Hakluytus Posthumus
or
Purchas His Pilgrimes
In Twenty Volumes
Volume III
GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE 6^ COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW
MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON
THE MACMILLAN CO, NEW YORK
SIMPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON
MACMILLAN AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH
MCMV
Hakluytus Posthumus
or
Purchas His Pilgrimes
Contayning a History of the World
in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells
by Englishmen and others
By
SAMUEL PURCHAS, B.D.
VOLUME III
Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in
the third Booke of the First part of Purchas
his Pilgrimes.
CHAP. VII.
Captaine William Hawkins his Relations of the occurrents
which happened in the time of his residence in India,
in the Countie of the Great Mogoll, and of his de-
parture from thence ; written to the Companie. H.P.
§. I. His barbarous usage at Surat by Mocrebchan : The
Portugals and Jesuites treacheries against him. .
Proud injurious Portugalls. Barbarous perfidie, Portugall
treachery, Jesuites Sanctity.
§. 2. His journey to the Mogoll at Agra, and entertain-
ment at Court. .......
Jesuites Plots. Captaine Hawkins his entertainment with
the Mogoll. Captaine Hawkins at the Mogols Court
in Agra. Mocrebchan the spoyler spoyled.
§. 3. The Mogols inconstancy, and Captaine Hawkins de-
parture with Sir Henrie Middleton to the Red Sea :
Thence to Bantam, and after for England.
The Mogols inconstancie. Captaine Hawkins his troubles
with the Mogoll. Captaine Hawkins his returne for
England.
PAGE
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued, page
§. 4. A briefe Discourse of the strength, wealth and govern-
ment, with some Customes of the Great Mogoll :
which I have both scene, and gathered by his chiefe
Officers, and Overseers of all his estate. ... 29
Offices, Customes, and Revenewes of the Mogoll. The
Mogols Treasure and Jewels. Mogols Greatnesse.
The Mogols Elephants and Dromedaries. Delicacy
cruell. Reason brutish. The Mogols wealth, and
meanes thereof. The Great Mogols devotions, and
spending his time. Feasts and Funerals.
CHAP. VIII.
The Voyage of Master David Middleton in the Consent,
a ship of an hundred and fifteene tunnes, which set
forth from Tilburie Hope, on the twelfth of March,
1606. H
Captaine David Middletons Voyage to the Molucca's.
Buttone. Captaine David Midleton his ship laden
with Cloves.
CHAP. IX.
I. A briefe Narration of the fourth Voyage to the East
Indies, with the two good ships, the Ascention being
Admirall, and the Union Vice-Admirall, under the
command of Alexander Sharpey Generall, and Richard
Rowles Lieutenant Generall, with the Discoverie of
the Red Sea in the Ascension. H. . . .
|. I. Relations of the said Voyage, written by Thomas
Jones. .........
The treacherie of the Moores. Ascention wracked. Jones
his Adventures after the Ascentions losse. The As-
cension lost, the Union distressed.
|. 2. The report of William Nicols a Mariner of the Ascen-
sion which travelled from Bramport by land to
Masulipatan, written from his mouth at Bantam by
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
Henry Moris, the twelfth of September, 1612. The
former and greater part is the same in substance with
that of Thomas Jones, and therefore omitted. . 72
§. 3. The unhappie Voyage of the Vice-admirall, the Union
outward bound, till shee arrived at Priaman, reported
by a Letter which Master Samuel Bradshaw sent from
Priaman, by Humfrey Bidulphe, the eleventh day of
March, 1609. written by the said Henrie Moris at
Bantam, the fourteenth of September, 1610, . . 74
Treachery at Zanzibar and Canquomorra. Capt. Rowles.
Unions disaster. The miserable distresse of the Union.
§. 4. The Voyage of Master Joseph Salbanke through India,
Persia, part of Turkie, the Persian Gulfe, and Arabia,
1609. Written unto Sir Thomas Smith. . . 82
Salbanks Persian travels by Land and Sea. Ormus, Diu, Goa.
CHAP. X.
The Voyage of Master David Midleton to Java, and Banda,
extracted out of a Letter written by himselfe to the
Companie, this being the fifth Voyage set forth by
them. H 90
§. I. Their affaires at Bantam, Botun, Bengaia. . . 90
D. Mid. at Botun. Hollander in Bengaia his life.
§. 2. Occurrents at Banda ; Contesting with the Dutch :
Trade at Puloway, and many perils. ... 94
The Hollanders usage of the English. Uncharitable pur-
poses of the Dutch. Dutch scrupulositie, and English
resolution. Captaine David Middletons Trade in
Banda. Sea and Land Perills. Captaine David
Midletons trade at Banda.
§. 3. His departure for Bantam, escape from the Hollanders,
and returne home. .......
The Dutch Admirall is slaine.
vii
109
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
CHAP. XI.
The sixth Voyage, set forth by the East Indian Companie
in three ships ; the Trades Increase, of one thousand
Tunnes, and in her the Generall Sir Henrie Middle-
ton, Admirall ; the Pepper-corne of two hundred and
iiftie, Vice-admirall, the Captaine Nicholas Dounton :
and the Darling of ninetie. The Barke Samuel fol-
lowed as a Victualler, of burthen one hundred and
eightie: written by Sir H. Middleton. H. . . 115
§. I. The proceeding of his Voyage till hee came to Moha
in the Red Sea. . . , . . . .115
S. H. Midleton at Zacotora and Aden.
§. 2. Turkish treacherie at Moha and Aden with the
English. 126
Turkish treacherie towards the English, John Chambers
his desperate Adventure.
§. 3. Sir Henrie Middleton, and foure and thirtie others,
sent to the Basha at Zenan. Description of the
. Countrie, and occurrents till their returne. . . 135
Their passage and arrivall at Zenan. The English be-
friended by a Moore. The English imprisoned by
the Turkes. The Travailes and usage of Sir H.
Midleton, and other English. Kindnesse pretended
to the English.
§. 4. Indian shipping at Moha ; Sir Henrie Middletons
escape from the Turkes, and enforcing satisfaction. . 154.
S. H. Midleton purposeth an escape. The escape of divers
of the English. Sir H. Middletons demands of the
Aga. Restitution made by the Turkes to the English.
The English feare poysoning by the Turkes. The
Turkes practice to poyson Wells at Assab.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
§. 5. Their departure from Surat, and what happened there
with the Cambayans and Portugals. . . .170
Passages betweene the English and Portugals. Hard
measure offered by the Portugals. S. H. Midletons
entertainment at Cambay?. The Indians rude cus-
tome in buying,
§. 6. His going to Dabul, & thence to the Red Sea, and
enforced trade with the Guzerates. . . . 185
Sir Henry Middleton goeth to the Red Sea. The English
have Trade at Dabull. Divers passages betweene the
Indians and English. The Jesuites practise among
the Saracens.
CHAP. XII.
Nicholas Dounton Captaine of the Pepper-corne, a ship of
two hundred and fifty tunnes, and Lieutenant in the
sixth Voyage to the East Indies, set forth by the said
Companie, his Journall, or certaine Extracts thereof. H. 1 94
§. I. Their comming to Saldania, and thence to Socatora. 194
The people, and commodities of Saldania. The descrip-
tion and commodities of Saldania. Madagascar.
Their treachery. Strange Trees. Long drought in
Socatora. The Kings entertainment.
§. 2. Of Abba del Curia, Arabia Felix, Aden and Moha,
and the trecherous dealing of both places. . . 209
The description of Abba del Curia. Aden, and Moha.
The cunning treachery of the Turkes to the English
in many particulars. English betrayed by the Turkes.
Turkish policies against our English. Turkish treachery
on Land and Sea. Chambers Adventure. Pembertons
escape. Sir Henry Middletons happy escape aboord.
§. 3. Their departure from Moha to Assab, and after that,
higher into the Red Sea, thence to the Socatora, and
after to Surat. ....... 243
The English kindly used at Assab. The English travelling
towards Surat.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued, page
§. 4. Many proud affronts of the Portugals. Disgusts from
the Indians. . . . . . . . .250
The Portugals dissimulation with the English. The Por-
tugals enemies to the English. Sir Henry Middleton
kindly entertained. Another assault of the Portugals
on the English. The base vanitie of Macrib Chan.
The base dealing of the Indians with our English.
§. 5. Their departure to Dabul, Socatora, the Red Sea, and
Acts there. ........ 270-
Unrulinesse of men when prey is to be had. The Eng-
lish recover something of the Portugals. The English
meete with a ship of Callicut. Dissembling of the
Turkes with the English.
§. 6. Their barter with the Indian ships, and departure to
Sumatra. ........ 287
Sir Henry Middletons composition with the Indians for
former losses by the Turkes. The Indian Coast dis-
cerned by swimming of Snakes. Civill warres a
hinderance to English trade. Worst Friends neer-
est home.
CHAP. XIII.
The seventh Voyage ; made in the Globe into East India,
set out under the command of Captain Anthonie
Hippon, observed and written by Nathaniel Marten,
Masters Mate in the said ship. .... 304
English Indian Voyages. Negapatan. Paleacate. Captaine
Hippon at Paleacate and Petepoly. Patane, Siam.
Indian Ports traversed. S. Helena ill graduated.
CHAP. XIIII.
Extracts of Peter Williamson Floris his Journal!, for the
seventh Voyage, (in which he went Cape Merchant)
translated out of Dutch. Hee arrived in England,
161 5, and died two moneths after in London. . 319
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
§. I. The Voyage to Paleacatte, Petapoli, Masulipatan,
Bantam, Patania, and Siam. . . . . .319
The Hollanders triumph over the English. His Majesties
Letters delivered at Patane and Syam. Tempest.
§. 2. Relations of strange occurents in Pegu, Siam, Joor,
Patane, and the Kingdomes adjacent. . . . 326
Tyranny, Famine, Warre, Slave-tyrants. Various Affaires
at Patanie, Pahan and Siam. Losse of the Trade.
State of Banda. Slaves domineering.
§. 3.. Their Voyage to Masulipatan ; accidents during their
long stay there, and their returne. . . . .334^
Great and extraordinarie flouds of water. Strange attempt
of English among the Moores.
CHAP. XV.
A Journall of a Voyage made by the Pearle to the East
India, wherein went as Captaine, Master Samuel
Castelton of London, and Captaine George Bathurst
as Lieutenant : written by John Tatton, Master. . 345
The ship called the Pearle, goeth for India. The Por-
tugal treachery against the English. The English
take a ship, and dismisse her. Fight betweene the
Hollanders and Portugals.
The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in
the fourth Booke of the First part of
Purchas his Pilgrimes.
CHAP. I.
The eighth Voyage set forth by the East Indian Societie,
wherein were employed three ships, the Clove, the
Hector, and the Thomas, under the command of
Captaine John Saris : His Course and Acts to and in
the Red Sea, Java, Moluccas, and Japan (by the
xi
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued, page
Inhabitants called NefFoon, where also he first began
and setled an English Trade and Factorie) with other
remarkable Rarities, collected out of his own Journall. . 357
§. I Their sayling about Africa, visiting divers Hands
thereof, and comming to Socatora. . . . '357
A Mahometane King entertained by the English. The
English mens usage by the King of Moyela.
§. 2. Occurrents at Socatora, and in the Red Sea, with
divers Easterne Letters, and the Great Turkes Patent
and Scale. . . . . . . . .370
The entertainement of the English at Socatora. The
Voyage of Captaine John Saris. Dangerous sayling
neere the Arabian Coast. Entertainment of the
English at Moha by Ider Aga. Manner of sealing
at Moha, and forme of Indian writing. The forme
of the Grand Signiors Scale, with part of his Passe.
The Great Turks Patent to the English for the Red
Sea. Entertainement of the English at Moha. The
great and rich Customes in the Port of Moha.
§. 3. Their Adventures with Sir Henry Middleton, with
other observations of those parts, and arrivall at
Bantam. ........ 393
The King of Rehita commeth to visit the English. Com-
modities priced betweene the Turkes and English.
Trade betweene the English and the Turkes. Trad-
ing of the English with the Turkes. Capt. Saris his
Voyage to Bantam. Plentie cause of dearth.
§. 4. The Voyage of Captaine Saris in the Clove, to the
He of Japan, what befell in the way. Observations
of the Dutch and Spaniards in the Moluccas. . . 408
Captaine Saris his Voyage to Japan. Welden at Botun.
The Hollanders hinder English Trade at Bachian.
The Hollanders Fort in the Roade of Amasane.
The Hollanders spightfulnesse to the English. The
Hollanders labour to hinder the English trade.
Passages betweene the English and the Spanish,
xii
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued, page
§. 5. Further observations touching the Molucca Hands,
and their proceeding on their Voyage to Japan. . 429
Divers instructions touching the Molucca Hands. The
Flemmings severall Forts in the Moluccaes.
§. 6. Their arrivall at Firando : the Habite, Rites, and
Customes of the Japonians. ..... 442
The habite and behaviour of the Japonians. The King
of Japons kindnesse to the English. Divers customes
and manners of the Japonians. The manner of execut-
ing Offenders in Japan. English Presents given to
the Emperour of Japan.
§. 7. Captaine Saris his Journey to the Court of the
Japonian Emperour, and observations there, and by
the way. His Letter to the King, and Japonian
Priviledges to the English Companie. . . .453
The true heire of Japan defeated of his Inheritance. Soul-
diers, Dyet, Temples of the Japonians. The English
entertayned by the Emperour of Japon. The King
of Edoo his Letter to the King of Great Britaine.
Priviledges granted to the English at Japan. The
Emperour of Japans grants to the English. The
Jesuits have a Colledge in Miaco.
§. 8. Accidents after his returne to Firando, the setling of a
Factorie there, departure for Bantam, and thence for
England. King of Firandos Letter to His Majestie. 472
Private quarrels among the English abroad. The English
settle a Factorie in Japan. The English passe from
Japan for England. The price of Commodities in-
creaseth at Bantam, and why. The King of Firando
his Letter to our King.
§. 9. Intelligence concerning Yedzo, delivered in the Citie
of Edoo in Japan, by a Japanner who had beene there
twice 488
The Description of the Hand of Yedzo.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
CHAP. II.
Observations of the said Captaine John Saris, of occurrents
which happened in the East Indies during his abode
at Bantam from October 1605. ^^^^ October 1609.
As likewise touching the Marts and Merchandises of
those parts ; observed by his owne experience, or
relation of others, extracted out of his larger Booke,
and here added as an Appendix to his former greater
Voyage ; and may serve as a continuation of Master
Scots premised Relations. To which are added cer-
taine Observations of the said Authour, touching the
Townes and Merchandise of principall Trade in those
parts of the World. ...... 490
Certaine Flemmings put to death at Bemermassen. A
great Carracke taken by the Hollanders. Javan up-
roares. Dutch and English Indian affaires. Dutch
Admirall taken at Ternate.
Certaine Rules for the choice of sundry Drugs, as also
from whence they may bee had, as foUoweth. . 504.
Muske, Bezar and Amber.
Of all the chiefe and principall Towns for Trade in these
parts, with their severall names and situations, and
also what commodities they doe affoord, and what
is there desired. . . . . . . .506
Bantam weights and Cashes. Best wares to be bought
or sold. And Customes at Bantam. Places of prin-
cipall Trade in the East-Indies. Diamonds and other
merchandise of Soccodanna and China.
A note of requestable Commodities vendible in Japan,
together with their prices there current, being
Masses, and Canderines, each Canderine contayning
the 3^ of a Masse : viz. . . . . .516
Commodities vendible in Japan, and their prices.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. page
A memoriall of such merchandize as are to bee bought
in Japan, and the prices as they are there worth. . 518
Commodities to be bought in Japan.
CHAP. III.
Relation of Master Richard Cockes Cape Merchant, Of
what past in the Generals absence going to the Em-
perours Court. Whereunto are added divers Letters
of his and others, for the better knowledge of Japonian
affaires, and later Occurrents in those parts. . . 519
§. I . The Kings care, unreadinesse of ours, Japonian super-
stitions, strange tempest. . . . . .519
The English kindly entertained at Japan. An extraordinary
Tempest in Firando. Superstitious zeale ; Conjuring
Cousenage ; Fugitive knaves. Divers Englishmen run
away from the ships at Firando,
§. 2. Lies of or on the Devil, and uproares about fire.
Deceit of Nangasack. Suspicions, Feasts, Spanish
occurrents. . . . . . . . • 53^
The entertaynment of the English at Japan. The English
and Dutch feast together. A great and dangerous
fire in Firando.
542
§. 3. A strange Comedie acted by Kings and Nobles : Pre-
ventions for Night-cries and fires ; Returne of the
Generall from Court. ......
The English are invited to a great Feast. The jealousie
of the English over the Spaniards. The Merchants
of Miaco deale badly with the English.
The Copie of a Letter sent by the Emperour of Japan,
unto the King of Holland, by the ship called the
Red Lion, with Arrowes, which arrived in the Texel,
the two and twentieth of July, 1610. And divers
Letters written from the English in Japan to their
friends in England. 548
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued, page
Firando in Japan, the tenth of December, 1614. , , 550
Disgust of Dutch. Corean stratagems and sayling waggons.
Holland acts in the East distasted. Tempest at Edoo.
Divers Intelligences from Japan to England. The
fight of Hollanders and Spaniards.
Abuses offered by the Hollanders to the English. Dutch
Daggers, Japon Swords : Brutish Boores, Salvage
Tygres. Christ crucified betwixt two Theeves.
A piece of another letter of M, Cockes. . . .563
xvi
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Sharefoo Boobackar, King of Moyela, his note,
under his hand, of friendship, . . . 364
Seals of Mamy, Captain of Moha, . . .380
A Letter in the Banian hand written from the
Sabandar in Moha to Captain Saris, . .380
The Form of the Grand Signiors Seal, with part
of his Pass, ...... 382
The Hand and Seal of Mahomed Hashen Comall
Adeene Ashen, Captain of the Hassavy of
Surat, ........ 402
The Hand and Seal of Nohada Hassan Captain
of the Cawdrie of Diu, .... 403
The Japonian Charter, ..... 466
Hondius his Map of Japan, . . . .570
THE THIRD VOLUME
OF
Purchas His Pilgrimes
Contayning the Navigations and Voyages of Eng-
lishmen to the Red Sea, the Abassine, Arabian,
Persian and Indian Shoares, Continents and
Hands; with English Voyages beyond
the East-Indies, to the Hands of
Japan, China, Cauchin-China,
the Philipinae with others,
and the Indian Navi-
gations further
prosecuted
I
Chap. VIL [I. iii. 206.]
Captaine William Hawkins, his Relations of the
Occurrents which happened in the time of
his residence in India, in the Country of the
Great Mogoll, and of his departure from
thence ; written to the Company.
§. I-
His barbarous usage at Surat by Mocrebchan : The
Portugals and Jesuits treacheries against him.
r my arrivall *unto the Bar of Surat, being
the foure and twentieth of August, 1608.
I presently sent unto Surat Francis Buck, Z^vT^J/Lr
Merchant, with two others, to make d the voyage
knowne unto the Governour, that the
King of England had sent me as his
Embassadour unto his King, with his
Letter and Present : I received the Governours answere,
both by them, and three of his Servants sent me from
Surat, that he, and what the Country affoorded, was at
my command : and that I should be very welcome, if I
would vouchsafe to come on shore. I went accompanied "Keelingde-
with my Merchants, and others, in the best manner I could, parted in the
befitting for the honour of my King and Country. At Dragon,asyou
my comming on shore, after their barbarous manner I was ^^^\^l^^-J
kindly received, and multitudes of people following me, all ^^^ Hector fir
Surat {the meane while built a Pinnasse) on the fiurth of August, having received
from the Generall a duplicate of the Commission under the Great Seale. He commeth on
shoare the 28. of August, 1608.
* Captain
Keelingandhe
had kept corn-
before related
((ff not need-
full to bee
repeated) to
the Roade of
Delis a in Soca-
tora, whence
on June the
24. Captaine
III
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1608.
desirous to see a new come people, much nominated, but
never came in their parts. x\s I was neere the Governors
house, word was brought me that he was not well, but I
thinke rather, drunke with Affion or Opion, being an aged
man. So I went unto the chiefe Customer, which was the
onely man that Sea-faring causes belonged unto (for the
government of Surat, belonged unto two great Noblemen ;
Chanchana, the one being Vice-Roy of Decan, named Chanchana ; the
Mocrehchan. other, Vice-Roy of Cambaya and Surat, named Mocreb-
chan, but in Surat hee had no command, save onely over
the Kings Customes) who was the onely man I was to deale
withall. After many complements done with this chiefe
Customer, I told him that my comming was to establish
and settle a Factory in Surat, and that I had a Letter for
his King from His Majesty of England, tending to the
same purpose, who is desirous to have league and amitie
with his King, in that kind, that his Subjects might freely
goe and come, sell and buy, as the custome of all Nations
is : and that my ship was laden with the commodities of
our land, which by intelligence of former travellers, were
vendible for these parts. His answere was, that he would
dispatch a Foot-man for Cambaya, unto the Nobleman his
• Master : for of himselfe he could doe nothing without his
order. So taking my leave, I departed to my lodging
appointed for mee, which was at the Custome-house : In
the morning, I went to visit the Governour, and after a
Present given him, with great gravity and outward shew
of kindnesse, he entertained me, bidding me most heartily
welcome, and that the Countrey was at my command.
After complements done, and entring into the maine
affaires of my businesse, acquainting him wherefore my
comming was for these parts : he answered me, that these
my affaires did not concerne him, because they were Sea-
faring causes, which did belong unto Mocrebchan, unto
whom hee promised me to dispatch a Foot-man unto Cam-
baya, and would write in my behalfe, both for the unlading
of my shippe, as also concerning a Factorie. In the meane
while, he appointed me to lodge in a Merchants house, that
WILLIAM HAWKINS ad.
1608.
understood the Turkish, being at that time my Trouch-
man, the Captaine of that shippe which S' Edward '^^\^f^^'^^^
Michelborne tooke.^ twEdLT
It was twentie daies ere the answer came, by reason or uichelbome
the great waters and raines that men could not passe. In tooke.
this time, the Merchants, many of them very friendly Excessive
feasted me, when it was faire weather that I could get out '^^^^'
of doores : for there fell a great raine, continuing almost
the time the Messengers were absent, who at the end of
twenty daies brought answer from Mocrebchan, with
Licence to land my goods, and buy and sell for this present
Voyage : but for a future Trade, and setling of a Factorie,
he could not doe it without the Kings commaundement,
which he thought would be effected, if I would take the
paines of two moneths travell, to deliver my Kings Letter.
And further, he wrote unto his chiefe Customer, that all,
whatsoever I brought, should be kept in the Custome-house,
till his Brother Sheck Abder Rachim came, who should
make all the hast that possibly could bee, for to chuse
such goods as were fitting for the King : (these excuses of
taking goods of all men for the King, are for their owne
private gaine.) Upon this answere, I made all the hast I
could, in easing our shippe of her heavy burthen of Lead,
and Iron, which of necessitie must be landed. The goods
being landed, and kept in the Customers power, till the [I. iii. 207.]
comming of this great man, perceiving the time precious,
and my ship not able long to stay, I thought it convenient
to send for three Chests of Money, and with that to buy
Commodities of the same sorts, that were vendible at
Priaman and Bantam, which the Guzerats carry yearely
thither, making great benefit thereof. I began to buy
against the will of all the Merchants in the Towne, whose
grumbling was very much, and complaining unto the
Governour and Customer, of the leave that was granted
me, in buying those Commodities, which would cut their
owne throates at Priaman and Bantam, they not suspecting
that I would buy Commodities for those parts, but onely
for England.
A.D.
1608.
Our two
Barks taken by
the Portugalsy
and thirtie
men in them.
This not fight-
ing, was
upbrayded to
our men by the
Indians with
much disgrace,
since recovered
with interest
by our Sea-
fights with the
Portugals.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
At the end of this businesse, this great man came, who
gave me licence to ship it : before the shipping of which
I called a Councell, which were the Merchants I had, and
those that I thought fitting for the businesse I pretended,
demanding every ones opinion according to his place, what
should be thought convenient for the delivery of his
Majesties Letter, and the establishing of a Trade. So
generally it was agreed and concluded, that for the effecting
of these waighty affaires, it neither would, nor could be
accomplished by any, but by my selfe, by reason of my
experience in my former travels and language : as also I
was knowne to all, to be the man that was sent as Embassa-
dour about these affaires. After it was concluded, and I
contented to stay, I made what hast I could in dispatching
away the ship, and to ship the goods. This done, I called
Master Marlow, and all the company that was on shore
before mee, acquainting them with my pretence, and how
they should receive for their Commander Master Marlow :
willing them that they obey and reverence him, in that kind
as they did me. This done, I brought them to the water
side, and seeing them imbarke themselves, I bad them
farewell.
The next day, going about my affaires to the great mans
brother, I met with some tenne or twelve of our men, of
the better sort of them, very much frighted, telling me the
heaviest newes, as I thought, that ever came unto me, of
the taking of the Barkes by a Portugal Frigat or two and
all goods and men taken, onely they escaped. I demand-
ing in what manner they were taken, and whether they did
not fight ; their answer was no : M. Marlow would not
suffer them, for that the Portugals were our friends : and
Bucke, on the other side, went to the Portugall without a
pawne, and there he betrayed us, for he never came unto
us after. Indeed, Bucke went upon the oath and faithfull
promise of the Captaine, but was never suffered to returne.
I presently sent a letter unto the Captaine Major, that he
release my men and goods, for that we were Englishmen
and that our Kings had peace and amity together. And
WILLIAM HAWKINS
that we were sent unto the Mogols countrey by our King,
and with his letter unto the Mogol, for his subjects to trade
in his Countrey : and with his Majesties Commission for
the government of his subjects. And I made no question,
but in delivering backe his Majesties subjects and goods,
that it would be well taken at his Kings hands : if the
contrary, it would be a meanes of breach. At the receit of
my letter, the proud Rascall braved so much, as the "^^^ tntoller-
Messenger told me, most vilely abusing his Majestie, ^^f/j^^^^J^
tearming him King of Fishermen, and of an Hand of no Captaine.
import, and a fart for his Commission, scorning to send me
any answer.
It was my chance the next day, to meete with a Captaine
of one of the Portugal Frigats, who came about businesse
sent by the Captaine Major. The businesse, as I under-
stood, was that the Governour should send me as prisoner
unto him, for that we were Hollanders. I understanding
what he was, tooke occasion to speake with him of the
abuses offered the King of England, and his subjects : his
answer was, that these Seas belonged unto the King of
Portugall, and none ought to come here without his license.
I told him, that the King of Englands license was as good
as the King of Spaines, and as free for his Subjects, as for
the King of Spaines, & he that saith the contrary, is a
traytor, and a villaine, & so tel your great Captaine, that in
abusing the King of England, he is a base villaine, and a
traytor to his King, and that I will maintaine it with my
sword, if he dare come on shore. I sending him a
challenge, the Mores perceiving I was much mooved,
caused the Portugal to depart. This Portugal some two
houres after, came to my house, promising me, that he
would procure the libertie of my men and goods, so that
I would be liberall unto him : I entertained him kindly,
and promised him much, but before he departed the
Towne, my men and goods were sent for Goa. . English
I had my goods readie, some five dayes before I could be foj Goa. ^
cleare, and have leave, for they would not let them be 7-^^ ^^^^.^ ^
shipped, untill this great man came, which was the third October.
5
A.D.
1608.
The ship
departeth
leaving M.
William
Hawkins and
his servants in
the Countrey.
The perfidy
y treason of
Mocreb-chan
and the Jesuit
Peonier.
[I. iii. 208.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
of October : and two dayes after, the ship set sayle, I
remaining with one Merchant William Finch, who was
sicke the greater part of his time, and not able to stirre
abroad to doe any businesse : the rest were two servants,
a Cooke, and my Boy. These were the companie I had,
to defend our selves from so many enemies, which lay
daily lurking to destroy us : aiming at me for the stopping
of my passage to the great Mogol. But God preserved
me, and in spight of them all, I tooke heart and resolution
to goe forwards on my travels. After the departure of the
ship, I understood that my goods and men were betrayed
unto the Portugal, by Mocreb-chan, and his followers : for
it was a plot laid by the Jesuite and Mocreb-chan, to
protract time till the Frigats came to the Bar, and then to
dispatch me : for till then, this dogge Mocreb-chan his
brother came not : and the comming of these Frigats was
in such secrecy, that till they had taken us, we heard no
newes of them.
After the departure of my ship, I was so misused, that it
was unsufFerable, but so long as my ship was at the Bar,
I was flattered withall. But howsoever, well used or ill,
it was not for mee to take thought for any thing, although
remaining in an heathen Countrey, invironed with so many
enemies, who daily did nothing else but plot to murther
me, and cosen me of my goods, as hereafter you shall
understand. First, misused by Mocreb-chan, as to have
possession of my goods, taking what he pleased, and
leaving what he pleased, giving me such a price as his owne
barbarous conscience afforded : that from thirtie five would
give but eighteene, not regarding his brothers bil, who had
full authoritie from him : and how difficult it was to get
money from his chiefe servant, after the time expired, as it
is best knowne to us, who tooke the paines in receiving a
small part thereof, before his comming to Surat : and after
his comming, I was barred of all : although he outwardly
dissembled, & flattered with me almost for three moneths,
feeding me with faire promises of payment, and other kind-
nesses. In the meane time, he came to my house three
6
WILLIAM HAWKINS aj>.
1608.
times, sweeping me cleane of all things that were good, so
that when he saw, that I had no more good things left, he
likewise by little and little degraded me of his good lookes.
Almost all this time, William Finch was extreame sicke of
the Fluxe, but thankes be to God recovered past all hope,
I, on the other side, could not peepe out of doores for feare
of the Portugals, who in troops lay lurking in by-wayes,
to give me assault to murther me, this beeing at the time
that the Armada was there.
The first plot laid against me, was : I was invited by T^he first plot
Hogio Nazam to the fraughting of his ship for Mocha, as g.ahtokUlm€,
the custome is, they make at the fraughting of their ships
great feasts, for all the principallest of the Towne. It
was my good hap at that time a great Captaine belonging to
the Vice-Roy of Guzerat resident in Amadavar, being
sent about affaires unto Surat, was likewise invited to this
feast, which was kept at the water side : and neere unto it,
the Portugals had two Frigats of their Armada, which
came to receive their tribute of the shippes that were to
depart, as also refreshment. Out of these Frigats, there
came three gallant fellowes to the Tent where I was, and
some fortie followers Portugals, scattering themselves
along the Sea side, ready to give an assault when the word
should be given. These three Gallants that came to the
tents, armed with coats of Buffe downe to the knees, their
Rapiers and Pistols by their sides, demaunded for the
English Captaine : upon the hearing of which, I arose
presently, and told them that I was the man, and perceiving
an alteration in them, I laid hand on my weapon. The
Captaine Mogol, perceiving treason towards me, both he
and his followers drew their weapons : and if the Portugals
had not been the swifter, both they and their scattered
crew (in retiring to their Frigats) had come short home.
Another time, they came to assault me in my house with "^he second
a Friar, some thirty or fortie of them : the Friars comming ^^^^*
was to animate the souldiers, and to give them absolution.
But I was alwaies wary, having a strong house with good
doores. Many troopes at other times, lay lurking for me
7
^.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1608.
and mine in the streetes, in that kind, that I was forced to
goe to the Governoiir to complaine, that I was not able to
goe about my businesse, for the Portugals comming armed
into the Citie to murther me : which was not a custome at
other times, for any Portugals to come armed as now they
did. He presently sent word to the Portugals, that if they
came into the City armed againe, at their owne perils be
it. At Mocreb-chan his comming, with a Jesuite named
Padre Peneiro Padre Pineiro in his company (who profered Mocreb-chan
\JT^^'/ for tie thousand Rials of eight, to send me to Daman, as
Jesuitical/ ^ understood by certaine advise given me by Hassun Ally,
sanctitie, and Ally Pommory) I went to visit him, giving him a
Howfranke Present, besides the Present his brother had : and for a
would the time, as I have above written, I had many kind outward
Jesuites have , ^ . . mi 1 • 1 x 1 11
bin to Judas shewes OF him, till the time that 1 demanded my money.
beyond those After that, his dissembling was past, and he told me
Priests which plainely, that he would not give mee twentie Manadies per
^Tece%ft'hl ^^^^' ^^^ ^^^^^ deliver me backe my cloath. Upon which
price of bloud dealings, I dissembled as wel as I could with him, intreating
and those but leave for Agra, to the King, telling him that William Finch
of two shillings was the man that I left as my chiefe in this place : and in
stxe pence the -^h^t kind soever his pleasure was to deale with me, he was
this J^suitT^ ^^ "^^^ ^^ receive either money or ware. Upon which
offers forty answer, he gave me his license and letter to the King,
thousand promising me fortie horsemen to goe with me, which hee
Royals {who Jj^^ ^qI- accomplish. After license received, the Father put
T ^Vt!^^"^ into Mocreb-chan his head, that it was not good to let me
Royall Mer- ^ . ^ .. ' , . ^ . . & , tx-
chants P) at passe : tor that 1 would complaine or him unto the King.
foure shillings This he plotted with Mocreb-chan to overthrow my
sixe pence the journey, which he could not doe, because I came from a
^j^^^'t t r -^^^^ * ^^^ ^^ ^^^^> ^^^^ ^^ would not let me have any
Just Jesuit- force to goe with me. And what else hee would have
isme. him to doe, either with my Treuchman and Coachman, to
poyson or murther me, if one should faile, the other to doe
it : this invention was put into Mocreb-chans head by the
Father. But God for his mercie sake, afterward discovered
these plots, and the Counsell of this Jesuite tooke not
place. Before the plotting of this, the Jesuite and I fell
8
WILLIAM HAWKINS A.b.
1608.
out in the presence of Mocreb-chan, for vile speaches made
by him of our King and Nation, to bee vassals unto the
King of Portugall : which words I could not brooke, in so
much, that if I could have had my will, the Father had
never spoken more, but I was prevented.
§. 11. [I. iii. 209.]
His Journey to the Mogoll at Agra, and enter-
taynment at Court.
Ow finding William Finch in good health, newly
recovered, I left all things touching the Trade of
Merchandizing in his power : giving him my
remembrance and order, what he should doe in my
absence. So I began to take up Souldiers to conduct 'H.e setteth fir-
mee, being denyed of Mocrebchan, besides Shot and Bow- ^ ^^ "
1 T 1 • 1 x^ T r T Journey from
men that I hired, ror my better safety, 1 went to one ^uratt toward
of Chanchanna his Captaines, to let mee have fortie or Agra.
fiftie Horsemen to conduct me to Chanchanna, being then
Vice-Roy of Decan, Resident in Bramport, who did to
his power all that I demanded, giving me valiant Horse-
men Pattans, a people very much feared in these parts :
for if I had not done it, I had beene over- thro wne. For Another dan-
the Portugals of Daman had wrought with an ancient <^^''^^ ^^^^ ^
friend of theirs a Raga, who was absolute Lord of a ^ orugas.
Province, (betweene Daman, Guzerat and Decan) called
Cruly, to be readie with two hundred Horsemen to stay Cruly
my passage : but I went so strong and well provided, that ^^°^^^^^'
they durst not incounter with us : so likewise that time
I escaped.
Then at Dayta, another Province or Princedome, my ^^y^^
Coachman being drunke with certaine of his Kindred, ^^^°^^^^' P^'°-
discovered the Treason that hee was to worke against
mee, which was, that hee was hiered to murther me : he
being over-heard by some of my Souldiers, who at that
present came and told me, and how it should be done in P^-^/"^^^^
the morning following, when we begin our travell : (for ^^^^.^^ ^^^^^
wee use to travell two houres before day) upon which day.
9
vtnce.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1608.
notice, I called the Coachman unto me, examining him,
and his friends before the Captaine of the Horsemen 1
had with mee : who could not deny ; but hee would
never confesse who hired him, although hee was very
much beaten, cursing his fortune that he could not effect
it : for he was to doe it the next morning, so I sent him
Prisoner unto the Governour of Suratt.
The Jesuites But afterward by my Broker or Truchman, I understood
bloudieplot ^1^^^ i^Q^I^ j^gg ^^^ |.j^g Coachman were hired by Mocreb-
Virtus an chan, but by the Fathers perswasion, the one to poyson
virus, quis in n^e, and the other to murther me : but the Truchman
Jesuita received nothing till he had done the deed, which hee
requirat? never meant to doe, for in that kind hee was alwayes true
unto mee : thus God preserved me. This was five dayes
M. Hawkins ^f|.gj. ^ departure from Suratt, and my departure from
i^^^tt The ^^^^^^ was the first of February 1608. So following on
first of Febru- ^^7 travels for Bramport, some two dayes beyond Dayta,
ar^ 1608. the Pattans left me, but to be conducted by another
Pattan Captaine, Governour of that Lordship, by whom I
was most kindly entertained. His name was Sherchan,
beeing sometime a Prisoner unto the Portugall, and hav-
ing the Portugall Language perfect, was glad to doe mee
any service : for that I was of the Nation, that was enemie
unto the Portugall. Himselfe in person, with fortie
Horsemen, went two dayes joureney with mee, till hee had
freed mee from the dangerous places : at which time he
met with a troupe of Out-lawes, and tooke some foure
alive, and slew and hurt eight, the rest escaped. This
man very kindly writ his Letter for me, to have his house
at Bramport, which was a great curtesie, otherwise I could
not tell where to lodge my selfe, the Towne being so full
of Souldiers : for then began the Warres with the Decans.
His arrivall The eighteenth of the said Moneth, thankes be to
at Bramport, Qod, I came in safetie to Bramport, and the next day I
went to the Court to visit Chanchanna, being then Lord
Generall and Vice-Roy of Decan, giving him a Present ;
who kindly tooke it : and after three houres conference
with him, he made me a great Feast, and being risen from
10
^^^p WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
'^^^ 1609.
the Table, invested me with two Clokes, one of fine
Woollen, and another of Cloth of Gold : giving mee his
most kind Letter of favour to the King, which avayled
much. That done he imbraced me, and so we departed.
The Language that we spoke was Turkish, which he
spake very well.
I remayned in Bramport unto the second of March ; He stayeth in
till then I could not end my businesses of Monies that I Bramport till
, , , 1 • Ti • r r^ the second of
brought by exchange, staymg likewise tor a Carravan, March.
having taken new Souldiers, I followed my Voyage or
journey to Agra : where after much labour, toyle, and
many dangers, I arrived in safety the sixteenth of Aprill, ^i^ arrivall
160Q. Beinpf in the Citie, and seeking^ out for an house ^^^g^^ ^^e
• • • sixteenth of
in a very secret manner, notice was given the King that I ^^^.^y/ i5oq
was come, but not to bee found : He presently charged
both Horsemen and Footmen in many troupes, not to
leave before I was found, commanding his Knight Mar-
shall to accompany mee with great state to the Court, as
an Embassador of a King ought to be : which he did with
a great traine, making such extraordinary haste, that I
admired much : for I could scarce obtayne time to apparell
my selfe in my best attyre. In fine, I was brought before He came be-
the King, I came with a slight present, having nothing fi^^ ^^^ ^^^^•
but cloth, and that not esteemed : (for what I had for the
King, Mocreb-chan tooke from me, wherwith I ac-
quainted his Majestie.) After salutation done, with a
most kinde and smiling countenance, he bade me most
heartily welcome, upon which speech I did my obeysance
and dutie againe. Having his Majesties Letter in my
hand, he called me to come neere unto him, stretching
downe his hand from the Seate Royall, where he sate in
great Majestie something high for to be seene of the [I. iil. 210.]
people : receiving very kindly the Letter of me, viewing
the Letter a prettie while, both the Scale, and the manner
of the making of it up, he called for an old Jesuite that
was there present to reade it. In the meane space, while
the Jesuite was reading it, hee spake unto mee in the
kindest manner that could bee, demanding of mee the
11
A.D.
1609.
Jesuitkall
Charitie.
The Mogoll
sktlfull in the
Turkish
tongue.
Spyes upon
every Noble-
man.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
contents of the Letter, which I told him : upon which
notice, presently granting and promising me by God, that
all what the King had there written, he would grant and
allow withall his heart, and more if his Majestic would
require it. The Jesuite likewise told him the effect of
the Letter, but discommending the stile, saying, it was
basely penned, writing Vestra without Majestad : my
answere w^as unto the King, and if it shall please your
Majestic, these people are our enemies : how can this
I^etter be ill written, when my King demandeth favour of
your Majestic? he said, it was true.
Perceiving I had the Turkish Tongue, which himselfe
well understood, hee commanded me to follow him unto
his Chamber of Presence, being then risen from that place
of open Audience, desiring to have further conference
with me : in which place I stayed some two houres, till
the King came forth from his women. Then calling mee
unto him, the first thing that hee spake, was that he under-
stood that Mocrebchan had not dealt well with mee,
bidding mee bee of good cheere, for he would remedie
all. It should seeme, that Mocrebchans enemies had ac-
quainted the King with all his proceedings : for indeed
the King hath Spies upon every Nobleman. I answered
most humbly, that I was certaine, all matters would goe
well on my side, so long as his Majestic protected me.
Upon which speech he presently sent away a Post for
Suratt, with his command to Mocrebchan, writing unto
him very earnestly in our behalfes : conjuring him to bee
none of his friend, if hee did not deale well with the
English, in that kind, as their desire was.
This being dispatched and sent, by the same Messenger,
I sent my Letter to William Finch, wishing him to goe
with this command to Mocrebchan : at the receit of which
he wondred that I came safe to Agra, and was not mur-
thered, or poysoned by the way, of which speech William
Finch advertised me afterward.
It grew late, and having had some small conference
with the King at that time, he commanded that I should
12
WILLIAM HAWKINS
daily be brought into his presence, and gave a Captaine
named Houshaberchan charge, that I should lodge at
his house, till a house were found convenient for me : and
when I needed any thing of the King, that he should bee
my Solicitor. According to command, I resorted to the
Court, where I had daily conference with the King. Both
night and day, his delight was very much to talke with
mee, both of the Affaires of England and other Coun-
tries, as also many demands of the West Indies, whereof
hee had notice long before, being in doubt if there were
any such place, till he had spoken with me, who had beene
in the Countrey.
Many dayes and weekes being past, and I now in great
favour with the King, to the griefe of all mine enemies,
espying my time, I demanded for his Commandement or
Commission with Capitulations for the establishing of our
Factory to be in mine owne power. His answere was,
whether I would remayne with him in his Court, I re-
plyed, till shipping came : then my desire was to goe home,
with the answere of his Majesties Letter. Hee replyed
againe, that his meaning was a longer time, for he meant
to send an Embassador to the King of England, at the
comming of the next shipping : and that I should stay
with him untill some other bee sent from my King, to
remayne in my place, saying this : Thy staying would be
highly for the benefit of thy Nation, and that he would
give me good maintenance, and my being heere in his
presence, would bee the cause to right all wrongs that
should be offered unto my Nation : and further, what I
should see beneficiall for them, upon my petition made,
hee would grant : swearing By his Fathers Soule, that if
I would remayne with him, he would grant me Articles
for our Factorie to my hearts desire, and would never goe
from his word. I replyed againe, that I would consider
of it. Thus daily inticing me to stay with him, alleaging
as is above written, and that I should doe service, both to
my naturall King and him, and likewise he would allow
me by the yeare, three thousand and two hundred pounds
13
A.D.
1609.
M. Will.
Hawkins had
bin in the
West Indies.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
The Kings sterling for my first, and so yeerely, hee promised mee to
stipendary augment my Living, till I came to a thousand Horse.
honorable ^° "^7 ^^^^ should be foure hundred Horse. For the
Pensions to his Nobilitie of India have their Titles by the number of
Nobles. their Horses, that is to say, from fortie to twelve thou-
sand, which pay belongeth to Princes, and his Sonnes. I
trusting upon his promise, and seeing it was beneficiall
both to my Nation and my selfe, beeing dispossessed of
that benefit which I should have reaped, if I had gone to
Bantam, and that after halfe a doozen yeeres, your Worships
would send another man of sort in my place, in the meane
time, I should feather my Neast, and doe you service :
and further perceiving great injuries offered us, by reason
the King is so farre from the Ports, for all which causes
above specified, I did not thinke it amisse to yeeld unto
his request. Then, because my name was something hard
for his pronuntiation, hee called me by the name of Eng-
lish Chan, that is to say, English Lord, but in Persia, it
is the Title for a Duke, and this went currant throughout
the Countrey.
Now your Worships shall understand, that I being now
in the highest of my favours, the Jesuites and Portugals
slept not, but by all meanes sought my overthrow : and
to say the truth, the principall Mahumetans neere the
King, envyed much that a Christian should bee so nigh
Jesuiticall unto him. The Jesuite Peniero being with Mocrebchan,
Christianitie. and the Jesuites here, I thinke did little regard their
L . 111. 2 1 1 .J ]^asses and Church matters, for studying how to over-
throw my Affaires : advice being gone to Goa by the
Jesuites here, I meane in Agra, and to Padre Peneiro at
Surat or Cambaya, hee working with Mocrebchan to be
The practice the Portugals assistance, and the Vice-Roy sending him a
of the Portu- great Present, together with many Toyes unto the King
ga s against -^j^ j^-^ Lg^-^^j.^ These presents and many more promises,
our Trade. . , - ^ K. ^ 11 11 • 1 1 •
wrought so much with Mocrebchan, that he writeth his
Petition unto the King, sending it together with the pre-
sent, advertising the King, that the suffring of the Eng-
lish in his land, would be the cause of the losse of his
14
WILLIAM HAWKINS
owne Countries, neere the Sea-Coasts, as Suratt, Cambaya,
and such like : and that in any case he entertaine me not,
for that his ancient friends the Portugalls murmured highly
at it : and that the same is spread amongst the Portugalls,
that I was Generall of ten thousand Horsemen, readie to
iw give the assault upon Diu, when our shipping came,
f The Vice-Royes Letter likewise was in this kind : the
Kings answere was ; that he had but one English-man in
his Court, and him they needed not to feare, for hee hath
not pretended any such matter : for I would have given
him Living neere the Sea parts, but he refused it, taking
it neere me heere. This was the Kings answere, upon
which answere, the Portugalls were like madde Dogges,
labouring to worke my passage out of the World.
So I told the King, what dangers I had passed, and the
present danger wherein I was, my Boy Stephen Gravener,
instantly departing this World, my man Nicholas Ufflet
extreame sicke, and this was all my English Company,
my selfe beginning to fall downe too. The King presently
called the Jesuites, and told them that if I dyed by any
extraordinary casualtie, that they should all rue for it.
This past, the King was very earnest with me to take a
white Mayden out of his Palace, who would give her all
things necessary with slaves, and he would promise mee
shee should turne Christian : and by this meanes my
meates and drinkes should be looked unto by them, and I
should live without feare. In regard she was a Moore, I
refused, but if so bee there could bee a Christian found,
I would accept it : At which my speech, I little thought a
Christians Daughter could bee found. So the King called
to memorie one Mubarique Sha his Daughter, who was a
Christian Armenian, and of the Race of the most ancient
Christians, who was a Captaine, and in great favour with
Ekber Padasha, this Kings Father. This Captaine died
suddenly, and without will, worth a Masse of Money, and
all robbed by his Brothers and Kindred, and Debts that
cannot be recovered: leaving the Child but only a few
Jewels. I seeing shee was of so honest a Descent, having
15
A.D.
1609.
Lying, a great
stratageme.
The Kings
answere.
'Nicholas
Ufflet.
Mubarique
Sha an
Armenian
Christian.
Ekber
Padasha.
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
passed my word to the King, could not withstand my
Hee taketh a fortunes. Wherefore I tooke her, and for want of a
rtsttan Minister, before Christian Witnesses, I marryed her : the
(gentlewoman ^ . ' xt- 1 1 1 • 1 V 1 / 1 , ,
to Wife. Shee ^^^^^^ was my man Nicholas, which I thought had beene
came over with lawfuU, till I met with a Preacher that came with Sir
himforEng- Henry Middleton, and hee shewing me the error, I was
land, but he ^^^ marryed againe : so ever after I lived content and
way, shee was without feare, she being willing to goe where I went, and
after marryed live as I lived. After these matters ended, newes came
to M. Tower- hither, that the Ascention was to come by the men of her
^^; „. Pinnasse, that was cast away neere Suratt, upon which
The Ptnnasse t ^1 ^ -ir- 1 i 1 1 •
of the Ascen- ^^wes, 1 presently went to the King amd told him, craving
tion cast away his Licence, together with his Commission, for the setling
neere Suratt. of our Trade : which the King was willing to doe, limit-
ing me a time to returne, and be with him againe.
But the Kings chiefe Vizir Abdal Hassan, a man envious
to all Christians, told the King, that my going would be
the occasion of warre : and thus harm might happen unto
a great man who was sent for Goa, to buy toyes for the
King. Upon which speach, the Kings pleasure was I
should stay, and send away his Commission to my chiefe
Factor at Surat, and presently gave order, that it should
The Kings bg most effectually written. In fine, under his great Seale
the^favourof ^^^^ Golden Letters, his Commission was written, so
the English firmely for our good, and so free as heart can wish. This
under his great I obtained presently, and sent it to William Finch. Be-
Seale with fore it came there, newes came that the Ascention was cast
^^fj^^^^?' away, and her men saved, but not suffered to come into
cast away. ^^^ Citie of Surat, Of that likewise I told the King, who
seemed to be very much discontented with that great
Captaine Mocreb chan, my enemy : and gave me another
commandement for their good usage, and meanes to be
wrought to save the goods, if it were possible. These
two commandements came almost together, to the great
joy of William Finch and the rest, admiring much at
these things. And now continuing these great favours
with the King, being continually in his sight, for the one
halfe of foure and twentie houres serving him day and
16
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
1610.
night, I wanted not the greater part of his Nobles that The greater
were Mahumetans, to be mine enemies. For it went ^^^f^f^/^^
against their hearts, that a Christian should be so great & ^^^ Mahume-
neere the King : and the more, because the King had pro- tans.
mised to make his Brothers children Christians, which
two yeares after my comming he performed, commanding
them to be made Christians. Awhile after came some of Some of the
the Ascentions Company unto me (whom I could have qI^^p^^^ ^nd
wished of better behaviour, a thing pryed into by the u. Alexander
King.) In all this time, I could not get my debts of Uarp-^ their
Mocrebchan, till at length he was sent for up to the King, General! came
to answere for many faults, and tyrannicall In- justice, ^° ^^'
which he did to all people in those parts, many a man
being undone by him, who petitioned to the King for
Justice. Now, this Dogge to make his peace, sent many
bribes to the Kings sonnes, and Noble-men that were
neere the King, who laboured in his behalfe. After newes
came that Mocrebchan was approached neere, the King
presently sent to attach all his goods, which were in that
abundance, that the King was two moneths in viewing of
them, every day allotting a certaine quantitie to be brought
before me: and what he thought fitting for his owne [I. iii. 212.]
turne he kept, and the rest delivered againe to Mocreb-
chan. In the viewing of these goods, there came those
Peeces and Costlet, and Head-peece, with other Presents
that he tooke from me for the King of mine owne, not
suffering mee to bring them my selfe : at the sight
whereof, I was so bold to tell the King what was mine.
After the King had viewed these goods, a very great com-
plaint was made by a Banian, how that Mocrebchan had
taken his Daughter, saying ; she was for the King, which
was his excuse, deflowring her himselfe : and afterwards
gave her to a Brammen, belonging to Mocrebchan. The
man who gave notice of this Child, protested her to passe
all that ever he saw for beautie. The matter being ex-
amined, and the offence done by Mocrebchan, found to
be true, hee was committed to prison, in the power
of a great Noble-man : and commandement was given,
m 17 B
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6io.
that the Brammene his privy members should be cut
off.
Before this happened to Mocrebchan, I went to visite
him divers times, who made me verie faire promises, that
he would deale very kindly with mee, and be my friend,
and that I should have my right. Now being in this dis-
grace, his friends daily solliciting for him, at length got
him cleere : with commandement, that he pay every man
his right, and that no more complaints be made of him if
he loved his life. So Mocrebchan by the Kings com-
mand, paid every one his due, excepting me, whom he
would not pay, but deliver me my Cloath, whereof I was
desirous, and to make, if it were possible, by faire meanes,
an end with him : but he put me off the more, delaying
time till his departure, which was shortly after. For the
King had restored him his old place againe, and he was
to goe for Goa, about a faire ballace Ruby, and other rare
things promised the King.
§. III.
The Mogols inconstancie, and Captaine Hawkins
departure with Sir Henrie Middleton to the
Red-Sea : Thence to Bantam, and after for
England.
LI my going and sending to Mocrebchan for my
Money or Cloath, was in vaine, I being abused so
basely by him, that I was forced to demaund
Justice of the King, who commanded that the Money be
brought before him : but for all the Kings commaund he
did as he listed, and doe what I could, he cut me off
twelve thousand and five hundred Mamadies. For the
greatest man in this kingdome was his friend, and many
others holding on his side, murmuring to the King, the
suffering of English to come into his Countrey : for that
we were a Nation, that if we once set foot, we would take
his Countrey from him. The King called me to make
answere to that they said : I answered his Majestie, that
i8
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
1610.
if any such matter were, I would answer it with my life :
and that we were not so base a Nation, as these mine
enemies reported. All this was, because I demaunded
my due, and yet cannot get it. At this time, those that
were neere favourites, and neerest unto the King, whom
I daily visited, and kept in withall, spake in my behalfe :
and the King holding on my side, commanded that no
more such wrongs be offred me. So I thinking to use
my best in the recovery of this, intreting the head Vizir
that he would be meanes that I receive not so great a
losse ; he answered me in a threatning manner : that if
I did open my mouth any more, hee would make me to
pay an hundred thousand Mamadies, which the King had
lost in his Customes by entertaining mee, and no man
durst adventure by reason of the Portugall. So by this
meanes I was forced to hold my tongue, for I know this
Money was swallowed by both these Dogges. Now
Mocrebchan being commaunded in publicke, that by such
a day he be ready to depart for Guzerat, and so for Goa,
and then come and take his leave, as the custome is : in
this meane time, three of the principallest Merchants of
Surat, were sent for by the Kings commaundement, and
come to the Court about affaires, wherein the King or his
Vizir had imployed them, being then present there when
Mocreb chan was taking his leave ; this being a plot laid
both by the Portugals, Mocrebchan, and the Vizir. For
some sixe dales before a Letter came unto the King from ^ Letter from
the Portugall Vice-roy, with a Present of many rare things. f/gpjf/^jlj{
The Contents of this Letter were, how highly the King /^ ^^^ Mogu//y
of Portugall tooke in ill part the entertaining of the Eng- against the
lish, he being of an ancient amitie with other comple- ^H^'^^h.
ments: and withall, how that a Merchant was there
arrived, with a very faire ballace Ruby, weighing three
hundred and fiftie Rotties, of which stone the pattern was
sent. Upon this newes, Mocreb chan was to be hastened
away, at whose comming to take his leave together with
Padre Pineiro, that was to goe with him, the above named
Merchants of Surat being then there present, Mocrebchan
J9
A.D.
i6io,
A speech of
Mocreb chan
to the King
against the
English.
[I. iii. 213.]
The Kings
commande-
ment upon
false informa-
tion against
the English.
None make
petition to the
King without
some Present.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
began to make his speech to the King, saying, that this
and many other things he hoped to obtaine of the Portu-
gall, so that the English were disanulled : saying more,
that it would redound to great losse unto his Majestie
and Subjects, if hee did further suffer the English to come
into his parts. Upon which speech he called the Mer-
chants before the King, to declare what losse it would be,
for that they best knew. They affirmed, that they were
like to be all undone because of the English, nor here-
after any toy could come into this countrey, because the
Portugal was so strong at sea, and would not suffer them
to goe in or out of their Ports ; and all their excuse was,
for suffering the English.
These speeches now and formerly, and lucre of this
stone, and promises by the Fathers of rare things, were
the causes the King overthrew my affaires ; saying, Let the
English come no more : presently giving Mocreb-chan his
commandement, to deliver the Viceroy to that effect, that
he would never suffer the English to come any more into
his ports.
I now saw, that it booted me not to meddle upon a
sudden, or to make any petition unto the King, till a prety
while after the departure of Mocreb-chan ; and seeing my
enemies were so many, although they had eaten of me
many Presents. When I saw my time, I made petition
unto the King. In this space, I found a toy to give, as the
order is : for there is no man that commeth to make peti-
tion, who commeth emptie-handed. Upon which petition
made him, he presently graunted my request, commanding
his Vizir to make me another commandement in as ample
manner as my former, and commanded that no man should
open his mouth to the contrary : for it was his pleasure that
the English should come into his Ports. So this time
againe I was a floate. Of this alteration, at that instant
the Jesuite had notice : for there is no matter passeth in
the Mogols Court in secret, but it is knowne halfe an houre
after, giving a small matter to the writer of that day : for
there is nothing that passeth, but it is written, and writers
2Q
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
1611.
appointed by turnes, so that the Father, nor I, could passe
any businesse, but when we would we had notice. So the
Jesuite presently sent away the most speedy messenger that
could be gotten, with his Letter to Padre Pineiro, and
Mocreb-chan, advertising them of all that had passed. At
the receit of which, they consulted amongst themselves,
not to go forward on their voyage for Goa, till I were over-
thrown againe. Wherefore Mocreb-chan wrote his peti-
tion unto the King, and letters unto his friend, the head
Vizir, how it stood not with the Kings honour to send him,
if he performed not what he promised the Portugal : and
that his voyage would be overthrowne, if he did not call in
the commandement he had given the Englishman. Upon
the receiving and reading of this, the King went againe
from his word, esteeming a few toyes which the Fathers had
promised him, more then his honour.
Now beeing desirous to see the full issue of this, I went
to Hogio Jahan, Lord General of the Kings Palace (the
second man in place in the Kingdome) intreating him that
he would stand my friend. He very kindly, presently
went unto the King, telling him that I was very heavy
and discontent, that Abdall Hassan would not deliver me
my commandement, which his Majestie had graunted me.
The King answered him (I being present, and very neere
him) saying. It was true, that the commandement is sealed,
and ready to be delivered him : but upon letters received
from Mocreb-chan, and better consideration by me had on
these my affaires in my Ports in Guzerat, I thought it
fitting not to let him have it. Thus was I tossed and
tumbled in the kind of a rich Merchant, adventuring all he
had in one bottome, and by casualtie of stormes or pirates,
lost it all at once. So that on the other side, concerning
my living, I was so crossed, that many times this Abdall
Hassan his answer would be unto me ; I know wel enough
you stand not in such need, for your Master beareth your
charges, and the King knew not what he did in giving to
you, from whom he should receive. My answer was, that
it was the Kings pleasure, and none of my request ; and
21
I
A.D.
l6ll.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
seeing it is his Majesties gift, I had no reason to loose it :
so that from time to time, he bad mee have patience, and
he would find out a good living for me. Thus was I
dallied withall by this mine enemie, in so much that in all
the time I served in Court, I could not get a living that
would yeeld any thing, giving me my living still, in places
where Out-lawes raigned : only, once at Lahor by an
especiall commandement from the King, but I was soone
deprived of it : and all that I received from the beginning,
was not fully three hundred pounds, a great part whereof
was spent upon charges of men sent to the Lordships.
When that I saw that the living which the King absolutely
gave me, was taken from me, I was then past all hopes : for
before, at the newes of the arrivall of shipping, I had great
hope, that the King would performe former grants, in hope
of rare things that should come from England. But when
I made Arse or Petition unto the King concerning my
living, he turned me over to Abdal Hassan : who not
onely denied me my living ; but also gave order, that I be
The redRailes suffered no more to enter within the red rayles : which is a
a place of place of honour, where all my time I was placed very neere
unto the King, in which place there were but ^yq, men in
the Kingdome before me.
Now perceiving that all my affaires were overthrowne,
I determined with the Councell of those that were neere
me, to resolve whereto to trust, either to be well in, or well
out. Upon this resolution I had my petition made ready,
by which I made known unto the King, how Abdall Hassan
had dealt with me, having himselfe eaten what his Majestie
gave me : and how that my charges of so long time (being
by his Majestie desired to stay in his Court, upon the
faithful promises he made me) were so much, that it would
be my utter overthrow : therfore I besought his Majesty
that he would consider my cause, either to establish me as
[I. iii. 214.] formerly, or give me leave to depart. His answere was,
that he gave me leave, commanding his safe conduct to
bee made mee, to passe freely without molestation,
throughout his Kingdomes. When this Commandement
22
WILLIAM HAWKINS 4.».
1611.
was made, as the custome is, I came to doe my obeysance,
and to take my leave, intreating for an answere of my
Kings Letter. Abdall Hassan comming unto me from
the King, in a disdainfull manner utterly denyed me ;
saying, that it was not the custome of so great a Monarch,
to write in the kind of a Letter, unto a pettie Prince, or
Governour. I answered him, that the King knew more
of the mightinesse of the King of England, then to be a
petty Governour. Well, this was mine answere, together
with my leave taken.
I went home to my house, studying with all my
endeavours to get all my goods and debts together, and
to buy commodities with those Monies, that were remayn-
ing using all the speed I could, to cleere my selfe of the
Countrey : staying only for Nicholas Ufflet, to come from
Lahor, with a remainder of Indico, that was in William ^^^^- ^}^^^
Finches power, who determined to e^oe over land, being ei^rmtnedto
past all hopes for ever imbarking our selves at Surat : land for
which course I also would willingly have taken, but that England.
as it is well knowne, for some causes I could not travell
thorow Turkie, and especially with a woman. So I was
forced to currie favour with the Jesuites, to get mee a safe
conduct or Seguro, from the Vice-Roy to goe for Goa,
and so to Portugall, and from thence to England : think-
ing, as the opinion of others was, that the Vice-Roy giving
his secure Roy all, there would he no danger for me. But
when my Wifes Mother, & Kindred saw that I was to
carry her away, suspecting that they should never see her
any more, they did so distaste me in these my travels, that
I was forced to yeeld unto them, that my Wife go no
further then Goa, because it was India : and that they
could goe and come and visit her, and that, if at any time
I meant to goe for Portugall, or any other-where, that I
leave her that portion, that the custome of Portugall is,
to leave to their Wives when they dye : unto which I was
forced to yeeld to give them content, to prevent all
mischiefes. But knowing that if my Wife would goe
with me, all would bee of no effect, I effected with the
I
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
Jesuite to send for two Secures, the one concerning my
quiet being, and free libertie of conscience in Goa, and to
bee as a Portugall in all Tradings and Commerce in Goa :
(this was to shew my Wifes Parents.) The other was an
absolute grant for free passage into Portugall, and so for
England, with my Wife and Goods, without any disturb-
ances of any of my Wives friends : and what agreements
I made with them to be void and of none effect, but I
should stay or goe, when I pleased with free libertie of
conscience for my selfe. This last Securo I should receive
at Cambaya, which at my departure for our shippes was
not yet come, but was to come with the Carravan of
Frigats.
This and much more the Fathers would have done for
me, only to rid me out of the Country : for being cleere
of me, they should much more quietly sleepe. About this
time, I had notice of the comming of three English ships,
that were arrived at Mocha, and without faile their deter-
mination was to come for Surat, at the time of the yeare :
Nicholas having this Advertisement by Nicholas Bangham from
Bangham. gj-^mport, who departed from me some six weekes before,
both for the recovery of certaine Debts, as also with my
Letter to our shipping, if it were possible to send it,
advertising them of my proceedings.
In this time of my dispatching, newes came of Mocreb-
chans returne from Goa, with many gallant and rare things,
which hee brought for the King. But that Ballace Ruby
was not for his turne, saying it was false, or at the least,
made his excuse for feare, that if he should give the
Portugall his price, and when it came into the Kings power,
it should bee valued much lesse (which over-plus he should
be forced to pay, as hee had done in former times, for other
things) hee left it behind him. And besides, I understood,
that Mocreb-chan had not his full content as he expected
of the Portugalls. And likewise, at this instant, the
Vizir, my enemy was thrust out of his place, for many
complaints made of him, by Noblemen that were at great
charges and in debt, & could not receive their livings in
24
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
161I.
places that were good, but in barren & rebellious places :
and that he made a benefit of the good places himselfe,
& robbed them all. For these complaints and others, he
had much ado to escape with life, being put out of his
place, & sent to the Wars of Decan. Now one Gaihbeig
being the Kings chiefe Treasurer (a man that in outward
shew made much of me, & was alwayes willing to pleasure
me, when I had occasion to use him) was made chiefe
Vizir : and his Daughter marryed with the King, being his
chiefe Queene or Paramor. This Vizirs sonne and my
selfe were great friends, he having beene often at my
house, and was now exalted to high Dignities by the King.
Perceiving this alteration, and being certified of the com-
ming of shipping, by certaine advise, sundry wayes.
Knowing the custome of these Moores that without gifts
and bribes, nothing would either goe forward or bee
accomplished, I sent my Broker to seeke out for Jewels,
fitting for the Kings Sister and new Paramour : and like-
wise, for this new Vizir, and his sonne.
1 Now after they had my Gifts, they beganne on all sides
to solicite my cause : at which time newes came to Agra,
by Banians of Diu, how that of Diu, three English ships Three English
were seene, and three dayes after other newes came, that ^^^^^ ^^ J^^
they were at the Barre of Surat. Upon which newes the ^^^^^
great Vizir asked me what Toy I had for the King, I
shewed him a Ruby Ring that I had gotten : at the sight
of which he bade me make readie to goe with him at Court
time, and he would make my Petition to the King, and [I. iil. 215.]
told me that the King was alreadie wonne. So once more
comming before his Greatnesse, and my Petition being
read, he presently granted mee the establishing of our
Factorie, and that the English come and freely trade for
Surat : willing the Vizir that with all expedition my com-
mandement be made, upon which grant the Vizir made
signe unto mee, to make obeysance, which I did according
to the Custome. But now what followed.^ A great
Nobleman and neerest Favourite of the King, being the
dearest friend that Mocrebchan, and likewise Abdall
35
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
Hassan had, brought up together from their child-hood,
and Pages together unto the King, began to make a speech
unto the King : saying, that the granting of this would
be the utter overthrow of his Sea Coasts and people, as
his Majestie had beene informed by petition from divers
of his Subjects : and besides, that it stood not with his
Majesties honour to contradict that which he had granted
to his ancient friends the Portugals, and whosoever
laboured for the English, knew not what he did ; if
knowing, hee was not his Majesties friend. Upon the
speech of this Nobleman, my businesse once againe was
quite overthrowne, and all my time and presents lost : the
King answering, that for my Nation, hee would not grant
Trade at the Sea Ports, for the inconvenience that divers
times had beene scanned upon. But, for my selfe, if I
would remayne in his service he would command, that
what he had allowed me, should be given me to my
content : which I denyed, unlesse the English should come
unto his Ports according to promise, and as for my
particular maintenance, my King would not see me want.
Then desiring againe answere of the Kings Letter, he
consulted a-while with his Vizirs, and then sent mee his
He departeth denyall. So I tooke my leave and departed from Agra,
from Agra the ^^ second of November 161 1. being of a thousand
^Nolemier thoughts what course I were best to take : for I still had
161 1. a doubt of the Portugalls that for lucre of my goods they
would poyson me. Againe, on the other side, it was
dangerous by reason of the Warres to travell thorow Decan
unto Masulipatan : by land, by reason of the Turkes, I
could not goe : and to stay I would not amongst these
faithlesse Infidels.
I arrived at Cambaya, the last of December, 161 1. where
I had certaine newes of the English ships that were at
Surat. Immediately I sent a Footman unto the ships with
my Letter, with certaine advice, affirmed for a truth, by
the Fathers of Cambaya, unto me, that the Vice-Roy had
in a readinesse prepared to depart from Goa, foure great
ships, with certaine Gallies, and Frigats for to come upon
26
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
1 612.
'them, and Treasons plotted against Sir Henry Middletons
person : of which newes, I was wished by the Fathers to
advise Sir Henry : which I found afterward to bee but
their policie, to put him in feare, and so to depart, and ^ fained
withall, I wished them to be well advised. And as for me ^f^f^lJ^^'
my shifts were to goe home, by the way of the Portugalls,
for so I had promised my Wife and her Brother, who at
that present was with me : and to delude him and the
Fathers till I had notice for certaine, that I might freely
get aboord without feare, which I was assured to know
at the returne of my Letter ; in the meane time, I did all
that I could to dispatch her Brother away : who within two
dayes after departed for Agra, not suspecting that I had
any intent for the ships. Nicholas Ufflet now departing
from mee to survey the way, beeing two dayes journey
on his way, met with Captaine William Sharpeigh, Master
Fraine, and Hugh Greete sent by Sir Flenry to Cambaya
unto mee, which was no small joy unto mee. So under-
standing of the place (which was miraculously found out
by Sir Henry Middleton, and never knowne to any of the
Countrey) I admired and gave God thankes : for if this
place had not beene found, it had beene impossible for mee
to have gotten aboord with my goods. Wherefore making
all the haste that I could, in dispatching my selfe away,
I departed from Cambaya, the eighteenth of January 1 6 1 1 . ^^^ <^^^^
and came unto the ships the six and twentieth of the said ^t'^^y l^i
moneth, where I was most kindly received by Sir Henry
Middleton. From this place we departed the eleventh of ^'?0' ^-^/^''^
February 161 1. and arrived at Dabul the sixteenth of the ^fp^lflf^
same : in which place we tooke a Portugall ship and Frigat, ^j^j-at to
out of which we tooke some quantitie of goods. And Dabull.
from thence we departed the fift of March 161 1. for the ^Portugal
Red Sea, with an intent to revenge us of the wrongs ^^^^ ^^^^^'
offered us, both by Turkes and Mogols : at which place 161 2. They
wee arrived the third of Aprill 161 2. Here we found (Arrive at the
three English ships, their Generall was Captaine John "^j^^f^f/^'
Saris. Having dispatched our businesse in the Red Sea, The Fleet of
wee set sayle from thence the sixteenth of August, 161 2. M.John Saris.
27
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
l6l2.
The^ arrive at and arrived in Tecu in Sumatra, the nineteenth of October
lecootn i6i2. and having^ ended our businesse there, we departed
Sumatra. . , . , , ° • i r -vt i ^ i
in the night, the twentieth or Novemb. 1612. and came
on ground the same night, three leagues off, upon a Bed
of Corall, in three fathome water, or thereabouts, and by
the great mercie of God we escaped : but were forced to
returne backe againe to stop her leakes, the goods being
taken out, and some damage received. Now her leakes
being somewhat stopped, and her goods in, not losing an
houre of time, wee departed from thence the eight of
They arrive at December, 1 6 12. and arrived at Bantam the one and
Decemb r twentieth of the same : where Sir Henry Midleton not
j5i2. ' finding the Trade sufficient to goe home that yeare, was
forced to stay and carine her. Having ended account
with him, as himselfe liked best, I tooke my goods and
shipped them in the Salomon, which came for our Voyage,
for saving of a greater Fraight : but I could not be
admitted to goe in her my selfe ; Captaine Saris I thanke
him, accommodated me in the Thomas, and it was agreed,
that the Salomon and wee should keepe company together.
From thence we set saile on the thirtieth of January
[I. iii. 216.] 1 61 2. and arrived in Saldania Roade, the one and twen-
The Expedi- tieth of April 1 6 1 3 . and comming neere some two hundred
Saldania ^^ leagues from the Cape, we had much foule weather and
Many advises Contrary windes. Here we found foure sayle of Hol-
oftheAuthour landers that departed Bantam a moneth before us. There
touching Forts, -^vas great kindnesse betwixt us, especially to me, in regard
n tan ac- ^j^^^ ^j^ j^^j heard much of my g^reat estate in India, by
tones, tffc. I . -^ri- 1 T-°TV/rl- n ^
haveomittedas ^^ Agent or theirs, that was JLieger at Masulipatan. bome
not so fitting eight dayes after the Expedition came in, and brought mee
every Eye. a Letter from your Worships, and delivered it unto me
etr depar- ^^^ dayes after their arrivall. The wind comming faire,
Saldania. ^^ departed from Saldania the one and twentieth of May,
1613.
28
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
c. 1611.
§. nil.
briefe Discourse of the strength, wealth, and
Government, with some Customes of the great
Mogol : which I have both scene and gathered
by his chiefe Officers, and Over-seers of all
his Estate.
Irst, I begin with his Princes, Dukes, Marquesses,
Earles, Viscounts, Barons, Knights, Esquires,
Gentlemen, and Yeomen. As Christian Princes
use their degrees by Titles, so they have their Degrees and
Titles by their number olP Horses : unlesse it bee those
that the King most favoureth, whom he honoureth with
the Title of Chan, and Immirza. None have the Title of
Sultan but his Sonnes. Chan in the Persian Language,
is as much as a Duke, Immirza is the Title for the Kings
Brothers Children.
They that be of the fame of twelve thousand Horsemen
belong to the King, and his Mother, and eldest Sonne, and
one more, who is of the bloud Royall of Uzbeck, named ^^^^^
Chan Azam. Dukes be nine thousand Fame, Marquesses
five thousand Fame, Earles three thousand, Viscounts two
thousand, Barons a thousand. Knights foure hundred.
Esquires an hundred. Gentlemen fifty, Yeomen from
twentie down- wards. All they that have these numbers
of Horsemen, are called Mansibdars, or men of Livings, ^ -, ,
or Lordships. Of these there be three thousand, that is
to say, foure be of twelve thousand Horse a-piece, and
they be the King, his Mother, Sultan Pervis, Prince, and
Chan Azam. Of nine thousand Horsemen there bee
three, that is to say. Sultan Chorem, the Kings third Sonne, •
Chanchanna, and Kelich Chan. Of five thousand there T^jig^^ ji^gt
bee eighteene, named Hasuff Chan, Chan Ichan, Abdula be Gentiles.
Chan, Raga Manging, Ray Durga, Raga Sursing, Ramadas
Rechuva, Raga Bassu, Emirel Umera, Mahabet Chan,
Chan Dowran, Sedris Chan, Hogio Bey Mirza, Mirza
Cazi, Ettebar Chan, Abulfet Dekenny, Jelam Cully Chan,
29
as
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1611.
Sheik Ferid. Of three thousand there be two and twentie,
to wit, Chan Alem, Imirza Ereg, Imirza Darab, Hogio
Jahan, Hogio Abdal Hassan, Mirza Gaysbey, Mirza
Shemchadin, Mirza ChaduUa, Seffer Chan, Kazmy Chan,
Mirza Chin Kelich, Saif Chan, Lalla Bersingdia, Mirza
Zeady, Mirza Ally Ecberchuly, Terbiat Chan, Mirza Las-
chary, Mirza Charucogly, Mirza Rustem, Ally Merdon
Badur, Tasbey Chan, Abulbey. The rest bee from two
thousand downwards till you come to twentie Horses, two
thousand nine hundred and fiftie. Of Horsemen, that
receive pay monethly, from sixe Horse to one, there be
Thirtie sixe five thousand, these bee called Haddies. Of such Officers
thousand ^^^ Ti\<t\\ as belong to the Court and Campe, there be
Stipendaries thirtie sixe thousand, to say. Porters, Gunners, Watermen,
of the Court. Lackey es. Horse-keepers Elephant-keepers, Small shot.
The Rupia is Frasses, or Tent men, Cookes, Light bearers, Gardiners,
ZVlin^'^'sme ^^^P^^^ °^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ Beasts. All these be payd monethly
^aVtwolhU- ^^^ ^^ ^^^ Kings Treasurie, whose Wages be from ten to
lings and three three Rupias.
pence: some All his Captaines are to maintaine at a seven-nights
two shillings warning, from twelve thousand to twentie Horse, all
sixepence. f^Qj-genien three Leckes, which is three hundred thousand
Horsemen : which of the Incomes of their Lordships
allowed them, they must maintayne.
The Kings yeerely Income of his Crowne Land,
is fiftie Crou of Rupias, every Crou is an
hundred Leckes, and every Leek is an
hundred thousand Rupias.
THe compasse of his Countrey is two yeares travel!
with Carravan, to say, from Candahar to Agra, from
Soughtare in Bengala to Agra, from Cabul to Agra, from
Decan to Agra, from Surat to Agra, from Tatta in Sinde
to Agra. Agra is in a manner in the heart of all his
Kingdomes.
His Empire is divided into five great Kingdomes, the
first named Pengab, whereof Lahor is the chiefe Seate ;
3°
^
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
c. 1611.
the second is Bengala, the chiefe Seat Sonargham : the
third is Malua, the chiefe Seate is Ugam : the fourth is
Decan, the chiefe Seate Bramport : the fifth is Guzerat, the
chiefe Seat is Amadavar. The chiefe Citie or Seate Royall
of the Kings of India, is called Delly, where hee is estab-
lished King : and there all the Rites touching his
Coronation are performed.
There are sixe especiall Castles, to say, Agra, Guallier,
erver, Ratamboore, Hassier Roughtaz. In every one
of these Castles he hath his Treasure kept.
In all his Empire there are three Arch-enemies or [I. iii. 217.]
Rebels, which with all his Forces cannot be called in, to
say, Amberry Chapu in Decan : in Guzerat, the Sonne of
Muzafer, that was King, his name is Bahador of Malua,
Raga Rahana. His Sonnes be five, to say. Sultan Cous-
sero. Sultan Pervis, Sultan Chorem, Sultan Shariar, and
Sultan Bath. Hee hath two yong Daughters, and three
hundred Wives, whereof foure be chiefe as Queenes, to
say, the first, named Padasha Banu, Daughter to Kaime
Chan : the second is called Noore Mahal, the Daughter of
Gais Beiige : the third is the Daughter of Seinchan : the
fourth is the Daughter of Hakim Hamaun, who was
Brother to his Father Ecber Padasha.
1
His Treasure is as foUoweth, The first, is his
several! Coine of Gold.
Nprimis, of Seraffins Ecberi, which be ten Rupias a ^ T'oJ^ ^^ a
_ piece, there are sixtie Leckes. Of another sort of ^^^^^^j!f'
Coyne, of a thousand Rupias a piece, there are twentie andten \T^'
thousand pieces. Of another sort of halfe the value, there these Toks,
are ten thousand pieces. Of another sort of Gold of <ire the value
twenty Toles a piece, there are thirtie thousand pieces, (f one of gold.
Of another sort of tenne Toles a piece, there bee five and
twenty thousand pieces. Of another sort of five Toles,
which is this Kings stampe, of these there be fiftie thousand
pieces.
[Of Silver
3^
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1611.
Of Silver, as foUoweth.
INprimis, of Rupias Ecbery, thirteene Crou (every Crou
is an hundred Leckes, and every Leek an hundred
thousand Rupias) or one thousand three hundred Leckes.
Of another sort of Coine of Selim Sha this King, of an
hundred Toles a piece, there are fiftie thousand pieces.
Of fiftie Toles a piece, there is one Lecke. Of thirtie Toles
a piece, there are fortie thousand pieces. Of twentie
Toles a piece, there are thirtie thousand pieces. Of
ten Toles a piece, there are twentie thousand pieces.
Of five Toles a piece, there are five and twentie thousand
pieces. Of a certaine Money that is called Savoy, which is
a Tole i. of these there are two Leckes. Of Jagaries,
whereof five, make sixe Toles, there is one Lecke. More
should have beene coyned of this stampe, but the contrary
was commanded.
I
Here followeth of his Jewells of all sorts.
Nprimis, Of Diamantes i.i. Battman, these be rough,
of all sorts and sizes, great and small : but no lesse then
2. J. Caratts. The Battman is fifty five pound waight,
which maketh eightie two pounds J. weight English. Of
Ballace Rubies little and great, good and bad, there are
single two thousand pieces. Of Pearle of all sorts, there
are twelve Battmans. Of Rubies of all sorts there are two
Battmans. Of Emeraudes of all sorts, five Battmans.
Eshme a Qf Eshime, which stone commeth from Cathaia, one
^rT-^V^^l Battman. Of stones of Emen, which is a red stone, there
Cathaya. are five thousand pieces. Of all other sorts as Corall,
Topasses, &c. There is an infinite number.
Here followeth of the Jewels wrought in Gold.
OF Swords of Almaine Blades, with the Hilts and
Scabberds set with divers sorts of rich stones, of the
richest sort, there are two thousand and two hundred.
Of two sorts of Poniards there bee two thousand. Of
Saddle Drummes, which they use in their Hawking, of
32
■■ft
K WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
^*^ c. 1611.
these there are very rich ones of Gold, set with stones,
five hundred. Of Brooches for their heads, whereinto
their Feathers be put, these be very rich, and of them
there are two thousand. Of Saddles of Gold and Silver
set with stones, there are one thousand. Of Teukes there
be five and twentie, this is a great Launce covered with
Gold, and the Fluke set with stones, and these instead of
their colours, are carryed, when the King goeth to the
warres, of these there are five and twentie. Of Kittasoles
of state, for to shaddow him, there bee twentie. None in
his Empire dareth in any sort have any of these carryed
for his shadow but himselfe, of these, I say, there are
twentie. Of Chaires of Estate, there bee five, to say,
three of Silver, and two of Gold : and of other sorts of
Chaires, there bee an hundred of Silver and Gold, in all an
hundred and five. Of rich Glasses, there bee two hundred.
Of Vases for Wine very faire and rich, set with Jewels,
there are an hundred. Of drinking Cuppes five hundred,
but fiftie very rich, that is to say, made of one piece of
Ballace Ruby, and also of Emerods, of Eshim, of Turkish ^^^^^ ^^^^^^
stone, and of other sorts of stones. Of Chaines of Pearle, ^f^^^^^y-
and Chaines of all sorts of precious stones, and Ringes
with Jewels of rich Diamants, Ballace Rubies, Rubies and
old Emerods, there is an infinite number, which only the
Keeper thereof knoweth. Of all sorts of plate, as Dishes,
Cups, Basons, Pots, Beakers of Silver wrought, there are
two thousand Battmans. Of Gold wrought, there are
one thousand Battmans.
Here followeth of all sorts of Beasts. [i. iii. 218.]
OF Horses there are twelve thousand. Whereof there
bee of Persian Horses foure thousand, of Turkie ^^ ^^'^^^^^
Horses six thousand, and of Kismire two thousand, all are
twelve thousand.
Of Elephants, there be twelve thousand, whereof five
thousand bee teeth Elephants, and seven thousand of shee
ones, and yong ones, which are twelve thousand. Of
Camels there be two thousand. Of Oxen for the Cart,
I" 33 c
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1611.
and all other services, there bee tenne thousand. Of
Moyles there be one thousand. Of Deere like Buckes for
game and sport, there be three thousand. Of Ounces for
Game, there be foure hundred. Of Dogges for hunting,
as Grey-hounds and other, there be foure hundred. Of
Lions tame there are an hundred. Of BufFalaes, there be
five hundred. Of all sorts of Hawkes there bee foure
thousand. Of Pidgeons for sport of flying, there bee
ten thousand. Of all sorts of singing Birds, there be foure
thousand.
Of Armour of all sorts at an houres warning, in a
readinesse to arme five and twentie thousand men.
H
Is daily expences for his owne person, that is to say,
for feeding of his Cattell of all sorts, and amongst
them some few Elephants Royall, and all other expences
particularly, as Apparell, Victuals, and other petty expences
for his house, amounts to fiftie thousand Rupias a day.
The expences daily for his Women by the day, is thirtie
thousand Rupias.
All this written concerning his Treasure, Expences and
monethly pay is in his Court, or Castle of Agra : and every
one of the Castles above nominated, have their severall
Treasure, especially Labor, which was not mentioned.
The Mogoll The Custome of this Mogoll Emperour is to take pos-
heire to every session of his Noblemens Treasure when they dye, and to
bestow on his Children what he pleaseth : but commonly
he dealeth well with them, possessing them with their
Fathers Land, dividing it amongst them : and unto the
eldest Sonne, hee hath a very great respect, who in time
receiveth the full title of his Father. There was in my
Raga Gagtnat time a great Indian Lord or Prince, a Gentile named Raga
hts wealth. Gaginat, upon whose goods the Kings seizing after his
death, he was found (besides Jewels and other Treasure)
to have sixtie Maunes in Gold, and every Maune is five
and fiftie pound waight. Also his custome is, that of all
sorts of Treasure, excepting Coine, to say of all sorts of
Beasts, and all other things of value, a small quantitie is
34
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
c. 1611.
daily brought before him. All things are severally divided
into three hundred and sixtie parts, so that hee daily seeth ^^'^h •^^^^0'
a certaine number, to say, of Elephants, Horses, Camels, ^^^^^^ ^^^^
Dromedaries, Moyles, Oxen, and all other : as also a cer-
taine quantitie of Jewels, and so it continueth all the yeere
long : for what is brought him to day is not seene againe,
till that day twelve moneth.
He hath three hundred Elephants Royall, which are ^J^^^f,^^^
Elephants whereon himselfe rideth : and when they are ^-^^ '
brought before him, they come with great joUitie, having
some twentie or thirty men before them with small
Stremers. The Elephants Cloth or Covering is very rich,
eyther of Cloth of Gold, or rich Velvet : hee hath follow-
ing him his shee Elephant, his Whelpe or Whelpes, and
foure or five yong ones, as Pages which will bee in
number some sixe, some seven, and some eight or nine.
These Elephants and other Cattell, are dispersed among
his Nobles and men of sort to over-see them, the King
allowing them for their expences, a certaine quantitie : but
some of them will eate a great deale more then their allow-
ance commeth unto. These Elephants Royall eate tenne
Rupias every day in Sugar, Butter, Graine, and Sugar
Canes. These Elephants are the goodliest and fairest of
all the rest, and tame withall, so managed, that I saw with
mine eyes, when the King commanded one of his young
Sonnes named Shariar (a Childe of seven yeeres of age)
to goe to the Elephant to bee taken up by him with his
snout : who did so, delivering him to his Keeper that
commanded him with his hooke : and having done this
unto the Kings Sonne, he afterwards did the like to many
other Children. When these Elephants are shewed, if they
who have the charge of them bring them leane, then are
they checked and in disgrace, unlesse their excuse bee the
better : and so it is with all things else in that kinde, that
every man striveth to bring his quantitie in good liking,
although hee spend of his owne. t^%^^^^/
When hee rideth on Progresse or Hunting, the com- in compasseas
passe of his Tents may bee as much as the compasse of London,
35
A.D.
c. 1611.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Forty thou-
sand Ele-
phants.
London and more, and I may say, that of all sorts of
people that follow the Campe, there are two hundred
thousand : for hee is provided, as for a Citie. This King
is thought to be the greatest Emperour of the East, for
Wealth, Land, and force of Men : as also for Horses,
Elephants, Camels and Dromedaries. As for Elephants
of his owne, and of his Nobles, there are fortie thousand,
of which the one halfe are trayned Elephants for the
[I. iii. 219.] Warre : and these Elephants of all beasts, are the most
understanding. I thought good here to set downe this
one thing, which was reported to me for a certainty,
although it seemed very strange. An Elephant having
journyed very hard, being on his travell, was misused
by his Commander, and one day finding the fellow asleepe
by him, but out of his reach, having greene Canes brought
him to eate, split the end of one of them with his teeth,
and taking the other end of the Cane with his snowt,
reached it toward the head of the fellow, who being fast
asleepe, and his turbant fallen from his head (the use of
India being to weare their haire long like Women) he
tooke hold with the Cane on his haire, wreathing it therein,
and withall, haling him unto him, untill he brought him
within the compasse of his snowt, he then presently killed
him. Many other strange things are done by Elephants.
He hath also infinite numbers of Dromedaries, which
are very swift, to come with great speed, to give assault
to any Citie, as this Kings Father did : so that the enemies
thought he had beene in Agra, when he was at Amadavar :
and he came from Agra thither in nine dales, upon these
Dromedaries, with twelve thousand choyce men, Chan-
channa being then his Generall. The day being appointed
for the battell, on a suddaine newes came of the Kings
arrivall, which strucke such a present feare into the
Guzerats, that at that time they were overthrowne and
conquered. This King hath diminished his chiefe Cap-
taines, which were Rasbootes, or Gentiles, and naturall
Indians, and hath preferred the Mahumetans (weak spirited
men, void of resolution) in such sort, that what this mans
36
Dromedaries
swiftnesse.
From Agra to
Amadavar in
nine daies.
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.p.
c. 1611.
Father, called Ecber Padasha, got of the Decans, this
King Selim sha, beginneth to loose. He hath a few good ^^^^^j^
Captaines yet remaining, whom his father highly esteemed, ^^ ^ ^^"'
although they be out of favour with him, because that
upon his rebellion against his father, they would not assist
him, considering his intent was naught : for he meant to
have shortned his Fathers daies, and before his time to have
come to the Crowne. And to that purpose, being in
Attabase, the regall seate of a kingdome called Porub, hee
arose with eighty thousand horse, intending to take Agra,
and to have possession of the Treasury, his Father being
then at the warres of Decan : who understanding of his
Sonnes pretence, left his conquering there, and made hast
to come home to save his owne. Before the Kings de-
parture to the warres, hee gave order to his Sonne to goe
with his Forces upon Aranna, that great Rebell in Malua, *OrRabanne.
who comming to parle with this Rebell, he told the Prince
that there was nothing to bee gotten by him but blowes :
and it were better for him, now his Father was at Decan,
to goe upon Agra, and possesse himselfe of his Fathers
treasure, and make himselfe King, for there was no man
able to resist him. The Prince followed his counsell,
and would have prosecuted it, but his Fathers hast before,
upon notice given, prevented his purpose : at whose
arrivall at Agra, hee presently sent unto his Sonne, that
he make choyce either to come and fall at his feete, and
be at his mercy to doe with him as he pleased, or to fit
himselfe for the battell and fight it out. He well con-
sidering the valour of his Father, thought it meetest to
submit himselfe, and stand to his Fathers mercy : who
after affronts shewed him and imprisonment, was soone
released and pardoned, by reason of many friends, his
Mother, Sisters, and others.
This Selim Padasha being in his rebellion, his father Sultan Cossere
dispossessed him, and proclaimed heire apparant, his P^^'=^^^^^^'
eldest Sonne Cossero being eldest Sonne to Selimsha :
for his owne Sonnes younger Brothers to Selim, were all
dead in Decan and Guzerat ; yet shortly after his Father
37
A.D.
c. 1611.
Hee was not
blinded, and is
since {as you
shall see in Sir
Tho. Roes
relations)
delivered out
of prison.
Cruell
Executions.
[I. iii. 220.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
dyed, who in his death-bed had mercy on Selim, possess-
ing him againe. But Cossero, who was proclaimed heire
apparant, stomached his father, and rose with great
troopes, yet was not able to indure after the losse of
many thousand men on both sides : but was taken, and
remaineth still in prison in the Kings Pallace, yet blinde,
as all men report : and was so commaunded to be blinded
by his father. So since that time, being now eight yeares
after, he had commanded to put all his sonnes confede-
rates to death, with sundry kinds of death ; some to bee
hanged, some spitted, some to have their heads chopped
off, and some to bee torne by Elephants. Since which
time hee hath raigned in quiet, but ill beloved of the
greater part of his Subjects, who stand greatly in feare
of him. His custome is every yeare to be out two
moneths on hunting, as is before specified. When he
meaneth to begin his journey, if comming forth of his
Pallace, hee get up on a Horse, it is a signe that he goeth
for the warres : but if he get up upon an Elephant or
Palankine, it will bee but an hunting voyage.
My selfe in the time that I was one of his Courtiers,
have seene many cruell deeds done by him. Five times
a weeke, he commaundeth his brave Elephants to fight
before him : and in the time of their fighting, either
comming or going out, many times men are killed, or
dangerously hurt by these Elephants. But if any be
grievously hurt (which might very well escape) yet
neverlesse that man is cast into the River, himselfe
commaunding it, saying : dispatch him, for as long as he
liveth, he will doe nothing else but curse me, and there-
fore it is better that he dye presently. I have seene many
in this kind. Againe, hee delighteth to see men executed
himselfe, and torne in peeces with Elephants. He put to
death in my time his Secretary, onely upon suspicion,
that Chan-channa should write unto the Decan King,
who being sent for and examined about this matter,
denied it : whereupon the King not having patience, arose
from his seate, and with his Sword gave him his deadly
3«
I
WILLIAM HAWKINS a,d.
c. 1611,
wound, and afterwards delivered him to bee torne by
Elephants.
Likewise, it happened to one who was a great friend of Severity.
mine (a chiefe man, having under his charge the Kings
Ward-robe, and all Woollen Cloath, and all sorts of
mercery, and his China dishes) that a faire China dish
(which cost ninetie Rupias, or fortie five Rials of eight)
was broken, in this my friends time, by a mischance
(when the King was in his progresse) being packed
amongst other things, on a Cammell, which fell and
broke all the whole parcell. This Nobleman knowing
how deerely the King loved this dish above the rest, pre-
sently sent one of his trusty servants to China-machina, China-
over land to seeke for another, hoping that before he ^^^^^^^'
should remember that dish, he would returne with another
like unto it : but his evill lucke was contrarie. For the
King two yeares after remembred this dish, and his man
was not yet come. Now, when the King heard that the
dish was broken, he was in a great rage, commanding him
to be brought before him, and to be beaten by two men,
with two great whips made of cords : and after that he
had received one hundred and twenty of these lashes, he
commanded his Porters, who be appointed for that pur-
pose, to beate him with their small Cudgels, till a great
many of them were broken : at the least twenty men were
beating of him, till the poore man was thought to bee
dead, and then he was haled out by the heeles, and com-
maunded to prison. The next day the King demaunded
whether he was living, answer was made, that he was :
whereupon, he commanded him to be carried unto
perpetuall prison. But the Kings Sonne being his friend,
freed him of that, and obtained of his Father, that he
might bee sent home to his owne house, and there be
cured. So after two moneths, he was reasonably well
recovered, and came before the King, who presently com-
manded him to depart the Court, and never come againe
before him, untill he had found such a like dish, and that china-
hee travel! for China-machina to seeke it : the King machina.
39
A.D.
c. i6i I
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Proud
demand.
allowed him five thousand Rupias towards his charges ;
and besides, returning one fourth part of his living that
he had before, to maintaine him in his travell. He being
departed, and foureteene moneths on his travell, was not
yet come home : but newes came of him, that the King
of Persia had the like dish, and for pitties sake hath sent
it him, who at my departure was on his way homeward.
Likewise, in my time it happened, that a Pattan, a
man of good stature, came to one of the Kings Sonnes,
Zmtan Pervis. named Sultan Pervis, to intreat him to bestow some-
what on him, by petition delivered to one of the Princes
chiefe men, at the delivery whereof, the Prince caused him
to come neere : and demanding of him whether hee would
serve him ; he answered. No, for he thought that the
Prince would not grant him so much as he would aske.
The Prince seeing him to be a pretty fellow, and meanely
apparelled, smiled, demanding what would content him :
hee told him plainly, that hee would neither serve his
Father nor him, under a thousand Rupias a day, which
is loo. pound sterling. The Prince asked him what was
in him that he demanded so much ; he replyed, make
tryall of me with all sorts of weapons, either on horse-
backe, or on foote, and for my sufficient command in the
warres, if I doe not performe as much as I speake, let
mee dye for it. The houre being come for the Prince
to go to his Father, he gave over his talk, commanding
the man to be forth comming. At night the Kings
custome being to drinke, the Prince perceiving his Father
to be merry, told him of this man : so the King com-
maunded him to be brought before him. Now while he
was sent for, a wilde Lyon was brought in, a very great
one, strongly chained, and led by a dozen men and
keepers : and while the King was viewing this Lyon, the
Pattan came in, at whose sight the Prince presently
remembred his Father. The King demanding of this
Pattan, whence he was, and of what parentage, and what
valour was in him, that he should demand so much wages :
his answer was, that the King should make tryal of him.
140
I
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
c. 1611.
That I will, saith the King, goe wrastle and buffet with Cruell com-
this Lyon. The Pattans answer was, that this was a ^'^"'^•
wild beast, and to goe barely upon him without weapon,
would be no triall of his man-hood. The King not
regarding his speech, commanded him to buckle with the
Lion, who did so, wrastling and buffeting with the Lyon
a pretty while : and then the Lyon being loose from his
keepers, but not from his chaines, got the poore man
within his clawes, and tore his body in many parts : and
with his pawes tore the one halfe of his face, so that this
valiant man was killed by this wilde beast. The King
not yet contented, but desirous to see more sport, sent for
ten men that were of his horse-men in pay, being that
night on the watch : for it is the custome of all those that
receive pay, or living from the King, to watch once a
weeke, none excepted, if they be well, and in the Citie.
