''^'^^^ {^e 

therein shewed himselfe a true Salomon, a Prince of Peace, ^"cfuld not 

figured by this our Salomon who sent Ships of Merchan- gwe just title 

dise and not of Warre to Ophir. And as for any High to the Indies, 
Priests Bull (whose roaring might conjure the spirits of ^nd conjutcth 

Princes, within the circle of Pontificall censure) those 7-y ^^ ^^ 

dayes knew no such brutish dialect, yea wise and just i a'/w^. 2,35. 

Salomon was so farre from fearing or desiring the Bulls Fia. ubi sup. 

of Abiathar, that hee put him out of the High Priests Barbari sunt^ 

place for intermedling with the Crowne-succession, and ^^'lr°^'"lV 

set Zadok in his roome. And for Ophir, long before privatim. Jus 

inhabited (as appeareth, Gen. 10.) he did not for the autem gentium 

discovery thereof, then new, challenge jurisdiction or tit quod in 

Soveraigntie, as Lord of that Sea or Region by him ««5«^ ^^"" 

J • J / 1 1 /^ 1 • • 111 T J ^-f^' occupmrtt 

discovered (no more then the Uphinans had beene JLords cedat.dh.fere 

of Israel, if they had then discovered it) but left things best. 
as hee found them, the Countrey appropriate to the 
Inhabitants, the Sea open to such as would and could 
in like manner adventure. Otherwise it was with him 
and his right in Ezion Geber, on the shoare of the Red 
Sea in the land of Edom. For this was peculiar (both 
the shoare and sea adjoyning) unto Salomon, chiefe Lord 
of Edom : which David had before conquered, and so 

it continued under the Kings of Juda till the evill \Chr,\%.\t,. 

dayes of Jehoram the sonne of good Jehoshaphat, 2 Cro. z\. 



who made like use of this Haven, but with unlike 

True it is that if Man had continued in his first 
integritie, Meum & Tuum had never proved such 
quarrelling Pronounes, to make warre more then Gram- 
maticall, in setting all the Parts of Speech together by 

Rom. 5. y 6. the eares. But sinne entring into the world, yea as an 

^ 7- invading tyrant ruling, it was necessary that proprietie 

should prevent rapine of the idler and mightier, and 
incourage the industry of the just laborer, which for the 
sweat of his browes might earne and eate his owne 

Gen. 4. bread. Thus had Cain and Abel their proper goods, he 

the fruits of the earth, this of his cattell, the proper 
Objects of their labour. And when the whole earth was 
filled with crueltie, God clensed the confusion of those 
Fence-breakers by a generall deluge. After the Floud, 

Gen. 10. Noahs Posteritie had the earth divided amongst them. 
And in that renovation of the world, in the Golden 

y/f/. 4.32.34. Age of the Church, when they had all things common ; 

^ +5- the reason was, as many as were possessours of lands 

sold them and brought the price : so that they had a 
just proprietie of those their owne possessions, and con- 

Lttk. 12. 14. ferred the same to others, and after it was sold the 

money was their owne, and remained in their owne 

power. He that refused to divide the inheritance 

to brethren, would not dissolve and dissipate it to 

Thou shalt strangers, and abolish one of the precepts* of the 

, J Decalogue ; for stealing in properest sense cannot 
some borderers .? , ' , ^ . .^ ^ ^1.7- ,11 1 r 

are reported to "ce, it there be no proprietie. Wickedly therefore 

hold first put doe the Anabaptists in generall, the Papists for their 
into the deca- owne advantage ; the one by confusion, the other 
H^^ % Th^ ^y combustions, deprivations, and depravations of 
sure are bor- estates, remove the Land-marke. Nor doe others 
derers, that is, well to take away all Sea-markes and right of Marine 
theeves in proprietie. 

tjl/llheltout ^^^ contrary wee see in Salomons Ezion Geber. 
gffj^g Thorow other Seas hee sailed by universall and naturall 

decalogue. right, in this as his owne proprietie, he builded his 



Fleet, prepared, victualled manned his Navie, and alto- 
gether used the Sea and Shores, and Port, as is his proper 
and just Inheritance. 

§. VI. [I. i. 17.] 

The commendations of Navigation, as an Art 
worthy the care of the most Worthy ; the 
Necessitie, Commoditie, Dignitie thereof 

JWJjlAn that hath the Earth for his Mother, Nurse, 
WM ^^^ Grave, cannot find any fitter object in this 
World, to busie and exercise his heavenly and 

better parts then in the knowledge of this Earthly Globe, 
except in his God, and that his heavenly good and In- 
heritance ; unto both which this is also subordinate, to the 
one as a Booke set forth by himselfe, and written of his 
Wisdome, Goodnesse, Power and Mercy ; to the other as 
a way and passage, in which Man himselfe is a Pilgrim. 
Now, though I might borrow much from Ptolemey, 
Strabo, and others in Geographies prayse, yet will I rather 
fixe my selfe on Salomon and his Ophir. 

If Wee should respect persons, and be mooved by 
authoritie, wee have in this Ophirian Navigation, the 
patterne of two most worthy Kings, as two witnesses 
beyond exception, Jewes and Gentiles conspiring ; wee 
have Reverend Antiquitie of Time, Sanctitie of Sociall 
leagues, Holinesse of sacred Designes, Greatnesse of 
highest Majesty, Magnificence of brightest Splendour, 
Munificence of rarest Bountie, Wisdome of justest Tem- 
per, Provisions of maturest Prudence ; all these in this 
Expedition of Salomon proclayming, that there is no way 
by Land alone to the top, of humane Felicity (wherin 
Salomon also was a type of a Greater) but as God hath 
combined the Sea and Land into one Globe, so their 
joynt combination and mutuall assistance is necessary to 
Secular happinesse and glory. The Sea covereth one 
halfe of this Patrimony of Man, whereof God set him 
in possession when he said, replenish the earth and 



Gen. 7. 22. subdue it, and have dominion over the fish of the Sea, and 
over the fowle of the Aire, and over every living thing 
that mooveth upon the Earth. And when the Sea had, as 
it were, rebelled against rebellious Man, so that all in 
whose nosethrils was the breath of life, and all that was in 
the dry Land died, yet then did it all that time indure the 
yoke of Man, in that first of ships the Arke of Noah ; and 
soone after the Goad also, when God renewed the former 
Covenant, and imposed the feare and dread of Man upon 
Gen. 9. 2. everie beast of the Earth, and upon every foule of the 
Aire, upon all that mooveth upon the Earth, and upon 
all the fishes of the Sea. 

Thus should Man at once loose halfe his Inheritance, 
if the Art of Navigation did not inable him to manage 
this untamed Beast, and with the Bridle of the Winds, 
and Saddle of his Shipping to make him serviceable. 
Now for the services of the Sea, they are innumerable ; it 
is the great Purveyor of the Worlds Commodities to our 
Vid. D. j4mb. use, Conveyor of the Excesse of Rivers, Uniter by 
Hexaem. I. 3. Xraflfique of al Nations ; it presents the eye with diver- 
'^' 5* sified Colours and Motions, and is as it were with rich 

Brooches, adorned with various Hands; it is an open field 
for Merchandize in Peace, a pitched field for the most 
dreadfull fights of Warre ; yeelds diversitie of Fish and 
Fowle for diet. Materials for Wealth, Medicine for 
Health, Simples for Medicines, Pearles and other Jewels 
for Ornament, Amber and Ambergrise for delight, the 
wonders of the Lord in the Deepe for instruction, variety 
of Creatures for use, multiplicity of Natures for Contem- 
plation, diversity of accidents for admiration, compendious- 
nesse to the way, to full bodies healthfull evacuation, to 
the thirsty earth fertile moysture, to distant friends 
pleasant meeting, to weary persons delightful! refreshing ; 
to studious and religious minds (a Map of Knowledge, 
Mystery of Temperance, Exercise of Continence, Schoole of 
Prayer, Meditation, Devotion, and Sobrietie : refuge to the 
distressed. Portage to the Merchant, passage to the Tra- 
veller, Customes to the Prince, Springs, Lakes, Rivers, to 



the Earth ; it hath on it Tempests and Calmes to chastise 
the Sinnes, to exercise the faith of Sea-men; manifold 
affections in it selfe, to affect and stupifie the subtilest 
Philosopher ; sustaineth moveable Fortresses for the Soul- 
dier, mayntayneth (as in our Hand) a Wall of defence 
and waterie Garrison to guard the State ; entertaines the 
Sunne with vapours, the Moone with obsequiousnesse, 
the Starres also with a naturall Looking-glasse, the Skie 
with Clouds, the Aire with temperatenesse, the Soyle 
with supplenesse, the Rivers with Tydes, the Hils 
with moysture, the Valleyes with fertilitie; contayneth 
most diversified matter for Meteors, most multiforme 
shapes, most various, numerous kindes, most immense, 
difformed, deformed, unformed Monsters ; Once (for why 
should I longer detayne you ?) the Sea yeelds Action to 
the bodie, Meditation to the Minde, the World to the 
World, all parts thereof to each part, by this Art of 
Arts, Navigation. 

Neither should we alone loose this halfe of Natures 
dowrie, without the benefit of this Art, but even the 
Earth it selfe would be unknowne to the Earth ; here im- 
mured by high impassable Mountaynes, there inaccessible 
by barren way-lesse Deserts ; here divided and rent in 
sunder with violent Rivers, there ingirt with a strait siege 
of Sea ; heere possessed with wild devouring beasts, there 
inhabited with wilder man-devouring men; here covered 
with huge Worlds of Wood, there buried in huger 
spacious Lakes ; here loosing it selfe in the mids of it 
selfe, by showres of Sand, there removed, as other Worlds [I. i. i8.] 
out of the World, in remoter Hands; here hiding her 
richest Mynes and Treasures in sterill Wildernesses, 
which cannot bee fed but from those fertile Soyles, which 
there are planted, & as it were removed hither by helpe 
of Navigation. Yea, wheras otherwise we reape but the 
fruits of one Land, or the little little part thereof which 
we call our owne lands, hereby wee are inriched with 
the commodities of all Lands, the whole Globe is epito- 
mised, and yeelds an Abridgement and Summarie of it 



* This is effec- 
ted by such as 
saile about the 
Worldy as is 
knowne of all 
such as know 
the Sunnes 

selfe in each Countrle, to each man. Nor should we 
alone loose the full moytie of our Demesnes by Sea, and 
a great part of that other moytie the Land, but the 
Heavens also would shew us fewer starres, nor should we 
grow familiar with the Sunnes perambulation, to overtake 
him, to disapoint him of shadow, to runne beyond him, 
to imitate his daily journey, and make all the World an 
Hand, to beguile this Time-measurer in exact reckonings 
of Time, by adding* or loosing a day to the Sunnes 
account. Nor could wee know the various Climates, with 
their differing seasons, and diversified affects and effects 
of the Heavens and Elements. Nor could we measure 
the Earths true Dimensions and Longitudes, nor know 
many creatures both vegetable and sensitive therein 
(which are our Chattels) nor her high prized Minerals 
and Gemmes ; nor yet could wee know and use the 
varietie of Fowle, or (like inferiour Gods) dispose of 
the winds in the Ayre, bringing constant effects, out of 
their varietie, and observe their Seasons to flie with them 
about the World, had we not these Sayle-wings of 
shipping ; whereby we out-runne the wildest beasts, out- 
swimme the swiftest fish, out-flie the lightest Fowles, 
out-stretch the fiercest Windes, out-set the strongest 
Currents, out-passe most spacious Seas, and tame all 
Nature to the nature of Man, and make him capable 
of his Naturall Patrimony. 

What shal I say of other men.? The holiest, the 
wisest, the Greatest of Men, of Kings, of Kings of Kings 
(Salomons example speaks all this) hereby honour God, 
hereby have made themselves to all Posterities honorable. 
Wil you have al commendations at once? Salomon the 
Epitome of al human worth and excellence, promised 
by Prophesie before his birth, named by speciall appoint- 
ment of God when he was borne, founder of (that 
Miracle of Earth, and mysticall Mirrour of Heaven) the 
Temple ; glorious in his other Erections, Customes, 
Tributes, Riches, Government, and in (that Soule of 
happinesse) the happy endowments of the Soule in 



Visions, Wisdome and Holinesse, in his Fame exceeding 
Fame it selfe, his Renowme attracting all the Kings 
of the Earth to seeke his presence, in his Writings 
elected a Secretary of God to record wisdome to 
salvation, to all Ages and places of the World, in 
these things passing others, yea surpassing himselfe (even 
here may we say, as before is said, is a greater then 2. Chron. 8. 
Salomon) typing the Great Creatour and Saviour of the 
World ; This first, and most eminent of men, is by the 
first, and best of Stories, set forth as the first Founder 
of Long and Farre Navigations, and Discoveries. As for 
Noahs Arke, it was intended rather to cover and secure 
from that tempestuous Deluge, and to recover that hand- 
ful, the Seed of a New World, from the common 
destruction, then to discover New Worlds, or to make 
Voyages into any parts of the old : though if we should 
yeeld This the beginning of Navigation (as indeed it was, 
though not of Discovery) wee have hereof a greater 
then Salomon, God himselfe the Institutor and Author, 
Christs Crosse typed in the matter. Mans Baptisme in 
the speciall, and Salvation in the generall scope and 
event. But for Heathens, Josephus hath shewed that 
Salomon was ancienter then their Gods, not their Navi- 
gations alone ; and that Carthage was conceived many 
yeares after Salomons death : and for Greece, Plato hath 
recorded that Egyptian testimony, that they in all things 
were children, which yet doted with age, when the 
Romanes were in the vigor of their youth. The Tyrians 
indeed were supposed Authours of this Art, but neither 
could they make this Voyage, but passing over Land 
through the Countries of others, there to build a Navie, 
(as in this case they did with Salomon) nor is there 
record or likelihood of any farre Navigation of theirs 
till this, yea, it is likely, that heere and hence beganne 
the greatnesse and supereminent lustre of their Name ; 
the Art which they exercised at, and neere home before, 
being thus brought out of the Nest, and by Salomons 
wisedome taught such remote flights. 

I 49 D 


Thus the Author, and thus Antiquity commends 
Navigation : and no lesse the ends which mooved Salo- 
mon thereto, which were to get Gold, Silver, Ivory, 
precious Wood and Stones, and other Rarities, which 
gave such lustre to his State, fewel to his Magnificence, 
glory to his Name, Ornament to the Temple, splendour 
to Religion, Materials to the exercise of his Bodie and 
Minde, that I mention not the Customes increased, others 
by the Kings example, adventuring the Seas, and Mer- 
chandise quickened. This also he makes the fit Object 
of his Royall thoughts and unmatchable wisdome ; not 
trusting others care, he went himselfe to Ezion-Geber, to 
make provisions for his Navie ; yea, and not leaning to 
his sole Wisdome, Power, and Successe, entred into 
league with Hiram, and employed his Ships and Mariners, 
as he, which hath proclaimed to the World, vae Soli, and 

Ecc. 4. esteemed two better then one, and to have better wages 
for their labour, and a three-fold coard not easily broken. 

Jol> 40, Hee was not like Behemoth, to trust that hee could draw 
up Jordan into his mouth, much lesse to make a Mono- 
poly of the Ocean, as if the whole East had been created 
for Ezion-geber : but amidst his incomparable Designes, 
framed of Greatnesse, clothed with Wealth, enlived with 
Wisdome, attended with Successe and Glory, disdaines 

[I. i. 19.] not, yea, seekes assistants, and admits a Heathen Kings 
Society in this, in the Temples Negotiation ; inferring that 
they neither mind the good of the true Temple, or the 
Catholike Church, which will not endure Christian com- 
partners in the Voyage to Ophir, which impound the 
World in a corner, and entile a corner to the World. 
And as he sought not to prejudice Egypt, or any 
of his Neighbours, if out of their owne Ports they 
intended to seek the World abroad, no more did he 
proove injurious to the Ophirians, with whom he dealt, 
eyther in their Wealth, hindred, by prohibiting all others 
to trade with them ; or (among his many cares of build- 
ing) by erecting Forts against their wils, as Prisons of 
their Libertie, and Fetters of their Captivity. 



For if to doe as we would be done to, be the Law 
and Prophets, this Prophet of the Law would not seeke 
his owne profit, by invading the publike of whole Nations 
remote and to him innocent, and force upon them so 
unwelcome knowledge of God and his people Israel, 
that through their injuries his Name might be bias- Rom. z. 
phemed amongst the Heathen : but as he might use 
his owne right where were no people, so in places in- 
habited, not to neglect the security of his own, nor to 
usurpe the Sovereignty of the Natives, or prevent and 
intervert the Rights of common humanity. God that 
would not (as before is intimated) the price of a Dogge 
or a Whore, nor the Patrociny of a lie, would not by 
publike Latrociny have his Temple adorned, nor suffer 
his House to bee built with bloud, nor the holy Citie 
with iniquity. Righteousnesse and Peace kisse each Jb. 2. 
other in Gods Kingdome, and acts of Warre though 
just, excluded David from the honour of building the 
Lords House. It followes then that Salomon was in 
this Ophyrian businesse, a man of peace, and thereof 
an example to all following Discoverers, according to 
that Christian Rule, as much as is possible to have Rom. 12. 
peace with all men. 

As Salomons Justice, so his Wisdome and Prudence 
is exemplary, which though in him supereminent, yet 
found (as is alreadie observed) no meanes at home to 
maintaine the glory of Salomon, no meanes by Land 
correspondent to such Magnificence and Munificence, 
but addresseth himselfe by Sea and long Voyages to 
seek it : nor doth he esteeme others eyes enough, nor 
others assistance too much, but surveyes his Navie him- 
selfe, & is glad of Hirams helpe. Nay, this was not 
only the subject of his wisedome, but the furtherer and 
Purveyor, by new experiments in Minerals, Gems, Beasts, 
Fowles, Fishes, Serpents, Wormes, Trees, Fruits, Gums, 
Plants, Men ; Climates, Winds, Seasons, Seas, Lands, 
Soyles, Rivers, Fountaynes, Heavens, and Stars ; and a 
World of the Worlds Varieties ; of all which howsoever 



he had received the mayne stocke of Wisdome by 
Ea.i.i^.zi. immediate Gift of God, yet did he frugally employ his 
Talent, and thriftily improove that Revenue, labouring 
to be more wise, and travelling in Wisdome and Know- 
*Ecc. I. 13. ledge, and Equitie ; and *gave his heart to search and 
'^- find out wisdome by all things that are done under the 

Heaven, God humbling him with this sore travell, al- 
though he excelled in wisdome, all that were before him 
in Jerusalem. Thus Homers Ulysses in the Schooles 
of divers Nations & Navigations is trained to that peer- 
lesse wisdom, & thus Aristotle the chiefest of Natures 
Schollers, travelled with Alexanders Purse and Experi- 
ence to furnish himselfe, and succeeding Ages with 
Naturall Science and Wisdome. And our Age which 
God hath blessed beyond many former, produced as 
Twinnes Navigation and Learning, which had beene 
buried together in the same Grave with the Roman 
Greatnesse, and now are as it were raysed againe from 
the dead. 

Hence it is that barbarous Empires have never growne 
to such glory, though of more Giant-like stature, and 
larger Land-extension, because Learning had not fitted 
them for Sea attempts, nor wisdome furnished them 
with Navigation. Thus the Persian, the Mogoll, the 
Abassine, the Chinois, the Tartarian, the Turke, are 
called Great, but their greatnesse is like Polyphemus 
with one eye, they see at home like purbUnd men neere 
to them, not farre off with those eyes of Heaven, and 
lights of the World, the Learned knowledge, whereof is 
requisite to Navigation. The Chinois at home, is hereby 
stronger, and so is the Turke : but the other are braved 
by every pettie Pirat on their owne shores : the rest 
like Ostriches spread faire plumes, but are unable to 
rayse themselves from the Land : yea, their Lands also 
(as hath happened to the Abassine) and Sea-townes taken 
from them to the downfall of their estate. One Salomon 
left greater testimonies of greatnesse, by this his wisdome 
and helpe of Navigation, then many of the later Otto- 



mans, which possessed all Salomons Territories, and per- 
haps a hundred times so much added. But as God 
gives huge strength and vast bodies to beasts, yet makes 
Man by art and reason secure from them, if not wholy 
their Masters; so to the good of Christendome, hath 
hee denied Learning to those Barbarians, and skill or 
care of remote Navigations, which how otherwise they 
might infest the World, appeares by their Christian 
Slaves and unchristian Pirats, whereof they make use 
against us, and whereby their Mediterranean is guarded. 
But on the Arabian, the Portugals before, the English 
since have put a bridle into the mouth of the Ottoman ^^ost hist. 
Horse, and shewed how easie it is to intercept his ^"'^- -^'^-^ ' 
Maritime incomes, and if not to smother him (as the 
Floridans serve the Whale by stopping the two holes, 
whereby he breath's) yet to impoverish him by diverting 
the riches of the Persian and Arabian Gulphes. 

And hereby is evident that as we have observed in 
Salomons Justice, and Wisdome, so Fortitude it selfe 
here is exercised, hence increased : nor did Alexander 
thinke it enough to have overcome men, but would [I. i. 20.] 
also encounter the unknowne Ocean. Salomons riches 
made him eminent and secure, his Navigations rich. 
But besides the necessary exercise of Fortitude in the 
Mariner exposed and opposing himselfe to Step-dame 
Elements, to Shelves and Rockes from the Earth, 
Whirle-pooles, Currents, Billowes and Bellowes of the 
Sea, Tempests, Huricanos, Tufons, Water-spouts, and 
dreadfuU Meteors from the Aire : by Sea-fights is the 
safest defence of our owne (as the Oracle instructed 
the Graecians by Wooden-castles, to fortifie against 
that World of men in Xerxes his Armie) and surest 
offence to the Enemy. What reputation of cour- 
age, what increase of State, did the Portugals hereby 
attaine in Africa and Asia.'' cooping up the Natives 
within their shoares, possessing themselves of divers 
petty Kingdomes, enriching themselves with the richest 
Trade in the World, and that maugre the force of the 



Moores, of the Egyptian and Turkish Sultans ? The 
Sea was the Work-house, and Navigation the Anvile, 
whereon the fortitude of a Woman, wrought the safetie 
of her Subjects, and hammered the terrours of that 
enemy, which was called, Omnium aetatum & totius 
orbis amplissimi Imperii Monarcha. Nor need I name 
the Belgian United Provinces, whose Free estate like 
another Venus arose out of the Sea, and hath forced 
Mars to woe this Ladies love and amitie, when force 
could not ravish her ; which seemes since not only to 
contemne that force, to neglect this love, but almost 
wantonly in many of hers, remembers to forget herselfe 
in some respects to her quondam best friends, by whose 
helpe this Neptunian Amazon was secured at home, by 
whose ayde and example, that I adde not their Name, 
her Fortune and Fortitude hath attempted both East 
and West, yea, hath taken away the name of East and 
West out of the World, and three times compassed the 
Compasse. Thus hath a little remnant of Land by 
Sea-assistance, swelled to this present greatnesse, and 
filled the remotest Indies with her Martiall and Mer- 
curiall Designes. 

Now for Temperance, Salomon himselfe stumbled and 
fell at that stone ; neither are Sea-men usually on Land 
the most temperate : Ulysses had not heard of Cyrce 
or the Syrenes, had hee not adventured the Sea. Yet 
let this be a commendation of the Marine art, how 
ever the Mariner be to blame. It is the excellency of 
the thing that makes it a strong temptation ; strong 
and sweet wines are commended, though weake braines 
and distempered heads bee justly blamed for their in- 
temperance ; in the good gifts of God, beautie, wealth, 
and honor (as the wormes breede in best fruits) are 
I. Joh. 2. the lists of the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eyes 
and pride of life, which are not of the Father but of 
the world. Nor was Heaven to blame for the fall of 
Angels, or Paradise for that of Men ; nor the Sea if 
her riches make mens mindes sea-sicke, wavering, 



inconstant, distempered, and like the Sea, subject to 
tempestuous temptations. Yea, if you looke neerer, 
you shall see, as men blame and feare death for the 
last fatall paines, which yet are not properly of death 
(which is not in possession till paine and sense be quite 
dispossessed) but of the remainders of life ; so deale 
they with Navigation in this case, whereas the Sea holds 
them in good temper, and is a correction house to the 
most dissolute ; but the Land makes them forget the 
Sea and temperance together. Salomons uxoriousnesse 
and idolatries were Land-beasts, not Sea-fishes : nor 
could his Apes and Peacocks, the vainest of his Sea 
wares, teach him that vanitie. The wonders of the Psal. 107. 
Lord in the Deepe teach many, no doubt, deepest 
Divinitie and profoundest Temperance, though some froth 
swims on the top of the Sea, and beates on every shore 
where the winde drives it, carried about with every 
blast of tentation, to the death of more in the wrongly- 
accused voyage of the East Indies by Bacchus and Venus, 
then Neptune and Mars, and all such other supposed 
Deities, and perhaps (I will not speake Dutch) that scurvy 
Sea-devill too. Coelum non animum mutant qui trans 
mare currunt. They carry their vices with them, which 
because the Sea, a Schoole of sobrietie and temperance, 
permits not to practise, breake out on them aland in 
greater furie. And as Oviedo tels of Lice, that they 
leave men a litle past the Azores, as they saile to the 
West Indies, and die and vanish by degrees, nor trouble 
them in the countrie, but at their returne about the 
same height (as if they had waited all that while for 
them) breede afresh ; so is it with vices, which being 
practised most on Land, doe finde men on every shore, 
where people and plentie offer opportunitie. Once, 
Earth is predominant as in our complexions, so in our 

Now for the vertues called Theologicall, Faith, Hope, 
and Charitie, the Sea is a great Temple not to con- 
template their theorie, but really to practise them. Faith 



hath her greatest eclipse by interposition of Earth, as 
we see in the Moone ; but at Sea, Coelum undique, & 
undique pontus, no Earth is seene, only the Heaven 
(the walls of our fathers Palace) and the inconstant 
shifting Elements, which constantly put us in minde of 
our Pilgrimage, and how neere in a thin ship, and 
thinner, weaker, tenderer body we dwell to death, 
teaching us daily to number our dayes, and apply our 
hearts to wisedome. And what can more lively traine 
us in Hope then Sea-navigation, where the life we live 
is hope, where as Davids former deliverance confirmed 

I. Sam. 17. him against the uncircumcised Philistine, so daily deliver- 
ances from death in so few inches distance by windes 
and waves, which like the Beare and the Lion alway 
assault us, may the better traine us to the fight with 
Goliah himselfe, and as I have said (by death escaping 
death) to cut off Goliahs head with his owne sword. 
But the chiefest of these is Charitie, and the chiefest 
charitie is that which is most common; nor is there 
any more common then this of Navigation, where one 
man is not good to another man, but so many Nations 
as so many persons hold commerce and intercourse of 

[I. i. 21.] amitie withall ; Salomon and Hiram together, and both 
with Ophir ; the West with the East, and the remotest ; 
parts of the world are joyned in one band of humanitie ; 
and why not also of Christianitie ? Sidon and Sion, Jew 
and Gentile, Christian and Ethnike, as in this typical! 
storie ? that as there is one Lord, one Faith, one Baptisme, 
one Body, one Spirit, one Inheritance, one God and 
Father, so there may thus be one Church truly Catholike, 
One Pastor and one Sheepfold ? And this also wee hope 
shall one day be the true Ophirian Navigation, when 
Ophir shall come into Jerusalem, as Jerusalem then went 
unto Ophir. Meane while, wee see a harmonie in this 
Sea-trade, and as it were the concent of other Creatures to 
this consent of the Reasonable, united by Navigation, 
howsoever by Rites, Languages, Customes and Countries 
separated. Heaven conspires with the inferior Elements, 



and yeelds, as it were, a Sea Card in the Sun and Stars. 
The Elements which every where else are at open warres, 
herein agree in sweetest symphonie; the Earth yeelding 
Shores, Capes, Bayes and Ports, as nests ; the Aire windes 
as wings to these artificiall Sea-fowles (so esteemed at 
their first sight by the Americans, and by the Negros) 
and the Sea admitting strange Children into her Familie, 
and becomming a Nurse against her Nature, to the Earths 
generation. What shall I say more ? Omne tulit 
punctum qui miscuit utile dulci. To the many profitable 
effects of Navigation, many pleasures may be added both 
of Reason in speculation, and of Sense in more then 
sensuall delight. Salomon in his Ophirian voyage fur- 
nished himselfe with Gold and Silver, and other solid 
commodities; with Almuggim trees also, yea with Apes 
and Peacocks, the one for the musicall delights of the 
Temple, the other domesticall and naturall. But I am 
plunged in an Ocean, when I goe about the Oceans praise, 
which goes about all things : I shall sooner drowne my 
selfe in these Deepes, then measure the true depth of the 
Seas commendations, or Navigate thorow the commodities 
of Navigation by commerce abroad by his owne, or by 
Customes at home by others employments. The Text 
it selfe is a Sea, and needes a better Steeresman to instruct 
in these Points of Salomons Compasse, which saith more 
for Navigation then I can, who yet to shew my love 
and honour of that Noble Science have adventured to 
say this, to pay this as Custome for the whole Worke, 
wherein are returned so many returnes from Sea. And 
now it is high time we come to the History it selfe, and 
historicall or litterall sense; the first in our intention, 
howsoever last in execution. 

[§. VII. 



I. Reg. 9. 26. 

§. VII. 

Of Ezion Geber, Eloth, and the Red Sea: that of 
Edom it received that name, and communi- 
cated it to the Indian Ocean, by the Phoenician 
Navigations frequent in those times to India. 

INd King Salomon made a Navie of Ships in Ezion 
Geber, which is beside Eloth, on the shoare of 
the Red Sea in the Land of Edom, &c. 

This is the first and best testimonie of a holy Navie. 
Noah had by Divine Wisdome and Precept built a Ship, 
which preserved the remainders of the Old, and beginnings 
I. Pet. 3.21, of the New World, a figure of that Baptisme which now 
saveth us by the resurrection of Jesus Christ. The 
Temple, a later and livelier figure of Heaven and 
Salvation it selfe, must bee furnished with due materialls 
by a whole Fleet of Ships, which shall not save alone 
from dangers, but crowne with fulnesse ot joy and glory ; 
this typically then renewed by Salomon for new supplies 
every Trinitie of yeares ; but there the Eternall Trinitie 
Jpoc.ii.iz, shall at once bee the Temple, the Sunne, the exceeding 
^^' great reward, and all in all for ever. No passage was 

uCoiil. found for Israel out of Egypt to the Wildernesse (a 
type of the life by Faith) nor for abundance of the 
Temples riches the shadow of glory, but by the Red 
Sea ; so meritorious is the blood of our Redeemer, which, 
by bloody sweat, whippings, and a thorny Crowne, welled 
Springs of the water of life out of all parts of his body ; 
out of his hands and feet yeelded the foure Rivers which 
watered the Paradise of God ; out of his pierced side 
and heart flowed a sea, a Red Sea of water and bloud 
to save, to enrich us, to purchase our Justification by 
Grace, and beginnings of Sanctification growing unto 
perfect Glory. 

But as all faire things are farre from easie possession, 
so is it with Heaven, and all her mysteries, so is it 
with us in this Voyage of Salomon, to know where this 



Ezion-geber was, from whence he set sayle, and to come 
to that Ophir, where he made his Voyage : touching 
both which, things otherwise enough difficult are made 
the harder by those mysts, which disagreeing opinions 
have raised in our way. The Text giveth three markes 
to know the first, that it was beside Eloth, on the shoare 
of the Red Sea, and in the Land of Edom. This third 
marke of Ezion-geber is delineated by Moses, Deut. 2. 
8. and before in Num. 33. 35. made the two and thirtieth 
Station of the Israelites removing, or march in the 
Wildernesse. And heerein our Maps of that Chapiter, 
were in the former Bibles much to blame, which are 
in that and other respects much amended, in the Map of 
the Holy Land added to the last Translation. Now 
that it was on the shoare of the Red Sea, and not on the 
Mediterranean, this Text proveth : and the conceite of 
Goropius in this kinde that denieth Idumasa to extend J- Gonp. 
to the Red Sea, and averreth that this Fleet was set Becan Hts- 
forth from the Idumasan Mediterranean shoare, it is pj j'jVV 
as many other disputations of his, more full of industry 
then wit, of wit then learning, of learning then judgement. 
Strange are his conceptions, and strong his disceptations, 
but having weake foundations (grounded commonly on 
names and wordes buried under succession of rubbishes) 
they prove in the end (as Joseph Scaliger speaketh) but Josep. Antiq. 
Doctas nug^, more wordy then worthy guides, which ^- ^- ^- ^• 
doe but verba dare. Againe, that Josephus placeth 
Esiongeber at Berenice, is either a marginall note of 
some novice Geographer crept into the Text, or else an 
old error; for Berenice is on the ^Egyptian shore, 
Esiongeber on the Arabian. Josephus placeth it neere 
Elana : and in the Text Eloth is set a guide to Esiongeber. 
Now Eloth being written in the holy tongue rn^N ^^d 
ni)\\ was by transmigration shifted and removed to divers 
pronuntiations, a thing usuall in Ebrew names, both of 
places and persons. Hee that seeth how John or James 
are transported in such unlike sounds from the Originall, 
in Greeke, Latine, French, Dutch, Spanish, Italian, 



English, and other languages, in all so unlike and diver- 
sified, would scarcely acknowledge them brothers, or to 
have any kindred either to the mother tongue, or in 
those many sister languages : and so is it commonly with 
other names. 
/. 16. Strabo calls it AeiXa, Josephus 'KiXavh, the Latins Elana, 

and the Gulfe or Bay neere to it is termed Elaniticus. 
Of this place how it lieth, and how the Ancients were 
deceived, you have the Relations of Don John Di Castro, 
from his owne eyes and learned judgement, supposed 
to bee the same which is now called El Tor, or Toro. 
Yea the Red Sea is likeliest to have received that name 
from Edom, as the Pamphilian, Ionian, Tyrrhene, Brittish, 
and other Seas are ordinarily so named of the Principall 
shoares they wash. Castro hath better examined the 
rednesse then any man, and compared the Moderne 
and Ancient opinions with his owne eyes. And for a 
Booke-traveller, I must needs applaud Master Fuller, 
Our Country-man, who in the last Chapiter of the 
fourth Book of his Miscellanea Sacra, hath mustered the 
testimonies of the Ancients together, and ascribeth the 
25, name of Red-sea to Edom, of whom Idumaea tooke name, 
and of him and it, this Sea. For Ptolemey's Idumea 
is farre short of the Ancient, which contained also 
Nabathaea and their Citie Petra, whence Arabia Petrea 
received the name ; Esaus Sword, (of which his Father 
had prophesied) conquering to both Seas. 

This Edom or Esau was that Erythras, which the Grecians 
mention to have given name to that Sea, by translating 
Edom into Erythras or Erythraeus, as Cephas into Petrus. 
Postellus had stumbled on this Note, which Fuller more 
fully and learnedly hath opened, as other things also 
pertaining to our purpose. That there is a rednesse 
in some parts of that Sea, by reason of the cleerenesse 
of the water, and abundance of a kind of red Corrall, 
branching it selfe on the transparant bottoms, Castro 
hath made evident, but that in a small part of that Sea ; 
the like whereof happneth in other Seas of cleerest waters, 



which show white from sands, greene from weeds, parti- 
coloured with pleasant diversified hue, as Pineda citeth 
the testimony of Ferandez observed neere to Carthagena 
in America, every Stone, Shell, or whatsoever else was See Saris his 
in the bottom, in those liquid waves yeelding so pleasant ^'°y^S'^ ^- 4- '"• 
and various a tincture, as his many Navigations had no ' ^ 
where else observed ; and Captaine Saris in this Sea, 
called anciently Erythraean (which name, besides the 
Arabike and Persian Gulfes, contained the Indian Ocean, 
so named as it seemeth, from the frequent Navigations 
out of Eloth and Esion Geber in Edom unto India) was 
one night almost terrified with a glare yeelding light to 
discerne Letters, suspected to bee some breach, and 
proved nothing but Cuttle Fish in the bottome. 

But to returne to our Red Sea, Agatharchides in 
Photius his Bibliotheca, saith it is not called Red of the p/wt. Bib. 
colour, but 0.1Z0 Tov SvvaarTovcrauTo? of some man which there 
ruled. The Scriptures call it Siph, Suph, or Souph, trans- Co/. 13 22, 
lated algosum, caricosum, juncosum (to which accordeth ^ •^^i'- 
Martialls Verse ; Quicquid Erythraea niger invenit Indus in 
alga) it seemes of the abundance of Rushes and Weeds there 
growing. The Moores, Turkes, and Traders thereof in 
later times call it the Sea of Mecca : Mela mentioneth the ^^1^ <^^ ^'f" 
colour, and the King Erythras there reigning ; Plinie addes ^j'/"^ j' 7- 
for the name. The Sunnes repercussion from the Sand and 
Land; Strabo cites the same out of Eratosthenes, with S(ral>. 16. 
a tale of Ctesias of a Fountaine emptying his red-okerie 
waters thereinto, and the Relation of Boxus a Persian, 
that Erythras a Persian planted a Persian Colonie in an 
Hand thereof. Ouranius in Stephanus tells of the red 
adjoyning Mountaines : the Poets have their Perseus, and 
others their other conceits and deceits, which I leave to ^p. , , 
their Authors, as also Pinedas* later device. The nature ^.^^ 
of that Sea is better delivered in the voyages of Castro, 4.^.10. 
Midleton, Saris, Dounton, Haines, and others in these thinketh this 
our Navigations. But for Eloth and Esiongeber, Master ^^"^ Sea to be 

T-^ii-r •• 1 01 -I- TXT* J SO named of 

duller IS or opinion that Salomon in his great Wisdome, Red Weeds 
wanting fit Mariners, sent to Hiram for Tyrians and growing there- 



in, sojoyning Phaenicians, and that a large Colonic was sent by Hiram to 

SuphandEry inhabit those parts, then subject to King Salomon, by 

Telubilon °'" "^^^^^ meanes Solomon and Hiram enter into societie for 

Vuuho°se'red the Indian traffick by that Sea of Edom, so to get the 

Herbs are his riches of the East in possession. This Colonie numerous 

creatures : for ^^^ strong he placeth at Esiongeber the Arsenal, or fittest 

neither he ci- , ^ building Ships, and at Eloth the fittest Port, 

teth,norcanl r , o i r i t j- u j- t^u u 

find any au- Mart, and Staple for the Indian merchandise, ihus hee, 

thentlke Au- and very probably : adding that the Hebrew ^lath in the 
thor for them, singular, and iEloth in the plurall number, was by the 
InPhoTuM Phenicians turned into Ailath, whose singular is Aila, and 
XaJlr^v ' plurall Ailan : thence the Greekes Ailae, Ailana, Eilane, 
xb\Ttov. Elana, and the Latins ^Elana, and by inversion Laeana. 

This Phoenician Colonie hee observeth to have beene of 
[I. i. 23.] most name of all other the Inhabitants thereof For 
the Jewish yoke was soone shaken off by the Edomites 
2. Chron. 21. themselves, after Jehoshaphats death, Jehoram rebelling 
^- against God, and the Edomites against him. After that 

2.Reg.\\.zz. Azariah recovered Elath and built it. It continued not 
Z.Reg. 16.6. long, but Rezin King of Syria recovered Elath to Syria, 
* The Edition and drave the Jewes from Elath, and*the Syrians came 
of Brixianus (.q Elath, and dwelt there to this day. Thus the Jewes 
hath Idumai ^j^j^j^ ^^^^ ^^^ Lords, and received the Customes, were 
runt, expelled; but the Idumaean Natives and Phasnicians, 
whichamanu- which might bee usefull to the conquerours remained, 
script of M. j-}^e Tyrians being Syrophasnicians, and speaking the 
^'^^r^th Syrian language, and by their merchandising so profit- 

able to their Kings. 
S/r. /. 16. This Elath was after called Albus Pagus, by Strabo 

called the chiefe Mart of the Nabatjeans, whence the 
Indian and Arabian Merchandise was carried to Petra, 
thence to Rhinoculura in Phsnicia neere Egypt, and 
thence dispersed to other places. Thus in the times 
before the Ptolemeys. But in Salomons time, and whiles 
the Jewes ruled there, they were brought to Jerusalem 
and to Tyrus; and after that to Myos Hormos and 
Arriani Peri- Berenice, i^gyptian Ports on the other side of the Red 
plus Sea, to be thence convayed to Alexandria. Arrianus 



in his time mentioneth the Garrison at Albus Pagus 

and Custome there taken, the transporting of wares 

thence to Petra, notwithstanding the Egyptian flourishing. 

Saint Jerom also placeth Ailat In extremis finibus Pales- ^^>'-- d^ ^^c, 

tinae, adjoyning to the Wildernesse and the Red Sea : ^ ' 

Unde ex ^gypto in Indiam & inde ad ^gyptum navi- 

gatur. Sedet autem ibi legio Romana cognomento 

Decima; Et olim quidem Ailat a veteribus dicebatur, 

nunc vero appellatur Aila. 

Ptolemev placeth Phsnicum oppidum not far from He which will 
T-., 1 tT A • -r>i • • "1 ^i„^ . if^ "'Ore or 

Elana; the He Astarte is a Phaenician memorial also; ^^^^^ ^„^-^^;. 

Plinie mentioneth Gens Tyra, and Herodotus the Syrians ^/^^ /^^ /^i^^ 
on the Red Sea shoare ; that I pursue no other An- read M. Ful- 
tiquities. These Tyrians it seemeth first began the ^^'■• 
sailing of the Indian Seas, and Habitation on the Arabian 
shoares, instructed by the Wisdome, and procured by 
the Friendship of Salomon with Hiram : which they 
continued under many State-changes, till the Mahumetan 
times, the Staple of those Indian Merchandises being 
altered after the Jewish times, with the chiefe Monarchies, 
Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, Ptolem^an, Roman. And 
this is the onely Phoenix-neast made of sweet Spices in ^^'^^p °f 
Nature false (for God made all Fowles at first, and after ^^' ^^'^"''''' 
brought to, and out of the Arke, in both sexes, male 
and female) but true in this Alegory, the Phasnicians of 
all the Nations known, being the only skilful Mariners 
in the Arabian and Indian seas, and from the one, by 
the other, bringing the Spices and Riches of the East 
into the West, that skill being ever communicated not 
by Generation, but by Industry ; which made Tyrus 
(as Ezekiel describeth it) the Phoenix indeed of all Cities E^i'k- 27- ^ 
of Trade in the World. Master Fuller learnedly addeth ^^\ .^^^^ 
the Fables of Bacchus and Hercules their Indian Expedi- the fables of 
tions, to this of Salomon and Hiram, Hercules being Bacchus and 
adored of the one, and Jehova of the other, which name Hercules. 
by Heathens was perverted to m^ayo^ and io(3dKxo? names ^^q^^J^^'^J^ 
of Bacchus in Hesychius ; which agreeth to Plutarchs „ijjj^fio„ and 
conceit, that the Jewes worshipped Bacchus on their // is evident, 




Sabbaths, and deriveth the name Sabbatum from a-a^dl^eiv, 
and a-a^acrioij a name of Bacchus, as his Priests were 
termed ara^^ol. Now for that Gulfe in which Strabo 
placeth Elana, and calls it therefore Elaniticus, and 
another towardes Egypt, I referre you to Castros follow- 
ing relations, which better knew those parts then Strabo 
P/ut. Sympos. could ; Gaza by Strabo and Plinies reckoning seemeth 
^•4- to bee about one hundred and fiftie of our miles or more 

I "j % ^n *^ ^^°"^ thence. Salomon went in Progresse to take care 
halfe, the other of this his Ophirian Fleet from Jerusalem to Esion-geber, 
150. almost as farre as from London to Yorke. 

Asion Geber in Saint Jeroms interpretation signifieth 

Hieron. Epist. ligna viri, aut lignationes viri, aut dolationes hominis, 

ed. Tabtol. ^uXaKiafMo^opo^ ; whence some gather that much Timber 

grew there usefull for building of Ships : perhaps, and 

I rather beleeve, for the Timbers brought thither as to 

an arsenall or storeyard for that purpose. For as Woods 

agree not with Moses his Wildernesse, so I find little 

mention of Wood in all the Arabike shoare ; at lest, 

later times have knowne none there. And Soliman 

the Great Turke, A. 1538. is said to have brought the 

materialls of the great Fleet which hee built at Sues 

in the Red Sea, to invade Dium and expell the Portugalls 

out of India, from remote Regions, Materiam ex long- 

inquis colligi jussit (Damianus a Goes is our Author) 

illamque sumptu in^stimabili ad mare rubrum vehi 

Com. Venrt. curavit. Comito Venetiano, who with other Venetians 

^'^"'' J°i r' ^^^^ forced to that service out of their Ships at Alex- 

^c^\l of these andria to goe to Cairo and Sues, more particularly 

Deserts and relateth that Sues is in a . Desert place where no Hearb 

of Sues. of any sort groweth, where the Armada for India was 

Satalin is in j^^de, and all the Timbers, Ironworkes, Tackling, 

^aJTamher Munitions were brought from Satalia and Constantinople 

{some saf) in by Sea to Alexandria, and thence carried on the Nile 

Cilicia. by Zerme (Boats, or Rafts) to Cairo, and thence on 

Camells to Sues. This Voyage is eightie miles, in 

which is neither habitation, nor water, nor any thing 

for life : they carry Nilus water on Camells when the 



Carovans goe thither. In the Pagans times, it was a 
great Citie and full of Cisternes, and had a trench from 
Nilus which filled all their Cisternes, destroyed by the 
Mahumetans, so that now they fetch their water sixe 
miles off from brackish Wells. There the Turke built 
a Fleet of seventie six Vessells of all sorts, &c. 

Don John di Castro speakes of this Fleet of Salomon, 
and sayth, the Timber whereof it was made was brought 
from Libanon and Antilibanon (so little signe saw hee, 
or heard of any Trees or Wood in these parts) and saith, 
that from Toro all the Coast is West, and without any 
Port but Sues, and that therefore Cleopatras Fleet was [I. I. 2+.] 
brought by Land from Nilus, to Sues over the Isthmos. 
This is in 29. degrees 45. minutes, supposed Arsinoe of 
the Ancients, Some say, Civitas Heroum ; and said to 
be the Turkes Arsenale for his Armada, for those Seas, 
the Materials being brought from Caramania : which 
at Castros being there, consisted of one and forty great 
Gallies and nine great Ships. It seemeth by Sir Henry 
Middletons Story following, that their strength in those 
Seas is weake in later times. As that whole Wildernesse 
yeelded nothing for mans life, but their food was Manna 
from Heaven, and their apparell was by heavenly power 
preserved, so here Salomons wisdome is freely given, 
and his Materials for an Ophirian Fleet, and Temple 
structure must be not naturally there growing. His 
Mariners also must be borrowed, to shew that the just 
live by faith, and in matters of grace, wee have nothing i. Cor. 7. 4. 
which wee have not received, not growing out of the 
naturall powers of free will, but framed out of the will 
freed by divine grace, agreeing to which Mystery nothing 
of the Temple was framed in Moriah, nor the noyse 
of a Hammer once heard; the Tabernacle before built 
also of Egyptian spoyles ; and Israel inherited Cities 
which they builded not, and Vineyards planted by them : 
and lastly, Christ himselfe was crucified without the 
gate, that neither Jew nor Jerusalem may challenge 
either Monopoly or Merit, but all may bee ascribed to 
I 65 E 


meere mercle and free grace, Non nobis domine, not 
to us Lord, not to us but to thy Name be given the 

[I. i. .5.] §. VIII. 

Of Ophir, divers opinions weighed and censured ; 
whether the Compasse was knowne to the old 
World; that the remote parts were lately in- 
habited, the New World but newly, and a 
great part thereof not yet. 

His Golden Countrey is like Gold, hard to find 
and much quarrelled, and needes a wise Myner 
to bring it out of the Labyrinths of darknesse, 

and to try and purifie the Myners themselves and their 
reports. And here our best Athenians seeme Owles 
indeed, which dazled with Salomons splendour hide them- 
selves affarre off, and seeke for Easterne Ophir in Peru, 
and the West Indies. Such conceits have transported 
Postellus, Goropius Becanus, Arias Montanus, Vatablus, 
Possevinus, Genebrard, Marinus Brixianus, Sa, Engu- 
binus, Avenarius, Garcia, Noble Morney, and many 
others by their authority. Their reason is spelled out 
of the Letters of Ophir and Peru, so neere of Kinne. 
Arias Montanus in his Phaleg is both large and little 
in this point, saying, both much and nothing; for from 
the Scriptures stiling the Ophirian Gold D-^ino Paruaim, 
he gathereth that it was brought from the two Perues, one 
of which he maketh new Spain, and the other that which 
now is called Peru; or the Northerne and Southerne 
moyties of America ; and that those parts were commonly 
traded in ancient times. He maketh the rowe of hils 
which runne from Panama, to the Magellan Straits to be 
Gen. 10. 26, Mount Sephir : for so it is said Gen. 10. speaking of 
27.28,29,30. joktans Sonnes, the brother of Peleg or Phaleg; And 
Joktan begat Almodad, and Sheleph, and Hazarmaveth, 
and Jerah And Hadoram, and Uzal and Diklah, and 
Obal and Abimael and Sheba. And Ophir and Havilah 



and Jobab : all these were the sonnes of Joktan. And 
their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest unto 
Sephar, a Mount of the East; or as Tremellius, ad 
montes orientes usque. 

If learned Montanus had viewed his owne Map only, 
hee should have seene his Ophir in the West, and not in 
the East : and if it be said Salomons fleet went by the East 
to the Westerne parts of the World, as the Philippinae 
and Moluccan shippes of the Spaniards use to doe, yet 
Moses speakes of the dwelling and habitations (not of 
Journeyings and Navigations) which God after the Baby- 
lonian conspiracy had alloted to the generations of men ; 
their dwelling must then bee in regard of Moses when he 
wrote this in the Desert, or of the scattering from Baby- 
lon, whereof he wrote. But these parts of America, are 
more then halfe the Globe distant from those places 
Eastward, and much neerer by the West. 

Againe, the name Peru or Piru is a vaine foundation, Sepharuaim. 

for divers places (see Ortelius his Thesaurus Geograph.) ^- ^^S- i7-" 

,., ^ , ^ , . : r a name as like. 

have like, or the same names, neyther is any part ot ^^^ ^^.^^^ ^^_ 

America by the Inhabitants called Peru, but this name ding but a 
was accidentally by the Spaniards ascribed to those begin- Sameck to 
nings of their Discoveries on the South Sea, and con- P^f'^'^^'" ^ 
tinued to that great Kingdome of the Incas found by ^l^duedby^he 
Pizarro. Garcilasso de la Vega of the Inca bloud Royall Assyrians. 
by his mother, sonne to one of the Spanish Conquerors, Vega. com. 
borne and brought up at Cozco, chiefe City of Peru, realesl.x.c. 
sayth that they had no generall name for the Kingdome, Jj^ 5- ^^^^ ^^ 
but Tavantin Suyu, that is, the foure parts of the World; /. 7. r, 13. 
nor acknowledge the appellation of Peru : but the first 
Discoverers seising on a fisherman in a River, asked him 
of the Countrey, and he amazed and not understanding 
them, answered Beru, and annon added Pelu, as if he 
should say, my name (if you aske me thereof) is Beru, 
and I was fishing in the River, Pelu being the common 
name of a River. The Spaniards, as if he had answered 
directly, corrupted a name of both those words, which 
they understood not, and called the Region Peru, a name 



Lopez de Go- 
mar a Gen. 
hut. c. $2. 

Bias Val. hut. 

Acost. hut. I. 
2. cap. 13. 

[I. i. 26.] Occul- 
tis Nat. mirac. 
I. 3. c. 4. 
Full. Miscel. 
I. 4. c. 19. 
Ec. I. 10. 

which the Natives had never heard. The like they did 
in another Province, where asking a Native what was the 
name of the Countrey, he answered, Tectetan, Tectetan, 
that is, I understand you not, which they corruptly called 
Jucatan and Yucatan, as if the Indian had affirmed that 
to be the name of the Region. The like casuall names 
he observeth of other American places. 

The Jesuite Bias Valera, in his History of Peru affirm- 
eth the same, that Peru is not the proper name but 
accidentall, which the Natives know not. Acosta acknow- 
ledgeth it unknowne to the Naturals, and an occasioned 
name from a small River, which Vega saith was called 
so first by those Spaniards, which there tooke the fisher- 
man. Thus the name which they would make as old 
as Salomon, began but Anno 151 5. at the most, and that 
which is extended to New Spaine, and Peru, was knowne 
in neither, nor in any place else of the World. 

Thirdly, I answere that Peru was not inhabited, nor 
yet New Spaine, one thousand yeares after Salomons time ; 
of which I shall speake more anon, and in my following 
Discourse of the Apostolicall peregrinations. 

Fourthly, neither could so long a Voyage then have 
beene performed in three yeeres, beeing farre more then 
to have compassed the Globe, which hath cost Drake and 
others three yeares worke : where their worke was not in 
Mynes but in quicke fights. 

Fiftly, this could not then be done without the Com- 
passe. Pineda may conceit himselfe that those times 
knew it, but the Phenicians have in no Story left any 
such memoriall; nor others of them, yet these 
were Salomons Sea men. Levinus Lemnius, and 
Master Fuller would have us beleeve that the Ancients 
had the Compasse within the compasse of their art, by 
reason of the Phaenicians Marine skill and experience, 
which we say might be as much as it was, by the Starres, 
the Monsons, the Soundings, and Shores. Another 
reason is, the Learning and skill of those times, whereof 
Salomon saith, Is there any thing whereof it may be 



said, this is new ? it hath beene alreadie of old time which 
was before us. It might therefore be knowne in those 
times, and by barbarous invasions be after lost, and by 
better times restored: I answer that the times were 
learned before and after Salomon, but when that learning 
should by Barbarian incursions be lost, I know not. The 
Egyptian, Assyrian, Chaldaean invasions might rather in- 
crease and disperse, then eclipse and abolish learning, 
being then more learned then the Greekes, who borrowed 
their very Letters from the Phaenicians. The Persian 
times are knowne, and the Greeke Learning then grew 
to the highest pitch, when their Empire succeeded, and 
in love of Learning exceeded the other. Hippocrates, 
Socrates, Plato, Xenophon, Aristotle, and before them 
Pythagoras and other Philosophers flourished before 
the Persian ruines, and travelled into the East for 
that Learning, which they brought into Greece and 

The Romanes borrowed their Arts from the Greekes, 
neither doe we read of Learning evaporated in Barbarian 
flames, till the Deluges of those Savages in the Romane 
Empire, which yet continued both Empire and Learning 
in the East, till the West had in good measure recovered 
it selfe out of those Mysts, and the Barbarous Saracens Joseph com. 
had growne lovers of Learning, and our Teachers. And ^/'/'^«^'"- 
yet, had there beene such Barbarians which had rooted ^^-^^ ^^^^^ j^ 
that skill out of the World (which is unlikely, that fiure Bookes. 
Marine skill beeing the best meanes to encrease their 
Empire, to enrich their Coff^ers, to doe them other 
services in Warre and Peace, the ancient Conquerors 
using Fleets also to their purposes) yet some of the 
Bookes and Monuments of all Ages, from Salomons ^f^<^''Yi 
time being left to that of the Romans, as appeareth by „gcessary to 
Josephus so well acquainted in the Tyrian Libraries, and Moral!, Poli- 
other Authors of divers Nations, and by the fragments tike aud saving 
which are come to our hands, and by whole Bookes 'ff°^j'}f/° 
of Voyages in the Indian and Mediteranean Seas, as this ^^.j^ij^ q^^ 
Booke will declare ; it cannot be but some mention of gave him so 



large a heart. 
But the Sea 
hath bounds. 
Is so had 
Salomons wis- 
dom. Some- 
what ivas left 
for John Bap 
tist to be 
greater then 
he, or any 
borne ofzco- 
men. 'Neither 
was the know- 
ledge of the 
necessarie to 
Salomon, who 
without it 
could and did 
compasse the 

* Above 
I 3000 miles 

Perhaps the 
stellation took 
up this Sea 
11^ hale into his 
Chariot, some 
part of the 

the act, if no description of the Art, would have remained 
to Posteritie. 

Now for Salomons testimony, it confuteth those which 
make him the author and first founder of the Loadstone 
(which to M. Fuller and others seemeth probable) if 
nothing were then new; it may aswell be alleaged for 
many Generations before, that they also made ships at 
Esion-geber, to goe to Ophir for like Rarities ; and 
against all new Inventions in any Age : which sense is 
also contradicted by Salomon in the same Chapter, Verse 
16. Where hee saith, that hee had more wisdome then 
all they that had beene before him in Jerusalem : and 
I. Reg. 3. 12. There was none like before thee, nor after 
thee shall arise any like unto thee. This was then a new 
thing under the Sunne, this his wisdome, which brands 
us for Fooles, if wee make him contradict himselfe and 
divine Veritie. 

The Scripture would goe one mile with them and shew 
the vanitie both of men and other creatures, and they 
post and force it two, applying what Salomon spake of 
kindes, to individuall acts and events ; which might aswell 
enforce Platoes great yeere, and a personall revolution of 
each man withall his conceits, words and acts. The 
Magnete is no new thing, but this use of the Magnete 
was newly knowne two thousand yeares after Salomons 
death. The Argument to mee seemeth a merrie one, 
rather then serious, and I will answere it accordingly with 
a jest. The Jesuite Pineda (which out of Lemnius citeth 
these Arguments to prove that the Compasse is ancient) 
is no new thing as a Man; but as a person, as a Jesuite 
(a new order which beganne 1540.) as an Author which 
conceiteth that that great fish which tooke up Jonas carried 
him in three dayes quite thorow the Mediterranean, and 
round about the African vast * Circumference (statim 
atque deglutitur Jonas, revertitur ccetus velocitate in- 
credibili ad mare Indicum & Sivum Arabicum, per Medi- 
terraneum & Gaditanum fretum, immani totius Africae 
circuitu, these are his owne words) these are new things 



under the Sunne, and this a new interpretation, which 
himselfe prefaceth with Papae! novam & inauditam ex- 
ponendi rationem ! These particulars are new, and yet 
that text is true. I wil not adde (that were too serious 
and severe) that all Jesuitisme is new, and their Expo- 
sitions of Scriptures, Councels, Fathers for the Roman 
Monarchic, are all new, New-gay-no-things, Vanitie of 
vanities and vexation of spirit; yet to lye (the genus 
generalissimum of Jesuitical! tenents, as they are Jesuites ; 
Christians is a name too old for them) is as old as the 
old Serpent. 

But lest I be over-bold with our Author, and may 
seeme to passe from a new argument to an old quarrell, 
and from j easting to jerking ; I contayne my selfe, lest any 
Veterator take mee for a Novelist ; and with reverence 
and thankes for his better paines, crave pardon for this 
jocoserium, and come to his third Argument out of 
Plautus, where in speech of sayling, hee hath these 
Hue secundus ventus nunc est, cape mode versoriam, Plauti Met-- 
Hie Favonius serenus est, isthic Auster imbricus. '^^^' 

Here Lemnius, Giraldus de Navigiis, and Calcagninus [I. i, 27.] 
with others mentioned by him, doe interprete Versoria of 
the Compasse : whom Pineda beleeveth not, and yet saith, 
hee hath quod nostro Acostas reddere possimus requirenti 
aliquod idoneum ex antiquitate hujus aciculas testimonium: 
notwithstanding, hee conjectureth it to bee some pole to 
thrust the Vessell (if any Instrument) and acknowledgeth 
that the Cares and Rudder might bee Versoriae, in regard 
of turning the ship, and lastly concludeth it to be spoken 
without respect to any Nautike Instrument, interpreting 
Cape Versoriam to returne : and that Plautus his actor did 
point to the Heavens, not to any Instrument, when he 
said, hue secundus ventus est, hie Favonius, &c. which 
seemeth to bee the Poets true sense. 

Pineda addes, that we ought not to doubt but that 
Salomon knew this of the Loadstone aswel as other Stones 
and Herbs. I answer we have a better Loadstone and 


Leadstone for one then for the other ; the Scripture 
speaking of him more as a Herbarist, then as a Lapidarie 
and Mariner. He alleageth, that the attractive facultie 
would reveale that Polare. I answere, that experience 
hath produced many Ages to testifie the contrarie ; which 
knew the one, not the other. His Argument from the 
store of Load-stones in those Easterne parts, concludes 
nothing for the skill, any more then that the naked artlesse 
Indians in Hispaniola were better Gold-smiths then the 
Europaeans, because they had more Gold. His last Argu- 
ment is least, from the Divine Providence which would 
not permit men so many Ages to be ignorant hereof. 
Rom. 11.33, For heere we come to an, O altitudo ! O the depth 
3+- of the riches both of the wisdome and knowledge 

of God, how unsearchable are his judgements, and his 
wayes past finding out } For who hath knowne the 
minde of the Lord, or who hath beene his Counseller .f* 
I like much better that which Pineda addes of the 
Ancients abilitie to sayle without kenne of the shoare, 
without Magneticall helpe, which Strabo, Arianus and 
Plinie acknowledge : and Aratus saith, that the Phaenicians 
followed the Load-starre (not the Load-stone) which 
Tully citeth also out of him. 
Cic. Acad. i. Arrianus mentioneth the helpe of the Monsons (as now 
Ego meas cog- ^j^™ ^erme them) or seasons of the Windes, observing: a 

fltttOtlCS stc . . . . ^ 

dirigo non ad constant course m the Indian Ocean, which with experi- 
illam pawn- ence of the frequented Coast, might easily teach Hippalus 
lam Cym- a compendious passage thorow the Mayne, or at least 
^f'J^f"y Q^^ further from kenne of Land. Whereupon Plinie having 
nocturnaPhce- ^^"^^^^ the former course, addes Secuta astas propiorem 
nices in ahum, cursum tutioremque, &c. Compendia invenit Mercator, 
ut ait Aratus Lib. 6. cap. 23. They also observed the flying of certain 
^^- . Birds which they caried with them. But al these could 

Cynosura nothing helpe to a Peruan Voyage from the Red Sea, 
tamen salcan- where the knowne Starres were laid asleepe in Tethys 
tibus aquor, lap ; where neither Birds carried with them, could instruct 
yr. Arat. ^q ^ivvf neere shoare, nor any Birds in the mayne Ocean 
were to be scene ; where the Monsons and Seasons of the 


SMylJlE M^ G 7\'' U M 

I ^AAs.JiSncis 

Ai^ypdu marc 


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, .-f.r.-J,,, 


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'aran ** ,, r- / r 


Dilm Ojd 'jt; 


r K r jY P ^ 'h--^'*-^'" " » "'v*'^ '^Montes Sehir j;, 

r-"<>;„;„..A -"V'-TV ♦ *^ ^ i> G,.L,J ,imu cttL, DOM .) ••:•' -o 

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I p ISR.AEUTAKLJ W vf *''''■ 


ii';"^ ,. . ,-, ='T(^ -> •■:'•■ - — 
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winde are so diversified ; where without the Compasse all 
things are out of Compasse, and nothing but miracle or 
chance (which never produce Arts) could save or serve 
them. I have spoken of the Load-stone in another place I» the begin- 
to which I referre the Reader, least that makes mee "^^^f!\ 
wander and drowne, which directeth and saveth others. 

Lastly, Peru could not be Ophir, if wee conceive that The sixth 
Salomon brought thence Ivorie ; and Peacockes. For '■^'^■^^''• 
Peacockes they read Parrots, and for Ivorie they are forced 
to take it up by the way in some place of Africa or India, 
which distraction must needs prolong the Voyage, which 
without such lets could not (as before is observed) in 
three yeares bee performed. As for such (Asse for such, 
I might have said) which thinke so huge and vast a tract 
of Land as that New World, might bee now emptie of 
Elephants which then it had (for it is confessed by all 
Classike Authors, that America never saw Elephant) as 
England is ridde of Wolves, wherewith it hath some- 
times abounded ; Why should not other kinds of Creatures 
bee utterly destroyed aswel as these, being more hurtfull 
to the Inhabitants } I meane, Tigres, Leopards, and 
other ravenous beasts whereof America hath more then a 
good many. And if they should destroy Elephants for 
their Ivorie, what piece of Ivorie was ever found in Peru 
or all America, before our men came there .'' If Salomons 
men had destroyed all, it were inhumane to intervert after- 
ages. The hunting of Wolves in the North of Scotland 
at this day, and the huntings used by many Nations, 
Tartars, Cafres, &c. easily tell us how England was 
cleered of Wolves; Armies, or Multitudes in a large 
Ring, encircling the beasts, & with Fire, Waters, Dogs, 
Armes, &c. bringing all into a narrow Compasse, and 
there killing them. But in the New World that would 
have required another World to have done it. I adde 
that no Elephant could come into Peru but by Miracle, 
the cold and high Hilles every way encompassing, beeing 
impassable to that Creature, as wee shall see in our Spanish 
entrance with Horses. Yea, I averre further, that an 



A second 
opinion for 

[I. i. 28.] 

Colon a 
happier Dis- 
coverer of the 
new World 
then the old. 

Third opinion 
for Sophala. 

See inf. I. 9. 
c. 12. 

Elephant could not live in Peru, but by Miracle. For 
the Hilles are cold in extremitie, and the Valleyes, till the 
Incas made artificiall Rivers were without water, it never 
rayning there, whereas the Elephant delights in places 
very hote and very moist. But I deserve blame to fight 
with Elephants in America, which is with lesse then a 
shadow, and to lay siege to Castles in the Aire. 

These arguments have no lesse force against Columbus 
and Vatablus their Ophir in Hispaniola : which from the 
Red Sea makes a farther fetch with like or greater improba- 
bilities. This errour was more fortunate then learned. 
For out of a right rule that the World is round, and that 
therefore men might sayle to the East by the West, 
Columbus first, and presently after him Sir Sebastian 
Cabot made their Discoveries, and stumbled on a New 
World by the way, whereof they had not dreamed. 

Cabots Voyage was to seeke Cathay or China. Colum- 
bus his intent was for the East Indies, and finding much 
Gold in Hispaniola, without examining other difficulties, 
and falsly supposing himselfe to have attayned the East 
Indies, he called that Hand Ophir ; which conceit Francis 
Vatablus received. 

Now for Sofala or Cefala, many arguments are alleaged 
by Ortelius (who here placeth Salomons Ophir) and 
others. And indeed the abundance of Gold, and the 
excellencie thereof, as likewise of Silver, there taken out 
of the Mynes ; Peacocks, or Parrots, whether you choose 
to interprete ; Elephants, Apes, (Monkeyes and Baboones) 
excellent Woods for such uses as the Almuggim Trees 
were applied ; all these, together with the easie Navigation 
from the Red Sea thither alongst the African shoare ; and 
lastly the name it selfe may seeme to plead for a Sofalan 
Ophira, or Sophira (as Josephus cals it) in this place. 
Joaon dos Santos lived eight yeares in those parts, and 
alleageth many things to this purpose. He saith that 
neere to Massapa, is a great high Hill called Fura, in the 
Kingdome of Monomotapa, to which hee will not suffer 
the Portugals to passe lest the rich Mynes should 



cause their too potent Neighbour-hood. On the top 
of that Hill are old ruinous wals of lime and stone. 
Barrius saith, there are also unknowne Letters over BarrosDeci. 
the gate: the people ignorant of such workes, say '°* 
they were built by Devils, thinking them impos- 
sible to men, judging others by themselves. They are 
five hundred and ten miles from Sofala, in one and 
twentie degrees of Southerly latitude. He conjectureth 
it to bee Ptolemeys Agysimba, the buildings being still 
called Simbaoni. Thomas Lopez addes, that the Moores T. Lopez ap. 
affirmed, that their Bookes and ancient Writings con- ^^"^""^ 
tayned, that King Salomon fetched his Gold in his three 
yeares Voyage from thence. 

At that time 1502. there were warres, but formerly the 
Moores of Mecca and Zidem, used to carrie two Millions 
of Mitigals (which are about eight shillings a piece) 
yeerely from thence. But to returne to Santos, hee 
alleageth a Tradition of the Natives, that these Mynes 
and Buildings belonged to the Queene of Saba, and that 
others ascribe them to Salomon, making this Fura or 
Afura to be Ophir, See the place,^ and his pleading of this *I»fra Tom. 
point, wherein I could be perswaded to be of his minde, if ^•-^^■S- '5+9- 
that Moses did not place Ophir Eastward, Gen. 10. 30. 
Who (it is likely) gave name to this golden Region. 

There are that seeke for Tarshish at Carthage, and some A fourth and 
I have knowne which place Ophir neere Gambra. Of this fif^'' '>*''«''""'• 
minde was Captaine Jobson, which travelled up that 
River, nine hundred and sixtie miles, and heard such 
golden reports of the In-land Countreyes, as this Worke 
will from him deliver to you. And indeed I doe easily 
perswade my selfe, that the richest Mynes of Gold in the 
World are in Africa ; especially in the heart of the Land 
from the Line to the Tropike of Capricorne. (See our 
Relations out of Bermudez, Jobson, Battell and others) 
and I cannot but wonder, that so many have sent so 
many, and spent so much in remoter Voyages to the East 
and West, and neglected Africa in the midst ; which per- 
haps might proove as much richer as neerer, then both 



the Indies. But Rectum est index sui & obliqui : if wee 

shew Ophir to bee in the East Indies, it cannot be in 

J sixth America or Africa, unlesse we be of Acostas opinion, who 

T"^!^ / howsoever he thinketh that Salomons Gold, &c. came 

J * from the East Indies, yet conjectureth that Ophir and 

Tharsis signifie no certayne Regions, but are taken in a 

generall sense, as the word India is with us, applied to all 

remoter Countreyes. Ophir might be any of the former, 

remote farre from the Red Sea. 

But I can tell that India received his name from the 

River Indus, still called Sinde, (which hath also foiled all 

our Geographers hitherto, making it to passe thorow 

lnf.l.\.c.\6. Cambaya, which Sir Thomas Roes Voyage will confute, 

that it is lesse marvell if Ophir trouble us so much) and 

because the Countreyes beyond India, were so meanly 

knowne by their true names, and Indus came from so 

remote Regions, they continued and extended that name to 

them : and (as even now you heard) Colon by misprision 

called America, India, not dreaming of a Westerne, but 

See %. 12. for supposing that by the West, he had arrived in the 

Jcost. opinion. Eastern India. Now, why Ophir should be so dilated, I 

see no such reason. Tarshish we shall better examine 

Other after. And for others opinions of Ophir to be an Hand in 

opinions. ^^^ j^gj gg^ ^^Y\Qd Urphe, or Ormus in the Persian, they 

are not worth examining : beeing not able to yeeld 

Gold, and the other Commodities which Salomon 


/ The truth of Ophir must as from a deepe Myne bee 

"^ drawne out of Moses, Gen. lo. Wherein although wee 

cannot approve the opinion of those which conceive Moses 

in that Chapter, to have set downe the just number of 

Languages and Nations, as if there were seventie two of 

each, and neither more nor fewer ; yet it must needs be 

granted, and the Text plainly averreth. These are the 

Families of the sonnes of Noah after their generations, in 

Gen. lo. 31. their Nations, and by these were the Nations divided in 

3^- the Earth after the Floud : and particularly of the Sonnes 

of Shem (here questioned) These are the sonnes of Shem, 



after their families, after their tongues, in their lands, 
after their Nations. So that wee gather that the first 
originalls of Nations are there mentioned, such especially 
as concerned his Ecclesiasticall story, or was necessary [I. i. 29,] 
for the Church to take knowledge of For neither 
were they all differing Nations and Languages which 
hee mentioneth, nor are all Nations or Languages there 
mentioned. For eleven of them are the sons of Canaan, 
which all peopled that little region, which Israel after by 
Joshuas conduct possessed : al which also spake one 
language, or else Abraham & the Patriarks must have 
learned many tongues in their frequent perambulations ; 
which some thinke the same which the Israelites spake, 
& judge it evident in the History of the first Spies, 
and of Rahabs entertaining of the later Spies; and that 
it is called by the Prophet, The Language of Canaan, 
Es. 19. 18, and carried thence into Egypt before by 
the Patriarks, to whom Joseph spake first by an In- 
terpreter, but in reavealing himselfe, hee with his owne 
mouth (that is, in their tongue) spake unto them, when 
the Interpreter and all others were excluded. And in 
the whole story of the Old Testament, no difference of 
language is notified in all the commerce and cohabita- 
tions of all sorts of both Nations. *Priscian saith, * Prise /.$. 

Lingua Poenorum Chaldaeae vel Hebraeae similis: and fj'^^°^- ^^ 
o-T -r*- --rn • 1- TT1 Jer.i.. ArnoD. 

Samt Jerom, Pceniquasi Phceni, quorum Imgua Hebraeas ^-^ pjT j 

magna ex parte confinis est. Saint Augustine often jug de verb. 
saith as much; and divers wordes of the language con- Dom. s. 35. 
firme it. As for a Shiboleth, and Siboleth, or some 'ont.lit.Pet I. 
difference of Dialect (which wee see with us almost in jg 6 tifr 
every Shire) wee make not that a difference of, but Ber. Aldrete 
in the Language. And so it seemeth it was in the first Anteg. I 2, c 
Ages, before Conquest and Commerce brought in so ^• 
many new wordes to the Punike language. The Punike *Sca/igin 
Scene in Plautus his Poenolus, by *Scaliger, M. Selden prokgom. ult. 
and others is found a kind of Hebrew, after all those ^•^'^^^^"selden 
ages and changes. I will not herein contend with M. jg D. S. pro- 
Fuller and others which have written contrary. But Ugom. c. 2. 



either they were the same, or not much differing : and 
The Spies (which I principally ayme at) all these eleven Nations 
having such J^^^ ^j^^ s2imQ^ language at lest in the Patriarkes times, 
^tio7in Egypt ^^'^ "ot unlike the Hebrew, which was so little altered, 
had no meanes after such alterations of time and place. 
to learn Now because that Countrey was given to Abrahams 

tongues. posteritie, Moses is more exact in bounding the places, 

'^' ^'^' ^^' & intimating the peoples, then in all Joktans posterity 
(which it seemeth peopled one hundred times so much 
Countrey) as not pertaining to Israels Inheritance, and 
not much to their neighborhood or knowledge. And 
if Salomon imployed above eight score thousands in 
continuall workes so many yeeres for the Temple, how 
many shall we thinke imployed themselves in that 
Babylonian structure, which occasioned that diversifying 
of languages ; and which is therefore likely to have 
happened long after Pelegs birth, by which time the 
world could not likely be so peopled.? Neither may 
wee deny more then ordinary multiplication in those first 
Ages after the Floud : though we grant a good space 
after Pelegs birth, for how else could such a multitude 
have assembled so soone to such a purpose } Wee see 
the like admirable increase of the Israelites in Egypt, in 
despite of bloudy butchery and slavery, which yet asked 
above two hundred yeeres, from seventie persons. And 
can any man thinke that where a World was multiplied, 
that the Fathers had no more Sonnes then are there 
mentioned.'' especially seeing of Sems line, Gen. ii. it 
is said they begat other sonnes : and of them are ex- 
pressed five generations, of the other but two or three, 
and most of them omitted, except such as most con- 
cerned Israel in neighbourhood or other affaires. How 
could Jocktan yeeld thirteene Nations then, when Peleg 
gives name to none, till of Abraham, six generations after, 
some were derived ? I suppose therefore that Moses 
there names not all Nations, as writing not a Story of 
the World, but those principally which by vicinitie or 
Inheritance, or future commerce (as this Ophir and his 



brethren) it behooved the Israelites to take notice of; 
especially Him, who was to alter Moses his Tabernacle 
into so glorious a Temple, and to bee so lively a figure 
of a greater then Moses and Salomon both. Nor is it 
likely but that there was a greater confusion of lan- 
guages, then into so many as can bee gathered in the 
tenth of Genesis ; or that all there mentioned differed 
in tongue from each other; for so Shem, Cham, and 
Japheth should never have understood each other, nor 
their posteritie. It is probable therefore, that God 
multiplying the World in so short a space (which, as 
I said, I rather thinke to have hapned some good while 
after Pelegs birth, then at that very time) almost to a 
miracle, most men of most families were there, and their 
languages also miraculously multiplied ; (The Jewish 
tradition is that it hapned a little before Pelegs death, 
as Genebrard observeth out of them) but being a con- 
spiracy against God, many others were not there and 
retained their ancient Ebrew ; especially the pious 
and religious Patriarkes. Such perhaps was Peleg him- 
selfe, then a man of yeeres, and therefore his name given 
him of that division in others. For if any thinke that 
Pelegs name intimates the building of Babel at his birth, 
we see that Abraham, Sarah, and Jacob had their names 
changed in their riper yeeres. 

This division of languages caused that dispersion, 
Therefore is the name of it called Babel (or Confusion) 
because the Lord did there confound the language of 
all the Earth : and from thence did the Lord scatter 
them abroad upon the face of all the Earth. Yet can- 
not we say that presently this was wholly executed; but 
even then so many as spake one language, dwelt together 
in one Region : Other Persons and Families in other 
Regions, which then were thinly planted, and in processe 
of time more fully peopled, and Colonies also derived 
to people remoter Regions. For although Man, (that is 
Mankind) hath a right to all the Earth, yet heere there 
was a very great part of the Earth unpeopled in Moses 



time, yea to these dayes of Ours. And if we marke 
[I. i. 30.] all the Heads of Families mentioned by Moses, wee 
shall see none, which at that time had inhabited so farre 
as this our Britaine : but how much neerer the Regions 
were to the Arkes resting, and Babels confusion, so much 
sooner were they peopled. Sure it is that some Ages 
after, the best and most frequent Habitations, and neerest 
those parts were but meanly peopled, as appeareth by 
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, Lot, Laban, and their child- 
ren wandring and remooving from place to place with 
their great Flockes and Herds, as if Grounds and 
Pastures had then even in the Regions of Syria and 
Canaan beene of small value. Compare Abrahams time 
with Joshua, and you shall see a great difference, more 
Cities and Villages seeming then builded, then before 
were Families of note, and that in foure hundred yeeres 
space. Ammon, Moab, Ishmael, all the Families of the 
sonnes of Keturah, and that of Edom, with innumerable 
other were not in rerum natura, neither the language 
(which it seemes by mixture with others was altered) 
nor the Nation. 

Yea how poore a thing was our Britaine in Caesars 
time, either for the numbers or civilitie ^ How thinly 
is all the Northerne America, from thirtie degrees 
upwards towardes the Pole inhabited .'' a world of 
Continent by no probabilitie, containing in the whole 
so many people as some one small Region in Asia or 
Europe. All Virginia, New England, and New-found- 
land, cannot have (notwithstanding such commodious 
habitations and innumerable commodities) so many In- 
habitants, so farre as my industry can search, as this 
one Citie with the Suburbs containeth, though we adde 
all even to the Pole, and take one hundred miles within 
Land alongst the Coast all the way ; which easily argueth 
the later peopling thereof Neither is there any thing 
Jmerica in all America which doth not indeed proclaime it a 

newly inhabit- ^^y^j World. For as in the Old World, first there was 
"^- simplicitie of Herdmen, Shepheards, and Husbandmen ; 



and after that Trades, Merchandise, Riches, Cities, King- 
domes, more curious Rites Civill and Religious, and 
some Monuments of them (which those which had, 
esteemed others for the want therof Barbarians & 
Savages, as a wilder kind of men) and this Civilitie, 
Cities, Populations and Kingdomes began in Assyria, Chaldaa, 
Egypt, and other places neerer the first confusion, and ^'^^^'^^ 
after proceeded to Greece (whom the Egyptians called 
children, as is before said, for their later Civilitie, Arts, 
and Histories) and thence to Italy, which was long 
swadled in Roman rusticitie, and later attained to 
politer Sciences ; and thence into France (as wee now 
call it) and after that into Britaine, and later into Ger- 
many, all by Roman Conquests and imparting Arts with 
their Armes: so may wee judge of the New World, 
wherein two Empires were growne great, civill, rich, 
and potent, after their manner, as our Mexican and 
Inca stories will shew in due place. This their great- 
nesse produced stories of their Acts by Quippos, Pic- 5^^ Amta^ 
tures and other Monuments, which derived to posteritie f"*^ ^^] ^% 
the knowledge or former times and acts. By which we 2./. c.flyy 
may gather that the Northerne America was first peopled, Vega his Inca 
and that probably from the Easterne or Northerne parts story. l.j. cat,. 
of Asia ; and communicated people to the Southerne 
parts, the Northerne Antiquities of Mexico, being 
ancienter then those of Peru. Those first stories also 
(see them in the Picture-Booke, and in Vega and Acosta 
following) how raw and infantly beginnings and pro- 
ceedings doe they shew .'' What barbarisme } Yet 
neither containing memorialls of one thousand yeeres : 
So that allow sixe hundreth yeeres to meere breedings 
and barbarous infancy, with creeping in dispersions, as 
out of the cradle of American humanity amongst them, 
till they were fuller of People and Townes, where one 
wit whetts another to new devices, yet we scarcely 
come to the times of Christ and his Apostles. I may 
adde, that till about one thousand two hundred yeeres 
after Christ, neither of those Empires were worthy the 
I 8i F 


names of pettie Kingdomes, and even then had scarcely 
crept out of the shell. 

Now for Hands in the Seas betwixt Asia and them, 
as also along the North Sea, as they cal it, on the 
Easterne shoare of America, in the North and South 
parts thereof also, these Relations will shew you Worlds 
of them not yet peopled. The Southerne Continent is 
yet but saluted on the shoares and Hands, of which we 
may no lesse conjecture much emptinesse. For the ful- 
nesse of the Continent disburthens it selfe into Hands; 
and fulnesse of the first peopled parts, Asia, Africa, and 
Europe, made them seeke to root out one another by 
the Sword, or to possesse vacant places by Sea or Land, 
which either chance or industry had found. But except 
Deucalion and Pyrrha had sowne stones to procreate 
Men, or Cadmus his sowne teeth had procreated Armies, 
or the Clouds had rained Peoples, as they are said to doe 
Frogs, I know not how wise and learned men (by their 
leaves inconsiderately enough) fill China and America 
with people in those dayes before Moses and Abraham, 
and find great commerce and knowledge of the New 
World, when the Old was but yesterday begun. So 
necessary to Humane and Divine knowledge is Geo- 
graphie and History, the two Eyes with which wee see 
the World, without which our greatest Clerkes are not 
the wisest men, but in this part blind and not able to 
see farre oflT. If any deride this as paradoxicall and new, 
I say againe, that in America alone, so much hath beene 
discovered, and whereof knowledge from ey-witnesses 
hath come to my hand, partly in the Continent, partly 
in Hands, as much (and in great part as commodious 
for mans use) as all Europe, is either wholly unhabited, 
or so thinly inhabited, that men roague rather then 
dwell there, and so as it would feed and sustaine a 
hundreth, perhaps a thousand times as much people by 
due husbandry. 



§. IX. 

Joctans Posteritie seated in the East parts of Asia, [i. i. 31. 
amongst them, Ophir in India ultra Gangem, 
where Chryse was of old, and now is the king- 
dome of Pegu, and the Regions adjoyning. 

Frica fell to Chams part, with some adjoyning 
Regions of Asia; Asia it selfe in greatest part to 
Shem, and Europe with Asia Minor, and the 

Northerne parts of Asia to Japheth. Their very names 

have left memorialls of them, as Arias Montanus, Junius, MontaniPha- 

Broughton, and others have observed, to whose Com- ^^^- ^''""g^- 

mentaries I referre the Reader. But for Joctans sonnes, ^^^ ' p-,' 

we find in and neere to India, the prints of all their names. /. i. 

Elmodad had left his name in the Hill Emodus, whence 

the Indian Rivers flow, and Comedus, the greatest Hills 

of Asia, elsewhere called Taurus, and by divers names 

as it runneth thorow divers Countries, from the one 

end of Asia to the other : also in the Themeotae or 

Thetmontas in Sarmatia. Of Sheleph are the Mountaines 

Sariphi, whence Oxus floweth. Seilon is a famous Hand 

in these dayes. Of Hazarmaveth, Sarmatia ; of Jerah, 

Aria and Arachosia ; of Hadoram the Ori, Oritas, Oxi- 

dracae ; also the Adraistae, Andresti, Adrestae : Of Uzal, 

Muziris, Musopalle, Ozoana, Oxus, Udia, or Odiae a 

Citie, and Udezza a Kingdome, in India ; Auzacia, a 

Citie extra Imaum, and Auxacitis. Of Diklah, Delly, 

Dankalee, Tacola and Tagola ; also Dela, Dekaka, the 

Laos, Bacola, Bengala, and (by conversion of D into R, 

not unusuall) Rhacan and Arracan, Orixa ; Dandagula 

and Dasdala. Of Obal, the Bolitae and Cabolitae neere 

Paraponisus ; of Abimael the Mount Imaus, and the 

Massi in India mentioned by Curtius. 

Now for Sheba and Havilah ; Cush had Seba and Gen. 10. 
Havilah, and his sonne Raamah had also Sheba ; all 
mentioned in the same Chapiter : and Jokshan Abrahams 
Sonne by Keturah, begat Sheba. Chush his two sonnes, Gen. 25. 



were Authors of the Sabaeans in Arabia, so famous for 
the Merchandise of Myrrhe and Frankinsence ; some 

Job. I. 15. distinguish the Sabasi in Arabia deserta (whose posteritie 
robbed Job) from the richer Sabaeans of Sheba in Arabia 

I. Reg, 10. Fcelix, whence that rich Queene called of the South (that 
Countrey is called Alieman, that is, the South, to this 
day) came to visit Salomon. Abrahams Sheba had his 
habitation Eastward in the Northerly parts of Arabia 

Gal 4. deserta ; as if his kindred by the flesh, the sonnes of 

Keturah and Hagar (the carnall Israelites, and such which 
insist on Justification by their owne Workes of the Law) 
should never have to doe with Canaans fertilitie and 

Rom. 14. 17. felicitie, the type of Heaven, Righteousnesse, Peace and 

Gal. 4. jQy • j^ ^j^g Holy Ghost ; but distract themselves in 

wandring errors, & a disconsolate miserable estate, as 
those Arabians do to this day. 

Joktans Sheba was Author of the Sabae beyond Ganges ; 
of Sabana, Sahara, Sobanus ; and now Siam, Champa, 
Camboia, are famous in these parts. 

Havila of Chus is hee which planted that Countrey, 
at the entrance of Susiana in Persia, commended, 
Gen. 2. for the Gold. And of him also might Abila in 
Syria, and Avalites, a Bay and Port on the Red Sea, 
and the Avalitas populi, which thence removed into 
^Ethiopia, and the Chalybes among the Troglodytae bare 

Joctans Havila might give name to the He Sundiva, 
the Gulfe Tavai, to Ava, Martavan, Cavelan also, and 
Cublan all Kingdomes lately subject to the King of Pegu. 
The Avares in the Northerne parts might bee a deduction 
from him, Chaberis also and the AvaSlai a Bactrian 
Nation, by some called Savadii, and the Auchastae, where 
Hipanis springeth ; the Abii and Indian Abali, and Zebas ; 
Abarimon also in Scythia, and Jesual, a Kingdome in 
these daies. Of Jobab came the Jabadii, the Ibi, or 'I^oi 
(an Indian Nation) the Sobi, and Sarmatian Ibiones ; 
Jacubel also in the Kingdome of Pegu, the He Java, 
Jamba, and in old times Barebe and Bepinga. 



Some impression of the name of Ophir is left in Ophar, OrtelH Thes. 

a Sarmatian River, and the Opharitas, and in those names ^°^^'' ^^ ""^^ 

. , ^^,, _, ' „ \ -rii 1 • J 1 Taurus. 

of the Hil Taurus, Paropamisus, Fharphariades, other- 
wise Pariades, Parthenasis, Partao, Chaboras, Oscobar, 
Pariedrus, Para; Choatra, Parthaus, Tapurius, Opuro- 
carra, Bepyrrus, Parsuetus, Paryadres. I might adde 
the renowmed Indian Hand Taprobane, the Prasii, Hip- 
puros, the Citie Paraca, Palibothra, Perimula, Doperura, 
Sobura, Cottobora, Sippara, Mapura, Caspira, Brachme, 
Brachmanae, Opotura, Pharitras, and other names in 
Ptolomey, and the Pharasii in Curtius. Also the Hippuri 
in Plinie, to omit Porus the great King of India, whom 
Alexander subdued. And many places of principall 
note in India in these dayes have such a termination, 
as Fetipore Jounpore, Sinpore, Merepore, and the like, 
of more certaintie then the occasionall and yesterday 
name of Peru. 

Thus have wee brought arguments of names, to find 
all Joctans posterity in the way to India, or the Inland 
Indian Countries, where it is likely they first seated them- 
selves, and afterwardes spread themselves both to the 
Northerne Sarmatians, and Sythians, and to the Sea Coast 
Southerly after the Floud, some feare whereof did not 
a little terrific the first Ages. At this day Tippara, 
Serepore on Ganges, Caplan, the place where they find 
the Rubies, Saphires, and Spinells, sixe dayes journey 
from Ava, Pegu it selfe, and the Bramas, which founded 
the New Citie, and which still people the Kingdomes 
of Prom, Melintay, Calam, Bacam, Miriam ; and Pur- 
dabin, Purbola at the Spring, and Benpurbat the entrance 
of Ganges to the Sea ; the Straits of Cingopura, with 
divers other places in those Regions where wee place 
Ophir, have some foot-prints left of that name after so [I. i. 32.] 
many Ages. Their Brachmanes, Probar their chiefe 
God, Talipoies their Priests might be added for sound. 
But words are windie, sounding and not sound, wordy 
not worthy arguments, except things agreeing make 
the truth evident. For accidentally names are the same 



Ptoll. J. Tab. 


2 Reg. 17.22. 

y 19. 13. 

Esay 36 If^c. 

Hee nameth 
Mesa and Se- 
phar as better 
knotvne, ifS but 
the entrf of 
their further 
population, ad 
montes orientis 
usque, as Tre- 
melHus trans- 

In divers Countries, as if any man lust to observe in 
a Geographicall Dictionary, hee shall easily see. 

These are onely probabilities which are to be weighed 
with the words of Moses, And their dwelling was 
from Mesha, as thou goest unto Sephar, a Mount of 
the East ; ad montes Orientis usque, Tremelius reades 
it : Josephus interpreteth from Assyria to a River of 
India called Cophene. Sepher is, if ye receive Mon- 
tanus, the Peruan Andes, the Mountaines of the West 
in the Worlds situation from Babylon, and the place 
where Moses wrote ; Ptolemie mentions Sipphara not 
farre from Euphrates : Postellus makes it Imaus, Saint 
Hierom placeth it in India : Sepharuaim of the Assyrians 
(which is perhaps Ptolomies Sipphara, is often men- 
tioned, and confirmeth well that opinion of Josephus. 
From Mesa therefore which taketh his beginning East 
from those parts where Moses wrote, being also part 
of that hill Taurus, whereto we have found all Joktans 
Sonnes neighbouring (afterwards called Mount Masius, 
in Mesopotamia) to Sephar, another part of that great hill 
Taurus, both Eastward, and thence also in processe of 
time to further Easterly Mountaines, the remotest 
Easterne parts of Taurus, did Joktans Posterity spread 
and disperse themselves ; one of the most Easterly 
whereof we finde this questioned Ophir. Or if any 
like rather to finde them more Easterly, Plinie mentions 
the Masuae and Mesae in India, and there also is 
Ptolomies Sapara and Sippara, agreeing with Sephar : 
Sarpedon also and Sariph are hils so called, parts of 

It remaines then to see whether the Commodities of 
those parts, and the Voyage thither be correspondent to 
the Scriptures description. For the Commodities, we 
will give both auncient, middle, and moderne testi- 
monies (with this difference, that the auncient and middle 
are not so particular nor directly expressing and notify- 
ing places and things as the last) the rather because 
this hath beene the stumbling stone to Ortelius, and 



others, to make them seeke for Ophir elsewhere. The 

Ophirian Voyage (it is probable) comprehended all the 

gulfe of Bengala from Zeilan to Sumatra, on both sides : 

but the Region of Ophir we make to be all from Ganges 

to Menan, and most properly the large Kingdome of Tab.Jsiaw 

Pegu, from whence it is likely in processe of time, the ^'^''^ ^^^• 

Southerly parts, even to Sumatra inclusively was peopled 

before Salomons time. 

In India beyond Ganges, Ptolomie placeth both Argentea 
and Aurea Regio. Super Argenteam autem regionem, 
in qua multa dicuntur esse metalla non signata, superjacet 
Aurea Regio, Besyngitis appropinquans, quae & ipsa 
metalla auri quam plurima habet. Arrianus in his Peri- 
plus, or Treatise of the sailing about the Erythraean Sea 
(which as is said before contained the Indian) speaking 
of Ganges and the rising and falling thereof like Nilus, 
placeth XP^^^ °^ ^^^ Golden Region, neere to it, and 
addes the reports of golden Mines in those parts. Xeyerai 
T6 Koi ■^pvaopvyia irepi Tot9 TO'7ro<9 eivai. Marcianus mentions 
this golden Chersonessus also. *Long before them Hero- * f ^e xjj eVrSs 
dotus in his Thalia relatmg the Tributes paid to the Persian ^ xpv<^v 
Monarch, saith, The Indians as they are more in number ''"^"jj^'jj 
then other men, so their tribute is greater, 360. talents iari 
of Gold : and then addeth the reports of Ants, not so 
bigge as Dogges, but bigger then Foxes, which cast up 
antheaps full of golden sands. Arrianus cites Nearchus Heml. Thai. 
and Megasthenes (whom Strabo produceth also) for these ^''°- °- ^ 3°- 
Ants, which I thinke rather to be an Embleme then a 
Story. For as Salomon sends the Sluggard to schoole to 
the Pismire, to learne of that little creature great industry 
and providence, so Salomons and other Princes Mines 
could not be better expressed then in such an alegory ; 
living in darkenesse, and as it were buried alive, and 
bearing excessive burthens, yet baited with poore diet 
and wages. And thus Georgius Fabritius, Indi suos P^t'- ^^ reb. 
Metallicos fxopii.r)K.a<i appellarunt, unde fabulis locus, &c. ^^^- ^'- ■ 
The like fable they had of monstrous Griffons, thereby 
expressing the miserable monstrosity of covetousnesse. 



Plinie hath (speaking of the Indian Nations) Fertilissimi 
sunt auri Dardae, Setae vero argenti. Sed omnium in 
India prope, non modo in hoc tractu, potentiam clari- 
tatemque antecedunt Prasii, amphsma urbe ditissimaque 
Palibotra : unde quidem ipsam gentem Pahbotros vocant, 
imo vero tractum universum a Gange. Regi eorum 
peditum sexcenta M. equitum triginta M. elephantorum 
novem M. per omnes dies stipendiantur, &c. These 
Plut.Alexand. Prasii placed neere Ganges, Plutarch cals Praesii, Curtius 
Pharasii, Diodorus Tabraesii, all which names they which 
know any thing in Ebrew can tell how easily they may 
be derived from Ophir, passing the Greeke termination 
after other changes. And Palabothra, or Palimbothra 
is by Arrianus placed at the confluence of the Rivers 
"^Erannaboa ^ Erannoboa and Ganges, Strabo speakes of the sailing 
perhaps ts nozv ^^ Ganges to Palibothra against the streame, and saith 
Strab.'i iq. ^^^^ Ganges descends from the Mountaines and from the 
plaines takes an Eastward course ; then passing by 
Palibothra a very great Citie, enters the Sea with one 
channell, although it be the greatest of the Indian Rivers. 
Master Fitch our Country man spent five moneths in 
passing downe Ganges (he might have done it sooner) 
^Sanba! stands and mentions Serrepore, which (as Sanbal^' by the first 
where Jetmi syllable) may seeme to be the same by the situation, 
/fl^/w<5 an- ^j.^^^]^g^ ^j^j j^gj- syllable; and tels of the Gold Mines 
in the way. Diodorus Siculus, speaking of India saith, 
Z).5. 7.3.^.10. Nascitur in ea ingens argenti aurique vis, non parum 
quoque aeris, ferrique & orichalci. Another Diodorus in 
his Geographicall Verses saith of the Indians Gold- 
mining : 

[I. i. 33.1 Tcov 0' olfxev "^pva-olo ixeToXkevovai yeueOXrjv 

'^a/xjiiov euyva/uLiTTrja-i \a-)((uvovTe^ fxaKeXijcriu and after 

')(jpv(Tol.o yeveBXrjv 
Aai^a\€i]v 'YTraw re (pepei, Oetog re Meyaocro? 
Aa^poTUTOi iroTajuwv ', utto S^ oupeo? 'HjucoSoio 
Opvv/iieuoi Trpopeoucriv eiri VayyrjTL^a -^(aprju. 
Me/a. /.:{.. c. 8. Pomponius Mela mentions those Ants, More Gry- 
phorum keeping the Gold, cum summa pernicie attin- 



gentium. He, Solinus, and Plinie mention Chryse and Plin.l.6.z\. 
Argyre so plentifull of Mettals, that men reported the ^°^^"- '^''t'- 54- 
soyle was Gold and Silver : so hyperbolicall reports 
were raised of their store. 

But as the ancients knew not these parts of India so 
well as later times, wee will produce later testimonies. 
And generally it is esteemed in the remotest East parts, 
that Gold by reason of the plenty hath not his true SeeTo.z.Li. 
and natural preasminence above Silver Cwhich ordinarilv i' f' 
is twelve to one) but lower by much, in some places i^ pao-' 7qa 
more, in some lesse, as the following Relations will 
better acquaint you. So Marco Polo saith that in the 
Province of Cardandan, they give one ounce of Gold Cardandan 
for five of Silver : Gold being exceeding plentifull, ^^°^ ^^^^ ^^^"^ 
which many brought thorow the Desarts to change as ' 

aforesaid, the wayes being unpassible for others. I omit 
the golden Monument he mentions in Mien. In Tholo- 
man hee saith, is great quantity of Gold. The former 
place is somewhat Northerly, this Easterly from the 
necke of the Chersonessus. Nicolo de Conti mentions 
Bels of Gold commonly sold in those parts, still in use 
in Pegu to put in mens yards. Odoardo Barbosa 
mentions store of Gold at Queda, and in the Kingdome 
of Pam, in this Chersonessus. But I am too suddenly 
slipt into later times: Long before these. Saint Isidore ///V./. 14.^.3. 
mentioneth Chryse and Argyre plentifull of Gold and 
Silver, and those golden Mountaines quos adire propter 
Dracones & Gryphas, & immensorum hominum monstra, 
impossibile est. ^lian hath a long discourse of those -^Han de 
Gryphons out of Ctesias, keeping the Gold in vast ^^^^^'^^^ ^- +• 
Deserts ; of which I noted before, as of the Phenix ^' 
and the Ants, that a Mysterie rather then Historie is 
intended, either shewing the barrennesse of Misers pro- 
ducing no good fruites in the mids of golden abundance, 
but rather ready to devoure all which came in their 
clutches ; or else intimating the difficulty to get Gold, 
and manifold dangers in respect of the neighbouring 
inhabitants, & of famine in those Deserts. Rabanus 



See the Glosse 
l5 Lyran. in 
I. reg. 9. 

See my Pilgri- 
mage Lins- 
choten. Fitch, 
Balbi, all 
■which have 
written of 
these parts, 
^lian de 


See L 10. 


Maurus, and long after him Nicolas Lyra relate these 
Beasts perillous to such as seeke the Gold in these 
parts. And indeede for wilde Beasts, both Lizards, 
Tygres, and others, I thinke no places more infested 
then those in and neere Pegu : for which cause the 
Country and people are forced to build their houses 
above ground, that they may goe up to them on Ladders, 
Barros tels of one Tygre which in Malacca seised on a 
peece of wood to which three slaves were chained, and 
carried all away, leaping therewith over a high wall also. 
Neither are the Tygres of other Countries comparable 
to these in these parts, being another kinde, called Thoes, 
or some other kinde, rather than true Tygres, of which 
are many in Afrike and America. But leaving the 
testimonies of auncient and midle times, wee will come 
to later dayes. 