These men one after another, were to buffet with the Bloody experi-
Lyon, who were all grievously wounded, and it cost three ^^^'^^■^*
of them their lives. The King continued three moneths
in this vaine, when he was in his humors, for whose
pleasure sake, many men lost their lives, and many were
grievously wounded. So that ever after, untill my com-
ming away, some fifteene young Lyons were made tame,
and played one with another before the King, frisking
betweene mens legs, and no man hurt in a long time.
Likewise, he cannot abide, that any man should have -^^^^^-^ '^^^
any precious stone of value, for it is death if he know it ^^^^^^•
not at that present time, and that he hath the refiisall
thereof. His Jeweller, a Bannian, named Herranand, had [I. iii. 221.]
bought a Diamond of three Mettegals, which cost one
hundred thousand Rupias : which was not so closely done,
but newes came to the King : Herranand likewise was
befriended, beeing presently acquainted therewith, who
before the King sent for him, came unto him, and chal-
lenged the King that he had often promised him that he
would come to his house : the King answered that it
was true. Herranand therefore replyed, that now was Costly enter-
the time, for that he had a faire Present to bestow upon ^^^^^^^f-
41
A.D.
c. 1611.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
his Majestic : for that he had bought a stone of such a
weight. The King smiled, and said, Thy lucke was good
to prevent me. So preparation was made, and to the
Bannians house he went. By this meanes, the King had
ingrossed all faire stones, that no man can buy from five
Carats upwards, without his leave : for he hath the re-
fusall of all, and giveth not by a third part so much as
their value. There was a Diamant cutter of my acquaint-
ance, that was sent for to cut a Diamant of three Mettegals
and a halfe, who demanded a small foule Diamant to make
powder, wherewith to cut the other Diamant. They
Jn inestimable brought him a Chest, as he said, of three spannes long,
2/' mmis ^^^ ^ spanne and halfe broad, and a spanne and halfe deepe,
full of Diamants of all sizes and sorts : yet could he find
never any one for his purpose, but one of five Rotties,
which was not very foule neither.
He is exceeding rich in Diamants, and all other pre-
cious stones, and usually weareth every day a faire
Diamant of great price, and that which he weareth this
day, till his time be come about to weare it againe, he
weareth not the same : that is to say, all his faire Jewels
are divided into a certaine quantitie or proportion, to
weare every day. He also weareth a chaine of Pearle,
very faire and great, and another chaine of Emeralds, and
ballace Rubies. Hee hath another Jewell, that commeth
round about his Turbant, full of faire Diamants and
Cause of so Rubies. It is not much to bee wondered, that he is so
great wealth, ^.-^j^ -^^ Jewels, and in Gold and Silver, when he hath
heaped together the Treasure and Jewels of so many
Kings, as his forefathers have conquered, who likewise
were a long time in gathering them together : and all
came to his hands. Againe, all the money and Jewels
which his Nobles heape together, when they die come all
unto him, who giveth what hee listeth to the Noblemens
wives and children : and this is done to all them that
receive pay, or living from the King. India is rich in
silver, for all Nations bring Coyne, and carry away com-
modities for the same ; and this Coyne is buried in India,
4a
WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
c. i6ii.
and goeth not out : so it is thought, that once in twentie
yeeres it commeth into the Kings power. All the lands ^^°J^ ^^^^^
in his Monarchie are at his disposing, who giveth and ^^y^^o^lekin^
taketh at his pleasure. If I have lands at Lahor, being f^^, ^^/^.^^ of
sent unto the warres at Decan, another hath the lands, the profit: and
and I am to receive mine in Decan, or thereabouts, neere of those which
the place where I am, whether it be in the warres, or that ^r ^^^^\l^ j
1 1 11* c 1 /"^^j "^^ third
I be sent about any other busmesse, tor any other coun- remainethto
trey. And men are to looke well unto their doings : for the King. In
if they be found tardie in never so little a matter, they f^-^ the world
are in dangler of loosing: their lands : and if complaints of ^f ^?f ^f ^^,
T . • °i • 1 1 11 1 it/- • • fertile land.
Injustice which they doe, bee made unto the King, it is -^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^
well if they escape with losse of their lands. great parts of
He is very severe in such causes, and with all severitie his Dominions.
punisheth those Captaines, who suffer out-lawes to give Punishment of
assault unto their Citie, without resisting. In my time towards.
there were some eight Captaines, who had their living
upon the borders of Bengala, in a chiefe Citie called AchiefeCltie
Pattana, which was suffered to be taken by out-lawes, and ^^^^^^P^ttana.
they all fled : but that Citie was againe restored by a great
Captaine, who was Commander of a Countrey neere there-
abouts ; who tooke all those Captaines that fled, and sent
them to the King to use punishment upon them at his
pleasure. So they were brought before the King in
chaines, and were presently commanded to be shaven, both
head and beard, and to weare womens apparell, riding
upon asses, with their faces backwards, and so carried
about the Citie. This being done, they were brought
before the King againe, and there whipped, and sent to
perpetuall prison : and this punishment was inflicted upon
them in my sight. He is severe enough, but all helpeth
not, for his poore Riats or Clownes complaine of Injustice
done them, and cry for Justice at the Kings hands. They
come to a certaine place, where a long rope is fastened
unto two pillars, neere unto the place where the King
sitteth in Justice. This rope is hanged full of Bels,
plated with gold, so that the rope beeing shaken, the Bels
are heard by the King : who sendeth to know the cause,
43
A.D.
c. 1611,
He calleth
rebels {as the
Mogols did)
those that
refused subjec-
tion, though
perhaps some
of them were
free Kings, as
this Ragane, or
Ranna, sup-
posed the true
successor of
Porus whom
Alexander
conquered.
He is now
brought, or
bought rather
{as they say)
peaceably to
acknowledge
tribute to the
Mogpl.
[I. iii. 222.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and doth his Justice accordingly. At his first comming
to the Crowne, he was more severe then now he is, which
is the cause that the Countrey is so full of outlawes, and
theeves, that almost a man cannot stirre out of doores,
throughout all his Dominions, without great forces : for
they are all become Rebels.
There is one great Ragane betwixt Agra and Amadanar,
who commandeth as much land as a good Kingdome : and
all the forces the Mogol hath, cannot bring him in, for his
forces are upon the Mountaines. He is twentie thou-
sand strong in Horse, and fiftie thousand strong in Foote,
and many of these Rebels are in all his Dominions : but
this is one of the greatest. There are many risen at
Candahar, Cabul, Moldun, and Sinde, and in the King-
dome of Boloch : Bengala likewise, Decan, and Guzerat
are full, so that a man can travell no way for out-la wes.
Their Government is in such a barbarous kind, and cruell
exacting upon the Clownes, which causeth them to be so
head-strong. The fault is in the Chiefe, for a man cannot
continue halfe a yeere in his living, but it is taken from
him and given unto another : or else the King taketh it
for himselfe (if it be rich ground, and likely to yeeld
much) making exchange for a worse place : or as he is
befriended of the Vizir. By this meanes he racketh the
poore, to get from them what he can, who still thinketh
every houre to be put out of his place. But there are
many, who continue a long time in one place, and if they
remaine but sixe yeeres, their wealth which they gaine is
infinite, if it be a thing of any sort. The custome is, they
are allowed so much living to maintaine that Port which
the King hath given them, that is to say ; they are allowed
twentie Rupias of everie horse by the Moneth, and two
Rupias by the Moneth for every horse Fame, for the
maintenance of their Table. As thus : A Captaine that
hath five thousand horse to maintaine in the warres, hath
likewise of Fame other five thousand, which he is not to
maintaine in the warres, but onely for his Table, allowed
upon every horse by the Moneth two Rupias, and the
44
I
WILLIAM HAWKINS ad.
c. 1611.
other five thousand, twenty Rupias by the Moneth : and
this is the pay which the greater part of them are allowed.
Now here I meane to speake a little of his manners, The great
and customes in the Court. First, in the morning about ^^^f^^J"^
the breake of day, he is at his Beades, with his face turned 5^^^ j«^^w^
to the West-ward. The manner of his praying when he him author of
is in Agra, is in a private faire roome, upon a goodly Jet ^ new sect,
stone, having onely a Persian Lamb-skinne under him :
having also some eight chaines of Beads, every one of
them containing foure hundred. The Beads are of rich
Pearle, ballace Rubyes, Diamonds, Rubyes, Emeralds,
Lignum Aloes, Eshem, and Corall. At the upper end of
this Jet stone, the Pictures of our Lady and Christ are
placed, graven in stone : so he turneth over his Beads,
and saith, three thousand two hundred words, according
to the number of his Beads, and then his Prayer is ended.
After he hath done, he sheweth himselfe to the people,
receiving their Salames, or good morrowes, unto whom
multitudes resort every morning for this purpose. This
done, hee sleepeth two houres more, and then dineth, and ^^^ ^'^^^
passeth his time with his Women, and at noone hee -^ ^"1^/ ^^^ '
sheweth himselfe to the people againe, sitting till three of
the clocke, viewing and seeing his Pastimes, and sports
made by men, and fighting of many sorts of beasts, every
day sundry kinds of Pastimes. Then at three of the
clocke, all the Nobles in generall (that be in Agra, and are
well) resort unto the Court, the King comming forth in
open audience, sitting in his Seat-Royall, and every man
standing in his degree before him, his chiefest sort of the
Nobles standing within a red Rayle, and the rest without. The redrayle.
They are all placed by his Lieutenant Generall. This
red Rayle, is three steppes higher then the place where
the rest stand : and within this red Rayle I was placed,
amongst the chiefest of all. The rest are placed by
Officers, and they likewise be within another very spacious
place rayled : and without that Rayle, stand all sorts of
horsemen and souldiers, that belong unto his Captaines,
and all other commers. At these Rayles, there are many
45
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1611.
doores kept by many Porters, who have white rods to
keepe men in order. In the middest of the place, right
before the King, standeth one of his Sheriffes, together
with his Master Hangman, who is accompanied with
forty hangmen, wearing on their heads a certaine quilted
cap, different from all others, with an Hatchet on their
shoulders : and others with all sorts of Whips, being
there, readie to doe what the King commandeth. The
King heareth all causes in this place, and stayeth some two
houres every day (these Kings of India sit daily in Justice
every day, and on the Tuesdayes doe their executions.)
Then he departeth towards his private place of Prayer :
his Prayer beeing ended, foure or five sorts of very well
dressed and roasted meats are brought him, of which as
hee pleaseth, he eateth a bit to stay his stomacke, drinking
once of his strong drinke. Then hee commeth forth into
a private roome, where none can come, but such as him-
Captain gelfe nominateth, (for two yeeres together I was one of his
Hawkins, two ^^^endants here.) In this place he drinketh other five
•yeeres together ^ , ...'., F , 1 tm • • 1
neere the great cupfuls, which is the portion that the Physicians alot
Mogol. him. This done, he eateth Opium, and then he ariseth,
and being in the height of his drinke, he layeth him
downe to sleepe, every man departing to his owne home.
And after he hath slept two houres, they awake him, and
bring his Supper to him, at which time he is not able to
feed himselfe ; but it is thrust into his mouth by others,
and this is about one of the clocke : and then he sleepeth
the rest of the night.
Now in the space of these sixe cups, he doth many idle
things ; and whatsoever he doth, either without or within,
drunken or sober, he hath writers, who by turnes set
downe every thing in writing which he doth : so that
there is nothing passeth in his life time, which is not
noted : no, not so much as his going to the necessary ; and
how often he lieth with his women, and with whom : and
all this is done unto this end, that when he dieth, these
writings of al his actions and speeches, which are worthy
to be set downe, might be recorded in the Chronicles. At
46
WILLIAM HAWKINS
my being with him, he made his brothers children Chris-
tians ; the doing whereof was not for any zeale he had
to Christianitie, as the Fathers, and all Christians thought ;
but upon the prophecie of certain learned Gentiles, who
told him, that the sonnes of his body should be disin-
herited, and the children of his brother should raigne.
And therefore he did it, to make these children hatefull
to all Moores, as Christians are odious in their sight : and
that they beeing once Christians, when any such matter
should happen, they should find no subjects : but God is
omnipotent, and can turne the making of these Christians
unto a good ende, if it be his pleasure.
This King amongst his children, hath one called Sultan
Shariar, of seven yeeres of age, and his Father on a day,
being to goe some whether to solace him selfe, demanded
of him whether hee would goe with him : the child an-
swered. That if it pleased his Highnesse, he would either
goe or stay, as the pleasure of his Father was. But be-
cause his answer was not, that withall his heart he would
waite upon his Majestic, he was very well buffeted by the
King, and that in such sort, that no child in the world
but would have cryed ; which this child did not. Where-
fore his Father demanded why he cryed not ; he answered.
That his Nurses told him, that it was the greatest shame
in the world, for Princes to cry when they were beaten :
and ever since they nurtured me in this kind, saith he, I
never cryed, and nothing shall make me cry to the death.
Upon which speech, his Father being more vexed, stroke
him againe, and caused a bodkin to bee brought him,
which he thrust through his cheeke ; but all this would
not make him cry, although he bled very much, which
was admired of all, that the Father should doe this unto
his child, and that he was so stout, that hee would not
crie. There is great hope of this child to exceed all the
rest.
This Emperour keepeth many feasts in the yeare, but
two feasts especially may be nominated ; the one called
the Nourous, which is in honour of the New-yeares day.
47
A.D.
c. 1611.
The Mogol
makes his
brothers
children
Christians.
This Chris-
tianitie is since
disclaymed, l^
was then but a
tricke, rather
of sensualitiey
then of devo-
tion or state.
[I. iii. 223.]
Two feasts.
rich Tent.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
c. 1611.
This feast continueth eighteene dales, and the wealth and
riches are wonderful!, that are to be seene in the decking
and setting forth of every mans roome, or place where he
lodgeth, when it is his turne to watch : for every Nobleman
hath his place appointed him in the Palace. In the
An ^exceeding middest of that spacious place I speake of, there is a rich
Tent pitched, but so rich, that I thinke the like cannot bee
found in the world. This Tent is curiously wrought, and
hath many Seminans joyning round about it, of most
curious wrought Velvet, embroidered with Gold, and
many of them are of Cloath of Gold and Silver. These
Seminans be shaddowes to keepe the Sunne from the com-
passe of this Tent. I may say, it is at the least two Acres
of ground, but so richly spread with Si Ike and Gold Car-
pets, and Hangings in the principal! places, rich, as
rich Velvet imbroydered with Gold, Pearle, and precious
stones can make it. Within it five Chaires of Estate are
placed, most rich to behold, where at his pleasure the
King sitteth. There are likewise private roomes made
for his Queenes, most rich where they sit, and see all, but
are not seene. So round about this Tent, the compasse
of all may bee some five Acres of ground. Every princi-
pal! Noble-man maketh his roome and decketh it, likewise
every man according to his ability, striveth who may
adorne his roome richest. The King where he doth
affect, commeth to his Noble-mens roomes, and is most
sumptuously feasted there : and at his departure, is pre-
sented with the rarest Jewels and toyes that they can find.
But because he will not receive any thing at that time as
a present, he commandeth his Treasurer to pay what his
praysers valew them to bee worth, which are valewed at
halfe the price. Every one, and all of his Nobles provide
toyes, and rare things to give him at this feast : so com-
monly at this feast every man his estate is augmented.
Two dales of this feast, the better sort of the Women
come to take the pleasure thereof : and this feast beginneth
at the beginning of the Moone of March. The other
feast Is some foure moneths after, which is called the feast
4^
WILLIAM HAWKINS ad.
c. i6i I.
of his Birth-day : This day every man striveth who may The feast of
be the richest in apparell and Jewels. After many sports ^" Btrth-day.
and pastimes performed in his Palace, he goeth to his
mothers house, with all the better sort of his Nobles,
where every man presenteth a Jewell unto his Mother,
according to his estate. After the bancket is ended, the
King goeth into a very faire roome, where a ballance of
beaten Gold is hanged, with one scale emptie for him to
sit in ; the other scale being filled with divers things, that
is to say, Silver, Gold, divers sorts of Grain a little, and so
of every kind of Mettall a little, and with all sorts of
precious stones some : In fine, he weigheth himselfe with
these things, which the next day are given to the poore,
and all may be valued to be worth * ten thousand pounds. ^-^^^ ^^^^°f
This day, before he goeth unto his mothers house, every ^^rThom.Roe.
man bringeth him his Present, which is thought to be
ten times more worth, then that which he giveth to the
poore. This done, every man departeth unto his home.
His custome is, that when you petition him for any
thing, you must not come empty handed, but give him
some toy or other, whether you write or no : by the gift
you give him, he knoweth that you would demand some
thing of him : so after enquiry is made, if he seeth it con-
venient, he granteth it.
The custome of the Indians, is to burne their dead,
as you have read in other Authors, and at their burning,
many of their Wives will burne with them : because they Voluntary
will be registred in their bookes, for famous and most ^^^^^S<lf
modest and loving Wives, who leaving all worldly Xw^^I^
affaires, content themselves to live no longer then husbands.
their Husbands. I have seene many proper Women
brought before the King, whom (by his commande-
ment) none may burne without his leave and sight
of them, I meane those of Agra. When any of these
commeth, hee doth perswade them with many promises of
gifts and living if they will live : but in my time no
perswasion could prevaile, but burne they would. The
King seeing that all would not serve, giveth his leave for
III 49 D
A.D.
c. 1611.
Favourable
entertainment
oftheGrandee.
[I. iii. 224,]
Funeral! feast
or Obit for his
Father?
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
her to be carried to the fire, where she burneth her selfe
alive with her dead husband.
Likewise his custome is, when any great Noble-man
hath beene absent from him two or three yeares, if they
come in favour, and having performed well, hee receiveth
them in manner and forme following.
First, the Noble-man stayeth at the gate of the Pallace,
till the Vizir and Lieutenant Generall, and Knight Mar-
tiall come to accompany him unto the King : then he is
brought to the gate of the outermost rayles, whereof I
have spoken before, where hee standeth in the view of the
King, in the middest betweene these two Nobles ; then he
toucheth the ground with his hand, and also with his
head, very gravely, and doth thus three times. This
done, he kneeleth downe touching the ground with his
fore-head, which being once done, he is carried forward
towards the King, and in the midway he is made to doe
this reverence againe : then he commeth to the doore of
the red rayles, doing the like reverence the third time :
and having thus done, he commeth within the red rayles,
and doth it once more upon the Carpets. Then the King
commandeth him to come up the staires or ladder of seaven
steppes, that he may embrace him ; where the King most
lovingly embraceth him before all the people, whereby they
shall take notice, that he is in the Kings favour. The King
having done this, he then commeth downe, and is placed
by the Lieutenant Generall according to his degree. Now
if he come in disgrace, through exclamations made against
him, he hath none of these honours from the King, but is
placed in his place till he come to his tryall. This King
is very much adored of the Heathen Comminalty, inso-
much, that they will spread their bodies all upon the
ground, rubbing the earth with their faces on both sides.
They use many other fopperies and superstitions, which I
omit, leaving them for other Travellers, which shall come
from thence hereafter.
After I had written this, there came into my memory
another Feast, solemnized at his Fathers Funerall, which
5°
> WILLIAM HAWKINS a.d.
1607.
is kept at his Sepulchre, where likewise himselfe, with all
his posterity, meane to be buried. Upon this day there is
great store of victuals dressed, and much money given to
the poore. This Sepulchre may be counted one of the
rarest Monuments of the world. It hath beene this foure-
teene yeares a building, and it is thought it will not be
finished these seaven yeares more, in ending gates and
walls, and other needfuU things, for the beautifying and
setting of it forth. The least that worke there daily, are
three thousand people : but thus much I will say, that one
of our Worke-men will dispatch more then three of them.
The Sepulchre is some f . of a mile about made square : ^^^nptuous
it hath seaven heights built, every height narrower then ^^^ ^^'
the other, till you come to the top where his Herse is.
At the outermost gate, before you come to the Sepulchre,
there is a most stately Palace building : the compasse of
the wall joyning to this gate of the Sepulchre and garding,
being within, may be at the least three miles. This
Sepulchre is some foure miles distant from the Citie of
Agra.
Chap. VIII.
The Voyage of M. David Middleton in the
Consent, a Ship of one hundred and fifteene
Tuns, which set forth from Tilburie Hope,
on the twelfth of March, 1606.
E anchored in the Roade of Saldania all ^-^^ 1 6. of
our men in good health : onely Peter -^^^^^ ^ 7-
Lambert the day before fell off the top-
most head, whereof he dyed.
The one and twentieth, the Captain
and Master went to Pengwin Hand, three
leagues distant from the Roade, where
wee saw such abundance of Seales and Pengwins, that it
was admirable, for you may drive five hundred Pengwins
together in a flocke, and thousands of Seales together
upon the shore. The Hand is not above some three miles
51
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1607.
long, and some two miles broad : but in mine opinion,
there is not an Hand in the world more frequented with
Fowle and Seales then this Hand. It hath Pengwins,
Wilde-geese, Ducke, Drake, and Pellicanes, and divers
other Fowle, and after some pleasure taken there, we
returned againe unto our ship.
Having bought some Cattle, and ended all our busi-
nesse, and our men well refreshed, wee weighed Anchor
the nine and twentieth day, about foure of the clocke in
the morning, with very little wind, and came out of the
Road of Saldania, our men in very good health, and loath
to depart without the company of our Admirall and Vice-
Admirall : but we were not certaine of their arrivall there,
which made us make so little stay, so directing our course
for S. Laurence, we left Saldania.
The thirtieth day calme all day, till three of the clocke
in the afternoone, and then we had a fresh gale at South-
west, and we steered away halfe a watch South and by
West, and two watches and an halfe South-East, and at
tenne of the clocke at night the Cape De Bona Esperansa,
bare North of us, and all that night blew very much winde,
and the Sea much growne : and the ship came betwixt
twelve of the clocke at night, and twelve of the clocke
next day, being the one and thirtieth of July, nine and
twenty leagues, all this day a very pleasant gale, some-
times raine, we came foure leagues from the Cape.
Au^st I. The first of August we had very faire weather, some-
l^^°7- times a gale, and sometimes calme, continuing so all day,
'North M'i ^^ ^^^ ^^ Steered away two watches South-East and by East,
fivefathome. and three watches at East and by South, the wind variable,
sometimes at South, and sometimes at South by East
darke weather, and she ran some one and twenty leagues,
then wee were in five and thirty degrees, and twenty two
minuts of heiofht.
[I. iii. 225.] The seven and twentieth of August, the winde at North-
west, and we steered away East, and by South ; and at two
of the clocke, we saw the land of S. Laurence, or Mada-
gascar, by estimation some sixe leagues off ; and then we
52
I
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
1607.
steered away North, and by West, and at noone we
observed, and made the ship to be in twentie foure degrees,
and fortie minutes, the variation at night sixteene degrees,
and twentie three minutes.
The thirtieth, at five of the clocke in the afternoone, we
anchored in the Bay of S. Augustine, in sixe fathome and ^^y ^f^-
an halfe, great gravell ; and we were inforced to goe to ^^^^ ^^^'
lee-ward, being to the roome-wards of the Road before we
could get in, by reason of a great breach that lyes off the
bay, and then came in close upon a tacke, and had in
comming in seven, sixe and an halfe, and five fathomes
all the way, and came very faire by the breach, and rid in
the Road, with two Hands in the wind of us, and the
breach both.
The one and thirtieth day, our Captaine with M. Davis
went in our long boat to viewe the llands, and I my selfe
as we went, sounded close aboord the Breach, and had sixe
fathomes. One of the llands is very small, as it were a
banke of sand, and nothing on it : the other is about a mile
in length, and halfe a mile in breadth, and nothing upon
it, but some small store of Wood.
The first of September, 1607. we weighed anchor from
our first place, and came within two miles of the mouth
of the River, and rid in five fathome and an halfe, very
fast ground, for where we rid before it was very foule
ground, so that we brake one of our Cables in the weigh-
ing. I judge it to be some three leagues from our first
place, where we had very foule ground.
The seventh day, having ended all our businesse, being ^ marke on
provided of wood and water, and all things else, we ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^
weighed anchor in the morning about five of the clocke, ^i^J^^H^^^^^
with the wind at East and by North a pleasant gale, and
we steered away, comming out West, and West and by
North, til we were cleere of the Breaches, and we brought
to sea with us foure Goats, three Sheep, and a yong
Heifer : here we found great plenty of victualls, both
Sheepe and Beeves for little value. This day we observed
some three miles from the Hand, before the Bay of S.
1607.
Novemb.
1607.
Decemb. 6.
1607.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Augustine, and wee made it to be in twenty three degrees
and for tie eight minutes of latitude, and after wee were
cleare of the Breach, which lies to the North-ward of the
Hand, we steered away South South-west, and South and
by West, sometimes with very faire weather, the wind at
South-East, and by East a pleasant gale.
The eleventh, a fresh gale at South-east, and South-east
and by East, and wee stood into the shore till midnight,
and then we saw a great breach, right a head hard by us,
but wee heard the rut before we saw it (God be praised)
and so we tackd, and stood off againe presently. And
at noone observed, and made the Ship to be in twentie five
degrees, and twentie two minutes of latitude.
The twelfth of November in the morning, we saw an
Hand, and stood to make it, and found it to be Ingana,
and came to the North-side of it : the Hand is in length
five leagues or thereabot : it lies East and by South, and
West and by North : the Easter end is the highest land,
and the Wester end is full of trees. It lies in latitude in
five degrees and an halfe, and the variation is foure degrees
and thirteene minutes. So after we had made it, having
the wind at West North-west, we steered away for the
maine of Sumatra East and by South, and East South-east
a pleasant gale, but very much raine : so the thirteenth
day in the morning, wee saw the maine land of Sumatra
some foure leagues from us.
The foureteenth, we anchored in Bantam Roade, about
foure of the clocke in the afternoone, being Saturday,
where we found the Merchants in very good health, and
all things in good order. The next day our Captaine went
on shore, and spake with M. Tower son concerning the
shippes businesse, and agreed to have our Iron and Lead
a shore, which we brought with us : which beeing effected,
with some roomaging, and having fitted our ship in good
order, and taken in Merchandize, and our Merchants for
the Moluccos, with leave taken of the Merchants, we set
saile from Bantam Roade the sixt of December, 1607. with
little wind, and came out of the Roade, and anchored that
54
DAVID MIDDLETON a,v
1608.
night in sight of the high land of Bantam. The next day,
weighed in the morning, and sailed with a prosperous wind
still continuing faire, passing many Hands, and sunken
ground. Some nights we sayled, and other-some lay a
hull : raine, thunder, and lightening was no strange thing
to us in those parts, but one comfort we had, that God
gave us a fayre wind, wherewith we sayled merrily on our
intended Voyage.
In the beginning of Januarie, they arrived at the
Moluccos. The rest of this Moneth was spent in
entertainments and complements betwixt Ours and the
Spaniards, as likewise with the Moluccan Princes. So
was the whole Moneth of February also. The reason was,
The Spaniards durst not admit us trade till the Camp
Master had given leave, x^nd he in those broyles twixt
him and the Hollanders, except Ours would doe or seeme
to doe some piece of service, at least accompanying their
ships for greater shew (which our Captaine absolutely
refused, being against his Commission) excused himselfe.
Meane while they had privy trade with the people by
night, and were Joviall and frolicke by day with the
Spaniards, which both gave and received kind welcomes.
In the beginning of March, they were permitted open
trade. But this within few dayes was countermanded, and
wee commanded to bee gone. And thus they spent the
time till March the foureteene, when they weighed anchor,
and set saile. Some trade they had also in the way. This [I. iii. 226.]
part of the Journall is long, and I have omitted it, as else-
where in those things which I thought might be tedious.
The three and twentieth, 1608. we entered the Straits of March, 23.
Bangaya. Whereunto having entered, our Captaine deter- ^ . *
mined to send off his long boat to seeke for water, for here ^^^^^
he purposed to store himselfe therewith. While he was
thus determining, there came a Praw off from the Hand,
with all the speed he could make, who came unto us, and
spake with us, of whom we demaunded, whether there
were any fresh water in that Hand : who made answer,
that if our Captaine pleased, he would bring us to very
55
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1608.
good water : whereupon we stood over for the East shore,
and anchored about one of the clocke in the afternoone, in
sixtie fathomes of water, where there runs a most cruell
Current. Then after we came to anchor, fitting our long
Boat with caske, we went with the Indian to fetch water :
where while they were fitting the Boat, he sold some fresh
fish for China dishes, very cheape. So at night our men
came aboord, and brought very good water, but had a
wearisome rowth of it, being five miles distant from the
place where we anchored.
The foure and twentieth in the morning, we went againe
for an other Boats lading of water : and this morning by
day breake, there came of the countrey people above one
hundred Prawes, men and women, and brought us fish,
both dry fish, and fresh fish very good, of both kinds great
plentie, and very cheape. They brought us also Hogges,
great and small, which they sold us for course white cloth,
and Hennes and Cocks in abundance at the like price :
some for China dishes, and some for cloth. They brought
us also fruits, as Plantans, Cassathoe roots, and divers other
fruits, and staled aboord us all day, that sometimes we were
not able to stirre up and downe the ship for them. In the
afternoone, the King sent our Captaine some Plantans, and
Irea pote to drinke, which is a kind of water called by that
name ; our Captain gave the Messenger great thanks in
his Kings behalfe, and to requite his kindnesse, sent him
a rich Pintado. Then he departed, and all the rest : and
about tenne of the clocke at night we weighed anchor, and
in the weighing, wee broke both our Star-boord anchors
flooks. Then sayling away with very little wind, at length
manned our long Boate, and towed our ship aU night : for
if we had not towed her in this calme, we had been driven
to lee-ward more then we should have gotten againe in
three dayes, without a fresh gale of wind, the Current
runnes so strong there.
King of The nineteenth of Aprill, the King of Buttone sent
Buttone. one of his brothers againe, to know whether our Captaine
were willino^ he should come aboord ; for he was very
56
DAVID MIDDLETON ad.
1608.
desirous to see both him and our ship ; because he had
heard much of Englishmen, but never saw any. Our
Captaine sent him word, that he should think himselfe
much graced if he came. Presently the King came off
in his Caricoll, rowed at least with an hundred oares, having
in her besides about foure hundred men with armes, well
appointed to fight, and sixe brasse pieces, and in her com-
pany five Caricols more, which had at the least a thousand
men in them : so our Captaine sent according to his
demand, a pledge for him, one Francis Kelly which was
our Surgeon. Then he came aboord our Captaine, who
kindly entertained him, and intreated him to take part of
a banquet of sweet meates, which he kindly accepted ; and
after the banquet ended, our Captaine demanded what he
had to sell : who replyed, he had Pearle, and Turtell shels,
and some cloth, which they make themselves, which as we
thought was made of Cotton stript. Then our Captaine
intreated to see some of his Pearle ; who said, he had none
there, for he came but upon pleasure, not thinking to have
met with any ship : but if it pleased him to goe with his
ship to Buttone (which was some night and a dayes sailing
thence) he should see great store of Pearle, and any thing
that hee had to sell. And because (said he) the place is
unknowne to you, I will send you a Pilot, which shall
bring you thither : our Captaine and Factor considering of
his speeches, thought best to accept of his kind offer, in
regard it was nothing out of the way to Bantam : and
bestowed upon him a Musket, a Sword, and a Pintado,
thanking him for his kindnesse, that he would vouchsafe
to come aboord his ship : to whom the King made answer,
that he had not any now worth the giving to bestow upon
our Captaine, but promised to requite his kindnesse before
his departure : and in the meane time intreated our Cap-
taine to accept of two peices of their cloth, who received
them with many thanks. About three of the clocke in the
afternoone he tooke his leave of our Captaine, promising
presently to send us a Pilot, to carry us to the Towne of
Buttone. Then wee brought the Cable to the CapstoU,
57
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1608.
and weighed, and the Pilot came aboord. And at night
the King sent a CaricoU unto us, to see if we wanted any
thing, and to beare us company to Buttone, by whom he
sent our Captaine a Goat. Then we stood away for
Buttone with a small gale, but at night it was calme, and
the tyde against us, and we came to an anchor in two and
twenty fathomes of water, because we would not drive
to lee-ward, and in the morning weighed againe, and stood
for the Towne of Buttone.
The one and twentieth, about tenne of the clocke, our
Purser (who had beene sent a shore the day before) came
aboord againe, and brought with him Hennes and Cocos,
TAe King of ^^^ ^q\^ ^g ^^^^ ^^ Indians had carried him unto a King,
who when he came unto him, was very glad to see him,
because he was the first Englishman that ever he had
seene. At his first comming to his house, hee found him
drinking and carowsing with his Nobles, and round about
where he sate, all hanged about with divers mens heads,
which he before had conquered : so after some little stay,
[I. iii. 227.] hee tooke his leave, and came to the CaracoU againe, and
lay all night aboord her. This night we anchored in
twentie fathomes of water, the place not halfe a mile
broad.
The two and twentieth in the morning, it was very
little wind, yet wee weighed, and our long Boat towed us
through the Straits, seeing the tide was with us, and she
went a head amaine : so about eleven of the clocke, we
came in sight of the Towne of Buttone, and came to
anchor in isN^ and twentie fathomes of water, some mile
and an halfe from the Towne, where wee staid the Kings
comming, but he came not that night. Here we sent
our Boat ashore, and bought fresh fish for our Companie.
The three and twentieth, about one of the clocke in the
afternoone, the King came up under our sterne, and with
him some fortie Caracols, and rowed round about us, very
gallantly set forth with his colours and pendants : and after
this, they rowed toward the towne, and our Captaine
intertained him with a voley of small shot, and all his
58
shore to
Buttone.
DAVID MIDDLETON ad.
1608.
•dnance ; and after, caused his long Boat to be manned,
then accompanied with M. Siddall and his followers, went
ashore to the Towne of Buttone. The King likewise They goe on
entertained our Captaine with his smal shot, and his
Ordnance, affirming that his heart was now at rest, seeing
he had seen the English Nation : promising to do our
Captaine all the kindnesse that in him lay : whereat our
Captaine gave him humble thanks, and for that time tooke
his leave, and came aboord, and in the morning weighed,
and stood further into the Roade, and anchored in seven
and twentie fathomes of water, some halfe a mile from the
shore.
The foure and twentieth in the morning, there came
aboord our ship a Java Nokeyday, which had a Juncke in
the Road laden with Cloves, which came from Amboyna,
with whom our Factor M. Siddall talked : this Javan
promised our Captaine (if so he pleased) hee should
have all his Cloves. The King intreated our Cap-
taine to take part of his dinner, and to beare with
the homely fashion of their Countrey : for comming
into the Roome where they sate, their meate was served
in, in great Chargers made of a kind of wood, close covered
with clothes ; thus their meat being set before them, the
King, our Captaine, and M. Siddall dined together, where
we had great cheare, and our drinke was Jera pote, very
pleasant and sweete in tast, and the King was very merry.
And after dinner he had some talke concerning the Cloves
which wee should have, and promised the next day to come
aboord himselfe, or send some one of his attendants, to
see a muster of all his Cloath : then our Captaine give
him great thanks, and tooke his leave, and came aboord.
The five and twentieth, the Kings Uncle came aboord
of us to see our ship, where our Captaine kindly intertained
him ; and after him came the Kings brother, and stayed
dinner with our Captaine, and after tooke his leave, we
still expecting the Kings comming, but he came not him-
selfe, but sent his Sonne and the Pilot, and they had a
view of the cloth, and liked it very well.
59
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1608.
The sixe and twentieth, the King and his Sonne came
aboord, and dined with our Captaine, and had great cheare,
and the King was very merry, and much desired dauncing,
whereupon some of our men danced before him, who was
well pleased, both at their dauncing and musique : at night
the Kings Unckle sent our Captaine foure fat Hogges.
The seven and twentieth, there was another King of an
Hand thereby, which came in his Caracoll, and his wife
with him, who viewed our ship, but we could not intreat
The ship full \{■^^^ ^q come aboord. Our ship being laden to the full with
Chves^^ Cloves, bought in this place of the Javans, our Captaine
bought some slaves of the King, and as we were busie
this night, one of them stole out of our Captaines cabbin
doore, and leapt into the sea, and swumme ashore, and
was never heard of. Then our Captaine the next morning
sent Augustine Spalding our Jurabassa, to certifie the King
of his escape, and in what manner, who presently made
restitution for it, and gave him another ; and then taking
leave of the King, came aboord. May the second, we
proceeded for our intended and wished port of Bantam,
and gave the Towne of Buttone three pieces of Ordnance
for a farewell. The third we had sight of the Straights of
Celebes, and stood into it with all the saile wee could
make ; but could not get so neere before night approaching.
May the two and twentieth, we anchored in the road of
Bantam. We found not one Christian ship there, but
foure China Junckes which came from China, as their use
is with TafFaties, Damaskes, Sattens, and divers other
Merchandises.
July the fifteenth, 1608. the Captaine and Merchants
having ended all their businesse, tooke their leaves. After
whose departure, we presently set saile out of the Road
of Bantam, now bound homewards to our Native Countrey
England, after our long and tedious Voyage. And to
avoide the Readers like long and tedious voyage, the rest
of this Voyage homewards is omitted, and in steed thereof,
we have set downe a Table of the Journal of this ship from
the Lizard to Bantam, as it was set forth by John Davis.
60
ALEXANDER SHARPEY
A.D.
1608.
Chap. IX. [I. iii. 228.]
briefe Narration of the fourth Voyage to the
East-Indies, with the two good Shippes, the
Ascention being Admirall, and the Union
Vice-Admirall, under the commaund of
Alexander Sharpey Generall, and Richard
Rowles Lieutenant Generall, with the dis-
covery of the Redde-Sea in the Ascention.
§. I.
Relations of the said Voyage, written by
Thomas Jones.
N an unfortunate houre, the foureteenth
day of March, in the yeare of our Lord
1607. with the two tall Shippes, the
Ascention and the Union, we weighed
anchor at Woolwich.
The sixth of May 1608. having spent
some daies in refreshing our men at Maio,
we directed our course for the passing of the Equinoctiall,
and so for the Cape of Bona Speranza South-east, and by
South, and South South-east. The Equinoctiall we passed
very speedily, and then you have the generall wind, that
bloweth continually, between the South-east and South-
east and by East : so that the further you sayle to the
South-ward, you shall finde the wind to Easter the more,
as betweene the Equinoctiall and the Tropicke of Capri-
corne. The eleventh day of June, in the Latitude of sixe
and twenty degrees, being under the Tropicke, we met
with a Caracke that was bound for India, her name was 'N ova P alma a
the Nova Palma. This Caracke was cast away afterward <^^^^^'^-
upon the Coast of Soffala, within twelve leagues of
Mosambike : the Captaine of which said ship came r^^^'
Passenger home in the same Caracke that I came out of ho^ij i^ ^
India in, being Admirall of the Fleete of foure sayle. So Carack.
61
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1608.
according to the custome of the Sea, having spent some
complements in friendly manner, we departed from him,
to follow our Voyage.
The thirteenth of July, we came to an Anchor in the
The Bay of Bay of Saldania, and staying there unto the five and twen-
Saldama. ^-^^j^ q£ September, in building of a Pinnasse (at which
time the Westerly Monsons have done blowing, and then
the wind bloweth more betweene the South and the South-
east.) The five and twentieth of September, wee came
out of the Bay, and the sixe and twentieth of the same
moneth, we were incountred with a mighty storme, at the
South South-east, which blew so vehemently, that we split
our fore-corse that night, and lost the company of our
consort the Union, and our Pinnasse called the Good
Hope, which we had built at the foresaid Cape, and never
heard of them afterward, onely the Pinnasse excepted,
which came to us to Aden in the Red-Sea. Thus with
contrary winds, having before neglected our season of time,
we beate up and downe the Sea in following our Voyage,
unto the eighteenth day of November, before we could
get the great Hand of S. Lawrence. But there wee beate
two daies to get about Cape De S. Roman, but could not.
This altered their minds, that they bore up for the Hand
Comora. of Comora, which standeth betwixt the Hand of S. Law-
rence and the Maine, in the Southerly Latitude of eleven
degrees. The sixe and twentieth day of October, we came
to an Anchor on the Wester-side of the Hand, in sixe and
thirty fathomes water. Heere we were used of the King
and people, with all the kindnesse that might be : but could
get no fresh water ; yet had marvellous good refreshing of
Limes, & some Hens, and Coco Nuts, which was a great
comfort unto us. The last day of the said moneth we
weighed Anchor, and departed from the Hand of Comora,
and directed our course for the Hand of Zanzibar, minding
there to relieve our wants of water. But through the
default of our Master, wee over-shot the Hand of Zanzibar,
Pemba. and fell with the Hand of Pemba, having almost runne
ashoare in the night before we did see it, the winds being
62
ALEXANDER SHARPEY a.d.
1608.
by the East North-east, we cast about, and stood off till
day, thinking it to bee the Hand Zanzibar. When it was
day, we found a place on the South-side of the Hand,
having a Ledge of Rockes to the Eastward of us, here
we road in seven or eight fathome water, being the seventh
day of December. The Latitude of the place is sixe
degrees to the South-ward, being the South-west end of
the Hand. The eight of the said moneth, I went ashoare
to seeke for water, of which we could not fill above sixe
Tuns aday. We plyed our businesse with great recourse
of the people, and familiarity with us, but all was in
treachery. Having almost done our businesse, and onely
lacking some foure or five Tunnes of water to fill, being
the eighteenth day, I went ashore to fill those empty Caskes [I. ill. 229.]
with water, where against my comming they had laid an
Ambush of some two hundred men, which brake out upon Treacherous
us, yet, praised be God, wee did escape their hands, onely ^^°^ ^'
my Servant John Harington excepted, whom they tooke
and murthered most cruelly, I not being able to rescue
him. Also, they wounded a Servant of John Elmors,
being one of our Masters Mates : but the youth recovered
of his wounds, being eleven in number. Also a little
before they did put their treachery in practice, one of the
chiefe of them came unto me, desiring me to send one of
our men with him to fetch a present for our Generall,
which I granted, but the fellow never came againe.
The young-man that went was borne in Greenewich,
his name being Edward Church-man, who afterward
dyed in Mombasa of a Bloudy-fluxe, as I was credibly
informed of the Portugals. Also, while wee made
our abode at Pemba, the Portugals were about to
man a Flemmish Hulke, (which had wintered in Mom-
basa) to come to take our Shippe : but hearing of the force
of our shippe, they altered their minds. The people of
this Hand of Pemba be very cowardly people, and dare doe
nothing of themselves without the inciting of the Portu-
gals. We departed from thence the nineteenth day of the
said moneth, determining to beate up betweene Pemba
63
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1608.
Melinda. and the Maine of Melinda, in hope to finde the Current
the stronger. But that night (to our great dismaying) wee
came aground upon the Coast of Melinda, but at that
very instant the wind did lander, so that with the backing
of our Sayles a sterne, our ship went off to our no little
comfort : so that night wee stood to the East-ward till day,
our shippe (praised be God) having received no harme at
all. When it was day, wee saw certaine showlds, that lay
off the Easter end of Pemba, that we could not weather.
Then wee cast about and stood to the North-ward : but in
the end we had sight of three Barkes of Moores, which in
Three their language they call Pangaies, which we gave chase
Pangaies ^^^^ vf\\};\ our Ship and Boats, and in the end fetched
them up : they strucke saile without any resistance, and
with our Boates we fetched them all aboord our shippe,
'"'^ who were in number fifty men, or there-abouts. These
Moores had thought to have betrayed our shippe, as after-
wards did appeare. For the chiere of them being in the
W. Revet Cabbin with our Master, and our chiefe Merchant William
sta bed. Rgyg|.^ ^^^d my selfe, he with his long Knife which he had
hid privily about him, did stab our Master Philip Grove
so sore, that we had thought he would not have lived : but
contrary to the Moores expectation, I ended his daies in
the place. The rest of the Moores likewise that were
within the ship, did at that very instant put their Tragedy
in practise, in stabbing of our Preacher, and one of our
Revenge, Merchants, but (praised be God) in a small time wee van-
quished them all, so that there did not escape above five or
sixe at the most, to carry newes of their fellowes, being a
just revenge for our former wrongs. For when they did
put this wickednesse in practise, we had not aboord our
shippe above fifteene or sixteene men at the most, all the
rest being imployed in our Boates. Afterwards, I was
credibly informed by the Portugals, of the great lamenta-
tion which was made for these Moores, because they were
of the cheife Gentlemen of all the Coast of MeHnda, and
of the blood Royall. Now after the spoile of these Barkes,
we determined to stay no longer on the North side of
64
IB ALEXANDER SHARPEY ad.
^^^ 1609.
Pemba : so we put out of the West-end of the Hand
againe, determining to beate up for the Hand of Socotora :
but the winds hanging betweene the East, and East South-
East, and finding small helpe of the Current, did altogether
frustrate our determination. Then we determined to
stand off to the South-ward, some two hundred or three
hundred leagues, thinking to finde the windes at East
South-east. But heere likewise we were frustrate of our
hopes. For in the Offing we found the wind to hang at
the East North-east, and at the North-East, and by East,
that we lay beating in the Sea, from the twentieth day of
December, unto the sixe and twentieth day of January,
and then it was our good hap to meete with certaine Hands,
which wee named the Desolate Hands, because there are T'he desolate
not any Inhabitants upon them. These Hands are (at the ^^^^/^^^ ^f
least) some twelve or thirteene in number, and ought very coco Nuts ^
diligently to be sought of them, that shall travaile here- other pro-
after, because of the good refreshing that is upon them. '^'^^'^'^^'
Water is there in great abundance, also great store of Coco
Nuts, great store of fresh Fish, and likewise store of
Turtle-Doves, which are so tame, that one man may take
with his hand twenty dozen in a day : also great store of
Palmeto-trees, so that these Hands seemed to us an earthly
Paradise.
Having refreshed our selves at the aforesaid Hands,
wee determined to follow our Voyage, but still were
crossed with contrary winds, untill the thirtieth day of
March, and then beginne the Westerly Monsons, then
we got the Hand of Socotora. But having espyed a
Sayle which was bound for the Red Sea, we gave chase,
and in the end fetched them up, being bound for Aden,
being glad of his company we consorted with him, and
determined to goe both in company together. This
ship did belong to Diu : but hee told us that hee did
belong to Surat, telling us certaine newes of Captaine
Hawkins, and of his being at Surat, whereof wee were
very glad. Thus we held on our determined course
untill the eight of Aprill, at which time we came to
III 65 E
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
Aden. an Anchor in the Roade of Aden, against the Citie. This
Citie of Aden is under the Dominion of the Great Turke,
and is the Key of all Arabia foelix. The same day wee
came thither, the Captaine of the Castle came aboord
of us with twelve Souldiers to guard our Generall ashore :
where when he came, he was received with all the honour
[I. iii. 230.] that might bee, not suffering him once scantly to treade
on the ground, but mounted him upon a faire Arabian
Horse, and so in triumph he was carryed to the
Our Kings Governour of the Towne : where after kind intertainment,
Letters to the ^^^ Governour understanding that he had Letters from the
Zenanor Kings Majestie of England to the Bashaw of Zenan,
Sinan. whose aboade is fifteene dayes journey up into the
Countrey from Aden, whither they were sent.
We remayned in the Road of Aden untill the tenth
Their Pinnace (Jay of May, and then our Pinnace the Good Hope,
canie also to ^/hich we had lost before at the Cape of Bona Esperanza,
came to us, having indured great misery, and they had
John Luffken murthered most shamefully their Master John Luffken,
murdere . because (they said) he would not put in with the shoare
to relieve them, beeing then at the Easterne end of Saint
Laurence (but the chiefe cause was for his provision)
and the next day they put in with the shoare, and came
to an Anchor where they got both water and other
EdwardHilles provision. But heere they left my Servant Edward
Tlaurencr ^^^^^^ ^^^^"^ ^^^"^' ^^° (^^ ^^^J" ^^^^) ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^
wood, could not bee heard ofF. The parties that did
the Murther, so soone as they came to us had their
reward, according to their deserts, being both executed
aboord the Pinnace where they did the Murther, whose
names were Thomas Clarke who was his Mate, and
Francis Driver Gunner of the said Pinnace. Thus we
remayned at Aden untill the fifteenth of the said moneth,
and then our Generall and Master determined to goe
for the Citie of Moka, which standeth up higher in the
Red Sea some fortie leagues or thereabouts.
But at our departure from Aden, the Governour did
detayne two of our Merchants, whose names were John
66
ALEXANDER SHARPEY a.d.
1609.
Jordan and Philip Glassecocke, and certaine Cloth, and ^ohn Jordan
so sent them up altogether to the Basha, where when ^^j P^^j^P
they came, they were used most kindly ; the Basha up^to^Zemn
demanding of them, whether they had brought the Great
Turke his Letter with them, they answered him no :
whereupon he told them he could not give them any
leave to settle a Factorie : but for the cloth which you
have heere, I will take this for a present, because your
ship is the first of the English Nation, that ever came
into these parts. And seeing you are come, I give
you leave to sell your goods, and buy what you will,
and so to depart at your pleasure Custome free, because
of the cloth which I detaine in my hands. Thus with
much trouble, (because the Westerly Monson beganne
to come in, and then the Current runneth out of the
Red Sea) in the end we passed the Straights being not The^ passe the
above one mile and an halfe broad at the most. h^^!^/
The eleventh of June we came to anchor in the The^ arrive at
Roade of Moka, where we were most kindly entertayned, Moka or
and the same day our Generall went ashoare, where he Moha.
was most lovingly received. This Citie of Moka is
the chiefe Staple for all Indian Trade. For all the
goods that are brought to Cairo and to Alexandria
come from thence. We stayed in this Roade of Moka
in trimming of our Pinnace untill the sixe and twentieth
day of July, and then our Generall and Master deter-
mined to follow their Voyage for Cam bay a, sore against
the mindes of the Company, being the chiefe Officers
of the ship. That night through the head-strongnesse
of our Master, we lost two Anchors.
The seventh day of August we came to the Hand
of Socotora, where we had so much winde at South,
and South South-east, that we were hardly able with
our ship to keepe the shore, which our Pinnace not
being able to doe, was blowne off, having not above
two or three dayes victuals in her at the most. Whilest
we lay at this Hand of Socotora to get in a Boates lading
of water, and two or three Boates of stones for ballast,
67
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
we had such forcible gales of wind, that we broke two
more of our best Anchors, having lost (as is aforesaid)
two before in the Red Sea : so vehemently doe those
South-west windes blow at that Hand. In that time of
the yeare, we now having but two left to supply our
uses withall. We stayed at the Hand of Socotora untill
the twentieth day of August, and then we wayed and
directed our course for Cambaya.
Septemb. 'pj^g second day of September we fell with the Coast
]j^.°^* of Diu, some eight leagues to the Eastward of Diu,
we steered alongst the shoare some seven leagues more
to the Eastward, and then came to an Anchor a head-
land. The third day we sent our Skiffe ashore, where
the people resorted unto us, having certaine conference
with them, as also buying of them sheepe and other
things. They understanding that we were bound for
Surat, one of them came aboord desiring of our Generall
passage to Surat, as also certifying our Generall, that
the way was very dangerous, offering him for
seven pieces of eight, to fetch a Pilot which should
conduct the ship safely to the Port. But (being ruled
in most things by our Master) hee not regarding the
words of the aforesaid Moore or Bannian. The fourth
day we wayed Anchor about three of the Clocke in the
afternoone, at the last quarter Ebbing ; (if we had taken
the first quarter floud, we should surely have had water
They run upon over all those shoulds) so that night we runne on the
the shoulds of sJ;^oulds and strooke our Rudder off, and the next day
am aya. bei^-jg ^ho. fift day of September, wee lost our ship also,
that night we forsook our ship, and betook us to our
two Boats, being a thing most miraculous, that so many
men should be saved in two such small Boates, wee beeing
at the least eightene leagues from the shore. Thus was
Ascention lost, this tall ship lost to the great hinderance of the worship-
full Company, and to the utter undoing of all us the
poore Mariners, being altogether overthrowne with all
the treasure and goods, both of the Merchants and the
poore Companies beeing so farre from our Native Coun-
68
ALEXANDER SHARPEY a,d.
1609.
•ey. We remayned upon the Sea in our Boates, untill
the sixth day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, [I. iii. 231.]
and then we discovered Land which we made unto, with
all the means we could possibly, indevouring the best
we could to fall with the River of Surat. But note how
the Lord did preserve us, having as I said before, Gods menifull
delivered us from the danger of the Sea, hee would not
now suffer us to fall into the hands of our Enemies,
I meane the Portugalls, who lay at that time at the
Barre of Surat, with five sayle of Frigats to take our
Boates at our comming ashore, for they had intelligence
of our ships comming before. For contrary to our
mindes wee fell with the River of Gandeuee some five Gandeuee.
leagues to the Southward of the Barre of Surat, where
we were kindly entertayned of the Governour of the
Towne. Heere wee heard likewise of the comming of
our Pinnace into the same River, and of her fetching
away by the Portugalls : but all the men had forsaken
her, and were gone to Surat by Land.
The Govenour of this Towne of Gandeuee is "^^^ Towne of
a Bannyan, and one of those kind of people, that ^^ ^^^^*
observe the Law of Pythagoras. They hold it a great
sinne to eate of any thing that hath life or breath, but
live of that which the Earth naturally affoordeth of it
selfe. They likewise honour the Cow and have her in
great estimation among them, and also observe the
ancient custome of burning of their dead. It hath
likewise in old time beene a great custome amongst
them, for the women so soone as their Husbands were
dead, to burne themselves alive with him : but now of
late yeares they have learned more wit, and doe not use
it so commonly. Yet those women that doe it not,
have their haire cut, and ever after are held for no
honest women, for that they will not accompany their
Husbands into the other World, as they say.
The seventh day wee departed out of this Towne to
travell for Surat, which might bee some fortie miles or
thereabout, and the ninth day came thither where William
69
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
Finch keeping the Factory, met us ; but Captaine Haw-
Agra. kins was gone up to the King to Agra. This Citie of
Agra is from Surat some thirtie dayes journey : there
the King is resident and keepeth his Court. Heere at
Surat our Generall with our Company stayed till the
latter end of September, and then himselfe with the rest
of our Company went from Surat, and tooke their
journey up for the Citie of Agra, so to travell by the
way of Persia for England. But I holding no fit course
for mee, determined with my selfe to take some other
course for the getting into my Countrey. Whilest I
was in many determinations, it pleased God of his good-
nesse to send a Father of the Order of Saint Paul being
a Portugall, who was come from Cambaya to Surat by
Land, with whom I came acquainted, he promising me,
that if I would commit my selfe into his hands, hee
would send mee home into my Countrey, or at the
leastwise into Portugall, which promise he did accomplish
most faithfully. In company of this Father, my selfe
and three more of our Company, (Richard Mellis who
dyed in the Caracke in the way homeward bound, John
Elmor and one Robert Fox) departed from Surat the
seventh day of October, and came into the strong Towne
Daman, and Fortresse of Daman, where once againe I saw our
Pinnace the Good Hope, that wee had built at the Cape
Chaul. of Bona Esperanza : from Daman wee came to Chaul
Goa, from thence to Goa, the eighteenth day of November.
The ninth day of January we were imbarked in a Caracke
Our Lady called Our Ladie of Pittie, beeing the Admirall of the
of Pttte. pieete of foure sayle, and so departed the Coast of
India. The eight and twentieth day of January wee
passed the Equinoctiall upon the Coast of India, and the
one and twentieth of March we fell with the land in
thirtie three degrees and an halfe, some five leagues
Cape de Eastward of Cape de Agulas, where wee lay with con-
Agulas. tj-ary windes, untill the second of Aprill, and then wee
were incountred with a mightie storme at the West
South-west, which blew so vehemently that wee were
70
ALEXANDER SHARPEY a.d.
1610.
>rced to beare up sixe houres before the Sea, and then
it pleased God to send us faire weather. The fourth
day of Aprill we fell with land againe in thirtie foure
degrees and fortie minutes. Then we lay driving to and
againe in the Sea, with contrary windes, and in sight
of the shore, so that wee were twice within three or
foure leagues of the Cape of Bona Esperanza, yet could
not possibly get about. Thus we lay driving to and
againe in the Sea, and in sight of the shore, untill the
nineteenth day of Aprill, and then it pleased God that
we doubled the foresaid Cape of Bona Esperanza, to our "^^^y doubled
no little comfort, being in great despayre before, and ^^ ^^f-^
r . . . °n >r ° 1 • 1 • 1 • Bona Ester-
rearmg our wmtenng at Mosambique, which is a common ^^2;^
thing amongst the Portugalls. The seven and twentieth
of Aprill we passed the Tropicke of Capricorne, and the
ninth day of May wee came to an Anchor at the Hand
of Saint Helena, which standeth in fifteene degrees of
Southerly latitude ; where we stayed untill the fifteenth
of the said moneth in watering and then we weighed
and directed our course for the passing of the Equi-
noctiall : and the second of June we passed the same.
The sixe and twentieth of the said moneth we passed
the Tropicke of Cancer with the winde at Northeast,
which the Portugalls call the generall wind, and the
sixteenth of July we passed by the Westerly Hands by
judgement of the Pilot in the Caracke, beeing in the
latitude of fortie degrees and odde minutes to the North-
wards, we not seeing any land since our departure from
Saint Helena. So (praysed be God) the third day of The third of
August, wee made the Land of Portugall, being not ^^Z^^t^hey
above two leagues off the Rocke, to our no little com- h^j^q^^
fort. And the same day we came to an Anchor in the 1610. '
Road of Caskalles. I the same day imbarked my selfe
in a Boat, and went ashore, and so escaped the hands
of the Portugalls. I remayned in Lisbone secretly untill
the thirteenth day of the said moneth, and then I
imbarked my selfe in a ship of London, with Master
Steed, which was thither bound. And the same day [i. iii. 232.]
71
A.D.
i6io.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
wee wayed Anchor in the Bay of Wayers there was a
Boat full of Portugalls to have taken the ship, and so
to have carryed us ashore, having had intelligence of
our departure. But we setting sayle, put forth to Sea,
and escaped the danger, and praysed be God arrived at
our long desired home, the seventeenth day of September,
Anno 1610. It being two yeares and six monethes since
our departure out of England.
The Company
divide them-
selves.
W. Nichols
travelleth to
Masulipatan,
i II.
The report of William Nicols a Mariner in the
Ascention which travelled from Bramport by
Land to Masulipatan, v^ritten from his mouth
at Bantam by Henry Moris, Sept. 12. 161 2.
The former and greater part is the same in
substance with that of T. Jones, and therefore
omitted.
He Company departed from our Generall, not able
to provide for them, and left the rest to stay by
him being very sicke. Some went to one place,
and some to another, and some backe againe for Surat.
And I my selfe being one of them that were willing
to take the best course for my selfe that I could, I
told them I would travell (God-willing) to Masulipatan,
for I knew there was an Holland Factorie there, as I
had heard at Surat before we came from thence. I could
not finde any Christian to travell over Land with me ;
and inquiring at Bramport ; if there were any that would
travell to Masulipatan, I met with company which were
travelling that way : but it was such company that few
Englishmen would travell with them. For they were
three Jewes : but necessitie hath no law. After I had
agreed to travell with them, I thought, if I travelled
with any money the Dogges would cut my throat. So
I made away with all my money, and attyred my selfe
in the Habit of a Turke, and tooke my journey with
72
WILLIAM NICOLS a.d.
1610.
those Dogges, without any peny of money in my Purse :
and travelling with them, foure monethes, had nothing to
eate but only such food as the Jewes gave me, and many
times when I was hungry they would give mee no meate,
so that I was in forced to eate such meate as they gave
their Camels, and no better, and glad I could get it,
nay, sometimes I was infored to be in fee with the
Camel Keeper to give me a little. In this miserable case
I travelled with these Dogges foure monethes : some-
times they would say, come let us cut this Dogges
throate, and afterwards open his belly, for he hath eaten
his Gold : two would have cut my throate, but the third
was an honest Dogge, for he would not consent unto
it. So with many a weary journey and hungry belly,
after a long and dangerous travell we came safe unto H^^ arrweth
Masulipatan, where I presently discharged my selfe from ^^ ^^^^^^~
these cruell Dogges, and came unto the Dutch house f^ ^^-^^a,
where the Captaine used mee very kindly, and gave intreated at
mee clothes, and meate and drinke five moneths before the Hollanders
any shipping came there. At length there came three ^^^•^^•
ships to Masulipatan, the one called the Hay, the other
the Sunne, and the third was a Frigot, which they had
taken in the Streights of Malacca, and the Sunne and
the Frigot being bound for Bantam. I intreated the
Master to grant me passage, and I would labour for
my passage, who told mee very kindly, that he would
not only give me passage, but would also give me wages :
for the which I gave him great thankes, and so came
aboord. Not long after, we set sayle from thence, and
came to Bantam the sixth day of September, 16 10. He arrweth at
being Thursday, and came presently to the English ^^f^^^f 6.
House with joytull heart. 16 10.
In my travell (with the three Jewes) overland, these
faire Townes I passed, which I bare in minde, for I could
neyther write nor reade.
First, after I came from Bramport, I came to Jevaport,
from thence to Huidare, from thence to Golacaude, and
so to Masulipatania.
73
A.D.
1608.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i III.
The unhappie Voyage of the Vice-Admirall, the
Union outward bound, till shee arrived at
Priaman, reported by a Letter which Master
Samuel Bradshaw sent from Priaman, by
Humphry Bidulphe, the eleventh day of
March, 1609. written by the said Henry
Moris at Bantam, Sept. the fourteenth, 1610.
alOu have alreadie heard of the passage of the two
\ ships (the Ascention and the Union) from England,
to the Cape De Bona Esperanza, but after their
departure out of the Roade of Saldania, and of their
loosing one another in doubling of the Cape, as yet you
have not heard. Therefore I thought good to make some
[I. iii. 233.] relation thereof, as well as of the other, and that truly,
as from other men report I have heard ; and thus it was.
After they had lost one another by stormy weather, in
doubling of the Cape, the Union in that storme sprang
her Maine-Mast, and in the middest of the storme they
were in forced to fish it againe : by reason whereof, they
lost the company of their Admirall, and at last, being
without hope either to meete with Ship or Pinnasse
there-abouts, considering that the storme continued, they
shaped their course for the Bay of S. Augustine, being
upon Madagascar. Where being arrived, they went
ashore, and had good refreshing, and stayed there twenty
daies, being in good hope to have met our Admirall and
the Pinnasse there, but all their hopes were frustrate.
Then being out of all hope to have their company, they
set sayle from thence, and directed their course for
Zanzibar, in hope to meete their Generall there : where
being arrived, they went on shoare, and at first were
kindly entertained : but at their next going ashoare, they
lay in Ambush, and as soone as they landed, salied out
upon them, and killed the Purser presently, and one
Mariner, and tooke one of their Merchants Prisoner ;
74
TAey arrived
at the Bay of
S.Augustine in
Madagascar.
The treachery
of the people of
Zanzibar.
SAMUEL BRADSHAW a.d.
1609.
yet by great chance, they gat ofF their Boate and came
aboord. The names of them that were slaine, were
Richard Kenu, Purser, the Mariners name I have for-
gotten, but the Merchants name that was taken Prisoner,
was Richard Wicham : they put to Sea about the moneth
of February 1608. with the winds at North-east and
Northerly, just against them as they should goe for
Socotora.
Now after they had spent much time at Sea, and little
or nothing in the way, (and the most part of the men
very much troubled with the Scurvy) the Captaine pur-
posed, and accordingly bare up the Helme for the North The^ ^^^^
part of S. Laurance, 'determining to goe for the Bay of ^^^'^^^^ ^^^J,^
Antongil : but they fell on the West side of the Hand, ^^^^ *
intending to recover their almost-lost men there, and
spend the unprofitable Monson. Upon which end of
S. Laurance, they fell into an exceeding great Bay, which The great Bay
afterwards they understood to be called by the Countrey y^^M^°-
people Canquomorra, a Countrey very fruitfull and ^oamaro.
pleasant to behold. The very first view thereof, gave
great content to all their men in generall : who no
sooner arrived in the Bay, but within short time had
conference with the Country people, and at first they
profered them great kindnesse, but after it proved to
the contrary. Whereupon Master Rowles the Captaine,
and Master Richard Reve, chiefe Merchant, and Jeffrey
Carlel, with three others, which were attendant upon the
Captaine, adventured to goe ashore unto the King : and
that made them the more venterous, because divers times
before, all the Merchants had beene ashore at the Kings
Palace (in their SkifFe and long Boate) and spake with
the King, who profered them great kindnesse, and came
aboord againe, as safe as if they had beene in their owne
Native Countrey of England. Samuel Bradshaw had Samuel Brad-
beene often imployed about businesse unto the King: ■^'^''^•
yet (it pleased God) at this time, the Captaine had some
other occasion of businesse for him, and so staid him
aboord (a happy turne for him :) for they no sooner
75
A.D.
1609.
The Captaine
and sixe others
betrayed.
Abundance of
Prawes ^
great Boates.
Sixe Boates of
the enemies
destroyed.
A fight for
two houres.
They stayed
14. daies
longer in this
Bay.
A second
attempt made
by the enemies.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
came ashore, but they were betrayed by the Countrey
people : but by the great Providence of the Almightie
the Boates escaped, and presently came aboord, and in-
formed them of all that happened : Where they no
sooner had made knowne unto them this dolefuU newes,
but presently they saw such abundance of Prawes, and
great Boates, comming out of the River unto them, that
it was admirable to behold. The Master spake unto the
Gunner to make the Ordnance ready, which was soone
effected. This Fleete of Infidels came rowing up unto
their Shippe, as though presently they would have
boorded them : but by the diligence of the Gunner and
his Mates, he made them retire, by sinking of some
halfe dozen of their Boates, and they retired backe againe
as fast, as if they had beene Sheepe chased by the Wolfe.
But before we made such massacre amongst them, they
came up in the face of our Ordnance, and we thought
verily they would have taken us all : for the fight con-
tinued (at least) two houres very dangerous, till we
plagued them so with our Ordnance: and then, he
accounted himselfe happiest that first could cleere him-
selfe, and wee continually sent after them, as farre as
the Ordnance would reach. After they were gone from
us in this first attempt, we stayed in the Bay some foure-
teene daies, being in good hope to recover our lost men
againe, in which time we lost seven men more through
a suddaine disease, which daunted us more then the
malice of those Infidels. The men which died, were
they that wrought so lustily about the Ordnance in the
fight, that within two daies they were all throwne over-
boord. These crosses comming together, and no hope
to recover our lost men, they thought it folly to make
any longer stay there, and therefore presently made hast
away. And being not throughly watered, they thought
good to spend a little time in another place thereby : but
before they could dispatch, they attempted against them
the second time, with a great multitude of Boates, and
many of them great vessels, and so thicke pestered with
76
SAMUEL BRADSHAW a.d.
1609.
;r, that it was wonderfull : but they liked their first
entertainement so well, that they cared not for comming
too neere them the second time, but went all on shoare,
and placed themselves to looke upon the Ship. Then
presently perceiving what their intended purpose was,
and fearing some mischiefe in the night, they weighed
and stood in for the shore (where all the Infidels sate)
and gave them a whole broad side for a farewell : which
fell among the thickest of them, and in their sight made
such lanes among them, that they soone forsooke their
places, and gat out of their sight with as much speed as
might be : From thence they tacked and stood off at T'he^ depart
Sea, leaving behind them foureteene men, seven betrayed, -^^^
and seven that died with sicknesse. Then being cleare q ••• ^^.^^
from those Infidels, they directed their course for
Socotora, but by some negligence, for want of hulling
in betimes, the winds tooke them short, that they could
not fetch it, but they fell more to the East-ward upon
the Coast of Arabia, which was about the fourth of June, The^ fell upon
and the Winter Monson being come, they could not, ^^^ ^J!^^^ °f
nor durst goe for Cambaya : Moreover, upon that Coast,
they could not finde any good place to harbour them-
selves in, untill the Winter were past. Wherefore, keep-
ing within sight of the Coast foure daies, sometimes
being in danger of the shore, they thought it but folly
to neglect the time any longer ; and therefore resolved
upon some course to be taken, for the best performance
of the Voyage. So the Master calling the best, and most
principall men in the shippe, and such as were best ex-
perienced in those affaires, they presently concluded
altogether to goe for Achen : and being in hope there,
to meete with some Guzurats, to barter their English
Commodities with them, directing their course for that
place, they arrived there the seaven and twentieth of The^ arrive at
July. And within seven daies after their arrivall, they ^^^^^ ^^
had admittance to the King, with a Present that was
given, (which they were inforced to doe somewhat largely) The Hollan-
because the Hollanders sought to crosse them, and ders opposition.
77
A.D.
1609.
Priaman.
Griffin
Mauris the
Master died.
Tecoo.
They in the
Union returne
from Sumatra
for England.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
debarre them from Trade. Their aspiring minds could
not have any to Trade into India, but themselves ; there-
fore after Master Bradshaw had beene with the King, and
spent some time with them at Achen, he fell to Trade
with the Guzurats for some of their Commodities, for
our English Cloath and Lead, in trucke for Baftas, blacke
and white, which is Guzurat Cloath, which they sell in
those parts. After they had stayed there some small
time, and trucked with the Guzurats for some Com-
modities, they tooke their leave, and set sayle from
thence, and came unto Priaman, and had Trade there
in short space, to their hearts content. And although
Fortune had crossed them all the Voyage, yet God at
length brought them unto a pleasant Port to make some
Trade and benefit of their Voyage. Heere they staied
and tooke in Pepper, and at length laded their shippe,
and might long before, if there had not beene a mutiny
among the Company, for the Saylers would doe as
pleased themselves. But Master Bradshaw used them
with such faire words, that (at length) they gat that
they came for. Heere Grifhn Mauris (the Master)
dyed : all businesse being ended, Master Bradshaw sent
Humphrey Biddulph unto Bantam, and Silvester Smith
to beare him company, with some remainder of goods,
which they could not sell at Priaman, nor at Tecoo :
not long after that he had taken his leave of them, they
shaping their course for Bantam, in a China Junke, he
presently set sayle for England, in the month of February
1609.
The lamentable successe of the said ship and Voyage,
appeareth by the Letters following.
Laus Deo in Morlaix, the first of March 161 1.
BRother Hide, this day is come to our hands a Letter
from Odwen, written by one William Bagget an
Irish-man, dwelling in the same Towne, advising us of
most lamentable newes of a shippe of London, called the
Union, which is upon this Coast, about two leagues from
78
THE WRECK OF THE 'UNION' a.d.
1610.
the said Odwen : which the men of the Towne per-
ceiving, sent out two Boates unto her ; and when they
came there, they found that it was a shippe come from
the East-India, richly laden with Pepper and other goods,
having in her but onely foure men alive, of which foure
men, one is an Indian, and other three dead in the shippe :
which the foure living men through feeblenesse, were not
able to cast over-boord, nor were scarce able to speake :
so the men of the two Boates have brought the shippe
into the Roade of Odwen. And as this Irish-man writeth,
they of the Towne have unladen the most part of the
goods, and having directed his Letter to some English
Merchants in this place, to repaire thither with all ex-
pedition, to see the ordering of the ship and goods, as
belonging to the East-Indian Company. This Letter,
is confirmed by one other Letter written in French by
the BaylifFe of Kimper, and directed to one of this
Towne, which I have seene : And therefore we thought
it good to send three Copies of this Irish-mans Letter,
by three severall Barkes, to the end that the Merchants
may be advertised, and give order that their goods and
shippe may be in safetie, for it is to be doubted, that
the rude people will make a wracke of her. I thinke it
not amisse therefore, that they send to the Court of
France, to procure the Kings Authoritie, for I feare
there will be much trouble about the matter. In the
meane time, my selfe, with George Robbins will ride
downe to see in what state all things are, and doe the
best we can in the Merchants behalfe, till they send
some one with procuration, good and ample for the
following of this businesse, as in their discretion shall
seeme fitting. The ship is reported to be of three or
foure hundred Tunnes, and hath three Deckes, I doubt
wee shall finde her shrewdly riffled when we shall come
there. The importunate writing both of the Irish-man
and the BaylifFe of Kimper, hath caused us to take this
journey: And we doe it the rather in consideration of
the Company, presuming that they will consider our
79
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
charge, because we have both emplored friends, and pro-
cured Money in the place, to satisfie such as have taken
paines in saving of the shippe and goods if need be.
Notwithstanding, I would wish that they send some with
expedition by way of Rouen, with other provision of
Money : for that this is no place of Exchange as you
know, where Money may be had at all times. I had
rather give fiftie pound, then take this journey at this
[I. iii. 235.] time, because I have much goods upon my hands as I
partly wrote to you in my last. The Masters name of
the shippe is Edmund White, the Masters Mate, Thomas
Duckmanton, and the other Samuel Smith, and the
Indian. They are in very pittifull taking, and in great
want of Money, neither can they be masters of their
goods : therefore let them send men of good experience
about this businesse. And thus being in some hast readie
to take Horse, I commit you to the Lords protection,
resting your assured friend alwaies to command,
Bernard Couper.
Neglect no time in making this knowne
to the Company.
Directed to Master Thomas Hide, Merchant in
London.
February 16 10. touching the Union at
Andierne.
THe eighth day of February, I came over the Pole-
head of Bourdeaux, and the eleventh of the same
I lost my fore-mast, my Botsprit, and my Ruther : the
same night I put into Olderyearne, the thirteenth day the
French-men brought the Union of London upon the
Rockes : the foureteenth day I went aboord the Union with
my Boate, and the French-men had beene aboord foure
daies ; the same time I brought Samuel Smith on shoare,
Thomas Duttonton, and the Master Edmond White. The
fifteenth day I got William Bagget my Merchant, to write
me a Letter to Morles ; the eighteenth day the Letter was
80
V T]
THE WRECK OF THE 'UNION' a.ix
1610.
sent, and I paid two Crownes for the carnage : the twen-
tieth, the Indian dyed, and the same day I buried him :
the one and twentieth day, the Master died, and I buried
him : the two and twentieth came Master Roberts, and
Master Couper : the sixe and twentieth, Master Couper
and Master Roberts went to Morles. Againe, the fourth
day of March, William Coarey, the Hoast of Master
Couper and Master Roberts : the fifth, I went aboord
with my Boates, and William Coarey, at low water, I
went into the shippes hold at low water, and I brought
an Example of the worst Pepper : the sixth day, I came
from Olde-yearne ; the eighth, I came to Morles : the
seventeenth, came Master Hide to Morles : the one
and twentieth, I came from Morles ; the two and twen-
tieth at night, I came into the He of Wight : the foure
and twentieth, I came to Hampton : the eight and
twentieth day, I came to London.
Your loving Friend,
William Wotton.
THey saved after the spoile of the Brittons almost
two hundred Tunnes of Pepper, some Benjamin,
and some China Silkes, which they bought at Techou
in Sumatra, out of a shippe of China. They touched
outward bound at Saldania, where they stayed long in
setting up a Shallop or Pinnasse, they lost Master Rowles
in S. Laurence : they lost more men at Zanzibar : they
laded Pepper at Achen, Priaman, Passeman, and Tecou :
there they bought Silke of a shippe of China. In their
returne, they met with Sir Henry Middleton, having
thirtie sixe men in reasonable good state aboord then :
they delivered unto him certaine Chests of Silver : They
missed the He of S. Helena, most of their men dyed,
on this side Cape Verde : ten English, and foure
Guzarats were taken out of her by a Barke of Bustol
and a Scot. There landing in the Road of Anderne,
and other matters are before set downe : The shippe
after the Pepper goods were taken out and dried was
III 81 F
A.D.
161O.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
found by Master Simonson, a skilful! Ship-wright, sent
thither of purpose, to save it if it might be, utterly-
unserviceable : The Ordnance, Anchors, and other fur-
nitures were saved.
Thomas Duckmanton the Masters Mate, Robert
Wilson of Detford, Bullock the Surgeon, Jacob Peter-
son, and five English-men more remaine alive, of seventie
five that went out of England : three or foure Guzarats
also came home alive.
* Robert
Covert was his
companion to
Bagdaty and
hath written a
Treatise of this
whole Voyage,
which beeing
printed I have
omitted.
Sabay.
[I. iii. 236.]
Surat.
Nabon.
Daytaot a
Citie.
Great store of
Drugs, Pinta-
does, and
Calicoes.
Netherberi.
§ iin.
The Voyage of M. Joseph Salbancke through
India, Persia, part of Turkie, the Persian-
Gulfe, and Arabia, 1609. Written unto Sir
Thomas Smith.
Andeue was the first Towne, where after the
wracke and descension of the Ascension, we*
arrived, having a very faire haven, and great
store of shipping, whereof some are of five hundred
tunnes burthen. From thence we journied to Sobay, a
Village that consisteth altogether of Spinners and Weavers,
and there is much Calico cotten cloth made.
From thence we came to Surat, which hath been a
Citie of great trade, and hath great store of shipping.
Those of the greatest burthen are laded not at the Towne,
but are carried over the Barre with their ballast onely,
and there are laden. At an high water, they have six-
teene foot over the Barre.
From Surat we travelled toward Agra, the principal!
Citie of the Grand Mogol, and came first to Nabon,
where Sugar groweth in great abundance, and Cotton-
wool!, and all manner of Graine. Here all kind of
victuals are very cheape. Then to a Citie called Day-
taot, where are sold great store of Drugs, Pintados, and
Calico-lawnes. Afterward we came to Netherberi, where
is a market of all Brasen wares, shirts of maile, Swords
2>2
JOSEPH SALBANCKE a.d.
1609.
and bucklers, Lances, Armours for Horses : also Cotton-
wools, Cotton yarne. Pintados, Shashes, and all manner
of drugges. In this place cloth would be very vendible,
because course cloth is there exceeding deare.
From thence we proceeded to a Village called Saylot, Say lot a
where is store of Sugar, and fruites of all sorts. We ^^"^S^-
departed thence to Sadise, a Garrison Towne. Here Sandiseagar-
the River Tynde runneth downe to Surat. From Sadise ';^X%IT'"
we came to the great Citie Bramport, governed by Can Tynd.
Canow. This Citie standeth in eight and twenty degrees, Bramport a
where Muskets, Snaphanses, Pistols, Petronels, and S^^^^ ^^^^^ ''»
Swords are very saleable. Woollen cloth in this place ^ degrees.
wil proove a great commodity, as also cloth of Gold and f-Qj. ^Iq^/^^
Silver, Velvets, Broad cloths, and Bayes, because there
are there so many Gallants. From thence we came to
Caddor, and so to Sawbon. Then we travailed to a C^^^^o^ ^^^
great Citie, named Cannow, where is much trading for j'^ °^' ^. .
Cloth, Swords, Shashes, Pieces, and Armour, besides called Can-
colour?, for Diers of all sorts. Here our clothes would now.
sell well: for it beareth somewhat to the Northward, Good sale of
and is very cold in January, February, and March. !^^"
About a dayes journey from this place, we passed They passe the
over the great River Ganges, which runneth into the great River
Gulfe of Bengala, issuing out of the North-west, and Ganges.
running directly East into the said Gulfe. From hence ^}' y^^
we set forward toward Agra, & spent eleven dayes
travelling through a pleasant Countrey, and abounding
with severall kinds of Indian commodities, and so arrived
at Agra.
Agra is a very great Citie, and populous, built with Agra.
stone, having faire and large streets, with a faire River
running by it, which falleth into the Gulfe of Bengala.
It hath a faire Castle, and a strong, entrenched round
about with a ditch. Hither is great resort of Merchants
from Persia, and out of India, and very much Merchan-
dize of Silkes, and Cloths, and of precious stones, both
Rubyes, Diamonds, and Pearles. The Diamonds are
found in diverse places, as in Bisnagar, in Deli, and here
83
A.D.
1609.
Fatipore, a
citie as great
as London.
They depart
from Agra for
Persia.
Biamyz.dayes
journey from
Agra.
What Indico
is, and the
thereof
Merta, or
Menta.
The river
Paddar run-
neth unto
Guzerat.
Reuree.
Buckar acitie.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
at Agra. But Rubyes, Saphyres, and Spinels are found
in Pegu. In this Citie, without all question, our richer
Silkes and Velvets, but especially our clothes of light
colours will sell very well, beeing a place of great trading,
being not above twelve miles from Fatipore, a Citie as
great as London, and very populous ; besides Labor,
and many other important Cities in this Kingdome.
At Agra we abode thirteene dayes, and then set forward
toward Hispaon in Persia, by the way of Biani, beeing
but two Moneths journey, leaving the way by Labor,
which is foure Moneths journey. From Agra to Biamy,
we spent two dayes travell. Biamy is the cheifest place
for Indico in all the East India, where are twelve Indico
milles. It groweth on small bushes, and beareth a seede
like a Cabbage seed. Being cut downe, it lyeth on
heapes for halfe a yeere to rot, and then by Oxen it is
troden out from the stalkes, and afterward is ground
very fine, and then boiled in fornaces, and so sorted
out into severall sorts. The best Indico is there worth
eight pence a pound.
From Biamy, we spent eight dayes journey to Merta,
passing by many Townes and Villages. In some of them
there was store of course Indico, in others Calicoes, and
store of Cotton-wools. Also we passed over the faire
River Paddar, which runneth to Guzerat, and falleth into
the Sea to the East-ward of the Persian Gulfe. In Merta
there are three Basars or Markets every weeke, where
is sold great store of Indico, Cotton-wool, yarne, and
Cotton cloths. From Merta or Menta we travelled five
and twentie dayes, through these three chiefe Townes,
Reuree, Buckar, and Suker. Reuree is a Towne con-
sisting of husbandmen, and painfull people, who deale
also in Merchandise, as Cotton cloth, Indico, and other
commodities, and are a peaceable people to deale withall.
Buckar stands toward Labor, where we received kind
entertainment of the Governour. Swordblades are very
good chaffer in this Towne : my selfe having experience,
who might have had ten pounds sterling for my Sword,
34
H the bla
JOSEPH SALBANCKE
the blade being but worth a Noble in England. Close
by this Citie of Buckar runneth the River Damiadee,
which within eight dayes journey runneth into the River
of Synde, which falleth into the Ocean Sea, between
the Countryes of Guadel and Guzerate. On this River
passe Barkes of fortie or fiftie Tunnes, by meanes
whereof, there is traffique unto diverse parts of India.
Suckar is situated on an Hand in the middle of the
River, and consisteth most of Weavers and Diers, which
serve the Countrey round about. At Suckar we stayed
foure and twentie dayes for a safe convoy to Candahar,
and passed to Candahar in twentie dayes, through many
desarts and woods, and with no small difficultie. Can-
dahar is a Citie of importance, which is frequented with
Merchants out of Turkie, Persia, and the parts of India,
and is governed by a Vice-roy. Here we abode twelve
dayes, and from hence set forward toward Hispahan in
Persia, and travelled five dayes till we came to Grees, the
first Towne in the Countrey of Persia, passing over the
River Sabaa, which divideth the Mogol and the Persian.
Here we paid a custome for our Cammels. •
Grees is a frontier Towne, where the Persian hath a
Garrison of a thousand souldiers. From Grees, we spent
eight dayes to the Citie Parra, passing through a vast
countrey, sometimes passing by Villages : one of most
note was called Vea, for the store of Felts and Carpets
made there, and for the plenty of Dates, and all sorts of
fruits. Parra is a Citie of great traffique, but especially
for raw silke. Here we rested two and twenty dayes
onely for a Caravan.
From Parra we spent eighteene dayes to Jesd, a Citie
of Persia, passing through a very desolate countrey. Not
farre from this Towne is Pahanaunis, where is made great
store of raw Silke : as also at Godana foure dayes journey
oflF. From Jesd we spent seventeene dayes to Hispahan,
passing by Gora, a faire Towne, where is store of raw
Silkes, Quilts, Silke-carpets, and Turkeshes. And so we
arrived at Hispahan. Hispahan is one of the greatest
S5
A.D.
1609.
The River
Damiadee
falleth into the
river of
Sinde.
Suckar.
Candahar.
[I. Hi. 237.]
Grees the first
Towne of
Persia.
The river
Sabaa divideth
theMogolsand
Persians
Dominions.
Vea a Village.
The Citie of
Parra.
Jesd a Citie,
Pahanaunis.
Godana.
Gora a faire
Towne.
Hispahan the
cheife citie of
Persia.
AD FURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
Cities in Persia, where the King sometimes keepeth his
residencie. The people are industrious and curious in all
Sciences, but especially in weaving Girdles and Shashes,
in making of Velvets, Sattens, Dammasks, very good
Ormuzines, and Persian Carpets of a wonderful! fine-
Commodines nesse. Here you may buy all manner of Drugs, and
to be bought at Spikes, and Turkeses, with store of Pearles, Diamonds,
ispa an. ^^^ Rubies, as also all sorts of Silkes, as well wrought, as
raw. Here might be planted a profitable trade, if our
ships with safetie might lade in the Persian Gulfe : where
fiftie in the hundred may bee gained from Ormus to
Hispahan, and that in eightie dayes travell : whereof I was
throughly informed by diverse Prisoners, and Merchants
Commodities of the great Towne of Julpha. These commodities are
for Persia. ^^ ]^^^ carried from England into Persia ; Tinne, Copper,
Brasil : as also Carsies for the Common people : Broad
cloths for the Merchants and better sort of people, blacke
clothes for womens garments, good Chamlets and Velvets
died in graine, with purple colours, and fine reds : cloth
of Gold and Tissue, Velvets imbroydered with Gold : fine
Holland cloth for the King and Sultans ; Dagges, and
Pistols, compleat harnesse, targets of Steele, shirts of
maile, stone bowes, brasse and yron Ordnance. The
colours of Cloth must be Scarlets Violets in graine, fine
Reds, Blacks, browne Blues, London Russets, Tawnies,
Lyon colours, faire lively Greenes ; all which will be
vented at Hispahan, Casban, Casbin, and Tauris, and
other Cities in Persia. I am perswaded, that Hispahan
will vent a thousand clothes yeerely. At Hispahan I
abode thirteene dayes, and spent a moneths journey to
Bagdat. Bagdat ; which is a Citie about two English miles in
compasse, seated on Tigris : neverthelesse it is very
populous, and of great trafiique of strangers, being the
way to Persia, Turkie, and Arabia. Here I embarqued
my selfe for Balsara; and was twentie eight dayes in
passing downe the River ; but it is to be done in
eighteene or lesse, if the water be high. Many Hands
are in this River, which I omit to speake of.
86
W Balsa
JOSEPH SALBANCKE a.d.
1609.
Balsara is a Citie neere unto the Persian Gulfe, a mile Ba/sara.
and an halfe in circuit. All the buildings, Castles, and
Walls are made of bricke dried in the Sunne. The
Turke hath here five hundred Janizaries, besides other
souldiers continually in garrison. But his chiefe strength
is of his Galies, which are twentie five or thirty in
number, very faire and furnished with goodly Ordnance.
To this port of Balsara come Monthly diverse ships of
fortie or fiftie tunnes from Ormus, laden with all sorts
of Indian Merchandizes. Also there is great store of
Wheate, Rice, and Dates, growing thereabout, with which
they serve Bagdat, and all the Countrey, Ormus, and
many parts of India.
From Balsara, I passed by Sea to CatifFa, on the Coast Catifa in
of Arabia Faelix, governed by a Turke, but a rebell ^^^^^^
against the Grand Signior ; where is great plenty of
sundry sort of fruites, as Dates, and others. And from
thence we sayled by many Hands, but among the rest, to
that famous Hand Baharem, sixe dayes sayling from Bal- ^-^^ I^^ 9f
sara, and in the midway to Ormus ; where they fish for ^^/^^^^^■>
. . . zvficTC the 06 st
Pearles foure moneths in the yeere ; to wit, in June, July, ^^^^/^ ^^.^
August, September. And here are the best Pearles,
which are round and Orient.
From the He of Baharem, we sayled to Calara on the Cakra or
coast of Arabia Faelix, and so passed by land with Camels, ^^^^^^•
to ShirifF Din, (with a purpose to have gone to Aman ShiriffDin.
where one John White an Englishman, which refused my John White an
company, was poysoned) to have given some intelligence ^^,§'«-^'^ M^r-
to Sir Henry Middleton, of our hard usage before in
those parts. But hearing that he was traterously taken
in Moha, in the mouth of the Red Sea, and carried in
chaines up to the Bassha of Sinan, into the maine land of zf^"^ ^ . ^^
Arabia, I returned to Lima another Towne on the Persian ^^^^^^ ^^/^^
Gulfe, and there imbarqued my selfe to have passed to PersianGulfe.
Socotora, an Hand neere the mouth of the Red Sea : But ^»^'' or Soar a
I was taken by Pirates, and so was driven to land at Snar ^f ^^ ^^^'^^ ^^^
c, ^ ^ ' ^ ^ the entrance of
or boar, a coast Towne not rarre rrom Lima. ^^^ Persian
At Snar, certaine Portugals, whose Barkes were there Gulfe.
87
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
cast away, informed the Governour that I was a Spie, and
prayed him to deliver mee up into their hands; who
Jzibo, of old having obtained their request, carried me to Azibo, and
"^ so to Mascate or Muscat, an Hand, where they have a
Muscat. small Garrison of some fortie men, besides their gallies,
Father Drurie as also one Church, and two Friars. And here I had
an English abiden for ever, if one Father Drurie, an English Jesuite,
/^a//^ at which I found there, had not procured my libertie.
Arabia. From thence, I was conveied in chaines to Ormus,
[I. iii. 238.] crossing the mouth of the Persian Gulfe. Ormus is an
Ormus. Island in circuit about thirtie miles : and is the driest
Hand in all the world : for there is nothing growing in
it but salt : for their Water, Wood, Victualls, and other
necessaries come out of Persia, which is about twelve
miles from thence. The Portugals have a strong Castle
here, which standeth neere unto the Sea, where there is a
Captaine set by the King of Spaine, having under him a
convenient number of souldiers, whereof some part re-
maine in the Castle, and some in the Towne. In this
Towne are Marchants of many Nations, and many
Moores and Gentiles. Here is very great trade of all
sorts of Spices, Drugs, Silkes, cloth of Silke, fine Tapis-
tries of Persia, great store of Pearles, as also Horses of
Persia, which serve for all India. And all ships which
passe from hence to Goa, wherein are horses, pay no
custome in Goa; but if they bring no horses, then they
pay eight in the hundred for their goods.
From Ormus they sent me prisoner to Goa. And we
He was at sailed first to Sinde, which lieth between the Countryes
iran'exceUent ^^ Guadel and Guzerate, having a great River called
place for our Damiade falling into it, which River commeth from
Trade. Lahor, and so to Bucher, and Suchar. In these places is
The best ^^ \^^^<^ Indico sold. You may transport all the goods
ThTiafetie of which the Countrey doth afford, by water to Sinde : where
Sinde from the jouv shippes may ride as safely as in the River of
Portugals. Thames. The Portugals have no fort in this River.
The place, (by report of the Governour, who gave me
a Passe at my first beeing there to bee a pledge, that
88
JOSEPH SALBANCKE a.d.
1609.
whensoever I should returne with these and these goods,
I should bee well entertained) doth vent cloth of all sorts ^ good vent
in reasonable quantitie both fine and course, beeing all ^/.^"^"^^"^
light colours ; Tinne, Lead, Iron, and Elephants teeth,
and Spices of all sorts, especially Pepper and Cloves.
The commodities that the Countrey doth afFoord in great
plentie, and cheape price, are fine Calicoes of many sorts,
Pintadoes, Quilts, Carpets, and other Silke in great
plentie. Many of these stufFes are very good for the
trade at Bantam, and the Moluccos. Besides, there is
great store of Opium, which is a very good commoditie
in Bantam, and those parts. And many other drugs fit
for our Countrey. The people are of a good disposition,
and desirous of trade : victualls are very good cheape : as
tenne hennes for tenne pence, a good sheepe a shilling.
On the shore the Portugals are subject to the Countrey
people : and if they doe not behave themselves well, they
are severely punished.
Passing this coast of Sinde, we arrived at Diu in the Diu.
Kingdome of Cambaya. And it is the strongest Towne
that the Portugals have in these parts. It is but little,
but well stored with Merchandise : for here they lade
many great ships with diverse commodities, for Ormus
and for the Straight of Mecca, and other places : and
these be ships of Moores and Christians. The Moores
passe by Passeport from the Portugalls.
From Diu we sailed for Goa : which is the principall Goa.
Citie which the Portugals have in those parts, and it is
governed by a Vice-Roy. It standeth in an Hand, which
may be thirtie miles about, replenished with Orchards and
Gardens, Palme trees, and some Villages. Here be
Marchants of many Nations.
[Chap. X.
89
A.D.
1609.
April! 24.
1609.
The'^j arrived
at Saldania.
They arrived
at Bantam.
By the altera-
tion of State,
their debts
were almost
desperate, nor
would this
Governour
suffer them {as
before) them-
selves to im-
prison debters,
and distraine.
He also
exacted un-
reasonable
summes for
rent, whereas
the ground had
been given,
and the houses
built at the
Companies
charge.
[I. iii. 239.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Chap. X.
The Voyage of M. David Midleton to Java, and
Banda, extracted out of a Letter written by
himselfe to the Company, this being the fifth
Voyage set forth by them.
§. I.
Their affaires at Bantam, Botun, Bengaia.
E set sayle in the Downes the foure and
twentieth of April, 1 609. in the Expedi-
tion of London, and got sight of Forte-
venture, and the Lansarot, the nineteenth
of May, and with such winds as blow
(some faire, some fowle) we arrived at
Saldania the tenth of August, and watered,
and made hast, and set sayle the eighteenth of the same.
We proceeded for Bantam, and arrived there the seventh
of December, missing Captaine Keeling very narrowly
that we had not sight of him : for hee passed us in the
night, else we should have surely scene him. As for our
businesse, I made all the dispatch that might be (both by
day and night) to get the Iron a shore, and would not
stay, to set up my Pinnasse, and left M. Hensworth in the
house, and was driven to give a great many of gifts more
then was requisite, if the State of the Countrey had beene
as in former time : and left Edward Neetles, and three
more of my Company with Master Hemsworth (as his
desire was) beeing in a strange place, and knew none
in the House. So I tooke such Commodities as I
thought most vendible in those places whereunto I was
to goe; and what hope was of making a Voyage, I
trust Captaine Keeling hath long since made manifest,
yet for all this, I must try their curtesie.
The eighteenth of December I tooke my leave of
Master Hemsworth, who was very loath to stay behind
90
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
1609.
me, but I perswaded him to be of good courage, and
doubt nothing, seeing I was to take Master Spalding ^- Augustine
with me for his Language, and had no bodie to leave ^^^ ^IfrFto
in the House but himselfe: and told him that if the /.^^ Mdmcas.
Governour sent for him, hee must tell him plainly that
I had left expresse order in any hand, not to yeeld to
any of his former demands, yet hee might take what
he would, for he must deliver him nothing. Then I
set saile that evening for the Maluccas (as I supposed) ^^ departeth
and the winds favouring us, the seven and twentieth of -^ f^
the same, wee passed the Streights of Desolam, and The streisht of
being through them, lay becalmed tenne dayes, which Desolam.
was no small griefe to me, in much heate under the Line,
being doubtfuU of the Westerly Monson, which (if it
should faile me) would be the overthrow of my Voyage.
The eighth of January, we came before the Towne T^he lie of
of Botun, and sent to know some newes, and there ^^^^^^
the King was gone to the Warres, and very few people
in the Towne. So I anchored not, but went through
the Streights the same day. The next day we saw a
great company of Caracolles, which we imagined to bee
the King of Botunes Armie, which proved so indeed.
The King sent a small Prow (when we drew neere unto
him) to see what we were. 1 sent him word who I
was, and it proved little wind, and wanting water I
demanded whether there were any neere hand, so the
people shewed me where there was great store of good
water. Then I stood with the place, and the King
and all his Caricolles came under sayle after mee, and
came to an Anchor faire by us, and sent one aboord
in his owne name to bid mee welcome, and desired
mee to send Master Spalding with the Messenger to
come, and speake with him to heare some newes. The
Kings desire was that I would ride all night, and in
the morning hee would come, and see the ship and me. ^ Banquet
It proved calme, so we ride still, and the next day the ^^.^^ ^^.^^
King came aboord, and I made him, and all his Nobles and all hU '
a Banquet, and gave the King a gift worthy such a i^obles.
91
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
person : and a gale came fitted to be under sayle : then
the King wept, and said I might thinke him but a
Dissembler, seeing he had no Merchandize for me, for
foure monethes before my comming, hee had his House
Commodities burned to the ground, where he had provided of every
^thrKinplf ^^^% somewhat, both Nuts and Mace, and Cloves, and
Botun. great store of Sander wood an whole house full, and
a great Ware-house full of the cloth of his Countrey,
which is very vendible in most part of the Hands there-
about : and all the losse which formerly he received,
grieved him not halfe so much, as when I told him
that I came, and had caused the ship to bee fitted of
purpose to come and buy his Commodities, that he
should provide for me.
He further said, that I had kept my promise, and
swore by the head of Mahomet, so would he have done,
if God had not laid that crosse of fire upon him, having
sundry of his Wives and Women burned. But now
he was abroad at Warres with his forces, he could not
tell the issue of it, and as the case stood with him, hee
could not spare any of his people, to make any provision
for me : and said, that if I had not come by the night
afore, he had beene in the field against another King his
Enemie, whose Towne he shewed me, and requested to
shoot at it, as I went by. I said I was a Stranger, and
knew him not, and to procure my selfe Enemies, I had
no reason : but if the other King should come and offer
him, or any of his Subjects wrong, while I was there,
I would doe my best to send them away : which speeches
of mine gave the King great content, so the King tooke
his leave, and we set sayle presently.
The lie of Xhe foure and twentieth of January, we arrived at
Bangata, ^^ \\m^ of Bangaia, where the King and most of his
people were fled for feare of some Enemy ; and certainly
I could not learne the truth. There was a Hollander
there that told mee that the King was fled for feare of
the King of Makasar, who (as he thought) would force
the King to turne Moore, for he is a Gentile : but I
92
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
1609.
rather thinke they fled for feare of the Hollanders, who ^^e Hollan-
would have built a Fort there, but when they perceived ^^^^^/^f^^^^
the people were fled, they left it unefFected. This one pgopi^^
Hollander bore such a sway, that never a man left upon The manners
the Hand durst displease him. He hath as many Women of an Hollan-
as he pleaseth, two Houses full of the choice of the
Countries Daughters, and many Men and Women Slaves,
and is a pleasant Companion, and will dance and sing
all day long, neere-hand naked, as their manner is : and
winneth the hearts of the people, and will be drunke two
dayes together, amongst the people of the Hand : and is
of himselfe, and hath lived long in the Countrey, and
will not be commanded by any Hollander, and dwelleth
over against Amboina. If the Governour of Amboina
would speake with him, hee must send two of his
Merchants to bee kept in pawne till his returne : He
taketh up the Kings Duties of Tarnata, in all the Hands
thereabouts, and serveth his owne turne, and sends the
King what he may spare. Heere wee had good refreshing
for my people, being (I prayse God) in better estate The good
then when I set sayle from England, and have not had ^^^^^^ ^'^^^
a man sicke to that present. There I sheathed my Long
Boate, which wee towed for feare of the Wormes that
would have spoyled her, and after set sayle the nine
and twentieth of January. Comming to Sea, we found
the windes right as we should goe, so striving (all wee
might) to get to wind-wards, but could not, the streame [I. iii. 240.]
carrying us directly South, and ran so swift, that we
lost fifteene leagues in two dayes. Then I was faine
to alter my determination, for going for the Moluccos,
and bare up the Helme to goe for Banda, and might
goe with a flowne sheate.
93
A.D.
1609.
Banda.
Injury of Hol-
landers.
Fifteene great
Junckes de-
tained by the
Hollanders.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
§. II.
Occurrents at Banda ; Contesting with the Dutch :
Trade at Puloway, and many perils.
He fifth of February, we got sight of the Hands
of Banda, and made all the sayle wee could,
to get neere before night : and drawing neere,
I sent my Skiffe to heare some newes, of some of the
Country people, who sent me word that the Hollanders
would not suffer any Sayle to come into the Roade,
but they would take all hee brought, (if it were such
things as they stood in need of) and make payment
at their owne pleasures: But if any Juncke came and
brought Commodities very vendible for the Countrey
people, they were not permitted to have any speech
with any of the Countrey : but the Hollander would
bring them to the backside of the Castle within Musket
shot of their Ordnance, that one must not set his foot
ashore, but they would send a Bullet at him : They
had fifteene great Junckes, which they kept in that
manner. What hope is there to make a Voyage there,
seeing they dealt so with all that came into the Roade,
and banished Captaine Keeling, not permitting him to
stay to gather in his debts, but gave him Bils to receive
his money at Bantam, as (I hope) from his owne mouth,
your Worships have heard at large. Yet for all this,
I stood into the Roade with Flagge and Ensigne, and
at each Yard Arme a Pendant, in as comely a manner
as we could devise. There came a small Pinnasse of
thirtie Tunnes sent from the Governour of the Castle,
thinking it had beene one of their Countrey ships : but
comming neere us stood into the Roade before me, after
they had haled us, I could have no other speech with
them.
As soone as I came thwart of Lautor, I saluted the
Towne with Ordnance, and came to an Anchor within
shot of their ships : then presently a Dutch Boate came
94
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
1609.
aboord us from the Governour, to have me come into
the Roade, and came ashore to him, and shew him my
Commission : I made answere, I was but new come, and
to shew my Commission to the Governour, or to make
any man acquainted with those businesses, which belonged
to the making of my Voyage, I would not. They further
asked, whether I was a Merchant, or a Man of Warre ?
I answered I would pay for what I take : then they
threatned me : who told them I was there, and would ride
there, doe as they should please, I hoped I should defend
my selfe : so they returned to the Castle in a great rage.
The Hollanders no sooner gone, but great store of the
men of Lautor came aboord me, and bade me welcome. Kindnesse of
Then I understood the whole Estate of the Countrey, and ^^^^j^^^l^'l-'l
the Countrey would be willing to deale with me, if I
could procure leave of the Hollanders, for they are now
friends, but Pulaway and Polatronu are at Warres with
them.
Now knowing well, that in troubled waters it is
good fishing, there being one of Pulaway amongst
them, I had private conference with him, and gave him
money in his Purse, to certifie them of the Hand, that
I would give them money or Commodities for all their
Spice, and that the Hollanders and I were like to be
Enemies, and let them not doubt, but that I would
get their Spice aboord, one way or other. In the
meane season, there came another Boate from the Vice-
Admirall, and the same Boate from the Castle, with
expresse Commandement from the Governour to me
to come in. Being dinner time, I caused them to stay
dinner, and after dinner told them that I would ride
there, and stand to the danger of the Roade : For I
knew full well, that our Nations were friends in
Europe, & for us to be Enemies amongst the Heathen
people, it were not good, being Christians. Whereupon
they told me plainly I must not ride there, and if I
did, they would fetch me in perforce : I said I would
ride there, till I found the inconvenience of the Roade
95
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
(as by their speeches it was foule ground) then would
I come into the best of the Harbour : for neither of
our Princes giveth any such authoritie to any of their
Subjects, but that every man may ride, and goe at their
owne perils. They said that the Countrey was theirs,
then may I the more boldly (say I) ride heere, for
we are friends : so they departed in displeasure.
This Evening, I was about to land Ordnance upon
the side of an Hill, where wee rid and began to fit
the ship to fight with them that should molest mee:
and sent out some to see what ground there was
round about the ship, and it was all Rockes, so by
no meanes the shippe could ride there: so we left
our pretence of landing Ordnance. In the morning I
sent my Skiffe with Master Spalding, and the principall
of the ship with a Letter to the Governour, and
bad them say nothing more then I had written, and
make no long stay, but bring an answere presently,
for we ride very bad : the Copie of which Letter
hereafter f olio wet h.
[I. iii. 241.] A yfAy it please you Worship with patience to con-
1\±. sider, That whereas you have divers enemies
(and few friends in this place) I being a Christian, if
your Worship stand in need of any thing that I have,
I pray you make bold to demand it, and I will be
as readie to performe it to my power. For whereas
there is amitie betweene our Princes at home, I should
be unwilling that we their Subjects should be at en-
mitie heere. Further, forasmuch as you command me
to come under the command of the Castle, I hope
I have that Priviledge that both Princes allow their
Subjects, to come and goe at their owne pleasures,
and stand to the danger of the Roade, at their owne
perils. And whereas you demanded to see my Com-
mission, I am a Gentleman, and willing to shew it
upon equall termes, for if you would meete me securely,
as I would doe you, appoint our meeting on the water,
96
DAVID MIDDLETON a.ix
1609.
in our Boates equally manned, or in any other con-
venient place, where I may be as neere my force as
you are to yours. And whereas it is reported, that a
contract is to be made with the Inhabitants of Lantor,
and your Worship ; my desire is, that you would use
me as an Indian for my money : then should I thinke
my selfe much beholding to your Worship, and am
more willing to deale with you then with them. Fur-
thermore, forasmuch as you be at enmitie with the
Hands of Puloway, and Polaron ; my desire is to bee
resolved, whether I may have their Spice without your
hinderance. Thus desiring your Answere to these par-
ticulars, and the same to bee returned by these Bearers,
I bid you farewell, from aboord my ship, this seventh
of February, 1609.
Yours in friendship, David Middleton.
All my Companies comming to the Castle were
brought to the Governour, where they sate in Councell,
so they delivered my Letter, which being openly read
they would send mee no answer but by word of mouth,
yet detayned my Letter. They had determined by Uncharitable
Counsell (having three great ships of one thousand ^^^^''^^'^ ^ ^ ^
tunnes a piece, and three Pinnasses of thirtie tunnes
a piece) that one of the shippes (being unserviceable)
called the great Sunne, should clap me aboord, and
there set her selfe a fire : and had for the same pur-
pose sworne sundry persons to come and make her
fast with chaines, and had put into her thirtie Barrels
of Powder for the same intent : which beeing manned
out of the Castle with all the ships, and boates, to
take up the men when shee should fire, the Great
Home should come and ride within Musket-shot, and
batter upon us, and the Frigots round about us, to
keepe us doing on all sides. My folke seeing their
speed they made to warpe out the Great Sunne, made
small stay but came away, and told me what preparation
was made to have us. I thought it fit to goe and
speake with the Governour my selfe, and before wee
III 97 G
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
would try it by Battaile, to see what hee would say
to my selfe. And so taking my Commission with mee,
I came to the Castle, and was met at my landing by
the Governour, and all the principall men, that were in
the Castle and ships and was brought through a Guard
of small shot of three hundred Souldiers, who gave mee
three Vollies of shot, and the Castle seven Peeces of
Ordnance for my welcome : so wee came to the
Governours Chamber, where for us two, there were
Chaires set, the rest had formes, and after many
Salutations, and Complements of welcome to the Castle,
I began, and said,
I understand by my Company, which was with them
before my comming, that they would not be perswaded
but that I was a Pirate, and had no Commission : and
that it should appeare to the contrary, I came my selfe,
and brought my Commission with mee, to manifest
that I was no such person, but had the Kings Majesties
broad Seale to my Commission, and called to my man
Commission for it, and shewed it them, reading the first line unto
shewed. them, and lapped it up again e. Then they said, that
they would see it all. I said, they should not while
I lived, The Commission was mine, you all apparantly
see, and the great Seale at my Commission, and my
selfe nominated therein, and if they would see more,
it is not my Commission they should expect it. We
would have bin gone aboord, but were willed to stay
awhile. So there passed words betweene us, some sharpe
and some sweet : but at the length they began to be
more mild, & called for a Cup of Wine, then the
Company rose all up, dranke a cup of Wine, and went
to walke, and view the Castle, the Offices whereof
were very neat and very wel furnished with Armor
and great store of Munition.
Taking my time, I put in practice to see what money
would doe (which often maketh Wise-men blinde) that
The misfit ^^ ^ might attayne unto my lading by large proffers.
of money I offered one thousand pound to be sure to have my
98
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
1609.
lading, and to give my chaine from about my necke
to one to procure it, offering to pay more then they
paid for their Spice. Having set this matter abroach,
(knowing the ship to ride in danger) I told the Gover-
nour, now they apparantly saw, I was no man of
Warre, I would bring in my ship : hee replyed with
the residue, that all the friendship they could doe me,
I should find them willing to pleasure me therein. It
drawing late I tooke my leave to goe aboord, at what
time, the Governour caused all the Ordnance in the
Castle to bee shot off, and as I passed by the ships,
they and the Frigots shot off, till I came aboord. The
next day being the eight of February, I brought my
ship into the Roade, and rid betweene their ships and
the Castle, and gave them all my Ordnance, and was
answered from the Castle, and shippes, and Frigats
with great store.
As soone as we came to an Anchor, the Governor
with all the chiefe of the Castle and Ships came aboord
of me : so I intreated them to dinner, to such as we
could provide, which they very kindly accepted : and
after dinner the maine point (which was my lading)
I could not by gifts, nor any meanes I might devise,
have any grant to buy one pound of Spice. And
having prooved sundry meanes to induce them to heare
reason, the Governour told me plainly, he durst not
give me leave to deale for any Spice, under paine of [I. iii. 242.]
losse of his head. I seeing no good to bee done in
riding at an Anchor amongst them, determined to take
in water, and take my Fortune : but they would not
suffer my Boate to goe ashore for water, but they
would send a man with us, to see that we had no con-
ference with any of the Countrey people. After I had
water aboord, I sent Master Spalding to shew the
Governour that I would be gone and that I had sent
him to acquaint him therewith : for my selfe would
not come out of the ship. ^^^^^ ^^^^_
The Governour marvelled whither I would goe, pulositie.
99
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
the winds being Westerly : Master Spalding said, he
knew not, So I warped till I could get Sea-roome to
set saile. The Governour sent three Pinasses to go
out with me, and one came in a Boate aboord us,
sent from the Governour to command me, that I should
not come neere any of those Hands : I sent him word
I would not be at his commanding, for I was bound
to Puloway, as soone as possibly I can, and bade him
send his ships to send me away, for I would quickly
send the Frigots further from me. Hee went aboord
one of the Frigots, and I caused our men to get up
their small shot, and fit themselves to fight with their
ships which were fitted, and their sailes brought to the
His purpose yard of purpose. I called all my Company to know
for Pulaway. ^j^^-^. j^i^des, and told them plainly that if they would
stand by mee, I meant to set up my rest, to make my
Voyage at those Hands, let the Hollander doe what
hee could : and promised them, if any man were
maymed, hee should have maintenance during his life,
which (if it pleased God) I would have performed :
and further promised, that if they would fight it out,
to give franckly amongst them, those things that were
mine owne, which were in the ship. So with one con-
sent, wee were all willing to try what force the
Hollander would send out to drive us away. The
Pinnasses seeing my folke to bring up their small shot,
thought it would be smal to their ease to guard me
any longer, and therefore bore up for the Harbour.
While we were a warping out, the Admirall had beene
twice aboord the Pinnasses, and the Vice-Admirall,
and the Lieutenant Governor of the Castle also, what
they did there I know not.
English reso- It fell calme, and the winds Westerly, and a great
lutton. streame set to the East North-East, and we drove a
great pace. So I manned my Boate, and sent Master
Spalding away with Money and my Pursers Mate, and
five more, to goe and certifie them of the Hand of
Pulaway, that we had parted enemies with the Hollanders,
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
1609.
and that I had sent him to know their minds, whether
they would sell me their Spice, and I would give them
Money for it : and would have come my selfe, but
would faine see the shippe in some place where she
might ride, and then I would come either in the ship,
or in a Pinnasse that I had within boord to set up.
While my boat was absent, there came two Prawes
from Lantor, to know why I went away; I told them,
the streame set the ship away : I would faine have
gone to Pulaway, if the streame had not hindred me,
and had sent a Factor thither to buy Spice ; they said,
they were glad that I went not away for altogether :
then I prayed them to tell them of Lantor, that I
would give them Money or Commodities for all their
Spice which they had, if they would sell it me before
the Hollander, that came to take their Countrey from
them. One of them said, that hee would goe to the
Hand and see my people, and then he would shew
them of Lantor.
At Master Spaldings comming ashore, the Countrey ^' Spaldings
flocked about him, and bad him welcome, but would ^^^^°^^-
make no price with him, till I came my selfe : but
would deliver Spice upon an account, till God should
send me thither, to goe through with them my selfe. I
bid Master Spalding hire me a Pilot (if he could) to
harbour my ship neere hand ; who spake to the Countrey
for one, and they hired him a couple, to whom the
Countrey gave twenty Rials, and I must give them
as much. So Master Spalding sent them aboord, and
writ to mee to send him more Money and Cloath,
which I did the same night, and bare up the Helme
for Ceran, and came to a place called Gelagula, being The He of
thirtie leagues from Banda, a reasonable good Road : z^^?^' .
and as soone as possibly we could, we tooke an house,
and brought our Pinnasse ashore to set up, having
had her within boord thus long, and could never have
time to set her up, because the time of the yeare did
so fast slip away, and the Monson was at an end.
lOI
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
Labouring all that night to get her dispatched, being
The Hope- fitted, I named her the Hope-well. The seven and
well. twentieth of March, we made all things readie to set
saile to the Hand of Pulaway, and arrived there the
one and thirtieth of the same in the night, and could
not lade any Spice, till I had agreed with the Countrey
people.
The Countrey asked many duties, and great gifts ;
but in fine, I agreed to pay as Captaine Keeling paid :
after the chiefe had what they looked for, (for every
one must have somewhat, that all must not know)
and a man must ever be giving, for they never cease
begging; and it is not for a mans ease to deny them
any reasonable matter, especially, as the case stood with
mee. After we had agreed, we laded the Hope-well
with Mace, and sent her away, she being but nine
Tunne, could carry but little of such Commodities,
which fils presently : wherefore I was driven to looke
They lade out for more helpe to get over the Spice ; so I hired
^P^^^' a great Praw, and was to build her, which we laded
with Nuts, and sent to the ship, and there builded her
higher, and made her one of five and twentie Tunne.
But she made but one Voyage, and then wee heard no
newes of her in three moneths, still expecting her
comming to Pulaway a long time. The Hope-well
making two Voyages, could bring mee no newes of
her, so that I verily thought she had beene sunke : for
I came in company with her in the Hope-well my
selfe, and having a great storme, was perfectly perswaded,
that the Sea had eaten her up, and gave her for lost,
having twelve of the lustiest men in the ship in her.
It was no small griefe to mee, to see the time of the yeare
[I. iii. 243.] to weare away, and could not get my lading over to the
ship, nor durst bring the ship over (for there was no
riding for her, and she past the Hand oft) all hope
was past for sixe moneths. 1 made enquirie for other
Vessels, and heard of a Junck that belonged to Lantor,
but she was old, and lay neere the Hollanders ships :
102
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
I went and bought her, and got such helpe as I could
to trim her.
The want of my twelve men put me to much
trouble, if I had had them with mee all the while, it
had beene a great shortning to our Voyage : for most
of our men were downe upon sore Legges, and as Sore legges.
soone as one was any thing well, hee must into the
Hope-well, and another poore lame man take his
roome, having some three times well and downe againe.
Thus I was driven to my wits end, not knowing which
way to turne me, being every houre in danger of the
Hollander to come and take the Hand, who (as by
intelligence from time to time we heard) sought sundry
meanes to make me away, by offering large Money for
Rogues to effect it, either by poison, or otherwise.
But (I praise God) I had some friends upon the Hand,
who gave mee secret warnings of such men, or to be
aware of such men-slaves, for they would do me some
mischiefe, and came for the purpose. Whereupon 1
was faine to get all the Hands to draw to an head, and
fit their Caracols, and keepe the Hollanders Pinnasses
from comming aboord : so the Pinnasses durst not
stlrre, and the Handers landed secretly upon Nero, and
cut off sundry of the Hollanders, that they durst not
stirre out of the Castle, except they were many, and
well fitted.
These Handers built a Fort upon the side of an hill. Treacherous
from whence thev shot into the Castle, which troubled ^ff^^^-
the Hollander much. So we were sure that the Pin-
nasses could not come out as in former time, to cut
us off as oftentimes they had attempted, making nine
Voyages in her my selfe, and never could spare above
seven men to goe in her, and but five at Puloway :
the rest in a manner lame and sicke, in a most villanous
Countrey, where all things were so deere, that one
should eat, and not to be had but at some times,
which was a great griefe unto us all : with such foule
weather of raines continually, which was like to have
103
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
made an end of us all. The Junke which I had
bought at Lantor, I was faine to get away untrimmed,
for the Hollanders sent me one of their ships, seeing
men at worke upon her, (when they had fitted her)
to batter her to peeces. So that night she waighed, I
got the helpe of two Townes to lanch her, and was
to carry her a great way upon Rowlers. This we did
by night, and got her out of sight by day, and brought
her to Puloway, and were faine to buy Sayles for
her, and all things else, for she had nothing belonging
unto her but the bare Hull. I set the Countrey
Carpenters aworke, which did her little good, as proved
afterwards : and had sent to the ship by the Hope- well,
that they should bring over some rigging for the Junke,
and that Master Davis should come and carry her
over, fitting her (as well as I could) with those silly
Carpenters which the place affordeth.
The Hope-well stayed three weekes, and wee never
heard any word what was become of her, being doubt-
full whether any mischance had befallen her : and wee
might stay long before they aboord could hire any to
come over, the Hollanders have so seased them, that
they have taken carrying of victuals to the Bandanesses.
Being reasonable faire weather, having the Shippes
M. John SkifFe at Puloway, I determined to goe over my selfe,
Davts. ^j^j make some shift, and not to let the time passe
doing nothing. For I could not hire men to carrie
over the Juncke, if I would have laded her with Silver.
So I put it in practise, seeing the Hope-well came not,
and not having a sound man with me that could stand
on his legges, I hyred three Blackes and put to Sea :
being out of sight of Land, there arose a grievous
storme, that I was faine to spoone afore the Sea, to
save our lives : yet (God be praised) wee got sight of
The lie of the Land of Ceran, and kept her right afore the Sea,
Ceran. cleane from our ship, and comming neere the shoare (the
Sea-perill. Sea aloft) did breake, and tooke away all hope of com-
ming safe ashore. Night being at hand, we strove all
104
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
we might to keepe her upon the Sea till day, the storme
increaseth, that no remedie but wee must hazzard all
to put into the Breach, over a ledge of Rockes.
Which we did, and no man durst forsake the Boat, for
being beaten to pieces against the Rockes. So the next
day we set her ashore, being brim-full, and had all
things that we had washed over-boord : we laid hands
on the Boat, and got her out of the SufFe of the Sea,
and gave God thankes for preserving us from so
apparant danger. Being extreme foule weather, with
much raine, wee could not tell what to doe.
The Blackes came and told us, that we must goe to
Sea presently, if wee meant to save our lives. I asked
one of them the reason ; who said, it was the Canibals T'he Countrey
Countrey, and if they got sight of us, they would kill ^^'^^ ^^^*"
us and eate us, and nothing would ransome a man if g^ters.
they take him : and all Christians that they get, they
rost them alive, for wrongs that the Portugals have
done them : and therefore if we would not goe to Sea,
they would go hide themselves : for the Canibals would
be at the water side as soone as they can look about
to descry if they can discover any Fisher-men or Pas-
sengers, that by stealth passe by in the night. Wee
hearing this (and the Moone began to shew the wind
to Duller, and a Tyde of floud with us) we got a-head
a good reasonable pace, and by day we were cleere of
their Watches, & keeping the shore close aboord, we
espyed a Hul of a Bark, came & rowed neere it, &
knew it to be the Diligence, So we came & hayled her, TheDiligence,
& there were a couple of Englishmen in her, who told
me that the same night (that we had the storme in the
Skiffe) she chopped to an Anchor there, and the Cable
burst, & she drave ashore, & that M. Herniman was
gone to the Towne to get men to have her up, & save
her. I landed my selfe to goe to the Governour of the
Towne, to come and bring some helpe to save her.
The Sand was full of people which came of purpose to
have pillaged her, & I willed them to make a shot
105
A.D.
161O.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Inhumanity of
the llanders.
[I. Hi. 244.] now & then, which stayed them from comming neere
them : & comming to the Town, M. Herniman was
gone by land to the ship. I offred the Governour
mony to have help to save her, who said, he would
gather the Country together within two or three daies,
but I told him that if it blew, she would be lost
within an houre. One of Puloway being there, who
knew the Barke, and was earnest with the Governour
to save her, plainly told mee, that he gaped only to
have her bulged, that hee might have the Planke to
build him a Praw.
Then perceiving there was no helpe, but must come
from the shippe, I hired Guides to follow Master
Herniman and tooke one of myne owne men to keepe
me company, and so proceeded by land, being twelve
miles from the ship. Being halfe way, we came to a
great water, which we must swimme over : my man
could not swimme, so I sent my clothes back, all but
a Scarlet Mandilian, which these Blackes must carrie
over for me, who told me, the River was full of
Aligatas, and if I saw any, I must fight with him, else
he would kill me : and for that purpose did carry a
great Knife in his mouth. I being weary, not having
slept in two nights, tooke the water before the Indians,
knowing they would bee over before me. The River
being broad, and a swift current, which the great raine
(that had fallen) had made, the Indians would have had
me turned backe, but being the better halfe way, I
was very unwilling : being in the water, one of the
Indians that carryed my Mandilion, had got a great
Cane (which I knew not of) and strooke me on the
side, who feeling the stroke, suspecting it had beene an
Aligata, dived under water, where the current got such
hold on mee, that before I could come up, I was in
the Sea, and there the Sea threw mee against the Beech,
and bruised my backe and shoulder, till the time that
hee came, and gave me the end of the Cane, whereof
I got hold, and he pulled mee out, neere hand drowned :
106
Danger of
Crocodiles.
Perilous mis
taking.
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
being tossed with the Sea, that every Suffe washed mee
into the Sea againe. I prayse God, I escaped this
danger and got aboord, after I had rested my selfe a
reasonable space, to the amazement of all my Company.
So that night, I sent all that were able to crawle, to
save the Bark : which (God be praysed) they did with
much toyle of so small help. The Country would not
let any man lay his hand to save her, expecting we
would forsake her, that they might enjoy her.
The next day after my comming aboord, the Hope- T^^e arnvall
well arrived with her lading of Spice, who told me, ^^^^ ^^^"
they had been driven to the East-wards of Banda
thirtie leagues, in a most cruell storme, which continued
long, and caused them to have a long passage to get
to the wind-wards, but arrived the next day after. I
went from Puloway in the Boat, and laded presently,
and M. Davis was taking in of his lading, making all
dispatch that might be, with a poore lame Crewe (the
whole being absent as your Worships have heard, about
the Diligence) we presently unladed her, and that night
set saile in her my selfe, to see if I could come before
M. Davis came from thence : for they told me, the
Juncke was very leaky, and I desired to have the Hope-
well come in her company, whatsoever should befall :
for she had never a naile in her, but such as we our-
selves put into her : and having none there of our
owne, we caused the simple Smith that the countrey
affoorded, to make some Iron pinnes, for nayles they
can make none ; and in most needfull places wee
bestowed them. As for my selfe in the Hopewell,
striving to attaine to Puloway, I was put by it by the
streame, in a mighty storme ; the more the wind, the
stronger the Current : beeing put to Lee-wards, we
were long before we could fetch the ship, and were
faine to seeke to the Ceran shore, or else had been
quite blowne away. Having made many Voyages, and
still fallen to Lee-ward of the ship, I caused M. Davis
to search the land for some Harbour, that when those
107
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
provisions (that we could make to get over the goods)
should come over, they might come from Puloway to
the ship directly, and not to boult it up to windwards
when she was deepe laden, which beeing emptie, having
discharged her burden, might better ply it to wind-
wards : for beeing light, she would feele her oares,
which was effected.
Feare of the j^ my long stay from Puloway, and the Hands of
c ° sTof^^'ell -^^^^^> ^^^7 ^^^ intelligence, that the ship had weighed
handling. anchor, and were perswaded, that I was gone in the
ship for feare of the Hollanders, who were determined
to come and looke me out, and surprise mee. Where-
upon, the countrey people would not deale with my
people any more, nor sell them victuals, and began ne
to abuse them, and rayle upon them : and said, that I
was gone in the ship, and left them in the Countrey
as the Holanders did, and would come with a Fleete,
as they have done, and take their Countrey from them.
Then they were determined to seize upon the house,
and take the people, and keep them prisoners upon an
high Rocke, and sent for the Sabandar, that by whole
consent they might come, and take possession of all
the goods. When the Sabandar was come, M. Spalding
went unto him, to shew him of the hard usage of the
Ilanders, who began to take things out of the house by
force. He said, They would be sure we should not
doe as the Holanders had done, and were determined to
lay them fast : for the ship was gone, and our meaning
was not good. All that Master Spalding could doe, would
not perswade them, but they were left of purpose.
The next day, being in counsel in the Church :
they resolved to send the men up prisoners to the
Rocke. Then there came one and told them, that I
was in sight in the Hopewell ; whereupon they broke
up their devillish determination. At my comming a
shore, M. Spalding told mee of their hard usage of
them, and what feare they were in. The Chiefe of all
the Hands sate before our doore to stay my comming :
108
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
i6io.
I went unto them, and asked the reason, Why they
dealt so with my people in my absence : They told me
plainely, that if I had not come my selfe, they would
have taken the goods, and kept the men safe. So I told [I. iii. 245.]
them the reason of the remooving of the ship, and said
further, No marvell that the Holanders built a Castle
to defend themselves, when I beeing in friendship with
them, and leaving men amongst them, with Commodities
that the countrey stood in neede of, and made the Hol-
anders mine Enemies, which were their enemies, and
sought all the meanes that in me lay to doe all the Hands
good, (as they all very well knew) should receive such
hard measure at their hands. They said plainly, I must
not blame them to be jealous of Christians : for many
yeeres, the Portugals and Holanders have done as I have Portugals and
done; but in the ende they saw apparantly, they would ^^^^^^j^^'l
have their Countrey from them : yet now I was come ^^ ^^''"'
my selfe, they hoped I would not thinke the worse of
them. So wee became good friends, and bought Spice
apace : and had bought my whole ships lading. Having
an over-plus of Stock left I thought I could not doe your
Worships better service, then in laying out your money,
and therefore made shift to send the ships lading away :
and laded thirtie Tunnes more in a Juncke, and bought
another Juncke of fortie Tunnes (and Spice to lade her)
which was not then launched, but men at worke upon
her: and left M. Spalding to come in her, and M.
Chapman, for Master (a very honest and sufficient man)
with twelve persons in the whole.
§ HI.
His departure for Bantam, escape from the
Hollanders, and returne home.
Fter this, I came and tooke my leave of all the
Countrey, in most loving manner, and gave them
divers gifts for a farwell, intreating them to helpe
Master Spalding, if hee should stand in need of them :
109
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
for I beeing gone, hee must rely upon them. So with
many promises of all kindnesse, I tooke my leave both
of Master Spalding, and of his company, and all the
Hand. Leaving Master Chapman for Master in the new
Juncke, I was faine to carry over the Hopewell my selfe,
He departeth ^nd set saile the seventh of September from Puloway,
^thselentTof ^'^^ ^^^ Juncke Middleton in my Company (having
September. stayed longer in the Countrey, then ever any Englishman
did) arrived at the ship the tenth. And there I heard
that the ship was not fully laden : for there were seven
Tunnes of the Nuttes spoyled, that came last from
Puloway, and lost. There I laded the ship out of the
Hopewel, and the Juncke, and turned off the Hopewel,
which had done us very good service, and brought an
hundred Tunnes of goods aboord ; being so wormeaten,
that we pumped alwayes in her, being but halfe inch
planck, and never could stay or have any time to sheath
her. After the shippe was wholly laden, wee set saile
Keeling bay. from Keeling Bay the same day, having never a top-sayle
over head : For I had caused Master Davis to remove
the ship from whence I left her, to another Bay, seven
leagues to the Westward, where 1 said I would come with
the Hopewell ; and the Juncke where 1 found them :
now the ship, in remooving had her top-sailes blowne
from the yard, having beene at the yard ever since we
came into the Countrey for feare of Treason, and the
Hollanders who would seeke our overthrow. The Juncke
going better then we, having no top-sailes, I sent for the
Master of her aboord, and wrote a Letter to Bantam
by them : and requested them to make all the speed
they could thither, and I hoped I should come after them,
and overtake them, when I could make my top-sailes,
which wee plyed night and day : and made Master Mus-
grave his Mate: wee in the ship having our top-sailes
finished, did overtake the Juncke the sixteenth of the
same, and comming up to them, they could not keepe
us company, except wee should take in our top-sailes :
and to presse the Juncke with a saile they durst not.
1 10
DAVID MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
I called unto them, and bade them beare such saile, that
they doe not wrong her (for feare a leake should breake
upon them) and come to Bantam ; for mee to keepe
by them, could doe them small pleasure, for wee had long
businesse at our comming to Bantam, to trimme the
shippe for England. So wee tooke leave of them, and
bore ahead, and the ninth of October arrived in Bantam They arrive at
Roade, where Master Hemsworth and Edward Neetles Bantam the
were both dead, within a short space after my going away ^October.
from Bantam : so that all the goods I left at Bantam, were
yet there, and not a yard of cloth sold to the Chineses.
At our comming to Bantam, being very weake (for most
part of the company had sore legs) I was driven, that all
men that had any sores, or were sickly, should remayne
aboord by the Surgeon, and manured the Junckes with all
my choice men, being all in perfect health. There came
a small ship, that had beene at China, and at Japan,
Tarnata, Makian, Coramandell, Patane, and Jor, and
came to Amboyna, and so to Banda to seeke for lading,
but could get none, so was faine to go for Bantam to lade
Pepper. This ship when she came to Banda, came neere
the Hand of Puloway, and let flye all her Ordnance, and a
shot came through another mans house, through two
Suckles of Mace in our house, and strooke the Pursers
Mate upon the shinne, yet broke not his legge, but went
into a Chest of fine Pintados, and spoyled many : the
poore man lay long upon it (sixe moneths at the least)
not able to stand.
The Hollanders seeing us to passe by them at Banda,
day by day with Spice (who after my comming bought
not one pound, I wrought such meanes to procure my
lading first) were starke madde, having two great ships [I. iil. 246.]
halfe laden before I came into the Countrey: wherefore
they determined to come with their ships and Pinnasses, Hollanders
and take the Hand, and all the Spice that I had there, f»^^>/»^
knowing 1 had store bought, and fitted such a time, ^^j^ted'^^^^'
as that they might easily have done it. The Bandaneses
being fleshed with the slaughter of some of the straggling
III
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
Hollanders, which they had murthered, tooke all the able
men to give assault to the Hollanders Castles: and
determined to fire their ships, at an Anchor, and burne
the old Sunne close to the Castle gates. All able men
being gone to the Warres, and not passing fortie men left,
beside women and children, the two great ships and
three Pinasses came out under saile, with three Boates
apiece at their sternes, and the Frigots, two Prowes a
piece to land men : They chose such a time, that they
might have come ashore, and taken every man, one, in
their armes, and carryed them quite away, for there were
no Weapons left in the Hand, but what we had. But it
pleased God to deale better with us, for being come out
of the Harbour, they could not get in againe, it prooved
calme, and the Tyde of Ebbe (being Springing Tyde) did
set the shippes to the Southwards of the Hand, and the
Pinnasses must follow the ships, for feare the Caricols
would have had them. Two dayes they did what they
could to come backe, so they were forced to proceed
for Bantam to lade Pepper : Being long becalmed by the
way to Bantam, they descryed a shippe right to Leewards
of them, which they thought could not be any Saile,
but wee : wherefore it was agreed by counsell that they
should come and fight with mee, and take me, and all the
Spice from mee : and what their determination was to
have done with the ship and Company, I could not learne.
It proved to be the Provincia of Holland, a great ship
that was bound to Banda, to looke for lading, and had
beene at the Moluccoes, but could not get one pound of
Spice. So those two ships told him, that they came from
thence, with halfe their lading, so all three came to Bantam
to lade Pepper : thus the Lord kept me out of their hands.
Eight Holland There came eight ships to Bantam for Pepper, and
ships. must stay a yeare for it : so the shippes that must stay
a yeare for their lading, tooke in plankes and provision of
building, and were sent with them to Banda and Tarnata,
(for their Castles, and to make Flankers to make them-
selves strong) and were sent away after I came to Bantam.
112
DAVID MIDDLETON
My lame Company being very weake fell sicke, and
my Gunner, and one of my Quarter Masters dyed, and
three more presently after them. The Carpenters fitting
the ship, and the Westerly Monson come, there was
no hope of the Junckes comming till May : Master
Davis being sicke, and very hardly escaping with life,
Master Clayborne weake and sicke, and my selfe not
well with griefe, to see in what poore estate we were,
made all speed that we might to be gone from that
contagious Countrey, hoping, that if we were out at Sea,
my people would mend. Now seeing the Juncke came
not, which if but one of them had come, I would have
remayned in the Countrey, and fitted her to goe for
Succadania, (a place where the Hollanders have made
great Voyages) but seeing they came not, I thought I
should doe your Worships as good service to come home
in the ship, (if it should please God to take Master
Davis, and Master Clayborne away) to bring home the
ship : and therefore set up my rest to come home.
Three dayes before we set saile from Bantam, foure Saile
of a new Fleet of Hollanders came in (which brought in
great store of women, to inhabite those places which they
had conquered) and were nine in the whole, and five
remayned behind. Those that came into the Road, were
very weake, so that the other ships company that were
in the Road, were faine to fetch them in one by one.
That same day came a Slupe from Tarnata (sent with
Letters to Amboyno, and so to Bantam) with newes,
that the Hollanders had lost their Admirall, which went
to Manilia ; for his head was shot off, and the ship taken
and two more, and another (that would not yeeld) set
himselfe a fire : so they lost three ships by fight, and one
burned, being all great shippes of one thousand Tunnes
apiece. Foure dayes before these newes came from
Manilia, a Generall of the Hollanders, which came into
the Indies foure yeares passed, called Paulus Vancarles,
who had beene taken by the Spaniards at Tarnata, by
Spanish Gallies (within foure monethes after I came from
III 113 H
A.D.
[610.
Master
Thomas Clay
home.
Succadania.
Foure Saile of
Hollanders.
Women to
inhabit.
Dutch
Admiral
slaine.
Three ships of
the Hollanders
taken, and one
burnt at
Manilia.
Paulus Van-
carles taken.
A.D.
161O.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
thence the last Voyage) remained a Prisoner in the
Master of the Campes House at Tarnata, and all his
company were chained in the Gallies. These Prisoners
the Hollanders would have ransomed with money, offer-
ing a very great ransome : which the Spaniard would not
accept, but would have them deliver up the Forts, and be
gone ; so they would set their Generall, and the rest at
libertie, or otherwise not. The Hollanders would by
no meanes withdraw their forces, so the Generall re-
mained Prisoner a yeare and a quarter, and then was
released by the new Governour that came from Manilia,
to take the Government of the Moluccoes, who was
intercepted, and taken by two ships of the Hollanders,
which released their Generall with exchange of man for
man. This Generall was the second time taken by the
Spanish Gallies (after a long fight) and presently sent
Prisoner to the Manilia.
Having left Richard Wooddies for Chiefe in the house,
and order for Master Spalding (when God shall send
him to Bantam) to determine a Voyage to Succadania
in Borneo for Diamonds, I tooke my leave of them of
Bantam, and set saile the sixteenth of November, and
had a very good passage to the Roade of Saldanha ;
where I came to an Anchor the one and twentieth of
January, and tooke in water, and made all dispatch
[I. iii. 247.] that I could for England : and found that my Brother
Sir Henry Middleton had beene there, and came in the
foure and twentieth of July, and departed the tenth of
August, and there I found the Copie of a Letter, which
my Brother had written to your Worships, and sent
home by a Hollander the next day that hee came into
the Road : which if you have not received, you may
apparantly see, that they will detaine all your Worships
Letters, and you shall have the Copie. Thus have I
at large certified your Worships of all matters in ample
manner, which I thought no lesse then my dutie to doe,
having made relation of all those places from whence I
came. And (I prayse God) I have aboord one hundred
114
Paulus taken
the second
time and sent
to Manilia.
Hee departeth
from Bantam.
Saldanha.
DAVID MIDDLETON ad.
1610.
thirtie nine Tunnes, six Cathayes, one quarterne two
pound of Nutmegs, and sixe hundred two and twentie
Suckettes of Mace, which maketh thirtie sixe Tunnes,
fifteene Cathayes, one quarterne, one and twentie pound,
and have left in the Juncke with Master Herniman, foure
and twentie Tunnes, seven Cathayes, two quarternes and
eight pound, which cost with the charge 2 5071. J. Rials,
of which summe I have disbursed five hundred of mine
owne, for Spice which lyeth most upon the Orlope :
and being in bond unto your Worships, shall remaine
untill I know your pleasures, whether I shall enjoy it.
Chap. XL
The sixth Voyage, set forth by the East-Indian
Company in three Shippes ; the Trades In-
crease, of one thousand Tunnes, and in her
the General! Sir Henry Middleton, Admirall ;
the Pepper-Corne of two hundred and fiftie,
Vice-Admirall, the Captaine Nicholas Doun-
ton : and the Darling of ninetie. The Barke
Samuel followed as a Victualler of burthen one
hundred and eightie : written by Sir H.
Middleton.
§. I.
The proceeding of his Voyage till hee came to
Moha in the Redde Sea.
He first of May 16 10. wee came to an Cape Verde,
Anchor in the Roade of Cape Verde,
under an Hand : where wee found a
Frenchman of Deepe, that was setting up
a small Pinnasse upon the Hand.
The second, the Carpenters of all the
shippes went in hand with my mayne
Mast pulling off the fishes, we found the Mast exceeding
bad, and above the upper Decke some three foot wrung
"5
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
more than halfe asunder : had wee met with any foule
weather, it must needs have gone by the boord. I sent
one of my Carpenters a-land to the maine to search
for Trees, who returned that night, and brought mee
word that hee had seene some which would serve our
turne.
The Samuell. The third, we beganne to unlade the Samuel, and
sent Carpenters a-land to cut downe Trees, having leave
of the Alcayda, who came aboord and dined with me,
I gave him a piece of Roan cloth, which I bought of the
Frenchman, and other Trifles.
The fifteenth, we made an end of watering, all our
Caske being full : we stowed all our Boats this night
The commen- and fitted to be gone the next morning. This place of
dattonofCape (-^p^ Verde is the best place I know for our outward
bound ships : for that the Road is excellent good, fit
for dispatch of any businesse, and fresh fish to be had
in great plentie : besides it is not any thing out of the
way. I called a Counsell of Captaine Dounton and the
Masters what course was best to hold till wee came to
the Line, so it was concluded South South-west for sixtie
leagues : and then South South-east til we grew neere
the Line, and then to hale over Easterly. We dismissed
the Samuel.
They arrive The foure and twentieth of July, we came into the
'lfd\^^^^^ Road of Saldanha, and saluted the Dutch Admirall with
five Pieces of Ordnance, and hee returned the like, there
*M F //' ^^''^ '^^^ other two Holland ships which came to make
a Letter which traine Oyle of Scales : they had made three hundred Pipes.
1 have, written *This day I went a-land and found out the names of
from thence, Captaine Keeling, and others bound home in January,
^FretThsTs ^^^^' ^^^ ^^^° ^^^ Brother Davids name bound out in
in like imploy- August the ninth, 1609. And also a Letter buried
ment,whichhe under ground according to agreement made betweene
suspected to him and mee in England: it was so consumed with the
^d'^^^^dh^^ dampe of the aire, that I could not reade any part
from the thereof. The sixe and twentieth, we set up a Tent for
Indies, my sicke men, and then we had them all a land to aire
u6
Sm HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1610.
our ships. From this day, till the day of our departure, [I. iii. 248.]
not any thing happened worth the writing.
The sixt of September, latitude twentie three degrees
thirtie minutes, the winde all Southerly a good gale :
this day after dinner we saw land, and before night wee
came to an anchor in S. Augustines Bay, where we found "^he ba-^ ofS.
the Union distressed for lacke of victualls. The seventh ^^l^^l^'Zc7.
day, I went in my Pinnasse aland to see if I could get
any fresh victualls : but we could not get any : wee got
wood and water aboord, and so returned to our Ships.
The tenth, we steered alongst the land with a good
gale of wind at South-east, making account we should
have gone at least twentie sixe leagues, but we went
but twentie two leagues, by reason the Current setteth
to the Southward : her course North two and twentie
leagues. The eleventh, we steered from noone till night
North North-east along the land, which was North
J. a point Easterly way, and till midnight North North-
west. From midnight till day North by West, and so
till noone North, all her true way North North-west
J. a point. North twentie seven leagues. We have a
great Current against us : for I made account wee should
have gone five and thirtie leagues : I observed, and the
latitude was one and twentie degrees five minutes, wind
East South-East. The twelfth we steered betweene the
North North-east, and North by East, her true way
North Westerly J. of a point latitude nineteene degrees,
fortie eight minutes, shee ranne twentie seven leagues.
The Current we find this last foure and twentie houres,
setteth to the North-ward, the wind variable.
The thirteenth, we steered with little wind and calmes
for the most part North by East, her true way North
J. part West, the wind as the day before: she went
fifteene leagues more then I would have given her, so
that I find the Current setteth to the North-ward, by
my observation, latitude nineteene degrees tenne minutes.
The twentieth at noone, her latitude eleven degrees ten
minutes, the wind vering Easterly, with calmes, varia-
117
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
tion twelve degrees fortie minutes. This after noone we
The lies de saw land, being the lies of Queriba, which are dangerous
Quertba tn |^^ Hands, environed with rockes and shoales.
tenne minutes '^^^ ^^^^ ^^ October, 1610. wee steered North-east,
neere the coast her way North-east by North \. North twenty seven
of Africa. leagues, the wind for the most part South-east. The
second, we steered North-east, her way North-east by
North \. North fiftie seven leagues. Note the Current
hath carried us these eight and fortie houres to the
North-ward, more then by reckoning we could give her
by twentie eight leagues, which we found true by our
latitude, which was three degrees thirtie minutes South
latitude : variation twelve degrees twenty foure minutes,
wind South and South-east. The third, we steered
North-east by East, her true way North-east \. North
fortie one leagues, which is twelve leagues, carried by
the Current to the North-wards : for I should have given
her but nine and twentie leagues, latitude two degrees
South, the winds variable betweene the South and
South-east.
The fourth, we steered North-east by East, her true
way North-east J. point Northerly fortie five leagues ;
whereof foureteene leagues carried with the Current,
South latitude foureteene minutes, variation thirteene
degrees, wind variable, betweene the South-east and
We crost the South, we crost the line this afternoone. The fifth, we
^qmnocttall. steered twelve houres North-east by East, and twelve
houres East North-east, her true way North-east, little
Northerly fortie seven leagues : shee hath been carried
to the North by the Current at the least twenty leagues,
latitude North one degree thirtie minutes, the wind for
the most part South South-east, with sometimes almost
calme. The sixt, we steered East by North, and East
North-east : her true way North-east by East little
Easterly thirtie eight leagues, helped by the Current to
the North-ward eighteene leagues: latitude two degrees
thirtie minutes, the wind South South-east, variation
foureteene degrees two minutes.
n8
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
i6io.
The seventh, we steered East by North, her true way
East North-east J. point Northerly, eight and twentie
leagues : latitude three degrees five minutes, wind all
Southerly : variation fifteene degrees, by the Current
tenne leagues. The eighth, we steered East North-east,
her true way North-east by East J. point. Northerly fortie
leagues : latitude foure degrees twentie seven minutes,
the wind South-west, variation sixteene degrees foure
minutes. The ninth, wee steered North-east by East,
her true way North-east J a point Northerly twenty seven
leagues, latitude five degrees, three and twentie minutes,
wind South-west, variation sixteene degrees foure
minutes.
The tenth calme : Latitude in five degrees, one and ^-^O' ^^^^^ ^^^
twenty minutes. Here we lost the Current that set to ^^^^^ ^^'"
the North-ward, and were carried to the South-ward two
miles, variation seventeene degrees tenne minutes. The
eleventh, calme, latitude five degrees twentie minutes,
lost one mile. The twelfth, calme, latitude five degrees,
lost by being carried to the South-ward twentie miles.
The thirteenth, we steered two watches North-east, and
foure watches North North-east : her true way as I guest
North North-east, by reason the Current countervails
the variation, she ranne seventeene leagues : latitude five
degrees, fiftie five minutes, the wind West by North,
variation nineteene degrees tenne minutes.
The foureteenth, we steered North, her way allowing
her variation, which is nineteene degrees fortie minutes, [I. iii. 249.]
should be one point £. to the West- ward ; but the
variation daily rising, sheweth we are carried to the
East-ward by the Current, more then the variation A Current.
commeth unto, she went this day forty leagues, the
wind West South-west, latitude seven degrees fifteene
minutes : her true way North-east, carried to the East
tenne leagues. The fifteenth, wee steered North, our
latitude eight degrees fifty five minutes, her true way
North-east fortie five leagues, her way should have
been North by West, Westerly by the variation, but
119
A.D.
161O.
Duas
Irmanas.
The Ik of
Zacotora.
Tamerin.
The King
entertaineth
Sir Henry
Middleton.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the Current hath caried her to the East-ward of her
course seventeene leagues : the variation nineteen degrees
five minutes, the wind West South-west.
The sixteenth, we steered away North, her way by the
Current, North by East thirtie sixe leagues, carried con-
trary to the variation five leagues to the East-ward, as
I imagine : the wind South South-west, variation nine-
teene degrees eight minutes. The seventeenth, wee
steered North, and ranne nineteene leagues : in the
morning early wee did see the Duas Irmanas sixe leagues
off, bearing North by West of us : the wind at South-
west, variation eighteene degrees fiftie five minutes.
The eighteenth at night, we came to an anchor in a sandy
Bay, in the He of Zacotora, whose latitude was twelve
degrees twenty five minutes : in the evening we went
on land with our Sayne, and got great store of fish :
wind East.
The one and twentieth, we weighed for to ply for the
road of Tamerin, the chiefe towne of the Hand, but we
found the wind at the East, and East by South, which
was right as wee should goe, so that we could not get the
place till the five and twentieth day. The latitude of
Tamarin is twelve degrees thirtie minutes, the variation
is nineteene degrees eighteene minutes. The Towne
standeth at the foote of high ragged hills : the road
is all open betweene the East by North, and West North-
west. We anchored in ten fathomes water, good ground.
The five and twentieth in the afternoon, I sent M. Femel
well accompanied ashore, with a present to the King,
which was a vest of cloth, a peice of Plate, and a Sword
blade ; he promised all kindnesses.
The sixe and twentieth, I went on shore with the chiefe
Merchants with me, and a good guard of armed men : I
was conducted to the Kings house, where at his chamber
doore he came and intertained me : he brought me into
his Chamber, where being set in a chaire by him, there
passed many complements, which I omit. I enquired
concerning the trade of the Red Sea, and he commended
120
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
i6io.
it highly, saying, the people of Aden and Moha were
good people, and would bee glad of trade with us ; and j
that the Ascension had sold all her goods there at good '
rates, and came so lightly to this place, that they tooke in
good store of Ballast. This newes gave me good content :
I demaunded leave to set up my Pinnasse upon his Hand,
but he would not graunt it in this roade ; but if I would
returne, and doe it at the place where we first anchored,
he was content : he feared if we stayed in this roade of
Tamerin to set her up, we would feare all men for
comming thither. He had sent all his Alloes to Fartaque Fartaque in
to his Father, King of that part of Arabia Foelix: his ^^^'^^^•
chiefe Citie is called Chushem, where he is resident. I Chushem or
asked him leave to wood and water : for the one, which ^^^•*'^^*
was water, he gave me free leave ; but for wood I must
pay very deare, if I would have any ; saying withall, That
all other nations which came thither, payed for their
water; but of mee he would not demaund any thing.
He confirmed the losse of the Ascension, and her Pinnasse, The casting
which was no little griefe to me to heare. I demaunded ^"^^y °f^^^
if they had left any writing behind them ; hee answered "^^^^ ^^^'
me, he had one, but his servant had lost it; I was
very earnest to have scene it ; but it could not be found.
He animated me to goe for the Red Sea, but diswaded
me from seeking trade in the Countrey of Fartaque : for
that he doubts his Father would not permit us. I and all
my people dined with the King, which beeing done, I
tooke my leave, and went aboord.
The seventh of November, we steered West by South,
and West South-west alongst the Land : we sawe about
tenne of the clocke an high land, which we imagined to
be the high land of Aden, it riseth like Abbadel-Curia, Aden.
and may be seene a great way off. In the evening about
sixe of the clocke, we came to an anchor before the Towne
in twenty fathome water, sandy ground. The Towne
standeth at the foote of a Mountaine in a Vale, and
maketh a faire shew : it is invironed with a stone wall,
and Forts and Bulwarks in many places ; but how they
121
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
be appoointed we know not. This night there came
a small Boat from the Towne to view us, but came not
aboord : the wind East South-east we stood in, standing
over we were carried to the East-ward with the Current
at least twentie leagues, contrary to our expectation, who
rather thought the Current would have set to the West-
wards.
The eighth, came a small Boat off the Towne aboord,
with three Arabians in her : they said they were sent
by the Lieftenant of the Towne, to know what Nation
we were, and wherefore we came thither, sending us
word by them, if we were Englishmen, we were heartily
Captain Shar- welcome, and that the yeere before. Captain e Sharpeigh
^at^Jdenand ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^' ^^^ ^^°"^ thence went to Moha, where he
Moha in the "^^^^ sale of all his goods : I demaunded of one of them
yeere 1609. the name of the Basha, and whether he were a good man :
he answered, his name was Jeffer Basha, and that the
Basha that last was, was very bad, this a little better ; but
all the Turkes in generall starke naught. I asked, if
Moha were a good place of trade ^ they answered, that
there was one man in Moha, that would buy all our
goods : I sent my Pinnasse a land, and John Williams
one of my Factors in her, who spake the Arabique
language, at their comming ashore they were kindly
entertained.
[I. iii. 250.] The ninth in the morning, I sent my Pinnasse ashore
for a Pilot for Moha : in the meane while the Boate was
ashore, we brought our selves loose, and under sayle :
they returned without a Pilot, and would not let us have
any, without three of our chiefe Merchants to be left for
pledges : they intreated me not to depart with all our
ships, but to leave one for that Port; and that they
would buy all the goods in her ; we beeing desirous
of trade upon good consideration, thought fit to leave
the Pepper-corne there, and the other two to goe for
Moha, whereupon we did what we could to get the
Road againe, but could not, beeing carried to Lee-
ward with the Current : wee anchored to the South-ward
122
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
of the Towne : I sent M. Fowler and John Williams
aland, to tell them 1 minded to leave one of the ships
there to trade, so that they would let me have a Pilot.
They seemed very glad that one of the ships should tarry,
and promised me a Pilot the next day.
The twelfth, I seeing no hope of any Pilot to be T^he Trade
had (which had been often promised, but not performed) ^^ ^^^ ^?^~
dispatched my businesse with the Pepper-corne : and /of Moll ^
about noone, I and the Darling set sayle for Moha :
the wind East South-east, wee steered alongst the land
sometimes West South-west, and West by North, in
twentie eight and thirtie fathome, we saw a small sayle
going before us, which we followed till we had lost sight
of her by night. This coast is high land, with many TAis coast is
head-lands. ^^^^ ^^''^'
The thirteenth, we haled on our course alongst the
land, all this night steering betweene the West by North,
and most by South, her true way West. The next day
betimes we saw the head-land going into the Red Sea, The Headland
rising like an Hand; about eleven of the clocke wee on the coast of
were thwart of the entrance, being but three miles if[to the^Red
broad : on the North side is a ragged land like an Sea.
Hand, and on the other side is a flat low Hand, called The North
Babelmandel: upon the South of the Hand there seemeth straight of the
to be a broad channell or entrance. After we had babelmandel
passed this straight of Babelmandel, upon the North or the Bab.
shore in a sandie Bay is a Village, to which place I
sent my Pinnasse for a Pilot : they staid not long,
but returned with a couple of Arabs, who tooke upon
them to be very skilfull. Our depth in the straights
was betweene eight and eleven fathome water (betweene
the straight and Aden is thirty leagues) we steered
alongst the land North by West, and North North-
west, betweene eighteene and twentie fathomes deepe :
about foure of the clocke we discried the Towne of
Moha : and about five a clocke in luffing in beeing Moha.
much wind, we split our maine toppe sayle, and putting
abroad our mizen, it split likewise : our Pilots brought
123
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
The shippe our shippe a ground upon a banke of sand, the wind
brought on blowing hard, and the Sea somewhat high, which made
^ ' us all doubt her comming off. This night came a Boat
aboord of us from the Towne, with a Turke in her,
a proper man, sent by the Governour of the Towne,
to know what we were, and wherefore wee came thither.
I told him we were English Merchants, that came to
seeke trade : he answered, if we were Englishmen we
were hartily welcome, and should not faile of that we
Alexander looke for : for Alexander Sharpeigh had sold all his goods
^rpetg . there, and we might doe the like. And for the ground-
ing of the ship, he made nothing of it, saying. It
was ordinary for great ships of India to come a ground,
and yet never heard that any of them sustained any harme
thereby : he made hast to goe ashore, to certifie the Aga
what we were, with promise in the morning to returne
with Boates to lighten our ship. This man, as I after-
The Lord of ^^rd understood, is called Lord of the Sea, for that his
office is to go aboord all ships that come thither, and
to see Lighters sent aboord to discharge the ships,
and to search that they steale no custome : for which
Office, hee hath diverse duties, which is his onely
maintenance.
The fourteenth in the morning early, he returned
with three or foure Turkes more in his company,
whereof two of them spake Italian, they brought me
a small Present from the Aga, with commendations
and offer of any thing the Countrey could affoord me,
with heartie welcome to his Port, saying, we should
Stambola ts j^^^^ ^g good and free Trade as wee had in Stambola,
^w^ Aleppo, or any part of the Turkes Dominions, with
The extreame many Other Complements : there came with them foure
dissimulation or five Lighters, in which we put any thing that came
of the Turkes. £j.g^ ^^ hand, to lighten the ship. Master Femell went
a-land in one of them before I was aware thereof, carrying
all he had in the ship with him. Wee sent all our
Money, Elephants teeth, and all our shot aboord the
Darling : wee laid out our Anchors to passe, and in
124
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
the Evening proved if we could heave her off, but could
not make her stirre, which was no small griefe to me.
The fifteenth, we did what we could to lighten our
ship, sending some goods a-land and some aboord the
Darling, I had a Letter from Master Femell, wherein! j_
hee certified mee of kind entertaynment by the Aga,
and that he had agreed for Custome to pay five pound
the hundred for all we should sell, and that we could;
not sell to be returned aboord custome free. Like-;
wise the Aga sent me a Letter under his hand and* ^
Scale, proffering himselfe and any thing the Countrey
affoorded to bee at my disposing, with many other
Complements ; about five a clocke wee began to heave
at our Cap-staynes, and by Gods great mercy shee
went off to all our comforts.
The nineteenth, came two Boates from the shore
sent by Master Femell for Iron, which I caused them
to fetch from the Darling. I writ to Master Femell
not to send for any more goods a-land, for that I
would see sale of those he had already before I would
depart with any more. I received a Letter from
Master Femell, if that I minded to have Trade, I
must come a-land according to the custome of the
place, otherwise they would not be perswaded but that
wee were men of Warre. Likewise, the Aga sent our [i. iii. 251.]
Interpreter to me to intreate me to come aland, if I
were a Merchant and friend to the great Turke, and
hoped for Trade : Alledging that Captaine Sharpeigh
and all the Indian Captaines did the like.
The twentieth, I went a-land, I was received at the
water side by divers chiefe men, and with Musicke
brought to the Agas House ; where were assembled all
the chiefe men of the Towne : my entertaynment by the
Aga and the rest, was with extraordinarie great kind-
nesse, I was seated close to the Aga, all men else standing,
where he held me with Complements, many times bidding
me welcome, offering himselfe and the Countrey to be
at my service : I delivered his Majesties Letter with a
125
A.D.
161O.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Present to the Basha, which I desired might be sent him
up with all speed. Likewise I gave the Aga a Present,
which he tooke very kindly, telling me, I and my people
should have as good and peaceable Trade, as any of our
Nation had in any parts of the Turkes Dominions, and
that if any man in the Towne offered me or any of
my people wrong, he would see them severely punished ;
he caused me to stand up, & one of his chiefe men put
upon my backe a Vest of Crimson silke and silver, saying,
I needed not to doubt of any evill; for that was the
Gran Seniors protection. After some few Complements
I tooke my leave, I was mounted upon a Gallant Horse
with rich Furniture, a great man leading my Horse ; and
so in my new Coate with the Musicke of the Towne
The English conveiged to the English House: where I stayed
House in Dinner, and presently after went aboord. Much he in-
^ ^* treated my stay on shore, which I yeelded to for building
my Pinnasse, the daies following being also forced by
foule weather.
§. II.
Turkish treacherie at Moha and Aden with the
English.
The Turkes
fasting.
Ne day past not, but I had some small present or
other sent mee by the Aga, with commendations
from him, to know if I lacked any thing. On
the eight and twentieth day twice he sent me commenda-
tions, willing me to be merry, and when their time of
Fasting was done (which was almost expired) hee would
have me ride abroad with him to his Gardens, and other
places of pleasure to make merry. This afternoone came
Master Pemberton a-land for Coco Nuts. I caused him
to stay Supper with mee, which beeing done, he tooke
his leave to goe aboord, but the Turkes would not
permit him, saying, it was too late, but in the morning
he should goe as timely as he would. I sent to intreate
that he might go, but it would not be granted. All this
126
Sm HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
time we suspected no harme, but thought it was over-
much curiositie in the Officer, who wee thought had
done it without order, of which the next day I thought
to have complayned to the Aga.
The Sunne being set (according to my wonted order)
I caused stooles to bee set at the doore, where my selfe,
Master Femell, and Master Pemberton sat to take the
fresh aire, suspecting nothing of the present ensuing
harme that did befall us. About eight of the clocke,
came a Janizary from the Aga to deliver some message
to mee, but wee could not understand him for lacke of \
an Interpreter; I sent my man to looke for one of my j
company that spake the Turkish Tongue, my Interpreter 1
presently came, by whom I understood the effect of the •
Janizaries message, which was, that the Aga had sent me ■
commendations, willing me to be merry, for that hee had '
received good newes from the Basha. And as hee was
about to say somewhat else, my man returnes in great
feare, telling us wee were all betrayed : for that the T^^ treason of
Turkes and my people were by the eares at the backe ^^ ^^^t^^\
of the House. The Turke that sate by, was desirous to j^,q *
know what was the matter, which wee tolde him, hee
presently rose up, and willed my man to shew him where
they were, divers of my Company running after them,
to see what was the matter. And I my selfe ranne after
them, calling upon them as loud as I could, to returne
backe and make good our House : but whiles I was thus
speaking, I was strooke upon the head downe to the \SirH.Middle-
ground by one which came behind me; I remained 2i^^oji smoke
dead till such time as they had bound my hands behind
mee, and so straite that the extreame paine thereof
brought mee to my memorie. Assoone as they saw me
stirre they lifted me upon my feet, and led me betweene
two of them to the Agas : where I found divers of my
Companie in like taking as I was my selfe. By the way
the Souldiers pillaged mee, and tooke from mee such
money as I had about mee, and three gold Rings, whereof
one was my Seale, the other had seven Diamonds which
127
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
were of good worth, and the third a Gimmall Ring.
When all of us that escaped with life in this bloudie
Massacre, were brought together, then beganne they to
SirH. Middle- p^t us in Irons : my selfe with seven more were chained
ZorTcilhed ^^ ^^^ neckes all together : other some their feete, other
b\ the neckes, their hands ; this being done, they left two Souldiers to
guard us, the rest departed, these Souldiers had com-
passion of us, and eased us of our bands, for the most of
us had our hands so straite bound behind us, that the
ilblood was readie to burst out at our fingers ends, with
j pain unsufFerable, but we were bound to endure it.
After I had received this ease of my hands and armes
(though still over-charged with griefe of heart) not only
for my owne necessitie (and these with me) but also for
[I. iii. 252.] the safetie of the ships, which I greatly doubted, knowing
the covetous Turkes would leave no Villanie nor Treason
unattempted ; for the surprizing of them, we began to
reason amongst our selves, what should be the reason or
cause of this their villanous usage of us ; and withall, I
demanded how it began, and if any of our Company were
slaine. I was certified by those of my Company that did
Eight of out ggg j|.^ ^^^ hardly escaped themselves, that Francis Slanny,
slawe Joh^ Lanslot, and sixe more were slaine, and that foure-
teene of our Company there present were grievously
wounded, and that our House was round begirt with
armed Souldiers, who, at the instant I was strooke downe,
sallied out upon us using their mercilesse crueltie towards
us, that had not wherewithall to defend our selves, much
lesse to offend them. Now having gone through their
first pretence of mischiefe, not being satisfied with Chris-
tian bloud, they aymed at our ships and goods. For
about ten of the clocke, they armed three great Boates
with one hundred and fiftie Souldiers in them to take
the Darling, who rode somewhat neere the shore. The
Boates put from the shore altogether, the Turkes tooke
off their white Tuckes, because they would be thought
boordedluhe '^° ^^ Christians, and all joyntly boorded her, and entred
Turkes. most of their men : it was so sudden, that three of the
12S
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON
Darlings men were slaine, before they could get downe :
the rest betake them to their close fight. Now it pleased
God in mercie to looke upon us, and not to suffer any
more Christian bloud to be shed. For the Captaine of
them, which is called Emier-bahare or Lord of the Sea,
called to his Souldiers to cut the Tables in the House,
the Souldiers mis-understanding him, many of them leapt
into the Boates, and cut the Boate Ropes, and so drove
away : by this time our men had gotten them to their
Weapons, and to their close fights, the Turkes standing
very thicke in the waste, hollowing and clanging their
Swords upon the Decke, one of the Company threw a
bigge Barrell of Powder amongst them, and after it a
Fire-brand ; which tooke so good effect, that it burned
divers of them : the rest for their better safetie (as they
thought) retyred to the halfe Deck and the Poope, where
they were set off with Musket shot, and entertayned
with another trayne of Powder, which put them in such
feare, that they leaped into the Sea, hanging by the ships
side, desiring mercy, which was not there to be found,
for that our men killed all they could finde, and the rest
were drowned, only one man was saved, who hid him-
selfe till the furie was past, who yeelded and was received
to mercie. Thus God of his goodnesse and mercie
delivered our ship and men out of the hands of our
Enemies, for which his holy Name be blessed and praysed
evermore. Amen.
Now let us looke backe to us imprisoned at Moha.
The Boats returning brought newes the ship was taken,
for which there was great rejoycing. The Governour
sent off the Boats againe with order to bring the ship :
when they came so farre off as where the ship did ride,
they found her gone from thence under saile standing
off, so that they returned and told the Aga the ship had
escaped and was gone, and that they thought Emeir
Bahars and his Souldiers were taken Prisoners : which
newes was nothing pleasing unto him. Before day he
sent our Interpreter to tell me the small ship was taken ;
m 129 I
A.D.
1610.
TheTurkesall
burned, killed,
or drowned,
save one.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
which I did verily beleeve to bee true; when it was day
StrH.Middle- \ -^^ras sent for to come to the Aga, so I and seven more
T.fllT.r^j which were chained by the neckes with mee came before
him. He with a frowning (and not his wonted dis-
».,f,<vv»^'' '^^ sembling) countenance, asked mee how I durst be so
/ bold as to come into this their Port of Moha, so neere
their holy Citie of Mecca ; I answered, it was not un-
knowne unto him wherefore I came thither, having long
before certified him thereof, and that I came not a-land
but at his earnest intreatie with many promises of kind
and good usage ; he answered it was not lawfuU for any
Christian to come so neere their holy Citie of Medina,
0 ^'^
Vv(>
this being the Port or Doore thereof, and that the Basha
Tfj^/ow at Y^^^ expresse order from the great Turke, to captivate
Besides these ^ Christians that should come into those Seas, although
three were they had his owne passe. I told him the fault was his,
with like tre a- that he had not told mee so much at the first, but
cherie twentte deluded US with faire promises : he gave me a Letter
belrmed at ^^ reade of Captaine Dounton that came from Aden,
Aden, having dated long before, the effect whereof was, that two of
leave given his Merchants and Purser were detayned ashore, and that
them to come they would not be released without landing of Merchan-
on ^ °^^pr dize, or paying of fifteene hundred Venetianos for
Dusinesse, and . ; ^ ^ ^ • ^ ^^ 1 i • i 1 1 ,
shackles made Anchorage, and withall to be advised by me what he
the whiles, had best to doe, after I had read it, hee bade mee tell
^^- him the effect thereof: which I did, hee told me since
the writing of this Letter, the ship was comming from
this place, and that she was cast away upon a Rocke,
,6'>, -* and that all the goods and men were lost (this was cold
■ comfort to mee to heare) he willed me to write a Letter
\ aboord, to know how many Turkes were in the small
vship. I told him that should not need, for that they had
taken the ship, hee answered that shee was once taken
and possessed by them, but she was rescued by the great
, ship and taken from them againe, and therefore willed
me to write to them aboord the great shippe, to come
all of them a-land, and yeeld the ship into his hands,
and he would let us have the small ship to carrie us
130
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
home. I said it was a folly to write any such thing:
for they that were aboord and had their libertie were no
such Fooles, as upon my Letter to forsake the ship and
goods, and come a-land and bee slaves. He said, he
knew if I did write a Letter to that effect, they durst not
disobey me. I told him I would write no such Letter, ^
he enquired what store of money was in our shippes.
I answered, little, and that was not for Merchandize but
to buy Victuals. Hee asked what store of Victuals and
Water.? I told him enough for two yeares, which hee
would not beleeve. He urged mee againe to write, to
will them to come all ashore and yeeld the ship, or he . - ' ' '
would cut off my head. I bade him doe so: for therein [I. iii. 253.]
hee should doe me a great pleasure, for I was weary
of my life, but write to that effect I never would.
I was taken out of my Chaine and CoUer, and a great
paire of Fetters clapt upon my legges, and Manacles upon
my hands, and so separated from the rest of my company:
they stowed mee all that day in a dirty Dogges Kennell i
under a paire of staires : at night, at the intreatie of v^^yt^ot v
Shermall Counsul of the Bannians, I was taken out and''
placed in a better roome, one more of my Company ^
which spake Turkish being with me. My lodging was
upon the hard ground, and my pillow a stone, my com-
panions to keepe me waking were griefe of heart and
multitude of Rats : which if I chanced to sleepe, would
awake me with running over me. About mid-night came
the Lieutenant of the Aga, and our Trugman entreat- •
ing me very fairely to write my Letter aboord, to know
how many Turkes were aboord Prisoners, and what were
their names, but in any case willed me not to write any
thing of the losse of our men, nor of my owne and my
peoples hard usage, but to say we were detayned in the
Agas House (where wee lacked not any thing) till further
order came from the Basha. This Letter I did willingly
write, and to the same effect they willed me, but withall :
wiUing them to looke well to their ships and Boat, and ' ^
to have a care to their men, that not any of them came
131
A.D.
161O.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
L
Decemb.
1610.
aland for feare of Treason. This Letter they had with
them, and examined two or three of my men whether
I had so written.
This Letter was not sent, for that they could not
get any man to goe aboord with it, but now they had
found a man who was there present would undertake
to Carrie it aboord, so that I would write they should use
him well and doe him no harme ; this man was borne
in Tunes in Barbary, and spake good Italian. I writ
the Letter as they desired ; which was perused as was
the former, and the next day was sent aboord, and
answere returned, the effect was that all the Turkes were
slaine and drowned save one, whose name was Russwan,
a common Souldier, and that they were glad to heare
I was alive : for the Prisoner Turke told them, he
• thought we were all slaine. We continued in this misery
,0 ^' ^a'*-'-^ till the fifteenth of December, not hearing any thing from
^/^^ the ships, nor they from us. The Aga came divers
times to me, sometimes with threats, sometimes with
I faire meanes, to have me write that all our people should
I come ashoare and yeeld up the shippes : I still answered
him as I did at the first. Hee was desirous to know
what money was in the shippe, and what store of water.
I answered him, Money had we little, but victuall had
we enough for two yeares. He was in hope for lacke
of water and victuals to have the ships yeeld unto him,
knowing that we could not have a wind to carrie us
Decemb, 15. out of the straight till May: he said, he marvelled how
so great a charge could be borne with so small a stocke.
I answered, we had Factories in divers places in India,
who had stocke enough in their hands to loade us if
we had brought never a peny worth of Commodities
with us, and that stocke wee had was sufficient to lade
our ships with Pepper, which in India was good
cheape.
, , They in the ships were very evill to passe riding in
^ \ an open and wide Roade, the wind blowing continually
hard at South South-east, enclosed round with shoales,
132
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
their water beginning to faile them, for that we had
staved fiftie Tunnes to lighten our ship at our comming
a ground : and hearing nothing from us aland made
them at their wits ends, not knowing well what to
do: they being in this perplexitie, an honest fellow in
the ship called John Chambers offered them to goe ^^^ ^^^^^^
ashore to see what was become of us, and to put his ^^^ ^ ^ ^
,./- 1 1-1 • • 11 1- • Chambers.
lire and libertie m venture rather then see men live in
this discontent, which he effected ; & also this day being
the fifteenth of December, with a Flagge of Truce was
set upon a small Hand, a little to wind-ward of the
Towne, he had one of our Indians with him for his
Interpreter : they were brought before the Aga, who
asked him how he durst be so bold to come ashore
without leave ; he answered he came with a Flag of
Truce, & was but a Messenger, which was permitted
amongst enemies. He asked what message he had to
deliver. He said, a Letter to me, and likewise if he
would give him leave to see how wee did. They
examined him and the Indian very strictly what store
of victuall and water was in the ships, they both answered
as I formerly had done, that there was enough of all
sorts of victuals for two yeares.
This being done they brought him to my darke Cell ;
who comming out of the light was a great while before
he could see me, Hee delivered me the Letter withs ,
watery eyes to see mee so fettered hands and feet in
Irons. I demanded how he came ashore } He told me
after what manner, and how he was examined by the
Aga. I told him I thought they would not permit him
to returne aboord, for that not few dayes before one
of the Pepper-Corne men was come from Aden with a
Letter to me, and they kept him Prisoner, and would
not permit him to returne, nor give him leave to goe
aboord our ships. He answered he came with that
resolution from aboord, to take such part as I did, . j,
if they would bee so villanously minded to stay him , ^ '^ rS^"'^ '
being but a Messenger. '
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
The sixteenth, I returned answere of my Letter sent
me, and delivered it to Chambers, and contrary to my
expectation, they let him and the Indian returne to the
Boate, with leave to come againe the next day if they had
occasion : the next day Chambers returnes alone, for
the Indian was so frighted that he durst not come :
my man sent me divers things by him, but the Aga
was my Receiver and kept them to his owne use, think-
[I. iii. 254.] ing them too good for mee ; he returnes aboord, and
leaves us to our wonted miserie, attending daily what
should become of us ; looking every houre for the
sentence from the Basha, of Death, or perpetuall im-
prisonment or captivitie. Yet God dealt more mercifully
with us, who never faileth them that put their trust
in him.
For upon the twentieth of December, came downe
from Zenan an Aga, Captaine or Chiefe of the Chawsses,
with order to bring us up all. At his first lighting he was
desirous to see me & my poore Company ; there were
three Chaires brought into my Roome, wherein Regib
<?jf'' Aga, Ismael (which was the Messenger from the Basha)
and Jasfer Aga seated themselves. Regib Aga began
to aske me how I durst be so bold as to come into that
Countrey so neere their holy Citie, without a Passe from
the Gran Senior ? I answered, the King my Master
was in league and amitie with the Gran Senior, and that
in the Articles of peace, it was allowed us free Trade
in all his Dominions, and this being part of his Dominions
there needed no passe. Hee answered, this was the
doore of their holy Citie, and therefore not lawfull for
any Christian to come hither ; Likewise, he asked me,
^If I did not know the Gran Seniors Sword was long;
I answered wee were not taken by the Sword, but by
^ I Treason, and if I and my people were aboord, I cared
' not for the length of his or all their Swords ; he said
it was proudly spoken of me. Also he willed, as
formerly he had done many times, to write a Letter
^ ■ aboord to command all the men out of the ships,
f3.4
I
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1610.
and yeeld themselves to the Basha ; and received like ; L
answer.
Ismael Aga broke off this idle speech, by telling me
he was come from the Basha, with expresse order from
him to conduct me and all my people to Zenan, and
therefore willed mee to send aboord for warme clothes,
for that wee should find it very cold in the Mountaine
Countrey. I prayed him if it were possible that my
poore men might bee sent aboord, and that I and some
few more might be sent up. Hee said it was not in him ^
to remedie it, for it was the Bashas order we should
all goe up : Regib Aga said I should have my desire, that
I and five more should goe up with me, and the rest
must abide where they are, till further order from the
Basha. This was the eighteenth day of December. ,^1-
This twentieth day, Captaine Dounton in the Pepper- Capt.Domton
Corne, came into the Road from Aden : I writ to him my '^'^'^^dllf
minde, what I thought fittest to be done. Moha.
§• in.
Sir Henrie Midleton, and foure and thirtie others,
sent to the Basha at Zenan. Description of
the Countrey, and Occurrents till their re-
turne.
He two and twentieth of December, our Irons Decemb. 22.
were knockt off all our legges, save the Carpenters ^^^o-
^ and Smithes, and some sicke men that were not
able to travell : the Carpenters and Smithes were kept
there to build up the Pinnasse ; and my selfe, and foure ^^^. Henr^
and thirtie persons more of us, were appointed to goe ^^^^^°^^
up for Zenan, the chiefs Citie of the Kingdome, where Ushmen were
the Basha is resident. About foure of the clocke we sent to Zenan.
set out of Moha, all my Company beeing mounted upon
Asses, and my selfe and M. Femel upon Horse-backe.
About ten of the clocke in the night, being tenne or M.p7mber-
twelve miles from Moha, Master Pemberton slipt away^/^?/.
135
A.i3. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
from us ; we missed him our selves presently, but said
not any thing, the best helpe we were able to doe him, he
had ; which was in beseeching God to send him safe
aboord, for the attempt was very desperate. About
one of the clocke after midnight, we came to our Inne
Mozvssi. at a Towne called Mowssi : they told us all at our
comming thither : yet missed not him that was wanting.
We continued in this lodging till foure of the clocke
in the afternoone the next day. At our setting out of
doore they told us, and found one missing : the Aga
inquired of me how many we were that set out of Moha.
I told him I could not well tell, but as I thought we were
foure and thirtie of us : he said, we were five and thirtie,
and that one was missing : I said, it was more then I
did know. The chiefest cause that mooved M. Pem-
berton to take this desperate action in hand, was to
see so many of us carried up together manacled, with
a Captaine, and a guard of Souldiers to conduct us, which
he could imagine to no other end, then death or cap-
tivitie, which was the opinion of us all. I found a great
Hamet Aga a friend of one Hamet Aga, who sent me divers Presents,
great friend ^^^ willed me to be of good comfort, for my cause
i was good : he sent me and my people provision of
/ Bread for our journey, and withall his letters to the
^ Kaha.
The Consul of Likewise, the Consul of the Bannians, who came
^ ^d r^^TV^^^ every day to visit me, and never came empty handed,
their great ^ A^^ Tookehar was our great friend all the time we were
friendship to there prisoners, and every day failed not to send to each
^' , man, being one and fiftie in number, two cakes of
white bread, and a quantitie of Dates, or Plantans : he
departed from Moha two dayes before us for Zenan,
promising me at his departure to doe all he could with
the Basha for our good : which promise, I thinke, he
y well performed: for at Zenan I was told by divers,
he laboured hard in our businesse, both with the Basha
and his Cayha, which is a verie discreet man, and
governes the Kingdome.
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
i6io.
We arrived at the Citie of Ties (which is foure dayes Ties a citie
journey from Moha) upon Christmas day : where we -^^^^^^^^^
were marshalled into the Citie two and two in a ranke, ^^^^
as they doe at * Stambola with captives taken in the [I. iii. 255.]
warres, our Aga riding in triumph as a great Conquerour, *Constan-
beeing met a mile out of the Towne with the chiefe ^^^°P^^'
men of the Citie on Horse-back, multitudes of people
standing all the way gazing and wondering at us: thus
were we used in all Cities and Townes we passed
through. A youth of M. Pembertons fell sicke in this
Towne, and was left with the Governour thereof, for . ^^>/^^
that he was not able to travell. I kept no Journal \. .^^^^-^
from this time forward ; but this I remember, we found
it very cold all the way from Tyes to Zenan, our lodg- ^^^^^ cold in
ing being the cold ground ; I bought most of our men, ^YuZTgowL
which were slenderly clothed, furred gownes to keepe needfull.
them from the cold ; otherwise, I thinke, they would Zenan is in
have starved. I would not beleeve at Moha, when I sixteen degrees
was told of the cold wee should have upwards, and J^ll^^^l^
that made me goe but thinly clothed my selfe; but
experience taught me otherwaies, wishing when it was
too late, I had come better provided. Zenan is from
Moha an hundred and eightie miles, or thereabouts, as
I judge, North North-west. It is in the latitude of
sixteene degrees fifteene minutes, which I observed by
an instrument I made there. '^!
Every morning the ground was covered with horie ^^
frost: and in Zenan wee had Ice a finger thicke in on^ ^^^. ^A^^^^'
night, which I could hardly have beleeved, had I not ^ightin
seene it. Wee were fifteene dayes betweene Moha and Zenan.
Zenan. The fifth of January two houres before day, They were
we came within two miles of the Citie, where we lay fift^^^f ^^^^
upon the ground till it was faire day, being much pinched ^Mfha^to^
by the cold, not beeing able scarce to stand we were Zenan.
so benummed. About a mile from the Towne we were
met by the Subbassie or Sheriffe, with at least two
hundred Shot, Drummes, and Trumpets : we were caused
to goe one by one in order, a prety distance one from
137
J}
,trM'
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
the other, to make the better shew ; our men had their
gownes taken from them, and were caused to march
a foote in their thinne and ragged suites : the souldiers
lead the way, after came our men one by one; our
^^v Trumpeters were placed next before me, and commanded
by the Aga to sound ; but I forbad them : after the
Trumpets came M. Femel and my selfe on Horse-
backe ; and lastly came our Aga riding in Triumph,
with a spare horse richly furnished led before him. In
this order wee were led through the heart of the Citie
The Castle, till we came to the Castle, all the way beeing so full
of people, we could hardly passe for them. At the first
gate, there was a good guard of armed soldiers : the
second gate had two great pieces of Ordnance, readie
mounted at the entry thereof; after we had passed this
gate, we came to a spacious yard, twice the length of
the Exchange in London ; the souldiers at the entry of
the Gate discharged their shot, and placed themselves
amongst many others that were there before them, some
on the one side, and some on the other, and a lane
left in the middest. At my first comming in I alighted,
and was placed on the one side with my men ; where
I had not staied long, but I and M. Feme! were brought
Their com- before the Basha : it was their Dinano or Counsell day :
^h^^B h^ ^^ ^^^ upper end of the yard, we mounted up a paire
of staires some twelve steps high : at the head thereof,
two great men came and tooke me by the wristes, and
held mee very hard, and so led me to the Basha. The
place where he was seated was a long spacious gallery;
at the upper end thereof he was seated alone, many
great men standing on each side of him, and others
stood on either side, from the lower part of the Gallery
to the upper end, which made a good shew : the floore
was covered all over with Turkic Carpets. When I
came within two yards of him, we were stayed ; He,
with a frowning and angry countenance, demaunded of
what Countrey I was, and what I made in those parts ?
I answered, I was an Englishman, and a Merchant, and
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1610.
friend to the Grand Senior, and came to seeke trade.
He said, It was not lawfull for any Christian to come
into that Countrey, and that he had given warning to
Captaine Sharpeigh, that no more of our Nation should
come thither. I told him, Captaine Sharpeigh was cast
away upon the Coast of India, and came not to England
to tell us so much, which had we knowne, wee would
never have put our selves into that trouble we were
in : I told him Regib Aga was the man that had abused
me, in telling me we were welcome into the Countrey,
and that we should have as free trade as our Nation/
had in any part of Turkie, with many other faire pro-
mises, and that contrary to his word he assaulted us
with armed souldiers, and murthered divers of my men,
and tooke me and the rest prisoners ; he said, Regib ,^^ h:-. - '-' ' ^
Aga was but his slave, and had no such power as to' ^^ „^.^'/*>^^*,
passe his word to me without his leave, and what was ^ ,
befallen to me and my people, was by his order to Regib stambola or
Aga ; and that he himselfe likewise had such order from stamboli, is a
the Gran Senior, so to chastise all Christians that should correption
come into those parts. I told him we had received ^^^^'^^J'^jp-
great harme, and if it pleased him to let us returne to Q^^^ew/v//
our ships, it would bee sufficient warning to our Nation, etsrVriXtj/,
for ever comming in those parts againe. Hee said. No, ^^^^^ ^^^
hee could not so let us depart, but that I should sit ^p^^^^e Tttet
there and write my letters to the Ambassador at * Stam- g^i^jg thither,
bola, and he would likewise write to the Gran Senior, that is, to the
to know his pleasure what should become of us, or 9^'^(^' "^'^ ^'^^f'
whether he would permit us trade, or no : he dismist ^^S^^^u^P^"^
r ' etHttietice
me for that present, and bad me goe to my lodging ^^^^^ ^/^^;.
which was appointed for me, and take with me foure Cities: as
or five more, such as I thought good : I and those I Athens is at
made choise of, were conveyed to the Keeper of the ^^^^ ^a'j con-
, ' J , • 1 1 • tracted into
prisons house, and the rest carried to the common prison, Satinesfrom
where for their welcome they were clapt in waightie eis 'kd^vva$.
Irons ; one of our youths at such time as I was brought Po^^^^-J^^^P-
before the Basha, thinking I was so led to have my head pj.^ ^^^^*
strook off, fel in a sound with very feare, thinking his [i. iii. 256.]
139
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
turne would not bee long after ; hee fell sicke upon it
and shortly after died.
The sixth of January, I was sent for to the Basha Caya,
or Lieftenant general! of the Kingdome, to breake fast
with him : after breake-fast I told him every particular,
how treacherously and vilely I was used by Regib Aga ;
he bad me be of good cheare, and not thinke of things
past, which could not be remedied : and he doubted not
but all would be wel in the end, and his best endeavours
to do me good should not be wanting. Shermall the
Bennian of Moha, had made this man our friend ; then I
r ' departed with my Keepers to prison, where 1 was of
better comfort then before.
The seventh day, I was sent for to the Cayhas garden,
where he feasted me and M. Femel, telling me, that
shortly I and my people should have libertie, and be
sent to Moha, where I should have redresse of all my
^ ,^^ , wrongs, promising me to be my friend, and before many
great Personages, Turkes and Arabs said, what kindnesse
he did me was onely for Gods sake ; but I well knew it
was in hope of some great reward from me. Hamet
Aga his letter did us no small good. This day came
A Moore of to towne a Moore of Cairo, an old acquaintance of the
Cayro our Bashaes, and one that had lent him great summes of
money at his comming from Stambola, when he was but
poore : this man was our next neighbour at Moha before,
and when we were betrayed, and had a ship in Moha
roade, bound for India, which he greatly doubted our
ships would have taken, in regard of the wrongs offered
jus, but they let her quietly depart, contrary to his
^ I expectation, so that hee became our great friend : he writ
U^'^^ \ ihis letter in our behalfe to the Basha, and therein did
^ f much blame him in using us so hardly, saying, he went
about to destroy the Countrey and trade, in taking such
courses with us : at his comming before the Basha, he
' ' iterated what he had written, and much more ; willing
him to have a care, the Trade of the Red Sea were not
destroyed by his meanes, and therefore counselled him
140
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1610.
to returne me all my goods, and to send me and my
people away contented. His letter prevailed much with "^ prt<t^-'^*f^
the Basha : for when he sent for us up, it was his
purpose to have put us to death, and to have made
slaves of all the rest : none in the Country durst speake
so boldly as he. Of this which I have written concerning
the Moore of Cayro, was I enformed by Shermall and
Hamet Waddy, who were both present at reading the
letter, and likewise heard the conference betweene the
Basha and him. This Hamet Waddy is an Arabian
Merchant, very rich dwelling at Zenan, and is called
the Bashas Merchant : he stood my friend very much, in
perswading the Basha that we might be kindly dealt
withall, and suffered to depart.
The eighth, I made petition to the Basha, requesting.
That whereas at my comming from Moha, I had willed
the Commanders of my ships to forbeare hostilitie for
five and twentie daies, and after to use their discretions, -
if in that time they heard not from me ; the time beeing
almost expired, that the Basha would vouchsafe speedily
to censure my cause, or give me some comfortable news
to write them, to stay them from doing harme, to ^
which they might easily encline, being without Head or^
Governour.
The eleventh day, I was sent for to the Cayha, who
told me that now all things were ended, and that my
stay there was for the rest of my company which were
comming from Aden, and that presently after their
comming up, we should all be sent to Moha.
The seventeenth, M. Fowler and eighteene more of M- Fowler,
their Company arrived at Zenan ; they were presently eighteen
brought before the Basha, and such like questions de- ^^ Zenan
manded of them as hee did of me. Afterward, M.
Fowler, John Williams, and Robert Mico were sent to
keep me company, and all the rest to the Common
prison to the rest of my men, where they were all put
in irons, and their allowance from the Basha, browne
bread and water, they would have all died with hunger
141
d(
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
and cold, had not I releived them better then the
Basha.
The twentle fifth, I was sent for to the Cahays garden,
where we spent some houres in conference : he told me
I should presently goe with him to the Bashaes garden,
^ where the Basha would have conference with me : he
^r^ jcounselled me to sooth him up with faire words, and
jnot crosse him in any thing ; I asked him what he
thought, whether he would surrender me all my goods :
he said, he could not tell : I asked him whether I should
have my Pinnasse againe : he said likewise he could not
tell : but in any case he willed me not to speake of it
, to the Basha, but at my comming to Moha to write
(^ I my letters to him, and he would solicite the Basha in
my behalfe, and doubted not but to obtaine it for me :
I told him, I thought it fitter to demand it now, then
, .' hereafter: for that I was desirous to know what to trust
unto : he bad me use my discretion. The chiefest cause
that made this man our friend, was for a summe of
'''> money which I had promised to give him : he would
not be scene to meddle therein himselfe, but appointed
Shermall, Consull of the Bannians, to treat with me
^ . concerning the same : he demaunded much, and I was
'i^'*' willing to part with nothing. We spent three or foure
dayes consulting this businesse, in the ende I was con-
strained to give them content, in promising after my
deliverie to pay him fifteene hundred Venetianoes : which
beeing done, the Cayha tooke Horse and rid to the
Bashaes garden, and bad our Truchman bring me and
M. Femel thither. When we came to the garden doore,
wee staied an houre before we were admitted to the
Bashaes presence : we found him seated in a Summer-
house, in a chaire, his Cayha standing at his right hand,
and halfe a douzen others at the backe of the Chaire.
[I. iii. 257.] I was lead by two men, which held me by the cloake
till I came within two paces of him ; and there they
stayed me, M. Femel comming behind me at libertie,
without his leaders : he demaunded of me how I did,
142
r'l
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
and bad me be of good cheare, for that shortly I and
all my people should have their libertie, and be sent to
Moha, where I with twentie nine more should remame, ■" .
till all the ships of India were come into Moha, and the
rest to be sent aboord ; and when all the said ships were
come in, and the winds setled Westerly, I and the rest of
my company should be permitted to go aboord, and
proceed on our Voyage to India. I besought him he
would not detaine so many of us : he answered, thirtie ^
have I spoken, and thirty shall stay : then I demaunded, |
if our goods should be surrendered ; he answered, no :
for they were all put to the Gran Seniors accompt. I
demaunded my Pinnasse, he said likewise she was put to
the same accompt. I told him, divers provisions belong-
ing to the ships were aland at Moha, and desired I might
have them surrendered ; he said I should : then I spake
to M. Femel, willing him to speake againe that our goods
might be surrendered ; which he did, and was answered
as I was : then I prayd him to assure me of one
thing, and that was, whether all my people should be
permitted to depart aboord the ships, the time of our
abode being expired, he promised me upon his word, not) ^t:^^' /^
any one should be stayed, but be all sent aboord, and all
things, had I Turke to my slave, hee would not detaine i_
him : for which his kindnesse I gave him thankes : then
he beganne to excuse himselfe, praysing his owne milde
nature, in that it was our haps to fall into his hands, he
had dealt mercifully and favourably with us, which had
it been in the time of any of his Predecessors, we had all
suffered death for our presumption, in comming into that
Countrey so neere their holy Citie : and that which now
was befallen us, was by order from the Gran Senior, he
being urged thereto by the complaint of the Bashaes of T'he complaint
Cairo and Snachen, and the Sheriffe of Mecca, who had ^fi^^^^^^has
certified the Gran Senior at the being here of the Ascen- ^^nachen ^^
sion and her Pinnasse, that they had bought all the against the
choice ware of India, whereby his customes were much English.
diminished, and would be the overthrow of the Trade of ^^
143
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
these Seas, if it were permitted; and therefore wished it
might be carefully looked unto : whereupon the Gran
, Senior dispatched his letters with a commandement to
^ him, That if any more Englishmen, or any other
Christians did come into those parts, to confiscate their
ships and goods, or to kill or captivate all the men
they could get into their power : but he minded not
to deale so with me, but more favourably, in permitting
us without further harme to returne to our ships, hoping
it would be a warning, that neither we nor any other of
our Nation, would repaire thither any more.
February i. The first of February, I and M. Femel were sent for
\h^B sha ^^ ^^^ Cay ha, who gave me counsell to goe to the Basha,
madeaFizir. ^^ ^^^ ^^^ g^^e him joy of his late received Dignitie:
which was, the Gran Senior had made him a Vizir, and
sent him letters of great favour, with a Sword, and rich
Robes belonging to a Vizir, which Robes and Sword are
a confirmation of him in so high a place and calling.
These Presents from the Gran Senior, were received two
daies before with great solemnitie : and the party that
brought them, was met by the Basha, and all the chiefe
of the Citie, with all the souldiers, horse and foote, sixe
miles without the Towne. Where a Tent was set up,
where the Basha disrobed himselfe, and vested him in
those which were sent him by his Master ; and so in great
pompe came riding through the Citie to his owne house :
I and others of my company, by the appointment of the
Cayha, had a place appointed us, where we did see his
comming into the Citie : our Trudgman, by the appoint-
ment of the Cayha, conducted us to the Vizirs house,
where we stayd not long, but were admitted to his
presence : I told him, my comming was onely to see
him, and to congratulate his new received honour, and
to pray God give him joy : hee gave mee thanks, and bad
. ^ me be merry: for what he had promised me, he would
^^<' ' performe, and be better to me then his promise : he was
^ very pleasant, and tooke this our comming kindly : and
so, as a great favour. Master Femel and I were per-
144
Sm HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
mitted to kisse his hand, and dismissed, returning to
our lodging.
Many of our people in the meane while fell sicke and
weake through griefe, cold, naughtie aire, bad diet, evill
lodging, and waightie Irons ; I never ceased soliciting the
Cayha, till hee had procured their liberty out of that Our men set
loathsome prison, so that the eleventh day they were all '^^ ^ ^^^^^'
free of prison and Irons, and had a house in the Towne,j
and libertie to walke abroad, and take the fresh aire :
also the next day the Cayha sent me halfe a dozen of
Beefes, to bestow among my men ; so that in fewe dayes
all of them, I thanke God, recovered their former health
and strength. The Cayha informed me, that Regib Aga
had writ earnestly to the Basha, that we might all bet ^
sent downe to Aden, and there taken into our ships : byi
which meanes his Towne of Moha, and such ships of
India as should passe the Bab, should be secure from
danger or any harme our ships might doe them. This
wicked counsell had prevailed with the Basha, had not
God raysed the Cayha for our good to perswade the
contrary.
The seventeenth in the morning early, the Cayha sent
for me, M. Femel, and others, and told me, the next ^ ^'"^
morning I and my people should depart for Moha.
After wee had broke fast, hee brought us to the Basha*
to take our leaves : he beganne againe to extoll his owne
clemencie, and the power of the Gran Senior, saying, he
had a long Sword, straightly charging me I came no
more into those Seas : adding, that neither Christian nor
Lutheran might come thither, no, though they had the [I. iii. 258.]