Ludovico Barthema in his third Booke of India, c. 16. 
much extolleth Pegu for riches (he wrote sixe score 
yeeres agoe) especially for Jewels, and he saith the King 
had a Million of Gold in revenue : and note that the 
Bramas Empire or Monarchy was not then begun. 
Barthema also mentions the Gold in Somatra. Barbosas 
testimony is before. Caesar Fredericke which was at 
Pegu, neere sixty yeeres since in the Bramas reigne in 
Pegu, saith that the King had divers Magazines full of 
Gold and Silver, every day increased without diminishing. 
He is Lord also of the Mines of Rubies, Saphires, and 
Spinels. He mentions also Colosses, or prodigious and 
more then Gyantly statues of Gold and Silver, the foote 
as bigge as a mans body : innumerable Varelles or IdoU 
Temples covered with leafe Gold, with other things 
which I omit. Master Fitch, besides the Gold Mines 
at Patenaw as he descended the Ganges, relates the like 
golden stories of Pegu (where hee was 1586.) as 
Fredericke hath related, of houses of the King full of 
Gold, of guilded Idoll houses and statues. The Mer- 
chandise in Pegu, saith he, is Gold, Silver, Rubies, 
Saphires, Spinels, Muske, &c. neither is their money 



of those mettals, but of a kinde of Brasse called Gansa, Gansa is a 

wherewith Gold and Silver are bought, sometimes deerer, ^^•^'"'"^ °f 
. , 11 CI Brasse and 

sometimes cheaper, no lesse then other wares, bo also ^^^^ 

saith Fredericke, saying that every man may stampe 

that money at his pleasure, and therewith buy Gold 

and Silver, as aforesaid. Gasparo Balbi a Venetian Balbi began 

Jeweller was there a little before Fitch, and relateth his journey 

likewise of the statues, Magazens of Gold, Silver, Ganza, ^/pj„^ ^j"^^ 

Jewels, Cloathes, Muske, &c. under severall Treasurers, 1583. ^W 

and concludeth, that this King, for Gold, Silver, and staid till 

Jewels, is the richest Kinsf in the world, except the 1586. /« 

?: . ' - ° ^ which space 

KmgofChma. was a combat 

But the Jesuites Letters have best opened these Mines betwixt the 
of the King of Pegu. N. Pimenta writes ; Fernandus Kings of Ava 
also from Syripore 1599. 16. Kal. Feb. of the state o^ ^"/ ^^-^^ "" , 
Pegu ; that the Kings father a Braman had subjected twelve ^y ^il/'lf 
Kingdomes to his scepter, viz. the Kingdome of Cavelan, ^^j,^ ^lame. 
whence come the best Rubies and Saphires : Ava, which 
hath Mines of Cyprian Brasse, Lead, and Silver : the 
Kingdome of Bacan which hath many Mines of Gold : 
the Kingdome of Tangoma, abounding with Copper, 
Muske, Pepper, Silke, Gold, Silver, (all which are also 
had, saith he, in the rest of the Kingdomes of the 
Peguan Empire) Cablan abounding with Gemmes, &c. 
Hee proceedes to relate the miserable ruine & destruction [I- i. 34-] 
of that Kingdome, which then had lately happened, not 
yet recovered, as you may reade at large in him, and 
in my Pilgrimage. The former King of Pegu is reported 
to have cast 366. combalengas of Gold, each containing 
180. pound weight, which none knowes what is become 
of them. This King had 67. IdoU-statues of Gold, 
adorned with all kinde of Gemmes. He killed 200. 
Eunuches lest they might disclose his treasures. Andreas 
Boves, another Jesuite, related the miserable death of 
the King (in his Letters from Sirian in Pegu, March P.P.l.s.c^. 
28. 1000.) slaine by the King of Tangu, to whom he 
had yeelded himselfe, who neglecting Silver, and things 
of smaller value, onely with Gold and Gemmes laded 



* One Copy sixe or seven hundred* Elephants, and as many Horses. 
Hc^LT^oo ^^^ ^^"^ °^ Arracan tooke his leavings, gleaning so 
' ■ much Silver as was valued at three Millions besides 
Ordnance 3300. Peeces. 

Now for trade of Gold out of the adjoyning parts, 
I could adde hither out of Fernand Mendez Pinto which 
He places Ca- travelled from Timplan in Calaminhan (the Emperour 
twixt Pe u whereof, he saith, hath seven and twenty Kingdomes 
and Chitia Subject to him) to Pegu, An. 1546. then possessed by the 
neeretoProm. Braman Conquerour. Hee reporteth that the Bramans 
Monarchy had anciently contained thirteene Kingdomes ; 
and that abundance of Gemmes, Gold, Silver, and in- 
numerable riches are in the Calaminhan Empire ; in 
which is no money of Gold, or Silver, but they trade 
by weight of Gates, Tadis, Maazes, and Conderins. Hee 
also reporteth that the Lake Chiama containeth in circuit 
sixty Jaons, each of which is three leagues, alongst which 
are many Mines of Silver, Copper, Tin, and Leade, 
which they carry in Cafilas of Elephants, and Badas (I 
thinke hee meaneth Rhinocerots) to the Kingdomes of 
Sornau, to wit, Siam, Passiloco, Savady, Tangu, Prom, 
Calaminham, and returne therefore much Gold, and 
Diamonds, and Rubies. As for the Mines of Gold 
neere the Lake Pinator whence the River of Camboia 
runneth, yeelding yeerely two and twenty Millions of 
Gold, and a rocke of Diamants there also, I referre you 
Peregrin. F. to the Author, which placeth them further then our 
^' limits. 

Pinto c. 39. But if we adde Sumatra (which the most thinke to be 

Taprobone, in which Ophirs name is evidently seene 
still) we have the tradition of the people, the Gold 
also (Bonferrus a Franciscan hath related that the 
Peguan tradi- Peguans are descended of Salomons servants sent to 
'""'• these Mynes ; but I know not whether the Natives 

have any such tradition, perhaps it is the Friers con- 
jecture) as appeareth by the following testimonies. And 
if wee adde the next Neighbour on the West, which 
now possesseth the Easterne parts of Ganges, and the 



Kingdome of Bengala, I thinke wee shall utterly take 

away Ortelius his scruple (Sed hanc Chersonesum auri The cause why 

divitem olim fuisse, nemo veterum, quod sciam auctor ^rtehusre- 

est) neque nunc etiam esse, ex recentioribus palam est :) opi„io„ of 

Onely remember that in the Ophirian Voyage, we take josephus. 

not onely the Chersonesus, but all the Countrey from 

Ganges, and thence to Sumatra, placing Pegu in the 

centre as the Ophir of Ophir, or Ophir in most proper 

sence ; annexing the rest, with all the Choromandell 

coast also, as being subject to one and the same trade 

and Navigation, all on the shoares of the gulfe of 

Bengala. I like Master Dees simiHtude, which sets the 

feete of his Ophirian compasse, one in Zeilan, the other 

in Sumatra, the head I place in Pegu. This head is 

caput caenae, the true Ophir, the other parts of the 

compasse, the parts compassed and traded in, in this 

Ophirian Voyage. From Ganges to Menan are divers 

Chersonesi, or rather Hands, in regard of the Rivers 

which come from the Lake Chiamay; and from Bengala 

to Menan is the Peguan Chersonesus, which perhaps is 

the true Chryse and Aurea (for that Malaccan Cher- 

sonessus hath never beene renowned in latter times for 

any great quantity of Gold that I have read or learnd, 

not yet altogether destitute, as we have shewed ; but 

not sufficient for Salomons Ophir) from which as first 

peopled, the Inhabitants of Sumatra might (as is said) 

be a Colony. 

Whether it were so or no, I dispute not, nor whether 
it or Zeilan be the true Taprobant ; nor whether it were 
anciently an Hand, and since separated by the Seas 
irruption : that it is well stored with Golden Mines 
needes no question, and therefore fit to be saluted by 
Salomons Navie, then in their Ophirian Voyage, and 
by us here in our Ophirian Discovery. Of Sumatra, 
Odoardo Barbosa witnesseth that there are many Gold 
Mines, vi son molte minere d'Oro : and speaking of 
Menancabo one of the Kingdomes in the South part 
of that great Hand saith, & qui e il principal fonte 



dell'oro, &c. there is the principall originall of the Gold 
of that Hand, as well of the Minerals, as of that which 
is gathered neere the brinkes of Rivers. He wrote 
An. 1 516. and was one of Magelans companions in his 
Voyage about the World. Long before him Nicolo di 
Conti testified of Sumatra, that in it is abundance of 
Gold. Andrew Thevet mentions the gold Mines : but 
wee have later and better testimonies from our owne 
men. Captaine Davis was in that Hand, Anno 1599. 
Seelnf.pAii. and mentions not onely the King of Achens store, but 
the Mines of Gold and other commodities of that 
Hand : and the Brasse Mines to be also rich in Gold ; 
and (which maketh most to our purpose) a tradition 
of the Natives that Salomons Ophirian voyage for Gold 
was to that Countrey. Sir James Lancasters Voyage, 
and divers other English Voyages will ratifie Sumatras 
Gold. But what neede we better testimony then the 
Letter of that King to our King, which this story 
^ See Inf. pa. yeeldeth to your ^ view, and worth your reading. To 
468. y 532. ^j^^j.^ ^^^ ^Q Walter Paytons testimony of the Gold of 
Passaman in this Hand I referre you. Likewise for 
the next adjoyning parts on this side, I will trouble 
you onely with two testimonies, one of Master Fitch, 
[I. i. 35.] who travelling downe the River Ganges, at Patenaw 
observed the golden Mines, where saith he, they digge 
deepe pits and wash the earth thence taken in great 
boles, and so finde the Gold : the other of Captaine 
Hawkins, who bare the name of the English Embas- 
sadour in the Mogols Court, and speaking of sixe 
severall treasuries of that King, relates the particulars 
of that one of Agra, which stands on Jemni or Gemini, 
Inf. 217 y a River tributary to Ganges, where his Gold, Silver, 
''^' and Jewels may seeme to our poorer World, beyond 

credit. But I had rather point you to the place, 
then here trouble you with transcribing. And thus 
have we used a threefold argument, one of names, 
a second of situation, a third of the principall com- 
modities returned, to prove that Ophir was in these 



parts, and have before shewed that it could be in none 
other alleadged. But Gold and Gemmes have such 
a lustre, and Salomons other rarities were so precious, 
that wee may I hope be pardoned to take longer view 
on them, both for our better knowledge in such things, 
and for better confirmation of the Ophirian Pegu, and 
the Regions adjacent. 

§. X. 

Of the Gold, Silver, Gemmes, Ivory, Almug- 
trees, Apes and Peacockes, which Salomons 
Fleet brought from Ophir, with divers other 
profitable observations inserted. 

Etals are our Mothers hidden treasures, by mens 
covetousnesse often occasions of her violent 
ravishments, and no better to her then a 

Viperous Issue, or as Wormes, or Colike passions in 

her entrals. In themselves, and in divine Ordinance, 

they are many wayes profitable for medicine against 

diseases, armour against enemies, ornaments for peace, 

engines for Warre, Instruments for daily labour, utensils 

for daily food, and in money-emploiment, they are All 

things. Of all Metals Gold hath preeminence, as likest 

the Sun in purity of substance, glory of splendour, 

powerfull attraction, longest endurance (in despite of 

Age and Fire) most operative influence, and of base *^<'- i-//-9- 

Idolaters most adored. How it is found in Grains, ^12. §3. TV. 

2 / C r 2 

Pippins, or Powder, this Booke elsewhere sheweth.* §' * y * 
And although Silver bee a durable metall, and well y^. 
induring both times and flames, yet herein is it short SeeBrerewood 
of Gold : and notwithstanding the colour is more light- ^^ '^umms c. 

2022 Pollux 

some, and the sound more delightsome, yet Gold hath ^^^g^^ Takn- 
in great proportion alway beene preferred. Jullius turn Hes. in 
Pollux citeth Menander, and Hesychius Polemarchus, xpv<^ovi y 
which make this proportion ten fold, which the Romans ^^^^p)' f^"'^' 
also observed in their agreement with the iEtolians, ^ '^^^'.^ ' ^ ^" 
that if they paid in Gold, one peece should counter- TMia, 



vaile ten of Silver. The old Greekes and Persians 
seeme to have observed the like rate. Plinie mentions 
at the first coyning, the proportions of fifteene ; and 
neere that, to wit, fourteene and a halfe, is observed 
in the Constitutions of Arcadius and Honorius. Hero- 
dotus makes one Talent of Gold equall to thirteene of 
Silver. In Galbas time it was twelve and a halfe. But 
China and some parts of the East Indies, by reason of 
plenty of Gold, and small store of Silver, have diversly 
undervalued the Gold. The most generall, which Plato 
also approved, and In Plinies time was currant, and is 
most usuall in these parts, is ordinarily twelve for one, 
as an ounce of Silver five shillings, of Gold three 

The purest Gold, and which is as much as may be, 
purified from all other mixture, is called Obryzum, a 
Gorop. Pine, word procreated in the Mints, & not of Ophirian parent- 
y^- age (Obrlzum quasi Ophirlzum) and such are (as they 

say) the Darike coines and our Edward Nobles; not 
above the nintie sixth part being of other mixture. 
They say (saith Master Brerewood) that it may be so 
farre refined that onely the three hundred eighty fourth 
Tal.lmafol. part shall be of other mettall. The Greeke coines of 
44; Philip and Alexander admitted a fiftieth part of Silver, 

Hter. tn Jer. ^^ Romans forty eight, now observed In Turkish, 
Job. 21. 2^. Hungarian, Spanish, and Venetian coines: those of 
y 28 16. Rome, Luques, Mlllaine have alloy thirty two, French 
iC^r. 29. 4. Crownes sixteene, Italian nine, &c. The Talmudists 
mention seven kindes of Gold, or observe seven names 
by which Gold is named in Scripture: Saint Jerom 
also Intimateth the same, and Pineda hath long dis- 
courses of them, which I omit. The Scripture seemeth 
to ascribe a prerogative to the Gold of Ophir, before 
Salomons time, in Job, and in Davids dales, wherby 
It may seeme that the Voyage to Ophir for Gold was 
in use long before Salomon, and some thinke that a 
great part of Davids Gold consecrated to the Temple, 
was by his care fetched thence. For above his other 



preparations, mentioned i. Chron. 22. 14, which were 
a hundreth thousand talents of Gold, and a thousand 
thousand talents of Silver, in the nine and twentieth 
chapter, he out of his proper goods giveth 3000. other 
talents of Gold, of the Gold of Ophir, and 7000. talents 
of refined Silver : the Princes offered also 5000. talents 
of Gold, and loooo drams, and of Silver loooo. talents, 

This is diversly summed by divers Expositors differing 
in their computation of a Talent. Master Dee and 
Master Brerewood have seemed to have given the best 
construction, derived from Moses himselfe, Exod. 38. 
25, 26. which Rabbi Salomon and Lyra, had observed 
before them; that a Talent containeth ^3000. Shekles, ^6003550. ^^ 
which is 375 li. a Talent of Silver, and a Talent of halfe a shekel 
Gold, allowing twelvefold proportion, is 4500. li. Accord- '^ ^^^ Pp 
ing to which just reckoning Salomons foure hundreth ^„^,rro 
twenty Talents of Gold brought from Ophir, came to shekels: so 
one million eight hundred ninety thousand pounds. ^^^^ 600000 
Davids 3000. Talents of Gold of Ophir, i. Chron. 29. 4. ^^ 3Joj^/- 
aforesaid, was thirteene millions and five hundreth thou- sequenth a 
sand in English money. His Silver then offered (7000. talent is 6000 
Talents) is two millions 625000. li. The off^ering of halfe shekels. 
the Princes (5000. Talents of Gold) was two and twenty t^- ^- 3^-J 
millions five hundreth and seven thousand & 500. 
pounds : and their ten thousand Talents of Silver came 
to three millions and seven hundred fiftie thousand 
pounds. Salomon had also given him by the Queene i.i?^^, 10.10. 
of Sheba 120. Talents, that is five hundreth and fortie 
thousand pounds. As much was sent him by Hiram. 
Now the whole Furniture of the Tabernacle was 
twentie nine Talents of Gold, and 730. Shekles; in Exod.T,%.2^. 
our money, one hundreth thirtie and one thousand, ^5- 
five hundreth ninety and five pounds ; the silver was 
100. talents, and 1775. shekles, that is, thirtie seven 
thousand, seven hundreth and twentie one pounds 
seventeene shillings six pence. Thus hath Master Brere- 
wood cast up these summes. Now for this Ophirian 
I 97 e 


Gold, Salomon is said, 2. Chron. 8. i8. to have had 
from Ophir foure hundred and fiftie talents, thirtie more 
then I. Reg. 9. are mentioned, which thirtie Talents, it 
seemeth were spent in wages or other charges, and came 
not to the Kings Coffers. 

But a great scruple remaineth about the 1 00000. 
talents of Gold, mentioned before out of i. Chron. 
22. 14. which amount to foure hundreth and fiftie 
millions of English pounds ; and the million of Silver 
talents to three hundreth seventie five millions of 
pounds : summes stupendious and prodigious beyond 
all that the Persian, Greeke, or Roman Empires ever 
saw at one time, after greater and longer conquests 
then Davids ; and such, as even Salomons wealth had 
beene by much overtopped by Davids ; which agreeth 
♦2. C/5r(?«. I. not either to the History*, or to the Mystery, that 
12. Heavens peace & glory should be surmounted by mili- 

tant Faith and Grace. Alexander the richest Conquerour, 
left but eighteene millions and seven hundreth and 50000. 
pound of money at his death : and in conquest of 
Darius, had gotten but thirtie two millions 750000. 
pound : and Cyrus out of the conquest of Asia gathered 
but 125. millions, which yet is the greatest sum (except 
that of Sardonapalus mentioned by Ctesias, an Author 
not much to bee credited) which any Ethnick story 
mentioneth. Wee must therefore find another accepta- 
tion of the word there translated Talent, which is taken 
sometimes for a lumpe of mettall in forme of a Cake, 
or else that name Talent is sometimes taken for a small 
summe, as out of Pollux and Homer, M. Brerewoods 
paines have observed ; who also having cast up the 
particulars, findeth that such summes could not have 
beene spent on the Temple, had the Walls and Pave- 
ments beene of massie Silver, the Roofe and all the 
Linings of the Walls and the Furniture of solid Gold. 
Salomons yeerely revenue (as some interpret, 2 Chron. 
9. 13.) was sixe hundreth sixty sixe talents of Gold, 
besides his Customes, and the rich Presents of Gold 



and Silver sent him from the Kings of Arabia and the 

Governours: that lackes but three pounds of three 

millions in our reckoning. Some would make up this 

great summe of the Ophirian Gold, and Hirams, and 

the Queene of Shebas gifts, which all lacke but six 

talents; as if it were not an Annuall, but Casuall 

Revenue, which I cannot approve. Some interpret it 

of ordinary tributes levied of his Subjects ; some of 

the posteritie of the Chanaanites (a thing unhkely) and 

some of forraine voyages, making him to send every 

yeere a Fleet, though none of those Fleets returned 

till the third yeere. Villalpandus* makes it but one *Vilal.To.z. 

returne from Ophir, the first, of foure hundreth and Explan. p. z. 

twenty Talents, the second, of foure hundreth and '^^^i^^,. jj^omht 

fiftie, the third, of sixe hundreth sixty sixe of Gold, home much 

besides Silver and other goods. And, as for Salomons more then 

entire Revenues, hee with great paines in the auditing, ^o^^- 

raiseth them higher then the Persians, then Alexanders, 

then those of the Roman Empire: arising from his 

Customes, his Gifts and Presents, Taxations, Tributes, 

provisions of Corne, &c. That of the King of Tyrus 

he reckoneth a tribute, and out of Eupolemus alleageth 

that the Tyrians were tributaries. Wee may here also 

remember, that there is no mention of the summe of 

the Silver which they brought from Ophir, which is 

likely was farre more then the Gold, insomuch that it i. Chron. 9. 

was reputed as Stones, and was of none account in the ^7-^^-J^^g' 

dayes of Salomon. , , . . . u'cLn. 9. 

To mee it seemeth that the sixe hundreth sixtie sixe 23, 24. 
Talents of Gold is spoken onely of forraine Gold, partly 
by Ophirian and other merchandising Trades, and partly 
by Presents ; of which the two principall, Hiram, and 
the Queene of the South are expressed : but it is 
added of others. That all the Kings of the Earth sought 
the presence of Salomon, and brought every man his 
Present, vessells of Silver, and vessells of Gold, and 
Raiment, Harnesse and. Spices, Horses and Mules, a 
rate yeere by yeere. Grant then a Fleet yeerely set 



forth, which came not home till the third yeere, one 
succeeding another (as in the Spanish Fleets to Peru, 
and ours to the Indies, of which is a yeerely returne, 
yet not of the same) and these yeerely Presents, there 
could not be lesse then six hundreth sixty six Talents : 
besides perhaps, tenne or twelve times as much in Silver, 
and all the Spices, Horses, Mules, Customes of Mer- 
chants, Tributes of the Edomites, Moabites, and Vassalls, 
*Vili^p. ubi Taxes on his Israelitish* Subjects, Revenues out of his 
sup. ratseth Pastures and innumerable Cattell and husbandry of 
e ti ues 0/ Qj.Q^j^g Lands (wee will not adde, with some, Chimistry; 
Israel to izo. v i i • /-n i • • • \ j n 1 

talents each that might have saved his Uphirian paines) and all the 

Tribe, y as riches left him by Inheritance from his Father. Now 

much of ^}^^|- {-j^e six hundreth sixtie six Talents is to be under- 

^hos^ub'ec Stood of Strangers, appeareth in that exception. Vers. 14. 

tion I dispute where none but forraine Incombes are mentioned. And 

not, it agreeth hereby most lively is both the calling of the Gentiles 

with Canaans figured, of which the 72. Psalme was by the Spirit of 

7romisTofa'll ^^'^ purposely indited in correspondence of this type, 

Caanan to ^nd the Christian Truth ; as also the glory of the 

Israel) which heavenly Jerusalem, which ariseth not out of the workes 

together make of righteousnesse which we have done, but of free gifts, 

262°' for'' °^ ^^^^^ '^ ^^ ^^^^' ^^^y ^^^^^ ^""g ^^^ &^°^y ^"^ 

Roinanducats: honour of the Nations into it. Rev. 21. where in vision 
besides Silver that glorious Citie is represented, and correspondent 
and all other to Salomons type. The Citie was of pure Gold, and 
projits which ^^ foundations and gates of precious stones, but there 
he brought . ^- ^ 11 r c-i 

together above ^s no mention at all of Silver. 

Assuerus, Another question ariseth out of Davids 3000. Talents 

Jlexander,the of Gold of Ophir, whether hee practised the Ophirian 
Roman Em- Yoyapre also : and some suppose that hee had made 

tire with fair e •' ° , . , 1 • 1 1 • t' 1 ^ 

probabilities seven voyages thither, which reckoning 420. lalents 

[I. i. 37.] a time, makes much about that summe of three thousand 

Whether Da- Talents. For my part, I thinke David a greater Warrior 

v^dj^ntTleets ^]^^^ Merchant, allowing the greatest summes before 

t, ' questioned to be reserved and consecrated out of the 

■ yig 11' spoiles, as himselfe confesseth, In my trouble I have 

D. Dee. prepared for the house of the Lord 1 00000. Talents 


of Gold, &c. and more plainly, i. Chronicles i8. ii. con- 
sidering also that it was long before his State could 
be setled at home, and fitted abroad to attend such 
Navigations ; which likewise have neither ground in 
the Sacred Story (for the Gold of Ophir is proverbiall, 
usually in Scripture for fine and pure Gold) nor agree 
with the type, David one way, Salomon another resem- 
bling Christ, and their times the state of the Church ; 
likewise that David had much care of husbanding his 
estate to the best, thrift being the Jewell of Magnificence, i. chron. 27. 
as appeareth in the particular enumeration of the Officers 2 5» 26, 27, 
for his Rents, Store-houses, Husbandmen in the Field, ^^' ^9* 3°. 
Vineyards, Olive-trees, Sycamores and Oyle, Herds in 
Sharon, and in the Vallies, Camells, Asses, Flockes ; 
it is no marvell if such industry acquired such substance 
in such continuance of time, and that hee said I have 
of mine own proper goods of Gold and Silver which 
I have given to the house of my God, over and above 
all that I have prepared (to wit, in consecrated spoyles) 
for the holy House three thousand Talents of Gold 
of Ophir, &c. This example of David sheweth that Two remark- 
it is no impeachment, yea the true advancement of t^^'^jj/'^^ ^-^ 
Honour for Princes to use all frugall husbandry and JJ^g„^g^ ^^"^. 
meanes of thriving at home ; as that other of Salomon, handry on 
to adde helpe of Discoveries and Trade abroad (both in Land, and 
a Royall manner by their just Officers) that Magnificence ^^^^ig^^on by 
may stand firme on both legs : the want whereof hath 
denied that wealth (not to speake of power) these many 
Ages to many Kings out of farre farre greater meanes 
(besides other inconveniences to themselves and their 
Subjects) which David, Salomon, and other Kings in 
the old World had. Once these examples so moved 
that good King Tehoshaphat, that hee built Cities o^ ^ ■ Chron xj. 

° , ° 1 1 J T-l 1 J J CU- 11,12. C5 20 

Store at home, and had many Hockes, and made bhips ^^^ ^^^ ^^ 
also to goe to Tarshish, and they made the Ships in 
Ezion-Geber, the same Port where Salomon made his 
Navall provisions ; but joyning therein with Ahaziah 
King of Israel, who did very wickedly (So much worse 



before God is an Ahaziah then a Hiram, the one an 
honest minded Gentile, the other a schismaticall Idolatrous 
Israelite) that the Lord broke the workes, and the 
Ships were not able to goe to Tarshish. 

We have beene very long in this metall Discourse : 
yet how much longer was Salomon in his three yeeres 
Voyage, and how much longer the most of men, which 
make their whole life a voyage to Ophir for Gold and 
Silver, thorow so many diversified Seas of Arts, force, 
frauds to get those metalls which procreated neerest 
Hell, carry these eager seekers thither altogether. That 
the Silver was more by farre then the Gold, was before 
proved ; but the quantitie is not expressed, as not 
D. Dec. agreeing with Salomons either Litterall Story, or Mysticall 

Glory. Some thinke that there was in every voyage 
24. times as much Silver as Gold ; both because they 
conceive that Nature hath given so much more thereof 
in quantitie, as the qualitie and price is undervalued ; 
and because all Stories Ancient and Moderne magnifie 
India for store of Silver ; and so prodigious prodigality, 
I. Kings 20 to give Silver in Jerusalem as stones, must have a deep 
^7- fountain for such a flowing streame, besides those other 

Silver Hooks and Brooks mentioned in Salomons 
History. But we still leave these precious, specious 
Gemmes. objects to take view of Gemmes. 

And herein American Peru, and Sofala are beggarly 
in comparison of those parts of India, where we have 
placed Ophir, as the former testimonies well weighed 
with whatsoever can be brought for the other, will easily 
and superabundantly convince. In Northerne America 
are some Turkesses, in the Southerne are saide to bee 
(which others question) Emeralds, in both Pearles, but 
not comparable to the Orientall : these Bezars are 
twice so good ; in Spices to make comparison hath no 
spice of knowledge. And first for the first of gemmes, 
Plin. I. 37. Diamants, Pliny saith. Maximum in rebus humanis non 
^- 4- solum inter gemmas, precium habet Adamas, unus modo 

in metallis repertus. Some have conceited it to dull 



the Loadstones attraction, and to resist all force of 
Hammer, which experience hath found contrary. The 
Kingdomes of Narsinga, Biznagar, Orissa, Masulipatan, 
and all the Countries on the Choromandel Coast, are 
the most famous for Rockes of Diamants, and now also 
Soccodanna (where they dive* for them as for Pearles) * See C. Saris. 
Decan, Delli, and Agra, Tarriam also in the Tract of ^+"/" ^ 
Malacca, and Java. Here then is the Worlds Centre ^"'^P"'^- 
of Diamants, both for the most and best. Garcias ab 
Horto writes, that he hath seene one of one hundreth 
and forty Mangels (that is seven hundreth Graines) 
another of one hundreth and twentie, and hath heard [I. i. 38.] 
of one of two hundreth and fiftie, and a credible man Garc.abHorto 
told him that hee saw one as big as a small Hens Egge ^' ^' ^'^' 
in Bisnager. This soyle is so diamantine, that where 
you have digged and taken them now, in two yeeres 
space you may dig and find others. Neither is it poyson, 
as some affirm, but he hath knowne the whole stone, 
and the powder, taken without hurt. 

The Heaven-coloured Sapphire, with some obtaineth Exod. 24. 10. 
the second place, because of the likenesse thereof under Epiphan.hbeL 
the feet of the Almightie when hee spake to Moses; ^j^'i^^T"' 
or which are store in Zeilan, and the most true, hard 
& fine as Barbosa testifieth. But M. Fitch and M. 
Fredericke have before told you of Mynes of them 
in Pegu ; and these saith Garcias and Linschoten, are 
esteemed the finest, and are in great plenty. So is there Linschot, cap. 
also of the Rubie, a stone of greater value, none in 86. 
the world exceeding that King in excellencie and varietie 
of Gems, as appeareth by generall voyce. Of Rubies, 
the Carbuncle is esteemed the best, the Ballas next, 
the Spinell in the third place, of fiery colour : there 
are besides. White, Carnation, halfe White, halfe Red 
Rubies, others halfe Sapphires, halfe Rubies, and one 
thousand other sorts, if wee beleeve Linschoten. Garcias 
ascribeth this to the generation of the Ruby, which 
at first is whitish, and groweth unto rednesse in processe 
of time : and because the Sapphire and Rubie grow Gar. cap. 49. 



in one Rocke, they are found sometimes such participles 
as is delivered, Sapphire-rubies, called Nilacandi. The 
Granado and Hyacinth are also reckoned by some 
amongst the Rubies, calling the yellowish Rubie the 
Hyacynth, and the blackish a Granado. These are 
plentifull in Cananor, Calecut, and Cambaia (neerer 
Westward, and in the way to the Gulfe of Bengala) 
in Zeilan also, as Nicolo di Conti and Andrea Corsali 
affirme ; Pimenta his testimony of Cavelan and Cablan, 
two gemme Kingdomes you had before. The Jaspar 
is found in much plenty in Cambaia ; Chrysolites, and 
Amatists, there and in Zeilan and in Balagate (the 
Apennine of the Great Indian Chersonesus) where they 
have also the Alaquera or Quequi, which stayeth the 
issue of bloud presently. Pegu, Brama, Zeilan, yeeld 
the Cats-eye and Agat, of which the Indians conceive 
the owner shall increase in wealth ; and Garcias saith, 
Hee hath tried that no fire can burne a linnen Cloth 
pressed to the eye of it. The Armenian Stones are 
found also in Balagate, the Loadstone in Zeilan, neere 
to which is the fishing for Pearles, but the best of the 
world are in the Persian Gulfe neere Ormuz : The 
Alambie in Cambaia. The Bezar Stones are at Pahan 
neere Malaca, and Cambaia, taken out of the maw of 
a Sheepe or Goat. The Berills are in Pegu and Zeilan. 
The Topaz is almost like a Diamant, and is digged 
out of the Earth in many places of India. There are 
White Sapphires and Rubies hardly knowne from 
Litis, c. 87. Diamants. In Cambaia also is found plentie of the 
Stone Alambre. There are found in Zeilan also the 
Topaz, Jagongas and Marucha, whose names I can 
better give you then the understanding. There are 
also many sorts of Stones (you reade Linschoten) as 
well Precious Stones as against poyson and other diseases 
of many properties and vertues : but I have onely 
mentioned those that are daily bought and sold, and 
are commonly knowne. The Emeralds I mention not, 
though said to bee in these parts, because some doubt 



of them, and in other parts are found better, wherewith 

the Venetians have made good gaine at Pegu in exchange 

for Rubies : those also of Peru are suspected. For 

gemmes (wee now conclude) no part of the world but 

India, could fit Salomons turne ; wherein, if Aarons brest- 

plate were so glorious in the Tabernacle, to how precious 

height will Salomons Temple elevate our thoughts ? 

and consequently both manifest and magnifie the Indian- 

Ophirian Voyage, these being found either naturall in the 

Peguan Ophir, or by trade there or in the way from 

Ophir by the Westerne parts of India, part of the 

Persian Gulfe, and the shores of Arabia and ^Ethiopia. 

Of which, Arabia is said to yeeld the Hemathite, Topaz, PmedadeReb. 

Sardonyke, Onyx, Molochite, Myrrhite, Corall, Andro- 5^^^om.L^.c. 

made, Iris ; Ethiopia, the Chrysolite, Chrysolamp, Qfi„ji^„ 

Heliotrope, Hyacinth, Hemathite, Chrysoprase ; the store of Jewells 

Persian gulfe from Babylonia the Sagda, & Sardy, and and their rkh- 

the best Pearles : ^gypt in ordinary trade, the Galactite, ^^"^ ^^^ '«/ 

Emerald, and iEgyptilla : some of which you had before ^'^" 55°- 

particularly mentioned in India, and likely enough should j. ji^g. lo. 

there find most of the rest with many other unknowne, 12. 

if India were as much frequented with Philosophers 

from hence as Merchants. ^ 

Wee are next to consider the Almug Trees, whereof ^fJ^^^"^l°J^_ 
were made Pillars for the House of the Lord, and for ^^^^ ^ ^M 
the Kings House*, Harpes also and Psalteries for Singers : 9. u Jos. i. 
there came no such Almug Trees, nor were seene unto 8. c 2 
this day. Josephus Interprets Pine Trees, but saith, ^^^7-J/« ^nV- 
they differed from the usuall, resembling the Timber ^g„ j,^ -j^ 
of the Figge Tree to the eye, but that they were whiter Hak'l. hand, 
and brighter. There is mention of Algum Trees in amongst whose 
Lebanon, 2. Chron 2. 8. which some thinke to bee f/f y^^f^^'' 
the same with the former, and the word onely altered ^/^^ ^^^^ 
by transposition of letters; others, that that trans- much use of it, 
position intimates no lesse specificall difference in the although much 
wood then in the word, though otherwise having some ^'^'^f ^^f.. ^^^' 
likenesse to those of Lebanon, but of greater excellency. ^^ ^^^.^ ^^^^ 
D. Dee hath written a laborious Treatise almost wholly cited. 



of this Ophirian argument (the same yeere in which I 
was borne, A, 1577. of seventie sheets of paper) how- 
soever intituled, Of Famous and Rich Discoveries ; 
of which I have a written Copie, and could willingly 
but for the length have published it ; which may appeare 
in this, that he hath ten sheets of paper about these 
Almug trees, more profitable to the leasurely SchoUer, 
then commodious to be inserted to so voluminous a 
Worke, as this Library of ours. Hee there, as Com- 
missioner for Salomons Timbers, like a learned, both 
Architect and Planter, hath summoned a Jury of twelve 
[I. i. 39.] sorts of Trees (mentioned by divers Interpreters) to 
examine or to bee examined rather, which of them were 
the Almugs here mentioned. I should bring you into a 
Wood to relate his labours in this kind ; the kinds are, 
the Deale, Boxe, Cedar, Cypresse, Ebonie, Ash, Juni- 
The Spanish per. Larch, Olive, Pine, Oke and Sandall Trees : all 
Bible reads which with their severall qualities and fitnesse for Royall 
and Sacred buildings hee examineth by best testimonies, 
and concludeth nothing absolutely, but inclineth to 
Josephus, who either by some Monuments in writing 
might have learned, or in some remainders to his time in 
Instruments Musicall, or other profane or sacred memo- 
rialls, might probably bee thought to have seene thereof. 
Plin. I. 1 3. r. I easily beleeve that these Pines or Thynes (Thyina) or 
16. whatsoever other Trees, were both odoriferous to the Sent, 

of beauteous aspect to the Eye, of fittest temper to refract 
Qfth ' T sounds to the Eare, smooth to the Touch, and of long con- 
andofEle- tinuance and strong substance for building, therein to bee 
phantSyseeM. serviceable to all senses. Of which sorts it is evident out 
Terry /. 9. c. of Ancient and Moderne Writers, and out of the foUow- 

^'^•^'/f ing Relations, that India hath the best in the World. 

their Apes as d_, ,. . „ . 1 i-i 1 

bis: as Grey- ^ '^^ living Creatures remaine to our search, Ulephants, 

hounds ib.% 7,. Apes, Peacockes ; of which I need say little, saying so 
See also San- much in our following Histories, and having said so much 
tosy Jobson, already. Elephants come neerest Men in understanding, 
others in this Apes in forme (Simia quam similis turpissima bestia nobis } 
worke. said Ennius) and Peacocks for their beauty, as Parrots also, 



Birds of Paradise, and many other Indian Fowles might 
be desired. The greatest Elephants are found in all this 
our Ophirian Tract, from Zeilin to Pegu ; those esteemed 
to have a naturall preeminence, and these had of late a 
Politicall, the King of Pegu stiling himselfe, The King of 
White Elephants, and keeping them Royally attended, his 
Subjects and Tributary Kings also (it is Gasper Balby his 
report) kneeling to them. Once all India is plentifull of 
them, and therefore of Ivory; this Countrey also neere 
Ganges is stored with the Abada or Rhinocerote, whose 
Home is (in Bengala, by reason of certaine Hearbs hee 
there feeds on) a good Counter-poyson. Indian Asse- 
horne in these parts is also used for Bucklers, and drinking 
Cups, and esteemed a great Jewell, as Master Finch 
affirmeth, infra Pag. 436. 

For Peacocks or Parrats, translate which you will, heere Peacocks tvild, 
are not onely so many of both, that they flie wild, as the ^^^'JJg^^-^^' 
following Relations shew, but for excellency ^ beyond ^^ff^^^^^c^ 
those of other parts ; as the Apes also are for their beauty 
and strength. See Sir T. Roe, Master Finch, and others 
Journalls, or rather talke with our Indian Merchants, 
which usually trade and travell those parts, some of which 
in the Mogolls Countrey, carrying with them an English 
Grey-hound, one of the company shot at a great white 
shee Ape on a Tree, and wounded her, whereby shee with 
her Cub fell downe : they set on the Grey-hound, and 
this Ape before seeking shifts for her Cub, seeing the These Apes 
Grey-hound come, layd it aside and encountred the Grey- ^^'^ '''^'^^'^• 
hound so fiercely about the necke, that hee dyed within a 
few houres, the company with their weapons comming in, 
and killing the Ape (as themselves related to mee) 
and carrying away the young one. The Countrey people, 
in I know not what superstition forbeare to kill them, 
whereby they multiply exceedingly. Heere by the way 
may bee observed, that it appertaineth to Royall Magnifi- 
cencie, and disagreeth not to humane Excellency, to 
procure rarities of living Creatures, and to keepe them as 
testimonies of our admiration of Gods various Workes, 



Plin. I. 6. cap. 


As covetous 
rich men are 
ever needy \3 
greedy, so In- 
dia hath ever 
sivallowcd in 
Trade the 
worlds Trea- 
sure, and yet 
is the Trea- 
sury of the 
[I. i. 40.] 

and exercise of the Minds Contemplation, the Bodies 
pleasure, with the right Humane over Sensitive Creatures : 
which Nature taught Alexander ; yea Motezuma and the 
Incas in that wilder World ; and Divine Grace our 
Salomon, as these Scriptures manifest. The imitation of 
whose Wisdome hath whetted my Studies almost to 
curiositie to give to the World a world of Rarities in that 
kind, as any occasion offered it selfe in these voluminous 

§. XI. 

Probable conjectures of the Course taken in the 
Ophirian Voyage, and accounts given of the 
three yeeres time spent therein: also of the 
Course taken in like Voyages by the Romans: 
and the divers Ports whereto the Spices and 
riches of India have in divers Ages beene 
brought, and thence dispersed to the several! 
parts of Europe. 

Ee have now undertaken a hard taske, where we 
tell not but spell a Voyage, and from reasonable 
conjectures grounded on other experiments, gather 
what is most likely in this of Salomons, D. Dee hath 
written 23. sheets of paper in examining the miles, the 
dayes, the way, the employments of the time, and muster- 
ing of Men and Ships employed in this service. I cannot 
presume either of so much learning in my Selfe, or so 
much patience in the Reader. Yet I shall bee bold both 
to follow him, and to adde somewhat for further light. 
Pliny writes, that in his time this Voyage from Egypt to 
India was made every yeer. Every yeer India consumed 
H-S 500. (which Jacobus Delachampius in his notes 
summeth to 1200000 Crownes) of the Roman Empires 
Treasure yeerely, yeelding merchandises therefore in 
returne sold at a hundreth times so much. Their course, 
hee saith, was from Alexandria twelve dayes by Nilus to 



Coptus, thence by Camells over Land to Berenice, two 

hundreth fiftie eight miles (travelling most part by 

night by reason of the heate) in twelve dayes more. 

From Berenice on the Red Sea, they beginne to set 

forth at Midsummer, or about the beginning of Dogge- 

dayes, and in thirtie dayes come to Ocelis in Arabia, 

(or to Canaan or Muza, if they goe not to India, but 

for Arabian Frankincense and Odours) and from Ocelis 

in fortie dayes they arrived at the first Indian Port 

Muziris. Remember that in this Course they both tooke Muziris is by 

benefit of the Monson, and went the neerest way : for so some thought to 

a little before hee mentioneth another Course by the j-f"J;J 

Shoare, Secuta atas propiorem cursum, &c. donee com- his Periplus it 

pendia invenit Mercator, Lucroque India admota est. is placed more 

Quippe omnibus annis navigatur. Hee mentions the Southerly, on 

Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus from India to fj/j/^^t^! 

Tigris, in the bottome of the Persian Gulfe, which helde ^^^ Qg^st. D. 

them till the seventh moneth. So much was Navigation Dee thinkes it 

improved in Plinies time. Their Pepper they tooke in Surat. 

on the Malabar Coast, and returned in December the 

same yeere. The names which then they gave to places 

were quite differing from the Antients ; and the like 

Indian mutations have continued to our times. 

The course to Taprobane had accidentally come to 
their knowledge a little before, found in Alexanders time 
to bee an Hand by Onesicritus, mentioned by Megasthenes. Foyage of 
The Antients deemed it another World. The Sea is Onesicritus 
full of shoalds, the North-starre is not seene there, and ""pf^li^f^';^ 
they observed their course, by sending out Birds which yo^age to 
they carry with them and followed their flight. But in Taprobana. 
the Empire of Claudius, Annius Plocanus having farmed 
the Customes of the Red Sea, one of his Retainers or 
Free-men * sayling on the Arabian Coast, was by a *Libertus, 
Northerne storme carried alongst the Carmanian shoare 
to Hippuros a Port therein, and was kindly used by 
the King, who admiring his Roman Relations, sent foure 
Embassadours backe with him. These related amongst 
other things that the side of the Hand which lieth 



* That is toward India, is loooo. furlongs*, and that they had 
1250, miles, trade with the Seres. I will not recite Nearchus out 
whtch cannot ^f Arrianus nor Ptolemey and Marianus, which can 

agree to Letlan ,.1, . jcii i ij r 

but Sumatra: ^^^"^ advantage us in regard or the lesse Knowledge or 
the Easterly the former, and lesse certainty of the later passing the 
situation also ignorance of Transcribers, aad above one thousand yeares 
ultra montes darknesse. Yet herein is Ptolemey profitable, where his 
commerce with Longitudes and Latitudes are false, that by his order 
Seres agree to of position and successive setting downe of places some 
Sumatra. knowledge may arise. But the length of the way is 
Jrrian. I. 8. better knowne by later Writers, 

John di Barros hath set downe the coasting distances, 
from the Bab or Mouth of the Red Sea to Cape 
Nigraes, the Southerly part of our Peguan Ophir, whose 
Portugall leagues (allowing for each three English miles, 
and a fifth part of a mile) come to 57694 and from 
that Cape to Singapura is 1008. miles more. From the 
Bab or Mouth of the Red Sea to the bottom, is by 
Inf. to. \. I. J. Comito Venetiano, in Ramusio reckoned 1441. miles, 
f- 6. and in his returne 15 14. the breadth in some places 

two hundreth, the way full of shoalds, so that it cannot 
bee sailed neere the shoare but by day. So trouble- 
some is this Sea, and so difficult to bee sayled, that 
Don John di Castro (whose voyage followeth at large) 
spent no lesse then three moneths in the way from 
Cosir. the Straits to Sues, from the nine and twentieth of 

January, 1541. to the seven and twentieth of April; 
and returning the eight and twentieth of April, arrived 
at the Bab the eighteenth of July ; So that here the 
way is to be weighed by the qualitie as well as the 
quantitie. Hieronimo da Santo Stephano in Ramusio, 
spent from Cosir to Aden fiftie dayes, almost three 
hundreth miles Southward from Sues, and therefore so 
much lesse way. 

We must here note also that neither the ships, nor their 
furniture ; the shipmen also nor their furniture of skill, 
could in Salomons dayes, be any way comparable to 
these later times : and that if three moneths were spent by 


the Portugall Navie from Sues to the Bab, we may at 
least allow so much time to these Ophirians. For if these 
had more haste, the other had more skill and better ships. 
Neither may we thinke that they durst there saile but by 
day in Salomons fleete, and therefore were likely to make 
it longer. The lesse vessels and many men, would 
require also oftner stales for water and refreshing, besides 
the seventh dayes rest, which Salomons servants according 
to the law, and especially in a Voyage for adorning the 
Temple, built in honor of the legall worship, must not 
breake. Being out of the Straits into the Ocean, they 
were neither willing nor able (as appeares by the mentioned 
Voyage of Onesicritus and Nearchus) to adventure the sail- 
ing beyond ken of Land. And therefore also Ptolemie 
in his longitudes and latitudes, abates of Marinus and the 
Mariners reckonings one third part, because of the crooking 
in their coasting, as every Bay and point enforced them. 
And that compendious way mentioned by Plinie was then 
new in his time, when shipping and the Mariners art had 
beene by frequent experience much improved, and from 
the swadling bands in Salomons time growne to some 
virility. So that except forced by distresse of weather we 
cannot make the Ophirian course but within ken of shoare 
all the way. Now then if it were the seventh moneth, as 
we have read in Plinie, before Alexanders fleet could arrive 
in Tigrus from Indus, in which Arrianus reporteth that 
there were Phaenician, Egyptian and Cyprian, besides his 
best Graecian Mariners, they all being then his subjects : 
we can allow no lesse to Salomons fleete before it could 
touch the neerest Indian Port, being no lesse way. And 
howsoever it may be objected that triumphall devotions, 
and tempests, and fights, and reparations of the Fleete, [I. i. 41.] 
tooke up much of Nearchus his time : I answere, that 
this Ophirian fleet was neither warranted from enemies 
nor tempests, & was likely also to spend time in repara- 
tions, and in provisions, and in devotions, specially that 
which was peculiar to them, the Sabbaths. 

And although single ships in the Arabike gulfe, and in 


the Ocean might even then make quicker way then this 
mentioned, yet in that of Castro, of Nearchus, and this 
of Salomon, where care was to keepe a whole fleet 
together for mutuall helpe and common security, the 
greater body must needes have slower motion. Thus 
then allowing three moneths to the Red Sea, and sixe 
moneths from thence to India, we shall follow Comito 
Venetiano, who reckons the one 15 14. miles from the 
Straits to Sues inward, and thence outward to Diu 2023. 
to which adde the coasting about to the Ormuzian strait, 
and comming to any Port in India, as namely Muziris, or 
any in the Malabar coast, it could not much lesse then 
double the length of the way, and therefore the time. 
By this proportion we should spend the three yeeres in 
going and returning, if we adde that spacious way from 
Muziris to our neerest Port in Ophir : and so should 
both their labour and ours be vaine, and nothing should 
be done. Barros himselfe (to make this more evident) 
hath reckoned short of the way which Salomons Fleet 
must make in bouts and windings by the shoare, for 
which he makes no allowance. D. Dee is sparing in 
this calculation, and yet makes it from Ezion Geber to 
Cape Negraes 9155. miles; of which we deduct for the 
Arabike gulfe but 1514. and leave 7641. remaining. We 
therefore in regard of the manifold dangers and shelfes 
of that Gulfe, allow to it eighty dayes, of which deduct- 
ing eleven Sabbaths, there remaine sixtie nine, to which 
(one with another) we allow one and twenty miles a day, 
somewhat more, as much as can conveniently in that 
Sea be allowed to a Fleet sailing together. And this 
allowance is so large, that Castro was eighty eight dayes 
(and that in the daies of better Navigation) in the way 
which we allow to sixtie nine. Now in the Ocean, where 
they might make better use of the Monson and Tides, 
as freed from the dangers which attend the Gulfe, wee 
will allow thirty two miles a day one with another (the 
Sabbaoths deducted) which by the yeeres end will bring us 
to our Port at Pegu, or some other the neerest to Cape 


Negraes, where we may harbour our Fleete. For to 
Cape Negraes it selfe (deducting the one and forty Sab- 
baths remaining of the yeere) 7641. miles are proportioned 
in each daies equall saiHng, in requisite and direct way, 
one and thirty miles and -gVr which being very far from 
any safe Port, must needs make it two & thirty miles 
the day to bring us thither, allowing nothing for New 
Moone, or any other Jewish solemnitie, or other occa- 
sionall stay whatsoever : nor for those bords, gibes and 
fetching turnes (which Mariners, and specially coast- 
winders must make) and consequently much superfluous 
way, which alone (besides force of stormes) would make 
this thirty two to be above forty miles a day ordinary way, 
broken and whole, one with another. 

And if this seeme to any man a small thing, let him Thirt-^ two 
consider the weakenesse of Navigation then, both in skill ^^^^^ ^ ^p 
and shipping : the Phaenicians before this time not l^^^^ /°'JJ 
acquainted with those Indian Seas, but onely with the g„g ^^y with 
Mediterranean, as probably may be thought; their using another: for 
the Care more then the saile, and not daring to saile by ^hatthatfrac- 
night when they could not see shoare, their necessary ^["^Ji^JgYin 
occasions of stay sometimes for watering and provisions, going from 
sometimes by foule weather detained, sometimes for re- Cape 'Negraes 
parations of some of the Fleet occasionally needing helpe, either to the 
that all the Fleet may keepe together, sometimes for trade 7/,t^s.tfT 
by the way, sometimes for healthfull disport, recreation ^^^^ ^^}^^^ ' 
and joy : and (which is of principall observation in those Port. 
Seas) for expectation of the Monson, or season of the 
winde, which there keepes an even course, as out of the 
following Voyages you shall see. All which laid together, 
it will not seeme miserably and unjustly done to have 
allowed the proportion before mentioned. If you read t^^^/ 2 c i- 
the first Discoveries^ on the coast of Africke by the § 2 j ^'^g/^ 
Portugals, and see how little they discovered in a whole age had passed 
Summer, when their skill was not inferiour to these before they 
Phaenicians, and experience more, you will thinke me f^l°^'^ll ^^g 
liberall if not prodigall in this allowance. Captaine Q^p^ ^y q^^^ 
Hawkins in the Hector (a ship not the worst of saile, Hope. 
I 113 H 


and which before had beene twice at the Indies) was from 
the first of Aprill 1607. till August 24. 1608. ere he could 
arrive at the Barre of Surat, in the neerest part of the 
Indies, almost seventeene moneths space, where no Jewish 
Sabbath, nor shore-creeping enforced their stay. The 
Dragon at the same time was longer in her way to 
Sumatra, and I beleeve many of our later Voyages doe 
not much exceede this proportion. It seemeth therefore 

Sum. total, to me probable in a round reckoning to allow but one 
yeere little more or lesse on the Voyage, a second in the 
stay at their severall ports, and in the mines of Gold and 
Silver, and for further provisions of Almug trees, Ivory, 
Apes and Peacocks ; and a third yeere in their returne. 

D. Dees Doctor Dee allowes fiftie miles a day of requisite way, 

reckoning, j-j^^^. jg 1200. miles every foure weekes, resting the Sab- 
bath, and forty miles a day within the Gulfe or Red Sea : 
the miles he computeth 9155.^, and the whole Voyage 
to be performed in seven moneths and six and twenty 
dayes outward, and as much homeward ; one fortnight of 
rest after their landing before they fell to their Mine- 
workes, to be spent in mind-workes of devout thankful- 
nesse, prayers and festivall rejoycing ; as much before 
their shipping for returne, the rest in their workes and 
purveying of commodities. So that for what I allow a 
yeere, to each of these he alloweth the space of eight 

[I. i. 42.] moneths or there abouts : the third yeere he bestoweth 
on their businesse, rest, and triumph at home, care of 
their family and state preparations for the next returne, 
as trimming the ships (in these times the wormes which in 
those Seas breede in ships, and eate them, compell us to 
sheath them) and other provisions. He alloweth 4500. 
workemen for the mines, not all at once working, but in 
courses, some resting by turnes, others working, and then 
those succeeding to their workes whiles they againe 
rested (the workes and yeeldings whereof hee diligently 
examineth) three hundred for the Almug trees, for Ele- 
phants teeth twenty, for Apes and Peacockes ten : one 
hundred Officers : in all 5040. To this businesse he 



holdeth requisite fiftie tall ships, to each ship thirty 
Mariners, in all 1500. which with the former number 
make up 6540. men. Thus he and more then thus with 
much curiositie of minerall and navall learning, which 
cannot here be expressed without that libertie of long 
discourse, which neither the vulgar reader could under- 
stand, nor others perhaps (except some few) finde leisure 
to reade. Otherwise I would have inserted it. 

I honour his great industry, but cannot conceive that 
that age yeelded such great ships to carrie so manie, nor 
that they could one day with another make so much 
way, nor that Salomon would permit so long a stay 
as a whole yeere, but rather presse new men. As for 
the Phaenician Mariners, upon this occasion it is likely 
that they setled their dwelling at or neere Ezion Geber, 
as all antiquitie mentioning Phaenicians in the Red Sea, 
seemeth to argue. And for the servants of Salomon, Salomons ser- 
they were the posteritie of the people that were left of ^qZ^'1\^° 
the Amorites, Hittites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Jebusites, /^^ Urlelites. 
which were not of the children of Israel. Their children i Reg. 9. 20. 
that were left after them in the land, whom the children 21. 22. 
of Israel also were not able utterly to destroy; upon 
those did Salomon levie a tribute of bond service unto 
this day. But of the children of Israel did Salomon make 
no bondmen. Thus the holy writ but a few verses 
before the mention of this Ophirian Navie. Of these 
it is said 2 Chro. 2. 17. And Salomon numbered all 
the strangers that were in the land of Israel after the 
numbring wherewith David his father had numbred them, 
and they were found an hundred and fiftie thousand and 
three thousand and sixe hundred. And hee set 70000. i ^eg. 5. 14. 
of them to be bearers of burthens, and 80000. to be 
hewers in the Mountaines, and 3600. overseers to set 
the people aworke. If Salomon would not ease them 
by courses neerer home (for they were the Israelites 
which served by those courses, not these strangers) I 
cannot here ease them ; and if he would not employ the 
Israelites in the neerer quarries and Forrests, neither 



would he send them to remoter Mines, a more danger- 
ous and difficult worke. Now some of those hewers in 
the Mountaines were fittest for this hewing and mining 
in the Mountains for Mettals, to which that place may 
also be intended and extended. Officers to Ophir and 
men of command he might have out of Israel, but for 
the Oare by Sea and Ore at land, these were likely to 
be the servants of Salomon mentioned in the text : the 
rather because that name ever after continued to them, 
as you may read even after the return from the captivitie 
in Ezra 2. 55. Nehem. 7. 60. This hath beene omitted 
by others handling this argument, and therefore I am 
the fuller in it. 
ViUalpand. Besides, it is as likely (which others also observe, and 

Pineda, tffr. before is mentioned, & agreeth to the 666. talents of Gold 
yeerely) that Salomon after the Temple buildings were 
ended, emploied Fleetes yeerely to Ophir, one under 
another, that each should make their voiage in three 
yeers, but of them every yeere one should returne : 
which agrees not with D. Dees speculation of a yeers 
stay. Neither is it probable that in seven or eight 
moneths so much Gold and Silver could be gotten by 
so unexpert miners. Nor doth D. Dee consider the 
Monsons of those Seas which are by six moneths regu- 
lated, and not by eight. Nor may we thinke but that 
many of Salomons servants setled some abode in the 
Countrie, so long (at lest if we will permit courses, which 
I will not much quarrell amongst them) as Salomon used 
the voiage ; by whom the Ivorie, Apes, and Peacockes 
might be procured, and Gems also without any speciall 
allowance of men each third yeere to that purpose ; 
except as the Fleet in comming or going might touch 
by the way at each good mart, for which Doctor Dees 
time of eight moneths seemes also too short. Yet if any 
approve, and lust to follow him, I have no Empire 
First Mer- ^^^^ opinions. 

divers Marts ^^^^ Ophirian voiage which brought the riches of the 
for Spices. East to Ezion Geber, occasioneth a quaere of the voiages 



of Spices, and the manifold shiftings of the Marts & 
Ports thereof in former times, in a worke of voiages not 
unfit for consideration. The first mention of Merchants Gen. 37. 23. 
is of Ishmaelites and Midianites, which travelled in a ^^• 
Caravan together with Camels carrying spicerie, & balme, 
and Mirrhe to Egypt. These inhabited not far from 
Ezion Geber, or the shoares of the red Sea. Whither 
their Spicerie came out of the Southerne parts of Arabia, 
or further out of India brought into some Arabian port, 
is not easie to determin. Their Balme they might have 
at Gilead by the way, though Arabia yeelds of that also, Jer.%.zi. I3 
as the Myrrhe likewise; what Spicerie the first men- ^^- ' 
tioned is, is not so easie to decide. Jobs mentioning 
the gold of Ophir, and other passages in that Booke 
may cause conjecture of an Indian trade in his dales. Suidas. 
But this is easily gathered out of Histories that the great 
Monarchs endevoured to make themselves Lords of 
India for the riches aforesaid. Semiramis is said to 
have invaded India, & to have beene repelled by Stauro- 
bates, which I can beleeve, though not so prodigal of 
faith as to accept the report of three Millions of foot, See Full. 
and five hundred thousand horse in her army; no more ^^^^^^• 
then that she was the founder of Babylon. But both 
Ninus or Ninive (which her husband Ninus had made 
the seate of the Assyrian Empire) standing upon Lycus 
which floweth into Tigris ; and Babylon seat of the [I- i- 43-] 
Chaldasan Empire on Euphrates, Seleucia also & Bagdet 
of later building not farre from thence, have in their 
times beene fitting seats to receive either by land or 
sea, or both, the Indian riches, thence to be dispersed 
to other Marts and thorow the world. The Persians 
were Lords of India, as both the Scripture & Herodotus Este. 8. 9. 
affirme, & Alexander advanced the Macedonian Empire ^^^^^ 
thither also; whose Empire after his death being rent 
into foure parts, Seleucus possessed Babylonia, and 
Ptolemeus Egypt, which by the red Sea made most Egyptians. 
advantage of the Spicerie. jo,_ Antiq. I. 

Sesostris (whom Josephus esteemeth to be Shishak, 8. c. 4 



2 Chro. 12. the King of Egypt which tooke away great 
Strab. I. 1 6. part of these Ophirian treasures) is by Strabo reported 
the first which subdued Ethiopia and Troglodytica : at 
the straits of Dira (where the red Sea is but sixtie 
furlongs or seven miles and a halfe broad) left Monu- 
ments of his exploits, a pillar engraven with hiero- 
glyphikes : he passed thence into Arabia and thorow 
all Asia. His westerne expedition I omit (Lucan singeth, 
Venit ad occasum mundique extrema Sesostris) but it 
is like that being in the time of Salomon and his 
2 Chro. 35. emulous enemie, that the glory of Salomons Ophirian 
'^' arts had whetted him to this Asian and Indian expedi- 
Pl. I. 6. c. 29. tion. Pliny mentions the Tyrians in this coast, and the 
Diod. Sic. I. port Daneon whence Sesostris first of all thought to 
' ■ J^- 3 bring a Navigable River to Delta of Nilus 62. miles. 

9- ;^echo long after (hee which slew King Josias) is said 
to have sought to make a marriage betwixt the Red 
Sea and Nilus (the cause is evident, the Arabian, 
^Ethiopian and Indian commerce to be joyned with the 
Mediterranean) and to have sent Phasnecians from that 
Sea upon discoverie round about Africa ; in which 
voiage they spent two yeeres. Cambyses conquered 
Egypt, and built Cambisu a Citie on the red Sea. 
Darius the Persian pursued Nechos project, thinking 
Some make to perfect a trench from the River to the Sea, but was 
Psammeticusa deterred by those which said that Sea was higher then 
lhis%end" ^gyP^' ^^^ therfore would drown it. Yet did this 
project outlive the Persian Empire in Egypt, for Ptolemie 
made a trench 100. foot broad and 30. deepe, 37. miles 
and 400. paces, as far as the Bitter fountaines, and then 
brake off fearing an inundation, the red Sea being found 
three cubits higher then the land of Egypt. Some 
(saith Plinie) say the feare was, lest Nilus should be 
corrupted by the Sea water. Yet by three waies did 
^rsinee or they then passe to Arsinoe built by Ptolemasus Phila- 
r ^'^'^' ■ delphus. The Trench still continues, as Furerus a 
inf. 12, c \\ German (which saw it in his way to Mount Sinai from 
Cairo) testifieth. 



Coptus way was found by King Ptolomie, and the 
Egyptian Exchequer thereby so advanced, that that in 
Auletes time, a King nothing frugall, the prodigall 
Father of prodigious Cleopatra (Strabo cites it out of 5//v7^. /. 17. 
an Oration of Cicero) the royal revenues came to 12500. 
talents, which is of English coine by M. Brerewoods 
reckoning, two millions, three hundreth forty three 
thousand & seven hundreth & fifty pounds. And 
if that he, saith Strabo, which carelesly and negligently 
administred his Kingdome had so much revenue, what 
may we thinke of the present Roman government, the 
Indian and Trogloditicall Merchandises being added.'' 
For whereas afore scarsly 20. ships adventured out of 
the Straits, now very great fleets are set forth to India 
and ^Ethiopia ; whence precious Merchandises are brought 
to Egypt and thence transported to other places, with 
the benefit of double custome for importation and ex- 
portation. But those precious wares have heavie imposts, 
because of the Monopolies, onely Alexandria receiving 
and dispersing them. Thus Strabo, who calleth Alex- Alexandria. 
andria efxiropelov /meyiarov t oiKov/mevr]^ the greatest Mart 
in the World. How gainfull this trade was, and what 
course they held in this voiage in Plinies time, you 
have heard out of him alreadie. 

Alexandria being orewhelmed with a Saracen Deluge, See Leo y 
by Schismaticall Chaliphas beganne at last to hold up Sandys. 
head againe, and whiles the Mamalukes Empire lasted, 
was the chiefe Mart for the Spices brought to Mecca, 
and thence carried to Alexandria, the Trade whereof 
was in the Venetians hand, and enriched their Signiorie 
very much, till the Portugals in our Grandfathers dayes 
found the way by Sea into the Indies, whereby both 
the Moores and Venetians were impoverished. This See inf. I. 2. 
Trade set Henrie that Noble Prince of Portugall on f- i- §• 2. 
worke to begin that, which was so long before it pro- 
duced any fruit. Yea, this Indian Trade set Columbus, 
and after him Cabot on worke to find the way to the 
Indies by the West; which their industrious simplicitie 



God rewarded with a New World by them discovered. 
Rham. vol. I. But to returne to our Romans, Rhamusio cites out of 
fol- 371- the Roman Law, the Customes for the Indian goods 

set downe in the Reigne of Marcus and Commodus : 
viz. Cinamon, Pepper long, and white, Cloves, Costus, 
Cancamo, Spikenard, Cassia, Frankincense, Xilocassia, 
Myrrhe, Amomum, Ginger, Malabathrum, Ammoniake, 
Galbanum, Laser, Agolochum, Gumme Arabike, Carda- 
mome, Carpesium, Silkes, Parthian and Babylonian 
Workes, Ivorie, Ebonie, all sorts of precious Stones, 
Pearles, Sardonix, Ceravnia, Hiacinth, Emerald, Diamond, 
Saphire, Callimo, Berill, Cilindre, Indian and Sarmatian 
Clothes, &c. which I have mentioned that we may see 
the Trade then, and now are much alike. 

Strabo and Plinie (before this greatnesse of Alexandria, 
Dioscurias. as it may seeme) extoll Dioscurias in the bottome of 
pT'^/V'* the Euxine or Blacke Sea, where people of seventie 
Languages, or as Timosthenes affirmed, three hundred 
severall Nations resorted ; and after that the Romans 
used one hundred and thirtie Interpreters in their 
businesses. In Plinies time this Babylon was waste. 
I imagine that when the Persian Empire possessed India 
and Asia Minor, this Dioscurias was the Staple of 
Indian Commodities : brought partly by the Persian 
Gulfe as farre as Tigris would permit, & the rest by 
land, which is no great way. Or, as some thinke, and 
[I, 1. 44.] not without cause, those Seas being so infested with 
Pirats, as appeares in Plinie, and the Arabs being alway 
Robbers ; they carried their goods up the Indus (as 
many still doe from Tatta to Lahor) and thence by 
Caravan over the Candahar and other Hils, the River 
Oxus, and over the Caspian Sea to the River Cyrus, 
and so to Dioscurias. 

When the Seleucidas succeeded in those parts, it is 
like that the Trade continued, though weaker, till the 
Romans drew all to Alexandria : especially the Parthian 
Empire not permitting such Commerce to their Roman 
Enemies, as neither the Persians after. 


That Barbarous myst of so many Nations which over- 
came the Roman Empire, buried this Trade in darknesse, 
till the Saracens grew to some height, and Bagdet was 
made the chiefe Seate of their Caliph, builded on Tigris, 
and commodious to attract the Trade of the East, and 
disperse it to the West. A great part of this Trade 
after the declination of Bagdet, the East beeing infected Bagdet. 
with Mahumetan follies, honoured also with colour of 
Religion, was conveyed by the Arabian Moores, and 
Moorish Indians to Mecca (the sinke of that Superstition) Mecca. 
by the Red Sea, Judda, and Ziden being their Ports, 
and thence was much of it carried to Damasco, and 
thence to Aleppo, which Trade hath continued to our 
dayes ; and another part to Cairo, hereby flourishing, 
and thence to Alexandria as aforesaid : which is still 
used also, but much empaired, and almost forsaken by 
the Europaean Navigations'' into India. ^ This caused 

Whiles the Tartarian Empire flourished, these Indian ^^ ^'^'^^ ^"^''^ 

Wares were carried much (as you may reade in Polo) ^^ f S °' "l 
TV , . ^, . r- y 1 -1 gals from the 

to Mangi or Lhma ; to Cathay, many also carried to Moores the 

Boghar in Bactria, and to Samarcand, and thence to Mamalukes, 

other parts. Also in those troublesome times when ^"'^ ^^^ 

the Tartars had overrunne all, and when Boghar was ^}^^'^^l' ^" 

f. J , Ti- ivyri T Since from 

m esteeme tor trade, the Indian Merchandises were ^^^^ ^^ q^^.^ 

shipped on the Caspian Sea by Oxus, and thence con- andtkeDutcH. 

vayed to Astracan, on the River Rha, or Volga, and ^«^- Galvam 

so to Novogrode, and thence partly over-land, partly r^ i^^^^^' 

by water to Caffa, or Theodosia, where the Genowayes jstracan. 

fetched it (who then were of great power in these parts) Novogrode. 

and dispersed it in Christian Ports ; the Venetians and Caffa. 

Genowayes being Corrivals in this Trade, as in other 

things, and in those dayes very great. Much also passed 

to Trapezond, that Citie so flourishing that it became Trapezond. 

an Empire, a Title too heavie for it, and the ruine both 

of Constantinople the Mother thus weakened, and of 

it selfe. 

Ormuz was famous by this Trade, and Moha in the Ormus. 

Red Sea, but both have their course to Aleppo ; of ^o^'^- 




Jnastas. Sin- 
ai tai lib. I 2. 
Pined de reb. 

Acosta de Nat. 
Novi orb. I. 
I. c. 13, 14. 

which our Travellers shall in due time tell you in the 
following Discourses. And now we see London an 
Indian Mart, and Turkie it selfe from hence served 
with Pepper, and other Indian Commodities, as Master 
Mun Deputie of that Company in his following Tractate 
will shew you. 

Thus much of the Ports made famous by Indian 
Spicerie and Merchandize. Anastasius Sinaita affirmeth, 
that Salomons Fleet made a returne every yeere, which 
of the same Fleet cannot bee understood. Pineda yeelds 
to this, but he makes us more labour about Tharsis, 
to which, now wee are returned from Ophir, he enforceth 
us to a new Voyage, and to finde Tharsis in Spaine. 
Josephus Acosta also hath made a scruple both of 
Ophir and Tharsis, and makes them to signifie no 
particular set place, but generall and remote, as India 
doth now with us signifie all the Easterne World in 
vulgar appellation. Yet doth he acknowledge the sub- 
stance of that wee have spoken, and professeth to agree 
with Josephus, so that with him wee shall have but a 
Grammer quarrell. We will adde a word of the 
Phaenicians which here are expressed to have beene 
Solomons Mariners, and of their ancient Navigation, 
and so shall we make an end of our Ophirian Voyage, 
which to some Readers will perhaps seeme much longer 
then three yeeres. 


§. XII. 

Of Tharsis or Tharshish, whether it bee the same 
with Ophir, and both, some indefinite remoter 
Countrey ; whether it be the Sea, or Tartessus, 
or any place in Spaine. Of the ancient Navi- 
gations about Africa, and of the Phsnician 

Earned Acosta having alleaged Reasons sufficient Jcost.deNat. 
for confuting that Opinion of Peru to be Ophir, ^- O^^- ^- '• 
an upstart name, unknowne to the Natives; and ^" '^' ^^' 


whence neither Ivorie nor such precious Gemmes could 

be brought, and whither Solomons Navie in those times 

ignorant of the Load-stone, could not come to fetch 

them ; the Easterne India being fitter then the West 

for Solomons purposes : he concludeth, Ego sane Ophir 

& Tharsis in divinis Uteris saepius non certum aliquem 

definitumque locum sonare suspicor, sed generale potius 

esse vocabulum, idemque efficere apud Hebraeos, quod 

apud nos vulgo Indiarum vocem. He conceiveth, that 

as India is a name given to any remote, rich, and strange 

Region very much differing from ours, as to Mexico, [I. i 45.] 

Brasil, Malaca, &c. So likewise Ophir and Tharsis; 

and as for Tharsis, it signifieth either the maine Sea, 

or most remote and strange Regions. Thus he con- 


For Ophir we have before found it, the proper name 
of a man and of a Region denominated of him ; but 
withal have acknowledged the Ophirian voyage to com- 
prehend more then the Region of Ophir, including the 
other Indian Ports wherat they touched and traded in 
that voyage, especially the two Hands now called Seilan 
and Sumatra, and all places on the Coast within the Gulfe 
of Bengala, which might fit their purpose. It is usuall 
now to call an Indian Voyage, not only to lacatra. Bantam, 
or Banda, but thereto also they reckon their touching at 
Soldanha, on the maine of Afrike, or at the River of Saint 



Augustine in the great Hand of St. Laurence, and the 
Hands of Comoro, or Socatra, or wheresoever they arrive 
on the Abash or Mohan shoare in the Red Sea, or in 
any Arabike Port, or in the Persian Gulfe before they 
come to India : and there also Surat, Diul, Calicut, or 
wheresoever they touch besides on this side or beyond 
that principal Port where they make their Voyage, as 
they terme it, that is, where they take in their chiefe 
ladings. Of which, the following Relations will give you 
many instances. So the Straits Voyages, intimate not the 
meere sayling to or thorow the Straits of Gibraltar, in 
vulgar appellation, but all Voyages within those Straits 
whether to Venice, or Ligorne, or Zant, or Constanstinople, 
or Scanderone, or Alexandria, or in one Voyage to visit 
many or all of these Ports, is yet called but a Straits 
Voyage. We may yeeld thus much therefore to Acosta, 
The bounds of that Ophir, was a proper Countrey (as India also is) 
Ophir. extending from Ganges to Menan, and betwixt the Lake 

Chiamay, and the Gulfe or Sea of Bengala ; but as it 
happened, that India being the remotest knowne Region, 
gave name in old times to all later Discoveries beyond it, 
and in after times accidentally to the New World, which 
the first finders mistooke for Easterne India; so also the 
Voyage to Ophir, accidentally might give name to all 
those Remote parts, and comprehend all the farre Ports, 
which by occasion of the Voyage to Ophir they visited, 
lying in the way thither, or somewhat wide or beyond. 
And as there is a Region truly and properly called India, 
even al that which extends from Indus (whence it is so 
named) to Ganges ; which name by others ignorance of 
the proper names of Regions, was extended further both 
beyond Ganges, and to all remote Regions ; so was 
there a true Ophir, named of Ophir the sonne of Joktan, 
which occasioned other remote Countreyes to beare that 
appellation, at least in this Voyage thither. 

But for Tharsis or Tarshish, or Tharshish ; we see 
Acosta himselfe in his finall upshot, to make an aut of it, 
Aut immensum mare, aut regiones semotissimas & valde 



peregrinas accipl solere. So that his former Proposition 

admits now another, that either it is the maine Ocean 

(which I take to be the true sense) or some remote 

Region. Some are of opinion that the Voyage to Ophir, Ribera, 

and that to Tharsis differed, because the Scripture saith, P^^^da, iffc 

according to our Translation, For the King had at Sea a i.Reg.10.22. 

Navie of Tharshish, with the Navie of Hiram once in 2. C/iron. 9. 

three yeeres, came the Navie of Tharshish, bringing Gold ^^^ ^.^ ^ 

and Silver, Ivorie, and Apes and Peacockes. ^j^ip^ ^g„f fg 

Tremellius hath it. Nam classis Oceani pro rege cum Thanhhh'^c. 

classe Chirami erat : semel ternis annis veniebat classis ex every three 

Oceano afferens aurum, &c. The Vulgar, Latine and r^res once 
„ .-._._,,', . _ , o ^ , . came the ships 

Septuagmt, Navis Tharsis erat regi balomom m man cum r^^ rj.^^^_ 

navibus Chiram. shish. 

Saint Jerome in many places examineth this Tharshish, 
as in Es. 2. Melius est Tharsis vel mare vel pelagus 
absolute ponere, and alledgeth Jonas his fleeing to Tharsis, 
who from Joppe could not come to India by Sea. 

Most of the late Writers agree with Tremellius, that R'tbera in 
Tharsis is the Ocean ; and make that a difl^erence betwixt •^°"- '• 
Tharshish and O"' Jam which signifies the Sea, as the Red g^ ^' 
Sea, or Mediterranean, and withall those lesse collections Forerius in 
of waters as the Dead Sea, the Sea of Galilee, and that Es. 2. 
Brazen Vessell for the largenesse, called a Sea, 2 King. 25. j^^- ^^"^ '" 
1 6. whereas Tharshish is only the Maine or large Sea. j^'^^/„' i„ 
R. Mose Hadarsan citeth foure significations, Tarsus a jrca. Leo 
Citie of Cilicia, Carthage, India, and the Sea. This place Jud. 3. 
cannot admit Tarsus nor Carthage, beeing in another Sea, ^.f, }'^' . 
to which Esiongeber, on the Red Sea had not beene the ^^/'zT 
Port to have sailed from, but Joppe or Tyrus, or some R.Mos.Had. 
other Haven in the Mediterranean. Now if any thinke in Ps. 71. 
them two Voyages from two severall Ports, the Scripture 
is plaine, where it is said, Jehoshaphat made ships of 
Tharshish to goe to Ophir for Gold ; but they went not, 
for the ships were broken at Esiongeber. And lest any 
might thinke that they were called ships of Tharshish, 
because the materials came from Cilicia, it is more full, 
2 Chron. 20. 35. And after this did Jehoshaphat King i.;?^^.22.4.8, 



of Judah, joyne himselfe with Ahaziah King of Israel, 
who did very wickedly. And he joyned himselfe with 
him to make ships to go to Tarshish, and they made the 
ships in Esiongeber. Then Eliezer prophesied, &c. and 
the ships were broken that they could not goe to Tar- 
shish. Note also that the vulgar translateth in one place 
Sea, in the other Tharsis, 
Post de Some hence gather it to be a Region in India, as that 

Ori^n. Rabbi, and Jerome also doth in some sort averre, with 

Josephus, and many late Writers, But because no 
such Region in India can be found, hence so many 
opinions. Postellus placeth Ophir in the Golden Region 
where Malaca standeth, but makes Tharsis to extend 
further, even to the South Sea; or the Peruan Coast, 
so that Ophir and Peru are divorced for a marriage 
Chal. 2. with Tharsis. The Chaldee will have it Africa, and 

Parap.^. Emanuel Saa in Angola ; Acosta no certaine place ; 
Rib'inJon i Rit)era will have them two Voyages, and not the same 
[I. i. 46.] to Ophir and Tharsis ; Pineda and Goropius bring us 
to Tartessus in Spaine. But I embrace the opinion of 
Cornelius Cornelii. Villalpandus (and heerein Ribera also 
agreeth) which say that of Tarshish the Sonne of Javan, 
Gen. 10. 4. Cilicia tooke name at first, still continued to Tarsus (where 
Saint Paul was borne, famous in old times by Straboes 
report for the Universitie and other Antiquities) and the 
Inhabitants therof, and the adjoyning Regions being 
famous at Sea, might cause that great Sea (as the Scrip- 
*Jos. 15. 12. ture cals* it, in comparison of the lesser Seas in Judaea) 
to be called Tarshish, a name then easily by the Jewes 
derived to all great Seas, whether Mediterranean or 

Now that which makes Interpreters to question some 
place in India, or elsewhere, is the phrase of going to and 
comming from Tarshish, and bringing goods from thence, 
a kind of speech which to Pineda seemeth ridiculous, if 
thereby be not meant some certaine place on Land. Wee 
see at this day the Hill Atlas in Afrike, hath given name 
to that huge huge Ocean, extending even to the New 



Worlds of the South and West. The Straits betwixt 
Spaine and Afrike, give name with our Mariners to all 
the Midland Sea within and beyond them. Indus gave 
name to India, and all the Ocean adjoyning ; and the 
South Sea (the greatest of knowne Seas) is so termed, 
because Vasques Balboa first saw it lying to the South 
from him ; neither can the Westerne Scite, take away that 
name Del Sur to this day. Is it then any marvell, that 
Tarshish the Cilician Sea next adjoyning to Judaea, should 
give name to all the deeper and larger parts of the 
Mediterranean, which they had occasion after to take 
notice of, and to other Seas from the Red Sea forward 
more wide and spacious. Pineda himselfe confesseth, that 
Tartessus which hee would have to be Tharsis, gave name 
not only to Boetica, but to all Spaine. And is it any 
more ridiculous or absurd to say, the King had a Navie of 
Tharshish at Sea, then that which our vulgar Mariners 
say, the Straits fleet is now at Sea, or the Straits fleet is 
come from Sea, speaking of our Merchants ships, which 
keep company together in the Seas for feare of Algier 
Pirats ? Do not they cal them Straits Merchandise ? and 
say, that such & such goods are brought out of the Straits, 
or caried to the Straits, that are sent thorow those Seas, 
and brought by those Seas to or from any Port therein ? 
And as usuall a Phrase it is, which Pineda judgeth so 
absurde, that a Mariner being asked whither he goeth, 
should answere to Sea, or that Gold, Silver, Ivorie, Pea- 
cockes and Apes should be said to be brought from Sea : 
For our Mariners (which learne not their Idiome of 
Scholers) use to say, when all their money is spent, they 
will goe to Sea and get more ; that they brought this or 
that from Sea, that shortly they are to goe to Sea, or have 
lately come from Sea, without naming any Port ; that such 
a man hath got all his goods by Sea, great wealth hath 
come to him by Sea ; hee hath had great losse by Sea, 
and other like phrases of Sea-men (for so also are they 
called, in opposition to Land-men, in regard of their 
Trade and course of life, though the habitation of both be 



Jonas I. 

H'leron. in 
Jon. I. 

Ps. 72. II. 

By some un- 
discreet and 
vain Cutters 
or Printers 
fiatterie, or 
ignorance in- 
sensible of 
divine mys- 
teries, in the 
forefront of a 
great Booke, 
some tvords of 
this Psalme 
proper to 

on Land.) This then may be the sense: Salomon had at 
Sea a Navie at Tharshish, that is, ships built for long 
voyages at Sea : as we call men of Warre, or ships of 
Warre ; which are built for that purpose. And how easie 
is the construction, Jehoshaphat made ships of Tharshish 
to goe to Ophir, in these words, a Sea-navie, or ship 
of the Sea, to goe to Ophir; that is, not such Fisher- 
boates, as they saw in the Sea of Galilee, or such small 
Barkes as they used in Palaestina to trade from Port to 
Port, but a Navie Royall of strong ships able to brooke 
long Voyages in the Ocean. 

I also thinke that in regard of the length of those 
Voyages, in which they were two thirds of the time at 
Sea (after our account) and three whole yeeres in each 
Voyage from their Land-home, in a kind of eminence, 
they were in these Voyages said to goe to Tharshish or to 
Sea. And so Jonas likewise minding to flie from that 
Land whither he was sent, was hurried in the strength of 
temptation, a quite contrarie way, whether that ship in- 
tended Tarsus in Cilicia, or whithersoever it went, he 
chusing rather a certaintie of flight then of scite, or setling 
himselfe any where, as Saint Jerome saith of him, Non ad 
certum fugere cupiebat locum, sed mare ingrediens, quo- 
cunque pergere festinabat. Et magis hoc convenit 
fugitivo & timido, non locum fugae otiose eligere, sed 
primam occasionem arripere navigandi. Likewise in that 
Psalme which mystically and fully is true of Christ in the 
calling of the Gentiles ; typically and in part verified in 
Solomon (wickedly and Antichristianly since applied to 
the Pope in many passages of the last Councell ofLateran 
under Julius the Second, and Leo the Tenth) it is said, 
The Kings of Tharshish and of the lies shall bring 
presents, the Kings of Sheba and Seba shall offer gifts ; it 
is plaine by the Historic of Solomon in Scripture, and by 
joyning of Tharshish and Sheba together, that no Tartes- 
sus, nor Angola, nor Peru, are intended ; and that Mari- 
time Kings are meant (Tremellius reades Reges Oceani 
accolas) which ruled in Hands (which is also added) or 



Coasts and Ports neere the Sea (sure as Hiram then Christ are 

was, and all remote Maritime Provinces the Scripture 'ffj^fjj" f" 
1 1 1 / • 1 r L majesties pic- 

cals Hands) which used also (as m those parts or the ^^^^ . q^^„^^ 

East Indies, almost all the Kings are at this day gentes servient 
Merchants) trade by Sea, and perhaps enjoyed the ei, ^c zvhich 
Title of the adjoyning Seas (as his Majestic is King f.«;;_j 
of the Bnttish Ocean, and another Pacihcus his Vx^- ^^^^ Scripture 
decessor added it to his Royall Title, Ego Edgarus andhisMajes- 
Anglorum Basileus,* omniumque Regum, Insularum, tie from^ 
Oceanique Britanniam circumjacentis, cunctarumque '^^^J'^"^'^^ ^ 
Nationum, quas infra eam includuntur, Imperator & p^^^ ^^_ 
Dominus. Such were the Kings of Tharshish, whose 
Customes from the Sea, and Trade by it, made them have 
their ships of Tharshish, & wealth from Tharshish : as 
in later dayes, the Kings of Aden, Ormus and Malacca ; 
and still of Fartaque, Socatra, Calicut, Cochin, Zeilan, 
Achen, and many others included in the circuit of our 
Ophirian Voyage are ; and might therefore justly be called [I. i- 47-] 
Kings of Tharshish : from all which no doubt either in 
the course of this Ophirian Voyage and Trade, or other- 
wise sent by speciall Messengers, Solomon had presents, 
as in I. Reg. lo. 24. 25. is expressed. 

Pineda himselfe citeth out of Straboes third Booke of 
the Gaditans (which is Tartessus, or with him Tharshish) 
plerique mare incolunt, pauci domi desident : and in this 
respect Tyrus may by the Prophet be called filia Thar- 
sis, daughter of the Sea, as seated in it, ruling on it, 
and living of it. The Chaldee Paraphrase hath the 
Kings of Tharsis, and the Hands of the great Ocean 
Sea ; which may bee understood of the Indian Sea : and 
not as Goropius and Pineda would urge us, of Spaine. 
Pineda citeth Anastasius Sinaita, that Tharsis is Hes- 
peria Regionis Occidentalis ; and Forerius & Eugubinus 
to assist Goropius: whose authoritie shall so farre moove 
as their reason is weightie. 

As for Goropius, his fifth, sixth and seventh Bookes 
of his Hispanica are principally spent on Tharshish the 
Sonne of Javan, which he writes Tarsees, as signifying 
I 129 I 


in that which he makes the first of Languages (the 
Dutch tongue mother of ours) one that dares adventure 
the Seas, or one which tarries in the Seas : therefore 
also sirnamed Atlas or Atlant, quasi Hat-lant, or Hate- 
land, Him he makes with his brother EHsha the peoplers 
of Spaine, and saith, that of his skill in Astronomie and 
invention of the Sphere, he was fabled to beare the 
Heavens ; and to have named his daughters with names 
of starres ; to have sailed also to Ophir, so called as 
over the v/idest Sea, as Peru of a peere there built ; 
and other like collections hee hath very wittie, learned 
and pleasant, not solid enough to convince, nor so con- 
temptible as very easie to be confuted. Pineda hath 
written many sheets of paper to honour his Spanish 
home with Salomons Voyages for the Temples structure, 
wherein his error amoris and not amor erroris may 
plead his excuse, according to that of the Poet, Nescio 
qua natale solum dulcedine cunctos Ducit, & imme- 
mores non sinit esse sui. I cannot but marvell, that 
two so learned men are so strongly carried by so weake 
reasons as the likenesse of words in Tharsis and Tar- 
tessus, when Geographers tell us of, and themselves 
confesse, Tarsus in CiHcia, Tarsis in Syria, Tarsius in 
Pannonia, and a River of that name in Troas, with I 
know not how many others ; and besides, Tartessus 
being a Phaenicean Colonie might of Tharshish or the 
Ocean receive the name (whether we intend Gades or 
Cadiz thereby, or the whole Bcetike Province as seated 
in, or on the Sea or Coast, and living by Maritime 

But of names of places wee have before spoken how 
casuall and accidentall they are. Even Tartarus the 
Strab. 1. 3. name of Hell is neere the former, & Strabo ghesseth 
that Homer called it so of this Tartessus in the remo- 
test West ; which Hellish kindred of termes, me thinks, 
should not be very gratefull to Spanish eares. Etimo- 
logists may easily runne mad if they bee permitted 
libertie ; neither is any argument sound from the sound 



of syllables without other credible Witnesses. Therefore 
Pineda addeth the frequent Circumnavigation of Africa 
in those dayes ; of which he citeth one out of Hero- 
dotus, of the Phaenicians long after this sent by Neco, 
which makes against him ; for Herodotus both doubted 
of it, as a matter seeming to him incredible, that they 
should saile beyond the Sunnes course, and therefore 
could not be frequent ; for that Navigation would have Circumnavi- 
made both Tropikes familiar : he also saith in hunc ^f!°!'^ °^ 
modum Africa primum est agnita : if that were the first ■'^^ ^ ^^^^' 
Voyage, Salomons were none, or at least his Title is 
false, De frequenti & celebri a mari Arabico in His- Herod I. 4. 
paniam navigations 

They wintered also by the way, and stayed the grow- 
ing and ripening of Corne, which argueth no people, at 
lest no Trade in those parts. His next testimonie is of 
Setaspes, who having defloured the Daughter of Zopyrus 
should therefore have beene crucified, but by his mothers 
intreatie Xerxes pardoned him upon condition of this 
African Circumnavigation ; which argueth the rarenesse 
of the attempt, as did the sequell also : for having 
sailed out of the Straits, and coasted some parts of 
Afrike, he returned (in despaire) and said he could saile 
no further, his ship beeing detained that it could not goe 
forwards. As for Darius sending to Indus, it is not to 
this purpose. The fragments of Spanish ships in the 
Arabike Gulfe is mentioned by Plinie, as a wonder in PUn.l.z.c.S']. 
Caius Caesars time ; and that of Hanno agreeth not 
with the Historie which is extant of his Voyage, and 
more credible : and for Eudoxus fleeing the tyranny of 
Lathyrus, and comming to Gades by that Circumnavi- 
gation it was not for Trade, but at a dead lift, to save 
his life. Another is said by Antipater to have sailed 
from Spaine to ^Ethiopia, which might be to the neerest 
Blackes before he came to that which now is called 

And these are all which are brought for that fre- 
quenti & celebri navigatione, that of Neco and of 



EudoxuSj and a Spanish wracke, being all that all Ages 
could yeeld unto Plinies time ; and all also long after 
Salomon : and of these that of Eudoxus which is the 

Strab. I. 2. most likely is farre otherwise told by Strabo, and at 
large refuted. As for the long tale of Semiramis out 
of Suidas, it was to India by the Indian Ocean (if it 
were at all) and not to Spaine. And out of Silius his 
Verse, Et celebre Oceano atque alternis aestibus Hispal, 
to gather the Baetike Navigations to India, round about 
Africa, or to Mexico & Peru, argueth the Author to 
be Hispalensis ; a Bastike wit, ravished with I know 
not what beatike fancies : as that also that Salomons 

Psal. 72. raigning from Sea to Sea, must be from the Red Sea 
to the Gaditan, as if from Esion-geber to Joppe, were 
not from Sea to Sea. 

From hence he turneth to the Phaenician Navigations, 

ri i 48 1 which to mention here is more to our purpose (they 
being Salomons Mariners to Ophir) then to his of Tar- 
tessus. Plinie and Mela applaud the Phenicians for 
invention of Letters, Astronomie, navaU and militarie 
Sciences. Cains posteritie first in the old World, & 
Chams in this, florished in Arts and humaine Sciences. 
Joshuahs conquest caused many of them, as Procopius 
and others affirme, to flee into remoter Regions, spe- 
cially the Maritime parts of Africa. Commerce added 
Spaine, and whatsoever was fitting to that purpose of 
trade, Navigation and riches, especially to the Phenicians, 
both before and after Carthage. Their comming in and 
thorow Spaine is acknowledged by Varro also (in Uni- 
versam Hispaniam pervenisse) and they were the first 
discoverers of the Fortunate Ilands in Straboes opinion, 
and before Homers age held the best places in Africk 
and Spaine, tiU the Romans dispossessed them. Car- 
thage in Africa is knowne a Phasnicean Colonie to 
schoole boies, and Plinie saith, that all the Bastike coast 
was of Phasnicean originall, or of the Paeni, which in 
authors are often confounded with the former, of whom 
they proceeded, and as Saint Jerom observeth, are called 



Paeni quasi Phaeni, still in great part retaining that 
language ; as is also the name Carthaginian, of whom 
Polybius testifieth that they possessed all Spaine, from 
the Strait to the Pyrenasan hils. But he that will view 
a Map of the Tyrian greatnesse and the auncient Phas- 
nicean Navigations, Traffiques and Discoveries, let him 
read the 27. of Ezekiel, with some good commentarie ; 
and from the best evidence it shall appeare that all the 
best parts and Ports in Asia, Afrike and Europe were 
then familiar to this Daughter of Tharshish. The 
Baetike by Strabo are reputed the most learned of the 
Spaniards using Grammer, Poesie, Antiquities, and 
Lawes as they said 6000. yeeres old ; which agreeth 
with their Phaenician originall. To hunt the Legends 
of Bacchus, & Osiris, I here purpose not, as having 
little truth, and no mention at all of Spaine : nor is 
that more credible of the Phaeniceans besieged by 
Nabuchodonosor, and relieved from their Phasnicean 
Colonies in Spaine, and his revenge upon them there- 
fore invading the Spaniards. Aldrete a learned Spaniard 
rejects both, however Megastenes otherwhere found 
fabulous, may make somewhat for them. 

Yet I beleeve their commerce and Phasnician originall, 
and great trafficke ; their Mines also of Gold and Silver : 
but such as yeelded more to the Phasnicians and Car- 
thaginians then all the New World hath hitherto to the 
Spaniard, or many yeeres after Goropius his hitherto, 
added by Pineda, Credat Jud^us apella. Yea still Pineda 
brings testimonies to prove it no lesse rich in Mines ; 
which makes me not a little marvell at their wisedome 
to be at such cost to fetch so farre off that which they 
have so plentifull at home ; and that as the throate 
which swalloweth all the meate and nothing staies there 
(it would cause suffocation) so the Spaniards before 
Columbus his time were so poore and quiet accordingly ; 
and that at that time there appeared so little monie or 
credit, that the Queene pawned her Jewels to borrow a 
small summe of 2000. Duckets, or litde more ; and that 



since, Spaine hath (except soone after the returne of the 
Indian Fleete) so little coine stirring but base monies. 
Shall we thinke them miserable, miser-like, rich-poore, 
or is it that their Mines seeme wholly recollected in their 
mindes ? they being, if you beleeve Pineda, a Nation 
opum tarn contemtrix quam lucratrix, ingenio acuto (hoc 
quorundam exterorum ineptissima invidia suspiciosum & 
callidum vocat, saith he) ad magnas res nato (hoc sor- 
dida aliorum socordia superbiam & tumorem.) I envie 
not their happinesse to them so much chanted by this 
Spaniard, I wish that they were so contented therewith, 
that they disturbed not the quiet of others ; and that 
as they have their Navies of Tharshish yeerely bringing 
Gold and Silver (as for Apes and Peacockes they neede 
not goe so farre for them) so they would doe as 
Salomon, live in peace with their neighbours and build 
the Temple at home : which had they done, much of 
this our paper Navie of Tharshish had not beene, 
neither had their Gaditane Tartessus become a pray to 
Her Navie of Tarshish, who in her daies was filia 
Tarshish indeede, not Venus orta Mari, but Cui conjur 
ati venere ad classica venti, who defended her owne at 
home, by home invading, by hunting her enemies round 
about the World. Let us leave the Spaniards magni- 
fying the present riches of their Mines, as that of 
Guadalcanal, one of the best in the world by the Kings 
Treasurer reported in a Letter to our Author, dated 
1607. and another of Francisco Tesada his Sonne, so 
farre extolling the Spanish (hee names divers) beyond 
those of Potossi, that whereas a quintall (that is 1600. 
ounces) of Potosi Ore, or earth digged up, yeeldes but 
an ounce and halfe of pure Silver, most of the Spanish 
yeelde ten ounces of a quintall, some more to 15. 30. 
60. Markes, each of eight ounces. It is fit in a long 
tractate, and as it were another Voyage to Ophir, to 
end with Mines : and fitter in Salomons Ophir to end 
with honorable mention of our Salomon, who without 
any Hirams helpe, sent her servants to Ophir and Peru 



too, and round about the universe to repaire that 
Temple, and to defend the Faith, which a greater then 
Salomon had by her in England restored from Baby- 
lonish captivitie : which the greatest powers on earth 
sought in vaine to hinder, she sailing further by her 
servants, raigning longer in her owne person, more 
glorious in her last daies, then Salomon, and leaving a 
peaceable Salomon to succeede her ; yea to exceede, 
with addition of another Kingdome ; (not a Rehoboam, 
to loose the greatest part of the former.) Him God 
defend to defend his faith long amongst us, with Salo- 
mons vertue and Ophirian magnificence. Amen. 

Chap. II. [I.i. 49-] 

Mans life a Pilgrimage. The Peregrinations of 
Christ, and the first Encompassing the habit- 
able or then inhabited World by the holy 
Apostles and first planters of the Gospell. 

§. I. 

Man by sinne becomne a Worldly Pilgrime ; 
Christs Pilgrimage in the flesh to recover him : 
Mans spirituall Pilgrimage in and from the 

OD which in the beginning had made 
the World, and endowed Man with the 
Naturall inheritance thereof, whom also 
hee made another, a living and little 
World, yea, a compendious Image of 
God & the World together : did in the 
^fulnesse of time send his owne Sonne ^ Gal. 4. 
(by whom hee had made the World and Man) to be 
made a Man in the World, that he might make new 
and recreate the World and Man, now lost & vanishing 
to perdition. Which salvation first accomplished in the 
infinit worth and worthinesse of his person and passion, 



He committed to faithfull witnesses, giving them charge 
^ Marke i6. to go*' into all the world and preach the Gospel to every 
'5- creature, that by those Ministerial conduits (in the co- 

operation of his Spirit) his amiable and imitable Example 
might, as the loadstarre of Christians be proposed ; his 
saving vertue as heavenly influence infused ; his all- 
covering and al-curing merits imputed to his beleeving 
members by spirituall grace to prepare them to super- 
caelestiall Glory, whither Hee is before ascended as our 
Priest to make intercession, and as a King in humane 
flesh to take possession for Us, by him made Kings 
and Priests unto God. 

Thus have we one Author of the World, of Man, 
of Peregrinations by men in and about the World. The 
first he made by his omnipotent Word, he commanded 
and in sixe dayes this huge Fabrike was both made and 
furnished. The second is vouchsafed greater indulgence, 
in preparation premised as of consultation, Let us make 
"Gen. 1.26. Man; in the worke doing ''j as of a Master-peece, he 
y 2. 7. 22. formed, and builded ; in the exemplar or prototype in 
our owne image, after our likenesse : in his bountifuU 
portion, the Sea and earth with all their appurtenances, 
subjected to his regall possession, the heavens with their 
reall influence and royall furniture to his wise un-erring 

Thus at first ; but the first became last, by setting the 
last first, and preferring the Creature to the Creator, and 
therefore is justly turned out of Paradise to wander, a 
Pilgrime over the world : But therefore did his Creator 
(for medicines are of contraries) preferre this Creature to 
himselfe, by infinitenesse of humilitie to make satisfaction 
for his unspeakable pride; and hee which had before 
made Man after his image, makes himselfe after mans 
image, to recover that which was lost. Q (piXavOpcoma ! O 
amanda & admiranda dignatio ! propicious, unspeakeable, 
superadmirable bounty ! The World he made that he 
might give it Man. Man he made such as might be 
capable of the world, and gave him now a double world, 



adding to the former greater, this lesser of Mans selfe. 

And when both these were lost, by wilfull Treason and 

voluntary actuall rebellion, that he might forgive the 

Traitor He gave the Prince, who to Himselfe forgave 

not the demerits of his servant ; nor was content to 

regive the forfaited world of creatures, but added a world 

supercelestiall, where fallen regained Man might supply 

the roomes of fallen forlorne* Angels: yea Hee restored * Folly and 

lost Man to himselfe in a surer and nobler possession : '"'^'^''^^■^^ °f_ 

• CtlVlB £V€lt 111 

and for the complement of Bounty he gave to this lost ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ 
Creature the Creators selfe : dedit se in meritum, dabit cretures taken 
se in prasmium. In this unity given God hath observed by a higher 
a Trinity of giving. Hee gave his Sonne unto us, doth ^11^°"'^^" 
give his Spirit into us, reserveth Himselfe for us to be craftlnesse! 
our exceeding ^ great reward, our * crown of glory & who envying 
diadem of beautie in that glory where we *" shall see him as man his Para- 
he is, and^ God shall be all in all unto us. Nor was j^^'/^^fj^'" 
this a six daies worke, but he which made the world °andGodTyea, 
and man in sixe daies, vouchsafed to be made Man, kft those 
indured to converse with sinners more then halfe sixtie Thrones and 
yeeres; and not with a word commanded this new Ppn^ipaltties 
creation to be made, but the Word was commanded (& °<^^ ^and^^ ^' 
dixit'' multa & gessit mira & petulit dura) God over Thrones to bee 
all blessed forever was made obedient' to the death, even byGodsmerde 
the death of the Crosse, and was made ^ a curse for us, recovered and 
to redeeme us from the Curse, and to make us heires ^/^^"'^X/?/ 
of blessednesse. _ they had made 

This was indeede the greatest of all peregrinations, sinful, 
when the word was made flesh and (leaving in a sort y^^'- >5- i- 
his heavenly Country, and his Fathers house) dwelt f ^ ^"^^'^^ • 5- 
amongst us. The next remote peregrination was his g / Qq^.. 15. 
ascention from the lower parts of the Earth (where also ^ Ber. de 
his life was a certaine uncertaine pilgrimage, farre"" above ^^h- F>eo. 
all heavens, to leade captivitie captive, and give gifts to ^^^'^ ^• 
Men. And he gav6 some Apostles, and some Prophets, j-j j '^oj 
and some Evangelists, and some Pastors and Teachers, ^jo. i. 
By whom in the worke of the Ministery is effected a "^Eph.i..^,^. 
double remote Peregrination; one in us, when we travel ^°' ^^• 


" Jmb. 