Gran Seniors Passe : for so had he commanded him : then
I requested, if any of our Nation came thither, before I
could give advise to England, that they might not be
betrayed, as I was, but plainely denied Trade, that they
might know what to trust to, and to be permitted quietly
to depart ; which my request he would in no wise grant :
then I intreated him to write to Regib Aga, to effect
what he had promised me, otherwise he being my mortall
III 145 K
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
enemy, would wrong me and my people : he answered
with great pride, Is not my onely word sufficient to turne
a whole Citie upside downe ? if Regib Aga wrong you, I
will pull his skin over his eares, and give you his head :
-9is he not my slave ? and therewithall appointed the
/ Cayha to write my dispatch. I demanded answer of
his Majesties letter, but he would give me none. This
done, I departed. I told the Cayha I had never a
weapon, and therefore I desired leave I might buy a
Sword, and ride downe as I came up like a prisoner :
he acquainted the Basha therewith, and he sent mee one
of his cast Swords. The Cayha also this morning gave
me an hundred peices of gold of fortie Madines the peice :
and fiftie pieces had he given me not many dayes before :
co)'%o that I received from him in all an hundred and fiftie
- ' ipeices of gold, and from the Basha nothing but his rusty
Sword : the Cayha is of a liberall disposition, and the
Basha exceeding covetous: if any man be knowne to
bee rich, he had need to carrie himselfe uprightly : other-
waies the least occasion will cost him his head, that the
Basha may enjoy his goods, as lately befell a rich Aga,
whom he caused privately to be cruelly murthered, and
presently after seazed upon all he had.
The eighteenth, I paid all duties of the Prison, and
went to the Cayhas Garden, where wee brake our fast,
received my dispatch, and a Letter to the Governour of
Aden for re-deliverie of the Pepper-Cornes Boate ; I
requested his Letter to the Governour of Tayes for
delivery of a Youth of Master Pembertons, which was
left sicke there, fl was informed hee was inforced to
, ,; } '* A ,..'. turne Turke, hee writ his Letter and sealed it: the effect
Thy depart \ know not) which being done I tooke my leave and
from Zenan. departed : my selfe. Master Femell, and Master Fowler
were mounted on Horses, and all the rest upon Asses
and Camels, we had two Chauses to conduct us, and a
Horseman, the other afoot.
The descrip- This Citie is somewhat bigger then Bristoll, of good
tion of Zenan. building of Stone and lime, with Churches or Meskits :
146
Sm HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1610.
it is environed with a mudde wall full of Battlements and
Turrets. On the West-side there is a great deale of
spare ground enclosed within the walks, there they have
their Gardens, Orchards, and Houses of pleasure, it
standeth in a barren and stony Valley, with high Hils
enclosing it, not being farre off, whereof one which is to
the Northward over-looketh the Towne, whereon is built
a small Castle, to keepe it from the mountaine people,
who accustomed from thence to offend the Citie. It hath
no water but Wel-water, which they digge deepe for;|^
Wood is very scarce, and fetcht from farre, and very
deare ; In the Easter-most part is the Castle inclosed with
mudde Walles full of Turrets, in which Turrets every
night they place their Watch, which keepe such a hollow- 1
ing one to another all night long, that a man that is not '
acquainted with it can hardly sleepe; the Basha and
some other principall men dwell within this Castle Wall,
the Keepers House wherein I was imprisoned, joyneth to
the wall, and at the foote of the Wall is a spacious yard,
wherein a great number of people, for the most part
Women and Children, are kept Prisoners or Pledges, to
keepe their Parents, Husbands, and Allies from Rebellion.
The Boyes while they be little goe loose in the yard,
but after they bee come to bignesse they are clapt in
Irons and carryed to a strong Tower, where there bee
many more kept in like case, there they remayne during
the Bashas pleasure, those Women and Children which
remayne in the yard live in little Cottages, which they
have made of purpose ; the Children goe for the most
part naked, without it be very cold, and then have they
Sheep-skinne Coates to keepe them warme, they be as
wilde and rude as if they were brought up in the Moun-
taines. This night we arrived at Siam distant from Siam a small
Zinan sixteene miles : which is a small Towne with a ^"^^^ ^^^
Castle upon the side of a Hill, the place and Countrey
about it is very barren, and yeeldeth small reliefe to
Travellers.
About midnight we departed from Zenan, and the
^47
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
Surage, next day being the nineteenth, we came to Surage, about
ten a clocke in the forenoone : it is likewise a small
Village distant from Siam about eighteene miles, the
Countrey barren and the people poore, and goe almost
naked, save a cloth about their wastes reaching downe
to their knees. We departed from hence at mid-night.
Damareagood Wee came to Damare the twentieth, about eight of the
Cttte. clocke in the morning ; it is a Citie built of lime and
stone, but separated in five parts one a prettie distance
from the other, so that it seemeth to be so many Villages.
It is seated in a spacious Valley or Plaine, having plentie
of water and all kind of graine, with all other provision
for sustenance both for themselves and their poore Neigh-
bours, who live in great penurie and want, it is distant
from Surage twentie miles. We tarryed heere two dayes
by order of Abdela Chillarby, the Bashas Cayha, who is
Governour of this Province.
The two and twentieth, we departed from Damare
Ermin, about two a clocke after mid-night, and came to Ermin
betimes, it being a small Village and distant from Damare
some fifteene miles.
Naqualsamare The three and twentieth, we arrived at Naqual Samare,
an Inne. being a common Inne for all Travellers. The Turkes
call them Censors ; which are built at the cost of the Gran
[I. iii. 259.] Signior, for the reliefe of Travellers. There be many of
these Censors betweene Moha and Zenan, this Censor
is seated in the middle of a very steepe hill called
Nackhilsamar, and some few scattering poore houses
about it, upon the top of this hill is a great Castle,
wherein the Governour of the Province which is an
Arabian dwelleth. These craggie Mountaine Countries,
are for the most part governed by the Arabians, for the
people of these Mountaines cannot brooke the proud
and insolent Government of the Turkes : no Turke may
passe this way, neither upward nor downeward without
a Pasport of the Governour of the Province from whence
they come, this Censor is distant from Ermin, some four-
teene miles.
h3
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
The foure and twentieth wee arrived at Mohader, Mohader a
which is a litde Village at the foot of the great hill, being ^^"^^^^ ^i^iage,
distant from Nackelsamar, some thirteene miles. Our
Chauses had warrant from the Basha, to take up Asses
for our men to ride upon, which accordingly they per-
formed over-night; but the next morning the Arabians
lay in ambush in the way and in despight of our Chauses
tooke their Asses away, neither of our Guardians daring
to give them a foule word.
The five and twentieth, being arrived at Rabattamaine Rabatta-
a Censor with some Cottages and shops adjoyning there- ^^^^^<^^^^^^'
unto : it is seated on the side of a hill and is distant
from Mohader sixteene miles, groweth Poppie, whereof
they make their Oppium : but it is not good.
The sixe and twentieth, we arrived at a Coughe house
in the middle of a Plaine : it is called Merfadine, and Merfadin.
distant from Rabattamaine sixteene miles.
The seven and twentieth, we arrived at Tayes, being TayesaCitie.
a Citie of halfe the bignesse of Zenan, and walled round
with a mud wall : here we stayed all this day and the
next, in which time of my abode there, I used the best
meanes I could for recovery of a Youth of Master
Pembertons, whom the Governour Hamet Aga had
forced to turne Turke, and would by no meanes depart
with him. But Walter Talbot having the Turkish
Tongue was permitted to speake with him in a Chamber
amongst other Boyes and Youthes, who weeping, said
unto him he was no Turke, but was deluded by them, they
telling him that I and all my people were put to death
at Zenan, and if he would turne he should save his life,
but he would not yeeld unto them. But afterward some
of the Agaes servants carrying him to a Hot-house, when
they had him naked circumcised him perforce. When
I saw I could not get him I delivered Abdela Chillarby
the Cayhas Letters, which was, if that he was not turned
he should deliver him me. When the Aga had read this
Letter, he told me the effect saying, that Letter was
warrant sufficient for keeping of him. I suspected the
149
A.D.
161O.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
.r
Indico made.
Eufras.
March
1610.
Letter was to that effect when it was given me, and that
made me not deliver it at first. This Citie standeth in
a Valley under very high hils ; and upon the top of one
of the highest hils is a faire and strong Castle : all kind
of victuall is very cheape here, in the Countrey there-
abouts is made some Indico, but what quantitie or of
what goodnesse I could not learne. This Citie is very
populous, and so is all the Countrey and Cities we
travelled through.
The first of March, we departed and came to Eufras
about noone, being sixteene miles from Tayes ; the
Countrey we travailed Mountainous and stoney. The
Towne little, scituate on the side of a hill. About the
fift of January great multitude of people resorteth hither
.ffrom farre, where they doe some foolish Ceremonies to
^V;"^' one of their Saints and holy men, which lyeth buried
^ there: which being done they goe all in company to
Mecca on Pilgrimage. The Governour of this Towne
is a Turke, and used mee and my people very kindly
at our going up, and hearing of my comming downe,
he sent one sixe miles to a place, where two wayes meete,
to bring us to his Towne, where we were most kindly
used by him.
The second, we departed thence and lodged at a
Assambine. Censor called Assambine, some eleven miles from Eufras.
Here is no Towne but a few poore Cottages.
The third, we went from thence and came to another
Censor some thirteene miles off: it is called Accomoth
standing in a barren common with a few Cottages by it.
The fourth in the morning, we departed thence and
came to Mousa, seventeene miles from Accomoth : the
Countrey we travailed plaine and barren, and small store
of Inhabitants. The Towne of Mousa is not great, and
unwalled, but very populous. It is scituate in a plaine
indifferent fruitfull ; hereabouts likewise is made some
Indico. Wee departed thence about mid-night.
The fift in the morning about eight of the clocke we
came to Moha. We rested two or three houres by the
150
Accomoth.
Mousa a
towne.
Moha.
I
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
way at a Church or Coughe house called Dabully built
by a DabuU Merchant. If we had not stayed here, we
had come to Moha before day. A mile without the
Towne, we were met by our Carpenters, Smithes, and
such others as were detayned there, the day before their
Irons were taken off, and they had libertie to walke
abroad. The first question I demaunded was to know
what became of Master Pemberton. They told mee hee
lighted upon a Cannoa, and got aboord, wherof I was
not a little glad ; for I was very doubtful never to have
seen him more. At the Townes ends, and all the way to
the Agas house, the people stood very thicke, and as
wee passed by bad us welcome backe, for it was nothing
pleasing to the people of the Countrey to heare how
treacherously the Turkes had used us : we rid till wee ,
came to the Agas house where wee alighted, my selfe,
Master Femell, Master Fowler, were brought before \
him, where I delivered my Letters from Zenan, He !<
received me after his wonted dissembled shew of love c ^M ^ /
and kindnesse, bidding me and the rest welcome, saying, >;tJ1-'7v-
he was glad of our returne safe, and sorrie and ashamed —
of what was past, and prayed me to pardon him, and [I. iii. 260.]
that hereafter he bad me assure my selfe he would be
my friend, and that the harme that had be fallen us was
not long of him, for hee did nothing but what his( "
Master commanded him. I soothed him up, but beleeved^^
nothing he said, he read the command of the Basha, and
said all things should be performed accordingly. Where- /
upon he called in for Breakefast, and caused us to sit
downe with him, bidding mee eate and bee merry: for
now he had eate Bread and Salt with me, I need not
doubt of any harme. After breakfast, he went to seeke
for a House for me, we had a faire large house appointed
us neere the Seaside, where we continued two dayes, but
afterward wee were removed from thence to a great strong
House, standing all alone in a spacious Church-yard in
the middle of the Towne : and for our Guard a Captaine
and his Company were appointed to that charge, who
151
A.D.
161O.
The descrip-
tion of Mo ha.
,1
The Darling
came into the
Roade.
The Captaine
of a ship of
Dabull. I
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
warded all the day, & by night our house was enclosed
round with his armed Souldiers. The cause why we were
remooved from our first house, was because it was too
neere the water side, they doubting from thence we
might attempt an escape.
This Towne of Moha is one third part lesse then
Tayes, unwalled, very populous, and seated close by the
Sea-side in a salt, sandy, barren soyle. The Governours
house is close by the waters side, and here by the same
is the Key or Bridge which shooteth a prettie distance
.into the Sea : to which Key all Boates belonging to any
shipping, are enjoy ned to land for feare of stealing of
Custome. And close adjoyning to the Key is a plat-
forme, whereon are planted some doozen of Brasse Peeces,
at the Westerne end of the Towne there is a Fort wherein
is the like quantitie of Ordinance : this Fort was ruinate
at our first comming thither, but since pulled downe to
the ground and new builded. This after-noone came
the Darling into the Roade, who brought us newes of
the wel-fare of the rest, which was no small comfort to
me after so many troubles.
The sixth, Nohuda Melech Ambor, Captaine of a
great ship of Dabull, which came into the Road two
dayes before my arrivall at Moha, came ashore with a
great many of Merchants with him, he with the rest
were carryed about the Towne in pompe, and afterwards
feasted by the Aga. I likewise was sent for to this Feast
and entertayned with all love and friendship. The Aga
in presence of them all called for the Alcoran, kissed
it, and voluntarily swore and protested, that he ought
me no evill will but wished me all good, and would
endevour himselfe to pleasure me the best he could, his
heart being cleere of malice or hatred, and was much
grieved for what was past : I returned him thankes,
seeming greatly satisfied therewith, although I gave no
credit thereto, but was forced to indure with patience
what I could not remedie, till it pleased God to provide
better.
152
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1610.
The seventh day, the Aga made a great Feast at his
Garden-house for the Dabullians, to which I and Master
Femell were likewise invited. The Dabullians were all
mounted upon gallant Horses with rich Furniture, and
we upon a couple of tyred lame Jades, which wee brought
from Zenan.
The eight, wee were all sent for to come before the
Aga, my selfe with all the Merchants, Carpenters, Smithes,
and others, whom he (to the number of thirtie) thought
good, were appointed to stay aland, and the rest which
were thirtie sixe, were sent aboord the Darling. - ^ ^--'W^*
The ninth, had I made an escape, had I not beene 9"^' .f *'J^
more carefuU for others, which I should have left behind
me, then for my selfe. This day the Darling having
taken in thirtie sixe men as aforesaid, and provided
of some necessaries they lacked, departed towards the ^
other ships on the Coast of Habashe : where they had
found out in the time of my absence an excellent Road, ^» excellent
for all windes that blow in these Seas, it is called Assab ^QoauT/^^
Road, where they had wood and water enough costing habashe
nothing but the fetching, the water is a little brackish, called Assab
but seemed fresh enough to them that had lived in want ^oade.
thereof, the people of the Countrey bee as blacke as the
Negroes of Guinea, they be all Mahometans alongst the!
Sea-coast : but up in the Land they bee Christians and) ^ , ,.-
Subjects to Prester John, they goe almost naked save
a cloth about their wastes, which reacheth to their knees.
They were at first comming of our people very fearefuU,
but after they were acquainted, and a peace confirmed
by oath on both sides, they daily repayred with refresh-
ing, as Beefes, Sheepe and Goates, and sold them for
money at reasonable rates. And afterward they desiring
course Callico rather then money, I furnished them there-
with from Moha : In trucke whereof they sold their
Cattle farre better cheape then before for money, dealing /
faithfully and kindly with our people, notwithstanding ^
the Turkes sought to worke them to the contrary, by
meanes of small Barkes which passe to and fro. The
153
A.D.
161O.
Rahaita.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
King of this Countrey hath his abiding at a Towne lying
upon the Sea-coast called Rahaita, some fortie miles to
the Southwards neere the Bab, hee sent some of his
chiefe men to the Commanders of the shippes with
presents, they returned them the like: who entertayned
those which were sent very courteously, with promise
of any thing his Countrey yeelded. Their vulgar speech
(is not understood by the Arabians, the better sort of
them speake and write the Arabian Language, in which
Tongue their Law of Mahomet is written.
[I. iii. 261.]
April I .
1611.
Another ship
ofDabul.
The third ship
ofDabul.
?<?lV''
C'4
§. IIIL
Indian shipping at Moha ; Sir Henry Middletons
escape from the Turkes, and enforcing satis-
faction.
f,.. ^'^^^^
Prill the first, 1 6 1 1 . the Darling departed for
Assab, with leave every ten dayes to returne,
to see how I did : this his unlooked for kindnesse
I hoped in God would bee a meanes to worke my
freedome. The second, came into the roade another
ship of Dabul, full of people. The Nohuda rid about
the Towne in a painted coate, as the manner is. These
robes are but lent them for the present, and afterward
returned to the keeper of the Ward-robe, to whom
belongs a dutie for lone of them. The third, came a
Jebba from Aden, which brought the Pepper-cornes Boat.
The fourth day, came an other ship of Dabul, which
laded at Achin with Pepper : these three great ships
belong all to the Governour of Dabul, who is a Persian,
and a great Merchant, and hath many slaves, whereof
Melick Amber is one, and is in great credit with him :
he had the managing of the goods belonging to these
three ships: he is a Negro, borne in Habesse, and
might cost his Master fifeteene or twenty royalls of
eight, and now never goeth out of his doores, but with
great troopes of followers, like some great Lord.
154
Sm HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1611.
The sixth, I sent to the Cayha Abdela Chillarby a ^ <^- , -
faire peice, and a small barrell of powder, which I
promised to send him at my comming from Zenan.
The seventh, came from India a smal ship laden with Another small
cotton. The eleventh, came from India two small ^ -^^
barkes Mallabars, of one of the lies of Maldivia: the
chiefe of them came often to visit me, till he was ^
forbidden by the Aga our enemie. The twelfth, there
came two Barks from India : for then the wind was
Westerly ; which continued so for five dayes, and afterwards
came to the South South-east againe. The fourteenth,
came in a small Barke laden with Gotten, for the Bannians.
The fifteenth, came another from Bassanor : the Nohuda^ ,,,^'rv '^
came to visit me at my house, which the Aga repined
at. The seventeenth, came into the Towne a great vv,.^
many Cammels, and divers Merchants, which came from Merchants of
Damasco, Sues, and Mecca, to trade with the Merchants ^ ^^^^^°y
of India. The nineteenth, came in a ship and a barke of Mecca.
Cananor, the Captaine of the great ship came to visit
mee with great troopes following of him : which the
Aga stomaking, sent for him whiles he was talking
with mee, and forbad such resort unto me. The twen-
tieth, came in a ship of Calicut, and the Darling. The ?-
three and twentieth, came in a small barke of the Kings
of Zacotora, which came from Goa. ^
The second of May, 161 1. I dispatched Letters M<7y 2. 161 1.
for England of all our proceedings in those parts: one > /f^-
Copy to the English Consul at Aleppo., and another -f»^r*./^
to the French Consul at Cayro : which letters I delivered
to a Guzerat. The tenth, came in a small barke from
the Coast of Swahell or Magadoxo with Slaves, Elephants
teeth, Amber : there had wont to come every yeare
hither from thence foure barkes with like lading, but
this yeare would come no more, for that their Countrey Cancamarra
are in warres, and the Portugals had burned their in^. Laurence,
shipping. These men buy their Negroes and Amber ^^^'jC'^/^^/«
at Cancamarra, in S. Laurence, where Captaine Rowles ^/-^^^ Union '
was taken and betrayed ; we enquired of them if they zvas betraied.
15s K^^^-- .
IK
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
could informe us of any thing touching him. Also
/this day about noone came in the Darling, and according
^ to her wonted order shot off a peice for a Boat ; the
(shot grazed upon the water to the Towne-wards, whereat
the Aga was displeased ; but gave leave I might send
aboord. I writ my letter, and sent one of my servants
aboord with it, commanding him to tarry aboord, and
come no more ashore, and withall to tell M. Pemberton,
hee should not send his Boat a land till he heard further
from me.
The eleventh in the morning, at the dawning of the
day, the Aga with all the chiefe men of the Towne,
were rid abroad in great state to his Garden to be
merrie : which I seeing, did not a little glad my heart,
and gave God thanks, which offered me so faire meanes
to put that in practise, which long before I had deter-
termined: For Hamet Aga, and others had told mee
-^ the Basha would not performe his word, but for feare.
^ /! I writ my letter to M. Pemberton, wherein I certified
The Indian him, I minded as this day to make an escape aboord,
ships were ^^^ ^^^ j would convay my selfe into an emptie But,
come tn^ and , , • 1 1 i -r* • /-> 1
the Turkes ^^^ ^^ °^ carried downe to the Boat as an emptie Laske :
promises were and therefore willed him the Boat should be sent with
not performed, all speed, manned with choice men ; and withall to send
but many ^^ ^ bottle of Aquavitae, and an other of wine, to make
emdences that drunke my Keepers ; which he accordingly performed :
they never before I made M. Femel acquainted with my determina-
should, caused tion, I made him sweare unto me to be secret, and to
Mv^r "^^ ^^ perswasions with me, to with-draw my mind
shift for his ^^om that I had resolved upon : whereupon I shewed
best escape. him what I had written to M. Pemberton ; and withall,
shewed him how that himselfe and others should walke
out of the Towne to the water side, to such a place
as hee well knew, and I appointed, where I would not
faile, God sending mee into the Boat, to take him and
the rest in. Also I acquainted him, that the Carpenters
and others I had appointed to embarque themselves
to the South-ward of the Towne, where lay a Boat hard
156
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1611.
by the shore, with mast and sayle ready fitted for their
purpose ; but withall, I had given the Carpenters warning
not to embarque themselves, till such time as they saw
the shippes Boat put off from the Bridge. All things
sorting out well to our purpose, the Subasha (which
was our guardian, and left in Towne onely to looke [I. iii. 262.]
to me) fell to drinking hard at a Racky-house : and I^
beeing doubtfull of any good performance from my \ <^f ^
enemies the Turkes, had long bethought me of all the J ^"^-f^ •- ^
meanes I could devise from time to time to make an 1
escape, but could not light upon any project, that had
not apparent danger, both to my selfe, and those that
should attempt to escape away with me. Onely this
devise it pleased God to put into my head, whereby
1 might bee secretly conveied into the boat without
beeing discovered : for my Keepers and Souldiers eyes
were onely upon me, wheresoever I went : all the rest \
of my company might walke abroad any where by day ■ ^
time without suspition, or any great regard : I never
went out of doores, but two or three souldiers attended
upon me wheresoever I went. The Boat being come,
and Keepers all drunke, and all things fitted, about
twelve a clocke at noone the Subasha returnes from
the Aracke-house, and being in one ende of our
house, but a wall betweene us, where his abiding was,
the better to guard us, I began to put my businesse
in execution : and appointed the Carpenters to take
others with them, and to go by two and two in the
best manner they could to avoid suspition, and shift
for themselves in the Boat aforesaid ; but in any case
not to meddle, before they saw the ships Boat under
sayle. To M. Femel, and those that I appointed to
take into Lee-ward of the Towne, I gave order likewise,
to goe two or three in company alongst the Sea side,
to the place I had appointed them to take them in,
and there to tarry my comming. After I had given ^-.riiuf,;
these directions, I was conveied into my Tub, and ^^^^ elcapeth
safely set aboord the Boat : which beeing done, I forced aboard,
J57
/I
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
out the head of the Caske, and came aboord, causing
them to beare up with the leeward point, where I tooke
in John Fowler, Benjamin Greene, Rowland Webbe,
Ro. Mico, Ro. Conwey, William Bownes, John Wright,
Arthur Atkinson, Thomas Evans, John Wood, and
Henry Fortune. M. Femel and other beeing too
slacke in comming out of the Towne, were taken before
they could come to the boat. The Towne beeing raised,
partly by the undiscreet running of some of our people,
and partly by seeing the Boat beare up to Leeward,
contrary to their wonted course, M. Femel and those
with him, had likewise escaped, had he come by land
to the point, and not taken water, so soone as others
which were both sicke and weake did, which were
behind him when he tooke the water. I came to an
anchor, and brought the Boat a ground in tarrying
for them, to the no little danger of us all : I caused
men to leape over-board to reskue him, but before
they could get a Pikes length from the Boat, he and
those with him were all apprehended : M. Femel dis-
charged a Pistoll in the face of one of them that
hardly pursued him, and mortally wounded him before
he was taken ; it booted me not to stay longer, having
all the Town in pursuit of me, and a very narrow
and shoald channell to passe betweene a small sandie
Hand, and the maine : it pleased God wee lighted upon
the right channell, which quickly brought us into deepe
water, and out of danger of our enemies, for which
his great mercie towards us, his holy name bee blessed
and praysed for evermore.
They in the Darling kept good watch in the tops,
which so soone as they saw the Boat under sayle, let
slip and set saile, bearing up to Lee-ward, to have
releived us if need had bin : being come aboord, we
espied the Boat wherein the Carpenters were comming
towards us : I sent the ship Boat to bring them and
their Boat aboord of us. In this Boat escaped George
Collinson, Robert Pinis, Nathaniel Symonds, and John
158
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1611.
Taylor ; but Walter Talbot, who was appointed to come
with them, tarried so long before he came, that the
Boat was put off, he thought to swim aboord, and
was drowned. About two houres after our comming
aboord, came two poore Arabs in a Canoa, but so fearefuU,
they durst not come nigh the ship till they were wonne
by faire words, and so with much adoe, one of them
entered, and delivered me a letter from M. Femel, A letter from
shewing that they were in great danger of beeing slaine '
or spoyled by those that apprehended them, but some
of the souldiers, through former acquaintance, bearing
them good will, saved them, and brought them to the
Agaes, where they tarried his comming. At the first
sight of them, he looked as pale as ashes, telling them
they should all loose their heads, asking them how
they durst attempt such a thing } They answered, they ,
came out of England under my command, and did
nothing but what I had commanded, which in no wise .
they durst disobey. He againe threatned them with
losse of their heads, and presently caused them all to
be chained by the necks, from which chaine they were
quickly released, at the intreaty of Nohuda Melickej/
Amber, & Nohuda Mahomet of Cananor, and others,
and permitted to remaine in our former house, but
with a stronger guard then before. This their kindnes
proceeded not of love, but for feare of their ships in
the road, which were then under my command. I
returned answer of the letter, and sent the Aga word, ^ ^^°^^ ^^^-
that if he did not send me all my people, with those ^^ ^° ^^^
provisions of the ships which he detained contrary to
the Bashaes order (for 1 minded not to be put off with
Farriga) I would fire the ships in the road, and do my
best to batter the Towne about his eares : likewise I
sent word to the Nohudas, that they should not send!
any Boat aboord the ships, without first comming aboord
of me, and to acquaint mee with their businesse, nor
to carry any thing out of them aland, without my leave
and order. ,* - . ^^
159 ""'*
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
After my departure, there was no small disturbance
^y^j in the Towne : the Aga not knowing how to answer
V/*^^^ the Basha, feared it would cost him his head, the
j.^vi' ' Subbasha which was my keeper at his wits end, and
/^<w » /■ knew not whether he might stay or flee for his life.
^J^^^\ The Emeryor bahar (or Lord of the Sea as they terme
^ cf'" him) in little better taking, beeing accused of consenting
to my escape ; one of our Porters tooke Sanctuary in
[I. iii. 263.] one of their Churches, and would not be gotten out
from thence till hee had his pardon, and the Nohudas
and Merchants in great feare of losse of their ship and
«»^ V ' goods, most of them sending Presents of victuals, and
C'Tk"'' ' ■' ' refreshing to Master Femell and the rest, which before
tooke scorne to speake to them. At night I sent the
Boat well manned to carrie the newes to our ships,
with order for their comming over with all speed. I
plyed to wind-ward in the Darling, when the Tyde
served, and rid a little without the great ship, so that
I had her and all the rest under the command of our
Ordnance.
The twelfth, came aboord Nohuda Mahomet of Cananor
with Letters, telling me the Aga was sorrie I was so
departed (which 1 knew to be true) for that he was deter-
mined within few dayes to have set mee at libertie, and
all my people, to my owne content : and for the pro-
visions belonging to our ships which were ashore, hee
would deliver them, but for my people hee could
not deliver them without order from the Basha, in-
treating fifteene dayes respite: in which time if I had
not all my men in safetie sent aboord, they desired
no favour. I told him likewise, I must have my
_^;Pinnasse surrendred me, for that I would not depart
the Road without her ; he sayd hee would acquaint
the Aga with my demand of the Pinnasse, and doubted
not but that I should have her at the time limited.
I yeelded to his request, upon his promise that I
should have both men and Pinnasse within the time
prefixed, I durst not as yet demand restitution or
J 60
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON
A.D.
161I.
satisfaction for my goods, till such time as I had
all our men from the shore. At his comming ashore,
hee acquainted the Aga, that he had concluded a peace
for fifteene dayes, upon his promise that I should have
my men and Pinnasse restored within the same time
The Aga was very angry that I demanded the Pi
nasse, and sent for Master Femell and John Williams
and asked what I minded in demanding the Pinnasse
which was the Bashas by agreement with mee, saying
I might as well demand the goods as the Pinnasse
both which were put to the account of the Gran
Signior : they said I could not well proceed on my Voyage
without the Pinnasse, but for the goods they assured
him I would never demand them ; In the meane time,
the Darlings Cables, Anchors, Pitch, Tarre, and other
things being ashore, were brought aboord : And few '^'
dayes escaped that I had not one present or other of
refreshing from the Aga, Dabbullian, and other, which
would scarce take knowledge of me whilest I was ashore, ( c
but now glad to flater me. This morning early came
a Boat from shore aboord the innermost ship : I caused
the Gunner to make two shot at her, which caused
them to come aboord mee. 1 threatned them if they
did so any more to hang them, and burne their ships ;
so that afterward they durst not attempt the like.
The thirteenth, the Increase and Pepper-Corne to-
ward night came to anchor in the sight of the Roade :
for they could not fetch in that night, the Lee-ward
tyde beeing come against them.
The fourteenth, they got into the Roade and I went
aboord the Increase, where I was received with great
joy of all my Company.
The eighteenth, there came into the Roade, a ship JshipofDiu.
of Diu, belonging to Shermall the Shabander, laden with
India Commodities, which I did imbarque both people
and goods, and caused her to ride hard by me. The
next day being the nineteenth, at the intreatie of
Shermall, I licensed all the people (save some few to
III 161 L
h.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
looke to the ship) to goe ashore. This day being
the twentieth day, I heard nothing from the shore.
A The one and twentieth, Master Femell writ to me they
,/ ^ had bin all chained by the neckes.
The five and twentieth, came aboord Nohuda Ma-
homet and certified me, that the Basha had given order
for release of my people and Pinnasse, and promised
to bring them aboord on the morrow. I shot off
three Peeces at his departure. This day all our people
-^ ashore were chained by the neckes, and the next day
released. The cause they were so used they could not
learne.
The six and twentieth, Nohuda Mahomet returned,
saying, the Pinnasse was lanched, but the Aga would
neither deliver her nor the men, till I had given him
a writing firmed by my selfe, and foure or five more
of the principall in our ships with oathes to performe
the same, to contayne in effect a perfect peace with
the Turkes his Subjects and Indians, and not to meddle
in this Sea or elsewhere in revenge of any thing that
had passed, nor to demand restitution or satisfaction for
any goods taken from me : I told him, I marvelled
hee came every day with new matters, he had the
day before promised, as this day to bring me all
my men and Pinnasse aboord, which I looked to have
had performed, and for better securitie he and those
with him should remayne Hostages aboord till I had
them, and therefore willed him to advise the Aga :
he alledged that he being imployed of his owne
voluntary motion in this businesse, should reape much
discredit and be laught at for his forwardnesse, if he
should write to that purpose, and therefore hee told
me plaine he would not write whatsoever betyde him,
but promised, if I would give him such a Writing
as he demanded and send him ashore, he would bring
me all my people aboord before night : I seeing I
could get him by constraint to yeeld to nothing,
thought best to give him some content, though it
162
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1611.
were somewhat that might but carrie the name of
what hee desired. I thereupon caused a Writing to
be made in English, firmed by my selfe and five more,
contayning a briefe Relation of the treacherous usage
of us in this Countrey and nothing else, wee setting
jto our hands as Witnesses of truth of the same
-Writing : withall I sent advice to Master Femell, how [I. iii. 264.]
he should interpret it unto them. I delivered him the
Writing he desired, but sweare I would not, saying, ^ /t^^i^
my word should be truer then a Turkes oath at all
times. Ashore hee went, leaving some of the better
sort of his Company for Pledges, whom he bad hang
if he brought me not all my Company aboord that
night : comming ashore he handled the matter so,
that a little before night he returned with Master The rest of our
Femell, John Williams, Christopher Cuningham, Water ^^^ -^f^ ^^
Woodward, John Clarke, Henry Bauldin, Edmund ^^^^^' /^^
Glover, Tobie Birch, Alexander James, and Merciline
Longfield. Three of them were vested, to wit, Master
Femell, John Williams, and Cuningham, with paltry
Vests of little worth. Another was sent to me, which
they said came from the Basha, the Nohuda would
have put it upon my backe, desiring mee to weare
it as a favour sent me from the Basha : I refused
it, telling him, I scorned to weare any thing that
should come from so unconscionable a Dogge and my
Enemie, by whose order I had received so much
wrong; he seeing I would not take it, left it with ^^
my man, and so departed, carrying with him the Turke . f'''^' ^ \
taken in the Darling, which had remayned aboord the
Increase, till that present : hee promised to returne in
the morning with our Pinnasse.
The seven and twentieth, according to promise the
Nohuda came aboord and brought my Pinnasse, and The Pinnasse
demanded of me if all he had promised were performed. ^'^^^°^^^'
I told him no, for that I had not all my company,! ^
they keeping from me the Boy at Tayes, which theyi v fj" l ^1^
had forced to turne Turke, and him would I have ' ^ ^ / . .
163 ' -r
I
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
before I would release the ships : he told me he
would tell the Aga, and returne me his answere, and
so departed. This morning early I called a Councell,
J wherein I propounded whether I should release the
ships according to promise, or detayne them till resti-
tution were made me. It was concluded that I should
release all the ships which were of India, and our
< friends ; and set our hopes upon the ship that was
to come from Sues. Likewise I demanded what course
were best to take for recovery of the youth at Tayes;
by some it was thought bootlesse to demand him, but
to hope of taking some Prisoners of worth, which might
procure his libertie. I was of a contrarie opinion, and
thought it fittest to demand him, now when wee should
have many to sollicite for him, rather then depend
upon hopes of taking of Prisoners, which we might
faile of, and so it was concluded to demand the Boy
presently, and no speech at all to be made of our goods
restoring.
The eighth and twentieth, there was a Writing sent
me from the Aga, wherein he, Nohuda Mahomet, and
Shermall Shebander bound themselves ships and goods,
^ ^d,-)"* ithat I should have within twelve dayes the Boy from
Tayes, so that I would release the ships ; I gave them
leave to unlade the ship of Diu, and goe and come
M. Temell to the other ships at their pleasure. This night Master
^ ijFemell dyed of a Callentura, or rather poysoned by
the Turkes, as the opinions of our Chirurgions are.
June 1.161 1, The first of June, were discharged out of the ship,
three Boats lading of Cotton. This evening we had
a gust with much wind, which came from the shore.
Exceeding which brake our Land Cable. The wind was so hot
^R^d r ^^^ ^^ could hardly indure it. I was faine to flye to my
Cabbin, not being able for heate to stay aloft. I writ
ia Letter to the Basha in Italian for restitution of my
'^v*^ goods, and satisfaction for damages ; I was answered
L ''. \:*"' afterwards, the Letter was not understood for lacke of
(an Interpreter. I againe imbarqued the ship of Diu,
164
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1611
and would not permit them to unlade any more goods
out of her, till the Basha had satisfied me to the ^.
value of seventie thousand Rials of eight, which I had | ^
lost and was damnified by him : I considered with my
selfe that this was the surest way to attayne to some-
what in liew of our losse, and not soly to relye upon
the taking of the ship of Sues, which the Turkes
might easily prevent me of, by giving advice by land.
The second, came Ally Haskins, my Interpreter at i ^
Zenan, aboord, and brought mee commendations from '
the Basha, saying, he was sorrie I was gone after that
sort away, for he was minded to send me away better
content, and that he had prepared a rich Vest to be
sent me and a Horse : and likewise the Cayha had himi
commended heartily, and desired mee not to take any'
violent courses here, but seeke for Justice at Stambola, -
for if I did any thing which might be displeasing to the \
Basha, it would cost him his head, that was the chiefe '
cause of my sending backe to Moha; and told me , ^
he had brought the English youth with him from
Tayes, by order from the Basha, which the next day
he said should be sent aboord, conditionally I would
permit the ship of Diu, and the rest to discharge. I
answered him I would in no wise release the ships, till
I had restitution or satisfaction for my goods and damages
to the value above-said.
The third, the Aga desired peace for twelve dayes
till the Basha had knowledge of my demands. The
next day Ally Haskins, Tocoursie a Bannian, and others ?
came aboord, and withall desires I would draw out the
particulars of my losses, that they might consider there-
of ashore. I fulfilled their desire, and by writing set ^
downe my losse and hinderances to bee seventie
thousand Rials of eight, and withall sending the Aga
word, whereas at first I was received by him, and^
came aland at his intreatie, and upon his word and \ C
promise of kind entertaynment and free and peaceable
Trade, he like a treacherous Dogge, without any cause
165
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
or offence given, had cruelly slaine divers of my
people, and villanously imprisoned my selfe and others,
and robbed and spoiled all he could sease upon to
the value of seventie thousand Pessos, beside great
[I. 111. 265.] charges and losse of time, if therefore he did not presently
dmand^and "^^^^ "^^^ restitution or satisfaction for the same, I
the Jgas alii- would doe my best to batter the Towne about his eares,
gations and take all the goods out of the Diu ship into mine owne,
answeres^mes- ^nd burne all the ships in the Roade, and not depart
sages, an thence till I were sufficiently revenged : all which I could
Letters passed . . . . ^ r ^ - ^ ^ • r ^
betweene us doe Without breach or promise, the time or 1 ruce
daybyday,and being out, and they not having performed Covenants
at his intreatie with me.
I granted Thi^ day being the sixt, the Aga sent mee a per-
twelve dayes: emptory answere, demanding who gave mee leave to
in which time come into those Seas, saying, sith I came without leave
he certified his \ was justly dealt withall ; and touching the goods, and
Master of my whatsoever else, he had done nothing but what he had
, . . ^' order from the Basha, who himselfe told me so much :
i^^ ^yyj- and if I were not pleased with what was past, the best
\^/^/ way were to referre it to the hearing of our Betters at
'" Stambola. And if I shot at the Towne, he would shoot
againe at my ships ; and for the ships and goods in the
Road they were none of his, but if I did either hurt the
Towne or ships in the Road, it would not be pleasing
to the Sultan, who would be sure to be recompenced
for any harme I should doe them. To which I answered,
to come into this Sea, I needed no leave but Gods and
my Kings, but for my comming ashore, the Aga had
not onely given mee leave, but much intreated mee.
And for my goods I knew nothing I ought the Basha,
neither was I his Factor, neither had 1 at any time
received any thing of his or any the least curtesie, neither
had I done him or his any wrong, and therefore no
way his Debtor wherby he might challenge any of those
goods which by his order I was robbed of; wherefore
I must and would be paid for them, not at Stambola
(where neither the Basha and Aga durst shew their faces
*(S6
6oj re'^i^i
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.o.
1611.
to answere such shamefull wrongs, which they had falsly
charged the Sultan to have commanded them to doe) ^ "
but even there where I had beene wronged, would I
be righted : and if they found themselves agrieved, they
might goe to the Court of England to seeke their '-
remedie : for to Stambola I minded not to goe.
The eight, I sent Master Pemberton to Assab to buy
fresh victuals, we having very many men sicke in our <^ ^ r
ships : I was afraid to have my provision from Moha, F^^^^ of
doubting poysoning,> which by friends I was warned to ^.V^^^^^^l ^
take heed of.
The nineteenth, came aboord Shermall Sabander, Ally
Tocorsie, and many others of the chiefe of the Bannians,
to make agreement with me, and brought with them
Master Pembertons youth decently apparelled in new 1
clothes after the Christian fashion, which the Sabander
bestowed upon him. After some kind congratulations
passed on either side, the Sabander began to tell me, that '"'^J?""*-
he had alwayes loved and favoured me and my people, and
was alwayes readie to doe me what kindnesse he was
able, and for the injuries done mee by the Turkes it
did as much grieve him as if it had beene done to his
owne people, for which his love and pittying of me
in my miseries, he was like to pay at too deare a rate,
without I would now shew my selfe favourable unto him, ^
For that the Basha had enjoy ned him to give me satisfac- "^ ^
tion, or had sent order to cut his throat, and sease upon
his goods : and this he protested was not fained, but
the verie truth. I answered, it was the Turkes that
had robbed me, and done me many injuries, and from
them would I looke for satisfaction, and not from any
other : he willed me to leave those talkes, and come
to my demands. I told him he knew what I demanded, '
for that I had sent it ashore in the Arabick Tongue in n*^*-)'
writing ; he said, if my demands were answerable to that/
Writing, it were but labour lost to have further con-
ference there abouts. We spent most part of the day
in beating the prizes of our lost Commodities: and
167
A.b. PURCHAS HIS PILGRlMES
1611.
in conclusion, with much adoe, we came to agreement
that all the Lead and Iron should be surrendered, and
eighteene thousand Rials of eight in money, within
fifteene dayes for satisfaction of all our goods and losses
isustayned, and thereupon a peace concluded betweene
us and them for two yeares, from the For of Moha
to Cannanor, upon the coast of India, conditionally, that
^ 1 the Basha give mee a Writing under his hand and Seale,
^^^ for confirmation of this peace betweene our Nation and
i theirs, for the time before specified. In this moneth,
Great sicknes. and about this time beganne a generall and most grievous
sicknesse in our ships, few or none escaping, it beganne
with a great paine in the head and stomacke, bereaving
them of sleepe : the best remedie for it was vomiting and
bleeding, but some were taken with Fevers withall, who
were long before they recovered their healths : the rest
that escaped the Fever quickly recovered, and God be
praysed, few died thereof.
July 2. 161 1, And the second of July, we received the last payment,
I ^f. y^^^' ^^^ Sabander being there himselfe, I cleered all reckon-
"^ ings with him, as well for money borrowed of him whiles
I was Prisoner, as for money disbursed afterwards by
him. He demanded of me the money I promised the
i^K^r^ ^^Bashas Cay ha, which was a thousand Venetianos : which I
>\ would in no wise pay, although hee much urged me
^/^ [with my word and promise, and that he should be forced
(^ 'to pay, for that he had passed his word for the same.
I told him the Cayha had not performed what hee
promised mee, in setting me and my people at libertie.
How the Cayha and he will agree, I know not, but I
doubt the Cayha will constraine him to pay it. Drawing
towards night, the Sabander and the rest tooke their
leave of me to goe a-land : and for his farewell, I caused
three Peeces of Ordnance to be discharged.
The third, came againe Tacaroy and Ally, and bought
some Vermillion of mee, for which I gave them credit :
they promising to come over to the other side within
[I. iii. 266.] fourteene dayes, and make me payment, also to bring
168
Sm HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1611.
me some provisions of Graine, as I had given them order
to buy me at Moha, and a Writing from the Basha for
confirmation of peace concluded. In the afternoone we
warped out of the Road, and that night set saile toward
Assab, but could not get thither till the fift day in the ^ssab,
morning.
The sixth, I went a-land and caused all the Wels to ■ "^^^ T^^^^^
be emptyed and clensed for feare of poysoning, for it I^Iq^^j^^
was often told mee at Moha, the Turkes practised with wels of
the people of Assab, to poyson the Wels. From this day Assab.
till the thirteenth day wee spent in watering and buying
refreshing, not any thing in that time happening worth
writing.
The thirteenth, the King of this Countrey hearing i
of my escape at Moha, and my arrivall in his Countrey, ■
sent three of his chiefe Servants, being attended with
thirtie Souldiers, with a Letter, and a Present of refresh- A Letter from
ing to me. The effect of his Letter was to bid me X^/
welcome into his Countrey, with offer of any thing I
stood in need of, and that his Countrey did affoord : as
also not a little rejoycing of my escape from my Enemies,
with many other Complements. I feasted and rewarded
the Messengers, and returned them with a Present to
the King their Master : which was a Vest of broad-cloth,
and a faire looking Glasse.
The seventeenth, came Afelba from Moha, wherein
was Tocorcie the Sabanders man, and another Bannian.
They brought with them divers provisions, which I left
order with them to provide me ; as also the money they
ought me, but the Writing from the Basha, for confirma-
tion of peace on his behalfe they could not get, but made
excuse the Basha was so busie in the Warres, he could not
intend it, so that it was manifest he intended to keepe
no quarter with our Nation.
The foure & twentieth, we all set sayle out of Assab
Road, to put that in practice which long before I had
determined, which was to ply to wind-ward as high as
Camaran, & there to abide the comming of a great ship,
169
A.D.
161I.
August, 9.
1611.
They returne
for India.
The Westerne
chanellofBab-
mandell, three
leagues broad.
The false
reports of the
Turkes and
Indians.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
which yearely commeth about this time richly laden from
Sues to Moha: hoping to bee sufficiently revenged for
all my losses and disgraces offered mee by the Turkes :
and the rather did I desire to meete with her, for that I
J understood the Tray tor Jeffor Basha, and his Disciple
Regib-Aga, had great adventures in her. From this day
till the last of this moneth, wee plyed it to wind-ward, the
wind still opposite to us, wee say led by day, and com-
monly anchored by night : we past many and sundry
dangers for lacke of a Pilot, and many times were like to
have come a-ground, to the hazard and losse of all, had
not God preserved us. And yet she escaped us in the
night, as we found in our returne.
§ V.
Their departure from Surat, and what happened
there with the Cambayans and Portugals.
He ninth of August, 1 6 1 1 . in the morning we
set sayle, and in the evening about eight of the
clocke we anchored three leagues short of the
Bab-mandell. The tenth, the Darling and Release
appointed to goe out at the Wester channell, which they
found to be three leagues over, from the Mayne of
Habeshe to the Hand Bab-mandell ; one third of way over
from the Hand they had no ground at forty fathoms, the
channell cleere without dangers, & not as all the Turkes
& Indians reported, to be full of sholes and Rocks, and
not navigable for shipping. This their false report was to
make us beleeve there was no other passage in and out
into that Sea, but at the Easter channell, which may
be so fortified that no shipping can passe that way,
but shall be in danger of their Ordnance, for it is not
passing one mile & halfe over between the Arabian shore,
and the He, and upon the Mayn lyeth sholes a good
distance off; we in the Increase and Pepper-Corne passed
out at the narrow channell where we came in. About
foure aclock in the afternoone we all met without the
170
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1611.
straights, and were in nineteene fathome, being some
foure miles from the Arabian shore, we steered all this
night our course alongst the Land.
From the twelfth day, till the seven and twentieth,
much wind with calmes and contrarie winds with a great ^ greater
current, setting South-west about foure miles an houre : '^^^^JJ^^ ^^^^J^S
r 1 1 • 11 1 • • 1 1 1 J South-zvest
for looke m all this time what we got when we had a westerh.
favourable gale, we lost that and more when it fell calme,
being carryed backe by the current.
The seven and twentieth, we had a gale of wind to
Carrie us off. Wee had sight of Mount Fcelix a head-land Monte de
to the West- ward of Cape Guardafui, at sixe a clocke this ^°^^^^-
night. This hill bore South halfe West : about ten at
night it fell calme with a great Sea, out of the South-east.
At mid-night came up a gale at South South-east and
South, finding still as we sailed. this great Sea which was a
manifest signe wee brought our selves open of Cape
Guardafai : for so long as the land was in the wind
of us we felt none of this Sea.
The thirtieth, we plyed into the Roade of Delisha, The Road of
and about noone came to an Anchor in the Roade, ^^"■^'^^ ^^
wee found there riding a great ship of Diu, and two
small ships, one of Naggina, the other the Kings, both
ships of India, both bound for the Red Sea, taken short
with the Monson. The Captaine of the ship of Diu
came aboord mee with divers others, who certified mee
our people at Surat were well, and very well intreated,
and were daily expecting shipping from England: and ...^'^iA'^
that Captaine Hawkins was at Court with the King,
where hee was made a great Lord, and had great allow- [I. iii. 267.]
ance from the King by the yeare. And for Captaine
Sharpeigh, the King had given him money to build a
ship, which then was almost readie at Surat to bee
lanched, this and many other things he told me, which
I doubted were too good to be true.
The Monson was farre spent, and therefore I desired
the Nohuda of Diu, to helpe mee with his Boates and
people to ballast and water, which hee with the others
171
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
most willingly granted, proffering me all the water in
their ship : so willing were they to have mee gone from
them. I had all the water out of his ship, and imployed
his people to fetch some from the shore.
I was often in hand with the King to sell mee his
Alloes : I could not of long time bring him to aske
reason for it. In the end, with much adoe, I bargained
with him for all, paying dearer for it, then Captaine
Keeling did for his. I think the Indians were in hand
with him for it, and that was the cause he held it so
deare. I left Letters with the King, which hee promised
7 i.fi >.H<-\ ^Q deliver to the first English ship that should come there.
5(?//. 3. 1611. The third of September, having finished my businesse,
I made haste to bee gone. I had with much adoe a simple
fellow out of the ship of Diu, to pilot me upon the
Coast of India, who took upon him to be a good Coaster,
in the afternoone about two a clocke wee weighed Anchor
and plyed out of the Roade.
The six and twentieth, betweene nine and ten of clocke
wee weighed, having a gale of wind, which brought us
into the Roade of Surat, we ridde by the three Indian
Twentie For- ships in seven fathom. A mile from us, ridde seven
tugall ^^^S^^^ sayle of Portugall Frigats or men of Warre : there were
^Surat ^^ thirteene more of them which were within the River of
Surat ; the Portugalls long before our comming thither,
had intelligence that we were in the Red Sea, and bound
for this place, so that these Frigats were purposely sent
to keepe us from Trade at Surat, or else-where, upon
that Coast. The Captaine Major of them is called Don
Francisco de Soto Maior, is intitled Captaine Major of
the North, he reapeth great benefit to himselfe by giving
Cartasses or Pasports to all ships and Frigats, which
trade upon that Coast. Any ship or Frigat which hath
not the same Passe, are confiscate or lost. This night
I discharged my Pilots, paying them well for their paines :
pI sent by them Letters to such of our people as they
' ' should find at Surat, for I could not learne how many
(or who they were) that were there resident.
172
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON
A.D.
161I.
The nine and twentieth, there came a small Portugall
Frigat from the Admirall of the Armada, (as they terme
them) wherein was one Portugall and his Boy, who i
brought mee answere of my Letter sent the day before Amwerefrom
from the Captaine Major, wherein hee used some com- ^ ^ ^^^^^^ ^'
plements, certifying me that he was glad to heare I
belonged to a King a Friend, and that he and his would
be readie to doe mee service in any thing hee might,
provided I brought a Letter or Order from the King •
of Spaine, or the Vice-Roy, for my trading in these
parts, which if I could shew him, he would willingly
obey : if otherwise, he must guard the Port he had in
charge, where the King his Master had his Factorie.
I returned answere by word of mouth by the same
Portugall, that I had neyther Letter from the King of
Spaine or Vice-Roy, neyther had I need thereof, for | ,
that I was sent by the Kings Majestie of England with I ^
Letters and rich Presents to the Great Mogoll, and to
estabhsh the Trade begunne in those parts: and for the
Factorie they had there, I came not to harme the same,
but that they might continue in the same estate they
were : and for our Factorie or Trade, I see no reason
why the Portugals should oppose themselves against us,
for that it was a free Countrey for all Nations, and the
Great Mogoll nor his people any way in Vassallage to
the Portugals. And therefore willed him to tell his
Captaine, he should in friendly manner permit those
English which were at Surat to come aboord, and con-
ferre with me concerning our Affaires, and that he
would not urge me to use force, for by the one meanes
or the other, I must and would have them : many other
speeches past which were here too tedious to write, I
bestowed a Vest of broad-cloth upon the Messenger,
and so dispatched him away, hee promising the next day
to returne.
We seeing it was not possible without Pilot to goe
over the Barre, set saile from the Barre foot (where I
had beene to discover in the Darling) and in the evening
173
A.D.
i6ii.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Nicholas
Banghams
Letters from
the shore.
Hoja Nassan
came to an anchor in the Roade. I went aboord the
' Increase, where I found Letters from the shoare : they
came from Surat from Nicholas Bangham, formerly a
Joyner in the Hector, wherein I was certified that wee
had no Factorie there, and that he was sent from
Captaine Hawkins from Agra, to recover some Debts
that were owing there, and likewise he had Letters from
Captaine Hawkins, but durst not send them aboord,
lest they should be intercepted by the Portugals. What
was become of the Factors and goods he mentioned not :
I wrote to him, to send mee those Letters and other
i particulars concerning our businesse.
The third of October, Hoja Nassan the Governour
fuZT'"*' '^ ^^ ^^^^^' ^^^ ^^^ Governours brother of Cambaya, sent
a Mogoll unto me with a present of refreshing, and
in their names offered to doe me all the kindnesse
they could, but the Portugals, hee said, were the cause
they could not doe what they would, but for their part
they desired to trade with us, which they see no way
possible to effect, so long as we should ride there, and
the Portugall Armado by us, and therefore they would
counsell me to goe for Goga, a better place, where
wee should ride nearer the shore with our ships, where
the Armado could not hinder our landing ; and likewise
[I. iii. 268.] it was nearer Cambaya, where there were more Mer-
chants, and greater and better store of merchandize
^ for our turnes : having to this effect delivered his mes-
"' sage, hee was desirous to know what I determined to
doe, whether I would stay heere, or goe thither : I
answered, as yet I had received no answere from the
, shore, save a letter of small import, and till I knew
jwhat was become of our country-men and goods for-
merly left in the Countrey, I could not resolve him ;
and therefore I desired him to be a meanes, that
some one of our people might come abord to con-
ferre with me, and Pilots to conduct us thither, and
then would I quickely resolve them what I would
doe : in the meane while I could say nothing, I gave
174
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1611.
him and his Interpreter a small reward, and dispeeded
them.
The fift, a Bramyney, or Priest of the Bannians, which ' g^.v>'^^'^
came with the Mogoll for an Interpreter, came in a
Boate of the Towne with a letter from Nicholas Bang-
ham, and Captaine Hawkins letter from Agra, dated ^ ^^^^^J' °f
in Aprill last, relating the manner of his favouring a.nd , j^.^J'^^V"^ ^^' /
dis-favouring by the Great Mogoll, his ficklenesse in ^^^^
granting us Trade, and afterward disallowing the same,
giving the Portugals Firmaes against us, contradicting
thereby what formerly he had granted to us and our /
Nation. By the same Messenger came two letters o{ A letter of
a latter date from William Finch, from Labor, the ^^^^'^^^^^^
one to the Commanders of any English shipping arriving
at Surat, the other to the Company in England, relating
his proceedings, and intent to goe home over Land, . -^f"^
the unconstancie of the King and people of the Countrey,
the practice of the Portugals, and many other circum-
stances, advising me in any wise not to land any goods,
nor hope for Trade in those parts : for that the people
were all fickle and unconstant like the King, and durst
not offend the Portugals. I having perused these letters,
grew hopelesse of any Trade in that place, yet resolved
to trie the uttermost what might be done before I would
depart : I understood by Nicholas Banghams letters, that ' ^
Captaine Sharpeigh, John Jordayne and others, were
comming from Cambaya to Surat, to goe along with me ;
and although I could have no Trade, yet would I
endeavour my selfe in all I might to get them all ^
aboord, and not leave them behind me. The Indian
shippes which rid by me had given over their Voyage
to the Southward ; for that the Monson for the South-
ward was past. The Braminey desired my leave that
they might carry their ships into the River, which in
no wise I would grant, willing him to tell the Governour
and the rest of the Owners, that their ships should not
depart thence, till I had all the Englishmen at Cambaya yVny^
and Surat aboord of me ; if I had permitted them to -
175
^ '^^^#
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
have gone, I should have frustrated my selfe of either
sending too, or hearing from our people ashore : The
Portugals intercepted both letters and men as much as
they could.
The two and twentith, the Portugals had laid them
in ambush to cut off some of my men sent on shore :
which when they saw their best time of advantage brake
out, and came in great heapes, confusedly running
toward our men and boates ; they discharged their shot
at us, and we answered them againe with ours, both
from those my men a shore, and also from my Frigat,
which rid close to the Land, all my men retired in
safetie to my boats and Frigat, and the Portugals after
some hurt received, returned behind the hills out of
shot, and so in worse case then they came, went baclce
to their Frigats. There were of them seven Ensignes,
and might be in number about three hundred men ; at
this instant when they came upon us by Land, five of
their greatest Frigats which rid a little way off to the
Northward, came running upon us, and shot at us,
being nothing neare within shot. We went with our
Frigat and boats aboord our ships to dinner, little hoping
of any newes, as at that day, from our people ashore :
the Portugall Frigats rowed to the Northward, and
^anchored where they rid before : I advised with Captaine
^jlDounton, Master Jourdayne and others, what course
"were best to take, and it was thought fit to abide no
longer there, but to returne to the roade at Surat, where
rid the Increase, and there to determine what we had
best to doe.
The eight of November, Nicholas Bangham came from
Surat, and brought with him some refreshing, which
with himselfe were very welcome : the newes held of
the comming of Mockrib Can. The Vice-royes sonne
came into the River with an hundred saile of Frigats,
^uUFr'^^t ^^^ greatest part of them being Merchants bound for
Cambaya : I caused this night our ships which rid with-
in to come off and anchor by me, lest the enemies,
176
Novemb. 8.
1611.
Jn hundred
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
i6ii.
whose strength I knew not, might attempt ought against
them.
The ninth, The ships riding without the Sand, Hoja
Nassan came downe to the Sea-side : I went to him with
my Frigat and boats, and had conference with him ; he
promised mee (not to saile) two dayes or three at the
furthest, hee would returne and bring goods with him
to Trade with me ; I told him I had been heere a great
while, and could get no refreshing of victuals for my
money, and therefore desired him to give order the
countrey people might bring me some, which he pro-
mised to doe, and upon the same tooke his leave and
departed.
The eighteenth, I received a letter from Nicholas j
Bangham, wherein he wrote that there was little or no ^
hope of trade to be expected.
This last letter of Nicholas Bangham, together with
the breach of promise of Hoja Nassan, brought me out
of hope of Trade, thinking all their former promises
to be nothing but inventions to delude and weary me,
and in the end to turne me going without Trade, which ' ^^" ' '"^'^
they durst not let me have for feare of offending the [I. iii. 269.]
Portugals, and yet loath to offend mee with absolute i v
deniall. These things considered, I determined to be
gone, and therefore had often writ to Nicholas Bangham
to come away, but Hoja Nassan would not permit him :
he seeing he could not get leave to come, he stole secretly
out of Towne, and as this day arrived heere. Anone
after Hoja Nassan missing him (as it seemeth) and doubt-
ing at his comming that being hopelesse of Trade I
would be gone, sent Jaddaw the Broaker presently after
him with a letter from himselfe, and another from
Mockrib Can, promising speedily to come both unto
me. To which, in regard of his former promise breach,
I could hardly give credit, yet I resolved to spend
some few dayes more to see the event thereof. The
Portugals lying all in the River, not daring to come
nigh us by Sea, thought to entrappe us by Land, and
III 177 M
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
therefore a great number of them ambushed them-
selves behind a row of sand hills, not farre from our
landing place, where they kept close, but God be thanked
they failed of their expectation, all our people without
hurt recovering the boate. In the meane season they
in the ships were not idle, but let flye apace at them,
both with great shot and small : the Portugals thinking
to find us unprepared to bid them thus welcome,
presently betooke them to their heeles, and fled behinde
the hilles, where they lurking a while, not daring to
shew their heads; they left one lying upon the Strand
being mortally wounded in the head, which our people
brought aboord.
The foure and twentith being Sunday, Jaddaw the
Broaker came aboord, and brought me word Mockrib
Can was comming, and would be with me before night.
After dinner I went to the shore side with my Frigat,
where I found Hoja Nassan, who sent me word
Mockrib Can was comming, and would be presently
there. I returned aboord and made choyce of a good
Present to give him ; which being effected, being well
accompanied, I went directly aland, where I found
Theenterview Mockrib Can, Hoja Nassan, with great troupes of men
of Mockrib abiding my comming, at our meeting we embraced
nour of Cam- ^^^^ Other; our ships at the same time discharging
ba;^a, and Sir some Ordnance to bid him welcome, which he seemed
Henry Mid- to take kindly. After I had delivered him a good
dleton. ^ Present, we sate downe upon Carpets spred upon the
\ ground, where passed some conference betweene us:
being neare Sun-set, I entreated him he would be
pleased to go aboord my ship, and there take his
lodging for that night, which he presently granted,
carrying with him his owne sonne, Hoja Nassan's sonne,
and divers others his chiefe Followers, but Hoja
Nassan would not goe; it pleased mee well to see him
so confident, and made mee conceive better hopes then
before, he having all this part of the Countrey under
his command. I gave him the best entertainment I
t73
Sm HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1611.
could, setting before him such Gates as upon such a
sudden I could provide, which he, and those with him .
fel roundly to. After they had done eating, I delivered I -^^ '7L^
him our King's Majesties Letter directed to him, and j ^ ^]^ i ^'
told him the effect thereof. He seemed to be very
much pleased that his Majestic would vouchsafe to,
write unto him, and promised me to doe us all the/
good he could, not onely for our present Trade, but^
also to give us any place or harbour I would appoint
or name, where wee might fortifie ourselves, if we so
pleased. In fine, I not demanded any thing, but I found
him as ready to grant, as I was to aske : growing late,
I left him to his rest and departed.
The five and twenttieth in the morning, Mockrib
Can busied himselfe in buying of Knives, Glasses, or
any other toyes he found amongst my Company : I
went with him and showed him the ship aloft and
below: any thing he liked belonging to the ship he
carryed with him away gratis, besides many toyes of
my Companyes, which he liked, I bought and gave
him, endevouring in all things I might to give him
content : after he had been fore and after, he returned
to my Cabbin, where he would needs see all my Chests,
Trunckes, and Lockers opened and searched. What-;
soever he saw there of mine that he tooke liking to,|
I gave him for nothing. By this time victualls being
readie, he went to dinner, which being done, hee was
desirous to be gone to see the other ships, and there
behaved himselfe in like sort.
The thirtieth and one and thirtieth, I sent Master
Fowler, John Jordayne, and other our Merchants to
see the goods : they returned and brought Mustrels
and the prices: we set downe what we would give for
each sort, desiring them to doe the like by ours,
that so we might come to agreement for both: they
held me off with delayes, posting me off from day The delusions
to day, but concluding nothing, they would neither °f^^^
offer for our commodities, nor abate in theirs. And
179
I
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
whereas I had sold Mockrib Can all our Sword-blades
the cheaper, because he should take the one with the
other, they had chosen out the best of them, and returned
me backe the worst, being the better halfe, and no speech
when we should be paid for them : which done, they
removed their goods to bee gone for Surat. And upon
the same made Proclaimation upon great penalties, that
no victuall or other thing should be brought us : leaving
me without cause thus abused.
Decemb. 8. The eighth of December in the morning, came Mock-
^°'^- rib Can with all his crew upon the strand, and about
some fortie packs of their goods; I came a land with
a good guard of shot and halberds : I went to him
to his tent, where after friendly salutation and comple-
ments past, wee fell to treat of businesse : and agreed for
prices of all our Lead, Quick-silver, and Vermilion, and
for their goods likewise in Hew thereof. It is to be
noted, that all these goods did not belong to these two
great men, but also to the Shabander, and divers other
Merchants : yet for the most part, the businesse were
" carried soly by Hoja Nassan, no man daring either to
[I. iii. 270.] buy or sell with us, without his prevention and leave,
by that meanes advancing the prices of their goods, and
abasing ours, to their great advantage, and our great
hinderance and losse.
The ninth in the morning, we began to land our Lead,
and to receive some of their goods : as also to be in good
Mogulls letter, forwardnesse to make price for the rest, when a Letter
ft ^^ 'came to Mockrib Can from his King, which dashed all
i J^.cJ^'^'^ ('his mirth and our proceedings for that present. Hee
/ was very pleasant before he received and perused it ; but
^'"""^ afterwards became very sad : hee sate a good pretie while
^ I musing, and upon a sudden riseth up, & so goeth his
way, without once looking towards, or speaking to me,
I being seated hard by him. Before he tooke horse,
he better bethought himselfe, and sent for me : when I
,came to him, he embraced me, telling me hee was my
Brother, praying me to excuse this his sudden departure,
j8o
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1611.
for that he had earnest businesse, and must be gone : but
he would leave Hoja Nassan with me, to receive and
deliver those goods already bargained for, and to bargaine
with me for more : shortly after, we heard he was put
out of his government of Cambaya, Hoja Nassan being
lately put out of his government of Surat (and others
put in their places) this afterward we judged to be the
effect of the Kings letter, and the cause of his discontent.
Mockrib Can being of late Governour of Cambaya, and
all the Sea-coast thereabouts, hath now nothing left
him in this Countrey, but the place of the Customer of
Surat.
The tenth, the new Governour of Surat, and Assan
Ally came aboord the Pepper-corne to mee to see the
ships. After they had been there a while, we went to
the Trades-increase, the Factors being ashore to see the
weight of the Lead, which with no little trouble was
neere-hand all landed, and embarqued ready to bee sent
a shore : they in treated Hoja Nassan that he would be
pleased to goe in hand therewith, for that it would aske
a great time in doing : the Factors would have weighed
with our English weights, which he would in no wise
agree unto : the Weigher of Surat was there with the
weights of the Towne, and with that weight would he
have it weighed. In the end, seeing no other remedie,
they gave him way, and began to weigh with the
countrey beame. After some fewe drafts, they desired
they might understand the beame before they proceeded
any further, to know whether the Weigher told them
the truth what it weighed : for he knowing it, and they
not, he might give them what weight he list : likewise
they made triall of those they had weighed by his Beame,
by ours, and found very great difference, in five Pigges
tenne or eleven Maunds, each maund being three and
thirtie pound English weight. Hee seeing he might not
have the Lead at what weight he listed, began to cavill,
saying, he would have halfe money, halfe goods for his
commodities, otherwise we should not have them, rayling
181
I
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGMMES
1611.
and raving like a mad-man, calling for the Carmen to
drawe away the goods, saying, he would none of our
Lead, nor other goods, but instantly be gone : I being
aboord the Increase with the Governour and Sabandar,
the Factors which were a shore sent one aboord a pur-
pose, to advise me of their proceedings, and how that
Hoja Nassan was causing the Carmen to yoake their
Oxen, to draw away all the goods they had brought, and
if I did not take some speedie course for preventing the
same, he would goe from his bargaine, and returne all
our goods upon our hands againe : I thought hee was
apt enough to doe so, by that little experience I had of
Rude custome ^^j^^ ^s also a custome they have in this Countrey (and
in uytng. ^^ report in most parts of India) that what bargaine
r soever is made betweene Merchant and Merchant may
be revoked, so it be done within the compasse of twentie
foure houres, yea although he have given earnest, and
carried away the goods bought, yet hee may returne
them, and have backe his earnest. I understood this bad
custome before I landed any of my Lead, and doubting
to have such a tricke put upon me, I -did purposely send
unto Hoja Nassan, John Fowler and others, to know
whether he would stand to his bargaine, before I landed
any Lead, which would put us to much trouble to land
it, and therefore I would be at a certaintie with him ;
he before many witnesses, promised them to take it
all, and be as good as his word, and that with all speed
they should land it. And now comming to the point
^> i of performance, hee flies from all he had formerly pro-
mised : I advised with such as were about me what we
had best doe, and it was thought the surest way, to keepe
those men which were aboord me for pledges, till they
^it'*"'^ had performed with us, and if we could get Hoja Nassan
' into our possession, to keepe him, and free those : where-
, upon I detained the Governour and Sabandar, telling
them how Hoja Nassan had dealt with me, going about
to delude me as formerly, and therefore there was no
other remedie, but to keepe them for pledges for perform-
182
V
\j^'
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
i6n.
ance of the bargaine. The Governour counselled mee
to goe a shore, and fetch the man himselfe, which I
did, giving the Governour a good Present, I let him
depart, keeping Hoia Nassan and the Sabandar for ^°J^^^^"f^
pledges aboord the repper-corne. ^^^, ^^.^
The nineteenth, Hoja Assan Ally the Sabandar came aboord as
from Surat : he shewed mee a couple of Letters, which Pledges.
were sent from the Vice-roy from Goa, one of them
directed to himselfe, the other to the Captaine Major of
Diu : I opened and perused them both. The effect of "
the letter to the Captaine Major was, that he had received : p^^ ^^^-^r
his letter, whereby hee understood the especiall good ■ -^i-
service done against the English, in putting the English
Captaine and his people to swim to his Boates for their
safetie, otherwise he had taken them prisoners or slaine
them : for the which he highly commended him, having
done the part of a valiant Captaine, and worthy souldiour ;
which good service done to his King and Countrey,
would redound to his great honour : for the which hee
gave him as many thanks, as if hee had taken the
English Captaine prisoner : and partly to gratifie him, [I. iii. 271.]
he bestowed those Frigates, which hee lately before had
taken from the Mallabers upon him, certifying him he
had sent his sonne in the Armie, which was young,
praying him to assist him with his counsell, whereby he
might gaine a great name. Thus was the Vice- Roy and!
my selfe abused, by the false reports of a lying Braggard. I
The other letter to the Sabandar, was to thanke him that
he would not permit the English Nation to trade at Surat,
willing him to continue in that mind, and he should doe
the King of Portugal great service, for the which he
should not loose his reward. This day came divers Carts
laden with provisions for the ships from Surat, bought by
Nicholas Banggam. ^^^
The foure and twentieth, the accompts on both sides ^^ ^ **" '
were cleered, and businesse finished, the pledges on either '* ^
part released, they promised us to deale with us for the
rest of our Commodities : they tarried till the sixe and
183'
kins commeth
aboard out
ships.
Aii. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
twentieth day, but did nothing worth noting. The seven
and twentieth, came a Jew aboord me, which brought me
J letter of a letter from Massulipatan, dated the eighth of Septem-
Peter Florts. j-^^j.^ from one Peter Floris, a Dantiscan, employed by the
, / j Company, shewing his setting out in February, his speedie
and safe passage and arriving there in the beginning of
September.
Januar. 2, The second of January, 161 1. I wrote to Captaine
^ Hawkins, from whom I had received a letter the eight
and twentieth of December : and sent Captaine Sharpeigh,
Hugh Fraine, and Hugh Greet, to set the minde of
Captaine Hawkins in some better course, then he seemed
^ to aime at in his last letter to me. As also to buy some
Indicoes, and other commodities, if they might be had
at reasonable rates.
Capt. Haw- Xhe sixe and twentieth, Captaine Hawkins and Captaine
Sharpeigh came to the water side : they had left their
carriage behind them five miles off: I landed with two
hundred armed men, and went to meet them, to safe-
gard them and their goods from the Portugals, which
I doubted would doe their best to intercept them : we
met them about some three miles off and brought all
in safetie aboord our ships, not seeing any Portugals.
The seven and twentieth, I sent John Williams and
one of our Factors to Surat upon businesse. This day
Mockrib Can came to Towne; he had been to meet
a great Commander, which was comming from the warres
of Decan, and was to passe by Surat. Before his going
out of the Towne, he sent for M. Jourdaine, and willed
him to commend him to me, and to certifie me that he
was to goe out of the Towne, but would not tarry out
above three dayes, and at his returne he would be as
good as his word, for what he had promised concerning
our Factory. Now at his returne, he sends for him
againe, and with a frowning countenance, contrary to his
expectation, demands of him what he did there, and why
were we not all gone : he answered, that hee staied upon
his word and promise that we should leave a Factory,
184
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1611.
otherwise he had not been there : he said againe, we should
have no Factory there, and that the long staying of our
shippes there, had hindered him in his Customes tenne
hundred thousand manuveys, and therefore in the Kings
name charged them to be gone with speed out of the
Towne : for neither trade nor Factorie was there to be
had for us. John Williams returned this morning, and
two carts with provisions came from Surat. The nine
and twentieth, I sent for the Factors at Surat to doe ^ ^
as Mockrib Can commanded, to hast and come away,
for that I would be gone.
§. VI.
His going to Dabul, and thence to the Red Sea,
and enforced trade w^ith the Guzerates.
He ninth of February in the morning, beeing calme, February 9.
we warped over the sand with the Increase ; had
we not got over this tide, we had lost the whole
Spring. This road of Swally standeth in the latitude
of twentie degrees fifty seven minutes : variation sixteene
degrees thirty minutes. The eleventh in the morning,
we set sayle for the road of Surat, and anchored there in
the afternoone, by a new ship of Surat lately launched,
and came out of the River, she was bound for the Red
Sea. The latitude of this roade is twenty degrees fortie ^^^ ^^^^ ^f
two minutes. ^j/f ''Jl^
The twelfth, we weighed and drove to the South-ward, jiftie seven '
& anchored two leagues from the road by a ship of min.Fariation
Callicut bound for Surat, out of which ship I tooke a sixteen degrees
Pilot for Dabul. The thirteenth, we weighed & drove ^^^"''^^ ^^'«^^^^-
down ; at noon came a gale Northerly : at the com-
ming of the wind we had seventeene fathome : we
hailed off West by South, in twelve and foureteene
fathome : after steered South West by West till foure
a clocke; betweene which time wee had from foure-
teene to twentie fathome : upon a sudden we came to
eight fathome, and then to sixe, being then in my
185
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
opinion from the ship that rid in the road of Surat
tenne leagues : then we haled in East, and East by-
South three quarters of a mile, and found from sixe
fathome to twentie againe : then wee steered South-west
by South, till one a clocke after midnight, being for
the most part against the tide. At that time the water
shoaled in two casts from twentie to fifteene fathome,
having run in nine houres some seven leagues and a
halfe : then we haled off three houres (being little wind)
[I. iii. 272.] till we came to twentie fathome : then we steered South
South-west, at which time we see the land, with two
hammocks thereon, bearing East South-east some eight
Damon. leagues off: which wee judged to be Damon. At sixe
in the evening, we haled in South South-east, the wind
Northerly: it suddenly fell calme, and so continued till
past midnight. This morning our latitude nineteene
degrees fifteene minutes, having steered all night South
by West, and our depths between twelve and fourteene
fathome, five leagues off the shore, in the morning little
wind, at noone came a gale ; we steered South, the winde
West North-west. In the evening being betweene foure
and five leagues from the shore, we had thirteene
fathome; at Sun-set we judged our selves thwart of
Chaul. Chaul. We steered South all night with a faire gale
of wind.
The sixteenth, wee steered alongst the coast South
and by East, till six a clocke in the evening, keeping
for the most part in ten fathome or there about, at which
He arrheth at time we arrived in the Road of Dabull, which standeth
Dabull, and -^^ ^j^^ latitude of seventeene degrees, two and fortie
there hath . . . . , ° 1 1 • .• • .
Trade. mmutes, variation sixteene degrees and thirtie minutes.
The seventeenth, the Pilot which I had out of the
Mallabar, I sent ashore in a Fisher-boate with a letter
which I had at my being at Moha, from Mollich Abor,
Captaine or Nohuda of a great shippe of this place.
The letter was to the Governour, to entreat him to use
me kindly, and to Trade with me. In the afternoone,
ithe Governour and Mellick Amber, each of them sent
j86
I
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
i6n.
me a small present of refreshing, and many complements,
offering me any thing the Countrey did afford ; and if I
pleased to send ashore, he would deale with me for our
commodities : I sent a couple of Merchants ashore with
a good Present, who were bid kindly welcome, and well
entertained whiles they were there.
The eighteenth, nineteenth and twentith (Boats passing
each day betweene the shippes and shore) were spent
about the sale of some goods, the particulars with each
dayes businesse, I referre to the account of the Mer-j ^
chants, holding it not fit here to be expressed. By the
three and twentith, we had delivered all our goods we
had bargained for, and no hope of further sales in this
place ; I determined with all speed to be gone from hence.
The foure and twentith, I called a Councell to advise
what we had best to do : I propounded whether it were
better to goe from hence directly for Priaman, Bantam,
&c. or to returne to the Red-sea, there to meete with
such Indian shippes as should be bound thither, and for
that they would not deale with us at their owne doores,
wee having come so farre with commodities fitting their
Countrie, no where else in India vendable : I thought
wee should doe our selves some right, and them no
wrong, to cause them barter with us, wee to take their
Indicoes and other goods of theirs, as they were worth,
and they to take ours in liew thereof. All mens opinions
were for the Red-sea, for divers reasons. As first, the
putting off our English goods, and having others in place
thereof fitting our Countrey. Secondly, to take some
revenge of the great and unsufferable wrongs and injuries • '^^^^5^
done me by the Turkes there. And the third and last,
but not the least, to save that ship, men and goods
(which by way of Massulipatan) wee heard was bound
for those parts; which we held unpossible to escape
betraying. These things considered, we concluded to
goe backe for the Red-sea : from this day to the seven and
twentith, wee spent in getting fresh water aboord : they
had bought all my Red-lead, and it was carried ashore
187
I
l6ll.
A Portugall
Shippe taken.
r^
March 24.
Zacotora.
Anno 1 61 2.
Currents.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and delivered, but afterwards disliking it, they returned it
backe. In the evening we saw a ship in the Offing, two
or three Mallabars which rid by us, told us shee was a
Portugall ship of Cochin bound for Chaul : I sent the
Pepper-corne, Darling and Frigat to fetch her in to me.
The eight and twentith, my men in the Frigat had
pillaged them, which I tooke from them and returned
to their owners : her lading was Coco-nuts, having little
else in her. This day we spent in romaging the Portu-
gals ship, I could find no bills of lading in her ; some
small matter I tooke from her, in regard of former
injuries offered me by the Captaine Major Don Francisco
de Soto maior at the barre of Surat, as namely, taking
my goods, and hindering my Trade. In that I sustained
no further harme by them, it was not for lack of good
will, but lacke of meanes, as manifestly appeared by
letters of the Vice-roy and others, which came to my
hands by chance; what I had from them, 1 have under
the hands of the chiefe men in her.
The foure and twentith of March wee had sight of the
Hand Zacotora, and at foure in the afternoone, the point
of Dellashaw bore South South-west six leagues off, vari-
ation nineteene degrees. From the foure and twentith
at noone till this day at noone, wee steered North-west
and by West, and West North-west, and West all night,
thinking by day-light to have beene neare the Wester-
most part of the Hand ; but contrary to our expectation,
wee found wee had gone little a head, having had a faire
gale, which shewes we have had a great currant against us.
From noone till foure in the next morning, wee steered
alongst the land with little wind, and then it fell calme,
the currant carrying us directly upon a rocke, which lyeth
foure or five leagues from the wester part of Loccatra :
we were forced to anchor till we had a gale to carry us
from it ; about two houres after came the wind Easterly,
wee weighed and stood to the Westward, and at noone
we were foure leagues from the Rocke, here wee found
a currant setting to the Northward.
188
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON ad.
1612.
The seven and twentieth, we steered West South-
west, we met with a great currant setting to the North- [I. iii. 273.]
ward ; in the morning we were thwart of Abba del Curia, ^^^f ^^^
and before night had sight of Cape Guada fui, being ^^^^^•
some seven leagues off: from yesterday noone till this
day night, our course West South-west, we might go in
that time eight and twentie leagues our true way West
little Southerly : we stood in till midnight, and then haled
close of a wind to the Southward, and so spent the night
till day.
The eight and twentith, by eight of the clock we
were faire by the shore, mid-way between the two Capes ^^P^ ^^
of Guardafui & Felux. Guardaful.
The second of Aprill, Master Pemberton came aboord April 2.
of me, and told mee that he had been at Soccatora, and^ ^°^^-
the King shewed him a writing left there by Captaine CaptaineJohn
John Saris (who was Generall of three ships) wherein he
related what time he came out of England, his places
of refreshing by the way, and his arrivall there; as also
his proceeding to the Red-sea to seeke Trade ; specifying
likewise that he had perused a writing left there by mee,
wherein were alledged many reasons to disswade him
from going thither; yet having the Gran Signiors Passe,
he hoped of better entertainment then I had. Hearing
this unexpected newes, I called a Councell to advise what
we had best doe ; whereabout we spent but small time,
for that we were quickly resolved to proceed as formerly
we had determined, having now no other way left: for
backe we could not returne till the Westerly wind were
come, which could not be before midde May. Where-
upon I presently dispeeded Captaine Nicholas Dounton, I y.^^^'
and left him in the Pepper-corne to tarrie there abouts
till the fifth of this moneth, for the keeping of the Port
of Aden. And I with the Trades-Increase and Darling
to keepe the two-fold entrance of Babbelmandell. We Aden in
steered from thence with the head of Aden, being about ^^^^^^ ^^~
seven leagues off: about foure in the evening wee were andfL-tie
thwart of Aden : this evening variation thirteene degrees minutes.
189
A.D.
l6l2.
Babmandel.
A ship of
Basanor.
Letters from
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and fortie minutes latitude of Aden, twelve degrees and
fortie seven minutes.
The third, from foure a clocke the second day, till
this day morning little wind, wee steered alongst the
Channell West by North, and West North-west, towards
the heat of the day it began to blow, we continued our
course as before. About Sun-set we anchored in twentie
fathome foure leagues short of the Bab, where we rid till
the next morning.
The fourth, in the morning about eight a clocke we
weighed and set saile, and about ten in the forenoone wee
anchored within Bab-mandell in eight fathome water.
Faire by the Channell which wee came in at, is halfe
a league over betweene the maine of Arabia and the
Hand. Presently at our comming to an anchor, there
came a Boat from the shore aboord of me, wherein was
a Turke and three or foure Arrabian souldiers. This
Turke was chiefe of the place, sent by the Aga of Moha
to guard it. He promised that if I would have a letter
sent, he would presently dispatch a foot-poste away, who
should returne within three days with answere, whereupon
I writ a letter to Captaine Saris at Moha, wherein I cer-
tified him the cause of my comming, and what I deter-
mined to doe.
The sixth, came in a Jalba of Zela, a place without
the Bab, upon the Habashe shoare, bound for Moha:
her loding was Mats. I bought of her twelve sheepe,
and so permitted them to depart. This day much
raine.
The seventh, came in a ship of Basanor, in the morn-
ing early before day, which I caused to come to anchor
by me, one of Captaine Saris Merchants called Richard
Wickam, came this morning with Letters from his Cap-
CaptatnSarts. t^ine, the effect thereof I omit to write here. I returned
/
him . answere thereof, by a Turke which came in his
company, but Wickam I stayed with me, for that I
doubted they of Moha would have kept him Prisoner,
for that I imbarqued the India ships.
190
Sm HENRY MIDDLETON .i^^^Zf.-
i6t2.
The eight, in the after-noone came in a ship of Diu, AshipofDiu.
(bound for Moha) I sent off my Frigat to fetch her in,
who brought her to an Anchor by me. This was the
same ship I detayned the last yeare in Moha Roade.
This day we romaged these two fore-said ships, and ' ^4^'^i'^^
tooke out of them such goods as were for our purpose, ■
which were brought aboord me.
The ninth, came in a small Frigat of Shaher, laden A Frigat of
with course Ollibanum, wee bought some part thereof, Shaher.
and paid them Rials for it to their content : we continued
romaging the India ships for more goods. The eleventh,
I stayed a small Barke of Sinde. ^ Barke of
Note that ever since our comming into the Bab till ^J!^^^-
this twelfth day, the wind kept still upon the South-east
quarter ; but now at North-west, and likely to blow hard :
the last yeare the same day the wind came up at North-
west, and continued so for three dayes. This course the
wind holds every yeare : the rest of the day, and the
next we spent in moring of our ship, as also the Indian
ships which were readie to drive ashore, had not we layd
out moring for them, the wind blowing hard at North-
west.
The fourteenth, came Captaine Saris into the Road CaptaineSaris
about eight in the morning, and anchored by me with ™ /^^^ ™^^
his three shippes. They saluted me with their Ordnance,
and I them ; Captaine Saris, Captaine Towerson, and
Master Cox (their chiefe Merchant) came aboord of me,
where we spent all that day in friendly communication :
I acquainted him with my great lacke of Cables, which
he promised to supply. At night they departed to their
ships, Captaine Saris inviting me and others the next day
to dinner with him.
The fifteenth, I went aboord the Clove, where I and rj jj^ 274. 1
those which came with me were kindly entertayned, he The Gran ^ig-
shewed me the Gran Signiors Passe, and read it to me. ^'^ors Passe. L
Many words passed betwixt us, he promising to himselfe ^-^ ^f^ ^
much good Trade at Moha if I had not come, which my flJneSaris^his
experience found to the contrarie. At last wee agreed gift.
191
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
and sealed it in Writings interchangeable, that he should
have one third part of what should be taken, paying for
the same as I did, for the service of his three ships in the
Action : leaving the disposing of the ships afterward
to me, who had sustayned the wrongs.
A ship of The sixteenth, came in two ships, I sent my Frigat and
Ctfto/. brought them to anchor by mee, the one was of Callicut,
Carapatan. l^den with Rice, bound for Moha, the other was of Cara-
patan, laden with Pepper, which ship came from Achen,
and was bound for Aden, but by Captaine Dounton being
chased to Lee-ward of the place, they determined to goe
for Moha. This Carapatan is a place neere Dabull, they
being subjects to the same King.
A ship of The eighteenth, came in a ship of Cananor bound for
Cananor. Moha, she came from Achen, her lading for the most
part Pepper.
The Hassain The nineteenth, came in two ships of Surat, the one
A^^^f h' ^'^'^^ ^^ Hassany, belonging to Abdelasan, bound for
of Surat. Zidda, the other a small ship of my old friend Hoja
Nassan, bound for Moha. I caused them to anchor by
me, taking their Sayles from their yards, and kept some
of the chiefe men aboord of me ; by them we understood
the Great Mogols Mothers ship, called the Rhemie, was
shortly to come.
A ship ofDiu. The twentieth, came in a ship of Diu, laden with India
Commodities, bound for Moha, and presently after came in
A ship of a ship of Dabull : shee passed by us, I sent my Pinnasse
Dabul. after her, which caused them to come to an Anchor.
The one and twentieth, I sent away Passengers out
A small ship of of the Surat ships: about noone came in a small ship of
Calicut. Callicut, bound for Moha, which ship we stayd.
A Frigat of The two and twentieth, came in a Frigat of Shehor,
Shehor. which came from Goa, bound for Zidda, laden with
grosse OUibanum : and presently after came in sight a
A great ship of great shippe which passed the great Channell, and was
^'*- chased by the Darling, who caused her to anchor by the
Hector, she was of Diu, bound for Swaken, laden with
India Commodities.
192
SIR HENRY MIDDLETON a.d.
1612.
The three and twentieth, came in the Rhemy of Surat, ^^^ ^^^^^y ^
the Queene Mothers ship laden with India Commodities f^^^/^'^ °-^
bound for Zidda ; she was stayed with the rest. In this
ship were iifteene * hundred persons. In the after-noone, *^!^^f^^^
I made signe to the Darling to come to mee, which pre- JhantTwhlch
sently she perceived and came ; I delivered each ship it seems the
their Sayles, and willed them in the morning betimes Jesmtes have
to be ready to saile with me, for that I would go to^^^^'^^^^^
Lee-ward to the Road of Assab. fhe7arZn{,
The foure and twentieth, we weighed and set saile whkhinallthe
from the Bab, and all the India ships with us : leaving Indies
the Thomas and Darling, to ply up to the Bab, and went (advance the
for the Roade of Assab : we arrived at Crab Hand about ^£f^^^^^/
five aclocke, and came to an Anchor with all the Fleet, in Merchandise
twelve fathome water ; where we rid all night, the wind to their
at South South-west. Comtrey, y
The five and twentieth, in the morning wee weighed ^^J. ^^- ^ ^^'
and all the Fleet, and stood in for the Road of Assab, under colour of
and about one of the clock we came to an Anchor in preaching the
seven and a half of fathoms. Gospell; as
The seven and twentieth, we fetched good store ^^^^^/^i^f^^^j^
Indicos out of the ships of Surat and Diu, the Clove witnesses.
being in the offing in sight, plying to and fro, and not The Roade of
seeing us, I caused the Gunner to shoot off a Peece of Assab.
Ordnance : which they hearing, answered mee with
another, and presently bore up for the Road.
[Chap. XII,
III 193 N
A.D.
161O.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
July^ 22.
1610.
Chap. XII.
Nicholas Dounton Captaine of the Pepper-Corne,
a Ship of two hundred and fiftie Tunnes, and
Lieutenant in the sixth Voyage to the East-
Indies, set forth by the said Company, his
Journall, or certaine Extracts thereof.
i I.
Their comming to Saldania and thence to
Socatora.
He two and twentieth of July, at foure
in the after-noone, wee had sight of the
Table and point of Saldania, bearing East,
distant twelve leagues, but by reason of
calmes and uncertaine winds, it was the
foure and twentieth day before wee were
mored in the Roade, where we found
three Hollanders, one whereof was bound for Bantam,
and in her Peter But Generall of thirteene Saile outwards
bound, who having spent his maine Mast, and lost com-
[I. iii. 275.] pany of his Fleet, put into the Road for to refresh his
sicke men. The other two having made traine of Seales
at Pengwin Hand bound home.
Saldania is a Bay some fourteene leagues North North-
east from the Cape Bona Speranza, and North by West
ten leagues from Cape Falso, which is East-ward of the
former, and may both be seene in the said Bay : these
two Capes are also divided by another great Bay, the
distance betweene these two Bayes, is some three leagues
being low marshie ground, extending South and North,
which on either side is invironed with Mountaines. In
this Bay of Saldania, when you have brought the Norther
point thereof, West North-west, North-west and by
West, for a small ship North-west, thwart of the ledge of
rockes (or watering place) neere the shore, which will be
194
Bay of
Saldania
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1610.
laid (as it were) in the swampe betweene the high Moun-
taines, called the Table and the Sugar-loafe, in sixe, five,
or foure fathome according to the draught of your shippe,
in cleane ground, and good anchor-hold you may safely 0<\'^^
ride. Pengwin Hand with his ledge distant three leagues
off, bearing North North-west halfe West, and stretching
to the North and by West of you in the road. The
maine land also, though it be thirteene leagues distant,
trendeth a way to the West and by West, so that there is
little above three points open to let in the North-west
Sea, which is the greatest stormes. Saldania having in Provision more
former time been comfortable to all our Nation travelling ^^J^ fjn^in
this way, both outwards and home-wards, yeelding them times past,and
abundance of flesh, as Sheepe and Beeves brought downe why.
by the Salvage Inhabitants, and sold for trifles, as a Beife
for a piece of an Iron hoope of foureteene inches long,
and a Sheepe for a lesser piece, whereby weake sicke men
in former Voyages have been easily recovered and made
strong : now contrariwise, whether our Trade here were \
spoyled by the Dutchmen we here found, who use to t
spoyle all places where they come (onely respecting their ,
owne present occasions) by their over-much liberalitie ; or
whether the Cattell in former times so abundantly brought
downe, were preyes taken by warres from one another, or
other differences which might make them greedy of yron,
to make heads for their Launces or Darts, which now by
peace or reconciliation they have little need of; the truei
cause, for want of understanding in their language, I } ^ ^ ^^'^J)
know not. But well I found, that all the devises we
could use by bribes or otherwise to them, which daily
came downe to our tents in faire weather, would procure
nothing from them for our sicke mens reliefe, but foure
Cowes, and those foure Cowes which we did buy, were so
old and leane, that there was but little goodnesse in the
flesh ; for which they would take no yron, but thin pieces
of Copper of sixe inches square, and some seven sheep at
peice three inches square of copper, cut out of a Kettle,
whereof they make rings by sixe or eight together, which
195
A.D.
[6io.
Filthy people
and loathsome.
Saldania
sheep.
Jewels and
Ornaments.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
they weare on their armes, which being bright and smooth,
unto them seemeth very brave.
These people are the filthiest for the usage of their
bodies, that ever I have seene or heard of: for besides the
naturall uncleannesse (as by sweat or otherwise) whereto
all people are subject, which the most by washing cleare
themselves of, contrariwise this people doe augment, by
anointing their bodies with a filthy substance, which I
suppose to be the juice of herbes which on their body
sheweth like Cow-dung, and on their wool of their heads
is so baked, like a scurfe of greene herbes. For apparrell,
they weare before their privities the taile of a Cat, or
some other small beast, and a cloake made of a sheeps-
skin, reaching downe to the middle of their thighs ; and
according to the weather, they turne some time the hairy
side, and sometimes the drest side to their bodies.
Their Sheep have no wooll, but haire, and are partie-
coloured like Calves ; their legges are longer, and their
bodies larger then our sheepe in England, but not so fat.
The Principall of these people weare about the bight of
their armes, a thin flat ring of Ivory, beeing very smooth,
and wrought compasse neere sixteene inches wide, and
on their wrists some sixe, eight, tenne, or twelve rings
of Copper, bright and smooth, all either fastned together,
or wrought in one. Other toyes also, as Bracelets of blue
glasse, and pearle shels, which are either presented them,
or by idle people given them for Estridge egshels, for
quils of Porcupines, which without restraint the Dutch-
men did ordinarily buy, also an other most strange and
filthy wearing, to what purpose I know not, as the guts of
Cattell about their neckes, which makes them smell like a
Butchers slaughter-house. In their hands they carrie a
small Lance or Dart, that hath a small yron head, and
a few Estridges feathers as a fan to keepe away the flies :
they have also Bowes and arrowes, but when they came
downe to us, they would leave them in some hole or bush
by the way. They are straight made people, and nimble
of foote, it seemeth that their habitation is mooveable, to
196
NICHOLAS DOWNTON
A.D.
161O.
places of best pasture for their Cattell, as in the Valley
betweene the Mountaines, whose tops (farre up into the
Countrey) were covered with snow at this time, but those
neere the Sea-side are cleare thereof, notwithstanding they
are very high.
Wild beasts there are of divers sorts, but these we have Wild Beasts.
seene, Fallow-deare, Antilopes, Porcupines, land Tortesses,
Baboones, (also the Dutchmen told us of Lyons, but wee
saw none) Snakes, and Adders.
Fowles also abundance, to wit, Wild-geese, Duckes, Fozules.
Pellicans, Passea, Flemincos, and Crowes, which have in
their neckes, as it were, a white band, and small birds greene
coloured, and divers other sorts unknowne. Also Sea-
fowles, to wit, Penguins, Guls, Pentados, which are spotted [I. iii. 276.]
blacke and white ; also a grey fowle, the Pinions whereof
are blacke, which the Portugals call Alcatrasses, and Shags
or Cormorants at the Hand in great abundance, and an
other kind of fowle like Moore-hennes.
Fishes there are of divers sorts, but these following
have I seene, to wit, in faire weather there are a small sort Great num-
of Whales in great numbers ; at the Hand Scales in great ^^ ofsmal
abundance. With the Saine, we tooke fish like Millets,
being as large as a Trought, Smelts, Thornebackes, and
Doggs : and on the Rockes, Limpets, and Mussels
abundance. In the fresh water the Unions men caught
with a Saine, abundance of Millets, as when we met with
them they told us. It is a very wholesome aire, and
aboundeth with good fresh water, both for filling in the
roade, and for travellers in the land, which in small
streames descendeth from the Mountaines.
One morning by my instigation, my Generall and I,
accompanied with thirteene men more, whereof foure
were small shot, went to see if we could find place where
we might cut wood ; and beeing gone some three miles,
and finding none but small greene wood, whereof we in
the Pepper-corne, by reason of our great want, were
forced to cut : my Generall desirous to get refreshing for
our weake sicke men, determined to walke about the
197
1
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
The Table. Table, to see if wee could see any Cattell, that we might
by any meanes buy for our reliefe, not thinking it would
have beene so long a journey, where we past through
a most uneasie, unequall, stony, unbeaten (and as it were)
overgrowne wildernesse, wherein often we were to descend
and ascend, through many deep and hollow water-courses,
over growne with trees from side to side, which were
made with the raines swift descent from the hill called the
Table, and after a while found a beaten path (wherein we
past, seeing many pens wherein Cattell had been kept)
which for that it lead from-wards our ship, we were forced
to leave, and againe had a most vile tiresome travell for a
while, till we hit into another path, which led along the
Mountaines towards the roade, and having past a while
betweene the Mountaines, as neere as they would give us
leave, still following the beaten path which was our best
guide, at length we passed over in the Swamp, betweene
the Southermost Sugar-loafe, and the Table, at which
time we had sight of the Sea side, alongst which wee
went over the sides of the Cliffes, which at length we
forsooke, going by judgement East towards the Swamp,
between the Norther-most Sugar-loafe and Table, where
in the morning (after we had rested our selves a little
by a fire) we made haste, and past over the afore-
said Swampe ; and before breake of day we came to our
Tents, where we found all our men that could be spared,
disturbedly in armes, divided into two Companies, the one
halfe under M. Thornton, the other under M. Pember-
ton, determining at day light to separate themselves, and
againe to meete on the other side of the Table, to goe and
seeke us, which intent our approach did prevent, refresh-
ing our selves with what our friends had prepared for
their intended journey. All the day we kept the Table
on our right hand, and the Marsh on our left hand, which
neere the Mountaines is much pestered with rockes, which
have fallen from the top of the Mountaine. It is moist
ground, and seemeth to be good pasture for Cattell. In
divers places scatteringly wee sawe some trees of small
198
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
i6io.
stature, somewhat broad topped, bearing a fruit in big-
nesse and proportion like a Pine-aple ; but the huske, not
so hard, and spungie, the seed whereof were devoured by
the birds, and the husks remaining on the trees, the
leaves whereof were in forme of our Housleeke in
England, but not so thicke.
At this time was their Spring, both Trees and Herbes
blowing over the earth. It much repenteth me that I
came unprovided of all sorts of Garden-seeds, which might Garden-seeds
be helpefull or necessary for reliefe of any Christians, ^^ fj ^^! ^^
which hereafter might come hither, which though the ,
Salvages should somewhat spoyle, yet every Christian ■.
Captaine would seeke to augment, and re-edifie the same J
Also Acornes, which in time may doe good to posteritie,
for trees are not here so long in growing, as in our cold
Countreys. I will not contradict all such as will esteeme
it more idlenesse in me, to wish to sow where it is many
to one I shall never reape ; yet for my selfe I esteeme it
more idlenesse in me, that I had not bin so provident as
to have sought means in England to have performed the
same. And I would to God I could or had meanes, to
leave a profitable remembrance for Christian Travellers
unto the ende of the world, in any place where I shall
come.
Now having to our utmost endeavours here finished all
our necessary businesses, to wit, watering, and somewhat
relieved our weake sicke men with what refreshing wee
could get, which was principally Mussels, we prepared our
ships to set saile the ninth of August, which by contrary They depart
winds was crossed, untill the thirteenth day following. -^^''^^ ^'^^'^'^'^^'^•
The thirteenth of August at foure in the morning, we
set saile from the roade of Saldania, having the wind faire
at South South-east : and at sixe a clocke in the after-
noone, the Cape Bona Speranza bore South-east, distant
sixteene leagues.
The sixteenth in the morning. Cape Bona Speranza
bore North-west and by West, distant twelve leagues,
and by foure a clocke in the afternoone, wee had brought
199
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
Cape des the Cape Aguilhas North-east sixteen leagues distant, our
Agmlhas. course being South-east. The eighteenth day, little wind,
but an high Sea flowering on the top like a breach in
shoald water. The nineteenth, we had a very strong gale
of wind.
[I. iii. 277.] The sixth of September, at three of the clocke, wee
Madagascar discried the Hand of Madagascar, or S. Laurence, in the
^'^i^Tf^f^J latitude of twentie three deP:rees, thirtie eight minutes,
tn the latitude , . , , , ^ 1 • 1 r 1
ofz'i. degr. ^^^ ^t s^^^ ^ clocke we anchored m twelve rathome water
38. minutes, in the bay of S. Augustine, where we found the Union
, ,. /v ijof London, the Vice-Admirall of the fourth Voyage
^^/ (whose people was distressed, wanting victualls to carry
them home) who related unto my Generall, their in-
j fortunate loosing company with their Admirall and Pin-
nasse betweene Saldania, and the Cape Bona Speranza,
and never since heard of them, how they put into this
bay, outward bound to seeke them, followed also after
them, and put into Zanzibar, (an Hand bordering on the
Abaxin coast) where the Portugals made shewes of favour
and trade, inticing them to land with their boat, where
Three of the they betrayed and tooke three of their men ; the rest
l)^T^ir h ^^^^"g ^^^ danger, fled with the boat unto the ship, who
Portugals at pi*oceeded on their journey, till with contrary winds,
Zanzibar. before they could recover any fit Port, for want of water
they were forced to return towards the bay of Antongil
on the East South-east side of Madagascar, but the wind
or the course not suiting with their determination, they
OrVinganora. put into a good Harbor or Bay of Jungomar, on the
The Captatne North-west corner of Madagascar, where they were a
with the^Cape while fed with good words, and faire promises, and kind
Merchant and entertainement by the King; that in short time the Cape
others betraied Merchant, in hope of trade for Ambergreece and other
at Jungomar things, grew so conceited of this heathen Kings plaine
in Madagas- o. ' ^ , . 1 t^- . . . 1 .
^^^.^ meaning, that at the Kmgs request went not alone to
thim, but perswaded his Captaine and other Merchants
to accompanie him, who being brought to the Kings
presence, hee sent also for the Chirurgion, Trumpet, and
Drum, who refusing to goe to him presently, there
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1610.
sallied out of the woods a great number of people, which
attempted to force the boat and men in her, with Darts,
Arrowes and Lances, who perceiving themselves pre-
vented by the good care and endeavours of them in the
Boat, they pursued the Boat with armed Canoas out of
the river, untill by many shot from the ship she was
rescued. And few dayes after while they lingred in hope
of some good newes from their Captaine and Merchants,
they attempted the ship with a demy army of some ^'^0' ^tt^^pt
hundred Canoas, which came in order and forme of an ^ f^ ^ ^^^ ^
halfe Moone, which to prevent brought themselves under ^ifj^ ^^ ^^^/^
saile, and shooke them oiF, and departed on their journey, of \oo. armed
It seemed that they could not fetch Socatra, or the Canoas.
Master unwilling to go to the Red Sea, or Surat, but
went to Achin, and there dealt for some fit commodities
with the Guzerates, & from thence to Priaman to lade
Pepper : where the Merchant made bargaine to receive
it at Teccoa, an Hand three leagues distant from Priaman,
at fifteene, foureteene, and thirteen Ryals and an halfe of
eight by the Bahar of Pepper, every Bahar is three
hundred and twelve there. This ship the Generall plenti-
fully supplyed with victuals, for whose reliefe he made
the longer stay; he also united them in love one unto
another, who at our comming in were divided, to wit,
Samuel Bradshaw for his sober, discreet, and provident
carriage in the Companies busines much envied by their "^
factious Master, and his adherents; whom wee left in The Union left
the said Bay, as seeming lovers and friends. ^^ ^^ ^^l ^^
In this Bay we continued seven tie houres ; it is for the SeptmLq!
most part all deepe water, and uncertaine, no ground in 1610. bound
divers places (by divers reports) in two hundred fathome ; for England.
by us further examining of deeps had beene in vaine, but
we found all the South shore in a manner, from the
Wester point to the high cliffe-land, all fiat rockie, whose
ledges are to be scene dry at the low water. At the
Easter end of the rockes neere the cliffe, wee anchored
in twelve fathome, and might have rid neerer the shore
in seven fathome : we came in out of the Sea with a
20I
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
strong gale at South South-west, but comming neere unto
the land, the wind grew duller, yet blew reasonable fresh
In the day, but in the night ordinarily calme the time
we were there; but that beeing the newe Moone, which
makes the fowlest weather in the Countryes, I cannot say
of other times. On the land it seemes alwaies to be very
hot, especially when the Sunne is to the South-wards of
the Equinoctiall.
Strange trees. In this place are two trees of divers kinds, some so
full of fat sappe, that fire beeing put to it as it standeth
greene, of it selfe it will runne up, blazing in the leaves
and branches : the Timber is soft, and the leaves and
boughes yeelds a yellow sap. An other sort also of trees,
whose timber is neere as hard as Lignum vitae, and of
colour white, with a small brown heart, whether any kind
of white Saunders I know not : that wood which we cut
off for fire-word in the Pepper-corne, which was the most
plentifull of any sort there, did all hang trased with cods
of greene fruit (as big as a Bean-cod in England) called
Tamerim : it hath a very sowre tast, and by the Apothe-
caries is held good against the Scurvie ; our Admiralls
men who had more leasure gathered some as it was
greene, for their particular uses. Here is also plentie of
an herbe (which for his forme is scarce to be discerned
Sempervk'um. from a Sempervive) whereof the Allocs, called Alloes
Socatrina is made of all sorts, but I know not whether
these salvage people have either the knowledge or the
use thereof.
The people, by what occasion I know not, forbore to
come to us, so that wee gat no kind of Cattell for re-
freshing, neither beife nor mutton, whereof others
heretofore have been offered for a Ryall of eight an
Oxe, but now it is said, that for want of government in
the Union, when any was brought downe, what the
Factor did providently forbeare to keepe downe the price,
n- *^!J ^^^ disordered fellowes for their owne particular, gave what
barterinz ^^^ salvages demanded, so that now they can scarce get
hurtfull, any for tenne shillings a piece. It seemes, that in all
202
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ad.
1610.
places of this Hand, men must stand upon their guard, Note.
for the people are treacherous. Yet by report, stout and
valiant, and not ignorant in ordering of their people in
battell array, as it seemed by their order at Gungomar,
when they assaulted the Union. Their weapons are
Bowes and arrowes, Lances, and small Darts which
they carry in bundles.
Now having performed all our necessary businesses,
as wooding and watering, and relieved our Countrey-men
to the utmost of our powers, we set saile out of the
said Bay.
The ninth day of September, at foure a clocke after- September.
noone, we set saile out of the Bay of S. Augustine, leaving
the Union there as afore-said.
The one and twentieth, the wind beeing at East South- Note.
East, and the Current by my judgement setting South-west,
wee were intangled with a Lee-shore, which we called
the Carribas, which are divers small Hands, of which also
lieth divers ledges of Rockes that are by the breach of
the Sea onely discerned ; and spent sixe dayes before we
could quit our selves of them, beeing betweene tenne and
eleven degrees South latitude.
This Coast lieth neerest North-easterly, and South-
westerly, and the wind all these sixe daies betweene the
East North-east, and East South-east ; so that against
our wills wee were still forced to Lee-ward, though by
towing with our Boates, and otherwise, we endeavoured
to get off. This place by my judgement may be to the
North-ward of Mozambique, somewhat more then Mozambique.
seventie leagues : by night for the most part we were
neerest those dangers, which were alwaies betweene us
and the shore, that wee could never discover neere the
maine, nor give any good judgement of the distances
betweene Hand and Hand, neither set them downe their
true forme.
The greatest danger is in the strength of the Current
setting on, and no place to anchor in, beeing deepe water
close aboord the Rockes; and though somewhat neere
203
A.D.
i6io.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
these Rockes you have ground, yet it is so deep and foule
ground, that there is no anchoring ; and on the Norther
part hereof, though by my estimation wee were little
more then two leagues from the shore, yet wee had no
ground in an hundred and fiftie fathome. These are
sandy Hands, and (for the most part) were full of Trees.
After it grewe darke every night, wee might see the fires
on shore made by the Countrey-people, but wee had no
list to spend so much time as to goe on shore to speake
with them. After it pleased God that we had once got
cleare of these dangers, wee to our great admiration,
Current. found the Current to carry us to the North-wards, as
^ much more as by our judgement the shippe went : as
when by our judgement wee might goe some fifteene
October. leagues, we went thirty leagues. The second of October
we had much raine.
The ninth, we found the Current to cease, except it
set to the East-wards, which we could not discerne. The
tenth, eleventh, and twelfth, we found our selves to loose
every day, more and more by the Current.
The sevententh at Sun-rising, wee descried two Hands,
Duas Irmanas. which for their likelihood are called the Duas Irmanas
(or the two sisters) which lie one from the other West
by South, and East by North, and are distant from the
West point of Zacotora some seaven leagues and an
halfe ; we steering North North-east with the West point
of Zocotora, had these depths, twentie three, twenty
foure, and twentie sixe fathome, distant from the said
point some three leagues and an halfe. After wee had
got about the Wester point, wee found the wind to
shorten, so that it would not permit us to leade it alongst
the coast, but by the helpe of a Current we were put off,
the Admirall and the Darling anchored in twelve fathome,
while I in the Pepper-corne, through calmes, and a gale
of the land, could not get into shoald water to anchor in,
till the ninth day at noone, what time wee anchored in
twelve fathome, neere to a Towne called Gallanzee, and
toward the coole of the evening I went with the Pinnasse
204
NICHOLAS DOWNTON
A.D.
161O.
and Saine, unto a low sandie point, thwart the Admirall
and Darling, a league to the East-ward of our Shippe, to
trie to get Fish for refreshing of our people ; hoping in
the coole of the Evening there to meete with my Gene-
rail, which fell out accordingly to my desire. God
blessing us with abundance of Fish, which served all the Abundance of
whole Fleete two meales, and much longer if it would fi^^'
have kept. Heere my Generall informed mee, how that
the people with whom in the Morning hee had spoken,
had confirmed that which hee greatly doubted : which to
our griefe would prolong our Voyage : which was, that
the Easterly Monson was alreadie come, and all our
hopes of getting to Cambaya were frustrate for this nine
Moneths, of which wee expected to bee better informed
by the King at Tamerin, the place of his residence.
The twentieth day being Saterday, we anchored at a
point neare six leagues short of Tamarin, and five leagues Tamarin.
from the point of Galanzee, which we did by the helpe
of a Sea-turne, which continued long that night, but not
contented by gaining and holding that place, till we could
by day bee better advised, by reason of an edy tide by
the shore on the West-side ; by the shore where wee [I. iii. 279.]
rode, on the West-side thereof, which forced our sternes
to wind-ward, and a little flattering gale of the land, wee
weighed, and were forced off into the Currant : So that
the one and twentieth day wee were carried back thwart
of the Towne of Galanza, and farre off in great depth.
The two and twentieth, we in the Pepper- Corne were
like to have bin put cleane off the Iland, but the
Admirall and Darling got into shoald water, and there
anchored, and about two a clock I also anchored in the
Bay Westward of Gallanza in six fathom, & presently Gallanza.
went on shore with my Pinnasse, carrying Barricos to
seeke fresh water ; going with a flagge of truce, to see ^
if any of the Inhabitants would come to mee, for I
earnestly desired to speake with some of them, in hope
to have procured some Goates, or other refreshing for
our people, but none, as it seemeth, durst come to us,
205
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
for feare of the Kings displeasure, who will have
nothing sold to any stranger, but from himselfe ; it
seemeth he would have none of his people have to doe
with any strangers, but that all intelligences, allowances,
for fresh victuals and prises, must come from himselfe,
as afterwards I found, though now I wondered to see
the people stand afarre off in troupes, and came not
neare us, which made me thinke they had spies attend-
ing on them by the Kings order to be the cause. So
at night having filled thirteene Barricos of water, I re-
turned aboord : this night being a high water at nine
of the clocke, at a full Moone, 1 esteemed it flowed
upright, betweene ten and eleven foote ; all the time
of flowing the streame sets to the Northward, I meane
close by the shore : and with the ebbe and a small
gale of the shore, we set saile, and stretcht it alongst
the shore some foure or five mile, thwart of the sandy
Bay of our fishing, and neare our Admirall, and finding
Currant, the Currant there to set off to the Westward, we
anchored till the next helpe of the tide or wind.
The five and twentieth being Thursday, as the wind
served we set saile, and about eleven of the clocke we
anchored in eight fathome, a mile from the land right
Tamarin. against the Towne of Tamarin, where the Kings house
is North from the Castle, on the top of the hill above
the Towne ; at our anchoring the Generall shot off ^yq
peeces of Ordnance, I three, and the Darling one. The
Generall sent Master Femell on land, handsomely
attended with the Pinnasse, fitted with a red Crimson
tilt, presenting the King with a Present, which was
from the Generall, a faire gilt Cup of ten ounces, a
Sword-blade, and three yards of Stammell broadcloath.
The King to receive them, had by the water-side in
readinesse fitted, an Orrange-tawny coloured Tent, where
he sate attended on by the principall of his Countrey-
men, the Arabs and a guard of small shot; they con-
tinued conference more then an houre : hee thankfully
received the Generalls Present, bade him welcome, shew-
206
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1610.
ing desire to see him on land, promising him water
free, and what else the Hand did afford, at reason,
according to the drought of the Hand, which continued
two yeeres without raine ; for Allocs not a pound to
be had, his owne Frigat being gone to sell it in the
Red-sea. For the Ascension, he saith, came first hither
in the moneth of February, and finding a Guzerat' /
ship here, within eight dayes shee departed in her
company towards the Red-sea, and eight dayes after
came in her Pinnasse, who made no stay, but followed
her Admirall, and in July, both the Ascension and The Jscention
Pinnasse returned out of the Red-sea to Zacotora, ^«f ^^'^"'^^^^
, , , 11- 1 r cast away Upon
where they hastened to take m water : and soone arter ^^^ qq^^^ ^
departed towards Cambaya. Further hee saith, that his India.
Frigat being at the Port of Bazain, neere Damon in
India, they were informed by the Portugals, that the
said shippe and Pinnasse arriving on the Coast too
soone, before the Winter and foule weather was past,
were both cast away, but the men saved. The King
sent the Generall a Present of twelve Goates.
The six and twentieth being Friday, my Generall
went well attended on, and with a guard to visit the The King
King ; our ships gave him, as before, five, three and ^'^^^^^^•
one peeces of Ordnance, and hee was received on land
by the Kings order, with ten great shot, & otherwise
he was received by the King, in orderly and civill
sort, and had both for him and his followers so good
cheere provided, as the place could presently afford:
but the King shewed no willingnes that we should here
make any longer abode, for he would not yeeld that wee
should set up our Pinnasse heere ; his excuse was this :
that neither his own ship, nor any other, as the Guzerat,
which he hath great profit by, dare not come into this
place while we are heere : and further, I suppose the
time we stay heere is very chargeable to him in this
respect ; for to shew the strength of his Towne, he hath
drawne downe the Arabs and others from all parts of the
Land, and while they stay heere, they live on his charge,
207
A.D,
161O.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
King of
Fartac, or
Canacaym.
which I thinke is the only occasion he would have our
absence : this day wee filde a great part of our water.
Saterday, we almost made an end of watering out of a
pond, fed by springs descending from the hilles. Sunday
our people went on land to recreate themselves, and did
no other businesse.
This King of Zacotora is called Mulli Amore Bensaide,
and now is here but Vice-roy under his father, who is
King of Fartac in Arabia not far from Aden, and comes
into the sea at Camrican. Hee saith, that his father holds
warre against the Turkes of Aden, in his owne defence,
for hee denied us a letter to the Governour of Aden,
saying, hee would not doe us so much wrong. The
people that he useth for his Honor and strength in
[I. iii. 280.] Zoccatra, are the Arabs, the rest that live in most servile
slavery, are the old Inhabitants of the Hand, which have
been banished people.
There is for Merchandize growing upon Zoccatra,
Allocs Soccatrina, which they make about August, of an
herbe like unto Semper-viva, which we have in Spaine,
but no great quantitie, not passing a Tunne in a yeere ;
there is a small quantitie of Sanguis Draconis, or Dragons
blood, a little whereof our Factors bought at twelve pence
a pound. And Dates which serve them for bread, which
the King sells at five Rialls of eight by the hundred.
Cattell for mans sustenance these, Bulls and Cowes at
twelve Rialls of eight a piece. Goats at one Riall a
piece, Sheepe at halfe a Riall a piece, and Hennes at
halfe a Riall a piece ; all exceeding small, according to
the drie rockie barren nesse of the Hand : wood at twelve
pence a mans burthen; every particular is a very deare
pennyworth; and what else this Hand may yeeld, I am
yet to be informed of, but of rockes and stones, drie
and bare, it seemes the whole Hand is composed.
How A Hoes is
made.
Sanguis
Draconis.
208
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ad.
1610.
§. II.
Of Abba del Curia, Arabia Foelix, Aden and
Moha, and the treacherous dealing of both
places.
His day all our important businesse being done, wee T^hey ^^P^^'^
set saile, directing: our course to Aden-wards in fiom Zacotora
, „ ' 1 . 1 r ^ ^r- -11 fo^ Aden.
the Red-sea, taking leave or the King with three
shot out of the Admirall, one out of the Pepper-Corne,
and one out of the little Darling. Our course, after wee
gate off the land, alongst by Abba del Curia, to Cape
Guardafui, which is the Eastermost point of Abax, was
nearest West, distant foure and thirtie leagues, to wit,
from the Wester point of Zacotora, to the East end of
Abba del Curia, is fourteene leagues. And Abba del The length of
Curia a long narrow ragged Hand, may be in length 'x' .
East and West, some five leagues; from the West end
of Abba del Curia, to Cape Guardafui, is fifteene leagues ;
on this Hand, Abba del Curia, the King of Zoccatra
hath some people and Goats; North from the middle
thereof, neare three leagues, are two great white rockes, ^"'^ Sf^^^
neare adjoyning one to the other, and are some halfe a ^ ^ ^ J^ocnes.
mile in length ; these rockes are not white of themselves,
but made white with the filing of Birds.
The one and thirtieth, being Wednesday, at eleven a
clocke we were thwart of the Wester point of Zacotora,
and at two a clocke, the white rocke, called Saboyna, Saboyna,
wee left North on our Star-boord side, which beareth
North-west, and by West, foure leagues of the most
Wester point of Zacotora ; and at three aclocke after-
noone, we descried the two highest Mountaines of Abba
del Curia, bearing West South-west distant ten leagues.
The first of November, being Thursday, at Sun-rising Novemb, i.
we were thwart of the middle of Abba del Curia, leaving
it on our Larboord side, two leagues and a halfe off,
and the two Rockes on our Star-boord side distant
halfe a league; at noone wee were in North latitude
III 209 Q
L
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
twelve degrees and seventeene minutes, the variation
seventeene degrees and five and thirtie minutes: this
after-noone we met with a currant, which set us to the
South-ward. At one in the after-noone, we descried
Cape de the Cape Guardafui, but it was night before we came
Guardafm. ^eare it; so that we past it by night, without any true
discovery thereof.
The second, being Friday, in the morning we were
thwart of an high Mountaine, nine leagues Westward
from the Cape Guardafui, and betweene that point, and
another high point, five leagues distant West southerly
by the Compasse, there is a low sandie point, lying one
league and a quarter off, into the Sea ; and some three
leagues more Westerly, we anchored, and went on land
with all our Boats for to cut wood ; wherof we in the
Pepper-Corne had great need : heere we met with some
of the Inhabitants, who informed us that the last
Mount we past, is called Feluck, or by the Portugals,
Foelix : but so soone as they knew we were Christians,
they fled from us.
The third day, being Saturday, we landed againe,
and cut more wood ; and after-noone we set saile,
standing on our way Westward towards the Red-sea,
Novemb. 5. continuing our course till the fifth day ten a clocke, at
which time we descried the Coast of Arabia Foelix,
bearing North North-west, and North by East, being
distant from the nearest land, some twelve leagues ; at
noone I found my selfe in thirteene degrees eight and
twentie minutes North latitude : at Sun-set wee were
distant from the land some twelve leagues ; the Moun-
taines within the Land all high, very rough, without
shew of grasse, wood, or any other fruitfulnesse ; wee
now directing our course West and by South, as the
Coast lyeth, soone expecting to see the Citie of Aden,
for that with my first fall with the land, I esteemed
my selfe not above foure and twentie leagues short to
the Eastward thereof: but whereas I esteemed the ships
made their way North-west by North, over the Gulfe,
210
NICHOLAS DOAVNTON a.d.
1610.
by reason of the Currant, we iinde they have made a
little better then North ; and that at our fall with the
land, we were little lesse then threescore leagues short
of Aden, we continued our course alongst the Coast
with a good saile all day, and a short saile all night,
to the end not to over-shoote Aden all the way, for [I. iii. 281.]
the most part in five and twentie, twentie, fifteene, twelve,
ten, and eight fathoms.
Wednesday at Sun-setting, below the Mountaine,
being very neare it, on the sudden we descried Aden,
which is situate under the foote of an unfruitfuU ^ description
mountaine, a place where I should scarce have looked v./ ^z?^?^^^'^/'
tor a 1 owne, but it is set there tor strength, where it j^^jj i^j
is very defencible, and not by any enemie easily to be Arabia
wonne, if the defendants within be men of resolution, F^^ix.
and so that it be formerly victualled, and provided of
munition ; and to Sea-ward, though it be in a manner
drie at low-water, there stands an high Rocke some-
what larger than the Tower of London, which is not
by enemies to be in hast ascended, by reason it is so
steepe, and that but one way by narrow steps to get
up, where foure men may keepe downe a multitude :
this Rocke is so walled, flankered, and furnished with
Ordnance, as it seemeth to me, it may command both
the Towne and Roade : yet who will avoid it, may
ride in nine fathome water without their command,
or within their command, from nine fathome down-
ward. Also a little distance to the Northwards of
the foresaid Rocke, is another rocke, being low, almost
even with the water, which is of small compasse,
whereon is a Fort built and well furnished with
Ordnance, the souldiers usually continuing in this
Garrison of Aden I could never understand, but accord-
ing as occasions are, they are drawne down from other
Inland Townes. The low countrie adjoyning within
it, doth supply it with provision, and partly with their
Barkes, which passe in Trade from Aden to Barbora,
a Towne right over on the Abexin side, from whence
211
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
they bring Cattell, and much fruit, and provision,
A secret. with Mirrh and Incense, and what else I must conceale
The latitude of till further information gotten. This Towne standeth
Aden 12. -j^ ^^ Latitude of twelve degrees, and five and thirtie
desi'. T,c..min. . , . . ^^t i • 1 1 ,
the variation ^^imutes, the variation Westerly, is twelve degrees and
Westerly 12. fortie minutes; it floweth, by estimation, upright be-
degr. 40. min. tween six and seven foote water on the change day :
a South-east by East, or North-west by West Moone,
maketh a full Sea : this mountaine, at whose foote
the Towne standeth, is a Peninsula pointing out into
the Sea, and toward the maine is first a narrow necke
of sandie ground, and within of the like, a larger marsh-
like ground stretching up to the Mountaines, which
may be from the Towne sixteene or twentie mile.
At our first anchoring, the Governour in the darke
of the evening sent an Arab in a Canoa to view our
ships, who refused to come aboord, though he were
called.
Thursday morning, the same Arab came aboord the
Admirall from the Mir or Governour, to understand
what we were ; if friends, we should be welcome to
They send a j^j^j . ^-j^jg while was a Present making ready to send
Present to the ^^ r^ 1. • l j t-" 1 • r l • j
Governour of ^^ Cjovernour, which was a graved 1 urkie-rashioned
Aden. jPeece, and a principall sword blade, sent to land by
^^^<fTjJohn Williams, and one M. Walter, Linguists, with
1^'^'^ iother Factors to accompany them. The Turkes not
permitting them to come into the Towne, entertained
them without the Gate, neere the waters side, yet with
great shew of joy, pretending much kindnesse to our
Nation, with whom they say they have had much
familiaritie in Stambola, Aleppo, and other places, but
/used not one word of any trading with us, but framed
dtheir speech to make us understand, that they every
(^ day expected the comming of thirtie thousand souldiers :
which to us seemed very strange, that so barren a
Countrey as that seemed to bee, could yeeld provision
for so many people. But understanding their speeches
> proceeded of feare, it was signified, that our Generalls
212
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ad.
1610.
request unto the Governour was, that for his money
he would give him a Pilot, to carrie his ships to
Moha : then he told them that he was but Deputy '
to the Mir or Governour, which was out of the Towne,
and the next morning would be returned ; and then
the Generall should be thereof informed. He sent
the Generall a Present, which was two Barbora sheep,
with broad rumps and small tailes, some Plantans, and '
other fruits, wherewith our people returned.
Friday, the Generall sent againe betimes in the
morning, to require a Pilot for Moha ; then they were
brought into the Mirs house, and still continued with
faire words ; but the Mir was not yet returned : but
when the Deputie-governour heard our ships were under
sayle bound away, he sent no Pilot, but a request that Turkish
if the Generall would not stay and trade with all his ^^'^'^^^'
ships, yet that he would stay one there for their supply,
demaunding the prises of divers of our Commodities,
which gave present shew of content, if performance
might follow accordingly, with glozing shewes of,
Indico, Ollibanum, Mirh, and divers other things there' -^
fit for us ; but before the Messenger came to give
knowledge to the Generall, our ships were so farre
about the point, that by reason of the Current, we
could not againe get about the Easter side of the point
in sight of the Towne, but anchored thwart of a Bay
on the South side of the Towne : The Generall seeing
divers people fishing in the Bay, and great store of
people of fashion on the hil, went to the shore side
in his Pinnasse, to enquire of them when the Current
might change, and that we might get about. The
Deputie-governour shewed himselfe angry, pretending
our comming was to discover their strength, and with
no good intent ; in so much that John Williams was
in doubt they would have staied him : but the Mir Mir is Lord.
now present being lately come to Towne, seemed not
so rigorous, but dissembled the matter, giving good
words, granting a Pilot for Moha ; yet desired that one
213
A.D. PUHCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
of our ships might stay for their supply, saying, that
>y that Towne by former Governours ill usage of strangers
was growne out of Trade, which he did endeavour to
[I. iii. 282.] set on foote againe, hoping by us to make a beginning ;
and further, that as he was a Governour, so had he a
Basha was superiour over him, from whom if all our
ships departed without trading at his Towne, he should
have blame, in that it would be imputed to his ill usage
The cunning ^^ ^g^ ^q (irive US away. And for that we understood
^the^Ttirkes ^^ Others, that the former part of his speech was true,
our Generall and we thought the latter part to be true also
I (which was meerely to delude us) which the Generall
by the Messenger did in a manner grant, so we could
find safe riding for our ships, the dangerous Easterly
JMonson on this shore, which he made slight or little
'regard of, wishing our ruine, and no safetie.
Munday morning early, John Williams was againe
»- '■ sent to the Governour for his Pilot, according to the
last nights promise, and had now answer from the
Governour, that the Pilots wife would not permit he
should goe, unlesse we left foure of the principallest
men in the shippes in pawne till his safe returne ; which
bred in us a generall dislike of their inconstancie, yet
the Generall, for performance of his former promise,
determined to leave me behind in the Pepper-corne,
but altered his determination in my direction ; for
4 whereas before I was directed not to carry above a
quarter part of our goods on land at one time ; now
we were to carry none at all ; for since they will not
trust us with one of their rascall people, but on such
disgraceful! tearmes, therefore he thought fit not to
trust them with any of our goods ; but if they had
need of any of our commodities, as they pretended to
have, they should buy and pay for it aboord the ship ;
and in case they mistrust any evill dealing, we should
exchange pledges ; so that for so many as for doing
their businesse they should need to have aboord, we
should deliver on land so many of the neerest like in
214
^■■"t;::^
h
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ad.
1610.
qualitie : if not liking of this, that we may follow our
Admirall to Moha. The same day about noone, all
things being determined of, the Generall with his owne
ship and Darling, departed towards Moha, and as they ^^^ Darling
prepared to set saile, they descried a saile in the Offing, j/^ip^f^^Q
which they supposed to be a Guzerat bound to Moha, tunnes.
out of which the Generall had hope to procure a Pilot,
stood off with her a little while, till perceiving it to
be a smaller sayle then before they expected, gave over
their chase, and stood on their course towards Babel-
mandel.
Tuesday, we laboured with long warps to get up,
both against wind and Current, whereby we got well
up (as men striving to hasten their owne harmes)
beeing thwart of the fishing Bay. The Mir of Aden
sent a Boat and a Messenger aboord, to desire to
speake with the Merchants, to know whether they
purposed to trade with them or no : whereupon M.
Fowler, John Williams, and the Purser (for other
businesse) went on land, the Merchants declaring to
the Mir in what manner we had direction to trade
with them. The Mir not liking of that way, in no Mir,orJmir,
wise accepted of such trading : this seemed a contra- °r .^i'"/"^'
diet to his purpose and policie ; therefore least after
their returne aboord, I should depart for Moha, as they
said, he thought best to detaine those three men, thereby ^-^^'^^ '^/'^"■^
to procure him some thing, though he pretended ^^^^^^^^^^ °^
that he staied them for anchorage, and other duties,
amounting to fifteene hundred Venetianoes of gold,
every one at one Ryall and an halfe of eight. ^^^,..
Before this Towne of Aden, I made my unprofitable f... <7^^
aboad untill the sixteenth of December, living in con-
tinuall danger, if any storme had happened, which is^
there ever very doubtfull on this Monson, or time of
the yeare : by romaging I omitted no meanes for bringing
our goods in readinesse, if so it should happen that
in the end we find sale or trade with them : for not-
withstanding by the varietie of tricks, whereby from
215
A.t>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
day to day they falsly deluded our people in their
hand, as to send Messenger after Messenger to my
Generall to Moha, to obtaine license to bring our goods
into their Towne, and then the Merchants would
resort out of all places in the Countrey neere-hand,
to buy the same, which might be said, least we had
discovered the unlikelihood of any Merchants in that
Towne, likely to doe the same ; yet could I never
conceit hope of trade or honest dealing amongst them.
All the time I lay there for the most part, I sent
my Pinnasse every two or three daies to land, to know
how my Factors did, with some one or two men
besides the Cocks gings, which whatsoever they had
Cunning ^q ^qq^ thgy were curteously dealt withall, the souldiers
treachery. frequenting their company, giving them drinke ; and
if any man Jew or Bannian had over reckoned them
in the price of anything, they would ever be readie to
do them right : all which I make account was done
^ . by the Governours direction, the better to abuse us,
V'^"'.^ by drawing our people to conceit well of them, and
^''' trust their fiatterie and lyes, wherein they excell : and
on the resort of any extraordinary people into the
Towne, they would tell our men, that they were
Merchants, come to see if we had landed any of our
goods for them to buy, when they were souldiers
called in out of some other neere adjoyning Inland
Townes, upon some plot in their head newly devised.
lAnd likewise our Factors in person were most times
kindly used, and were resorted unto by such as the
Governour appointed, and that should tel his tale :
whereas he had so provided, that not any, not so
, much as an Arab nsher-man nor other, were permitted
" to come neere unto me, least they should tell me the
truth, to his disadvantage. By my people in the
Pinnasse I sent of purpose to discover, by whom I am
informed, this Citie in times past hath been great and
thrprmnt populous, but at this time, the houses both great and
state thereof, small are greatly ruinated and sunk in everie part of
216
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ad.
IDIO.
the Towne, shops of merchandise there are none of
any account, Merchants none to be discerned worthy
of that caUing : for money seemeth to be very scant t^- "^- ^^^-J
amongst them, which appeared when our men offered
to change a peece of eight for Aspers, they use to
take it from hand to hand, gazing as at a strange thing ;
an ill signe in a place where a ships lading of merchandize
is brought to sell.
This present Governour time growing neere out that
he must be gone, and therefore before his departure,
would have been glad to have seene us so foolish as to
land some of our goods by any devise, would often
commend Captaine Sharpeighs confidence in them, who ^
was here in the Ascension sixteene moneths before us, and
how at first he brought goods on land without mistrust,
and sold it, and his men came boldly on land like
Merchant men, of which since wee did not the like ;
he made doubt whether we were so or not, and that he
tooke delight to heare his Trumpets sound on his walls ;
all which 1 tooke to be no other then hooking devises and
untrue delusions, for I cannot thinke, but that if at the
first, like harmelesse men they trusted much, they repented
it before they went away. Captaine Sharpeigh was ^^\ p^Lh the^ first
first of our Nation that came here, and perchance might' of our nation
passe away in some reasonable sort : but since then they at Aden.
have had time to advise themselves how to doe more
villanie,) which they have, nothing else to plead. My |
conceit is, that at our first comming they made account >- ?''^]
to buy our goods without money, and that their plot
in desiring first one shippe to stay, was two-fold. First,
it was more likely for them to worke their wills on one
shippe, then on three. Secondly, in procuring the stay
of this heere, the other two were the better to bee dealt
withall at Moha, since what villanie could be wrought
on them at both places, was for the service and benefit of
our Basha : And they knowing that we were ignorant,
that this winter time now ensuing was so tempestious, and
unfit for any such businesse of Commerce, and that no
217
A.D.
161O.
^.
'a/>f. Doun-
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
ship could long stay there without their favour and
friendship, as in the case of fresh water to drinke onely,
if there were no wind or Sea to be dreaded, which are
both often most vehement, and at Aden is low shoare,
nothing to hinder the mayne SufFe and violence of the
mounting billowes, whereby they might with good judge-
ment thinke, that in little time we might bee forced
from our Road at nine fathome, into five fathome neere
to the Towne, in some shelter of the Hand, and under
command of their Ordnance. From whence without
their leave, we could not have carryed her out againe,
or if this faile, he might thinke by coloured kindnesse,
or some other device for our owne pleasures, or by want
of water, sometime to draw some store of our people, and
that of the better sort on land to them, which alreadie
he hath : whereby to force them to procure the rest
to bring in the ship, but indeed hee had ill counsell.
For his haste spoyled his Market at the first, by staying
our three men, doubting our ship would be gone : which
made me very suspicious and warie in sending but few
men on land at once.
Saturday, I sent my first Letters to the Generall to
tons Letters to Moha, by a Souldier of Aden, fitted for the Governours
/^ L ^ S turne, whose returne was so ordered, that he never came
ton suppressed. ' ' j j 1 1
neere any or us with an answere : he pretended that the
Governour of Moha promised delivery of the same, but
presently sent him backe with a Letter to Aden.
Thursday, the Governour rid out of Towne, who
remayned absent till the first of December, in the meane
: ^time our people in Prison were more hardly used, paying
! in a manner as much to the Messenger for fetching their
victuals, as it cost besides, having little countenance or
favour any way shewed them : and it was told them
that the Mir was gone, and a new was to come in his
stead, but it proved not so for that time.
Saturday, about mid-day, the same Mir returned againe
into the Towne, and came to our men in Prison, speak-
ing kindly unto them, and causing good provision to
218
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1610.
bee made for them, at his owne cost, whereby he guld us .. j
by pretended friendship, promising nothing but kind-
nesse and good dealing, so soone as we should begin
to trade, and then they shall have their full libertie
without payment of the aforesaid fifteene hundred Vene-
tianos formerly demanded ; the custome five in the
hundred, all other charges reasonably, and readie Gold
for what wee sold, and therefore wishing that as before we
had sent a Foole of our Message, that now we should Z,
send a man of our owne, with a guide of his, whom wee
might be sure would bring true answere from our
Generall. This day I made shew to bee preparing to bee
gone with the ship : aboord came a Letter from John
Fowler to impart to mee this joyfull newes, urging mee
againe to write to the Generall, to know his pleasure \
herein for landing of our goods, wherein I was not so \
streightly tyed, but I might have done it my selfe, if I
had scene any signe or likelihood of good dealing : which
seeing no cause of encouragement I kept to my selfe,
to the end not to bee urged by the importunitie of others
to doe any thing unadvisedly, which might either pre-
judice my friends or wrong my selfe ; now seeing the |
time was before me till May, to goe to Moha (for so | "^
long the Easterly Monson lasteth) at such time as rigorous '
weather, or being wholy frustrate of trade, should drive
me hence, and being once gone, I cannot come hither
againe till the iift of May or June, whatsoever thereby
were to bee gotten, wherefore, for divers respects, I '
desired to , heare from the Generall.
Munday, I dispatched away the Messenger with a
Letter to my Generall (which prooved an after-griefe
to me) and eight dayes after we had nothing, but shewes
of kindnesse and good quarter, thinking long till our
Messenger returned, that we might beginne our good
Markets.
Saturday, my Boat-swaine informed mee of his great [I. ili. 2
wants of small Cordage, for divers purposes, wishing that
he and some others might goe ashore, to lay some on
219
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
the strand by the Towne wall, now while we had leisure,
before our greater businesse came in hand, for which
I sent to land to intreate the Governour that our people
might doe such a businesse in safetie under his wall :
which was promised with great favour, in the best and
convenientest place they could find, with a house at night
to put up their things till the next day. In the meane-
,j itime the Governour set Smithes to making of shackles for
l^bur people, and some of them were by signes told of
r^ it, which suspecting nothing, tooke it as a merry Jest,
which afterwards they found in earnest.
Twentie more Wednesday, afternoone, my men were all betrayed that
of our men ^^Q,xit on shoare, bound, shackled, and pinioned, and
^ ^^"^^ ' ^ some put in the Stockes : all tortured and grievously
J abused, stript of their money and all else they had : my
iPinnasse lost, the gings gone amongst the Rope layers.
So there was two Merchants, a Purser, and one to attend
on them, a gadding Apothecarie, my Chirurgion, and
Master Caulker (who carryed my Letter to Moha as
aforesaid) my Boat-swaine, and one of his mates, two
quarter Masters, the Cooper, Carpenter and Gunners
mate, and my Cock-swaine, and five more of the Cockes
^ ging, which in all are twentie persons, some few for their
pleasures, the rest to worke, saw the ging who were most
of them appointed to keepe the Pinnasse, but being out
of my sight, they did what they list, and the Boat-swaine
seemed to want their helpe about his Ropes.
Munday, I set saile out of the Southermost Road of
Aden, directing my course towards Moha (through
the streight of Babel-mandell, in the entrance of the
Redde Sea, being distant from Aden (West by South)
thirtie two leagues. The Arabs both here and in all
:^\ other places of Arabia, of all degrees, are in great
1 servitude to the Turkes.
Jn Eclipse of Thursday, at foure in the morning, the Moone was
the Moone. eclipsed, and at one in the after-noone, I past the Bab,
or streight being halfe a league over, having in the
midst ten fathome water, and towards both sides eight,
220
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1610.
sixe or foure fathome depth, as one list to borrow to,
and may be some two miles through which sets a good
strong tyde, both ebbe and floud. I left on my star-boord
side, a Mountaine and Rockie Peninsula, extending from
the Mayne, beeing all neere low-land, with a low narrow
necke of sand, and on the lar-boord side, I left a low
Hand of some five miles long East and West, being also
Rockie ; betweene the West end thereof, and the Abaxin
Coast, for ought I can discerne is a cleere channell of three
or neere foure leagues broad, but I thinke not much
used by the ships, for that the water is deepe, and not for
anchoring, besides the other is the neerer way. We^
being past the Bab, were ignorant what dangers lay in
our way, or how farre within the streight the Towne
of Moha stood, whether in a River or Bay, or how else
we knew not, but discovering we kept by our lead
betweene nine and seven fathomes, all alongst the Arab
Coast, and as the day light ended we anchored in eight
fathome, nine leagues within the Bab, against a little
Mount standing alone by the Sea-side.
Friday, at sixe a-clocke in the morning we set sayle,
standing alongst North, and North by West, as our
depths directed us, first betweene nine and seven
fathomes, and lastly, betweene sixe and foure fathomes,
when wee came to have the shoales without us ; but as
wee came neere to Moha, which is scituated eightene Moha eighteen
leagues within the Bab : on the verge of a low sandy ^^^g^^ '^^^^^^
barren ground. Our Admirall we saw rid alone (and no|
Darling) some foure mile into the Sea, in sixe fathome,/ "
and riding with two shot ahead, by reason of the vehe-
mencie of the weather, which erst I suspected not :
My present cares were somewhat in this unknowne
passage, for the safetie of the ship, which without great
vigilancie and regard to our depths, might have beene
set fast to our further famine : but the neerer I came,
the more my griefe gnawing at my heart, as one while
reviving my griefe for the losse of so many of my men,
and then casting doubts, what might befall my friends
221
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
here; their Pinnasse mand, I see lye along by the ships
4.,fffJ- side wherein was Master Thornton the Master, but durst
not put off till wee were thwart of them, for feare they
should not recover their owne ship againe, being once put
off by reason of the wind and currant. I being some-
fiwhat neere, as a signall of heavie newes, they puld downe
iitheir Flagge, whereby I understood some misfortune was
befallen my General!, I beeing anchored, hee with the
i Pinnasse came aboord ; where after the blasts of passion
"^"^' and griefe (by the defects and frailtie of the flesh) some-
what blowne over, he began by degrees to informe me
of all things that had happened since wee parted at Aden :
as first of their quicke passage from Aden to the Bab,
where they tooke in a Pilot to bring them to Moha,
The Trades where the fourteenth of November they arrived, that
Increase ^^g from Aden in thirtie houres, yet their misfortune was
before Mohain such, that against the Towne and very neere the Road,
the Red Sea, whether by mis-understanding, or the Pilots neglect to
Nove. 14. the depths, or being not acquainted with the working
'^^°- of our shippes, it is not material! to examine, but on the
^,(-< ' sands the shippe came aground, and so stucke fast that
^ her bilged stood on the shoaldest of the bankes ; so
as notwithstanding the great Sea by force of the wind,
the head and sterne being in deeper water, did heave and
set without any painful striking, but to get her off without
lightning they could not, wherefore they could not be
precise in trusting themselves without pledges in the
hands of the Turkes, who omitted nothing to prevent
[I. iii. 285.] our doubt of being welcom, with great varietie of friendly
promises in every thing we demanded, and request
once made, they were plyed with Barkes to lighten
the ship, wherein they used great expedition, we land
J as well our Wheat-meale, Vineger, Sea-coales, Pitch and
Tarre, with our unbuilt Pinnasse, and other provisions
which came next hand, or in the way, as well Tinne,
Lead, Iron, and other merchandize to be sould, and
staved neare all our water. And of all others. Master
Laurence Femell seemed most fearefull, for that in a
1^
NICHOLAS DOWNTON
A.I>.
161O.
t:-^ j^<^
private Boate he speedily carryed all his things on land,^
leaving nothing that he regarded aboord of the ship ofy
his owne.
The ship now having laine a ground houres,
with great travaile to lighten and shift the ship, they The Trades-
got her afloat. Increase set
It is also to be understood, that this part of Arabia, ^-^^^^'
from Eastward of Aden, and up the Red-
sea to Cameran, which is threescore and ten leagues
within Bab-mandell, and I know not how farre within; 'ifj,.n*^'^
the Land, is called the Land of Yeoman, and now or Ayaman.
governed by one JefFor Basha, whose residence is in
the Citie of Zenan, which they account to bee by
moderate travaile fifteene dayes journey ; by poste, I
thinke they goe and come in that time. And the
Governours of Aden and Moha, which is the better
place, in that it is of more resort of ships ; and these '
Governours are yeerely placed by him ; as at this
present in Moha is one Regib Aga by his place or
office, who was his servile slave attending on him, and
he was preferred to Aden, where he commanded the
other yeere, when Captaine Sharpeigh was there, and
for that he was a beneficiall Knave to his Master, he
was preferred to Moha, a better place.
Now at our first arrivall, he sent to give knowledge
unto his Master, with what informations best pleased
him, and was to stay for directions from his Master
how to deale with us ; wee trusted them as men of
humane feeling, being ignorant of what was against us.
Now while the messenger went to know the Bashas
pleasure how to dispose of us : The Aga was laying
the ground of his Treason, and drawing every thing
toward readinesse, for the effecting of his desired harvest,
omitting nothing which might further his villanous
purpose. Also by drawing into the Towne from the
nearest neighbour Hand Townes and Countrey adjoyning,
such and so many souldiers as might fit his turne,
whose rigour and malice against us hee neglected not
223
< ;?«
/i. ^
.y^P
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
to provoke, by scandalous reproches, as might best
^v serve for his purpose, as that wee were Pirats and
^;<«-^ .►^»'' i Christians, (which they account as bad enemies to their
' holy Prophet Mahomet and his Lawes) and that our
comming was to discover how to ruinate and destroy
the holy houses of their god, as Meca and Medina,
and what service they should doe to God and their
Country in destroying of us ; as also informed them
that wee had so much money and goods, as if they
would behave themselves valiantly when time served, will
make them and their Countrey happie, with so many
other deluding devices, as seemed fit for such an
action ; meane while our innocent distrustlesse men
hired and fitted their house, and preparing against the
returne of the Basha his answere, for present sale of
their commodities, by the aboundant shewes and
promises of favour to them. The Aga ever urging,
by wondering at our small quantitie of goods in the
ship of so great burthen, and ever were Boats sent for
goods, after the shippe was afloat, and that there was
no more, till further occasion to be landed ; his
greedinesse seemed to be such, as the poore Arab Barque-
men shewed feare to returne without lading ; but when
he perceived there was no more at present to be had,
he went another way to worke ; which was, he informed
our Merchants, that all ships that came to this Towne
in Trade, their Captaine, for their better assurance, as
a pledge of good dealing, received the Gran Segniors
Vest for their better securitie, which being once invested
in the view of the people, no man after durst offer
them any wrong ; as all the principall ofHcers of every
ship had signes of curtesies, the which unlesse our
• Captaine doe come on land and accept of, he should
never thinke him the great Turkes friend, nor beleeve
his meaning was good, as hee pretended, and therefore
should doubt to give him Trade, lest hee being a Man
of warre should turne them to further mischiefe ; which
unlesse he receive such right, according to the welcome
224
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1610.
and custome of the place, he could not but thinke his
end not for their good.
The ship now mored in a place, from whence within
seven or eight months was no returning, the vehemencie
of the stormes so great, the unknowne dangers in these
Seas such, no place of more comfort knowne, and no
man permitted to come neare us, that either could or
would better informe us of the contagious weather
ensuing, the dangers there to bee expected, or more
comfort elsewhere to be found, but as it were, must
stand at the Turkes mercy, whether they will give us
life, or restralne water or other reliefe to maintaine the
same; our house hired, our Factors and goods on land <^'"'
in readinesse and present sales after answere brought ^ "'■
excepted : And now this unexpected doubt cast, whether
we be true men or theeves : And no way left to approve
the former, or to shunne the latter ; but the comming .,^4
on land of our Generall, on whose safetie depended the
carriage and estate of the whole voyage, which could
not but crosse their minds and conceit, since they knew
his determination was otherwise. Master Femell gave
the Generall knowledge of the Aga his words, and
further gave him to understand, that the Companies
businesse, without his presence on land, could take no
effect, but must rest without doing any thing. Which
once knowne. Sir Henry Middleton, notwithstanding
the little trust he had in the faith and honesty of the
Turkes in these forren places, and the infinite regard
and care he had to follow and pursue the plot and [I. iii. 286.]
benefit of this his journey, as well here, as in India,
and places of more hope, now being urged that his
absence was likely to prove prejudiciall to the Company ; <
answered, that all his endeavours during the Voyage,
were wholly intended for the benefit, and not prejudice
of the company, and were it not for the safetie of the
ships, and good of the Voyage, he could take delight
to recreate himselfe on land, as well as others : where-
fore, now since his company there might further the
m 225 p
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
businesse, and not be imputed unto him for his pleasure,
he would not be niggardly of his presence amongst
them. Therefore he prepared himselfe to land, to put
them out of doubt, and to receive that Vest of the
great Turke, as the badge or assurance of safetie to
such, as with like solemnitie had it put on their backes.
And before his going came Master Femell aboord to
informe the Generall of what he thought fit to prepare
him in, against his landing : But at the instant, when
Sir Henry Middleton was to enter the Boat, whether
by any suspicious whispering amongst the Turkes, or
whether he felt any guilt of conscience for being the
^ occasion to hasten the Generals landing, to stand before
'' ' ^ him in any danger that might happen, or some sudden
MastgrFemels apprehension of feare (as in faint-hearted people never
f^^^^' wants) of any violent course by the Turkes to be
attempted, the first day of the Generalls landing, or
what else I know not, but at the Generalls going to
J ^'i land, hee being Cape-Merchant, and swaying the buying
C^t^t'*^* and selling, would have stayed aboord, but could not
' in such a case bee spared, being so great an actor in
the businesse.
Sir Henry T\iQ, Generall being come to land, was met by the
^ ^^^/ d Governour and principall of the Towne, was caried to
the Governours house, where he had a rich Vest of
Cloath of Gold put on his back, a horse very richly
furnished for him to mount upon, the Governor holding
.^rjthe horse while the Generall gat up, all which was
/,,'*^^ I reason Sir Henry Middleton should accept of, being, as
they pretended, the Badge of their friendship.
/ The communication, after the solemnitie was ended,
i< /was such, and so solemnely, and with such protestation
\ and shewes of kindnesse and friendship, as might
/ deceive any honest man, or which is not a deceiver
himselfe. Sir Henry Middleton in short time after
seeing the varieties of kind shewes by the Governour
toward him, and in regard of the long time he had to
stay there, desired leave of the Governour, that he
226
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a^.
lOIO.
might there set up his Pinnasse, which he brought ready
framed out of England ; the Governours answere was,
That the Countrey was before him to doe whatsoever
pleased him, as if he were in his owne Countrey ;
seeming glad that he would command him any thing
which might content him : for which, forthwith Sir
Henry Middleton caused presently all things to be
brought to land, which need to be used in the said
worke, with all his Carpenters, Smithes, or other that
might further that worke in hand, and to that end all
hast possible might bee used for dispatch of the same.
Sir Henry Middleton, with his attendance and furniture,
kept house on land, by his continuall presence to further
the said worke, which also caused many more to resort
on land, for their severall ends, then otherwise would
have done. The eight and twentieth of November,
Regib Aga his plot growing to ripenesse, and receiving
strength by the directions of his Master Jeffor Basha,
sent the Generall word in the afternoone, that he had
received so good newes from the Basha concerning our
businesse, that he could not altogether conceale the
same, but thought good, for his content, to send him a
taste thereof, till his better leasure served him to reveale
the particulers ; this seemed to be done, to make
Sir Henry Middleton more secure, whose upright
thoughts gave him no cause to suspect any such
mischiefe, as at present was prepared for him and his.
But in the evening, instead of good newes from the
Basha, he effected his predeterminate trecherie with iron The bloodie
maces, knocking downe the Generall, Master Pemberton,
and the Merchants, with all the rest that at that time
were on shore, where they also murthered eight of our
men, who by reason of their former favours and
shewes of kindnesse, not deeming any such treason to
be intended towards them, were naked without weapons
to resist such unexpected murtherers. Thus they with-
out mercy, not only in chaines kept prisoners, both by
the necke, hands and feete, the Generall with eight and
227
treason of the
Turkes.^
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
fortie of his company, and Master Pemberton with nine
of his company ; but also with three great Boats full of
souldiers attempted to surprise the Darling, who rided
nearer the Towne then the Trades-Increase by
mile, who (not knowing of the betraying of their
Masters Boat and men) seeing a Boat comming aboord,
esteemed it to be their own boat, but presently descrying
two Boats more, and all full of people, began to mis-
trust false measure. But the Turkes comming aboord,
and seeing no man stirring, thought themselves surely
possest of her, murthering the Trumpetter, whom they
found aloft asleepe ; but in the end our mercifull God
turned their pretended mischiefe toward us, upon their
owne pates, and made them fall into the pit that they
had made for us, for in repelling these unexpected
enemies, (though to the losse of two more of their owne
men, who were slaine in the conflict) were slaine and
Seven and drowned of the Turkes in flight, seven and twentie,
Tainl'^'''^'' whereof the Admirall of the Towne, who was their
Leader, was also one : thus having cleared themselves
of them quite, they cut their Cable, and set saile, and
stood off and anchored by the Trade, who as yet knew
not of the betraying of the Governour, neither of their
attempting the Darling, till they of the Darling had
informed them thereof, by which meanes they prevented
another mischiefe, for that the Trades Boat, with a
[I. iii. 287.] third more of her men, some to fill water, and others
for pleasure were going on shore : also this morning
lin the Darling, on her gallery, they found one of the
4«»^ uTurkes souldiers, who had escaped with life, but their
^y^ jBoats gone was left behind : him they carryed prisoner
aboord the Trades-Increase. From this eight and twen-
tieth of November, till the fourteenth of December,
by reason of the continuall stormes, they heard no
^, ^..^j newes from the Generall. But the fifteenth day, John
Chambers one of the Trades quarter Masters, with a
^f, Flagge of Truce went on shore, where he found the
jV^*^'']/'^?' Generall, and the rest in Chaines as afore-said, in most
r* 228
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1610.
inhumane manner so that one could not goe aside to
ease himselfe, but the rest in a row must goe with
him, to their great annoyance ; yet at his returne
brought hopeful! newes of the inlargement of all save
the Generall and Master Femell, who were to goe up
to Zenan, the place of the Bashas residence, there to
answere to such matters as should be objected against
them. Also the seventeenth day, the same Messenger .^^''^^
went againe on shoare (in manner afore-said) carrying
with him certaine provisions and other necessaries for
the Generals reliefe, and the rest there with him, who
returned with varietie of newes, but none good. Thus
much Master Thorneton at his comming aboard me,
as afore-said informed me of.
The one and twentieth day in the afternoone, by the Decemb, 21.
same Messenger I sent a Letter to the Generall, to give
him knowledge of my mis-fortunes at Aden, who returning
brought me a letter from my Generall, in briefe informing
me of the businesse before repeated, as willing me if by
any meanes I could get out of this Sea, and to stay at
Aden, till I had heard what would become of them : also
he had sent the Darling to ply out towards Aden, to give
mee information of his betraying, and to prevent my
comming to Moha ; also that he and sixe more of his
companie were the next day to take their journey towards
Zenan, the Bashas Court, as afore-said.
The two and twentieth, the Generall with all his com-
pany, except the Carpenters, who wrought still in Chaines
upon our Pinnasse for the Basha, and unable hurt men,
who remayned still in Chaines at Moha, set forth in their
journey, attended on by a strong Guard of Souldiers, lest
any of them should escape : yet the same evening, not-
withstanding their narrow looking to our men, M.
Pemberton slipt aside among the bushes with so much ^- Pember-
haste, as his weak sick bodie was able, made to the waters ^°^^ escape.
side, where, although tyred with running, it pleased God
that he found a Canoa having in her a paddle wherewith
to rowe in her, hee put off to Sea, committing himselfe
229
A.D.
161O.
January 2.
\^
They passe
over to the
Abaxin Coast.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
to the danger thereof, rather then to stand to the Turkes
mercie, and through rowing, his faint wearinesse increased
so, that in the morning his inabilitie forced him to give
over rowing, having nothing to refresh himselfe but his
owne water, it so pleased God that the same morning
aboard the Trades Increase, was descryed a Canoa in the
offing, which seemed to drive, unto which being reasonable
faire weather, the Trade sent off her Pinnasse, who brought
both Master Pemberton and his Canoa aboard their own
ship, being scarce able to speake through faintnesse.
From this day to the seven and twentieth day, the
weather continued for the most part boysterous and
stormy. Also this seven and twentieth day, the Darling
through foule weather, having lost Anchor and Cable, and
not able to performe what the Generall (as afore-said)
had sent them about, returned unto Moha Roade : where
I, whom they were sent unto, in the Pepper-Corne did
ride.
The second of January with all three ships we set saile
out of Moha Road, intending to ply up towards Bab-
mandell, for three respects. First, for ease of our ground
tackle, being through long boysterous weather much
decayed : and secondly, to seeke place to fill water for
our people to drinke, by want whereof wee were very much
distressed ; and thirdly, and lastly, there to stop the passage
of all the Indian ships entring this Sea, whereby to draw
the Turkes to release our Generall, people and goods, our
great necessitie constrayned this our present attempt in
this faire seeming weather ; at our first setting sayle, we
stood over to the Abaxin Coast, where wee left the Darling
to looke for her Anchor and Cable formerly lost, we* with
the Trades and Pepper-Corne plying up to wind-ward, but
having scarce any aboard, the better in the evening
anchored on the Arab side in eight fathome, some three
leagues to the wind-wards of Moha, and some foure mile
from the shoare.
The third, in the morning, the tyde of ebbe in hand,
we set sayle working to wind-ward, as before in the after-
230
I
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ad.
1610.
noone, the wind so increasing that I in the Pepper-Corne
spent my two top-sayles and constrayned to bring other
two new ones to the yard, before which was effected, the
night approched, and wee more then halfe Seas over
towards the Abaxin Coast, where in regard of the foule
weather we formerly had at Moha for two respects I
must desire to stop ; first, the next morning if the weather
were faire, to have the Darling Company to proceed on
our former purpose ; secondly, the weather unfit, by the
place and sight of the Darling to finde easier Roade to
anchor in this day betweene eight and nine at night, so
soone as we could get into sixteene fathome water by our
sounding lead in fast seemxing ground wee anchored, the
Trade somewhat to the North-ward, or Lee-wards of the
Pepper-Corne, and as towards morning the wind increased
with a churlish Sea, with cloudie darke weather, in which
wee lost sight of the Trades Increase, but by reason of the
darke weather doubted nothing, at which time shee had
broke an Anchor and drove, and let fall another Anchor, [I. iii. 28
which afterward driving from sixteene to sixe fathome,
they were forced to cut a way to flat the ships head to
the offwards to prevent further danger.
The fourth of Januarie, day light approching, wee pre-
paring to weigh our Anchor suddenly, the ship drove
from sixteene to eighteene fathome, and before wee could
flat our ships head to the offwards, we had lesse then sixe
fathome : which soone after increased to eight, ten, &c.
We then seeing the Trade (to my disturbance) standing
over towards Moha, and seeing William Pemberton in
the Darling riding in an easie Roade, to whom I would
gladly have gone, both for quiet to my minde, and ease to
my ground takle, but that I knew not what need the
Trades Increase might have of my Carpenters, in case of
any casualties whatsoever I know not of, in my hastening
after her the weather rigorous, wee split both our new
top-sayles, the night before brought to the yard. They (
being sowed with rotten twine, as all our sayles for the
most part hath beene, through which meanes it became
231
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
night, by what time I got into the Road, where presently
to my griefe I understood of the Trades misfortune to
lose two Anchors and Cables as afore-said, wherefore I
sent my Carpenters aboard to stocke some other Anchors,
from this to the eighteenth day with little ease, we con-
tinued a wearisome Road, to the spoyling of our Cables,
as afore- said.
From the sixth day, to the eleventh day, every day came
' j^^'j\ Canoas from the Towne, bringing Letters from the
^,^''' ,'''' Carpenters with varietie of forged newes, informed them
by the Aga, who permitted their sending the rather for
that most commonly it was to get wine or beere, where-
with they pleasured the Turkes, and sometimes sent some
little fresh victuals, according as they had wherewithall to
buy or were permitted to send aboard.
The twelfth, the Darling returned into Moha Road to
. J us, saluting me with three Peeces of Ordnance, as. a signe
/ of good newes, and by Master Pembertons instant
comming aboard of me, to my great comfort confirmed ;
A gpodwater- for that hee had found a good watering place, and a very
w^/A7f^ easie Roade for our ships, and his Anchor and Cable that
he went to seeke, which as aforesaid they in his absence
were forced to let slip.
The eighteenth, in the morning there came certaine
from Moha to us, bringing two Bullockes, two Goates,
certaine Hennes Egges, and some fruits, but no newes
from our Generall ; This day at one in the afternoone we
set saile, standing over towards the Abaxin Coast (where
Master Pemberton found the safe Roade and wattring
place, and at night wee anchored three leagues short of
it, under an Hand (which for the abundance of great
Crab Hand. Crabs, thereon wee called Crab Hand.)
The nineteenth, we weighed againe, and stood neerer
into the Bay, and anchored under another lesser Hand.
The twentieth, we weighed againe, and stood further
into the Bay, and anchored right against the watering
place, some halfe a mile from the shoare, in eight fathome
water. I sent George Jeff before in the Pinnasse to seeke
232
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ad.
1610.
out the River, and to see if hee could speake with any;
of the Countrey people, who no sooner landed, but by
and by there did present them selves unto our mens sight,
at least an hundred of the Countrey people armed with
Lances, whereof one came to our people beeing of a
bolder spirit then the rest, who not onely spake with them,
but also desired to goe aboard with them, who at his
comming aboard informed mee by an Interpreter, how that
the Turkes had sent word unto them, how they had J^^^^^P^^^^-
betrayed and murthered divers of our men, and wishing
them also to doe the like to as many of our men as they
could lay hand on. This yong-man was a principall mans
Sonne, and was very kind unto us all the time we were
in this Bay: he this night did lye aboard the Trades
Increase, where he was very kindly used to his great
content.
The one and twentieth, I with all our Boats, and most
part of our men went on shoare, setting some to digging
of Wels, some to fetching of ballast, others to filling of
some little water out of a little Well wee there found
made readie to our hand, and the rest being armed to
guard them that wrought, and soone after our landing
came downe unto me the Priest, the father and brethren
of the young man afore mentioned (who as yet was not
gone from us) whom at his comming ashoare they very
joyfully received, presenting me with a Goat, I also gave
unto them foure of the Trades shirts put in by the
Merchants for the Companie, which they very kindly
received ; promising to bring downe the next day some
Goates, to sell unto us for our money, which they very
honestly performed, as by the sequell may appeare.
The two and twentieth, I having continued ashoare all
night with a good Guard, to see that there should no harme
be done to our water, I appointed our men to their busi-
nesse as the day before, but by reason of the boysterous
weather, none of the Country people came downe to us :
the cause of my present continuance on shoare, was for
that I see such ill usage of my Generall, and his people
233
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
betrayed both at Aden and Moha, although they had made
such faire shewes and promises, I having no assurance of
the honesty of this people to us, bred in mee suspition
what harme might be attempted against us here by the
Turkes, or by their perswasion to this Country people,
eyther by poysoning our water or other wayes ; therefore
[I. iii. 289.] further then needs must I trusted none, so also I continued
this night ashoare with a good strong Watch.
The three and twentieth, having setled our Company
to every particular businesse, there came downe to us the
same men, who the other day had beene with me, and
after them followed some others, driving before them
divers Goates to sell to us according as they had promised.
I very kindly entertayned them, and caused the Purser to
buy their Cattle, and in the evening they departed very
well satisfied, promising every day to bring downe more,
of which they made good performance. This day we
made an end of watering.
From the foure and twentieth to the six and twentieth
day, they brought downe overy day both Goates and
Sheepe, whereof we bought according to our occasions and
spending, they returning well satisfied.
The nine and twentieth, the wind at North North-west
we set saile, I determined to get up to the Bab with all our
,i<"'-*^ ^ ! three ships, there to make stay of all the Indian shippes,
that this yeare should enter this Sea, by them to force
the Turkes to re-deliver my General, and the rest of his
Company our goods and Pinnasse, as aforesaid : but being
thwart of Crab Hand it fell calme, the tyde setting right on
the Hand, of this time I made the best use I m.ight, for
so soone as we had anchored, I accompanyed with Master
Thorneton and Master Pemberton, went on shoare with
all our Boates, and most part of our men, whom I
appointed to cutting of wood, both for dressing our
C^ victuals and other needfull uses. This after-noone wee
descryed comming over from Moha, two Jelbas, one
whereof came directly aboord the Trade, bringing me a
Letter from my Generall, dated the fifteenth of January,
234
1.'
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1610.
informing me of his safe arrivall at Zenan, with all his
companie, save Richard Phillips, Master Pembertons
youth, whom hee left very sicke at a place called Tyes, ,
who desired to be informed of Master Pemberton, whether
he were safely escaped aboord or no, for that he doubted
the Arabs attending on their Asses, to have murthered
him for his Asse he rid on, of the varietie of hopefliU
seeming promises of his inlargement, beeing onely
-delusions ; this Letter being kept till the seventeenth of
the same, also mentioneth of the safe arrivall of Master '^
Fowler, and the rest of my Company (betrayed at Aden) ,^
at Zenan ; how God had raised him friends among the
middest of his enemies, to wit, the Raha, who is next in
degree to the Basha, with divers other that favoureth his
just cause ; contradicteth my present determination of
staying the Indian ships, for that as yet they have no just
cause to object against him, it might prove prejudiciall,
not only to him and his Company, but also to our Nation
trading in the Mediterranian Sea, but that the Basha had
cleared Regib Aga of the betraying and murthering of
him and his Company, taking it upon himselfe, as that it
was done by his warrant and command. To this my '] /
Generalls letter by the same messenger, I returned an /
answere ; first giving him to understand of Master Pem-
bertons safetie : our infortunate loosing and spoyling our
ground tackle ; of my present determination intercepted by ,
his letter ; my opinion of their faire seeming, yet deluding
promises : and lastly of our safe Road and watring place The Road on
on the Abaxin Coast, right opposite to Moha, being some ^^^ Abaxh
I'X. leagues distant, where we have refreshing: reasonable ^ ^^^^^^f^^^-
<^^eape. f^,^ Moha.
The seventh of February, the Trade returned to me February 17.
in the Roade of Assab, Master Thorneton bringing me The Road of
my Generalls letter, dated the five and twentieth of ^"^^'
February, therein desiring me as yet to forbeare revenge
on them which have wronged him : also informing me of
the present hopefuU estate of his businesse, also that five
dayes after the date hereof, he with all his Company are
235
A.D.
161O.
I f
March i.
The Tozvne.
The Mahomet
ofDabull.
[I. iii. 290.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
to take their journey downe to Moha, willing mee, till his
arrivall at Moha, to expect no more letters from him ; also
giveth me knowledge of the death of John Baker, one
of my Quarter Masters, and Richard Elmesmere, one of
the Trades Company. To this my Generals letter, for
want of conveyance, I wrote no answere.
The first of March, I sent the Pinnasse to the Towne,
and in her the Purser, and the said Alle, who in their
going, found a place of better water descending from the
mountaines, by reason of the raines within the land
(whereof we afterwards filled some water ; but the raines
once ended it was dried up.) They having bought some
few Goats and sheepe returned ; and in the evening we
descried a Boat comming over from Moha to us-ward.
The second, the said Boat came aboord the Trade,
bringing me a letter from my Generall, wherein he gave
me to understand of the cause of his delay of his journey,
partly by reason of a great solemne feast of the Turkes
approaching, but principally to have the Sabander of Moha
his company, for the more safe travell ; also wisheth the
Carpenters forbeare to proceed any further in building the
Pinnasse, for that the Basha intendeth her for his owne
use, and not for us ; also willing me to forbeare revenge.
The fifth, I sent the Darling over to Moha, to expect
newes from my Generall, where shee found in the Road
a great ship of Dabull, called the Mahomet. This day
the Generall with all his Company arrived at Moha.
The eleventh, I doubted lest any evill had befallen the
Darling, by reason of her so long absence, set saile with
the Trade and Pepper-Corne, standing over towards
Moha : but before I was so farre off as Crab Hand, I saw
the Darling comming over, and for that the wind shortned
upon us, and we not able to fetch the Road, I sent Master
Thorneton in the Pinnasse, to understand what newes,
but I in the Pepper-Corne with the Trades-Increase,
returned into the Road againe : in the evening Master
Pemberton with Master Thorneton, and two and twentie
of the Trades Company, and fourteene of the Pepper-
236
/
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1610.
cornes Company betrayed at Moha and Aden, came over
the point of the Hand, bringing me a letter from my
general, wherin he gave me to understand of his assured
hopes of inlargement, so soone as the Indian ships of this
yeere were all come in, and the Westerly winds come.
Also that the Turkes had seduced the aforesaid Richard
Philips, whom in his journey upwards he left sicke at Ties,
him by threatning they had forced to turne Turke, and
therefore came not downe to Moha with him, he rejoyceth .,
to heare of Master Pembertons safety, also informeth me
that none of the letters I had sent him were delivered to
him ; also desired my opinion, whether best for him to
make an escape aboord, if he can, or to remaine at the
Turkes devotion ; also wisheth that the Pepper-Corne
be the next that comes to Moha.
The eighteenth, I with the Pepper-Corne set saile,
standing over to Moha, but being neare over, it fell calme,
and a lee-ward tide, whereby I was forced to anchor in
twentie fathom water, on a banke which we there found
three leagues from Moha : and in the evening there came
off a Canoa unto me, to know what we were, deeming me
to be an Indian ship, for that by reason of the hazie
weather, they could not well discerne us.
The nineteenth in the morning, I set saile, the wind at
South standing into the Road, whereas yet was only the
said great Dabul man : but before I came to an anchor, my 1
General sent his man aboord me with a letter, that
frustrated my present hopes, wherein he gave me to under- ^-
stand that he must be forced to dispeed me away very
suddenly, for that my presence caused feare in the Dabul- *
Hans, and discontent to the Aga. Notwithstanding this
my Generalls letter, I sent George Jeffe in the Pinnasse
on shoare, by whom I sent two letters, the one briefely ,
to give to understand of our wants, also my opinion of 1
the Turkes performance, who through custome of falsehood,
their true performance is not to be expected, but only to
feed Sir Henry Middleton with faire promises, to serve
their owne turnes ; and then we having no matter to worke
237
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
upon, save the emptie ships, which the Turkes having
their goods on land, would nothing regard, and then my
General to remaine at the Turks devotion, whether to be
sent aboord according to the Basha his inforced agreement,
or to be ransomed at their pleasures, or sent back againe
to Zenan, and so to Stambola. The other, if he should
think good to shew the Aga, therin making shew, that
so long as he was detained prisoner, his power extended
not to command us that were free & at liberty, and there-
fore could not keep us from the Road of Moha, nor in any
other thing further then we see good our selves. To
these my letters the General writ an answer, the copy
iwherof folio weth.
f
Sir Henry /^ Aptaine Dounton, your overmuch care may worke
Mtddletons y^ ,^j. ^^^^ harmes, and doe me and my company
letter to Cap- J . 1 1 r 1 1 • 1 1
taine Dounton. ^o good, and theretore take notnmg to heart more then
is cause, for I have had, and still have my full share
thereof : and whereas you alledge you are loath to depart
this Road without me, I am more loath to tarry behind,
if there were any remedie : I made a forced agreement
with the Basha at Zenan, that the ships should absent
themselves out of this Roade, till all the Indian ships
were come in, and then at the first comming of the
Westerly winds, both I and all my Company shall be set
free : if they faile to performe with mee, then I would
have you shew your endeavours ; in the meane time you
must have patience, as well as my selfe ; I would be loath
the agreement should be first broken on our side, without
any cause given by them. For the provision that should
have been sent in the Jelba, it was my fault it was not
sent, in that I did not urge it to the Aga. After your
departure to morrow, as I desire you to see performed,
I will goe in hand with the lading of the goods in the
Jelba, which shall not bee above three dayes absent from
you : I have promised the ships shall not come in the
Roade till the Westerly winds be come, which will be a
moneth hence at the furthest, in the meane time you shall
238
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
heare from me by Jelbas or Boats, which I will send of
purpose : I doubt not but there will be good performance
made with me by the Turkes, in that my agreement was
made with the Basha, and not with Regib Aga. If I
doubted any new stratageme, I would have attempted
to have escaped away before this time : I have had, and
still have meanes for my escape, were it not to leave my
people in danger of their lives ; doubt not, if they per-
forme not with me, when the Westerly winds come, but I
shall have good opportunitie. I had laid a plot to have
escaped, if I could have perswaded Master Femell, but he
will by no meanes be drawne to any thing, till he see
whether the Turkes will performe or no, he makes no
doubt but to be sent aboord with the first of the Westerly
winds, when you shall come to demaund us; you may
ride in your quiet road-stead on the other side, with all
your ships, till God send us that long wished for Westerly
wind, unlesse you get a slatch of wind to carry one of
your ships to the Bab, to see if all be well there, and so
returne backe to you. I know that all sorts of provisions
wastes apace in all the ships, which God sending me aboord,
I hope quickly to renew.
The seven and twentieth, according to my Generalls
requests, I sent the Darling over to Moha, for effecting
the foresaid businesse.
The twentie ninth and thirtieth, the Budwees brought
downe both Goats and sheepe to sell.
The first, second and third of Aprill, the Budwees Aprillx.
brought downe either Bullockes, Goates or sheepe, to sell
unto us.
The fourth, the Darling returning from Moha, but the
wind taking her short, shee was forced to anchor to the
Northwards or lee-wards of the Road, till the wind should
come more large.
The sixt, the Darling came into the Roade of Assab, [I. iii. 291.]
and anchored neare the watering place, neare the Trade,
to deliver the victuals and other provisions, which had been
239
A.D.
161I,
Crane Hand.
The King of
Raheta.
May.
Sir Henry
Middleton
escapeth with
Jifteene more,
the manner you
have in his
owneJournall.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
so long detained by the Turkes, and also brought me a
very kind letter from my Generall.
The seventh, the Darling plied up to an Hand neare
the Pepper, there to be Carreind (this Hand we called
Crane-Iland, for that on it we killed most Cranes) from
this day to the twelfth day, the Darling did land her goods
and victuals, and unrigged their shippes, and certaine of
the Trades Company were gathering of Breming.
The one and twentieth, the King of Raheta sent me a
Present (by a kinsman of his) being a fat Cow and a Slave,
he continued aboord the Trades-Increase all night.
The thirtieth, the Trades-Increase was heilded and
trimmed on both sides, so farre as conveniently might
be : this day we filled all our emptie Caske with water,
being nine and twentie Tunnes, the water being faire.
The fourth and fift day of May, wee trimmed all our
Boats, being reasonable faire weather, the wind at South
South-east. The seventh and ninth day, the Budwees
brought downe good store of sheepe and Goates, but
through want of cloath, we bought very few, onely three
Bullocks, which we gave money for.
The eleventh, my Generall made his most happie escape
aboord the Darling, with fifteene more of his Company.
The twelfth, my Generall sent the Pinnasse over from
Moha, and by her a letter, giving me knowledge of his
escape, as aforesaid ; also desiring me, upon the sight of
this letter, to repayre over to Moha, with the Trades-
Increase and Pepper-Corne ; which direction I presently
put in execution, making the ships in readinesse to set
saile : but before my comming, hee so behaved himselfe
in the Darling, to the terrour of his enemies the Turkes,
that neither Boat from the shoare durst go aboord any of
the Indian ships, neither from the ships to the shore,
without asking his leave, and making knowne their busi-
nesses ; so that now Regib Aga of Moha, began to sing
a new song, and insinuate with Sir Henry Middleton by
divers messengers, as by Nohuda Mahumet and others
of the Generalls best friends there, with Presents, now
240 ,
NICHOLAS DOWNTON
A.D.
161I.
in recom-
fearing what harmes might happen unto them
pence of his treachery towards him, and therefore desired
to have peace with the Generall : for Master Femell, before
his returne aboord, in more especiall favour, was by the
Aga invited to his house, whereto he was urged, and there
too soone yeelded to eate and drinke with him ; whereupon
some former speeches given out by Master Femell, that
he would make complaint of his wrongs in Stambola,
which now he remembring at his departure, with a smiling
countenance told him they might meete together at Stam-
bola. This night being come aboord he seemed over-
joyed ; but three dayes after, about two of the clocke in
the morning he ended his life, as we all thought, by poyson ;
the Chirurgions opened him, and this was their conceit :
whereupon the Generall embarged all his ships.
The nine and twentieth, at two of the clocke in the
morning, as aforesaid, Master Femell, Cape Merchant,
died.
The first day of June in the evening, we had a very
strong gust of wind, being so hotte, that it was able
to take away our breathes ; it also drave the sand of the
shore in such sort, we could scarce looke to wind-ward.
The second, came aboord the Admirall, Alle the sonne^
of Portugall parents, being a Captaine, turned Turke, J
who, for that he had been the Generals Trudgman, or
Interpreter at Zenan, and so had some acquaintance with
him, and therefore was sent downe to capitulate with him
of a Peace : he informed the Generall that Master Pember-
tons said Boy was alreadie brought downe to Moha, and
promised the next day he should be brought aboord. This
Alle and Taccacee a Bannean, came to know the Generalls
demand, which was an hundred thousand Rialls of eight.
The eight in the morning, the Generall sent the Darling
to Beloule, a place on the Abexin Coast, being ten leagues
to the Northward of Assab, to fetch water, and buy some
Goats for reliefe of our men, who began to fall sicke of a
faint disease ; the best remedie for which as we found,
was letting blood, and purging of the body ; this disease
241 Q
The death of
Master
Femell.
June I.
6- ^
.cJ.. tr.-.
Beloule, a place
on the Assab
Coast.
HI
;.-^
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
went away in byles and scabbes, and this disease no man
escaped cleare of.
, ,^ \ The nineteenth, Shermall Sabander of Moha, accom-
^ J;^^" \ panied with many of the chiefest Merchants of the Towne,
land the Alle Haskie and Tacaccee a Bannian, came in
^,;c^/ i state with divers sorts of musicke, from the Aga to the
Generall (aboord the Trades-Increase) to capitulate of the
:^ fore-said summe by him demanded, for satisfaction for our
said goods, which then, in regard the Generall, and all we
saw at the present no more to be gotten, and that which
! should be agreed upon, to come out of the said Sabander
--;>iof the Bannians our friend his purse, who daily relieved
our men in their misery with bread and other sustenance,
w not so much as our dogge but also had daily allowance
from him ; so that alwayes his presence administred
comfort to our distressed people : therefore it was con-
cluded, wee to receive our iron and lead againe, and for
the rest of our goods not to be had (wherein was concluded
all Vests and other presents the Generall had given) the
summe at present agreed upon, was eighteene thousand
Rials of eight, and for that at present they had not money
to defray so great a summe, they desired the Generall to
[I. iii. 292.] take out of the said ship of Diu, so much goods as he
should esteeme a fit pawne for so great a summe (which
they would daily redeeme as they could raise moneyes) and
then the ship to goe in presently to land and make sale of
the rest of her goods : the utmost time limitted for the
last payment, was fourteene dayes. The Sabander brought
Richard aboord with him, according to promise. Master Pembertons
Ifpmb^ms ^""y^ ^^^^g ^^^^ ^^ apparell of the English fashion.
Boy J restored.
242
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
§. III.
Their departure from Moha to Assab, and after
that, higher into the Red-sea, thence to the
Socatora, and after to Surat.
He third of July, having reasonably provided the Jul^ 3-
ships with Rice and other graine (for that our
English provision consumed apace) the Generall
with all three ships and Pinnasse set saile, and standing
over to the Bay of Assab, there by getting daily refresh-
ing, to recover our weake faint sicke men ; where we
arrived the fourth day, at eleven of the clocke afore noone.
The fift, sixt, seventh, eight and ninth dayes, the Budwees
every day brought downe either Bullocks, sheepe, or
Goats.
The thirteenth, we made an end of watering. The
King of Raheta sent the Generall three fat Bullockes for a
Present, by one Abdella, his sisters sonne, the Generall
very kindly entertained him, and accepted of the Kings
Present, presenting him againe with a Vest of Broad-
cloth; the Generall also gave the King heartie thankes, ^
for all the kindnesse and good dealing received from his
subjects, at this his Port. The said Abdella then desired
the Generall to come with his ships nearer the Bab, being
by their report a good harbour, and is neare the Kings
Towne, and more plentifuU of refreshing, where he might
better shew his love unto the Generall. This day the
General feasted him aboord the Trades-Increase, and in
the evening caused a banquet of sweet meats and wine to
be prepared on shore against their landing, whereof he
having both eaten and drunke, very thankfully tooke
leave of the Generall, and departed to the King againe.
The foure and twentieth, we set saile from Assab, Their endevor
directing our course towards Cameran, an Hand on the ^L j^. ^.
Abaxin Coast, some fortie leagues to the Northward of ^^^-^^ ^^^ '
Moha, in fifteene degrees North latitude, in which is a from Sues.
Towne and fortresse, to which place they thought they
243
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
were come or neare comming to stay for directions, by
reason of our being neare, to the Northwards it is seldome
seene that any will attempt going, while the Westerly
Monson lasteth, which in the Red-sea bloweth most all
Northerly, till the last of July. We turned up all day,
and anchored at night, in which we were pestered with a
dangerous shoale, to which wee unawares came so neare,
that we had oftentimes enough to doe to quit our selves
of them, when we had little more water then we needed :
this continuing two dayes, having no Pilot, nor other
meanes (and the Currants uncertaine) readily to find it :
And the weather doubtfuU, being in uncertaine places to
ride in open water, if the weather in the night should
prove adverse, the Generall with griefe being often moved
to give over the businesse of seeking the Turkie ship of
Sues ; himselfe concluded that it was fit for him to pro-
vide for the safetie of his owne ships, which are to him
certaine, then with too much hazard to pursue things un-
certaine, and perchance might misse finding her when he
Two Hands came there ; so wee bore up with the Hand of Juball
called J ubal s^^^^qj.^ which is bigge and high, and another great Hand
JubalArree. ^^ ^^^ Southwards of it, being also high, called Juball
Arree ; these two neighbour Hands are invironed with
divers other smaller Hands to the Southwards, and in
divers places ledges of sunken rockes, being discerned
only by the breaches on them : those Hands as they lye
South and North, by supposition may be in length some
ten leagues, they lye North North-west from Moha,
where in cleare weather they may plainly be seene, which
happeneth very seldome : from the Wester part of Juball
to Beloula, the course is South-west by South distant some
twelve leagues ; little wide of which course lyeth two
sunken rockes knowne by the breach, they are neare
adjoyning to the said Hands South by West : from the
Wester part of Juball Arree are two Hands and a Rocke ;
and from these towards the Coast of Africa South-west
lye foure other small flat rockes, lying distant from the
former some foure myles and an halfe : there is no danger
244
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
in going neare them, for we found deepe water close
aboord the South Westermost of them, being the nearest
to the Africke Coast.
The sixt of August, at foure of the clocke in the morn- August 6.
ing, we set saile from our good harbour of Assab, and
before sixe at night we anchored in the Roade of Moha,
seeing neare the Towne wall mored and unladen the saidj i
Gallion which came from Sues, which we had gone toi
seeke and mist us, as we were intangled amongst the
shoales, and was come into Moha five dayes before, also
there was come in one Gaily, and three more every day
expected.
The seventh, the Generall went in with the Pepper-
Corne and Darling (for dispatch of his businesse) so neare
as the ships could well ride, and also, if need required, to
command all the ships in the Roade : and about ten of the
clocke, our old friend Taccacee and Sabrage, the Sabanders -
man, came aboord with a Present from Shermal the [I. ili. 293.]
Sabander : to these the Generall gave notice of his busi-
nesse, and dispeeded them away.
The tenth about eleven of the clocke before noone,
wee past thorow the Easter Channell of Bab-mandell, Bab-mandel
finding in the middest nine or ten fathom, and toward '^^j^^'^ """ ^"^^
either side, seven, six or five fathom, according as we
edged in or off ; the Darling and Release put out through
the greater or South-wester Channell, which may be some
foure leagues over, all seeming very cleare of danger, the
Release going farre by the shore, on the South-west side
of the Hand of Bab-mandell in twelve fathom ; the Easter
Channell is not above a mile and a halfe over.
The eleventh at noone, the high land of Aden bore
North North-west, distant some eleven leagues, and by
estimation East by South halfe a degree some sixe and
thirtie leagues. Note also that from this day unto the
end, I reckon the dayes from noone to noone, for that by
every daies observation of latitude, I rectifie my traverse,
as now from noone the eleventh day, to noone the twelfth
day, I reckon upon the twelfth day onely in my discourses,
245
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
^ I reckon according to the true day, as from midnight to
[ ■ ^. midnight, &c.
The one and twentieth, from noone to six at night
East, some foure leagues before Sun-rising, we descried
Mount Foelix, bearing East by North eleven leagues dis-
tant (by which we certainly perceived how the Currant
had abused us) from Tuesday the twentieth day after-
noone, to Munday the six and twentieth day, notwith-
standing som.e while of the land, and other while sea
turnes, betweene calmes oftentimes a prettie gale continu-
ing sometime foure, sixe or seven houres together, yet by
reason of the Currant we could never get a head ; but by
the said six and twentieth day in the morning, we were
fallen to the Westward some foure leagues, the six and
twentieth day at nine of the clock in the morning (having
continued under a steepe high whitish cliffe all the fore-
said time) it pleased God to send us a small gale of wind
off the shore, with which wee came off North North-east
into the Sea, in hope there to finde the wind more pros-
perous.
The seven and twentieth, by judgement we might
runne East North-east fourteene leagues. This day at
foure after-noone. Mount Foelix bore South by East some
nine leagues distant ; this Mount, by my estimation, may
Cape de bee sixteene leagues Westward of Cape Guardafui : this
Guardafut ^^^^ when it was calme, as also when the wind blew,
we met with a potching sea, which well informed me, that
we grew neare the length of the Head-land, and began
to bring the Southerne sea open of the Cape, or the
point of the land : the nine and twentieth we des-
cried Socatora.
^/ Note that in this traverse from Aden to Socatora is no
' certaintie, by reason we were so much deluded by the Cur-
rant, wherein by the water oftentimes wee seemed to get,
yet by the Currant we lost, or were driven backe.
Now having effected all our businesses, as watering and
getting some ballast, and bought all the Allocs here to bee
had, and left letters of advice with the King of Socatora,
246
I
I
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
for such of our nation, as in like manner might come to
Trade in the Red-sea, both to prevent their losse of time
and further trouble.
The fourth of September, at two in the after-noone, we September 4.
set saile from the Roade of Dellisha, the wind presently
grew calme, so that we did little good all the night.
The three and twentieth, at sixe in the morning, being
neare the end of an ebbe, we set saile and stood away-
North and North North-east two howres, some two
leagues, the wind at South, our depths from ten to sixteene
fathom, and presently as against a wall, seven, sixe and
five fathoms. About eight of the clocke, we had sight
of the trees of India, which standeth both in South and
North Swally, which bore East by North from us (by a
meridian Compasse distant six leagues) we runne in East
North-east and North-east by East with the floud, still rais-
ing the land to the Northward, till neere two of the clocke ;
our depths uncertaine, sometimes more, and sometimes
lesse, shunning divers suspicious riplings, keeping betweene
eight and fifteene fathom, we anchored in soft Oze, and
by my observation it floweth East North-east one quarter
North, and West by South one quarter South by the
Moone, and by this time the floud runneth five houres,
and the ebbe seven houres, by reason of the Winter
freshes by the aboundant raines are not yet fully expelled,
and therefore doth overcome or shorten thefloud-streames ;
but at other times, though the Spring-streames goe al-
wayes strong, yet the floud and ebbe are equally sixe
houres a piece. In the Winter-streames, which is June,
July and August, my conjecture is that Cables and An-
chors, nor Ships bowes can be made of force to resist the
streames. The Coast lyeth heere neare North and South ;
this day being come to an anchor, my Generall sent ofl^ his
Pinnasse to fetch a Boat which sailed neare us, who came ^ ^°^t of
from Surat, and was bound to Goga, loaden with Rice, ^^^^^'
who informed him we were over-shot Surat a great way
toward Cambaia, and that we must returne seven or eight
leagues, if wee would goe to the Barre of Surat : this
247
A.D.
161I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Boat the Generall kept with him, because they would use
the Master of her for a Pilot.
The foure and twentieth, there came another Boat volun-
tarily aboord the Admirall, and also continued with good
content with us for Pilots : the former informed the Gene-
rall, that there were staying for us at the Barre of Surat,
' fifteene armed Portugall Frigats, to intercept what we
should there intend ; so at full sea, which was at two after-
[I. iii. 294.] noone, we set saile with a little wind at South, standing
off West into the deeper Channell, turning downe the ebbe
while daylight would permit, and then anchored in foure
and twentie fathome in a vehement streame, where riding
till morning day-light, when the ebbe being spent and we
not able to weigh our anchors till the tide broake, so that
we made a small tides worke ; yet this five and twentieth
day night at seven of the clocke, wee anchored some
league short of the Roade, Southward of the Barre, where
we saw riding at anchor three Indian ships.
The six and twentieth in the morning, with the tide of
floud wee set saile, standing into the Roade, where we
anchored by the said three ships of Surat, which were in-
tended to be laden for to goe to Sumatra, but partly by
reason of our approach, and partly for that the Portugals
would come to no reasonable composition with them for
their Custome and Cartas (or Passe) their Voyage was
given over, according to our Pilots former information.
We here found eighteene sayle of Portugall Frigats,
whereof sometime more, and sometime lesse, according
as they see occasion appeared in our view, al being under
the charge or conduct of Don Francisco de Soto Maior,
Captaine Major of the forces of Damon and Chaull,
accompanyed also with the Captaine Major and forces of
Diu : who for a long time together without intermission,
so pestred the streames about us, that none could neither
out of the River, nor any other way come neere us, but
jthey would narrowly search and see that they had neither
/Letters nor other provisions, that might comfort or reliefe
our necessities, whereby they often tooke occasion to rob
248
Eighteene
sayles of Por-
tugall Frigats.
1 1 \
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ^
divers of sundry things, with threatnings that they were
bringing them unto us their Enemies ; and therefore con-
fiscated : by this meanes our men grew to great weaknesse,
and every day more and more of our men fell downe with
the scurvie, wanting to refresh or comfort them ; at last
by our Neighbours the ships Boat of Surat, we received
a lame advice from one Nicholas Bangham, left by the
Hector to attend on the Merchants there. Yet after
many dayes, was gotten from him (which for the purpose (
was lying by him) both a Letter from Captaine Hawkins'
remayning in Agra (which is the place of the great MoguU
his residence) and another from William Finch at Labor
which was going home-wards over land by the way of
Persia, by which the Generall understood the little hope
they conceived of any good for our Nation in this Coun-
trey people without faith. After some time there was
knowledge given by the said Nicholas Bangham, that
Captaine Sharpeigh, John Jourdaine, and others were
every day expected in Surat, being comming from Agra
by the way of Cambaya, which gave some content to Sir
Henry Middleton.
The thirtieth, by the Generals direction, I with the
Pepper-Corne, Darling, and Release, set saile, endevour-
ing to finde the passage over the Barre into the River of
Surat : but partly by the Portugals diligent attendance
to cut off from us our Boats which sounded before the
ships, if they exceeded the command of our Ordnance,
and partly the uncertaine and dangerous sudden shoald-
ings we in each ship found, did chiefly frustrate our pre-
sent endevours.
A.D.
161I,
D
>i
W. Finch
intended to
retume into
England by
the zvay of
Persia.
[§. nil.
249
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
§. iiii.
Many proud affronts of the Portugals. Disgusts
from the Indians.
Octob. I. lE^BnilHe first of October, we all set sayle backe againe
towards the Road, where our Admirall rid, but
the wind shortening upon us, and the tyde of
ebbe growing also strong, we could not fetch the Road,
but were put off some foure miles Westwards of the Roade,
wherefore it was Wednesday before the wind and tyde so
much favoured us as to get into the Road. Sir Henry
Middleton wrote unto the Portugall Captaine Major,
, j^'"^ requiring him that if he could not permit him to Trade
here, yet, that he might take in the Merchants and others
his Countrymen which were heere on shoare in this Coun-
trey, and then hee would be gone from this place ; but
Insolence of xht Portugall Captaines answere (to this) was No, for hee
ortugals. j^Q^ij Carrie them to Goa, and from thence, they should
be sent home ; also it seemed that John Jourdaine, had
beene flattering with the fathers both at Agra and Cam-
' ' bay a, and had obtayned some commendations to the Vice-
Roy, or request or hope of conduction into Portugall,
knowing at present no better meanes to get into his
Countrey : by which Sir Henry Middleton could never
imagine nor expect any safetie to such as continue firme
to our State and Countrey. And neere the time of this
Letter from Sir Henry Middleton, Captaine Sharpeigh
by some principall Portugall then on land in Surat, made
i \ motion either by Letter or otherwise, to the Captaine
'Major to give him his Segure (or safe conduct) for his
safe passage aboard the English ships ; whereupon the
. ^j^:_ \ Captaine Major, in scoffe wrote unto the English Cap-
^3r W. Jftaine and his Companions, his Segure for their safe com-
^" ming aboard his Galliote, without addition for his depar-
ture thence, the thing which he required. And further
to shew the base account he made of our Nation, added,
that if they would take their passage along with him to
250
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
Goa, he would use him and his Company with as much
favour, as he would doe to Turkes, Moores, or other
Nations that use these Seas ; and all other Nations (a few
Persians excepted) are Jewes, Bannians, and Gentiles,
which though it were in him an unpleasing and vile speech, [I. iii. 295.]
yet I like well his plainenesse, in shewing them what to. /
trust to before (not thinking they could have escaped hisi
hands) otherwise it is likely, that some of them would
have beene perswaded, that their usage should have beene
better then is heere promised.
Sir Henry Middleton being very zealous in procuring
the libertie of our Countrymen, though both by Cap- j ^
taine Hawkins and Williarri Finch his Letters, and by all \
else we could understand of the Countrey, al] hope of
good here to be done for the Company, eyther for present
or to come was wholly quenched ; he writ to have them
come by land and meete him at Dabull, but that journey
was thought too tedious, and by reason of the Warres in
Decanie, dangerous. The time thus lost seemed very
tedious ; wherein our water and other provisions fast
wasted, our people daily for want of comfortable refresh-
ing, fell generally into sicknesse, which made our estate
doubtfull, not knowing where or by what meanes to get
refreshing, we being so garded by these our Enemies,
that none could come to us, neither could we goe from
our ships : And Captaine Sharpeigh made provision for
us at the Towne, though without hope that it could
escape the Portugall, who lay in continuall waite for it.
It being provided, it was in vaine to sell it againe, but!
order being given to send it howsoever, it was immedi-'
ately sent towards us.
The eleventh, Sir Henry Middleton, much disturbed!
in minde at our present doubtfull estate, and our great'
losse of time, and that to so little purpose, and therefore
leaving the Trades Increase in the mayne Road, he with
the Pepper-Corne, and Darling, and Release, put in prac-
tice to discover alongst the Coast to the North-ward, to
find out some place where our shippes might safely ride
251
^Ifi
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
so neere the shoare, as to command the place of landing,
and frustrate the Portugalls attempts for taking our Boates
and people : but the day neere spent, wee anchored neere
the North point, thwart of the barre at the enterance of
^'. the River of Surat. This day Allonso Gransillio dyed.