1. 2. 











from our selves, that each man might say to his corrupt 
corrupting flesh (as that traveller to his quondam Mis- 
tresse", seeking after his returne to renew her dissolute 
acquaintance, and saying, when she saw him strange as 
if he knew her not, Ego sum ? Tis I : At ego non 
sum ego, answered he, I am not I now) I travell in birth 
till * Christ be formed in me, and, I live ° not but Christ 
lives in me, that I may ^ deny my selfe and take up my 
crosse and follow him. The other is when wee put 
off our earthly tabernacle, and departing from this house 
of clay, whose foundation is in the dust, arrive in the 
faire havens of Heaven, in the quire of Angels and 
triumphant societie of the Heavenly first borne. And 
thus is Mans whole life a Pilgrimage, either from God 
as Cains, or from himselfe as Abels, and all the Saints 
which confessed themselves Pilgrims on the earth, and 
* Heb.w.iG. to* seeke another Country that is, a heavenly. Unto 
Ps. 39. 12. this spirituall and celestiall peregrination, was subordinated 
that bodily, of those first Evangelists unto all Nations 
thorow the World to plant the Church and settle it on 
'^Mat.z\.\\. her foundation, which also in their 'i times was effected 
Mark.ib.ult. according to the Prophesie and precept of our Saviour, 
whose peregrinations, if wee had all the particulars, were 
alone sufficient to yeelde a large Volumne of Voyages. 

Christ indeede vouchsafed, even in literall sense, to 

honour peregrinations in his owne person, whose blessed 

Mother soone after his conception travelled from 

Nazareth in Galilee, into the hill Countries of Judaea, 

to her cousin Elizabeth, and after her returne is by 

' Luk. 2. Cassars Edict brought back that in"" an Inne at Bethlehem, 

"■Mat. 2. this Pilgrime might in a Pilgrimage bee borne, the ^ Gov- 

ernour of his people Israel, that is of spirituall Pilgrimes. 

And there from a remote place by Pilgrimes of the East 

is he visited ; and how soone is his infancy forced to 

an Egyptian peregrination } how restlesse and manifold 

were his after-peregrinations in Galilee, Samaria, the 

Wildernesses and Cities of Judaea in the Coasts of Tyre 

^Mat. 9.35. and Sidon, in Decapolis by Sea, by Land, 'going about 



all the Cities and Villages, teaching and preaching, and 
healing every disease among the people, till the Heavens 
received him into a certaine rest. But my Pen is un- 
worthy to follow his foot-prints. 

§. II. 

How Apostles differed from Bishops : their preach- 
ing the Gospell to all Nations. 

I Is Apostles as they differed from others in im- ^"^^ Belkr- 
mediate vocation, to Evangelicall Ministery, and ^^^"^^ ^ -"//^/l 
infallible revelation of the Evangelicall mysterie ; touching the 
so in the unbounded limits of their Mission unto all Pope and 
the world : whereas other ordinary commissions and Bishops suc- 
callings are (though of God, yet) by Men; nor have "j'^l"figf\^^ 
priviledge of unerring illumination; and must take heede yf^y/ Torti p. 
to the severall flockes over which the holy Ghost hath "" set 248. and hozv 
them overseers : whence also Episcopall Churches are improperly 
called Cathedrall, and sees, from their sitting'' or teaching fPP " 

/ ^ \ * ■y ■% • /^1 * 11 Called OtlT 

(that being the preachmg posture or the ancients both jp^^^ig .^z.. 
Jewes and Christians) in their speciall places of charge, ^ Acts zo.z'i. 

Well therefore did Saint Gregorie'' Bishop of Rome f^f^o eVio-Ko- 
hold the title Oecumenicall incompetible to a Bishop, and "^Uat. z^.z. 
Antichristian : and as ill have his Successors in that See ^5.1. Luk. 
swelled over all Episcopall bankes into Titles, and 4- 20. 
universalitie Apostolicall. J^h ^' 

The Apostles were not all in all places, and sometimes d ^i^i_ ^^,._ 
as in consideration of divine blessing upon Pauls Minis- andiRat.l.z. 
tery amongst the Gentiles,*" as of Peters amongst the in principw. 
Jewes, they did especially employ themselves where ^^ ■'^- ' 7- 
they saw their labours most fruitfuU, in which re- 
spect some setled their longer abode in certayne Cities, 
and some scarsly departed from Jerusalem, whiles others 
of them went^ forth and preached every where, and the Mar.\6.\o. 
Gospell was^ in all the world (not vertually, but actually) 2 CV. 1.6,23. 
and was fruitfull, and was preached unto every creature 
under Heaven, that is in Saint Matthewes phrase, to'' all ^^Mat. 28. 
Nations, or to all sorts of men. After which Embassage 



Rom. II. 12. 

Sulp. Sever. 

1. 2. 

Idem Bed. in 
Mat. 13. 
[I. i. 51.] Rom. 
Pont. I. 3.^.4. 
Lessus de An- 
tich. d. 8. 

^Rom. II. 

""Luk. 2. I. 

wacav TT]i' 

° Acts 2. 5. 

accomplished, the Temple as Christ had prophesied, 
and all the Legall Ceremonies, which dyed in the death 
of our Saviour, received a more solemne then honourable 
Funerall, by the revenging Romane ; Divine Providence 
ordering that ' The fall of the Jewes should bee the riches 
of the World, and the diminishing of them the riches of 
the Genetiles ; and preventing the revolting of weaklings, 
which seeing those things to remaine, which the Prophets 
had built, and God had ordayned, might in a Judaizing 
retire, embrace the shadow for the bodie, and preferre the 
dazeling lustre of carnall shewes to the synceritie of faith 
and spirituall truth : Nimirum id Domino "^ ordinante 
dispositum ut legis servitus (saith Sulpitius) a libertate 
fidei atque Ecclesis tolleretur. 

And that this was accordingly in the Apostles daies 
effected, we have not onely generall testimonies of the 
Ancients, but the particular Regions and peoples 
mentioned and acknowledged elsewhere by that genera- 
tion,* which in the question of Antichrist hence raise a 
demonstration, (no lesse still serves them, their Geese 
are all Swans) that he is not yet comne, because the 
Gospel is not yet preached thorow the World. Neither 
doe we seeke advantages of the word World, as it is 
used in opposition to the narrow limits of Judaea, where 
the Church in her nonage was impounded, and as it 
were swadled in that cradle of her Infancy (so you even 
now read the fall"" of the Jewes the riches of the World.) 
Nor in a Roman challenge, wherein Rome pretends her 
selfe Head of the World, in the stile of her quondam 
Emperours (succeeded and exceeded therein by her 
Moderne Prelate) one of which decreed in the Edict 
above intimated, That" all the World should bee taxed; 
which World was no more then the Roman Empire, as 
since also the petty Councells Papall are called Oecu- 
menicall (even that of Trent) and the Church of Christ, 
in a strange Babylonian contradiction, Catholike-Roman : 
Nor yet in a figurative Hyperbole, as that seemes 
spoken of the Jewes at Jerusalem of every ° Nation 



under Heaven, which heard the Apostles in their severall 
Languages, uttering the great things of God. But their 
sound P went over all the Earth, and their words to ^ Rom. lo.iS. 
the ends of the World, is true of the heavenly Bodies, 
and these heavenly Messengers ; Neither can any of 
the World bee shewed then inhabited, that is, no Nation 
of the World, whereof wee have not plaine History, or 
apparant probability, that the Gospel had there sounded 
before that generation of the Apostles passed. Whereof 
as wee have alleadged Divine both prophecie before, 
and testimonie after the fulfilling: so our Ecclesiasticall 
Authors are herein plentifull. Thus doth Saint Chry- 
sostome "^ interprete that prophecie of our Saviour, ^ CArys. in 
Matthew 24. to have beene fulfilled before the destruc- Mat.hom.-jS. 
tion of Jerusalem, and proves it by the fore-alleadged 
places, Romans 10. 18, Colossians i. 6. and 23. So 
Theophilact "" after him. So Saint Hilarie ' Cum ' Tkeoph. in 
universis fuerit cognitio Sacramenti coelestis invecta, ^^^- f+*^^* 
tum Hierusalem occasus & finis incumbent: Then q^^'^"^ 
shall bee the end of Jerusalem, when the knowledge of 
the heavenly Mysterie hath beene carried to all men. 
So Tertullian,^ Beda, Euthimius, Lyranus, Tostatus, 'Temlde 
Jansenius, Barradius, and others cited by the Reverend '*^^*^- ^''.J" 
and learned Bishop Downam, to whom I referre the ^j)Q^^,„^ jg ' 
Reader. And how else had they executed their com- Antich. part. 
mission to all Nations, if this mission had not succeeded.'' 2. ad Lessii. 
For if by succession of after Popes or Bishops ; then '^^'^- ^- f'^" 
ought that gift of tongues to have continued or beene ^^J^ 
restored, and that of immediate revelation, whereby the Hleron. Am- 
glory of the Worlds conversion might be Gods peculiar, bros. Theod. 
and not diminished by the arts (nor by the acts and Ignatius l^c. 
labours alone) of Men." Ad quid enim necessariae p^^^^^"' 
linguas gentium nisi ad conversionem gentium .'' And x Qg„g},^ 
Genebrard'' accordingly affirmes that whiles the Apostles Chron. An. 
lived, in thirtie yeeres space at most, the Gospell (which 4+- 
hee calls the Faith of the Romans) was divulged thorow 
the World, even all the most remote Nations and 
barbarous. Hereof he citeth witnesses (besides the 



^ Acts 8. I. 
y II. 19. 

Acts 10. 13. 

Gal. 2. 6, 7. 

^ Acts 6. 1 . y 

I . Pet. 1 1 . 
^Jo. 7. 35. 
V'td. Jos. Seal. 
Annot hi 
Euseh.p. 124. 
y Can. Lag. 
pag. 278. 

^ Sctf/. cont. 
Serar. trib. 

^ Acts 6. 9. 

former) Clement Alexand. Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, 
Origen, Cyprian, and the Prophecie of Esay. c. 66. 

§. III. 

The peregrination of Saint Peter. 

E see the persecution which began against 

Stephen proceeded to the dispersion of the 

Disciples^ into the Regions of Judaea and 

Samaria, and Phaenice, Cyprus, and Antioch (where they 

first heard the name Christians:) Peter also warned 

by vision, breakes the partition wall, and preacheth to 

Cornelius^ and other Gentiles, unto whom soone after 

Paul and Barnabas receive larger commission. Saint 

Peter also (as Ecclesiasticall writers testifie) besides 

Palestina, Syria, and the Regions adjoyning to Judaea, 

preached the Gospell in Antiochia, and after in Rome 

(in both which places they constitute and celebrate 

his Episcopall Chaire) in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, 

Asia, Bithynia, to whom is inscribed his former Epistle, 

that is, to the dispersion of the Jewes, in those Regions, 

he being principally the Apostle of'= the Circumcision. 

For the Jewes were divided into three sorts, the 

Hebrewes (which were the inhabitants of Palestina) 

and the scattered strangers, which were either Hellenists, 

Siacnropd EXXr/i/wjv, or ^ Suxa-Tropd Ba^uXwj^o?, the remainders 

of the Babylonish deportation which still continued in 

those parts, when others returned, and from thence 

were occasionally dispersed afterwards. The Metropolis 

of these was Babylon, of the former Alexandria. Of 

this sort were the Italian, Egyptian and Grecian Jewes, 

which used the Greeke tongue in their Synagogues, in 

which also they read the Scriptures translated by the 

seventie two Interpreters : yea they were ignorant of 

the Hebrew, as Scaliger affirmes^ of Josephus and 

Philo, two of their most learned : they had a Synagogue 

at Jerusalem, (called^ of the Alexandrians) of which 

were those Disputers against Stephen. Of the Baby- 



Ionian dispersion were the Jewes in Asia, to whom 
Saint Peter wrote that Epistle from Babylon. And 
although Baroniuss and our Rhemists out of divers ^ Baron, torn. 
Ancients labour to proove by Babylon in that place of J" p/^/'^^/i^, 
Peter, to bee ment Rome, that some Scripture might y ;j^'^^' 
testifie his beeing there at least (though little could Annot.on those 
thence be inferred a 25. yeeres Episcopality, and lesse, words {the 
ApostoHke succession, and least of all an approbation ^H'-^iJi^alu- 
of later novelties successively hatched in the last and teth'you.) 
worst ages (yea the current of the Jesuites argue (not Bellarm. de 
say onely) that Rome is the mysticall and Apocalypticall ^- P- ^^^era 
Babylon, and cry out upon us for unhonest partiality, p^ \\z\ 
that there acknowledge it, here in Peter disclaime it, 
not considering what a hooke they swallow with this 
baite : yet because that Epistle of Saint Peter' is ' See this 
delivered in litterall and not mysticall forme, like the Z^rlS°'^'^ 
Apocalyps, and because that opinion ot ir'eters hve and j>^ainold. Ch. 
twenty yeeres Bishopricke delivered by Eusebius, is 6. 
manifestly repugnant to the Scriptures ; and because 
that some of the Romanists '' themselves differ from '^ Onuph in 
the received opinion as incredible, as ' Onuphrius and P{'^^- ^^^"- 3- 
Genebrard, and Marianus Scotus also alleadgeth out V^J^'^^.^^^ 
of Methodius that Peter preached at Babylon, to which ^„ ^2. Baby 
hee also addeth Corinth and almost all Italic, and hniam verba 
because the Ancients'" received that conceit of Papias, pr^dicatioms 
a man of no great judgement, as appeared by the !,f^^^^^J^^J^;^ 
Millenary fancie derived from his tradition : though I Ec.Lz'.ca.\\. 
will not meddle with that controversie, whether Peter 
were ever at Rome, or no, the negative whereof in 
whole bookes Velenus and Bernard have written, yet " U/ricus 
I cannot beleeve but that he wrote that of and in the f'^^^enus his 
Chaldaea Babylonia. The rather because that was the "Jifl^-Fishei 
Metropolis of the Asian dispersion (as is said) & that his answer, 
it wel agrees with the prime Apostle to execute his printed at 
Apostolicall mission to remote and many Nations, ^"^■^erpe 
especially to the Circumcision (whose peculiar Apostle ° I ^q^j ^ ^ 
he was) in all Countries where they were scattered, as 
appeares by his care of the Hellenists and Alexandria 



"^Nicep. Cal. 
Ec. hist. I. 2. 

c- 35- 

'^Metaph. in 
29. Jun. 

' Onup/i. ad 
Pla. in Vita 

^ In Ckoropis- 
copos sive co- 
adjutores suos 
instituit. pere- 
deinde per 
iotamferi Eu- 
ropam sus- 

'Hier. de 
Eccles. in 
^ Iren. I. t,. c. 


* Eus. Chron. 
y hist. I. 3. 
c. 19. 
""Iren.ubi sup. 

^ Rufin. pre- 
fat. recognit 
Clem, ad 

' Epipha. hoer. 

their Mother Citie, where he placed, as Authors affirme, 
Saint Marke the first Bishop ; and because Ecclesiasticall 
writers affirme that he preached ubique fere terrarum, 
almost all the world over (so p Nicephorus) breviter in 
totius Asias & Europae oris, omnibusque adeo qui in 
dispersione erant Judaeis & Graecis &c. '^ Metaphrastes 
affirmeth that after the Church of Rome and many 
others set in order, Saint Peter went to Carthage in 
Africa. "" Onuphrius acknowledging his Roman See, yet 
will have him a Non resident (if not an Apostle rather) 
not to abide there, but findes him in that five and 
twenty yeeres space at Jerusalem, after that at Antioch, 
seven yeers together, whence he came to Rome and 
reformed that Church, constituted Linus and Cletus 
his "^ Suffragans or Coadjutors ; and travelling thence 
thorow the most part of Europe, at his returne to 
Rome, was there crucified. 

Thus in a larger sense of the word Bishop, might 
Peter bee stiled Bishop of Rome, as having care to 
oversee that as a principall Church, not neglecting 
meane while his Apostleship, to which properly belonged 
the care of all Churches. And hence is that diff^erent 
reckoning of the Roman Bishops, ' Hierom reckoning 
Peter the first, Linus second, Cletus the third, Clemens 
the fourth. But Irenaeus" nameth Linus the first 
Bishop, Cletus the second, &:c. The like diff*erence is 
in the See of Antioche twixt Hierom and * Eusebius, 
the one beginning with Euodius, the other with Peter, 
which sheweth their opinion that Peter preached in both 
places as an Apostle, not as Bishop in proper sense. 
So Irenasus, ^ the two Apostles (Peter and Paul) having 
founded the Roman Church, committed the Bishoply 
charge thereof to Linus: and Rufinus% that Linus 
and Cletus were Bishops while Peter lived, that they 
might have the care of the Bishoply charge (Episcopatus 
curam) and he might doe Apostolatus Officium, the 
dutie of the Apostleship : & ^ Epiphanius, in Roma 
fuerunt primi Petrus & Paulus Apostoli iidem ac 



Episcopi, deinde Linus, &c. Peter and Paul were both 

Apostles and Bishops in Rome ; and after other wordes 

of doubt touching Clemens his being Bishop in the 

times of Linus and Cletus, all of them living in the 

same times while Peter and Paul were Bishops, saith, 

propter a quod Apostoli saepe ad alias terras ablega- 

bantur propter Christi praedicationem, non potuit autem 

urbs Romae esse sine Episcopo. That the Apostles 

went often into other Countries to preach Christ, in * So Damasus 

which meane while Rome could not bee without a in Pontif. saith 

*Bishop. For the Apostolicall function enjoyned an tf^'^! Pf^^r- 

r ^ . t- , ^ -^ ■' AJ dained Linus 

universall ; the Episcopall, a particular charge. And ^ Qlg^^^^ ^^^ 

as the greater Office includes the lesse, as the Office presentialiter 

of the Lord Chancellour, or Lord Cheefe Justice, or any omne minis- 

Councellor of State, containeth the authority of a Justice J™ '^'^^- 

of peace in each shire, with larger extension and g^hij^^rent. 

intension of power, and a diocesan Bishop the Minis- jnd Gene- 

teriall function in any pastorall charge in his Diocesse, brard.An.%\. 
which the Parson or Curate must yeelde to him being fth of Linus 

111 1 J .. 3 y Lletus, eos 

present, and pleased to supply and execute : so, ana p^^^.^^ ^^^^._ 

more then so, the Apostolicall comprehends the Epis- episcopos sive 
copall commission, as lesse : and the Apostles were in coadjutores 
this respect Bishops wheresoever they came, not by f "^!'- ^ 
ordmary constitution, but by a higher and extraordinary ^^^^^^^^ ^q 
function : to whom other Bishops are successours not /,/„,„ coepis- 
in the Apostleship strictly taken, but as Bishop to copus sub. 
Apostles, as Justices of peace in their limits to the PetroApostolo 
1 .1 r^ • • ' ^\ J- r Ti- <- extenora 

higher Commissions either ordinary as ot Itinerant ^^^^^-^ ^^ 

Justices, or extraordinarie by speciall commission on -,o. Cletus 
speciall occasions constituted, in part, not in all their coepiscopus 
authoritie. successit after 

We shall launch into a Whirle-poole if we proceede ^^^.j^7 o«/ of 
to declare Peters Successors (as some call the Bishops p^pg '^^^^ ^^^ 
of Rome) the Fathers themselves disagreeing in their Post Petrum, 
Catalogues. So farre off were they from making Papall imkum Petro, 
succession an essentiall either Note of the Church, or ^^^"Qll^^^g_ 
ground and rule of Faith. But for their preaching the „,^„^f„ ^y^^-^ 
Gospell thorow the World, all Bishops are all Apostles eccles. 
I 145 ^ 


[I. i. 53-] 

successours, these in their limited, those in an universall 
Commission ; which either they performed, or not : if 
they did not, it was disobedience, as in Sauls expedition 
against Amalek : if they could not, it was impotence, 
and the command of preaching to all Nations, impleadeth 
defect in the Commander, who is the wisdome of God, 
and the power of God. His wisdome appeared also 
together with his power in giving them tongues, and 
not onely healthfuU constitution of body, but miraculous 
transportation and power, Natures defects not hindring 
the effects of Grace, as appeareth in the story of Philip 
and the Eunuch, Acts 8. of Pauls surviving a stoning, 
John the scalding in Oyle, and others other difficulties, 
mentioned in part, both in Divine and Ecclesiasticall 
History. Neither have Miracles and tongues necessary 
to such a conversion, ever since happened, nor have 
we promise that they ever shall. Nor was it ever 
meeter that the New King should be proclaimed, 
then when having led captivitie captive, he ascended 
on high, and tooke possession of his supercaelestiall 
throne : the Apostles herein doing that, for the 
heavenly Salomon with spirituall magnificence, which 
Nathan, Zadock and others had done for the typicall 
Salomon, by Davids appointment. The universall 
Ceremonies being the same in the whole Church, and 
such as no generall Councell could determine, argue the 
unitie of the spirit in the Apostolicall preaching, Thus 
as we have partly shewed in all, and particularly shewed 
in Peter for his part, we will declare of the rest. 

§. nn. 

Of Saint Andrew, John, the two Jacobi, Philip, 
and Simon Zelotes. 

* Dorat. 


^ Ap, Huron. 

Catol scrip. 


Ndrew the brother of Saint Peter, as ^Dorotheus 
and Sophronius ^testifie preached to the Scy- 
thians, Sogdians, and Sacae, and to the inner 
or Savage Ethiopians ; was buried at Patrae in Achaia, 



being crucified by TEgCcLS Governour of the Edesens. 
Nicephorus "writeth that he travelled into Cappadocia, "Nk. hist.Ec. 
Galatia, and Bithynia, and thence to the Countrey of ^* ^- ^' 39- 
the Anthropophagi, or Man-eaters, and to the Wilder- 
nesses of the Scythians, to both the Euxine Seas, and 
to the Southerne and Northerne Coasts, as also to By- 
zantium now called Constantinople, where hee ordained 
Stachys Bishop : after which, hee went thorow Thrace, 
Macedonia, Thessalia, and Achaia. That hee was sent 
to the Scythians, Baronius prooveth out of Origen, '^and ^Orig.inGe. 

Eusebius ; and out of Nazianzene *" his descent into ^i^- 

r^ • J T7 • Euseb. hist. I. 

(jrascia and iLpirus. ^ ^ 

" Greg. Naz. 

SAint John his banishment into Pathmos, and Epistles Orat. in 

to the seven Churches of Asia (which TertuUian '^cals ^f'"^"- 

Joannis alumnas Ecclesias) are extant in his owne Writ- cont^Man 

ings. Irenaeus ^and many other mention his labours ^ 

at Ephesus, Prochorus, ^(his supposed Disciple) hath ^^Prochor. in 

written a Historie of his Asian Peregrination, his actions f"''- ^- ^°'^"- 

at Ephesus, his passions at Rome, whither hee was sent, ^" ' ^°^ ' 
and in other places, but his authoritie is no better then 

of a Counterfeit, as Baronius 'hath also branded him, 'Baron, to. i. 
Of this nature we find many counterfeit Gospels and ^^' 
Journals, or Histories of the Apostles acts, censured 
by the Ancients, the Devill then labouring to sowe 
his tares in the Apostolicall Historie, which in after 
Ages, Antiquitie might countenance with venerable 

authoritie. Metaphrastes ^ relateth his acts in Phrygia ^ Metaph. in 

and Hierapolis: That he preached in other Regions ^.^eptem. 

of the East, Baronus 'affirmeth, especially to the ^Relat.exEp. 

Parthians, to whome his first Epistle was inscribed in Jesuit, an. 

ancient Copies: that hee converted the Bassorae, is still ^555* 
holden by Tradition amongst them. 

J Ames the brother of John was put to death by Herod 
to please the Jewes, ""a wicked Generation not pleas- "^ Act. 12. 
ing God, and contrary to all men. It is reported of 
some, that before his death he travelled as farre as 



Spaine, and there preached the Gospel, at least to the 
"^ Bar. Mart, dispersed Jewes, Baronius in his Martyrologe "produceth 
Jul. 25. ^ Booke of suspected faith attributed to Isidore, testi- 

fying his preaching to the Nations of Spaine, and of 
the Westerne Regions ; and the Breviarie of Toledo, 
in which are these Verses, Regens Joannes dextra solus 
Asiam, Et laeva frater positus Hispaniam, &c. the testi- 
monies also of Beda, Turpinus and others. All the 
" Churches in Spaine, hee saith, °hold the same opinion. 
an. 44. Yet is he uncertaine, and so leaves his Reader, because 

of that untimely timelinesse of his death. It is not 
likely that the Apostleship and office of preaching to 
all Nations, and the name of the Sonne of Thunder 
was given to him by Him, which as easily infuseth 
. the vertue as imposeth the name, and foreknew the 
tribtibusln ^imes and seasons of his life and death, but that the 
dispersione sequell was answerable. 

constituth. His hastie death argues his forward courage, as of 

catalog. j^jj^ which stood in the forefront of the battle. That 

?<?r5«. ojo- ^ preached to the dispersed tribes Phath many authors: 
the. bynopsts. ,\.,,. i^ir t 1 o- 

Mermannii that his bodie was brought rrom Jerusalem to bpame, 

tkeatrum, l^c. the Romane Martyrologe, and the Popes Callistus and 

"^Euseb. hist. Innocentius are cited bv Baronius. 

n% Abd.l.'d. 'T^He other James called Alphaei and Oblias, and 
' Hier. de- JL Justus, and the brother of our Lord (either because 
script. Eccles. ^g ^^s the sonne of Joseph by a former wife, according 
[1. 1. 54.] ^^ Eusebius,'! or because his Mother was sister to the 
/. 20. c. 8 Blessed Virgin, as Saint Jerome' rather thinketh) was 
' Talmud. a man famous for Sanctitie and Devotion amongst the 
Bab. de Idol. Jewes by the testimonie of Josephus,^ which imputeth 
'^k^-' hi^^h"^"^ to his cruell and unjust murther, the terrible desolation 
which soone after befell that Nation. And the Talmud 

1 a.. 

*SoHieroni. both of 'Jerusalem and Babylon, mention him as a 
but Euseb. I. worker of Miracles in the Name of Jesus. 
2. c. 12. hath Hegesippus a man neere the Apostles times, saith 
TJteris'jpos- ^^ ^^"^» Suscepit Ecclesiam Hierosolymae* post Apostolos 
toHs. frater Domini Jacobus cognomento Justus Sec. Of 



which wordes this seemes the sense, That whereas the 
Apostles by common consent in a just Aristocratic had 
governed the Church of Christ, residing at Jerusalem, 
untill the time of their dispersion to divers parts of 
the World, (which as Eusebius'' citeth out of ApoUonius, " Euseb. hist. 
was the twelfth yeere after Christs Passion) they then '^•5-^-i7- 
betaking them to their severall Provinces, jointly agreed 
to leave James the Just at Jerusalem for the regiment 
of the Church both there, and as from other places 
of the World occasions were offered thorow the Uni- 
verse. For as Jerusalem was farre'' the famousest of "" P/hi. /. $. c 
the Cities of the East, not of Judaea alone, in other i-^/ongedariss. 
respects, as Plinie hath honoured it; so in Religion, "^f//^'^„^'^' 
it was by better testimonie called the ^ Holy Citie, and /^^^^ mo^g^ 
the Citie of the great King, whose Tabernacle^ was in yMat.^.^$. 
Salem and his dwelling in Sion ; not in the time of ^Ps.76. 
the Law, but of the Gospel also ; the Law of the 
Lord went out of Sion, as ^Esay had prophesied, and "£/. 2. 3. 
the Word of the Lord from Jerusalem. This was the 
Staple of Christian Merchandize, Emporium'' fidei ^Cl.Espenc. 
Christians (saith Espencasus) the Mart and Mother '" ^- '^''«- +• 
of the Christian Faith, which therefore alway needed 
some grave Father to be the principall Factor in her 
Holy affaires : Hierusalem was before her destruction, 
the Center of Christianitie, whence all the lines of Apos- 
tolicall Missions were diffused and thither againe reduced ; 
the Ocean, whence all the Ecclesiasticke'' streames of " Ec. i. 7. 
the Evangelicall waters of life issued, and whither they 
againe returned ; Once it was the Senate-house of 
Christian Councels and Counsailes for all Provinces of 
Christianitie, the confluence of others, but specially 
of the Jewish dispersions, which from all Countries 
comming to the Legal Feasts, might there freight 
themselves home with Festivall wares of Evangelicall 
commodities. Necessarie it was therefore that some 
Apostolicall Senator and principall Apostle should there 
reside, with whom in all difficulties to consult, not so 
much as Bishop (in proper sense) of that Citie, as 



of the Jewes, yea and as opportunitie served, of other 

Nations thorow the whole World. This was that James 

which wrote the Epistle bearing his name, whom Paul 

^Gal. I. 19. mentioneth to the Galatians'^, and the Acts^ often, 

^ Jet. 15. especially in the fifteenth Chapter, where you see him 

* The other president of the first Councell (if not the only in strictest 
general Loun- ^ r^ ^^\ r \ a i r u • 

eels were sense termed (jenerall) or the Apostles, arter their 
rather of the Provinciall dispersions assembled at Jerusalem. For in 
Roman, then his sentence the Councell concludes ; and if the Apostles 
the untversall / ^ ^|^^ Fathers concurre) had committed to him being 
bled b\ Roman ^" Apostle, the government of Jerusalem, to whom 
Emperors might the Presidentship of Councels in that place apper- 
o^b- taine, rather then to this Apostolicall Bishop and Bishoply 

Apostle, to whom the Lord first committed his throne 
^Ep.har.']%. on earth, as Epiphanius^ testifieth .? As a Deputie or 
^ As the Pre- President resides ^ in one Citie, though his government 
sidentofTorke j^g j^q^. there confined, but extends to the whole Kingdome 
Province •" the °^ Region, so was it with this Apostles Bishoprike at 
Fice-roy of Jerusalem, from that high Pinacle to oversee and provide 
Goa for all the for the affairs of the Catholike and Universall Church. 
Indies^ ISc. From that high pinacle (in another sense also) was 
he cast downe, stoned, and at last with a Fullers Club 
brained by the Jewes, which were soone in a terrible 
desolation called to accounts for this and other Apos- 
tolicall and Propheticall bloud, yea of the high Prophet 
and Apostle of our salvation, which yet the Jewes 
attributed to this Martyrdome of James, as lately and 
neerely preceding. His Successour was Simeon his brother, 
in that See of Jerusalem, not Simon called the Cananite, 
^ Bar.p.Tfiz,. one of the twelve, as Baronius*" hath also observed. 
to. I 

SAint Philip is recorded to have preached in Asia 
Superior, and (as the Romane Martyrologe saith) 
J^'- '• almost all Scythia. Baronius'' supposeth the testimonie 

Mart\r. ^^ Isidore, and the Toletan Breviarie, that Philip converted 

the Galls, is falsly written for Galatians, which yet, if 
^Nieeph.1.2. Nicephorus Relations' be true, needs no such correction. 
8 T\o '' Simon was called Cananite, as Nicephorus saith, for 



his birth at Cana, whose marriage was there celebrated 
when Christ turned water into Wine, and for the fervour 
of his Zeale, hee was sirnamed Zelotes. His preaching 
peregrinations he relateth thorow Egypt, Cyrene, Africa, 
Mauritania, and all Libya even to the Westerne Ocean, 
yea, to our Britaine Hands. Hee preached last in 
Phrygia, and at Hierapolis was crucified. 

§. V. [I. i. 55-] 

Of Saint Thomas, Bartholomew, Matthew, Jude, 
Matthias : and of counterfeit Writings in the 
Apostles names. 

Aint Thomas called Didymus, preached to the 
Parthians, as'^Origen, and after him "Eusebius "" 
have written: Gregorie Nazianzene ° addeth the Get/./. ■}. iffc. 

Indians: Chrysostome ^saith, he whited the blacke Ethio- "^''^^'^- '• 3- 
plans, Theodoref^reciteth the Parthians, Persians, Medes, o'^y^^. kom. 
Brachmans, Indians and the adjoyning Nations : Nice- ad Arian. 
phorus' hath the same, and addes the Hand Taprobane, '''' Chrys.kom. 
which is now called (in the opinion of the most) Samotra : <^-^l' f^'j 
in Hieroms Catalogue is added out of Sophronius, the (p^„^ /' q 
Germanes (of India) Hircans and Bactrians, and his death ■"A'/V. /. 2. c. 
at Calamina. On the Coast of Choromandel, where the 4°- 
River Ganges is swallowed of the Sea called the Gulfe 
of Bengala, are divers Christians from old times called 
S. Thomas Christians. Some of the Jesuits have added 
China also to the labors of S. Thomas. Of these 
Christians, both in Narsinga, and Cranganor on that Sea 
where Indus falleth, and in divers parts of the Indies 
you may read in ^Osorius'Maffaeus and others. His ^Osor.dereb. 
Feast day is celebrated at Malipur, (so they now call vZ, jr^',- 
the Citie where he lyes buried) not by the Christians i„j 
alone, but the Ethnikes also of those parts. The Eunuch 
of Candace"" converted by Saint Philip, is amongst the "AclS. 
Ethiopians in Prester Johns Countries honoured for 
Plantation of the Gospel in those parts of Africa; but ^ Dor, Synops. 
by Dorotheus "^ said to have preached in all the Erythrean injine. 




Coast, and the Hand Taprobana, before ascribed to Saint 
Thomas, and in Arabia Foelix. 

Chrp. horn. O Aint Bartholomew (saith Chrysostome y) passed into 

de 12. Apost. O Armenia Major, and instructed the Lycaones; Sophro- 

f"^^'''' nius' addes the Albanians, and the Indians termed For- 

Hier'on de tunate ; Origen saith the hither India ; ^Socrates, India 

script. Ec. next to Ethiopia, Eusebius ^ testifieth, that Pantaenus a 

^^oc.l. I.e. Stoike Philosopher and Rector of the Schoole or Uni- 

^5; versitie at Alexandria, was ordained Preacher of the 

Q • • 5- • Qospel to the Easterne Nations, and pierced to the 

Regions of the Indians. For there were at that time 

"In the time many "= zealous imitators of the Apostles: of whom was 

<^f "^^rehus ^i^-g Pantaenus, which preached to the Indians, amongst 

^^^ whom he is reported to have found the Gospel of S. 

Matthew, in the hands of some Christians, which" had 

received the faith by S. Bartholomew, and left them the 

said Gospel in Hebrew, reserved till that time. Nice- 

^Nic.l.z.c. phorus'* adjoyneth S. Bartholomew, to S. Philip in his 

39- Plantations of the Gospel in Syria and Asia Superior, 

and after at Hierapolis, where he was crucified with 

Philip, but delivered, and yet againe at Urbanopolis in 

Cilicia, died that ignominious death and glorious Martyr- 

^Hier.ubi dome. This ^ Hebrew Gospel of Saint Matthew, Saint 

^^P- Hierome, both saw and copied out. It was reserved in 

the Library of Caesarea. 

SAint Matthew travelled into Ethiopia, that namely 
which adhereth to India, as Socrates ^ writeth. Nice- 
g"^;. phorus^ addeth the Anthropophagi, and tels I know not 

what Legends, rejected also by Baronius. For such was 
the indulgent providence of God, not to burthen the faith 
of the Church with voluminous Histories of Apostolicall 
Acts thorow the whole World, which scarsly (as Saint 
Johnzi. John hath of our Lord) the ^ whole World could have 
contained. Unto the faith of all, not to the curiositie 
of some, was written enough by those holy Penmen, the 
Secretaries of the Holy Ghost in holy Scripture. But 




the Devill impiously provident, hence tooke occasion to Counterfeits 

burthen the Church with so many unworthy Legends, •^^'^^^^^ "^^ 

both presently after their times forged in their names, 

and since by Upstarts devised and obtruded on the 

Credulous world, as Lives, (lies) of the Saints, Histories, 

yea, Misse-stories, Hisse-stories, by the old Serpent 

hissed and buzzed amongst superstitious men (missing 

worthily the right, and deceived with lyes, because they 

had not received the love of the truth; to make 

way to the succeeding mysterie of Iniquitie; out 

of which Babylonian Mint, wee have lately that babbling 

and fabling Abdias, by Lazius his Midwifery borne after 

so many Ages, an Abortive indeed, or Changeling, as 

the wiser' of themselves confesse. Hee can tell you 'Baron. Isc 

insteed of Saint Matthewes life, many Ethiopian Fables, 

and intertayne you in a (Fooles) Paradise situate above 

the highest Mountains, with such delicacies, as shew that 

Adams children are still in love with the forbidden fruit, 

and will lose, or at least adventure the true Paradise to 

find a false. Inopes nos copia fecit. Their abundant 

labours and travels which Came, Saw, Overcame, each so 

large portions of the World, left them no leisure to write 

Annales (whence some have found leisure to write Aniles, 

olde wives Tales) and makes the conversion of the World 

an object of our faith, rather in beleeving the prediction 

and testimony thereof in the Scripture, then of humane 

credit, where the Apostles and Martyrs of their golden 

Actions and Passions, have found such Leaden ^ Legends ^ V'wes and 

and woodden workmen. Makers or Poets, rather then ^f^."-^ ""'; 
Tx-' 1-11 1 1 Tj^ platne no lesse 

Historians : which here once spoken may bee applied to fj^^.^gj 

the rest, of whose great workes so little is recorded. d. Harding, 

Saint Augustine' complaines of such Apocrypha Scrip- I3c. 

tures amongst the Manichees, a nescio quibus sutoribus ^^^'J^^' 

fabularum sub Apostolorum nomine Scriptas : and re- ^^^^^.^ 'j°J^ 'j 

fuseth the like testimonies of John and Andrew produced j, <-. yg. 

by the Marcionites. S. Hierom " nameth five Apocrypha [I. i. 56.] 

Bookes falsly attributed to Peter ; his Acts, his Gospel, '" ^^^"'- ^^ 

his Praedication, his Apocalipse, his Judgement. Some ^"^^' 



"C/m. Alex, also mention" Itinerarium Petri, which perhaps is the same 
^trom. I. 6. ^^\[\i Clements Recognitions, another counterfeit. In 
Pauls name was published a Gospel, Apocalypse, his 
Revelations, his Ascent to Heaven (which the Gnostiks 
"Epiph.hcer. used, as saith Epiphanius°) his Acts, & third Epistles to 
^^ • the Corinthians, and to the Thessalonians, and one to the 

Baron an 4.4. Laodiceans. John is made a Father of other Revelations, 
to. I, and of the Virgins Departure. Saint Andrewes Gospel, 

Saint Thomas his Gospel and Apocalypse. Saint Bar- 
tholomews Gospel, Saint Matthews Booke of Christs 
Infancy, received by the Valentinians, are condemned 
^ Gel. in by pQelasius. Neither did Matthias, Philip, and Thad- 
decret. de lib. Jgeus want their Gospels, hereticall births injuriously laid 
^°'^' at their doores : nor Barnabas also, nor Marke, no nor 

Judas, the Traitor, which the Caians acknowledged, as 
Theodoret and Epiphanius have written, lettice sutable 
to such polluted lips. Wee might adde the Acts (so 
inscribed) of Andrew, of Thomas, of Philip, of Paul 
and Thecla Johns Circuit. Yea the Colledge Apostolicall 
was made to father like Bastards, as the Doctrine of the 
Apostles, the Lots of the Apostles, the Praise of the 
Apostles, besides other Acts of the Aposdes, and the 
manglings of the truly Apostolicall Pages by Addition, or 
Subtraction. What shall I say } Our Blessed Lord escaped 
not hereticall Impostures in his Name, as the Booke De 
magia ad Petrum & Paulum. And I thinke him rather 
prodigall then liberall, or just of his faith which subscribes 
"^Euseh. I. I. to that story '^ of Abagarus. But it were endlesse no 
^- ^3- lesse then needlesse, to intangle our selves in this dia- 

bolicall Maze and hereticall labyrinth of sacred forgeries, 
in that and after Ages, the Envious mans super semina- 
tions to bewitch unstable soules, not contented with Gods 
dimensum and provident allowance. If therefore of Saint 
Matth. 13. Matthewes ^Ethiopian peregrinations, if of Saint Matthias 
in -/Ethiopia also (for a great part of Asia, and the greatest 
Sophron. if^ of Africa were stiled by that name) if of Judas Thaddeus 
f. 4.0 ^^^ preaching in Mesopotamia, Arabia, Idumaea, and the 

Regions adjacent, we have so little recorded, it is no great 



marvell. It may be sufficient to understanding Readers, 
that wee have out of the best Authors extant, named the 
most Countries of the then knowne world. And if every 
Region and People bee not mentioned, impute it to the 
want of History of their several! Acts, who sought rather 
to write Christs Passions in the hearts, then their owne 
Actions in the bookes, of Men ; to produce deeds not 
wordes, and monuments of Divine, not their owne glory. 
Few places can be named in Asia or Africa, which wee 
have not mentioned in their peregination and preaching : 
and faire probabilitie is for those not mentioned by con- 
sequence of reason, which at lest can prove nothing to 
the contrary ; and more then probability is the Divine 
testimony before observed. 

§• VI. 

Of Saint Paul : of Apostolicall Assistants : some 

doubts discussed. 

S for Saint Paul, the Doctor of the Gentiles, he 
flew like a swift Fowle over the World : wee 
have his owne testimony of his Preaching in 
Arabia, his returne to Damascus, and journey after "" three ""Gal. i. 
yeers to Jerusalem, thence to the Regions of Syria and 
Cilicia; yea that hee (not sprinkled, but) filled Jerusalem 
to Illyricum with the Gospel ; of his preaching in Italy 
and Rome, of his purpose for Spaine, which some^ say ^' Mermannii 
hee fulfilled afterwards, adding thereto Portugall, France, Theat. Con- 
Britaine, the Orchades, the Hands and Regions adjoyning ^'^''^' S^"^' 
to the Sea, and his returne by Germany into Italy,*" where ^Bed.^Aug. 
hee suffered Martyrdome, being by Nero beheaded. I Sa-ip(.Ntceph. 
force no mans credit, as neither to that of Joseph of ' ' ' 
Arimathea his preaching to the Britons, nor Saint Denis 
his Conversion of the Galles, at least in all things written 
of them. But for the Acts of Paul, as the Apostle of 
the Gentiles, the Scripture is more ample then of any the 
rest, the greater parts of Saint Lukes History, being of 
Pauls Acts. 



What should wee adde the labours of Evangelists, 
Assistants, and Co-workemen with the Apostles in those 
first Plantations, sent by them in several missions to 
^Vid.dehis divers places? Such were Barnabas'^ Silas, Philip the 
SynoL^^Mer- -^^^^O"' Silvaiius, Timothee, Titus, and others: some of 
man. Baron, which were after Bishops (as is anciently beleeved) of 
yc. particular Churches. Epaenetus Saint Sauls disciple is 

said to have beene Bishop of Carthage. Andronicus 
another of them in Pannonia, now called Hungary, 
Amplyas at Odyssa, Urbanus in Macedonia, Jason at 
Tarsus, Trophimus at Aries, Crescens at Vienna, Aristo- 
bulus in Britaine, Asyncritus in Hyrcania, Hermes in 
Dalmatia, and others in other places ; a Catalogue of 
whom in Mermannius his Theatre you may see at leasure. 
Saint Marke disciple of Saint Peter having preached to 
Libya, Marmarica, Ammonica, Pentapolis, and Egypt 
ordained Bishops in the new planted Churches, Eutro- 
pius another of Saint Peters disciples, is said to have 
preached in France: Mansuetus another of them, to 
some parts of Germany, as Symon of Cyrene, to other 
parts. But it were too tedious, to bring hither all that 
Authors have written of the seventy disciples, and other 
Apostolicall Assistants, who spent and were spent, con- 
sumed and consummated their course in and for the 
[1. 1. 57.] But here some may say, that wee have not named all 

Countries of the World, and of those named there is in 
Authors much varietie of report, in judicious Readers 
much scruple to credit. I answere that it were a farre 
harder taske to prove that any Countrey, not here men- 
tioned, was neglected in this Ministry. Neither did the 
Geography of those times extend their survey much 
further, then that wee have here in their Journalls 
expressed : although it much extended it selfe beyond the 
truth. Besides, who can wonder that the Apostles found 
not Pen-men, to record their Evangelicall conquests 
thorow the World, seeking to establish a Kingdome 
Spirituall and Internall, contemning the worlds glory, and 



of vaine-glorious worldlings contemned, when the great 
Conquerours, which sought to subdue the World by force, 
and plant Empires by Armes, have left so obscure notice 
of their exploits, though dedicated to humane applause 
and admiration ? Of the ^Egyptian Conqueror Sesostris, 
Lucan sings, Venit ad occasum mundique extrema Sosostris, 
Et Pharios currus regum servicibus egit ! Of Nabucho- 
donosor the Scripture witnesseth, that his greatnesse * ^ Dan. ^. 22. 
reached to Heaven, and his Dominion to the end of 
the Earth ; Yet have they neither Journalls nor Annalls 
of their great Acts left to posterity, not so much as the 
names of their subdued Provinces, not so much as wee 
have here produced of the Apostles. Nay, what is left to 
memory of the long-lived Assyrian Monarchy, but 
shadowes, glimpses, fables ? Who hath left in Register 
the names of the one hundred twenty seven ^ Provinces, ^ Ester 8. 9. 
subject to the Persian Monarchy from India to Ethiopia ? 
Nay, how little and how uncertaine is remaining of the 
Greeke Alexander his Expedition, although then under- 
taken, when Greece had arrived at the height of humane 
learning, and by him that was himselfe a famous 
Scholler of the most famous of Philosophers ? Did 
not hee deplore^ his owne unhappinesse in this kind, ^ 
treading on the Tombe of Achilles ? And had not ^''^^^ P'^^^- 
Curtius and Arrianus long long after his death, written 
of him (I question not the certainty) how little 
should wee have of Great Alexander ? Great in his 
Acts and Arts, greater in his Attempts, greatest in 
the unbounded Ambition of Greatest Renoume to 
latest posterity ; yet how much more is left of the 
Acts of Humble Apostles, then of Ambitious Alex- 
ander? And now his Conquests are obliterated and [I. i. 58.] 
forgotten, how are theirs written not in Bookes and 
Lines, but in the minds and lives of Men, so great a 
part of the World still remaining the Volume of their 
Expeditions in their Christian profession ? 

And how much more did so, till the unbeleefe and 
unthankfulnesse of wicked men, provoked Divine Justice 



to remove his golden Candlestick from so many Nations 
thorow the World, which for contempt of Christian 
Truth, were againe abandoned to Ethnicke supersti- 
tions ? Thus had God dealt with the Jewes before ; 
thus after with the Christians in Africa almost gener- 
ally in a great part of Europe, and in a great great 
part of Asia by Mahumetan madnesse, in which 
what that Arabian Canker-worme had left, the Tar- 
tarian Caterpiller did almost utterly devoure. Thus 
in Marco Polo, in Rubruquius, in Odoricus and 
Mandivile, yee may read of Christian Nations dispersed 
quite thorow Asia 1200. yeeres and more after Christ, 
overwhelmed with that Tartarian deluge, where the Name 
of Christians in the remotest parts is extinct, till Navigation 
in the last Age revived it. And had not Navigation and 
Peregrination opened a window, no Geographer had let us 
know the names of Nations, which Christians of the 
West found, professing the same Christ in the unknowne 
Regions of the East, at once scene to bee, and to be 
Christian. Yea, how little of the remote North and 
East of Europe and Asia, or of the South of Africa, was 
knowne to Plinie, Ptolomey, and other ancient Geogra- 
phers, where their Christian light hath shined to us with 
the first notice of themselves .'' 

I inferre not, that the Gospells lightning kindled an 
Evangelicall flame, and obtained Episcopall entertainment 
in every place where the Apostles preached : nor that 
every Lord, Tribe, and Family heard this Divine Mes- 
sage ; nor that each Country was filled with the Gospel, 
or any with an universall profession in the first Planta- 
The reason of tions, or in their times. The name Paganus which 
the name signifiing a Pesant or Rustike, for this cause was altered 
Pagan or |-q ^ Panime or Ethnike, because Religion could not, but 
aymm. j^ ^^^^^ ^^ i\mQ diffuse her bright beames and lines of 

light, from her Episcopall City Centre (that also not 
wholly Christian) to those ruder parts of her remoter 
Rom. 10. 18. circumference. This I say, that their sound went into all 
the Earth, and their words unto the Ends of the World, 



in some Countries and Nations more fully, in some 
more obscurely, in all by fame at lest, if not by the 
Apostles presence, as the Spirit permitted utterance, that 
some of all might be converted. 

§. VII. 

Of America, whether it were then peopled. 

Nd if any more scrupulous doubt of the New 
World, and of many places where no foot print of 
Christianity is extant, I answere,* (besides what *S///.r.i.§.8. 
before in our Ophirian Tractate is spoken) not onely that 
time eates up her owne Children, and that none can prove 
that Christ hath not beene there preached in former times, 
because these are thereof ignorant; (for a deluge of 
opposing persecutions, another of ecclipsing superstitions 
and heresies, a third of warre and invasions, extinguishing 
both the Religion and People also hath succeeded, in 
some the most renowmed Churches of the World : and 
what then may time have done in unknowne places ?) 
But who can tell that America, and many parts of Asia, 
Afrike and Europe were then peopled with Men, the 
Subjects capable of this Preaching.? Nay, may wee not 
in probabilitie think the contrary? how great a part of the 
World is yet without habitation ? how great a part of the 
World is yet unknowne } All the South Continent is in 
manner such, and yet in reason* conjectured to bee very *See Bmr- 
large, and as it were another New World ; Also Fernand ^""^^ Book of 
de Quiros saith hee hath discovered eight hundred leagues ^^^^' ^ 
of shoare. Neither is it probable but that so temperate ^^^i „^^ / 
parts are inhabited (which in part, so farre as is knowne i. c. i8. 
on the Shoares and adjacent Hands, is apparant) nor is 
their likelihood of Christianity, where the Nations every 
way adjoyning are Ethnike, that I say not Savage on the 
parts of Asia and America : and both these and they 
seeme latelier peopled then the Apostles dayes. In the 
new Straits beyond the Magellane, the stupidity of the 
Fowles argued they knew not the face of Men, which 



they not at all dreaded. And many many Hands not yet 
inhabited, this ensuing Discourse will manifest. Yea in 
large Tracts of the Continent of Groenland, & other parts 
unto New-found-land, it is found that eyther there are no 
people, or they but for some time in the Summer, and for 
some purpose, as of hunting or fishing, not certaine and 
setled dwellers : a name scarcely fitting to the people in 
Virginia and Florida. Even in our old World it self, 
how new are the eldest Monuments & Antiquities, in al 
the North, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Lapland, the 
Samoyeds, Tartars, yea the Northermost Russes, Lithu- 
ranians, Livonians, Poles ; how new their Arts, their Acts, 
their Lawes, Government, Civility and Fame .'' Which 
therefore must needs as the World increased, bee 
evacuated from Countries neerer the Sunne, by necessitie 
inforced to harder Climates. Of Island our story will 
shew, it was but yesterday inhabited. 
See my Pi/g. The Scythians and Sarmatians of the ancient are more 
/. 4. c. 10. Southerly ; and well may we reject the fables of Hyper- 
boreans, and I knowe not what devised Northerne Peoples 
[I. i. 59.] and Monsters, the Creatures and Colonies of idle busie 
braines. These Northerne people, scarsely worthie the 
name of a People, did God use when the sinnes of 
the Roman Empire were full, to punish their pride by 
so base instruments, in Gottish, Vandall, Hunnish, Saxon, 
Franke, and other names, in judgement remembring 
mercy to the chastised Children, and to the chastising 
Rod, not therefore cast into the fire, except to refine 
them, but by conquering Christian Nations, themselves 
disposed by divine hand to become a Christian Con- 
quest, and to submit themselves to that God, to that 
Religion, whose looser Professors they overcame with 
an overwhelming inundation. How unsearchable are 
thy wayes, O God, and thy judgements passing know- 
ledge, which of Stones raisest children to Abraham, and 
bringest Lions into the Sheep-fold in hope of prey 
and spoyle, where thy discipline transformes them into 
Lambes .'' and persecuting Saul turnes a Prophet .'' 


rrcvr-.i i. 

Pont US EuxiNus^'fi 

>iL mill 

'5ifA.//- £i--„; _ **»V^ j3.->., ;i,'5; .li'nVM. 


l?icili«^/ Marc Ionium jiv >ij 



a i- marK.t^ S~^.--^ Lx l>;d ex r. ^a, r- 





The remotest Northerne and Southerne parts o{ * As Canaan 
America are yet thinly inhabited,* and in great part not ^^^^^^^i^^^^' 
at all, as before is observed, whereas Mexicana, and „othingso 
Peruviana were abundantly peopled at the Spaniards populous as in 
first arrivall, with the Hands adjacent. Two great Em- Joshuas. 
pires were there erected, one* in Mexico, the other of * Jcosta 
the Ingas in Cusco ; but neither of them ancient. Nor ^^^°"/ '^^ 
let any impute this to their illiterate barbarousnesse. ^^^^1^^^ J^'gj 
For they had meanes to preserve memorie of their acts f^^i^ owne 
by computation no lesse certaine then ours, though histories, about 
more troublesome : and thereby is the Mexican Epocha, ^«- 9oo- ^J^' 
or first beginning, then beginning to bee a People, the //^'^"^"^^^^..^ 
Devill imitating the Israelites in their Exodus towards /„ Qj^^^o and 
the Countries which they after possessed, apparant to of the stocke oj 
have beene above seven hundred yeeres after Christ : ^^^ Ingas, be- 
as that of the Ingas some hundreds later. For it is fjJlfter''' 
most likely that America was first peopled from the North ^ j^ ,joo 
of Asia and Europe in her neerer and Northerne parts, which were 
whence by secret instinct, and hopefull allurements they before most 
were inticed to remove neerer the Sunne, and from the ^^'^^&^- 
Mexican to passe to the Peruvian Continent. Neither 
can probable reason be given of peopling America but 
from thence, as by the Discourses of Acosta and Master 
Brerewood appeareth : neither did those Northerne parts 
receive Inhabitants till the Regions of the World neerer 
Noas Arke, and of more commodious habitation were 
first peopled, whence the East and South parts were 
soone after Noas time replenished : the colder and 
worse successively, and the extreme North by later 
compulsion and necessitie, the better being peopled 
before : and there exceeding their just proportion, they 
emptied themselves partly by returning into the South 
by Conquests to over-runne civiller Nations, and partly 
were forced to seeke further, as vicinitie of Seas and 
Lands aflFoorded, till America was also peopled. For 
(besides that those Northerne parts were as fertile in 
the wombe, as barren in the soyle, numerous beyond 
due food) those rough, cold mountainous habitations 
I i6i L 


yeelded like constitution of body and unquietnesse of 
mind strong and able to indure, bold and forward to 
adventure greatest difficulties, still pressing (where worse 
then the present could hardly befall) and following their 
hopes till neerer propinquitie to the Sunne, Climates 
more temperate, richer Soyle, consent of Elements 
and Aliments bred content to their mindes and more 
prosperous concent of Fortunes, which softned their 
rigid dispositions, and by degrees disposed them to 
thinke on mechanicall and politike Arts, further to 
humanize their society, and to polish their cohabitation 
with Politic, This we see soone done in Egypt, and 
Babylonia presently after the Floud : but how long 
before the Persians were civilized ? how long after be- 
fore the Macedonians, or Romans ? yea, how long before 
there were Romans ? 

Nature infused the first cares of necessary being, which 

being by the fertile habitation and industrious culture 

richly supplied, in the settled standing the Milke of 

humane wits yeelded the flower or creame of Arts for 

flourish and beautie, which unsettled and discontented 

estates weary of the present, and pressing still forwards 

cannot produce ; neither can a rolling stone gather mosse. 

And thus we finde the Germans now a civill Nation, 

which many ages after Christ were barbarous. Yea, 

where more feritie and savage rudenesse then this our 

Britaine yeelded not long before the birth of our Saviour, 

for their painting, nakednesse, and other rude demeanours 

worse then the Virginians now, and like some more 

barbarous Americans ? What hath America savouring 

of Antiquitie ? what besides the former, not savouring 

^"^/j^/si °^ ^^^ Cradle, and later transmigration ? 

/. I. c. z. ' Those memorials which they have of the Floud might 

Feg. torn. 2. passe with them by Tradition even from the Arke it 

/ii>. 7. c. 13. selfe thorow all their removes and transmigrations. And 

y^^.?- H54- no lesse might be said of that Ticsiviracocha mentioned 

Nav. in Bra. ^Y Acosta, (whom Vega observeth to have many things 

c. 1 6. not so truly) like to Our Men, and preached amongst 



them many good lessons with httle effect, and after 
many miracles amongst them was slaine ; whose picture 
some of the Spaniards had scene, resembling those ot 
our Saints. Vega tells another and more likely storie 
of Viracochas apparition in that habite, which no doubt 
was the Devill. The like is recorded by Lerius, of 
a tradition amongst the Brasilians, that innumerable 
Moones before, there came a Mair or Stranger, clothed 
after the Christian manner, and bearded, which preached 
unto them the knowledge of God, but none would 
beleeve him : after whom another came which delivered 
them a Sword, since which time they had used to slay 
and eate one another. These things, as they may be 
true, so may they be the New actions of the old Serpent 
ambitious of Deitie, or may by Tradition flit with them 
thorow all their habitations ; or if any shall thinke it 
there happened (which I cannot beleeve) yet are they [I. i. 60.] 
rather to interpret it of the Apostles (& so further 
confirmeth our opinion) then of any other, seeing no 
such men could there have accesse, and their speach be 
understood, but by miraculous dispensation. As for the 
Rocke in Brasill called Etooca (where, as Master Knivet Kn'wets Jour- 
affirmeth, Saint Thomas preached) converted out of '^''^^• 
Wood into Stone, the Fishes being his auditors, who 
seeth not a Frierly supersemination in the report .'' wee 
reade in Theophrastus or Aristotle, or whosoever else 
be Authour of that Booke De Mirabilibus Auscultat, 
of a fertile desart Hand found by the Carthaginians, 
abounding with Woods and Rivers navigable, and other 
bounties of Nature, distant many dayes sailing from the 
African Continent : some of the Carthaginians intended 
there to inhabite, but were repelled, and all men pro- 
hibited on paine of death, lest the Soveraigne power 
and weale publike of Carthage might thence be endam- 
maged. This is by some interpreted of the West-Indies, 
or some Hands thereof; which if it be so, confirmes our 
opinion that those parts were not then inhabited. Nor P- Pilg. I. 8. 
did any civilitie appeare in America to argue civill Pro- ^- ^• 



genitors, but that which was ot later memorie. Plato's 
Atlantis wee have elsewhere shewed to be allegoricall, 
at least no historicall truth : nor any likelihood in other 
ancient Navigations mentioned in Plutarch, Diodorus and 
others to point at these parts. 

If the multitudes of people found there by the first 
Spaniards seeme to pleade for a longer habitation then 
that we allow; let it be observed that a thousand and 
foure hundred yeeres (for the first Discoverie was 1492. 
after Christ) might well fill a world with people, especially 
considering their Polygamie, or many Women, their 
simple Diet, and that which attended the same, health- 
full Constitution and long Life (in some places admirable) 
their easie course of life contented with a little, not 
fearing to exceed their meanes and maintenance by 
numerous issue ; where Nature yeelded home-spunne 
or rather womb-spunne attire, and the Mother Earth 
with little importunitie or labour yeelded food sufficient ; 
where Plagues, Morraines, Famine, were scarse heard 
of; where Covetousnesse the root of all evill had so 
little worke ; Ambition scarsely knew to diversifie titles 
of honor; and warre (the inchanted circle of death, 
compendium of misery. Epitome of mischiefe, a Hell 
upon Earth) had not Iron, Steele, Lead, not Engines, 
Stratagems, Ordnance, not any humane Arts of in- 
humanitie to fill those parts of the World with empti- 
nesse, and there to erect Theaters of Desolation and 
Destruction. Nor did Nature yeeld many devouring 
Beasts, but reserved all her savagenesse to the Men. 

To let passe the peopling of the World before and 

after the Floud, in no great time, we see that in Egypt 

in the midst of heavy burthens, inhumane butcherie, and 

intolerable tyrannie, the Israelites were multiplied, in the 

='G^«.46. 27. space of two hundred and ten yeeres, from seventy^ 

^ Ex. 11.17- persons to above two milUons, as may be ghessed, in 

''Num. 1.46. ^{^^^ ^j^gj.g ^gj-e 600000.^ men, besides children, and 

^m'm^ie-i besides the females also as appeareth in the '^second 

6^"'"' '^ ' numbring by Moses, and *^ in the third by him and 



Eleazar, when all those but Caleb and Joshua were 
dead. Allowing therefore the male children not much 
lesse, as that third numbring evinceth, and the females 
in probabihtie as many as the males (the rather for that 
Pharaohs cruell Edict touched not them) you cannot 
but find above 2000000. Now this their encrease w^as 
by naturall meanes though by singular providence, and 
therefore might as well happen in America, those 
impediments removed, and many other furtherances 
annexed, in libertie, plenty, and largenesse of Territorie, 
all elements conspiring to multiplication. Neither can 
any thing but Divine providence (which none can denie 
in America, and had many more easie and visible meanes, 
fewer lets then in Egypt) be alledged for the one more 
then the other. This I may say, that if any list to 
examine the proportion, and suppose like providence, 
in that time of 1400. yeeres may follow a more numerous 
inundation of people, then ever America (perhaps the 
whole World) may probably be supposed at once to 
have numbred, although large deductions be allowed both 
for ordinary mortality and some more dismal accidents. 
Neither is it likely that the first plantations were so 
few (if voluntarily seeking, & not by accident forced 
to those habitations) as 70. persons twice told : nor 
that America at once or from one place received her 
first Colonies, as by the divers languages, statures, habits 
of men may appeare, although time, custome, accident, 
be allowed no litle power in these things. This we see 
amongst our selves, where one Dutch or Teutonike^ ^ 
hath yeelded not onely a distinction of higher and lower, Europ^eor. 
but the English, Danish, Sweden, Norwegian, Islandish, ^l^^- -^"f; 
Nordalbing, Frisian (besides the subdiversified dialects j^^,'f// Qq^_ 
which each of these multiplieth) Languages, Peoples, mog.part. 2. 
Rites, so much differing, and the elder both tongues /. \. c. 8. 
and customes (as in our Saxon) by Variation and suc- 
cession after a few Centuries in manner extinguished. 
So vaine a thing is Man. Let me conclude this dis- 
course of multiplication in America, by an American 



* A casta. I. i . 
cap. 2 1. y /. 
4- ^- 34- 

c. I, A few 
Herses also and 
mares left by 
the River of 
Plate so en- 
creased, that 
since they have 
slaine them 
only for their 
tailes, to sell to 
the Negros. 
Of Conies 
strange en- 
crease, see I. 
2. c. I. §. 2. 
[I. i. 6i.] 

example of cattell transported out of Europe thither, 
especially Kine, which as they beare no more at a burthen 
then a woman, nor oftner, so are they shorter-lived 
usually by two third parts : yet have they so increased 
there, that * one man the Bishop of Venezuela had above 
16000. yea they have growne wilde, their numbers ex- 
ceeding the care of owners, and every man at pleasure 
killing them for their hides. And one man, the ^Deane 
of Conception, had of one Kow living 26. yeeres, in her 
life time the increase of 800. Sic canibus catulos similes 

These Indians which respected in generation little 

else but sensuality, and in manner of life resembled brute 
beasts rather then civill (that I say not Christian) Men, 
enjoying like priviledges of Nature in other things, might 
in this also. 

i VIII. 

The glorie of Apostolicall Conquests: the hopes 
of enlarging the Church in this last Age, by 
knowledge of Arts and Languages through the 
benefit of Printing and Navigation. 

Et me conclude this Discourse of Apostolicall 
Peregrinations with consideration, with collau- 
dation, with admiration even to extasie and 
astonishment, of Their (shall I say or Gods.?) Exploits, 
and renowmed Acts. Little are the Acts of Great 
Alexander, Pompeius Magnus, Fabius Maximus, and 
other Greats and Grandes of the World, who by 
Armes and Arts military, by Fire, Sword, Famine, 
Massacres forced the bodies (the least part) of Men to 
a compulsive subjection, shaken off with the first oppor- 
tunitie. But how shall I adorne your noble Conquests, 
Yee Divine Apostolicall Worthies.? who walking in the 
flesh, not warring after the flesh, without, yea, against 
the force of carnall weapons, pulled downe strong holds, 
cast downe imaginations, and every high thing that 
exalted it selfe against the knowledge of God, and 



brought into captivitle every thought to the obedience 
of Christ? Herein they used not assistance of other z.Chotwo. 
Nations by confederation, nor mustered multitudes in 3> 4> 5 
pressed and trained bands of their owne ; nor received 
supportation by Subsidies, nor made invasion by force, 
nor obtained an unwilling conquest of Bodies (the shell 
without the kernel) nor entertayned close intelligence, 
nor wrought by close Treasons, nor divided to them 
selves the spoiles ; nor erected Forts, established Garri- 
sons, imposed taxations, transplanted inhabitants, de- 
pressed Nobles, shared new Provinces into Timars, 
tithed Children, planted Colonies ; nor had their counsels 
of Warre at home, or warlike customes abroad, Engines, 
Stratagems, Combats, Sieges, Skirmishes, pitched Fields, 
Ships, Horses, Chariots, Tents, Trumpets, Munition, nor 
that worst Baggage of Armies, Crying, Spoyling, Sacking, 
Wounding, Mayming, Killing with Multiformities of 
Cruelties, as if the nethermost Hels had mustered and 
evaporated the most and worst of Her Fumes and 
Furies into Our world, which might therefore take, 
that they might destroy, the shapes of Men, by humane 
inhumanitie. But a few poore Fishermen, and Tent- 
makers overthrow the Worlds Wisemen, in the most 
flourishing times of worldly learning, subdue the Scepters 
of greatest Kings and Monarchs, ruine the gates of Hell, 
& undermine the deepnesse of Satan, supplant the pro- 
foundest, suttlest, mightiest of Satanicall combinations Ap. 2. 
with the whole World of Men against a handfull ; and 
maugre their united Forces, preaching a Crucified God, 
and teaching the Crosse as the first Principle of Christian 
Learning, to overcome the edge of the Sword with suffer- 
ing it, to stop the mouthes of Lions with their flesh, 
to quench the violence of fire with their bloud ; to for- 
sake all Goods, good Name, Wife, Life, Childe, to deny 
themselves, to plucke out their right eyes, to cut off their 
right hands, to pray for their persecutors, to recompence 
hatred with love, and overcome evill with goodnesse, 
looking for no other reward then what the World can 



neither looke on, nor for ; they invade with innocence, 
and with Saving overcome, the World ; and whiles it most 
resisteth, persecuteth, overcommeth, incline it to willing- 
nesse, calmenesse, subjection ; write their conquests not in 
the bloud of the Conquered but of the Conquerors; 
erect Trophees, not in Obeliskes, Pyramides, Arches, by 
others industry, but in their owne Funerals, Crucifyings, 
Stonings, Martyrdomes ; solemnize Triumphs not with 
their owne Armies, not with captived troupes, attend- 
ing in greatest pompe the sublime Triumphall Chariot, 
but by being led forth with out-cries, shoutes, clamours, 
to the basest and most ignominious deaths. Those of 
whom the World was not worthy, reputed unworthy of 
the World ; have the Panegyrikes of their prayses, written 
not by the pens of Parasites or Poets, nor in the lines, 
(as is said) but in the lives of men ; the Christian World 
(as before is observed) remayning not written, but reall 

2, Co;-. 6. lo. Annalls of the Apostles Acts, who being poore made 
many rich, and having nothing possessed all things. 

^Tkeod.Orat. The Solaecismes ^ of Fishermen dissolved the Syllo- 
gismes of Philosophers, and where but a few of any 
Nation could be wonne, to professe themselves the 
Disciples of any Philosophicall Sect, though graced and 
admired by the World, yet the World becomes Christian 
in despite of the Worlds disgraces and persecutions : 
nor could the immane-cruelties ot some, or superfine 
subtleties of other, subvert, nay they converted men to 
the Gospel ; the seed, the fatning of the Church was 
the Bloud of her slaine Martyrs ; all ages, sexes, sorts 
of men, even women, even children, even women- 
children, out-braving the greatest, the fiercest, the 
wisest of Satanicall instruments, by suffering, conquer- 
ing, and at once overcomming the Devill, the World, 
Themselves. Even so O Father, because it pleased 

And be not angry Reader, if the passed present unto 
my contemplation future things ; and if the considera- 
tion of divine assistance in Tongues, Revelations, 



Miracles, immediately conferred for the first Planta- 
tion of Christianitie, occasion my thoughts to a more 
serious survay of future hopes in the propagation and 
reformation thereof In the first foundation of IMosaicall ^■*'- 3i- ^- 6. 
Rites, God raysed Bezaleel, and Aholiab with others, ■ ^ 5- 3°- 
by divine instinct inabled to curious workmanship, fit- 
ting that Oeconomie of the Tabernacle, whiles that 
Jewish Church was as it were rocked in the Cradle, 
and God vouchsafed to dwell amongst those Tent- 
dwellers in a Tent. But after that State was setled, [I- ^- ^^•] 
and the Church flourished in the Reigne of David and 
Salomon. God did not againe infuse Sciences by Miracle, 
or by miraculous disposition (as before the Egyptians 
were spoyled) provided materials to that Worke ; but 
furnished Salomons wisdome, with helpe of the two 
Hirams, the one a cunning workman in Gold, Silver, 2. Ciron. 2. 
Brasse, Iron, Stone, Timber, to grave any manner of H- 
graving, and to find out every device, the sonne of a 
Tyrian, by an Israelitish woman ; the other his Master, 
the King of Tirus, a man furnished with a Navy of 
ships and store of Mariners, by whose meanes the 
Temple and Court might be provided of necessaries from 
remotest Ophir, aswell as the neerer Lebanon. I implore 
not, I importune not any unwilling assent or follower 
of my apprehension and application hereof to what I 
now propound in like differing states of the Christian 
Church, Omnia contingebant illis in figura. This was i.Cor, lo.ii. 
likewise founded, and as it were a Tabernacle built for IZl"! at^"^"' 
Christ by the Apostles, men wholy enabled by immediate ^isc^vov 
graces and gifts of the Spirit to so divine a Worke. A ^''"'"'"• 
Tabernacle I call the Church, not only as being yet 
militant, and therefore abiding in Tents, but in com- 
parison and respectively to that externall spendour which 
followed long after the Apostles times, when Kings be- 
came her Nursing Fathers and Queenes her Nursing 
Mothers, subjected their Crowne to the Crosse, shining 
in the highest top thereof Albeit therefore in puritie 
of doctrine and manners the Apostolicall times had their 



spirituall preeminence (as the Tabernacle also exceeded 
the Temple in the ordinary Cloud, Pillar of fire, Manna, 
Miracles, syncerest worship by Moses, and the like.) Yet 
when the World became Christian, and the Crosse became 
the Imperiall Banner the Church, before persecuted, now 
revived under Constantine, Jovianus, Theodosius, and 
other Religious Monarchs, and Kings, seemed to renew 
the Golden revolutions and setled returnes of Christian 
Davids and Salomons ; and they which before had not 
a Smith in Israel, scarsly a Bishop or Temple to be 
scene, had Temples, Schooles, Bishops, Councels, whence 
Religion was propagated and established in the severall 
Realmes and Nations of Christianity ; not now by 
Miracles as before by the Apostles, but by the Ministery 
of Bishops and Priests of ordinary caUing and gifts ; 
and hee himselfe was now the greatest Miracle that 
beleeved not, the whole World beleeving and wonder- 
ing at infidelitie as a Monster. 

And as the Temple and state or Religion declining 
was repaired and reformed by godly Kings, as Joash, 
Hezekiah, Josiah ; and Zealous Priests such as Jehoiada ; 
after the ruines thereof was rebuilded by Princes and 
Priests, Zorobabel and Joshua, Nehemiah and Ezra : so 
hath God stirred up good Kings & Pastors in the 
declining age of the Church, as Charles the Great, King 
Alfred and many others in Histories mentioned ; & 
after the deportation thereof into Mysticall Babylon, 
when shee seemed in her truest members fled out of 
the Worlds easier view into the Wildernesse, hath God 
raysed up the Kings of England, Sweden, Denmarke, 
and other Christian Princes, States, and Potentates with 
Religious Bishops and Ministers to repaire the desolations 
of Sion, and restore Jerusalem with the Temple, if not 
to her first splendour, yet from her late Captivity, where 
Psal. 37. 4. she had smal pleasure to sing the Lords song in a strange 
land, & babble her holies in the unknown Language ot 
Babylon. As therefore the first Plantation of the Taber- 
nacle was by miracle and immediate instinct ; the erection 



of the Temple, and succeeding reparations were by the 
art and humane industry of such Heroike spirits as God 
raysed up and sanctified in every age : so the Christian 
Church planted by Apostles, hath beene since watered 
by faithfull Pastors, exalted by pious Emperours, de- 
pressed by Heretikes and Persecutors, captived by Popes, 
and in her diversified changes and chances, rather ex- 
pecteth extraordinary blessing upon the ordinary helpes, 
functions, and graces, then meanes meerly extraordinary 
and miraculous. Amongst all which helpes by humane 
industry, none (in my mind) have further prevailed then 
those two, the Arts of Arts, Printing and Navigation, 
both in manner given at once to the World by divine 
goodnesse, this for supply of matter, that other of 
forme, to this Spirituall Reedification of Gods Sanctuary. 
And as Hirams Art improoving natural wit by diligent 
industry, succeeded the infused Sciences of Bezaleel and 
Aholiab ; so to that Apostolicall gift of Tongues, in the 
foundation of the Church hath succeeded for reformation 
thereof, the principall Tongues and Languages of Nations 
Ebrew, Greeke, Latina, Syriake, Arabike, and the rest, 
partly refined, partly renewed by humane Industrie, 
through the benefit of Printing, For how were the 
learned and remoter Tongues buried and unknowne in 
these parts, till that Art brought in plentie, facilitie and 
cheapnesse of Bookes, whereby Languages became the 
Keyes, Bookes the Treasuries and Storehouses of Science ; 
whiles by those men found access into these ; and Print- 
ing yeelded admittance to both in plentie and varietie ? 
And thus was unvailed that mystery of Iniquity in the 
age before us, which had captived so many Ages in 
worse then Egyptian darknesse. This mystery at first 
arose in a myst from the bottomlesse pit, in a time of 
barbarous ignorance, occasioned by irruption of Barbarians 
into all parts of Christendome, successively like wild 
Bores out of the Forrest, rooting up Gods Vineyard, 
and preparing a way to the Romish Foxes to spoile 
the Vines, to corrupt and devoure the fruits thereof, 



The Goths, Vandals, Hunnes, Herules, Lombards, Sara- 
cens, in Spaine, Afrike and Italy ; the Frankes, and after 
them the Saracens, Danes, and Normans in France, and 
the places adjoyning ; the Picts, Saxons and Angles, 
and after them the Danes, in these parts; the Avares, 
Saracens, Tartars, Turkes in the East and South ; with 
other deluges of Ethnikes hating learning, burning 
[1. i. 63.] Libraries, killing learned men, in these and other parts 
seconded with factions, treasons, and civill uncivill com- 
bustions of Christians amongst themselves, made easie 
way first, and strong confirmation after to the Papacy 
apprehending all opportunities to advance it selfe, first 
in spirituall things, after also in temporall. 

But what illiterate ignorance little discerned, not much 
withstood, renewed literature hath exposed to the view 
of all, and by revived Arts hath discerned the Arts or 
that painted Jezabel, whose fouler wrinkles, her Jeza- 
belicall, Jesuiticall Parasites still labour with renewed 
and refined Arts also to playster and fill up a fresh ; 
but hereby whet the industry of others to improove 
their Arts and industry on the otherside, in more 
eagre search and diligent inquisition to take those wise 
in their craftinesse, and to let men see that the materials 
of this later Babylon in the West are turfes of earth, 
which humane wits have baked into brickes, and with 
slime of Policy, have raysed to so superadmirable a frame 
and structure. 

And lest so great a blessing procured by Printing, 
should rest and rust amongst our selves in this Westerne 
corner of the World, God hath added that other Art of 
Ofihh im- Navigation, as that other Hirams assistance to Salomon, 
provement of and of Nehemiah to Ezra, the Prince and Priest, learning 
Nazngation ^^-^^ power combined. This Art was before obscure and 
Chapter "^ rude, but by the industry of the Portugals lifted up 
to higher attempts, with care of their Kings (employing 
Astronomic to her better furniture) enabled to new Dis- 
coveries in Africa, and after that in all the East, whose 
example the Spaniard following happily encountred a 



New World, and first of all men unlosed the Virgin 
Zone of the Earth, encompassing the whole Compasse 
of this vast Globe. And thus hath God given oppor- 
tunitie by Navigation into all parts, that in the Sun-set 
and Evening of the World, the Sunne of righteousnesse 
might arise out of our West to illuminate the East, 
and fill both Hemispheres with his brightnes : that what 
the Apostles, by extraordinary dispensation sent, by 
extraordinary providence protected & conducted into all 
parts, by extraordinary gift of Tongues were able to 
preach to all sorts of men ; this latter Age following 
those glorious Fathers and Founders (though farre off, 
non passibus aequis) might attempt and in some sort 
attaine by helpes of these two Artes, Printing and Navi- 
gation, that Christ may bee salvation" to the ends of <=/>/, 2. y 22. 
the Earth, and all Nations may serve him ; that according 
to the Scripture innumerable numbers of all Nations and Luke 2. 
Kindreds, and peoples, and Tongues, may be clothed ^f'°'^' "• 9- 
with the white robes of the Lambe. I am no Prophet, 
nor Sonne of a Prophet, instructed in future revelations, 
but one with all others praying, thy Kingdome come ; 
neither dare I take upon me the revelation of the 
Revelation in that Prophecie of the holy Jerusalem 
descending out of Heaven from God, newly measured 
with a golden Reed, to apply it to the reformation of 
the Church in the last times ; which howsoever some 
have interpreted only of her glorious and celestiall estate, 
others have included the terrestriall also, after the calling 
of the Jewes (which Saint Paul cals life trom the dead, 
as if it were the Resurrection of the World, and conse- 
quently in spirituall respects, a new Heaven and new 
Earth) alleadging many Arguments, seeming altogether 
to this purpose not improbable. And least of all, will 
I, lesse then the least of all, take upon me the reducing 
of the Jewes into I know not what externall pompe 
and policie, and exalt them in splendour above all other 
Nations and Monarchs (the very stumblmg stone of 
their downfall ; this dreame of a glorious Messias, pro- 



Forbis Brigki- 
man, Bernard, 
tsfc. if! Jpoc. 
Rom. II. 15. 
^Psal. 19. 
Rom. 10. 
So. vid.Prosp. 
de lib. orbit. 
Syb. Or. I. 3. 

Bellar. Les- 
sius, l3c. 
Fid. J cost, de 
Proc. Ind. sal. 
I. 4. c. 2. y 
de temp, novis. 
I. i.f. 17. 18. 
Collect on 
Good Friday. 
Except in the 
quondam Ro- 
man Empire 
tfS the Coun- 
tries next 
adjoyning, viz 
the Swedens, 
Poles, ISorzve- 
gians, Dunes, 
Russes, and 
other Nor th- 
eme people 
most of them 
lately added to 
the Church; 
y the Abas- 
sines on the 
South Ij^ some 
handfuls on the 
East ; Chris- 
tianity hath 
rather bin 
dispersed in 
Nations then 
publikely and 
generally pro- 
fessed. God 

voicing them to crucifie the Lord of glory, whose 
Kingdome is not of this World, though prefigured by- 
types, and painted in shadowes of Secular glorie) T 
meddle not with Secular States, but pray for the con- 
version and spirituall regeneration of all men. And 
Nature it selfe preacheth thus daily : if the Sunne daily, 
shal not the Sunne of righteousnesse once, enlighten all 
the World ? It is the Holy Ghosts resemblance. If 
the Fathers'^ of old did expect a further conversion of 
Nations by the Gospel ; if the Sybilline Oracles promise 
as much ; if the Papists make this a demonstration 
that Antichrist is not yet come, because the Gospel is 
not yet preached to all men, which they hope hereafter 
shall bee effected ; if the Prophecies of the glorious 
state of the Church mentioned in Esay and Zacharie, 
shadowed in Ezekiels Temple, and destruction of Gog 
and Magog, renued in the Revelation, seeme not yet 
to have taken their full effect, but to promise some 
better future estate, as even those many Ancients also 
conceited, whose full sayle and forward gale carried 
them beyond the Truth into the Millenary Errour : 
if our Church prayeth for all Jewes, Turkes, and 
Infidels, that they may be one sheep-fold under one 
Pastor : then I may also with the Streame bee carried 
into expectation of that dilating the Churches Pale, and 
a more Catholike enlarging of her bounds, specially in 
those parts of the World, where though we grant the 
Gospel preached by the Apostles, yet little fruit in 
comparison followed in many Countries ; nor any generall 
conversion of Nations, except of the Romane Empire 
with the adjoyning Regions, and some few, scarce a 
few Provinces annexed, hath hitherto happened. And 
how litde to the rest of the World is all that which is 
called Christendome, or that also which in any setled 
flourishing estate of a Church hath ever yet beene Chris- 
tian } Pardon therefore this Charitie extended to all men, 
to pray and hope for the remotest of Nations no more 
remote from Christ in Nature or promise, then our selves. 



And (to returne to our Navigation) the present Navi- S'[^^^^p^^' 
gations, Missions, Preachings, of Jesuites and Friers in f "^^^/. ;{^^ -^ 
the Heathen Nations of the World, seeme to present ^„ j^d^i^ ^j 
unto my minde that state of the dispersed Jewes before mj Charitie 
Christs comming in the flesh. He came to his owne, then of my 
and his owne received him not, which yet by their Scrip- ^^f]j^„J^f^^^ 
tures. Synagogues, Rites, in their many many dispersions, [-j j 5^ j 
had unwitting prepared a way unto him amongst the 
Gentiles. Let none contemne this figure of the Jewish "^ The greatest 
Church (which yeelds'^ in most objections of Popery ^"'^f^^/^^^^^ 
touching Visibility, Succession, Antiquity, Universality, "paphtUrlwn 
Consent, Pontificall Priviledges, and most of their vulgar from the 
and popular flourishes, reall and experimentall resolutions, autharity, l3c. 
bv paraleline the Tew and Romanist ; this bein^ inferiour of the Church, 

.•'r D •'. . \-ri -1 f^^'9 be with 

m evidence, superiour m arrogance) it herein also "^^ fairer shew l^ 
see them like ; and those later Pharises, compassing Sea surer ground 
and Land to make Proselites, by preaching some Christian applyed to the 
verities amongst their Traditionary chaffe, become •{f!""'^ ,. , 
Apparitors and Harbengers of a future purity, which ^J"J^^f^J^^^ 
yet themselves crucifie as Hereticall. Spaine hath as is 
said, in Navigation best deserved (in leading the way 
to others, some of which have^ since in the Art equalled, "English and 
in attempts perhaps exceeded her) and by divine Provi- -Oa/^/J. 
dence hath beene bountifully rewarded in the East and 
West, both overshadowed under her wings: is also one 
of the ten homes (as the current of our Interpreters Jpoci-j.iT,, 
agree) which together with the beast receive power as '^• 
Kings, out of the ruines of the Romane Empire ; of 
which it is prophesied that the ten homes shall hate the z.Reg.().zz. 
Whore, and shall make her desolate and naked and 
shall eate her flesh and burne her with fire. For God 
hath put into their hearts to fulfill his will, &c. God 
put into their hearts to be thus truly Catholike, and 
able to discerne the whoredoms and many witchcrafts 
of their mother Jezabel, the mother of fornications of jpoc. 17. 5. 
the Earth ; enable them to see that Catholike-Roman Exploits of 
is the Language of Babel, where men but babble, and ^P"^^"^- 
the word (like Esau and Jacob striving in the wombe) 



supplants the next preceding ; that the now-Roman is 
but new-Roman, and therefore Catholike no more in 
time then place, no more in sound apprehension of truth, 
then in round comprehension of the Universe. And that 
God which hath given them to chase the relikes of the 
Moores out of Europe, to chastise them in Afrik & 
Asia, to find that New World of America, with her two 
armes of Navigation from Lisbone and Sivill yeerely, to 
embrace the whole Globe, and to have greater opor- 
tunities for so Catholike a worke then yet is granted to 
any other Nation ; put into their hearts with other 
Princes and Christian Nations to fulfill this his will 
against that Whore ; which the Prophesie enforceth to 
beleeve shall bee done, and their King in our Fathers 
dayes gave instance how easie. I ring not, sound not 
an alarme, nor strike up a march for warre, I determine 
not the particular way or instruments of that desolation. 
Jpoc. 17. 6. I delight not in imprecations, nor to that Whore drunken 
with the bloud of Saints and IVIartyrs wish any bloudy 
Apoc.\%.e. reward of my selfe : but God himselfe hath foretold 
Vid. Prafat. devouring her flesh and burning her, and enjoyned also, 

S/' ^'^' ^" ^^^ ^"P ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^° ^^^ double. 
Which howsoever it shall bee effected, I doe not pre- 
scribe, nor doe I single out that Nation to this purpose, 
but joyne them with others in my Prayers for the 
execution of that Prophecie, both to goe out of Babylon, 
and to goe against it in just reformation, that it may bee 
no more found at all ; at least by making her naked of 
that protection which thence she receiveth, and redemand- 
ing their owne, may detayne the over-flowings of 
Euphrates that the way of the Kings of the East may 
bee prepared to exterminate Babylon out of the World. 
And is it not better thus to pray for them that they may 
have an honorable part in that Prophesie, that Babylon 
may further fall by their falling from them, then that 
they should fall with her } or to reckon up the bloudy 
effects of their Inquisition in Europe, and their in- 
humanity in America, and number them amongst the 


ln,ljg.iu unnwrjl: ^nyl-i.;: Clrt'^hmt 'ljn.'rjiit . ■ x \-v^''^.j»- /"^ w-.,^ 

•If./; Dt.tbchim t4j(nr,_nift' .jitiliufi.iim in bcu, ^ ^ \^ .v'^'s. >>. ' ^ Ji- \'''*«w^ 

.''!2'''!ii!f!i;p^'!: ^^..i''_'^, V^'^^^ f^?-^. KuiViAX^ \ \^ ^ ^ '"^^'"'--^^ 


— ' — ' n\T!\ (Ch-[j}\.m\Jmm\cm,nia.jf\Ti.,!.u 

iitjui J'jy.-f.iI'i/M 
7.vr/vr.\Tffl , ffvn.i 

mmmi uhijui nr: -I ^ \'V'' . 

' F,i' iw^i:: Ihniiinri "H"' ■ ''if ««""•■ >.,.•,.,•,,.,.• ' 
-^ 1 Jn.vrjvr.vTffl , f(' 



Kings of the Earth, who shall bewayle and lament 
Romes ruines ; or to those Ship-masters, Ship-companies, 
Saylers and Traders by Sea, and Merchants of the Earth 
weeping for her desolations ? Once, I say not that they 
of all men have the most eminent oportunity to subvert 
Babylon by their Italian neighbourhood and Territories ; 
I pray that they endevour to convert the Easterne and 
Westerne Indians making that best use of their Navi- 
gations, giving them Gold refined and truly spirituall 
for their temporall. And though they now of all Nations 
seeme most enamoured of that Roman (therein truly 
Catholike, that is, common) Harlot, yet Hee which hath Prov. 21. i. 
the heart of Kings in his hand as the rivers of water, -£'z- 29- i9- 
can turne it, when and whithersoever he will : can effect 
this also by others, without, yea against them : can reward 
(as sometime hee did Nebuchadnezzar for his service 
done at Tyrus, with the land of Egypt for the wages E%. 27. y 
of his Armie, and the Israelites at their departure with ^A 12 
Egyptian spoiles) can reward I say both those which at 
his command go out of, or when his Providence shall 
dispose, against this Babylon (which for captiving the 
people of God is called Egypt, for filthinesse Sodom, & 
for the Staple of Spiritual Merchandise, is also resembled 
to Tyrus) with the spoyles of the Spirituall Egyptians, 
with the Turks destruction (which litterally possesse 
Egypt) with the riches of the Gentiles brought to the 
Church, besides their own and the Churches liberty. 
And as Jerusalem (to return to our similitude) being 
demolished by the Romans, the Church became truely 
Catholike, not looking any more to walls of a Temple, 
to carnall Sacrifices, to the petty pinfold of one Nation, 
to one City, as the Mart & Mother of Christian Religion *^'^'^'j;^- 
and discipline (how much had the Apostles to doe whiles 1/ Uapog 
Jerusalem stood, to withhold* Christians from Judaizing?) Apoc.2o.%.\^ 
so is it to bee hoped and prayed, that this Mysticall ^p- 9- ^"^• 
Babylon, which now by usurpation challengeth to bee ^ ■',^J', 

ivyi- 1 ^/r 1 r 1 /-I i • ■ i Ep. ad Gal. 

Mistresse and Mother or the Church, arrivmg at that ^-T^ p^^y 
prophecied irrecoverable downefall, Catholike-Roman Heb. iff. 
I 177 M 


(universall-particular) may no more bee heard, but true 
[I. i. 65.] Catholicisme recovering her venerable and primary Anti- 
quitie, may v^^ithout distracted faction, in free and unani- 
mous consent, extend her Demesnes of Universalitie 
as farre as the Earth hath Men, and the light of her 
truth may shine together with the Sun-beames, round 
about the habitable World : that as Salomon by Hirams 
Mariners fetched materials, Gold, Gemmes, Almuggim 
Trees, to the Temples structure, v^^hich by the others 
Hirams Art were brought and wrought into due forme ; 
so the Heavenly Salomon, the Lord Jesus, may by this 
his gift of Navigation supply those remote Fields, 
white unto the Harvest, with plentie of labourers, to 
bring into the Societie of the True Church those rude 
Ethnikes, of them to frame Pillars in the house of 
God, vessels of sanctimony in the sanctuary finer then 
Prov. 8. the Gold of Ophir, enlightened with spirituall wisdome 
and understanding of Holy things, richer then Rubies, 
and the most incomparable Jewels : that these may by 
the art of Hiram, the Son of an Isralitish woman by a 
Tyrian Father, that is by the Ministery of Pastors and 
Doctors, learned in divine and humane Literature be 
instructed, baptised, edified and disciplined ; that in the 
places where yet is no Christian, nay no Humane or 
Hos. I. 10. Civill people, it may be said unto them, yee are the 
Sonnes of the living God ; that there may be one 
Pastor and one sheepfold, one Salvation, Redeemer, and 
Advocate, to Jew and Gentile, Jesus Christ the light ot 
the Gentiles and the glory of his people Israel : whom 
my Discourse having now obtained to embrace, shall 
here confine it selfe with a Nunc Dimittis, and end 
with Amen, to that Amen, in whom all the promises 
of God are yea and Amen. Even so. Amen Lord 



Chap. III. [I. I 66.] 

Of divers other principall Voyages, and Pere- 
grinations mentioned in holy Scripture. Of 
the travels and dispersions of the Jewes ; and 
of Nationall transmigrations. 

Aving premised the two former Tractates, 
as the two Eyes of Peregrinations most 
faire Face, I shall bee as briefe in the 
following, as I have in them beene 
tedious and discursive. The first voy- 
age of Mankind was out of Paradise Paradise. 
into the cursed parts of the Earth, 

thence with sweat and labour to get his living. Caines 
restlesse wandrings, and yet still dwelling in the land of 
Nod, that is of agitation and vexation, never being still 
(there is no peace saith my God, to the wicked) and 
Henochs contrary walking with God, I need not men- Esdras. 57. 
tion. And I have already mentioned the first Ship and 3i- 
voyage by water, Noahs Arke, and the first early Pere- 
grination after to the Plaine of Shinar, where Babels Babel. 
building was with mutuall babbling or confusion of 
Languages confounded ; which gave occasions to the 
dispersion of Mankind over the Earth, that is, to the 
planting and peopling of the World, of which I have 
given account somewhat largely before, in the first Booke 
of my Pilgrimage. Abram is called out of Ur of the Abram and 
Chaldees, and travels with Lot to Haran first, and after Lot. 
into Canaan : thence Famine forced him into Egipt ; 
after hee sets forth for the recovery of Lot in a Martiall 
Expedition against foure Kings, returning by Melchi- 
sedek King of Salem. Abraham after many tent- Abraham and 
wandrings comes to Gerar, and after Isaacs birth and ^■''^<''='- 
blessed hopes conceived of him, is sent on the most diffi- 
cult journey to Moriah : at Hebron he burieth his Wife 
and fellow Traveller : sends his servant to Mesopotamia 
for Rebekah : and having sent his multiplied issue by 



Keturah unto the East Countrey (as before Ishmael) hee 
ended his earthly Pilgrimage. Isaac inherites the pro- 
mises, and yet travelleth of them by travelling, not 
founding Cities but dwelling in Tabernacles, as did Jacob 
also, before and after his long service in Padan Aram, 
till at last hee descended into Egipt, whither God had 
Jacob & sent Joseph in a former Peregrination. These both dyed 
Jo<e/>A. in Faith, and gave charge, the one for his dead body, 

the other for his bones to travell to Canaan the type 
of their hopes. 
Moses & Out of ^gipt God called his Sonne, now multiplied 

j4^rott. into an armie as is before observed : which yet are not 

presently in Canaan after the passage of the Red Sea, 
Israr/s Pere- but are Pilgrims fortie yeeres in the Wildernesse. Wee 
grination iti ^Iso after wee have escaped the bondage of hellish Pharao, 
VJitkfoiThi ^"^ ^^^"^ ^^^ vanquished in the Red Sea of Christ 
Map.^^^ blood, whereinto wee are baptised, must live the life of 
Faith, passing thorow the wildernesse of this World, 
having no more sustenance to our soules from our meere 
Naturall powers, then there their Plowing and Hus- 
bandrie yeelded their bodies : but as their food and 
rayment, were the effects of Gods grace, and not humane 
Tit. 3. 5. labour; so not by the workes of righteousnesse, which 
wee have done, but according to his mercy hee saveth us : 
Exoti. 13. and by his Word and Spirit as a Pillar of cloud by Day, 
and of fire by Night travelleth with us, till Joshua, the 
true Jesus (for Moses brings not into Canaan, nor can 
the Law justifie) set us in possession of the heavenly 
Canaan, where Jericho is battered not by warhke Engines, 
but by the power of faith in the Word and Covenant of 
God; and the Houses which our workes builded not, 
and Vineyards which our merits planted not, even the 
Thrones which Angels lost, are made ours for ever by free 
Grace and meere Mercy. This is that rest, into which 
none but Travellers can enter, and that by crowding so 
Mntth. 7. hard into that narrow gate, that they must leave them- 
*Matt. 16. selves* behind; nor take possession of, but by losse of 
24. life it selfe, passing that Jordan which floweth the way 



of all flesh into the Dead Sea, before they can live 
with God. 

Nor need men thinke much to travell, where God 
himselfe was a Mysticall Traveller in the Tabernacle, 
till Salomon built him an House adorned by Ophirian 
Navigations. Saul before this had travelled to seeke SW. DavU. 
lost Asses, and stumbled on an earthly Kingdome : 
David by keeping of Sheepe and following the Ewes 
with young was initiated, and after by many many 
travels trained to the Mysteries of Royaltie, which with 
diversified travels he exercised all his dayes. Jero- Jeroboam. 
boams travels to ^gipt taught him those calvish 
devotions, which made Israeli travell into many Assyrian 
Plantations; and Judah also was carried captive to Capthnde. 
Babilon, restored by a travell from thence to Jerusalem 
under Zorobabel, Ezra, and Nehemiah ; a mysterie of 
that mystie deportation of the Christian Church, by ignor- 
ance and superstition, and her reformation by Godly 
Princes and Pastors. Hirams Mission, the Queene of 
Shebas Visitation, Jonahs Journey to Ninive, intimate 
the calUng of the Gentiles, whose First-fruits were the 
Wise-men of the East, which came so farre a voyage Matth. 2. 
to salute the New-borne King of the Jewes. J oh. i. 

The Devill also is a Traveller, and continually com- 
passeth the Earth to and fro, and goeth about as a roaring i. Pet. 5, 
Lyon seeking whom to devoure ; travelling of mischiefe, 
and conceiving lies. Such were the Assyrian, Syrian, 
Persian, Babilonian, Egyptian, & other travels of the 
Churches Enemies ; theirs also which in blind zeale com- 
passed Sea and Land to make Pharisaical Proselites. In 
Mordecais time, you see in the Booke of Esther the [I. i. (il^, 
Jewish dispersions thorow all the one hundred and ^^^- "■^^■ 
twenty seven Persian Provinces, even from India to 
Ethiopia, long after the returne under Zorobabel, which 
multiplied no doubt in Ages following accordingly. 