The twelfth, early in the morning, the Portugalls tooke
the Boate which was comming towards us with our pro-
Ungt-acious visions : in scoffe the Captaine Major presently sent
gratitude, thankes to Captaine Sharpeigh, for his care of him in
J sending him victuals for his supply. This said morning
at the first of the floud we set sayle standing with the
point to the Northwards, and by reason of the quicknesse
of the streame, and our suspition in this unknowne place,
wee ever put that shippe smallest of draft headmost, and
before the smallest we sent our rowing Boates, making
no more haste with our Sayles, then that our Boates might
keepe head with their Oares. And yet further to pre-
vent what perill by these strong Tydes might happen, wee
had our Anchors alwayes in readinesse to let drop whenso-
ever by their signes ahead, wee should understand of any
sudden shoalding. The Armie of the Portugals likewise
weighed and followed keeping a brest betweene the
Pepper-Corne and the shore, they all rowing in order
of Battell with their Colours displayed, oftentimes making
great shoutes as in some great attempt ; the Captaine
Major in a small Frigat, going from Frigat to Frigat
throughout his Fleet incouraging them, at length the
Darlings Boat a good distance of betweene the ship &
the land, by occasion of a suspicious ripling & where shee
was sounding, presently by the Captaine Majors direc-
tion one of their smaller swiftest Frigats (being over-
bold through our long sufferance) rew forth with great
swiftnesse to cut off from us the Darlings Boat, being
seconded by another of the same kind. The Master of
the Darling seeing his Boat and men in such danger,
could no longer forebeare, but for her rescue he began to
shoot at them, the former Frigat gat cleere ahead. But
the second seeing our shoote flye so fast at her with feare
252
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
put on shoare, the men abandoning her ranne away in
the mudde ; the Armie now comming up for her rescue
perceiving our shot came amongst them so fast shoved a
Sterne leaving that Frigat to our devotion wee perceiving
them so to leave her, and for that she was fit to serve our
turnes, bestowed the fetching of her. In this Frigat wee ^ Portugall
found some small quantity of Indico, Cinamon, Comin- ^^^^* *^ ^"*
seed, Cotton Yarne, Mirabolans (dry for Phisick) & one
small ballet of Candekins mill, & very course, all of smal
value, these things had the Portugals lately taken from a
poore Bannian. By this occasion we anchored here in
seven fathome water, thwart of the North point in the
mouth of the River of Surat, within Musket shot of the
shoare at low water, here wee rid till the next day.
The thirteenth, in the morning we weighed and stood
somewhat neerer into the shorewards, and anchored in
sixe fathome, presently we descryed divers men on land,
wherefore the Generall sent Master Jeffe, and Matthew
Bragge ashore with a Flagge of Truce : but they being
Portugals, and perceiving them landed, retyred flourishing
their Swords as though they had atchieved some worthy
exploit : this day about nine a clocke in the fore-noone,
the Generall sent a way the Darling into the maine Road,
where the Trades Increase rid, she made no stay there, but
presently againe returned bringing with her one of the
Indian ship Boates, and seventeene of their men whom
the Generall at times sent away with Letters to the Towne
to Captaine Sharpeigh whom before their going the Gene-
rall royally rewarded, also promising them better satisfac-
tion at their returne : five of them were this evening sent
away with Letters, who promised to returne againe to us
with Letters, but according to their accustomed practice
of lying and deceit, they onely spake to give present con-
tent and meant the contrary, so that there is no hold in
their words. This day there came somwhat neer us a
great Indian Boat laden with Paddy, the General made
stay of her, and for our present supply, bought of her [1. iii. 296.]
one Candie, & sixe Maunds of Paddy, which the next
253
(I?
c
/
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
day we tooke into the Pepper-corne, and they having
satisfaction to their content, being dismissed, departed.
The sixteenth, we seeing two Frigats riding a good
distance to the North-ward of us, which the Generall had
a desire to see what they were, and to know the cause of
their riding there : which being Portugals, and seeing us
rowing alongst the coast towards them, they set saile,
standing awhile alongst the coast, and then to the Offing ;
but finding our selves further and further a sterne gave
them over, and stood in with the River, and point of
South Swally ; we landed, determining with our net to
fish, but the depth of the water not serving, the General
was going up the River in his Galliot to fish, at which
instant there came a good gale of wind off the sea, wher-
with againe came in the two former Frigats, accompanied
with two other Frigats, newly come from the bar-foot of
Surat. In which was the late Captaine of our little
Frigats ; who lately hazarded his life by running away
in the deep mud, supposed now by worthy valour to
recover her againe, (as soon after we were informed) to
whose attempt the wind was as favourable, as adverse to
us, who had farre to row to wind-ward over a broad shoale,
whereon we alwaies had between three and foure foot
water ; but we somewhat gotten off to set saile, and the
Release not farre off to second us : and contrary to their
expectations, in stead of flying see all our endeavours bent
to hasten the meeting with them, and seeing our Musket
shot fell but little short of them, which immediately was
like to reach them : but as seemed, their former resolu-
tion found some contradict, for they all at once exchanged
their steerne for their prowes, giving us some wast base
shot in their running away ; we pursued long, since we
lost not much, we were ever in hope to get ground of
them, but the wind increasing, and what betweene our
people tired at the oare, and our too small saile to our
little Frigat, put them cleane from us, and so we returned
to the Pepper-corne, leaving the Darling.
The twentieth in the morning, Thomas Glemham in
254
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
the Pinnasse went on shoare to attend the comming downe
of any of the Countrey people, either with messages or /,
provisions to sell, all giving direction, if any came to give'
him knowledge by shooting off three Muskets together,
that the Generall in the Frigat would then goe on shoare
the Pinnasse comming on shoare, one man onely for a
Centinell went on shoare, who no sooner came to the
top of a small hill neere the water-side, but presently
seeing a troupe of Portugals rush out of their ambush
towards them, retyred to the Pinnasse, who rowed a little
from the shoare and anchored ; the Portugals comming
to the water-side, discharged their smal shot at our Pin-
nasse, who so well repayd them with their Muskets, that
presently they ran away, soone after they saw one of the
Inhabitants on Horse-back, whose comming down (as
they suppose) the present sight of the Portugals hindered,
and therefore shot off three Muskets together, which the
Generals hearing, presently went on the shoare with the
Frigat, but contrary to our expectation the said Indnni
came not downe to them, neither any Message nor Letter, -
neither from the General nor Captaine Sharpeigh. In the
evening some of the poore Inhabitants brought downe
some few fruits to sel, which the General caused to be
bought, and as our men repayred to the Frigat to come
aboord, there came downe unto them three men out of
the Portugall Armie, who for some disgust there given
them, fled to us for succour, the one of them a Dutchman
borne in Lisbone, called Lorenzo de Campo, the other two
were Portugals, the principall of them called Frances ^
Consalves.
The one and twentieth in the morning, the Generall in
the Frigat went on shoare, where hee no sooner landed, , .
but presently an Indian brought him a Letter from '^^f
Captaine Sharpeigh, certifying Sir Henry Middleton
that the next day he would come downe with all his
goods guarded by an hundred Horsemen; this day j
a Mallabar Boy called Antonio, who had beene five
or sixe yeares Captive to a Portugall Souldier in
255
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
this Armie, now finding good oportunitie to his
desire, fled unto us for succour.
The two and twentieth, early in the morning, the Gene-
rail went on shoare in the Frigat, attended by the Release,
L to expect the comming downe of Captaine Sharpeigh,
according to his information in his Letter : now approach-
ing neere the shoare, the Frigat anchored, and presently
landed thirty men with small shot, the Generall appointing
one of them for Centinell, to stay on the top of a small
hill neere the water side ; the rest also to be neere the
water side, for the better avoiding any sudden attempt,
but all to looke about, to see if they could discover any
bodie comming downe from Surat- wards : the Centinell
in short time saw two Bannians comming from the North-
wards, whereof he instantly gave knowledge : these Ban-
nians brought downe some Tobacco, and other trifling
things to sell ; they beeing come aboord the Frigat, certi-
'fied the Generall that the last night five Englishmen came
,from Surat, to a village some foure miles from this place ;
and that this morning they came from them, and that this
afternoone they would come downe to us, presently there
sallied out of a valley betweene two hils on a sudden.
Three hun- seven troopes of Portugals, with their colours displayed,
dredPortugah whom Our men seeing made a stand, the Portugals also
made a stand, as having no list to come within the reach
of our shot, although there were neere three hundred of
them. The Generall commanded our men to retire, and
to imbarque themselves : which being done accordingly,
the Portugals then made pursuit after them, and with five
or sixe Basses (by them brought for that purpose) and
297.] other small shot, they began to shoot at our Boates and
men, but did them no harme, who failed not to answer
them againe with the like, whereby (as afterwards wee
were informed) they went away with the worst. Now
after longer stay, and our people not comming according
to our expectation, the Generall returned aboord the
Pepper-corne, determining this afternoon with the ebbe
to be gone from this place to the Trades-increase ; but
256
assault our
men.
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
as we were setting saile, a company of men were descried
comming from the North-ward, wherefore we againe an-
chored, and the General went on shore in the Frigat,
where presently came downe to them three of our Coun- Certaine
try-men, of the Ascensions company, to wit, Thomas J^J^^^^^j /
Musgrave, Bartholmew Davis, and William Morgan, who
with them brought Captain Sharpeigh, and John Jor-^
daines cloaths and provisions. On Thursday came downe
to them Captaine Sharpeigh, with an hundred horsemen ^f-^^^^f^
for his guard, all armed with Bowes and arrowes and ^.Q^^^^f
Swords : with him came aboord Jaddow, the Broaker, and aboord.
a Braman (or Bannian Priest) and an other Indian, Cap-
taine Sharpeigh his servant.
The five and twentieth. Sir Henry Middleton in the 0«'' Generall
Frigat, went on shore (accompanied by Captaine Sharpeigh, ^^^ ^^ '^^ *
and John Jordaine) where Coja Nassan at the water side
promised to meete him, who was there in readinesse accord-
ing to his promise. The Frigat comming to the water
side, the Generall was fetcht on shore on a Pallankin, borne
on foure mens shoulders, and there kindly entertained
by Coja Nassan, and according to the Countrey fashion, a
Carpet was spread whereon they sate to conferre of our ^
present businesse. It was by them in a manner concluded,
our ships to goe to Goga, a place on the Wester side of the
Gulfe neerer to Cambaya, and to have Pilots from the
shore for our more safe conduct ; but a sudden (and at
this time of the yeere unusuall) showre of raine happening,
they brake up their conference, promising the next day
there to meet againe, fully to determine of our said
businesse.
The sixe and twentieth, according to mutuall promise,
the Generall in manner aforesaid went on shore in the
Frigat, who anchoring neere the shore side, Coja Nassan in
one of our boats sent off Jaddow with a Present of tenne
fine Bastas, and fiftie Bushels of Wheate to the Generall,
and two Pilots for our safe conduct to Goga : the Generall
very kindly accepted thereof, and with the Pinnasse went
to the shore side, where on a Pallankin in manner aforesaid,
ni 257 R
^c
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
hee was received and entertained on shore, where they
proceeded on their former conference ; but the Pilots
having discovered the manner of the place, whose unfit-
nesse gave no content, and therefore their determination
therein soone altered, and it was concluded and agreed
upon, that our ships should for the space of sixe dayes be
gone off to Sea, which the Portugals perceiving, they
suppose would also be gone, and then we againe to returne,
and suddenly to dispatch our businesse. This Evening we
set saile, standing to the South-wards to the Trades-
increase, but the wind shortned upon us, so that we
anchored some mile West-ward of the roade. This day
in the morning, Thomas Lane died.
October. The seven and twentieth in the morning, the Generall
departed aboord the Trades-increase, and soone after sent
his Pinnasse for Captaine Sharpeigh and my selfe, to
conferre about our present businesse, (also he sent men
to fetch away the Frigat and Portugals from the Pepper-
,/r"\ ' corne : ) after a Counsell held, the Generall sent a letter to
. ■ . Don Francisco de Soto, Captaine Major of the Portugall
-v army, therein repeating the manifold discurtesies by him
, shewed towards us : First, not onely hindering our land-
ing, but also the passage of our letters, kept us from all
reliefe for our sicke men ; and what at great charge was
provided, he had taken from us, and kept us from our
people on shore, which if we could have gotten, we had
been gone long since : and also his endeavours the twelfth
of this Moneth, to cut from us our boats sounding a head
our ships, what time we tooke one of their Frigats, which
we now having done our businesse, if hee would send
for her, we would freely bestow her on him againe. Also
the Generall released the Indian shippes, whom for con-
veiance of letters betweene Captaine Sharpeigh and him,
he restrained from going into the River, who now being
dismist, they presently departed towards Surat : also wee
made ready our ships to be gone off to Sea.
The nine and twentieth, we set saile to sea-wards, the
Portugall Frigats still following us in their accustomed
258
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
manner. This day we met with a boat bound to Cambaya,
laden with Coco nuts, of whom the Generall bought seven-
teene thousand, which he distributed amongst our people,
and the Indian boat was presently dismist : this day was
M. Mullenex the second time put into the Pepper-corne. /^../;r.j_-
The one and thirtieth, S. Henry Middleton seeing that the
Portugals still followed us, determined to stand off no
further, but againe to returne to doe our businesse so farre
as conveniently we could, in despite of them.
The first of November, according to the Generals November, i.
predetermination, we returned to the North-wards as the
winds and tides permitted. Saterday in the morning, we
anchored thwart of South Swally, where the General in
the Frigat went on shore, but heard no news from Surat.^
This night the Portugals in the river shot off divers peeces,
which they told the Indians was for joy they had received
tidings of the comming of two great Gallies, and twentie
Frigats more for their assistance, whereby they abused
themselves, in thinking with their lyes to terrifie us, who , .
were now armed to withstand all their villainous practises,', ^ .. i^ ''^^,,<'^
usurping authority in an other Kings Dominion, where ■
they have no more to doe then in Denmarke.
The fifth. Sir Henry Middleton sent William Pemberton ' [I. iii. 298.]
Master of the Darling (in whose endeavours he had firme, .. \
confidence) with his ship the Release and Frigat againe,
to discover to the North-wards as afore-said ; who there
found a bard place, wherein not onely our smaller ships ^^ excellent
might at high water goe, but also the Trades-increase, ^°^^^P^^^-
being a little lightned, might also goe safely over the
Barre, and there ride within Caliever shot of the shoare.
The sixth in the morning, with the first of the floud,
we all set saile, standing to the North-wards, and anchored
thwart of the place discovered : at high water wee with
the Pepper-corne, Darling and Release, went in over the
Barre, whereon the least depth wee found was three fathome
and a foote, but at low water three foot. Beeing in, we
all anchored within Caliever shot of the shoare, as afore-
said in eight fathome, and right a head or to the North-
259
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
ward of us, anchored twelve Portugal! Frigats, somewhat
without the reach of our Ordnance. This afternoone the
Generall and my selfe, with a guard of fortie small shot,
went on shoare to seeke out some place where we might
relieve our wants of fresh water : in the salt marshes we
found a place of brakish water, whereof till better could
be gotten, we were forced to make use. Here the Inhabi-
tants brought downe to sell five or sixe goats and sheepe.
and some fruits, which for reliefe of our out-tired weake
people were all bought.
The seventh, we filled some water, bought some small
provisions as the people brought down : we haled the
Release a ground, in hope to stop her leaks, beeing as it
were in a manner devoured with wormes, for the safetie
of her and her people : we erected a Tent, in which I
continued, keeping a Court of Guard and Centinels aboard,
to prevent the practise of the Portugals our enemies to
prejudice us. The eighth, all our Carpenters used their
best endeavours to trie the stopping of the Pinnasse her
leaks : this day Nicholas Bangham came downe, bringing
provisions such as by the Generals directions he had pro-
vided, as Limes for our diseased people, bread, lamp-oyle,
Newes of more and candles, and his owne provisions. This evening, some
Portugals. q£ q^j. inhabiting neighbours of the neerest Villages,
informed the Generall, that in the River was arrived two
Gallies, and eightie Frigats : upon which newes the
Generall altered his determination, and for the better
securitie thought good to bring all our forces together, the
better to frustrate any practises that might be intended
against us ; wherefore at his first departure aboord his ship,
which rid in the Ofi!ing, gave me directions to guard the
said Barke upon the shoare, and as soon as the tide served,
to heave her a float by my ship, or the Darling, which
about midnight was performed ; when presently we set
saile over the Barre, and rid by the Admirall.
The ninth in the morning, Coja Nassan came downe,
the Generall beeing then on shoare ; hee certified the
Generall, that so soone as all our ships were come into
36q
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611
the roade, hee would bring downe goods and trade with
us ; in the meane time a Market should be kept upon
the sea strand, of all necessary provisions ; also informed
the Generall, that the Frigats last come into the River,
was a Caphala or fleete of Portugall Merchant Frigats,
bound to Cambaya : at his departure Nicholas Bangham
went up to Surat with him.
The twelfth, beeing in the road, we had a Market there ^ Market at
kept upon the strand of divers sorts of provisions, to wit, ^^^ ^^f^ ^
Meale, Bread, Bullocks, Goats, Sheepe, Hennes, Butter
and Cheese, Sugar and Sugar-Candie, Limes, Plantans,
Water-Mellons, Goards, Onions, Radishes, Pallingenies,
Cucumbers, Milke, a kind of Peascod which they call
Paupery, and Gindus, a small fruit as big as a little Crab,
beeing in taste betweene sweet and sowre, and in the midst
thereof hath a small round stone, Sugar-canes, and
Tobacco, also Salt-fish dryed, and Praunes, and Palmita
wine, which they call Taddy. All these afore-named
things were at reasonable cheape rates.
The one and twentieth, my Centinell upon the Mount,
saw over the top of an other hill neere adjoyning, the
heads of some of the Portugals, who there lay in ambush
to the number of five hundred men : he had no sooner
given the Alarum, but presently they seeing themselves
discovered, they all with their colours advanced, with ^ ^^^^^^
great celeritie ranne downe, to cut off our people from the ^^^^^^ 'f^^^
Boat ; but having a little tasted of our shot, both out of ^^ "^^ ^'
great and small Pecces, and seeing some of their fellowes
tumbling in the mud, they made as great hast backe out
of the reach of them : divers of them that fell downe,
afterwards came to themselves, and made means to crawle
away, onely Antonio de Sowso, a Gentleman of Chaul, '-
having a deadly wound in the head, lay still. We seeing |
the neglect of compassion by his friends, in commiseration
fetcht him aboord ; whose wound beeing incurable, he
died within two houres after, and we buried him on the
shoare. Sir Henry Middleton in his ship in the offing,
hearing our peeces, and doubting of some disgust, hastned
261
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
with his Frigat full of people unto us, yet notwithstanding
we gave the enemie leave to take his pleasure on the
shoare, without landing to trie any further fortunes with
them : going on shoare we found divers of their reliques,
as shooes and socks, which for their more expedition away,
they left behind : afterwards we were informed by the
Muccadam or Constable of Swally, that the Portugals had
kild and hurt in this attempt, eight of their people.
Thearrwallof 'pj^g foure and twentieth afternoone, came downe Mucrib
the^Governour ^^^^) v^\t\i one hundred horsemen, and many more foot-
ofCambaya. ^n^nj five Elephants, with divers Camels, Carts and Oxen,
for transportation of his provisions, wherein he shewed his
greatnesse. Furthermore, he had divers Carts to carrie his
Leopards, wherewith at his pleasure he useth to hunt.
[I. lii. 299.] Hee was there met by Sir Henry Middleton, at whose
landing was discharged a Volley of an hundred and three-
score small shot, and at the instant of their salutation each
ship in order shot, to wit, the Darling three, the Pepper-
corne five, and the Trades-increase nine peeces of
Ordnance, then was delivered unto him the King of
)^ - Englands Letter and Present unto himselfe, whereof with
all shewes of kindnesse he accepted : and Macrib Chan
with sixteene Moguls and Moores, such as he made choice
of (leaving the rest of his followers a shoare with Hoja
Nassan, and Coja Arsan Alle, and other Merchants, where
was erected as it were a little Towne of tents) boldly
Macrtb Chan accompanied S. Henrie Middleton aboord the Trades
cameabooid Increase, where in the best manner the ship affoorded, he
Increase. "^^^ entertained, and continued all night, and part of the
next day. Sir Henry Middleton often urged him con-
cerning our maine businesse, which he still put ofi^ with
delaies till an other time. But all his hooking was, both
himselfe and by divers instruments to find out, and buy
all such fantasticall toyes, that might fit his turne to please
the toyish humour of the great King his Master, and for
ought that we could gather, further then served his owne
turne, he little respected our selling or buying of our
principall Merchandize brought for that place; having
262
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611
satisfied himselfe in that ship by his wittiest inquisition,
desired in like manner to see the other ships, where he
ranne the like course aboord the Pepper-corne : he bought
all our Chests of Sword-blades, whereof he seemed to be
so greedy, as he would not trust us to send them after
him, but would see them all sent a shoare before his
departure, which in few dayes after, having selected out all
the crooked ones, and such as liked him, sent backe the
rest carelesly, and ill conditioned, as their accustomed
manner is to doe all things whatsoever they have bought,
when by all the view they can have they dislike the same.
Which businesse being ended, they hastened a shoare
accompanied by S. Henry Middleton, my selfe, Captaine
Sharpeigh, and John Jordaine. He beeing landed, carried
us to his Tent, where being all set upon Carpets, with
many of his friends. Sir Henry Middleton againe mooved
speech concerning our businesse, as aforesaid : which he
againe put off till to morrow. When wee saw nothing
to be done, and the night approaching, we tooke leave,
departing aboord to spend the night in consultation of our
next dayes businesse or affaires.
The sixe and twentieth in the morning. Sir Henry
Middleton hastened ashoare, thinking to doe much busi-
nesse : being come he was informed that Macrib Chan was
gone, and yet the better to pacifie him, they told him he
was gone to the Portugals to make friendship betweene
us, which the Generall well knew was not so, but rather
suspected that his going to the Portugals was, having
received alreadie from us in presents all hee could get, that
hee would now also see what he could get from the Portu-
gals to doe ill Offices against us. Wherefore, laden with
discontent, he againe departed aboard his ship in the offing,
Hoja Nassan yet staying, pretending of purpose to buy
our Commodities, whereof the Generall set downe the
particular prizes, but this day being farre spent, it was
referred till the day following.
The seven and twentieth in the morning, Macrib Chan
sent one of his chiefe Gentlemen and his Broker with a
263
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
/_ Base Vanitie. Letter to the Generall : which I supposing to be of import
and behoofe of our Common-wealthes businesse, presently
in my Boat sent the Messenger aboard the Admirall, the
effect whereof was soone found to be no other then to beg
his perfumed Jerkin and his Spaniell Dogge, which was
Idenyed him the day before when he begged his Bever
I Hat : also hee desired our workmen and Smith to make
him the modell of a chaine pumpe ; also this morning
Captaine Sharpeigh and Master Jourdaine went ashoare to
Hoja Nassan, to conferre with him of the prizes of our
Commodities.
The eight and twentieth, Hoja Nassan departed to Surat,
carrying with him the Generals Jerkin and Dogge, which
Macrib Chan had formerly begged, and that we should
the lesse doubt, he left behind him in his Tent Hoja
Jellardin his sonne-in-law, pretending he should stay till
his returne. Hoja Nassan being once gone, he set slight,
being carelesse of our businesse, and the next night he
dissolved his Tent and departed, to no small disturbance
to us, seeing none left to rectifie any businesse. This
day Bartholmew Davis one of our Carpenters was sent
to Surat, to make provision of plankes and boards for
re-edifying of the Release, wee thereunto incouraged by
their favourable promise, in which is very small hold,
for he once there, found nothing but delusions or delayes,
for wheresoever he found Timber, either he could not find
any to sell it, or not to saw it ; so all his businesse was
not onely frustrate, but he also in despaire of libertie to
returne. This day Master Jourdaine, Master Frain, and
others went up to a Village neere adjoyning to view some
packes of Indian Cloth, which Hoja Nassan had brought
downe thither to barter with us for some of our Com-
modities : they returning brought downe the Mustraes
of everie sort, and the prizes demanded for them per
Corge : the Generall upon such as he liked set downe
.^u what prizes he would give for them, requiring them to doe
^' the like by his Commodities, and to have answere the next
day : but they held them at high rates, and offered weakly
264
I
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ad.
1611.
for our Commodities, which they esteemed of necessitie,
we must be forced to sell them howsoever.
The first of December, they perceiving that Sir Henry Decemb. i.
Middleton would not give them their demand for their
Commodities, nor sell them his at their owne rates, to
shew their carelesnesse, or to try his temper, did not
onely speedily send for their Mustraes of clothes, but also
carryed backe to Surat, all such packes as they had formerly
brought downe to Damka, a Village three mile from us. [I. iii. 300.]
Also the poore Inhabitants were restrayned from bringing
downe provisions to sell us, as formerly by permission they
did.
The sixth, the Generall was informed the Mock rib
Chan, and Hoja Nassan were comming downe, and in the
evening we see as it were a Village of Tents pitcht some-
what more then a mile within the land, to the East-ward
of the Road, but whether they came in peace or no, we
knew not.
The seventh, Jaddow & Narran Brokers came downe,
certifying the General that Mockrib Chan and Hoja Nassan
were comming downe, and were now at the Tents, and
to morrow would bee heere with him. They translated Barbarous
our Kings Letter, and then departed, but yet their extra- '^^humanitie.
ordinary sadnesse, as men sent by constraint, gave us no
hope of good towards us, the rather for that they had
formerly restrayned as prisoner our man sent to the Towne
about businesse, as also their severitie in proclayming the
losse of their noses, to any that should bring downe any
provision to us, whereby they shewed their desire to force
us away by Famine. This day the Darling was againe
haled off to her moring.
The eighth, Mockrib Chan and Hoja Nassan, came Chiefe Com-
downe with a great traine to the water-side, and at the ^odtuesfor
same time, to put jealousie of their ill dealing from us,
brought downe some fortie or fiftie packes of Indian
Clothes, and so increasing to the number of a hundred
and eight packes, yet the sight thereof could not moove
all of us to beleeve, they meant faithfully to deale with
265
India.
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
us : but they having extraordinary desire to our Quick-
silver, and Vermilion, and Mockrib Chan to our Velvet,
though they made smallest shew thereof. Yet for that
it could not be had by it selfe, without our Lead and other
Commodities, by which meanes they condescended to deale
at present for our Lead also, deferring all the rest till
some other time, but would not deale with us otherwise,
but so as they would gaine fiftie in the hundred at their
owne doores without further adventure, and ours which
we have brought so farre, wee could not draw them but
to such poore rates, as will beare but a small part of our
fraight hither.
The ninth in the morning, wSir Henry Middleton went
on shoare, not having any sure confidence in their perform-
ance, where in words they continued firme. Wherefore
the Trades Increase began to land her Lead ; somewhat
before noone was brought unto Mockrib Chan, a Letter
from the great MoguU, whereat he was so dampe, that
scarce any words was to be gotten from him, but presently
after dinner he departed, but Hoja Nassan, and others
continued, as they pretended, to effect the businesse : this
night before the Generall went aboord, being still in sus-
pition of inconstant dealing, and seeing the great paines
j^i^ and toile in landing our Lead, and what intolerable disgust
or discontent would arise among our people, if by shrink-
^ ing from their words we be forst againe to imbarque the
same, sent some of our Factors with the Brokers to Hoja
Nassan to signifie the same, and before further trouble to
know his full resolution : who returned him answere, he
should not need to doubt, for they would have it all :
whereby without further doubt, the greatest expedition
was used for landing thereof. This day in the evening,
\ ^ William Johnson Sailer of the Darling, and John Cover-
^/ *^ y^ dale Trumpetter of the Admirall, ran away to the Portugal!
v.^<r 'Armie, and John Pattison to Surat.
/ The tenth, there came aboord to see our ships the
I Governour of Surat, and Coja Arsan Alle, being departed
from the Pepper-Corne with the Generall aboard the
266
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
Admirall, in the offing this sudden disturbance happened,
which crost the content on all sides, for John Jourdaine
came speedily from the shoare to informe the General!,
how that Hoja Nassan having alreadie the Velvet and
some other things which he most desired, was now in a
great fit of wrangling, so that hee thought no good for us
would be done : for he had both made them give over
weighing the lead ; and also sent for his Oxen to draw
away the Carts with the packes of Indian Clothes : whereat ■
the Generall grew so impatient, that he presently made -
stay (to inforce performance) both of the Governour and
Coja Arsan Ally, to their great trouble of minde, but
after some little pause, the Generall caused them to be
imbarqued with himselfe in the Frigat, and came in calling
upon me in the Pepper-Corne, to impart what he had
done, wishing my opinion, who seeing him in the right
way, saw no cause to counsell him to revoke the same,
but rather for securitie of our businesse to persevere : from
me he departed to the shoare with a reasonable Guard,
and gave Hoja Nassan knowledge, what his crosse dealing
had forced him unto, and that since the Governour of
Surat came in curtesie, and the businesse concernes him
not ; wisht himselfe to come aboard and take his place,
and he would dismisse the Governour ; who seeing no
other remedie, w^th a grimme looke and sowre coun-l <
tenance came into the Frigat, and the Governour to his
great content was dismist, and they were brought to
remayne with me in the Pepper-Corne.
The eleventh, we continued landing of our Lead, and
had so lightned the Admirall, that at high-water the night
following to our great content, we brought her in over the
barre, also having now all our strength together where our
businesse lay.
The twelfth in the morning, Sir Henry Middleton sent
for the Gentlemen Prisoners to bee brought aboard his
greater ship ; which Hoja Nassan for long time obsti-
nately refused, till I had order to send him perforce : hee
being there, in regard of the hastening of our businesse
267
A.D.
161I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Portugall
Fugitives.
yi''/' lit was thought fit to inlarge them both, leaving other
[I. iii. 301.] pledges in their places, as for Coja Nassan was Coja
. Illardin his sonne in law, and one of his sonnes : and for
Hoja Arsan Alle, two Persian Merchants. And for
i pledges on our side to remayne with them in their Tents,
>l were John Williams and Henry Boothby : this night were
'opened, counted, sorted and agreed for fortie packes of
Indian Clothes.
The fifteenth, there came to us two Portugall youthes
from the Armie, one of them beeing the Captaine Major
his Page.
The sixteenth, in the morning wee saw to the South-
ward five Portugall Colours displayed ; whereof the
Generall understanding presently by his command, were
landed some two hundred armed men with Shot and Pikes
to meet them : which they perceiving retyred, in which
pursuit being neere unto our Swally, wee met with Hoja
Nassan and all his troupes, who was comming downe with
some twentie packes more of Indian Clothes : he informed
the Generall that the Portugals were alreadie gotten over
the muddie Creekes, and were neere unto their Frigats,
wherefore the Generall gave over his pursuite, and returned
aboord.
The nineteenth, Peter Rosemary (a Portugall whom
wee brought out of England) a Sailer of the Trade,
being appointed as Guardian to attend on (or looke
to) Francisco Consalves, they both ran away to the
Armie.
The seven and twentieth, there came from Surat Hoja
Nassan, to see if hee could buy any of our Clothes and
other Commodities : but not agreeing upon the prices, hee
againe departed. This day by a Jew from Masulipatan,
the Generall received a Letter from one Peter Floris (a
Dutchman imployed by the Company of Merchants of
London trading to East-India, who had there setled a
Factorie) certifying the Generall of three ships, which were
comming out of England, whereof one was to goe into
Red- Sea : which was very unpleasing to the Generall and
268
Portugalls
bravei-y and
fight.
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
us all, in regard of the danger we suspected they should
fall into.
The thirtieth, Master Jourdaine and Master Fraine were
sent to Surat, to agree for some more Indian Clothes, as
also to urge the putting off of some of our Commodities.
The same day the Generall received a Letter from Captaine i lJ
Haukins at Cambaya, signifying that his determination!
was with all his houshold to take his passage to Goa, and
from thence to England ; But Sir Henry Middleton con-
ceiting, if hee once get to Goa, his goods would stop his
passage to England, if not shorten his life, by the same
Messenger did most earnestly and friendly advise him to
the contrarie, and invited him to take his passage with us
into England : also our people at Surat informed the
Generall that Mockrib Chan made shew to bee willing
that wee should leave a Factorie for venting of the
remayne of our Commodities : which kept us sometime
in hope, but afterwards vanisht by inconstancie.
The eight of Januarie, Nicholas Uphlet came downe January 8.
from Cambaya, with Letters from Captaine Haukins to the J
Generall, certifying him that by reason of his former |,/^\
Letter, hee determined to come downe to our shippes, and f^
take his passage with us.
The sixe and twentieth, Captaine Sharpeigh, Master
Fraine, Captaine Hawkins with all his goods and Family, Capt.
and the rest (Nicholas Uphlet excepted) came downe, ^^"'^^»^-
whom the Generall with a Troupe of some two hundred
men, went some three mile up into the Land to meete
and guard them from the Portugalls, whose Armie was not
fare off.
The seven and twentieth, the Generall sent John j
Williams to Surat, to know their resolutions for leaving )
a Factory there.
The nine and twentieth, John Williams returned with! n^-^'^^^'^
an absolute denyall of having any further dealing withl
our Nation, but were all commanded to bee gone out of
Surat, not permitting them to stay to receive Debts there <:
owing them : wherefore they sent to know the Generals
269
A.D.
161I
February, 6.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
pleasure, whether they should presently come downe, or
use meanes to delay the time, to see whether their deter-
mination therein would alter.
The thirtieth. Sir Henry Middleton writ to our people
at Surat, speedily to repaire downe to our ships.
The one and thirtieth, according to the Generals direc-
tion, all our people came downe from Surat with all their
goods.
The sixth of February, there passed by towards Cam-
baya, a great Caphala, or Fleet of neere five hundred saile
of Portugall Frigats.
The ninth in the morning, upon the top of a high water,
the Admirall warped out over the Barre, and anchored in
the Offing. This day about noone came downe from
Cambaya, Nicholas Uphlet, Captaine Haukins servant,
whom they had left behind in pawne, as afore-said, for
whom we stayed since the last of Januarie, what time our
Merchants were expelled Surat. This day in the evening
we set saile, and went out over the Barre, and anchored
in eight fathome, some mile in the Offing thereof, neere
unto the Admirall.
[I. iii. 302.] §. V.
Their departure to Dabull, Socatora, the Red-sea,
and Acts there.
t.i"
E departed the ninth, having continued heere the
space of an hundred and thirtie eight dayes, in
which we sustayned many and sundry abuses by
delayes, breach of promises, with-holding the Countrey
people from trading with us, and having exchanged a few
Commodities at very hard and unprofitable Rates, with-
holding further trade, disappointing us of setling a
Factorie, with-holding some debts formerly, and com-
manding our Merchants out of their Towne, and our
ships to be gone. The cause moving them to hasten us
away (as we afterwards understood) grew thus at the instant
of their conference, whether fit for them to permit us to
270
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ^i>.
1611.
leave a Factorie, to vent the rest of our goods brought
for that place there or no ; was delivered into the hands ^---x
of Mockrib Chan a Letter from Dangie, a Bannian in ^- ^
Cambaya, by the instigation of the Jesuites there ; advising J'c;. i,
them, that if they gave place to the English in Surat, the ^^^ ^^^'^^j-
Portugais would come with force, and burne all their Sea ^p^^flJ^J^ ^
Townes, and make spoile of all the ships they should send
abroad, the contents whereof was applauded of most ; all
agreeing it to be their best course, and thereupon dismist
our people, as aforesaid.
This Road of Swally within the Bar lyeth in twentie Obsewations
degrees, fiftie five minutes North latitude, the variation |\^ ^atSwaih
in sixteene degrees and fortie minutes Westerly, wee found
the water highed more on the full Moone spring then
on the change, by foure foot : the one beeing foure and
twentie foot, the other twentie, the night tydes higher then
the day tyde by three foot, according as the wind blew, the
Coast or Strand within the Barre lyeth neerest South and
North by the Compasse, which the variation allowed is
North by East, and halfe East, and South by West halfe
West, also at West South-west halfe South, and East
North-east halfe North, the Moone makes a full Sea.
The tenth, the Generall stayd to dispatch his businesse
with Jaddow and Narran the Brokers : also we tooke out
of a Frigat bound to the Rehemy at Goga, certaine Candies
of Rice and Pitch, giving them Bils to be paid at Surat
by two men, who were indebted to Captaine Hawkins
account.
The eleventh, in the morning at sixe a clocke at high ^-^0' ^^P^^'^
water wee set saile, and at two in the afternoone we -f^'^^ ^^^'^^'
anchored in the South Road at the Barre foot of Surat,
by a new ship called the Hassany, bound with the Rehemy
unto the Red-Sea : also we tooke out of another Frigat
certaine Charcole, assigning them to be paid at Surat in
manner aforesaid.
The fourteenth, at one of the clocke in the morning we
met with a Banke, whereon wee had from sixteene to
thirteene fathomes, and suddenly againe to twentie and
271
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6ir.
twenty two fathomes, after which we haled up by a wind
West by South some three leagues : from sixe a clocke in
the morning to noone South South-east some nine leagues,
the wind at North, our depths twentie, nineteene, seven-
teene, and sixteene fathomes, what time wee were some
tenne leagues off the Land West-wards in North latitude,
nineteene degrees, thirtie seven minutes. At one a clocke
we past by three Mallaber ships bound for Surat, laden
with Cayro (or stuffe to make Ropes) & Coco Nuts, who
there rid in fourteene fathome, nine leagues off from the
land to spend the ebbe, and South-east from seven other
ships neere in towards the mountaines, from noone to
mid-night, we went South South-east some five leagues,
the most part of this night being calme.
The fifteenth to noone South South-east sixe leagues,
the wind Northerly a very easie gale : this night we heard
divers great Ordnance shoot off ashoare : this night our
passage hath beene in fifteene, thirteene, and twelve
fathome, this land is mountainous mixt with divers Vallies
like harbours or entries. Our latitude at noone was nine-
teene degrees, foure minutes. At Sunne-set, wee were
three leagues off the shore, our passage in betweene twelve
and sixe fathome. From noone to mid-night our course
was South by East eleven leagues, the winde Northerly.
The sixteenth to noone South by East twelve houres,
eleven leagues, the wind Northerly, the land high and
full of harbor like Bayes all alongst in fine shoalding in
five fathome, and foure miles of the land, and nine fathome
three leagues of our latitude eighteene degrees, one
minute. This day at Sun-setting we anchored in seven
Dabull. fathome thwart of the Barre of Dabull, to which Towne
the General went in hope to sel some of his English
Commodities, or (as it were) to shoot another Arrow after
J divers formerly lost.
The seventeenth, in the morning, the Generall in the
Frigat went in neere the Barre to discover the depths and
so aboord againe, which was ^Yt fathome very neere the
South point of the entrance, but very little further North-
272
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
wards towards the middle of the entrance but two fathome :
the latitude of this South point is seventeene degrees, Latitude, 17.
thirtie foure minutes, the variation is fifteene degrees J^* ^^^ ^^^
thirtie foure minutes.
This day about noone came off two Boates from the [I- i"- 3^3 •]
Governour, the one with a present, which was three
Bullockes, certaine Sheepe, Plantans, Bread, and water
Millions : in the other Boate came the Messengers, which
were sent to know what we were, and our businesse,
though they before did imagine who we were, partly by
our acquaintance with them at Moha, as also their hearing
of our being at Surat. The Message, according to the ^- ^ fi^t/zc.
Indian manner, was delivered with many complements ;
and promise of all friendship, and further that they would -^ *^%ri-i H
buy our goods for money, and give us Indico, Cloth and
Pepper for the same, (which was more then we could
expect, or they had order to grant) for what Indico they
had with Cloth and Pepper was presently to be imployed
in their owne ships now bound for the Red Sea; upon
these kind promises the Generall sent Merchants ashoare
both with a present to the Governour, and with Mustres
of English Clothes, and other of our Commodities : but
of all, except some little Broadcloth and Kersies of our
best colours, as Stammels, Poppinjay greene, and other
light colours, and lead in barres, we could sell none : for
our Red Lead, the Governour bought and sent it aboard Dabull,doubk
againe : and somewhat after the manner we found at Surat, ^^^^^^S-
the Governour dealt double with us ; granting free leave
to sell, yet under-hand had men in waite to restrayne or;
beate away such as came to buy ; so that no man buying\.^ .
made his owne price, for what hee desired to buy: for y ^'^^^'^'^
Corne and other provision and water to be brought aboard \
for money, wee had with all favour, and at last we had a
Cable of eighteene inches, and ninetie sixe fathome of the ;
Countrey stuff e, worth eight pound sterling, for one of
the Darlings Anchors. Now, whether such kindnesse as
we received were out of their good disposition to strangers,
or not, it is hard to judge, they having presently blowne
in 273 s
V'
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
\L- abroad and informed at Moha, that we endeavour to right
what wrongs any should impose upon us, and therefore
might seeme to make the best shewes unto us.
The sixe and twentieth, m the after-noone, besides divers
Mallaber Merchants ships which anchored by us, we saw
Portugallship. also in the Offing a great Ship and Frigat, to whom, two
houres before night the Generall sent oif the Darling to
bring in the said ship : but doubting the missing of her
by night, as also the smalnesse of his force to command
her, when night came sent off mee also in the Pepper-
Corne, with his Frigat well manned to attend upon mee in
regard of the Frigat in her companie. About mid-night,
though very darke, I gat sight of her riding at Anchor,
sending our Frigat to the other running away, and the
great ship getting sight of us, was come to saile, but being
commanded to strike saile, did it, also their Captaine and
Principals to come aboard me, he sent a Souldier and two
more in a Canoa, who excused the Captaine to be aged and
unweldie, and that their great Boat was so pestered with
lading, that they could not row her ; wherefore, though
-unwillingly, I was forced to send my owne Pinnasse for
'some of the principall Merchants and Souldiers, but with
such streight direction to my Cock-swaine, that upon
paine of great punishment he should permit none to goe
into her, to the end to prevent spoyle. I intended Sir
Henry Middleton should be the first Englishman should
enter her : meane-while our Frigat with the other which
they had taken, returned to us, and to my griefe gave
~ knowledge that they killed one of the Portugals in flying.
Now having divers of their men aboard me, I gave direc-
tion to stand in for Dabull : but by reason of their ill
sterage, which we imputed to be done of purpose, and for
that with all our sayles wee could not fetch them up bee-
ing gotten a little a-head us, and fearing they might mend
their sayling, and get from us, I caused them to be called
unto to take in their sayles, and anchored till day, which
directions given and our Anchors readie to let fall, I de-
parted into my Cabin to examine some of the Portugals,
274
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a,d.
1611.
what their ship was laden withall : meane- while my Master
pretended to doubt whether the shippe were anchored or
no, without any order or knowledge sent my Pinnasse
aboard, wherein went one of his mates, more greedie of j-,cvi^'''^
pray then carefull of credit, who did not onely goe into ^ ' '
the ship, but there fell to rifling, who though often called
made no haste away, till his owne pleasure was fulfilled.
Against whose comming aboard, I caused Thomas Glen-f
ham, John Staughten, George Cockam and Robert Mico
the Purser, to bee readie at the Ladder with a Lanthorne
and Candle to search them one by one (in the Portugals
sight aboard our ship) and turned them out of the Boate :
which being done, and the things throwne into the Boats
Sterne by Thomas Glenham, John Staughten, and Robert
Mico, I sent againe aboard the Portugall ships, willing
the Purser to tel them aboard if there were any thing else
wanting, they that had beene aboard without my direction
should make it good : but by reason that Thomas Love,
George Jeff and Matthew Bragge, three Masters Mates
of the Admirall lately dead, the Frigat was now com-
manded by one Terrie a servant to Giles Thornton, who ^ '
before our Boat gat aboard againe, notwithstanding they^
were commanded to the contrarie, went aboard with our
Frigat, whereas, like disgoverned pilfering people, they :
runne all into the ship, not forbearing to breake open Unrulinesse in
Chests, tumble into the Frigat, and make spoyle of all ^^rtner^y _
things that liked them, forbearing no ill language to such !!|.^^J„^ ^^-^ ^^
as I had sent to restraine them. But the evill being done,
it was too late to undoe it : and though it bred in me ^
much trouble and present discontent ; yet I used the best
meanes I had left to cure the same, which was, I desired
William Pemberton who with the Darling came newly to
us, to make the more haste into the Road, and to informe
the Generall of our peoples misbehaviour, to the end
before they should have meanes to convey away or re- [I. iii. 304.]
move the same care, might bee taken for bringing off
all things to light, which the Generall no sooner under-
stood, but at one a clocke when we all anchored by him,
275
A.D.
i6u
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
commanded both the Frigats wherein our people were,
to anchor of and none of them to come aboard him ; and
Sir Henry Middleton and my selfe with the Captaine,
and Merchants of the Portugall ship, went first to our
owne Frigat, and then to the Frigat newly taken where
our people were, and had every one narrowly searcht, and
all things taken from them, and they turned one by one
out, as they were searcht, of all what was found belonging
to the Frigat was there left, and then our small Frigat
was by our Pinnasse towed aboard the Portugall ship,
where all the rest was delivered for the use or such to
J Portugall whom it belonged. This ship belonged to Cochin, called
ihtp e/ 300. ^j^^ Saint Nicholas, of burthen some three hundred tunnes,
the Captaines name being bound to ChauU,
their lading confest, was principally dryed Coco Nuts,
some Tinne, blacke Sugar, and Racka Nuts, ten Fats of
China Dishes, certaine Bags of Allome, and some small
quantitie of China Dishes, and some Cayro, or bast Ropes.
We made all inquisition possible for their bils of lading,
but none they would bee knowne of, which put us to great
trouble to find out, the little we had from them, which
were certaine bals of China raw silke, some small quantitie
of Cloves, and some few Cannastres, and three Chests of
Cinamon, and some Waxe to make us Candles : all which
was as it were but a mite in comparison of the dammages
done us by the Portugalls.
The Frigat belonged to Chaull and bound to Ormus,
of burthen sixtie tunnes, her lading. Rice and Tamarin,
out of whom we tooke bagges of Rice for our
provision : this businesse continued us in doing every
day somewhat till the first of March. By this Frigat the
Generall dispatcht away all such Portugalls as came to
him from the Armie at Surat, to wit Lorenzo de Campo,
and his consort, the fellow taken in the Frigat and the
two Boyes, that came away from their Masters, giving
them money in their Purses, according to their severall
qualitie, besides the apparell formerly made for either of
them unto the Merchant, that ought the most part of the
276
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1611.
Silke, the Generall gave a fine Broad-cloth, and to the ^ ^j,..;
Captaine of the Frigat, from whom wee tooke the Rice,
a fine Kersie. Also this day the Governour sent to give
the Generall knowledge, that the next day or night follow-
ing the great Caphala, which past by us the sixth of
February afore-said, towards Cambaya, would either the
next day or night following againe passe by towards Goa :
which howsoever they past either by night or day we saw
them not.
The fourth, the fore-said businesse being effected, the
Generall called us all to consultation what was best to be Consultation.
done, shewing his desire to goe to the Barre of Goa, there j,:j^
to demand of the Vice-Roy restitution of our wrongs ^ "*'
done to us and our Nation by the Portugalls, to the end^
if that he refused to doe it, we might the better have
warrant, to right our selves upon any Portugalls, which
by our endevours wee might meete withall ; which de-
mand of the most was thought reasonable, but not fit in
regard of the shortnesse of time, and varietie of delayes,
and treacherous plots we were to expect, to our further
abusing ; wherefore it was concluded and agreed upon,
for that the time not yet serving to go to the South-
wards about the Cape Commerin ; Againe, to returne to
the Red-Sea in this vacant time to see, if we can get away
these goods lying upon our hands, in a manner holden for ^
lost, to recover some of our former losses from the sub-
jects of the great Mogoll ; as also to crosse the Turkes
at Moha and Aden, for the mischiefe they have formerly | ^z.'*^"^
done us, and principally for to rescue, defend or recover \
that ship sent out by the Companie, the yeare after our
comming out, which wee heard of from Masulipatan,
which we have great doubt of, lest she be fallen into like
mishap as we did in the Red-Sea, but for that this day
the wind served not to set saile, we deferred it to the fift
day in the morning. They depart
The fifth, at sixe a clocke in the morning, we all set •^''^ l^abull
saile from Dabull standing away North North-west alongst ^the^Red-Sea
the Coast, the Generall wishing to see the shippe of againe.
277
3^
I
A.D.
[6ll,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Cochin, neere unto her Harbor of Chaull, cleere of danger
by the Mallabars their enemies, and at Sun-set we anchored
in seven fathome, some league distant from the land, dis-
tant from Dabull some sixe leagues, and short of Chaull
some nine leagues, the wind at South, and so veering to
the West-wards.
From the Coast of India to Socatora, wee this time
daily found our ship further to the South-wards, then by
our course we could expect, and especially when we were
thwart of the Gulfe, or entrance of Sinus Persicus, which
I imagined to be some current setting thence to the South-
wards.
The twentieth of March, the Generall despeeded away
William Pemberton (in the Darling) before to Socatora,
to inquire of our ship bound for the Red-Sea and India,
which wee heard of from Masulipatan.
The foure and twentieth, at tenne a clocke in the morn-
ing wee descryed land bearing West South-west, some
TheEasterend eight leagues distant, being the Easter end of Socatora,
of Socatora. being high land, having foure white clifFes or sand hils,
the Norther part whereof by reason of the hazinesse wee
could not discerne.
The five and twentieth of March, at Sunne-setting, the
point of Delisha bore South-east foure leagues distant.
The sixe and twentieth at five a clocke in the morning
[I. iii. 305.] it fell calme, and the current setting North-ward upon the
rocke, whereby we were forced to anchor in foure and
twentie fathome water, on the South South-east side of
The rocke the rocke (which is Saboyna) some halfe a mile distant ;
Saboyna. ^^ ^|^jg rocke is great store of fish. Betweene nine and
ten a clocke, we againe set saile, standing away West-
wards of Cape Guardafui, the wind being at South.
The seven and twentieth, about foure a clocke in the
morning, the rockes Northwards of Abba del Curia, thence
distant some three leagues and a halfe, bore North of us
some halfe a mile off, which is by estimation twentie
leagues West by South, from the Wester point of Socatora :
our depthes we there found was sixteene, seventeene and
278
IHP^ NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1612.
eighteene fathome ; day being come, wee saw the Hand of
Abba del Curia.
The eight and twentieth in the morning, at sixe a March.
clocke, the Cape Guardafui bore South-east seven leagues
distant, and Mount Foelix West halfe a point Southerly-
nine leagues : wee came within foure mile of the land,
and the depthes fortie, nine and thirtie, thirtie, seven and
twentie, three and twentie, one and twentie, eighteene
and fifteene fathome, and about three afternoone, in a
fret of wind at East North-east, wee anchored in rough
ground in seven fathome a mile and halfe Westwards from
Mount Foelix ; all which Coast the Generall coasted along
in his Frigat, and tooke in, and brought along three of the
Countrie people, which he gave letters unto, to be de-
livered unto the Darling, if shee came heere after our
departure, and so put them a shoare : they informed the
Generall, that foure dayes since there passed by towards
the Red-sea foure Indian ships.
The nine and twentieth in the morning, the Generall
sent letters to other people on land, to be delivered to the ^
Darling : the countrie people brought downe to our men
to sell, some store of sheepe, small Goats, with some small
frailes of Olibanum and gumme Arabick, all which they
had at reasonable rates ; the people still taking us to be
Mahumetans, and not Christians, or (as they call them)
Franges, whom they favour not, so the Boat returning Franges. The
aboord about noone, the Generall thought good no longer ^^^^f^'J^^
to stay for the Darling ; wherefore we set saile, standing the^^asierne
away towards Aden in Arabia Foelix. At foure a clocke worldaresince
in the after-noone Mount Foelix bore East by South halfe that Expedi-
a degree South, some eight leagues distant. Hon of Godfrey
From noone the thirtieth day, to one a clocke in the °f^^f^^'
, 1 1 • • 1 1 1 • 1 calledFrankesy
mornmg, the one and thirtieth day, thirteene houres, because the
North-west eighteen leagues, the wind at North North- prhcipallof
east ; this day after-noone we descried the land of Arabia ^^^^ ^^"^'^^
Pogjj^ were French
The one and thirtieth in the morning, at one a clocke, originaT ^'
being neare the land, we cast about to the Southwards, to
379
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
spend time till day ; at five a clocke in the morning, wee
cast about againe North-west to landwards : from sixe a
clocke in the morning to sixe after-noone twelve houres,
we stood alongst the Coast West by South, and West
South-west thirteene leagues, alwayes keeping within five
mile of the land, in depthes betweene eighteene and thirtie
fathom, from sixe a clocke to midnight, sixe houres West
South-west sixe leagues.
Apnll I, The first of Aprill, from midnight till sixe a clocke,
West by South, halfe South five leagues, at which time,
by estimation, we were eighteene leagues short of Aden :
This day the Generall sent for me, Master Lawse and
Master Fowler, to conferre of our separation : at length it
was concluded, that I in the Pepper-Corne should continue
neare, or before the Towne of Aden, to keepe that no
Indian ship should arrive or stay there, but to put them
by towards the Red-sea, and to that end I received a
direction or commission from my Generall, who was with
all expedition with the Trades-Increase to repaire to the
Bab, or doore of the Red-sea, both for safetie of the
Companies ship, whereof we had intelligence from Masuli-
patan, to be following our tract, both to the Red-sea and
India, even into the mouthes of the Wolves, which by
Gods mercy we have escaped, as also there at once to
take revenge, both of the Turkes, and subjects of the
great Mogoll, for the wrongs done to our King and
Countrie.
The second, from midnight to sixe a clocke. West
South-west three leagues, little wind at East ; about eight
a clocke in the morning, what time we should have been
separated, some eight leagues Eastward of Aden, we
found at an anchor the Darling, who had got before us,
by reason of our lingering for her foure dayes, who had
done their businesse at Socatora, and were againe departed
thence, before we past it, and gate a day before us, by the
Saboyna, Abba del Curia, and Mount Foelix, where we
General! lingered for them : they brought from thence the copie
Sans. of a letter left with the King, by Captaine John Saris,
280
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ad.
1612.
Commander of the ships of our Indian Company, to wit,
the Clove, the Hector, and the Thomas, signifying, that
notwithstanding by Sir Henry Middletons letter, he
understood of the villanies there done to us, he with his
said ships was gone into the Red-sea. Immediatly the
Generall with the Trades-Increase and Darling, departed
towards the Bab, leaving me in the Pepper-Corne at an
anchor, some eight leagues Eastwards of Aden, according
to former determination.
The third at one a clocke in the morning, we set saile,
and stood to the Southwards, the better to discover, and
so all the day under saile, we kept up to windwards of
Aden : in the morning we saw three saile bound for Aden,
but stood away from us, that wee could not come neare
them all night, for that it blew hard, we did not anchor,
but lay a hull to trie our drift, which I found in ten houres
to be three leagues, so running further in : and the fourth
day morning, about seven a clocke, I anchored in twelve [I. iii. 306.]
fathome, some league or foure mile from the Towne of
Aden.
The twelfth in the morning, a little after midnight, we
set saile to crosse her, and at day-light we descried her
riding at an anchor some three mile Southward of us, with
whom presently we trimmed our sailes to stand withall,
and she presently was under saile, and stood in with
Aden. Betweene nine and ten a clocke, by shooting off a
Peece at them, they came roome, and strucke their top-
sailes, and sent in their Boat to us : they told us they were
of Callicut, and bound to Aden, and their ship belonged ^ ship of
to the Samorin, or King of Callicut, from whence they had ^^^^^^«^-
beene fortie dayes in comming, they came neare Socatora,
and toucht at Mount Foelix, where they saw the Generals
letter left there for the Darling, where also they saw a
ship of Dabull, which came from Achin. The Nohuda
of this ship is called Abraham Abba Zeinda, their ships
Cargazon, according to their information was as followeth :
Tamerick three tunnes. Rice three and twentie hundred
kintals, Jagara or bowne Sugar forty bahars, Cardaminus
281
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
seven bahars, Ginger drie foure kintals and an halfe,
Pepper a tun and a halfe, Cotton one and thirtie packs,
each pack containing five or six maunds ; shee had in her
threescore and fifteene persons, for the uses following :
twentie to bale water, and other businesse below, eight
for the Helme, foure for top and yard, and other businesse
aloft ; twentie Boyes for dressing severall mens victuals ;
the rest Merchants and Pilgrims : this ship was of burthen
an hundred and fortie tunnes : thus having to the utmost
examined them, and they being of a place, whose Inhabi-
tants never wronged our Nation ; therefore without
diminishing any part of their goods, but only, with their
good wills, two tunnes of water for our need, and so I
dismist them ; though to the great disturbance of their
mindes, when by no meanes I would permit them to goe
into Aden to make sale of their commodities ; which if
they did once attempt, I threatned them I would sinke
their ship, and leave only their Boat to save their lives ; yet
their unwillingnesse to depart made mee adde many more
threatnings, that if they hastened not away before I see
any other saile to give chase unto, I must then be forced
to sinke their ship, to be sure to keepe them from the
Turkes our enemies : whereby they put themselves to
saile, and stood somewhat off the land, but to lee- wards ;
so to our disturbance, wee all day and night kept off and
on under saile, for feare lest in the night they should
slippe into Aden.
Note that any ship wee heere saw, before wee could
come to speake with them, there hath been advise sent
from the Governor of the Towne to informe them of us ;
and when we had the Mallabar under command, the Gover-
nor sent a Boat aboord with divers Arabs, and two Turkes
souldiers of the Towne, which had formerly been instru-
ments to Abdraheman Aga, to bind and torture our men
then in their hands, which now seeing the men they used
ill, brought them in no small doubt what their usage now
should be, as their guiltie conscience pricked them, whom
I suppose came as spies to see what wee did, brought some
282
NICHOLAS DOWNTON ad.
l6l2.
fruit to sell: at the first sight of our men, whom they
knew, they would faine have put off their Boat and been
gone, but I would not permit them ; causing them to be
put in mind of their behaviour formerly towards our AprilL
people in their hand, and when without any evill speech
given them, I thought them sufficiently by their own
minds terrified, I caused to be told them, that they should
see how far our Nation differeth from the rigour of injuri-
ous Turkes, which most cruelly handled our men without
offence, whom by all faire promises they betrayed ; and
that I yet knowing them to have exercised their forces in
abusing my men, yet notwithstanding I would without
discurtesie or harme, dismisse or send them away ; who
presently departed, with many promises the next day to
bring us more refreshing : the next morning they sent us
a boat with good fish, and promising to come anon with
better provisions, which they were providing : but by
reason of my setting saile, and standing off, to put the
Malabar to lee-ward towards the Red-sea, I was too farre
for them to row unto me, which ship, if shee had stayed,
might have been occasion that the Aga might have per-
mitted them to performe their promises to us.
The fourteenth in the morning, the wind at East, wee ^ ^^ip of
discried another ship of like burthen, bound also for Aden, P^^^'^^^^-
which about ten a clocke we forced to anchor : I sent
aboord to search her, and to bring away some of her men,
while I caused my Boat to bee hoysed out ; understanding
they were of Pormean, a Towne not farre from Cutts-
nagone, being tributaries to the great Mogoll, who de-
spised our King, and abused our Nation ; the Nohuda
being a Bannian, I with this ship being at an anchor some
two miles from Aden, our enemies, and finding by the
Mallabars working the day before, that if any other saile,
of never so much importance, should approch this place,
before I could finish my businesse with this, I must either
leave the one or the other to their owne will ; for which
respect I was more carefull to send to search what shee
had in her, by my owne people, then to examine them
283
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
Our men belonging to her, what was in her. So with great labour
unlade this \^ romaging before the darknesse of the night over-tooke
^ '^* us, we had out of her fourteene packes of course Duttie,
of sixe corges a packe ; and sixe and thirtie Ballets, con-
taining some six and thirtie corges of Dutties course ; one
small Ballet of Candekins mill (or small blew pieces of
Callico) with some thirtie or more Bastas white, a little
Butter and Lamp-oyle, which was all fit for us, yet dis-
covered the rest of her loading, being packes of Cotton-
[I. iii. 307.] wooll, as we tearme it, which the next day we thought
further to examine. This day Maharim Aga of Aden,
sent me a present of Henne-egges, Limes and Plantans,
which I would not looke at, as to receive as a Present, but
by the messenger I sent the Aga word, that the varitie of
injuries done unto my friends and Nation heere the last
yeere, hath constrained my present approach, to do my
Nation and my selfe what right I may, to the disturbance
of the Turkes. And as my comming hither was not to
deserve any favour from them ; so my meaning was to
forbeare to receive any of their dissembling curtesies :
for since they cut our throats when we came to them in
friendship, what may we expect from them now, when we
come in hate and dispight of the Turkes of all these parts :
but in regard it was sent, my people should give them for
their owne use, so much as the things were worth ; also
there came aboord a fisher-boat, bringing good store of
fresh-fish, which I caused to be bought for our suppers,
Feareof alwayes making the bringer to eate part of what hee
poisoning, brought.
The sixe and twentieth in the morning, we discried a
saile to the Southwards of Aden, plying to the Eastwards,
to whom in the after-noone I sent my Pinnasse, which
brought her in neare unto us, shee being a Jelba of Shaher
bound home, laden with Graine and other commodities,
as Opium and others, also divers Pilgrims from Mecca
were passengers in her bound home.
The seven and twentieth in the morning, we saw a
Jelba plying to the Eastwards betweene us and the shoare,
284
NICHOLAS DOWNTON
wherefore I sent my Pinnasse to fetch her off, whom I
found to bee the same Jelba of Shaher, that had passed by
us the seventeenth and two and twentieth of this present,
as aforesaid : of them for a triall we bought nine pound
and a halfe of Opium, and so againe dismist them.
The eight and twentieth in the morning, we set saile,
plying off and on to windwards of Aden, with the wind
at East. The nine and twentieth, still under saile, as
aforesaid in the after-noone, we discried two sailes stand-
ing towards Aden, unto whom in the evening I sent off
my Pinnasse well mand, to bring them in neare unto the
ship, which by foure a clocke the thirtieth day was effected ;
they both belonged to a place on the Abaxin Coast, called
Bander Zeada, the one of them laden only with Mats;
the other with some Mats, and threescore and eight sheepe
with great rumpes, which we bought of them, and so dis-
mist them., who presently set saile and went in unto Aden,
the wind at East South-East, East and North-east.
The eighth, with an easie gale of wind at North-east by
East, we continued, plying towards the Bab. At tenne a
clocke, we discried the land on the Abaxin Coast side,
which at first shewed like an Hand, but approaching a
little neerer, we plainly perceived it to be the maine land :
from thence we steered away North-west towards the Bab,
which by estimation was some tenne leagues distant, which
at neere foure in the afternoone we discried, where wee
lay lingering off and on to spend the night. Day light
appearing, we stood in towards the Bab, where in the
entrance of the Bab, we discried a small saile a sterne of
us, comming into the straight ; wherefore I strucke my
top-sailes to stay for her, and sent off m.y Pinnasse to her,
who comming up with us againe, brought the Nohuda
and Malim aboord, whom I examined, and found them to
bee subjects to the great Mogol ; they belonged to a
place called Larree, situate at the mouth of the River of
Zinde : with them I luft up into a bay on the East side,
and anchored in seven fathome ; I sending my Merchants
to search what she was laden with, who found divers packs
285
A.D.
1612.
BanderZeada
a place on the
AbaxtnCoast.
May.
A ship of
Larree stand-
ing at the
mouth of the
river of Zinde,
A.D.
l6l2.
A ship of ZOO.
Tunnes.
The Maha-
mody of
DabuL
A ship of
Cuts-nagone^
a place not
farre from
Zinde.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and fardels of cloath, packs and fardels of seedes of divers
sorts, leather, jarres of Butter, and oyle (whereof some
they eate, and some they burne in lamps) a great quantitie :
and since for want of water, she having many Passengers,
I could not fitly keepe her with me, being uncertaine of
wind I resolved to take out of her the likeliest packs of
Indian Cloath to serve for our turnes, with some Butter
and Oyle for our needfuU uses, as by the Pursers and
Factors notes appeare, and so dispeeded them to Moha.
Into which businesse before we could well make an entrie,
about three a clocke in the afternoone, I discried opening
the East land of the straights, a ship of two hundred
Tunnes ; and immediately following her an huge saile,
whose maine yard was fortie three yards long. At sight
of which ship (they being very neere before the land per-
mitted me to see them) by what time I had gotten my
people aboord, five onely excepted, which I left armed to
keepe the ship of Larree, had gotten up my anchor, and
was come to saile ; but the great shippe though short of
me, yet beeing in a good streame, and a fresh gale, and I
in a Bay had a eddy and faint gale, she got an end, & had
somewhat over-reacht me before I could come to crosse
them, so that I was brought to a sterne chase, and being
come neere her, by her masts and tops wee knew her to
be the Mahomedy of Dabull our friend, which we could
expect no good by ; yet knowing the pride of the Captaine,
I would very gladly have commanded over him, for that
he would never, neither formerly in the Road of Moha,
nor yet at Dabull come to visit Sir Henry Middleton, but
I found he reacht from me, wherefore I gave them one
shot and stood with the other ship, who seeing us stand
with the great shippe strucke a Hull thinking to lose us
by the darknesse of the night now approaching : I tooke
her to be a ship of Diu, but when we came to them, they
told us they were of Cuts-nagone, a place not farre from
the river of Zinde, her lading Cotton-wool, some few
packs of Indian cloth, some Butter and Oyle : having
gotten some of her principall men aboord me, I caused
286
r
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1612.
them to edge up with me into shoale water on the Arab
Coast, where by lights I endeavoured to find out my five
men in the Larree ship ; and at midnight we anchored in
twelve fathome, foure leagues within the Bab ; where the [I. iii. 308.]
next two dayes we tooke out of the Larree ship, sixtie
sixe fardels of Indian Cloath (which for that we were other-
wise furnished for all our English Commodities, and needed
it not, was redelivered to them againe, with part of the
Butter and Oyle ; onely eight Corges of Bastas, for which
they had content.) These things beeing taken out, I put
into them the Passengers and Pilgrims of the Cotton ship,
they using their best diligence as the wind would permit
them to hasten to Moha, I sending by them a letter to Sir
Henry Middleton, if they should finde him in the Roade :
but before they departed, we seeing a Jelba comming from
the Bab, and for that the wind was not good, they sent
away their Canoa, rowing before, and hastning to us, who
informed me, his Jelba belonged to Bender Zeada, a
Towne on the Abaxin Coast, halfe a dayes journey West-
ward from Bender Cassum, who was bound to Moha with
his Boat full of Mats, who going a land as he passed the
Bab, was told by one that had a letter for me, that my
Countrey-men whom I looked for were gone to Assab,
with eight or nine Indian ships, but he that had the letter
would not send it by him, expecting a reward, if by the
wind I should be put backe to the Bab. I now knowing
where my Generall was, this afternoone set saile ; but the
wind not favouring me we anchored againe.
§. VI.
Their barter with the Indian ships, and departure
to Sumatra.
He next day in the morning, S. Henry Middleton
sent Giles Thorneton his Master, to certifie me
how glad he was of my comming ; and to let me ^t, ^ ,
know that he had at command all the desired ships of ship of 1 zoo.
India, as the Rehemy of burthen fifteene hundred tunnes, Tunnes.
287
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
the Hassany of sixe hundred, the Mahumady of one
hundred and fiftie tunnes of Surat, the Sallamitge of fbure
hundred and fiftie tunnes, the Cadree of two hundred
tunnes, the Azum Cany, the Sabandar of Moha his ship
of two hundred tunnes all of Diu, besides three Mallabar
ships ; the Cadree of Dabul of foure hundred tunnes,
and a great ship of Cananor. He further informed me,
that before I could get into the Road, the Generall with
all the pride of his people, and Captaine Saris with his
people, would be gone on shoare to receive the King of
Rahita, who was come with his Nobilitie and Guard, to
see and visit the Generall, and new come Generall. The
Captaine Jay beeing neere spent, S. Henry Middleton and Captain
^'^'^^* Saris left the King in his Tent, and went aboord the
Trades-increase to supper, where I understood of a con-
tract made betweene them first at the Bab, wherein it was
agreed, here to put off all our English goods, for such
Indian wares, as by mutuall consent of certaine of the
Merchants of both sides should be thought fit.
Neere about that time, as I was also informed, there
came from the Governour of Moha to Sir Henry Middle-
ton, to capitulate of peace. Mammy Captaine of the
Gallies, and others, who demanded what was the summe
that in satisfaction he required : Sir Henry Middleton
neere the proportion of the last yeares demand, required
one hundred thousand Rialls of eight ; which knowne,
they desired respite to send to Zenan, to know the pleasure
and resolution of Jessor Basha therein ; and then he should
heare from them againe, and so tooke their leave. By
Sir Henry Middletons direction, the Darling was in pre-
paring with a small Cargazon of Indian cloaths to be gone
for Tecoa.
The nineteenth, the Darling departed towards Tecoa.
Also Captaine Saris prepared the Thomas to follow the
Darling to Tecoa ; who also departed the three and
twentieth day. This day also Sir Henry Middleton dis-
missed a ship of Diu (called the Azumcany) belonging to
Shermall Sabander of Moha.
288
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1612.
The thirtieth, a generall meeting was aboord the Trades-
increase at dinner, where Captaine Saris and Captaine
Towerson were invited, for the further conference of our
present businesse. At noone there came over from Moha
the Sabander of Moha, Mammy Captaine of the Gallies,
and an Aga, they all appointed by the Basha, to conferre
with Sir Henrie Middleton about an agreement, for satis-
faction of our former abuses, the summe whereof they
demaunded of Sir Henrie Middleton, who as formerly
required one hundred thousand Ryals of eight, and seeing
nothing to be abated thereof, they desired leave to have
conference with the Nohudas, or Captaines of the Indian
ships, and other principall Merchants (which was
graunted) which as it seemed was to trie what customes
they could augment upon the Indian goods, towards pay-
ment of the said summe : so they departed on shoare,
where they had prepared for them a faire Tent : but divers
of the Nohudas, in regard of former injuries, either forbore
conference, or with-stood their augmentation, which seeing
by no meanes to be accomplished, they tooke leave of Sir
Henry Middleton, promising so soone as they had answer
from the Basha, they would give him knowledge thereof,
and what therein they may doe : and so againe the ninth June^
of June they departed toward Moha. All this time our
people were employed in romaging, opening, packing, and
repacking of Indian cloaths fit for our turnes, giving them
of our English commodities in liew thereof.
The eleventh. Sir Henry Middleton with the Trades- July.
increase, and Captain Saris with the Clove and Hector, "K^^^ ^^^^[^
departed the road of Assab, carrying with them in company -^^^^
towards Moha all the Indian ships. But I with the [i. [\\^ 309.]
Pepper-corne remained in the roade, with a small shippe J small ship
called the Jungo, into whom I re-delivered all the goods called the
that I had formerly taken out of her, the ninth and tenth ^^^°'
of May.
The twelfth, at three of the clocke in the morning, we
both set saile, following our Admirall and the rest towards
Moha ; but the wind being adverse, together with a lee-
III 289 T
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
tide, we were forced to anchor neere three leagues to the
Lee-ward of the Road. The thirteenth, at nine of the
clocke in the morning, the wind and tide somewhat favour-
able, we all weighed, and stood up with the Roade, where
about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we anchored.
The nineteenth. Sir Henry Middleton perceiving that
the Turkes intended nothing but delaies, further to abuse
us, who now in our owne view laboured in unlading of a
ship of Cuts-nagone, laden with Cotton, which Sir Henry
Middleton determined to hinder, till such time as the
Turkes should have made agreement with him for his
wrongs sustained, and therefore came aboord the Pepper-
corne, by whose direction I warped in neerer unto them,
discharging at them divers peeces of Ordnance, till they
ceased their labour. Also all this weeke following they
kept us in hand with delayes, but made no agreement
at all.
The sixe and twentieth. Sir Henry Middleton, and
Captaine Saris appointed a meeting aboord the Mahumody
of Dabul, where all the Nohudas of the Indian ships being
sent for, S. Henry Middleton (as often times before)
related unto them the wrongs and damages sustained from
the Turkes, with whom (tifl he received satisfaction from
them for the same) hee could in no wise permit them to
trade. But notwithstanding he had already quited him-
selfe for the injuries sustained in India; yet must also
now be forced to carrie out of this Sea with him, all the
Indian ships, that this yeere by them the Turkes may
receive no benefit. But the Indians seeing that by reason
of the Turkes abuses and delayes, it was likely to proove
unto them an unprofitable Monson, though their departure
would be much prejudicial to the Turks without trading
with them, by reason of the losse of their Customes ; yet
rather then to carry backe againe their Indian Commodi-
ties, they desired to make a composition with Sir Henry
Middleton and Captaine Saris, every ship severally to pay
a certaine summe of money, and we to forbeare to hinder
their quiet trade. Upon this proffer made by the Indians,
290
F
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1612.
Sir Henry Middleton after good consideration, having no
meanes to force satisfaction from the Turkes, without
further prejudicing of the Indians, and therefore at present
determined to accept of their offer, still leaving the satis-
faction due from the Turkes, till future time. And to
begin withall, composition was this day made with Meere
Mahumet Tackey, Nohuda of the Rehemy, for fifteene
thousand Rials of eight, she being in value neere equall to
the other foure ships.
The sixth of August, composition being made with all ^tigust.
the Indian ships, and their severall summes in part ^^^^'^.^^^
received, Captaine Saris dispeeded away his Vice-Admirall, departethfrom
Captaine Towerson in the Hector, who this day departed the Red Sea.
the Red Sea. The thirteenth, Captaine Saris having GenerallSaris
received all moneyes due to him by composition from the depanethfrom
Ti- J 11T11C the Red Sea.
Indians, departed the Red bea. They /eaz>e fhe
The sixteenth, at eight of the clocke in the morning. Red Sea, and
we set saile with the Trades-increase, and Pepper-corne, coasting the
and about nine a clocke at night, we anchored eight leagues ^^^^ India,
short of the Bab, in seven fathome water. The seven- ^q^/^^J^ ^^^
teenth, at five of the clocke in the morning, wee set saile Zelan, and so
with little wind ; and at two of the clocke afternoone, to Sumatra.
we againe passed the streight of Bab-mandel ; and from
thence at sixe of the clocke, we were East South-east seven
leagues : from sixe a clocke to tenne a clocke the eighteenth
day, we lay becalmed, so that her way was not to be
regarded : from tenne a clocke to Sun-set, East-wards
some three leagues, and before seven a clocke, we anchored
in one and twentie fathome, two miles from the Coast of
Arabia, thwart of the East end of the great Mountaine,
and seventeene leagues from the Bab.
The nineteenth, at sun-setting, the said Mountaine bore
North- West by West, some eight leagues distant. All
this night, and the twentieth after noone, the winds so
variable, that wee were alwaies trimming of our sailes from
tacke to tacke : so that betweene the disadvantage of the
winds, and the Current together, we were set so farre
backe west-wards, as brought the said Mountaine North
291
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
North-west of us againe. At eleven a clocke, the wind
came at West a fresh gale, and at Sunne-set the high land
of Aden bore North-east by East eight leagues off. All
this night following, we had very little wind and variable,
so that the one and twentieth at Sun-rising, we perceived
our selves lost, at least two leagues west-ward. From
Sun-rising till noone, we had a small gale of wind, increas-
ing stronger and stronger at South-west, and South-west
by South : so that I esteemed to have gone East South-east
some nine leagues. At Sun-set, Aden bore North North-
east seven leagues off, by a meridian Compasse. All this
night was in a manner calme, from foure a clocke in the
morning to Sun-set, being foure and twentie houres I
estimate to have gone some fifteene leagues, at which time
Aden bore North-west halfe North distant five leagues,
being cleare weather.
The three and twentieth we descried the Abaxin Coast
beeing fifteene leagues distant, and cleare weather. The
Force of a sixe and twentieth, we found such a Current, that though
Current. ^^ j-^ ^p North-east by East, North-east or North North-
east, we made our way all Easterly, being carried to the
South-ward by force of the Current. The nine and
[I. iii. 310.] twentieth, we againe descried land, which for the highnesse
we at first esteemed to be the land of Cape Guardaflii, but
the clouds clearing up from the tops of the hils, we plainely
perceived it to be the same land seene yesterday, whereby
we the better understood how the Current had abused us,
which by my estimate setteth neerest South-west.
From the thirtieth in the morning, to the one and
thirtieth at noone, wee found that the Current had set us
to the North-ward of our course from the last day at
noone, what time our latitude was twelve degrees and
thirtie five minutes, to the first of September at noone,
the wind at South East-wards, and not to have runne above
twelve leagues, and by our latitude being thirteene degrees
thirty minutes, we find our selves almost a degree differing
to the North-wards, and also to have lost to the West-
wards, as by the variation appeareth, beeing lesse by fiftie
292
I
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1612.
five minutes, by reason whereof I estimate the Current
there to set neerest North-East.
The second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, September.
and ninth dayes, wee had all for the most part close
weather. The tenth and eleventh cloudy weather, with
often showers of raine. The twelfth, we saw divers snakes ^^^^^^ ^'^1'^'
swimming on the toppe of the water, which in boysterous ^^Ip^J^y ^
weather sildome appeare, yet an apparent signe of beeing ^^ter, a signe
neere the coast of India. The thirteenth we also saw more of being neere
snakes. This day we had sounding from fiftie five to ^he Coast of
fortie fathome. ^ ^'''^'''•
The foureteenth in the morning, at Sun-rising we
discryed high land, bearing East by North some sixteene
leagues, we stood in East by South till foure a clocke
afternoone, till the neerest sea-coast land betweene us and
the high land, bore East eight leagues off, what time we
directed our course South alongst the Coast of India, wee
found the water for the most part muddy and thicke, and
some sudden spots of cleere : our depth while we stood
in East and by South were from thirtie to twentie fathome ;
and in our South course edging into sixteene fathome,
and so to five and twentie fathome.
The fifteenth, we still kept at the like depths, having a
gentle gale at North North-west, and cleere water, but no
snakes appeared. The sixeteenth, running alongst the
Coast of India or Mallabar, betweene twentie and sixteene
fathome ; about one a clocke we were West from an high
hill of especiall note, which stretcheth out like a point into
the Sea, having all low land to Sea-wards ; on the North-
side, the land fell away to the East-wards, and on the
South-side maketh a Bay ; the highest of this Sea-coast
Mountaine, standeth neerest in twelve degrees ten minutes,
which should be the land of Magicilan.
The seventeenth, the wind came opposite to us at South-
west, at two a clocke in the morning, with thicke weather,
and much raine, continuing till day-light, wee on a Lee-
shoare, and an unknowne Coast, what time the wind veered
up to the North-wards, and we edged off into deeper
?9S
I
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
water. In this gustie time, we lost company of our
Admirall, but at day-light the weather clearing up, we
came together, directing our course againe to the South-
ward, being edged off from the land.
The eighteenth, the land beeing all foggie, was hardly
to be discerned, the most part of our way this day, beeing
by the helpe of the Current, our depths all this day were
betweene five and twentie, and nine and twentie fathom,
all Ozie ground. The nineteenth, we were some foureteene
leagues distant from the Coast, the wind at South-west,
faire weather, with some little drisling raine, till nine a
clocke at night, no ground at fortie fathome. From nine
to eleven a clocke at night, we had a very vehement
showre of raine, and the wind very little Northerly, and
after the raine East North-east, our depth at midnight was
fortie foure fathome, beeing by estimation some tenne
leagues off the land of Mallabar. The twentieth, we
had faire weather, the wind very variable, our depths fortie
foure and fortie five fathome all day, beeing Ozie ground.
The one and twentieth, we had very little wind, variable
till three a clocke afternoone, when fell abundance of raine,
with the wind at North North-west, thicke weather, and
fortie five fathome water. The two and twentieth in the
Cape Com- morning at nine a clocke, we discried the Cape Commerin :
^^^^^- and by my neerest estimation the Coast here lieth away
South-east alongst unto the Cape.
The three and twentieth, we had faire weather, and the
wind at South-west by West, discrying the high land to
the East-wards of the Cape Commerin, at neere five a
clocke afternoone, bearing North North-west, distant
eighteene leagues. The foure and twentieth, we had a
very stiffe gale of wind betweene the South South-west
and West, and much raine, clouds and fogge, and our
course East South-east, by a reformed Compasse, at five
a clocke after noon we had sight of Zeilan through the
fogge, rising all full of Humocks, and bearing from the
North-east by East, to the South-east by South, some sixe
leagues distant. The five and twentieth, from breake of
294
I
NICHOLAS DOWNTON
A.D.
l6l2.
day till noone, we were pestered with varietie of gusts and
showers of raine, the wind being large, but the weather
clearing up about noone, we discried the Souther-most
point of Zeiland, called the Cape de Galle, bearing North Zeilan.
North-east distant five leagues, finding the latitude thereof
to bee five degrees fortie minutes.
The sixe and twentieth, seven and twentieth, and eight
and twentieth, wee had faire weather, with some fewe
droppings of raine, and the wind between the South-west
and West South-west. The nine and twentieth and thir-
tieth, we continued our course East South-east, the wind [I. iii. 311.]
constant betweene the South-west and West South-west,
with very much raine, and vehement sudden gusts of short
continuance, and followed with an easie steering gale.
The thirtieth, in our bread roome we found much harme
done to our wheat by wet ; also al our course Dutties qr
browne Callicoes of Pormean (for sailes) put there for most
securitie, wee found twentie pieces rotten.
The nineteenth, at three a clocke after noone, we
anchored in the road of Tecoa, where wee found the
Darling, who had continued there from July (unto our
comming in) in a great part of the raines, which are not
yet ended, they having before our comming buried three
Merchants, and three Sailors, to wit, John Fowler, Francis
Glanfield, and William Speed. Also they had most of
their men sicke, and had gotten but little Pepper, which
remaineth on the Hand, and little more is here to be had,
untill the next season, which will be Aprill and May ; but
the civill warres is a hinderance to our trade. Here also
we found the Thomas, a ship of the eighth Voyage, beeing
newly come from Priaman, where they had as slender
successe as our Darling here. Here wee heard of the safe
returne and prosperous successe of Captaine David
Middleton his Voyage ; also of the foure ships of the
ninth Voyage, whereof two were alreadie arrived at
Bantam ; also of Captaine Castleton his man of warre,
who having been here lately informed of fifteene saile of
Hollanders alreadie come, or neere hand, all laden with
29s
October.
Tecoa in
Sumatra,
Civill warres
an hindrance
to our Trade.
Captaine
Castleton.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
munition, and of two ships of New-haven in France come
also to trade, all which quell the life of the present hopes of
our out-tired, crost, and decayed Voyage.
Sir Henry Xhe two and twentieth, Sir Henry Middleton finding
Mtddleton tn ^^ ^^jj comfort at this place, departed the night following
come hasteth ^^ ^^ Pepper-corne towards Bantam, leaving me in the
to Bantam. Trades-increase to remaine till the sixteenth of the next
Moneth.
November, The second of November, all the men of all sorts in
Raja Boonesoo Tecoa, went with Raja Boonesoo to the warres, till whose
goeth to the returne we can expect no businesse to be done on the
maine. This day in taking up the wine, by the rottennesse
of the Caske, there prooved great leakeage.
The twentieth, we fetcht the remaine of the Pepper
weighed the day before, in which by the people we found
Great deceit of much deceit ; in some bags were small bags of Paddy, in
/ e atura s. ^^^^ Rice, and in some great stones : also rotten & wet
Pepper put into new drie sacks, to our further abusing ;
yet knowing it, we have no remedie. Having gotten all
things in, and our men aboord, we fitted our things to
hasten away, and neere midnight in the Moone-shine, the
wind at North-east of the shoare, we set saile ; we wrought
not onely to avoid the two knowne Rockes, three leagues
from the Hand of Tecoa, the one South by West, the other
South by East, having sixe and twentie fathome between
them, Ozie ground : But for the better securitie, we
directed our course so neere as wee could, the same way
we came in ; yet as we stood off, the wind something
shrunke on us ; yet we lay first West, then West by South,
and West South-west, and last of all South-west and by
West, and the Current set us somewhat South-ward, our
depths proportional from foureteene to seven and twentie
fathome, all Ozie ground ; the next cast foure fathome.
The ship fast and the ship fast on a rocke, a sterne foure fathome, and
on a jocke. ^^ ^^^ Star-boord mid-ship a quarter lesse then three
fathomes, and under the head three fathomes, a ships
length five fathome, a ships length on the Lar-boord bow
sixe foot, in the Lar-boord mid-ship sixteene foote, under
296
I
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1612.
the Lar-boord gallery twenty foote, and round about within
a Cables length deepe water : she remained on the rocke
from a little after three untill five a clocke : the mercifull
God so provided, that the wind grew calme, and the sea
smooth, and in our feeling, the set or motion of the ship,
the place considered, was very easie ; yet the water did
so increase, that both our chaine Pumps with painefull
labour, could not in long time free the same. But our
generall endeavour, with most expedition possible, was to
get out a Sterne anchor, which was let fall in sixe and
twentie fathome right asterne, and two thirds of a Cable
out, to heave her off right asterne : wherein the gracious
Lord so blessed our endeavours, that before we could with
the Capstaine heave the Cable taught, the ship was of her ^% S^^ ^-l
own accord set into deepe water, which no sooner done,
but we had a Westerly gust, which put us oif some mile
from the rocke, where we anchored for our Boat, which
brought our Cadger after us, and it being cleare day, we
could not discerne where the rocke stood : also a principall
reason we anchored was, our exceeding desires and haste
for Bantam, that without necessitie enforced, I wished not
to put backe againe, and wast more time, hoping our leake
would easily be over-come at an anchor. I past the day
till two a clocke, consulting and advising with such as with
their best counsell are appointed to assist me, what was
best to be done, our present estate considered, which we
find divers wayes to rest dangerous : First, in regard of
the leakenesse of our ship, which continually imployes
many people at once to keepe downe the water. Secondly,
in a manner no provision of Iron-work for the chaines,
but that the Pumps presently employed, which often break,
or for weakenes slip to our great discomfort : for if they
should be any long while in mending, and the water so
increase, that we cannot reach under the Pumpe to ceve
the chaines, our worke will soone draw neere an end.
Thirdly, the desperate carelesnesse of many of our people,
in the greatest neede considered, their faint weakenesse
and inabilitie to hold out labour (by course diet as they
297
A.D.
l6l2.
[I-
They returne
to Tecoa.
December.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
pretend.) Fourthly, to remember what is certaine in the
ship, which requires care to preserve it. Fiftly, Captaine
Sharpeighs mis-fortunes, and the lewd demeanours of his
people, in like case of greatest need, too late to bee for-
gotten. The dangers in proceeding diversly cast up
(notwithstanding, at the first, divers of our men did urge
the same) by counsell reasonable for the safegard of all, I
made choice to returne within the Hand of Tecoa, there
by Gods helpe to endeavour the stopping of such a part
of our leake, as we found to be in the fashioning pieces
in the sterne. At Sun-set we anchored in the place, which
for our turnes we desired. This day long time we kept
both our chaine pumps going to free the water, which ever
increased when the chaines happened to breake, which
happened often ; the two pumpes employes at once twelve
men, which labour indeed is so extreame, that it can but
little while, without shifting of spells be continued ; but
the water once brought low, and the chaine holding one
pumpe at once, hath ever discharged it, and yet it tires
all our people by often shifting : in which businesse, 1
found it required more then ordinary meanes to appease
their discontented clamours and murmurings, if the place
might have affoorded.
The two and twentieth, three and twentieth, and foure
and twentieth, we laboured to land Indico, Cinamom and
other things, still making way to lighten the sterne of the
ship, where we know the leake is, but we cannot come
to it.
Untill the eight of December, we were thus employed
in the amending of our leakes : which done, we set saile
from Tecoa, and with our Boats a head, we gate over
the Barre, having foure fathome at a low water, and being
without the Hand, by the helpe of a fine breach at North
North-east, North North-west and North-west, as the
Sunne grew high, both dullerd and shrunk upon us ; so
that wee lay but South South-west, and South by West,
and by estimation came neare the rocke we had formerly
sate upon, we used great diligence with Boats a head, but
398
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1613.
could discerne no shew of it, the sea being smooth ;
we stood away to the Southwards, South by West and
South, from Sun-set, to Sun-rising the ninth day, with a
small gale, at North-west by West, we stood away South-
west by South ten leagues, and the wind at West North-
west and West, at which instant we discried some part of
a great Hand bearing South Westerly, at which time we
steered away South ; this night we had much raine in
gusts, with thunder and lightning, the wind very fickle,
shrinking to the South-west, and South South-west, which
stayed not long ; then to the South-east, East South-east
and East, and againe to the South-east ; in which time to
Sun-rising we had sailed about some eight leagues. Also
that part of the Hand, the last night scene, now beareth
South-east distant eight leagues, also Eastward wee see
the high land of the maine of Sumatra, neare twentie ^^^ %^ ^f«^
leagues, at noone in two degrees and eleven minutes South ^^ ^ ^^^^
latitude ; and the Northermost part of these Hands are
from the sound we came through, between the Wester Hes
South-east distant nine leagues : it was the twentieth day
before they arrived at Pulupanian.
The Pepper-corne being fitted there. Sir Henry Middle-
ton called a Councell to advise touching the late harmes
which the Trades-Increase, had received upon the rocke :
by which Councell it was resolved, that shee must of
necessitie bee new strengthened and careend, before shee
could well returne home ; which requiring long time,
whereby shee could not goe home this yeere, it was
concluded that the Pepper-Corne should immediatly be
dispatched for England, to give some satisfaction unto
the Adventurers, untill the Trades-Increase might follow.
The Pepper-Corne being laden on the fourth of February,
set saile from thence for England, leaving Sir Henry
Middleton with the Trades-Increase behind. We arrived
on the tenth of May in the Road of Saldanie, where I ^-^^ ^''^^ °f
hoped to have found all the shippes formerly departed ^^^^^^^^'
homewards : but comming into the Road, I only found uector and
the Hector and Thomas, two ships of the eight Voyage, Thomas.
299
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
and Captaine Newport in the Expedition of the twelfth
Voyage. Heere we continued but foure dayes ; where,
Captaine ^\th the helpe of Captaine Newport his men and Coopers,
Newport. ^^^ j^^^j taken in all our water, and the fourteenth day at
night ended our labour therein.
The fifteenth having watered (but no whit refreshed our
weak people yet, to keepe company with the Hector and
Thomas homewards) at nine a clocke in the morning we set
saile with the wind all Southerly : but being out, we were
much pestered with opposite wind, wherby we were
driven to the Southwards. This night we kept company
with the Hector and Thomas (the Expedition being gotten
about the Cape Bona Speranza, determining their course
towards the confines of Persia, to some place where they
might in safetie land Sir Robert Sherly and his Persian
Lady, and Sir Thomas Powell with his English Ladie,
who were bound into Persia,) Also the next day we were
all in company together ; but toward evening the Thomas
became farre a sterne, but the Hector with loftie saile bore
away. This night, by what meanes I know not, they lost
our company, which by all meanes we againe endeavoured
to get : and for that by standing to the Southwards, we
knew they could not run us out of sight ; yet we thought
against all reason to stand in upon a lee-shoare, stood into
the land-wards to seek to discover them, but not seeing
them, we lingred in for them untill the nineteenth day
Sun-rising, in which time we were employed in repairing
our weake and decayed sailes. This day at Sun-rising,
Saldania bore South-east halfe a degree East distant seven-
teene leagues, the weather being cloudie and darke. The
twentieth, one and twentieth and two and twentieth daies,
cloudie, dark and overcast weather.
June. The sixt of June, as we came about the North-east point,
[I. iii. 313.] opening the Road, and being luffed in, having our anchors
TtvoCarrkks. readie to let fall, we discried two Carrickes in the Roade,
whose neighbourhood was not to my content, neither durst
I trust to anchor by them, in regard of their accustomed
treachery : I stood off againe by a wind, a while to deliber-
300
I
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1613.
ate what to doe, and thinking to stand in againe, to trie
whether they would be gone, which if they were readie, I
supposed they would thinke we had more company neare-
hand : but we found the Current set us so fast to the
lee-ward, that we could hardly recover the Road at two
a clocke in the after-noone : seeing no other remedie, wee
bore up the helme, and stood on our course for England,
our hopes being frustrated both of refreshing our weake
sicke people, and also of further staying to regaine the
company of the Hector and Thomas. The fifteenth and
sixteenth, we had divers showers of raine. The eighteenth, ''^1^% ^^.°"^
we crost the Equinoctiall line. ^^-^^^ ^"^^ ^'
The tenth of September, we had a very strong gale of Septemb.
wind and an hollow sea, and not able to get any part of
the South-coast of England, wee stood on our course
North-east, in hope to fetch Milford-Haven in Wales, the
sooner to send letters to the Cornpany.
The eleventh, at five a clocke in the after-noone, we dis-
cried the Coast of Wales to windward, and the Coast of
Ireland lee-wards, being an high hill betweene Waxford
and Waterford. This night we spent with our head to the
Southwards ; and in the morning we stood in towards the
Irish Coast : resolving now, the winds being constantly
adverse, and impossible to fetch Milford-Haven, and our
meanes allowing no longer deliberation, I determined to
goe into Waterford rather then into any other harbour.
The thirteenth in the morning, we discried the Tower
of Whooke, the only marke for the river of Waterford,
being some three leagues distant from it : at eight a
clocke we discried a small Boat comming forth of the river
of Waterford, unto whom we made a waft, which they
perceiving, presently came unto us, being a Frenchman
bound to Waxford, whom I hired to goe againe into the
river, before to give knowledge of our comming unto the
Lieutenant of the Fort of Don Canon, to prevent our
stopping there, for that by reason of the narrownesse of y^r ^.^^.^ ^
Channell, it might endanger the ship in winding up at Waterford h
an anchor there ; and at noone wee gate up into the river Ireland.
301
L
A-ix PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
so high as the passage. Heere we found Master Stephen
Bonner of Lime, with his Barque, come hither a fishing,
who putting apart his owne businesse, with great diligence
endeavoured the best for the ease and reliefe of our weake
and sicke people.
The eighteenth, I dispeeded away Master Bonner
towards London with letters to the Company, to give
knowledge of our arrivall, and of our wants, wherein I
desired to be supplyed.
The one and twentieth. Doctor Lancaster, Bishop of
Waterford, very kindly visited me, bringing downe with
him his good cheere, and made a Sermon aboord the
shippe, and offered mee the Communion ; but thereto
being unprepared I refused ; yet heartily thanking him
for his good will.
The tenth, Captaine John Burrell came unto me to
visite me, promising me money to supply my wants, if
I would send some man with him to Corcke for it. The
eleventh day, I dispeeded away Master Mullineux with
Captaine Burrell to Corcke for the money, which he
promised to supply me w^ithall.
The twelfth, Anthony Stratford Lieutenant of the Fort
of Don Canon, having hired a villanous fellow (whom for
his misdemeanour I had caused to be kept in the prison of
Waterford) to say what might befit his present practise,
to bring us within the compasse of Piracie, having obtained
a warrant from the Earle of Ormond, came to the passage,
where hee sent to desire mee to send my Boat well manned,
to fetch himselfe and divers other Gentlemen aboord to
see my ship : but my Boat, according to his desire, being
come to land, hee apprehended my men, and presently
came aboord, where he arrested me and my ship for
Piracie, and so committed mee to the Fort of Don Canon
to prison, giving extraordinary straite charge over me,
that none should come at me, but whom he list, without
warrant from him ; and such as by his permission came to
me, he would have put to their oathes to declare what
conference they had with me ; my man sworne to bring
302
NICHOLAS DOWNTON a.d.
1613.
no letters from me to any one, neither from any to me :
also divers of my people they this night examined upon
their oathes, omitting no meanes to draw them to accuse
me, so I continued in prison till the sixteenth day morning, .
what time the said Stratford brought me a letter from Sir
Laurence Esmond his Captaine, inviting me to meet him
at the passage, with whom when I came up to the passage,
I there met with Sir Laurence Esmond, accompanied with
the Bishop of Waterford, came from the Earle of Ormond,
to replace mee in my charge againe, which by their great
intreatie and perswasion I againe undertooke.
The three and twentieth. Master Mulleneux having
sent my letters to the Company, to give knowledge of the
afore mentioned troublesome businesse, returned from
Corke with money to supply my wants.
The five and twentieth. Master Benjamin Joseph, in
a small ship of Bristoll, came unto me, bringing with him
both men, money, and provisions for my supply, which
with all speed wee tooke in, hastening to be gone.
The sixt of October, wee departed the River of Water- October.
ford towards our long desired home.
The twelfth in the morning, we were thwart of Beachy, [I. iii- 3H-
and at eight a clocke at night, wee anchored in Dover
Road.
The thirteenth in the morning, we set saile out of Dover
Road, and at ten a clocke wee anchore in the Downes,
neare unto the Assurance (the Kings ship) saluting her
with five peeces of Ordnance ; immediatly came aboord
of me. Master Cocket, the Master of her, who againe
made stay of my ship, till further order from the Lord
Admirall : upon this I presently sent away Master Mul-
lineux to London, with letters to certifie the Company
hereof.
The seventeenth, came downe from the Company,
Master Adersly, bringing me a letter from the Company,
a release for the ship ; and Master Punniat a Pilot, to
bring her about. The eighteenth in the morning, wee
set saile, and at sixe a clocke at night, wee anchored in the
A.D.
i6i3.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Road of Gorend. The nineteenth in the morning, at sixe
a clocke we set saile, and at night we anchored at Tilbury.
The twentieth in the morning, we set saile, and at ten a
clocke wee anchored at Blackwall : where in the afternoone
came downe Master Deputy, and divers of the Com-
mitties, unto whom I delivered up my charge. And so
concluded this our tedious and out-tyring journey.
Chap. XIII.
The seventh Voyage ; made in the Globe into East-
India, set out under the Command of Captaine
Anthony Hippon, observed and written by
Nathaniel Marten, Masters Mate in the said
Shippe.
Ee weighed from the Black-wall, in the
good shippe called the Globe, being
bound for the East-Indies, the third of
January 1610. and about five of the
clocke we anchored at Graves-end.
They arrived at Soldania, the one and
twentieth of May 1 6 1 1 , and thence set
saile the sixt of June following. They sailed not farre
from Mosambique, and Comoro, and Pemba : and on the
last of July passed before Punta de Galle, upon Ceilon (all
which as being a meere maine relation, and the like
course oft runne by others, is omitted.)
August \. The fourth of August in the morning, I observed the
variation, and made it to bee thirteene degrees, seven
minutes, and at noone we were in the latitude of nine
degrees fifteene minutes, and the land was about sixe
leagues off, and as much as wee could see it on the poope,
the wind veered North by West, and the North North-
west, and we stood in three houres, and then sounded,
being about three leagues off the shoare, and had nine
fathome, and the land then bore West North-west to the
Northwards, and South the other way, and we judged the
304
ANTHONY HIPPON S ''•''•
^^^^^ 1611.
land to lye Northwest, or North-west by North. At three
of the clocke wee cast about, and stood to the North-
ward, and the wind veered to the West, and West South-
west, and we lay as neare as we could till five of the clocke.
The sixt, we kept our selves in eight and twentie and
thirtie fathome, and then the wind scanted and veered to
the West North-west, so the water deepened presently.
IKi The sixt in the morning, we perceived our selves to be
," in a great Current by the rippling, and we sent off our
Pinnasse to come to an anchor, and we found the Current
to set North by West, and we made our way from foure
of the clocke in the after-noone, the fift till noone, the
sixt North North-west, and ran seventeene leagues, and
then we were in the latitude of ten degrees, and one and
thirtie minutes, and from noone till two of the clocke wee
steered away North-west ; and then we saw divers Fisher-
men hard by, so we looked out at top-mast head, and saw
land West North-west and North-west, and so we ran in,
and then we were in twenty fathom about eight leagues
off ; and as we ranne in, the water shoalded easily, and at
three of the clocke wee saw a Tower or Pagod, and a
ship that bore North-west of us, and then the great Pagod
of Negapatan and the ship, were one in another, and then Nega/>atan.
wee ran in, till we came into eight fathom North-west,
and then we were about two leagues off the ship, and
three leagues off the shoare.
From sixe of the clocke at night the sixt, till seven at
noone, we steered away North by East, and so kept alwayes
betweene twelve and fourteene fathom, and ran sixteene
leagues, and were in the latitude of eleven degrees, seven
and fiftie minutes.
From the seventh till the eight at noone, wee steered
away North by East, and ranne about twentie leagues by
judgement, and then we were thwart of the high land, up
in the Countrey, that rose in hammocks. This day we
tooke the Boat of S. Thome. The ninth at noone, the
Towne of Majiapor bore North North-west two leagues
off, and the marke to know the Towne, is the high hill up
III 305 u
A.D.
161I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
in the countrey. There is a shoale about two leagues to
Faleacate. the Southward of Paleacate, which lyeth about a mile or
more from the shoare, and the North-east end of it lyeth
off about a league : we ran over the very end in three
[I. iii. 315.] fathom, but if you keepe in ten or twelve fathome, you
shall not need to feare any part of it. The ninth at
foure a clocke, we anchored against the Towne, and it bore
West by North off us ; there is a crosse to the Northward
of the Town, which if you be betweene two or three miles
of the shoare you see it, but you cannot see the Towne.
The tenth in the morning, we weighed and stood fur-
ther to the Northward, and anchored in eight fathom (we
not liking our former Road) and then the Crosse bore
West by South of us, when the Westermost point bore
West by North, and the Northermost point bore North-
west. The tenth at noone. Master Browne and Master
Floris went ashoare (there comming a Boat from the
Governour for them) but they went in our Skiffe, and as
they were going over the Barre, the Skiffe was sunke, but
never a man drowned, God be blessed : Paleacate standeth
in thirteene degrees and thirtie minutes.
The thirteenth, I observed the variation, and made it
to bee one degree and fifteene minutes, upon the semi-
circle. The fifteenth. Master Anthony Hippon, our Cap-
taine, went ashoare to speake with the Governesse. The
sixteenth, the Captaine and all the Merchants came aboord,
because they could get no trade.
The sixteenth at ten of the clocke, we set saile for
Petepoly. Petepoly, and from ten till the seventeenth at noone, we
ran about thirteene leagues, and were in the latitude of
fourteene degrees and firteene minutes, and made our way
North by East. From the seventeenth to the eighteenth,
we ran, by my judgement, about three and twentie
leagues, and made the way North, but it was sad weather,
and we could not observe. About seven of the clocke
in the morning the eighteenth, we spied a Galliot, riding
in seven fathom, some foure miles off the shoare, and shee
road till wee were almost within Sacker shot of her, and
306
Paleacate
standeth in
thirteene
degrees, thirty
minutes.
ANTHONY HIPPON a.d.
IDII.
then shee weighed and ran into shoale water into the shoare,
but we stood not after her, because the water shoalded,
and at that time we saw a breach, some two leagues off
the shoare to my judgement, and whereas we steered away
North North-east, wee steered away East North-east, and
East by North, but had no deepe water till wee brought
the breach. North North-west of us, & when we saw it
first, it bore North by East of us.
From the eighteenth at noone, till five of the clocke in
the after-noone, wee steered away North-east by East,
partly because wee would runne into deeper water, and
partly because the land grew out more Easterly, and at
five of the clocke we made a tuft of trees that is neare
Petepoly, and it bore North-east by East of us sixe leagues
off, and then is the high land to the North-westward
of the Towne, which did then beare North by West off us,
and at seven of the clocke we anchored in nine fathom,
the trees bearing North-east and by East of us five
leagues off, and the wind Westerly.
The nineteenth in the morning, by five of the clocke,
we weighed and stood with the trees, and about nine of
the clocke we anchored about two leagues short of them
in five fathom, and the trees bore East North-east of us,
and then presently there came aboord two Gingathas or
Boats : our Merchants sent them ashoare with a letter ;
and about two of the clocke there came another, and a
messenger from the Sabandar, who the twentieth day did
send aboord two Boats for our Merchants, and brought a ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^
Present, and then went ashoare Master Floris, Master ^^^P°>
Lucas, Master Essington, and Adam Dounton, and the
Pursers Mate, and Lemon.
The one and twentieth about eight of the clocke, there
came a Gingatha from the shoare, and brought a letter
from our Merchants, who did let us understand that they
were kindly entertained, and presently we weighed with
the wind at North North-west, and ran off and anchored
almost thwart of the Rivers mouth, and about three of the
clocke in the after-noone, wee weighed and anchored in
307
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
the Road, where the tuske of trees bore North-east by
East Easterly; and we did anchor in nine fathom and a
halfe : the marke to goe in over the barre, is a Palmito
tree, on the bancke, upon the Northermost end of the
high cliffe, it is but a little tree. I observed the variation,
and made it to be twelve degrees, seven and twentie
minutes.
The eight and twentieth, Master Floris came aboord,
and Simon Evans, about twelve of the clocke : and about
foure of the clocke, we weighed for Masulipatan, with the
wind at South-west, and wee steered off into eight and
nine fathom South South-east, and then wee bore up
South-east, and South-east by East, and kept our selves
in nine and ten fathom till eleven of the clocke at night,
and then the wind veered to the East, and East South-east ;
so wee anchored in nine fathom, till five of the clocke in
the morning.
The nine and twentieth in the morning, about five of
the clocke, we weighed with the wind at South South-west,
and steered away East South-east, and East North-east,
and North-east ; and at noone the uttermost part of the
land bore North of us : so by my judgement, the land
Eastward from Petepoly lyeth East and by South, and
West by North : and at noone wee came into white water
off the point, and it shoalded a little before wee came into
it halfe a fathom, but when we were in it, we had the same
depth sixe fathom three leagues off : about two of the
clocke in the after-noone, the wind veered Northerly, so
wee came to an anchor in seven fathom : about five of the
clocke, we weighed, and stood in North North-west, and
North-west by North, till seven of the clocke, and being
calme, wee anchored in five fathom, the Westermost land
bore West North-west Westerly, and we saw two ships
which bore North Westerly and North-west, and the
Norther-most land bore North.
[I. iii. 316.] The thirtieth, about one of the clocke wee weighed,
Masulipatan. and stood in for the Road Masulipatan, which bore North
of us, and we never had above five, and foure and a halfe
308
ANTHONY HIPPON a.d.
1611.
all the way : so about five of the clocke, we anchored in
three fathom and a foote ; and the great tree which is the
marke for the Road, bore West by North Westerly of
us, and the Southermost land bore South and by West
Southerly of us, and the Northermost bore North-east
Easterly of us.
The one and thirtieth. Master Floris, Master Hess-
ington, Simon Evans, Cuthbert Whitfield, and Arthur
Smith, went ashoare to stay there in our SkifFe.
The eight and twentieth of December, I observed the Decemb. 28.
variation, and made it to be twelve degrees, two and
twentie minutes.
The thirtieth, we weighed from Masulipatan about T^ he pom of
seven of the clocke in the morning, with the wind at ^.^ ^i^^^f ^^
North-east by East, and we halde it off South-east and degrees^ ^-j.
South-east by South, till we came into eighteene fathom, minutes North.
At noone the point that bore South by West Southerly
off us, was West and by North, by the Compasse, and
then I observed, and made it to be in fifteene degrees
seven and fiftie minutes, and at eight of the clocke at
night wee anchored in sixe fathome and an halfe.
The fourth of January, I observed at noone, and made January 4.
theRoade to be in fifteene degrees, sixe and thirtie minutes.
The five and twentieth and the sixe and twentieth, wee
observed the Sunne and certaine Starres, by the Sunne we
made the Towne of Petepoli to be in fifteene degrees,
nine and fortie minutes : the Starre called the Ships-sterne,
we had in one and twenty degrees, nine and twenty
minutes ; the foot of the Crosiers twelve degrees, foure
and fiftie minutes, and the flanke of the Centaur, in
fifteene degrees, two and thirty minutes, the foot in four-
teene degrees, one and fortie minutes, the wind at South-
east, and South South-east.
The seventh of February, the Merchants came aboord February 7.
and carryed all the luggage quite away, the wind at South
South-east night and day. Th d t
The eleventh of February, we weighed out of Petepoly outoftCroad
Roade, having the wind at North North-west about sixe of Petepoli.
309
A.D.
161I,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Petepoli to
Bantam in
Java.
of the clocke in the morning, and stood off South South-
east, but verie little wind, and the current set to the
North-east, and we anchored in five fathom and an halfe,
it being calme, we having runne off about a mile and an
halfe, and the wind came off the Sea all Southerly.
The twelfth, about nine of the clocke in the morning,
we weighed with the wind at South-east, and South-east
and by East, and we haled off South South-west, and
South by West, and South-west as the wind would give
us leave, till three of the clocke in the after-noone, and
then we anchord in nine fathome water, with the wind at
They strike South and South and by East, and made our way South-
overfrom ^^g^ ^^^ ^^ South, sixe leagues out of the Road by my
judgement, and the high land bore West halfe a point
Southerly : in the Road it bore West halfe a point Nor-
therly.
The fourteenth, about foure of the clock in the morn-
ing, we weighed with the wind at South South-west, and
stood away South-east, and South-east and by South, as
the wind would give us leave : At noone the Palmito
Trees bore North halfe a point Easterly, about sixe
leagues off, or seven, and we ranne in ten fathome.
From the twentieth of March, at noone till the one and
twentieth, we had very little wind Easterly and calme :
we made our way South South-west by my judgement,
and ranne seven leagues, and at noone were in the latitude
of two degrees, sixe and twentie minutes, at night we
observed the variation, and had it in thirteene degrees,
fiftie seven minutes on the Semicircle, and the amplitude
was foure degrees, twentie seven minutes, which being
subtracted to thirteen degrees, fiftie seven minutes,
makes the variation to be nine degrees, twentie five
minutes.
From the one and twentieth at noone, till the two and
twentieth at noone we had the wind all Northerly, we
steered away South and ran fifteene leagues by the logge,
and then wee were in the latitude of one degree, thirtie
foure minutes : at night, I observed the variation and
310
March 12.
I
ANTHONY HIPPON a.d.
1612.
made it to be ten degrees ten minutes, which did prove a ^ great cur-
great current to the West-ward. Zf ^° ^^^ ,
From the two and twentieth, to the three and twentieth
at noone, wee had the wind variable betweene the North
and the West, we had little wind and gustie weather, we
steered South by East, and ran eight leagues : and at
noone we observed the latitude of fiftie seven minutes,
at night I observed the variation, and made it to bee ten
degrees. The Magneticall Azimuth is fifteene degrees
fifteene minutes ; the Amplitude is five degrees, thirteene
minutes. From the three and twentieth at noone till
the foure and twentieth at noone, we had the wind
betweene the West and South-west, we steered away-
South by East, and ranne three and twentie leagues
by the logge, and then we were under the Line by ^•^^ Equinoc-
our observation. ^^^^^'
From the foure and twentieth at noone, till the five and
twentieth at noone we had the wind betweene the North
North-west, and the South South-west, and we steered
away South South-east, we ran by the logge one and
twentie leagues, and then we were in the latitude of fiftie
seven minutes to the Southward of the Line. At night I
observed the variation, and made the Magneticall Azi-
muth to be fifteene degrees, fortie minutes. The
Amplitude sixe degrees, no minutes, which made the
variation to be nine degrees fortie minutes.
From the five and twentieth at noone, till the sixe and [I- iii. 317-]
twentieth at noone wee had the wind variable betweene '^^^•
the North North-west, and the West South-west ; wee
steered South South-east, we ranne fifteene leagues by the
logge, and then wee were in the latitude of one degree,
thirtie minutes at night. I observed the variation, and
the Magneticall Azimuth, was fifteene degrees five
minutes. The Amplitude was sixe degrees, one and
twentie minutes, which made the variation eight degrees,
fiftie foure minutes.
From the one and thirtieth at noone, till the first of Jj>rW 1612.
Aprill at noone we had the wind Southerly and very little,
311
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
and made our way East South-east twelve leagues, and at
noone we were in the latitude of foure degrees, one
minute. From the first at noone to the second at noone,
wee had the wind betweene the West North-west, and
South South-west, variable and gustie, wee steered away
South-east by East, halfe a point Easterly : wee ranne by
the logge one and twentie leagues and two thirds and
then we were in the latitude of foure degrees, twentie foure
minutes, we made our way twelve leagues East South-
east, and ten leagues South and by East by judgement :
which did agree with my Observation. In the morning
they observed the variation, and had the Almicanter and
Magneticall Azimuth, one degree thirtie minutes, the
Amplitude eight degrees, fortie seven minutes, which
made the variation to be seven degrees, twentie seven
minutes. About two of the clocke in the morning, Adam
Duglas departed this life. From the second at noone till
the third, we had the wind betweene the North-west, and
the West South-west, we steered away betweene the East
South-east, and the South-east by East, but because of our
latches to the South-ward, I judge that she made her way
East South-east, we ranne thirtie two leagues by the logge,
The lie of and then was I just with the Wester most part of the lie
Eugano. Qf Eugano, by my reckoning.
The sixe and twentieth or Aprill, about foure of the
clocke in the after-noone, through the Almighties good
They arrive in assistance, we came to an Anchor in Bantam Road, in
the Road of three and a halfe, where Puloponian bore North the bodie,
and Pulotundo bore North-west by North, and Puloduo
East South-east, and the Wester-most point thwart of
Pulorange, bore North-west by North Northerly : the
uttermost point bore East by North Northerly, and the
Eastermost Hand Pulo Lima, was even joyning to the
Westermost point of Java, and presently after we were at
August. Spald' an Anchor, came aboord Master Spalding which two others,
^^^- and two of them lay aboord.
The one and thirtieth of May, in the after-noone about
foure of the clocke, our Merchants came aboord, and
312
I
ANTHONY HIPPON ad.
1612.
about nine of the clocke we set saile : wee steered away They depart
North North-east, with the wind at South. '^Z'^p^ZT
The first of June in the morning, the wind veered to ^^^ siam.
the East-ward and so to the North-ward, very foule and june.
gustie weather. Wee bore up and anchored under Pulo-
tando in nineteene fathomes, halfe a league from the
shoare.
About five and sixe of the clocke in the morning,
we weighed with the wind at South-east, and within a
heave or two we had but five fathome, and so shoalded
till wee had but foure fathome, steering away North
North-west, the neerest land being South-west sixe leagues
off, which was a long woodie Hand, some foure miles long, ^ ^^"g ^<^o^-
of which we looked for a ledge of rockes or sand. From
sixe* till noone, we made our way North by West seven
leagues. About eight of the clocke in the morning, Lucapara.
I espyed Lucapara at top-mast head, about eight leagues
off.
The seventh in the morning, about sixe of the clocke,
we weighed the wind South-west, and betweene sixe and
noone we made our way North-west seven leagues, and
about tenne of the clocke, we raised Mompyne North-east Mompyne.
eight leagues off at least ; and after we raised this hill,
we had never lesse then ten fathome, keeping the shoald-
ing of Sumatra.
The ninth in the morning, about five of the clocke, we
weighed with the wind at South-east by South, and steered
away North-west by North, & so Northerly as the
Coast did lye : but we never came neerer the point of
Mompyne, then three leagues and an halfe, or foure
leagues, because of a ledge of rockes that lyeth two leagues
of the Easter-most point of Sumatra, beeing the seventh
point of the Straights: and these ledge of rockes beare
East and West one of another. We had no sooner
weighed, but the water deepened to eight, nine, tenne,
and so to foureteene fathomes. When you have Mom-
pyne South-east of you, then are you cleere of the rockes.
At noone I observed with my quadrant, and made her to
313
A.D.
l6l2.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
The'^ passe the
Equinoctiall
Line to the
North.
This He of
Bintam.
be in one degree, thirtie nine minutes, and then Mom-
pyne bore South-east Easterly of us.
The tenth, about three of the clocke in the morning,
we espyed an Hand that bore North Northwest three
leagues.
From noone till sixe of the clocke at night, we made
our way North halfe a point Easterly sixe leagues : and
from sixe till noone the eleventh, wee made our way North
eighteene leagues, and wee were in the latitude of one
degree to the Northward, having two Hands, the Souther-
most bore South-west by West of us seven leagues off,
and the Northermost bore West-ward South-west seven
leagues off, and then wee had five and twentie fathomes :
all the night long, we had from twentie to five and twentie
fathomes. I espyed land at top-mast head. West by
North twelve leagues off, which was the high land of
Bintam.
From noone till sixe of the clocke at night, we made
[I. iii. 318.] our way West by North seven leagues, we had five and
twentie fathome water, and then the high land of Bintam
bore West South-west sixe leagues off, and there are
three little Hands at the South-east end of Bintam.
The twelfth, we made our way North by East Easterly
five leagues, and then we were in the latitude of one
degree thirtie five minutes, having twentie sixe fathome,
and the Northermost part of Bintam, West North-west
tenne leagues : when foure glasses were running after
noone, I espied at top-mast head an Hand that bore
North-west Northerly nine leagues off.
From sixe of the clocke at night the thirteenth, till the
foureteenth at noone, we to my judgment, made our way
North-west by North, in regard of the Current nine
leagues : tenne glasses in the night we had it calme, and
drove North North-west, and we should have it deeper,
and shoald a fathome at a cast, till we had but eleven
fathome, and then deeper till it came to fifteene or six-
teene fathome. From sixe at night, till the fifteenth at
noone, we made our way by judgement North North-east,
3H
I
ANTHONY HIPPON
A.D.
l6l2.
Northerly tenne leagues ; but at noone we made her to
bee in foure degrees fortie eight minutes, and then we
had thirtie fathome : at eight of the clocke we had an
Hand bore North by West of us, five leagues off the
maine, being foure miles off, and then wee had twentie
sixe fathome.
This great Hand, and the Rocks, beare North by West,
and South by East one of another, and are foure miles in
length we perceived in the night, being calme, to have a
great Current setting to the North- wards, and I judged
this Hand to stand in foure degrees thirtie five minutes. Latitude 4.
From noone til the sixth at night, we made our way North ^f'^^^ ^^'
North-west halfe Northerly eight leagues, our sounding
was thirtie and twentie five fathome, and then we had an
other Hand bore West by North of us, not unlike the
former : we had five and twentie fathome at sixe of the
clocke, five or sixe leagues off the maine : the Hand lieth
about one league from the maine.
From the sixteenth at noone, till the seventeenth
at noone, we made our way North North-west twelve
leagues, but as we were almost in the narrowest, we spied a
sunken rocke in the faire way; so we fearing the worst, J sunken rock.
having eleven fathome & one league of the maine, we
haled it off North-east, and North-east by East, to get
cleere of two little Hands that are to the East-ward, and
so we went to the East-ward of all. At noone we ob-
served, and made the ship to bee in five degrees fiftie
foure minutes.
From the seventeenth at noone, till the eighteenth at
noone, we made our way North-west, Westerly eight
leagues. From the nineteenth at noone till the twentieth,
wee made our way North-west Northerly eight leagues :
in the morning about seven of the clocke, I saw a little A little rocke,
Rocke, about three leagues off at the top-mast head, and
as we came up with it about noone, I went with the
Skiffe to sound about it, and we had twelve fathome a
stones throw off it : and when our Skiffs head was a shoare
we had sixe fathomes and an halfe, up and downe by the
315
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
rock : it lieth betweene three or foure leagues of the
Westermost point of the land, and beareth South-East
Southerly a little ; and about two leagues and a halfe
from the Souther-most land, or three, we had little wind
Westerly, and variable, but for the most part Northerly.
From noone the twentieth, till the one and twentieth
at noone, wee made our way North-west Northerly sixe
leagues, with the wind Westerly and Northerly ; we were
fain to anchor twice in the night, because it was calme,
and the Current setting to the South-ward, wee had very
faire shoaldings off, into foureteene and into seven or
eight. From the one and twentieth at noone, till the two
and twentieth at noone, we turned it alongst the shoare,
with the wind Westerly, and then we had the low sandie
point South of us two leagues off.
August. 4. The fourth of August at night, we weighed out of
They depart Patane road, about nine of the clocke, with the wind at
'^for^S^am^^ South South-west, and we steered away North-west, and
* North-west by West, North-west by North : but by my
judgement, from nine till noone wee made our way North-
west, halfe a point Northerly tenne leagues, and then the
high land bore South-west of us in the Roade. Our
depths from three, to seven, eight, and tenne fathome.
From noone till sixe a clocke at night, we had tenne
leagues, little wind at North-west and North and North-
east, but we made our way North North-east one league :
and from sixe till sixe in the morning, we made our way
North North-west halfe a point Northerly eight leagues,
with the wind variable and Westerly ; and then we espied
land that bore West North-west of us tenne leagues off.
From sixe of the clocke in the morning, till noone the
sixt day, wee made our way North North-west five
leagues to our judgement, and we observed, and made the
Latitude 8. ship to be in eight degrees seven minutes, and then the
degrees 7. j^-gj^ Y^ind bore West and North tenne leagues off, and
then we had seventeene fathome. From the sixt at
noone till the seventh at noone, wee had little wind and
calme, we made our way North North-west, to my judge-
316
ANTHONY HIPPON ad.
1612.
ment wee could not runne above sixe leagues, but we made
it to be in eight degrees three minutes. From the seventh
at noone, till the eight, we had little wind, and variable
round about, wee made our way North North-west eight
leagues or tenne, our depths eighteene and nineteene
fathome. From the eighth, to the ninth at noone, wee
had little wind, and variable round about, and then we
made the shippe to be in nine degrees fortie minutes ; Latitude 9.
and then the Northermost great Hand bore West South- ^^^''^^^ +°-
west, and the Souther-most bore South-west. In the
morning we saw two Hands.
From the ninth to the tenth at noone, we had it calme,
and went little or nothing the wind Northerly, our depth [^- ^"- 3i9-
one and twentie and two and twentie fathome. From the
tenth to the eleventh at noone, we had little or no wind,
and went two leagues North North-west, we had it Nor-
therly and Westerly, and our depths twenty and twentie
one fathomes. From the eleventh at noone to the twelfth,
we had the wind variable and gusty round about, and we
ran about eight leagues North by West, and the depth
twenty sixe and twenty five fathome. From the twelfth
at noone till the thirteenth, we made our way North by
East twentie foure leagues, with the wind at South, and
South South-west, and South-west, our depth twentie sixe
and twentie eight fathom, seven or eight leagues off the
shoare.
From the thirteenth to the foureteenth, we made our
way North by West sixteene leagues, the wind South-
west, our depths two and twentie, and five and twentie
fathomes, five or sixe leagues from the shoare. From
the foureteenth to the fifteenth, wee made our way six-
teene leagues North by West, with the wind Westerly,
our depth nineteene, & twentie fathomes, sixe leagues off.
From the fifteenth to the sixteenth at noone, we made our
way North and by West tenne leagues, we had eight, nine,
and tenne fathome, alongst the low land foure leagues off,
then we bore up to the East, and East South-east till
midnight, and for an houre wee steered away East North-
317
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
east, till we came into foure fathome, and then tooke in
our sailes as fast as wee could, but presently we had but
three fathome and a foote, before we could get in our
sailes, so we anchored in three and a foot till the next day,
and the water fell thirteene foot, and more, so that we had
but sixe fathome and an halfe at low water, and then we
laid out a warpe, and when she fleeted we warped into
deepe water. The eighteenth we set saile, and haled it
They arrive off into iiN^ fathome, where we anchored, having the
at Syam. Souther-most Hand South by East of us, and the Easter-
most East and by South, and the Rivers mouth North of
us Westerly.
Novemb. Xhe third of November, about one of the clocke in
Ifj^^'j the afternoone we weighed out of the bay, where we left
from S\ am, ^^^ men, and graved our ship, and haled it off from the
West to the South South-East, to goe cleare of the Hand,
and so steered away.
The fourth at noone I made the ship to be in twelve
degrees thirtie three minutes, having run in these three
and twentie houres, but ^Yt and twenty leagues, and to
my judgement had made her way, one thing with an
other counted, South by West, the wind Northerly.
On the eleventh, we arrived at Patane. He was after
this at Syam againe, and againe at Patane : and made a
second Voyage from Masulipatan to Bantam, 16 14. and
thence to England, 161 5. But his Journall is so large,
that I dare not expresse it. Note that he saith, that the
He of S. Helena is an hundred leagues more to the West-
ward, then is laid downe in Plats.
The twentieth of August 161 5. they came before the
Lizard. They spent in this whole Voyage foure yeares
and about eight Moneths. Their actions and exploits in
this Voyage are delivered more fully by M. Floris, out of
whose Journall I have taken the most remarkeable. For I
thinke, these meere marine relations, are (though to some
profitable) to the most tedious. For which cause I have
abridged this to make way to the next, written by a Mer-
chant of long Indian experience,and full of pleasant varietie.
318
PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS a.d.
1611.
Chap. XIIIL
xtracts of Peter Williamson Floris, his Journall,
for the seventh Voyage, (in which he went
Cape Merchant) translated out of Dutch. He
arrived in England 16 15. and died two Moneths
after in London.
§. I.
The Voyage to Paleacatte, Petapoli, Masulipatan,
Bantam, Patania, and Siam.
Aving covenanted and agreed with the
Right Worshipfull the Governour and
Deputy of the East-Indian Societie, we
embarqued our selves in the Globe, the
fift of January 16 10. Stylo Angliae, and
set saile for Gravesend : the fift of Feb-
ruary we set saile from the Downes. The
one and twentieth of May 1 6 1 1 . wee came into Saldania Saldania Bay.
Bay, where wee found three ships, and two boates came
aboord us, one from Isaac le Maire, and the other from
Henrike Brouwer. Much refreshing was not here to be
had at this time of the yeare, by reason of great store of
raine, being now their winter, the mountaines also covered
with snow. Wee used great diligence in seeking of the
roote Ningim, for which purpose the said two Holland Root Ningim.
ships had come thither, one being of Japan that first
discovered the secret. But at this time the newe leafe
began only to peepe forth, that had we not received
instructions, wee could not have knowne it ; the right
and ripe time thereof beeing December, January and [I- iii- 320.]
February. It is called of these Inhabitants Canna.
We having filled our water, and refreshed our selves
with eight Sheepe and twentie Neat, set saile out of the
Bay, leaving behind us the boat of Isaac le Maire with j^arur at the
his Sonne Jacob, who lay there to barter for hides and bay for hides,
319
A.D.
161I.
August I.
Zelon.
Negapatan.
Notefalshood
of Maps.
Lanagapatan.
S. Thome.
Paleacatte.
Hollanders
triumphing in
our way.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
skinnes, and to make traine oyle ; which was to continue
there till December. To him we gave letters for England.
Neere Tena de Natat, June the tenth, wee were in great
danger : a storme of thunder, lightning, wind and raine,
almost violently thrust us on shoare ; but God mercifully
and powerfully gave us unexpected deliverance.
The first of August, we saw the land of Ceylon falling
with Punta de Galle, and running along the coast. On
the sixt we fell before Negapatan, beeing twentie eight
miles (leagues) from our guessing, the Map in that place
beeing very false. The like hath also happened to the
Hollanders, which in the night might be very dangerous.
Neither found we the Hand so broad as it is there laid.
M. Mullineux layeth Punto de Galle in foure degrees,
which lyeth in sixe. Towards evening we passed before
the Road, and might see the Towne and houses very
plainely.
The seventh, wee passed Lanagapatan, where the Hol-
landers having a Factorie, are wearie because of little
doings. On the eight, we came before Saint Thome, and
on the ninth before Paleacatte, passing over the shallow
being in length above a Musket shot, having but three
fathome water. Here came two Boates aboord us, one
from the Sabander, another from the Hollanders. The
tenth, the Sabanders men brought us a Caul or conduct to
come safely ashoare. Whereupon I and Master Browne
went ashoare, but by the roughnesse of the Sea were
turned over, yet (God be thanked) no man was drowned.
The Sabander met us, compassionating our mischance and
appointed us a house, promising us to procure a Letter
from the King to the Governesse of Conda Maa.
On the eleventh, John Van Wersicke the Dutch Presi-
dent on the Coast of Choromandell, shewed us a Caul
from the King of Narsinga, Wencapati, Raja, wherein was
granted, that it should not be lawfiiU for any that came
out of Europe to trade there, but such as brought Prince
Maurice his Patent, and therefore desired our departure.
We answered we had Commission from his Majestie of
320
I
PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS ad.
1611,
England, and would therefore doe what we could. Hence
arose high words, which the Sabander calmed, telling of
the Governesse her comming thither within three dayes.
On the seventeenth, came Conda Maa, and Captaine
Hippon, comming on shoare, wee were readie to goe to
her, when we received word to the contrarie, and that the
next day shee would send for us. We suspected the Hol-
landers close dealing, and the next day sent to the Sabander
(no man comming for us) who answered the King, had
made grant to the Hollanders, and wee must goe to him
(the dispatching of which businesse would have cost us
two monethes space, and hazarded the Monson for Patane)
if we would procure libertie. The Hollanders also had
made readie two Elephants to send to the King. Where-
fore we resolved to prosecute our Voyage for Petapoli and
Masulipatan.
The twentieth, we arrived before Petapoli, and the Petapoli.
Governour sent us a Caul. Wee agreed with him for
three thirds per Centum Custome, and sent goods on
shoare, resolving that Master Lucas and Master Browne
should stay there : and that I should goe to Masulipatan, Masulipatan,
where was a better Road for the ship. Thither we came
on the last of August, and Zaldchar Chan brought us a
Caul. We agreed to send a present to Mir Sumela (a
great Officer under the King, which farmeth out his
Revenues) to Condapoli, in regard of the shifts of the
under Officers. On the twentieth of January, deceased
Cotobara King of Badaya, or LoUongana, and of Masuli-
patan, and great tumults were feared. But the wisdome
of Mir Masunim prevented the same, presently electing New King.
Mahumad Unim Cotobara, sonne to the Brother of the
deceased (who had left no children behind him) a yong-
man of great hope. His Uncle had put all in the hands
of the Persians, but this sheweth himselfe contrarie, and
an Enemie to Mir Sumela the fountaine of Tyrannic.
The Governour dealt treacherously with mee, in a Govermurs
bargaine of Cloth and Lead for Launces ; saying, he had P^^'fi^^^-
agreed with me for foure thousand Pagodes, (intending
III 321 X
A.D.
161I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Golconda.
Bantam.
by that coozenage to raise the Custome agreed at foure
per Centum to twelve) alleaging for reason, that hee was
a Mir, and that he was borne of Mahomets Posteritie,
whose w^ords must bee beleeved before a Christians. T
not knowing how to deale with this Knave, the time not
suffering to send to the new King at Golconda, seeing no
meanes to end with friendship, resolved to practise
enmitie : but at last by intercession of other Moores, we
ended in a kind of agreement. Having also cleered at
Petapoli, we having a good Monson departed for Bantam,
and arrived there the sixe and twentieth of Aprill 161 2.
We found the Dutch readie to depart thence for Jacatra,
by reason of the Governours new exactions. But we
having no house there, after some contesting, agreed with
him for three per Centum Custome.
By order of David Middleton, a Factorie was setled at
Succadania, and continued by Master Spalding, but it
seemeth (as things are carryed) rather to private then
publike benefit.
The first of June, we set saile from Bantam, and on the
two and twentieth came into the Road of Patane, where
we found the Bantam a ship of Enkhusen, of whom wee
learned the manners of the Countrey. On the sixe and
twentieth, we went on shoare in great state, taking with
[I. iii. 321.] us a present of about sixe hundred Rials of eight, to
accompanie the Kings Letter. Wee were well received
according to the manner of the Countrey, the Letter being
laid in a Bason of Gold, and carryed upon an Elephant
with Minstrels, many Lances and little Flagges.
The Queenes Court was sumptuously prepared, the
Letter read, and free Trade granted us, paying such duties
as the Hollanders did. Wee departed from the Court
without sight of the Queene, and were brought to Dato
Laxmanna the Sabander and Officer appointed for
Strangers, where a Banquet of Fruits was set before
us : and thence to the Oran-caya Sirnona, and there also
did eate something. The next day the Queene sent us
meate and fruits aboord.
Factory at
Succadania in
Borneo.
P-atane.
The Kings
Letter.
Queene of
Patane.
322
PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS a.d.
1612.
The third of July, departed hence a Dutch Pinnasse July 3.
called the Grey-hound for Japon, the Masters Mate thereof
was the same man which had brought the Letter from
William Adams to the English at Bantam : by whom we ^- ^^'^^^ ^"«
sent the Companies Letters to Master Adams, which he ^^^^'
promised to deliver with his owne hands. This other-
wise wee could not have done ; for those of Japon are
at enmitie with this place, and have burned Patane twice J^P^^^^^^
within these five or sixe yeares. pTnie
Much adoe we had to get leave to build a Ware-house
here, fire-free, which we did hard by the Dutch-house
in a place assigned us thirtie fathome in length, twentie in
breadth : the House eight fathome long, and foure
broad. But their demands seemed very unreasonable,
amounting, besides former charges, to foure thousand
Rials of eight, whereunto yet in hope of future benefit
we yeelded. Sicknesse also much afflicted us, as if the
plague had beene in our ship : and Captaine Hippon dyed ^^f^^h ofCap-
the ninth of July. Whose Successor was nominated in ^"^^""^ Hippen.
the Boxe N. i . Master Browne ; but he being dead before,
the Boxe N. 2. was opened, wherein Thomas Essington ^^P^- ^^^^^g-
was named, and did succeed. Hereunto was added losse ^^^*
by Theeves, which like resolute Dissolutes came into the
house, a Lampe burning, and stole money out of my
Chest, two hundred eightie three Rials of eight, and other
goods ; fifteene persons sleeping in the house, and a great
blacke Dogge, and Watch kept in the yard, which made
suspition of some of our owne, but we could never learne
any certaintie.
I and John Persons, and sixe more were left here in
Factorie; and the ship departed the first of August for
Syam. I would have written to Syam, of my ill Market '^^^ ^^^^^ ^^
of Lawnes, but could not send by water, and by land no ^^^'
lesse then foure together would travell for feare of Tygres, Tigres.
and many Rivers they must passe, which made their
demands to passe so farre, that I was forced to waite
better opportunitie. In September the King of Jor over- J^ Campm
ranne the Suburbes of Pahan, burning all before him, and Sha.
323
A.D.
l6l2.
Maccasar in
Celebes.
Cambois,
Laniam, ^
Jagoman.
A Dutch-mans
testimony of
Dutch
iniquitie in his
ozvne words, as
they are in the
translated
Copie.
November 1 1 .
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
likewise Campon Sina, which caused great dearth in Pahan.
The cause of our want of vent here (where foure yeares
before I had seene such quicknesse, as if the World
would not have provided sufficient) is the Portugalls
bringing to Malacca the wonted quantitie, and the Hol-
landers filling Bantam and the Moluccas, as also the Trade
of Moores at Tanasserin and Syam, besides Tarangh a
Haven new found out by Keda ; the Guzerates, and
another from Negapatan and we, helping to cloy the
Market ; so that the rumour is sufficient to keepe downe
the price for ten yeares. I cannot at this present make
five per Cento, which have made foure of one. Thus is
mans wisdome disappointed. I resolved to send a Car-
gason for Maccasar, sending John Persons as Chiefe, in
a Juncke of Empan, October the eight.
On the ninth, arrived two Junckes from Siam, in one
of which was sent mee a Letter from Master Essington
and Master Lucas of their trouble and small likelihood of
sale, besides the former causes, the Countrey being filled
with warres ; those of Cambois, Laniam, and Jagoman,
preparing against Syam.
The five and twentieth, departed hence the Junckes for
Borneo, Jambi, Java, Maccasar, Jortan and other places,
among whom was the Juncke of Orancaya Raya Indra-
mouda for Bantam, and thence to Jortan, Amboyna, and
Banda, and backe to Maccassar. I cannot imagine what
the Hollanders meane to sufi^er these Maleysians, Chines-
ians, and Moores of those Countries, and to assist them
in their free Trade thorow all the Indies, and forbid it
their owne Servants, Countrymen and Brethren, upon
paine of death and losse of goods. Surely a token of
great ignorance or envie, suffering Turkes and Heathens
to grow rich, rather then their owne Countreymen should
get their living. Surely a great ingratitude, and a token
that Gods punishment is comming upon them.
The eleventh of November, the Globe arrived from
Syam, having beene eight dayes in the way. They had
arrived in the Road of Syam the fifteenth of August, and
324
I
PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS
A.D.
l6l2.
Customers
Customes.
cast Anchor at three fathome high water : but the next
day the water ebbing thirteene houres together they had
but seven foot muddie ground, and therefore not very
hurtful!. They removed further off, where they had
three fathome at a low water, being foure miles (leagues)
from the Barre. The Towne lyeth some thirtie leagues
up along the River, whether they sent newes of their
arrivall. The Sabander and the Governour of Mancock
(a place scituated by the River) came backe with the
Messengers to receive his Majesties Letters, but chiefly
for the presents expected. Captaine Essington and Master
Lucas went with them to the Towne, where the seven-
teenth of September they came before the King, who
promised free Trade, and gave every one a little golden
Cup, and a little piece of clothing. The Mandorins
(Officious Officers) would have interverted the Kings com- [i. Hi. 322.]
mand for their owne covetousnesse, taking at their owne
prices what they please, and paying when they are pleased
with Bribes, with worse demeanure then in any other parts
of the Indies (though the rest bad enough) till complaint
being made to the King, they were charged not to molest
them ; and the goods were carried to the house which
the King had assigned, being of bricke, the best in Siam,
neare to that of the Hollanders. Now was the time of
raines, and the countrey covered with water.
The sixe and twentieth of October, arose such stormes. Tempest.
that old folkes had not there scene the like, renting up
trees by the roots, and blowing downe the Kings monu-
ment, which hee had erected to his Father. The ship
hardly escaped by the diligence of Master Skinner and
Samuel Huyts, casting out a third anchor, being driven,
notwithstanding her two anchors, from sixe fathome to
foure, and not passing an English mile from the land.
Master Skinner was beaten from the anchor-stocke, but
very strangely recovered. Five men were drowned ; one
after the rest, whom they supposed devoured of a Whale,
which they saw soone after they had scene him. Thisstorme
lasted foure or five houres, and then followed a smooth
325
Road of Siam,
a safe harbour,
but in a South
South-west
wind.
A.D.
l6l2.
Bantam
Patane and
Siam, three
principall
places of
Trade.
See this Pegu
story in my
Pilgrim, lib. ^.
Kings of
Tangu and
Arracan
sharers of
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
sea, as if there had beene no tempest. A tempest yet
continued aboord the ship, by reason, as was reported, of
the reasonlesse masterly Master, who was therefore appre-
hended, and Skinner placed in his roome, whereby that
weather also calmed. As for their Trade, they were too
much becalmed, this being the third place of Trade in all
the Indies, and so farre distant from Bantam and Patane.
The cause whereof is this.
§. 11.
Relations of strange Occurrents in Pegu, Siam,
Joor, Patane, and the Kingdomes adjacent.
lam hath been a mightie Kingdome and ancient,
since subdued and tributary to Pegu, which yet
continued not long. For the King of Siam dying,
left two sonnes, which were brought up in the Kings Court
of Pegu. But flying from thence to Siam, the eldest
called in the Maleyan language. Raja api, or the Fiery
King, and by the Portugals the Blacke King, set up
himselfe as King : against whom the King of Pegu sent
his son the Prince, who was slaine in these warres, and
hath beene occasion of the destruction of the whole King-
dome, and many millions of Peguan lives. For the King
sore grieved for the death of his sonne, caused his chiefe
Peguan Lords and Souldiers (himselfe being of the
kindred of the Brama's) to bee slaine. This caused great
perturbation, divers tributary Kings (whereof hee had
twentie) falling daily from him : which at the last encour-
aged this Blacke King to make warre against him, going
to the Citie of Unxa or Pegu, before which he lay some
two moneths, without doing any thing ; he brake up his
siege and returned to Siam. But the King of Pegu not
long after, because of the great dearth and death, gave over
himselfe, and all his treasure, into the hands of the King
of Tangu ; to prevent also falling into the hands of the
King of Arracan, comming against him with a mightie
power. This King of Arracan easily made himselfe
326
PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS
A.D.
l6l2.
Master of the Towne and Countrey, almost emptie and
famished. Thinking to goe into Tangu : That King sent
Embassadors, offering to deliver unto him certaine por-
tions of the treasures of Pegu, the White Elephant, and
the Kings daughter (both which I have seene in Arracan,
Anno 1608.) as also the King of Pegu, or else to kill him
(as afterwards it happened that the King of Tangu slew
him with a Pilon, wherewith they stampe their Rice, as
being free against any stabbing.) In this manner came
this mightie Empire to ruine, so that at this day there
is no remembrance of it. The King of Arracan gave the
Towne or Fort of Siriangh, lying upon the same River of Siriangh.
Pegu, in keeping to the Portugals, especially to Philip de
Britto de Nicote, to whom hee gave the name of Xenga,
that is. Honest, which honor Xenga did after requite,
taking his sonne prisoner some three or foure yeeres after,
and ransomed him at eleven hundred thousand Tangans,
and ten Galeas of Rice ; who yet also domineereth and
careth for no bodie.
Thus by Pegu's destruction was Siam received, and
hath since brought in subjection the Kingdomes of Cam.-
baya, Lanjanh, Jagomai, Lugor, Patane, Teneserin and
divers others. Anno 1605. the Blacke King deceased with-
out issue, and left his Kingdome to his brother, called the
White King, a covetous man, but enjoying his kingdomes
in peace: he dyed Anno 16 10. leaving divers children
behind him. Hence much alteration : For lying in his
death-bed, hee caused his eldest sonne to be slaine, being
a yong man of great hope, at the instigation of one Jock-
rommeway, one of the principall Lords of Siam, who
having many slaves, thought to make himselfe King.
This present King was the second sonne of the White
King, who not long after dispatched that Traytor, which
had amongst other slaves, two hundred and eightie
Japanders. These thinking to revenge their Masters
death, and to atchieve some memorable exploit, ran
together to the Court of this new King, possessed them-
selves of King and Court (being without suspition) and
327
Jeckromme-
way a
Traytor.
Japanders
insolence.
AJ>.
l6l2.
323.
Rebellion.
Oudija.
Queene of
Patanie goeth
a
They had
speech tvith
her.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
compelled him to deliver foure of the principall Nobles
to be slaine, as causes of their Masters death. And having
sometime used him at their pleasure, they compelled him
to subscribe with his owne blood, and to give some of the
chiefe Palapos or Priest for hostages, to such agreement
as they propounded, and so departed with great treasure
after much violence, the Siamites not being able to right
themselves. Upon this occasion, the kingdomes of Cam-
baya and Lanjangh rebelled, as also one Banga de Laa a
Peguan. And the King of Lanjangh came the last yeere
into Siam, within three dayes journey of the Towne of
Odija, hoping to find the Countrey still entangled with
these slavish Japonian broyles. But they being departed,
the King of Siam came forth to meete him, which the other
durst not abide. The two other Kings are said to have
joyned league to come together in Aprill, to dispossesse
this yong King, being about two and twentie yeeres of
age, which yet without treason of his owne, they are not
likely to effect. Once, it was our hard happe to hit upon
these bad times so unfitting for Trade.
We resolved that the ship should winter here in Patanie,
forced thereto by divers causes. The one and thirtieth
of December, the Queene accompanied with above sixe
hundred Prawes, went to sport her selfe : shee lay first at
Sabrangh, where we went to salute her, having both sight
and speech with her, in company of the Hollanders : Shee
was a comely old woman, threescore yeeres of age, tall and
full of Majestie ; in all the Indies we had seene few like
her. Shee had in company her Sister (which was next
heire) and her yonger sisters little daughter, which hath
been married to Raja Slack, brother to the King of Joor.
This her sister, commonly called the yong Queene, was
yet an unmaried Virgin, about sixe and fortie yeeres of
age. After we had had some conference with her, shee let
fall the curten, intimating thereby, that wee should depart,
signifying that next day we should come againe ; which
wee did, and were well entertained. There were twelve
women and children to dance, which I have not seene
323
I
PETER WILLIAMSON PLORIS
A.t).
l6l2.
better performed in the Indies. Then were all the Gen-
tilitie commanded to dance, or at least make shew thereof :
which caused no small laughter. We and the Hollanders
must doe likewise, and the Queene thereat rejoyced. She
had not been out of her house in seven yeeres before, till
this going to hunt wilde BufFes and Bulles, whereof there
is great abundance. As shee passed along with
her traine betwixt our house and the ship we
saluted her with some Peeces from one ship, and
Musket shot on shoare.
In this winter of November and December, the water, Great waters
by continuall raine, was higher then had been in the
memery of man, so that many beasts died, many houses
were driven away, and much harme done. The five and
twentieth of January, we had newes by a Dutch ship from January.
Siam, that Master Lucas had sold more then halfe his
goods, and that the King had bought a great parcell
thereof : neither would he suffer the Officers to carry away
the goods, with a pretext of the Kings name, without a
testimoniall from the King. We had also newes from
Keda, that the Portugals had come with fifteene hundred
men from Saint Thome, and taken the Hollanders house
in Paleacate, slaine their men, and carried away the goods.
In March I sent the ship for Siam with more goods.
The King of Pahan married the yonger sister of the
Queene of Patane, whom shee having not seene in twentie
eight yeeres, having requested the same by often solemne
Embassies, and not obtaining ; hath made stay of all the
Junkes that came from Siam, Cambaya, Bordelongh,
Lugor, or any other places laden with Rice for Pahan, and
sent forth all her power by water, consisting of about
seventie sailes, with some foure thousand men, under the
command of Maha Raja, Datoe Bessar, and Orancayo
Sirnora, with order to bring her sister hither, either in
friendship or by force, so that Pahan shall have much to
doe by reason of the great dearth, the burning of his house.
Rice and barnes ; as also the warres of Joor, who as is said,
maketh great prepartion to goe in his owne person for
329
Hollanders
house in Palea-
cate taken.
A.D.
1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Pahan ; and the King of Borneo prepareth on the other
side to their succour.
In Aprill 1613. here arrived divers Juncks from Cam-
baya and China. In May I received letters from Siam, and
good newes of sale, and of the Globes arrivall. He was
busie to send a Cargason of goods for Japan. Seeing
good to be done with China Commodities, I tooke up
three thousand Rials of eight of the Queene at interest,
for three or foure Moneths, allowing sixe per Centum to
the Queene, and one per Centum to the Treasurer. We
received ill newes from Bantam, that Campochina had
twice been burnt, the great English house also full of
cloath, and that of the Hollanders with great losse : of a
great English ship at Pulo Panian much distressed, and
great mortalitie. There came newes also, that the Acheners
had besieged Joor.
July the twelfth, here arrived the King of Pahan, with
his Wife the Queenes sister, and two Sonnes, much against
his will, leaving his countrey in great povertie, famine, fire,
and warre, having joyned conspiracie. He brought newes
that the Acheners had taken Joor, and carried all the
Ordnance, Slaves, and other things away with them ; Raja
Boungson with his children were taken prisoners, and the
King of Joor fled to Bintam. It was besieged nine and
twentie dayes. Some Hollanders also, whose ship was
then at Joor, were there taken and slaine. None of the
Grandes went to entertaine this King of Pahan, onely all
Dogges killed, the dogs were killed for his sake, because he can endure
none. He tooke our shooting as he passed by us in his
honour very kindly, desiring us to visit him, and to trade
in his Countrey.
July the sixteenth, we had newes of Captaine Saris his
being at Mackian, in the way to Japan : also of the death
of Sir Henry Middleton on the foure and twentieth of
May, as was thought by griefe for the most part, the
Trades-increase lying there on ground without Mast, with
three and thirtie men the greatest part sicke : the ship
being sheathed on the one side, and not on the other. In
330
Fires at
Bantam.
The Trades
Increase.
July
Joor or Johor
taken.
[I. iii. 324.]
Death of Sir
Hen. Middle-
ton.
PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS
her had deceased an hundred English, and more Chineses
which wrought for wages, and eight Dutch, by some
strange sickenesse. Captaine Schot had taken the Castle
and Hand of Solor, with great quantitie of Sandalwood.
In the Moluccos also they had done much on the Span-
yard, and a hot warre was likely to ensue. July the one
and thirtieth, came the King of Pahan to our house with
great state, making great promises of kind entertainment
in his Countrey.
August the first, the Queene sent for us to the Court,
where was made a great feast in honour of the King of
Pahan. There was also plaid a Comedie by women after
the Javan manner, apparelled antikelike, very pleasant to
behold. On the ninth, the King of Pahan departed,
having been here a mocking stocke to the Patanees : but
the Queenes Sister would not leave him, but returned
backe with him ; in liew of getting great presents, having
spent almost all shee had. On the sixteenth, I received a
letter from Thomas Bret at Maccasar of a bad Market,
and that John Persons was fallen frantike : and that they
had bought a Junke with purpose to have come away, but
that in the meane time the Darling came thither, Seeing
full of cloathing to settle a Factorie there.
September the eighteenth, arrived here Raja Indra
Monda, which had gone from hence, October the twentie
fift : he had been at Maccasar, and thence to Banda, where
hee made a good Market. He brought about two
hundred sockles Mace, and a great parcell of Nutmegs.
Hee brought me a letter from Richard Welden. By him
I learned the State of Banda ; the Generall Peter de Bot,
had ministred severe justice, hanging some for sleeping in
the watch, on a Gallowes hard by the Castle : which caused
divers to runne to the Bandesians, and ten were turned
Moores ; neither could they of the Castle by any meanes
recover them. Nor have they of the Castle any command
at all over the Bandesians : onely they make the Junkes
to ride under the Castle, as also the ships, so commanding
the Sea, but not daring to give a bad word on land to
331
A.D.
I6I3.
Solor taken by
the Dutch.
King of Pahan
departed.
Wively con-
stancie.
Maccasar in
Celebes.
Hollanders in
Banda.
R. Welden
Englishman.
Banda not
commanded by
the Dutch.
A.D.
1613.
PURCHAS Hrs t^lLGRlMES
Lanjangh.
Uproare by
Javan slaves
in Patania.
the Bandesians. The three and twentieth, the Globe
arrived from Siam, and I received a letter from M. Lucas,
Jagomai, Ava that he had no newes from the Cargason sent to Jagomai,
or Ayia,and j^gc^use the passages were stopped by reason of the warres
l./imnncrn. i \ r \ t r t ' '-r->i tt"
betweene the people or Awa and of Lanjangh. The Kmg
of Awa is said to have taken Sirjangh, and to have caused
the Xenga to be slaine. The King of Siam expects him
with great forces, keeping good watches on his borders.
I payd the Queene her debt in gold.
October the fourth, beeing the Moores first day of Lent,
about eight of the clocke in the morning, arose a mightie
fire in the Towne, or rather the Fort and Court of Patania ;
the cause was this : Datoe Besar and Datoe Laxmanna
dwelling neere to each other, and beeing (except Raja Shey)
the richest in Slaves of Javonians : it chanced, this Datoe
Besar had been threatned by his Javonian slaves, that they
would kill him, Laxmannah, Raja Sitterbangh, and others,
which at last came to their eares. Whereupon Datoe
Besar calling in his slaves, examined the busines, which by
them was denied. Notwithstanding he caused two which
were most suspected to bee bound, which the Pongonla of
the slaves would not suffer, who was thereupon by the
said Besar thrust through with his Cryse or Dagger. The
Javonian slaves enraged hereat, had laid hold on their Lord,
but that his other slaves freed him. Their furie neverthe-
lesse slew all which came in their way, and set fire on their
houses. The Javan slaves of Laxmannah, seeing their
Countrey men in trouble, in sight of their Master, and in
spight of his threats, came to them, set all on fire ; and
being in all about an hundred persons, ranne to the great
gate called Punta Gorbangh, setting all on fire on both
sides as they went, so that the whole Towne, except some
fewe, as the Queenes Court, Orancaio Sirnora, Datoe
Bandara, and the Meskita, was burned. And the Javans
going alongst the streete, tooke the best bond-women that
they found, along with them, and stayed till one of the
clocke after dinner, domineering, none daring to come at
them. Wee meane while were not without feare in our
532
PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS a.d.
1613.
quarter, they threatning to fall on our house : wherefore
(with the Hollanders together) we kept strong watch,
sending aboord for as many armed as might bee, which
came in very fit time. For they beeing landed, and things
set in order, we resolved to go to visit them, and to stoppe
their way ; which happened even just as they were com-
ming downwards. But understanding by their spies of
our strength and comming towards them, they retired
thwart to the fields, and fled to Quale bouca, and so
forwards to Bordolongh, Sangora, and into the Countrey.
Thus we, without harme received, got the name of
Defenders of strangers. The Javans were followed after-
wards to little purpose, three or foure sicke men beeing
taken prisoners : what became of the rest was not knowne
at our departure. This is the third time that Patania hath
been burned, twice by the Japanders, and once by the
Javans ; a thing strange and almost incredible.
On the one and twentieth, we tooke our leave of the Factories left
Queene, which gave to mee, and to Master Essington a ^^ P^^f^^^
golden Cryse. We left William Ebert in the house with
Robert Litleword and Ralph Cooper, with letters also for
M. Lucas at Siam. The same day arrived the unhoped
for Hope from Johor, where arriving and going on shoare,
before they could returne aboord, the Armada of Achen [I- iii. 325-]
was before the Towne to besiege it. Wherefore they sent ^/^^^ ^^P^ ^
a letter aboord for thirtie armed men to be sent by land, ^^jitctlhlp
and to come as high as they could in the River with the before men-
shippe to fight against the Acheners, which by reason of tioned.
the shoalds they could not do high enough to hinder them,
but that after twentie nine dayes the Towne was rendred
by composition. Thus remained twenty three Hollanders
prisoners, and twelve came aboord, where none of com-
mand were left, but the Masters mate, and one Assistant.
These resolved for Patania, but encountred with a storme,
were driven on the Corall ground of Borneo, and were
by a larger wind put thence upon Pulo Condor. It being
now impossible to recover Patania, they sought refreshing
in the Warellas, where they had a good Bay, but an ill
333
A.D.
1613.
lies Ridangh,
Capas, Pulo
Tingi.
Bintam.
Linschoten.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Kitchin, the people being their enemies. They came to
Patania with eighteene men, the most lying in pitifull
plight in their Cabbins. Shee brought seventie thousand
Rials of eight, and twentie nine packs with Indie cloth.
§. III.
Their Voyage to Masulipatan ; accidents during
their long stay there, and their returne.
He next morning we set saile. The ^yq, and
twentieth we were with the Southerliest Hands of
Ridangh (which are about eighteene or twentie,
lying in sixe degrees) and in the Evening by the lies of
Capas, which are three little lies, lying some thirteene
leagues from the former, and two from the Continent.
The sixe and twentieth, we saw Pulo Tyaman, South and
South by East from Capas twentie eight league. The
nine and twentieth, being calme, we came to Pulo Tingi.
If you keepe at eighteene fathome, you neede feare nothing
but what you may see.
The first of November, we saw the point of Jantana or
Johor, and the Mount upon the Hand of Bintam, and the
next Morning came in sight of Pedra Branca : and about
ten of the clocke came to the dangerous riffe which fals
off from the point of Johor foure leagues into the Sea.
John Hugens describes this shoald very well, which we
passed not without danger, having the point with the three
little Hands West South-west n*om us. It is good to
keepe towards the Sea, till you bring the little lies shut
in with the point of Johor, and Pedra Branca open with the
He of Bintam. Pedra Branca is a rocke full of fowle, and
be-dunged, which causeth the toppe thereof to be white,
and gives it that name. Till the seventh, we were every
day busie, turning up with the floud till we were past the
River of Johor, and came about two leagues from Sinca
pura. On the eighth, divers Prawes came aboord us hard
by the straight, being of the Salettes under the King of
Johor, which for the most part keep in their Prawes, with
354
PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS a.d.
1613.
their Wives and Children, and live on fishing. By these
we understood, that the King of Achen had sent Raja
Bouny Soe, younger brother of the King of Johor, backe
againe with great honour, attended with thirtie Prawes and
two thousand Acheners, to rebuild the Fort and Citie of
Johor, with good store of Ordnance, and other necessaries,
having married him to his Sister, and that he should bee
set up in the old Kings place. Here we tooke a Pilot to
carry us through the Straights.
The nineteenth of December, we arrived at Masuli- Masulipatan.
patan, where we found an English shippe, and two Hol-
landers. We understood that Mirsadardi was out of place,
and that Atmachan and Busebulleran did governe. The
English ship was the James, and was sent expressely to The James.
second us in our Voyage. M. Marlow, M. Davis, M.
Gumey, and M. Cob came aboord us, and delivered us
Letters. The one and twentieth, T went on shoare, where
we were met by Wentacadra, sonne to Busebulleran, with
the Sabandar and other Moores, and were well received.
They gave us divers tesseriffes, and to the Director
Warner and me, to each a faire horse, which I refused,
suspecting their treachery, but was compelled to accept it.
I took a Caul at foure per Centum, & landed goods.
The twentie fift of January, the James departed for
Petapoli : and on the seventh of February, from thence
for Bantam. On the eighteenth of February, I went to
Narsapur Peca, and the nineteenth, the ship was brought
into the River drawing nine foot three quarters, and having
ten and an halfe, contrary to the reports of some, which
wished no good to us. The three and twentieth, I arrived
againe at Masulipatan, and dispatched the Peon for Surat,
writing to M. Aldworth. That day arrived a Navette
from Pegu, wherein came Cornelius Franke, by whom we Newesfrom
understood, that it was certaine that the King of Awa had ^^^^'
taken the Fort of Sirjangh, and slaine all the Portugals,
and that Xenga or Philip de Britto, was either spitted or
soulath'd. This was done in March last. The King had
given order for rebuilding the old Towne, calling all the
335
A.D.
1 6 14.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Tho. Essing
tons sudden
death.
Peguers together, and making many faire promises. Him-
selre went forward toward Tenesserin, where Banga de la
came to him with fiftie thousand Peguers, who before had
been under the King of Siam. The Moores in Masuli-
patan rejoice greatly at this conquest, hoping to get the
trade of Pegu into their hands againe, and prepare two
ships to send thither in September. In March came
newes of eleven ships arrived at Goa, eight from China,
and three from Malacca, which brought downe the price
of the Market, in a good houre for me, which had almost
dispatched before.
[I. iii. 326.] In Aprill 16 14. Atmachan departed for Golanda to give
up his accounts, the yeare comming to an end. It was
well for him, the King having deposed the great Treasurer,
and given his Office to Malick Tusar, Atmachans friend :
and well for us, these Governours Debts beeing good
whiles they continue their place ; otherwise doubtfull.
The eighteenth of May, at five in the evening dyed
Captaine Essington of a sudden heat, having eaten his
Dinner at the Table. He had some Biles about him,
which at that time of the yeare are very common : one
great one on his shoulder, which would not breake, sup-
posed the cause of that heate. I went and set the ship
in the best order I could, they all refusing other Governour
but me, which thought it an abasement to tread in the
steps of my under Merchant. I committed it for that
time to Master Skinner, holding all in hope that they
might doe their best endeavours, and returned to Masuli-
patan, where I found three persons which said that they
were sent with Letters from Objama Queene of Paleacatte,
Jaga Raja Governour thereabout, and of Saint Thomee,
Apa Condaja Secretarie of the Great King Wencatadraia,
wherein they sent me word that if I would come thither,
they would grant me a place right over against the Fort of
Paleacatte, with all such Priviledges as we should desire,
and other great promises besides. But I considering how
I and the James had beene entertayned there, could
beleeve but little : yet at last we agreed that one of them
33^
Objama
Queen of
Paleacatte.
'■^ I6I4.
should stay with me, and the rest should depart with one
of my folkes, who should carrie the Letters to the aforesaid
persons ; as also to the King ; wherein I repeated the bad
entertainment which we had at Paleacatte. And if now
it pleased him that we should come into his Countrey,
then to send us his Caul or safe Conduct, to which we
might trust.
The nine and twentieth of July, arrived foure persons ff^entcatadria
as Embassadors, with my man Wengali ; from the Great 5'^^^'^^^f^
King of Narsinga or Velur, bringing me a Caul with his _^iesttam to
Abestiam, (which is a white Cloth where his owne hand is the English.
printed in Sandall or Saffron) as also one from the Queene
of Paleacatte, and divers Letters from Jaga Raja, Tima
Raja, Apocondaia and others. The Kings Letter was
written upon a leafe of Gold, wherein he excused the
former fault done to us in Paleacatte, desiring that now His offers,
we would come into his Countrey, and chuse a place to
our best liking, and that there we should build a house
or Castle according to our owne liking, with other privi-
ledges. He gave me a Towne of about foure hundred
pound of yearely revenue, with promise to doe more at
my comming thither. The Hollanders had wrought much
against it, but their words were not now in such force ;
the Inhabitants grieving to see every yeare English ships
passe by without any profit to them, and therefore filling
the King with complaints, and procuring these friendly
offers. I kept them with mee, allowing their daily charges
till the ship be come into the Road, then to consider
further. My man Wengali had beene in person before
the King and spoken with him, the King laying his hand
on his head, and presenting him with a Tesseriffe.
In August, was in Narsapur Peta and thereabouts, a Over-fiow-
greater over-flowing then had beene seene in nine and ^^^^'
twentie yeares ; that whole Salt hils, Townes, and Rice
drave away, and many thousands of men and cattell were
drowned, the water being three yards above the common
high-way. In Golconda (which hath a branch running
into this great River, dry in the Summer) were about foure
in 337 Y
A.D.
[614.
King ofNar-
singas death :
y his wives
burning with
James for
Patania.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
thousand houses washed away. Two stone Bridges, one
of nineteene ; the other of ififteene arches (as artificially
made as the like may scarsly bee scene in Europe, in my
judgement, at least three fathome high above water) were
three foot under water, and sixe arches of that of nineteene
washed away, beeing a Bridge which might well bee com-
pared with that of Rochester.
The fourth of October, the ship being sheathed came
over the Barre without hurt, hindered before by the foule
weather. And now I called freshly for my Debts, and
writ thereof the third time to the Court, telling them that
I would be payd the interest also ; whereupon they writ
to Mir Mahumad Rasa and the Sabander, to looke that I
be contented. The three and twentieth, the ship came into
the Roade of Masulipatan, and I tooke order for shipping
the goods. On the five and twentieth came newes of the
death of Wencatadrapa King of Velur, after his fiftie
yeares raigne, and that his three Wives (of whom Obyama
Queene of Paleacatte was one) had burned themselves
quicke with the Corps. Great troubles are feared ; the
Hollanders are afraid of their Castle new built in
Paleacatte. Soone after came sixtie sixe Souldiers to
strengthen it, in the Lion.
The first of November, arrived the Lion from Bantam,
which brought newes of the casting away of the Bantam
in the Tessell, and of the White Lion at Saint Helena ; of
the James arrivall at Bantam and going thence for Patania.
I seeing the Governours trifling delayes for his Debt, and
being in danger thereby not to returne this yeare, resolved
to Carrie him or his sonne from the Custome house aboord
the ship, how dangerous soever the attempt seemed, the
whole Company promising therein to live and dye with
me. Whereupon I gave order for the Boat to goe aboord,
and to bring sixe Muskets wrapped up in the Sailes, and
so to lye in the Custome House, till we should see our
oportunitie. Moreover, seeing we may not bring any
weapons on shore, I gave order that all our folkes should
stay within the House, and come to mee in the Custome
338
V 1614.
^P House as soone as I should send for them five, to take
^ hold of the Souldiers Pikes, that were of the Governours
or his sonnes Guard, and so presently to enter the Custome [I. iii. 327.]
House, which standeth hard by the Rivers side, and then
to shut the doore. So might we be able to carry them
into the Boat, before the alarme be knowne in the Towne :
wee having them in the Boate, wee needed not to feare.
We kept it secretly, yet had the Hollanders intelligence,
who esteemed it a bragge, and so revealed it not.
The one and twentieth of November, the Gentiles had Gentile Feast.
a Feast, which Solemnitie happens thrice a yeare, when
the New Moone commeth on a Monday : in which both
Men and Women come to wash themselves in the Sea,
esteeming thereby to have great indulgence. The Bra-
menes also and Cometis doe the same.
On the foure and twentieth, I demanded my money of
the Governour very angerly, having stayed seven
monethes longer then bargaine, asking also Mir
Mahumad Rasa, why he did not helpe me according
to the Letters of the Court : who laughingly answered,
they would talke with me at the Custome House when
my anger was over. I replyed, I would no longer bee
made a Foole, I would shew my selfe a Captaine of the
King of England, who are not accustomed to such
Knavish dealing. Thus went I to the Custome House,
where I found the Governours Sonne with a small Guard,
his Souldiers having set their Launces over against the
Custome House, it now being also high-water, as if God
had offered Occasions fore-locke. Wherefore I sent home
(as was before agreed) for Master Skinner and the rest,
(leaving only three to looke to the house) who presently
came & laid hold on the Pikes, and entring the Custome ^fj^''^' ^^'^
house, shut the doore. In the mean time I held Wen- attempt of the
catadra arrested by the armes, til two or three came to English.
me, who taking him in their armes carryed him into the '^^^ Gover-
Boat, into which I presently leaped, and beeing followed ^°^^ ^°^J^^
of the rest, put off from shoare, rowing away : so that Prisoner
before his Father and Mir Mahumad Rasa could come to aboord.
339
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
the Custome House, wee were in full rowing. But in
regard that it blew hard, and that we were forced to row
under land, within the length of two Cables to keep the
depth of the Channell ; they came with might and mayne
to pursue us : some comming hard by the Boate, but were
out-rowed. Some met us in front which had indangered
us, but discharging three Muskets we frighted them, and
carryed away our prey in sight of three thousand people,
being much past the Barre before they could come to it,
and came safe aboord. I had given order to George
Chancey, to stay ashoare with three men more to give a
reason of this Hostilitie, & to get in the Debts : but he,
contrary hereto, going forth of the house to see this Enter-
prize, was by some unruly fellowes set upon and thorowly
beaten : which comming to the Governours eare, hee tooke
him into his protection, fearing his sonne might pay for it.
In the after-noone came from shoare Werner Van
Berchem the Hollander, with the Kings Interpreter, to
demand the cause of this action, whom I answered that
they knew it well enough, and I had also left my under
Merchant on shore to tell them : of whose hard usage
understanding, I made as though I would be revenged on
Wencatadra, but by Van Berchems intercession remitted
it, conditionally to execute the same, hanging him at the
yard (which he writ to his Father) if any of my men
should be wronged. I prohibited also any Boat to come
aboord without a Letter from George Chancey, else would
I set them all before the Mast. The Hollanders Van
Berchem with the Secretarie came aboord againe on the
seven and twentieth, offering the Governours owne
Debt : I demanded no more but his and Callopas whose
Suretie hee was, and for the rest, that he as Governour
should send such as refused to pay aboord ; & I would
hold my selfe satisfied. Berchem also protested against
me of all dammages, which they had bound, or might
beare, because of my hostilitie ; to which protest I
answered by writing, shewing the nullitie thereof, and
their ship the same night departed for Patane. In the
349
■ 1614.
H meane- while, Wencatadra remayned aboord without eating
m or drinkiner. For he beins: a Bramene, may neither eate Superstition of
I nor drinke in any mans house but what he hath dressed
r himselfe ; which made mee so to pittie him, that I offered
if any two Moores of qualitie would come aboord in his
place, I would let him goe on shoare. But none would
undertake it, and he must continue his fast. The
Governour therefore payd his and Callopas Debt, and
made all the rest to pay except Miriapeik and Datapa
which were in Golconda, and I sent backe my Prisoner,
the thirtieth of November.
After this agreement divers Moores and others came
aboord to visit mee, promising to write to the King the
truth of these proceedings, desiring me not to hurt any
Moores ships. I answered I was for this time satisfied :
but let them hereafter take heed of giving like cause, and
have better eares for Englishmens complaints. I also sent
Letters to the King at Golconda to the same purpose for
quicker Justice. I dispatched likewise the Embassadors
of Velur, in respect of the troubles there, and my short
stay denying fit oportunitie : yet I left Letters with them
for the first English ships, with my best advice.
The seventh of December, Master Chancey came aboord
with the rest, and next night I put to Sea, having offered
to come and take a friendly fare-well on shoare : but the
Governour fearing I would write of his dealing by those
Moores, refiased, pretending hee was ashamed to see my
face, whom of a good friend he had made his Enemie.
The third of Januarie, we arrived at Bantam, where we
found the James come from Patane, the Hosiander, and
Concord. I went on shoare and received of Master John [I. iii. 328.]
Jordaine, (principall Factour at Bantam) Letters, from Sir
Thomas Smith, testifying that the Companie was joyned The severall
in one, &c. From Master Cockin at Maccasar, that he had ^^^^'^^^ ^^^'^^^•
received the Cargason sent by William Ebert, with other
circumstances : from Adam Denton and Master Gourney,
complayning of the dead Market because of the Warres :
from Master Lucas also, of his feares in the same regard ;
341
A.D.
l6l2.
The first Ter-
nado.
February 20.
They crosse the
Line.
[I. iii. 329.]
Apr'ill 15.
Weeds called
Trombas^
signes of being
neare the Cape
ofBuona
Esperanza.
Punta de
Sancta Luzia.
The Bay.
They goe on
shoare, and
finde people »
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the Roade at Cape Verde. The two and twentieth, we
got seven Beeves.
The three and twentieth, in the morning wee departed
from Rosisco. The eight and twentieth, being in latitude
sixe degrees, thirtie two minutes, we met with the first
Ternado, lasting some two houres.
The twentieth of Februarie, wee crossed the Equinoc-
tiall Line, and made our way South South-east.
The fifteenth of Aprill 161 2. the latitude thirtie two
degrees, thirtie nine minutes, the wind South-west we
steered in East South-east, and met with many great weeds,
called Trombas by the Portugals, and the water was much
changed : we steered away East South-east till five of the
clocke ; then wee saw the land betweene the East South-
east, and East North-east : wee steered away East till seven
in the morning : then we were thwart Punta de Sancta
Lucia, some foure leagues off ; we sounded, and had forty
three fathomes, Rockes : then it fell aland.
The sixteenth at noone, latitude thirtie three degrees,
no minutes. At five of the clock at night, we were shot
so farre into the Bay, that we brought a ledge of rockes
South South-west off us : then we steered off.
The seventeenth in the morning, we were some seven
leagues off the shoare, having got some three leagues to
the Southward. This day our latitude was thirtie three
degrees, no minutes, we stood in for the shoare, and at
three of the clocke came in faire by the point in fifteene,
fourteene, and thirteene fathoms, and had sometimes hard
ground, sometimes soft Ozie : and when wee were shot
within the point two miles off the shoare, we had nine
fathoms for the most part soft Ozie : Then we anchored
in the South-east side of the Bay in seven fathoms soft
ground, the one point North North-east some seven
leagues off ; the other which we came in by, North-west.
The eighteenth in the morning, wx sent our Boat and
Skiff e on shoare ; the Skiffe presently returning, brought
newes of people, whereof some twentie came to them.
Wee sent the Skiffe on shoare againe with an iron hoope
344
SAMUEL CASTELTON
cut in pieces, and some hatchets : and for a small piece of
this iron hoope we had a Calfe, and for an hatchet an
excellent good sheepe. Then we sent our Boat to seeke
for water, but ranging the Bay could find none : a little
puddle we saw, of which the people dranke, making signes
that there was none other. This Countrey seemed to bee
a very barren place. Our Boat went into a River in the
bottome of the Bay, having sixe foote water upon the
Barre at an high water, and went a mile up a very fine
River, but all salt water, and a barren Countrey.
The nineteenth in the morning, at two of the clocke,
the wind came up at North North-west, and blowing right
in, we weighed, and made a boord over the bottome of the
Bay in ten, nine, eight and seven fathoms. Then the
wind came to the West South-west, and West by South,
and so we plyed it out, all night becalmed some three
leagues without the point of the road. The two and
twentieth at noone, latitude thirtie three degrees, fiftie
three minutes, we were some eight leagues off the shoare.
The three and twentieth in the morning, the Table bare
South-east some ^vt leagues off. All night was calme.
The foure and twentieth, we came into the Road of
Saldanha : The people desire nothing so much as Copper :
Brasse they regarded not.
The foure and twentieth of August, we departed from
Priaman for Tecon : Priaman standeth in thirtie eight
minutes of South latitude, and the variation there is foure
degrees, fiftie minutes North-west. Tecon standeth in
five and twentie minutes of South latitude, having three
or foure shoalds betweene them : but keepe some foure
leagues off the shoare, and there is no feare.
The one and thirtieth, we ran into a Bay, and there
(being a wildernesse) wee brought on a false keele on our
Pinnasse. This Bay is called by the name of a Towne, a
little to the Southward of it, called Airebangye. The
latitude of this Bay is some eight minutes North latitude.
Round about the shoald going in, is nine fathome and a
quarter lesse : but betweene the maine and it, is the best
345
A.D.
l6l2.
J Calfefora
piece of an
iron hoope,
and a good
sheepe for an
hatchet.
The Table.
The Road of
Saldanha.
Copper in
chiefe request.
August.
Priaman in
thirtie eight
minutes of
South latitude.
Variation
foure degrees
fiftie minutes.
Tecon.
Jirehangye, a
Toivne eight
minutes 'North
latitude.
Punta de
Sancta Luzia.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
the Roade at Cape Verde. The two and twentieth, we
got seven Beeves.
The three and twentieth, in the morning wee departed
from Rosisco. The eight and twentieth, being in latitude
ThefirstTer- sixe degrees, thirtie two minutes, we met with the first
nado. Ternado, lasting some two houres.
February 20. Xhe twentieth of Februarie, wee crossed the Equinoc-
TJ^^Y'''"'^^' tiall Line, and made our way South South-east.
[I. iii. 329.] The fifteenth of Aprill 1612. the latitude thirtie two
Aprill 15. degrees, thirtie nine minutes, the wind South-west we
Weeds called steered in East South-east, and met with many great weeds,
Trombas, called Trombas by the Portugals, and the water was much
Mare the Cape changed : we steered away East South-east till five of the
ofBuona clocke ; then wee saw the land betweene the East South-
Esperanza. east, and East North-east : wee steered away East till seven
in the morning : then we were thwart Punta de Sancta
Lucia, some foure leagues off ; we sounded, and had forty
three fathomes, Rockes : then it fell aland.
The sixteenth at noone, latitude thirtie three degrees,
no minutes. At five of the clock at night, we were shot
The Bay, so farre into the Bay, that we brought a ledge of rockes
South South-west off us : then we steered off.
The seventeenth in the morning, we were some seven
leagues off the shoare, having got some three leagues to
the Southward. This day our latitude was thirtie three
degrees, no minutes, we stood in for the shoare, and at
three of the clocke came in faire by the point in fifteene,
fourteene, and thirteene fathoms, and had sometimes hard
ground, sometimes soft Ozie : and when wee were shot
within the point two miles off the shoare, we had nine
fathoms for the most part soft Ozie : Then we anchored
in the South-east side of the Bay in seven fathoms soft
ground, the one point North North-east some seven
leagues off ; the other which we came in by, North-west.
They goe on The eighteenth in the morning, we sent our Boat and
shoare, and Skiffe on shoare ; the Skiffe presently returning, brought
Jinde people. r 1 u r ^ ^ ^ ^- \. .v
^ ^ newes or people, whereor some twentie came to them.
Wee sent the Skiffe on shoare againe with an iron hoope
344
SAMUEL CASTELTON
cut in pieces, and some hatchets : and for a small piece of
this iron hoope we had a Calfe, and for an hatchet an
excellent good sheepe. Then we sent our Boat to seeke
for water, but ranging the Bay could find none : a little
puddle we saw, of which the people dranke, making signes
that there was none other. This Countrey seemed to bee
a very barren place. Our Boat went into a River in the
bottome of the Bay, having sixe foote water upon the
Barre at an high water, and went a mile up a very fine
River, but all salt water, and a barren Countrey.
The nineteenth in the morning, at two of the clocke,
the wind came up at North North-west, and blowing right
in, we weighed, and made a boord over the bottome of the
Bay in ten, nine, eight and seven fathoms. Then the
wind came to the West South-west, and West by South,
and so we plyed it out, all night becalmed some three
leagues without the point of the road. The two and
twentieth at noone, latitude thirtie three degrees, fiftie
three minutes, we were some eight leagues off the shoare.
The three and twentieth in the morning, the Table bare
South-east some five leagues off. All night was calme.
The foure and twentieth, we came into the Road of
Saldanha : The people desire nothing so much as Copper :
Brasse they regarded not.
The foure and twentieth of August, we departed from
Priaman for Tecon : Priaman standeth in thirtie eight
minutes of South latitude, and the variation there is foure
degrees, fiftie minutes North-west. Tecon standeth in
five and twentie minutes of South latitude, having three
or foure shoalds betweene them : but keepe some foure
leagues off the shoare, and there is no feare.
The one and thirtieth, we ran into a Bay, and there
(being a wildernesse) wee brought on a false keele on our
Pinnasse. This Bay is called by the name of a Towne, a
little to the Southward of it, called Airebangye. The
latitude of this Bay is some eight minutes North latitude.
Round about the shoald going in, is nine fathome and a
quarter lesse : but betweene the maine and it, is the best
345
A.D.
l6l2.
J Calfe for a
piece of an
iron hoope,
and a good
sheepe for an
hatchet.
The Table.
The Road of
Saldanha.
Copper in
chiefe request.
August.
Priaman in
thirtie eight
minutes of
South latitude.
Variation
foure degrees
fiftie minutes.
Tecon.
Airebangye^ a
Towne eight
minutes "North
latitude.
A.D.
l6l2.
A shoald.
The River of
Pattahan.
Latitude no
degj-ees,
twentie eight
minutes.
A bigge Island
in one degree
fortie minutes.
A shoald.
[I. iii. 330.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
channell with a Northerly wind, because the point of the
Isle lyeth shoald a good cables length off to the North-
ward : some two miles off the shore thwart the wester
point, which is to the Northward of Airebangye, lyeth a
shoald, whereon is but eight or nine fathomes water, being
rockes : but all over betweene that land and the long Isle
in the offing, which lyeth some seven leagues off, is but
eight and twentie and thirtie fathoms. The tenth of
September, we got up with the wind off the shoare,
within two miles of Pattahan.
The eleventh in the morning, we anchored at the South-
west end of the Isle of Pattahan in fourteene fathoms
Ozie : and at two in the after-noone we anchored thwart
the River of Pattahan, in five fathoms Ozie. All this
Coast is Ozie neare the shoare, without it be the shoalds.
This River is very good water, and you may goe into it
six or seven foot upon the Barre, it standeth in no degree,
twentie eight minutes of North latitude.
The fourteenth, we went from Pattahan with two
Governours for our Pilots, for Barons and Achen, with
three Boyes.
The sixteenth, we were a little short of a bigge Island,
which lyeth some two miles off the maine, with two other
small Isles on the South-side of it : and betweene the
maine and it lyeth an high round homocke being an Isle :
This is some twentie five or twentie sixe leagues to the
Northward of Pattahan. This bigge Isle standeth in one
degree, fortie minutes. And on the North-west side is
a rresh running downe a steepe cliffe, like a little River,
all in a breach, and sheweth white a great way off, seven
or eight leagues you may very well see it. On the North-
side of this Isle is a fine Bay : going faire by it, we had
thirty fathoms Ozie. South-west or West South-west
some foure leagues from this Island lyeth a shoald : within
this Isle your depth is two and twentie fathoms, and so
close into the maine twentie fathoms, all Ozie, your anchor
over both floockes.
The last of October, we departed from Nicubar, where
346
SAMUEL CASTELTON a.d.
1612.
we had good refreshing, for the Isle of Ceylon ; the
Canoes still trading, so long as we were any thing neare.
The twelfth of November at noone, the Sunne shining, 'November.
we made our ship in five degrees, thirtie five minutes.
By which observation I found our ship fortie leagues
farther Southerly, then I could judge by our sailing, in
lesse time then two dayes. At eight of the clocke in the
morning, we saw the land of Ceylon, North-east by north
off us some twelve leagues off, being the high land within
Punta de Galle. Then it proved calme, and we got out PuntadeGalle
our Skiffe to sound, but found no ground. '"^ ^'^^''''
The thirteenth at noone, latitude five degrees, thirtie
two minutes, variation thirteene degrees, twentie foure Variation
minutes at night : all night the wind variable, little wind, ^^l.27lJentie
but very much raine ; we slented it in to the Northward : foure minutes.
the next morning the land was East North-east. The
fourteenth at noone, our latitude was sixe degrees, or six
or five. The Souther point of Ceylon, called Diundra,
East of us.
The sixteenth in the after-noone, the wind Southerly
out of the sea, we weighed and went into the Bay, where ^>^^ Bay of
the Boats were, called Velagam, thinking there to water, ^^^^i^^-
and anchored in seven fathoms fine blacke sand, the one
point West North-westerly, the other point which wee
came in by South South-west Westerly, and rode within
a quarter of a mile from the shoare. This night wee sent
our Skiffe on shoare with a fiagge of truce, but went not
on shoare, the people making shew they could not under-
stand Portuguise.
The seventeenth, we sent our Boat to the other side of
the Bay, where there were houses built by Christian
Portugals : where the people came downe to our Boat, and
one of them came into the water neare the Boat, speaking
very good Portuguise, in habite like one of the Countrey
people : but we judged him to be a Portugall. He
answered our men, that wee could have nothing till they
had acquainted their King; and so bid us returne the
next morning, and we should have answere from their
U1
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
King, with very pleasing words : but soone after we per-
ceived an ambush of the Portugals, and weighed.
The two and twentieth, we sent our Boat and Skiffe
on shoare, thinking that for their two Boats and men,
they would have given us water. But we commanded
our long Boat not to goe neare the shoare, but to lye off
to succour the Skiffe, if need were. The people on shoare
keeping themselves close, sent one man downe to speake
to our Skiffe, that if they would give them money wee
should water : who made answere, that our Captaine was
very well content to give them what it pleased them to
require, and told them that we were bound for Maticalo,
a Citie upon the Isle, to Trade. Then he drawing nearer
to the Skiffe, seemed to be afraid, and told them in the
Skiffe that they had Gunnes and would shoote him : but
they making answere they had none, as indeed they had
not, (for the Boat was fitted for their defence) comming
The treason of neare, hee talked very friendly, seeming to yeeld to any
the Portugals. t^i^g. But on the sudden he retiring from the Skiffe,
there came off such a volly of small shot, as the like hath
been seldome scene, I thinke not lesse then two hundred,
which hurt all our men in the Skiffe, being sixe, but none
deadly, thanked be God. In the long Boat none were
hurt ; but the Skiffe was even in the wash of the shoare.
At their discharging of their shot they sallied out of the
bushes, some of them running up to the necke, to have
gotten hold of the Skiffe : But two of our men having
better hearts then the rest, although hurt, rowed her off.
The long Boate discharging her fowler and her small shot,
made them retire into the bushes againe ; and so both
our Boats came aboord againe.
The foure and twentieth, we stood to the Eastward
about Diundra, the Souther point of the Isle, and anchored
all night some seven leagues to the East.
The sixe and twentieth, wee stood to the Eastward along
The River the shoare, and at noone anchored thwart a River, which
Walkway. ^^^ people called Walkway, in eight fathoms, black Ozie
sand, yet shewed a great River within, but the mouth was
348
SAMUEL CASTELTON a.d.
1612.
dord up. Our Boat being at the mouth of it, thought
it to be a Rocke that lay thwart of the Rivers mouth : and
the Sea going high they could doe no good, but came
aboord.
The seven and twentieth, at five of the clocke at night,
we were thwart a shoald in the offing of us, and being A shodd.
shot to the Eastward of it, we tooke in all our sailes but
our fore-course, and stood it off a try to spend the night,
and not liking the weather, I called to get up our new
fore-course ; and while it was getting up, the other split.
Being some foure miles off the shoare, we laid it a hull till
nine of the clocke, having foure and thirtie fathoms. Then
we laid it about to the shoare, and at eleven of the clocke
anchored in thirteene fathom fine sand, some three miles
and an halfe from the shoare, being lesse wind.
The eight and twentieth, in running some five leagues,
wee met with another shoald without us some three leagues Another
from the land, the shoare being sandie hills. The depth ^^°^^j:
some five or sixe miles off, sixe or eight fathoms : at one
cast we had but five fathoms, which was another shoald, A third shoald,
but it shewed not, being a smooth Sea. Then we came
into ten and fifteene fathoms : and standing still to the
Eastward, we came to a point of rockes, and there seeing ^ P°'^^f °f
a fine River, we anchored on the East-side of the point in ^j f' -n-
nine fathoms blacke Ozie sand ; the point bearing South-
west and by South off us. Heere we watered, keeping They water.
a guard upon the Rocke of thirty small shot. Here some [I. iii. 331.]
people came to us with feare, making shewes of great
friendship. They have for the most part of them very ^}^ descrip-
great holes in their eares : and some of them have their *^^^^f^^^
haire upon their heads, like the Chineses, long, and made
up with a knot upon their Crownes. They are all naked,
they weare onely a piece of cloth about their middles,
hanging downe to their knees. Here two came aboord us
at severall times, which spake good Portuguise. They
promised all things, but performed nothing. But finding
the first to play the villaine with us, yet as farre as we
perceived, not by his owne meanes, we tooke occasion to
349
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRTMES
1612.
detaine the one aboord, sending the other with threatnings
and promises on shoare to procure us victualls : who
staying somewhat long, put his fellow which we had
detained in great feare ; who fained himselfe sicke, and
would faine have gone on shore. But the next day his
consort came with two Calves.
December. The fourth of December in the morning, we stood to
the East-ward till the brise came, which was about two of
the clock, & fetcht not the place by sixe leagues : we
anchored in ten fathomes two miles from the shoare, fine
Latitude 6. blacke sand : latitude sixe degrees fortie minutes. Varia-
egrees 40. ^-^^^ twelve degrees fortie sixe minutes North-westing:.
Variation Here we rode till the eighth : then we stood to the West-
12. degr. 46. ward, and anchored all night thwart a great Hamocke.
«'»• The ninth, we anchored all night a little to the West-ward
of the Westermost Shoald. The eleventh in the morning,
we stood faire in by the river Walkway ; but the sea going
high, we went along to the West-ward, and at night were
thwart the point some five leagues to the East-ward of
Diundra. Here wee rode till the sixteenth, at which time
the Current setting strongly to the East-ward, which was
very seldome, we weighed and plyed to the Eastward.
The seventeenth, we stood it in, and fetcht in a little
Two redde to the West- ward of Diundra, thwart the two red Cliffes,
Cliffes. and anchored in twentie five fathomes, the point East a
little Northerly. The eighteenth, we broke up our Pin-
nasse, being so worme-eaten, that she wearied our men
with freeing her of water. Here we rode the wind
Easterly all this Moneth out.
January. Januarie the seventh. Easterly winds began to blow,
then we bare up for the river of Walkway, where we staid,
and laid up new shrowds upon our maine Mast, having
very much wind Easterly. We rode here tenne dayes
together in tenne fathoms, three quarters of a mile from
the shoare, the point lying East Southerly off us. The
nineteenth at midnight we espied a sayle. The twentieth
They take a in the morning in lesse then three leagues chase we tooke
shippe. j^gj. ^j^^ |.j^g %zm^ day we stood it away to the North-
350
SAMUEL CASTELTON
west out of sight of land ; then we stood in againe. The
foure and twentieth, wee anchored some seven leagues to
the North-ward of Punta de Galle. The five and twen-
tieth, we began to discharge her, riding in thirtie fathomes
some three miles from the shoare.
The second of February, we had done with the ship,
leaving in her neere an hundred tunnes of Pepper and
Sanders. The third day, we set saile home-wards. At
sixe of the clocke at night we were in fourteene fathomes,
some five or sixe miles from the shoare, thwart an Hand,
which is some sixe leagues to the South-ward of the
Portugals fort upon Ceylon called Colombo.
The twentieth of March, Latitude thirteene degrees
seven minutes : Variation twentie foure degrees twentie
sixe minutes, being the greatest that we found. We
steered away South-west, and felt no current. Note, that
we met with Currents, and many ripplings from South
latitude foure degrees thirtie minutes, till we came into
thirteene degrees no minutes. Sometimes the Ripplings
making a noyse like over-fals, especially being in the
parallels of Pedras Brancas to the West-ward of it.
The foure and twentieth, latitude sixteene degrees fiftie
minutes, variation twenty three degrees tenne minutes :
we steered South-west. The twentie seventh, latitude
twentie one degrees, then we saw an Hand West South-
west, and South-west and by West some five leagues from
us, being very high land. At sixe of the clocke at night,
we anchored on the Easter side of it in tenne fathomes
fine blacke sand a mile from the shoare. From fortie
fathomes to foure fathomes close into the shoare, you have
fine black sand. Here we sent our Boat on shoare, and
found infinite numbers of great land Tortoises, as big as
a man might well carrie, which were very good meate.
The North-east point of this He is very high and steepe ;
and a little to the South-east of the point is low land, where
is a fine running water like a river : and though a Boat
cannot goe in, yet it is a very good place to water in,
somewhat distant from the shoare. The He is like a
35^
A.D.
l6l2.
February.
They returne
homewards.
Colombo.
The greatest
variation 24.
degr. 26. min.
Variation 23.
de^. I o. min.
A new Hand
discovered in
21. degrees.
Infinite num-
bers of great
Tortoises.
A good water-
ing place.
A.D.
l6l2.
Pearle lie.
An excellent
f lac e for
refreshing.
[I. iii. 332.]
A prill 161 3.
Variati. 22.
deg. 48.
minutes.
38. degresj
47. minutes,
the greatest
latitude
Southward.
They are to
the West of
Cape de Buona
Esperanza.
June 1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Forrest, and therefore I called it Englands Forrest ; but
others call it Pearle Hand, hy the name of our ship. There
is store of land fowle both small and great, plentie of
Doves, great Parrats, and such like : And a great fowle
of the bignesse of a Turkie, very fat, and so short winged,
that they cannot flie, beeing white, and in a manner tame :
and so are all other fowles, as having not been troubled
nor feared with shot. Our men did beate them downe
with sticks and stones. Ten men may take fowle enough
to serve fortie men a day. Our men travelling into the
land, found another river and a Pond with great store of
Mallards in it, and wild geese. Moreover, they found
infinite store of great Eeles, as good, I thinke, as any in
the world. Strike them with a Pike, and they will flie
from you not past two or three yards, and there will lie
still againe : you may wade after them at your pleasure.
I weighed one of them, because they were bigger then
ever I saw, and it weighed five and twentie pounds, and
they are the sweetest fish that can be eaten. I thinke it
is so good a place as the world can affoord for refreshing,
beeing also without people.
The first of Aprill 16 13. we went away, and bearing
about the North-east point, all the North side of the He
was fine low land, and full of trees, more pleasant in sight
then the South-side. The second, latitude twentie degrees
fiftie eight minutes. The He bare South-east by East some
five leagues off^: Note that we saw no dangers about
the He, but the shore it selfe. At sixe of the clocke at
night, the South-west point was off^ us South-east by East,
variation twenty two degrees fortie eight minutes.
The first of May, latitude thirtie eight degrees fortie
seven minutes, which was the greatest latitude that wee
ever raised to the South-ward, wee steered away West
North-west. The eleventh at noone, latitude thirty three
degrees fiftie eight minutes, by which observation I found
a Northerly Current, and found my selfe to the West-ward
of Cape de Buona Esperanza.
The first of June, all these ships, the Salomon and foure
352
SAMUEL CASTELTON a.d.
1613.
great Hollanders departed from the Road of Saint Helena.
But within foure houres after they were gone, there came
about the point two great Carackes, the other ships being
still in sight ; we having most part of our Companie
ashoare sicke, I sent the Boat on shoare, having not above
ten men aboord : so there came as many as were able, some
of our soundest men being up in the Mountaines. When
the Boat was come aboord, we cut our Cables in the hause
and drove away, setting sayle as fast as we were able, being
in all but sixe and twentie men ; having left behind us
sicke and sound five and twentie men of our owne Com-
panie, and one Indian, with all our water Caske, and divers
other things for the use of our sicke men were left on
shoare. So hastening toward the Hollanders, and making
signes for their stay, and within night comming up with
the Admirall of the Hollanders, and telling him of this
newes, hee was very glad, and desired to make saile for
the Road againe, and made signes to his Fleet to follow,
and so stood for the Road as wind would serve. But
in the morning his biggest ship both of force and burthen
was missing, with the Salomon of London. Yet his three
ships and we plyed it up for the Roade, and gat in the
third day at noone. The Admirall of the Hollanders The third of
went first in, and anchored on the Broad side of the ^^^V ,
Admirall Caracke. He veered so much Cable before hee betweene the
brought up his ship, that his sterne hung by the galleries three Hollan-
of the Caracke : but with his two sterne peeces lying very ^^^'^ ^^^ ^^^
low, and his quarter Peeces hee so galled the Caracke, that
he put her from two peeces of Ordnance, and might have
sunke her, if they had not been too covetous, having desire
to Carrie both. The next came the Bantam, and anchored
in such sort, that she had her Broad-side upon the Bow
of the same Caracke, and so racked her afore and baft,
that it much cooled the Portugals courage. Then came
the white Lion, whereof one Simons was Captaine, and
laid her thwart the hause, and so tare her that a man
might see all the Sea wash into her betweene wind and
water, and withall cut her Cables, and so she drove off
in 353 z
Carackes.