But why looke I for Travellers and Voyages there, Deut. 16. 
where the Church was tied to one place, to travell thither 
three times a yeere, and therefore ordinarily not to bee 


farre from thence ? The Babylonian and Alexandrian I 
dispersions, after the Captivity we have already men- I 
tioned ; whereby the World was strewed with Jewes , 
(not to mention the Israelites) as Apparitors to the Mes- | 
sias, and preparers thereof to Christianitie in the Apostles 
preaching. Then indeed the Jewes were Travellers ^ 
from all parts to Jerusalem, & as men were more reli- \ 
Act. 2. 5, 9, giously affected, There dwelled at Jerusalem Jewes, | 
lo, II. devout men out of every Nation under Heaven, which '] 

being of Jewish Parentage, were by the place of their \ 
birth, Parthians, Medes, and Elamites, Mesopotamians, 
Cappadocians, of Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pam- 
philia, Egypt, and of the parts of Libya about Cyrene, 
Strangers of Rome, Jewes and Proselytes, Cretes and 
Matt. 27. This was after that imprecation of theirs. His bloud 

bee on us and on our children : so did God seeke to 
overcome their evill with his goodnesse : but when they 
Act. -J. IS I-}), which had before persecuted the servants, and crucified 
the Lord of glory himselfe, now resisted the holy Ghost, 
being uncircumcised in hearts and eares, and judged 
themselves unworthy of eternall life; God let out his 
Vineyard to other Husbandmen, and the fall of the Jewes 
Deut. 28. became the riches of the World. Then came the wrath 
of God on them to the utmost, and they became a tra- 
velling Nation indeed, travelling now above 1500. yeeres 
from being a Nation ; and Moses his prophecie was 
verified in their scattering from one end of the World 
Jos. de Bel. to the other. Eleven hundred thousand are said to have 
Jud.l.-j.c.z\. perished in Jerusalem alone (where Christ had been cru- 
cified) besides all other slaughters in all other parts of 
Judaea, in that fatall warre under Vespasian and Titus : 
97000. were sold to be distracted slaves thorow the 
Gal. Arcan. world, Galatinus saith 200000. thirty of them for one 
/. 4. 21. piece of Silver, which had given thirty pieces for him 

which came to make them free. Yet had not the Land 
spued out all her Lihabitants, but grew so queasie and 
full of qualmes, that the remainders in Adrians time enter- 



tained Bencochab for their Messias, who with 200000. 
Jewes in his Army, is said to have rebelled and bred such 
combustions, that this Sonne of the Starre (so his name 
soundeth) was after called Barchosba, the Sonne of Lying. 
It were prodigious*, not hyperboHcall alone, to tell what * See my Pil- 
the Jewes tell of their following slaughters : 700000. grimage I. 2. 
slaine in Egypt, and in Judaea, so many as passeth all '^* '°' 
modesty to relate after them. Dion Nicgeus tells of fifty Dion Adrian. 
Castles and nine hundred and eighty of their best Townes 
rased, 580000. slaine, besides innumerable multitudes which 
perished by famine, fire, diseases, and other Baggage of 
Invading Campes. 

i^lius Adrianus banished the Jewes from Cyprus and 
Judasa, erected a new City instead of Jerusalem, called of 
his owne name iElia, and set Images of Swine over the 
Gates as Porters to keepe out the Jewes, yea prohibited by 
Edict the Jewes to looke toward it from any high place. 
Trajan before was instigated by their rebellion, to destroy Jewes destruc- 
many thousands of them in Egypt, Cyrene and Meso- ^'^'"• 
potamia. And ever since, those which are contrary to all 
men, have found all men contrary to them ; and have 
lived (if such slavery and basenesse be a life) like Cain, 
wandring over the World, branded wth Shame and Jetves dispcr- 
Scorne. Spaine, England, France, Germany, Poland, Italy, "°"- 
Turkie, all the Indies as farre as China have had them 
Inhabitants ; have had indeed, for many have given them 
terrible expulsions, the rest using cruell and unkind hos- 
pitalitie, so that they are strangers where they dwell, 
and Travellers where they reside, still continuing in the 
throwes of travell both of misery and mischiefe. But 
I have handled this matter more fully in my Pilgrimage, See my Pil. L 
and both Benjamin Tudelensis a Travelling Jew, and other 2. r. 21. 
Travellers in the following Relations, will give you 
strange travells of theirs thorow Asia, Africa, and 
Europe ; in all their dispersions to this day retaining 
their bloud, name, rites, as disposed by a higher and 
most merciful! providence, which in his time will shew 
mercy on them, to see him by the eye of Faith, whom 



by the hand of Cruelty they had crucified, and all Israel 
Rom. II. 26. shall be saved, and returne to the Church by a more 
generall Conversion then hath yet beene seene ; and 
Rom. II. 15. as their rejection hath proved the reconciling of the 
World, so the receiving of them shall be life from the 

All times are in Gods hand, but hee which hath promised 
is able to performe : and perhaps if Rome the Spiritual! 
Babylon bee captived and ruined, which hath obtruded 
so long on them the monsters of Image worship, Tran- 
substantiation, worshipping of so many Saints, with other 
seemings of refined Ethnicisme, and imposeth on Con- 
verts the losse of all their substance ; the way shall bee 
made more plaine for them : which wee hope is growing 
to some ripenesse in this Age, when about so many yeeres 
have passed since the calling of the Gentiles, as from 
Jacobs Family in Egypt, growing to the face and pro- 
portion of a People and Nation, unto their destruction : 
and full out as many as were from Josephs death in 
Egypt, to the destruction of the Temple under Titus, 
and more then from Moses his Exodus, to that other 
Exodus and extermination under Adrian. We are no 
Prophets, and must learne by event the certainty of Gods 
(before secret) counsells. In meane while let us pray. 
Hallowed be thy Name, thy Kingdome come, that this 
Gal. 4. 19. travelling Nation may one day travell in birth of Christ 
Luc. 15. 17. till he be formed in them, and with the prodigall Sonne, 
18. may travell from their wandrings, and at once returne to 

[I. i. 68.] their Father and to themselves, that we may all meet 
in the unity of Faith, and Gods will may bee done in 
Earth, as it is done in Heaven, there being but one 
Shepheard and one Sheepefold, Amen. As the Jewish 
Nation hath been litterally Travellers, so the Christian 
Church is alway travelling spiritually to her home, and 
from her selfe ; and the Jewish deportation to Babylon, 
was a figure of the Antichristian Captivity in Romish and 
*To. I. /. 8. Popish superstition, of which wee have taken occasion 
c- 6. to speake more fully elsewhere*. 



As at first the World was peopled by peregrination 
successively from Noahs Arke, and Babels Tower : so in 
the worldly vicissitude of all things, a world of peregrina- 
tions have happened in the World, and that of worlds 
of men together, in Nationall invasions, plantings, sup- 
plantings, Colonies and new alterations of the face of 
the world in each part thereof Thus the Israelites D^"^- 2- 9' 
supplanted the Canaanites & dwelt in their rooms ; as did ^^' ^°' 
the Moabites to the giantly Emims, the Edomites to 
the Horims, the Ammonites to the Zamzummims, and 
other Nations to others. To recite these were to recite 
all Stories in manner of the World : Lazius de Migra- 
tionibus Gentium, and others have in part undertaken it. 
For even in Palestina alone how many successions have 
beene, of Canaanites, Israelites, Assyrians (after called 
Samaritans) and Jewes together .'' Of those which the 
Romans placed or permitted, of Saracens, of Frankes, or 
Westerne Christians in so many millions as two hundred 
yeers space sent out of Christendome thither; of Dru- 
sians, Syrians, & a very Babylon of Nations (none and 
all) ever since } This Britaine of ours, besides those 
which first gave it name (whose remainders still enjoy 
Wales) hath admitted Romane sprinklings and Colonies, 
and after that a generall deluge of Saxons, Juttes, and 
Angles ; tempests and stormes out of Denmarke and 
Norway, and lastly the Norman mixture and combination. 
Neither is there any Region of ancient Note, which hath 
not sustained chance and change in this kind. But wee 
mind not such neere peregrinations, as these usually were, 
but longer Voyages and remoter Travells. And such also 
we have already mentioned in Sesostris the Egyptian, in Varro dhtln- 
the Phoenicians, in the Assyrians, under Semiramis to guhhed Rek- 
India, besides Eudoxus and other privater persons ; and {'""^ of tunes 
such are the Fables or outworne Stories of Ethnike ^^J^^^^kZ 
Antiquity, touching the Atlantines, Osiris, Bacchus, Her- v,ttopikov: 
cules, Perseus, Daedalus; and those which retaine some ,'^:,/^ "' 

11 11 1 r 1 A ^""^f Obscure, 

more truth, though obscure enough, or the Argonauts, ^^^ Histori- 
Ulysses, Menelaus, iEnasas, Hanno, Himilco, lambolus, call. 



and others ; some of which shall follow in the following 
Relations. That of Alexander is more renowmed, and 
first opened the East to the West, and to Europe gave 
the Eyes of Geography and History, to take view of 
India and the Regions adjacent. And here is the first 
solid foot-print of History in this kind, though heere also 
Travellers have beene as farre from the truth, as from 
their homes, and have too often travelled of Vanitie and 

Chap. nil. 

Fabulous Antiquities of the Peregrinations and 
Navigations of Bacchus, Osiris, Hercules, the 
Argonauts, Cadmus, the Grecian Navie to 
Troy, Menelaus, Ulysses, iEneas, and others. 

T is not the fable or falshood which wee 
seeke in fabulous Antiquities, but that 
truth which lieth buried under poeticall 
rubbish. For nothing but nothing can 
rise of nothing. Some truth therefore 
gave occasion to those fables, as Thamars 
and Dinahs beautie occasioned their 
ravishment ; the Devill (a Lier from the beginning) 
lusting to defloure that beautie, and then like Ammon 
adding a second force, in hatred turning her as much 
as he may out of the World. Hence the fables of Poets, 
Idolatries of Ethnikes, dotages of Rabbins, phrensies 
of Heretikes, phancies and Ly-legends of Papists : to 
all which, when Histories cannot make them good. 
Mysteries are sought to cover their badnesse, and 
bald nakednesse ; and were they never so bad before 
(like the shearing of a Friar, or vailing of a Novice 
Nunne) suddenly they are heereby become errant honest 
persons, nay venerable and religious. And thus hath that 
Impostor, not only insinuated and procured admission 
and credit to lies, but thence hath raised the very Faith 
Jo/m 4. of Infidels, which worship they know not what ; and 



obtruded I know not what Pias fraudes, and religious Lies, 
forsooth, upon unchristian and Anti-christian Christians ; 
to whom because they received not the love of the truth 2- Thess. z. 
to be saved, God hath sent the efficacy of error, that they 
might beleeve a lie. This is the Devils triumph, and 
Mans madnesse ; out of which confusion, if wee can- 
not try out the pure truth, yet those Divine Relations 
and Revelations premised, will appeare more lovely and 
admirable from these Ethnike Fables. 

I may here mention Saturnes Travells into Latium, 
being ejected Heaven : Joves fabled five encompassings 
of the World ; Apollos daily circuit ; Mercuries frequent 
Messages to all parts, who was also the Travellers God, 
and had his Statues in High-wayes ; Junos jealous wand- 
rings ; Bacchus and Hercules were renowmed by the Travells of 
Poets for their Peregrinations, perhaps (as before is •^'^"'''"• 
observed) no other but Salomon and Hirams Ophirian 
Voyage. Bacchus (they tell) was the sonne of Jupiter [I. i. 69.] 
and Proserpina, who being torne in pieces by the Titans, 
Jupiter gave his heart to Semele to drinke, and thereby 
conceived of this other Bacchus ; whereupon jealous Juno H^gm. Fab. 
transformed into the shape of Beroe Semeles nurse, 1,^7; 
perswaded her to desire Jupiters company in Majesticall "''/'•'" 
appearance, as hee accompanied Juno, which was her 
destruction ; the babe taken out and sewed in Jupiters 
thigh, and after put to Nysus to nurse, whereupon he 
was named Dyonisius. I should distract you to tell the 
disagreeing tales of Poets touching his birth and life (for 
lies never agree) as also his Miracles, which ever make 
up the greatest part of a Legend. Tigres, Ounces and 
Panthers, with Pans, Nymphs, Sileni, Cobals, and Satyrs 
were his companions and attendants. Hee was drawne 
in a Chariot by Tigres, and held a Thyrsus in his hand 
for a Scepter (which was a Speare or Javelin, adorned 
with the Leaves of Vines and Ivie) and marched thus 
madly both to India in the East, and to Spaine in the 
West, which of Pan was called Pania, whence Spania and 
Hispania have beene derived. A learned Spaniard saith, 



that in the eight hundred and tenth yeere, before the 

Oros.l.i.c.c). building of Rome, Bacchus invaded India, moistned it 

with bloud, filled it with slaughters, polluted it with 

lusts, which before had beene subject to none, and lived 

content and quiet in it selfe. Some apply that of Noah 

to him, and make him the Inventor of Wine, Hony, 

and Sacrifices : say also that hee reigned at Nysa a 

Citie in Arabia ; some adde other Kingdomes, and that 

hee had Mercurius Trismegistus his Counsellor ; and 

leaving Hercules his ^Egyptian Lieutenant, Antaeus in 

Lybia, Busiris in Phoenicia, conquered all the East, built 

Nysa, and erected Pillars in the Easterne Ocean, as did 

Hercules on the Westerne. His story is also confounded 

with that of Osiris, this being the name which the 

Her. Euterpe. Egyptians gave him, as Herodotus affirmeth. And 

Diod.Sk.l.i. Diodorus relateth his Epitaph in hierogliphicall Letters 

' ^' in these words, I am Osyris the King, which travelled 

thorow aU the world to the Indian Deserts. Ovid also 

singeth ; 

Te memorant Gange, totoque Oriente subactis 

Primitias magno seposuisse Jovi. 
Cinnama tu primus captivaque thura dedisti 
Deque triumphato viscera tosta bove. 
S(j-ab. I. I. His journey they describe first thorow Ethiopia, and 

Eurip. &e. j.]^gj^ Arabia, and so to Persia, Media, Bactria, and 
India : after his returne, to Hellespont, Lidia, Phrygia, 
Thrace, Greece, and whither travelling witts please. 
Wee shall lose our selves to follow him further ; as they 
doe which with worst prophanesse celebrate his drunken 
Holies daily. 
Theseus iff Theseus and Hercules lived in one time, of which 

Hercules. Theseus is famous for his Acts in Crete, Thebes, 
Thessaly, with the Amazons, and his descent into Hell, 
with other his Voyages and Navigations : But farre 
farre more famous is Hercules for his Travells, and for 
his twelve Labours, his Peregrination being another 
Labor added to each of them. The Nemaean Lion, 
Lernaean Hydra, Phrygian Bore, Arcadian Hart, Augean 


Stable, Cretan Bull, Thracian Diomede, with his man- 
eating Horses, Celtike, Alexia, Alpine passage, Italian 
Tenths, Stymphalide Birds, Amazonian Belt, Atlantike 
Dragon, Balearian Geryon, Lybyan Antaeus, Egyptian 
Busiris, Lydian service to Omphale, Thessalian Centaure, 
and Tartarean Cerberus, proclaime his travells over and 
under the World ; as his Pillars ; to the end of the 
World, and his helping Atlas, that the World travelled 
on him, Neither travelled hee by Land alone, but by 
water also hee navigated with those famous Argonauts, The Argo- 
which make us another Voyage to find them, nauts. 

Hyginus hath registred their names : Jason a Thes- Hygin. Fab. 
salian, Orpheus a Thracian, Asterion of Peline, Poly- 
phemus of Larissa, Iphictus, Admetus, Eurytus & Echion, 
Ethalides, Coeneus, Mopsus the Soothsayer, Pirithous, 
Menaetius, Eurydamas, Amponitus, Eribotes, Ameleon, 
Eurytion, Ixition, Oileus, Clytius and Iphitus, Peleus 
and Telamon, Butes, Phaleros, Tiphys the Master of the 
Ship, Argus the Ship-maker, Philiasus, Hercules and 
Hylas his companion, Nauplius, Idmon, Castor and 
Pollux, Lynceus (which could see things hidden under- 
ground, and in the darke) and Idas, Periclymenus, 
Amphidamus and Cepheus, Ancaeus, Lycurgi, Augaeus, 
Asterion and Amphion, Euphemus (which could runne 
dry-foot on the water) Ancasus Neptuni, Erginus, 
Meleager, Laocoon, Iphictus Thestii, Iphitus Naubo Zetes 
and Calais (sonnes of Aquilo with winged heads and 
feet, which chased away the Harpyes) Focus and Priasus, 
Eurymedon, Palaemonius, Actor, Thersanon, Hippal- 
cinnos, Asclepius, Atriach, Mileus, lolaus, Deucalion, 
Philoctetes, Ceneus sonne of Coronis, Acastus, volun- 
tary companion to Jason. These with their Countries 
and Parentage Hygynus hath recorded. Their Voyage 
was to Colchos, but many of them came not thither. 
Hylas was stollne by the Nymphs in Massia, whom 
Hercules and Polyphemus seeking, were left behind. 
Tiphys died by the way, & Ancaeus son of Neptune 
succeeded in his Masters place. Idmon was slain by a 



Bore; Butes threw himselte Into the Sea, allured by 
the Syrens Musick, In their return also Euribates was 
slain in Libya, Mopsus died in Africa of a Serpents 

Now for the Voyage of the Argonauts, they say that 
Pelias Jasons Uncle was commanded by Oracle to 
sacrifice to Neptune, to which if any came with one shooe 
on, the other off, then his death should not bee farre 
off. Jason came thither, and wading thorow the River 
Euhenus, left one of his shooes in the mire, which he 
stayed not to take out, for feare of comming late to the 
Holies. Pelias seeing this, asked Jason what hee would 
doe, if hee had a prophecie that any man should kill 
him. I would send him, said hee, To fetch the Golden 
Fleece. This was the Fleece of the Ram (which some 
say was the name of a Ship having a Ram on the Beake, 
[I. i. 70.] that had carried Phryxus to Colchos, who sacrificed the 
Ram to Jupiter, and hanged up the Fleece in the Grove 
of Mars) and thus Pelias out of his owne mouth sen- 
tenced him. Argus made the Ship which of him was 
called Argos, which they say was the first ship of long 
fashion. These first came to Lemnos, where they were so 
kindely entertained, that Jason by Hypsipila the Queene 
had two sons, and staied till Hercules chode them away. 
*,^^°i] f^^^" Next they came to Cyzicus, *in Propontis, which liberally 
deliverance of ^^^sted them ; and being gone thence, by foule weather 
Hesione from they were put backe in the night, where Cyzicus mis- 
theWhale,the taking them for enemies was slaine in fight. Thence 
hllmgofKing ^^^ sailed to Bebrycia, where Amycus the King chal- 
iakil^ofTrov l^^g^d them to a single encounter at whorlebats, in 
in their return which PoUux slew him. Lycus a neighbour King was 
for breaking glad hereof and gave the Argonauts entertainment, where 
his promise of jphis or Tiphis died, and Idmon was slaine. 
cuks^^l \ ^^' Phineus the Son of Agenor a Thrasian was blinded by 
Harpyes. Jupiter for revealing the gods secrets, and the Harpyes 
set to take the meate from his mouth. The Argonauts 
consulting with him of their future successe, must first 
free him of this punishment, which Zetes and Calais did, 



chasing them to the Strophades. Phineus shewed them 
how to passe the Symplegades, following the way which 
a Dove sent forth of the Ship, shewed them. Thence 
they came to the He Dia where the Birds Stymphalides 
shot quils which killed men, whom by Phineus his pre- 
cepts they feared away with sounds (such as the Curetes 
make) and used thereto shields also and speares. Thus 
being entred the Euxine Sea to Dia, they found poore, 
naked, shipwracked, the Sons of Phrixus, Argus, Phron- 
tides, Melas and Cylindrius, which travelling to their 
Grandfather Athamas there encountered that misfortune. 
Jason entertained them, and they brought him to Colchos 
by the River Thermodoon ; and comming neere Colchos 
caused the ship to be hidden, and came to their Mother, 
Chalciope sister of Medea*, to whom they related *Diod.maketh 
Jasons kindenesse, and the cause of his comming. She ^f^^*^ ^"^ 
brings Medea to Jason, who as soone as she saw him, ^^„„^^^,.j J 
knew that it was the same whom in her dreame she had Hecate. I. \. 
scene and loved, and promiseth him all furtherance. 

iEeta had learned by Oracle that hee should so long 
reigne as the Fleece which Phrixus had consecrated, 
remained in Mars his Temple. He therefore imposeth 
on Jason to yoak the bras-footed firebreathing buls to 
the plow, and to sow the Dragons teeth out of the 
Helmet, whence armed men should suddenly be produced 
and kill each other. This he did by Medeas helpe, and 
likewise cast the Dragon into a sleepe which guarded the 
Fleece, and so tooke it away, i^eta hearing that Jason 
and his Daughter Medea were gone, sent his son Absyrtus 
in a ship with souldiers after him, who pursued him to ^Tmceus 
Istria^ in the Adriaticke Sea, where Alcinous compounded saith that they 
their quarrel so little to Absyrtus his liking, that follow- '^"Jf^'^"^'^ 
ing him to Minervas He, Jason slew him, and his followers crossed over 
builded there a Citie called of his name Absoris. Some land to the 
tell of the Syrtes which the Argonauts passing carried Ocean, and 
their ship on their shoulders twelve dales. But the ^f^f^b'^^'h 

. . ^ . -11 1- 11 \ r I- Lades into the 

varieties are inextricable and innumerable. Arter his ^fy^its. 
returne, by Medeas helpe he made away his Unckle Ody. n. 



■^ Sirab. I. I . 
speaking of 
the Poets 
salth in qui- 
busdam cum 
historia con- 
s en tit, qua" dam 
etiam assingit, 
15 communem 
15 fuum. 
Cum historia 
nominat iff 
Jasonem tif 
J} go i5c. 
against Troy. 

Pelias (to whom she had promised to restore his youth) 
and gave his Kingdome to Acastus his sonne, which had 
accompanied him to Colchos. The exile of Medea and 
the rest of the tale you may have amongst the Poets. 
I am more then wearie with relating so much. This 
voyage was so admired of Antiquitie that this Argo 
which Homer calleth iraa-iixeXova-a, was not onely praised 
to the stars by the Poets, but placed amongst the stars by 
their Minerva, and the constellation famous to these 
times. The Argonauts after this instituted the Olympian 
games. The Poets are full of such Chymasras, mixed 
lye-truths, ^not sparing any of their Gods or Heroes. 
Jupiter having stolne Europa transformed into a Bull, 
or as some say in a ship of that name, or having a bull 
in the Beke, Cadmus and Thasus her brethren were sent 
by Agenor their father to seeke her. The Phenician 
Navie is divided betwixt them. Thasus having long 
sought in vaine, returned not, but in the ^^gaean Sea 
built a Citie of his name. Cadmus built Thebes, and 
after that ! But what and why doe I while you in these 
uncertainties } Yet have I touched a little of his storie 
who is famed the first inventer of the Grsecian Letters, 
and of Historic. But we will turne your eyes to the 
most fabled of all Poeticall fables, and in a peece of an 
houre with a swift pen will dispatch ten yeeres worke 
with looo. ships. 

The Princes in the Trojan siege and their ships are 
these : Agamemnon brought from Micenae one hundred 
ships: Menelaus his brother from thence also 60. Phaenix 
of Argos 50. Achilles of Scyros 60. Automedon his 
Chariot driver 10. Patroclus of Phthia 10. Ajax ot 
Salamine 12. Teucer his brother as many, Ulisses of 
Ithaca 12. Diomedes of Argos 30. Stenelus of Argos 25. 
Ajax the Locrian 20. Nestor the Pylian 90. Thrasymedes 
his brother 1 5. Antilochus sonne of Nestor 20. Eurypylus 
of Orchomene 40. Macaon of Attica 20. Podalyrius his 
brother 9. Tlepolemusof Mycenae 9. Idomeneus of Crete 
40. Meriones from thence as many, Eumelus of Perr- 



•'■^^kKh'- pjf.!^'::!^:^ c-;f^'is:~^ L 

Tl Al^ -f£NL'M 

f^ [oniiim Mai c "i^" ^' '", '.^ - "^ 



hebia 8. Philoctetes of Melibaea 7. Peneleus of Bceotia 
12. Pithus a Baeotian also as many, and his brother 
Chronius 9. Arcestlaus 10. Prothasnor 8. ladmenus of 
Argos 30. Ascalaphus 30. Schedius 30, and Epistrophus 
his brother 10. Elephenor, Calchodontis and Imenaretes 
(all likewise of Argos) 30. The sonne of Menaeus from 
Athens 50. Agapenor from Arcada 60. Amphimachus 
of Elea 10. Eurychus of Argos 15. Amarunceus of 
Mycenae 19. Polysenes from jEtolia 40, Meges the 
Dulichian 60. Thoas 15. Podarces his brother 10. 
Prothous the Magnesian 40. Cycnus the Argive 12. 
Nireus from thence 16. Antiphus the Thessalian 20. 
Polyboetes the Argive 20. Leophites of Sicyon 19. You 
see the particulars amount farre above the thousand 
usually named. The Voyage was too short, and the 
Siege too long for this place. 

Menelaus having recovered his eye-sore faire Helena, [I. i. 71.] 
is said to have beene eight yeeres wandering the world, Travels of 
and Ulysses longer. Menelaus his errour was about ^"^^"^^ 
Cyprus, Phaenicia, ^gypt, and the neighbouring 
Ethiopians and Arabians (so Strabo expoundeth Homers Strab. I. i. 
Erembos in his first Booke, and in his sixteenth, yet there 
addes also the Troglodites) he produceth some which 
place the Sidonians in the Persian Gulfe, I know not how 
justly. Homers Verses, where Menelaus relateth his 
travels to Telemachus are : ^^"^- ^• 

l^vTTpov, ^oivLKrjvre, Kai AiyuTrriov?, e7raXr)6ei9 

AiOiOTra^ 9' iKOfxtiv, koi 'ZiSonoug Koi 'E|0e///3oi'?, Ka< Ai^vtjv. 

Cypres, Phasnicia, JEgypt having past, 

Th' Ethiops, Sidons, 'Erembs, I went at last. And Libya — 

Aristonicus the Grammarian, and after him Eustathius, Traveh oj 
interpret it of sailing round about Africa, as is said of 'Ulysses. 
Eudoxus and others before (TrepnrXevcrag tov QKeavov Sia rovg 
TaSeipcou /ue^iot rrjg IvSiKrj^) a thing to mee altogether un- 
probable, and easier to be sailed by the Poet or his 
Commenters in an Inkie Sea with a quill Mast, then by 
the ruder Sea-men of those times. Menelaus his errours 
I 193 N 


we see continued more then eight yeares, yea are not 
yet ended, but breede new travels in Grammarians braines. 
Tantae molis erat infame reducere scortum. 

Ulysses returning from Troy, came to the Ciconae, 
the Lotophagi, and after that to Polyphemus the Giant, 
with one eye in his forehead, thence to ^olus, to the 
Lestrygonae, to -^naria infamous by Circes charmes, to 
Avernus, to the Syrenes, to Scylla, Sicilia, Charybdis, to 
iEaea, to the Phaeaces, and at last to Ithaca. The like 
fables Grammer-schoole boyes can tell you of iEnaeas out 
of Virgil, and other Poets. I am weary of travelling 
in such a loose sandy soile, where so few footeprints 
and paths of truth are to be found. And for iEnaeas 
his travels, I will present you them in another fashion 
as Hondius hath in his Map described them. 

I might adde D^dalus his flight from Athens, his 

sleight for Pasiphae in Crete, his acts in Sicilia, his arts 

every where in his travels. As for his, and his sonne 

[I. i. 72.] Icarus his flying, the truth is found in taking away the 

first letter, except you flye to Mysteries. And this is 

the salve too ordinary in all the Poets fables, Perseus, 

the Atlantines, and others, which I forbeare to relate. 

See of d these Other fabulous Relations of Travellers we have, 

hi Photius his meerely fained, as that of Heliodorus his iEthiopike 

Heliof''^' History, Achilles Tatius, lamblichus, all in Love-stories ; 

Jchi/Ies are Lucius Patrensis his Metamorphoses (whence Lucian had 

extant. his Lucius, and thence Apuleius his Asinus) Antonius 

Diogenes his Thule, and other like, they are not fabulous 

Histories but Parables, Mysticall Fables and Poems in 

Historicall forme, as Utopia and Arcadia; that I adde 

not more then a good many others amongst us of worse 

note, which idle wits have made both Mothers and 

Daughters of Idlenesse, or fruitlesse foolish businesse 

without braine or heart. 

I have more mind to give you a History, though even 
here wee cannot secure Quicquid Grascia mendax Audet 
in Historia. Some things are uncertaine in the best, yet 
better a tattered truth then nothing. 



The Philosophers and Wisemen of Greece were 
Travellers for knowledge (of which some travelled with 
knowledge also, and have left Geographicall Monuments) 
Merchants for gaine, and mightie Potentates for Dominion 
and Glory. The Merchants had their reward in that 
which they sought, the other for better knowledge of 
times, deserve more leisurely view. 

Chap. V. 

A briefe recitall of the famous expeditions men- 
tioned in ancient Histories, of the Assyrians, 
^Egyptians, Scythians, Ethiopians, Persians, 
and others. 

S these last have bin told by Poets as 
fables, that is truths eeked and wrought 
upon by their wits for greater delight, 
so the stories of the first Assyrian Mon- 
archic and ^Egyptian Dynasties have little 
more solidity. Ninus by the Greeke and iV/»«/. 
■* Latine stories is renowned for his ambi- 
tious marches, and travels thorow all Asia from the Red 
to the Euxine Sea, and thorow Scythia to the Bactrians. P- Oros. /. i. 
Hee conquered (saith Diodorus) the Armenians and their ^.+- . 
King Barchanes, Pharnus also King of Media and all 
Asia from Tanais to Nilus, the Egyptians, Phaenicians, 
Syrians, Cilicians, PamphiHa, Lycia, Caria, Phrygia, Misia, 
Lydia, Troas, Propontis, Bythinia, Cappadocia, the Bar- 
barians upon Pontus, Cadusians, Tapyrans, Hyrcans, 
Dranges, Derbici, Carmani, Coronei, Rhomni, Vorcani, 
Parthians, Persians, Susians, Caspians, and many others. 
Ariaeus the Arabian King was his Collegue in armes in 
these expeditions. After which he built Ninus or Ninive, Ninive 
the wals one hundred foot high, broade enough for three builded. 
Carts to passe together on the tops, with 1 500. Turrets 
200. foote high, the squares unequall the two longer 1 50. 
furlongs, the two shorter 90. Hee made a second 
expedition against the Bactrians, and then maried Semir- Semiramis. 



The Scripture 
more truly 
Babylon to 
Ninive to 


Jos. Scal.Notee 
ad Euseb. 

amis a Syrian, which he tooke from her husband Menon, 
who hanged himselfe in foolish griefe. 

Semiramis succeeded, and exceeded his exploits : She 
invaded Ethiopia, and whereas (if you beleeve Ctesias) 
Ninus had with him in his last expedition against Zoro- 
astres the Bactrian 1700000. footmen and 200000. horse- 
men with 10600. hooked chariots: She builded (as they 
say) Babylon, with a stupendious Garden in Chaona, and 
Pallace at Ecbatana, cut out highwaies in Persia, passed 
thorow Egypt to Libya to the Oracle of Jupiter Ammon, 
subjected Ethiopia, and made three yeers provision to 
invade Staurobates King of India, slew 300000. Beeves 
of their Hides to frame counterfeit Elephants, and with 
3000000. (it is Ctesias also which taleth it) of Footmen, 
and 500000. Horsemen, and 2000. Ships, with Elephan- 
tine counterfeits carried on Camels, shee made that Indian 
invasion, where Staurobates encountered her with greater 
numbers, threatning to crucifie her. On Indus was the 
Navall fight, wherein the Indians had the worse, and 
lost 1000. Ships, but in the Field the Assyrian Armie was 
overthrowne. Thus they proceed in the Assyrian 
Empire for 1300. yeeres together, and say that at the 
warres of Troy, Theutamo the twentieth from Ninus 
relieved Priamus with 20000. Men, and 200. Chariots 
under the conduct of Memnon. As for Sardanapalus 
the thirtieth and last of them, the truth is, as in the 
former, a certaine uncertainty. Eusebius reckoneth the 
time of Semiramis to have beene the same with Abraham, 
so that Moses, whom Josephus, Clemens, Africanus, 
Tatianus, made to be 850. yeeres before the Trojan 
warre, is by his more probable reckoning made much 
later, yet, as hee saith, ancienter then the Greekish 
Antiquities, and their Gods also : being borne, as Scaliger 
calculateth out of his Positions 394. yeeres before the 
destruction of Troy. Now what pettie Kinges the World 
had in the best peopled parts in Abrahams time, the 
fourth Chapter of Genesis sheweth, even of those Regions; 
which some therefore make but Vice-roys under the 



Assyrian, very daringly. Ninus his numbers savour of 
Nimrods Babel, which after Ages could make swel with 
such vanities. It may be a question (I thinke the nega- 
tive out of question) whether the World had then so 
many soules so soone after the Flood, as those Indian 
and Assyrian Armies are said to containe. 

The like may bee said of Vexores the ^Egyptian Kings 
Expedition, which conquered to Pontus, and Tanaus the 
Scythian, which conquered him and almost all Asia, as 
some say before Ninus. Vexores by Genebrard is sup- 
posed to bee Osiris, the first Pharao. And for Sesostris 
wee have already in part acknowledged his greatnesse, 
and withall his latenesse in the time of Rehoboam the 
Sonne of Salomon. He is said to have had in his Army 
600000. Footmen, and 24000. Horse, 8020. Chariots of 
Warre, in the Red Sea foure hundred Ships. Hee con- 
quered beyond Ganges, the Medes, the Scythians unto 
Tanais, and the rest of Asia. Into Europe he passed as 
farre as Thrace, and left Pillars as Monuments for his 
victories, engraven with the representation of a mans 
Privities, if they were valiant ; of a womans, if effeminate. 

Not long after was that Expedition of Zerah the 
Ethiopian with a million of men, overthrowne by King 
Asa ; as that of the Queene of Sheba (some thinke shee 
raigned over Arabia and ^Ethiopia) to Salomon a little 
before. Tiglath Pileser King of Assyria tooke Damascus, 
and Shalmaneser carried away the tenne Tribes into 
Assyria and Media, and placed Babilonians, Cutheans 
and others in their roomes. Senacherib soone after in- 
vaded Judah, but Tirhakah King of Ethiopia came out 
against him. This Tirhakah is thought to bee that 
Tearcon, which Strabo mentioneth, where hee denieth 
that India had beene invaded by any but Bacchus and 
Hercules before Alexander, denying that of Semiramis, 
and alleadging Megasthenes both to that purpose, and that 
Sesostris the Egyptian, and Tearcon the Ethiopian pierced 
into Europe, yea that Nabucodonosor, or Navocodrosor 
(more celebrated by the Chaldaeans then Hercules) came 


Vexores the 
[I. i. 73-] 


Died. sic. I. I . 

Zerah the 

2. Chron. 9. 

2. Kin. 16.6^ 

Strab. /. 15. 
his testimony 
of old Expedi- 





Dan. 2. 


Her. I. 7. 

to the Straits or Hercules his Pillars ; as did also Tear- 
con : also that Idanthyrsus the Scythian pierced as farre 
as Egypt ; but none of them went (saith hee) to India. 
Megasthenes acknowledgeth that Cyrus came neere the 
Indians, in his Expedition against the Massagets, but not 
thither. As for Nabucodonosors Asian and Egyptian 
Expeditions, and his Dominion in manner over the World 
wee have divine testimony in Daniells Tree and Golden 
Image ; of Cyrus also, whose Conquests are knowne, and 
large Peregrinations from the West parts of Asia, where 
hee captived CrcESus and subdued his, with the adjoyning 
Dominions, and all the Regions thence thorow Syria, 
Armenia, Media, Persia, to the Massagets and Scythians. 
His Sonne Cambyses added ^gypt, and that foolish 
Expedition against the ^Ethiopians. Darius with 800000. 
men invaded the Scythians. Xerxes, as Herodotus hath 
recorded, invaded Greece with 1700000. Footmen, 80000. 
Horsemen, 20000. Chariot Men, one thousand two hun- 
dred and eight saile of Ships. Ctesias (which useth 
elsewhere to say the most) hath but 800000. men 
besides Chariots, and one thousand Ships. As for other 
Scythian and Amazonian invasions, with others of other 
Nations, for their uncertaintie I omit them. The Greeks 
also had their many, both Expeditions and defensive 
Warres against the Persians before Alexanders time. 
Themistocles, Xenophon, and many others of them are 
renowmed, tam marte quam Mercurio. And thus the 
Persian Empire hath brought us to Alexander, which 
succeeded it, of whose Expedition wee shall anon take 
speciall and more leisurely view. 

As for the later Empires of Carthage and Rome, to tell 
of their Travellers and Travells would prove a History 
of their States, and all their famous Captaines, especially 
the Romans when they began to spread their wings farre 
from their Italian nest, and flowed out of Europaean 
Bankes into Africa and Asia. The Scipios in the Cartha- 
ginian warres, Lucullus in Africa, and after in the Mith- 
ridatike war ; Great Pompey in his Europasan, Asian, and 



fatall African Voyages & Expeditions; Greater Julius, 
whose travels procreated a Monarchy ; Covetous Crassus, 
Cruell Antonius, Flourishing Augustus, Seely Claudius, 
Triumphant Vespasian, Gentle Titus, Proud Domitian, 
Glorious Trajan, Witty Adrian, & in manner all the rest 
of their Emperors forced, or forcing on their Frontiers, 
& whose very Imperial progresse in their own State, were 
great voyages & peregrinations ; yea their Empires (as 
before* is observed) was called by the ambitious title * Su/>.c. z.^z. 
of the World : For better knowledge whereof I have 
here presented the Map thereof. Severe Severus died 
at Yorke, Christian Constantine arose a bright Sunne to 
the World out of our North ; Apostate Julian travelled 
also and brought forth an incarnate Devill, which after 
many peregrinations perished in the East, and left the 
Empire to Good Jovian. To set downe the Emperours 
travells would be to give you the Imperiall History from 
Julius, till the times that the World fell in travell with 
Barbarian travellers, Goths, Vandals, Herules, Hunnes, 
Avares, Frankes, Saxons, Lumbards, Saracens, which 
shared amongst them that vast Empire : especially the 
travell of the Imperiall Seat from Rome to Constan- 
tinople giving the occasion both to a mysticall concep- 
tion of Antichrist (which may seeme borne long after by 
Phocas midwifery, and growing up till Gregory the 
seventh, when the Devill was loosed from the bottom- 
lesse pit, and in Christian names restored in great part 
the Ethnike Gentilisme) and to those inundations of 
Barbarians and Barbarisme, which like a smoake from 
the bottomlesse pit prepared the Papall way. Pipine, 
and especiall Charles the Great were great Travellers 
also, and unwitting much furthered the growth of that 
Monster, which after swallowed up the Imperiall Eagle, 
and left but the feathers and shadow remaining. The 
Danes and Normanes were unwelcome Travellers, which 
perfected that, which others had begun : especiall the 
Normanes by their warres and greatnesse in Italy, grow- 
ing out of the ruines of the Easterne Empire, and by that 



conspiracy of Urban and Boamund, which seeking to 
fish in troubled waters devised the Expeditions of the 
[I. i. 74.] Franks to the Hierosolymitan warre, which set the world 
in travell 200. yeers together, the Mahumetans of the 
South and East, and the Christians of the North and 
West making Palestina the stage of fury & slaughter. 
After these the Tartars filled the world with innumerable 
armies & mischiefes, especially all Asia & one halfe of 
Europe. But these are later things, and some of them 
follow in our Relations. For the Parthians, and later 
Persian Dynasty, and Saracenicall travells over, and both 
spirituall and temporall conquests thorow the world, and 
the Ottoman, Sophian, Mogoll, and other branches 
from that root, I have bin a large relater in my Pil- 

Chap. VI. 

The travells of the antient Philosophers and 
learned men briefly mentioned. 

Ow let us examine the Voyages of Philo- 
sophers and Learned men, into remote 
parts for Wisdome and Learning. Dio- 
genes Laertius maketh two kinds of 
Philosophy, the one lonike, the other 
Italike : this began from Pythagoras, the 
other from Thales, both which, with many 
of their Successors were great Travellers. As for Thales, 
his Epistle to Pherecydes a Syrian (another travelling 
Philosopher) is yet extant in Laertius, in which he men- 
tions his & Solons travels, in these words : For neither 
are I and Solon the Athenian so foolish and mad, that 
when we have sailed to Crete & pierced into Egypt, there 
to conferre with the Priests and Astronomers, we would 
not with like care saile to thee. For Solon will come 
also if you thinke good. For thou being holden with 
liking of that place seldome passest into Ionia; neither 
art moved with desire of Strangers : but as I hope thou 




onely appliest thy selfe to writing. But wee which write 
nothing,* travell thorow Greece and Asia. 

Thus have you one testimony of two Grandees, Thales [I- i- 75-] 
and Solon. This later, in his return from Egypt visited 
Cyprus, and after went to Croesus, who adorning him- 
selfe in greatest glory & pompe, asked Solon if ever 
he had seene goodlier spectacle ? Yes, said he, Cockes, 
Phesants, and Peacockes. Croesus being after by Cyrus 
sentenced to the fire, cried, O Solon, Solon, Solon, and 
being demanded the reason, answered, That Solon had 
told him, that no man might be accounted happy before 
his death : wherein Cyrus reading the mutabilitie of 
his owne fortunes, gave him his life and a competent 
estate. Thence Solon went into Cilicia, and built 

To Croesus is an Epistle also of Anacharsis, another 
travelling Philosopher, borne in Scythia, and brother 
to the Scythian King, making some mention of his 
Travells in these woods : I, O King of Lidians, came 
into Greece to learne their Manners, Studies, and 
Instructions ; and need not Gold, esteeming it enough 
to returne to the Scythians a better man, and more 
learned. Yet I will come to thee to Sardis, much 
esteeming thy friendship and familiaritie. Hee was Laer. I. z. 
Solons guest at Athens, whither he came in the fortie 
seventh Olympiad. Socrates the first bringer in of 
Ethikes or Morall Philosophy, was a Traveller also, 
and followed the warres by Land and Sea. Xenophon Xenophon. 
his Scholler, was both in Arts, and Armes, and Travells 

* Least Travellers may be greatest Writers. Even I which have 

written so much of travellers & travells, never travelled 200. miles from 

Thaxted in Essex, where I was borne : herein like a whetstone, which 

being blunt causeth sharpnesse ; or a Candlestick holding many Candles, 

without which it selfe is unseene in the darke ; and as the Compasse is of 

little compasse and motion, yet teacheth to compasse the World ; or as 

the Pole-star is lest moved of all, & most of all moving & guiding the 

Traveller. Envy not a marginall roome to him, who hath used 

Volumes so spacious to thee ; in which, how little is the travell of 

the greatest Traveller ; or how could a great Traveller have travelled 

of so much. 



famous, and hath left Monuments thereof written by 
himselfe. His voyage to Delphos, and thence to Cyrus, 
and after his Persian journey to Agesilaus King of 
Sparta, and with him against the Thebans, and after 
that to Helis and Corinth, are recorded by Laertius. 
In his daies Ctesias a Traveller and Historian lived, 
which writ the Persian, Assyrian and Indian Stories, 
but often travells from truth, 

Arutippus. Aristippus was a Cyrenian by birth, by studies an 
Athenian, as were many others of his Countrymen, by 
base flattery a trencher-worme to Dionysius the Sicilian 
Tyrant. Ptolemeus an Ethiopian was his SchoUer, and 
Antipater a Cyrenean. Epitemedes, Paraebates, Hegesias, 
Anniceris were also, holding voluptuous 
opinions, as also Theodorus and another Aristippus, 
magnifying sensuall pleasures. The Ecclesiastike His- 
tories of Socrates and Sozomen, mention the travells 
of Empedocles, which threw himselfe into the Sicilian 
Crateres, and of Democritus Cous which spent eightie 
yeeres in travelling thorow divers Countries. Meropius 
also, and Merodorus are mentioned with others. But 

?lato. wee will come to men better knowne : Plato is famous 

Laert. L 3. ^t^^i^ ^^^ Philosophy and Travelling. Hee travelled to 
Euclide at Megara, to Theodorus the Mathematician, 
into Italy to the Pythagoreans, Philolaus and Eurytus, 

Euripides, thence to Egypt to the Priests (and with him Euripides 
also) and intended to visit the Persian Magi, but was 
prohibited by the Asian warres. Returning to Athens 
hee set up the Academie. Thrice hee travelled in war- 
fare to Tanagra, to Corinth, to Delos. Thrice also 
hee sayled into Sicilia. First to see it, at which time 
Dionysius the Tyrant displeased with his free speech, 
caused him to bee sold in ^gina ; but being freed, 
Dionysius writ to him not to reproach him. Plato 
answered, Hee had not so much leisure as to thinke on 
Dionysius. He sailed thither to the younger Dionysius 
twice. His Disciples were Speusippus the Athenian, 
Xenocrates of Chalcedon, Aristotle the Stagirite, Dion 


of Syracuse, Amyctus of Heraclea, Timolaus of Cyzicus, 

Heraclides of Pontus, and others of other Countries, 

his Schoole yeelding a prettie Geographicall Map of 

Countries. Bion was borne neere Boristhanes, but Bion. 

added honor to his Country by his studies. He was 

sold for a Slave, and bought by an Orator which made 

him his heire : he sold al & went to Athens. After 

his studies there, he lived at Rhodes. Lacydes the Lacydes. 

chiefe of the New Academie, was a Cyrenaean. Carneades Cameades. 

was also of the same nation. Clitomachus was a Cartha- Clitomachus. 

ginian, & his true name was Asdrubal. He went to 

Athens, & there became the scholler of Carneades & 

his successor. Menippus was a Phenician by birth, & Menippm. 

lived a Cynik at Thebes. 

Aristotle was borne the first yeere of the 99. Olympiad: Aristotle. 

at seventeene yeers he became Platoes Scholler, and 

so continued twentie yeeres. After that hee went to 

Mitylene, and when Alexander was fifteene yeeres old, 

to King Philip, in the second yeere of the 109. Olympiad, 

and having commended the care ot young Alexander 

to his Cousin Callisthenes, in the second of the iii. Calisthenes. 

returned to Athens, and taught in Lyceo thirteene yeeres, 

and then went to Chalcis and there died. Cahsthenes 

travelled with Alexander, till the Persian Conquest had 

made him swell beyond the measure of a man, and 

some Greeke Foolosophers (Philosophers I dare not call 

them ; but amongst the Muses some have alway beene 

Hedge -whores, and the learning of some in all Ages 

hath licked the trenchers, and fly-blowed the sores of 

great men ; with the basest of vices. Flattery, kissing 

the hinder parts, sucking* the Emerodes, feeding on their *So the Bar- 

excrements, themselves the excrements of Mankind : ^f^ °f^^^" 
, 1-111 • J 3\ A • ine tleventh. 

but whither hath passion transported mee .-') Agis an j^.j.-ian. I. 4. 

Argive, and Cleo a Sicilian, some adde Anaxarchus also, 

Et caetera urbium suarum Purgamenta (saith Curtius) Q. Curtis. /.S. 

would needs open Heaven to Alexander, and preferre 

him to Hercules, Bacchus, Castor and Pollux : Alexander P/ut. Alex. 

stood behind the hangings, whiles Cleo made a speech 


to persuade the Persian Rites, and with them to deifie 
and incense their Kings. Which being gravely refuted 
by Callisthenes (for to him especially was the speech 
directed, that they which went before others in learning, 
should in this innovation also) that it was not for him 
and Cleo to make Gods, or for the Kings honor to bee 
beholden to them for his Divinitie, which could not 
give a Kingdome on Earth to him, and much lesse 
Heaven : Alexander concealed his malice, till upon 
occasion of torturing some, which had conspired his 
death, he tortured also even to death Callisthenes, 
giving him that recompence for saving his life, when 
having slaine Clytus in a drunken rage, hee would have 

[I. i. 76.] added in a sullen and mad penance his owne death, and 
was by Callisthenes wisedome reclaimed. This was his 
preparation to the Indian Expedition. 

Many other learned men followed Alexander, and 
writ his story, viz. Marsyas, Pellaeus, Hecatasus Abderita, 
Aristobulus, Clitarchus, Anaximenes, Onesicritus, Near- 
chus, Ptolemasus Lagi after King of Egypt, Antipater 
another of Alexanders Captaines, and an Historian, 
Aristus, Asclepiades ; Vossius addes Archelaus, Strattis, 
Eumenes, Diodorus, whose stories wee have cited by 
Arrianus, Strabo, Plutarch, &c. But then the World 
travelled of Travellers of all sorts, learned and un- 

Laeri. L 7. Zeno was a Cyprian, by birth of Phasnician parentage, 
and at Athens began the Stoike Sect, whither hee came 
with Purple out of Phenicia to sell, and suffered ship- 
wracke in the Piraeum, upon which occasion solacing 

L. 1.8. himselfe with a booke, hee followed Crates. Cleanthes 
was his successor, & after him Sphaerus a Bosphoran, 
which travelled also to Alexandria to Ptolemeus Philo- 
pater. Heraclites the Ephesian was a travelling Philo- 
sopher, of whose acquaintance Darius Histaspis was 
ambitious and writ to him about it. But of all the 
Philosophers none were more famous, then the first 

Pythagoras, founder of that name Pythagoras, either in travells 



with, or for Science. He was borne at Samos, thence 
passed to Lesbos, and there heard Pherecydes the Syrian. 
Returning to Samos, Polycrates the famous Minion of 
Fortune, commended him to Amasis King of Egypt. 
Hee learned the Egyptian Mysteries and Language, 
and travelled thence with Epimenedes into Crete, and 
after that into Italy to Croton, and there began the 
Italike Philosophy before mentioned. But who can 
tell his travells .? lamblichus his Scholler, saith that PUn.l.zo.c.x. 
Pythogoras learned his Philosophy, partly of the Orphics, ^^""^^^ f""^- 
partly of the Egyptian Priests, partly of the Chaldees 
and Magi. Learned Plinie saith of him, that to learne 
Zoroastres his Magia, Pythagoras navigavit, exilio verius 
quam peregrinatione suscepta. Hee (doe you beleeve 
it i*) had beene iEthalides the sonne of Mercury, and 
after that had beene Euphorbus in the warres of Troy, 
who being dead, his soule passed into Hermotinus, and 
travelled to Branchidae to Apollos Temple, after whose 
death a new transmigration befell him into Pyrrbus a 
Delian Fisherman, and at last you have Pythagoras. 
It seemeth hee had beene also in India, where the 
Brachmanes or Bramenes to this day observe the Rites 
and Opinions which the Westerne World ascribe to 
Pythagoras, as not eating of things which have had Hfe, 
transmigration of soules, and the like. Histaspis, the 
Father of Darius the King, is reported to have travelled 
into India and learned their Magike and Philosophy, 
which the Magi in Persia after professed. Philostratus 
hath written a long Legend of Apollonius Tyanaeus his 
Pilgrimage to the Brachmanes in India, to Babylon, 
iEgypt, and Arabia, to Nysa, to Taxilla, to larchas the 
principal! Indian Brachmane, to his Egyptian and 
Ethiopian Gymnosophists, &c. But incredulus odi. I 
reckon him an Hospitall Beggar, with whom I will have 
nothing to doe. Pyrrho an Athenian Philosopher 
Scholler of Anaxarchus, is said to have travelled both 
to the Persian Magi, and Indian Gymnosophists, and 
learned of them that hee could learne nothing, nay 



Strab.lib. 15. 
Curt. 10. 
Amb. Ep. 7, 
Diod. Sic. I. 4. 
c, 9. 

See Vossius of 
Polybius, «5^ 
Pythias. De 
hist, grcec. 
Herod. I. 4. 
Scyllax sent by 
the Persian to 
discover the 
Coast, before 
that famous 

learned not so much, but doubted of that also. India also 
yeelded some travelling Philosophers to the Graecians, 
of whom the most famous is that Calanus which followed 
Alexander to Pasargadas, some say to Babylon, and there 
burned himselfe, an end sutable to his severe profession 
beyond the Stoikes austeritie. An Epistle of his is 
registred at large by Saint Ambrose. Archimedes also 
travelled into Egypt and left famous Monuments of 
his Art in many parts of the World. But wee have 
beene too long in travell of this argument. More are 
wee beholden to the travells of Historians, such as 
Herodotus, Megasthenes, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, 
Polybius, and many others which travelled into Italy, 
Egypt, ^Ethiopia, Greece, Asia, and divers parts of the 
World, that they might give the World unto posteritie. 
Herein also they deserve mention, which then were 
counted fablers, as Pythias Massiliensis, whom Strabo 
and others reject: yet his reports of short nights, &c. 
are now knowne truths. Some have written of travelling 
and sailing by the Coasts, as Arrianus his Circum- 
navigation of the Red or Indian Sea, and of the Blacke 
or Euxine Sea ; the 'irepi-nyr](Ti<; & TrepiifKov^ of Marcianus 
Heracleotes, published in Greeke by David Hoeschelius, 
rare Jewells for knowledge of antient Geography, but 
not so fitting our common Reader, The like wee may 
say of Scyllax Caryandensis, mentioned by Herodotus, 
Artemidorus the Ephesian, Dicearchus Mesenius, Isidorus, 
Conracasnus. The Learned know where to read them : 
the Vulgar would not regard them if they were here ; 
Time having devoured the very names by them men- 
tioned, and not the Cities and Ports alone. Yet for a 
taste wee will give you a Voyage of two of the Antients. 
And first that of Hanno. 



Chap. VII. 

Phcenician Voyages, and especially that of Hanno, 
a Carthaginian Captaine. 

lodorus Siculus reporteth of the Phoe- 
nicians (of whose Navigations in the 
Indian and African Ocean, and Spanish 
Plantations* we have spoken before) 
that sayling to divers Marts, they 
planted many Colonies in Africa, and 
some also in the West parts of Europe : 
that they sailed also out of the Straits into the Ocean, 
and built on the Europasan Continent the Citie Gadira 
(or Cadiz) and therein erected a sumptuous Temple to 
Hercules, which to his dayes was holden in great repu- 
tation of Sanctitie, the Rites therein observed after the 
Phcenician manner, wherein many famous Roman Com- 
manders after their great exploits, have paid to this God 
their vowed Holies. The Phoenicians sailing alongst 
the Lybian shore in the Ocean, were many dayes car- 
ried with tempests unto an Hand very great and fertile, 
with pleasant Champaines and Mountaines, goodly 
Woods, Gardens, Houses, Fountaines, wholsome Ayre, 
seeming to be the dwelling rather of Gods then Men. 
The Tyrrheni (which were strong by Sea) would have 
sent a Colonic thither, but were forbidden by the Car- 
thaginians, which feared lest their Citizens allured by 
the goodnesse of the Countrey should betake themselves 
thither : and besides, they would reserve it for a place 
of refuge, if any adversitie should happen to their Citie. 
Aristotle also in his Booke Tre^oi Oavfxacrlcov aKovcr/udrcov hath 
some such thing of Carthaginian Merchants, which 
sailed from Spaine into the Westerne Ocean ; but I 
thinke both may bee applied rather to some one of the 
Hands of the Canaries, or Cape Verd, or Saint Thomas, 
or to some part of the African Continent, which they 
might thinke (not sailing further) to be an Hand, or to 


[I. i. 77-] 

Sup.c. I. §.12. 

Gadira or 
Cadiz, built by 
the Pheeni- 

Goodly Hand. 

O vie do and 
others apply it 
to the Ameri- 
can Antiles. 

Gerardi 10. 
vos. de histor, 
Gne. I. 4. 


Plin.l.z.c.zy. some fiction, then to America. Aristotle in that Treatise 
mentioneth Hanno, which Vossius thinketh rather to be 
the worke of the younger Aristotle, called Ponticus 
(Laertius mentions eight Aristotles) then of that great 
Oracle of learning and miracle of Nature. But of 
Hannos Periplus (as it was falsly termed) many Authors 
have made mention. Plinie so speaketh of it, as if hee 
had sailed about Africa, in these words, Et Hanno, 
Carthaginis potentia florente, circumvectus a Gadibus ad 
finem Arabiae, navigationem eam prodidit scripto ; sicut 
ad extera Europas noscenda missus eodem tempore 
Himilco. By which words it is apparent that Hanno 
and Himilco in those flourishing times of Carthage, 
Himilco. were sent by publike decree upon discoveries, Himilco 

to the Coasts of France, Britaine, and other parts of 
Europe ; Hanno Southwards to coast around the African 
shores. The like testimony he hath in his fifth Booke, 
L. 5. f. I. Fuere & Hannonis Carthaginiensium Ducis commen- 
tarii, Punicis rebus florentissimis, explorare ambitum 
^&'aliaquis- Africe jussi : quem secuti plerique e nostris, ad ^ alia 
demfab. quaedam fabulosa, & urbes multas ab eo conditas ibi 

prodidere, quarum nee memoria ulla, nee vestigium extat. 
Whereby wee see that Plinie doubted of the truth of 
Hannos relations : yea it was a Proverbe, as Athenaeus, 
which Casaubon in his Notes upon him, with Vossius 
also have observed ; Siquid ejusmodi Juba refert, gaudeat 
Lybicis libris Hannonis ac erroribus : as good a testi- 
Qa/ Bavium monie of Juba and Hanno for Historians as Virgils of 
non odit, amet gavius and Maevius for Poets. Yet, as I will not alto- 
Mtevi ^"^ gether cleare him, so I thinke that ignorance of those 
places in those times made him seeme the more fabulous, 
as Marco Polo and others did till our Grandfathers 
dales : which appeareth in that they make that a cir- 
cumnavigation about Africk, which reached not one 
quarter of the way from the Pillars of Hercules, to the 
p'^'^^^'m /v' Arabian Gulfe. Artemidorus the Ephesian doth mention 
sitOrb^l. 3. ^^' ^^^ Mela also with Solinus. Mela came neere the 
c. 10. truth, which saith that Hanno sailed a great part of the 



coast, and returned for want of provision, not of Sea- Hanno Car- 
roome. He, and Solinus and Plinie have cited much ^^^S^^^""^, 

, . cum per 

out of him, which perhaps might receive a better inter- Qceani ostia 

pretation then Antiquity could give, as appeareth by exisset, mag- 
Ramusios annotations on that Voyage, and by helpe of nam partem 
a Portugall Pilot expert in those coasts, comparing ^i!^JJ^^^^'^lll^ ^^ 
Hannos with the present Navigations. We will first ^^^^.^ ]^^ ^^^,^_ 
give you the Text and then the Commentarie. But meatu defe- 
first we will adde out of Galvano touching Himilco, cis$e, ^'c 
that hee is said to have sailed to Gotland and Thule, 
within 24. degrees of the Pole, where the day in June 
is two and twenty houres, and to have spent in that 
discovery two yeeres : I know not what good proofe 
he hath of that Relation. Plinie whom he citeth, 
saith that the Northerne Ocean was sailed for the 
most part by the procurement of Augustus, to the 
Cimbrian Promontory, and the Scythian coast, and that 
from the East when Seleucus and Antiochus reigned, 
the North Sea above the Caspian was sailed, and called 
by their names Seleucida and Antiochida, But that 
he joyneth the Caspian with the Ocean, makes it lesse Pl.l.z.c.6-j. 
credible, being contrary to later experience. No better 
credit hath that report of Nepos touching Indians 
which had for trade sailed out of India and comne 
about by the Northerne Ocean, and by tempest were 
brought into Germany, presented by the King of the 
Suevians to Quintus Metellus Celer then proconsul! 
of Gallia, which haply were of some Nation in the 
Baltike Sea, by tempest loosing themselves, and not 
finding any which could understand their language, 
were by some smattering Grammarians or trusty tra- 
vellers (which by daring ignorance would adventure on 
applause for skill in Geography) or else by the Giver 
(which thought the mention of the Indian name would 
much commend his present) obtruded on the no lesse [I. i. 78.] 
ignorant Spectators, for Indians: a thing easily said, and 
not easily disproved, where none had seene any Indian. 
But now to Hanno. [The Navigation 

I 209 o 



The Navigation of Hanno a Carthaginian Cap- 
taine on the Coasts of Africa, without 
Hercules Fillers, which he dedicated, written 
in the Punick tongue in the Temple of 
Saturne, after translated into the Greeke, and 
now into the English, with briefe annotations. 

^He Carthaginians determined that Hanno should 
saile without Hercules Pillars, & there build Cities 
of the Liby-phinicians. He set saile with threescore 
Ships of fiftie Oares a peece, conducting with him a 
great multitude of men and women, to the number of 
thirty thousand, with victuals and all other necessaries. 
We arrived at the Pillars, and passed them, and having 
sailed without them two daies, we built the first Citie, 
Thymiate- calling it Thymiaterium. It had round about it very 
num. large Champaignes. After turning toward the West, 

we came to a promontorie of Africa, called Soloente, 
covered all over with woods. And having here built a 
Temple to Neptune, we sailed halfe a day towards the 
East, till we arrived at a Fen, which is situated not farre 
from the Sea, very full of great and long Canes : and 
there were in it feeding Elephants, & many other 
creatures. Then having gone about a daies saile beyond 
that Fenne we built Cities on the Sea Coast, calling 
them by their proper names Murus, Caricus, Gitta, 
Acra, Melitta and Arambis. Departing from thence we 
came to the great River Lixus which descends from 
Africa : By it there were certaine men called Lixitae, 
feeders of Cattell, tending their flockes ; with whom 
wee continued so long, that they became verie familiar. 
Moreover up in the Countrie above them the Negros 
inhabited, who will not traffique with any, and their 
Countrie is verie barbarous and full of wilde Beasts, 
and environed with high Mountaines, from which as 
they say, issues the River Lixus, and round about the 
Mountains inhabit men of divers shapes, which have 


their abiding in Canes; they runne swifter then horses, 
as the Lixians report : from thence taking some Inter- 
preters, we sailed by a desart Countrie towards the 
South two daies. And then wee vered one day to- 
wards the East, where in the bottome of a Gulfe we 
found a like Hand, that was five furlongs in compasse, 
which we inhabited, naming it Cerne, and by the way 
that we had sailed we judged that that Hand was 
opposite to Carthage, for the Navigation from Carthage 
to the Pillars, and from thence to Cerne seemed equall. 
Parting from thence, and sailing by a great River 
called Crete, we arrived at a Lake, which had in it 
three Hands greater then Cerne. From whence sailing 
the space of a day, we came to the further part of the 
Lake : there we saw very high Mountaines which over- 
looked all the Lake : where were savage people cloathed 
in beasts skins, who chased us away with stones, not 
suffering us to land : sailing from thence we came to 
another great and large streame full of Crocodiles, and 
River-horses, From thence turning backe againe, wee 
returned to Cerne. Sailing then twelve daies Southerly, 
not going farre from the coast, which was peopled with 
Negros, who upon sight of us fled away, and spake so, 
as the Lixitas that were with us understood them not. 
The last day we arrived at a Mountaine full of great 
trees, the wood whereof was odoriferous and of various 
colours. Having now coasted two daies by this Moun- 
taine, wee found a deepe and troublesome race of Sea ; 
on the side whereof towards the land was a plaine, 
where by night we saw fires kindled on every side, 
distant one from the other some more some lesse. 
Having watered here, we sailed by the land five daies, 
so that we arrived in a great Bay, which our Interpre- 
ters said, was called Hesperus his home. In this there 
was a great Hand, and in the Hand a Lake, which 
seemed a Sea, and in this there was another Hand ; 
where having landed, by day we saw nothing but woods, 
but in the night many fires were kindled, and we heard 



Phifes and the noise and sound of Gimbals and Drum- 
mes, and besides infinite shouts ; so that wee were 
exceedingly afraid, and our Diviners commanded us to 
abandon the Hand : then swiftly sailing from thence, we 
passed by a Countrie smelling of Spices : from which 
some fierie Rivers fall into the Sea, and the land is so 
hot that men are not able to goe in it ; therefore being 
somewhat affrighted we suddenly hoised out our sailes, 
and running along in the maine the space of foure 
daies, we saw by night the Country full of flames, and 
in the middest an exceeding high fire, greater then all 
the rest, which seemed to reach unto the Starres : but 
wee saw this after in the day time, which was a very 
loftie Mountaine, called Oewv oyr]ixa that is, the Chariot of 
the Gods. But having sailed three daies by fierie Rivers, 
we arrived in a Gulfe called Notuceras, that is, the 
South home : in the inner part thereof there was a 
little Hand like unto the first, which had a Lake in it, 
and in that there was another Hand full of Savage men, 
but the women were more ; they had their bodies all 
over hairie, and of our Interpreters they were called 
Gorgones : we pursued the men but could take none, 
for they fled into precipices and defended themselves 
with stones ; but we tooke three of the women, which 
did nothing but bite and scratch those that led them, and 
would not follow them. Therefore they killed them and 
flead them, and brought their skins to Carthage: and 
because victuals failed us, we sailed no further. 

[I. i. 79.] TT appeares that Hannos wisdome for discoverie in 
*Some make X that infancie of Navigation* about 2000 yeeres since, 
Hanno at least thought small Vessels fittest by which he might keepe 

as atincient as °,, , i-"^i r ji- 

Philip the neere the shoare, the edgmg whereor caused nim to 
Father of saile East or West, as the Land trended. The Cartha- 
Alexander : ginians being of Phoenician originall from Tyrus, and 
Vossiusthinkes Lyt)ian habitation and Empire, called their Cities Lybi- 
Captaine pha^nician : of which Thymiaterium seemes to the Portu- 
which was sent gall Pilot in Ramusio, to be Azamor in 32. and a halfe, 



where runneth a spacious Plaine to Morocco. The against 
Promontory Soloente seemeth Cape Cantin in 7 2. de- '^i'^^^'"^^^^^ 
grees. After which the coast runneth in much East- Tragus {or hh 
ward, and the abundance of Rivers cause the great shadoto Jus- 
Fenne mentioned ; beyond which they built those Cities, t'^ne) I. 22. 
the same, or neere to those now in the Kingdome of ^^^'y '"^"^^^"^ 
Morocco, Azasi, Goz, Aman, Mogador, Testhua, &c. pj- / g ^ 
After they passe the Cape Ger, and encounter the River 16. saith of 
Lixus, where the Poets fables place Hercules his Antasus anotherHanm 
and the Hesperides Gardens. The Pilot thought it thathezoas 
the River of Sus, which runnes into the Sea at Messa tamtnzL\ons 
in 29. degr. 30. min. Beyond that begins Mount Atlas 
the lesse, which runneth Eastward quite thorow Barbary, 
and to which the Romans came, the sands prohibiting 
their approach to the greater Atlas. After this Hanno 
commeth to Cape Non, Cape Bojador and Cape Blanke; 
and then turning to the East, comes to the He Argin, 
which hee called Cerne : and thought to be as farre from 
the Straits in the course of their sailing, as it was betwixt 
those Straits and Carthage. For as for the height, it 
is plaine that they neither used compasse, nor observed 
degrees. And for Ptolemeis degrees, they are almost 
every where false or uncertaine, rather from his con- 
jecture, then the Mariners calculation, and in transcribing 
made worse in so many barbarous and ignorant ages : 
his places are of more use in shewing their bearing East 
or West, North or South, short, or beyond, or wide, 
then for exact gradations. 

The Hands of Cape Verd in 13. are Hannos Hes- 
perides (the Canaries or Fortunate Hands he could not 
see, creeping neere the shore) and for River Horses 
and Crocodiles, they are no rarities in Africke. From 
Cape Verd the race of the Sea might seeme terrible to 
their small Vessels, where the River of Saint Mary and 
Rio Grande in 15. degrees, hath troubled waters. Such 
fires as hee mentioneth are scene to this day of those 
which saile on the coast of Senega and Guinea, because 
the Negros eate litde in the day time for heate, but 



at night have their fires without doores and there refresh 
themselves : many of which a farre off present such lights 
See Jobsons at Sea ; the merry Negros to fray away wilde Beasts and 
voyage and ^^ expresse their mirth, making such musicke with 
Inf. I 7. ' shouts and cries. Sierra Leona is that chariot of the 
Gods in 8. degrees, the continuall thunders and light- 
nings at some times of the yeere presenting such a 
fierie spectacle as Hanno reporteth : yet augmented for 
greater wonder, as also are his fiery Rivers, that whereas 
the world talked of a fiery Zone, not habitable through 
heate, he might lye a little to save his credit from 
imputation of a greater lier, if he had reported the 
temperature neere the line. The like humour of in- 
clining to vulgar fancies appeareth in his tales of the 
Gorgones. And for the monstrous womens hairy skins, 
they might be of the Baboones or Pongos of those parts, 
some of which as Jobson and Battell our Countrimen 
which travelled those parts will tell you, are greater 
then women, & the Pongos nothing in manner differing 
from their shape. These were, as is probable within 
foure degrees of the line. The Hand is thought to 
be that of Fernando Poo : but my learned friend Master 
Hoelstin a German, which is now preparing a learned 
treasury of Geographicall antiquities to the Presse, sup- 
poseth that hee passed not the Cape Tres puntas or 
that de Palmas. 



Chap. VIII. 

lambulus his Navigation to Arabia, and Ethiopia, 
and thence to a strange Hand, from whence 
hee sailed to Palimbothra in India. 

F Hannos Voyage and Relations seemed 
incredible, much more may that of 
lambulus, recorded by Diodorus. In D. Sic. I. 2. 
what age hee lived is uncertaine, and 
as uncertaine what Hand it was that 
hee is said to come to, which may 
seeme to some to be Zeilan or Java, 

I rather thinke Sumatra. That it is wholly fabulous 
I cannot thinke, but that all is true therein, I were 
worthy also to have my tongue slit, if I should affirme. 
Hee did mixe fables to the truth, to make his storie 
more plausible, and imitating the Poets; and without 
annotations the truth may easily be knowne from the 
fables of Platoes Republike and common women, and 
strange creatures, with other tales. But, if you will, 
thus the storie lyeth. 

lambulus was learned from his child-hood and after 
his Fathers death (who was a Merchant) he exercised 
also Merchandizing. Passing through Arabia to buy 
Spices, he was taken by theeves, with the associates 
of his journie : at first with one of his fellow slaves, 
he was appointed to bee a Keeper of Cattle : but after 
that, together with him hee was taken by certaine lambulus 
Ethiopians, and convayed beyond the maritime ^Ethiopia. ^^^^^ ''^'^^'^• 
Seeing that they were strangers, they were taken for an 
expiation of that Country. The Ethiopians that in- 
habited those parts had a custome, which they had [I. i. 80.] 
anciently received from the Oracle of their Gods, and 
observed it twenty Ages, that is sixe hundred yeeres 
(for an Age is finished in thirtie yeeres.) They had 
a little vessell prepared able to endure the tempests of 
the Sea, which two men might easily steere. They 



put into it six months victuals for two men : bringing 

the men aboord, they commanded them to direct their 

vessell towards the South according to the answere 

of the Oracle : and told them that they should come 

to a goodly Hand and courteous people, that lived happily. 

And by that meanes, if they safely arrived in the Iland 

their Countrey should bee in peace and prosperity sixe 

hundred yeeres. But if, being terrified through the 

length of the Sea they should returne backe, they should 

bring, as impious and debauched persons, great miseries 

to all their Nation. They report that the ^(Ethiopians 

feasted divers dayes by the Sea-side, and kept their 

holies, wishing them a lucky Voyage, and that the 

accustomed expiation were accomplished. After foure 

moneths sayle and many a storme, they were carried 

lamhuli to an Hand of round forme, five thousand furlongs in 

insula. compasse. When they drew neere to the Iland, some 

of the Inhabitants sent forth a Boat to meete them. 

Others running to them wondred at these new come 

strangers : and entertayned them very kindly and 

courteously : imparting to them such things as they 


Inhabitants The men of this Iland are not like to ours, either 

descrtbed. -^^ their bodies or manners, yet all have the same forme, 

but they exceed us foure Cubits in stature. They wind 

^So doe the their bones this way and that way as they please, ^like 

alios now. gjj^g^eg^ Their bodies are stronger and nimbler then 

ours. For if they have taken any thing into their hands, 

no man can pull it out of their fingers. They have no 

haires, except on their head, eye-browes, eye-lids, and 

chinne : on the other parts of their bodies they are so 

smooth, that there doth not appeare the least downe. 

They are faire, comely, and have wel shaped bodies, 

the holes of their eares are much wider then ours, also 

their tongue differs from us. For their tongue hath 

Cloven somewhat peculiar by Nature or Art. Nature hath 

Lk^-^k given them a cloven tongue, which is divided in the 

bleme. bottome, so that it seemes double from the root. So 



they use a divers speech : and doe not only speake 
with the voice of men, but imitate the singing of Birds. 
But that which seemes most notable, they speake at one 
time perfitly with two men, both answering and dis- 
coursing. For with one part of their tongue they 
speake to one, and with the other to the other. The 
aire is very cleere all the yeere long, as the Poet hath Temperate 
written, That the Peare doth ripen upon the Peare, and ■^^'^• 
the Apple upon the Apple, and the Grape upon the 
Grape, and the fig upon the fig. Also they say the 
day and night are alwayes equall. About noone, when 
the Sunne is over their heads it maketh no shadow. 
They live according to their kindreds and societies : 
which yet exceed not foure hundred. They dwell in 
Medowes, the earth bringing forth plentifully fruits 
freely without any tillage. For the goodnesse of the 
Hand and temperature of the ayre make the earth of 
its owne accord wonderfull fertill. 

There grow many Reeds, bearing plentifuU fruit like This Reed is 
to a white Vetch ; when they have gathered these, ^/«^^ j^^''/- 
they steepe them in water, till each of them be swolne // /;;4"^;/'^' 
to the quantity of a Doves Egge. Afterwards of these wheate. 
beaten they make bread, of a wonderfull sweetnesse. 
There are also in that Hand great Springs of water, 
whereof some flow forth very hot for the use of Baths, 
and curing Diseases ; and some are cold, very sweet and 
wholsome. They respect all kind of Learning, especially 
Astrologie. They use Letters whereof they have eight Their Letters. 
and twentie, according to the value of signification, yet 
but seven Characters : each whereof is varied foure wayes. 
They live very long, namely one hundred and fifty 
yeeres, and for the most part without any sicknesse. 
If any have a Fever or be sicke in his bodie, they enforce 
him to dye according to their Law. They write not China forme 
by the side, as we doe, but from the top in a straight "/^'"^^ '" 
line to the bottome. They have a custome to live to '^^^ ^"^' 
a certaine age, which being finished, they diversly of 
their owne accord kill themselves. They have a double 




Fabulous crea- 

plant : upon which whosoever lyeth downe is brought 
into a sweet sleepe and dyeth. The women marry 
not, but are common to all. In like manner the 
Males are brought up, and common to all. They 
often take away the children from the Mothers, that 
they might not know them, whereby it commeth to 
passe, that there is no ambition amongst them, or factious 
affection, but they live peaceably without jarring. 

There are small creatures in the Hand, whose bloud 
is of an admirable nature and vertue. Their bodies 
are round, and like to Tortoises, two streakes crossing 
one another on the middle of them : in the extremity 
of each of which is an eare and an eye : so that they see 
with foure eyes, and heare with so many eares : they have 
but one belly wherein they convey that which they 
eate. They have many feet round about, wherewith they 
goe both wayes. The bloud of this beast is affirmed 
to be of a wonderfull efficacie. For any bodie cut 
with gashes, while it breathes, sprinkled with this bloud 
presently cleaves together. And in like manner, if a hand 
bee cut off, or any other member, whiles life lasts, the 
parts will bee joyned together, if it bee applied to the 
wound while it is fresh. Every Family nourisheth 
great Birds of a divers nature, wherewith they trie 
what their sonnes will be. For setting their children 
on these Fowles, if they be not affrighted while they 
are carried through the Aire, they bring them up, but 
if they faint through feare or cowardlinesse, they cast 
them downe as unworthy to live any longer, and un- 
profitable for any exercise. 

The eldest of every Family, as King commands the 
rest, who all obey him. When hee is one hundred and 
fiftie yecres old, they take away his life according to their 
Law : and the eldest next him takes the Principality. 
The Sea wherewith the Hand is environed is very 
tempestuous, and causeth great waves, the water is fresh. 
^ome truths of The Beare and many starres which appeare to us are not 
the Countrey. scene of them. There are seven Hands of the like great- 


[I.i. 81.] 


nesse, like distance betweene, and of the same people 
and Lawes. Although the earth doth bring forth food 
of its owne accord abundantly for all, yet they use it 
moderately. They desire plaine dishes, seeking only 
nourishment : they eate their flesh rosted and boiled : 
they reject the Cookes art, and all kind of sawces as 
unprofitable. They reverence the Gods, and that which 
containeth all things, and the Sunne, and the other 
heavenly Creatures. They take fishes and Birds of divers 
sorts. There grow of their owne accord fruitfuU Trees, 
Olives, and Vines, from which they draw great plentie of 
Oile and Wine. The Hand produceth great Serpents, 
but harmelesse : whose flesh they eate, which is extra- 
ordinarie sweet. They make their clothes of soft and 
shining downe, taken out of the middest of Canes : where- 
with their Purple garments died with Sea Oysters are 
made. There are many kinds of creatures and such as 
will hardly be beleeved : they observe a certaine order of 
life, and eat but of one kind of meat in a day ; for 
one day they eate fish, on another Birds, and then beasts ; 
sometimes they feed only of oile. They are addicted to 
divers exercises : some serve, some fish, others exercise 
their Trades, others are busied about other necessarie 
affaires. Some (except the old men) minister in common, 
or serve one another by turnes. On their Holies and 
Feast dayes they sing Hymnes in commendation of their 
Gods, and chiefly of the Sunne, to whom they dedicate 
themselves and their Hand. They burie their dead on the 
shore, heaping sand upon the carkasse when the Sea flowes, 
that with the flowing and increasing of the water, the 
place may be made greater. They report that the Reeds 
from which they gather fruit, increase and decrease accord- 
ing to the Moone. The sweet and wholsome water 
retaines the heate of the Fountaines, unlesse it be mingled 
with cold water or wine. 

lambulus and he which came with him tarried in the lamhulus his 
Hand seven yeeres, and at length were forced to depart at *'^f'^^"^- 
their wils, as wicked persons, and accustomed to evill 



conditions. Therefore preparing their Boat and victualling 
it, they were compelled to depart. In foure monethes 
they came to a King of India, through sandie and shallow 
places of the Sea. The other perished in a tempest : lam- 
bulus was driven into a certaine Village, and carried by 
the Inhabitants to the King into the Citie Palibothra farre 
distant from the Sea. The King loved Graecians, and 
greatly esteemed their Learning; hee gave him many 
things, and first sent him safely into Persia, and then 
into Greece. Afterward lambulus writ these things, and 
many things concerning India before unknowne to others. 

Chap. IX. 

Great Alexanders Life, Acts, Peregrinations and 
Conquests briefly related. 

Ing Alexander, as they report, derived his 
Pedigree by the Father from Hercules, 
by the mother from ^acus ; from the 
one descended his Father Philip, and from 
the other his Mother Olympia. Shee 
the first night of her Nuptials dreamed 
that she saw Lightning enter into her 
Wombe, and thence a great flame presently kindled. 
Philip also not long after seemed in his sleepe to scale 
his wives belly, the Scale engraven with a Lion. By these 
Aristander the Diviner foretold that shee was with childe, 
because a Seale useth not to be set on emptie things : also 
that shee should bring forth a child, who should have the 
nature and spirit of a Lion. But when a while after 
Philip in the night saw through a cranie of the doore 
a Dragon lying by her, it abated his love to her, fearing 
Magicall Charmes, or the familiaritie of some Deitie. 
Notwithstanding Olympias counselled Alexander that he 
would assume a minde worthy of his father. Others say, 
that shee said Alexander would make her (by challenging 
Hii birth, to bee Jupiters sonne) hatefull to Juno. On the Ides of 
August she was delivered of Alexander, who although he 



were of a goodly feature, yet he bowed his necke some- 
what to the left side, and a certaine whitenesse mixed with 
red beautified his face. Also such an odour issued both Hisfragt-an- 
out of his mouth, and members, that his inner clothes did "^• 
breath forth a wonderfull fragrant savour. Which as it 
perhaps proceeded out of the temperature of his hot bodie, 
so surely he was by his naturall hotnesse given to Wine 
and anger. While he was young, he refrained himselfe His youthfull 
from pleasures more then beseemed one of his yeeres, "'^Sf^^^'^^^^'^- 
manifesting his couragious minde, who when his equals 
in yeeres asked, if he would willingly contend in the 
Olympian Games } willingly, saith he, if I were to contend 
with Kings. He greatly excelled in swiftnesse of foot. 
Hee alwayes meditated upon some great and extra- 
ordinary thing, that he might purchase fame. Therefore 
the Persian Ambassadors not a little marvelled at the 
courage of the young man : seeing he questioned no 
triviall, or childish thing of them, but the situation of [I. i. 82.] 
Countries and dangers of passages, and power of the King 
of Persia. He did seeme to bee angry at his Fathers 
victories; What said he, will my Father leave for me to 
doe, if hee atchieve all noble exploits } 

About those times, Philip bought Bucephalus for thirtie Bucephalus. 
three Talents a very fierce Horse ; stomackfull, un- 
managed, and abiding no Rider. Now when hee would 
suffer none to backe him, Alexander was angry with 
them, who could not through feare or ignorance tame 
the Horse, and offered himselfe to breake him. To 
whom his Father, if thou dost not, for thy boasting, what 
punishment wilt thou have } then he answered, I will pay 
for the Horse. Philip smiling set the price : He seeing 
him mooved with his shadow, turned his head to the 
Sunne ; then letting goe his Cloke, laying hold with his 
hands upon his mane, mounted him, still blowing and 
trampling the sands under his feet. Letting goe the 
reines, and crying out aloud, hee spurred him and made 
him runne. Then holding in the reines hee easily turned His arts. 
him. While the people shouted, his Father weeping for 


joy, kissed him when he aHghted, saying my Sonne, 
Macedonia cannot containe thee, thou must seeke a King- 
dome competent. Afterward Philip noticing the dis- 
position of Alexander, that hee would rather bee induced 
to vertue by gentlenesse then rough dealing committed 
him to Aristotle to be instructed in the precepts of Philo- 
sophic. Wherein and in Physicke he so profited, that 
sometimes he helped his sicke friends. He learned 
Homers Iliads of Aristotle : calling it the Souldiers Knap- 
sacke, laying it with his Dagger alwayes under his Pillow. 
His first mar- When he was seventeene yeeres old, his Father warring 
tiall acts. against the Byzantines, hee swayed the Scepter of Mace- 
don. And when the Megarians rebelled, he discomfited 
them in battle, and expelling the Barbarians, called their 
Citie Alexandropolis. Hee first also broke through 
against the sacred band of the Thebans. Wherefore the 
Macedonians called him King; and Philip Emperour. 

Not long after Philip being slaine, Alexander beeing 
twentie yeeres old beganne to reigne, the Barbarians 
revolting, many supposed that they were to bee appeased 
with clemencie and mildnesse. Then Alexander, we must 
not (saith he) maintayne our Dominions with gentle- 
nesse, but force and magnanimitie, lest if we seeme to 
abate of our loftie courage, we be scorned of others: 
And gathering his troupes together, he repressed the 
mutinie of the Barbarians, chased away the King of the 
TribaUi, overthrew the Thebans, sacked the Citie; and 
levelled it to the ground. He sold thirtie thousand of 
the Citizens: sixe thousand that remained kild them- 
selves. In the meane while, the Graecians hearing that 
the Persians would shortly invade them, elected Alexander 
Isthmus neere to be their Leader. Who assoone as hee came to Isthmos, 
Corinth. where their Generall Parliament was assembled, went to 

Diogenes, whom hee found sitting in .the Sunne. Then 
courteously saluting him, he demanded if he wanted 
any thing t But he answered only this, stand aside out 
of the Sunne. Alexander admiring the constancie of the 
man, departing said, if I were not Alexander, I would 



be Diogenes. Thence he went to Delphos, to consult Diogenes. 
with the Oracle about his expedition. It was an unluckie ^^^P^'^^- 
day wherein it was not lawfull to give Oracles. Alexander 
notwithstanding, going in haste to the Temple, began 
almost by force to draw along the Priest of the Oracle 
with him. My Sonne, said the Priest, thou art un- 
conquerable. Hee beeing joyfuU at these words said, I 
have no need of any other Oracle. And returning to the 
Campe, where abode the Army of thirtie thousand foot- 
men, and five thousand horsemen, hee did not goe aboard 
the ship before he had distributed all his Chattels, Lands, 
and Lordships amongst his friends. He to Perdicas asking, 
what will you leave for your selfe } answered, only Hope. 

Having sailed over the Hellespont, he went to Ilium. His expedition 
And then visited Achilles Sepulchre, and adorned his ^S^^^/^ ^^' 

• lCTSI Otis 

Statue with Garlands. Saying, O thou most happie, who 
hadst so faithfull a companion, living ; and dead, so great 
a Poet to renowme thee. 

In the meane while, the Chiefetaines of Darius, the King 
of Persia hastening to passe over Granicum with a great 
power, Alexander met them at the banks of the same 
River : and getting the higher ground, as soone as he had 
marshalled his bands, joyned battle with the Barbarians. 
The fight waxing hot on both sides, Rhesaces & Spithri- 
dates, Darius his Captains, one with a Speare, the other 
with a Battle-axe, with a ful careere encountred Alexander, 
who was easie to be known by reason of his Target, and 
the Plume on his Helmet, beeing a great bush of white 
feathers. Avoyding nimbly the one, he strooke Rhesaces 
with his Speare and with his Sword made at the other, 
who without delay, tooke away his Helmet, with his 
Battle-axe to his haire, but while he lifted up his hand 
for another blow, he was strooke through with a Lance Clitus saveth 
by Clytus. Alexander having vanquished the Com- '^'//^^ , 

• • Ills ^tctofi^ 

manders, put the rest to flight. In which flight twentie 
thousand of the Barbarians (two thousand Horsemen) 
were slaine. But Alexander lacked not above thirtie 
foure Souldiers. 



Having gotten this victorie, he tooke the strong Citie 
Sardis, with other Townes, Miletus and Halicarnassus. 
Having determined to try the upshot with King Darius, 
if he would joyne battle with him, he tooke Phaenicia and 
Cilicia. From thence marching to Pamphilia, he subdued 
the Pisidans and Phrygians. After taking Gordium, 
where had beene of old King Midas his Pallace, he over- 
came the Paphlagonians, and Cappadocians. But King 
[I. i. 83.] Darius relying on the number of his forces (for he had 
an Army of sixe hundred thousand) remooved his Campe 
from Susis. His Diviners had flattered him in the 
Interpretation of a Dreame of the shining of Alexanders 
Armie, and Alexander ministring to him, who entring 
into Belus his Temple, was taken out of his sight. He 
thought basely of him also for staying so long in Cilicia. 
There was Alexander detained in great danger of his 
life, having washed himselfe in a cold River, and fallen 
into a sudden sicknesse. When other Physicians gave 
him over, Philip an Acarnanian promised to recover 
him in a short space : and although there came a Letter 
from Parmenio, warning him to take heed of Philips 
Treason, who was corrupted by King Darius, yet he 
dranke up the potion boldly, and with all delivered the 
Letter to Philip. He read it very heavily, but bad 
Alexander to be of good cheere. In the meane time, 
while the potion entred into his bowels, the King lay 
almost dead. But such was the efficacie of the medicine, 
that he presently recovered his former health. 
Second battle. Darius approching, Alexander getting the higher 
Alexanders ground, ordered his battle, and after a great slaughter 
•^' put the Barbarians to flight : ten thousand were slaine, 

and many more taken. Alexander himselfe was wounded. 
Alexander got the Tent, Money, rich Stuff^e, Chariot, 
and Bow of Darius, all adorned with Gold. Moreover, 
Darius his Mother, Wife, and two Daughters Virgins 
were taken with the rest. To whom hee said, com- 
passionating their fortune, seeing them weeping and 
lamenting, that Darius was alive, and that they should 



have no hurt. And indeed (herein was Alexander King 

of himselfe) they suffered no hardship or dishonor, 

but lived unseene of any, as it were in sacred Cloysters, 

or Virginall Closets. Alexander did so refraine from 

them and all others, that he used to say in jeast, that 

the Persian Damsels were eye-sores. He was also very His temper- 

temperate in his diet, for betweene every cup, hee '^"^^• 

accustomed to spend a long time in discourse. 

Having divided the spoyles, his next Exploit was the 
dominion of the Sea, and overcomming Cyprus, he Cyprus. 
subdued all Phasnicia, except Tyre, which hee besieged Tyrus. 
seven monethes with Mounts, Engines, and two hundred 
Gallies, and at length after divers skirmishes tooke it by 
assault. But when he had added Gaza and Egypt to 
his Conquests, he resolved to visit the Temple of Jupiter 
Ammon. A very difficult Journey and dreadfull, by Amnions 
reason of the want of water, and store of sands : yet °^'^<^^^- 
his good fortune prevayled, showres making the sands 
firmer, and Crowes guiding him, he came thither without 
any harme ; Whereas Cambyses his Armie had beene 
buried in the sands. Entring the Temple he saluted 
the chiefe of them, who answered. All haile, O Sonne 
of Jupiter, which he received so joyfully, that ever after 
hee carried himselfe more haughtily. In Egypt hee Alexandria 
founded Alexandria a Greeke Colonie. builded. 

After this the Ambassadours of the King of Persia Embassage 
came to him with Letters, proffering ten thousand -^"^ lianus. 
Talents, and all Mesopotamia, and his Daughter in 
marriage, and Darius himselfe to become his friend and 
associate, if he would cease from Warre : such conditions, 
that if I were Alexander, said Parmenio, I would accept 
them : so would I said Alexander, if I were Parmenio. 
He bad them tell Darius, that he should receive all 
courtesie of the Graecians, if he would come to them, if 
he would not, let him know that we, wil he, nill he, ^■^^ ^^i^^d 
wil come to him speedily. Then going out of Egypt ^^^^^jj '^"^^^^ 
into Phaenicia, he took all the Country between Euphrates, ^„^ ^.^^^^^^ ^' 
and the second time removed his Campe against Darius, with Darius. 
I 225 p 







And now the Armies came in sight each of other, 
wherein Darius had a Million of men. The battle was 
fought not at Arbela, but at Gausanela. The Bactrian 
Horsemen running upon the Macedonians provoked 
Alexander to fight, who encouraged his men and praying 
to Jupiter that he would give him aide and victory, an 
Eagle is reported to have been shewed him by Aristander 
his Diviner flying above him over his head, and thence 
directing her flight against the Persians, which filled 
the Macedonians with hopes and cheerefull courage. 
Forcible was the impression, and Alexander pierced into 
the midst of the enemies Campe, where beholding Darius 
well guarded in the midst of his troupes, he gave a 
terrible assault and routed them, many beeing slaine. 
Darius was of a tall stature, comely face. Kingly coun- 
tenance, and sate aloft in a Chariot covered with Gold, 
which Darius leaving, leaped upon a barren mare, seeking 
to save his life by flight. The dignitie of this victory 
altogether overthrew the Persian Empire, and made 
Alexander King of Asia. Then he tooke Babylon and 
Susis, the royall Citie where he found fortie thousand 
Talents of silver, with royall houshold-stufFe, and of 
Hermionike Purple kept one hundred and ninety yeeres 
still fresh to the value of five thousand Talents. 

Now did Alexander advance into Persia, whither 
Darius had fled. There he found asmuch silver as 
before in Susis, and asmuch royall furniture and goods 
as laded ten thousand yokes of Mules, and five thousand 
Camels. Hee tarried foure moneths in his wintering 
Lodgings. And, as the report is, when he feasted 
under the golden roofe of the Kings Hall, he said. That 
he had obtained the fruit of his labours, seeing he so 
magnificently banqueted in the Palace of proud Xerxes. 
Thais an Athenian, a beautifull Strumpet, being present, 
enticed the King with her flatteries, and said, I were 
the happiest woman of Greece, if I might in this our 
mirth fire Xerxes Pallace, who sometime burnt my 
Athens. The King smiling, the Harlot fired the House. 



The King bewitched with wine and her allurements, 
the rest fiirthering the flame, suffered such a goodly 
building to be consumed to ashes. Alexander was 
naturally munificent, and kept a kinde of stately mag- 
nificence in giving : which he did illustrate with infinite 
testimonies of his bountie, lesse esteeming those that [I. i. 84.] 
refused then these that craved. About this time Darius 
had now the third time gathered an Army. Alexander 
in eleven dayes passed with great Journies 3200. furlongs, 
conducting his Armie through rough places, that wanted 
water, so that the whole Armie well neere languished 
with thirst : a certaine common Souldier brought a 
Helmet full of water to Alexander; who looking upon 
all of them panting for heate and thirst, gave it him 
againe untouched : thinking it unfitting that he alone 
should cherish himselfe, and the others faint ; whose 
continencie the Souldiers admiring, resolved to undergoe 
any trouble, as long as they followed such a Leader. 
Then after a few dayes, the Armie of King Darius 
beeing gathered together, did flee assoone as they came 
in sight of the Macedonians. The Persians being thus 
discomfited, the Macedonians pursuing them, found 
King Darius in his Chariot stricken through with many 
wounds, and almost dead, speaking some few things. 
But when Alexander came thither by chance, hee tooke Darius slain 
very bitterly his ignoble death, and casting his coate h. ^''^^^°" °f 
upon his carcasse, and adding the Royall Ensignes, he " °'^^^' 
gave charge to carrie it honourably to his Mother. 
Bessus, the Murtherer, Alexander caused to be tied to 
two trees brought by force together, which rent him 
in sunder. 

Darius being overthrowne, he brought into his sub- Hynania sub- 
jection Hyrcania, and all the Cities adjoyning to the '^"'^'^• 
Caspian Sea. After going into Parthia, hee attired 
himselfe in a habit, being a meane betweene a Persian 
and a Mede, that he might accustome the Macedonians 
the more willingly to adore him. 

Passing over the River Orexartes, which he thought 



Scythian ex- 


Philotas and 
Clitus slaine. 

to be Tanais, hee warred on the Scythians, and chased 
them one hundred furlongs. Thither Clitarchus, Poly- 
critus, Onesicritus, Antigenes and Hister say, the Amazon 
came to him; which Chares, Isangelus, Ptolemaeus, 
Anticlides, Philon, Philippus, Hecatasus, PhiHppus 
Chalcidensis, and Duris the Samian, say was a devised 
Fable : and this appeareth to be true by Alexander 
himselfe, who writing to Antipater an exact Relation 
of all things, mentions the Scythian Kings offer of his 
Daughter in marriage, but hath nothing at all of the 
Amazon. It is said that Lysimachus, when hee heard 
Onesicritus reading that Relation, smiled and said. 
Where was I then } 

At length beholding the beautie and noble demeanour 
of Roxanes, Darius his Daughter, hee married her, 
that so he might perpetually tie the Barbarians to him; 
whom hee did also so reverence, that he did not but 
solemnely enter in to her. But when hee proceeded to 
bring the rest of Asia to his obedience, he caused 
Philotas Parmenio his sonne a man of eminent place 
to be slaine. Also a little while after being drunke, he 
strucke Clitus through with a Lance, a man of a noble 
courage, which had freed him from Spithridates Battle- 
axe : yet he presently repented, and snatching the Lance 
out of Clitus his wound, would have turned it into 
himselfe; but was restrained by the standers by, and 
had died with griefe, but that Aristander the Diviner, 
and the Philosophers Callisthenes and Anaxarchus per- 
suaded him to patience. Callisthenes was as ill repaid 
as Clitus, which before we have mentioned. 

After this, Alexander sets forth towards India, and 
there perceiving his Army by reason of the greatnesse 
of pillage to bee slow and dull, hee burned up the baggage 
of the Macedonian Campe. After which he became an 
inexorable and severe punisher of faults, and a terrour 
to his owne. He killed Menander, one of his greatest 
Familiars for neglecting his charge : And slew Orsodates 
having rebelled with his owne hands. He carried Baby- 



lonians (or Chaldasans) with him, whom hee used in 
superstitious expiations. 

Neere the River Oxus, Proxenus found a Fountayne 
of Oyle and fat liquor, resembling Oyle in colour and 
taste, whereas that Region knoweth not Olives. This 
Alexander tooke as a divine Miracle in his favour. The 
Diviners tooke it for a token of a difficult but glorious 
Warre. Hee tooke two strong Rockes in his way, 
which seemed impregnable. When the Macedonians 
refused to passe thorow the River to lay siege to Nysa, 
he tooke his shield and was readie to swimme over 
himselfe. But their Embassage for peace staid him. 
To Taxiles an Indian King, hee gave a thousand Talents 
of silver. 

After that he warred upon Porus King of a great 
part of India (some thinke Rahanni to be his Successour, 
and those parts which the Reisboots now hold in the 
parts, which whiles they please, acknowledge the Mogoll, 
to have been subject to him.) Hydaspes ranne betwixt 
both their Tents, and Porus by his Elephants (furnished 
also with twentie thousand foot, and two thousand horse) 
hindered the passage of Alexander, who therefore raised 
continuall alarmes, noyses and tumults in his Tents, 
and got over the River with great difficultie, tooke the 
Indian Charets, and foure hundred of their Horsemen. 
In eight houres fight Porus lost the field and himselfe. 
Hee was foure Cubits and a handbreadth high, and rode 
upon an Elephant, which fought valiantly for his Rider : 
and finding himselfe spent, kneeled downe gently to 
prevent his fall. Alexander asked his Captive Porus 
what he would have done if he had taken him : and 
Porus answered that he would have done that which 
should have beseemed the Majestie of either of them : 
because this savoured of no barbarousnesse, he restored 
him to his Kingdome, adding a Region of a free State 
there subdued, in which were fifteene Nations and 5000. 
Cities, besides Villages. In this battle with Porus, or 
soone after it Bucephalus died, being thirtie yeeres old : Bucephalia. 



for whose death Alexander did so grieve, that he built 
a Citie upon Hydaspes, calling it by his name, as another 
[I. i. 85.] also to his Dogge Peritas. The Souldiers now being 
wearie of the trouble of daily warre, when they under- 
stood that he determined to goe to the inmost parts of 
India, refused to passe over Ganges. For they heard that 
Ganges was thirty two furlongs broad and a hundred 
fathome deepe, and the bankes covered with troupes of 
Horsemen, Elephants and Footmen ; viz. 80000. Horse- 
men 200000. Footmen, 8000. Charets, and 6000. 
Elephants trained to the warres, by the Gandaritan and 
Persian Kings. Wherefore Alexander seeing his desires 
could not obtaine their wished end, kept himselfe very 
sorrowfull in his Tent, and threatned that they should 
receive no recompense for that they had done, unlesse 
they would passe over Ganges : at length over-come by 
the entreaties and teares of his Souldiers, he desisted from 
his intended Journey. But longing to see the Ocean, 
gathering ships together he came thither by the Rivers. 
Where taking many Cities he was almost slaine by the 
Malli, valiant men of India. For when hee had lept into 
the Citie from the wall (which he first ascended) he was 
oppressed with such a multitude of the Barbarians, that 
unlesse the Macedonians had speedily succoured him being 
grievously wounded with an Arrow and a blow with a 
Club upon the necke, here he had in his rashnesse 
finished his dayes. But being freed from the perill of 
death, he overthrew Cities and many places, seven 
monethes being so spent. At last hee came to the Ocean 
with his Armie. Then contemplating the shoares, and 
finishing his holies, he intreated the Gods that no man 
ever after should goe beyond his bounds : he also bad 
Nearchus tarrie about India, with a Navy. He went on 
foot to Oritus. But he was so distressed with the 
barrennesse of the Countrey, heate and diseases, that of a 
120000. Footmen, and 15000. Horsemen, scarcely the 
fourth part lived. After sixtie dayes hee came to Ged- 
rosia, where being honourably entertained by the Kings 



and Officers which had prepared against his comming, hee 
forgot all his passed troubles : so that he spent his time 
day and night in drinking, banqueting, singing and [I. i. 86.] 
daliance with women. After this Nearchus returning, 
presently he sailed downe Euphrates : and passing over 
Arabia and Lybia, purposed to goe to Hercules Pillars by 
the Mediterranean Sea. But because his armie was very 
impatient, being consumed by the tediousnesse of the 
way, having sent backe Nearchus to defend the Sea coasts, 
he returned into Persia. And bestowing his money 
among all his women (for that was the Kings custome, as 
often as they entered Persia) he celebrated the Nuptials of 
his companions at Susis. He also maried Statyra the 
other daughter of Darius. Making then a costly banquet 
to his companions, he had 9000. Guests, and gave every 
one of them a golden cup. He opened the Sepulchre of 
Cyrus, whose Epitaph was this, Whosoever thou art, and 
whence soever thou commest (for I know thou wilt come) 
I am Cyrus which wan the Empire to the Persians. 
Envie me not this little earth, which covers my body. 
Calanus also here burned himselfe, having taken familiar 
leave of all, and told the King he would shortly see him 
againe at Babylon. He also paid the debts of his 
souldiers, which came to loooo. talents, lacking onely 130. 
He found 30000. Persian youths which hee had given 
order to be trained and instructed of manly growth and 
comely presence, which gave plausible testimonies of 
their admirable activity. This caused emulation to the 
Macedonians, which murmuring, he chose his guard of 
the Persians. Wereupon the Macedonians being grieved 
went to him, intreating him not to reject them as unprofi- 
table ; for they did confesse that they had beene ingratefull, 
and desired pardon. At length Alexander pittying their 
teares and habit, sent them away abundantly rewarded 
with gifts. He entertained others according to their 
dignity. But when he went toward Ecbatana of Media, 
he gave himselfe to plaies and spectacles, and about that 
time a fever tooke away Ephestion, whose losse heetooke 



Hydaspes, per- 
haps that 
which now is 
called Bhat. 

SO to heart that nothing could please him. Therefore to 
appease his griefe, he went to warre as to a manhunting : 
And so raced out all the Nation of the Cossaei, as it 
were offering them in sacrifice to Ephestio his ghost. 
Those things being finished, he was admonished by some 
of the Chaldeans, that hee should not come to Babylon. 
But he went notwithstanding, where he was againe 
troubled with many Diviners, and not onely suspected all 
his servants but all his gods and deities. At length to 
recreate himselfe he went a little into a bathe, where he 
began exceedingly to sweate : And being carried to bed, 
after a few daies the Fever increasing, hee gave directions 
to his Princes concerning the Empire, and died. But 
before his body was buried, it lay a great while in hot 
places. And seeing it remained sound and uncorrupted, 
by this all suspition of poison was taken away. We will 
end this Relation of Alexander with Nearchus his Voyage 
by him set forth. 

The Voyage of Nearchus and his Fleet set forth 
by Alexander the Great, from the River Indus 
to the bottome of the Persian Gulfe. 

IN this History of Voyages I thinke it not a misse to 
give some accounts briefly of the Fleete which 
Alexander set forth from Indus to the Persian Gulfe, 
commanded by Nearchus, gathered out of the eighth 
Booke of Arrianus, who had taken it out of Nearchus 
his owne discourse thereof. I had the whole Relation at 
large by me translated, as those also of Arrianus his sailing 
about both the Erythraean and Euxine Seas : but Time 
hath so altered the Names, ports and peoples, that I dare 
not give you them at large. This briefly was thus : 

Alexander provided his ships in Hydaspes (a River 
which runneth into Indus) and manned them with Phe- 
nicians, Cypriots, ^Egyptians, men best skilled in Marine 
affaires. He chose also for Captains the Greek Ilanders 
of Ionia and Hellespont, & divers others ; amongst the 




rest Nearchus which writ this Navigation, of Cretan 
ancestry, an Amphipolitan by habitation, whom he made 
Generall of the Fleet. After things set in order, he 
sacrificed to the Gods of his Country and to such others 
as the Diviners prescribed, to Neptune, Oceanus, the 
Sea Nymphes, and to the River Hydaspes, and to Acesines, 
which floweth thereinto. He instituted also musicall and 
gymnicall Games (prizes for maisteries) also, distributing 
the remainders of the sacrifices to the Armie. A hun- 
dred and 20000. souldiers followed Alexander, who 
himselfe went with the ships downe Hydaspes. He had 
800. ships, some long, some of burthen. Being afraid to 
adventure so long a Sea Voyage, as from Indus to the 
Persian Gulfe, lest his glorious lustre of victory and 
Fortune hitherto attending him might so be drowned ; 
the Monson serving (the Etesiae then ceasing which there 
blew in Summer) he committed the Fleet to Nearchus, 
which put forth to Sea on the twentieth day of Boedro- 
mion, in the eleventh yeere of King Alexanders reigne. 
Nearchus sacrificed also before his departure, to Jupiter 
the Saviour, and likewise instituted Games ; on that day 
of his departure he came to a great river called Stura, River Stura. 
about 100 furlongs, and staied there two daies. On the 
third day hee came to another River called Caumana thirty 
furlongs further, where the water began to be salt, and the 
tide ascended. Thence he sailed twenty furlongs to 
Coreatis within the River. Moving thence they saw the 
white frothy surge at the mouth of the River, and in a 
ditch or channell made of five furlongs, he anchored his 
fleet when the tyde came 150. furlongs, thence he came to [i. i. 87.] 
the He Crocala, neere to the which are the Indian ik Crocala. 
Arrhabes. Thence he removed, having mount Irus on 
the right hand, and the He Halitenea on the left, to a Port Ik Hnlitenea. 
which he called Alexanders Port, before which is Bubarta Ik Bubarta. 
a small Hand. There he staid foure and twenty daies, 
and gathered Sea Mice and Oysters wonderful! great. 
The winde ceasing, he went sixtie furlongs neere the 
He Doma, where they were forced to goe twenty fur- Ik Doma. 




End of India. 
The Orita. 

J II their sail- 
ing is with 
Oares and by 

* Was not this 
age thinke you 
like to saile to 
Peru or His- 
paniola ? 

Ships a rarity. 

longs within land for fresh water : Having passed 300. 
furlongs the next day, they came to the Region Saranga, 
and fetched water eight furlongs within land. Departing 
thence hee came to Sacalasis, and passing two rockes 
so neere that the ships edged on them as they passed 
by, after 300. furlongs he anchored in Morontoboris, 
a round, deepe and safe harbour with a narrow entrance, 
called the Womens Port, The next day he left an 
Hand to Sea ward of him and yet so neere the shoare 
that the Sea seemed a Gut or narrow ditch. That day he 
sailed sixtie furlongs. On that shoare was a wood and 
shadie Hand. The next day he sailed thorow a narrow 
channell, the ebbe having left a great part dry, and 
having passed 120. furlongs he came to the mouth of 
the River Arabius, where is a great and safe harbour. 
They fetched water sixtie furlongs up the River in a 
Lake. At the harbour is an Hand full of Oisters and all 
sorts of fish. This River confineth India ; the next 
Regions are possessed by the Oritse ; their first anchoring 
on the Orite-shoare was Pagali, having sailed 200. fur- 
longs neere a craggie rocke. The next day 300. furlongs 
to Bacana : and because the shoare was rockie, hee was 
forced to anchor farre from land. In this way three ships 
were lost in a storme, but the persons were saved being 
neere the shoare. 

He sailed thence two hundred furlongs to Comala : and 
there went on shoare and set up tents to refresh his people 
wearied with their long * Navigation, and desiring to have 
some rest. Here Leonnatus, to whom Alexander had 
given Commission for the Oritae, overthrew them in a 
great battell and slew 6000. The weatherbeaten ships 
being repaired, and ten daies provisions being taken in, 
and those sailers which were weary of the Sea, being left 
with Leonnatus, some of his company supplying their 
roomes : the Fleete proceeded 500. furlongs, and 
anchored at the River Thomeros. The Inhabitants 
dwelt in small cottages, and wondered at the Navie as a 
strange Noveltie : they came to the shoare with lances of 



six cubits sharpned and burned at the ends, easily chased by 
those which were sent on shoare against them, which also 
tooke some, which had hard and sharpe nailes wherewith 
they killed fish, and cut softer wood (for they had no use 
of Iron) the harder they cut with stones: their garments 
were beasts or fishes skins. Here Nearchus staid five 
dayes, and repaired his Navie. Proceeding three hundred 
furlongs he came to Malana, the utmost border of the 
Oritae, who for the most part dwell up within the land and 
use Indian attire and armes, but differ in language and 
customes. Nearchus had sailed now looo. furlongs from 
Indus mouth to the Arrhabius, and 1600. by the Oritae. 
Now also their shadowes fell Southward, and at noone 
they had no shadow. The Starres also differed in their 
height and appearance. After the Oritas are the Gedrosi The Gedrost. 
amongst whom Alexander found more difficulty then in 
all the rest of India. Nearchus having sailed 600. fur- 
longs came to Bagisara, a convenient harbour : the Towne 
Pasira is sixtie furlongs up from the Sea. Next day he 
passed by a high overhanging Rocke, which runneth farre 
into the Sea : and digging Wels had store of water, but 
brackish : sailing other six hundred furlongs hee came to 
Calime where Cornina lieth one hundred furlongs into the 
Sea, an Hand whose Inhabitants sent Nearchus sheepe, 
whose flesh tasted like Sea-fowles, they being fed with 
fishes, there being no grasse there. Next day they sailed 
two hundred furlongs to Carbis, the towne Cysa was thirty 
furlongs from Sea. Here were small Fisher-boates, but 
the Fishermen at sight of the Fleete ran away. He passed 
next a high and craggy Cape, reaching one hundred and 
fifty furlongs into the Sea, unto Mosarna a safe harbour. 
There he tooke Hydracces a Gedrosian Pilot for Carmania. 
The way from hence to the Persian Gulfe is not so evill 
as the former. 

Having sailed 750. furlongs he came to the Balomon 
shoare, and after 400. furlongs to Barna, a towne where 
were Gardens of Myrtle and divers flowers, culture of 
trees, and more civilitie of the men. 400. furlongs further 



The Ichtkyo- 

Manners of the 


[I. i. 88.] 

How dijj'ers 
this from a 
t'oiage ? 

he came to Dendrobosa, where they fish in small Boats, 
not rowing like the Greekes, but like diggers beating the 
waters on both sides. After 800. furlongs he came to 
Cyiza a desert shore, and five hundred furlongs from 
thence to the borders of the Ichthyophagi or Fish-eaters. 
They invaded the Towne to get Corne which now failed 
them ; but found little, except meale of rosted fishes, of 
which they make Bread. Thence he went to Bagia a 
rocke sacred to the Sunne, thence to Talmena a good 
port, 1000. furlongs from Bagia. Thence to Canasis a 
desert Citie 400. furlongs thence, 750. furlongs to Mount 
Canate : thence 800. furlongs to Taii ; thence to Dagasira 
300. furlongs, thence 1300. furlongs to the utmost con- 
fines of the Ichthyophagi, in great want of provision : Here 
was a Cape running farre into the Sea. The coast of the 
Ichthyophagi is about loooo. furlongs, where all feede on 
fish, yet are there few fishermen, but the Ebbe leaves the 
fish on shoare, some have nets which reach two furlongs, 
made of Palme-tree leaves. The softer fish they eate raw : 
the greater and harder they roast in the Sunne, and then 
beate them into powder and make a kinde of bread thereof, 
some sprinkle the powder with wheate meale. Their 
Beasts have no other foode, for there is no grasse. 
There is store of Crabs, Oysters, and shel-fish ; Salt also 
and Oyle produced by the soile it selfe ; some sowe a 
little Corne. Their houses are made of Whales bones. 
The Whales casting much water into the aire, the people 
wondred what it was, and hearing that they were fishes, the 
Oares fell out of their hands with feare : But after being 
hartned, the ships went neere together, and with great 
shouts and noise of Oares and sound of Trumpets feared 
the Whales, and made them sinke into the deepe. The 
prodigious tales of the He Nosala sacred to the Sunne, on 
which, if any went ashoare he should never be scene after, 
Nearchus proved false by his owne experiment : as also 
another tale went thereof that a Nymph there dwelt, 
which lay with men that came thither, and after turned 
them into fishes. 



After he was come to Carmania, he anchored before a TheCarmani 
Cape where the Persian gulfe goeth inward & then sailed Persian gulfe 

the red Sea 

no longer to the West, but betwixt the West and North, '^^ ^^^-^ ^^ '^^'° 

for most Northerly. Being come to Padichorus he sailed 

thence 800. furl, to the rock Maceta, of a daies sailing, 

whence Cinamon and Spices are carried to the Assyrians. 

After 700. furl, he came to Neapotanum and 100. furl. 

further to the River Anenus; the Region is called 

Armozia, cultivated and fertile, except of Olives. Here Jrmozta,nozv 

they went ashoare desirous to rest from their labour, and ^ma/. 

there found a Graecian which told them that Alexanders 

Campe was not farre off, five daies journey from the Sea. 

Here Nearchus repaired his Navie, and meane while sent 

to the King, & after went himselfe, he and his by their 

changed weatherbeaten countenances and growne haire, 

being not knowne by those whom Alexander had sent to 

him. Some had made Alexander beleeve his Fleet was ^ f^i^S 

lost, which finding otherwise, hee wept for joy, swearing '^J'^'^h V^SP^^ 

by the Grecian Jupiter, and by the Lybian Ammon, that he 

more joyed in those tidings then in the Empire of all Asia. 

After this hee instituted Musical and Gymnicke Games, 

and pompe to Jupiter Servator, to Hercules, to Apollo 

the chaser away of evill, and to Neptune, with the other 

Sea-Gods. Especially Nearchus was eminent and glorious, 

the whole army casting flowers and garlands on him. 

Alexander after this would have sent another to bring 
the Fleet to Susae, which Nearchus envying to any other, 
intreated that the whole glory might be entire to himselfe, 
and was sent backe. After sacrifice to Jupiter the savior, 
Nearchus exhibited a Gymnicke game (for trying of mas- 
teries, which we call prizes) and set saile. He passed by a Legend of Ery- 
small Hand called Organa, and another lesse called ^/^«^ ^'J ^^''f 
Oaracta, 300. rurlongs rrom the place whence he set rorth, ^^^ Arabkke 
where were many Vines, Palmes, and Fruits. Here they Gulfe to this 
said was the Sepulcher of Erythrus, or King Red, which Persian, such 
gave name to this red Sea. The Hand was 800. furlongs ^/ ^^^ ^p^^ f 
long, of which having sailed two hundred, he saw another supersticious 
Hand forty furlongs long sacred to Neptune, and reported traditions. 



to be inaccessible. At their departing three ships stucke 
fast by reason of the Tide, which at the next floud were 
afloate againe. After forty furlongs sailing hee anchored 
in another Hand 300. furlongs from the Continent ; 
thence to the He Pylora, in which is Dodon a towne which 
hath nothing but fish and water. After 300. furlongs 
sailing, he came to a Cape running farre into the 
Sea, thence 300. furlongs to the He Cataea sacred to 
Mercury and Venus, whither dedicated Goates and 
Sheepe are yeerely sent which there grew wilde. 
Hitherto the Carmani extend about 3700. furlongs by the 
shoare. These live like the Persians their neighbours. 
Thence Nearchus sailed to the He Caicandros, forty fur- 
longs, and thence to an inhabited Hand where Pearles are 
Beginning of found, fifty f. Thence to Mount Ochus, and thence to 
the Persians. Apostane, 450. f. and after 400. f. to a Bay celebrated 
with many Villages ; thence 600. f. to the mouth of the 
River Oreon : thence 800. f. to River Sitacus. All this 
course was on the Persian shoare, shelvie for the most part 
and fenny. Thither Alexander had sent provision of 
Corne, and they staied one and twenty dales to refresh 
themselves, and repaire their Navie. Sailing thence 750. 
f. he came to Hieratis by the River Heratemis, the next 
day to the River Padargus, where is a fertile place called 
Mesambria a peninsula : 200. furlongs to Taornus to the 
great River, above whose entrance 200. furlongs are the 
Persian Kings Palaces. In this way he saw a Whale dead 
fifty cubits long, with Oisters growing on the skin. 
Dolphins also bigger then those in our Seas. He pro- 
ceeded 200. furlongs to the River Rhogonis fifty furlongs 
to the River Brizana : thence to Arosis the bigest River 
in all his course, the end of the Persian borders, that 
Beginning of shoare containing 4400. furlongs. There begin the 
the Susians. Susians, and within land the Uzians, as the Mardi to the 
Persians, and the Cossasi to the Medes. 

Having sailed on the Susian shoare 500. furlongs, 
he came to Cataderbis, a fishie Lake, neere which is the 
He Margastana: then he passed sholds which scarsely 



admitted ships single, discerned by stakes or poles pur- 
posely fixed there, the mirie ground taking a man up to 
the waste. In such way he sailed 500, furlongs. There- 
after in a night and day he sailed 900. f. to the mouth of 
Euphrates, neere Diridotis a Village of the Babylonians, a Euphrates and 
Mart for the Spices of Arabia. From thence to Babylon, Babylonians. 
Nearchus saith, are 3300. f Nearchus hearing that Alex- 
ander was going to Susae, sailed backe toward Pasitigris, that 
sailing up the streame he might meete him, having the 
Susians on the left hand, and the Lake into which Tigris 
runneth 600. f. from the River it selfe, at Aginis a towne of 
the Susians. Having sailed 150. f. he staid till the 
returne of his Messengers from the King. At last both 
armies were joined with incredible joy, and Alexander 
exhibited divers kinds of game with sacrifices, & much 
honour was done to Nearchus ; Alexander also crowned 
him and Leonnatus with a crown of gold. Alexander 
sent others on the right hand to discover all the coasts of 
Arabia. And thus Europe must acknowledge Alexander 
the chiefe Easterne discoverer, as the Roman armes first 
opened to us the West. We will adde a little out of 
Ecclesiasticall writers. 

Chap. X. 

The Travels of Musaeus, Thebseus and others men- 
tioned by Saint Ambrose * ; of others also 
mentioned in the Ecclesiasticall Histories of 
Eusebius, Ruffinus, Socrates and Sozomen. 

Usaeus Bishop of the Dolens related to 
the Authour of the Tractate De Moribus 
Brachmanorum (supposed to be Saint 
Ambroses) that hee intending to goe into 
India to see the Brachmans, had travelled 
thorow almost all the Region Serica, in 
which hee said there were Trees (which 
broughti fourth not only leaves, but very fine wooll also, 
of which they make Garments called Serica ; and that 


[I. i. 89.] 

* Edit. Paris. 

This Tractate 
is in the Vati- 
can, Floren- 
tine, and Mil- 
Ian Libraries 
attributed to 
Saint Am- 
brose. Others 
doubt zchether 
the Author, or 
Gotten Trees 


or Shrubs. 
Serica is 
Aereby is 
knoione to be 
far short of 
China, neere 
zvhich Alex- 
ander never 


^Perhaps the 

Thebceus in 
many things a 

there was a memorable Pillar of stone thus inscribed ; 
I Alexander came hitherto ; and that having passed 
thorow many Countreyes, he came at last to Ariana neere 
the River Indus, and by the intolerable heat was inforced 
to returne into Europe, not having seene the Brachmans. 
He reported that he had heard of Thebaeus a certaine 
Scholer which went into India to see and conferre with 
Indian Philosophers called Brachmans and Gymnosophists: 
but hee was there captived. For shipping himselfe with 
certaine Merchants in the Red Sea, he first came to the 
Towne of the Adulites, or the Bay Adulicus, after that 
to the Promontory Aromata, and a Mart of the Troglo- 
dytes, and hence to places of the Assumites, and many 
dayes after to Muziris the Mart of all India on this side 
Ganges, and having stayed a while there, he passed over 
to the He Taprobane. This is governed by foure Princes, 
one of which is the chiefe, whom the others obey, and to 
him are subject a thousand Hands, as he reported, of the 
Arabian and Persian Seas, and those which they call 
Mammolas.^ The Hand hath five Rivers very great, 
the temperature such that at the same time the same 
Trees produced blossomes and fruits some greene, some 
ripe. The men live on Fruits, Rice and Milke, and the 
chiefe men eate Mutton and Goats flesh on solemne 
dayes. He was taken as a Spie and kept sixe yeeres in 
Prison, but the Governour which had so used a Roman 
Citizen, was by the Emperors command flayed. He 
reporteth true and false things blended, and amongst 
others of the Brachmans thus. They live naked in the 
Regions adjoyning to the River Ganges ; they have no 
beasts, tillage, use of Iron, nor any kinde of Instrument 
to doe any worke : they have an excellent Aire and 
temperate Climate. They alway worship God, of whom 
they professe a distinct knowledge, both of his Providence 
and Divinity. They alwayes pray, but in their Prayer 
looke not to the East, but directly to Heaven. They 
eate (as the beasts) what they find on the ground, leaves, 
and herbes; they have the herbe Inula and the Tree 



Acanthus, The men live on the further side of Ganges, 

on the Ocean Coasts, the women on this side, to whom 

their Husbands use to have recourse in July and August. 

For those moneths ^ seeme colder there, because the ^ This is not 

Sunne then comes neerer to us, and when they have ^^^ ^^"^^^ ^"J 

continued fortie dayes with their wives, they returne jj/i^f^j. ^ij^j. 

home. When a woman hath had a child or two, her in those places 

Husband forbeareth her altopct^er And if in five yeeres neere the hih 

a woman hath no child, shee is divorced. And thus their V tiaiagate, 

number is but small. The River is passed over with ^heat and cold 

great difficultie by reason of the tyrannic of Ondonitus, asbyfaireand 

which infesteth those places, and of a certaine beast so foule weather, 

great that hee devoureth a whole Elephant. This beast ^^"^"' ^^"^& 
■ ^ , ^1 T) L J c -in the same 

IS not scene when the iJrachmans time or passage is. pygpl„.,^lt^ gf 

There are Dragons also reported to be seventie Cubits the Stcnne on 

long, I saw one whose skin was two and fortie foot : one side, and 

Ants as great as a mans span. Scorpions a Cubit long, Summer on the 

&c. If this Scholler Thebaeus be worthy credit. There ,„„,„ .-, ,„ 

/T-. r ^ TTT • r time, to 

are m the same Tractate added out or the Writers of which perhaps 
Alexanders life many speeches and discourses of the is here alluded. 
Brachmans, which I forbeare here to insert. They indeed -^^b.Ep. I. z. 
are in many points admirable, if some Greekes have not ^I'^^'j^ 
rather made experiment of their wits and facultie in Philo- 
sophicall discourses, then delivered a true Historic ; at 
least mixed truth and seeming together, as wee see here 
in this Bishop and his Thebasus. Those Gymnosophists 
(as Megasthenes also related) condemned Calanus, 
which followed Alexander, whose Epistle is extant in a 
worke of Saint Ambrose lesse suspected, which I have 
here also inserted, out of Saint Ambrose his seventh 

Calanus to Alexander. Thy friends perswade thee 
to lay hands and violence on an Indian Philosopher ; 
not so much as dreaming of our workes. For thou 
maist remoove our bodies from place to place, but thou 
shalt not compell our minds to doe that which they are 
not willing, any more then thou canst make Stones or 
Trees to speake. A great fire causeth burning smart 
I 241 Q 


'^ Euseb. de. 
vit Const. I. 
4. c. 50. 
Indian Em- 
bassadors to 
as before to 
[I. i. 90.] 

^oc, hist. 
Eccles. I. 1. 
c. 15. 
Sozom. hist. 
Ec. /. 2. f. 23. 

to living bodies, and worketh corruption : but we are 
above this, for we are burned alive. No King or Prince 
can extort from us to doe what we have not determined : 
Nor are wee like the Philosophers of Greece, which 
have studied words insteed of deeds, to get themselves 
a name and reputation. With us things are companions 
to words, and words to the things, our deeds quicke and 
speeches short, we have a blessed libertie in vertue. 

Eusebius*" in the Life of Constantine mentioneth an 
Indian Embassie sent to him with rich Presents of almost 
all kind of Gemmes, and beasts differing from ours, 
with Pictures and Statues, whereby the Indians acknow- 
ledged him Emperour, and King of all unto the remotest 
Coast of the Ocean, that as the Britaines, in the furthest 
West obeyed him at first, so now at last the Indians 
in the extremest East. 

Socrates and Sozomene in their Ecclesiasticall Histories 
have related how in Constantines dayes Christian Religion 
entred the Inner India, which (as some thinke) till that 
time had not heard of Christ. Meropius a Philosopher 
of Tyre being desirous to see India (provoked by the 
Example of Metrodorus the Philosopher, which before 
that had travelled thorow that Region) sailed thither 
with two boyes of his Kindred skilful! in the Greeke 
Tongue. When he had satisfied his desire, and was 
now readie to returne, the league betwixt the Indians and 
Roman Empire was broken, and the Philosopher with 
all his company were taken and slaine, the two youths 
excepted, which were presented to the Indian King. 
The King tooke liking of them, and made one of them 
named Aedesius his Cup-bearer, and Frumentius (so was 
the other named) his Secretary. Soone after the King 
dyed and gave them liberty. The Queene seing the 
young King a child, desired their care and assistance 
till he were growne to manhood. They yeelded and 
Frumentius managed the government, who enquiring 
amongst the Roman Merchants which came thither, 
whether there were any Christians amongst them, gave 



them a place by themselves to serve God after the 
Christian manner, and in processe of time builded a 
Church to pray in. These Christians instructing some 
of the Indians in the mysteries of the faith, added them 
to their societie. When the King was come to mans 
estate, Frumentius and iEdesius deliver up their accounts, 
and desire leave to returne to their Countrey, the King and 
his mother earnestly (but in vaine) intreating their stay. 

-(^desius went to Tyre to see his friends, Frumentius S. Athanaslus 
went to Alexandria, and acquainted Athanasius, then ^("^^ Fruniea- 
newly Bishop with the premisses, and the hopes of Indian ^-^^^ inr/if 
conversion, desiring him to send a Bishop and Clergie 
thither. Athanasius considering well the businesse, con- 
secrateth Frumentius Bishop, saying he had no man fitter 
for that purpose, who thus honoured returneth and 
preacheth the faith to the Indians, builds many Churches, 
and by the grace of God worketh many Miracles, healing 
both bodies and soules of many. Ruffinus writeth, that 
hee heard these things of iEdesius himselfe, who also 
at Tyre obtayned the dignity of Priesthood. The Iberians con- 
Iberians (now called Georgians) were at the same time ^'^'■''^'^• 
converted by meanes of a Captive Christian woman, which 
by Miracles perswaded the King and people to receive 
the faith of Christ, which sent Embassadors to Constantine 
to enter into league, and to obtayn a Bishop & Clergie, 
which the same Ruffinus reporteth, he heard of Bacurius 
a great man of that Nation. Before we leave Socrates, 
it is meet in this Argument of Travels, to mention his 
report of Palladius, a man of so strong constitution and Palkdius his 
admirable abilitie, that he in three dayes could ride from swiftnesse and 
Constantinople to the Confines betwixt the Persian and ^'''^J^f" 
Roman Empires, and returne thither againe to his Master '"^' ' '''^' ^' 
Theodosius the Emperour in three other dales. Yea, 
he swiftly posted to all parts of the World to which 
he was sent, insomuch that one said of him. This man 
by his swiftnesse makes the Romane Empire, as large 
as it is, to be very narrow. The Persian King was 
amazed to heare these things reported of him. 



'•' This was 
intended the 
beginning of 
our promised 
grimage : but 
no man assisted 
the Pilgrime, 
zvhich forced 
him to leave 
off, and in 
token of his 
intents to give 
this taste 
* The fourth 
time it is now 
on the Presse. 

Jo. 2. lO. 
Gen. 15. I. 
i.Ccr. 15.2^ 
Dedit se in 
dabit se in 



Chap. XL 
A briefe and generall consideration of* Europe. 

§. I. 

Of Europe compared with the other parts of the 


Hree parts of the World have beene three 
times * visited by our more laborious then 
learned Muse : the Fourth for whose 
sake that triple-worke received so often 
survay, hath seemed forgotten, Asia, 
Africa, and America, have first bin dis- 
covered to our Reader, not as enjoying 
the first and best place, but offering their readie service 
and best attendance unto Europe ; the least in quantity, 
and last in discourse, but greatest in those things which 
for greatnesse and goodnesse deserve the most applause 
and admiration. Our method hath not observed that 
Feast-masters rule, at the beginning to set forth good 
Wine, and when men have well drunke, then that which 
is worse ; but we have kept the good Wine untill now : 
following His example, who in the first Creation made 
Man last ; in humane and reasonable designes, allots 
the last execution, to the first intentions ; in Religions 
Mysteries sends the Gospel after the Law, gives Heaven 
after Earth, and reserves Himselfe for the last service, 
to be our exceeding great reward ; when God shall be 
all in all unto his servants. Him I beseech that here also 
he will turne our water into Wine, that we may be able 
to give Feastivall entertainment unto our Guests, that 
as Europe excels the other parts of the World, so my 
Muse may here exceed her wonted selfe, and present it 
unto you in ornaments of Art, Industry and Syncerity, 
befitting such a Subject. Hard were our hap to suffer 
shipwracke in the Haven ; to faile in the last Act would 
marre the Comaedie ; to be a stranger at home, and like 



the Lapwing to flie most and cry lowdest, being farthest 
from the Nest, were to travell of vanitie, and bring forth 
folly, or with the wilde Prodigall in the Gospell to be Luke 15. 17. 
still travelling from himselfe. We are now in manner Jx6'S'"'&-y. 
at home, when most remote, never out of European 
limits, and therefore need not feare (as before) burning 
or frozen Zones, huge Oceans, new Constellations, un- 
knowne Lands, unpassable Deserts, uncouth Monsters, 
Savage beasts, more beastly and monstrous men. We 
need not follow the out-worne foot-prints of rare un- 
certaine Travellers, where Truth herselfe is suspicious in 
such forren disguised habit, nor need wee doubt to want 
guides, except the store become a sore, and plentie trouble- 
some. Only we may feare in this taske frequent Cen- 
surers, not rigid Catoes, or severer judicious Judges, but 
capricious Novices, which having comne to their Lands 
sooner then their wits, would think the World might 
condemne them of ill-spent time, if they should not spend 
an indigested censure on the Bookish Travels of others. 
But I should be like them if I should feare them, shallow 
and emptie. However, I have adventured on this Euro- 
pean Stage : wherein we are first to consider the more 
generall Occurrences, and after that the particular Regions. 
Of the former sort are the Names, Bounds, Excellencies, 

§. II. 

The Names of Europe. 

|He Ancients have differed much, nor is the ques- 
tion yet agreed on, about the limits of Europe, 
some comprehending Africa under this division f^^''- de ling. 
(making but two parts of the World) others adding the ''^'- ^' *• 
same to Asia. Thus Varro divides the Universe into 
Heaven and Earth, this into Asia and Europe, allowing 
to that the Southerne parts, to this the Northerne. So 
Silius sings of Afrike, 

Aut ingens Asiae latus, aut pars tertia rerum. 


Luc. I. 9. 

Sal. Bel. Jug. 
Jug. C. D. I. 
16. c. 17. 
O70S. I.2.C.2. 
Paul ap. 
Juson. hoc. 
in Pane. yr. 
Her. L 4. 
* Horn. Iliad. 

Theocr. Apol- 
lod. Horat. 
Ovid. Senec. 
Manil ar'c. 
Euseb. Chron. 
L 2. 

Lucan otherwise, 

Si ventos Coelumque sequaris 

* Gor. Orig. 
I. 9. z>er. by 
of Tcrucs. 

Pars erit Europae, neque enim plus littora Nili 
Quam Scythicus Tanais primis a Gadibus absint. 

This opinion is alleadged by Salust, Saint Augustine, 
Orosius, Paulinus, followed by Isocrates and others. 
But the most attribute to Europe only a third, and that 
the least part in their partition of the elder World. 

No lesse contention hath beene about the Etymology 
of the Name, which Herodotus saith is unknowne. Others 
fetch from I know not what Europa, the daughter of 
Agenor, ravished by Jupiter in forme of a Bull. The 
Truth should indeed be ravished by our Poets, if the 
Fable bee received ; for she was transported from Phoe- 
nicia, a Region of Asia into Africa ; others say into 
Cyprus; and if wee agree to others that it was into 
Creta, yet KjO^Te? aei y^ova-rai, unlikely it is a small Hand 
for a small stay (for shee was after that carried into 
Afrike) could give name to so great a part of the 
World. Nor have wee much more satisfaction in 
Europus, the sonne of one Himerus King of some part 
(can you tell where?) of Europe. Europs raigned over 
the Sicyonians, saith Pausanias : at that time when Abram 
was borne, if wee follow Eusebius, and may bee the 
likelier Author of this name. Some ascribe it to the 
goodlinesse of the Europaean Tract, as being beautiful! 
to the sight. Becanus derives it from ver,* which signi- 
fieth great or excellent, and hop, a multitude ; rather 
chasing a Dutch then Greeke Etymologie, that people 
inhabiting Europe sooner (as hee conceives) then this. 
And in another booke noted by himselfe for a second 
Impression, he liketh better that it should be composed of 
E, i. marriage ; ur excellent ; hop, hope ; alluding to that 
prophecie of Noah, that Japheth should dwell in the tents 
of Shem, whose posterity being divorced, the Church of 
the Gentiles in Japhets progenie should succeed in a more 
stable and everlasting marriage. Ptolemey better thinkes 



it might bee called Celtica, almost every Region thereof 
being antiently either wholly or in part, peopled with the 
Celtae: which Ortelius, Paulus Merula, and others have 
shewed in the particulars. Some have called Europe 
Tyria, of that Tyriam maiden aforesaid ravished by a 
Bull (a Bull-formed, or as others, a Bull-signed ship; 
after Palephatus, a man whose name was Bull; a Band 
of Souldiers say others bearing a Bull in their Banner; 
the Mythologians can tell you more, if this bee not too 
much:) Some have of Japhet called it Japetia. The 
Abasines and Easterne Inhabitants of Asia call the 
Europasans Franks, which name I suppose was occasioned 
by their Expeditions and Conquests in the Holy Land, 
and the Countries adjoyning by the Westerne Forces, in 
the composition whereof the French were a principall Bee of this 1%. 
ingredient; that I mention not a French Councell to ^- 1-2.3.'2^4- 
further it, and the Crowne of Jerusalem falling to God- 
frie of BuUen & his heires to reward it : whence it 
hapned that the Europaeans then were, and ever since [I. i. 92.] 
are by the Saracens and Easterne Asians called Frankes ; 
as perhappes for the same cause the Turkes call those 
of the Popish Faith, stiling those of the Greekish Re- 
ligion Romaeans, of their chiefe Citie Constantinople, 
otherwise named New Rome. 

§. III. 

The Quantitie, and Bounds. 

He quantitie of Europe is much larger, especi- 
ally towards the North, then Ptolemey and the 
elder Geographers have written. At Wardhouse, 
and the North Cape, the longest day is reckoned two 
moneths and seven houres, in 71. degrees 30. minutes, 
whereas at the Hill Calpe, one of Hercules Pillars, and 
at Cabo Maini in Morea (accounted the most Southerne 
parts in 36. degrees) the day is but fourteene houres 
and an halfe at the longest. Much difference hath beene 
about the Easterne Confines. Plato, Aristotle, Herodotus, 



and others extend it to the River Phasis, or that Isth- 
mus betwixt the Euxine and Caspian Seas ; Dionysius, 
Arrianus, Diodorus, Polybius, lornandes, adde nothing to 
the River Tanais : which Ortelius passeth over and takes 
in both Volga and all the Muscovites and Tartarian 
Hords, as farre as the River Ob. Ptolemey imagineth 
a Une from Tanais Northwards; which well agrees to 
the method of our History, as including the most part 
of the Russian Empire. All the other parts are bounded 
and washed by the Sea, Palus Maeotis, the Euxine, and 
Egean on the East inclining to the South; the Medi- 
terranean on the South, on the West and North the 
Ocean. Bertius numbers 2400. Italian miles in the lati- 
tude, and 3000. in the longitude. 

§. mi. 

The Qualitie and Excellencies. 

He Qualitie of Europe exceeds her Quantitie, in 
this the least, in that the best of the World. 
For how many both Seas and Deserts take up 
spacious Regions in Asia, Africa, and America ? whereas 
in Europe neither watry Fens, nor unstable Bogs, nor 
Inland Seas, nor unwholsome Ay res, nor wild Woods, 
with their wilder Savage Inhabitants, nor snow-covered 
Hills, nor stiffling Frosts, nor long long Nights, nor 
craggy Rocks, nor barren Sands, nor any other effect of 
Angry Nature, where she seemes in some, or other parts 
thereof the hardest step-mother, can prohibite all habita- 
tion and humane societie. In the most parts Nature 
hath shewed her selfe a naturall and kind Mother; the 
providence of God, and industry of Man, as it were 
conspiring the Europasan good. Which of the Sisters 
are comparable in a temperate aire.'' which in a soile so 
generally fertile, so diversified in Hills and Dales, so 
goodly Medowes, cheerefiill Vineyards, rich Fields, fat 
Pastures, shadie Woods, delightfull Gardens, varietie of 
Creatures on it, of Metalls and Mineralls in it, of Plants 



and Fruits growing out of it ? Which so watered with 
Fountaines, Brookes, Rivers, Bathes, Lakes out of her 
owne bowells ? such sweet Dewes and comfortable Showers 
from Heaven ? so frequent insinuations of the Sea, both 
for commerce with others, and proper Marine com- 
modities? Which so peopled with resolute courages, 
able bodies, well qualified mindes? so fortified with 
Castles, edified with Townes, crowned with Cities ? And 
if in some of these things Asia, Afrike, and America piac. 
may seeme equall, or in any thing superiour, yet even 
therein also they are inferiour, by just and equall 
inequalitie made Tributaries and Servants to Europe : 
the first captived by Alexander, the first and second by 
the Romans, the last and the most commodious places 
of the first, with all the Sea Trade, by Spanish and 
Portugall Discoveries and Conquests; first, second, last, 
All and more then they all, since and still made open 
and obnoxious to the English and Dutch, which have 
discovered new Northerne Worlds, and in their thrice- 
worthy Marine Armes have so often imbraced the in- 
feriour Globe. Asia yeerely sends us her Spices, Silkes, 
Gemmes ; Africa her Gold and Ivory ; America receiveth 
severer Customers and Tax- Masters, almost every where 
admitting Europasan Colonies. 

If I speake of Arts and Inventions (which are Mans 
properest goods, immortall Inheritance to our mortalitie) 
what have the rest of the world comparable.? First the 
Liberall Arts are most liberall to us, having long since 
forsaken their Seminaries in Asia and Afrike, and here 
erected Colledges and Universities. And if one Athens 
in the East (the antient Europaean glory) now by Turkish 
Barbarisme be infected, how many many Christian Athenses 
have wee in the West for it. As for Mechanicall Sciences, 
I could reckon our Ancestors inventions now lost, as that 
malleable Glasse in the dayes of Tiberias ; that oleum 
vinum found in olde Sepulchers still burning:, after i coo. K ' , ^" , 
yeeres ; 1 could glory or Archimedes his ingenuous ^igpgyditis 6^ 
Engines ; but miserum est ist hue verbum & pessimum, repartis. 



habuisse & non habere. I can recite later inventions 
the Daughters of wonder. What eye doth not almost 
loose it selfe in beholding the many artificiall Mazes and 
[I. i. 93.] Labyrinths in our Watches, the great heavenly Orbes 
and motions imitated in so small a modell ? What eares 
but Europaean, have heard so many Musicall Inventions 
for the Chamber, the Field, the Church ? as for Bells, 
Europe alone beares the bel, and heares the Musicall 
consort thereof in the Steeples diversified, yea thence 
descending to Birds and Squirells .'' Where hath the 
taste beene feasted with such varieties for delight, for 
health.'' are not Distillations, the Arts also of Candying 
and Preserving meere Europasan ? If I should descend 
lower, who invented the Stirrop to ascend, the Saddle 
to ride the Horse.'' Who devised so many kindes of 
motions by Clock-workes, besides Clockes and Dialls to 
measure Time, the measurer of all things.? Who in- 
vented wild Fires that scorne the waters force and 
violence ? Who out of ragges to bring such varieties 
of Paper for Mans manifold use .? Who so many kinds 
of Mills } Who ever dream't of a perpetuall Motion 
by Art, or De quadratura circuli, or innumerable other 
Mathematicall, and Chymicall devises.? And what hath 
Mars in the World elsewhere to parallel with our Ord- 
nance, and all sorts of Gunnes ? or the Muses with our 
Printing .? Alas, China yeelds babes and babies in both 
compared with us and ours : the rest of the World have 
them borrowed of us or not at all. And for the Art 
Military, the exactest Science, Discipline, Weapons, 
Stratagems, Engines, Resolution, Successe herein, have 
honoured Europe with the Macedonian and Roman 
spoiles of the World : and even still the Turkish puis- 
sance is here seated ; the English, Dutch, French, Italian, 
Spanish courages have not degenerated from those Ances- 
tors, which tamed and shooke in pieces that Tamer and 
Terror of the World, the Roman Monarchy. 

But what speake I of Men, Arts, Armes ? Nature 
hath yeelded her selfe to Europaean Industry. Who 



ever found out that Loadstone and Compasse, that findes 
out and compasseth the World ? Who ever tooke pos- 
session of the huge Ocean, and made procession round 
about the vast Earth ? Who ever discovered new Con- 
stellations, saluted the Frozen Poles, subjected the Burn- 
ing Zones? And who else by the Art of Navigation 
have seemed to imitate Him, which laies the beames of 
his Chambers in the Waters, and walketh on the wings Ps. 104. 3. 
of the Wind ? And is this all ? Is Europe onely a 
fruitfull Field, a well watered Garden, a pleasant Paradise 
in Nature ? A continued Citie for habitation ? Queene 
of the World for power ? A Schoole of Arts Liberall, 
Shop of Mechanicall, Tents of Military, Arsenall of 
Weapons and Shipping ? And is shee but Nurse to 
Nature, Mistresse to Arts, Mother of resolute Courages 
and ingenious dispositions ? Nay these are the least of 
Her praises, or His rather, who hath given Europe more 
then Eagles wings, and lifted her up above the Starres. 
I speake it not in Poeticall fiction, or Hyperbolicall 
phrase, but Christian Sincerity. Europe is taught the 
way to scale Heaven, not by Mathematicall principles, 
but by Divine veritie. Jesus Christ is their way, their 
truth, their life ; who hath long since given a Bill of 
Divorce to ingratefuU Asia where hee was borne, and 
Africa the place of his flight and refuge, and is become 
almost wholly and onely Europaean. For little doe wee 
find of this name in Asia, lesse in Africa, and nothing at 
all in America, but later Europaean gleanings. Here are 
his Scriptures, Oratories, Sacraments, Ministers, Mysteries. 
Here that Mysticall Babylon, and that Papacie (if that 
bee any glory) which challengeth both the Bishopricke See Boz. c. i 
and Empire of the World ; and here the victory over 
that Beast (this indeed is glory) by Christian Reformation 
according to the Scriptures. God himselfe is our portion, 
and the lot of Europes Inheritance, which hath made Nature 
an indulgent Mother to her, hath bowed the Heavens 
over her in the kindest influence, hath trenched the Seas 
about her in most commodious affluence, hath furrowed 



in her delightfull, profitable confluence of Streames, hath 
tempered the Ayre about her, fructified the Soyle on her, 
enriched the Mines under her, diversified his Creatures 
to serve her, and multiplied Inhabitants to enjoy her ; 
hath given them so goodly composition of body, so good 
disposition of mind, so free condition of life, so happy 
successe in affaires ; all these annexed as attendants to 
that true happinesse in Religions truth, which brings us 
to God againe, that hee may bee both Alpha and Omega 
in all our good. Even in Civilitie also Europe is the 
youngest of the Three, but as Benjamin, the best beloved, 
made heire to the Rest, exchanging the Pristine Bar- 
barisme, and Incivilitie (which Authors blame in our 
Ancestors) with Asia and Africa, for that Civilitie of 
Manners, and Glory of Acts and Arts, which they (as 
neerer the Arkes resting place) sooner enjoyed, by 
Mohumetan pestilence long since becomne barbarous ; 
the best of the one fitly called Barbaria, and the best 
Moniments of the other being but names, ruines, car- 
kasses, and sepulchrall Moniments of her quandam 

§. V. 

Of the Languages of Europe. 

S for their particular manners, dispositions, cus- 
tomes, wee shall in due place observe : their 
Mother Tongues and Originall Languages I 

Jos. Seal. 

opusc. d'latv'iba 

de Eur op. ling 

&'apMerula. _ - tv/i--i-i 

/>. 2./. i.f. 8. will here out of Scaliger (our Europaean Mithridates) 

relate. Of these he now reckons in Europe eleven, 
seven of smaller note, foure of greater, which yeeld 
[I. i. 94.] many Dialects, seeming differing languages out of them. 
These are the Greeke, Latin, Dutch, and Slavon', from 
whence by inflexion, trajection, mutation, and mixture, 
are derived many others. Thus the Slavon hath Daugh- 
ters or Dialects, the Russian, Polonian, Bohemian, Illyrian, 
Dalmatian, and Windish tongues ; some of these also not 
a little in themselves diversified. They use two sorts of 
letters, the Russian depraved from the Greeke, with some 



barbarous additions ; and the Dalmatian of Saint Hieroms 
invention, much unlike the former. The Dutch hath 
three principall Idiomes, Teutonisme, Saxonisme, and 
Danisme. The first containes both the High and Low 
Dutch ; the second, the Nord-albing, Frisland and English 
Dialects; the third Danish, Sweden, and the Norwegian, 
Mother of that of the Islanders. The Latin hath pro- 
pagated the Italian, Spanish and French, The Greeke 
in so many Lands and Hands so farre distant, cannot but 
be much different. 

The smaller languages yet Originall, without com- 
merce and derivation from others are, the Epirotike, 
or Albanian in the Mountaines of Epirus : Secondly the 
Cosaks or Tartarian : Thirdly, the Hungarian, which 
the Hunnes and Avares brought thither out of Asia: 
Fourthly, that of Finnemark, which yeelds also the 
Lappian : Fiftly the Irish, which is used likewise of the 
Redshankes : Sixtly the Welsh or Brittish (the same with 
that of the ancient Galles, as Master Camden hath proved) 
spoken diversely in Wales, Cornwall, and little Britaine: 
Seventhly, the Biscaine, the remainder of the old Spanish, 
in use on both sides the Pyrenaean Hills. These were 
all in Ecclesiasticall affaires subjected to the Constantino- 
politan and Roman Bishops, and used five sorts of letters, 
the Greeke, Latin, and Gottish, besides those two for- 
merly mentioned. The Greeke principally possesseth the 
South East, the Latin with her Daughters, the South ; 
the Dutch, the North-west parts of Europe; and the 
North-east, the Slavon. 

And thus have we given a taste, of that which some- 
times was intended, an Europaean Feast : in which if I 
seeme to have broken promise, I have not done it alone ; 
and povertie cleeres mee of perfidie. If yet my rashnesse 
bee accused, in promising upon hopes of others assist- 
ance, let him that hath relieved those wants throw the 
first stone at the Promiser. How ever, I will rather 
confesse the Action then stand Sute. Nor doe I now beg 
helpes in that kind; it is too late. My body is worne 



and old before and beyond my yeeres ; and to have borne 
so long two such burthens as a Pulpit and Presse, that is, 
Heaven and Earth, would perhaps have tired my quarrel- 
ling Plaintiffe too, to have ascended the one (idque 
Londini) twice or thrice a weeke ordinarily, and de- 
scended the other with so frequent successions, and long 
continuations. Hercules and Atlas were both weary of 
one burthen : Patience yet and pardon ! for I have paid 
here a great part of my debt. I have given thee the 
Christian Sects, and Europes Ecclesiastike part, with her 
other Secular parts also in great part both in Maps and 
History presented, especially there where shee was lest 
knowne : and if not so fully as the former in my Pil- 
grimage, yet Poore men are welcome pay-masters when 
they come with parts each weeke or moneth, or with day- 
labour-set-offs ; though they cannot at once discharge 
the whole debt. Indeed my Genius most leads mee to 
remotest and lest knowne things, that where few others 
can give intelligence, I may supply the Intelligencers 
place. Of neere and knowne things, Scribimus indocti 
Seven />arfs of doctique poemata passim. I have given thee Arctoa 
f/ie World. Regio, the Polare World ; and Antarctica, the Southerne 
Continent ; and both Americas ; besides Asia, Africa, and 
Europe knowne to the Antients, Yea I have given thee 
an Asia in Asia, and an Africa in Africa never knowne to 
the Ancients ; as likewise I may affirme of the Northerne 
Parts of Europe. Coetera quis nescit "^ Who cannot 
dull and deafe thine eares with French, Dutch, Spanish, 
Italian affaires } Neither are we destitute of some intelli- 
gence and sleighter knowledge of Spaine, France, and 
Germany, Italy and other parts, which you will find 
handled in one or other place of this Worke, as much 
as concerneth our Travelling purpose. As for Spaine, 
the Kings Title is a sufficient Lecture, which some thus 
expresse : P. By the Grace of God King of Castile, Lions, 
Arragon, both Sicills, Jerusalem, Portugall, Navarre, 
Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Majorca and Minorca, 
Sivil, Sardinia, Corduba, Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, Algarbia, 



Algeria, Gibraltar, Canary Hands, East and West Indies, 
of the Hands and Continent of the Ocean; Archduke 
of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, Loraine, Brabant, Lun- 
burg, Luxemburg, Geldres, Millaine, &c. Earle of Habs- 
purg, Flanders, Tirol, Barcelona, Artois, Hannalt, 
Holand, Zeland, Namur, Zutphen, &c. Marquesse of 
the Empire, Lord of Biscay, Friezland, Mecklin, Utreck, 
Over-Isell, Gruningen. Ruler in Asia and in Africa. 
This doth more fully present the present Spaine to your 
view, then to tell the Scituation, Mountaines and Rivers ; 
of which every Map and Traveller can informe you. 
France also is not to be now measured by the antient 
Geographicall limits, but by the present Royall, so much 
being most properly France, as is comprehended in that 
most compact, best seated, well peopled, and goodliest of 
Kingdomes. The parts you shall see in the Diocesse 
hereafter following. Germany in largest sense by some 
is bounded by Rhene, Vistula, the Danow and the Ocean, 
is divided into Kingdomes, Dukedomes, Counties, and Cap. ult. 
Marquisates. The Kingdomes are Denmarke, Norway, 
Sweden, Boheme. The rest concerning Germany and 
other parts of Europe I teach not here ; I point at rather 
these things, and therefore will returne to Our former 
discourse of languages, and therein produce a better 
Linguist and Artist then my selfe. Our learned Country- 
man, Master Brerewood in his laborious Travells and 
Industrious Enquiries of Languages and Religions. 

[Chapter XII. 


[I. i. 95.] 

Of the ant'ient 
largenesse of 
the Greeke 
Strabo. I. 8. 
non longe a 

Senec. Consol. 
ad Helu. c. 6. 
PH. I. 5. f. 
29. hoc rat. in 
Lucian. in 
Dialog, de 
Amarib. non 
longe. ab Init. 

Chapter XII. 

Enquiries of Languages by Edw. Brerewood, 
lately Professor of Astronomy in Gresham 

Reece, as it was anciently knowne by the 
name of Hellas, was inclosed betwixt 
the Bay of Ambracia, with the River 
Arachthus, that falleth into it on the 
West, and the River Peneneus on the 
North, and the Sea on other parts. So 
that Acarnania and Thessalie, were to- 
ward the Continent the utmost Regions of Greece. But 
yet, not the Countries onely contained within those 
limits, but also the Kingdomes of Macedon, and Epirus ; 
being the next adjoyning Provinces (Macedon toward 
the North, Epirus toward the West) had anciently 
the Greeke tongue for their vulgar language : for 
although it belonged originally to Hellas alone, yet 
in time it became vulgar to these also. 

Secondly, it was the language of all the Isles in the 
^gaean Sea ; of all those Hands I say, that are betwixt 
Greece and Asia, both of the many small ones, that 
lie betweene Candie and Negropont, named Cyclades 
(there are of them fiftie three) and of all above Negro- 
pont also, as farre as the Strait of Constantinople. 

Thirdly, of the lies of Candie, Scarpanto, Rhodes, 
and a part of Cyprus and of all the small Hands along 
the Coast of Asia, from Candie to Syria. 

Fourthly, not only of all the West part of Asia the 
lesse, (now called Anatolia, and corruptly Natolia) lying 
toward the iEgaean Sea, as being very thicke planted with 
Greeke Colonies: of which, some one, Miletus by name, 
is registred by Seneca, to have beene the Mother of 
seventie five, by Plinie, of eightie Cities ; But on the 
North side also toward the Euxine Sea, as farre (saith 
Isocrates) at Sinope, and on the South side respecting 



Afrique, as farre (saith Lucian) as the Chelidonlan lies, 
which are over against the confines of Lycia with Pam- 
phylia. And yet although within these limits onely, 
Greeke was generally spoken, on the Maritime Coast 
of Asia, yet beyond them, on both the shoares Eastward, 
were many Greeke Cities (though not without Barbarous 
Cities among them). And specially I find the North 
coast of Asia, even as farre as Trebizond, to have beene 
exceedingly well stored with them. But, it may bee 
further observed likewise out of Histories, that not onely 
all the Maritime part of Anatolia could understand 
and speake the Greeke tongue, but most of the Inland 
people also, both by reason of the great traffike, which 
those rich Countries had for the most part with Grecians, 
and for that on all sides the East onely excepted, they 
were invironed with them. Yet neverthelesse, it is 
worthy observing, that albeit the Greeke tongue prevailed 
so farre in the Regions of Anatolia, as to bee in a 
manner generall, yet for all that it never became vulgar, 
nor extinguished the vulgar languages of those Countries. 
For it is not onely particularly observed of the Galatians, Hieron. in 
by Hierome, that beside the Greeke tongue, they had P^°^^- ^: ^- 
also their pecuhar language like that or Irier: and Q^i^t; 
of the Carians by Strabo, that in their language were strab. I. 14. 
found many Greeke wordes, which doth manifestly import "^Ub. citato 
it to have beene a severall tongue: but it is directly ^°^'^J-^'Ye 
recorded by Strabo (out of Ephorus) that of sixteene ^2. 
severall Nations, inhabiting that Tract, only three were 
Grecians, and all the rest (whose names are there 
registred) barbarous ; and yet are not omitted the Cap- 
padocians, Galatians, Lydians, Maeonians, Cataonians, no 
small Provinces of that Region. Even as it is also 
observed by Plinie and others, that the twentie two Plm./^. 
languages, whereof Mithridates King of Pontus is re- ^'^^- ^^^- ^^ 
membred to have beene so skilfull, as to speake them (p^//_ /_ 17.^. 
without an Interpreter, were the languages of so many 17. 
Nations subject to himselfe, whose dominion yet wee 
know to have beene contained, for the greatest part, 
I 257 R 


within Anatolia. And although all these bee evident 
testimonies, that the Greeke tongue was not the vulgar 
or native language of those parts, yet, among all none 
is more effectual, then that remembrance in the second 
Chapter of the Acts, where divers of those Regions, 
Act. 2. 9. (St" as Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia, 
lo- are brought in for instances of differing languages. 

Fiftly, Of the greatest part of the Maritime Coast 
of Thrace, not onely from Hellespont to Byzantium 
*Dousa.Itin. (which was *that part of Constantinople, in the East 
Constat! tinopo- corner of the Citie, where the Serraile of the Great 
ht.pag.zi,. 'j'^j.j^^ ^^^ standeth) but above it, all along to the 
out-lets of Danubius. And yet beyond them also; 
I find many Greeke Cities to have been planted along 
^c-^Jax Can- that Coast (Scylax of Carianda is my Author, with 
if'jl^aJd ^°"^^ others) as farre as the Strait of Caffa, and 
VeReLGetic. specially in Taurica. Yea, and beyond that Strait also 
c. 5. Eastward, along all the Sea Coast of Circassia, and 

Mengrelia, to the River of Phasis, and thence com- 
passing to Trebizond, I find mention of many scattered 
Greeke Cities: that is, (to speake briefly) in all the 
circumferences of the Euxine Sea. 

Sixtly, (from the East and North to turne toward 
the West) it was the language of all the West and 
South Hands, that lie along the Coast of Greece, from 
Candie to Corfu, which also was one of them, and 
withall of that fertile Sicily, in which one Hand, I have 
[I. i. 96.] observed in good Histories, above thirtie Greeke Col- 
onies to have beene planted, and some of them goodly 
Cities, specially Agrigentum and Syracusa, which later 
Strab. I. 6. in Strabo hath recorded to have been one hundred and 
medio. eighty furlongs, that is, of our miles two and twenty 

and a halfe in circuit. 

Seventhly, not onely of all the Maritime Coast of 
Italie, that lyeth on the Tyrrhene Sea, from the River 
Garigliano, (Liris it was formerly called) to Leucopetra, 
the most Southerly point of ItaHe, for all that shoare 
being neere about two hundred and fortie miles, was 



inhabited with Greeke Colonies : And thence forward, 
of all that end of Italie, that lyeth towardes the Ionian 
Sea, about the great Bayes of Squilacci and Taranto 
(which was so thicke set with great and goodly Cities 
of Graecians, that it gained the name of Magna Graecia) 
but, beyond that also, of a great part of Apulia, lying 
towards the Adriatique Sea. Neither did these Mari- 
time parts onely, but as it seemeth the Inland people 
also towards that end of Italie, speake the Greeke 
tongue. For I have seene a few old Coynes of the 
Brutians, and more may bee seene in Goltzius having Goltz. in 
Greeke Inscriptions, wherein I observe they are named ^'^mismat. 
^pemoL with an ae, and two tt, and not as the Romane ^^^^i^ rj,^i, 
Writers terme them, Brutii. And I have seene one 24. 
piece also of Pandosia, an Inland Citie of those parts, 
with the like. Neither was the vulgar use of the Greeke 
Tongue, utterly extinct in some of those parts of Italie, 
till of late : for Galateus a learned man of that Countrey Galat. in de- 
hath left written, that when he was a Boy (and he ^"''^P- ^'^^'^'- 
lived about one hundred and twentie yeeres agoe) they ^''"' 
spake Greeke in Callipollis, a City on the East shoare 
of the Bay of Taranto : But yet it continued in Ecclesi- 
asticall use in some other parts of that Region of Italie 
much later, for Gabriel Barrius that but lived about Bar. I. z,. de 
forty yeeres since, hath left recorded, that the Church ^J^tt^t^t-Cala- 
of Rossano (an Archiepiscopall Citie in the upper 
Calabria) retayned the Greeke Tongue and Ceremony till 
his time, and then became Latine. Nay, to descend 
yet a little neerer the present time, Angelus Rocca Rocca Tract. 
that writ but about twentie yeeres agoe, hath observed, ^^ ^''^^^f^'^ '« 
that hee found in some parts of Calabria, and Apulia, 
some remaynders of the Greeke speech to bee still 
retayned. ^strab. L 4. 

Eightly, and lastly, that shoare of France, that lyeth mn long, a 
towards the Mediterraine Sea, from Rodanus to Italie, princip. 
was possessed with Graecians, for ^Massilia was a Colonic ^^"'"f \' "* 
of the Phoceans, and from it many other Colonies were ^^-^^^^ " 
derived, and ^placed along that shoare, as farre as Nicaea, P//>/./. 3.^.5. 



in the beginning of Italic, which also was one of 


And yet beside all these forenamed, 1 could reckon 

up very many other dispersed Colonies of the Greekes 

both in Europe, and Asia, and some in Afrique, for 

although I remember not, that I have read in any 

History, any Colonies of the Grecians to have beene 

planted in Afrique, any where from the greater Syrtis 

Westward, except one in Cirta, a City of Numidia, placed 

there by Micipsa the Sonne of Masinissa, as is mentioned 

Strab. I. 17. in Strabo : yet thence Eastward it is certaine some were: 

for the great Cities of Cyrene and Alexandria, were 

"Loco jam both Greeke. And it is evident, not onely in "^Strabo 

citato. ^^^ Ptolemie, but in Mela, and other Latine Writers, 

^Z'-^^J }' that most of the Cities of that part carried Greeke 

Jfn. Mela. .111 o • tt- 1 1 j- 1 

/. i.r. 8. names. And lastly. Saint Hierome hath directly re- 

Hieronin. loco corded, that Lybia, which is properly that part ot 
supra citato. Afrique adjoyning to -/Egypt, was full of Greeke Cities. 
These were the places, where the Greeke Tongue 
was natively and vulgarly spoken, either originally, 
or by reason of Colonies. But yet for other causes, 
it became much more large and generall. One was 
the love of Philosophie, and the Liberall Arts written 
in a manner onely in Greeke. Another, the exceeding 
great Trade and Traffique of Grascians, in which, above 
all Nations, except perhaps the old Phaenicians (to whom 
yet they seeme not to have beene inferiour) they imployed 
themselves, A third, beyond all these, because those 
great Princes, among whom all that Alexander the Great 
had conquered, was divided, were Graecians, which for 
many reasons, could not but exceedingly spread the 
Greeke Tongue, in all those parts where they were 
Governours : among whom, even one alone, Seleucus 
Jppian. I. de by name, is registred by Appian, to have founded in 
Bellis Syriac. ^^^ £^g^ p^j.^.g under his government, at least sixty 
Cities, all of them carrying Greek names, or else named 
after his Father, his Wives, or himselfe. And yet was 
there a fourth cause, that in the aftertime greatly 



furthered this inlargement of the Greeke Tongue, 
namely the imployment of Grascians in the government 
of the Provinces, after the Translation of the Imperiall 
seate to Constantinople. For these causes I say, to- 
gether with the mixture of Greeke Colonies, dispersed 
in many places (in which fruitfulnesse of Colonies, the 
Graecians farre passed the Romanes) the Greeke Tongue 
spread very farre, especially towards the East. In so 
much, that all the Orient (which yet must be under- 
stood with limitation, namely the Orientall part of the 
Roman Empire, or to speake in the Phrase of those 
times, the Diocesse of the Orient, which contayned 
Syria, Palestine, Cilicia, and part of Mesopotamia and 
of Arabia) is said by Hierome, to have spoken Greeke : Hiero. ubi 
which also Isidore, specially observeth, in iEgypt, and ^^pe^-lsidor. 
Syria, to have beene the Dorique Dialect. And this ^ ^^f^' ' ^' 
great glorie, the Greeke Tongue held in the Apostles 
time, and long after, in the Easterne parts, till by the 
inundation of the Saracens of Arabia, it came to ruine 
in those Provinces, about six hundred and forty yeeres 
after the birth of our Saviour, namely, in the time of the 
Emperor Heraclius (the Arabians bringing in their language 
together with their victories, into all the Regions they [i. i. gy.j 
subdued) even as the Latine Tongue is supposed to 
have perished by the inundation and mixture of the 
Gothes, and other barbarous Nations in the West. 

BUt at this day, the Greeke Tongue is very much Of the decay 
decayed, not only as touching the largenesse, ^^Kf^he 
and vulgarnesse of it, but also in the purenesse ^^TIJ 
and elegancie of the Language. For as touching the tongue, and of 
former. First, in Italie, France, and other places to the present 
the West, the naturall Languages of the Countries ^"'^^'^'' 
have usurped upon it. Secondly, in the skirts of ^^^^^^-^^'^P- 
Greece it selfe, namely in Epirus, and that part of 
Macedon, that lyeth towards the Adriatique Sea, the 
Sclavonique Tongue hath extinguished it. Thirdly, in 
Anatolia, the Turkish Tongue hath for a great part 



suppressed it. And lastly, in the more Eastward, and 
South parts, as in that part of Cilicia, that is beyond 
the River Piramus, in Syria, Palestine, iEgypt and 
Lybia, the Arabian Tongue hath abolished it : Abolished 
it I say, namely, as touching any vulgar use, for, as 
touching Ecclesiasticall use, many Christians of those 
parts still retayne it in their Lyturgies. So that, the 
parts in which the Greeke Tongue is spoken at this 
day, are (in few words) but these. First Greece it selfe 
(excepting Epirus, and the West part of Macedon.) 
Secondly, the lies of the ^Egean Sea. Thirdly, Candie, 
and the lies Eastward of Candie, along the Coast of 
Asia to Cyprus (although in Cyprus, divers other 
Languages are spoken, beside the Greeke) and likewise 
the lies Westward of Candia, along the Coasts of 
Greece, and Epirus, to Corfu. And lastly, a good part 
of Anatolia. 

But as I said, the Greeke Tongue, is not onely 
thus restrained, in comparison of the ancient extention 
that it had, but it is also much degenerated and 
impaired, as touching the purenesse of speech, being 
over-growne with barbarousnesse : But yet not without 
some rellish of the ancient elegancie. Neither is it 
altogether so much declined from the ancient Greeke, 
Bellon. obser- as the Italian is departed from the Latine, as Bellonius 
vat. I. I.e.'}). \y2,x\!x also observed, and by conferring of divers Epistles 
uicogt^c. . ^£ ^^^ present Language, which you may find in Crusius 
his Turcograecia, with the ancient Tongue, may be put 
out of question which corruption yet, certainly hath 
not befallen that Language, through any inundation of 
barbarous people, as is supposed to have altered the 
Latine Tongue, for although I know Greece to have 
beene over-runne and wasted, by the Gothes, yet I finde 
not in Histories, any remembrance of their habitation, 
or long continuance in Greece, and of their coalition 
into one people with the Grascians, without which, I 
conceive not, how the Tongue could be greatly altered 
by them. And yet certaine it is, that long before the 



Turkes came among them, their Language was growne to' 
the corruption wherein now it is, for that, in the Writ- 
ings of Cedrenus, Nicetas, and some other late Greekes 
(although long before the Turkes invasion) there is 
found, notwithstanding they were learned men, a strong 
rellish of this barbarousnesse : Insomuch that the learned 
Graecians themselves, acknowledge it to bee very ancient, 
and are utterly ignorant, when it began in their Gerkch. in 
Language : which is to me a certaine argument, that it ^P"^\ ^« 
had no violent nor sudden beginning, by the mixture corrac I 7. 
of other forreine Nations among them, but hath gotten p, ^89. 
into their Language, by the ordinarie change, which time 
and many common occasions that attend on time, are 
wont to bring to all Languages in the World, for which 
reason, the corruption of speech growing upon them, 
by little and little, the change hath beene unsensible. 
Yet it cannot be denied (and '^ some of the Graecians ^Zjgomdosin 
themselves confesse so much) that beside many Romane Ep"^- ^ 
words, which from the Translation of the Imperiall Seate '*^' "^ *" 
to Constantinople, began to creepe into their Language, 
as we may observe in divers Greeke Writers of good 
Antiquitie, some Italian words also, and Slavonian, and 
Arabique, and Turkish, and of other Nations, are 
gotten into their Language, by reason of the great 
Traffique and Commerce, which those people exercise 
with the Grecians. For which cause, as Bellonius hath Bell, obser. I. 
observed, it is more altered in the Maritime parts, and ^- '"• 3- 
such other places of forreigne concourse, then in the 
inner Region. But yet, the greatest part of the 
corruption of that Language, hath beene bred at home, 
and proceeded from no other cause, then their owne 
negligence, or affectation. As first (for example) by 
mutilation of some words, pronouncing and writing h\.v Vide Cms. 
for lurjSev^ va for "iva &c. Secondly, by compaction of ''^'^•/•44- 
severall words into one, as TrodSe^ for ttoO elSe?, araa-r-nBrj ' g" 
for ek ra (xrridrf &c. Thirdly, by confusion of sound, as 399. ^c. 
making no difference in the pronouncing of three 
vowels, namely n, h ^ and two Dipthongues ei and 01, all 



Burran. in 
Coroii. pre- 
tiosa. Gerlach. 
apud Cms. I. 
7. Turcog. p. 

Bellon. observ. 
I. z. c. III. 

[Li. 98.] 
^ Burdovitx in 
Epist. ad 
Chitra^, apud 
ilium in li. de 
statu Eccle- 
siar. /. 47. 
Vide Chitra. 
loco citato, c^■ 
Crus. p. i.y 
&= 415. tSr'r. 
Of the ancient 
largenesse of 
the Roman 
tongue in the 
time of the 
Chap. 3. 

which five they pronounce by one Letter i, as o[Ko<i, ee'iKwv, 
crryjOrj^ Xvirt], they pronounce icos, icon, stithi, lipi. 
Fourthly, by Translation of accents, from the syllables 
to which in ancient pronouncing they belonged, to 
others. And all those foure kinds of corruption, are 
very common in their Language : for which reasons, 
and for some others, which may be observed in 
Crusius, Burrana, &c. the Greeke Tongue, is become 
much altered (even in the proper and native words of 
the Language) from what anciently it was. Yet never- 
thelesse it is recorded by some, that have taken diligent 
observation of that Tongue, in the severall parts of 
Greece, that there be yet in Morea, (Peloponesus) 
betwixt Napoli and Monembasia (Nauplia and Epidaurus, 
they were called) some fourteene Townes, the Inhabitants 
whereof are called Zacones (for Lacones) that speake 
yet the ancient Greeke Tongue, but farre out of 
Grammer Rule : yet, they understand those that speake 
Grammatically, but understand not the vulgar Greeke. 
As Bellonius likewise remembreth another place, neere 
Heraclea in Anatolia, that yet retayneth the pure 
Greeke, for their vulgar Language. But the few places 
beeing excepted, it is certaine, that the difference is 
become so great, betwixt the present and the ancient 
Greeke that their Lyturgie, ^ which is yet read in the 
ancient Greeke Tongue, namely that of Basil, on the 
Sabbaths and solemne dayes, and that of Chrysostome 
on common dayes, is not understood (or but little 
of it) by the vulgar people, as learned men that have 
beene in those parts, have related to ^others, and to my 
selfe : which may be also more evidently prooved to 
be true by this, because the skilfuU in the learned 
Greeke cannot understand the vulgar. 

THe ordinary bounds ot the Romane Empire were, 
on the East part Euphrates, and sometimes 
Tigris : On the North the Rivers of Rhene and 
of Danubius, and the Euxine Sea : On the West the 



Ocean : On the South the Cataracts of Nilus in the 
utmost border of ^Egypt, and in Afrique the Moun- 
taine Atlas, Which, beginning in the West, on the 
shoare of the Ocean, over against the Canarie Hands, 
runneth Eastward almost to ^gypt, being in few places 
distant from the Mediterrane Sea, more then two 
hundred miles. These I say, were the ordinary bounds 
of that Empire in the Continent : for although the 
Romanes passed these bounds sometimes, specially 
toward the East and North, yet they kept little of what 
they wanne, but within those bounds mentioned, the 
Empire was firmely established. But heere, in our 
great He of Britaine, the Picts wall was the limit of it, 
passing by New-castle and Carleil from Tinmouth on 
the East Sea, to Solway Frith on the West, being ^ first ^ 
begun by the Emperour Adrian, and after finished or ^^'^fwm 6^ 
rather repaired, by Septimius Severus. 

To this greatnesse of Dominion Rome at last arrived 
from her small beginnings. And small her beginnings 
were indeed, considering the huge Dominion to which 
shee attained. For first, the Circuit of the Citie wall, 
at the first building of it, by Romulus in Mount 
Palatine, could not bee fully one mile : for the Hill 
it selfe, as is observed by Andrea Fulvio, a Citizen ^nd. Fuh, 
and Antiquarie of Rome, hath no more in circuit : And, ^- ^• 
that Romulus bounded the Pomerium of the Citie ^ntiq. Rom. 
(which extended somewhat beyond the wall) with the ^- 3- 
foot of that Hill in compasse Gellius hath left Gell.l.\i.c. 
registred. Secondly, the Territorie and Liberties of ^^' 
Rome, as Strabo hath remembred, extended at the first, ^trab. I. i. 
where it stretched farthest scarce six miles from the 
Citie. And thirdly, the first Inhabitants of Rome, as I 
find recorded in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, were not ^^'<'«y^- ^'^Z- 
in number above 3300. at the most. Yet, with Time, ^' ^' 
and fortunate successe, Rome so increased,! that in Antiq. Rom. 
Aurelianus his time, the circuit of the Citie wall was fiftie yopisc in 
miles, as Vopiscus hath recorded : And the Dominion, '^^^'^^^^^°- 
grew to the largenesse above mentioned, contayning 



above 3000. miles in length, and about 1200. in 
breadth : and lastly the number of free Citizens, even 
in the time of Marius, that is, long before forreigne 
Cities and Countries, began to be received into participa- 
tion of that freedome, was found to be 463000. as 
Euseb. in Eusebius hath remembred : of free Citizens I say (for 
C/iro. ad ^^^^^ onely came into Cense) but if I should adde their 
Oymp. 174. ^^-^gg^ ^^^ children, and servants, that is, generally all 
^Lipstusde the Inhabitants, ''a learned man hath esteemed them, 
mag. Rom. ^ ^^^ without great likelihood of truth, to have beene 


' ^' no lesse, then three or foure Millions. 

Beyond these bounds therefore of the Roman Empire 
(to speake to the point in hand) the Roman tongue 
could not bee in any common use, as neither, to speake 
of our Kings Dominions in Ireland, Scotland, nor 
Northumberland, as being no subjects of the Roman 
Empire. And that within these bounds it stretched 
farre and wide (in such manner as I will afterward 
declare) two principall causes there were. One was the 
multitude of Colonies, which partly to represse rebellion 
in the subdued Provinces, partly to resist forreigne 
Invasions partly to reward the ancient Souldiers, partly 
to abate the redundance of the City, and relieve the 
poorer sort, were sent forth to inhabit in all the 
Provinces of the Empire : Another was the Donation 
of Romane freedome, or Communication of the right 
and benefit of Romane Citizens, to very many of the 
Provinciall, both Cities and Regions. For first, all 
Italic obtained that freedome in the time of Sylla and 
Marius, at the compounding of the Italian Warre, as 
App'ian.l. I. Appian hath recorded : All Italie I say, as then it was 
Civil, longe called, and bounded, with the Rivers of Rubicon and 
ante med. ^^nus, that is, the narrower part of Italie lying betwixt 
the Adriatique and the Tyrrhene Seas. Secondly, Julius 
Caesar in like sort infranchised the rest of Italie, that 
is the border part, named then Gallia Cisalpina, as is 
Dion.l.\\. remembred by Dion. But not long after, the forreigne 
Provinces also, began to bee infranchised, France being 



indued with the liberty of Roman Citizens by Galba, as 

I find in Tacitus ; Spain by Vespasian, as it is in Plinie. Tacit. I. i. 

And at last, by Antonius Pius, all without exception, pll^°T^\ 

that were subject to the Empire of Rome, as appeareth 

by the testimonie of Ulpian in the Digests. The Digest. I. i. 

benefit of which Romane freedome, they that would ^j^l^^-f^[^'^^'' 

use, could not with honestie doe it, remayning ignorant Leg In Orbe 

of the Romane Tongue. Romano. 

These two as I have said, were the principall causes 
of inlarging that Language : yet other there were also 
of great importance, to further it. For first, concerning 
Ambassages, Suites, Appeales, or whatsoever other busi- 
nesse of the Provincials, or Forreignes, nothing was 
allowed to be handled, or spoken in the Senate at 
Rome, but in the Latine Tongue. Secondly, the 
Lawes whereby the Provinces were governed, were all 
written in that Language, as beeing in all of them, 
excepting onely Municipall Cities, the ordinary Roman 
Law. Thirdly, the 'Praetors of the Provinces, were ' Digest. I. \z. 
not allowed to deliver their Judgements, save in that ^^^j. ^^ ^^ 
Language : and wee reade in Dion Cassius, of a principall D^^^g^ ' 
man of Greece, that by Claudius was put from the order [i. i. ^g.] 
of Judges, for being ignorant of the Latine Tongue: Dion.l.t,-]. 
and to the same effect in Valerius Maximus, that the f^al. Max. I. 
Romane Magistrates would not give audience to the ^' ^* ^* 
Grascians, (lesse therefore I take it to the Barbarous 
Nations) save in the Latine Tongue. Fourthly, the 
generall Schooles, erected in sundry Cities of the Pro- 
vinces, whereof wee finde mention in Tacitus, Hierome, Tacit. I. 3. 
and others (in which the Roman Tongue was the ordinary ^""'^'- . 

.... litcfott, tti hiP, 

and allowed speech, as is usual in Universities till this ^^ Rusticum. 
day) was no small furtherance to that Language. And, Tom. i. 
to conclude that the Romans had generally (at least in 
the after-times, when Rome was become a Monarchie, 
and in the flourish of the Empire) great care to inlarge 
their Tongue, together with their Dominion, is by 
Augustine in his Bookes de Civit. Dei, specially re- Aug. de Ci. 
membred. I said it was so in after times, for certainly, Dei,/.i().c.j. 



that the Romanes were not very anciently possessed with 
that humour of spreading their Language, appeareth by 
L'w. hist. Ro. Livie, in whom we find recorded, that it was granted 
^' 4-°' the Cumanes, for a favour, & at their Suit, that they 

might pubHkely use the Roman Tongue, not fully one 
hundred and fortie yeeres before the beginning of the 
Emperours: And yet was Cuma but about one hundred 
miles distant from Rome, and at that time the Romanes 
had conquered all Italie, Sicilie, Sardinia, and a great 
part of Spaine. 

But yet in all the Provinces of the Empire, the Romane 
Tongue found not alike acceptance, and successe, but 
most inlarged and spread it selfe toward the North and 
West, and South bounds : for first, that in all the 
Villei. I. 2. Regions of Pannonia, it was knowne, Velleius is mine 
Author : Secondly, that it was spoken in France and 
Strab. I. 3. Spaine, Strabo : Thirdly, that in Afrique, Apuleius : And 
^ 4-' . it seemeth the Sermons of Cyprian and Augustine, yet 
Florid. ^" extant (of Augustine it is manifest) that they preached 
to the people in Latine. But in the East parts of the 
Empire, as in Greece, and Asia, and so likewise in 
Afrique, from the greater Syrtis Eastward, I cannot in 
my reading find that the Roman tongue ever grew into 
any common use. And the reason of it seemes to be, 
for that in those parts of the Empire it became most 
frequent, where the most, and greatest Romane Colonies, 
were planted. And therefore over all Italy, it became 
in a manner vulgar, wherein I have observed in Histories, 
and in Registers of ancient Inscriptions, to have beene 
planted by the Romanes at severall times above one 
hundred and fiftie Colonies : as in Afrique also neere 
sixtie (namely fiftie seven) in Spaine nine and twentie, 
in France, as it stretched to Rhene twentie sixe, and so 
in Illyricum, and other North parts of the Empire, 
betweene the Adriatique Sea, and Danubius verie many. 
And yet I doubt not, but in all these parts, more there 
were, then any Historic or ancient Inscription that now 
remaynes hath remembred. 



And contrariwise in those Countries, where fewest 
Colonies were planted, the Latine Tongue grew nothing 
so common : as for example heere in Britaine, there 

were but foure : i Yorke, 2 Chester, 3 Caeruske in i Eboracum. 

Monmouth-shire, and 4 Maldon in Essex (for London, ^ Debuna. 

although recorded for one by Onuphrius, was none, as ^ Camalodu- 

is manifest by his owne ^ Author, in the place that num Onuphr. 

himselfe alleadgeth) and therefore we find in the British in Imp. Rom. 

Tongue which yet remaineth in Wales, but little rellish '^T^^"^- ^•^\- 

(to account of) or relikes of the Latine. And, for this Q^^p\ / -^^ 

cause also partly the East Provinces of the Empire, citato. ' 
savoured little or nothing of the Roman Tongue. For 
first in Afrique beyond the greater Syrtis, I find never 

a Romane Colonie : for Onuphrius, that hath recorded ' ' Vide. Digest. 

Indicia Cyrenensium for one, alleadging Ulpian for ^- 5°- ^i^- ^^ 

Author, was deceived by some faultie Copie of the ^'.""^''' ^'S- 

T^- T-' 1 1 <^ • 1 ri . sciendum Pan- 

JJigests. l^or the corrected Copies have Zernensium, drell. id. 
and for Indicia, is to be read In Dacia, as is rightly Comment. 
observed (for in it the Citie of Zerne was) by Pancirellus. ^^^'''- ■^^Z^'- 
Secondly, in Egypt, there were but two : and to be briefe, ^^'^^"''^^^ 
Syria onely excepted, which had about twentie Romane 
Colonies, but most of them late planted, especially by 
Septimius Severus, and his Sonne Bassianus, to strengthen 
that side of the Empire against the Parthians (and yet I 
finde not that in Syria, the Romane Tongue, ever 
obtained any vulgar use) the rest, had but verie few, 
in proportion to the largenesse of those Regions. 

Of which little estimation, and use of the Roman 
Tongue, in the East parts, beside the want of Colonies 
fore-mentioned, and to omit their love to their owne 
Languages, which they held to be more civill then the 
Romane, another great cause was the Greeke, which 
they had in farre greater account, both for Learning 
sake (insomuch that Cicero confesseth, Graeca (saith he) Cicer.inOrat. 
leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus, P''°- ^^''^hia 
exiguis sane, continentur) and for Traffique, to both ^°^^^' 
which, the Graecians, above all Nations of the World 
were anciently given: to omit, both the excellencie of 



the Tongue it selfe, for sound and copiousnesse, and that 

it had forestalled the Romane in those parts. And 

certainly, in how little regard the Romane Tongue was 

had in respect of the Greeke in the Easterne Countries, 

may appeare by this, that all the learned men of those 

parts, whereof most lived in the flourish of the Romane 

Empire, have written in Greeke, and not in Latine : as 

Philo, Josephus, Ignatius, Justine Martyr, Clemens 

Alexandrinus, Origen, Eusebius, Athanasius, Basil, 

Gregorie Nyssene, and Nazianzene, Cirill of Alexandria, 

and of Jerusalem, Epiphanius, Synetius, Ptolemie Strabo, 

Porphyrie, and verie many others, so that of all the 

Writers that lived in Asia, or in Afrique, beyond the 

greater Syrtis, I thinke wee have not one Author in 

the Latine Tongue : and yet more evidently may it 

appeare by another instance, that I finde in the third 

Consil. Ephe- Generall Councell held at Ephesus, where the Letters 

sin. Tom. 2. q{ (-^g Bishop of Rome, having beene read by his Legates, 

cap. 13. E tt. -^ j.j^^ Latine Tongue, it was requested by all the Bishops, 

ri. i. 1 00.1 that they might be translated into Greeke, to the end 

they might be understood. It is manifest therefore, that 

the Romane Tongue was neither vulgar, nor familiar in 

the East, when the learned men gathered out of all 

That the parts of the East understood it not. 

Roman 1 ongue ^ 

abolished not • r r 1 t> 

the vulgar C^\^ ^^ weake impression therefore of the Romane 

languages, in \J Language in the East, and large entertainment of 

theforreme j^. -^^ ^j^g West, and other parts of the Empire, and of 

thTRoman ^^^ causes of both, I have said enough. But in what 

Empire. Sort, and how farre it prevailed, namely, whether so 

Chap. 4. farre, as to extinguish the ancient vulgar Languages of 

Galat de Sttu ^-^Qse parts, and it selfe, in stead of them, to become the 

apigta.p. ^2X\wQ and vulgar Tongue, as Galateus hath pronounced 

Viv. I. ■^. de touching the Punique, and Vives with many others of 

traden. dis- the Gallique and Spanish, I am next to consider. 
ciplin. &= ad Y\x%X. therefore, it is certainly observed, that there are 

Def li \Q ^^ ^^^^ ^^Y' fourteene Mother Tongues in Europe (beside 

c, 7. the Latine) which remaine, not onely not abolished, but 



little or nothing altered, or impaired by the Romanes. 

And those are the i Irish, spoken in Ireland, and a good 

part of Scotland : the 2 Brittish, in Wales, Cornwaile, and 

Brittaine of France : the 3 Cantabrian neere the Ocean 3 ^'^^^- '" 

about the Pyrene Hils, both in France and Spaine : j^'^^^'^- de 

the 4 Arabique, in the steepie Mountaines of Granata, ^fj^f"/ 

named Alpuxarras : the 5 Finnique, in Finland, and Cosm.part.2. 

Lapland : the 6 Dutch, in Germany, Belgia, Denmarke, /. 2. c. 8, 

Norway, and Suedia : the old 7 Cauchian, (I take it to 5 ■5^^^- ^o<^' 

be that, for in that part the Cauchi inhabited) in East "^^^°' 

Frisland, for "" although to strangers they speake Dutch, " Onel. in. 

yet among themselves they use a peculiar Language of ^ *. ^^": 

their owne : the 8 Slavonish, in Polonia, Bohemia, 

Moscovia, Russia, and many other Regions (whereof I 

will after intreate in due place) although with notable 

difference of Dialect, as also the Brittish and Dutch, in 

the Countries mentioned have : the old 9 Illyrian, in 

the He of Veggia, on the East side of Istria in the day 

of Liburnia : the 10 Greeke, in Greece, and the Hands 

about it, and part of Macedon, and of Thrace : the old 

II Epirotique" in the Mountaine of Epirus : the 12 "Sca/./oc 

Hungarian in the greatest part of that Kingdome : the ^"''^^''" 

13 lazygian, in the North side of Hungaria betwixt \i Bert. in. 

Danubius and Tibiscus, utterly differing from the '^^"'^P- 

Hungarian Language: And lastly, the 14 Tarturian, '^"S^^- 

of the Precopenses, betweene the Rivers of Tanaas and 

Borysthenes, neere Meotis and the Euxine Sea, for, of 

the English, Italian, Spanish, and French, as being 

derivations, or rather degenerations, the first of the 

Dutch, and the other three of the Latine, seeing I now 

speake onely of Originall or Mother Languages, I must 

be silent : And of all these fourteene it is certaine, 

except the Arabique, which is knowne to have entred 

since, and perhaps the Hungarian, about which there 

is difference among Antiquaries, that they were in Europe 

in time of the Romane Empire, and sixe or seven of 

them, within the Limits of the Empire. 

And indeed, how hard a matter it is, utterly to abolish 



a vulgar Language, in a populous Countrey, where the 
Conquerers are in number farre inferiour to the Native 
Inhabitants, whatsoever Art be practized to bring it 
about, may well appeare by the vaine attempt of our 
Norman Conquerour : who although hee compelled the 
English, to teach their young children in the Schooles 
nothing but French, and set downe all the Lawes of the 
Land in French, and inforced all pleadings at the Law 
to be performed in that Language (which custome con- 
tinued till King Edward the Third his dayes : who 
disanulled it) purposing thereby to have conquered the 
Language together with the Land, and to have made 
all French: yet, the number of English farre exceeding 
the Normans, all was but labour lost, and obtained no 
further effect, then the mingling of a few French words 
with the English. And even such also was the successe 
of the Frankes among the Gaules, of the Gothes among 
the Italians and Spaniards, and may be observed, to be 
short in all such conquests, where the Conquerors (beeing 
yet in number farre inferiour) mingle themselves with 
the Native Inhabitants. So that, in those Countries 
onely the mutation of Languages hath ensued upon 
Conquests, where either the ancient Inhabitants have 
beene destroyed or driven forth, as wee see in our 
Countrey to have followed of the Saxons victories against 
the Brittaines, or else at least in such sort diminished, 
that in number they remained inferiour, or but little 
superiour to the Conquerours, whose reputation and 
authoritie might prevaile more then a small excesse of 
multitude. But (that I digresse no further) because 
certaine Countries are specially alleaged, in which the 
Romane Tongue is supposed most to have prevailed, I 
will restraine my discourse to them alone. 

And first, that both the Punique and Gallique Tongues, 
remained in the time of Alexander Severus the Emperour 
(about two hundred and thirtie yeeres after our Saviours 
birth) appeareth by Ulpian, who lived at that time, and 
was with the Emperour of principall reputation, teaching, 



that °Fidei commissa might bee left, not onely in Latine, ° Digest.!. 'SfZ. 
or Greeke, but in the Punique or Gallique, or any other ^^^^ K^^^^ 
vulgar Language, Till that time therefore, it seemeth 
evident, that the Romane Tongue had not swallowed 
up these vulgar Languages, and it selfe become vulgar 
in stead of them. But to insist a little in either severally. 
First, touching the Punique, Aurelius Victor hath re- Aur. Victor. 
corded of Septimius Severus, that he was, Latinis literis ^^ ^P^^""^- ^ 
sufficienter instructus, but Punica eloquentia promptior, 
quippe genitus apud Leptim provintiae Africae. Of which 
Emperors sister also dwelling at Leptis (it is the Citie 
wee now call Tripoly in Barbaric) and comming to see [I. i. loi.] 
him, Spartianus hath left written, that shee so badly Spartian. in 
spake the Latine tongue (yet was ^Leptis a Roman ^^'^^''°- P"^- 
Colony) that the Emperour blushed at it. Secondly ^jntonin. in 
long after that, Hierome hath recorded of his time, itimrario. 
that the Africans had somewhat altered their language Hieron. in 
from the PhcEnicians : the language therefore then re- P[°^^-J\'^- 

1 r 1 , 111 r 1 

mamed, tor else how could hee pronounce or the pre- Calat.infine 
sent difference } Thirdly, Augustine (somewhat younger 
then Hierom, though living at the same time) writeth 
not onely that ''hee knew divers Nations in Afrike, ^ August, de 
that spake the Punike tongue, but also more particularly P^I-'^^^; 
in ''another place, mentioning a knowne Punike pro- ^id'sermz^ 
verb, he would speake it (he said) in the Latine, be- deverb.Apost. 
cause all his Auditors (for Hippo where hee preached 
was a Roman Colony) understood not the Punike 
tongue: And some other '^ passages could I alleadge out "^ Id. Expos in 
of Augustine, for the direct confirmation of this point, ^^%^' ^^"^' 
if these were not evident and effectuall enough. Lastly, ^^y^^ J^'^J" 
Leo Africanus, a man of late time, and good reputa- Leo i. Africa. 
tion, affirmeth, that there remaine yet in Barbary, very L. i.descript. 
many descended of the old Inhabitants, that speake the Africa. cap. 
African tongue, whereby it is apparent that it was never jfi-l^f^i^ 
extinguished by the Romanes. 

Secondly, touching the antient Gallike tongue, that it 
also remained, and was not abolished by the Romane ^^^^^ ^ ^^ 
in the time of Strabo, who flourished under Tiberius princip. 
I 273 s 


Tacit, in Julio 

Lamprid. in 
Severo, longe 
post med. 

Strab. I. 4. 

" Vel. Pater- 
cul. I. I. 


Vid. Annot. 
ad August de 
Civ. Dei. I. 
19. c. 7. 
Id. I. z-de 

Caesars government, it appeareth in the fourth Book 
of his Geography, writing that the Aquitani differed 
altogether in language from the other Gaules, and they 
somewhat among themselves. Nor after that in Tacitus 
his time, noting that the language of France differed 
little from that of Brittaine. No, nor long after that in 
Alexander Severus his time, for beside the authoritie of 
UJpian before alleadged out of the Digestes, it is mani- 
fest by Lampridius also, who in the life of the said 
Alexander, remembreth of a Druide woman, that when 
hee was passing along, in his Expedition against the 
Germaines through France, cried out after him in the 
Gallike tongue (what needed that observation of the 
Gallike tongue, if it were the Romane ?) Goe thy way, 
quoth shee, and looke not for the victory, and trust 
not thy Souldiers. And though Strabo bee alleadged 
by some, to prove the vulgarnesse of the Latine tongue 
in France, yet is it manifest, that he speaketh not of 
all the Gaules, but of certaine onely, in the Province 
of Narbona, about Rhodanus, for which part of France 
there was speciall reason, both for the more ancient 
and ordinary conversing of the Romanes, in that Region 
above all the rest : for of all the seventeene Provinces 
of France, that of Narbona was first reduced into the 
forme of a Province : And the Citie of Narbona it selfe, 
being a Mart Towne of exceeding trafHke in those dayes, 
was the ^ first forraine Colonic that the Romanes planted 
out of Italy, Carthage onely excepted : And yet further- 
more, as Pliny hath recorded, many towns there were 
in that Province, infranchized, and indued with the 
libertie and right of the Latines. And yet for all this, 
Strabo saith not, that the Roman tongue was the native 
or vulgar language in that part, but that for the more 
part they spake it. 

Thirdly, concerning the Spanish tongue: Howsoever 
Vives writ, that the languages of France and Spaine 
were utterly extinguished by the Romanes, and that the 
Latine was become '^Vernacula Hispaniae, as also Galliae 



& Italiae ; and ^some others of the same Nation vaunt, ^ Marin. Skul. 
that had not the barbarous Nations corrupted it, the ^^ Reo. Hts- 
Latine tongue would have beene at this day, as pure ^ , 
in Spaine, as it was in Rome it selfe in Tullies time : 
yet neverthelesse manifest it is, that the Spanish tongue 
was never utterly suppressed by the Latine. For to 
omit that of Strabo, ^that there were divers languages ^Stra.l.-^. 
in the parts of Spaine, as also in 'another place, that q{ P^^j- ^ prin- 
the speech of Aquitaine was liker the language of the "i^J°'i ^^ 
Spaniards, then of the other Gaules : It is a common princip. 
consent of the best Historians and Antiquaries of Spaine, ' Marian, de 
^ that the Cantabrian tongue, which yet remaineth in the ^^^- ^"P- ^• 
North part of Spaine (and hath no relish in a manner V/" •^' o- ; 
at all or the Roman) was either the ancient, or at least ^^ reb. His- 
one of the ancient languages of Spaine. And although pan. I. 4. c. 
'Strabo hath recorded, that the Romane tongue was uhim.&'Altb. 
spoken in Spaine, yet hee speaketh not indefinitely, but ^'^^ pf ^' 
addeth a limitation, namely, about Baetis. And that in c. \. Veil'. 
that part of Spaine, the Romane tongue so prevailed, Patenul. I. z. 
the reason is easie to be assigned by that wee finde 
in Pliny. Namely, that in Baetica, were eight Roman 
Colonies, eight Municipall Cities, and twentie nine others 
indued with the right and libertie of the Latines. 

Lastly, to speake of the Pannonian tongue (Pannonia 
contained Hungarie, Austria, Stiria, and Carinthia) it 
is certaine that the Roman did not extinguish it : For 
first, Paterculus (who is the onely Author that I know 
alleadged for that purpose) saith not, that it was become 
the language of the Countrey, for how could it, being 
but even then newly conquered by Tiberius Cassar .'' but 
onely that in the time of Augustus, by Tiberius his 
meanes the knowledge of the Romane tongue was spread 
in all Pannonia. And secondly, Tacitus after Tiberius Tacit, de 
his time hath recorded, that the Osi in Germany might "">rib. Germ. 
be knowne to be no Germanes, by the Pannonian tongue, P^°P^P'- 
which *a little before in the same booke, he plainely * Lib eod. 
acknowledged to be spoken even then in Pannonia. parum a 

And as for these reasons, it may well seeme that the "'' 



Roman tongue became not the vulgar language in any 
of these parts of the Empire, which are yet specially 
instanced, for the large vulgarity of it : So have 1 other 
reasons to persuade mee, that it was not in those parts, 
nor in any other forraine Countries subject to the Empire, 
[1. i. I02.] either generally or perfectly spoken. Not generally 
(I say) because it is hard to conceive, that any whole 
Countries, specially because so large as the mentioned 
are, should generally speake two languages, their owne 
Native and the Romane. Secondly, there was not any 
Law at all of the Romanes, to inforce the subdued 
Nations, either to use vulgarly the Romane tongue, or 
not to use their owne native languages (and very ex- 
treame and unreasonable had such Lords beene, as 
should compell men by Lawes, both to doe, and to 
speake onely what pleased them.) Neither do I see 
any other necessitie, or any provocation to bring them 
to it, except for some speciall sorts of men, as Merchants, 
and Citizens, for their better traffick and trade. Lawyers 
for the knowledge and practise of the Romane Lawes, 
which carried force throughout the Empire (except 
priviledged places) Schollers for learning, Souldiers, for 
their better conversing with the Romane Legions, and 
with the Latines, Travellers, Gentlemen, Officers, or such 
other, as might have occasion of affaires and dealing 
with the Romans. But it soundeth altogether unlike a 
truth, that the poore scattered people abroad in the 
Country, dwelling either in solitarie places, or in the 
small Towns and Villages, either generally spake it, or 
could possibly attaine unto it. An example whereof, for 
the better evidence may at this day bee noted ; in those 
parts of Greece, which are subject to the Dominions of 
Bellon.Obser- the Turks and Venetians: for as Bellonius hath observed, 
vat, I. i.f. 4. |.]^g people that dwell in the principall Townes and Cities, 
subject to the Turke, by reason of their trade, speake 
both the Greeke and Turkish tongues, as they also that 
are under the Venetians, both the Greeke and Italian, 
but the Countrey people under both governments, speake 



onely Greeke. So likewise in Sardinia, as is recorded 
by * others, the good Townes by reason of the Spanish * Gesner. in 
Government and Trade, speake also the Spanish tongue, Mtthr.inLin- 
but the Countrey people the naturall Sardinian language ^^^ ^'^* 
onely : And, the like by our owne experience wee know Rocca de Dia- 
to bee true, in the Provinces subject to our King, namely, lect. in Ling. 
both in Wales and Ireland. It seemeth therefore that ^^^^^'^' 
the Romane tongue was never generally spoken in any ^^/^/j^,/^ „^] 
of the Roman Provinces forth of Italy. descrit. di 

And certainely much lesse can I perswade my selte, Sardigna. 
that it was spoken abroad in the Provinces perfectly. 
First, because it seemes unpossible for forraine Nations, 
specially for the rude and common people, to attaine 
the right pronouncing of it, who, as wee know doe 
ordinarily much mistake the true pronouncing of their 
native language : for which very cause, wee see the 
Chaldee tongue to have degenerated into the Syriake 
among the Jewes, although they had conversed seventie 
yeeres together among the Chaldeans. And moreover, 
by daily experience wee see in many, with what labour 
and difficulty, even in the very Schooles, and in the most 
docible part of their age, the right speaking of the Latine 
tongue is attained. And to conclude, it appeareth by 
Augustine in sundry places, that the Roman tongue was f^ide August. 
unperfect among the Africans (even in the Colonies) as ^^ Enarrat. 
pronuncing ossum for os, floriet for florebit, dolus for ^^^q^^'T 
dolor, and such like, insomuch that hee confesseth, hee je doctrin. 
was faine sometimes to use words that were no Latine, Chris, c. 13. 
to the end they might understand him. dr' Tract j in 


THe common opinion, which supposeth that these Of the begin- 

Nations in the flourish of the Romane Empire, »"'gofthe 

spake vulgarly and rightly the Latine tongue, is, that ^^nmh and 

the mixture of the Northerne barbarous Nations among ^anish lan- 

the ancient Inhabitants, was the cause of changing guages. 

the Latine tonge into the languages, which now they Ghap. 5. 
speake, the languages becomming mingled, as the Nations 
themselves were. Who, while they were inforced to 



attemper and frame their speech, one to the under- 
standing of another, for else they could not mutually 
expresse their mindes (which is the end for which Nature 
hath given speech to men) they degenerated both, and 
so came to this medly wherein now wee finde them. 

Which opinion if it were true, the Italian tongue, 
must of necessitie have it beginning about the 480. 
yeere of our Saviour : Because, at that time, the Bar- 
barous Nations began first to inhabite Italy, under 
Odoacer, for although they had entred and wasted Italy 
long before, as first, the Gothes under Alaricus, about 
the yeare 414: Then the Hunnes together with the 
Gothes, and the Heruli, and the Gepidi, and other 
Northerne people under Attila, about An. 450. Then 
the Wandales under Gensericus, crossing the Sea out 
of Afrike, about An. 456. (to omit some other inva- 
sions of those barbarous Nations, because they prospered 
not) yet none of these, setled themselves to stay and 
inhabite Italy, till the Heruli, as I said under Odoacer, 
about An. 480. or a little before entred and possessed 
it neere hand twenty yeeres, Hee being (proclaimed by 
the Romanes themselves) King of Italy, about sixteene 
yeeres, and his people becomming inhabiters of the 
Countrey. But, they also, within twenty yeeres after 
their entrance, were in a manner rooted out of Italy, 
by Theodoricus King of Gothes, who allotted them onely 
a part of Piemont above Turin to inhabite : for Theo- 
doricus being by Zeno then Emperour, invested with 
the title of King of Italy, and having overcome Odoacer, 
somewhat afore the yeere 500. ruled peaceably a long 
time, as King of Italy, and certaine others of the Gothes 
Nation succeeded after him in the same government, 
the Gothes in the meane space, growing into one with 
the Italians, for the space neere hand of sixtie yeeres 
together. And although after that, the Dominion of 
Italy was by Narses againe recovered to the Empire in 
the time of Justinian, and many of the Gothes expelled 
Italy, yet farre more of them remained, Italy in that 



long time being growne well with their seed and 

posteritie. The Heruli therefore, with their associates [I. i. 103.] 

were the first, and the Gothes the second of the barbarous 

Nations that inhabited Italy. The third and the last, 

were the Longbards, who comming into Italy about the 

yeere 570. and long time obtaining the Dominion and 

possession, in a manner of all Italy, namely above two 

hundred yeeres, and during the succession of twenty 

Kings or more, were never expelled forth of Italy, 

although at last their Dominion was sore broken by Pipin 

King of France, and after more defaced by his sonne 

Charles the Great, who first restrained and confined it to 

that part, which to this day, of them retaineth the name 

of Lombardy, and shortly after utterly extinguished it, 

carrying away their last King captive into France. Now 

although divers * Antiquaries of Italy there bee, which * Blond in 

referre the beginning of the Italian tongue, and the ^^^^- ^!^"^' 

change of the Latine into it, to these third Inhabitants i/[archia Tri- 

of Italy the Longbards, by reason of their long and visana. 

perfect coalition into one with the Italian people : yet Tinto. delk 

certainely, the Italian tongue was more antient then so, ^o^'-^^^- '^'^'- 
r \ • ^ ^ i • ^^i / erona l. z.c. z. 

ror besides that there remames yet to bee scene (as men c^ ^i^ 

*worthy of credit report) in the King of France his ■* Pro- 

Library at Paris, an Instrument written in the Italian nuntlat Ling. 

tongue, in the time of Justinian the first, which was lat.cap.T,.<2^ 

before the comming of the Longbards into Italy : another Q^'^g^. f . 

evidence more vulgar, to this effect, is to be found in c. 18. 

Paulus Diaconus his Miscellane History : where wee read Paul. Diacon. 

that in the Emperour Mauritius his time, about the yeer ^"^- ■^"^^^• 

590. when the Longbards had indeed entred, and wasted '^^^J'^jlY^ 

Gallia Cisalpina, but had not invaded the Roman diction 

in Italy, that by the acclamation of the word Torna, 

Torna, (plaine Italian) which a Roman Souldier spake 

to one of his fellowes afore, (whose beast had overturned 

his burthen) the whole Army (marching in the darke) 

began to cry out, Torna, Torna, and so fell to flying 


But the French tongue, if that afore mentioned were 



the cause of it, began a little before, in the time of 
Valentinian the third, when in a manner all the West part 
of the Empire fell away (and among the rest, our Coun- 
trey of England, being first forsaken of the Romans 
themselves, by reason of grievous warres at their owne 
doores, and not long after conquered and possessed by 
the Saxons, whose posteritie (for the most part wee are) 
namely, about the yeere 450 : France being then subdued 
and peaceably possessed by the Franks and Burgundians, 
Nations of Germany : the Burgundians occupying the 
Eastward and outward parts of it, toward the River of 
Rhene, and the Franks all the inner Region. For 
although France before that had beene invaded by the 
Wandali, Suevi, and Alani, and after by the Gothes, who 
having obtained Aquitayn for their Seat and Habitation, 
by the grant of the Emperour Honorius, expelled the 
former into Spaine, about An. 410 : yet notwithstanding, 
till the Conquest made by the Franks and Burgundians, 
it was not generally, nor for any long time mingled with 
strangers, which after that Conquest began to spread 
over France, and to become native Inhabitants of the 

But of all, the Spanish tongue for this cause must 
necessarily bee most antient : for the Wandali and Alani, 
being expelled France, about the yeere 410, beganne 
then to invade and to inhabite Spaine, which they held 
and possessed many yeeres, till the Gothes being expelled 
by the Franks and Burgundians, out of France into 
Spaine, expelled them out of Spaine into Afrike (the 
Barbarous Nations thus like nailes driving out one 
another) and not onely them, but with them all the 
remnants of the Roman Garrisons and government, and 
so becomming the entire Lords and quiet possessours of 
all the Countrey, from whom also the Kings of Spaine 
that now are be descended. Notwithstanding, even they 
also within lesse then three hundred yeeres after, were 
driven by the Saracens of Afrike, into the Northerne and 
mountainous parts of Spaine, namely Asturia, Biscay, and 



Guipuscoa, till after a long course of time, by little and 
little they recovered it out of their hands againe, which 
was at last fully accomplished by Ferdinand, not past one 
hundred and twenty yeeres agoe, there having passed 
in the meane time, from the Moores first entrance of 
Spaine at Gibraltar, till their last possession in Granada, 
about seven hundred and seventy yeeres. 

Whereby you may see also, when the Roman tongue 
began to degenerate in Afrike (if that also, as is supposed 
spake vulgarly the Latine tongue, and if the mixture of 
barbarous people were cause of the decay, and corruption 
of it) namely, about the yeere 430. for about that time, 
the Wandali and Alani, partly wearied with the Gottish 
warre in Spaine, and partly invited by the Governour 
Bonifacius entred Afrike, under the leading of Gensericus, 
a part whereof for a time, they held quietly, for the 
Emperour Valentinianus gift : But shortly after, in the 
same Emperours time, when all the West Provinces in a 
manner fell utterly away from the Empire, they also 
tooke Carthage ; and all the Province about it, from the 
Romans. And although the dominion of Afrike was 
regained by Bellizarius to the Empire almost 100. yeeres 
after, in Justinians time, yet in the time of the Emperour 
Leontius (almost 700. yeeres after our Saviours birth) 
it was lost againe, being anew conquered, and possessed 
by the Sarracens of Arabia (and to this day remaineth 
in their hands) bringing together with their victories, the 
language also, and religion (Mahumatanisme) into all that 
coast of Afrike, even from /Egypt to the Strait of Gib- 
raltar, above 2000. miles in length. 

About which time also, namely during the government 
of Valentinian the third, Bulgaria, Servia, Boscina, Hun- 
garie, Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Bavaria and Suevia (that 
is, all the North-border of the Empire, along the River [I. i. 104.] 
Danubius) and some part of Thrace, was spoiled and 
possessed by the Hunnes, who yet principally planted 
themselves in the lower Pannonia, whence it obtained 
the name of Hungarie. 



Out of which discourse you may observe these two 
points. First, what the Countries were, in which those 
wandring and warring Nations, after many transmigrations 
from place to place, fixed at last their finall residence and 
habitation. Namely the Hunnes in Pannonia, the Wan- 
dales in Afrique, the East Gothes and Longbards in 
Italie, the West Gothes in Aquitaine and Spaine, which 
being both originally but one Nation, gained these names 
of East and West Gothes, from the position of these 
Countries which they conquered and inhabited, the other 
barbarous Nations of obscurer names, being partly 
consumed with the warre, and partly passing into the 
more famous appellations. And Secondly, you may ob- 
serve, that the maine dissolution of the Empire, especially 
in Europe and Afrique, fell in the time of Valentinian 
the third, about the yeere 450. being caused by the 
barbarous Nations of the North (as after did the like 
dissolution of the same Empire in Asia, by the Arabians 
in the time of Heraclius, about the yeere 640.) and 
together with the ruine of the Empire in the West by the 
inundation of the foresaid barbarous Nations, the Latine 
tongue in all the Countries where it was vulgarly 
spoken (if it were rightly spoken any where in the 
West) became corrupted. 

Wherefore if the Spanish, French and Italian tongues, 
proceeded from this cause, as a great number of learned 
men, suppose they did, you see what the antiquity of 
them is : But to deliver plainly my opinion, having 
searched as farre as I could, into the originals of those 
languages, and having pondered what in my reading, 
and in my reason I found touching them, I am of 
another minde (as some learned men also are) namely, 
that all those tongues are more ancient, and have not 
sprung from the corruption of the Latine tongue, by 
the inundation and mixture of barbarous people in 
these Provinces, but from the first unperfect impression 
& receiving of it, in those forraine Countries. Which 
unperfectnesse notwithstanding of the Roman tongue in 


those parts, although it had, as I take it beginning from 
this evill framing of forraine tongues, to the right pro- 
nouncing of the Latine, yet I withall easily beleeve, and 
acknowledge that it was greatly increased, by the mixture 
and coalition of the barbarous Nations. So that me 
thinkes, I have observed three degrees of corruption in 
the Roman tongue, by the degeneration whereof these 
languages are supposed to have received their beginning. 
The first of them was in Rome it selfe, where towards the 
latter end of the Common-wealth, and after, in the time 
of the Empire, the infinite multitude of servants (which 
exceedingly exceeded the number of free borne Citizens) 
together with the unspeakeable confluence of strangers, 
from all Provinces, did much impaire the purenesse of 
their language, and as Isidore hath observed, brought hUor.Origin. 
many barbarismes and solaecismes into it. Insomuch, that ^- 9- '^- ^• 
Tertullian in his time, when as yet none of the barbarous Tertul. in 
Nations had by invasion touched Italic (for he lived ^/«'%^-'^^^- 
under Septimius Severus government) chargeth the ^" ' ^^' ' 
Romans to have renounced the language of their fathers. 
The Second step, was the unperfect impression (that I 
touched before) made of the Roman tongue abroad in the 
forraine Provinces among strangers, whose tongues could 
not perfectly frame to speake it aright. And certainly, if 
the Italians themselves, as is remembred by Cicero, failed Cicer. 1. 1. de 
of the right and perfect Roman pronunciation, I see not ^''^^°^'^- 
how the tongues of strange Nations, such as the Gaules 
and Spaniards were, should exactly utter it. And the 
Third, was that mixture of many barbarous people (to 
which others attribute the beginning of the languages 
in question) which made the Latine, that was before 
unperfect, yet more corrupt then they found it, both 
for words and for pronouncing : So that, I rather thinke 
the barbarous people to have beene a cause of increasing 
the corruption, and of further alteration and departure 
of those languages from the Roman, then of beginning 
them. And me thinkes I have very good reasons so 
to be perswaded, beside all the arguments above men- 



Germ. I. i. 
c. '3,1. Lazius. 
I. lo. de 
Gent. Gorop. 
Origin. Ant- 
werp. I. 7. 
Gesner. in 
Rhenan lib. z. 
Rer. Germ. 
Leunclav. in 
Pandect Tur- 
ric. §71.6^ 
Jlii multi. 

touching the 
extent of the 
Latine tongue 
and the begin- 
ning of the 
with their 
Chap. 6. 
[I. i. 105.] 
Plutar. in 
quest, platonic. 
qua St. 9. 

tioned, which I produced, both for the remaining of the 
vulgar languages, and for the unperfect speaking of 
the Roman tongue in the Provinces. First, because the 
Gothes, Wandales, Longbards, as also the Franks and 
Burgundians' language was, by the consent of * learned 
men, the Germane tongue, which hath but small affinitie 
or agreement with either the Italian, French or Spanish 
tongues. Secondly, because among all the auncient 
writers (and they are many) which have written of the 
miserable changes made in these West parts of the World, 
by those infinite swarmes of barbarous people, I finde not 
one, that mentioneth the change of any of these languages 
to have beene caused by them : which me thinkes some 
ancient writers among so many learned, as those times, 
and those very Countries, abounded withall, and whose 
writings yet remaine, would certainly have recorded. 
But though we finde mention in sundry ancient writers, 
of changing these languages into the Roman (whom yet I 
understand of that unperfect change before touched) yet 
nothing is found of any rechanging of those languages 
from the Roman, into the state wherein now they are. 
But it is become a question onely of some late searchers 
of Antiquity, but of such, as determine in this point, 
without either sound reason or good countenance of 

THese reasons perhaps (joyned with the other above 
alleadged, whereby I endevoured to prove that the 
Latine tongue perfectly spoken, was never the vulgar 
language of the Roman Provinces) may perswade you 
as they have done mee, that the barbarous Nations of the 
North, were not the first corrupters of the Latine tongue, 
in the Provinces subject to Rome, nor the beginners of 
the Italian, French and Spanish tongues : yet some diffi- 
culties I finde (I confesse) in writers touching these 
points, which when I have resolved my opinion will 
appeare the more credible. 

One is out of Plutarch in his Platonique questions, 



affirming that in his time all men in a manner spake the 
Latine tongue. 

Another, before touched, that Strabo recordeth the Strab. I. 3. 
Roman tongue to have beene spoken in Spaine and '^ +* 
France, and Apuleius in Africke, which also may appeare ^P"{- i" 
by sundry places in Augustine, whose Sermons seeme (as "^^ "' 
Cyprians also) to have bin made to the people in that 

A third, how it falleth if these vulgar tongues of 
adulterate latin be so ancient, that nothing is found 
written in any of them of any great antiquity ? 

A fourth, how in Rome and Latium, where the Latine 
tongue was out of question, native, the latine could so 
degenerate, as at this day is found in the Italian tongue, 
except by some forraine corruption ? 

To the first of these I answere, either, that as Divines 
are wont to interpret many generall propositions ; Plutarch 
is to be understood de generibus singulorum, not de 
singulis generum : So that the Latine tongue was spoken 
almost in every Nation, but not of every one in any 
forraine Nation : Or else, that they spake the Latine 
indeede, but yet unperfectly and corruptly as their 
tongues would frame to utter it. 

To the second I answere : first, that Strabo speaketh 
not generally of France or Spaine, but with limitation to 
certaine parts of both, the Province of Narbon in France, 
and the Tract about Boetis in Spaine. Secondly, that 
although they speake it, yet it followeth not, that they 
speake it perfectly and aright (except perhaps in the 
Colonies) so that I will not deny but it might be spoken 
abroad in the Provinces, yet I say it was spoken corruptly, 
according as the peoples tongues would fashion to it, 
namely in such sort, that although the matter and body 
of the words, were for the most part Latine, yet the 
forme, and sound of them varied from the right pro- 
nouncing: which speech notwithstanding was named 
Latin, partly for the reason now touched, and partly 
because they learned it from the Romanes or Latines, as 



Nitha. de 
disserts . filior. 

Antonin. in 
Plin. lun. in 
Epi. I. %. ad 
''Plin. Sec. 
Hist. nat. I. 5 . 
r. 4. 

Velleius 1. i. 
Appian. I. de 
Bel. Punicis 
in fine. 
^ Enarr. Ps. 

'^ L. 2. de doc. 
Chr. f. 13. 
^ Tract. 7. in 

Tschud. De- 
script. Alpino" 
cap. 36. 
Genebr. I. 4. 
Chr.Secul. 1 1 . 

the Spaniards called their language Romance, till this 
day, which yet we know to differ much from the right 
Roman tongue : and as Nithardus (Nephew to Charles 
the Great) in his Historie of the dissension of the sonnes 
of Ludovicus Pius called the French then usuall (whereof 
hee setteth downe examples) the Romane Tongue, which 
yet hath no more agreement with the Latine then the 
French hath that is now in use. Thirdly, to the objec- 
tion of Cyprians and Augustines preaching in Latine, I 
answere that both ^ Hippo, whereof Augustine was 
Bishop, and ^ Carthage, whereof Cyprian was Archbishop, 
were Roman Colonies, consisting for the most part of the 
progenie of Romans, for which sort of Cities, there was 
speciall reason. Although neither in the Colonies them- 
selves (as it seemeth) the Roman tongue was altogether 
uncorrupt, both for that I alleadged before out of Sparti- 
anus of Severus his sister dwelling at Leptis, and for that 
which I remembred out of Augustine for Hippo, where 
they spake "" Ossum and ^ Floriet, and ^ Dolus, for Os and 
Florebit and dolor (and yet were both Leptis and Hippo 
Roman Colonies :) And yet it appeareth further by 
Augustine, that in their translations of the Scriptures, and 
in the Psalmes sung in their Churches, they had these 
corruptions, where yet (as it is like) their most corrupt 
and vulgar Latine had not place. 

To the third I answere, that two reasons of it may be 
assigned : One, that learned men would rather write in 
the learned and grammaticall, then in the vulgar and 
provinciall Latine. Another, that the workes of un- 
learned men would hardly continue till our times, seeing 
even of the learned ancient writings, but few of infinite, 
have remained. Furthermore, it is observed of the 
Germaine tongue, by Tschudas and of the French by 
Genebrard, that it is very little above 400. yeeres, since 
bookes began to be written in both those languages, and 
yet it is out of all doubt, that the tongues are much 

To the fourth I say, that there is no language, which 



of ordinary course is not subject to change, although 
there were no forraine occasion at all : which the very 
fancies of men, weary of old words (as of old things) is 
able enough to worke, which may be well proved by 
observations and instances of former changes, in this very 
tongue (the Latine) whereof I now dispute. For Quin- Quintil. Just. 
tilian recordeth, that the Verses of the Salii which were ^^^^°''- ^- i- 
said to be composed by Numa could hardly be under- ^^' ' 
stood of their Priests, in the latter time of the Common- 
wealth, for the absolutenesse of the speech. And Festus fest. in Die- 
in his booke de verborum significatione, who lived in ^^""-^^^^^"^ 
Augustus Caesars time, hath left in observation, that the °'^"'' 
Latine speech, which (saith he) is so named of Latium, 
was then in such manner changed, that scarsly any part 
of it remained in knowledge. The Lawes also of the 
Roman Kings, and of the Decemviri, (called the Lawes of 
the twelve Tables) collected and published in their owne Fu/^. Urshi. 
words by Fulvius Ursinus are no lesse evident testimonies, ""^^ ^'^ ^"ton. 
if they be compared with the later Latine, of the great j^^f^i / c 
alteration of that language. nlfuscmsult' 

Furthermore, Polybius hath also recorded, that the [i. i. io6.] 
articles of league, betwixt the people of Rome and of Polyb. I. 3. 
Carthage, made presently after the expulsion of the Kings 
from Rome, could very hardly in his time be understood, 
by reason of the old forsaken words, by any of the best 
skilled Antiquaries in Rome. In which time notwith- 
standing, they received very few strangers into their 
Citie, which mixture might cause such alteration, and the 
difference of time was but about three hundred and fifty 
yeeres. And yet to adde one instance more, of a shorter 
revolution of time, and a cleerer evidence of the change, 
that the Roman tongue was subject to, and that, when no *-S^^'j^f!^^' 
forraine cause thereof can be alleadged : there remaineth p^^. "^ i ""'' 
at this day (as it is certainly* recorded) in the Capitall at c. 18. A-ci-/- 
Rome, though much defaced by the injury of time, a '^f"- Cit. tad. 
Pillar (they call it Columnam rostratam, that is, decked ^" Tractat. de 
with beakes of ships) dedicated to the memory of Duillius yuLrh^Ital 
a Roman Consull, upon a navale victory obtained against cap. 7. c^c. 



the Carthaginians, in the first Punicke warre, not past one 
hundred and fifty yeeres before Ciceroes time, when the 
Roman tongue ascended to the highest flourish of Ele- 
gancie, that ever it obtained : And thus the words of the 
Pillar are (those that may be read) as I finde them 
observed, with the later Latine under them. 

Exemet. Leciones. Macistratos. Castreis. Exfociont. 
Exemit. Legiones. Magistratus. Castris. EfFugiunt. 
Pucnandod. Cepet. Enque. Navebos. Marid. Consol. 
Pugnando. Cepit. Inque. Navibus. Mari. Consul. 
Primos. Ornavet. Navebous. Claseis. Paenicas. Sumas. 
Primus. Ornavit. Navibus. Classes. Punicas. Summas. 
Cartaciniensis. Dictatored. Altod. Socicis. Triresmos. 
Carthaginiensis. Dictatore. Alto. Sociis. Triremes. 
Naveis. Captom. Numei. Navaled. Praedad. Poplo, &c. 
Naves. Captum. Nummi. Navali. Praeda. Populo, &c. 

Where you see in many words, e. for i, c. for g. o. for 
u. and sometime for e. and d. superfluously added to the 
end of many words. But (to let forraigne tongues passe) 
of the great alteration that time is wont to work in 
languages, our own tongue may afford us examples 
evident enough : wherein since the times neere after, 
and about the Conquest, the change hath beene so 
great, as I my selfe have seene some evidences made 
in the time of King Henry the first, whereof I was 
able to understand but few words. To which purpose 
also, a certaine remembrance is to be found in HoUn- 
sheds Chronicle, in the end of the Conquerours raigne, 
in a Charter given by him to the Citie of London. 

Of the ancient T)Ut if the discourse of these points of Antiquitie, in 
Languages of JQ) handling whereof I have declared, that while the 
^F^ance^inP Roman Empire flourished, it never abolished the vulgar 
Jfrtque. languages, in France, or Spaine, or Afrique, howsoever 

Chap. 7. in Italie. If that discourse I say, move in you perhaps 
a desire to know what the ancient vulgar languages of 
those parts were : I will also in that point, out of my 


reading and search into Antiquitie, give you tlie best 
satisfaction that I can. 

And first for Italic : Certaine it is, that many were 
the ancient tongues in the severall Provinces of it, 
tongues I say, not dialects, for they were many more. 
In Apulia, the Mesapian tongue : In Tuscanie and 
Umbria, the Hetruscan, both of them utterly perished : 
Yet in the booke of ancient Inscriptions, set forth by Inscrip. vet. 
Gruter and Scaliger, there be some few Moniments /"^<?-H3-H4- 
registred of these languages, but not understood now 
of any man. In Calabria both the higher and lower, 
and farre along the miritime coast of the Tyrrhene 
Sea, the Greeke. In Latium (now Campagna di Roma) 
the Latine. In Lombardie, and Liguria, the old tongue 
of France whatsoever it was. Of which last three, the 
two former are utterly ceased to be vulgar : and the 
third, no where to be found in Italie, but to be sought 
for in some other Countrie. And although, beside these 
five, wee finde mention, in ancient writings of the Sabine, 
the Oscan, the Tusculan, and some other tongues in 
Italie, yet were they no other then differing dialects of 
some of the former languages, as by good observations, 
out of Varro, Festus, Servius, Paul. Diaconus, and 
others, might be easily prooved. 

Secondly, of France what the ancient tongue was, 
hath bin much disputed, and yet remaineth somewhat 
uncertaine : Some thinking it to have beene the Ger- 
maine, others the Greeke, and some the Walsh tongue. 
But, if the meaning of these resolvers be, that one 
language, whatsoever it were, was vulgar in all France, 
they are verie farre wide. Caesar and Strabo having 
both recorded, that there were divers languages spoken Bella Gallic 
in the divers parts. But, to omit the speech of Aqui- ^^^^_ ^^ '-^ 
taine, which Strabo writeth to have had much affinitie princip. 
with the Spanish : And, of that part (in Cassar called 
Belgia) that at the River of Rhene confined with Ger- 
manie, which for that neighbourhood, might partake 
much of the Germaine tongue : To omit those I say, 
I 289 T 


Cas. I. z,.de 
Bello Gallic, 
long, post med. 
Varro ap. 
Hieron. in. 
prof at. I. 2. 
6^ aptid Li- 
dor um li. 15. 
Orig. cap. i. 
[I. i. 107.] 
Cas. I. de 
Bello Gallico. 
Tacit. I. de 
Mor. Germa- 
nor. prope 
finem. Sueton. 
in Caligula 
c. 47. 
Hottom. in 
Fran, cogall. 
c. 2. 

Perion I. de 
Cognat Ling. 
Gal. y 
Graca Pas- 
te II. I. de 12. 
Tschud in 
Descr. Rhet. 
Alp. c. 28. 
Gorop. in. 
Isac. in Glos- 
sario. Prisco. 

Lhuid in 
Britan. Cam- 
den in 
Strab. I. 4. 

the maine question is, about the language of the Celtae, 
which as inhabiting the middle part of France, were 
least of all infected with any forraine mixture. And 
certainely, that it was not the Greeke, appeareth out of 
Caesar, written to Q. Cicero, (then besieged by the Gaules) 
in Greeke, lest the Gaules should intercept his Letters. 
And secondly, no lesse evidently by Varro, written of 
the Massilians that they spake three languages, the 
Roman, the Greeke, and the Gallique tongue : And 
thirdly, the remnants of that tongue, may serve for 
instance, whereof many old words are found dispersed 
in ancient writers, that have no affinitie at all with the 
Greeke. The Greeke therefore, was not the ancient 
native language of the Gaules ; Neither was it the Ger- 
maine : for else it had beene but an odde relation and reason 
of Caesars, that Ariovistus a German Prince, had lived 
so long in Gallia, that he spake the Gallique tongue : 
And that of Tacitus, that the Gallique tongue proved 
the Gothines to be no Germaines : And that of Suetonius, 
that Caligula compelled many of the Gaules to learne 
the Germaine tongue. But Hottoman (of all that I have 
read) speaking most distinctly, touching the originall and 
composition of the French tongue, divideth it as now it 
is spoken, equally into two parts, of which he supposcth 
the one (and I thinke it is rather the greater part) to 
have originall from the Latine tongue : and the other 
halfe, to be made up, by the German and Greeke, and 
Brittish or Walsh words, each almost in equall measure. 
Of the deduction of the French words from the Greeke, 
you may read Perionius, Postell, and others : Of those 
from the Germaine, Tschadus, Goropius, Isacius, &c. 
Of the Walsh, Lhuid, Camden, &c. Which last in- 
deede for good reason, seemeth to have beene the native 
language of the ancient Celtae, rather then either the 
Greeke or Dutch tongues : for of the Greeke words 
found in that language, the neighbourhood of the 
Massilians, and their Colonies, inhabiting the maritime 
coast of Province, together with the ready acceptance of 



that language in France (mentioned by Strabo) may be 
the cause : As likewise of the Germaine words, the 
Franks and Burgundions conquest, and possession of 
France, may be assigned for a good reason : But of the 
Brittish words none at all can be justly given, save, that 
they are the remnants of the ancient language. Secondly, Tacit, in Julio 
it seemeth to be so by Tacitus, written, that the speech ^S.^'^">^^- 
of the Gaules, little differed from that of the Brittaines. 
And thirdly, by Caesar, recording, that it was the custome 
of the Gaules that were studious of the Druides disci- 
pline, often to passe over into Brittaine to be there in- 
structed : wherefore seeing there was no use of bookes 
among them, as is in the same place affirmed by Caesar, C^^- ^- 6- de 
it is apparent that they spake the same language. ' ^^^^^'^°- 

Thirdly, the Spanish tongue as now it is, consisteth of 
the old Spanish, Latine, Gottish, and Arabique (as there 
is good reason it should, Spaine having beene so long 
in the possessions of the Romans, Gothes, and Moores) 
of which, the Latine is the greatest part (next it the 
Arabique) and therefore they themselves call their lan- 
guage Romance. And certainely I have seene an Epistle 
written by a Spaniard, whereof every word was both 
good Latine and good Spanish, and an example of the 
like is to be seene in Merula. But the language of ^erul. m- 
Valentia and Catalonia, and part of Portugall, is much J^^f /'^g'"' ^' 
tempered with the French also. Now the ancient and 
most generall language of Spaine, spoken over the 
Country before the Romaines conquest, seemeth to me 
out of question, to have beene the Cantabrian tongue, 
that namely which yet they speake in Biscay, Guipuscoa, 
Navarre, and Asturia, that is to say, in the northerne 
and mountainous parts of Spaine, neere the Ocean, with 
which the Vasconian tongue also in Aquitaine, neere 
the Pyrene hils, hath as there is good reason (for out 
of those parts of Spaine the inhabitants of Gascoigne 
came) much affinitie and agreement. And my reason 
for this opinion is, that in that part of Spaine, the 
people have ever continued without mixture of any 



forraine Nation, as being never subdued by the Cartha- 
ginians, nor by the Moores, no, nor by the Romans 
(for all their long warring in Spaine) before Augustus 
Caesars time, and for the hiUinesse, and barenesse, and 
unpleasantnesse of the Countrie, having nothing in it, 
to invite strangers to dwell among them. For which 
cause, the most ancient Nations and languages are for 
the most part preserved in such Countries: as by 
Thucyd. I. I. Thucydides is specially observed, of the Attiques, and 
paiil.aprincip. Orcadians, in Greece, dwelling in barren soiles : Of 
which Nations the first, for their Antiquitie, vaunted 
of themselves that they were a.vT6-)^ovi<;, and the second, 
Trpoa-eXTjvoi as if they had beene bred immediately of the 
Earth, or borne before the Moone. Another example 
whereof wee may see in Spaine it selfe, for in the steepy 
Mountaines of Granata, named Alpuxarras, the progeny 
of the Moores yet retaine the Arabique tongue (for the 
Spaniards call it Araviga) which all the other remnants 
of the Moores in the plainer Region had utterly for- 
gotten and received the Castilian (till their late expulsion 
out of Spaine) for their vulgar language. The like 
whereof, is also to be scene in the old Epirotike speech 
and Nation, which yet continueth in the mountainous 
part of Epirus, being (for the tongue) utterly extin- 
guished in all the Country beside. And (to let forraine 
instances goe) in the Brittaines or Welsh-men in the 
hilly part of our owne Countrey. What the reason 
thereof may bee, I will not stand now curiously to 
enquire : whether that being inured to labour, to 
watching, to sundry distemperatures of the aire, and 
much other hardnesse (for otherwise their living will 
not bee gotten out of such barren ground) they prove 
upon occasion good and able Souldiers.'' Or, that the 
craggy Rockes and Hills (like fortresses of Natures 
owne erecting) are easily defended from forraine in- 
vaders.? Or that their unpleasant and fruitlesse soile, 
hath nothing to invite strangers to desire it ? Or that 
wanting riches, they want also the ordinary com- 



panions of riches, that is proud and audacious hearts, 
to provoke with their injuries other Nations to be 
revenged on them, either by the conquest or desola- 
tion of their Countries? But whatsoever the cause may- 
be, certainly in effect so it is, that the most ancient 
Nations and Languages, are for the most part to bee 
found in such unpleasant and fruitksse Regions: Inso- 
much that the Byscaynes, who gave mee occasion of l^- ^- '°^-] 
this digression, vaunt of themselves among the Spaniards, jf""' "^^J'^"' 
that they are the right Hidalgos (that is Gentlemen) as ^J^^' ^''^' 
some also report of the Welshmen here in Brittaine to * Gesner in 
say of themselves, which yet I that am their neighbour 
(to confesse a truth) never heard them say. fi""!^-^^^ 

Now lastly, touching the Punike tongue, as I am not Rocchadedia- 

of Galateus his opinion, that it was utterly extinguished kct. in Ling. 

by the Romanes : So neither can I bee of the phantasie Arabica. 

(for it is no better) that many* other learned men are: ^°!^^^^- ^^ , 

namely, that it was the Arabike, that is to say the same li"^,' jrab" 

language, that is vulgar in Afrike at this day. For it Mas.inGram. 

is well knowne to the skilfull in Histories, that the Syriaca. prop. 

Punikes were of another off-springs (not of Arabian ^"'^•-S^^/'W. 

\ j^u^v- J. ^ ^1 J • 1 de ration. Lin- 

racej and that it is not yet a thousand yeeres, since that . 

tongue was by the Arabians, together with their victories Schidler. 

brought into Afrike. And as certaine also it is, that in Lex. Pen- 

the remnants of the Africans progeny, as *Leo Afri- i'^of^o in voce 

canus hath recorded, hath a different language from the 7?P, 

AL-1 T» i-r»-i 1 Mart. 

Arabike. But the runike tongue seemeth to mee out Caleott. de 

of question, to have bin the Chananitish or old Hebrew doct. promis- 

language, though I doubt not somewhat altered from the ^«f- ^- ^\ ^ 

originall pronuntiation, as is wont in tract of time to befall J" jk-^ 

Colonies planted among strangers farre from home. For / j^ Descrip. 

first Carthage it selfe, the Queene of the Cities of Afrike Jfr. cap. de 

(and well might she be termed so, that contained in ^'^H- Afi}(^' 

circuit 24. miles, as Florus in his abridgement of Livie P^^-^^^P^'^"^- 

hath recorded, and by the utter wall 360. furlongs, that sl^ab. Lij. 

is 45. miles) as it is in Strabo : And held out in emula- Plin. /. 15. 

tion with Rome, as is noted by Pliny, 120. yeeres, and ^- ^8. 

to conclude (before the second Punike warre) had in 



li. citato. 
Mela. I. i.c.j, 
Liv. li. 32. 
Appia. I. de. 
Bel. Punicis 
in principio. 
Curtius. I. 4. 

Jrias Mont, 
lib. Chanaan. 
c. 8. 

Postel. in de- 
script. Syri^. 
c. de ^yria 

subjection all the Coast of the Mediterrane Sea, from 
the bottome of the greater Syrtis in Afrike, to the 
River Ebro (Iberus) in Spaine, which is about 2000. 
miles of length, that the same Carthage I say, and divers 
other Cities of Afrike (of which Pliny nameth Utica 
and Leptis, as being the principall) were Colonies of the 
Phoenicians, and namely of the Tyrians, is not onely by 
Strabo, Mela, Livie, Plinie, Appian, and many other 
certaine Authors, acknowledged, and by none denied, 
but also the very names of Poeni Punici, being but 
variations or mutilations of the name Phoenicii import 
so much, and lastly their language assureth it. For 
Hierome writing that their language was growne 
somewhat different from the Phoenician tongue, 
doth manifestly in these words imply, it had beene 
the same. 

And what were the Phoenicians but Chanaan ites .f" 
The Phoenicians I say, of whose exceeding merchandiz- 
ing wee read so much in antient Histories, what were 
they but Chanaanites, whose very name* signifieth 

^oiviKT], in the Greek signifieth the Palme, for as touching the 
deduction of the name Phoenicia, either from p5S by Montanus, or 
from M^S "^aiS by Postellus, signifying the delicacy of the Inhabi- 
tants by the first, and their observation or adoration of the fire, 
by the second, they are but late sprung fantasies, and have not 
any ground of reason at all : for as much, as in all the Hebrew 
writings of the Bible, that country is never termed by any name 
sounding toward Phenicia, but in the Greeke onely. But in many 
old coynes that I have seene, I have noted the Palme Tree, as the 
speclall cognisance of Phoenicia, (as I have also the Olive branch, 
and Conies to be of Spaine : the Horse of Mauritania : the Ele- 
phant, or the spoile of the Elephant of Afrike : the Camell of 
Arabia : the Crocodile, or the Bird Ibis, of Egypt : and divers other 
specialties for other Countries :) And namely I have scene sundry old 
Coynes of the Emperour Vespatian, of severall devices and imagery, 
stamped for a memoriall of his conquest of Judaea, and taking of 
Jerusalem (for the Inscription is in every of them, Judaea capta) & 
in each of them, I especially observed a woman sitting in a sad and 
mournefull fashion, with her backe to a Palme tree : wherein, I 
make no doubt, but the desolate woman signifieth Judasa, and the 
Palme, Phoenicia, even as Phoenicia is immediately toward the North, 
at the backe of Judaea. 



Merchants? for, the very sarne Nation, that the Graecians 
called Phasnicians {(poiviKe?) and the Romans in imitation 
of that name Poenos & Punicos, for the exceeding store 
of good Palmes, wherewith that Countrey abounded : 
Insomuch that in Monuments of Antiquitie, the Palme 
Tree is observed for the Ensigne of Phoenicia : the same 
Nation I say, called themselves, and by the Israelites 
their next neighbours, were called Chanaanites. And 
that they were indeed no other, I am able easily to 
prove. For first, the same woman that in Mathew is MatiA.i$.2z. 
named a Canaanite, is in Marke called a Syropoenician. Mark. 7. 26. 
2. Where mention is made in Josua, of the Kings of Jos. 5. i. 
Canaan, they are in the Septuagints translation named, 
^aa-tXek rrj^ (poivUri^. 3. To put it out of question. All that 
Coast, from Sidon to Azzah (that was Gaza) neere to 
Gerar, is registred by * Moses, to have beene possessed *G^«. 10. 19, 
by the posteritie of Chanaan : Of which coast the more 
Northrene part above the promontory of Carmel, or 
rather from the river Chorseus (Kison the J ewes called 
it) that neere the promontory of Carmell, entreth the 
Sea to the Citie of Orthosia, above Sidon Northward, 
is by Strabo, Pliny, Ptolomy and others, referred to Strai. I. 16. 
Phoenicia (although Strabo extend that name, along all »°^ ^ong. ante 
the Maritime Coast of Palestina also, to the confines of Y'^' ^^^"' 
^gypt, as Dionysius Periegetes also doth, placing Joppa Pio'iem. Tab 
and Gaza, and Elath in Phoenicia) which very tract to 4. JsU. 
have been the severall possessions of Zidon, and Cheth, Dionys. Jlex. 
and Girgashi and Harki, and Arvade, and Chamathi, six ^^ Penegest. 
of the eleven sonnes of Canaan (the other five inhabiting 
more to the South in Palestina) they that are skilfull 
in the ancient Chorography of the Holy Land cannot be 
ignorant. Seeing therefore out of this part of the Land of 
Canaan, (for in this part Tyrus was) the Carthaginians, 
and other Colonies of the Phoenicians in Afrike came, it 
is out of all doubt, that they were of the Chananites ^ug- Expos. 
progeny : and for such in very deed, and no other, ^^'^^°^^' 'Pf'{ 
they reputed and professed themselves to be : for ^^^ °'"'^"' ^" 
as Augustine hath left recorded, who was borne and 



lived among them, the Countrey people of the Punikes, 
when they were asked touching themselves what they 
were, they would make answer that they were Channai, 
meaning, as Augustine himselfe doth interprete them 

Certain therfore it is, that the native Punike lan- 
guage was the Chanaanitish tongue : but that I added 
for explication this clause (or the old Hebrew, meaning 
by the old Hebrew, that which was vulgarly spoken 
among the J ewes before the captivity) you will perhaps 
[I. i. 109.] suspect my credit, and bee offended, for I am not 
ignorant how superstitiously Divines for the most part 
are affected toward the Hebrew tongue: yet when I 
had set down the Africans language to have been the 
Canaanitish tongue, I thought good to adde for plainesse 
sake (or the old Hebrew) because I take them indeed 
to bee the very same language, and that Abraham and 
his posterity brought it not out of Chaldaea, but learned 
it in the land of Chanaan. Neither is this opinion of 
* mine, a meere paradox and fantasie, but I have * three 
Phcenic. lit. or foure of the best skilled in the language and anti- 

^^•'^;1* quities of that Nation, that the later times could afford 
Anas Monta. ^r ^ -j aj ^-i u * i ■ \, • ,. • 

L. Chanaan o^ the same mmde : And certamly, by * Isaiah it is 

c. 9. Gene- called in direct termes, the language of Chanaan : And 
brard. I. i. \\_ is moreover manifest, that the names of the places 
Chron. an. ^^^ Cities of Chanaan (the old names I meane by which 
ZcaRsladfest. '^^1 ^ere called before the Israelites dwelt in them, as 
indict. Sarra. is to be seene in the whole course of the Bookes of 
y in ep. ad Moses and of Joshuah) were Hebrew names : touching 
Ubert. l£ ad ^hj^h point, although I could produce other forceable 
* Isa iQ 18 reasons, such as might (except my fantasie delude mee) 
vexe the best wit in the world to give them just solu- 
tion, yet I will adde no more, both to avoid pro- 
lixity, and because I shall have in another place fitter 

But to speake particularly of the Punike tongue, 
which hath brought us into this discourse, and which 
I proved before to bee the Canaanitish language : it 



is not onely * in one place pronounced by Augustine * ^"S- ^" ^^''• 
(who knew it well, no man better) to have neere j^^-JlEmng. 
affinitie with the Hebrew tongue, which also the * ^^^_ ^^^^ 
Punike wordes dispersed in the writings of Augustine, 
and others (as many as come to my remembrance) 
prove to be true. But more effectually in * another *Jug./.z. 
place, to agree with it in very many, yea almost in ^p"//J'J^-'' 
every word. Which speech, seeing they could in no j 
sort have from the Israelites, being not of Abrahams 
posteritie (both because no such transmigration of them 
is remembred in the holy Histories, and for that the 
Punike Colonies, are specially mentioned to have beene 
deduced from Tyre, which never came into the pos- 
session of the Israelites) but from the Canaanites, whose 
off-spring they were : It followeth thereupon that the 
language of the Canaanites, was either the very same, 
or exceeding neere the Hebrew. And certainly, touch- 
ing the difference that was betweene the Hebrew and 
the Punike, I make no doubt, but the great distance 
from their primitive habitation, and their conversation 
with strangers among whom they were planted, and 
together with both the length of time, which is wont 
to bring alteration to all the Languages in the World, 
were the causes of it. And although that Punike speech 
in PlautuSj which is the onely continued speech of that P/aut. in 
language, that to my knowledge remaineth extant in Pa^"u/o. Jet. 
any Author, have no such great convenience with the 
Hebrew tongue, yet I assure my selfe the faults and 
corruptions that have crept into it by many transcrip- 
tions, to have beene the cause of so great difference, 

* As in the Punike tongue Salus three, Augustin. in expos, inchoat. 
epist. ad Roman. Heb. la^^lD. Edom, bloud. Enar. Psalm. 136. Heb. 
Qiri- Mamon, lucre, De Sermon. Dom. in Mont. 1. 2. c. 14. Heb. 
"ll^XJ- Bal. the Lord. Qusest. in Judic. cap. 16. Heb. pS?!- Samen, 
Heaven. Ibid. Heb. D"'72"lD. Messe, to annoint. Tract. 15. in Joan. 
Heb. ntD'JQ- Alma, a Virgine. Hieron. in c. 7. Isai. Heb. Piyy^y. 
Gadir. a fence or wall. Plinie. 1. 4. c. 22. "m^, and some other that 
diligence might observe. 



Of the lar ge- 
ne sse of the 
Turkish, iff 
yirabike lan- 
guages. C. 8. 

Gesner. in 
Mithrid. in 
Ling. Illy- 
ricca. Boccha 
in Append de 
dialect, in 

*Postell. de 
hng. Dalmat. 
Rocch. in 
Vatcan. p. 
1 6 1 . y alii. 
'Roccha. lib. 
citato pag. 

by reason whereof it is much changed from what at 
first it was when Plautus writ it, about one thousand 
eight hundred yeeres agoe : And specially because in 
transcribing thereof there would bee so much the lesse 
care taken, as the language was lesse understood by 
the Writers, and by the Readers, and so the escapes 
lesse subject to observation and controlement. 

MAny are the Nations that have for their vulgar 
Language, the Slavonish Tongue in Europe, and 
some in Asia. Among which the principall in Europe 
are the Slavonians themselves inhabiting Dalmatia and 
Liburnia, the West Macedonians, the Epirotes, the 
Bosinates, Servians, Russians, Bulgarians, Moldavians, 
Podolians, Russians, Muscovites, Bohemians, Polonians, 
Silesians. And in Asia the Circassians, Mangrellians, 
and Gazarites. These I say are the principall, but they 
are not all : for Gesner and Roccha reckon up the 
names of sixtie Nations, that have the Slavonian tongue 
for their vulgar language. So, that it is knowne to be 
vulgarly spoken over all the East parts of Europe (in 
more then a third part of the whole) even to the 
utmost bounds of it the Rivers of Droyna and Tanais ; 
Greece and Hungary, and Walachia onely excepted. 
Indeed the Regions of Servia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Rascia, 
Moldavia, Russia and Moscovia, namely all the Nations 
of the Easterne parts, which celebrate their divine 
service after the Greeke Ceremony, and professe Ecclesi- 
asticall obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople, 
writ in a divers sort of Character from that of the 
Dalmatians, Croatians, Istrians, Polonians, Bohemians, 
Silesians and other Nations toward the West (both 
which sorts of Characters are to bee seene in Postels 
Booke of the Orientall languages) of which, this last is 
called the Dalmatian or Illyrian Character, and was of 
* Hieromes divising, that other bearing for the most part 
much resemblance with the Greeke, is termed the 
Servian Character, and was of « Cyrills invention : for 



which cause, as Roccha hath remembred, they terme 

the language written in that Character ^ Chiurilizza. ^Idpag.iyi. 

But yet notwithstanding the difference of Characters in 

the writing of these Nations, they speake all of them 

(the difference of dialect excepted) the same language. 

But yet is not the Slavonike tongue (to answere your 
question) for all this large extent, the vulgar language of 
the Turkish Empire. For of the Turks Dominion onely 
Epirus, the West part of Macedon, Bosina, Servia, [Li. no.] 
Bulgaria, Rascia, and part of Thrace, and that hee hath 
in Dalmatia and Croacia (beside the Mengrelli in Asia) 
speake vulgarly the Slavonian tongue. But no where 
for the more precise limitation, neither in Asia nor in 
Europe is that language spoken more Southward, then 
the North Parallel of forty degrees : some part of 
Epirus onely excepted : I meane it is not spoken as 
the vulgar language of any Nation more Southward. 
For else, being acceptable and usuall, as it is in the 
Great Turkes Serrail at Constantinople, and familiar with 
most of the Turkish Souldiers, by reason of their Gar- 
risons and other great imployment in those parts 
toward the confines of Christian Princes, all which parts 
as before I said (Hungarie and Walachia excepted) 
speake that language : for these reasons I say, it is 
spoken by divers particular men in many places of the 
Turkish Dominion, and the Janizares and Officers for 
the most part can speake it, and many others also of 
the better sort, but yet the generall and vulgar language 
of his Dominion (excepting those places afore men- 
tioned) it is not. 

But in Anatolia, although the old languages still 
remaine, being for the most part corrupt Greeke, as 
also in Armenia they have their peculiar language, yet 
is the Turkish tongue very frequent & prevaileth 
in them both : which being originally none other then Mkhov. I. i. 
the Tartarian tongue, as Michovius, and others have '^^ Sarmatta. 
observed, yet partaketh much, both of the Armenian ^jg^}iaie°"in 
& Persian, by reason of the Turkes long continuance ling. Tunica. 



in both those Regions, before they setled the Seat of 
their Dominion, and themselves among the Grecians, 
for which cause it is not without mixture of Greeke 
also, but chiefly and above all other of the Arabike, 
both by reason of their Religion written in that language, 
and their training up in Schooles unto it, as their learned 
tongue. And yet although the Turkish bee well under- 
stood both in Natolia and Armenia, yet hath it neither 
extinguished the vulgar languages of those parts, neither 
obtained to it selfe (for ought I can by my reading 
find) any peculiar Province at all, wherein it is become 
the sole native and vulgar language, but is only a 
common scattered tongue, which appeareth to be so 
much the more evidently true, because the very Cities 
that have been successively the Seats of the Ottaman 
Sultans ; namely, Iconium (now Cogna) in Lycaonia, 
then Prusa in Bithynia ; thirdly, Adrianople in Thrace ; 
and lastly, Constantinople, are yet knowne to retaine 
their old native language, the Greeke tongue : Al- 
though the Turkish tongue also bee common in them 
all, as it is likewise in all other Greeke Cities both of 
Greece and Asia. 

But in the East part of Cilicia beyond the River 

Pyramus, as in all Syria also, and Mesopotamia and 

Palestina, and Arabia and ^gypt, and thence Westward 

in all the long tract of Afrike, that extendeth from 

^gypt to the Strait of Gibralter, I say, in all that 

lieth betwixt the Mountaine Atlas, and the Mediterrane 

Sea (now termed Barbary) excepting Marocco, and here 

and there some scattered remnants of the old Africans 

*PostelL in in the Inland parts, the Arabike tongue is become the 

prafat Gram- y^jg^j. language, although somewhat corrupted and 

Ludovlc. Res:, varied in dialect, as among so many several! Nations it 

/. 8. de Fids- is unpossible but it should bee. And although I bee 

situd. Rer. ad farre from * their opinion, which write (too overlash- 

\^^lj i'f^gly) that the Arabian tongue is in use in two third 

ObservatJ.x. P^^ts of the inhabited world, or in more, yet I finde that 

c. 12. it extendeth very farre, and specially where the Religion 



of Mahumed is professed. For which cause (over and 

besides the parts above mentioned, in which it is, as I 

said, become the native language) in all the Northerne 

part of the Turkish Empire also, I meane that part that 

lyeth on the North side of the Mediterrane Sea, as 

likewise among the Mahumetan Tartars, it is thought 

not the Vulgar tongue, yet familiar with very many, 

both because all their Religion is written in that 

language, and for that * every boy that goeth to schoole 

is taught it, as in our Schooles they are taught Latine 

and Greeke : Insomuch, that all the Turkes write their 

owne language in Arabike Characters. So that you see of the Sfd- 

the common languages of the Turkish Empire, to be ake and He- 

the Slavonish, the Greeke, the Turkish, and Arabike brew tongues. 

tongues, serving severally for the parts that I men- f^' 9-. . 
^. ^iilr ^ *Masius tn 

tioned berore. ^, /• . ^ 

prcefat. Li ram- 
mat. Syric. 
THe Syriacke tongue is certainely * thought to have Sixt. Senen. 
had beginning, in the time of the Captivitie of the ^^^^^o^^- 
Jewes in Babylon, while they were mingled among the ^^oce^Thar-" 
Chaldeans. In which long revolution of seventy yeeres, 
the vulgar sort of the Jewes forgot their owne language, prafat. Justi- 
and began to speake the Chaldee : But yet pronounc- ^'^^- ^y^'^- ^''• 
ing it amisse, and framing it somewhat to their owne ""^^"'n/ 
Countrey fashion, in notation of Points, Affixes, Con- zoretA. in 
jugations, and some other properties of their ancient Apparat. ad 
speech, it became a mixt language of Hebrew and Bibl. Reg. 
Chaldee : a great part Chaldee for the substance of the ^.^^f^' ? 
wordes, but more Hebrew for the fashion, and so igxic. Syro- 
degenerating much from both : The old and right chalda'uum. 
Hebrew remaining after that time onely among the Genebrard. I. 
learned men, and being taught in Schooles, as among ^' CJironog. 

^L 1 J & & ' & ad An. 3690. 

US the learned tongues are accustomed to bee. And Bellarm. I. z. 

yet, after the time of our Saviour, this language began de verba Dei 

much more to alter and to depart further, both from ^-4- ^ 'S- 

the Chaldee and Hebrew, as receiving much mixture of ^^' ^°"^^^"- 

Greeke, some of Romane and Arabike wordes, as in i„ oictione ^ 

the Talmud (named of Jerusalem) gathered by R. Bib/ia. 



Jochanan, about three hundred yeeres after Christ, is 
apparent, being farre fuller of them, then those parts 
of the Chaldee paraphrase on the holy Scriptures, which 
[1. i. III.] were made by R. Jonathan, a little before Christ, and 
by R. Aquila, whome they call Onkelos not long after. 
But yet certaine it is, both for the great difference 
of the wordes themselves, which are in the Syriake 
tongue for the most part Chaldee, and for the diver- 
sitie of those adherents of wordes, which they call 
praefixa, and suffixa, as also for the differing sound of 
some vowels, and sundry other considerations : Certaine 
it is I say that the unlearned Jewes, whose vulgar speech 
the Syriake then was, could not understand their nitDIS 
& mTtiDPi, that is their lectures of Moses and the 
Prophets, used in their Synagogues in the Hebrew 
tongue. And that seemeth to have beene the originall 
reason, both of the pubUke speeches and declarations 
of learned men to the people, usuall in their Syna- 
gogues on the Sabboaths, after the readings of the 
"Jet. 13. 15. Law and of the Prophets, whereof in the ° New Testa- 
ment wee finde some mention, and also of the trans- 
lation of Jonathan and Onkelos, and others made into 
their vulgar language, for that the difference betwixt 
the Hebrew and the Chaldee was so great, that the 
tongue of the one Nation could not bee understood 
by the other. First, the tongues themselves, which 
yet remaine with us may bee evident demonstrations, 
of which wee see that one may bee skilfull in the 
Hebrew, and yet not understand the Chaldee, and 
therefore neither could they, whose speech the Chaldee 
then was (although much degenerated) understand the 
^' Hebrew. Secondly, wee find that when pRzra, at the 
V. 7. 8. 9. returne from the Captivitie, read the Booke of the Law 
before the people, others were faine to interprete that 
which was read unto them. And thirdly, the answere 
made to Rabshakeh, by the Officers of King Hezekiah 
'^Reg. 1. 2. ca. may put it out of question, willing him '^ to speake 
18. f. 26. y^|.Q i-hej^ in the Chaldee tongue, that the common 



people of Jerusalem (in whose hearing it was) might 
not understand what was spoken. But yet it might bee, 
that as at this day the Jewes use to doe, so also 
in Christs time of conversing on the Earth, they might 
also read the Chaldee Targamin (and certainely some"" 'Junius in 
learned men affirme they did so) together with the Bell^rm.Cont. 
Hebrew lectures of Moses and the Prophets; for ^ ^\ ' ^' ^' 
certaine it is, that Jonathan Ben Uziel, had before 
the birth of our Saviour translated, not the Prophets 
onely into Chaldee, (for it is his Paraphrase that wee 
have at this day on the Prophets, and the Language 
which wee now call the Syriake, was but the Jewish 
Chaldee, although in the after times, by the mixture 
of Greeke, and many other forraine wordes it became 
somewhat changed, from what in the times afore, and 
about our Saviours Incarnation it had beene) but the 
Pentateuch also : at least, if it bee true which Sixtus Sixt. Senens. 
hath recorded, namely, that such is the Tradition Bibhoth. 
among the Jewes, and which Galatine writeth, that him- f.^^f' ot'/" 
selfe hath scene that translation of Jonathans, beside editio.' 
that of Onkelos, the beginning of both which hee Galatin. de 
setteth downe, differing one from another in the first -^rcan. 
wordes. Which (namely, touching the publike reading ^^'^^^j^'*' 
of the Chaldee Targamin, either together with the 
Hebrew Text, or instead of it) I may as well con- 
ceive to bee true, as that the forraine 'Jewes, dwelling ^Vid.Sal- 
in Alexandria and others parts of iEgypt, in Asia also, "'^'""•P' 
and other Greeke Provinces abroad, used publikely in scTimra' Pro- 
stead of the Hebrew, which now they understood not, Ugom. 3. in 
the Septuagints Greeke translation, as is evident in Tomo. i, y 
Tertullian : And of some others of them in the Con- ^^ interpretat. 
stitutions of 'Justinian. Which Jewes for that very l^^^f'^f^i, 
cause, are sundry times m the " Acts of the Apostles /»//. i„ jpoig. 

* For of that part of the Chaldee Paraphrase, which we have in geiico. ca. 1 9. 

the Complutense, and King Philips Bibles, on the Bookes of Moses, ^Novell, 146. 

Onkelos is the Author : of that on Josuah, the Judges, the Booke of "" ^ct.S. i. y 

the Kings and of the Prophets, Jonathan. Of that on Ruth, 9.29.^11. 

Hester, Job, the Psalmes, and the Bookes of Salomon, R. Joseph 20. 



Scalig. in 
Euseb. ad 
Annum MD- 
i^ J un. contra. 
Bellarm. Con- 
irov. I. /. 2. 
c. 15, §. 21. 
toritor. I. 5. 
Annot. ad. 
Act. Ap. 6. I . 

termed EXXi/i/io-ra). For by that name, in the judge- 
ment of learned men, the naturall Graecians are not 
meant, which are alwayes named EXX>;ve9, not EXXi/vto-Tat, 
But, the Jewes dispersed among the Gentiles, that used 
to read the Greeke Scriptures in their Synogogues. 

And here shall be the period of my first Enquiry 
touching the Languages, and beginning of the second, 
concerning the sorts of Religions abroad in the World. 
In discoursing whereof you must bee content to accept 
of Moderne Authors, because I am to intreate of 
Moderne Matters: And if 1 hap to step awry where 
I see no path, and can discerne but few steps afore 
mee, you must pardon it. And yet this one thing I 
will promise you, that if either they that should direct 
mee, mislead mee not, or (where my reason suspects 
that my guides wander, and I am mislead) if my 
circumspect observing, or diligent enquiring, may pre- 
serve mee from errour, I will not depart a haire from 
the way of Truth. 

[I. i. 112.] 

Of the sundry 
parts of the 
World inhabi- 
ted by Chris- 

Chap. 10. 
Michov. de 
Sarmatia. I. 2. 
c. 3. Boem. de 
Morib. gent. 
I. 3. c. 7. 
Boter. Relat. 
Par. 3./. I. 

Chap. XIII. 

Master Brerewoods Enquiries of the Religions 
professed in the World : Of Christians, Ma- 
humetans, Jewes and Idolaters : with other 
Philosophical! speculations, and divers Annota- 
tions added. 

LI Europe is possessed by Christians, 
except the utmost corners of it, toward 
the East and the North, for the small 
company of Mahumetans, inhabiting 
their peculiar * Villages about Wilna in 
Litunia, or the scattered * remnants 
of Idolaters in the same Province, and 
in Samogitia, are not worthy mentioning. But toward 
the North, Lappia, Scricsinia, Biarmia, Corelia, and the 
North part of Finmarke (all which together passe 



commonly under the name of Lapland, and make a Ttegler. in 
Region about nine hundred miles in circuit) are in- ■5^^<"'^^'^- <^- '^'^ 
habited by Idolaters: and toward the East, all the zflZrS. 
Kegion betwixt Tanais and Borysthenes, along Maeotis tract, de. 
and the Euxine Sea (the true native Countrey of the Lapepiis. 
ancient Gothes) being more then twice as large as the ^^<:hQv. I. 2. 
former, and withall much better peopled, is inhabited ^^ f''um$ter 
by the Tartars, called Crimasi or Prascopitae, who are Como. 1. 4. c. 
all Mahumetans, excepting onely a small remainder of 37. Boter. 
Christians in some parts of Taurica. Relation pa. 

But, in all the Turkes Dominion that hee hath in ^^g^'^^lf^ 
Europe, inclosed after a peninsular figure, betweene 
Danubius and the Sea, and containing in circuit about 
2300. miles (for Moldavia, Walachia, and Transilvania, 
I reckon not for the parts of his Dominion) namely, 
from above Buda, on Danubius side, and from Ragusa 
on the Sea Eastward, to the utmost bounds of Europe, 
as also in the lies of the ^gaean Sea, Christians are 
mingled with Mahumetans. All which Dominion yet 
of the Turkes in Europe, though so much in circuit 
as I said, is neverthelesse (measured by squares) no 
greater then Spaine, the Continent of it being no way 
answerable to the Circumference : both, because it runneth 
farre out in sharpe angles, toward the West and South, 
namely in Hungary and Moraea, and is beside in 
Greece in many places extraordinarily indented with the 
Sea. And in his Dominion of the Turks in Europe, 
such is notwithstanding the mixture of Mahumetans 
with Christians, that the Christians * make two third * Boter. Relat. 
parts at least of the Inhabitants : for the Turke, so P- ^' /• 4- ^^^ 
that the Christians pay him his yeerely tribute (which f^aTruno' 
is one fourth part of their increase, and a Saltanie for 
every poll) and speake nothing against the Religion Affliction. 
and Sect of Mahumet, permitteth them the liberty of Christian, sub 
their religion. And even in Greece it selfe, although j^J^^^l''^''^^ 
more dissolute then any Region of Europe subject to 
the Turke (as having bin anciently more wasted with 
intestine discord, and longest groaned under the Turks 
I 305 u 


* Chitr^s de 
statu Eccle- 
sior. non longe 
ab initio. 
Coiyat hath 

Gerlach in 
epist. ad Cms. 
I. pag. Concil. 
Carthag. 4. 
y Conci. 
African, sev. 
Carth. 6. 

Martin. Po- 
lon. Suppat. 
An. 475. 
^Vict. I. \.de 

Of the Chris- 
tianitie of 
Africa, see 
Santos y 
inf. I. 9. c. 1 2. 

Pigafer. hist. 
Regni Con- 
gens. I. 2. c. z. 

oppression) there remaine yet neverthelesse in * Con- 
stantinople, the very Seat of the Turkish Empire, 
above twenty Churches of Christians, and in the Citie 
of Salonichi (Thessalonica) above thirty, whereas in 
the later this Mahumetans have but three, beside very 
many Churches abroad in the Province under suffragan 
Bishops, of whom the Metropolitan of Salonichi, hath 
no lesse then ten belonging to his Jurisdiction, as there 
are also recorded yet to remaine under the Metro- 
politans of Philippi, one hundred and fifty Churches : 
of Athens, as many : Of Corinth one hundred, to- 
gether with sundry suffragan Bishops under each of 

But in Afrike, all the Regions in a manner, that 
Christian Religion had gained from Idolatry, Mahu- 
metanisme hath regained from Christianitie : Insomuch, 
that not onely the North part of Afrike, lying along the 
Mediterrane Sea, namely, betwixt it and the Mountaine 
Atlas, even from Spaine to -/Egypt, where Christianitie 
sometime exceedingly flourished, as there wee reade 
Synodes of above two hundred Bishops to have been 
gathered, and ^ three hundred Catholike Bishops to have 
been there expelled by Gensericus King of the Wandales : 
And in some one Province alone, '^ Zengitana by name 
(it is that wherein Carthage stood) to have beene one 
hundred sixty foure Bishops under one Metropolitan : 
Not onely that North part of Afrike I say, is at this 
present utterly void of Christians, excepting a few 
Towns belonging to the King of Spaine (of which onely 
Septa and Tanger are Episcopall Cities :) but even in all 
the vast Continent of Afrike, being about thrice as large 
as Europe, there is not any Region entirely possessed by 
Christians, but the Kingdome of Habassia, no, nor yet 
(which is more lamentable) any other where Christians 
are mingled, either with Mahumetans, but onely ^gypt : 
or where with Idolaters, but the Kingdomes of *" Conga 
and Angola : which two about one hundred twenty yeeres 
agoe, ann. 149 1. began first to receive Christianitie: All 



the rest of Afrike, being entirely governed and possessed I" these parts 

by Pagans or Mahumetans. To which, if I should adde Christianity is 

those i^Yi places in Afrike afore mentioned, neere the 

Strait of Gibraltar, which the Kings of Portugall and 

Castile have conquered from the Moores, with the other 

few dispersed fortresses, which the Portugalls hold in 

other places on the Coast of Afrike (altogether even 

betwixt Spaine and India are but eleven or twelve) 

I know not where to finde even among all the native 

Inhabitants of Afrike, any Christians more. For, as 

for the large Region of Nubia, which had from the 

Apostles time (as is thought) professed the Christian 

Faith, it hath againe above one hundred yeeres since 

forsaken it, and embraced instead of it, partly Ma- [i. i. 113.] 

humetanisme, and partly Idolatry, and that by the 

most miserable occasion that might befall, namely 

famine of the word of God through lacke of Ministers : 

for as Alvarez hath recorded, at his being in the King Alvarex. hist. 

of Habassia his Court, there were Embassadours out ^^thiopic 

of Nubia, to intreate him for a supply of Ministers, to ^- '37- 

instruct their Nation, and repaire Christianitie gone to 

ruine among them : but were rejected. 

And yet are the Christians of i^gypt, namely those 
of the native Inhabitants, but verie few in respect of 
that infinitenesse of people, wherewith ^Egypt doth, and 
ever did abound, as being esteemed not to passe* 50000. *Boter. Re/at 
And, as touching the Kingdome of Habassia, neither ■^'^- '• ^- 3- f*^- 
is it all Christians but a great part of Gentiles, namely ^giETtto^ 
toward the West, and South bounds of it, and some Thom. a Jes. 
part Mahumetans, toward the East border : neither so de Convers. 
large and spacious, as many mens relations have made g^»i- i- 1 • par. 
it thought to be. For although I cannot assent to ^Bol'er''Relat 
them, who assigne to that great Kingdome, but about ^. i. /. 3. r. 
662. leagues of compasse, by which reckoning (suppose de Abassia. 
they were Spanish leagues) it should be little larger 
then Germany (for I know full well, by infallible 
observations, that sparing limitation of others, to be 
untrue) yet, neither can I yeelde to them, who esteeme 



* Horat. 

Malaguz. ncl 
discorse de i. 
cinque mass'ini 

See hereof 
later and bet- 
ter intelligence 
I. 7. c. 7. y 
8. Abassia is 
reduced now to 
a small circuit. 

Boter. loco 
proxm. citato. 
Sommar. dei 
regni Orien- 
tal, apud 
Ramos, vol. i. 

pag- 32+- 
Boter. Relat. 
p. I. /. 3. c. 
Loango. An. 

I doe not think 
it now to con- 
taine halfe so 
many Chris- 
tians {which 
yet are but 
halfe Chris- 
tians) as any 
one of those 
foure. The 
alloweth too 
much., as Piga- 
fetta also, l5 
in these times, 
it is little, 
except in 
misery. Bet- 
ter relations of 
these parts are 
since our 
authors death 
published by 

it *greater, then the vaste dominions of the Emperours 
of Turkie or of Tartaric, &c. Or, to them, that 
extend it from the one Tropique to the other, and 
from the red Sea, almost to the West Ocean. For first, 
certaine it is (that I may speake a little of the limits 
of this Kingdome) that it attaineth not to the red Sea 
(Eastward) neither within the straits of Babel mandel, 
nor without : for within those straits, along the Bay 
of Arabia, there is a continuall ledge of Mountains, 
known to be inhabited with Moores, betwixt that Bay, 
and the dominion of Habassia: So that, onely one Port 
there is, along all that coast (Ercoco by name) where 
those Mountaines open to the Sea, that at this present 
belongeth to it. Neither without those Straits doth it 
any where approach to the Ocean. All that coast, as farre 
as Mozanbique, being well knowne to be inhabited with 

And as touching the west limits of Habassia, I cannot 
finde by any certaine historie or relation (unskilfuU men 
may rumour what they will, and I know also that the 
common Charts represent it otherwise) I cannot finde 
I say, that it stretcheth beyond the River Nilus, so 
farre commeth it short of the West Ocean. For it is 
knowne, that all the West banke of Nilus, from the 
River of Zaire to the confines of Nubia, is possessed 
by the Anzichi, being an idolatrous and man-eating 
Nation, and subject to a great Prince of their owne; 
thus then it is with the bredth of the Empire of Habassia, 
betwixt East and West. And now to speake of the 
length of it, lying North and South, neither doth it 
approach Northward on Nilus side, further then the 
South end of the Isle of Meroe (Meroe it selfe is in- 
habited by Mahumetans, and the deadly enemies of the 
King of Habassia) nor on the Sea side further then 
about the port of Suachem. And toward the South, 
although the bounds of that Kingdome be not perfectly 
knowne, yet that it approacheth nothing neere the circle 
of Capricorne, as hath bin supposed, is most manifest, 



because the great Kingdomes of Moenhemage, and Beno- Gadignus, and 
motapa, and some others, are scituate betwixt Habassia ""'" °f^^"^ 
and that circle. But, as neere as I am able to conjecture, ^^j^^^. i^ » 
having made the best search that I can, in the itineraries c. ult. 
and relations, that are extant of those parts, the South 
limit of that Empire, passeth not the South parallell of 
six or seven degrees at the most, where it confineth 
with Moenhemage. So that to make a respective esti- 
mate of the largenesse of that dominion, by comparing 
it with our knowne regions of Europe, it seemeth 
equall to Germany and France, and Spaine, and Italic 
laid together : Equall I say in dimension of ground, 
but nothing neere equall in habitation or multitude ot 
people, which the distemperature of that climate, and 
the dry barrennesse of the ground, in many regions of 
it, will not allow. For which cause the torride parts 
of Afrique are by Piso in Strabo resembled to a Libbards S,trab. /. 2. 
skinne, the distance of whose spots, represent the disper- 
sednesse of habitations or townes in Afrique. But if 
I should absolutely set downe the circuit of that whole 
dominion, I esteeme the limitation of Pigasetta, nere Pigafett. de 
about the truth, namely, that it hath in circumference ^^<?- ^'"'<? ^• 
4000. miles (about 1 500. in length, and about 600. • '^- ^ • 
in breadth) being inclosed with Mahumetans on the 
North, and East, and with Idolaters, on the West and 

Such then as I have declared, is the condition of 
Christians in the continent of Afrique : but the In- 
habitants of the Isles along the West coast of Afrique, 
as namely Madera ; the Canaries, the Isles of Cabo 
verde, and of S. Thomas, and some other of lesse 
importance, are by the Portugals and Castilians instruc- 
tion, become Christian : but on the East side of ^ _ , , . 
. /- . . y :it rj , • ^, . . * Faul. l^enct. 

Arrique, exceptmg onely *Zocotora, there is no Christian / , ^ ,§ 
Isle. • 3- . 3 . 

Even such is the state of Christians in the firme land, ^^^^o.'z.l.z. 

and the adjacent Isles of Afrique. And it is not much ^V^^^ Russian 

better in Asia, for excepting first the Empire of Russia Christianity. 



Jacob a Vit- 
riaco Hist. 
07-ient. c. 7. 

[I. i. 1.4.] 

Since the Tar- 
tarian times 
is neere ex- 
tirpate out of 

Paul. Venct. 
I. 1. c. 8. 

(and yet of it, a great part is Idolatrous, namely the 
region betweene the Rivers of Pechora and Ob, and 
some part of Permia) secondly, the regions of Circassia, 
and Mengrelia, lying along Moeotis and the Euxine Sea, 
from Tanais Eastward as farre as the River Phasis. 
Thirdly, the Province of Georgia, and fourthly the 
Mountaine Libanus in Syria (and yet the last of these 
is of the Turkes Dominion) excepting these few I say, 
there is not any region in all Asia, where Christians 
live severall, without mixture, either of Mahumetans or 
of Pagans, for although Vitriacus a man well experi- 
enced in some parts of the orient (as being Bishop of 
Aeon and the Popes Legate in the East, at what time 
Palestina and Syria were in the hands of Christians) hath 
left registred, that the Christians of the Easterlie parts 
of Asia, exceeded in multitude the Christians of the 
Greeke and Latine Churches : yet in his time (for he 
writ almost foure hundred yeeres agoe) Christianitie 
began to decline, and since his time, it hath proceeded 
infinitely to decay, in all those parts of Asia : first, by 
the inundation of the Idolatrous Tartars, who subdued 
all those Regions, and after by the intertayning of 
Mahumetanisme in many of them. The time was 
indeede, (and but about foure hundred yeeres agoe) 
when the King of Tenduc, whom the histories of 
those times name Presbyter Johannes a Christian, but 
a Nestorian Prince, ruled farre and wide in the North- 
east part of Asia : as having under his dominion, beside 
Tenduc, (which was his owne native and peculiar King- 
dome) all the neighbouring Provinces, which were at 
that time for a great part. Christian : but after that 
his Empire was brought to ruine, and he subdued by 
Chingis a rebell of his owne Dominion (and the first 
founder of the Tartarian Empire) which happened about 
the yeere 11 90, the state of Christian Religion became 
in short time strangely altered in those parts, for I finde 
in Marcus Paulus who lived within fiftie yeeres after 
Vitriacus, and was a man of more experience in those 



parts then he, as having spent seventeene yeeres together 
in Tartaric, partly in the Emperours Court, and partly 
in travailing over those Regions, about the Emperours 
affaires, that except the Province of Tenduc, which as 
I said was the Kingdome of Presbyter Johns residence 
(for it was the Prince of that Kingdome, which is rightly 
and usually, by the ancienter Historians named *Pres- 
byter John, howsoever the mistaking fantasies of many, 
have transported it out of Asia into Africke and by 
errour bestowed it on the King of Habassia) except that 
Province of Tenduc I say, wherof * Marcus Paulus con- 
fesseth the greater part, to have professed the Christian 
Religion at his being in Tartarie, the rest of the Inhabi- 
tants, being partly Mahumetans, and partly Idolaters : 
in all the other Provinces of those parts beside, that, hee a^^^n^^ His 
observeth the Christians to bee but few, as namely in the tor. Orient. 
Kingdomes of ^ Tanguth, of ^ Chinchintales, of Succuir, c. 78. Otho. 
of ''Caraiam, of ^ Cassar, of ^Carcham, of ^Ergimuli, of Phnsingens. 
^Corguth, of Egrigaia, and in the other Regions of iJ'Jii^^' 
Tartarie mentioning no Christians at all. Two Cities ^L.i.c.A.i 
onely I finde in him excepted, the one was ^ Cingiangifu "L. i. r, 47 
in Mangi, (that is China) where hee noteth, that many "^L. i.r. 48 
Christians dwelt, and the other ' Quinsay, in which later f' ^' '^' ^^ 
yet, (although the greatest Citie in the world) he hath g^"_ j* / .^ 
recorded to bee found but one Church of Christians. ^L.i.cSz 
But these places excepted before mentioned, I can finde \L- i- ^- 63 
no certaine relation, neither in Paul Venetus, nor any iT"^'^'^' 
other, of any Christians of the native Inhabitants, in all 

* For Scaligers imagination, that it was the King of the Habas- Scaliger. de 
sines, that inlarged his Dominion so farre, in the North-east of Asia, Emendat. 
till he was driven into Africk by the Tartars, hath neither any foun- tempor. I. 7. 
dation at all in historic, nor probabilitie in reason. Namely that a Annot.incom- 
King in Africke should subdue the most distant parts of all Asia from put, Ethiop. 
him, and there hold residence all the Regions betwixt belonging to 
other Princes. Moreover it is certainly knowne of Presbyter John of 
Asia, that hee was a Nestorian, whereas hee of Habassia was, and 
still is, a Jacobite. Besides, it hath beene recorded from time to 
time, of the Christians of Habassia, that they were circumcised, which 
of those of the East, was never reported by any, &c. Scaliger him- 
selfe in his later edition, hath altered his conceit. 



the East of Asia, but Idolatrie keepeth still her olde 
possession, and overspreadeth all. 

But yet indeede, in the more Southerly parts of Asia 
(especially in those where Christianitie was first planted, 
and had taken deepest roote) as Natolia, Syria, Palestine, 
Chaldaea, Ossyria, Mesopotamia, Armenia, Media, Persia, 
the North part of Arabia, and the South of India, 
Christians are not onely to be found, but in certaine 
of those Regions, as in Natolia, Armenia, Syria, Me- 
sopotamia, somewhat thicke mingled with Mahumetans : 
as they are also in the South of India not farre from 
the Promontorie of Comoriin, in some reasonable number, 
in the Kingdome of Contan, of Cranganor, and of Choro- 
mandel, but mingled with Idolaters. But yet, is not this 
mixture of Christians with them of other Religions, in 
any part of Asia, after the proportion of their mixture 
in Europe (where I observed the Christians to make 
the prevayling number) but they are farre inferiour to 
the multitude of the Mahumetans, and of the Idolaters, 
among whom they are mingled, and yet touching their 
number, decrease every day, in all the parts aforesaid, 
India onely excepted. Where since the Portugals held 
Goa (which they have erected into an Archbishopricke) 
and entertayned Malabar, and some other parts of India, 
what with commerce, and what with amitie, the number 
of Christians is greatly multiplied, in sundrie places of 
that Region, but yet not so, as to compare in any sort 
with the Mahumetans, and much lesse with the Idolaters 
among whom they live. 

Thus it is with Christians in the firme land of Asia : 
but in the Hands about Asia, Christianitie is as yet but 
a tender plant : for although it hath made some entrance 
into the Isles called Philippinas, namely into thirty of 
them, for so many onely of iiooo. termed by that 
name, are subject to the King of Spain, (Th. Jes. de 
Conu. gent. 1. i. c. i.) by the industry of the Castilians, 
as also by the preaching of the Portugals, into Ormuz 
in the Bay of Persia, and into Ceilan in the Sea of India, 


•> T Y P U S~0 R B 1 S TERR A R U M 


< ^M^ • f MHWIC — ow^JVW ^ ~j 

yDjvuiii e^r unu '^jVcmtiuL cnis.orhis tcrt\inim,Cs' tinircrsi Jiu hubitdtit in eo. J^'Jalnio ^4. o 



and some few other of the infinite multitude of Islands, 
dispersed in that Easterne Sea, yet hath it hitherto found 
in all those places, rather some faire beginning, then 
any great proceeding. Onely in Japonia Christianity 
hath obtained (notwithstanding many hinderances and 
oppositions) more prosperous successe. Insomuch that 
many yeeres since, there were recorded to have beene 

by estimation, about ''200000. Christians in Japonia. [Li. 115.] 

Lastly, in America, there be foure large regions, and ^P^^^- ^(^ 

those of the most fruitful! and populous part of it, ^^J' ^^^^' 

possessed and governed by the Spaniards, that is, Nueva ^ap. 30. 

Espana, Castilla del Oro (otherwise termed Nuebo Reino) OrdatJudcem 

Peru, and part of Brasil, the first three, by the Castilians, (ippella Jcsu- 

and the fourth, by the Portugals, all which together, may J^^^'y^"^^^' 

by estimation, make a Region as large as Europe. In ^ij^ ^-^ ^^^gi^ 

which, as also in the Islands, specially in the greater ling their owne 

Islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, Jamaica, and Puerto-rico, exploits. 

the Christian Region is so largely spred, that *one hath ^^"^ ^'^'. 
presumed, to equall in a manner, the Christians of fjnit'i hath 

America, to those of the Latine Church in Europe : there gone 

And * another, hath left recorded, that within a few backward. See 

yeeres after the entrance of the Gospell among them, ^- 5- ^- 2- ^ 

there were no lesse then seven Millions, or as others ^^jmlndZh-- 
reported foureteene Millions, that in the Sacrament of ic. in Chro. 

Baptisme had given their names to Christ. But especi- (fit. An. 

ally in the Kingdome of Mexico (or Nueva Espanna) ]^^^\ . 

Christian Religion obtained that plentiful! and prosperous chr^^ad^An 

successe, that we finde recorded of sundry of the chr. 1558. 

Preachers, emploied about the conversion of that people, Vid. epist. 

that they baptised each one of them, above 1 00000. Petri Gauden. 

and that in few yeeres : Insomuch that (as is storied by ^Seduliiadvi- 

Surius) it is to be found among the records of Charles the tam. S. Fran- 

fift, that some old Priest hath baptised 700000. another m./. 219, y 

300000. and certaine others very great multitudes. But ^/'- ^^''^: ^ 

yet, what maner of Christians many of those proselites f^^^a ^'^^'^ 

were, I am loath to remember, or report (and it may ^ . ' 

be by this time, they are better affected and instructed ^^,. Ynd Occi- 

then they were) for certainly, Oviedo, and Benzo, men dent.l.ij.c^. 



Benz. hist. that had long lived, and were well experienced In those 
Nov. Orbis. parts, have left recorded, the first of *= Cuba, that there 
SeeTo 2^ / ^^^ scarce any one, or but very few, that willingly became 
5. c. 3. 6- /. Christians, and both Oviedo of them, and Benzo of the 
7.^.12.6- Christians of Nueva Espanna, that they had nothing 
/. 8. f. 4. 6>'<r. almost belonging to Christianitie, but onely the bare 
name of Christians, being so utterly mindelesse, and 
carelesse of Christian religion, that they remembred not 
any thing of the convenant and profession they made 
in their baptisme : Onely they kept in minde, the name 
they received then, which very name also, they forgot 
soone after. But all the rest of America, except the 
regions afore mentioned, which compared to the parts 
possessed by the Castilians and Portugals (to make esti- 
mation by the Maps that we have of those regions, for 
the North and West coasts of America, are not yet 
perfectly discovered) may be as six to one, is possessed 
by Idolaters. 

[I. i. 116.] 
Of the parts 
of the luorld 
possessed by 
Ch. II. 
The Religious 
of the World 
brought to 
foare heads or 
general! kinds. 

^Mathia Mi- 
chov. de Sar- 
mat. I. 2.C. 3. 

HAving declared the amplitude of Christianitie, I 
will proceed to shew the state of other Religions 
in the World, and with all, what parts of it, the Pro- 
fessours of those Religions doe severally inhabit; and 
lastly, what proportion they may have each to other, and 
all of them to Christians. To indevour therefore your 
satisfaction in this behalfe. There are foure sorts or 
sects of Religion, observed in the sundrie Regions of the 
World, Namely, Idolatry, Mahumetanisme, Judaisme, and 
Christianitie. Of Christians I have alreadie spoken : now 
therefore will I relate for your better contentment, of 
the other three ; and first of Mahumetans. 

Mahumetans then possesse in Europe, as I said before 
(having in that part but small mixture of Christians) 
all the Region betwixt Tanais and Boristhenes (Don and 
Nieper they are now called) being about a twentieth 
part of Europe : beside ^ some Villages in Lituania about 
Wilna, where the use of their Religion is by the King of 
Poland permitted them, for in Greece, Macedon, Thrace, 



Bulgaria, Rascia, Servia, Bosina, Epirus, the greatest part 
of Hungaria, and some part of Dalmatia (which may be 
together about one fourteenth part of Europe) although 
the government be wholy the Turkes, yet Mahumetans 
scarcely passe one third part of the Inhabitants. 

But in Afrique, Mahumetanisme is spread exceeding 
farre ; for, first to consider the maritime Coast : It pos- 
sesseth all the shoare of the Atlantique Ocean, from Cape 
Blanco *" to the Strait of Gibralter, being about i loo. miles. ^They reach 
Secondly, on the shoare of the Mediterraine, all from that ^° ^"'^, %ow^ 
Strait to Egypt, about 2400. miles, excepting onely on ^^^^^^J^ 5 
the one Coast, and on the other, some seven Townes, jobson infra. 
in the possession of the Spaniards. Thirdly, on the East /. 9. c. 13. as 
side of Afrike, all the Coast of the Bay of Arabia, even ^i^emse on the 
from Suez to Cape Gardafu, about 1600. miles, excepting ^^^^ ^oSofala. 

1 -r* f-r- \ 1 • /- 1 x^ • • /• , Santos I. Q. c. 

onely one rort (Ercoco) bemg or the Dommion of the xz, further 
King of Habassia. And thence (doubling that Cape) then our 
Southward, all the shoare of the i^thiopique Sea, as ^«^'^<"' f^^^^^ 
farre as Mozambique (that is over against the middest ^"''^^'^• 
of Madagascar) about 1800. miles. And in all the 
Coasts of Afrike hitherto mentioned, being altogether 
about 7000. miles (that is, by some excesse more then 
halfe the circumference of Afrike) the Professors of 
Mahumeds Religion, have both possession and dominion, 
together with the " Maritime parts, of the great He of ^Paul Venet. 
Madagascar, and many other Hands along the Coast of '^- 3- ^- 39- 

And yet, even beyond Mozambique also as farre as 
to the Cape das Corrientes, it is under the Circle of 
Capricorne) although they have there no rule, yet they 
are found mingled with Idolaters. But yet neverthelesse, 
observed it is, that along the East shoare of Afrike, 
namely from Suachem to Mozambique (being towards 
3000. miles of the mentioned Coast) Mahumetans pos- 
sesse onely the Margent of the Land, on the Sea shoare, 
and have gotten but little footing in the Inland parts, 
except in the Kingdomes of Dangali and Adel, confining 
together, the first within and the second without the 



Strait of Babel Mandel, which yet are but small Pro- 
vinces. And this also (to extenuate their number) is 
also true, that from the Kingdome of Adel, and Cape 
Guardafu, to Mozambique, there is found among the 
Mahumetans, some mixture of Idolaters, although the 
Dominion be onely in the Mahumetans hands. 

But yet on the North and West parts of Afrike, it 

is farre otherwise, and farre worse: Mahumetanisme 

having over-spread all the maine Land of Afrike, be- 

tweene the Mediterrane Sea, and the great River Niger : 

and along the course of Nilus, as farre as the He of 

Meroe, which lieth also about the same parallel with the 

River Niger, and is possessed by Mahumetans. And 

^Leo Afric. I. yet ^ beyond Niger also, it hath invaded and obtained, all 

x.c.deRelig. the Kingdoms of the Nigrites that border on that River. 

^'^''^^' So that all Barbarie and Biled-elgerid, and Libya deserta, 

and the Region of Negroes, are become of that Religion. 

Excepting first some Maritime parts toward the Atlan- 

tique Sea, namely from Cape Blanco Southward, which 

are inhabited by Gentiles. Secondly, the Kingdome of 

Borno, and some part of Nubia: And thirdly, certaine 

scattered multitudes of the olde African Progenie, that 

still retaine their ancient Gentilisme, and are found in 

divers places heere and there in the Mountaines and 

wilder parts of Barbarie, of Biled-elgerid, and of Libya. 

These I say, being excepted, all Afrike beside, from the 

Mediterraine Sea, somewhat more Southward then the 

River Niger, is over-spread with Mahumetans : which 

The Mogol (adding these before mentioned, along the East Coast 

as great a of ^Ethiopia) may by estimation, take up foure nine 

Prince as parts of Afrique. 

^^n\ /— '"''^ And yet in Asia, Mahumatisme is farther spred, being 
lut/iis'^eausi imbraced and maintained chiefly, by foure mightie 
Commanders Nations, namely, the Arabians, Persians, Turkes, and 
and best Soul- Tartars.^ Arabia was indeed the Nest, that bred and 
'^^^"hAjT'' fostered that uncleane Bird, and had it beene the Cage 
Zetans: V'ea ^^^o, for ever to enclose it, it had beene but too much 
his sonnes,dr'c. space and libertie, for Arabia is m circuit above 4000. 



miles, and except a small mixture of Christians in Eltor/ See of these 
a Port Towne toward the inmost Angle of the Bay of ^^'^'^'^'"-^''- ^• 
Arabia; and Petra (Krac now it is called) a mid-land 
Towne; and two Monasteries about the Hill of Sinai, 
all is possessed with Mahumetans. But from Arabia 
that poyson hath in such sort dispersed it selfe through 
the veines of Asia, that neere the one halfe, is at this 
day corrupted by it. For although it hath not hitherto 
attained to the North Coast of Asia, which is partly in- 
habited by Christians, namely, from the River of Dwyna 
to Pechora, and partly by Idolaters from Pechora to the 
East Ocean : nor yet to the East Coast, which from the 
most Northerly part of Tartary, to the most Southerly 
part of India ^ (except some few places in the Kingdome ^Boter. Rel 
of Siam) Idolaters in like sort generally obtaine : yet /"• 3-^- z-^-'^^ 
neverthelesse, it is as I said, namely, that a very great ^ ometant. 
part of Asia is infected with that pestilence. For first, [I- i- n?-] 
all the Southerly Coast of Asia, from the Bay of Arabia 
to the River Indus, is possessed by Mahumetans : and 
if we proceed further along that shoare, even beyond 
the River of Indus also, the great Kingdomes of Cam- 
baya and Bengala, for a great part of them, and about 
one fourth part of the Inhabitants of Malabar, are 
observed to be Mahumetans. And secondly, to consider 
the Inland parts : all from the Westerly bounds of 
Asia, namely the River Tanais, with the Euxine, ^gsean, 
and Mediterrane Seas, as farre Eastward, as the Moun- 
taine Imaus (which is more then halfe the length of 
Asia, is possessed by them: Except, first the ^Kirgessi ^Guagin. 
neere Imaus, who are Idolaters : and secondly, the f'^-^^- ^^'■^'^'■• 
mixture of Christians among them, who yet have very ^!^^ "/^f^.^^' 
small proportion (for their multitude) to Mahumetans, 
in any Province, of all the mentioned vast circuit, for 
howsoever Burchardus about 320. yeeres agoe, hath left 
recorded of those parts of Asia, that there were to be 
found in them thirtie Christians for one Mahumetan, 
(Descr. ter. sanct. pag. 2. c. 2. §. 9.) yet certainly, that in 
these present times the excesse of multitude is growne 



'Paul. Venet. 
I. \. c. \\. 

''Id. I. I. c. 
38. 40. 47. 
62, 63. 64. 

conci. Viagi- 
nelle Indie. 
Barbofap Ra- 
mus. Vol. I. 
de V'taggi. p. 
313- 318. 


Boter. Relat. 

p. 3. /. 2. d'^ 


See a perfecter 

Relation of the 

Maldiva I. 

9. cap. vit. 

great on the Mahumetans side in respect of Christians, 
the experience of many putteth out of question. And 
if we shall proceed yet further Eastward in the In-land 
parts of Asia, and passe in our speculation, beyond the 
Mountaine Imaus, even there also sundry Provinces are 
observed, as 'Peim, Cotam, Lop, where Mahumetans are 
the maine and sole Inhabitants, and many more, ^Cassar, 
Carcham, Chinchintilus, Tanguth, Ergimul, Cerguth, 
Tenduc, &c. where they are mingled among Idolaters, 
which may for a great part, countervail those Regions 
of Asia, which Christians and Idolaters take up on this 
side that Mountaine. So that, in my estimation, having 
about these points conferred Historic with Geographic 
in the most circumspect and considerate manner that 
I was able, about nine parts of twentie of Asia are 
possessed by Mahumetans. 

Thus then is Mahumetanisme spread over the one 
halfe almost of the firme Land of Asia. And yet 
moreover in the Hands also that are about Asia, that 
Religion hath found large entertainment. For not onely 
a good part of the small 'lies of Malidivia, namely those 
of them that are inhabited (for they are above 7000. in 
all, and most without habitation) are possessed with 
Mahumetans, but moreover, all the Ports of the He of 
Ceilan (except Colombo which the Portugals have), the 
Sea Coasts of Sumatra, the Port of Java, with the He of 
Sunda, the Ports of Banda, of Borneo and of Gilolo, 
with some of the Hands Malucos, are in the hands of 

Of the great spreading and inlargement of which 
Religion, if the causes were demanded of me, I should 
make answere, that beside the Justice of Almightie God, 
punishing by that violent and wicked Sect, the sinnes 
of Christians (for we see that by the Conquests of the 
Arabians, and Turkes, it hath chiefly seised on those 
Regions, where Christianitie in ancient time most 
flourished, both in Afrike and Asia, and partly in 
Europe) one cause I say, of the large spreading of 



their Religion, is the large spreading of their victories. 
For it hath ever beene the condition of the conquered, 
to follow for the most part the Religion "" of the Con- 
querours, A second, their peremptorie restraint (even 
on the paine of death) of all disputation touching their 
Religion, and calling any point of it into question. A 
third, their suppression of the studie of Philosophy, by 
the light whereof, the grossenesse and vanitie of many 
parts of their Religion might bee discovered, which is 
inhibited to be taught in their Universities, and so hath 
beene, about these foure hundred yeeres, whereas till 
then, it greatly flourished among them, in Cordova, in 
Fez, in Maroccho, in Bagded, and other Cities. And 
yet, as Bellonius and* others write, the Turkes fall now 
againe, to those studies afresh." A fourth cause may 

"Christian Religion (to shew the power and wisdome of Christ) 
hath contrariwise conquered the Conquerours. And by this meanes 
the Goths, Hunnes, Vandals, Frankes, Saxons, Normans, Danes, and 
other Heathen Conquerours of Christians, have yet beene conquered 
by their Religion : A grace denyed Saracenicall Conquests, because 
almost all the Nations which now are Mahumetan, were before in 
part or wholly Christians, but rather in Faith then Workes : to 
which succeeded the Saracenicall Religion without the Church, and 
Papall Superstition within, the one professing moralitie of Workes 
without Faith in him which is, the way, the truth and life ; the 
Other, on that fundamental! Faith of the Trinitie Incarnation, &c. 
building their hay and stubble of Wil-worships and merits of Workes : 
the one wholly excluding Christianitie, the other corrupting it ; both 
in steed of that great mysterie of godlinesse, our Justification by faith 
in Christ, obtruding mans moralitie, and a righteousnesse of our owne, 
even therefore un righteousnesse. 

* Bellon. Obser. 1. 3, c. 30. Georgiovitz. 1. 2. de Ritib. Turcar, 
cap. de Scholis. 

"See Withers his Seraglio, 1. 9. The Saracens at the first were 
so farre from rejecting Philosophie and Arts, that within the first 
hundred yeeres after the Hegira, they there most flourished, and 
Abilqualid Jacob Almansor (whose Captaines conquered Spaine) erected 
and endowed eightie two Colledges for Arts, as many Hospitals, and 
above five hundred Mesquits. Himselfe bestowed every Thursday in 
hearing disputations, and in his Librarie which contayned five and 
fiftie thousand Bookes. And after the Barbarian Deluge Christians 
recovered lost learning by helpe of Arabs. 



well be assigned, the sensuall libertie allowed by it, namely 
to have many Wives, and the like promise of sensuall 
pleasures, to succeed after this life (to the Religious 
observers of it) in Paradise wherewith men for the 
greatest part, as beeing of things wherewith their sense 
is affected, and whereof they have had certaine experience, 
are more allured and perswaded, then with promises of 
spirituall delights, presented only to their hopes, and 
for which present and sensible pleasures must in the 
meane time be forsaken. 

[I. i. 1 1 8.] 
Of the sundrie 
Regions of the 
IVorld inha- 
bited by Idol- 
aters. Chap. 


° Boetn. de 
Morib. gent. 

I. 3- ^' 7- 
Boter. relat. 
p. 3. I. I.e. 

NOw touching Idolaters, they possesse in Europe, a 
Region as I before observed, about 900. miles 
in circuit (although the ordinary Geographicall Charts 
represent it (but falsly) more then twice so large, con- 
taining Lappia, Corelia, Biarmia, Scricsinia, and the 
North part of Finmarch. All which together, may by 
estimation make about one sixtieth part of Europe, or 
a little more, more I meane in magnitude rather then 
in multitude, for it is indeed a little greater then so. 
Beside which Provinces, there are also to bee found in 
divers places of ° Lituania, and Samagotia, some scattered 
remnants of Idolaters. 

But in Afrike their multitude is very great, for from 
Cape Blanco on the Coast of Libya, the most Westerly 
point of all Afrike (being about the North latitude of 
twenty degrees) even all the Coast of Afrike Southward, 
to the Cape of Buena Esperanza : And thence turning 
by the backe of Afrike, as farre as the Cape of Mozam- 
bique, being (over against the middest of Madagascar) 
in the South latitude of fifteene degrees : all this Coast 
I say, being not much lesse, then halfe the Circumference 
of Afrike, is inhabited by Idolaters. Onely, on the 
East side, from Mozambique to Cape de Corrientes 
(which is the South latitude of twentie foure degrees) 
they are mingled with Mahumetans : And on the West 
side, in the Kingdome of Congo, and the North part 
of Angola, with Christians : But yet in both these 



places of their mixture, Idolaters are the greater 

But now, if we consider the Inland Region of Afrike, 
all betweene the River Nilus, and the West Sea of 
^Ethiopia, from about the North parallel of ten degrees, 
to the South parallel of six or seven degrees, but from 
that parallel of sixe or seven degrees, even all Ethiopia 
Southward, on both the sides of Nilus, from the East 
Sea of ^Ethiopia, to the West, even to the most Southerly 
point of all Afrike, the Cape of Buona Speranza, is 
possessed by Idolaters : excepting onely some part of 
Congo and Angola afore mentioned, toward the West 
Sea, inhabited by Christians, and the utmost shoare of 
the East Sea, from Mozambique Northward, which is 
replenished with Mahumetans : And yet, beside all the 
Regions before mentioned, even all the Kingdome of 
Pfiorno, and a great part ^^of Nubia is possessed by ^ Leo African. 
them ; to speake nothing of the infinite multitudes of ^' 7; ^* ^^ 
the "'ancient Africans, dispersed in sundry Tracts of ^ij/^J-ez'^' 
Barbary, of Biled-elgerid, and of Libya Deserta, which ^isf. ^thiop. 
still continue in their ancient Paganisme. So that (over c. 30. 
and beside these last) very neere about halfe Afrike, 'LeoJfncl. 

J L TJ 1 / \. c. de vims 

IS possessed by Idolaters. ^r^^. 

And yet in Asia Idolaters abound more then in Afrike, 
even as Asia is larger then Afrike for the Continent, 
and for the people, better inhabited ; for of Asia also, 
very neere about the one halfe, or rather a little more 
is possessed by Idolaters. For first, if we consider the 
Maritime parts, all from the River of Pechora, East- 
ward to the Ocean, and then turning downward, to the 
most Southerly point of India (and of all Asia) the 
Cape of Cincapura, and from that point returning 
Westward, by the South Coast, to the Out-lets of the 
River Indus, all that Maritime Tract I say, is entirely 
possessed by Idolaters. Saving onely, that in the neerer 
part of India, betweene Indus and Ganges, there is 
among them some mixture both of Mahumetans and 
Christians : and in the further part, the Citie and Terri- 
I 321 X 


torie of Malacca, is held by Portugals, and some part 
of the Sea Coast of the Kingdome of Siam, by Moores. 
So that by this account, a good deale more then halfe 
the circumference of Asia, is possessed by Idolaters. 
And, although in the In-land parts their proportion be 
somewhat lesse, then in the Maritime, yet if we con- 
sider well, the whole dimension of Asia, we shall find 
by good estimation, as before I said, that the one halfe, 
or rather a little more, is replenished with Idolaters : for 
the better declaring of which point, you may understand, 
Strab. /. 2. that as Strabo and Ptolomie, have observed, of the 
Ptol. tn tab. JVIountaine Taurus, that beginning in the West parts 
'^ '^ 'of Asia (in the Confines of Lycia and Pamphilia over 
against the Chelidonian lies) it runneth Eastward even 
to the Ocean, keeping betweene the parallels of thirty 
and forty degrees, and so deviding the North part of 
Asia from the South. Even so must we observe of 
^Vid. Ptol. in the Mountaine ^ Imaus that beginning on the shoare 
Tab. orbis ^f ^Y\& North Ocean, it runneth along through the 
Merc' in tab "^iddest of Asia to the South, keeping still about the 
gener. Asia. Same Meridian, namely about the longitude of 1 30. 
degrees, and crossing (at right Angles in a manner) the 
Mountaine Taurus devideth the East part of Asia from 
the West, Imaus therfore in this sort dividing Asia 
into two parts, not much unequall, divideth also in a 
manner, betweene the Idolaters and Mahumetans of 
Asia, for although the hither part of Asia, West of 
Imaus, and possessed of Mahumetans, take up more 
in the longitude of the Earth, namely East and West : 
yet the further part East of Imaus, spreadeth more in 
latitude. North and South, which may make some 
recompence toward that excesse. 

But, if withall we subtract those parts of the hither 
Asia, that are covered with the Persian and Caspian 
Seas, beside large parts of the Euxine and Mediterrane, 
the further Asia (I thinke) wil fully equall it. Now, 
although many Mahumetans be also found on the other 
side of Imaus, toward the North-east of Asia, both 



severall in sundry Provinces, and otherwise mingled with 
Idolaters or Christians, or with both, as before was partly 
observed : Yet many more whole Regions of Idolaters 
(to countervail those Mahumetans) are found on this 
side Imaus, both toward the South, in the Kingdomes 
of the neerer India, and toward the North, betwixt 
Imaus and the River Pechora, all which Coast of Asia [I- i. 119.] 
is inhabited by Idolaters. And lastly, in the middest 
betwixt both, the Kirgessi, and some other of their 
Neighbour Nations. And not onely in the firme land 
of Asia, is Idolatry thus spread : but in those many 
thousand Hands that lie dispersed in the vast Ocean, 
on the East and South-east parts of Asia: 'which ^Pa.Fen.l. 
over against China, are recorded upon the report of 3- ^- 8. 
Mariners, long practised in those Seas, to be 7448. 
and about "India, to be 27000. And which might for "///. 3.^.42. 
their largenesse, if they were all layed together, make a 
Continent as large as three foure parts of Europe. In 
those Hands I say, Idolatrie over-spreadeth all, excepting 
onely those few, which I before observed, to bee pos- 
sessed by the Spaniards, and by the Arabians. 

Finally, of all other parts of the Earth yet discovered. 
Idolatry spreadeth farthest in America, which being but 
little lesse, then the Easterne Continent (that wee terme 
the old World) is at least sixe parts of seven, inhabited 
with Heathenish and idolatrous people. For, except the 
Regions above mentioned, possessed namely by the Por- 
tugals, and Castilians (and yet the inner, and wilder 
tracts even of those, remaine still for a great part, in 
their ancient Paganisme) and many notwithstanding their 
Baptisme, withall worship Idols, together with some Tha. Jes. de 
later Converts made in the Region about and above the C'o«. gent. I. 
Bay of California, of whom as yet. Histories make so '• ^- ^• 
little report, that of their number I can make no esti- 
mate : And lastly, two or three Fortresses, held by the 
Spaniards, on the Coast of Florida, with the English 
Colonies in Virginia, and the French in Canada, these 
I say being excepted, all the rest of America (being as 



Curdi. See I. 

9. c. 4. y 5. 

Of the J ewes 
dispersed in 
several! parts 
of the World 
Chap. 13. 
Boter. relat 
p. I. I. z. c. 
de Gindei. 

I said about six seventh parts) remaineth in their old 

And thus have I declared the three principall Sects 
as touching Religion, that are at this present found in 
the several parts of the World, with their particular 
Regions. But beside these, observed there are, two or 
three irregular Nations, being for their Religion mingled 
as it were of some of the former Sects. As first, in Asia, 
the Curdi, inhabiting in the Mountainous Countrey above 
Mozal, betweene Armenia and Mesopotamia. Secondly, 
the Drusi, dwelling in Syria, about the skirts of Libanus, 
the Religion of which Nations (such as it is) partaketh 
somewhat, both of Mahumetanisme and Christianitie. 
And thirdly, the Morduites, in Europe, possessing the 
middle Confines betwixt the Precopite Tartars, and the 
Muscovites, that are in a manner as touching their 
Religion, mingled of all three Sects : for they are both 
baptised like Christians, and circumcised like Mahume- 
tans, and withall worship Idols. 

NOw will I intreat a little, of the Professors of the 
fourth sort and Sect of Religion, that is found in 
the World, namely of Judaisme, for, although the Jewes 
have not for their Mansion, any peculiar Countrey, but 
are dispersed abroad among forreigne Nations, for their 
ancient Idolatries, and their later unthankfulnesse, in 
rejecting their Saviour the Sonne of God : So that even 
in Jerusalem, there be not to be found at this time, an 
hundred housholds of Jewes (Onely of all the Townes of 
Palestina, Tiberias (which Amurath the great Turke gave 
to Alvarez Mendez a Jew) and Staffiletto, are somewhat 
peopled with them.) Neither have they at this present, 
for any thing that is certainly knowne, any other Region 
in the World, severall to themselves : Yet because there 
bee some Provinces, wherein they are observed specially 
to abound, as others also, whence they are excluded and 
banished, I will consider a little of their present condition. 
The first Country of Christendome, whence the Jewes 



were expelled, without hope of returne, was our Countrey 
of England, whence they were banished, Anno 1290. by- 
King Edward the first. Not long after they were like- 
wise banished France, Anno 1307. by Philippus Pulcher : 
Onely of all the Countreyes of France, in the Jurisdic- 
tion of Avignon (the Popes state) some are remayning. 

Out of Spaine, Anno 1492. by Ferdinand, and shortly 
after out of Portugall, Anno 1497. by Emanuel. Out 
of the Kingdome of Naples and Sicilie, Anno 1539. by 
Charles the fift. In other Regions of Europe they are 
found, and in some of them in great numbers, as in 
Germanic, Boheme, Polonia, Lituania, Russia, and part 
of Italic, specially Venice and Rome. In Greece also a 
great multitude, wherein two Cities (beside all them 
of other places) Constantinople and Thessalonica are 
esteemed to bee about sixteene hundred thousand Jewes. 
As also they are to be found by plentifull numbers, in many 
parts of the Turkes Dominion, both in Asia and Afrike. 

And for Asia, specially in Aleppo, in Tripoli, in 
Damascus, in Rhodes, and almost in everie Citie of great 
Trade and Traffique in the Turkish Empire : As likewise 
in divers parts of the Persian government, in Arabia also, 
and lastly in India (namely about Cranganor) and in 
some other more remote Regions. And, to come to 
Afrike, they are not only found in the Cities of Alex- 
andria, and Cair in ^gypt, but, as in many other 
Regions and places of Afrike, so principally, in the Cities 
of Fez, and Tremisen : and specially, in the Hilles of 
Sensava, and Demen in the Kingdome of Maroccho, 
many of which last, are by Leo Africanus specially noted Leo African. 
to bee of that Sect, which the Jewes name *Karraim, /• 2. r. 3. 6. 

* For of the Jewes, as touching their Religion, there be in these 
times three sects. The first which is the greatest of them, is named 
D'^DS'n who beside the holy Scriptures, imbrace the Talmud also for 
Authenticall, and for that cause they are also termed D"'"''Tl)a^n The 
second are called a"'N1p which receive onely the Scriptures. And 
the third DinS that is, the Samaritans (at this day but very few) 
which, of all the holy Scriptures, admit onely the Pentateuch or 
Bookes of Moses : of them all see my Pilgrimage Lib. 2. 



[I. i. I20.] and by the other Jewes of Afrique, are reputed no 
better then Heretiques. 

But yet, beside these, and such like dispersions of the 
Jewish Nation, that may be elsewhere in the world, 
there is a phantasie of many learned men, not unworthy 
some diligent consideration, that the Tartars of Scythia, 
who about the yeere 1200. or a little before, became 
first knowne abroad in the world by that name, and 
hold at this day a great part of Asia, in subjection : That 
*Postel.De- those Tartars, I say, are of the * Israelites progeny: 
script. Syrice. Namely of the ten Tribes, which by Salmanazar, and 
T ]' rT^' some of his predecessours, were carried captive into 
/. I. Boter. Assyria. Which although it be as 1 said no other then 
Relat. p. I. /. a vaine and cappricious phantasie, yet, hath it, not onely 
2. c. vitima found acceptance and entertainment, with sundry learned 
^Tariar!a\3 ^"^ understanding men : but reason and authoritie are 
/. 3. /. 2. c. produced, or pretended to establish it for a truth. For 
de Gindei. first, It is alleadged that the word Tatari, or Totari 
* Leunclav in (for SO indeede they are rightly called, as * learned men 
Pandect. Hist, observe, and not Tartari) signifieth in the Syriaque and 
^^-^^Heb Hebrew tongues, a Residue or Remainder, such as these 
inxn Syr. Tartars are supposed to be of the Ten Tribes. Secondly, 
because (as the Patrons of this phantasie say) they have 
alwaies embraced (the ancient character of Judaisme) 
Circumcision. And thirdly, the authoritie of supposed 
z.Esd.\'i,.v. Esdras (the verie spring I take it, whence hath flowed 
41. 42. 43. this streame of opinion) is alleadged. Namely, that 
++• ^'^' the Ten Tribes tooke this course to themselves, that 

they would leave the multitude of the heathen, and goe 
forth into a farther Countrie, where never mankinde 
dwelt. That they might there keepe their statutes, which 
they never kept in their owne land. And that they 
entred in at the narrow passages of the River Euphrates. 
The most high shewing them signes, and staying the 
Springs of the floud, till they were passed over. And, 
that their journey was great, even of a yeere and a halfe, 
and the region is called Arsareth. 

But to the first of these arguments, I may answere, 



that the Tartars obtained that name, neither from Hebrew 
nor Syriaque originall, and appellation, but from the 
River Tartar, saith Leunclavius, and ^ others. Or else Leundav. in 
from the Region, saith Haitho, where the principall of ^J;^^: ^"^°^' 
them anciently dwelled. Secondly, that the name ^nin ^Bomd'e 
or insn in the Hebrew or Syriaque signification, import- Mo?-ib. gent. 
ing a residue or remainder, can but full ill (as it seemes) /. ^^ c. lo. 
be applied to the Tartars in relation of the Israelites, f^^'^^ti. lib. de 
whom they exceedingly surpasse in multitude, as over- ^^ ' 
spreading halfe the vast continent of Asia, or thereabout. 
For all the Nations of Asia, from the great Rivers of 
Wolgha and Oby, Eastward, and from the Caspian Sea, 
the River Oxus, the Countries of India and China, 
Northward, are contained under the Appellation of 
Tartars : and yet without these bounds manie Tartars 
there are, both toward the West and South. And what 
if the innumerable people of so manie Nations, as are 
knowne to inhabit and overspread the huge continent of 
America, be also of the same of-spring.'' Certainly, if I 
be not greatly deceived, they are no other. For first, 
that their originall must be derived from Asia is apparent, 
because (as he that readeth the relations and histories of 
those Countries of America may easily observe) they have 
no rellish nor resemblance at all, of the Arts, or learning, 
or civilitie of Europe : And their colour testifieth, they 
are not of the Africans progenie (there being not found 
in all that large Continent, any blacke men, except a few 
about the River of Saint Martha, in a small Countrie 
called Quarequa, which by force and violence of some 
tempest, are supposed to have beene transported thither, 
from the parts of Guinie or Ethiopia.) Therefore it 
seemeth, that they had their originall from Asia. Which 
yet will appeare more credible, if it be observed, which by 
the Spaniards Discoveries is well known to be true, 
namely, that the West side of America respecting Asia, 
is exceeding much better peopled then the opposite or 
East side, that respecteth toward Europe. And, as for 
these reasons it is verie likely, that America received her 



first inhabitants, from the East border of Asia : So it is 
altogether unlike, that it received them from any other 
part of all that border, save from Tartarie. Because, in 
America there is not to be discerned, any token or indica- 
tion at all, of the arts or industrie of China, or India, or 
Cataia, or anie other civill Region, along all that border 
of Asia : But in their grosse ignorance of letters, and 
of arts, in their Idolatrie, and the specialties of it, in their 
incivilitie, and many barbarous properties, they resemble 
the old and rude Tartars, above all the Nations of the 
Earth. Which opinion of mine, touching the Americans 
descending from the Tartars, rather then from any other 
Nation in that border of Asia, after the neere vicinitie 
of Asia to America, this reason above all other, may 
best establish and perswade : Because it is certaine, that 
that North-east part of Asia possessed by the Tartars, 
is if not continent with the West side of America, which 
yet remaineth somewhat doubtfull: but certainly, and 
without all doubt, it is the least disjoyned by Sea, of all 
that coast of Asia, for that those parts of Asia and 
America, are continent one with the other, or at most, 
disjoyned but by some narrow channell of the Ocean, 
the ravenous and harmelesse beasts, wherewith America 
is stored, as Beares, Lions, Tigers, Wolves, Foxes, &c. 
(which men as is likely, would never to their owne harme 
transport out of the one continent to the other) may 
import. For from Noahs Arke, which rested after the 
[I. i. 121.] deluge, in Asia, all those beasts must of necessitie fetch 
their beginning, seeing they could not proceede by the 
course of nature, as the unperfect sort of living creatures 
doe, of Putrifaction : or if they might have Putrifaction 
for their parentage, or receive their originall (by any 
other new sort of generation) of the earth without speciall 
procreation of their owne kinde, then I see no necessitie 
why they should by Gods speciall appointment, be so 
carefully preserved in Noahs Arke (as they were) in 
time of the deluge. Wherefore, seeing it is certaine, 
that those ravenous beasts of America, are the progenie 



of those of the same kinde in Asia, and that men, as 

is likely, conveighed them not (to their owne prejudice) 

from the one continent to the other, it carrieth a great 

likelihood and appearance of truth, that if they joyne 

not together, yet are they neere neighbours, and but 

little disjoyned each from other, for even to this day, 

in the Isles of Cuba, Jamaica, Hispaniola, Burichena, 

and all the rest, which are so farre removed from the 

firme Land, that these beasts cannot swimme from it to 

them, the Spaniards record that none of these are found. 

Wherefore it seemeth (to digresse no farther) that the 

Nation of the Tartarians, spreading so exceeding farre, Josep. Amta 

as it doth, cannot certainly be the posterity of those ^^ datura 

captive Israehtes. ^ 

Neither (to answer the second objection) doth their 

circumcision in any sort inforce it : for, neither was 

circumcision, among the Tartars ancienter then Mahu- 

metanisme, but was received among them together with 

it, as Michovius hath remembred, so that to this day, Michov. de 

it is not intertained (for ought I can finde in Historie) Satmana./.i. 

among those Tartarians, which have not received Ma- S\i', rr, 
, o . , .' . , . . Tj 1 • Of these Tar- 

numetanisme, but remame m their ancient Idolatrie, as tars See To. z. 

for the most part, both the Tartars of Cataia, beyond /. i y 2 In 
the Mountaine Imaus towards the East Ocean, and the ^^b-Polo, 
Tartars of Sarmatia, towards the North, on both sides f^f'y/^"' 
the River of Oby, doe. Neither if it should be granted, 
that circumcision had beene ancienter among them then 
Mahumetanisme, were that an argument of any import- 
ance, to prove them to be of the Israelites progenie. 
Because it is certainely knowne, that the ceremony and 
custome of circumcision hath beene and still is usuall Diodor. Sic. I. 
among many Nations, of whom there was never any ^' tf,^.i' ^' f' 
suspition, that they descended rrom the Israelites, tor / ^^ circum- 
Diodorus hath recorded of the Colchians, Philo Judaeus, cision. 
and Strabo, of the ^Egyptians, Herodotus of both those Strab. I. 16. 
Nations, and of the Ethiopians besides, that they used ^^^""^o^- 1-^- 

^ ^-i ^ -i ^ y TT- • parum.aMed. 

Circumcision, and that that custome among the /Egyptians '^^^.^^ ^ j^ 
and ^Ethiopians, did seeme very ancient, even as it is long. post. med. 



""Diodor. Sic. 
/. 3. c. 3. 
I. de Mar. 
Ruhr. c. 49. 
ap. Phot, in 
Cyprian I. de 
in principio. 
Nicepk. Cal- 
list.l.%.c. 35. 
Jeretn. 9. 26. 
Hieron. in 
Comment loci 
jam citati. 
Panar. I. i. 
h^r. 30. 

* By Sozomcn 
I. 6. c. 38. 

also by both those Nations retained till this day. And 
yet, beside these Countries already mentioned, the like 
is also recorded of the Troglodites by Strabo, and by 
"" others : Of the Phasnicians, and Arabians, by Cyprian 
and Nicephorus. And (to leave this accumulating of 
humaine testimonies) it is not obscurely acknowledged 
by the Prophet Jeremie, to have beene usuall (beside 
the Israelites) with the Egyptians, Edomites, Ammonites, 
Moabites, and the inhabitants of the desert, that is the 
* Ismaelites, or Sarracens of Arabia : Of which Nations, 
Hierome also (to whom those regions were well knowne 
(as Epiphanius also of the most of them) hath left 
testified, that they retained circumcision, even in his 
time. Touching some of which, although it may be 
probably conjectured, that they received it (in some 
sort) from the Israelites : if not as their progenie (which 
yet in some sense may be said of the inhabitants of 
the desert, being the posteritie of Ismael the Sonne of 
Abraham : and likewise of the Edomites, being the seede 
of Esau, the sonne of Isaac) yet at least, by imitation 
of Abrahams familie, to whom also in bloud they were 

* For, that the Ismaelites and Sarracens are the same Nation, is 
manifest by Hierome, and Sozomen, and others, which being anciently 
termed Scenitas (as Ammianus hath observed) namely of the Graecians, 
airb Tuiv ffK-qvwv, because they dwelled in tents (for such to be the 
manner of their habitation, is not onely affirmed by Hierome Com- 
ment, in Isai ca. 21. Sozomen. Histor. 1 6. c. 38. Ammian. 1. 22. 
post. med. but signified, and not obscurely, by David Psal. 120. 5. 
vid. etiam Jerem, 49. 28. 29. lamenting his dwelling in the tents of 
"I^P by which name Arabia deserta is termed in the Hebrew) were 
of their dwelling in the desert, by the Arabians themselves named 
Sarracens (for Sarra signifieth a desert, and Sakan to inhabit, in the 
Arabique tongue) or else, if not of their place, yet at least (as learned 
men certainely thinke, Scaliger in Animadv. Euseb. pa. 17. an. 88. 
Fuller. Miscellan. Theolog. 1, 2. c. 12. of their property, they might 
obtain that name of Sarracens, namely, because they lived much by 
rapine (for that the word Saracke in Arabique doth import) to which 
above all nations they ever were, and still are addicted. For the 
deduction of the name Sarracens, from *Sara, as if they claimed de- 
scent from her, being indeede Hagarens (the progeny of Hagar) is a 
meere fancy and fable. They claime it not. 



allied, as the Ammonites and Moabites, the posteritie 
of Lot, Abrahams brothers sonne, and who had lived 
long in his familiaritie and familie. Although I say of 
these Nations it may be conjectured, that their cere- 
monie of circumcision was taken up, by imitation of 
the Israelites : yet that the same rite, or custome was 
also derived originally from them to the whole Nation 
of the Arabians (which was exceeding great) or to the 
-Egyptians, or other neighbouring Provinces, I know 
not why any should conceive, or if they doe, yet 
appeareth it to be otherwise, because they circumcised 
not in the eight day, which is the inviolable custome 
of the Israelites: but the Egyptians in the foureteenth 
yeere, as is recorded by Ambrose, and the Arabians in Ambr.l.z.d. 
the thirteenth (and some of them both sexes,) as ^ learned ^^^^h^^- 
men have recorded. Even as the '^Turkes also at this ^^^'■''^'*^^^- ^• 
day, who received the rite of circumcision from the ^Sard.dcR'ut 
Arabians, are knowne to circumcise in the eight or gent.l.x.cio. 
twelfth, or fifteenth yeere, or sooner or later, as oppor- ^Belkn. 
tunitie may serve. Of these Nations I say, how circum- ^g^^cJ/-^^-^ 
cision should proceede from the Israelites to them, I vitr. I. z. de 
cannot conceive : no more then I can of the great Ritib Turcar. 
Nation of the ^ Anzichi, on the West side of Nilus ^\ ^^ Cinum- 
beyond Nubia, or of the inhabitants of lucatan in ff7^22l 
America, whereof the first yet are, and the second (till ^pigafiu'de 
they came under the government of the Spaniards) were Re^. Cong. 
meere Idolaters, for of these also, the second had, and ^- '• ^- 5- 
the first still have circumcision in use. ^°^^^,' ^^^^^' 

And although these instances, utterly dissolve the ^loange^ ^ 
force of this reason, touching the Tartarians circum- 
cision (though it were admitted to have beene anciently 
in use among them, as being usuall with many other 
Nations, of whom no suspition at all can be conceived, 
to be of the Israelites progenie) yet this may further- 
more declare them, not to be of that race, because 
namely, nothing else was to be found among them, 
that might savour of Israel. For first, they were meere 
Idolaters, and without knowledge of the true God, as 



"Paul. Venet. 
I. 3. c. 47. 
Ha'ith. I. de 
Tartar, c. i. 

^Vicent. Spec. 
Historialis I. 
32. <r. 6. 
Paul. Venet. 
I. \.c. 55. 
Guiliel de 
Rubri. Itin. 
Tartar, c. 9. 

^ Sigism. com. 
Rer. Moscov. 
Guil. de Ru- 
Tartar. I. 5. 
Boem. de 
Morib. gen 
^ Hero dot. I. 4. 
^ ^lian. de 
Animalib. I. 
10. c. 17. 
^Esd. 2. 13. 

^Vers. 39. 
'^Vers. 41. 

is recorded by Marcus Paulus, by Haitho, and others. 
Secondly, they had no remembrance of the Law at all. 
Thirdly, they neither observed the Sabboath, nor other 
rites and ceremonies of the Israelites : but touching 
their Matrimonies, married without impeachment the 
verie "" wives, and sisters of their Fathers : and touching 
their feeding, abstained not at all from uncleane Beasts, 
but fed on the flesh of ^ Horses, Dogges, Cats, and 
dead Carrion, and drunke their bloud, all utterly for- 
borne and forbidden among the Israelites. Fourthly, 
they have no records, nor regard of their ancestors and 
linage, from whom, or by whom, they are descended, 
whereof Israelites were ever curious. Fifthly, they have 
no affinitie of language at all, with either the Hebrew 
or Chaldee tongues, neither had any use of those Letters, 
nor of any other, till together with Mahumetan Religion, 
the Arabique characters came in use among some of 
them. Neither (in a word) doe I finde any thing at 
all, wherein the Tartarians savored of Israelites ; for 
touching their abstinence from Swines flesh, which we 
finde recorded of them, neither is it generall among 
them, but peculiar to those that are Mahumetans : Nor 
if it were so, were that any good argument, because we 
know that the ancient ^Scythians, and ^iEgyptians, and 
Arabians did, and almost all Mahumetans at this day 
doe the same, which yet are well knowne to be in no 
sort descended from the Israelites. 

Now touching the authoritie of forged -^ Esdras, which 
hath stirred up as it seemeth this vapourous fantasie, in 
the braines of new fangled antiquaries : neither doth that 
which he writeth of the ten Tribes, agree at all with 
the Tartars : nor, if it did, could yet the circumstances 
of that historie agree with the truth. It agrees not with 
the Tartars 1 say, for whereas they are noted in that 
Revelation, to be ^a peaceable people, and that they 
'left the multitude of the heathen, that they might keepe 
their statutes, which they never kept in their owne land : 
neither of both those properties hath any convenience 



or agreement at all with the Tartarians. For how are 
they a peaceable people, that with their warres have 
troubled and overturned almost all Asia, and sundry 
Countries of Europe, and hold a great part of the former 
in subjection to this day ? Or how kept they the statutes 
of the Israelites, that were meere Idolaters, and utterly 
ignorant of all Jewish Lawes and Ceremonies ? And 
touching the Historie it selfe of the Israelites departure 
out of Assyria, as it is set downe in that Apocriphall 
Esdras (howsoever it might otherwise agree with the 
Tartars) there is no wise or considerate man, I thinke, 
that can bring his understanding to give credit to it. 
For first it contradicteth the undoubted canonicall his- 
tories of the Chronicles, and of the Kings, in both which i Chro.t^.zS. 
it is recorded of them, that they were carried away into 2^'"-^7-23- 
Ashur, and disposed in severall parts of the Empire 
namely * Calach, and Chabor, and Hara, and Gozan, 
unto this day ; which limitation of time (unto this day) 
must at least of necessitie import, the time wherein that 
Historie (of their remaining in Ashur) recorded in the 
bookes of the Kings, & of the Chronicles was written. 
Of which later, either Esdras himselfe was the Author, 
as in the judgement ''of learned men he is reputed, and ""R-Dav. 
therefore could not (as it seemeth) be the Author of ^'T'^^ ^ ^' 
that Apocryphall Historie : or, at least, if Esdras were sententia seni- 

^ ovum apud 

* If ftpn be Cholchi, and "mm Iberia, & j.^'^ft Armenia, so called Sixi. Senens. 
for the mountainousnesse of it) & "jn^ Gauzania in Media, then al Biblioih. 
confined together, & bounded the North side of the Assyrian Empire, Sanct<£ l. i. 
which stretched Northward, but to that Isthume betweene the 
Euxine & the Caspian Seas : So that, the Israelites were by that 
meanes, seated farthest off from their owne Country, and placed in 
the parts of the Empire most wast & desolate of inhabitants, as the 
confines of warring Nations usually are. But if Calach be Calacine, 
and Chabor the hill Chaboras (being part of Taurus, and severing 
Assyria, from Armenia, and Media) and Hara the other hilly parts 
in the North side of Assyria, as seemeth more agreeable to the obser- 
vations of Benjamin Tudelensis, for about those parts, hee found in 
his travaile, the greatest multitudes of the Israelites, then in the 
places alleadged, I would understand by Ashur, not the Empire or 
Dominion, but the peculiar Kingdome of Assyria. 



Abukns. in not the Author, yet, that the Author (whosoever he was) 
praf. Paralt- i^vcd and writ that historie of the Chronicles, after the 
thn ^- "^^ returne of the Jewes from the captivitie, or in the end 
of it (that is in Esdras time) is evident by the end of 
the Book : where Cyrus his benignitie, for restoring the 
Jewes, and his Proclamation for their returne to Jeru- 
salem is recorded, and that in the verie same words, 
wherein Esdras in the beginning of his owne booke 
hath registred them. At that time therefore, it is evi- 
dent, that the Israelites were not departed out of the 
JosepA. Jfitic. dominions of Ashur. No nor long after that in Josephus 
/. II. r. j^js time, who hath recorded that even then the ten 

Tribes remained beyond Euphrates, and were there 
growne into innumerable multitudes : neither yet manie 
hundred yeeres after Josephus was dead ; for R. Benjamin 
[I. i. 123.] a Jew, that lived but about 440. yeeres ago, and travailed 
diligently those parts of the world, and many other to 
Benjamin in visite his dispersed Countrimen, hath in his Itinerary 
Ittner. p. 57. Yq{\_ observed, not onely, that he found exceeding farre 
^ .^^"^g^^' greater multitudes of the Israelites, to be then remain- ing in those Provinces of the ancient Dominion of 
^P^g- 75- ^ Ashur then he found in other places, possessing^ large 
f7- ^^ Regions, and '^many Cities, so that in the Cities of some 
^Pae '^ ead^'^' ^'^^ Region ^ 300000. Jewes were by him numbred, 
observing specially, that in the parts of Media, many 
thousand Israelites of the progeny of them that Salma- 
naser led into captivity, were then remaining, but withall, 
he setteth downe particularly and precisely, the very 
places of those Regions, where certaine of the Tribes 
were seated and there growne into great multitudes : as 
^Pag. 77. namely, in *" one place, the Tribes of Ruben, Gad, and 
''Pag. 87. Manasse : And in ' another, the foure Tribes of Dan, 
Asher, Zebulon, and Nephtali. 

But yet if there were neither authoritie of holy 
Scripture, nor experience to refell this fable, and the 
fancies that have sprung of it : yet ordinary reason, at 
least of men that are not ignorant of Geography and 
are meanly skilled in the affaires of the world, may 



easily discerne the futilitie of it. For first, what neede 

was there of such a miracle, as to ''stay the course of z Esdr. 13. 

Euphrates, for the Israelites passage from Assyria, or ^^d^hemost 

Media toward Tartary, the River lying farre to the Jf^^^/J^^^ 

West, both of the one Region and of the other, and signes and 

no way crossing or impeaching their journey, which lay stated the 

Northward betweene that River and the Caspian Sea ? ^/'"^'"^^ °f^^^ 

Or, how might those poore captive Israelites, disarmed -^^^^ tuuhn' 

as they were, and dispersed in sundry Provinces of the were passed 

Assyrian Empire, and being under the oversight & over. vers. \\. 

government of Assyrian Presidents, be able to leave the 

places, where by the Kings commandement they were 

to inhabite ? Or, if the Israelites were able by force to 

depart, and free themselves from the dominion of the 

King of Ashur, yet were they so wise also, as to for- They tooke this 

sake the places where they were peaceably setled, and ^'^'^^^^^^ ^° 

. ,1- 11 -J .1 J themselves that 

venture their small remamders upon perils and uncer- ^, ^^^^^ 

tainties, namely, to finde out a place where never man- kave the mul- 

kinde dwelt ? Or, if their stomacke served them so titude of the 

well, and their wit so ill, as in such manner to forsake ^^^^hen. 

Assyria, yet were they also able to make themselves ^^^" ^^' 

way (even a way as hee saith, of eighteene moneths 

passage) through the fierce and mighty Nations of 

Scythia, whom neither the conquerors of the Israelites, 

the Assyrians I meane, nor the Persians (and I might 

adde also the Grecians and the Romans) were never 

able to subdue, but were in the aftertimes subdued by 

them ? for that the parts of Scythia should be without 

Inhabitants (and in Scythia it must be where they would 

finde that Country where never mankinde dwelt, or else And goe forth 

it is not in Tartary) is scarse credible, as whereof we ^»^o a Country 

reade in histories, to have contended with ^gypt for ZiankindT^ 

antiquitie of habitation, and to have prevailed, and for dwelt, v. 41. 

the abundance of people, to be termed Hominum 

Officina. Insomuch that the greatest occasion of 

swarming abroad of those Nations of Scythia, and 

of their overwhelming of Asia and Europe, with Justin, hist. 

their infinite multitudes and Colonies, is in histories ^•'^•^^princip. 



recorded, to be lacke of roome for habitation in their 
owne Countries. 

And lastly, to make an end of this tedious discourse, 
with the end of their imagined tedious journey : what 
ancient Geographer or Historian is there (set our Esdras 
aside) that ever remembred of such a Region as Arsa- 
reth, where they are said to have seated themselves. 
True it is indeede that I finde the Citie of Arsaratha 
Beros. I. 3. mentioned both in Berosus fragments, and in Ptolomie 
Ptole. Georg. placed neere the issue of the River Araxes into the 
in Tab \ Caspian Sea: and, it was perhaps one of the Israelitish 
Jsice. Colonies, planted in the confines of the Empire of 

Assyria : for it may well be that Arsaratha, is but 
n'^'iKiD T'3?, or ri""nN'a5 in, that is the Citie, or the bill 
of the remainder, or perhaps nns'u: y^x (the last letter 
of the first word cut off in the Greeke pronun- 
ciation for sounds sake) the Land of the remainder : 
but the tale of eighteene months journey, will no more 
agree with this Citie, then the Region of Arsareth doth, 
with Geography or History. 

So that me thinkes this forged storie of the Israelites 
voiage and habitation, in such remote regions where 
never mankinde dwelt, savoureth of the same phantas- 
""Esd. 6. 42. ticall and Talmudicall spirit, that "" another tale of the 
same author doth, touching the collection of all the 
waters, into a seaventh part of the earth, the other six 
''Cap. eod. being left uncovered: or" a third, of (the Elephant 
^- 5°- and the Whale) Behemoth and Leviathan : namely, that 

God appointed the Sea to one of them, and the Land 
to the other, because they were so great that the 
Sea could not hold them both : for else belike, if the 
Sea had beene large enough, we might have gone a 
fishing for Elephants. For how is the Sea gathered 
into a seaventh part of the earth, whose expansion is 
not onely by the most skilfull Philosophers esteemed, 
but found by experience of navigations hitherto made, 
to overspred as neerely as may be discerned, about halfe 
the compasse of the Earth } Or being of that breadth, 



and withall of the depth, that it is knowne to be, how 
should it not be spacious enough, to receive Elephants 
and Whales together ? The dimensions of the Elephant, 
even of the greatest sort of Indian Elephants, (and the 
earth breedeth none so large as those of India) are, 
saith ^lianus, nine cubits of height (the length in that ^Han de 
beast is equall to the height) and five of breadth, the ^^'^^^l^^- I- 
greatest that have beene seene in Europe, being ° ob- Ipj^' qi/zj 
served to be farre lesse. The dimension of the Whale in Description. 
indeede is farre greater (five times saith P^lianus then Elephant. cS. 
the largest sort of Elephants.) But yet his ordinary ^ 

dimension is but six and thirty cubits long;, and eipfht ^^'°P- 1- }■ 
cubits high, as Rondeletius hath observed. But admit y,/^„ 
notwithstanding some of them to be fiftie cubits, of which p^lian.Li6. 
length, Nearchus in Arrianus is said to have measured ^- ^^■ 
one in the East Ocean ; nay, to be six hundred foot ^f'^'lt^^J' '^g 
long, and three hundred and sixtie foot thicke, as ''Juba c"[\] 
in Plinie related to be found in the Bay of Arabia Arrian. de 
(where yet, as it is well knowne by the soundings of ^^^- indicis. 
Navigators, that Sea is not by a good deale three ^°!^^^ '^"^^ 
hundred and sixtie foote deepe.) Or, let them be more ri"Ti24l 
yet, even foure Acres long (that is nine hundred and ^Jp. Plin. I. 
sixtie foot) as Plinie hath related of some in the Sea 32. c. 2. 
of India. For, although the two last reports be in truth ^^'«- ^- 9- ^- 3- 
no better then fancies and fables, which the impudence 
of some, hath made the ignorance of others to beleeve, 
yet I will exclude none, but onely Basil, as intollerably Basilin Hex- 
hyperbolicall, affirming namely that Whales are equall ^^f"^''- Homil. 
to the greatest mountaines, and their backs when they 7* 
shew above the water, like to Islands, But admitting 
all the rest I say, what proportion have those dimen- 
sions of the Whale and the Elephant, to the huge 
bredth and depth of the Ocean } 

For if I may without offence intersert a short Philo- 
sophicall speculation : the depth of the Sea (to speake Fabian apud 
nothing of the breadth, which every common Map doth ^^^- ^•^- ^• 
represent) is determined by Fabianus in Plinie, & by ^Meteor7"i 
Cleomedes, to be fifteene furlongs, that is, one mile and c. 10. 
' 337 Y 


seven eight parts : Or else, equall to the height of the 

greatest Mountaines, to whose height, and the deepe- 

Pluiarch in nesse of the Sea, the Geometricians (as Plutarch hath 

Vita jEmilu recorded) anciently assigned equall dimensions. Or yet 

rather (if you will any thing respect my opinion) it is 

a great deale more. For, as for the shallow speculation 

Scalig. de Sub- of Scaliger, and ^ others, of the shallownesse of the Sea, 

tihtate Exerc. determining the height of Hils, farre to surpasse the 

h J J v ■ deepenesse of the Sea : And that in very few places, 

c/e Thermis. I. It attameth one hundred passes or depth, is mdeede 

\.c.\.^ Alii, true in the narrow Channels and Straits of the Sea: 

But in the free and large Ocean, it is by the experience 

of Navigators knowne to be as false as the Gospell is 

true. Indeede touching the height of Mountaines, I 

finde it pronounced by the great Mathematician Eratos- 

Theon.hiCom- thenes in Theon, that the highest sort of them, passe 

ment. Magna! ^Qt in perpendicular erectnesse ten furlongs (that is one 

'plolomTi' "^^^^ ^"^ °^^ fourth part) of which height also, it is 

Plin. l. 2. / observed in Plinie, that Dicasarchus by Dioptricall Instru- 

63. ments, found the Hill Pelius in Thessalie to be, and 

Plutarch, he. in Plutarch, that Xenagoras (another Mathematician) 

supra citato, observed the height of Olympus, in the same Region, 

saving, that in this later, there is an addition of twenty 

passes, for the whole number of passes, is 1270. 

Neither doe I finde any greater perpendicular height 

Cleomed. I. i, attributed to Mountaines, by any ancient writer, Cleo- niedes excepted: who assigneth to the height of Hils, 

as he doth also to the depth of the Sea, fifteene fur- 

Alhazen de longs. (For Alhazen I omit, because he onely restraineth 

Crepuscl. the height of hils, as namely, not to exceede eight miles, 

propos. I. without determining what their height should be). But 

yet, all these, are to be understood, I take it, with 

relation to the Mountanes in and about Greece, with 

which themselves were acquainted, which may in no sort 

compare with the huge Mountaines of vast Continents, 

such as are the Alpes in Europe, Atlas in Afrique, 

Caucasus in India, the Andes in Peru, and such other. 

But, whatsoever the height of Hils may be above the 



common superficies of the Earth, it seemeth to me after 
good consideration, that the depth of the Sea is a great 
deale more. For declaration of which point, I require 
to be supposed, first, that the Earth at the first form- 
ing of it, was in the superficies, regular, and sphericall : 
which the Holy Scripture directs us to beleeve, because 
the water covered and compassed all the face of the 
Earth : And secondly, that the face of the Land is in 
largenesse and expansion, at least equall to that of the 
Sea : And thirdly, that the unevennesse and irregularitie, 
which is now seene in the superficies of the Earth was 
caused (as is noted in Damascen) either, by taking some Damascen. I. 
parts out of the upper face of the Earth in sundry ^- ^^ fi^^ 
places, to make it more hollow, and laying them in '^ 
other places, to make it more convexe : Or else (which 
in effect is equivolent to that) by raising up some, and 
depressing others to make roome and receit for the Sea : 
that mutation being wrought by the power of that 
word. Let the waters be gathered into one place, that Genes, i. 9. 
the dry land may appeare. For, as for the fancy of 
Aquinas, Dionysius, Catharinus, and some other Divines ; Aquin. in 
namely, that that gathering of waters, and discovery of ^^^- f- ^- 1- 
the Earth, was made, not by any mutation in the Earth, n^" ^' I^ ,, 
but by a violent accumulation ot the waters, or heaping Cathann. tff 
them up on high, it is too unreasonable. Because it is A/H. in Com- 
utterly against the nature of water, being a flexible "^^^^- '^^P- '• 
& ponderous body, so to consist, and stay it selfe, & ^"^^' 
not fall to the lower parts about it, where in nature 
there is nothing at all to hinder it. Or, if it be hin- 
dered and restrained supernaturally, by the hand and 
bridle of the almighty, lest it should overwhelme and 
drowne the Land, it must follow thereof, that God in 
the very institution of nature, imposed a perpetual! 
violence upon nature : And this withall, that at the 
Deluge, there had beene no necessity at all, to breake 
up the springs of the deepe, and to open the Cataracts 
of Heaven, and powre down water continually, so many 
dayes and nights together upon the Earth, seeing, the 



onely withdrawing of that hand, or letting goe of that 
bridle, which restrained the water, would presently have 
overwhelmed all. 

But to come to the Point. It seemeth upon the 
former suppositions (of which, the holy Scripture estab- 
lisheth the first. Experience of Travellers, and Navigators 
the second, and Reason the third) that in making 
estimation of the depth of the Sea, are not to reckon 
and consider onely, the height of the Hils, above the 
common superficies of the Earth, unto which the extra- 
ordinary depths or whirlpooles, that are found in the 
Sea, doe properly answere (descending beneath the ordi- 
nary bottome of the Sea, as the Hils ascend above the 
[I. i. 125.] ordinary face of the Land) but, the advantage or height 
of al the dry land above the Superficies of the Sea. Be- 
cause the whole Masse of the Earth, that now appeareth 
above the waters, beeing taken as it were out of the place, 
which the waters now possesse, must be equall to the 
place out of which it was taken, and consequently it 
seemeth, that the height or elevation of the one, should 
answere the depth or descending of the other. And there- 
fore as I said, in estimating the deepnesse of the Sea, wee 
are not to consider onely the erection of the Hils, above 
the ordinary Land, but the advantage of all the dry Land 
above the Sea. Which later, I meane the height of 
the ordinary maine Land, (even excluding the Hils) is 
in my opinion more in large Continents above the Sea, 
then that of the Hils, is above the Land. 

For first, that the plaine and common face of the 
dry Land, is not levell, or equally distant from the 
Centre, but hath great declivitie and descent toward the 
Sea, and acclivitie or rising toward the Mid-land parts, 
although it appeare not so to the common view of the 
Eye, is to reason notwithstanding manifest. Because 
as it is found in that part of the Earth, which the 
Sea covereth that it descendeth lower, and lower toward 
the middest of the Sea (for the Sea which touching the 
upper face of it, is knowne to be levell by nature, and 



evenly distant from the Centre, is withall observed to 
waxe deeper and deeper, the farther one sayleth from 
the shoare toward the Maine) Even so, in that part 
which is uncovered, the coursings and streamings of 
Rivers on all sides from the mid-land parts toward 
the Sea, * whose propertie we know is to slide from the 
higher to the lower, evidently declare so much. 

And although I am not able precisely to determine, 
what the ordinarie declivitie of the earth may be, yet, 
if that bee convenient in the workes of Nature, which 
is required in the workes of Art, that imitateth Nature, 
it will be found true that before I said : Namely, that 
in great Continents, through which Rivers have long 
Courses, some of one thousand or two thousand miles 
the height of the ordinarie Midland, above the face of 
the Sea, is more, then of the Hilles above the common 
face of the earth, for Pliny in the derivation of water, PUn. /. 31. 
requireth one cubit of declining, in two hundred and ^- °- 

* By which rule of the proceeding of the Rivers by the proclivitie 
of the earth, & ever sliding from the higher ground to the lower, 
till they come to the Sea, is evident to be discerned, that in Con- 
tinents, those Regions are the higher Land from which Rivers streame, 
and those the lower ground, to which they proceed, and consequently, 
that of all, those are the highest which receiving no forreine Rivers, 
to which they give passage through them, doe send forth the longest 
Rivers on all sides to the Regions round about them. By which 
observation is to be discerned, that Helvetia and Rhetia, sending forth 
the longest Rivers of Europe, which on all sides descend from them 
and their Confines, Danubius toward the East, Rhene North, Rhodanus 
West, beside Ticinus, Addua, and others, that fall into Padus South, 
are the highest Land of Europe, As the Region of Pamer, and Kir- 
gessi, with some other neere the crossing of the great Mountaines 
Taurus and Imaus above India, whence are directed, the greatest and 
longest Rivers of Asia, Indus and Ganges toward the South, Oxus 
and Jaxartus toward the West, Oechardes North, Cantan East, is 
prooved by the same reason, to be the highest part of Afrike and 
Asia, and in my opinion of all the Earth. And as the Region also 
about the Springs of Nilus, from which beside Nilus, that runneth 
towardes the North, are sent forth, the River of Magnice, towardes 
the South, of Zaire West, of Coavo and Zuama East, being (Niger 
excepted) the greatest Rivers of Afrike, is by the same reason, prooved 
to bee, the highest part of that Continent. 



Columell. de 
Re Rustica. L 
5. c. 1. 
tectur. I. 8. f. 
7. Pa Had. de 
re Rustica. 
I. 9. /;■/. 1 1 . 

Philand. in 
Vitruv. I. 8. 
c, i\. 

fortie foot of proceeding (for he saith, unum cubitum 
in binos Actus, and Actus as may be observed in Colu- 
mella, and others in a dimension of one hundred and 
twentie foot long) Vitruvius and Palladius in their con- 
duction of waters, require indeed somewhat lesse, namely, 
that in proceeding of two hundred foot forward there 
should be allowed one foot of descending downward, 
which yet in the course of one thousand miles (as 
Danubius or Wolgha, or Indus, &c. have so much or 
more) will make five miles of descent in perpendicular 
account : And in the course of two thousand or more 
(as Nilus and Niger, and the River of Amazons have) 
ten mile or more of like descent. 

And although I know well enough, that water being (as 
it is) heavie and flexible, will slide away at any inequalitie, 
and therefore am altogether perswaded, that this rule of 
Vitruvius touching conveyance of waters, is not to be 
taken as a rule of necessitie, to bee observed in the 
deriving of them, as if water could not runne without 
that advantage (for in that respect the Conveyors of 
waters of these times content themselves even with one 
inch in sixe hundred foot, as Philander also on Vitruvius, 
hath observed) but is rather to be understood as a rule of 
commodity, namely with relation to the expedition and 
wholesomenesse of the water so conveyed, lest resting too 
long in the pipes it should contract from them some 
unwholesome qualitie, or else through the slacknesse ot 
motion, or long closenesse, or banishment from the Aire, 
it might gather some aptnesse and disposition to putrifie. 
Although I say, such excesse of advantage as in the 
artificiall conveyance of waters the forenamed Authors 
require, be not of necessitie exacted, in the naturall 
derivation of them : yet neverthelesse certaine it is, that 
the descent of Rivers, being as it is continual, and the 
course of some of them very long, and in many places 
swift, and here, and there headlong and furious, the 
difference of height or advantage, cannot but bee great, 
betwixt the Springs of Rivers and their Out-lets, betwixt 



their first rising out of the Earth, and their falling into 
the Sea. 

Unto which declivitie of the Land, seeing the deepnesse 
of the Sea doth in proportion answer (as I before declared) 
and not onely to the height of Hils. It remayneth that 
we esteeme and determine that deepnesse to be a great [I. i. 126.] 
deale more, then it hath beene hitherto by Philosophers 
commonly reputed. And although the deepnesse of the 
Sardinian Sea, (which indeed Aristotle acknowledgeth Arist. Met. I. 
for the deepest part of the Mediterranean) be specially ^- ^- ^• 
recorded by Posidonius in Strabo, to have beene found Strab. L i. 
but one thousand fadomes (opyfxa?) which is but a mile ^°WP^^ 
and one fift part : yet what may the depth in that narrow 
Sea be, compared to the hollow deepnesse of the vast 
Ocean ? Or rather (to turne this instance to our advan- 
tage) if in so narrow a Sea as the Mediterrane is (whose 
breadth attaineth not where it is largest, sixe hundred 
miles) the depth bee so great, what may wee esteeme the 
deepnesse of the huge Ocean to be, that is in many places 
above five times as broad ? especially, seeing that the 
broader that Seas are, if they be withall entire, and free 
from Hands, they are answerably observed to be the 

But whether have I bin carried by these Elephants and 
Whales ? to what heights and depths, of Mountaines and 
Seas : I pray you pardon me, for I see I have digressed, 
that is, transgressed, now I returne into the way againe. 

NOw, if out of the former long discourse, I should 0/th quan- 

collect a short summe, and estimate the proportion ^^^^^ f^^d pro- 

with respect to the whole Earth, that each one of the p^^.^^ ^/^y 

forementioned Religions, have to the other. It being first Earth, posses- 

supposed, which upon exact consideration and calculation, sed by the 

will be found to swerve very little from the truth, that ^everall sorts 

the proportions of Europe, Afrike, Asia, and America, are „igjif„fj^ 

as one, three, foure, and seven. And that the professors religions. 

of the forementioned Religions, possesse the severall Ch. 14. 
portions and proportions, of each of them, which is before 



^Postel. in 
Prof. Gram. 
Jrabic. Lud. 
Regius de 
Rerum. I. 8. 
i7i fine. 

set downe : It will be found I say upon these sup- 
positions (which the best Geographic, and Histories doe 
perswade me to be true) that Christians possesse, neere 
about a sixt part of the knowne inhabited Earth : Mahu- 
metans, a fift part (not as 'some have exceedingly over- 
lashed, halfe the World or more) and Idolaters, two thirds, 
but little lesse. So that if we divide the knowne 


Regions of the World, into thirtie equall parts, the 
Christians part is as five, the Mahumetans as sixe, and 
the Idolaters as nineteene, for the poore dispersed and 
distressed Christians, which are found in Asia and Afrike, 
mingled among Mahumetans and Idolaters, 1 receive not 
into this account, both because they are but thinne dis- 
persed, in respect of the multitudes of Mahumetans and 
Idolaters in those Regions among whom they live (beeing 
withall under their dominion) and because also, many 
Mahumetans, are found mingled among Christians in 
Europe, to recompence and countervaile a great part 
of that number. 

Such therefore may be the generall proportion of Chris- 
tians to Mahumetans and Idolaters, in the Continents of 
the Earth hitherto discovered, namely, in this our neigh- 
bour Continent of the East comprehending Europe, 
Afrike, and Asia, and in that other Continent of the 
West, called America, and in the Hands belonging to them 
both. But if the South or Antarctique Continent, be so 
large, as I am verily perswaded it is (even no lesse, then 
that of the East before mentioned, which contayneth 
Europe, Afrike and Asia together) then will the Idolaters 
be found to surpasse all the other Religions, in exceeding 
great proportion, for that the Inhabitants of that South 
Continent are Idolaters, there is no question at all (as 
I take it) to be made, both because in the parts hitherto 
knowne, as namely in the Region of Beach, over against 
Java, they were found to be so : And also, because they 
are knowne to be no other then Idolaters, that inhabite all 
those parts of the other Continents, that neighbour most 
towards them, from whom it is likely, they should have 



received the change of their Religion, if any were : for 
first, in Asia, both India, and the Hands of the Indian Sea, 
whereof some lie close on the South Continent. Secondly, 
in Afrike, the Regions about the Cape of Buona Speranza. 
And thirdly, in America, the Countries that border on 
Magaglians Strait, which are the neerest Neighbours to 
the foresaid Continent of the South, are knowne to be 
all over-spread with Idolaters. 

Now that the South Continent is no lesse then I before 
esteemed it, namely, then that of Asia, Afrike, and 
Europe altogether, although I might be probably induced 
to beleeve so, because it is well knowne, both (touching 
Latitude) to approach in some parts neere the Equator, 
and (touching Longitude) to runne along in a continuall 
circuite about the Earth, fronting both the other Con- 
tinents : Yet have I also another reason of more certaine 
importance, to perswade me : Namely, because it is well 
knowne, that the land to the North side of the Line, 
in the other Continents (the old and new world) yet 
altogether is at least foure times as large as that part 
of them which lieth to the South. 

Now, for as much as it is certaine, first by Archimedes Arch'm. de 
his rule, *that the face of the Sea, is in all parts naturally l^^'^dentib, 

^ ^ Aquce I. I. 

* For touching the first of these suppositions. It is the propertie Propos. 2. 
of water, ever to fall that way, where it findeth declivitie. Where- 
fore, if the water, in the upper face of it, were higher in one place 
then in another it would necessarily fall from the higher position to 
the lower, because it is heavie and flexible, and hath nothing in the 
open and free Sea, to let or hinder it : And consequently, would 
never rest setled and stable, till the face of it were levelled, in an 
even distance from the Centre. 

And touching the second, if the Earth were unequally poysed 
on opposite sides of the centre, then must it follow, that the least 
and lighter masse of the Earth should presse downe as forcibly, as the 
greater and weightier, because it attaineth the centre as well as it. 
But if it be granted, which reason doth inforce, that the weightier 
part of the Earth should presse downward, with greater force, and 
with more right challenge the centre, then the lighter part : it must 
follow, that the lighter masse or side of the Earth, must yeeld and 
give place to the weightier, so farre, till the centre of that whole 
masse of the Earth take possession of the centre of the world (for 



level, or equally distant from the center of the water, 
for which equalitie, it hath obtained the name of -^quor, 

""Farro. I. 6. and Aqua, as Grammarians say "^ And secondly, by the 

f/f^'J'f: Philosophers knowne rule, that the Earth, is equally poysed 
"■x^'c \T"' °^ ^°^^ ^^*^^^ °^ ^^^ owne centre. And thirdly, that 

y Jlii. the center of the Earth and of the water are al one 

(both of them being indeed no other then the centre 
of the World) which though some phantastical heads 
have called into question, yet no sound Philosopher 
ever doubted of: It followeth thereupon, that the 

[I. i. 127.] earth should in answerable measure and proportion, 
lift it selfe and appeare above the face of the Sea, on 
the South side of the Line, as it doth on the North. 
And consequently, that what is wanting in the South 
parts of the two foresaid Continents towards the 
countervailing of the North parts (which is about 
three five parts of both the other Continents layed 
together) must of necessity be supplied in the conti- 
nents of the South. And yet I omit all the Land 
that may bee about the Artique Pole, beyond the 
Scythian or Sarmatian Sea, which must be also 
counterpoysed in that Antarctike continent, for nothing 
comes within the compasse of my understanding, to 

till then, one side will be still heavier then the other) and so the 
opposite halfes of the Earth, in respect of heavinesse, be brought on 
all sides, about the centre, unto a perfect equilibration. 

And the third may be established, by manifest demonstration. 
Because, a clod of Earth, suffered to fall from any point of the Aire, 
wheresoever on the face of the Sea (the same doth water, falling on 
even and plalne Land) when all is calme, and the Aire not troubled 
with winds, nor the Sea with waves, will descend by a perpendicular 
line, on the face of the water. In such sort I say, that the line by 
which it falleth maketh exactly equall and right Angles on all sides, 
with the face of the water whereon it falleth. Therefore it is mani- 
fest, that the Earth so falling, tendeth directly to the centre of the 
water. Because no straight line insisteth perpendicularly, on the face 
or circumference of any special bodie (as the water is) except only 
those that proceed directly to the centre of the Sphere : But certaine 
it is, that the Earth is withall directly carried toward its owne centre, 
therefore there is but one common centre of the Water and of the 



be hereto replyed, except any would perhaps imagine, 
that either the Sea on the South side of the Equator, 
is very shallow, or that the land of that continent 
may be much higher above the face of the Sea, then the 
land of the other two (and so equall in masse, though 
lesse in circuit) or that the Earth on the South side 
of the Equator, should be of a more ponderous dis- 
position, then on the North, in which cases, some 
compensation of weightinesse, may be made for the 
want of extention. But of these three, the experience 
of Saylers evidently repelleth the first : who in equall 
distance from the Land, observe an equall deepnesse 
of the Sea, in both South and North Latitude. And 
neither is there any experience, nor good reason that 
can be alleadged to establish either of the later : which, 
but that I have alreadie too much offended by digres- 
sions, I could prove I doubt not against all exception. 
' But this for a conclusion to this discourse, I dare 
pronounce touching that South continent, that it will 
certainly be found (in the after-times, when it shall bee 
better discovered) much larger then any Globe or 
Map hitherto extant, hath represented it. 

Such therefore (as I have declared) is the generall 
state of Christianitie at this present in the World, 
and the proportion of it to other Religions. But 
because you require yet further to bee specially 
informed of the divers sorts and sects of Christians 
that are abroad in the World, and withall of their 
divers Regions and Religions, at least of those princi- 
pall Characters of their Religion, wherein they specially 
differ each from other, I will here set downe my second 
period, touching the generall differences of Religions, 
and of the severall parts of the World where they are 
maintayned : and will now proceed to that particular 
consideration touching the Sects of Christianitie, and 
indeavour to give you the best satisfaction that my 
poore reading, and observation may inable me to 



Of the divers 'T^He Sects therefore of Christians, that carrie name 

ZfcZitia ^^^ report at this present in the World, beside 

in the World ^^ Protestants and Romans in the West, of whom I 

and of their will be silent, because you know their condition better 

several! Regi- then my selfe. are i the Grecians, 2 Melchites or 

ons And first Syrians, 7 Georgians, 4 Moscovites and Russians, c 
oftheGrecmns, -.i • ^ t ^i- 11 a-i • • r c • 1 

Chap i: Nestorians, 6 Indians tearmed the Christians or baint 

Thomas, 7 Jacobites, 8 Cophites, 9 Armenians, 10 
Habassines, and 1 1 Maronites. Of which eleven Sects, 
there be three Principall, namely the Grecians, Jaco- 
bites and Nestorians, with which the rest have, for the 
most part, either some dependance and derivation, or 
neerer convenience and agreement. 

The Grecians acknowledg obedience to the Patriarch 
of Constantinople, under whose Jurisdiction are in Asia, 
Bellon.Obser. the Christians of Natolia (excepting Armenia the lesse, 
/. \. c. 35. ^j^j^ Cilicia) of Circassia, of Mengrelia, and of Russia: 
As in Europe also, the Christians of Greece, Macedon, 
Epirus, Thrace, Bulgaria, Rascia, Servia, Bosina, Wala- 
chia, Moldavia, Podolia, and Moscovia : together with 
all the Hands of the ^Egean Sea, and others about 
Greece, as farre as Corfu, beside a good part of the 
large dominion of Polonia, and those parts of Dalmatia, 
and of Croatia, that are subject to the Turkish 

Of which great extendment of the Greeke Patriarchs 
Jurisdiction, if you demand the reason : I have observed 
sundry occasions, from whence it hath proceeded. For 
[I. i. 128.] first, his originall or Primitive authoritie assigned, or 
rather confirmed to him (as Bishop of the Imperiall 
Concil. Chal- Citie) by the Councell of Chalcedon ; contained all 
cedonens. ^^ Provinces of Thrace, and Anatolia (Isauria, and 

Cilicia only excepted, which belonged to the Patriarke 
of Antiochia) and they were in all no lesse then twentie 
eight Romane Provinces. Secondly, the voluntary sub- 
mission of the Grecians, upon their separation from the 
Latine Church greatly increased it : for thereby not 
onely Greece, Macedon, Epirus, Candie, and the lies 



about Greece (in all seven Provinces) came under his 
obedience ; but also Sicilie, and the East point of Italy, 
named Calabria, revolted from the Bishop of Rome, 
and for a long time pertained to the Patriarke of 
Constantinople, as appeareth in the Novell of Leo l^ovell. Leon. 
Sophus, touching the order and precedence of Metro- ^ ordine 
politans, belonging to that Patriarchy. And by the iJ i ''-l\l^ii'i 
like ordination set downe by Andronicus Paloeologus, juris Orlen- 
in Curopalates, where wee find the Metropolitans of talis. Curo- 
Syracusa, and Catana in Sicilie, of Rhegium, Severiana, Offic 
Rosia, and Hydruntum in Calabria, registred among the ^^^^^^^gp'^"' 
Metropolitans of that Jurisdiction. Thirdly, it was prope finem. 
inlarged by the conversion of the North Regions to 
the Christian Religion, performed by his Suffragans 
and Ministers, even from Thrace to * Russia, and the * Cromer de- 
Scythian Sea (the like whereof was the principall ^"''^P- ^°J°^'- 
cause, that so farre inlarged the Bishop of Rome his ; ^^^ ^J^' 
Jurisdiction in the West parts of Europe.) And i.i.Guagi 
fourthly, by the Turkes conquests made upon the Descript. c 
Westerne Countries, subject before to the Bishop of ^o^'^""''- ^- ^ 
Rome : all which, while partly the former Bishops 
and Pastors fled, to avoid the Turkes oppression (like 
the hireling that forsaketh the flocke, when he seeth 
the wolfe comming) and partly, while the Patriarke 
of Constantinople, to supply that default, was faine to 
provide them of new ministers, they have beene by 
little and little brought and trayned to the Greeke 

Now as touching the proper Characters of their Reli- 
gion, I must for the better designing and remembring 
of them, set before mee some instance or patterne to 
compare it, and other sects of Religion withall : And 
that is most fit to be the Romane Church, both because 
their differences with that Church specially, are in 
Writers most observed. So that, by that meanes my 
discourse may bee the shorter, and yet no lesse per- 
spicuous to you, that know the opinions of the Romane 
Church so well. The principall Characters then of the 




1. Concil. 
Florent. Sess. 
i8. y seque- 
tib. Jerem. 
Constant, in 
Resp. I. ad 
Germanos.c. i . 

2. Concil. 
Florent. prope 
Initium. Re- 
spons. Grcec. 
ad car din. 
Quest. 9. 

3. Resp. ead 
gracor. g. 5. 
Jerem. Patr. 
Resp. I. c. I, 

4. Jerem. 
Resp. ead. 

c. 10. y II. 

5 . Possevin. de 
Rebus Mosco- 
vice pag. 43. 

6. Id. I. cita. 
p. 40. 

7. Jerem. Re- 
spons. cap. 2 i . 
inter novel. 
in Tomo. i. 
Jur. Orien- 
talis. lib. 2. 
Zonar. Annal. 
Tom. 3. in 
Imp. Leonis 

9. Resp. Gra- 
cor ad Guisan. 
Qu^st.S. Pos- 
sevin. de reb. 

10. Possev. I. 
citat. />. 4 1 . 

Grecian Religion (for none but the principall you 
require) and to mention every slender difference of 
Ceremonies, would be but tedious and fruitlesse (and 
is beside without my compasse) are these that follow. 

1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father 
onely, not from the Sonne. 

2. That there is no Purgatory fire. 

3. That they celebrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist 
in both kinds. 

4. And in leavened bread, and thinke it cannot bee 
effectually consecrated in bread unleavened. 

5. That they reject extreame Unction. 6. And 

7. That they deny the soules of holy men to enjoy 
the blissefull vision of God, or the soules of wicked 
men to bee tormented in Hell, before the Day of 
Judgement. Th. a Jes. de Conv. gent. 1. 6. c. i. 

8. That they admit Priests marriages, namely, so 
that they may keepe their wives married before their 
Ordination, but must not marry after Ordination. 

9. That they prohibite utterly the fourth marriage, 
as a thing intolerable. Insomuch, that (as we find 
recorded) their Patriarkes have for that cause excommuni- 
cated some of their Emperors, although they had no 
issue left of their three former marriages. 

10. That they reject the religious use of massie 
Images, or Statues, admitting yet Pictures or plaine 
Images in their Churches. 

11. That they solemnize Saturday (the old Sabbath) 
festivally, and eat therein flesh, forbidding as unlaw- 
full, to fast any Saturday in the yeere, except Easter Eve. 

12. That they observe foure Lents in the yeere. 

13. That they eat not of any thing strangled, nor 
of bloud. 

14. And lastly, that they deny the Bishop of Romes 
Primacy, and (reputing him and his Church for Schis- 
matikes) exclude them from their communion : And so 
have done, as I find in Leo the ninth his Epistles, and in 



Sigebert, above these five hundred yeeres. And if you 
desire to see more differences of the Greeke and Romane 
Church, you may see them (but they are of lesse 
importance then those I have related in Possevines 
Booke of the matters of Moscovia. 

SYrians are the same, that in some Histories are 
termed Melchites : being esteemed for their num- 
ber, the * greatest sect of Christians in the Orient. 
The first, being properly the name of their Nation : 
And the second noting the propertie of their Religion, 
Surians they were named (to let vaine fancies goe) of 
the Citie of Tyre, which in the ancient language of 
the Phoenicians, was called ''nij? : and certainly, that 
Tyre was anciently called Sarra, is recorded by the 

* Roman Writers : and it is also acknowledged by 

* Vitriacus, Niger, Postell and others, that the place of 
Tyre, (for the Citie was utterly ruined three hundred 
yeeres ago) is still called the Port of Sur, which name 
it seemeth to have obtained, either because it was built 
on a Rocke, for so Buchardus that viewed the place hath 

* For Postels fantasie deriving Suria from fti ^Tm is meerely vaine, 
and being never so named in the Hebrew tongue, but alw^ayes D^lS, 
by which name also it seemeth anciently to have been knowne, even 
among the Grecians, for dpifioi mentioned in Homer, are no other, 
as Possidonius in *Strabo expounds him, then the Syrians: Strabo 
himselfe also recording in other places, that the Syrians* were called 
apd/Mo in his time : And that the * naturall Inhabitants of Syria, so 
called themselves. Yet neverthelesse they were vulgarly knowne by 
the name of Si^pot among the Grascians, because the Citie of "Tii?, 
being the maine Mart Towne of all those parts, was the place where 
they had their Trade and Commerce with those Aramites. But 
when the Phoenician tongue began to degenerate into Chaldee, then 
the name of Ti3? was converted into Tur, the later 3? being turned 
into t2 & 1 in sound made 1. As *they that observe the differences 
of the Hebrew and Chaldee, and the transitions of the first into the 
latter know to be ordinary, 

^ Paste/, in Descript. Syrice. p. 30, *Strab. I. 16. in fine. * Stra. I. 13, 
non long, ante finem. *Slrab. I. \. post. med. Burchard. descr. term Sanctcs. 
* Fid. Scaliger ad Test, in dictione Sarra. y Guidon. Fabric, in Grammatic. 
Chaldcea, l^c. 


y 42, Villa- 
mont. en 
Vorag. I. 2. c. 
21. l^ Alii. 

12. Possevin. 
I. citato. p. i^z. 

13. Nilus 
Episco. Thes- 
sal. de Pri- 
matu Papa 
Barlaam de 
primatu Papa 

y Alii. Leo. 
9, epist. I . ad 
Episcop. Con- 
stantinop. y 
Acridan. Isin 
pluribus aliis. 
Sigebert. in 
Chronica ad 
An. 1054. 
Possev. deReb. 
Mosco. />. 38. 
y seqnentib. 
Of the Syrians 
or Melchites. 
Chap. 16. 
pa. 3. /. 2, ca. 
de Melchiti. 
[I. i. 129.] 
14. c. 6. Fes- 
tus in Dic- 
tione sarra. 
* Vitria. 
Oriental, c. 


Niger in com- 
meritar. 4. 
Asia. Pastel, 
in descript. 
Syria, pag. 


de Nominib. 

""Plin. loc. 

Ecclesiast. I. 
i8. c. 52. 
*Ub. \%.c. 


1.2. 3. 4. 5. 
Jacob a Vit- 
riaco. Hist. 
Orient f. 75. 

observed) which *Ti5t in the PhcEnician tongue signifies : 
or else as Hierom derives it, of the straitnesse and scarce- 
nesse of roome, as being seated in a small Hand (but 
nineteene miles in circuit, as Pliny noteth) a small 
Territory for such a City : or perhaps, because it was the 
strongest fortresse (for that also nii: importeth) of all 
those Regions, as being founded on a Rocke, environed 
with the Sea (for it was before ^Alexanders time *= seven 
hundred paces distant from the firme land) mightily 
strengthened by fortification of Art, populous as being the 
Metropolis of PhcEnicia, and exceeding rich, as sometime 
the citie of greatest traffike in the world. 

Of this Citie then, both the Region and Inhabitants ot 
Suria obtained their names : but Melchitae as I said they 
were termed, meerely in respect of their Religion, wherein 
namely they altogether followed the examples and decrees 
of the Emperours. For whereas after the Councell of 
Chalcedon, infinite perplexitie and trouble began to arise 
in the East parts, principally about the opinion of 
Eutyches and Dioscorus, of one onely nature in Christ, 
which that Councell had condemned, but notwithstanding 
found many that maintained it, and rejected the Coun- 
cell in those Easterne Countries : And thereupon the 
Emperour Leo began to exact (as divers other of his 
Successours afterward did) the suffrages and subscriptions 
of the Easterne Bishops, for the better establishment of 
the Councell. Then began they that embraced and 
approved the authority of that Councell, because they 
followed the Emperours decrees made in behalfe of it, 
to be termed by their adversaries Melchitse, of Melchi, 
saith Nicephorus (rather s^b^) which in the speech of 
Syria signifieth a King : as one would say. Of the Kings 
Religion) whereas they that opposed themselves to the 
Councell, were distracted into no lesse then twelve 
severall Sects, and not long after into more, as the same 
* Nicephorus hath recorded. 

Now although the Syrians or Melchites, are for their 
Religion meerely of the Graecians opinions. As : 



1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely from the 

2. That they celebrate Divine Service as solemnly on 
the Sabbath, as on the Lords day. 

3. That they keepe that day festivall, eating therein 
flesh, and fast no Saturday in the yeere but Easter Eve. 

4. That their Priests and Deacons contract not Mar- 4- VUkmont. 
riage, being already in Orders, but yet retaine their wives ^'^ '^'oycg- 1- 2. 
before married. 

5. That the fourth Matrimony is utterly unlawfull. 

6. That they communicate the Eucharist in both S.j.^.F'Ula- 
]^il^(^g mon. loco citato. 

7. That they acknowledge not Purgatory. 

8. That they observe foure Lents in the yeere, &c. And 

in a word, although they bee meerely * of the same Religion *Vitriac. loco 
and communion with the Grecians : yet are they not of ^^^ "{^^°- 
the jurisdiction of the Patriarke of Constantinople, but of itlm^Tom 
the Archbishop of Damascus, by the title of the Patriarch %, c. i. 
of Antiochia. For Antiochia it selfe (where yet the name Bamugart. 
of Christians was first heard in the world, and was long Peregrin. I. z. 
knowne by the name oi Qeovirokii) lying at this present in a '^' ^' 
manner wast, or broken and dispersed into small Villages, 
of which onely one, of about sixtie Houses, with a small ^Bellon. 
Temple belonging to the Christians, §^ the Patriarchall Seat ''rH^'^ ' j' 
was translated thence to Damascus (where, as is reported, j/^. Eccksiar. 
are ^ above one thousand Houses of Christians) and there pag. 5. Boter. 
remaineth. For although ' the Patriarkes of the Maronites, ^^^^^- P- 3- 
and of the Jacobites, whereof the former keepeth residence 'j^' '^' f 
in Libanus, and the latter in Mesopotamia, intitle them- Qj.^^^ Tuno. 
selves Patriarckes of Antiochia, and by the Christians of grar. I. 4. /. 
their owne sects bee so acknowledged : yet doe the 296. ex rela- 
Melchites, who retaine the ancient Religion of Syria, ^l°"^_p^^'- 
acknowledge none for Patriarke, but the Archbishop of ^ Boter. loco 
Damascus, reputing both the other for Schismatickes, jam citato. 
as having departed from the obedience and communion of 'Boter. Relat. 
the true Patriarke. And yet besides all these, a fourth ^; }• ^- ^ ■ ^; 

^, • r ^1 T» 1 • • 1 11-1 del rairiarcna 

there is or the Popes designation, that usurpeth the title i^fi^^^ ji ^^„_ 
of the Patriarke of Antioch. For ever since the Latines stantinopoli. 
I 353 ^ 


[I. I. 130.] 

Of the Geor- 
gians, C'tr- 

ccss'ians 13 
Chap. 17. 

I. II. c. de 
sect. Syri^. 
Prateol. de 
sectis. haret. 
in Verba. 
Georgiani. iff 

Mela. I. I.e. 2. 

*Paul. Venet. 
1. \. c. 14. 

Chitra. de 
statu. Eccle- 
siar.p. 23. y 
50. y Alii. 

surprised Constantinople (which was about the ye ere 
1200.) and held the possession of the East Empire, about 
seventie yeeres, all which time the Patriarkes of Con- 
stantinople, were consecrated by the Pope : As also, since 
the holy Land, and the Provinces about it, were in the 
hands of the Christian Princes of the West, which began 
to be about An. iioo, and so continued about eightie 
yeeres, during which seeson the Patriarkes of Antiochia 
also and of Jerusalem, were of the Popes consecration : 
Ever since then I say, the Church of Rome hath, and 
doth still create successively, imaginary or titular Patriarkes 
(without jurisdiction) of Constantinople, Antiochia, Jeru- 
salem, and Alexandria, so loth is the Pope to loose the 
remembrance of any Superioritie or Title : that hee hath 
once compassed. 

THe Georgians inhabite the Countrey, that was 
anciently named Iberia, betwixt the Euxine and 
the Caspian Sea : inclosed with Shervan (Media) East : 
with Mengrelia (Colchis) West: with Turcomania 
(Armenia the Greater) South : And with Albania (Zuiria) 
North. The vulgar opinion of Historians is, that they 
have obtained the name of Georgians, from their devotion 
to Saint George, whom they principally honour for their 
Patron : and whose Image they alwayes beare in their 
Military Ensignes. But yet (as I take it) this vulgar 
opinion is but vulgar errour : because I find mention 
made of the Nations of the Georgians in those parts, both 
in Mela and Pliny, afore Saint George was borne whoso- 
ever he was. Touching the properties of whose Religion, 
this may be sufficient to observe for all : That "" it is the 
same, both in substance and ceremonies with that of the 
Graecians, "who yet are in no sort subject (neither ever 
were) to the Patriarke of Constantinople : but all their 
Bishops (being eighteene) professe absolute obedience to 
their owne Metropolitan, without any other higher depen- 
dance or relation. Who yet keepeth residence farre off, 
m the Monastry of Saint Katherine, in the Hill of Sinai. 



Prateo. de Haeret. sect, verbo Georgiani. Bernard. Lucem- 
burg. in Catalog. Haeret. in Georgiani. 

Next these, I must speake a little of their next neigh- 
bours, the Mengrelians and Circassians (Colchi and Zychi) 
they were anciently called) seated betweene the Georgians, 
and the River Tanais, along the Coast of Masotis and the 
Euxine Sea, as being also Christians of the Greeke com- ° ^ellon. 
munion, and beside ° of the Patriarke of Constantinople ■j^f^Michov'^' 
his obedience, and ^ converted by his Ministers Cyrillus de Sarmati'a. 
and Methodius to the Christian Religion. Which /. i. c 7. 
Religion notwithstanding at this present is exercised l^terianodelk^ 
among them, not without some depravation and mixture J^'^^ j^^^ ^ 
of strange fantasies, for the Circassians baptise not their Fabrica del 
children till the eight yeere, and enter not into the Church Mondo Trat. 
(the Gentlemen especially) till the sixtieth (or as others 2- ^oter. par. 
say, till the fortieth) yeere, but heare Divine Service ^" ^' ^' 
standing without the Temple, that is to say, till through 
age, they grow unable to continue their Rapines and 
Robberies, to which sinne that Nation is exceedingly 
addicted. So dividing their life betwixt Sinne and 
Devotion, dedicating their youth to Rapine, and their old 
age to Repentance. 

THe Muscovites and Russians, as they were converted Qfthe Mus- 
to Christianitie by the Grecians Zonar. Annal, Tom. covites y 
3. Cromer, de reb. Polon. 1. 3. so have they ever since J^^^^i^"^- 
continued of the Greeke Communion and Religion. ^^^^' '^" 

1. Denying the Holy Ghost to proceed from the Sonne. 

2. Rejecting Purgatory, but yet praying for the Dead. 

3. Beleeving that the holy men enjoy not the presence 
of God afore the Resurrection. 

4. Celebrating the Sacrament of the Eucharist, with 

loan. Metropolitan. Russ. in ep. ad Episcop. Rom. apud. Sigismund. 
de Rebus. Muscov. p. 31. Guagin. descrip. Muscov, c. 2. Sacran. de 
errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2. 2. Sigism. 1. citat. p. 41. Sacran. de Relig. 
Ruthenor. c. 2. Searga. Polon. 1. 3. c. 2. 3. Searga. Polon. 1. 3. c. 2. 
Guaguin descript. Moscov. c. 2. 4. loan. Metropol. Russ. ubi supra p. 
32. Guagin. descr. Muscov. ca. 2. 



leavened bread, and requiring warme water to mingle 
with the wine. 

5. And communicating in both kindes ; 

6. But mingling both together in the Chalice, and 
distributing it together with a spoone. 

7. And receiving children after seven yeeres old to the 
Communion, saying, that at that age they begin to sin 
against God. 

8. Omitting Confirmation by the Bishop. 

9. Denying the speciall efficacie of extreame unction. 

10. Excluding the fourth marriage as utterly unlawfull; 
whereas they approve not the second, as perfectly lawfuU, 
but onely permit it, but tolerate not the third, except on 
very important considerations. 

11. Dissolving marriage by divorcement, upon every 
light occasion or displeasure. 

12. Admitting neither Deacons nor Priests to Orders, 
except they be married : but yet * prohibiting marriage to 
them being actually in Orders. 

13. Rejecting carved or massie Images, but admitting 
the painted. 

14. Reputing it unlawfull to fast on Saturdaies. 

15. Or, to eate of that which is strangled, or of bloud. 

16. Observing foure Lents in the yeere. 

17. Refusing to communicate with the Roman Church. 

And (to conclude) excepting the difference in dis- 
tributing of the Eucharist, and exacting of marriage to 
their Priests and Deacons, there is not any materiall dit- 

5. Sigism. loc. citato, pag. 40. 6. Sigism. loc. citato p. 40. Guaguin. 
loc. citato. 7. Guaguin. Ibid. 8. loan. Metropol. Russ. ubi supra. 
apud. Sigism. p. 31. Guagin. loc. citato. Sacran. de errorib. Ruthenor. 
c. 2. 9. Sacran. loc, citato. 10. Sigism. lib. alleg. pag. 47. Possevin. 
de Rebus Moscov. pag. 2. Guaguin. Descript. Moscov. cap. 2. 11. 
Sacran. de errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2. 12. Sigism. lib. citat. p. 28. 
Searga. de uno pastor 1. 3. c. 2. * Possevin. de Reb. Moscov. p. i. 
Guaguin. loc. citat. 13. Possev. lib. allegato. p. 44. 14. loan. Metropol. 
Russ. ubi. supr. p. 31. Guaguin. loc. allegato. 15. Possev. in Moscovia. 
pag. 42. Sacran. de error. Ruthen. cap. 2. 16. Guaguin. loc. citat. 
17. Sigism. lib. citato, pag. 33. Boter. Relat. par. 3. 1. I. c. de 


ference in points of Religion, that I find betwixt them and 
the Grecians. With whom, they not onely maintaine 
Communion, but were also, and that not long since (and [I. i. 131-] 
of right still ought to bee) of the same Jurisdiction and 
Government, for ''their chiefe Metropolitan or Primate ""Possevln. 
(who is the Archbishop of Mosco) was wont to be ^^- ^o^'^"^'- 
confirmed by the Patriarch of Constantinople, but is Quamln 
now, and hath beene about some sixtie yeeres, nominated desmp. Mos- 
and appointed by the Prince (the Emperour of Russia) /^ov. cap. 2. 
and upon that nomination, consecrated by two or three 
of his owne Suffragans : Of whom even all sorts together, 
Bishops and Archbishops, there are but ''eleven, in al ""Possevin. loco 
that large Dominion of the Emperour of Russia. proxime citato 

Thus is it with those sorts of Christians hitherto related Uosco'.pag.z'i. 
touching their Religion, and Governours. All which (as 
you may easily perceive) are of the same communion, 
and in effect of the same Religion with the Grecians : 
And beside these, some large parts of the King of Polonia ^Boter. Rel. 
his Dominion, for Podolia, and for the most part ''Russia P^- i- ^- i- ^• 
Nigra, or Rubra as some call it (the larger Russia subject ^."■^^^^- ^'^'^S- 
for the greater part to the Duke of Moscovia, they'p.z. 
tearme Russia alba) are of the Greeke Religion. And 
although the Bishops of South Russia, subject namely 
to the King of Polonia, submitted themselves almost 
twentie yeeres agoe (An. 1594) to the Bishop of Rome, 
as Baron. Tom. 7. Annal. in fine. & Possevin. in Appar- 
sacr. in Rutheni. have recorded, yet was it not without 
speciall reservation of the Greeke Religion and Rites, 
as is manifest by the Articles of condition extant, ap. 
Th, a Jes. de Conv. gent. 1. 6. pag. 3. cap. i. pag. 328. 
& seq. tendered by them to the Church of Rome, and 
accepted, before they would accept of the union. So 
that it was not any revolting from the Greeke Religion, 
but onely (in effect) from the jurisdiction of the Greeke 
Patriarch, to the Pope, and that also with sundrie limita- "Sigism. de 
tions. And in '^Wilna (the Metropolis of Lituania) ^'b.Moscov, 
although the Archbishop professe obedience to the Pope, Qj^^S„ Jocq 
yet are there also in that Citie, as Sigismund hath jam citato. 



observed, more Temples of the Greeke Religion (there 
bee thirtie of them) then of the Roman. '^Epist. ad 
Chitrae. de Relig. Russor. So that if wee should collect 
and put together all the Christian regions hitherto in- 
treated of: which are all of the Greeke communion : 
And compare them with the parts professing the Roman 
Religion, wee should finde the Greeke farre to exceede, 
if wee except the Roman new and forraine purchases, 
made in the West and East Indies. 

Of the Nes- 'HT^He Nestorians, who have purchased that name by 
tonans. Chap. J_ ^.j^^jj. ancient imitation, and maintayning of Nestorius 
*^' his heresie, inhabite (though every where mingled with 

Mahumetans, or with Pagans) a great part of the Orient, 
for besides the Countreys of Babylon, and Assiria, and 
Mesopotamia, and Parthia, and Media, wherein very 
many of them are found, that Sect is spread and scattered 
farre and wide in the East, both Northerly to Cataya, and 
Southerly to India. So that in Marcus Paulus his historic of the East Regions, and in '^others, wee finde 
Ruhr. Itin. mention of them, and of no sect of Christians but them, 
Paul Fenet i ^^ ^^^Y many parts and Provinces of Tartarie : As namely 
/. \. c. 38. 2. in I Cassar, 2 Samarchan, 3 Carcham, 4 Chinchintales, 
/. eod. cap. 39. 5 Tanguth, 6 Succhuir, 7 Ergimul, 8 Tenduch, 9 Caraiam, 
3.f/z/.. 44.r. jQ Mangi, &c. Insomuch, that beyond the River Tigris 
y 0^6^-^ Eastward, there is not any other Sect of Christians to 
48. 7. c. 62. be found, for ought I can reade, except onely the 
8. c. 64. /. 2. Portugals, and the converts made by them in India, 
c. 39. /. eod. and the late migration of the Armenians into Persia. 
c. I. t5 64. r^-^^ reason of which large spreading and prevayling 
Paul. Diacon. ^^ ^^^^ Sect SO farre in the Orient, if you enquire I finde 
Hisior.Miscel. to that purpose, recorded by Paulus Diaconus of Cosrhoes 
B. 18. the King of Persia, that hee for the mortall hatred 

hee bare the Emperour Heraclius, by whom hee had 
beene sore afflicted with a grievous warre, inforced all 
the Christians of the Persian Empire to Nestorianisme 
permitting no Catholickes to remayne in all his Do- 
minions. By whose preaching, the Christian Religion 



being farre there inlarged and propagated into the 
East (as it seemes both because those of the Persian 
Dominion, were more Eastwardly then other Christians, 
and because it is certaine that all of them till this day 
acknowledge obedience to the Nestorian Patriarch in 
Mesopotamia, which Countrey was then part of the 
Persian Dominion :) It is no wonder if sowing their 
owne Tares and Christs wheat together, they propagated 
with the Gospell also their owne heresie. Shortly after 
which time, the Sarracens of Arabia (Mahumetans) 
conquering Persia, and bringing their Religion, together 
with their victories into all that large Dominion, there 
remayned but little outward meanes and slender hope 
of their repayre and reformation from any sound part 
of the Church (from which they were more now then 
afore divided) except what affliction and time, and the 
grace of God might worke and repayre in them. 

Now touching their Ecclesiasticall government : The Sand, de Fisi. 
Patriarch of the Nestorians, to whom all those of the j°"''['^'-^-'^- 
East parts acknowledge obedience (a number of whose ^"^^ ^^^^^^ 
Suffragan Bishops and Metropolitans, you have reckoned /. i, c. 15. 
up in Sanders booke de Visibili Monarchia, and whom Brocard Des. 
they call lacelich, saith Paulus Venetus Brochardus, T^rr. sanct. 

and others, but mistake it (or else they of the p^ad.Histor. 

East pronounce it amisse) for Catholick, as is observed Tuix. §. 3. 

by Leunclavius) hath his seat in the Citie of Muzal, ''Aubret. 

on the River Tygris in Mesopotamia, or in the Patri- ^Iff^"'^^^ 

archall Monasterie of Saint Ermes fast by Muzal. Th. Or^^^^"'^5. 

a Jes. 1. 7. pag. 3. c. 4. In which Citie, though subject Mas.inOrtel. 

to Mahumetans, it is ^recorded, that the Nestorians 

retayne yet fifteene temples, being esteemed about fortie ^^^'^"^'f- 

thousand Soules. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. par. i. c. 4. and the ^^^^' * 5- ^^• 

Jacobits three. Which Citie of Muzal, I either take sti-ab. l. \6. 

with Masius and Ortelius, to bee the same, that anciently hnganteUed. 

was called Selutia (and in Plinie Seleutia Parthorum) [I- i. 132-] 

both because Seleutia was, as Strabo saith, the Metropolis * Q^^rj. -^ 

of Assyria, even as * Musal is recorded to bee \ And ^^ ^^// ^^^,. /_ 
also, because I finde the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of 21.^.8. 



^ Condi. 
'Nicen. Ariih. 
I- 3-^- 33- y 

Euseb. A.M. 
Ben in Itine- 
rar. in Medio. 
See more 
exact relations 
of Bag. I. g. 
c. 9. 13 c. 
My Pilgrim- 
age I. 3. f. 2. 

Strabo. I. 16. 
Plin. I. 6. 
c. 26. 

Ptol. Geoe;. I. 
6.C. 18. ^y 
20. Dion. hist. 
I. 40. Plin. I. 
6. c. 26. 
""Boter. relat. 
par. 3. /. 2.C. 
de Nestoriani. 
The. a Jes. de 
confers, gent 
I. 7. par. I. c. 

Vitriac. hist. 
Orient c. 3 i . 
Tit. de bell. 
sac. /. 21. 

those parts committed by the fathers ^of the Nicene 
Councell, to the Bishop of Seleucia, assigning him with 
all, the name of Catholicke, and the next place of Session 
in Councels after the Bishop of Jerusalem, which name 
and authoritie in those parts, the Bishop of Mosal 
now hath. Or if Seleucia were some other Citie, now 
destroyed, as for certaine reasons I am induced rather 
to thinke, yet at least the Patriarchall Seate was from 
Seleucia translated to ""Muzal, for the opinion of Scahger, 
namely, that Seleucia was the same, that is now called 
Bagded, or new Babylon, my observations in Geographie 
and Historic, will not suffer mee to approove. First, 
because Seleucia is remembred by Strabo to be three 
hundred furlongs (seven and thirtie miles and one or 
two) Plinie saith, a great deale more, distant from 
Babylon, whereas Bagded is built close by the ruines 
of it. Secondly, because I find the position of Seleucia in 
Ptolemie to be two third parts of a degree, more North 
then that of Babylon, whereas Bagded is more South. 
Thirdly, because in Dion, and others, Seleucia is named 
for a Citie of Mesopotamia, which Bagded is not, but 
in the province of Babylon, as being beneath the con- 
fluence of Tigris and Euphrates. 

The Bishop of Muzal then, is Patriarch of the Nes- 
torians. But yet at this present, if the ^Relations of 
these times be true, there is a distraction of that Sect : 
which began about sixtie yeeres agoe, in the time of 
Pope Julius the Third : the Nestorians in the North 
part of Mesopotamia (about the Citie of Caramit) 

■" Muzal, the Patriarchall seate of the Nestorians, is either a re- 
mainder of the ancient Ninive, as Vitriacus, and Tyrius (who there- 
fore in his Historie calleth the Inhabitants of that Citie Ninivites) 
have recorded : Or at least, built neere the Ruines of it : Namely, 
over against it, on the other side of the River Tigris, as by Ben- 
jamin, who diligently viewed the place, is observed, for Ninive 
(which hee noteth to be dissolved into scattered Villages and Castles) 
stood on the East banke of Tigris, on Assyria side : whereas Muzal 
is seated on the West banke on Mesopotamia side, beeing yet both 
joyned together, by a Bridge made over Tigris. 



submitting themselves to another Patriarch of the Popes 
erecting (that revolting from the Bishop of Muzal, 
taking also on him, the title of the Patriarch of Muzal, 
which the Pope bestowed on him) having first rendred 
and professed obedience to the See of Rome, in which 
obedience it is said, that those Nestorians about Caramit 
doe still continue. 

Now touching the specialties of these Nestorians 
Religion, in relation to the Roman : they beleeve. 

First, that there are two persons in our Saviour, \Vitnac.hht. 
as well as two natures, but yet confesse, that Christ ^''^"^- '^- ^• 
from the first instant of his Conception, was perfect 
God and perfect man Th. a Jes. Ibid. 

Secondly, that the blessed Virgin ought not to 2 Id. loco. 
be tearmed Oeorr/cof, which yet now in some sort they "^'^^• 
^qualifie, confessing her to be the Mother of God ^Bot. relat. 
the Son, but yet refusing to tearme her the Mother of Z"^'- 3- ^- 2- 
CoA '^' ^^ ^^^^' 

Thirdly, that Nestorius condemned in the third and ^^ ^^J^, p.^^^ ' 
fourth generall Councels, and Diodorus Tarsensis, and /. 7. c. z. 
Theodorus Mopsuestensis, condemned for Nestorianisme 3 Bot. loco. 
in the fifth, were holy men : Rejecting for their sake, pro:<mociMo. 
the third generall Councell held at Ephesus, and all 
other Councels after it, and specially detesting (the mall 
of Nestorianisme) Cyrill of Alexandria, Th. a Jes. Ibid. 

Fourthly, they celebrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist, ^Fimackist. 
with leavened bread. ^f j"^- 78- 

Fiftly, they communicate in both kinds. Fovas-es I 2 

Sixtly, they use not auricular confession. r. 23. 

Seventhly, nor confirmation. t^Vill.lo.citat. 

Eightly, they contract Marriage in the second degree ^E.t.-j.Mak. 
r • •:• T-k T Tk-^ 1^ est. profess. 

or consanguinitie. In. a Jes. Ibid. ^^^^ /^ ^^•^_ 

Ninthly, their Priests after the death of their first Hoth. l^et. 

wives, have the libertie of the second or third or oftner Patrum. p. 

Marriage. Th. a Jes. Ibid. ^°^"^'v 

Tenthly, they have not the Image of the Crucifixe jf^^brk Itlncr 

on their Crosses. Tartar. ex-]. 



Of the Indians 
or Christians 
of Saint 
Chap. 20. 

"Sommar. d. 
popoli Orient, 
ap. Ramus. 
Vol. I. de 
Fiaggi, p. 


^Barhosa eod. 
Vol. p. 312. 
^Bot.rel.p. 3. 
/. z. c. della 
nova Chris- 
tianita d' 

^Bot. rel.p. 3. 
/. z. c. della 
d' India Th. a 
Jes. de conver. 
c. 4. 
[I- 1- I33-] 

part. I . c. 4. 

* Plin. loco 
proximo citato. 

vol. I. de 

THe Christians of India, vulgarly named the Christians 
of Saint Thomas, because by his preaching they are 
supposed to have beene converted to Christian Religion 
(and his bodie as is thought, remayneth among them, 
buried in the Citie of Maliapar on the Coast of Choro- 
mandel) inhabit in the neerer part of India : namely, in that 
great Promontory, whose base lying betweene the Out- 
lets of the Rivers Indus and Ganges, stretcheth out the 
sides farre toward the South (well nigh 1000. miles) 
till meeting in the point of Comori, they make, together 
with the base line forementioned (betwixt Cambaya and 
Bengala) the figure almost of an Equilaterall Triangle. 
In the more Southerly part of this great Promontory, 
I say neerer to Cape Comori, about the Cities of Coulan 
and Cranganor on the West side, and about Maliapar 
and Negapatan, on the East side, doe these Christians 
of Saint Thomas dwell, being esteemed afore the 
Portugals frequented those parts, about "15000. or 
'^ 1 6000. Families, or after anothers account ^70000. 
persons : but on the West Coast, the farre greater 
number of them is found, and especially their habitation 
is thickest, about Angamale, ''15. miles from the Citie 
Cochin Northward, where their Archbishop keepeth 

Now as touching their government : Their Archbishop 
till twentie yeeres since or little more, acknowledged 
obedience to the Patriarch of Mozal,* by the name of 

*For Mozal as I said before, is either Seleucia, or succeeded into 
the dignitie of it. And Seleucia is recorded to have bin inhabited 
.by the Citizens of Babylon, whereof it was a Colony : And such a 
Colony, as in short time it* exhausted Babylon it selfe, of all the 
Inhabitants, passing, by reason of the more commodious situation, to 
dwell at Seleucia. So that Seleucia being Inhabited by the Baby- 
lonians, and so becomming in stead of Babylon, the princlpall Citie 
of the Provinces of Babylonia, and Assyria, the Citie * obtayned the 
name of Babylon of her Inhabitants (as well as Seleucia, of her 
Founder) as Plinie hath recorded : And the Patriarch of it, the title 
of the Patriarch of Babylon. And although * Barbosa note, that 
subordination of the Christians of India, to be to the Patriarch of 
Armenia (which no doubt he received from the Indians relation, 



the Patriarch of Babylon, as by those Christians of India 
he is stil tearmed : & certainly that the Patriarch of 
Mozal,^ challengeth their obedience, as being of his ^Plin. I. 6. c. 
Jurisdiction, appeareth by the profession of Abil-Isu, 26. 
a Patriarch of Mozal, of Pope Pius the Fourth his 
Investing (Anno 1562.) as is to bee seene in ''Sanders ^Sand. znsib. 
Booke de visibili Monarchia. But then, the Archbishop ^ionarch.l.-j. 
of these Indians, revolting from his former Patriarch, 
submitted himselfe by the Portugals perswasion, to the 
Bishop of Rome, retayning notwithstanding, the ancient 
Religion of his Countrey, which was also permitted by 
the Pope. In so much, that in a Synod held in Goa, 
for that purpose, hee would not suffer any alteration 
to bee made of their ancient Rites or Religion, as one 
that lived in those parts at that time hath recorded. 
But that Bishop being dead, his successour in another 
Synod, held by the Archbishop at Goa, at 'Diamper, 'Possevin. in 
not farre from Maliapur, Anno i cqq. made profession, ^PP^rat.sacro 
together with his burtragans, and Priests, both or the concilium. 
Roman obedience and Religion, renouncing in such direct 
sort, the Patriarch of Mozal, and Nestorianisme, that 
they delivered up all their Bookes, to the censure of 
the Archbishop of Goa, and suffered their Lyturgie, 
in the points that rellished of Nestorianisme to bee altered, 
even in such sort as now it is to be seene in the last 
Edition of Bibliotheca veterum Patrum. BibUoth. vet. 

But before this alteration of their Religion was pro- ■^^^'"f ^"^" 
cured by the Portugals, those Christians of India were -^^'r^ 

among whom he was) yet certaine it is, that he meaneth no other, 
then this Patriarch of Mozal : because those Armenians which he 
meaneth, are by himselfe observed to have for their vulgar Language 
the Arabik tongue, and to celebrate their divine Service in the 
Chaldee, both which agree with Christians of Mozal, but neither of 
both with those of Armenia, whose Language both in the vulgar and 
sacred use is knowne to be no other then the Armenian Tongue. 
As also, because the Indians are knowne to have beene Nestorians, 
to which Heresie the Armenians were most opposite, as being in a 
manner Jacobites. But as it seemeth, that Patriarch is said to have 
beene of Armenia, for the neernesse of Mozal to the Confines of 



Nestorians, as having the dependance that I related, on 
the Patriarch of the Nestorians, they could not well be 
any other. Some specialties of whose Religion I find thus 

1 Osorius de i. That they distributed the Sacrament of the Eucharist 

rel Emman- j^ ^^^^ kinds. 

uel I i.Bou ^ ^^ ^^ celebrated it with bread seasoned with 
reL. p. 3. /. 2. J TT- • \ J • J r 

c. delk. Vec- Salt, (pane salato, saith my Historian) and in stead ot 

cliia Chris- Wine (because India affordeth none) in the juyce of 

tianita d' Raisons, softened one night in water and so pressed 
India. r .1 

2 Odoard rorth. 

BarbT.p. 3- That they baptized not their Infants till they were 

Ramus. Vol. \. fortie dayes olde, except in danger of death. 
p- 313- 4. That they used not Extreame unction. 

I'Navtgat ^_ ^\^2X their Priests were married, but excluded 

int?r relatione) ^^om the second Matrimony. Osor. de Reb. Emanuel. 

novi or bis. c. !• 3* 

134- 6. That they had no Images of Saints in their Churches, 

\ Joseph. Ind. 1^^^ Qj^giy ^.j^g Crosse. 

c'.'iT.' 7- That detesting (the Mall of Nestorianisme) Cyrill 

5 Osor. loco of Alexandria, they honoured Nestorius and Dioscorus 

ante citato. as Saints, which yet mee thinkes were strange, beeing 

Possev. in q£ ^^ contrary opinions, as they were, the first, for two 

f/oiamptri- Persons in Christ, as well as two natures: the second, 

ense Concil. for one nature, as well as one Person ; but it may be 

Thet. COS. I. that Dioscorus is by the Relater mistaken for Diodoras, 

10. ca. 15. ^^Q ^as indeed a great Nestorian, and for it condemned 

fi"i!"nt ^^ ^^^ ^^^ generall Councell. 

J Possev. loco 8. That they denyed the Primacie of the Pope. 
citato. 9. That their New Testament which in their Churches 

8 Possev. loco ^^gy formerly read (and still doe) in the Syriak tonge, 
'^^%°' ■ was by the Nestorians in sundry places, which are now 
JpparZ'.sacro altered by the Romanes, corrupted to the advantage 
iff Nestoriani. of that Heresie, wherein yet, I thinke the Reporter 
Widmanstad. ig deceived : because the same corruptions objected to 
tnpraf.Test. ^^^ (whereof some are no corruptions at all, but 
-^^"^^' agree rightly with the originall Text, much better then 

doth the vulgar Latine, by comparing whereof he examines 



them, and censures them for corruptions) the same I 
say, are found in the Syriaque Edition that we have, 
being so farre from being corrupted by the Nestorians 
that it was brought out of Mesopotamia into Europe 
(to bee printed by Moses Mardenus, from the Patriarch 
of the contrary Sect, namely, of the Jacobites. But yet 
notwithstanding, I am indeed certainly perswaded that 
the Syriaque ° Translation of the New Testament (who- 
soever was the Author of it) is nothing neer of that 
Antiquitie, which the Syrians (as Bellarmine and others Bellar. de 
report of them) pretend it to be, namely to have beene ^^' ^^^ ^^ 
the work of Saint Marke. First, because Saint Marke rf i 134.1 
dyed in the eighth yeere of Nero, as Hierome with Hienn. de 
others hath certainly recorded, after which time many Scrip. Ecck- 
parts of the New Testament, were written : as namely ^jf^^-^^^^^'^- 
Saint Johns Gospel, the Acts of the Apostles (for all ^^^^ Junius. 
the History from the 24. Chapter to the end, relateth in Annot. ad 
occurrents after Saint Markes death) the Epistles of loc predict. 
Saint Paul to the Galathians, Ephesians, Philippians, 
Colossians, to Philemon, and the second to Timothy. 
Secondly, because that Syriaque Translation is not to 
be found once mentioned, in any of all those ancient 
and learned Writers, that lived in those East parts, 
and diligently sought out and observed the severall 
Editions and Translations of the holy Scripture. And 
thirdly, because the Dialect discovereth it to be of a 
farre later Age, then that of the Apostles : which they 
will soone find to bee so (to omit some other Evidences) 
that shall compare the Syriaque words recorded in the 

" The Imperfections of the Syriake Edition, consist partly in sun- 
dry defects : namely, I. of all the Revelation : 2. of the Epistle of 
Saint Jude ; 3. of the second Epistle of Saint Peter : 4. of the 
second and third Epistles of Saint John : 5. of the History of the 
Woman taken in adultery, in the eight Chapter of Saint Johns 
Gospel, contayning the first eleven Verses : and 6. of the 7. Verse 
of the 5. Chapter of the first Epistle of Saint John. Of which, the 
two wants are no lesse found in sundry ancient Greeke Copies, as 
Erasmus, Beza, Junius and others have observed ; And partly, beside 
these defects, in some (very few) faulty translations. 



New Testament by the Evangelists (which all are noted 
Hieron. I. de by Hierome and by others) with the Syriaque Booke : 
nomtmb.Hebr. ^g ^^^ example, ixafxixwm. Mat. 6. 25. Mamouno. ya^^ada^ 
loan. 19. 13. Gephiphto. yoXyoOa, Mat. 27. 33. Gogoultho. 
AKeXSafxa, Act. I. 1 9. Chakaldemo, ixapavaQa^ I. Cor. 16. 22 
Moraneto. And to be short, there is not almost any 
Syriaque word recorded in the New Testament, which 
varieth not from that ancient pronouncing that was 
usual in the Apostles time, either in consonants, or 
vowels, or both : which could not be the alteration 
of any short course of time. 

Of the Jaco- 'T^He Jacobites obtained that appellation, as Damascene 

bites. J^ ^^^ Nicephorus have recorded, of one Jacobus 

^DaL^.)'.de surnamed Zanzalus, of Syria, who living about Anno 

h^resi'b. 'post 530. was in his time a mightie inlarger of Eutiches Sect, 

med. Niceph. and maintayner of his opinion, touching the unitie of 

hist.Ecclesiast. j^^ture in our Saviour : And his followers are at this 

• '■• 52- ^^^ -^^ great numbers, knowne by the name of Jacobites, 

in Syria, in Cyprus, in Mesopotamia, in Babylon, and 

in Palestine, For, the Patriarch of Jerusalem who keepeth 

his residence still in Jerusalem, (in which City, there 

Chitra de ygt remaine ^ ten, or more, Churches of Christians) is 

stat.Ecclestar. ^^^ ^ Jacobite. But although in all these forementioned 

i'j^ameh 1 5. Regions, these Jacobites are found (where they be esteemed 

Crus.inTur- to make about ^160000. Families) or rather '^ 50000. 

cog./.^.p.z^7. as Leonard the Bishop of Sidon, the Popes Visiter in 

'Bot. re/at. ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ recorded, ap. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. cap. 

r Giacobi ^' H- Y^t chiefly they inhabit in Aleppo of Syria, and in 

Brcitenbach. Caramit, and the Mountaine Tur of Mesopotamia : But 

peregrin, c. de yet their Religion under other Titles, is extended much 

Jacobitis. Fit- f^j-j-hgr, in SO much that it is recorded to bee spread 

' abroad in some ^^ forty Kingdomes. 

^PaulDiacon. AH which Jacobites of the places before specined, 
hist. Miscel. have, and long have had, a Patriarch of their owne 
/. 18. Religion (for I find the * Patriarch of the Jacobites spoken 

T^'^^'i^Her- o^ in the Emperour Heraclius his time) to whom they 
ac/io render obedience. The Patriarchal! Church of which 




Sect, is in the ^ Monasterie of Saphran, neere to the ^Mh-a-. in 
Citie of Merdin in the north part of Mesopotamia : "°^^^^^- ^P'"- 
But the Patriarch himselfe, keepeth ordinary residence "iot^rliatp 
in the Citie of Caramit, the ancient Metropolis of 3. /. 2. c de 
Mesopotamia, and which at this day, consisteth for the Giaco. 
greatest part of Christians, for that Caramit* is the same 
Citie, which the ancient Writers called Amida, Sabellicus, ^Sabellk. 
and others have left observed, and Amida to have beene ^^^PP^^"'- ^"^• 
anciently the Metropolis of Mesopotamia, I find in the 
subscriptions of the ancient Councels plainly recorded. 

But till Eutichianisme so mightily prevailed in those 
parts, as to worke in them a detestation of the Councell ^Conc. Chal. 
of Chalcedon, and a departure withall, from their ancient ^^'^''»- 1 • ^^• 
obedience : They belonged till then I say to the Juris- 
diction of the Patriarch of Antiochia, as beeing 'Provinces 'Notltia pro- 
of the Diocesse of the Orient, which we find in the ^'^""^'■• 
''second generall Councell, to be the circuit and ^Conc. Con- 
limitation of that Patriarchs authoritie, which is the ^^^»- ^ • Z''^- 
reason that the Patriarch of the Jacobites, keeping ever 
the name of Ignatius, intitleth himselfe Patriarch of 
Antiochia : And that the ' Patriarch of Jerusalem, who '^f>^- notlt. 
is also as I said a Jacobite acknowledgeth him (as some ^^"" °''^"' ^' 
record) for superiour : Having therein (if it be so) but ^ 
in some sort returned to the ancient obedience, wherein 
the Bishops of Jerusalem stood to the Patriarchs of 
Antiochia, even till the time of the Councell of Chalcedon : 
for then began Jerusalem, to be erected into a Patriarch- 
ship : And as we reade in the ""actions of that Councell '"Cone. Chal- 
with the consent and allowance of the Patriarch of '''^- ^'^'°" '^' 
Antiochia, the three Provinces of Palestina, which till 
then (Anno 451.) belonged to Antiochia, were with- 
drawne from it, and assigned to the Bishop of Jeru- 
salem for his Patriarchall Jurisdiction. 

Now as touching the Characters of their Religion. i. 2. 314. 

I . They acknowledge but one nature, and but one Jacob, a Fit- 

will and one operation, ex catechism. Tacobitar. ap. ^'''^'^''- ^"^• 

-^ ^ Orienf. c. 76. 

♦Caramit. is Kara Amida, that is (in the Turkish Tongue) blacke Villamont.l.z. 

Amida, because it was walled with blacke stone. c. 22. 



2 Bucebitig. 
hist. Eccles. 
Itiner. To. 8. 
c. I. Th. a 
Jes. I. 7. pa. 
\. c. 14. 

[I.i 135.] 
4 Bucebing. 
loco citato. 
Jlphons. a 
Castro. I. 4. 
cont. Heres. 
Tit. Confessio 

Fitriac. hist. 
Orient, c. j6. 

Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 15. in Christ (as there is but 
one person) and in token of that, they malce the signe 
of the Crosse, with one finger onely, which the other 
Christians of the East doe with two. 

2. They signe their Children before Baptisme, many 
in the Face, some in the Arme, with the signe of the 
Crosse, imprinted with a burning Iron. 

3. They use Circumcision. Saligniac. Itin. Tom. 8. 
c. I. even of both Sexes. Vitriac. ut ibi. 

4. They confesse their sinnes to God onely, not to 
the Priest, and as others record, but very seldome, so 
that many communicate without Auricular Confession. 
Leonard Sidon. ap. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 14. 

5. They admit not of Purgatorie, nor of Prayers for 
the dead. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 23. 

6. They consecrate the Eucharist in unleavened Bread. 
Salign. Itin. Hieres. Tom. 8. c. i. They minister the 
Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds. 

7. The Priests are married. 

8. They beleeve all the soules of just men to remayne 
in the Earth till the Day of Judgement, expecting Christs 
second comming, ex Catechism. Jacobit. 

9. They affirme the Angels to consist of two sub- 
stances, fire and light, ex Catechism. Jacobit. 

10. They honour Dioscorus and Jacobus Syrus as 
Saints, but yet condemne Eutyches as an Heretike. 
Patriarch. Jacobit. ap. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 14. 

These are the Properties (that I find registred) of the 
Jacobites ReHgion, namely of them, that are properly so 
called, and still retayne the ancient opinion of Jacobus 
Syrus. But it seemeth, that their principall errour, and 
which occasioned their first Schisme and Separation from 
the Church, Namely, the Heresie of Eutiches touching 
one nature in Christ, is for the most part, long since 
abolished : for as Vitriacus hath long agoe recorded, they 
denied to him (then the Popes Legate in those parts, 
and demanding the question) that they beleeved one 
onely nature in Christ : And being further asked, why 



then making the Crosse, they signed themselves onely 
with one finger, their answere was, that they did it in 
acknowledgement of one divine Nature, as also they did 
it in three severall places, in acknowledgement of three 
persons in that one nature. And besides of late time, 
Leonard another Legate of Pope Gregories the Thirteenth 
in those parts, hath recorded of the Patriarchs profession 
made to himselfe, that although they held indeed but 
one personated nature to be in Christ, resulting of the 
union of two natures not personated, yet they acknow- „™ 
ledged those two natures to be united in his person, Hoth.'ve't 
without any mixtion or confusion, and that they them- Patrum p. 
selves differed not in understanding, but onely in tearmes i°5°- 
from the Latine Church. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 14. ^'^P^d Baron. 
And although (as it is storied by some Writers of these ^e JnnJ""' 
times) some there be among them that still retaine that 
errour, yet certainly, that it is no generall and received R^^ig- ^ 
opinion among them, is most manifest, for we have extant ^°"^- 
the confessions of the "Jacobites of Mesopotamia, and ^S't'"'"' 
of those of °^gypt, and ^ of Ethiopia, and of ^Armenia, Goes. 
that is to say, all sorts of Jacobites, out of which it is '^Confess. 
evident, that that errour of Eutiches, is cleerly re- ^rmenior. 
nounced, as articularly acknowledging that the humane 2q"'hc' ^^' 
nature of Christ was taken of the Virgin, and of the i ^v. Cond/. 
same substance with ours, and remayned, after the Chaked. 
adunation with the Deitie (without any mutation of pro- ^^^'^«- i- ^ 
perties) distinct from the divine nature ' All which the P^""^' f ■ 

T T • r T-' • 1 1-1 heeres. I. 4. tn 

Jtleresie or Eutiches denied. Eutkhe. 

THe Sect of Christians named Cophti, are no other OftheCophti, 
then the Christians of ^gypt : And, it is the name °^ Christians 
of their Nation, rather, then of their Religion (in respect "q^^^^^ 
whereof they are meerely Jacobites) for as Masius hath Maf.'inSyror. 
observed, the Egyptians in some ancient Monuments Pecuiio. 
are tearmed ^gophti, whom vulgarly we name Cophti, Baron, in 
or Copti, and so they also name themselves, as may be ^^^f' ., 
seene, in the Confessions of these ^Egyptians recorded JdsedApouoL 
in Baronius. And certainly, that the Sigyptians them- Tom. 6. 
I 369 2 A 


Annalinfine. selves, name their Countrey Chibth, Ortelius after Thevet 
Ortel.tnThe- ]^^^ recorded: As also it is observed by Scaligfer, that 

sauro tn .,_,,,,. „ . a j i t-v • 

Egyptus. ^'"^ the lalmud it is called iriDi. And, by Drusius, 

Seal, ad out of R. David, and R. Shelomo, that ^Egypt is by 

Eusebii. them named TSij but not without some trajection of 

J'Z^i letters ^t>T.^ for ir33 R. David in prsf 1. Radic. R. 
CXXXIF. ^helom. in rLxod. 13. 

Drus. de But touching their Religion (to omit curiosity about 

Trib. sect. the name) they differ not, as I said from the Jacobites. 
Judceor.l.z Insomuch that (as Damascen hath observed) the same 
PhUacter'm Sectaries, that first were tearmed ^gyptii, because 
Damas. I. de among the Egyptians, that Heresie of one onely nature 
haresib. post in Christ, found the mightiest patronage, were after of 
^^'^^ Jacobus Syrus above mentioned, named in Syria, Jaco- 

bites. And till this day Severus, Dioscorus and Jacobus, 
the principall parents and patrons of that Sect, are by 
the ^Egyptians honoured in the memorials of their 
Lyturgies. Th. a Jes. lib. 7. pag. i. cap. 5. 
I hot. rel. p. J Using Circumcision : Yet I am not very certaine 
Christia del whether for Religion, or (which I observed it before 
Egitto. to have beene) as an ancient custome of that Nation, 

which custome yet is reported Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 6. 
Boter. p. 3. 1. 3, de Christ, de Egitto, to be now 
abrogated among them, by the perswasion of the Bishops 
of Romes Legates in a Synod held at Caire about thirtie 
yeeres agoe. Anno 1583. 

2. They conferre the inferiour sacred orders (under 
Priesthood) even to Infants presently after Baptisme, 
altogether, their Parents promising for them and per- 
forming in their steads (till they be sixteene yeeres old 
or thereabout) what they promise in their behalfes, 
namely chastitie, and fasting every Wednesday and 
Friday, and in the foure Lents of the yeere. Th. \ 
Jes. 1. 7. p. I. c. 5. They repute not Baptisme of 
any efficacie, except ministred by the Priest and in the 
Church in what necessitie soever. Th. \ Jes. 1. 7. 
p. I. c. 5. 

3. Neither baptize their children afore the fortieth 



day, though they should die without Baptisme. Th. a 
Jes. Ibid. 

4. Ministring the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both [I. 1. 136.] 
kinds. zThevetin 

5. They minister the Sacrament of the Eucharist in ^^^^/"^/f 8 
leavened bread. Th. a. Jes. ibid. 

6. Give the Sacrament of the Eucharist to Infants 
presently after their Baptisme. Id. Ibid. 

7. To sicke persons they neither minister Extreame 
Unction, nor the Eucharist. Id. Ibid. 

8. Although they acknowledge the Holy Ghost to 
proceed from the Father and the Sonne, yet in relating 
of the Nicene Creed, they leave out those words (and 
from the Sonne) as the Grecians doe. Id. Ibid. 

9. They admit not of Purgatorie nor of Prayer for 
the dead. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. 23. 

10. They contract Marriages even in the second 
degree of consanguinitie without any dispensation. 
Tecla. Abissin. ap. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 13. 

1 1 . They observe not the Lords dayes, nor other 
Feasts, except in Cities. Tecla. Abissin. Ibid. 

12. In celebrating of the Eucharist, they elevate not 
the Sacrament. Tecla. Abissin. Ibid. 

13. Reject all the generall Councels after that o 
Ephesus, expresly condemning the Councell of Chal- 
cedon. Id. Ibid. 

14. Reade the Gospel of Nicodemus in their Lyturgies. 
Prateol. de Heresib. in Cophti. 

15. Repute the Roman Church hereticall, and avoid 
the communion and conversation of the Latines, no 
lesse then of Jewes. And although Baron, in fin. Tom. 
6, Anal, have registred an Ambassage from Marcus the 
Patriarch of Alexandria to Pope Clement the Eighth, 
wherein hee is said to have submitted and reconciled 
himselfe and the Provinces of ^gypt to the Pope, yet 
the matter being after examined was found to bee but 
a tricke of Imposture, as Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 6. hath 



Thorn, a Jes. i6. Maiiitayning the opinion of one nature in Christ: 
(ie conv. gent. ^^^ -^^ %\xz\i sort, that although in the generall position 
■^ Thorn, a' touching one nature in our Saviour, they follow Euty- 
Jes. loco citato, ches, yet in the speciall declaration, at this day they differ 
Bot. loc. cit. very much from him. For they acknowledge him to 
bee truly, and perfectly both God and man : And, that 
the Divine and humane natures, are become in him 
one Nature, not by any confusion or commixtion of 
them, as Eutyches taught : but onely by coadundation. 
Wherein although they Catholikely confesse, that there 
is no mutation of properties in either nature, being united 
in Christ, from what the divine and humane natures 
severally obtaine in severall Persons : Yet beeing not 
well able (as it seemes) to distinguish betweene the 
nature and the Person, they dare not say there be in 
Christ two Natures, for feare they should slip into 
Nestorius Heresie of two Persons. Which Heresie of 
one onely Nature in our Saviour, beginning with Euty- 
ches, although after dispersing it selfe into many branches, 
hath ever since the time of the Councell of Chalcedon, 
by which Eutychianisme was condemned and for it, 
^Conc.Chal- the Patriarch of Alexandria ' Dioscorus deposed, beene 
ced. Jction 3. nourished and maintayned, as by other Christians of the 
East, so specially by the Egyptians. Insomuch, that 
not onely sundry Patriarchs of Alexandria, and Antiochia 
(but specially of Alexandria) together with many other 
Bishops of the East parts, their Suffragans, and adherents, 
are recorded to have maintayned and advanced, that 
1:^6^ 22 ^-^o Heresie of Eutyches, but we find moreover, many 
33. l^c. Synods of those parts, registred or remembred in Eva- 
Leont. de Sect, grius, Leontius, Nicephorus, and the Booke called 
Jction. 5. ""S/xo'^tfov, brought to light by Pappus, &c. wherein (in 
f'^l y 5! the behalfe of that Heresie) the Decrees of the Councell 
y/. 18. y of Chalcedon were condemned. In which Councell, 
sequent. although we reade of the greatest Confluence of Bishops, 

""S^nod. 97. ^^<^ g^gj. j^g^. about the Establishment of any point in 
'08 f °ii Christian Religion (& yet beside the six hundred and 
109! '^c. ' thirty Bishops present in that Councell, there are extant 



in the " Booke of Councels, the Suffrages of about thirtie '^ Ad fin. Con- 
Provinciall Synods, that by their Epistles to the Em- i'^^^^^' 
perour Leo, confirmed it, together with all the Bishops Condl. Binii. 
of the West, by whom it was likewise received) yet 
notwithstanding all this, that Heresie so prevailed in the 
East parts, and specially in Egypt, whereof we now 
entreate, that from that time to this it was never cleered 
of it. But as there was never Heresie that so grievously 
wounded the Church 'of God, as that of Eutyches 
(except perhaps Arrianisme) so was no part of the Church 
so deeply and deadly wounded by it, as that of Egypt. 
So that, even at this day, although the wound be in 
some sort healed, yet the wemme or skarre still re- 
mayneth. For it is not many yeeres, since by certaine 
Jesuites, Agents for the Bishop of Rome, some con- Bot.rekt.par. 
ferences were had with the Patriarch of Alexandria and /;i"-^"'^*-J 
his Synod, wherein, although they confessed (if true ^guto. 
relation be made of that conference) that Christ is true 
God and true Man : yet did they purposely refraine from 
mentioning two natures in Christ, lest they should by 
little and little slip into the Heresie of two persons. 

Now as touching their Ecclesiasticall government they 
are subject to the Patriarch of Alexandria," whose Patri- ° 
archall Seat is at this present translated (and so long hath ^^^^-Ecclesiar. 
beene) to the Citie of Caire, in ^ either of which Cities, p jr^p-^^_ j/g^. 
(Caire and Alexandria) there remaine at this day, but ap. Baron. 
three Christian Temples apiece. Whereas Burchardus Tom. 6. in 
recordeth of his time (about three hundred and twentie ■'^"^' 
yeeres agoe) that in one of them (Caire) there were above 
fortie, Burch. descr. ter. sanct. par. 2. c. 3. But yet, to 
the Jurisdiction of this Patriarch belong, not onely the 
native Christians of Egypt, who are but very few, con- 
sidering the exceeding populousnesse of that Nation (for 
they are esteemed as I said before, not to passe fiftie 
thousand) which in Burchardus his time, are by him [I. i. 137.] 
recorded to have beene above 300000. Id. p. 2. c. 3. 
together with the small remainder of Christians, that 
are found about the Bay of Arabia, and in Mount Sinai 



Alvarez, his- 
tor. Ethiop. 
c. 137. 

^Nicen. Con- 
di. I. 3.f. 36. 

Vitriac. hist. 
Orient, c. ~6. 
Brocard. de- 
script. Terra. 

Eastward, or in Afrike as farre as the greater Syrtis 
Westward : but the Christians likewise of Ethiopia 
acknowledge obedience to him. For although Alvarez 
in his Storie of Ethiopia have related (as he doth also 
some other matters touching the ancienter condition of 
the Church, too grossely and boldly) that the Christians 
of Nubia till their defection from Christianitie, were of 
the Popes dependance and Jurisdiction, and received 
their Bishops by his consecration (and say nothing oi 
the Patriarch of Alexandria) yet certainly, that they were 
not so, is manifest, for besides that Saligniacus (himselfe 
the Popes Protonotary, and whose travell had taught 
him some knowledge of the East parts,) directly denieth 
the Nubians professing of obedience to the Bishop of 
Rome, observing, that they were governed by a Prelate 
of their owne, whome they termed the Priest of the Law. 
Itiner. Tom. 8. c. 2. Beside that direct testimony of his 
I say, there bee other Evidences. First, because there 
cannot be produced any Instance, out of any Ecclesiasti- 
call Historic, either ancient or moderne (as I am certainly 
perswaded) to that effect. Secondly, because the Fathers 
o^ the Nicene Councell, as we find in " Gelasius Cizicenus, 
are knowne to have assigned Ethiopia, whereof Nubia 
is a part, to the Patriarch of Alexandria his Jurisdiction, 
Thirdly, because the Patriarchship of Alexandria, lyeth 
directly betweene Nubia and Rome, as beeing immediatly 
at the backe of Egypt. Fourthly, because the Nubians 
were in Religion Jacobites, as a Roman Cardinall Vitriacus 
Brocardus, and others have recorded, and as their baptising 
with fire remembred by Burchardus and Saligniacus did 
manifestly import Burch. deser. terr. sanct. p. 2. c. 3. §. 
7. Saligniac. Itin. Tom. 8. c. 2. of which Sect the 
Patriarch of Alexandria is knowne to be : which, had 
the Pope the assignement or confirmation of their 
Prelates, it is utterly unlike they should have bin. Fiftly, 
because in time of their necessity, being left destitute 
of Bishops and Ministers, if they had pertained to the 
Bishop of Rome his Jurisdiction, they would rather 



have had recourse to him, for repaire of the decayed 
and ruinous state of their Church who both plentifully 
could, and no doubt readily would have releeved them, 
rather, then suffered them to depart as they have done, 
from the Christian Faith : To him I say, they would 
rather have resorted for supply, then to the King of 
Habassia° (as they did) beeing of another Patriarchall ° Alvare%.loco 
Jurisdiction. Certaine therefore it seemeth, that Nubia ^^°^- "^^^°- 
while it was Christian, belonged not to Rome but to 
Alexandria : By whom, if the Nubians in their dis- 
tresses were not releeved, no man can wonder, that 
knoweth the great want and misery of the Church 
of Egypt. 

NOw touching the Habassines, or mid-land -^thi- OftheHabas- 
opians, whether they have obtained that name, by ^^^'^^- ^^^^f- 
reason of their habitations (in houses) which the 
^Egyptians called Avases, as Strabo hath observed (for Stra. I. z. 
the ancient Bookes have ava eig not avda-eig) in difference ^ '7- 
from them, which dwelling neerer the Bay of Arabia, 
were called Trogloditae (axto rov? rpoXyeov) because they 
dwelled in Caves, not in Houses, as Plinie and others Pltn-l.z^.c.%. 
have recorded: whether I say, for that reason they ,.^"^' °'^' 
nave obtamed the name or Abassms, or no, let more 
curious men inquire. But as touching their Religion, 
they are in manner meere Jacobites: And their King 
(whom by error we call Prestor John) is sundry times 
in Histories termed the Prince of the Jacobites. And 
their leaving out of their memorialls (in* their Liturgy) *Liturg. 
the Councell of Chalcedon, by which the heresie main- ;^-S/r.f 
tained after by Jacobus Syrus was condemned, whereas patrum' tag. 
the Councells of Nice, of Constantinople, and of Ephesus 59. y 65. 
are remembred, doth import so much. And in very 
deed considering the dependance, that the Church of Zag. Zabo. de 
Habassia hath of the Patriarke of Alexandria, it is ^elig. y 
almost unpossible but they should be so ; for as Zaga, ^V^' 
Zabo, an Habassine Bishop hath left recorded, although Dammiai 
they have a Patriarke of their owne, whom they call in Goes. 



Eth'iop. Tom. 
6. Biblioth. 
Vet. Patruin. 
p. 62. 

* Concil. 
'Nken. I. 3. 
can. 36. 

[Li. 138.] 
9. 10. 1 1. 

Zag. Zab. de 
Reltg. y 
morib. Etkiop. 
ap. Dami- 

their owne language Abuna, (our Father) and hee chosen 
by the Habassine Monkes of Saint Antonies Order 
remaining in Jerusalem, yet are they limited to chuse 
one of the Jurisdiction of Alexandria, and a *Monke 
of Saint Antonie he must be. And beside that, the 
confirmation and consecration of him belongeth to the 
Patriarke of Alexandria, and by him he is sent with 
Ecclesiasticall charge into Habassia. And (to be short) 
their prayer in their * present Liturgie, for the Patriarke 
of Alexandria, terming him the Prince of their Arch- 
bishops, and remembring him before their owne Patriarke, 
evidently declareth their dependance and subjection to 
that Sea. Which supreme Ecclesiasticall power touching 
Ethiopia, to have belonged very antiently to the 
Patriarke of Alexandria, may appeare by the Arabike 
Booke of the Nicene Councell, translated by Pisanus, 
where that authoritie is found assigned to the Patriarke 
of Alexandria, touching that Abuna of ^Ethiopia (by 
the name of Catholike) and withall, to that Catholike 
of chiefe Bishop of vEthiopia, the seventh place in the 
Sessions of generall Councells, namely, next after the 
Bishop of Seleucia (whose Seat was next the Patriarkes 
of Jerusalem) by the Decree of the same Nicene Fathers 
was allotted. 

But if you desire a register of some speciall points 
of their Religion ; 

1. They circumcise their children the eight day, after 
the manner of the Jewes : Even Females also as well 
as Males, wherein they differ from the Jewes. 

2. They reverence the Sabbath (Saturday) keeping it 
solemne equally with the Lords day. 

* You may observe, which I in my reading have done, that all 
the Patriarkes and other Bishops of the East, are Monkes, of the 
Orders, either of Saint Basil, or Saint Anthony, for the Patriarkes of 
Constantinople, of Antiochia, and of Armenia, are Monkes of Saint 
Basils Order : the Patriarkes of Alexandria, of Ethiopia, of the Jaco- 
bites, and of the Maronites, are of Saint Anthonies : And the Pat- 
riarke of the Nestorians either of both. 



3. They eat not of those beasts, which in the old 
Law are censured for uncleane. 

4. They consecrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist in 4- Alvarez,. 
unleavened bread : contrary to the custom e of all the ^"^* ^^'^^°P- 
East, the Armenians excepted. Neverthelesse Tecla an 
Habassine Monke and Priest, saith that they celebrate 
ordinarily in leavened bread, but on the day of the 
institution of the Lords Supper (the Thursday before 

Easter) they do it in bread unleavened over al Habassia. 
an. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 13. 

5. And communicate in both kinds, which they receive '^- Alvarez. 
standing. And all of them, as well of the Laity as L^" , .,. . 
Clergy at leastwise every weeke, the Priest ministring at. Th. a Jes. 
the bread, and the Deacon the wine with a spoone. he alleg. 
Tecla. Abissin. Joel. Zag. Zab. de rel. But yet onely in 

the Temple ; it being not lawfull for any (not the King 
or Patriarke) elsewhere to communicate. After the re- 
ceiving whereof, it is not lawfull for them to spit that 
day till the setting of the Sunne. Zag, Zab. ibid. 

7. And that even to their yong Infants, presently after 

they are baptised : * which in their Males is fortie dayes * Tecla. Abi- 
after their birth, and in Females eightie (except in perill ■^"'" ^P-'^^°- 
of death, for then they are presently baptised. Tecla ^^^.^ „^„^_ i ' 
Abissin. ib.) till which time be complete, their women^. 
also enter not into the Temple. Zag. Zab. ibid. 

8. They professe but one Nature and one Will in 
Christ, yet without any mixtion or confusion of the 
Divine and Humane substances. Tecla. ap. Th. a 
Jesuit. 1. 7. pa. i. c. 13. 

9. Beleeve the reasonable soules of men, to bee 
traduced from parents by seminall propagation. Zag. 
Zab. de Relig. ^thiop. in fine. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 8. 

10. Beleeve the soules of the Infants departing afore 
Baptisme to bee saved, because they are sprung from 
faithfull parents, and namely the vertue of the Eucharist, 
received by the mother after conception to sanctitie the 
child in her wombe. Zag. Zab. ibid. Th. a Jes. I. 7. 
p. I. c. 8. Alvar. hist. iEthiop. ca. 22. 



Alvarez., eod. 

Zaga. Zabo. 

loco, citato. 
Jlvarcz. lib. 
citato, c. 5. 

Alvar. f . I 3 . 
Zaga Zabo, 
ubi supra. 

11. They presently upon commission of sinne resort 
to the Confessour, and at every confession (though it 
were every day) receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist. 
Zaga Zabo, ibidem, 

12. They have onely painted, not massie Images in 
their Churches. Tecla. ubi supra. 

13. They accept onely the three first generall Coun- 
cells, rejecting that of Chalcedon, for determining two 
Natures to be in Christ, and for condemning Dioscorus 
the Patriarke of Alexandria. Tecla. Abis. ib. 

14. Elevate not the Sacrament in celebrating of the 
Eucharist, but keepe it covered : neither reserve it after 
the Communion, 

15. To excommunicate obstinate sinners, is peculiar 
to their Patriarke, which yet is not usuall among them, 
except in case of Murther, Zag. Zab. ibid. 

16. Their Priests, and other inferiour Ecclesiasticall 
Ministers (as also Monkes) live by their labour, having 
no tithes for their maintenance, nor being suffered to 
crave Almes, Zag. Zab, loc. citato, 

17. But the conferring of Bishoprickes, and other 
Ecclesiasticall Benefices (except the Patriarchship) be- 
longeth onely to the King. Zag, Zab. ibid. 

18. Use neither confirmation, nor extreame unction. 

19. Admit the first marriage in their Bishops and 
Priests, but not the second, except their Patriarch 

20. Eat flesh every Friday (as on other dayes) be- 
twixt Easter and Whitsunday : as on every Saturday 
also through the yeere, except in Lent. 

21. Baptise themselves every yeere on the day of the 
Epiphany, in Lakes or Ponds, 

Concerning which first and last points, namely, of 
their Circumcision and annuall Baptismes, I have some- 
what to observe : Namely, first, touching their Circum- 
cision, that they observe it, not so much perhaps of 
Religion, as of an ancient custome of their Nation, For 
although their circumcising on the eight day, seemeth to 



imply that they received it from the Jevves, yet their 
circumcising of both sexes, as certainly argueth that 
they did not so. And if the Habassines bee of the 
race of the ancient Ethiopians, the doubt may bee the 
lesse : because Herodotus and others have recorded it, Herodot. I. z. 
for an ancient Ceremony of that Nation. Or, if they /"*^- ^ ^^^^°- 
bee not of the ^Ethiopian race, but of the progeny of 
the Arabians, as by Uranius in Stephanus Byzantius it Stephanus 
should appeare, recording them for a Nation of the By^/'"f- 
Arabians, neere to the * Sabaans : even m this case also, /« dictione 
the occasion and originall of circumcising among the A/SdiTj^ot. 
Abassines will bee discerned well enough : namely, be- 
cause it is specially storied to have been a very ancient 
Ceremony among the Arabians : among whom it might 
have beginning, by reason of the descent of many of [I. i. 139.] 
the Arabians, from Ismael, and sonnes of Abraham, by Gc7i. 25. 3. 
Keturah, planted in Arabia, of which Sheba by name ^- Skindla: in 
recorded for one. But yet if the Abassines observe ^^^^l°^^f- . 

•'^ . - _ . , _ , Pentaglot. tn 

Circumcision, not, as an ancient National Custome, but ^-|^. 

in any sort for Religion sake, then it may be excused 

in such manner, as ''one of their owne Bishops hath ^''Z-agaZabo 

professed, namely, that it is done onely in remembrance " ^ ^^^^^' 

and love, and imitation of our Saviour, because he was 

circumcised, and not for any other opinion of holinesse 

at all. 

And secondly, touching their annuall baptisings in the 
Feast of the Epiphany, which they (with many Ancients 
of the Church) suppose to be the day of our Saviours 
Baptisme, it is declared by the "= Ethiopian Bishop above '■^^. -^^%''» 
mentioned to bee practised among them, not as any ^„/°}^J"^' 

* Which seemeth to bee true, both because in the Ethiopian* * Liturg. 

Liturgie, they terme their owne Kingdome the Kingdome of Sheba, Ethlop. in 

and also because the Kings of Habassia* deduce lineally their descent, Tom. 6. 

from the Queen of Sheba that came to see Salomon : which Sheba BibUothecte 

is to the skilfull certainely knowne to be in Arabia : and either the Vet.Pat.p.^(). 

same that wee call Arabia foelix, or some parts of it. And certainly * Zag. Zabo 

it is observed by learned men, that Arabia fcelix in the Easterne de Morib. 

tongue, is named MnilJ, as Arabia deserta "Tip and Arabia Petrasa, Ethiop. apud 

rQi> o^* y"C^- Damian. 



'^ Posse fin. de 
Reb. Moscov. 
p. 6. 

hist. Ethiop. 

Of the Ar- 
Chap. 24. 

^Vid. Postel. 
lib. de 12. 
Linguis. Tit. 
de Lingua 

^ Notitia pro- 



Concil. Chnl- 
cedon. Can. 

Sacrament, or any conceit of sanctification to bee ob- 
tained by it, but onely as a memoriall of Christs baptisme, 
because as on that day he was baptised in Jordan. Even 
as the ^ Moscovites also do the like on the same day in 
Rivers, and for the same reason, which appeareth the 
more evidently to bee so, because this yeerely baptising 
is no ancient Ceremony of the Habasins, but a fashion 
of late taken up among them, as Alvarez that lived long 
in those parts hath related, as being namely the institu- 
tion of ""his grandfather, that then reigned in Habasia, 
being about one hundred yeeres agoe. 

THe Armenians, for Trafike to which they are ex- 
ceedingly addicted, are to be found in multitudes, 
in most Cities of great Trade, specially in those of the 
Turkish Empire, obtaining more favour and priviledge 
among the Turkes, and other Mahumetans, ''by a patent 
graunted that Nation under Mahumets owne hand, then 
any other sect of Christians. Insomuch that no Nation 
seemeth more given to Merchandize, nor is for that 
cause more dispersed abroad, then the Armenians, except 
the Jewes. But yet the native Regions of the Armenians, 
and where they are still found in the greatest multitude, 
and their Religion is most supported, are Armenia the 
Greater (named since the Turkes first possession of it 
Turcomonia) beyond Euphrates, and Armenia the Lesse 
on this side Euphrates, and Cilicia, now termed Car- 

Now the Armenians touching their Ecclesiasticall 
government, were anciently of the Jurisdiction of the 
Patriarke of Constantinople, as being ^ Provinces of the 
Diocesse called Pontica, which together with the Pro- 
vinces of the Diocesses Asiana, and of Thrace (three 
of the thirteen Diocesses, into which the whole Empire 
was divided) were by the Councel of Chalcedon, assigned 
or else confirmed to the Patriarke of Constantinople, 
for his jurisdiction. But at this day, & very long since, 
even before Photius his time (as is evident by his circular 



Epistle) the Armenians are departed, both from the 

government of that Patriarke, & from the communion 

of the Grecians (whom at this present, they have in 

more detestation then any other Sect of Christians) and 

that principally, for the very same occasion, for which Photll ep'ist. 

the Jacobites of Syria withdrew their obedience from ^f.T^/^>^.f/«^ 

v^-1 r A • -i • 1 ITT • r baron, lorn. 

the Patriarch of Antiochia, namely, the Heresie or one j^ jj^al 
onely nature in Christ. And ever since that departure, An. 863. 
they acknowledge obedience, without any further or 
higher dependance, to two Patriarckes of their owne : 
whom they terme Catholikes. Namely one of the 
greater Armenia, the Families under whose jurisdiction 
exceede the number of 150000. beside very manie 
Monasteries. Leonard. Sidon episc. ap. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. 
p. I. c. 19. who at this present 'keepeth residence, in 'Mira-Notit 
the Monasterie of Ecmeazin, by the Citie, &c. Leonard. -^Z"^- '^''^• 
Sidon, episc. ap. Tho. a Jes. loc. citato, by the Citie of "^J^,.' ^^/^. 
Ervan in Persia, being translated thither by occasion oi tion.p.x,.l.z. 
the late warres betwixt the Persians and the Turkes : c. de Dios- 
but his ancient seate was Sebastia, the Metropolis of '^'"''^«'- 
Armenia the greater : And the other Patriarch of Armenia 
the lesse, the Families of whose jurisdiction are esteemed 
about 20000. Leonard, Sidon. ubi. supra, who anciently 
kept at ''Melitene, the Metropolis of that Province, but ^ Condi Chal- 
now is resident in the Citie of Sis, not farre from Tarsus "^- ^^*'°J^- ^• 
in Cilicia, the middle limit on Interstitium, of those ^" ^ ^ '^^' 
two Patriarchs Jurisdictions, being the River Euphrates. 
Such at this present is the state of the Armenian 
Church, and the jurisdiction of their Patriarchs. But 
it should seeme, by that I finde recorded, by Otho Otho. Pkris- 
Phrisingensis, upon the report of the Legates of Ar- ^"<^- ^* 7- ^• 
menia, sent from the Catholique, to the Bishop of Rome ^ 
in his time, that the jurisdiction of the Catholique of 
Armenia was then farre larger, as namely, that he had 
above a thousand Bishops under his obedience : Except 
Otho perhaps mistooke, as I verily beleeve he did, 
obedience for communion : for as touching the com- 
munion, which the Arminians maintained with other 



Tom. I . Juris 
Oriental. I. z. 

'^De Bel.sacro 

I. \\. C. 12. 

Isovel. 3 1 .(T. I , 
[I. i. i+o.] 

Eccle. /. i8. 

^- 53- 

Confes. Ar- 
menia. Art. 

30. i^c. 

2 Alfons. a 
Castro I. 5. 
cont. Hares. 
Titul. de Deo. 
Hceresi. 12. 
Boem de 
Morib. gent. 
I. 2. c. 10. 

3 Nicephor. 
loc. sup. citato 
Litwgia. Ar- 
men. apud 
de Liturgiis. 

4 Niceph. loc. 
citat. Litur. 
Armenior. ubi 

Jacobites, it extended indeede very farre : But the juris- 
diction of Armenia, for ought I can finde in any record 
of antiquitie, contained onely foure Provinces, namely, 
the two Armeniaes before mentioned, the greater and 
lesse, and the two Provinces of Cilicia. In which small 
circuit, that such a multitude of Bishops should be 
found, is utterly uncredible, especially because we finde 
registers extant, both of the Bishops of the two Armeniaes, 
in the Novell of Leo-Sophus the Emperour, touching 
the precedence of Metropolitans : and likewise the 
Bishops of Cilicia, in ""Guilielmus Tyrius : and all of 
them put together, exceede not the number of thirtie. 
And although I finde that Justinian divided the two 
Armeniaes into foure Provinces (which yet to have 
beene after reduced againe into two, the Novell of Leo 
even now mentioned assureth us) yet were not for that 
cause, the number of Bishops encreased any whit the 


Now, touching the properties of their Religion. 

1. They are charged with the opinion of one nature 
in Christ : yet not as Eutyches imagined it one, namely, 
by a permixtion and confusion of the divine and humane 
natures, but yet by such a conjunction and coalition of 
them, that they both together, make but one com- 
pounded nature in our Saviour, as the body and soule, 
but one compound nature in man. But neverthelesse, 
it seemeth by the confession of the Armenians, which 
we have extant touching the Trinitie, sent by the man- 
date of the Catholique of Armenia, to the Patriarch of 
Constantinople, not fiftie yeeres agoe, that at this 
present, they have utterly renounced that phantasie. 

2. They beleeve the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely 
from the Father. 

3. They celebrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist 
with unleavened bread (as the Romans doe.) 

4. They denie the true body of Christ to be really 
in the Sacrament of the Eucharist under the Species of 
Bread and Wine. Guido Sum. de heresib. They 



mingle not water with wine in the Eucharist. An 
ancient opinion and propertie of theirs, for I finde it 
*recorded of them (and condemned) in the sixt generall * Condi. Con- 
councell. But they retaine it notwithstanding still. ^^'^^^- 3- ^'^"• 

5. They receive Infants presently after baptisme to r^^j,^^; ^^ 
the communion of the Eucharist; affirming that baptisme 
cannot be conferred without the Eucharist. Guid. Sum. 2. r. 10. 

de heresib. 6 Guido in 

6. They denie the vertue of conferring Grace, to belong j^^j-^^il 
to the Sacraments. Guido loc. alleg. They reject Alfons.'a 
Purgatorie, and pray not for the dead. Th. a Jes. 1. 7, Castr. l. 12. 

p. I. C. 17. cont. Hceres. 

7. They beleeve that the soules of holy men obtaine ^[' .\ ^^". 
not blessednesse till the universall judgement. Th. a 1. 

Jes. 1. 7. p. I. c. 17. They admit married Priests, and Boem.loc 
as Burchardus hath recorded, descr. terr. sanct. pa. 2. "^^^''• 
c. 2. §.9. admit none to be secular Priests, except they of^f"/' 
be married. They rebaptise those that come to their 12. Paste I in 
communion from the Latine Church. Guid. Sum. de Lingua T%er- 
heresib. but exclude their second marriage. viana. 

8. They abstaine from eating uncleane Beasts. % Boem.loc. 

9. They eate flesh on fridaies betweene Easter and q iv^vM 
Ascension day. Peregr. 

10. They fast Lent most strictly, without Egges, Orient. 1. 4. 
Milke-meats, Flesh, Oyle, Wine, &c. onely with Fruits, ^^'9- 
Herbs, Roots, and Pulse. .^ ' i ^ ^ 

11. They celebrate not Christmasse day when other Dioscoriani. 
Christians doe (Decemb. 25.) but fast on it: and instead 10 VitHac. 
of it, celebrate the feast of our Saviours Baptisme, ^"^•^^'^^^^•<:- 
namely, on the day of the Epiphanie. W Fitriac 

12. They solemnise the feast of the Annunciation, loc. citato. 
the sixt day of Aprill. The purification the foureteenth \z Boter.kco. 
of February, &c. "^^^°- 

THe Maronites who were so named, not of an Of the Maro- 
heretique called Maron, as many falsely write, ^!,f- 
Prateol. de Sect. Heretic, in verb. Maronit«. But of ^^' ^^' 
a holy man of that name, for wee finde mentioned in 


Appar. Sacr. 
in Mafoniiie. 

^ Boier. Relat. 
p. 3. /. 2. r. 

de Maroniti. 
Possevin. loci 

Brocard. in 
Desc. Terr. 
Sanctis. Tacit, 
historiar. I. 

^Vitriac. hist. 
Orient, c. 84.. 
Postell de- 
script. Sy?-i^. 

I. I. 

Hisparn. ca. 
de terra 
Fest. in Dic- 
tion. Album. 

the Booke of Councels the Monasterie of Saint Maron. 
Concil. Constantinop. sub. Men. act, 5. the Monkes 
onely whereof at first were termed Maronites : they are 
found in small numbers, in Aleppo, Damascus, Tripolie 
of Syria, and in Cyprus : But their maine habitation, is 
in the Mountaine Libanus. Which although it containe 
in circuit about ^ seven hundred miles, and is possessed 
onely in a manner by the Maronites, who for that 
priviledge, namely to keepe themselves from the mixture 
of Mahumetans, pay the Turke * large tribute : yet of 
all sects of Christians, they are the least, as being esteemed 
not to passe in all ^ 12000. houses, (all in scattered 
Villages) beside a few Monasteries, by reason of the 
indisposition of Libanus in most places, for frequent 
habitation. For beside the craggednesse or steepnesse of 
that Mountaine, which maketh many parts of it in a 
manner inaccessible, the higher Ridges of it (which by 
Brocardus his relation are so eminent, that they may 
be discerned fortie leagues off) are also covered in a 
manner continually with snow, which it retaineth, as 
Tacitus with " others, hath left recorded, notwithstanding 
the heate of that climate, even in the neerest approach 
of the Sunne. And is scarcely, as hath beene observed 
by Postell, in one Summer of thirtie to be found cleare 
of it : for which very cause and no other, that mountaine 
seemeth to have gotten the name of Lebanon. For -js^ 
in the ancient language of those parts (the Phasnician 
or Hebrew tongue) signifieth White, and ~Dsb White- 
nesse : Even as, for the like whitenesse of Snow, 
Gerundensis hath remembred Canus (the highest part 
of the Pyrene hills) to have obtained that name. And 
as Festus supposeth the Alpes, for the same cause, to 
have gayned theirs, that in the Sabine dialect being 

* Namely, for every one above 12. yeeres old 17. Sultanines by 
the yeere (the Sultanine weigheth a dramme of Gold, about seven 
shillings six pence of our money) and for every space of ground 
sixeteene spans square, one Sultanine yeerely, as is recorded by 



termed (saith hee) Alpum, which the Romans in theirs 
named Album. For so touching the originall of the 
name Libanus, had I much rather thinke, then bee led "^hidor. 
by the phantasie of Isidorus and some ^others, namely, Origin. 
that Libanus, should purchase that name of Franckin- ^- -H- ^- 8. 
cense which the Grecians call \'Savro<i and the Tewes nan-i^ , \ '^" '"''■ 

T-" -r • I 1-1 »-r>i 1 1 <j 1-^ ad Arrian. 

Jbor, ir It bee not true, which yet Theophrastus and PeriplH. 

Plinie write, that Frankincense is gotten onely in Arabia Mar. Ery- 

foelix, (according with that of Virgil, Solis est Thurea ^^rce.p. i^-j. 

virga Sabasis) by reason of which propertie of place, to ^^g"i^\ ,.^ 

burne incense is termed in Tertullian, aliquid Arabia sanct. in 

incendere : if that I say bee not true, for indeede, I finde Nepktalim. 

in Dioscorides, record of Frankincense gotten in India, ^""'- ^^• 

and in Pedro Cieza of the like in some part of America, \K°^t7^^: 

, . , r . , . . ' hist. Plantar. 

yet IS there no mention or remembrance in any historic /. n. r. r. 

of nature, or other, as I take it, that Frankincense was [I. i. 141.] 

ever gotten in the Hill of Libanus. Plin. I. iz. c. 

The Patriarch of the Maronites (to come neerer to \^.', ^ 

our purpose) who is noted to bee a Monke of Saint /. 2 

Antonie, and to have under his jurisdiction ^ eight or 

nine Bishops, keepeth residence for the most part in '^^J'"^- Milit. 

Libanus, in a Monasterie of Saint Anthonie, and now "-fff^ ^^fj 

and then in Tripolie : And is one ^ of them, that Medic mate. 

challenge the title of the Patriarch of Antiochia, keep- /. \. c 7. 

ing ever the name of Peter as the Patriarch of the ^Possevin. 

Jacobites, the other challenger of the same dignitie, doth 1^^^" ^!^"'' ^" 

of Ignatius. But touching Religion, the Patriarch of ^Bot7r.Rel. 

the Maronites professeth obedience at this present, to p. 3. /. 2. c. 

the Bishop of Rome, yet but lately, in Clement the ^'^ Maroniti. 

eight his time : And both hee, and all the * Maronites, ^°'''^'"- ^°'- 

are become of the Roman Religion (being the onely *p^^j^^, /^^ 

Nation of the East, except the Indians, lately brought citat. Boter. 

also to the Roman Communion, that acknowledgeth lo<:- "(^^o- 

that obedience) and have *a Seminary in Rome q{ Mtra : notitte 

Gregorie the thirteenth his foundation, for the trayning ol-lff'p 

up of the youth of their Nation in that Religion. Tho. a Jes. d'e 

But before that alteration, these were the Characters of Com: Gent. 

their Religion. ^- 3- ^- 3- 

I 385 2 B 


1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely from the 
Father. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. 2. c. 6. 

2. That the soules of men were all created together 
from the beginning. Id. loc. citato. 

3. Not to baptise male children together, Interrog. 
Patriarch. Maronit. ap. Th. a Jes. lib. 7. pa. 2. ca. 5. 

4. That Heretiques returning to the Church are to be 
rebaptised. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. i. c. 6. 

5. That the childe is made uncleane by the touch of 
the mother till she be purified, which after a male childe 
is 40. daies, and 80. after a female, for which reason 
they baptise not their Infants afore those termes. Th. 
a Jes. loc. citat. 

6. That they celebrated the Sacrament of the Eucharist 
in both kindes. Possevin. Appar. sac. in Maronitae. 
Patriarch. Maronit. Interrog. 3. ap. Tho. a Jes. 1. 7. p. 
2. c. 5. 

7. And in leavened bread. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. c. 6. 

8. Distributing to all the Communicants each one a 
peece of the same Bread (which they consecrate in great 
Masses) together with these words of the Gospell, he 
blessed, and brake, and gave to his Disciples, saying, 
take, eate, &c. Mat. 26. 26. Id. Patriarch. Interrog. 3. ap. 
Th. a Jes. loc. citat. 

9. To distribute the Sacrament of the Eucharist to 
children before the use of reason, and first presently 
after baptisme. Th. a. Jes. 1. 7. p. 2. c. 5. §. 9. & 
cap. 6. 

10. Not to reserve the Sacrament of the Eucharist. 
Patriarc. Maron. ubi supra. 

11. Nor to carry it to any sicke person in danger of 
death. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. 2. c. 5. 

12. To omit confirmation by the Bishop. Patr. 
Maron. Int. 2. ubi supr. 

13. To exclude the fourth Matrimonie, in every 
person as utterly unlawfull. Id. Ibid. Interrog. 5. 

14. That marriage is not inferiour to single life. Th. 
a Jes. 1. 7. p. 2. c. 6. 



15. Utterly to dissolve Matrimonle in case of adultery 
and marry another. Patr. Maronit. Inter. 5. ubi supra. 

16. That the Father may dissolve the matrimonie of 
his Sonne or Daughter if hee mislike it. Th. a Jes. 1. 
7. p. 2. c. 6. 

17. Not to ordaine yong men Priests or Deacons 
except they were married. Patriarch. Maronites Inter. 
6. ubi supra. Possevin. in Appar. sacr. in Maronitae. 
But yet to restraine their second marriage. Th. a Jes. 

18. To create children five or six yeares old Sub- 
deacons. Patriarch. Maronit. Inter. 5. ubi supra. 

19. That no man entreth the Kingdome of heaven 
before the generall Judgement. Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. 2. 
c. 6. 

20. Not to fast on the Lords day, nor on the Sabbath. 
Th. a Jes. loc. citat. 

21. In the daies of fasting not to celebrate Masse till 
the Evening. Patr. Maron. ap, Th. a Jes. 1. 7. p. 2. c. 5. 

22. Not to eate of any thing strangled or of bloud. 
Id. 1. 7. p. 2. c. 6. 

23. To exclude women during their monthly issues 

both from the Eucharist, and from the Church. Patriar. f^itriac kistor. 
Maronit. Interr. 8. ubi supra. O''^"^/'^- '• 78- 

24. Their maine Errour was, the heresie of the J\T^ ^ , 

■\/i ^ ^• 1 • 1 -11 1 • • -o"'''' sacro. /. 

Monothehtes, touchmg one onely will and action in 22. c. 8. 
Christ. Which errour although they renounced about Sallgn'uu. 
400. yeeres agoe, and reconciled themselves then to the ^^^^^^'- T^°"'- 
Roman Church, at what time those parts of Palestine ' '^' ' 
and Syria, were in the Christians hands, as * Jacobus a *Vitriac y 
Vitriaco, and Guilielmus Tyrius, the one Bishop of '^!^' /""^ ^^"^ 
Aeon, and the other of Tyre, have recorded : yet shortly 
after, when those parts were by Saladin, the King of 
^gypt and Syria, recovered from the Christians, those 
Maronites relapsed, and forsooke againe the Roman 
communion, till the late times of Pope Gregorie the 
XIII. and Clement the VIII. with whom they againe 
renewed it. 



And this heresie of the Monothelites, springing out 
of that bitter roote of the Jacobites, touching one onely 
nature in Christ, was the last of that long and wicked 
traine of heresies, which upon the contempt of the 
councell of Chalcedon, exceedingly wasted and ruined 
[I. i. 142.] the East Church, for after that the detestation of 
Nestorius heresie, touching two persons in our Saviour 
(condemned in the third generall Councell) had so 
inimoderately distempered the phantasies of Eutiches in 
Constantinople, and the Patriarch of Alexandria, Dio- 
scorus, with other their adherents, that they thought 
not themselves safe enough from the heresie of two 
persons, till they were fallen into the other & opposite 
extremitie of one nature in Christ ; the Divine and 
humane natures in Christ (in their conceits) by permix- 
tion and confusion of substances, and of properties 
growing into one, upon their adunation : and withall, 
that the humane nature of Christ, was not consubstan- 
tiall to ours, but of another kinde, and condition ; 
which phantasies the fourth generall Councell condemned. 
After I say, this heresie of Eutiches and Dioscorus, had 
growne to that head in JEgypt and Syria, that like a 
violent and furious streame, whose course would not be 
staied, it bare downe before it all oppositions, and among 
the rest, that great and reverend Councell of Chalcedon, 
that had condemned it, and was contemned by it, it 
gave occasion for an infinite traine of heresies to follow 
at the breach, which it had made. 
Fid'Ntcepkor. For first (to omit infinite extravagant branches that 
Histor.Eccles. sprang from it, and infinitely deformed the Church, 
\I s'eouent renting with many schismes the unitie, and with as 
Leont. de many heresies wounding the faith of it.) It drew after 
^ectis. Action, it the heresie of the passiblenesse of the Deitie, because 
5. \^c. ^.j^g Deitie of Christ, was become (in their conceits) the 

same nature with the Humanitie, that was passible. 
Secondly, (the absurditie of that being discerned) it 
occasioned another extremelie opposite, namely of the 
Impassibilitie of the Humanitie of our Saviour (but on 



the same ground) because namely, it was become one 
nature with the Deitie, which now wee know to bee 
unpassible. Thirdly, when the fondnesse of both were 
discovered, it bred a great device, touching one nature 
in our Saviour (as the wit of Heretikes will better serve 
them to devise a thousand shifts to delude the truth, 
then their pride will suffer them once to yeeld and 
acknowledge it.) It bred I say a new device, namely, 
to be one, not by permixtion or confusion of substances, 
as Eutyches first taught, but onely by composition, the 
Deitie and Humanitie, by coalition becomming one 
nature in Christ, as the Bodie and Soule grow into one 
nature in Man. And fourthly, when this fantasie began 
also somewhat to abate and relent in many : yet still a 
fraction, as it were, or rather a consequent of it was 
retained (for indeed it implieth by necessarie consequence 
the unitie of nature) namely, that there was but one 
Will, and one Action of both natures in the person of 
our Saviour. And God knowes what a traine and 
succession of heresies might have followed these, if 
that Lord, whom they had infinitely wronged, by their 
wonton and wandring conceits of him, had not, to stop 
the course and streame of their wickednesse and follie, 
brought on them the Sarracens of Arabia. For even 
while the Church, speciallie that of the Easterne parts, 
was in a great perplexitie and travell with the heresie of 
the Monethelites (which I last mentioned) the Mahumetans 
of Arabia, like a mightie inundation brake forth, and 
overwhelmed all, and them first, that first and most had 
wronged the Sonne of God, by fostering the forenamed 
heresies, and the infinite brood that sprung of them, I 
meane Egypt and Syria, and to this day both they and 
the neighbouring Nations, that had beene infected by 
them, remaine in thraldome. But yet, as in the diseases, 
and distemper of our bodies, contraries are usually 
healed by contraries, so seemeth it to have fallen out in 
the distempers of these mens religions : for as worldly 
prosperitie and wantonnesse of wit (ordinarie companions) 



Vet. Pair. 
Tom. 4. pa. 
" Confess. 
Arme. de 
Trinitat. Art. 
26. 27. 28. 
29. 30. 
^ Baron. Tom. 
6. Anna I. in 

^ De Relig. 
ifj Morib. 
jEthiop. ap 
Domian a 
Appa.fac. in 
^Possevin. lib. 
citat. in 
Maron. Boter. 
Rel.p. 3./. 2. 
c. Maroniti. 
Michoi'. I. 2. 
de Sar?natia. 
c. I. Cius. 
Turcog. I. 7. 
Of the several 
zc'herein the 
Liturgies of 
Christians in 
the severall 
parts of the 
World are 
Chap. 26. 

wherewith these Nations in those times abounded, bred 
in them their ordinarie children, namely, prosperitie of 
the world, pride, wanton nesse of wit, error, which couple 
in matter of Faith and Religion, is wont to produce no 
better issue then heresie. So on the other side, having 
now at length their hearts humbled and their wits tamed 
by that povertie and affliction, wherein the tyrannic 
and oppression of the Arabians and Turkes hath long 
holden them, it seemeth the Lord hath taken pittie on 
them (as it is his propertie not to dispise humble and 
broken spirits, and to remember mercie in the middest 
of judgement) and reduced them, or most of them, to 
the right acknowledgement of his Sonne againe. For 
certainly, that they and other Christians of the East, 
have (at least in these later times) disclaimed and 
abandoned, those hereticall fancies touching our Saviour, 
wherein by their misleaders they had beene anciently 
plunged (and which many Christians of these West 
parts still charge them withall) doth manifestly appeare : 
First, of * the Jacobites, & secondly of Nestorians, by 
their severall confessions, translated out of the Syriacke 
tongue by Masius, & extant in Bibliotheca Veterum 
patrum. Thirdly, of the ^Armenians, by their owne 
confession also, translated by Pretorius. Fourthly, of the 
^Cophti, by the profession of their faith extant in Baronius. 
Fifthly, of the " Habassines, by the relation of Zaga Zabo, 
a Bishop of their own. Sixtly, of the ** Indians, by their 
reconcilement to the Church of Rome, mentioned by 
Possevine. And seventhly, of the ^ Maronites, by their 
like reconcilement, recorded by him and by others. 

ANd thus have I related the severall sects of Christians 
that are abroad in the World, with the places of 
their habitations, & the special characters that are 
recorded of their Religions. One point notwithstanding 
of their difference, have I left purposely as yet un- 
touched, both for the amplenesse of the matter, and 
because I conceive you would have it declared severally. 



Namely, touching the different languages, in which all 
these severall sorts of Christians celebrate their Liturgies 
or Divine Service. 

But first to speake a word or two, of the publique [I. i. i43-] 
Service of the Jewes, and of the Mahometans, in their 
Synagogues, and Meskeds (seeing I intreated before of 
those Religions.) The Jewes where they obtained libertie 
for their Synagogues, celebrate theirs in the ancient 
Hebrew tongue, as Michovius, with many others hath Muhov. /. 2. 
related, and as is manifest by their owne editions of ^^ ^^"^r"'^^^^- 
their publique Praiers, printed both at Venice and in ^,.„^ 7-^^. 
Polonia, in that language. _ cogr. I. 7. p. 

But the Mahumetans have theirs in the Arabique 487- ^^^ 
tongue (the native language of their Prophet) as George- ^^-"[f^^^.^J^ 
vitz, Richerius, and sundry others have recorded: So that ^-^ ^ ca/>. 1. 
not onely in Arabia and T^gypt, and Barbaric, and Pales- Rk/ier. I. 2. 
tine, and Syria, and Mesopotamia (in which parts the de Morib. \S 
Arabique tongue is become the vulgar language) the ^^'^l^'^"^'^"^^' 
Alcoran is read, and their publique devotions exercised, ^-^^^.^i. /. 7.^. 
in Arabique : but also in Greece, and Natolia, and other ^87. 
parts of the Turkish Dominion, where the Greeke, and 
Turkish, and Slavonique tongues are vulgar, as also in 
Persia, in Tartaric, in India, where they have other 
native, and peculiar languages, the Mahumetans reade 
the Alchoron* (which they suppose were profaned if t^^^'^^^'^j^^ 
it were translated into vulgar tongues) and performe / 2. c a'^ 
their publique devotions in that language. Sacerd. Dur- 

But Christians in celebrating of their divine Liturgies, and Ration. 
differ touching the language very much. Indeede I dwinor. 1. 4. 
finde it recorded in Durandus (but upon what warrant 
and authoritie I cannot finde) that till the time of 
Hadrian the Emperour (that is about an hundred and 
twentie yeeres after Christ) their Liturgies were all cele- 
brated in the Hebrew tongue: And then, the Orientall 
Church began, first to celebrate them in Greeke. In- 
deede mee thinkes it is possible, that the Christians of 
the Gentiles might in honour of the Apostles, retaine the 
Apostles Liturgies, in the verie tongue wherein by the 



Apostles themselves, they have beene first ordayned, 
* Vide Baron, for it is not to bee doubted, but *many yeares passing 
^r^' I \i /I (^^o^t tenne) after our Saviours assention, before the 
cT/±± '^ il' Apostles left Syria, and sundred themselves to preach 
the Gospell abroad in the world among the Gentile and 
forraine Nations. It is not to bee doubted I say, but 
the Apostles, while they remayned in Jurie, ordayned 
Liturgies in the Jewish tongue, for the use of those 
Jewes, whom they had converted to Christianitie : which 
Liturgies by the Christian Disciples of the Jewish Nation, 
dispersed in many Provinces of the Gentiles, might 
together with Christian Religion, bee carried abroad, and 
gladly entertayned among the Gentiles. This is possible 
I say, but if it bee also true (as I have not observed any 
thing in antiquitie that may certainly impeach the truth 
of it) yet that which is spoken by Durandus of those 
Liturgies in the Hebrew tongue, must bee understood 
(I doubt not) of the Hebrew, then vulgar and usuall, 
that is to say the Syriacke tongue : not onely, because in 
that language^wee finde them in these times, celebrated by 
the Christians of the East: but also because I can conceive 
no reason, either, why the Liturgies should bee ordayned 
by the Apostles in that language which the Jewes them- 
selves (the learned excepted) understood not, if it were 
done for the Jewes : or else why the Gentiles should 
translate them (or use them so translated) out of the 
Hebrew into the Syriacke, seeing both were to them 
alike, vulgarly knowne, and not understood. But how- 
soever it was in that most ancient and primitive state of 
the Church, in and immediatly following the Apostles 
times, the difference certainly among Christians in these 
present times, in that behalfe is very great, some of them 
celebrating their Liturgies in their owne native and vulgar, 
and some other in learned and forraine tongues. 

The Christians (to speake first of the first sort) that 
celebrate them in their owne vulgar languages, are the 
Armenians, Habassines, Moscovites with Russians, Scla- 
vonians, and Protestantes. 



For that the Armenians (howsoever otherwise in their 

ceremonies belonging to Divine service they approach 

neerer as *Bellonius and others report, to the Rites of *BellonObser. 

the Latine Church, then any other sect of Christians) ^- 3-/- 12. 

^, ^ , T • ^u • A- • ■ ' Vitnac Hist. 

that they 1 say exercise their common divine service in q^ ^ 

the Armenian tongue, Jacobus a Vitriaco, Brocardus, Brocard. de- 

Michovius, Breitenbachius, and many others, some of script, term. 

their owne experience, and others of certaine Relation, ^'^"':^- 

have left recorded. And namely, as touching the trans- ^^^. ^^.^ 

lation of the Holy Scripture, into the Armenian tongue, cap] \. 

which at this present, is in solemne use among them, Breltenbach. 

the Armenians themselves as ^Sixtus Senensis hath re- Peregrin. cdc 

corded, attribute it to no other Author then to Chrysos- pl^^^"'^^ 

tome : who also, out of the historie of George Patriarch Lingua- 

of Alexandria, written of the life of Chrysostome, Armcnka. 

remembreth it specially to have beene Chrysostoms Bellon. loco. 

worke after his banishment from Constantinople, while "^^^°' . ^'^^°' 

he lived in those parts of Armenia, to which as we Qrient. 'lib. 4. 

reade in ''Sozomen, he was by the Emperors decree cap. 19. 

confined, and there dyed. And certainly, that the holy Vlllamont de 

Scriptures were translated into the Armenian tongue ^J'^<§^-^- '• 2- 

before Theodorets time, who lived soone after Chrysos- g^^^j.^ Relat. 

tome, for he flourished about the yeere 440. Theodoret p. 3. /. 2. y 

himselfe (although he name not the Author of the Alii plures. 

Translation) hath left recorded : as I finde also acknow- ^^ixt. Senens. 

ledged by Angelus Roccha, in his discourse of the ^- ^- ^/^^f^- 

• • S{l7tCt itt Lodit- 

Vatican Librarie, not onely that Chrysostome is said to ^^^^ Constan- 

have translated of the Scriptures into the Armenian tlno.polltanus. 

tongue, but, that hee is also celebrated among the monu- ^Sozomen. 

ments of the same Vatican, as the ^'Inventor of the ^^■^^•j-8-^-2 2- 

Armenian Characters still in use. de Curand 

And touching the Habassines, Alvarez a Portugall, Grecor. 

that lived many yeeres among them, hath not onely left Affect, post ^ 

recorded, that they reade Scriptures in the Tigian tongue, ^^^,^'^'f^^ "' 

which is a dialect of the Habassin, (for Tigia hee noteth ^^^;^^„^ 

to bee that part of Habassia, which first received Chris- ^. 137. 

Fansa de Blblloth. Vaticana pa. 4. dlscors. 21. Alvarez his tor. Etkiop. ^^^ P^S ^55- 

cap. lS^. ^^«'- 



[I. i. 144.] 

Idem. c. II. 
""P OS tell, de 
Ling. Indica. 
Thev. Cos. I. 
2.C. z^.nlla- 
mont.l. 2. cap. 

Biblioth. Vet. 
Pat. torn. 6. 

P- 55- 

M'lchov. I. de 
Sarmat. z.c.i. 
Sigism. I. de 
Rcb. Moscov. 
/). 46. Posse- 
vin. I. de 
Rebus Mosc. 
p. 4. Thev. 
Cos. I. 19. <r. 

"^Bapt. Palat. 
de Rat. 

Rocchain Bib- 
lioth. Vatican. 
p. 162. 
En. Silt', in 
Hist. Bohe- 
mica. ^.13. 
Aventin. loc. 
citat. Rocch. 
loc. citato. 

tianitie) into which language Sabellicus Supplem. Histor. 
lib. 8. recordeth both the Olde and New Testament to 
have beene translated out of the Chaldee. But "he, with 
many others, that they celebrate their Liturgie in their 
owne language, though the Chaldee bee esteemed among 
them, as their learned tongue, which also the Liturgie 
it selfe (you may finde it in the new Edition of Bibliotheca 
veterum Patrum) if you marke the long answers of the 
People to the Priest, in their prayers doth evidently 

And no lesse certeine is it also, of the Muscovites and 
Russians, that their Liturgies are likewise ministred in 
their vulgar tongue (being a kind of Slavonian) though 
sometimes intermingling Greeke Hymnes, as Guaguinus 
hath observed: Descript. Moscov. ca. 2. as is testified 
by Mathias Michou, by Sigismund, by Possevine, by 
Thevet, and sundry others. 

And as evident is it of the Illyrians, v/hom we com- 
monly call Slavonians that they also exercise their publike 
Divine Service in their owne language : which to have 
beene allowed them by the Pope, at the suit of Cyrill 
their Bishop, or as p others say, of Methodius (but the 
difference is of no importance, for they both lived in 
the same time, and were companions in preaching the 
Gospel to barbarous Nations) vEneas Silvius and others 
have recorded. And in particular of the Liburnians 
(the more Westerly part of the Slavonians) it is affirmed 
by Aventine : and of the Dalmatians (the more Easterly 
part of them) by Angelus Roccha, that they celebrate 
their Liturgies in their owne language : Which, Roccha 
saith the Dalmatians are most certainly perswaded to have 
beene of Hieromes devising. But yet in determining 
the Antiquitie of that Custome, Roccha that referreth 
it to Pope Paul the second is greatly mistaken : Because 
wee find it to have beene much more anciently granted 
them by Pope John the eighth, that they might both 
read the Scriptures, and celebrate Masse in their owne 
tongue, as appeareth by the same 'i Popes Epistle extant 



to Sfentopulcher. And even "Roccha himselfe (forgetting ^Epht. 24.7. 
himselfe) confesseth it in another place, to have beene ^^^f' ^^'^' 
obtayned of the Pope by Cyrill, who was about six q^^^h p^]. \ 
hundred yeeres ancienter then Paul the second. And ap. Bin. p. 
certainly (now I am speaking of Popes) of no other 990. Roccha. 
Judgement touching Divine Service in vulgar Tongues, ^^^- "^^^° P- 
seemeth Pope Innocent the third to have beene (and Qg^'^n 
perhaps it was also the Decree of the Councell of Lateran) Lateran. c 9. 
charging that in Cities, where there was concourse of 13 dea-et. I. \ . 
divers Nations, that differed in Languages and Cere- p^-3i-^-H- 
monies. Divine Service and Sacraments should be celebrated ^ c- V ■ 
according to that difference. nacul. kgendo. 

But to speake a little in particular of the vulgar Pastel, de Hn- 
translation of the holy Scriptures used among the Dal- S^'^^ Ulyrka. 
matians: It is not onely affirmed by sundry Writers to Z'^'^^" /" , 
be the worke of Hierome, but Hierome himselfe in his censur.theohs-. 
Epistle to Sophronius, seemeth to ^some learned men to Paris. Sixt. 
intimate so much : But yet there is another translation Senens. I. 4. 
also of the Scriptures into the Slavonicke Tongue, later ^^ °^\' 
then that of Hieromes, as 'Scaliger hath observed, being Hiet'ommus 
written in the Servian Character (as the former is in the Stridonensis 
Dalmatian) used in Rascia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Moldavia, Scalig. Dia- 
Russia, Moscovia, and other Nations of the Slavonian ^^^b.deLingms 
language in the Easterne parts, that celebrate their ^m ^^;"^j_ 
Liturgies after the Greeke Ceremonie and professe ^^ixt. Senens. 
obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople : Of which ^o(^o "^^i"- 
later translation 'Methodius the companion of Cyrill, ^^^J'°^-"' 
in preaching the Gospel to Gentile Nations, is certainly ^Lf^,'.g„ -Xom, 
reported to have beene the Author. Which Cyrill (if ■^. Scalig. kc. 
you question what he was) was neither hee of Alexandria, j'^m. citato. 
nor hee of Jerusalem, as Mutius Pansa hath vainely ^'^'^^^^^-J- 4- 

J, ir 1 1 -1 r-i Annal. Pansa 

imagined, but another rarre later then either or them, ^ig ^lynQth 
whom in the Slavonicke tongue they call Chivrill, one Vatican, par. 
that lived about the yeere 860. namely, hee that in the 4. DzVm-. 23. 
time of the Emperour Michael the Third, and Pope ""Martyrolog.^ 
Nicholas the First, together with Methodius, first brought g^^/^/^J^! % 
the Mengrelians, Circassians, and Gazarans, (and after Sarmatia. I. 
that " many of the Slavonians) to the faith of Christ, as i. c 7. 



Pastel de Ling. 
Dalmatic a. 
Roccha. B'lb- 
lioth. Vatican. 

p. i6i. y 

Alii plurimi. 

""Socrat. Hist. 
Eccles. I. 4. c. 
27. Niceph. 
Hist. Eccles. 
I. 1 1, c. 48. 
Tripart. hist. 
I. 8. c. 13. 
Paul. Diacon. 
Hist. Miscell. 
I. 2. c. 37. 
Socrat. I. 2. 
f. 32. Vulcan. 
in pvcef. de 
Littur. 6^ 
Lingua. Geta- 
rum. Ins crip. 
Vet. p. 146. 
[1. i. 145.] 

Michovius hath recorded. Neither need wee any other 
testimony to refell the fantasie of Pansa, touching 
Cyrill of Jerusalem, then Pansa himselfe, as namely 
acknowledging that Cyrill was the Inventer of another 
sort of Illyrian Characters, then by Hierome had beene 
formerly devised (for of the Dalmatian Characters, that 
are used in Dalmatia, Liburnia, Istria, Moravia, Silesia, 
Bohemia, Polonia, &c. Hierome is acknowledged to 
bee the Author.) It could not bee therefore Cyrill of 
Jerusalem, as being ancienter then Hierome, and by him 
registred in his Catalogue of Writers. And indeede (to 
make an end) what reason or occasion might the Bishop 
of Jerusalem have to divise Characters for the Illyrians } 
But to intreat a little more (on this occasion) of trans- 
lations of the holy Scripture, made by the ancient Fathers 
into vulgar languages : Besides those alreadie mentioned, 
of Hierome and Chrysostome, by the one into the 
Dalmatian, and by the other into the Armenian tongue : 
It is also recorded by Socrates and Nicephorus, and 
sundry ''others of Vulphilas, Bishop of the Gothes one 
more ancient then either of the former, for hee flourished 
in the time of Constantius the Emperour, and was 
successour to Theophilus, whose subscription wee find in 
the first Nicene Councell (being the same man, to whom 
the Invention of the Gothicke Alphabet is likewise attri- 
buted by the same Authors) that hee translated the holy 
Scriptures into the Gothicke tongue. A Copie of which 
translation is remembred by Bonaventura Vulcanius, to 
be yet remaining in some Librarie of Germany : And 
it may bee that the Gothike translation of the foure 
Evangelists, mentioned by Gruter in the Booke of ancient 
Inscriptions, to bee of a thousand yeeres antiquitie, and 
remaining in the Abbey of Werdin, might bee part of 
that translation of Vulphilas : But yet, that besides these 
translations into vulgar Languages, hitherto mentioned of 
Vulphilas, Chrysostome, and Hierome, the holy Scriptures 
were likewise anciently translated into the languages of 
many Nations, is affirmed by Hierome : And in par- 



ticular (although the translators names bee not recorded) Hieron. in. 
into the Egyptian, Persian, Indian, Scythian, and Sar- Z'"^^- ^« 4- 
matian Tongues, nay into all the Languages of other 
Nations, as Theodoret, that flourished in the time of the Theodoret. I. 
Ephesine and Chalcedon Councels (almost 1200. yeeres '^^f^^J'^'^'^' 
agoe) hath left testified : As also in the following times jjectibus post 
(yet ancient) wee read of the like translations of the med. 
Scriptures, to have beene made by ^John Archbishop of ^ 
Sivill into the Arabike, about Ann. 717. which then was ^^'^^^f' 
the vulgar speech of that part of Spaine, and some part of 
it into Saxon or English by Beda about the same time : 
Into the Slavonike by *= Methodius, about An. 860. &c. ^loan.Trevis. 
Into the Italian by '^Jacobus de Voragine, about An. il'^l^t^^]. 
1290, &C. _ _ Annal. 

And now, to entreate of those sects of Christians that ^^ixt. Senens. 
celebrate their Liturgies in learned and forraine tongues ; Btbl. Sana. 
which the vulgar people doe not understand : I finde /^^^7f/5/S- 
onely three languages wherein they are all performed. ^^^^^^ Genuen- 
Namely, the Greeke, the Latine, and the Chaldee, or sis. 
Syriacke Tongues. Vitriac. Hist. 

And first, touching the Chaldee or Syriacke, in it are J^^"^-'^:77- 
,1 , , T • • r 1 vT • TT- • 

celebrated the Liturgies or the JNestorians, as Vitriacus, y^i ^ jg 

Barbosa, Villamont, Botero, and others have recorded : Fiag^. apud 

for Genebrard, that pronounceth peremptorily the ^anius. p. 

Hebrew tongue, and not the Syriacke to be the usuall y^' '^^'■'^"^• 

language, wherein all the Orientall Nations minister Boter. Rel. 

their Divine Service, bewrayes but too much, both his par. 3. /. 2. 

boldnesse and his ignorance, as being not able, I am ^- ^^ Nestoi-i- 

certainly perswaded, to produce any History or other ^«^- j^''^- 

lawfull testimony that recordeth the Liturgies of any chronog. 1. 3. 

Christians in all the East, to be performed in the Hebrew ad An. Chr. 

tongue. But yet it may be observed, that where in 31- 

sundry Writers we find it mentioned, that the Nestorians 

exercise their Divine Offices in the Chaldee, we are not 

to understand them of the pure and ancient, but of the 

degenerate or Jewish Chaldee, which beside the Chaldee 

and Hebrew, whereof it is principally tempered and 

compounded, hath much mixture also both of Greeke 



Oser. de Reb. 

Possevin. in 
Linschot. I. i. 
c. 15. 
Bibl. Vet. 
Patr. in. Auc- 
tario. Tom. 2. 
in fine. 

Vitriac. Hist. 
Orient, c. 76. 

and Arabicke, such as the Jewes language was, after our 
Saviour and his Apostles time, that is (in a word) the 
Syriake, for the Jewish Chaldee (to declare this point 
a little better) is of two sorts : One of those that returned 
not againe after the captivitie to Jerusalem, but setled 
themselves to inhabite about Babylon, whose language 
(although somewhat degenerating also from the right 
Chaldee) is termed the Babylonian tongue, of which sort 
the Jewes Dialect of Neardea in Mesopotamia (the com- 
pilers of the Babylonian Talmud) was : The other of 
those that returned from the captivitie, whose language 
is properly termed the Syrian or Jerusalem Chaldee, 
varying somewhat farther from the native Chaldee then 
the former, by reason of the mixture of forraine words, 
Arabicke, Greeke, Roman, and others, which in course 
of time it contracted : In which Dialect, the Talmud 
and Targum, both named of Jerusalem, and the bookes 
of their later Rabbines are written. And in the second 
sort of Chaldee, is the holy Scripture by the East 
Christians translated, and their Liturgies at this day 

Secondly of the Indians, that they in like sort performe 
their Liturgie (not in the Hebrew, as is confidently 
affirmed by Genebrard, but) in the Chaldee or Syriacke, 
is testified by Osorius, Possevine, Linschot, &c. and 
confirmed by their Liturgie extant in Bibliotheca Veterum 
Patrum, which is there remembred to be translated out 
of the Syriacke. 

And so doe thirdly the Jacobites : Namely, they of 
Mesopotamia, of Babylon, of Palestine, of Syria, and 
of Cyprus, which are peculiarly knowne by that appella- 
tion. Of whom Vitriacus long since observed, that they 
read the Divine Scriptures in a language unknowne to the 
Lay people : And that the language by the New Testa- 
ment^ brought from them by Moses Mardenus in 
Europe to be printed (for the more commodious dis- 
persing of it abroad into their Churches) we now 
certainely know to bee the Syriacke tongue, even as it is 



also knowne and '^recorded touching the rest of their ^^i^^ ^{d- 

Divine Service, that it is performed in the same Syriacke '"^"^jf^^"f 
1 1-11 1 /^i ij A J • • prafat.iesta- 

language, which they terme the Chaldee. And it is menti.Syiiaci. 

thought, that the Liturgie commonly termed Anaphora ^Post de lin- 

Basilii, which we have by Masius translated out of the gua.Chaldak. 

Syriacke into Latine (and is found in Bibliotheca Veterum ^°^"'- ^^^- P- 

Patrum) is the Jacobites Liturgie : which language, Qiacobit'i 

although it be now unknown among them (their Clerkes BlbUoth. Vet. 

or learned men excepted) yet that it was vulgarly under- Patr. To. 6. 

stood, when that Liturgie was first ordained, the long P- V' ,, 

answeres or the people to the Priest in their prayers, ^^^ ^-^ 

which wee finde in it may bee demonstrations. But Admonit. 

touching the Old Testament, which they have also (as prefix. 

Arrias writes he hath heard from their owne Relations, -^^'^^"■f- ^^^• 

and Postell, that he hath scene) usuall in all those East 5^^/^^^ 

parts in the Syriacke tongue, it is specially observed by postel. in 

Arias Montanus, to be translated, not out of the Hebrew, Lingua Chal- 

but out of the Greeke of Origens Emendation. '^'''^'^• 

And fourthly, of the Cophti or Christians of Egypt, 

it is likewise ^observed, that they celebrate their Liturgies ^Boter.Rekt. 

in the same language : (reading yet the Gospell after it ^' ^i •^•^■■ 

is done in the Chaldee, in the Arabicke tongue, which ^^// ^•a/V/o, 
is now, and long hath beene the vulgar language of 
Egypt.) And it may further appeare, beside the testi- 
mony of Histories, by the Liturgie of Severus Patriarch 
of Alexandria in use among them, translated out of 
Syriake into Latine by Guido Fabritius. 

And fifthly, the Maronites in their Liturgies (which [I. i. 146.] 
Possevine observeth to be the Liturgies of Peter, of Possemn. in 

James, and of Sixtus) use the same Syriacke language Appar. sacro. 

(the Arabicke being also their vulgar) as beside Possevine, ^^ Maromta. 

Postell also, and Villamont, and others have recorded. Chaldaica. 

And so doe sixtly and lastly (to make an end of this Villam. I. 2. 

reckoning) the poore Christians of the Isle of Zocotora ^- 24. 
(an Hand after Barros his dimension of sixtie miles in 
length, and twenty seven in breadth) without the Bay 
of Arabia, for although I find it questioned touching 
the Religion, whether they be Jacobites or Nestorians; 



Barros. de 
Asia. Decad. 
2./. I. c. 3. 

Anan. Fabric, 
del. Mondo. 
Trat. 3. p. 

Boter. Relat. 
par. 3 . /. '^.de 
Christiani di 

Jerem. Resp. 
I . ad Ger- 
manos. <:. 13. 

Hieron. in 
prof, ad Lib. 

Juan Barros affirming the first (and it may seeme so for 
their neerenesse to the Dominions of Habassia) and 
Ananias, proving the latter because they are uncircum- 
cised, which Jacobites are not, & professe obedience to 
the Patriarch of Mozal, who is known to be Patriarch 
of the Nestorians : yet in this they both agree, that 
their Divine Service (such as it is) is performed in the 
Chaldee tongue. And although Botero relate it to be 
done in the Hebrew, yet he meaneth (out of doubt) 
not the ancient and pure Hebrew, but the latter or 
degenerate language of the Hebrew, that is to say the 
Syriacke. As the other also that affirme the publike and 
solemne devotions, either of these Zocotorini, or any 
other Christians in all the East, or South parts of the 
world, to be read in the Chaldee, require also the like 
interpretation : Namely to bee understood, not of the 
right, and Babylonian, but of the Jewish and corrupted 

But now to speake of those Christians, that celebrate 
their Liturgies in the Greeke tongue : I observe them 
to be these. 

I. The Grecians themselves: Namely, all they whose 
vulgar speech the Greeke tongue is, inhabiting in Greece, 
and a great part of Natolia, of Macedon, and of Thrace, 
together with all the Hands of the jEgaean Sea, and the 
other many scattered Hands, about the Coast of Greece. 
But yet they doe it, not in the present vulgar, but in the 
pure and ancient Greeke tongue, whereof as I before 
observed, the common people understand but little : 
using namely, on festival! dales the ancient Liturgie of 
Basil, and on common dayes that of Chrysostome, as 
Jeremy a late Patriarch of Constantinople hath recorded. 
And namely, as touching the holy Scriptures, using the 
Septuagints Greeke translation, and specially that of 
Lucians Emendation. At least it was so with them in 
Hieroms time (and I find no mention at all recorded 
of any alteration) who observeth the Edition of the 
seventie Interpreters by Lucianus, to have beene re- 



ceived in use from Constantinople, as farre as Antiochia: 

As also that of Origens Emendation, from Antiochia to 

Egypt, and in Egypt that of Hesychius. But (howsoever 

it may bee touching the Edition usuall among them) 

yet certainly, that the Grecians have not the Scriptures 

translated into the vulgar Greeke, the 'Grecians them- 'Theodos. 

selves have directly recorded. '^^utZfcrus 

2. The Syrians, namely those, that for distinction ^^ i j' Tui-co-' 
Religion from the Jacobites (who likewise inhabite Syria) _§T^f^./. 331. 
are termed so, that is to say the Melchites, for they 

having the Arabicke for their vulgar language, as they ^^Z''^'^^-^"'- 

agree in other points of their Religion and Ceremony, f^aitho. I de 

and order of Divine Service with the Grecians, so doe Tartans, c. 

they as touching their Liturgie in Language also, as H- 

is observed by '^Vitriacus, Haitho, Breitenbachius, and Bmtenbach. 

, ■' Peremn. c. de 

many others. ^ _ 5^^.^^-^ 

3. The Georgians, who having for their vulgar speech, Baumgart. 

a peculiar language of a middle temper (which well Pereg?: I. 2. 
agreeth with the position of their Countrey) betwixt ^- 9- ^^^^^- 
Tartarian and Armenian, as Gesner, and Postell, and ^2 Boter 
Roccha, in their bookes of languages have observed, Rel.p.7,.l.\. 
exercise notwithstanding their Liturgies in the Greeke c. de Mekhiti. 
tongue, as 'Jacobus a Vitriaco, Gesner, Postel, Roccha, ^^^rtac. hb. 
and divers others have certainly recorded. Gesner Mith- 

4. The Circassians : who yet in such sort celebrate rid. in Lingua 
their Divine Service in the Greeke, that their Priests Georgia. 
themselves, by reason of their grosse ignorance, under- Postel de\z. 
stand not what they read "as Intireano (that lived i^^' q'^' ^ 
among them) hath remembred. Roccha. de 

5. And lastly, in the Greeke tongue are celebrated the Dialect, in 
Liturgies of all the Monasteries, that are of the Greeke Georgiana, y 
Religion, wheresoever dispersed within the Turkish Do- ^"S^'^'^^- f- 

D ' _ r _ _ _ ^ li(xuin?art.loc. 

minions, in Africke or Asia : As in Mount Sinai, the ^^7^^ vilia- 
Cities of Petra and Eltor in Arabia: in Jerusalem, mont.l.z.c.zT,. 
Alexandria, Damascus, and in sundry other places, as ""Interian. 
Bellonius with others hath left recorded. zt/7t'' 

And to come at last to the Nations that celebrate Bella. Obs'er. 
their Liturgies in the Latine tongue: To speake of /.i.e. 35. 

I 401 2C 


them, even this little will bee enough : Namely, that 
all the Christians, that are found of the Roman Com- 
munion in America and in Africa, celebrate their 
Liturgies in the Roman tongue. As all likewise in 
Europe (except the Slavonians above mentioned.) And 
in Asia, except the two new Roman purchases of the 
Maronites in Syria, and of the Christians of Saint Thomas 
in India, who retaine still the old accustomed language, 
which as I observed before, is in the Liturgies of both 
those Nations, the Syriacke tongue. 

I have thought good to adde this note in the con- 
clusion, that Christian Religion may seeme justly to be 
divided into foure parts, in regard of her professors 
thorow the World : of which the Grecian Faith pos- 
sesseth one, reckoning to them the Russian; the 
Romanists or Papists another; the Protestants (by their 
adversaries, and by the intemperate zeale of some Luthe- 
rans, and other factious persons, made more to disagree 
then indeed they doe, as by the Harmonie of Confessions 
appeareth, and by their uniforme acknowledgement of 
all the maine points of Religion, their differences being 
about circumstances, rites, manner of presence, and some 
more abstruse points then whereof the vulgar is capable) 
these by a generall name called Protestants, may bee 
reckoned for a third part, perhaps not all so great in 
[I. i. 147.] multitudes as either of the former, but more flourishing 
then the first in splendor of power and learning, onely 
by an Inquisition inferior to the second ; and in numbers 
as many as all other professions of Christianitie, here 
reckoned a fourth part. 



Chap. XIIII. 

Relations of divers Travellers, touching the diver- 
sities of Christian Rites and Tenents in divers 
parts of the World. 

§. I- 

Tecla Maria an Abassine, his answeres to ques- 
tions touching the Religion of the Abassines 
and Cophti. 

Ou have read in Alvares, Bermudez, and 
the Jesuites Relations, large Relations of 
the Abassine Faith, and of the Portugalls 
remaining in Habassia, as also of three 
Patriarchs sent thither from the Pope, 
but refused by the Abassine. These 
Portugalls dwelling there sent one Tecla 
Maria, an Abassine Priest in their behalfe to Rome, who 
before the Cardinalls made answere as followeth July i. 


The Reverend Brother Tecla Maria, sonne of Tecla 
Nebiat, of the Citie Henza Mariam, of the Province of 
Xena, of the Kingdome of Ethiopia Priest and Monke, 
of the Order of Saint Antonie, and of the Monastery 
Libanus of the same Province, aged fortie five yeeres, 
at the command of the most Illustrious, and most 
Reverend Lord Cardinall of Saint Severine Protector of 
the Ethiopian Nation, to certaine interrogatories made 
in the Arabike to him, thus answered. 

Being asked what the Ethiopians beleeve of God and 
the holy Trinitie, he answered ; Wee beleeve in one 
God and three persons, the Father, Sonne, and Holy 
Ghost. The Father is unbegotten, the Sonne begotten 
onely of the Father, the Holy Ghost proceeding from 
the Father and the Sonne. Being asked, whether the 
Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father and the Sonne, 


L. 7. c. 5. 6^ 

7. 6- 8. 

Taken out of 

Thomas a 

Jesu de 

Convers. om. 

Gent. I. 7. c. 


Xena or Sua. 

the Holy 


A bus sines are 


Pictures in- 

bookes 8i. 


neerer the 
Romish Faith 
in divers 
things then the 
Ethiopians, as 
sup. I. 7. c. 8. 
perhaps for 
feare, perhaps 
of flattery. 

as from two beginnings, and two spirations, or as from 
one beginning and one spiration, he answered, As from 
one beginning, and one onely spiration. Being asked of 
the Incarnation, hee answered. That the Person of the 
Sonne, the Word of God the Father was incarnate by 
the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary. 

Being asked how many Natures, Wills, and Operations 
the Ethiopians professe to be in Christ our Lord, he 
answered, That the Ethiopians beleeve after the union 
one Nature, one Wil, & one Operation, yet without 
mixtion and without confusion : in which opinion he 
confesseth, that the Ethiopians and Cophti, and other 
Easterne Nations erre from the truth. Being asked 
whether they hold one Nature in Christ resulting from 
two, hee answered. The Ethiopians say not so, but 
simply professe one Nature without mixtion and with- 
out confusion, and affirme that to bee Divine, 

Being questioned of Images, he answered. That 
amongst the Ethiopians they are onely painted and not 
carved or graven, which the Ethiopians have in great 
veneration, in respect of representation and relation, and 
incense them. Being asked of the Canonicall Bookes of 
both Testaments, hee answered. That both the Testa- 
ments are divided amongst them into eightie one 
Bookes, all which are had in Egypt, but without booke 
he could not remember their names. 

Being asked how many Generall Councells they hold, 
he said. That they hold onely three, the Nicene, Con- 
stantinopohtan, and Ephesine, which he had read, but 
could not now recite. Touching the Chalcedon Councel, 
he said. They condemned it, because it determined two 
Natures in Christ, and condemned Dioscorus the Patriarke 
of Alexandria. How many universall Councells were 
held after, he answered. He knew not. 

He acknowledged seven Sacraments* instituted by 
Christ, Baptisme, Confirmation, the Eucharist, Penance, 
Unction, Order, and Matrimony. Being asked in what 
formall words the Ethiopians baptised, he answered, That 



after many prayers they say, I baptise thee in the name Baptisme. 

of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the Holy Ghost : 

The matter, hee said, was naturall water; the Minister, 

a Priest, or in his absence a Deacon, besides whom hee 

never saw any to baptise : their Males after fortie dayes, 

and Females after eightie dayes, except in danger of 

death, and then they baptise presently. Being asked, 

whether the Ethiopians circumcise their children : hee 

answered. That from ancientest time to this day in all 

Ethiopia, they circumcise their children in their owne 

houses without any Ceremony, but for a certaine ancient 

Custome, cutting away the Prepuce from the Males, the 

Nympha from the Females : being asked, whether they 

beleeve Circumcision necessary to salvation, he answered, Circumcision. 

They know that it is now ceased, and that it is no longer 

necessary. Being asked, why the Ethiopians are said to [I. i. 148.] 

be baptised with fire, and to signe in the forehead : hee 

answered. That there is none in Ethiopia which is 

baptised with fire, but in some Provinces onely they No baptwiie 

marke themselves with a razor in the forehead, either for "^^^hfire. 

the health of their eyes and sight ; or, as some say, by 

the command of a certaine King of Ethiopia, to differ 

from the Mahumetans. Being asked why they baptise 

themselves every yeere, he answered, That the Ethiopians 

every yeere for the solemnitie of the Epiphanie goe forth 

to a River, and there many prayers are said by the Priests, 

and all are washed in the River; and many stay there 

all night with great festivitie for devotion of the Baptisme 

of our Lord Jesus Christ ; but no man baptiseth him- 

selfe as they say. 

Being demanded of Confirmation, the Matter, the Seesup.Jlva- 
Forme, the Minister, he answered. Confirmation with [^^ ' 7- /• 5- 
us IS conferred by a Priest, together with rsaptisme, and rather beleeve- 
the Infant is anointed with Chrisme in the forehead, in but this man 
the name of the Father, Sonne and Holy Ghost : asked ^^d. Zaga 
of the effect thereof, he said he knew not, but hee be- ^f^ J^^^^^ 
leeveth that it is given, that a Christian may be confirmed published, and 
in the faith. Being asked, whether Chrisme bee made L. Urreta, 



dnub over as amongst them every yeere, hee answered ; Chrisme is 
well as they ggj^j- ^^^^^ fj-^j^ l-^g Patriarch of Alexandria, by whom 

can, divers of . . . , . , i -n- i j • 

the Ethiopian alone it IS made and not by the Bishop, and is sent 
superstitions, every seventh yeere and seldomer, with the Pilgrimes 
6^ yet this is which returne from the pilgrimage of the Holy Land, 
T'^rT^'^'^^'^ and the old Chrisme is preserved in all Churches. Being 
(a very dune;- '"^sked whereof it was made, hee said, Of Balsam and 
hill of lies) Oyle, and of many Flowers and odoriferous things. 
and then Zaga Being interrogated of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, 
f -^l" ^'"^ d ^^^ ^^^ matter thereof, hee answered. That the Matter 
therewith) for '^^ Bread of Bread-corne, and Wine of the Grape ; but 
which cause I in many Provinces of Ethiopia, in Wine pressed out of 
have omitted Raisins washed with water, and steeped in the same 
them: where- y^^^ter the space of certaine houres. Being asked what 
Ihinzsofmo- ^^^ ^^^ words, whereby the Bread is transubstantiated 
ment saith the into the Body, and the Wine into the Bloud, he answered, 
truth, hut ex- They are those words when the Priest saith. And he 
cuseth as farre tooke Bread in his hands, and lifting up his eyes to 
7ome^of their ^^^^en unto God his Father, he blessed, saying. Take 
Rites in Bap- yee and eate yee, this is my Body. And Hkewise taking 
tisme,Circum- the Chalice, he blessed and sanctified saying. Take yee 
cision, &-C. ^^^ drinke yee. This is the Chalice of my Blood, which 
Consecration, ^^^y^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ remission of sinnes. The 

Minister, he said, is the Priest onely, and the effect 

Communion in remission of sinnes. Being asked whether all the Ethio- 

both kinds. plans are communicated in both kindes } he answered, 

That all the Ethiopians both Clerkes and Laymen are 

communicated under both kinds : the Priest ministers 

the body, and the Deacon the bloud in a spoone. Being 

asked whether Infants are communicated, hee answered, 

Children com- That Infants on the day of their baptisme are communi- 

mumcated. cated in this manner : The Priest puts his fore-finger 

in the Chalice, and being dipped in the bloud, he puts 

it in the Infants mouth. And after baptisme, till they 

be ten yeeres old, the Priests little finger is put in the 

childs mouth without the bloud, for devotions sake. 

Being asked, whether they celebrate in bread leavened 

or unleavened, and what they thinke of him, which 



celebrates in unleavened, he answered, The Ethiopians 
celebrate in leavened bread, & they which celebrate in 
unleavened make the Sacrament also. And we thorow 
all Ethiopia, on Mandie Thursday everie yeere, in the 
Supper of the Lord, in memoriall hereof celebrate in 

Being asked what the Ethiopians thinke of Purgatory, Purgatory. 
hee answered, The Ethiopians beleeve that the soules ^^^^^ "'"'"'"'- 
after death are detained in a certaine place, called in the 
Ethiopian tongue Mecan aaraft, that is, the Place of 
lightning, in which the soules of the penitent are kept, 
which have departed out of the world, not having finished 
the satisfaction of their sinnes. Being asked whether the 
soules of the good presently after death enjoy happinesse, 
and those of evill men bee punished in Hell, Hee 
answered. There are some in Ethiopia, which thinke Soule-sleepe. 
that the soules of the good rest in Paradise terrestriall 
in which Adam was created, untill the Day of Judge- 
ment. There are others which beleeve that the soules 
of the just, presently after death enjoy their Creator in 

Also being asked what sinnes, and how many are Mortdl sinne. 
mortall, he answered. Those are mortall sinnes which 
are done against the Lords commandements, which are 
so many that I cannot number. Being asked whether 
the sinnes of the Will, which passe not into outward 
act, bee mortall, Hee answered, they are mortall, when a 
man hath given consent to the desire and concupiscence. 

Being asked whether any man can be saved without Un'wersall 
the faith of Jesus Christ, the Mediator of God and men ; ■^'''^^^• 
he answered. None can be saved. Being asked of them 
which are now in the law of nature, to whom no know- 
ledge of the Gospell hath comne ; he answered, I be- 
leeve that God also hath provided for them, that by some 
meanes they may be saved, when they shall have kept 
the precepts of Nature. Being asked what the Ethiopians 
thinke of Indulgences, hee answered, I beleeve they are Indulgences. 
acceptable amongst all, and they call them Benedictions, 



Invocation of 


twixt Abas- 
sines and 
[I. i. 149.] 


but I desire to understand the use of them. Being asked 
of Invocation of Saints, hee answered, that the Invoca- 
tion of Saints is very well approved amongst the Ethio- 
pians, and all doe professe their intercession with God. 

Being asked of Simony, and of those which by favour 
or compact are ordained Priests, Bishops, or Patriarch ; 
he answered, that it is forbidden by the holy Canons. 

Being asked what difference there is betwixt the 
Ethiopians and the Cophti, in matters of faith ; he 
answered, that there is no difference betwixt them, and 
they agree in all things ; for they are under the obedience 
of the same Patriarch. But in some things I have 
seene them to differ; namely, the Ethiopians contract 
not in degrees prohibited ; But the Cophti contract 
in the second, and the degrees after it every where 
with license, and without the license of their Bishop 
and Patriarch. Also the Cophti in the Country and 
Villages keepe no Lords daies, nor holy daies, but onely 
in Cities, which the Ethiopians doe every where. Also 
the Ethiopians keepe the Sabbath (or Saturday holy) 
which the Cophti doe not. Also the Ethiopians every 
where thorow all Ethiopia circumcise their Sonnes and 
Daughters; but some Cophti, onely at Cairo within 
these few yeeres circumcise not. Also in the ceremonies 
of the Masse the Cophti differ much from the Ethiopians, 
For the Priests of the Cophti celebrate without the Vest- 
ments called Planetae, and the Deacons without the 
Dalmatick Vestments, & with their head covered with 
a wollen Tobalea, and never elevate the Lords body 
and the Chalice in their Masses ; which ceremonies 
are not amongst the Ethiopians, Being demanded if he 
knew in what things the Ethiopians and Cophti differ 
from the faith of the holy Catholike Roman Church ; 
hee answered, they differ principally in these things. 
They invocate Dioscorus of Alexandria, and James the 
first his Disciple, and Severus Antiochenus in the 
Churches with the holy Fathers. They receive not 
the Chalcedon Councell and Saint Leo Pope. They 



professe in Christ our Lord one onely Nature, will, 

and operation. They recite the thrice holy Hymne Holy, holy, 

with addition of those words, which was crucified for ^°^y- 

us; yet with this exposition that the three sanctifications 

be applied to the most holy Trinitie, & those words, 

which was crucified for us, onely to our Lord Christ. 

The Cophti and Ethiopians use circumcision, and these 

also observe the Sabbath. 

Being asked when, where, of whom and what orders Holy Orders. 
he had taken : hee answered, when I was fifteene yeeres 
old, in the Church of Saint Mary in the Monasterie 
of Denob of the Province Xeva in Ethiopia, I was 
entered in orders by Joseph a Cophtite, Archbishop Josepkus 
of Ethiopia, in this manner : The Archbishop before Cophtus. 
the celebration of Masse shaved my head in five places, 
in forme of a crosse, and anointed me with Chrisme 
in the forehead, reciting praiers in the Egyptian tongue, 
and breathed in my face ; and the same houre, in time 
of the celebration, made me an Ostiarie, and Lector or 
Psalmist, and Acolyte, and Nescadeaecon or Subdeacon, 
and Deacon of the Gospell, and gave me the holy 
Communion : and a long time after, when I was thirty 
yeeres old, in the Citie Bed in Dembia of Ethiopia, 
in the Church of Saint George, I was ordered Priest 
by Archbishop Marke, the successour of the said Joseph. 
Being asked whether hee heard the Archbishop utter Popish rites of 
in collating orders, the formall words of each order; g^'^^^g^^'d^^'^- 
he answered. The Archbishop uttered them, but I 
heard not, nor understood, because he celebrated in 
the Egyptian tongue, whereof I was utterly ignorant. 
Being asked whether any materiall was delivered by 
the Archbishop in collation of each order, and whether 
he touched the same with his hands ; namely, whether 
in making him Ostiary the Keyes of the Church, and 
opened the doore, and sounded the Bell ; in the Lector- 
ship, the Booke of Lessons, or touched the Psalmist, in 
exorcistship the booke of exorcisme or Missall ; in Aco- 
lythship the Candlesticke, with the candle put out and 



an emptie pot ; in Subdeaconship, the empty Chalice 
with an empty patene over it, and pots with wine and 
water, and the basen with a towell, and the Booke of 
the Epistles, and whether the Amice was by the Arch- 
bishop put on his head, and the maniple on his left 
arme, and whether hee was vested with the Tunicle : 
and in his Deaconship, whether he touched the Booke 
of the Gospels, and the stole was put on his shoulder, 
and he vested with the Dalmatike : and in being ordered 
Priest whether he touched the Chalice with wine and 
water, and the patene with the hoste, and whether the 
Archbishop and Priests imposed hands on his head, and 
whether the stole was applied to his breast in manner 
of a crosse, and whether he put on the casule without 
the planet, and had his hands touched with the Oyle 
of the Catechumeni : He answered, I certainly know, 
that I in all the said orders had no materiall or instru- 
ment delivered me by the Archbishop in collation of the 
Orders, nor did I touch any such, nor was I vested with 
any vestment peculiar to any order, nor did the Arch- 
bishop impose hands on me, nor were my hands 
annointed with holy Oyle. He said also, our Arch- 
bishop in Ethiopia giveth orders to 2000. and more 
at one time, and to each gives sixe orders together, 
without examination before, and without enquirie, exami- 
nation, choise, approbation, writing, or register, and in 
regard of the multitude, cannot give to each and every 
of them any materiall to be touched : and in the same 
manner it is observed in all ordinations by our Arch- 
bishops successively ; although it be otherwise observed 
in Egypt, where so great a multitude is not ordered 
at once together, and some competent matter is de- 
livered to be touched of the ordained. Being asked 
whether he knew the said Joseph and Marke, Bishops 
aforesaid, to have beene Schismatickes, and without the 
communion of the holy Roman Church : he answered, 
that hee knew not so much. Yea, he rather certainly 
beleeved at that time, that they were Catholikes, as 



also all the Ethiopians and Cophti, and that they obeyed 
the Apostolike See in all things, and held communion 
with the holy Roman Church ; and beleeved that all 
Christians did agree in matters of Faith ; but he learned 
the things before said, when afterwards hee was at 
Jerusalem and in Egypt. 

§. II. [I. i. 150.] 

Relations of the Jacobites and Armenians, written 
by Leonard Bishop of Sidon, Pope Gregorie 
the 13. his Nuncio to the Easterne parts. 

He Jacobite Nation is dispersed thorow the Cities, J acobites num- 
Lands, and Townes of Syria, Mesopotamia and • 
Babylonia, obtaining the number of 50000. houses, 

most of them poore, and living on daily labour. In 
Aleppo and Caramit are many rich families which live 
on Merchandise. Their Patriarchall Church is in Meso- 
potamia without the Citie of Moradim, in the Monastery 
Zafram ; but the Patriarch resideth for his greater com- 
moditie and quiet in the Citie Caramit. This Nation 
is subject to the Patriarch David, but is governed of 
the Bishop Thomas, Vicar Generall and brother to the 
said Patriarch. Under whose obedience live at this 
time John the Metropolitan of Jerusalem, by the ThelrBishops. 
Jacobites stiled the fifth Patriarch : Michael Archbishop 
of Damasco. James Archbishop of Edessa called Orfa, 
or Raha. Minas Archbishop of Saur, EfFrem Archbishop 
in the same Province, James Archbishop of Bisuaria, 
Abraham Bishop of Aatafra. Melchez Bishop of Saint 
Melchi in Tur, Jesu Bishop of the Monasterie 
Deiriloemor, Abelmedich in the Province of Tur, 
Elias Bishop in Salach, Ehas Bishop of the Monas- 
terie Saint Crosse in Zaz, Gazel Bishop in Tarach, 
David Bishop in Maaden, Pilat Metropolitan in Musal 
and the East, Gazel Archbishop of Miaferichin, the 
Archbishop of the Monasterie of Mar Abihai, Ananias 
Bishop of Saint Bertonias, John Bishop of Hartbert, Isaac 



and Churches. 


Their Patri- 

Archbishop of Cyprus, Simeon Archbishop of Caramit, 
Habib. There are many Monasteries of the same 
Nation, Churches, Religions, and Deacons, and Clergie 
men innumerable, which I could not visit, being rejected 
by the said Vicar Generall Thomas: Yet I visited the 
Temple of the Jacobites in Tripoli, Aamavin, Damasco, 
Neph, Jerusalem, Aleppo, Orfa, Orbis, Mar Abihai, 
Gargar, amongst the Churches of which parts I found 
those of Jerusalem and Aleppo well furnished, but the 
rest without Images and ill governed. For the Sacrament 
was kept in wodden pyxes without light or lampe ; and 
the baptismall Funts wanted water, for at every baptisme 
they blesse the Funts anew : the ornaments of the Altars 
also were most vile, and the office of the Masse was 
performed verie basely and carelesly. Of the holy Oyles, 
onely Chrisme was kept in Churches : this is called 
Miron and is blessed of the Patriarch every seventh yeere 
with many flowers and odoriferous things. They have 
not the Oile of the Catachumeni, and for the Oile of 
extreame unction, the Priest blesseth it in lights set on 
foure parts in manner of a crosse, and therewith anoints 
the sicke, after many Gospels and Praiers recited. The 
Sacrament of Confession is rarely frequented, and many 
communicate without auricular confession. The Patri- 
arch professed that they held the same in substance with 
the Roman Church, but the Greekes and Latines could 
not attempt such words and tearmes as the Jacobites in 
those things had done. 

Of the Armenia