A.D.
1613.
The Lion of
Holland
blozvne up and
sunke.
Forty nine
Hollanders
blowne up and
drowned.
Julyi%A6\'x,,
The Sea of
Grasse, or
Saragasso.
They crosse the
Tropicke of
Cancer.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
from the white Lion, and had driven on shoare, but that
the Vice-Admirall Caracke had a Cable fast on shoare : and
so the Caracke lying in the byte of this Cable, in time got
another Cable and Anchor readie, and so brought her up
againe, though long first. Then the white Lion making
way to veere aboord againe, with a generall consent that
all three ships should lay her aboord : the white Lion
falling with her Broad-side along the Vice-Admirall Carack,
let flye her whole Broad-side, and likewise the Carack at
her. But stil vering to get aboord the Admirall Caracke,
his men still plying his lower Ordnance upon the Vice-
Admirall, one of his Peeces brake over his Powder Roome,
as some thought, and the shippe blew up all to pieces, the
after part of her, and so sunke presently. In the time of
this fight eleven of our men came out of the Mountaines :
whom wee espying fetched from the shoare, out of the
Bay to the East-ward of the chappell, leaving on shore
fifteene of our Companie, one being an Indian. In the
white Lion were Henrie Bacon, and Henrie Teddiman
blowne up, & nine and fortie of the Hollanders. Then
the Admirall, whereof John Derickson Lambe was Cap-
taine, seeing his forces so much weakened, himselfe having
two of his Peeces dismounted, with many of his men killed
and hurt, and we being of small force, thought it best to
leave them, for want of helpe, promising to furnish us
with water.
The third of June, loosing one after another, and
changing a few shot with the Carackes, we stood away for
England.
The eighteenth of July in the morning, we met with
many weeds, and a small long leafe with white Berries of
the bignesse of a corne of Pepper. The Master of the
Caravell aboord the Hollanders reported, that farther
Westerly the Sea is so thicke with these kind of weeds,
that they hinder a ships way. They call it The Sea of
Grasse. Hee afifirmed that in former Voyages he had
beene in it. The nineteenth, we crossed the Tropicke of
Cancer.
354
English Voyages
leyond the East-Indies, to the Hands of Japan,
China, Cauchin-China, the Philipinas with
others, and the Indian Navigations
further prosecuted.
Their just Commerce, nobly vindicated against
Turkish Treachery, victoriously defended
against Portugall Hostility, gloriously
advanced against Moorish and
Ethnike Perfidie ;
hopefully recovering from Dutch Malignitie ;
justly maintayned against ignorant and
malicious Calumnie.
THE FOURTH BOOKE.
HAving brought to light (rather as a Midwife, the
fruit of Others Travels then mine owne as a Parent)
the imperfect untimely Births of Other Englishmen, and
that more mature, well complexioned, strong limmed, and
(if Genethliacall conjectures faile not) hopefully promising
Riches, Honour, Happie Successe and Long-life, of the
East-Indian Societie, which we have also in a Scenicall
Historie, or an Historicall Scene, (the Actors being the
355
[I. iv. 333.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Authors, and the Authours themselves the Actors of their
owne Parts, Artes, Acts, Designes) brought from the
Cradle to the Saddle, from weaker Infancie of first
beginnings to the happie Progresse and growth of youth-
full vigour and courage : I made a stand, and, in the mids
of our Indian Course, finished the former Booke ; that as
after a long ascent of some steeper Hill, Men take breath,
and review with delight, that which with irkesome labour
and wearie steps they have passed ; or like the Land-
traveller resting in his Inne, or the Weather-beaten
Mariner refreshing himselfe in some mid-way Harbour
(which heere you see our Indian Navigators doe in Sol-
dania, or at Saint Helena.) You might also after that
stay beginne a fresh Career, with revived spirits, and
renewed alacritie, resume this Booke- Voyage, and Reading
Navigation. So may your Mindes in few houres and a
safe course, without feare of Rockes, Sands, Winds,
Stormes of unseasonable Monsons, unreasonable Men
(Fugitives, Traytors, Pyrates, false Friends, open Foes)
of an ill Market, hard Customes, or harsh accounts to be
given at last ; communicate in that, which These with so
long labours, and so perillous dangers, have done and
suffered.
And here first we present unto you, the East-Indies
made Westerly by the Illustrious Voyage of Captaine
John Saris, who having spent some yeares before in the
Indies, by Observations to rectifie Experience, and by
Experience to prepare for higher Attempts, hath heere
left the knowne Coasts of Europe, compassed those more
unknowne of Afrike from the i^tlantike to the Erythraean
^ Sea, and after Commerce there (tam Marte, quam Mer-
curio) compasseth the Shoares, and pierceth the Seas, to
[I. iv. 334.] and beyond all justnames of Indian and Asia, penetrating
by a long journey the Hands, Cities, Court of the Japonian
Empire ; there setleth an English Factorie, and after safe
returne, is readie to render thee the pleasure of his paine,
and (why stay I thee any longer .f^) by a more pleasant
Discoursive way, to discover to thee the Rarities of that
356
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1611.
Discoverie ; and by hand, by the Eyes to lead thee alongst
with him all the way : and then leave thee to those that
shall tell thee after Accidents and later Occurents in the
Japonian, Indian and Asian Affaires.
Chap. I.
The eighth Voyage set forth by the East-Indian
Societie, wherein were imployed three Ships,
the Clove, the Hector, and the Thomas, under
the command of Captaine John Saris : His
Course and Acts to and in the Red Sea, Java,
Molucca's, and Japan (by the Inhabitants
called Nessoon, where also he first began and
setled an English Trade and Factorie) with
other remarkable Rarities, collected out of
his owne Journall.
§. I-
Their sayling about Africa, visiting divers Hands
thereof, and comming to Socatora.
He eighteenth of Aprill 1 6 1 1 . wee set saile Aprill 1 8.
out of the Downes. ^^"•
The sixth of June following, we passed
the Equinoctial! Line.
The first of August 1 6 1 1 . we arrived
in the Bay of Soldania, where having well
refreshed our selves the space of eight
dayes, the ninth of August in the morning we weighed
Anchor, and about foure in the after-noone were five
leagues off the Cape Buona Esperanza.
The second of September, of latitude twentie foure
degrees, twentie one minutes, way East by North Northerly
sixe leagues. Nota, That since our comming from Cape
Buona Esperanza, We found no Monsons of West-winds,
(as hath beene reported) but to the contrarie, did find
North Easterly, South Easterly and Easterly winds with
357
rent.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
extreame Stormes, Raine, Thunder and Lightening : yet
at that present very faire and so hot that calmes were to
bee doubted.
The third, latitude twentie three degrees, fiftie minutes,
way South by West twentie three leagues wind at South.
The Bay of S. About five at night we made land being the Hand of
Augustine tn ]y[adaP:ascar, otherwise called Saint Laurence, the Bay of
the lie of Saint o • ^ -1 • t- 1 >.t 1 1 • 1
Laurence. Samt Augustme bearmg Last by North about sixe leagues
off. And then steered away North North-east, variation
at Sun-setting fifteene degrees, eleven minutes Westerly.
We sounded, but had no ground at one hundred fathome.
The land not very high, but Sandie. And then we passed
the Tropicke of Capricorne, to the North-ward.
The tenth of September, latitude seventeene degrees,
three minutes, way North-west twelve leagues, wind at
North-east : we steered North North-west, variation at
Sun-rising thirteene degrees, fiftie foure minutes Westerly.
A strong cur- Heere wee found a strong Current setting South South-
west ; for these last foure and twentie houres, shee could
not have runne lesse then foure and twentie leagues, having
a stiffe gale : but for the reason aforesaid, in the evening
we made the Island Primeiras bearing West by North
about foure leagues off.
The eleventh, latitude seventeene degrees, thirty three
minutes way South by East halfe a point Easterly fourteene
leagues, the wind at North-east, and North-east by East,
a storme.
Note. Note that having stood but one watch and an halfe to
the East-wards, the Current did carry us thirtie minutes
to the Southwards of the latitude we were in, by the
last observation : then we stood in for the land North
North-west, hoping of a better wind neare the shoare
with lesse current, and suddenly the water changed, but
we could find no ground at an hundred fathom. In the
evening we made the land bearing North, and North by
[I. iv. 335.] West about sixe leagues off, finding it to be the Islands
llhas Primeiras, but being to the Northward of it, it shewed
somewhat longer then before, for it did beare from the
358
I
JOHN SARIS A.D.
i6ii.
North-west to the North of us ; wee sounded and had
twentie fathom small glittering sand ; and sounding againe,
had twentie fathom blacke Ozie, with black shels. Then
we stood off to the Eastward, the storme continuing with
more wind in the night, then in the day ; and having
stood off one glasse, we sounded and had two and twenty
fathome, gray sand and shels.
The twelfth, latitude eighteene degrees seventeene
minutes, way South-east by East eight and twentie leagues,
wind at North-east, a storme : so that these last twenty
foure houres we were carryed by the force of the Current
forty foure minutes to the Southward of the former obser-
vation, variation fourteene degrees, one and forty minutes
Westerly. About night the wind veered to East North-
east, so that we lay North with the sterne.
The thirteenth, latitude nineteene degrees, sixteene
minutes, way South-east by South, two and twentie leagues,
wind North-east by East little wind, the Current very
strong against us.
The fifteenth, latitude sixteene degrees, six and forty
minutes, way North North-east, halfe a point Easterly
thirty leagues, wind South-west wee steered North-east
by North. Note heere we found not the Current so
forcible, for we have deprest the Pole one degree, seven
and twenty minutes these foure and twentie houres. The
reason wee supposed to bee that the Island Juan de Nova,
was betweene us and the Current, for we made account
it did beare East by North eighteene leagues off, variation
at Sun-setting twelve degrees, eight minutes Westerly.
The sixteenth, latitude sixteene degrees not nine
minutes, way North North-east eighteene leagues, we
steered North-east by North, wind South-west by South,
little wind, but a strong Current, variation at Sun-rising
thirteene degrees, not three minutes Westerly.
The seventeenth, the ships way North by West eight
leagues, variation twelve degrees one minute Westerly : in
the morning we made the land to the Southward of The Islands de
Mosambique, making it to be the Islands de Angoxa, bear- Jngpxa.
359
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
ing West South-west seven leagues. The Westermost
part of the said Islands seeming whitish. The maine to
the Northward bearing North by East, smooth champion
ground : we steered North-east by East, and towards
evening we saw the land trending to the Northward, seem-
ing to the Seaward to be full of trees ; here we found the
Current to set North North-west, for we could perceive by
the land that we ran very fast to the North- ward, and
having little wind, wee sounded often, but could not find
ground at an hundred fathome.
The nineteenth, latitude fifteene degrees, twentie nine
minutes, way South by East foure leagues, wind at East
An extreame South-east, we steered North-east, but by extremitie of the
Current to the Current, wee were carryed to the Southward. So that wee
out war . ^^^^ heere ten dayes, and could not get to the Northward ;
notwithstanding we had a faire and reasonable stiffe gale.
The one and twentieth, latitude sixteene degrees, twentie
minutes, way South by West foure leagues, wind North-
east, and North-east by East, little wind : in the morning
wee were neare the Northermost of the Islands de Angoxas,
bearing West by North about three leagues off. And to
A very dan- windward of us, we espied a very dangerous shoale, lying
gerous shoald. £^g^ ^^ ^^ North part of the main, at the least three
points into the sea, having a drie splat of white sand
betweene it and the maine : We sounded and had ground
at thirtie fathom, red stones like Corall, with gray sand and
shells ; we stood off, it being a lee-shoare and Westerly
Current. And finding by our skiffe, which was sent off,
that the Current did set exceeding strongly to the South-
west by West, and such uncertaine shoaling, we stood off
The Isles de for Saint Laurence. Note that these Islands de Angoxas
Angpxa tn (which are many) doe stand in the plat in fifteene degrees,
dezrees tzven- ^^^^^^ minutes, and we find them in sixteene degrees,
tie minutes. twentie minutes to the Southward of the Equinoctiall,
variation thirteene degrees, no minutes Westerly.
The two and twentieth, latitude seventeene degrees five
minutes, way South South-east eighteene leagues, wind
North-east, and in foure and twentie houres that we parted
360
JOHN SARIS A.D.
i6ii.
from the land, we lost no degrees, fortie five minutes.
But towards evening the wind came to the South-east, and
South-east by South ; we steered North-east, and North-
east by east, and East North-east for the Island Saint
Laurence, looking out for Juan de nova, which Hugen van
Linschoten, willeth to beware of, and not to come neare
it in a small Moone ; notwithstanding wee were inforced
to put our selves in hazard to get out of this Current and
dangerous place, variation at Sun-setting twelve degrees,
fortie foure minutes Westerly.
The three and twentieth, latitude sixteene degrees, foure
and twentie minutes, way North-east, two and twentie
leagues, wind at South South-west, we steered East North-
east, to rid us of the Current, having deprest the Pole
these last foure and twentie houres, no degrees, one and
fortie minutes, variation at Sun-setting thirteene degrees,
sixteene minutes Westerly.
The foure and twentieth, latitude sixteene degrees,
sixteene minutes, way East North-east ten leagues, wind
at South-west, and South South-east, till eight in the
morning, it came then to the North, and North by East,
little wind. In the morning at breake of day (to our great ^^^^ ^«^'^-
admiration) wee saw land to the Westward, bearing North P^<^^^^^^^^
by West five leagues off, not once looking for any that rj^ j^^ ^^^-j
way, but to the Eastward for Juan de nova, which we
made account could not be above sixe leagues South from
us, and being be-calmed, did doubt least the Current would
set us upon it in the night : but the day clearing, we found
it to be the Northermost Hand of the Angoxas, whence The lie
we departed the one and twentieth, ditto in the afternoone, "^^SP^^^-
which so amazed our Marriners, as that they were dis-
couraged of getting our Voyage this way. The reason of
this difference was (as we supposed) by a Counter current,
which certainely in the small of the Moone doth set East
North-east, and West South-west, from the Plashella or
point of the shoare, which lieth North-east by East off the
Northermost part of Juan de nova, which meeting with
our auncient enemie the North North-east Current, hath
361
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
thus violently put us over to the Westwards, notwith-
standing we have had a fresh gale and faire wind, untill
Note of J. de this morning that it fell calme. Note, that if there be
^°^'^' any such Hand as Juan de nova, it lies not so farre to the
West-ward as Daniels plots make mention, but stands
neerer the maine Hand, otherwise we must of necessitie
have seene it. They of the fourth Voyage in the Ascen-
sion, made accompt that they passed to the East-wards of
it, and S. Laurence, which thing the Portugals hold
impossible, saying, that it stands so neere the maine Hand,
as that there is no passage but a little channell, which once
one of their ships was inforced to put through, and since
nor afore they have not heard of any to have done the like.
A falsehood of Wherefore it was held amongst us to be but a cunning of
the Portugals. ^j^^ Portugals, to place such an Hand so farre to the
West-ward, to the end that such as shall saile this way,
being not so well experienced as themselves, might (giving
it a birth) fall into this extreame Current which we
certainely found to set more W^esterly then North-East,
and South-west. Wherefore it is necessary for all such
as shall be bound this way, to be upon the Coast of S.
Laurence by the first of June, and from the Cape S.
Augustine, untill they come into twelve degrees no
minutes, to keepe up to the East-ward, and not to make
their way to the West of the North, or North by West, for
feare of the South-west Current, which with calmes, and
foureteene degrees two minutes variation Westerly, will
perforce set them over upon the Coast of Soffala. And
most certaine it is, that in August and September, you
shall find very violent North-west winds, so that if yee
would stand it over for S. Laurence, you shall not fetch it
without great danger of the shoalds of India, (the Current
taking you on the broad side : ) I meane, if you bee to the
North of the said shoalds, neither can you stop upon the
maine to keepe your Latitude, for it is broken ground, and
very deepe water.
October. The third of October we came to an anchor (after much
trouble by Currents) betweene Soffala and Mosambique,
362
JOHN SARIS •■■ii AID.
IDIT.
in thirteene and foureteene fathome : Latitude sixteene
degrees thirty two minutes : Longitude seventie sixe
degrees tenne minutes : Variation eleven degrees fiftie
minutes Westerly. We anchored under an Hand neere
unto the maine, upon which wee neither found people nor
fresh water, though we digged very deepe in the sand.
The tenth, wee weighed, the wind at South South-west,
and stood over East by North for S. Laurence, hoping
thereby to get out of these Currents. Thus were we
tossed to and fro with variable winds, and still troubled
with the Current comming out of the North-east, untill Vl^ ^
the twentie sixth, wee came to an anchor under Moyella, f/j^I\ad ^^^
which is one of the Hands of Comora, Latitude twelve refreshing.
degrees thirteene minutes, to the Southward of the ^qui-
noctiall, where we refreshed our selves eight dayes,
procuring Bullocks, Goates, Hennes, Limons, Cocos,
Pines, Papanes, Plantans, Pomgranates, Sugar canes,
Tammarin hennes. Rice, Milke, Rootes, Egges and Fish,
in exchange of small Haberdashery wares, and some
money, and had here kind usage and great store of fresh
water, the rather for that we stood still upon our guard.
I invited the King of Moyella beeing a Mahometan
aboord the Clove, and intertained him with a noyse of
Trumpets, and a consort of Musique, with a Banket,
which he refused to eate of, because it was then his Lent,
which amongst them is called Rammadam, but hee tooke ^^humetan
away with him the best of the Banket to carrie to the ^asthztill
Queene his Mother, saying, they would eate it when the Sunset.
Sunne was downe. The Queenes name was Sultanna
Mannangalla. The Kings name was Sariffoo Booboocar-
ree. He requested the Generall to leave him a letter in
his commendations to those that should happen hereafter
to come thither, wherby they might understand of his
honest dealing with us. The like letter he had procured
from Stephen Verhaghen, Admirall of twelve Holland
ships, who arrived there in the yeare 1604. which he
delivered unto our Generall, who gave him the like, with
this caution in the end thereof, that they should not give
363
j6ii.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
too great credit to them, but stand upon their guard, for
that oftentimes weapons continue peace.
The Inhabitants here are Negroes, with short curled
haire, and Pintados about their middles, some wearing
white caps, others turbants, by which we knew they were
Mahometans. The King himselfe was apparrelled in a
white Gotten coate, a Turbant upon his head, and a
Guzerate Pintado about his middle : he was little whiter
then the ordinary people, who are blacke : hee was leane,
he had a round thinne blacke beard, great eyes, of a low
stature, and of very few words ; he could speake a little
Arabique, which he had learned in his Pilgrimage to
Mecca, from whence he had the name of Sheriife. Here
they desire money (whereby we understand Spanish Rialls
of eight) rather then commoditie. But for Crimson broad
[I. iv. 337.] Cloath, Red sculd Caps, Cambaya cloaths, and Sword
blades, you may have any thing the Hand afFoords, which
serveth onely for refreshing, and no way for merchandizing.
He gave the Generall a note under his hand of friendship,
which beeing not long, I have here inserted.
Sharefoo Boo-
backar King
of the Hand
called Moyela,
his note under
his hand for
further friend-
ship. 161 1.
written in
Arabique.
November.
The maine
land of
Melinde.
The fourth of November, we set saile from this Hand
Moyella. The seventeenth in the morning, we made the
land being the maine of Melinde, the Bay or Gulfe called
Formosa, bearing North-west about foure leagues off.
The land trending North-east South-west, wee had thirtie
fathome, small gray sand and shels, wind at East North-
east, we stood off South-East a stiffe gale, and a very
great sea, which sheweth to be shoale water, and a Current
I
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1611.
which we found to set alongst the shoare, North-east.
Latitude two degrees tenne minutes, variation at Sunne-
setting twelve degrees thirtie one minuts Westerly. Note, Note.
this land lieth more Easterly then in our plats, otherwise
we should not have fallen therewith so soone : for by our
reckonings we were at least fortie eight leagues off.
The nine and twentieth, latitude foure degrees fortie
foure minutes, variation seventeene degrees thirtie foure
minutes Westerly, beeing as we supposed twelve leagues
off the shoales, called Baxos de Malhina East by South,
we had a great Rippling, and over-fall of water, as if it had
beene shoal-water ; but sounding found no ground at an
hundred fathome, the wind came about here to South
Southeast, our course North-east.
The first of December, Latitude three degrees fortie December.
minutes, our way North North-east eight leagues, wind
at North North-east, East, East South-east, and North
East by North, little wind for the most part calme, and
had a very fearefull rippling of the water, much like unto ^^^^^/^^^
the fall at London Bridge, beeing out of sight of land, tlg^^ter
and finding no ground at an hundred fathome : when we
stood into the land it left us, but bearing off, (beeing fiftie
leagues from land) we found very terrible. Variation
sixteene degrees firteene minutes Westerly. The second,
Latitude two degrees fiftie five minutes, way North-east
by North eighteene leagues, wind variable, the Rippling
continuing, variation fifteene degrees fiftie seven minutes
Westerly, which mooved us to thinke that wee had a
Current setting to the West, the variation decreasing so
suddenly. The third. Latitude foure degrees foure
minutes, way South twentie three leagues, wind variable,
most part calme, with great Rippling of the water, and a
very strong Current Southerly, so that these last twentie
foure houres, we are carried backe to the South-wards of
our former latitude, one degree nine minutes. The fourth,
latitude foure degrees thirtie three minutes, way South
tenne leagues, little wind and variable betwixt the North-
east, and East by South, very strange Rippling of the
36s
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
water, and strong Current Southerly, variation eighteene
degrees fortie foure minutes Westerly. The fifth, latitude
foure degrees fiftie foure minutes, way South by East
seaven leagues, wind variable, betwixt North-east by North,
& East by South, the Rippling continuing and Current
Southerly, variation eighteene degrees eleven minutes
Westerly at Sun-setting. The sixth, latitude five degrees
five minutes, way South-east by East eighteene leagues,
wind variable betwixt North-east by North, & North-east
by East a gale, and at sometimes more fearefull Ripplings
of the water then before, yet could have no ground at an
hundred fathome. These Ripplings shew like shelfes, and
are not at all times alike, but sometimes more, sometimes
lesse ; but met with many times in a day, and make a
noise by the ships side, as if she did runne five leagues a
Watch, when she doth scarce goe a head. We were much
terrified there-with, the rather because wee could not
imagine from whence it should proceed, seeing no land ;
but supposed our selves to bee amongst the Easter-most
Islands, which lie off the Northermost point of S. Laurence.
Here wee had raine, thunder, lightning, and sudden gusts
which continued not long. The seventh, way East by
South eighteene leagues, wind betwixt the North and
North-east, the Rippling still continued. The eighth,
way North-east twenty two leagues, wind at South-west,
and Southwest by West, with Rippling, but no ground
at an hundred fathome : variation twenty degrees seven
minutes Westerly. The ninth, latitude foure degrees
eighteen minutes, way North-east eighteen leagues, wind
variable, little Current and no Rippling : variation twentie
[I. iv. 338.] degrees fortie seaven minutes Westerly; heere we found
it extreame hot. The tenth, latitude foure degrees, twelve
minutes, way East North-east seven leagues, wind from
North-west by North, to North-east by East, many times
calme, with no ripling, nor Current Southerly. Note wee
have found continuall calmes, ever since we came off the
Maine, and the further off, the lesse wind. Variation
twentie degrees, fiftie seven minutes Westerly.
366
JOHN SARIS
.. The five and twentieth: Note, it is a moneth and five ^^^^jV^j.
dayes since we were in latitude no degrees, one minute to ^^^^j^^^l Jjj^
the Northward, close by the shoare : since which time wee ji^^ j^yes
have been put backe into five degrees, five and twentie before.
minutes to the Southward : wherefore those bound to
Socatora at this time of the yeere, must hold to the East-
ward of Pemba two hundred leagues, East by North, the
variation there encreasing Westerly, which will bring you
the more Northerly : and so keeping the Island Socatora
open of you, betweene the North by East, and the North
North-east, you shall be in the greatest possibility to make
the best use of these winds, which neare to the maine we
found to keepe betweene the East by North, and East by
South a continuall gale : but off at Sea, about the Islands
Mascharenas at North-east North, and sometimes at
North-west West, and West by South, with calmes,
riplings of the water very fearefull, thunder and lightning.
And albeit the North-east and Northerly winds are but
bare helpes, plying to the Northwards : yet this benefit you
shall have, that by how much easterly you are, by so much
the more you shall recover to the Northward of the Line,
before you meete with the Maine, which if you can avoid,
see not in this time of the Easterly Monson, untill you be
full in the latitude of ten degrees, to the Northwards of
the Equinoctiall. But in the time of the Westerly Note.
Monson, keepe the shoare aboord, for it is very bold, but
lyeth much more Easterly, then in our Plats.
[• The first of January, latitude three degrees, fiftie eight January i.
minutes to the North-ward of the Equinoctiall, heere we
made land, being the Maine of Magadoxa, Cape Das Magadoxa.
Baxas bearing North North-east eight leagues off; the ^^P^ ^^^
land low, sandie and barren, all alongst ; the wind at
North-east and East by North, a stiffe gale, we stood off
to the Eastward, way North by West twelve leagues.
The second day, latitude two degrees, one and thirtie
minutes, way South-east by South five and thirtie leagues,
much wind and Current Southerly, having deprest the
Pole in these last foure and twentie houres, one degree,
367
A.D.
161I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
seven
The Maine
land called
Doara.
and twentie minutes, whereof sixe and twentie
leagues shee had runne by dead reckoning, and nine leagues
shee was carried by the Current contrary to expectation.
The eighteenth, latitude sixe degrees, seven and twenty
minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctiall, way North-
west by North foure and twentie leagues, wind at North-
east, and North-east by East. About two of the clocke
we made the land, being the maine, called Doara, the
South-part bearing West, and the North-part, North-west
by North about eight leagues off, seeming not very high,
but sandie and barren, we stood off with much wind, and
a Current setting North-west, as we supposed ; otherwise
wee should have gotten fbrther to the North-ward.
Note, that although the variation holdeth little propor-
tion, yet did we find by experience, that in running to the
Eastward wee have variation Westerly increasing : and
standing into the shoare North-west our variation was
Westerly decreasing : so that by reckoning according to
our plats, we found our selves much further off the land,
then by just proofe by variation : which truely is a most
certaine thing to bee credited ; observation being taken
by one of experience, with an exact instrument, our so
often falling with this maine, hath gained us this know-
ledge, variation at Sun-rising seventeene degrees, thirty
sixe minutes Westerly, and at setting seventeene degrees,
twentie minutes Westerly.
The first of February, we made the land bearing North-
east by North, about seven leagues off : we sounded, and
had ground at twenty seven and twenty eight fathom,
Cape Dorfui. soft sand : this Land is called Cape Dorfuy, being very
high and barren by the Sea-side ; many gusts.
The ninth, latitude ten degrees, thirtie seven minutes,
way West by North sixteene leagues wind North-east by
East : we had now sight againe of Cape Dorfuy, from
whence we departed the first day, contrary to our expecta-
tion, bearing North-west, about nine leagues off, having
found a strong Current in the ofl!ing, setting West North-
west; which untill meeting with this land againe, we
368
A notable
thing concern
ing the Varia
Hon.
February i.
JOHN SARIS
A.D.
161I.
dreamed not of, but rather thought we had been fortie
five or fiftie leagues off, not once looking for the land, we
sounded and had fifty fathom fine small sand, about five
leagues off : this land is high and full of mountaines.
The tenth, latitude eleven degrees, twentie minutes, way-
North-east by East, Easterly sixteene leagues, wind from
East by North, to North-east, we sounded and had ground
at five and fortie fathom, small blacke sand, about eight
leagues off the high land of Cape Guardafui, wee made C^P^ ^^
triall of the Current with our Pinnasse, and found it to ^^^^^^P^-
set North by East. Towards evening we had sight of the
Island Abba del Curia, bearinor East iSTorth-east about ten ^^^^ ^^^
leagues off, being very high land, rising in two parts like ^^^^^'
two Islands.
The fourteenth, latitude eleven degrees, two and thirty
minutes, wind North-east, and East North-east calme :
heere we had sight of the Eastermost Irmana, seeming to
the Eastward low land, about sixe leagues off.
The fifteenth, latitude eleven degrees, seven and twenty [I. iv. 339.]
minutes, way East South-east sixe leagues, wind East,
East North-east, East South-east, and North-east calme
for the most part, making account to be eight leagues off
the Eastermost Irmana : But wee were mistaken ; for it
was Abba del Curia, and the Duas Irmanas did beare
North-east of us twelve leagues off, variation at Sun-
setting seventeene degrees, three and twenty minutes
Westerly, and in the night the wind came faire to the
South South-east, we lay East with the stemme, with helpe
of a Current Easterly ; contrary to the report of former
Navigants, and by breake of day, wee were sixe leagues
off the Westmost Irmana, bearing East South-east, and
had sight of Socatora ten leagues off.
The sixteenth, latitude twelve degrees, nineteene
minutes, variation at Sun-rising seventeene degrees, two
and twentie minutes Westerly, wee bare up and went
about the Wester point of Socatora : towards evening we
had sight of the white Rock, which lyeth about toure
leagues off the Westermost point of Socatora, the point
369
Socatora.
Ill
2 A
A.D.
161I.
The Road of
Tammarin.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and the Rocke, bearing one off the other North-west by
North, and South-east by South, the said Rock looming
like a saile, standing to the Eastward, larboord tacke
aboord ; and was so made for, by them of former Voyages.
The Current still helping us to the East-ward.
The seventeenth, latitude twelve degrees, seven and
fortie minutes, variation at Sun-setting seventeene degrees,
two and twentie minutes Westerly, wind variable, at
South-east, and South-east by South calme, but a strong
Current setting alongst the land, after we were about the
Wester point. This night wee came to an anchor, one
league and an halfe to the Westward of the Kings Towne,
called Tammarin, in twentie fathom water, distant from
the shoare two miles ; our shoalding in, after we had
ground, was two and twentie, twenty, nineteene, twenty,
twentie, twentie, small white sand, the wind East South-
east, and South-east calme.
The eighteenth, we came to an anchor in the Road of
Tammarin, right before the Kings house, in nine fathom
water, a league from the shoare, fine sandie ground.
§. II.
Occurrents at Socatora and in the Red-Sea.
Socatora.
This Letter
was a briefe
summe of Sir
Henry Mid-
dleton his dis-
adventures in
the Red-Sea by
Turkish per-
fidie^ as in his
owne Journall
you have read,
with caveat to
all English,
and notice of
the Road
Assab,
He Generall sent Master Richard Cockes, Cape
Merchant, with the Skiffe well appointed unto
the King, to acquaint him what wee were, and
the cause of our comming, and to provide cattell and fresh
victuall. Master Cockes returned, having beene friendly
entertained and feasted by the King, and the rest that
went with him. They brought a Present of fresh victuall
from the King to the Generall, together with a Letter left
there by Sir Henry Middleton, dated the first of September
161 1, aboord the Trades-Increase in Delisha Road, in the
Island of Socatora : the originall our Generall kept, and
returned the copie verbatim, for the future ships.
The nineteenth. They went in solemnest manner on
shoare, where the King bid us welcome, and feasted all
370
JOHN SARIS ^^HP A.D.
1611.
the Company in his Royal maner, himself being richly
vested in crimson Velvet, laid rich with gold-lace. His
house was built of free-stone, Castle-like : he had above
an hundred attendants, wherof about fifty were wel
apparelled, according to the Moors fashion, the rest were
naturalls of the Island. After many complements and
curtesies, at night we took our leave of him. His name
was Sultan Amur Bensaid, sonne to the King of Cushin Or Catxem,
upon the Arab side. We paid heere for kine twelve Ryalls
of eight the piece, sheepe three shillings the piece, and for
Goats one Ryall of eight a piece, which though it be deare,
yet are the most of them not mans meate, being so vildely,
and more then beastly buggered and abused by the people,
as that it was most lothsome to see, when they were
opened. We paid for Rice three pence a pound. Dates
three pence a pound. Hens twelve pence a piece. Tobacco
seven hundred leaves a Ryall of eight, Egges pence a
piece. The King will take no English money, but all
Ryalls of eight.
The twenty seventh, our General caused a meeting of
his merchandizing Councel, unto whom he read the Com-
panies Remembrance, and the Letter received by the hands
of the King of Socatora, from Sir Henry Middleton : and
shewed them. That whereas he had been put in good hope
by the Companies Remembrance, to have obtained good
store of Aloes heere at Socatora, which now he found
frustrate, the King being wholly unprovided, and not able
to furnish us therewith untill August : And whereas we
were appointed to goe from hence to Aden and Moha in
the Red-sea, (the Monson not serving for Surat) we were
now utterly disswaded from the view of those parts, by
the treachery and wrong done to Sir Henry and his Fleet.
And lastly, whereas if we did not goe for the Red-sea,
if we should remaine heere in Delisha Road sixe monethes
attending the Monson, wee should find it very chargeable,
and be able to effect nothing, (for untill the end of
September, there is no comming upon the Coast of Cam-
baya) his opinion was, that notwithstanding these bad
373^
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
tydings received from Sir Henry, yet that we should go
[I. iv. 340.] for Moha, we having with us the Grand Segniors Passe,
which the former ships never had. For hereby wee should
be able to certifie the Company what stead the Passe might
stand them in, determining to stand upon our guard, and
not to adventure any one man without good pledge, so
that wee might ride securely, and obtaine trade aboord,
though none on shoare, our force being able to defend and
offend upon occasion, the greatest power that Port could
raise. And finding no hope of Commerce, then he
intended to make use of his Majesties Commission, in
respect of the violence offered unto Sir Henry and his
Company, and so enforce the putting off of our English
commodities, or to make spoile of their Skale and Cus-
tome, by not permitting the Indian ships, which were
expected in the fift of March to enter there, which would
be a matter of no small hinderance unto them : but until!
then hee would be very unwilling to deale with them by
force. And this course he did the rather approove of,
because heere needed no parting of company, but the Fleet
might keepe together, and assoone as the Monson should
permit, goe joyntly together for Surat, according to the
Companies order, their force united the better to resist
whatsoever the enemie should attempt. The Councell
generall assented to what he propounded ; and so con-
cluded to keepe company together, and goe for the
Red-sea.
March i. The first of March, we weighed anchor, & set saile for
the Red sea, the wind at S. E. and South, sometimes little
Vote. wind. The winds since we came to an anchor heere, were
in the mornings and so till night for the most part at
North-east by East, and East North-east, and at night off
the land between the South and South-east, faire and
temperat weather : until you come to foure fathom, where
we might have rid a musket shot off the shore, & further
in, is three & three fathom and an halfe, it is bold all the
Bay alongst, keeping two Cables length off the land, faire
sand, and some stones amongst : a demie-culvering will
37?.
I
JOHN SARIS
reach the Castle, which is of no force. Latitude in Tam-
marin Bay twelve degrees, five and thirtie minutes to the
North, variation eighteene degrees, two and fortie minutes
Westerly. The King of Socatora gave counsaile, that if
we went to the Red sea, we should ply to the Southward
of Abba del Curia, for that keeping on the north-side wee
should bee put over to the Arabian shoare, and should
not without great trouble fetch Cape Guardafui, so that
by proofe we found it best to keepe the Abash
shoare aboord.
The fourth in the morning, wee saw Cape Guardafui
bearing West eight or nine leagues off, we steered in West
North-west latitude twelve degrees one minute, the Cape
South by West foure leagues off, no ground at an hundred
fathom, the land high and smooth, variation at Sun-rising,
seventeene degrees, foure and thirtie minutes Westerly.
In the evening wee had ground, standing in alongst the
land, to find the Bay of Feluke, our depth was twentie
sixe, seventeene and eighteene fathome. Heere we
resolved to go for Moha, and not for Aden, because Aden
is a Towne of Garrison, and of little Trade, with other
inconveniences, as exaction of custome, &c. as appeared
by the sixt Voyage. Here we took good store of Mullets
with our Sayne, other large excellent fish with lines and
hookes. Heere are Gummes of severall sorts very sweet
in burning, also fine Mats well requested at Aden and
Moha, and the Indies : For ordinarily the Indian ships
touch heere, both inward and outward, to buy thereof,
and of the Gummes : also victuall, sheepe and Butter ;
which is farre better cheape then at Moha, for daily Boats
goe over laden with victuall, to sell at Aden and
Moha ; but they will not barter for any thing but
linnen cloath.
Note that at Feluke Towne, there is wood and water
to be had plentie, but not in the bottom of the Bay, the
passage up to the Towne is so large, as that three ships
may passe a brest without danger. The going in is
betweene the high Homock and the low sandie point.
373
A.D.
161I.
Tammarin
Bay.
MountFeluke.
Severall sorts
of sweet gums.
The benefit of
the Towne of
Feluke.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
The Masters were willed to steere from hence West by
North, alongst the South-shoare to Demity, and then to
shape their course over to Aden.
The ninth, latitude eleven degrees, fiftie eight minutes,
way West five and twentie leagues, wind at East and
East by South, a stiffe Breese all day, but at night little
wind, keeping alongst the shoare about eight leagues off,
we steered West by North, variation at Sun-rising fifteene
degrees, ten minutes Westerly.
The tenth in the morning, steering West by North, the
Two small wind Easterly, wee had sight of two small Islands, lying
Islands. ^^ ^^^ high land of Demety about a league off the maine,
distant one from the other foure leagues, the Eastermost
bearing South by West seven leagues off, and the Wester-
most South-west, the same distance ; we stood over for
the high land of Aden North-west by North, and North-
west, the wind at East, and East by North, a stiffe breese ;
Easterly Current : variation fifteene degrees, no minutes,
Westerly, latitude eleven degrees, fiftie eight minutes.
The eleventh we had sight of the high land of Arabia
making it to be the high-land of Darsina, bearing North
by East, by the compasse eight leagues of latitude at noone
thirteene degrees eleven minutes, of variation at Sunne-
rising, fifteene degrees two minutes Westerly, having had
a strong Easterly current comming over, for wee steered
betweene the North North-west and North-west, and were
so carryed to the East-ward that shee made but a North
by West way, contrarie to expectation, for had wee had no
current, wee should by course have given her a North-west
way W^esterly. But after we were shot in about some
twelve leagues off the shoare, we found no current, the
point or head-land of Aden breaking it off, as we
supposed.
I sent certaine instructions in writing to Captaine
[I. Iv. 341.] Towerson and Master Davis, to be observed at our arrivall
in the Roade of Moha for the better grace and coun-
tenancing of our action and safe guarding of our ships;
having to doe with so treacherous a Nation.
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1611.
^ five minutes Westerly in sight of the high-land of Aden,
bearing West by South ten leagues off, We steered in
West South-west, and at noone had latitude twelve degrees,
fortie nine minutes about five leagues off. The South-
most point bearing South-west by West, we sounded and
had ground eighteen fathome soft sand.
The thirteenth, in the evening fourteene leagues to the
East-ward of the entrance into the straights, and to the
West-ward of Aden sixteene leagues, we came to an
anchor, in respect we were not acquainted with the Coast,
and finding the inconveniences afore-said, keeping all day
within three or foure leagues off the shoare to the time
wee anchored, our sounding was fortie, thirtie eight, nine
and twentie, eighteene, seventeene, sixteene, fifteene, six-
teene, seventeene, nineteene, eighteene, nineteene fathome.
Here wee let fall our anchor, sandie ground, the Wester-
most land we could see, bearing West by South Southerly,
and the high-land to the Eastward. North North-east
about foure or five leagues off.
The foureteenth, in the morning we weighed, the wind
at West by North, a small gale with raine, having had ^^ ^'^^^^ ^*«
none till this present, these foure monethes. We steered -^^^^ moneths.
South-west by South as neere as we could lye for the
straights.
In the evening, esteeming our selves to be off the
straights, we shortned sayle and stood it off and in with
a short sayle, keeping our Leade all night, beeing eight
or nine leagues off the Mayne of Arabia, we stood off
West by South, and had no ground at an hundred
fathome.
The fifteenth, our course West by South Southerly sixe
leagues, wind East South-east, the land which on the
foureteenth about sixe at night did beare West by South
ten leagues off, did now beare South-west by South foure
leagues off. To the East-ward heere we had sight of
three small Hands or Hummockes bearing North North-
west one league & an halfe, the greatest showing as if it
375
A.i>. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
had a Castle upon it, beeing the Eastermost, heere is a
current setting from the South-east.
And about noone opened the straights, we steered North
North-east, the wind at East by South, then we steered
North and North by East, having thirtie, eight and twentie,
seven and twentie, eight and twentie, three and twentie,
one and twentie, nineteene, eighteene, seventeene, fifteene,
sixteene, ten, ten, twelve, ten, nine, seven and nine, and
when wee had opened the White-house which standeth on
a sandy Bay on the star-boord side of the entrance North-
east, and the rocke or low point on the same side East
North-east, we had sixe and seven fathome fine blacke
sand. Then we steered North North-east untill wee
brought the rocke or low point East halfe a point South-
erly, then North by West, latitude at noone twelve degrees,
fiftie six minutes ; And keeping this course we had seven,
sixe, six and a halfe, and as wee went in the deeper water,
foureteene, fifteene and sixteene fathome good ground, and
at night did let fall our anchor in fifteene and a halfe
fathome blacke Ozie ground, distant from the Arabian
shoare three leagues, and from the Abesh shoare on the
other-side ten leagues faire cleere weather, so that we
They could see could see from side to side, the wind at South South-east,
straight. '^^^ sixteenth, in the morning we weighed, the wind
at East South-east, wee steered North by West for Moha,
and had eighteene, sixteene, fifteene fathome about foure
leagues off the shoare. Then we steered North and North
by East, and had nine, ten, eight and seven fathome : but
finding a shoale or banke, which lyeth to the South-east-
ward of the Towne, wee steered North North-west keeping
in eight, nine, seven fathome, and edging to the Southward
we had ten, eleven, ten and a halfe, untill we brought the
Towne East by South Southerly of us, and were in five
and a halfe fathome where we let fall our anchor, the
Steeple or high Church standing in the Towne bearing
East, and one league of the point to the South-ward South
by East three leagues off. Nota, you must bring the
376
I
JOHN SARIS AD.
1611.
high Church East Northeast Easterly, before you shall be
cleered of the shoale afore-said at your comming into the ^he shoale
Roade : which is very dangerous, and where the Trades- ^^^'J/ ^^'
Increase did set at least foure and twentie houres. But increase
it shewes it selfe by the colour of the water : here at entrie, strooke.
wee had very much wind at South and South South-east
with a great Sea.
Not long after we were at anchor, the Governour sent
off a poore old slave in a small Canoa, to know what was
the cause of our comming. The Generall used the poore
man kindly : who of his owne accord told him that the
English that lately were heere, were not well used by
Regib Aga then Governour, whereupon he was cashiered, ^ ^^^^^ ^S^
and that the Governour at the present was called Ider Aga, ^^'P^^'^^^'^^^^
. , , . , 1 • 1 o 1 -^Sl^ successor.
a Grecian by birth, a man very kinde to Strangers, and a
great friend to Merchants. The Generall willed the
Purser to give the poore man two Rials of eight, and so
returned him to his Master, with answere that we were
Englishmen, and friends to the Grand Signior, and would
upon his sending of a worthy and fit man, acquaint him
further with the cause of our comming. Presently after
he sent off an Italian turned Moore, well clad, withl:he like
message, and to know whether we had the Grand Signiors
Passe. The Generall told him hee had not only such
a Passe, but likewise Letters from the Kings Majestie of
Great Britaine unto the Basha. The Italian desired to see
them. Which the Generall denyed, in respect hee held
him a base fellow, from Christian to turne Moore, but [I. iv. 342.
willed him to acquaint the Governour therewith, and that
we were appointed in honour of the said Passe to shoote
off fiftie one Peeces of Ordnance at our arrivall heere in
this Road, which he intended presently to doe. The
Italian intreated that he might first give his Master to
understand thereof, which was granted, and the Purser
willed to give him five Rials of eight, and his Boate one,
his name was Mustafa Trudgeman. The Ordnance shot
out of each shippe was. The Clove nineteene, Hector
seventeene, Thomas fifteene Peeces. The Towne answered
377
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
with five Peeces of excellent Ordnance, and two Gallies
three a-piece. These Gallies were stout Gallies, of five
and twentie Oares on a side, and well fitted, yards up.
The Captaines name whereof was Mamy, and the Captaines
name of the Towne Mahumet-bey.
The seventeenth, the Generall received a present from
the Governour Ider Aga, that is to say, three Bullockes,
twentie Hens, two baskets of Plantens, and two of Limons,
with many complements, desiring him to come ashore.
He returned him a faire fowling Peece, and willed the
Messenger to tell him that hee desired to have a sufficient
pledge from him for his safe returne, (when he should
come) for reasons not unknowne to the Governour.
The Governour sent his Secretarie unto the Generall
with a Letter to know what answere he had formerly
returned him by Mustafa Trudgeman : for he having
given him at much intreatie a Bottle of Wine was so
drunke therewith before he got to the Governour, as that
he could not speake : which being certified by the
Secretarie, on the eighteenth Master Cockes, and Bolton
our Linguist were sent ashoare, to acquaint the Governour
that the Generalls comming was to intreate Trade, and
that whensoever it pleased him to send a man of equall
worth to remayne with the ships, as a pledge for his safe
returne, hee would in person come and visit him : and
also to let him to understand that our Generall was not
ignorant of the wrongs done by Regib Aga unto Sir
Henry Middleton his Countrey-man and his Companie.
But if we might now have quiet Trade, all matters passed
should be forgotten, and we w^ould treate with him of such
our businesse as the Grand Signior had given us leave,
which we hoped should bee for all our goods. The Secre-
tarie remayned aboord, pledge for Master Cockes and
Bolton ; he did eate of our victuals, but had it dressed by
his owne people. At night they returned having beene
well used, feasted, vested in cloth of Silver, and carryed
up and downe the Towne with Musicke before them, to
give the people to understand how welcome they were,
378
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1611,
as Master Cockes understood it. But at their comming
away, they were brought into a house, and dis-robed of
their Vests. The Generall asked the Secretarie whether
it were ordinary and usuall with them to doe so, he
answered ; Yes : he replyed that in no other part of Turkie
the hke was done, that ever he heard of. In the end the
Secretarie was dismissed, and halfe a Violet Kersie given
him : hee was very importunate to know whether the
Generall were not of kinne unto Sir Henry Middleton.
The like was demanded of Master Cockes by them ashore,
fearing that hee was come to take revenge of them.
The Letter written from his mouth is this.
Right worthy and my esteemed good Friend, I have
had conference with them you sent ashoare, and have
used them in the best sort our Countrey fashion doth
affoord, investing them with Robes, and conducting them
backe with Musicke, that the Countrey people might
take notice how you come and are received in Amitie.
And if it be your pleasure to come ashore to me to
morrow, I will give you the best entertaynment the place
will affoord, with a true and upright heart, without guile
or deceit, & will send you my Secretarie or any other
pledge you shall esteeme fitting, if it please you to send
me word thereof by my Interpreter, which is now aboord
your ship, the time you will have me send my pledge,
and houre you meane to come ashoare. I have written
yesternight to Jeffer Basha, and it will bee some fourteene
or fifteene dayes before I have answere from him. Yet in
the meane-time if you please to send any of your people
ashoare to buy either fresh victuals, or any thing else the
Countrey will affoord, they shall be welcome. As also to
sell any thing they please, without any molestation at all
And so expecting your answer, I cease : from Moha, the
five and twentieth of Moharem, De 102 1. de Mahomet.
Dus Como bono Amico
Aidar Aga Aga de Mucha.
379
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
[I. iv. 343.] I have also divers Letters of Mamy Captaine of Mucha
(Moha) or of the Gallies there, unto the Generall, which
to avoide prolixitie, and because the substance is as the
former, I omit. I have yet caused some of the Scales to
be cut, and heere added for the raritie, being not in wax
but stampes of Inke, in forme as heere is expressed.
Likewise I have added a piece of a Letter in the Banian
hand and Language (common in great part of the Indies)
written from the Sabandar in Moha, to Captaine Saris.
\v')m^\(l^^ <
>^1>7^>$^,Vr\a?^-)V^
General/Saris The twentieth, the Governour sent aboord, according
^f"^^ <2/ fQ agreement the day before, Mahumet Aga Admirall of
the shoare, and Commander of the Roade for the Turkes
Custome and Anchorage, And Nasuffe a grave old man,
with two attendants proper men to remayne pledges for
the Generall. So he went ashore with all the Merchants,
the three Skiffes well fitted, and had one and fiftie Peeces
of Ordnance shot out of the ships at parting. Hee was
received at the landing place by the Captaine of the
Gallies, and divers other principall men, with Waites,
Drums, and other Musical! Instruments playing before,
and divers Peeces shot out of the Castle, the people fol-
380
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1611
lowing in such abundance, that we could hardly passe.
Having passed two Guards of verie proper men well clad,
we were brought into the Governours House, which is
built all of Freestone, with very faire and large staires,
and so were led into a roome spred with rich Carpets, at
the upper end of the roome was a window made after the
fashion of our Bay-windowes : where a Silke Quilt was
spread upon the floore, and two Cushions of Cloth of
Silver, laid thereon, he was requested to sit downe. But
presently the Governour came forth of another Chamber
accompanied with five or sixe persons richly apparelled,
himselfe in a Gowne of Cloth of Silver, faced with rich
Furre. He tooke the Generall by the hand, kist his
owne hand, and put it to his head. Then he led him by
the hand to the said window, where they sate downe, and
after some few complements, he delivered unto the Gover-
nour our Kings Letter, which Master Cockes did reade,
and Bolton our Linguist interpreted to the Captaine of
the Gallies, and hee to the Aga, which course hee held for
state. After, he delivered him the Grand Signiors Passe,
which he gave to his Secretarie to reade, which done, he
tooke it, kist it, and layd it upon his head without further
ceremonie.
The Originall I have in my hands, and have caused a
little of the beginning to be here expressed, and therewith
the forme of the Grand Signiors Scale, (a little contracted
to come within the Page) and heere^ to give delight to the
Curious Reader, annexed. All the larger strokes or lines
are Gold, the rest Azure, with Red here and there beauti-
fully intermixed. After which folio weth the same Letters
Patent, for better Patencie, Englished out of the
Arabique.
[The forme
38X
A.D.
l6ll.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
[I. iv. 344.] The forme of the Grand Signiors Scale, with
part of his Passe.
382
JOHN SAKIS '^^'l^^^f A.D.
^ 1611.
'he Great Turkes Letters Patents Englished.
YOu that are My most Laudable, Fortunate, Wealthie,
and great Vice-reys and Beglerbeys, that are on the
way from My most Happy and Imperiall Throne (both
by Sea and Land) unto the Confines and Bounds of the
East-Indies ; Owners of some part of Dignitie, and those
unto whom belongeth to give aide, helpe, and succour in
Gods cause, and Mussulmanicall Religion, upon their
Emperours becke. The Wealth and Greatnesse of whom
let it continue for ever. Likewise unto yee My most [^- ^^- 345-]
Laudable and Valiant Saniacq Beys, that are under the
above-named Beglerbeys, owners, and hope of future
greater Dignities, and those unto whom belongeth duti-
full aide and help in Gods cause and Religion, upon their
Emperours direction : the Honour and Dignitie of whom
bee ever continuing. And unto yee. My most Laudable
Wise, and Prudent Justices of Peace, Judges, and
Ministers of Justice, that are within the Precincts of the
said Saniacqbeys, whose Judgements, Justice, and Words
doe flow, as from a fountaine of all Wisedome and Prud-
ence : The Worthinesse and Greatnesse of whose Dignitie
and Function, let it continue for ever. Also unto yee
My Laudable, Great, and most Worthy Captaines and
Reyses of all Our Navies and Shipping that swimme
upon the face of the Sea. Unto yee My laudable Cap-
taines, of the Castles, Cities, and Townes : And unto yee
worthy and laudable Customers, dwelling upon the Sea-
coast, upon Rivers, Bridges, and all other parts of our
Dominions, and thereunto adjacent. Upon sight of this
My most High and Imperiall Commandement, in con-
formitie of your most bound duties, yee shall arise, and
doe obeisance and Reverence thereunto.
Hereby yee shall understand, that the Embassadour of
the King of Great Brittanie that resideth in Our happie
and most high Port, hath given us to understand by his
Supplication ; That forasmuch as some of his Masters
the King of Great Brittaine his subjects, have with great
3&3
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
charge and labour, discovered a Trade in the East-Indies,
and withall understand of Wealth, & likelihood of Trade
in some Parts of Our Dominions by the way to be had in
their Passage to the said Indies, beeing therefore desirous
to visit those places for the better enlarging of their said
Trade. To the ende that such men may in so good and
laudable enterprises have all favour, aide, and helpe (so
farre as lawfully and conveniently may be graunted) Hath
requested us in the Name of his said Master the King of
Great Brittaine, to vouchsafe them our safe-conduct and
recommendations. In conformitie of whose request, as
also in regard We and our Predecessors, are and have
beene for the space of many yeeres in strict league and
Amitie, with the afore-mentioned King of Great Brittaine,
and the Subjects of that Kingdome, who long have had,
and at this present have free Traffique and Trade in mer-
chandizing in our Dominions and Provinces through the
Mediterranean Seas. Wee therefore doe command, and
expressely charge yee all, and every of yee, our above
mentioned Subjects and Officers, that yee will not only
kindly and lovingly intertaine and receive the said Mer-
chants and Subjects of Great Brittaine, comming or pass-
ing through or by any of Our Dominions, especially
intending to trade, to the Dominions of Yemen, Aden,
and Moha, and the parts adjoyning thereunto. Assisting
and relieving them with all things needfiill for themselves,
their men and Ships : but also freely to permit them by
Land or by Sea, to goe or saile, outward and returning,
even as their occasions shall require, and to remaine in
any of our Dominions, Countreys, or Cities, granting
them such libertie of Traffique, and Priviledges as shall
be reasonable without giving or suffering any let or
hinderance, injurie, or molestation to be offered or done
unto them. Yea, yee shall yeeld unto them such Offices
of Benevolence and Humanitie, as shall bee meet and
convenient to be yeelded unto honest men, and strangers,
undertaking so long and laborious a Voyage. And if so
be that We shall understand, that contrary to the Capitu-
384
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1611,
lations, the Amitie, and League, which is betweene us
and the King of Great Brittaine, yee doe offer them the
least wrong, and any way molest and trouble the said
Merchants in their Traffique, and ought else: Know ye
for certaine, that yee shall not onely incurre Our high dis-
pleasure, but yee shall be punished for example unto
others : and therefore carry your selves conformable to
this My Imperial Commandement, and give credit to this
My Imperiall Ensigne. Written at Our Mansion Guard
at Constantinople, on the fifteenth day of the Moone
called Zilkigie. Anno. 1019.
I
The Governour afterward tooke a Copie thereof,
and returned it againe.
He told our Generall that he was welcome, desiring
that what had formerly been past, touching Sir Henry
Middleton, might not be remembred, for that the quarrell '
grew by two drunken men, and was by the then Governour
rashly followed, for which he was displaced five Moneths
since. And as concerning Trade, he could not permit
any great matter, till he had direction from his Master
Jafar Basha of Sinan, whom he had written unto, and
would within tenne or twelve dayes returne an answer,
earnestly intreating that he would permit his people to
come on shoare to buy what they wanted, and to sell small
matters, to the end that the Naturalls might see that we
were in peace and amitie together, and that what was past
was forgotten. These his speeches made good what the
Generall had formerly conceived, touching the doubt that
the East-Indian ships would make of their comming in
here, unlesse they understood that wee were all friends :
and their not comming in here, would bee a great
hinderance to every Officer of this Port. Besides, we
riding so neere the shoare (as we did of purpose) as that
no laden ship could come in, but that she must perforce
ride within call of us, which did put them in the greater
feare : whereby he reckoned himselfe sure of Trade, either
a shoare or aboord the ships, and that keeping the Towne
A.°. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6ii.
in this awe, he might the more boldly adventure his skiffe
and people to the shoare, to fetch what our ships wanted.
The Governour feasted them very royally at a dinner,
with all sorts of wild fowle, Hennes, Goates, Mutton,
Creame, Custards, divers made dishes, and Confections,
all served in Vessels of Tinne (different from our Pewter)
and made Goblet-fashion with feet, the dishes so placed
the one upon the other, that they did reach a yard high
as we sate, and yet each dish fit to bee dealt upon without
remoove. The meate was all served up at once, and that
[I. IV. 346.] before we sat down. Our drinke was water simply, or
else water boyled with an herbe called Cauhaw therein,
which is in tast somewhat bitter. We did sit crosse-
legged upon Carpets laid upon the floare : for there they
used neither Tables nor Stooles. Dinner ended, he led
the Generall into an inner Chamber, where he had fowre
little boyesthat attended him,beeing his buggering boyes :
there they two being set upon a crimson Velvet Carpet,
the rest of the Chamber floare beeing spread with very
rich Carpets, one of the boyes bearing a linnen napkin in
his hand, did usher in two of the other, whereof the first
had a silver Chaf?ing-dish with coales, the other brought
a dish wherein were divers rich perfumes, viz. Amber-
greece. Lignum Aloes, and others. The Governour
requested the Generall to let the Boy cover his head close
with the napkin ; which done, the other Boy held the
Chaffing-dish, with the perfumes put therein, under his
head, that he might receive the fume which was very
pleasant. After he had finished, the Governour and two
other chiefe men about him did the like, being as it
seemeth a ceremony much used among them. Having
conferred a while together, there came in three of the
Boyes again. The one brought a Vest or Gowns of
cloth of Gold, wrapped up in a case of Taffatie, died in
Saffron to preserve the colour of the Gold. The other
Boy had a Shash or Turbant striped all with Gold, and in
length twenty two yards : the third a Damaskeen, or
Turkish Sword, richly garnished with Silver and Gilt,
386
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1611.
both Hilt and Scabberd. The Governour himselfe did
put the Vest upon the General, & did girt the Damaskeen
unto his side, telling him. That they were not presents
from himselfe, but commanded by the Grand Signior,
who (as he said) did bestow them, and intreated him to
ride with the Cady, (who is chiefe Justice there) and the
Captaine of the Gallies, about the Towne, that the people
might take notice of the amitie and friendship that was
betwixt us. They brought a horse richly trapped, the
mettall worke of the bridle all of Silver : but he rather
chose to goe on foot, that he might the better view the
Towne, whereto they gave consent, and so wee walked
together about the Town, and having viewed a house
wherein to have setled our Factory, I was brought to
the house of the Captaine of the Gallies, where he had a
costly banquet. And thus returning by the Governours
house, he met him upon the stayres, where againe earnestly
intreating that the discourtesies offered Sir Henry might
be forgotten, and that it might appeare by his often com-
ming or sending his people a shoare, they tooke their
leaves one of another. And so accompanied with a great
traine of the best of the Towne, he returned aboord,
where the shippes discharged fifteene peeces of Ordnance.
The Turkes that remained pledges having divers Pre-
sents given them, were sent friendly on shoare, and had
fifteene Peeces shot off at their parting.
The one and twentieth, the Generall sent M. Cocks and
others a shoare with a Present to the Governour, a case of
Bottles fild with Rosa Solis, which he did earnestly desire
the Generall to give him, and to send it so wrapped up, as
that it might not be knowne what it was : likewise was
sent two Vests of Violet broad cloth to his Eunuches.
They had further directions given them to enquire a
shoare what Customes were due in and out, the weights,
measures, valuations of Coynes, prizes of Indicos, Calli-
coes, Cotton-yearne, and other Commodities fit for us to
lade. Also to procure the Jewe to come aboord, who was
in the Ascension at her casting away, neere the Barre of
387
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
Surat, and could give us certaine intelligence of Sir
Henries successe.
T^ote ofUoha Note, that this Road of Moha is very open and danger-
°^ ^' ous, with very shoald water a mile off the Towne low
land even with the Sea. At this present the wind South
South-west a great storme, which caused such a Sea, as
that we did send not lesse then seven feete, riding in five
fathome ; and the wind at West you have no succour.
But the country people say, that in the time of those
Extremitie of ^j^ds, which beginne in the fine of May, the extremitie
;«^/A/flT!/- of heate is such, as that it deads the wind, which maketh
tn the Jine oj ' . '
May. that season very contagious.
The thirtie one, the General understood from the Cap-
taine of the Towne that yester-night late arryved the
Messenger from the Grand Basha, with Letters to the
Governour to this effect. That he should yeeld us peace-
able Trade, both on shoare, and with the Indian ships, as
he would answer the contrary at his perill, and to let us
furnish our selves with what we wanted. He was doubt-
full of the certaintie of this pleasing newes, for that not
halfe an houre before, M. Cockes had speech with the
Governour, who spake of no such matter. The Cap-
taine said, that the reason of the Governours not speak-
ing thereof, was, because here was a Jelba bound for
Mecca, and readie to depart, which he would not have to
know, that the Basha had graunted us trade, fearing least
they should acquaint the Sheriffe at Mecca therewith,
who by his Letters to the Grand Signior, might cause the
graunt to be revoked. But we rather thinke the Basha
hath returned some harsh answer, with direction to doe
that unto us, which as yet he cannot effect, we being so
watchfull and wary over him, and therefore will not be
knowne to have received answer from Sinan, till better
bethinking. Note that Hosoroofe (one that closely had
sent a letter of M. Femells, testifying their treacherous
usage here) did now send word by our Linguist, That the
Generall should beware of comming a shoare himselfe,
unlesse he had good pledges as formerly, and then he
388
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1612.
might boldly come, but otherwise not to trust them,
though the Governour should sweare upon his Alcaron :
for they were souldiers, and did not much respect oathes :
and as hee heard, the newes that was come from the Basha
did not tend to our Benefit : for that the Copy of the
Grand Signiors passe was not as then come to the Bashaes
hands : But then should be fully seene what would be
done, which would be within sixe dayes.
The second of Aprill, 1612. the Caravan from Grand U- iy- 347-]
Cayro in Egypt, arrived here in Moha. The third, came -^J'^'f^^-
into the Road two Indian ships, one of Chaul, the other q^^^^^
of Cananor, their lading Indices, Callicos, Pintados, Indian ships.
Amber-greece, and Cotten-yarne, with at least foure hun-
dred passengers, who carried much wealth about them.
We saluted them with nine Peeces of Ordnance out of
our Fleet. They answered with three Chambers a Peece
beeing all they had. The Generall sent the SkifFe, to
enquire what newes upon the Coast of Surat. The Cap-
taine sent word that there were three English ships trading
there, but further could not tell. The Captaine of the
Towne with five chiefe Janisaries came aboord, beeing sent
by the Governour, to let our Generall understand, that
the Basha had written unto him to intreate and use us
kindly, and to permit us peaceable Trade, desiring the
Generall that hee would in person come a shoare the next
morning, and he should further understand. He craved
pardon, not forgetting Hosoroofes admonition. But
Captaine Towerson being desirous to goe a shoare, the
Captaine was requested to tell the Governour, that the
Generall upon good pledge would the next morning send
his Brother unto him, which was well liked of : so having
feasted the Captaine and his retinew, and given them
divers Presents, they were sent a shoare, with twentie one
Peeces of Ordnance at parting, which he sent word that
he tooke so well, as that we should not want the best
assistance he could doe us.
The fourth in the morning, though the pledges were
not yet come, yet desirous to see what the Basha had
389
A.D.
l6l2.
Three letters
from Sir Henry
Middleton
and Capt.
Sharpeigh.
Indian Mer-
chandise.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
ordered, Captaine Towerson was sent a shoare : for we
held the two Indian shippes which rid hard by us, for
sufficient pledge, if on shore any injury should be offered.
The Governour used him friendly, and vested him to con-
tent, but nothing was effected of that hee went about,
the Turkes not performing their promise. The Gover-
nour sent word, that it would be fitting to send two of
our men of good fashion up to the Basha to Sinan, with
the Kings Letter and Present, and then speedy dispatch
would be had to our liking. Whereof the General
approoved, intending the next day to lay out a Present for
him.
The fifth, the Captaine of the Gallies sent aboord three
letters, which the last night came to the Governours
hands, from S. Henry Middleton, and Captaine Sharpeigh,
who rid then at an anchor at Babmandel. The effect
whereof was. That he was come from Surat, and had
little or no Trade there. That Captaine Hawkins upon
distast was come from Agra, and with his wife was aboord
his ship. That he had brought all away from thence,
except one man of Captaine Hawkins, which went over
Land for England. And that he was come backe to bee
revenged of the Turks, wishing our Generall to get his
goods and people aboord with all speed. Hereupon he
altered what yesternight was agreed upon, and forthwith
sent one of the Marchants away to Sir Henry with a letter
of the proceedings of his Voyage, and of the manner of
our entertainement here hitherto ; that if he had not thus
come in, he had on Monday sent two men of fashion up
to Sinan.
Note, the two Indian ships aforesaid, did discharge here
these goods following : Lignum Aloes sixtie Kintals,
Indico sixe hundred Churles out of both ships, Shashes
of all sorts great store, Cinamon of Celon one hundred
and fiftie Bahars, each Bahar three Churles and an halfe,
Osfar which is a red die, great quantitie. Cloves great
store, Bastas or white Callicos from twentie to fortie
Royals the Corge, (a Corge being twentie pieces) a great
390
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1612.
quantitie. The Price of Indico was from thirty to thirty
five, fortie, and fiftie Rials the Churle.
The seventh, the Generall writ to the Captaine of the /.^
Towne, that he should procure the Indian Merchants to
barter with him at reasonable rates for such of their com-
modities as he should desire, and as might serve to lade one
of our ships, which doing would satisfie S. Henry of their
now friendly meaning towards us, and cause him to for-
beare all hostile attempts.
At this present, there was a great rumour spread in the
Towne, of a Jelba or two, which Sir Henry had taken
(comming over from the Abesh side with victuall) in
respect whereof, we durst scarcely adventure our SkifFe
and Ging a shoare.
The Generall received another letter from Captaine C
Mamee, That the answer which the Governour had re-
ceived from the Basha, was in these words ; Ider Aga,
You have writ me that three English ships are come to
Moha, to trade in merchandise, with the Grand Signiors
Passe : Give them faithfull promise from me to come on
shoare, to take a house untill the Monson be past, to buy
and sell. You have likewise writ me, that they will send
up two men unto me : give them all things fit for their
journey, &c. Captaine Mamee did further write, that
what our Generall would propound, the Aga and hee
would underwrite. That for bartering, they would doe
something for love, but nothing by force, and were as
willing to lade all the three ships as one.
Note, as we were informed, the weight here used is Weights of
called an Inen, which is two Rottalas, a Rottala is a pound ^^^^'
of their weight : tenne Inens is twentie pound of theirs,
which makes twenty three pound English haberdepoize,
sometimes foure and twentie pounds as the Weigher will
befriend you. A Churle of Indico by their weight is an
hundred and fiftie pound, and of ours betwixt an hundred
and sixtie sixe, and an hundred and seventie pound.
Gotten wooll is sold by the Bahar, which is three hundred
Rottalas, making betwixt three hundred thirty two pound,
391
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
and three hundred forty foure pound English, at eigh-
teen Royals the Bahar, very good & cleane. Their
[I. iv. 348.] measure of length is called a Peeke, contayning seven and
twentie inches, or three quarters of our English yard.
The ninth, the Governour sent off a Canoa to intreate
me, that the Generall in the morning he would send
ashoare, and he should have both the Bashas answere, and
a warrant to stay all such Junckes as shall passe Sir Henrie,
and force them to come in hither, and trade with them for
such of their goods as he desired, &c. and that he would
suffer his people to come ashoare, because the Merchants
were now growne fearefull, by reason of Sir Henries
staying some of the ships.
The tenth, Master Cockes was sent ashoare, had con-
ference with the Governour, and Captaine Mamy : who
told him that they were now fully resolved, that what they
had formerly promised, they might not performe, the
Cadie disliking thereof, saying, that they might hazard
their owne lives thereby : That neither Merchant nor
Broker would come aboord (as our General had requested)
the Knight had so discontented them : That they of
Grand Cairo had their Factors there, which lay purposely
to ingrosse Indicoes, and other Indian Commodities,
whereof they would not buy untill they should see what
quantitie would come : That the Bannians (or Indian
Liegers ashoare) which have Indicoes in their hands, would
not sell, hoping of a scarcitie : he also brought word, that
they denie ashoare to buy any of our goods, unlesse wee
will land them first.
Note, the Grand Signiors Custome of this Port Moha,
is worth yearly unto him fifteen hundred thousand Chic-
quenes, (which rated at five shillings sterling a piece, is
yeerely thirtie seven thousand five hundred pounds ster-
ling) according to the report of the Governour to Master
Cockes.
392
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1612.
i III.
Their Adventures with Sir Henry Mid die ton,
with other Observations of those parts, and
arrivall at Bantam.
He eleventh, the Generall caused the Merchandiz-
ing Councell to meete and consult what was best
to be done, seeing that Sir Henrie thus kept the
Junckes from comming in thither, and that there was
then no further hope of Trade heere. It was agreed
upon, that untill the Monson would permit us to proceed
further, wee should continue friendship with the Towne,
as hitherto we had done, &c.
The twelfth, the Generall being informed of Sir Henries
earnest desire to speake with mee, and protestations of
great kindnesse and love, resolved to goe unto him ; and
so willed the Master with the first wind to set sayle for
Babmandell. Whereof hee did let the Governour of the
Towne to understand, and tooke a Letter of his to carrie
to Sir Henrie, the better to continue friendship still with
him.
The fourteenth, in the morning we arrived at the Bab,
where wee found the Trades Increase riding, and foure
Indian Junckes or ships. The Generall went aboord the
Trade, where hee remayned untill night, but nothing
could at that time be concluded upon betwixt the
Generals.
The fifteenth Sir Henry came aboord the Clove.
The sixteenth, our General seeing Sir Henries resolu-
tion, called his Councel together, & acquainted them with
what he observed thereupon, and that in regard, that by
these brabbles and jarres happened betwixt Sir Henrie,
the Turkes and the Cambayans, our hopes of any Trade
to be had at Surat, was as small, as that which we had
already found at Moha : Our best course would be, that
the Hector and Thomas should waigh anchor & ply
between Aden and the Bab, The Clove to keep the Abesh
393
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
Channell there, that none might passe by in the night,
and so to meet with as many of the Indian ships as we
could, to whom we might put off our Broad-cloth, Leade,
Tinne, Iron, and Elephants Teeth (Commodities which
were provided for those parts) in barter for such as he
knew would vent well in those Countries, whither wee
were afterwards to goe : if wee lighted upon Indicoes, they
would be good for England also. That he had certaine
intelligence of two very great ships daily expected, called
the Rehmi and the Hasani the least of them (by report)
able to lade the Hector, with requestable Commodities :
Hereunto they generally assented, to be put in practice
with the first wind.
The Generall went aboord the Trade, where at length
this agreement was made : that both Fleets should joyne
to trade with as many of the Indian ships as they could
meet with, and to exchange our English Commodities
with them for theirs : Sir Henrie to dispose of two third
parts of all the goods which should be bartered for from
this day forwards, and Generall Saris the other third.
The Grand Signior to have his Custome paid. Hereof
Writings were made, being sealed and delivered betwixt
them. The Hector and Thomas were appointed to ply
betweene the North end of Babmandell and the Abesh
shoare, to meete with all such as should come that way :
with charge that no man should take the value of a penie
out of them, or offer the least violence to any of their
persons, &c.
[I. iv. 349.] The eighteenth, in the evening, a ship of Cananor
arrived laden with Spice, Drugs and other Commodities.
The Generall set sayle for Moha, the wind at South
and South by East a stiffe gale, where we arrived within
five houres after. The Governour presently sent off to
us intreating to know how all things passed at the Bab ;
requesting that our Linguist might bee sent ashoare to
acquaint him therewith, which was accordingly done.
The twentieth, the Skiffe was sent ashoare to fetch our
Linguist, who returned and brought a present of fresh
394
JOHN SARIS A.D.
l6l2.
victuals from the Governour to our Generall. The Gover-
nour intreated to have a muster of our Commodities,
which Master Cockes carryed presently to him : hee liked
of divers colours of our Broad-cloth, promising to take
for a thousand Rials besides some quantitie of Tinne and
Lead. Many others desired to have Lead and Iron,
wherefore he intreated that in the morning some quantitie
thereof might bee brought ashoare, for hee having once
begun, the Merchants would certainly follow and trade
with us.
He sent three samples of Indico, but none of Labor,
which is round and the best. The price a hundred Rials
the Churle ; which is an hundred seven and twentie pound
or Rottalas of Moha, and about a hundred and fiftie
pound English. But they would not sell by any other
weight, then that they bought by, which they might very
well doe, the price so unreasonable : for wee esteemed the
three sorts to bee worth but thirtie, fortie and five and
fortie the best the Churle.
Our Generall writ to Sir Henry and Captaine Tower-
son, and sent his Letters over land by Mahumed, Secre-
tarie to the Gallies.
The one and twentieth we sent ashoare eight Clothes,
one Tunne of Iron, one Tunne of Lead, two Chests of
Tinne of sixe hundred weight. They offered for foure
of the best clothes three halfe Rials the Peeke, which
should be seven and twentie inches, but measured by
another Peeke, proved to be one and thirtie inches. The
Bahar of Tinne, an hundred and twentie Rials. The
Bahar of Iron, twelve Rials. Lead fifteene Rials, which
were no prices to our liking. At night the Merchants
returned with their Commodities aboord againe.
The five and twentieth, the Generall (upon conference
with Master Cockes) resolved to set saile and goe to
Assab, where we came to an anchor
The seven and twentieth, about eight at night hee found
the Trade and Hector riding there, with eleven saile of
Junckes or Indian shippes of severall places. Note, that
395
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
comming into this Road or Harbor, keepe the Northerne
side aboord, leaving a little Rocke or Hummocke on your
star-boord side, then we had twelve, eleven, ten, nine,
eight and seven fathome sandie ground, and in seven
fathome wee let fall our anchor about halfe a mile off the
shoare.
The thirtieth, the Generall sent his Skiffe to the
Junckes, to give warning to the Nohodaies, and Mer-
chants, that they should not offer to set saile without his
leave. The Nohodas and principall of them requested,
that such of their goods as wee desired might bee sorted
out of hand, that they might not loose their Monson of
going to Judda, offering to bring aboord our shippes
what packes wee would to be opened there, and to carrie
backe what we refused.
The ninth of May, 161 2. I caused the Indian ships to
be measured, which were found to bee of the scantlings
following, viz. The Rehemy, was long from stem to
Sterne-post, an hundred three and fiftie foot. For rake
from the Post afte, seventeene foot. From the top of her
sides in bredth, two and fortie. Her depth, one and
thirtie.
The Mahomedee in length, an hundred sixe and thirtie
foot. Her rake afte, twentie. In bredth, one and fortie.
In depth, nine and twentie and an halfe. Her maine
Mast in length, was sixe and thirtie yards, an hundred
and eight. Her maine yard, foure and fortie yards, an
hundred two and thirtie.
The other were not much lesse.
The tenth, Captaine Mamy came from Moha to treate
with Sir Henry concerning his demand. But first he
came aboord the Clove, where hee was friendly enter-
tayned, and after the Generall went with him aboord the
Trade, where he delivered to Sir Henrie two Letters, viz.
one from the Basha of Sinan, and the other from the Aga
of Moha : the effect, to know what he demanded of them,
for they were ignorant of any after injurie offered to him,
& for the former they said that they had given him satis-
396
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1612.
faction before his departure. Wherefore they intreated
the Junkes might bee discharged and sent for Moha. His
answere was, that hee demanded satisfaction for the losse
of his mens lives, & for the making of him lose his Mon-
son, to the overthrow of his Voyage. Mamy said, if he
would write his minde, he should have answere from the
Basha in fourteene dayes.
The twelfth, Captaine Mamy returned with Letters
from Sir Henrie.
The fifteenth, the King of Rehita being a pettie Prince The K. of
upon the African or Abesse side, came riding downe upon ^^^ ^ ^^^
a Cow to visit Sir Henrie and our Generall : he had a ^isiteth both
Turbant on his head, a piece of a Periwinkle shell hang- the Generals.
ing on his fore-head, in stead of a Jewell, apparelled like
a Moore, all naked (saving a Pintado about his loines)
attended with an hundred and fiftie men in battaile after
their manner, weapond with Darts, Bowes and Arrowes
and Sword and Targets : both the Generals went ashoare
with an hundred shot and Pike to prevent all Treacheries,
that the Turkes might plot against them by colour of [I- iv. 350.]
this courtesie, being loath to let him returne without an
enterview, lest they should want the refreshing which
they might have by his friendship heere at Assab, which
is under his command. They presented him with divers
gifts, and (according to his desire) did give him his lading
of Aquavitae, that hee was scarce able to stand ; they are
Mahometanes, being a blacke hard-favoured people, with
curled pates. The King bestowed upon our Generall five
Bullockes, and proffered all the assistance he might doe
them.
This day the Pepper-Corne arrived from Aden, bring-
ing with her a Juncke, which came from Sinde, or the
River Indus, laden with Butter, Oyle, and Cambaya cloath.
They brought us newes that Mallacamber, Captaine of
the great shippe of Diu had escaped them with his
shippe, and was arrived at Moha, passing in sight of
them ; the Pepper-Corne shot at her, but could not
reach her, shee went so well. This was the ship for which
397
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
the Pepper-Corne had purposely weighed, and which the
Thomas and Darling had so long expected to have come
to Babo.
This day our Generall had a note delivered him of the
/ prises of commodities, how they were lately bought and
sold at Surat, whereof the copie followeth, viz. Broad-
cloath of three and twentie pound a Cloath severall col-
ours, twentie Mamoodyes, the Conido of five and thirtie
Inches and five Mamoodyes make one Riall of eight.
Kersies eightie foure Mamoodyes the piece, which was
lesse then ours did cost in England. Lead the great
Maund, thirtie three pound, at seven and one third part
of Mamoodyes. Tinne the small Maund, five and
twentie pound, at five and a halfe Rialls of eight. At
Dabull, Iron the Bahar, containing three hundred and
threescore pound, at one and twentie Rialls the Bahar.
Peeces damasked, from twelve to eighteene Rialls the
piece. Ellephants teeth, threescore and five Mamoodyes,
the great Maund of three and thirtie pound. Indico
Cirkesa, three sorts, whereof the best at fourteene Rupias,
which make halfe a Riall of eight : the second sort,
twelve Rupias ; the third sort eight, the great Maund of
three and thirtie pound. Indico Labor, which is best of
all ; three sorts, whereof the best at sixe and thirtie, the
second at thirtie, the third at foure and twentie Rupias,
the Maund of five and fiftie pound. Charges of bringing
it to the waterside, ten in the hundred for the Cirkesa,
and twentie in the hundred custome for Labor.
The seventeenth, we began to weigh Lead, and deliver
our English commodities to the Captaines & Masters of
the Juncks, in part of paiment of the goods, which we
had received of them.
TheThomasU The three and twentieth, the Thomas manned with nine
dispatched for ^^^ fortie men, all in health, set saile for Socatora, for
man and ' ^^^^^ ' ^^^ from thence for Priaman and Tecoo, upon
Tecoo. Sumatra, for Pepper.
The one and thirtieth, the messenger from the Basha
of Sinan, the Sabander of the Bannians at Moha, and
398
I
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1612.
Captaine Mamy arrived at Assab, to compound the differ-
ences with Sir Henry Middleton.
The foure and twentieth of June, the Trade set saile June 24.
out of Assab Road for Moha, and the five and twentieth
day, the Cloave did follow. The same night they in
Moha made great Bonefires, and Fire-workes, which for
that they had not done the like before when wee were
there, wee supposed them therewith to brave us.
The sixe and twentieth, our Generall sent his Skiffe to
the shoare with letters to the Aga, the Sabandar, and ^
Captaine Mamy, and gave the Cockson charge not to
put ashoare, for feare of surprising. The effect of these
letters was, to see what readie money might bee procured
to cleare the accounts betwixt the Indians and us. The
nine and twentieth, the Governour returned an answere
to our Generall, more ceremonious then of substance ; so
that the thirtieth day we returned againe to Assab Road.
The first of July the Trade came thither likewise, and
fell to our old trade of bartering for Indian commodities. /^6' i.
The fift. Mere Mahumood Tookee, Captaine of the
Rehemi of Surat (which was the Queene Mothers ship)
brought divers dishes of meate aboord the Cloave, being
dressed after their fashion ; he was accompanied with
divers of his principall merchants, who were all kindly
entertained : his shippe was at the least of twelve hundred
Tunnes.
The eleventh, we all visited the Cloave and Hector :
the Trade and Pepper-Corne weighed anchor and set
saile for Moha, together with seven of the Indian ships,
which for the most part of them were better then any of
us any way : in the evening we anchored short of Moha.
The twelfth, we weighed and stood for Moha, and
about three in the after-noone, we all anchored before the
Towne of Moha.
The eighteenth, one of the Junckes, which was indebted
to us, got in so neare the shoare, that we doubted shee
would steale all her goods ashoare. Whereupon the next
day, the Cloave and the Pepper Corne did warpe nearer,
399
A.D.
l6l2.
[I. iv. 351.]
August 7.
The Hector
departeth for
Priaman and
Tecoo.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and discovered many Jelbaes aboord the Juncke to unlade
her, but at their going ashoare, the Cloave, Hector and
Pepper-corne, made many shot at them, so as the men
forsooke both the Junckes and the Jelbaes and swomme
ashoare ; the Castle nor Towne not once shooting at us,
albeit we were much within command of their Ordnance.
The twentieth, the Gallyes fearing our comming so
neare, warpt behinde an Island to the Northward.
The seventh of August, wee had advice of the arrival
of the great shippe of Sues, and foure great Gallyes at
Bogo, a Towne on the Abesse side, about halfe a dayes
saile from Moha. Our Generall received a Letter from
the Governour of Moha, shewing that this day was
Festivall amongst them, and that thereon they were
accustomed to shoote off certaine Peeces of Ordnance,
desiring that it might not be taken in evill part, doubting
lest we should hold it done in a bravado, and so in
requitall shoote into the Towne againe. About noone
they discharged seventeen Peeces out of the fort, three
from the landing-place, and divers from within the land,
with abundance of small shot, which went off in good
order ; some of their great shot went a head us, and some
a Sterne, to shew what they could doe, but all past in
kindnesse : hereby wee found the report of this place
false, viz. That heere were only two Peeces, and that they
were not able in two houres to discharge them.
The eight, the Hector set saile for Priaman and Tecoo
(the Monson now serving) having eightie eigfht English
in perfect health. The Nohodais, or Captaines of the
Junckes, desired to have Pasports from our General, for
their better getting into their Countrey, in case they should
meet with any more of our Nation : which was granted.
The tenth, all rekonings were cleared with the three
Junckes, the Hasani, Caderi, and Mahomodi. The
eleventh, we cleared the Rehemey and Salameti. Note
our whole cargason of commodities and Rialls bartred
for in this place, did amount but to fortie six thousand
one hundred seventie foure Rialls of eight.
400
JOHN SARIS
I have thought good to adde heere, two Acquittances
for better understanding the premises.
In Moha Road in the Red-sea the tenth
of August 1 612.
Memorandum, That I Mahomed Hashen Comall
Adeene Ashen, Captaine of the Hassavy of Surat, have
bartered and sold unto Captaine John Saris, Generall of
the eight Voyage into the East-Indies, for the summe of
seven thousand foure hundred Rialls of eight, and JJ of
a Riall in these goods following, viz.
Indicoes of both sorts 86. balles amount
with profit unto the summe of - 3046^^
Cambaya Cloath 3 1 6. Gorges, 7.^ peeces,
amounts to with profit, summe, - 4136 —
A.D.
1612.
0020 —
0008-
^ 7400ii
'yJL
00532V
0096
004011
Carpets three, valued at
Quilts of Cottonia, two, at eightie Rialls
a Corge ..--_-
Rice, Butter, Ginger and Sugar, amount
in Rialls -----
For eighteene yards Broad-cloath re-
ceived baclce in account, summe
Foure bales Gumme, lacke with profit -
Summe totall of all the Merchandizes sold, as above
said, is Rialls 7400^1.
And I have Receits in payment thereof these goods
following, viz.
Eight and twentie and an halfe Broad-
cloathes amounts to in Rialls - - 4574^!-
Ten pieces of Kersies amounts to - 0501!
Thirtie Bahars of Lead, amounts to - 0720 —
Twentie Bahars Iron, amounts to - 0480 —
Foure and an halfe Bahars of Tinne,
amounts to - - - - - 0679I-
Fifteene Fowling-peeces, amounts to - 0445 —
III 401 2 c
> 740oii
A.D.
l6l2.
in
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Summe totall of these goods Received, amounts unto
Rialls-
-7400H
And in witnesse of the truth, I have hereunto
set my hand and Seale the day and
yeere above v^ritten.
[I. iv. 352.] In Moha Road in the Red-sea, the twelfth
day of August 161 2.
Memorandum, That I Nohada Hassan, Captaine of the
good ship, called the Cawdrie of Diew, have bartered and
sold unto Captaine John Saris, Generall of the eight
Voyage into the East-Indies, for the summe of tV7o
thousand nine hundred fortie and sixe Rialls of eight,
and a parts of a Riall, in these goods following, viz.
Indicoes of both sorts, one and thirtie
Bales, with profit, amounts to in
Rialls- ----- 169411
Spicknard one Bale, Turbith one Bale,
Cinamon five Bales, with profit y 2g4.jT^
amounts Rialls - - - - 0064}
Cloath of Cambaya an hundred thirtie
seven Gorges, and three pieces with
profit, amounts to Rialls - - ii88f ^
Summe totall - - ig^y^is^
And I have received in payment, these goods follow-
ing, viz.
402
JOHN SARIS AD.
1612.
.2947
Broad-cloathes, sixe pieces, for the
summe of Rialls - - - - 0890I
Kersies, ten pieces, amounts to Rialls - 04773-
Lead one and thirtie Bahars and three
quarters, amounts to Rialls - - oy62ii
Iron ten Bahars, amounts to Rialls - 0240 —
Tinne one Bahar and an halfe, amounts
to Rialls - - - - - o226i
Fowling-peeces fourteene, amounts to
Rialls ------ 0350 —
More Receits in money to ballance,
Rialls ------ ooooif
Summe totall amounts to Rialls - 2947TV
And in witnesse of the truth, I have hereunto
set my hand and Seale the day and
yeare above written.
ITS-
^vfy^^r'm^u?^
At the Port of Moha we found not our English com- ^^^^^'^^ '°^-
modities vendible for any quantitie : the Naturalls poore, ^^-ndible in
and the Turkes unwilling to deale with us. any quantitie
The thirteenth, we set saile from Moha for Bantam, at Moha.
our Company seventy five men all in perfect health. We departed
The fourteenth in the morning, in sight of Babo, but j^^f^ ^^ ^^
the wind large at North-west, we steered East by South
through the great Channell on the Abesse side, having
eighteene fathom, about one league of the Island Babo,
where is very good and safe harbour for shipping, and of
good receit, but the place is barren.
The third of September, we arrived at Socatora in the September 3.
Road of Delisha, having been much hindred in our pas- *
sage hither, by a West and North-west Current. We
understood that the Thomas had been heere three moneths
past, but stayed not, for that they could not agree upon
the price of Aloes.
The fourth, the Merchant and Linguist were sent
403
A.D.
l6l2.
Cuttlefish
yeelding a
wonderfull
glare in the
Sea.
Selon or
Zeilan.
[I. iv. 353.1
Cape Comorin
in seven de-
grees, two and
fortie minutes.
False plats.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
ashoare, friendly entertained and furnished with horses to
returne to the Skiffe, but could not agree upon the price,
hee holding it at fortie Rialls of eight, the kintall of one
hundred and foure pounds ; saying, he had only five and
twentie hundred weight, for which he was earnestly
solicited by the Portugals.
Being loath to lose time heere, it was concluded that
hee should have thirtie Rials for one parcell, and thirtie
eight for another ; so he delivered foure thousand sixtie
seven pound, which cost one thousand foure hundred
eighteene and an halfe of Rialls of eight : we found the
King very false both in his weight and word, but we used
him kindly for the good of future Voyage. The eight,
we set saile for Bantam.
The two and twentieth, latitude by the Starre eight
degrees, twelve minutes, the wind at West South-west,
we steered East by South. About midnight we fell into
the strang-est and fearfuUest shining water that ever any
of us had seene : the water giving such a glare about our
ship, as that we could discerne a letter in the book thereby,
it being not halfe an houre before so darke, as that it
was not possible to see halfe our shippes length any way
We doubted it had beene the breach of suncken ground,
and thought to have cast about : but finding that wee had
sailed in it for halfe an houre, and saw no alteration, we
held on our course, quartering very much wind ; but at
lene^th it proved to be Cuttle-fish, which made this feare-
fbll shew.
The seven and twentieth, in the morning we had sight
of the Island Selon, bearing Northeast by East, about
seven leagues off, being very high land up into the
countrey, but low to Sea-ward.
The nine and twentieth about noone, we fell with Cape
Comorin, bearing East by South about fourteene leagues
off, being high land, and towards the North, shewing
double land neare the water-side, we sounded and had no
ground at an hundred fathom. Note, that this land lyes
in the latitude of seven degrees, two and fortie minutes
404
JOHN SARIS AD.
1612.
to the Northward of the Line : but in our Plats it is
made to stand in sixe degrees, and ten minutes, which
differs one degree, two and thirtie minutes, stretching
South South-east. By experience we find that it lyeth
more Northerly ; and in our course we had no sight of
any of the Islands described in our Plats, neither did we
discover any of the Maldive Islands, whereof the number
is said to bee so great ; making our account to have past
betweene the Maine and the Northerne Coast of the
Maldivas, in eight degrees no minutes, discrying no land,
untill we saw this Maine.
The fifteenth of October, latitude foure degrees, nine October 15.
and fortie minutes to the Southward of the Line : This ^"^^^ j^^^"^^'^^
day we had sight of Sumatra, whereof the Eastmost part \ine and fortie
did beare East North-east fourteene leagues off, high minutes.
land : heere we found a very strong Current setting to
the South-ward, which put us off from the land. Note,
that those bound for the Straights of Sunda, must keepe
Sumatra aboord, after they are come into one degree, Sumatra.
thirtie minutes to the Southward of the Line, for there
begins the current : keep thirtie leagues off with good
looking out, for there are many Cayos fifteene or twenty
leagues off, which by reason of the current, we did not
see.
The eighteenth, latitude five degrees and twentie
minutes, way East, Northerly, very tempestuous, with
thunder and lightning very fearefull, with much raine,
so that we could not see the land : But, praised be God,
notwithstanding the evill weather, our people were all
then in as good health (if not better) as when we parted
out of England.
The foure and twentieth, we came to an anchor in the We arrived in
Road of Bantam, where (though contrary to expectation) ^^ ^°^^ °f
we found the Hector, which arrived there the day before, ^^^^^'
with the James in her company, and certaine Flemmings. The James.
The arrivall of all these ships, and expectation daily of
the Trades-Increase, the Pepper-Corne, Darling and
Thomas to follow, occasioned a great (though sudden)
405
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
alteration in the prices of commodities. Those of any
request being raised very neare to thrice the value of
what they were bought for, the day before the Hectors
arrivall. Cloaves which the Marriners of the Hector and
James had bought the day before for sixteene Rialls of
eight the Peecull, were now risen to fortie Rialls and up-
wards : Pepper the day before was at ten Rialls of eight
the ten sackes, but upon our comming, were raised to
twelve Rialls and an halfe, &c.
The sixe and twentieth, we went ashoare, and so to
the Court, accompanied with the Merchants, and gave
divers presents to the Governour Pangran Chamarra,
(who is as Protector to the King, ruling all, the King
being as no body, though of yeares sufficient) which Pre-
sents hee well accepted : we desired his Order for speedie
landing of our goods, which he granted ; provided, that
the Kings officers might be acquainted with what wee
landed, that the King might not be wronged in his Cus-
tome.
A letter of The eight and twentieth, a Letter from Master William
^^^^^^.Y^^' ^d^^s out of Japan, was read to all the Merchants, that
from Japan ^^^^ might take notice of the hopes of that Countrey.
It was now concluded upon, that in regard the Flem-
mings were so strong, and almost sole Commanders of the
Moluccas and Banda, and that the place heere is so un-
healthfull, besides our people dangerously disordering
themselves with drinke and Whores ashoare : The Hector
should with all speed bee dispatched for England, and
that fourteene thousand sackes of Pepper should be pro-
vided for the lading of her, and the Thomas : doubting
that if once there should come newes of the other ships
expected. Pepper would be much raised over that it now
was.
We bargained with Lackmoy for two thousand sackes
of Pepper, at an hundred twentie seven Rialls of eight
and an halfe the hundred sackes : and with Keewee, for a
thousand sackes, at an hundred twentie five Rialls the
hundred sackes : and for three thousand sackes more, at
406
JOHN SARIS
A.D.
1612.
an hundred and fiftie Rialls the hundred. Wee made
triall on shoare, what a PeecuU of Cloaves might weigh
by our English weights, and found it to be an hundred
and thirtie two pound subtill, good weight.
The ninth of November, Sir Henry Middleton arrived November 9.
at Bantam in the Pepper-Corne. The fifteenth, (the
Governour having earnestly requested it) there mustered
before the Court fortie men out of the Cloave and Hector,
thirtie out of the Pepper-Corne, and ten out of the
Salomon, in all eightie men, which gave him good con-
tent. The Flemmings denyed him : it was for the break-
ing up of the Mahometanes Lent.
The seventeenth, agreed with Keewee for foure thou-
sand sackes of Pepper, at sixteene Rialls ten sackes, with
allowance of three in the hundred basse.
The eighteenth, heere arrived eleven saile of Flem-
mings, great ships, and the Thomas in their company ;
shee had gotten at Priaman only three hundred and twelve
Bahars of Pepper, and twentie Taile of Gold.
The two and twentieth, an hundred Flemmings, with °f^^^^-
their furniture and their pike-men in bright armour
marched to the Court, where they brought themselves
into a ring, and gave three vollyes of shot : The Gover-
nour sent word to them, that the King thanked them,
that they had done enough, and might depart with their [I. iv. 354.]
iron hats ; for so the Javans call head-peeces.
The eight and twentieth, three Holland ships, laden
for the most with Pepper and Mace, set saile, homeward
bound : five more of their ships set saile for Banda, and
the Moluccas.
The fourth of December, a Dutch ship arrived heere December^.
from Choromandell : by whom wee understood that they
left the Globe in Patane, bound for Siam.
Twentie Taile
The eleventh, the Hector set saile from Bantam for
Morough the watering place, where there is a sweet ayre,
and where good refreshing of Orrenges, and other whole-
some fruits are to bee had ; there to attend till the
Thomas were full laden.
The Globe in
Patane^ bound
for Siam.
407
A.D.
l6l2.
Kewee a chief e
China Mer-
chants curtesie.
January 12.
Pulo Lack.
We came on
ground.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
The two and twentieth, the Trades-Increase and the
Darling arrived heere from Priaman.
The five and twentieth, in honor of the Birth-day of
our Saviour Christ, certaine Chambers were discharged
at the English house in Bantam, and were answered with
Ordnance out of the shippes.
The eight and twentieth, Kewee, the chiefe China Mer-
chant, invited Sir Henrie and my selfe, with all the
Merchants, to dinner, and caused a Play to be acted before
us by Scenicks of China, which was performed on a
Stage with good pronunciation and gesture.
The twelfth of January, the Thomas set saile for
England, having in her sixe and thirtie English, and three
Indians.
§. nil.
The Voyage of Captaine Saris in the Cloave, to
the He of Japan, what befell in the way :
Observations of the Dutch and Spaniards in
the Molucca's.
He fourteenth of January 16 12. in the morning,
wee weighed out of the Road of Bantam, for
Japan, having taken in heere for that place seven
hundred sackes of Pepper for a triall there. Shee had in
her seventie foure English, one Spaniard, one Japan, and
five Swarts or Indians.
The fifteenth in the Morning, little wind at West, and
haling into fourteen fathom, we steered East by South,
and East South-east, leaving Pulo Lack on our Star-
boord, and eleven or twelve on our Larboord side, our
depth from fourteene to ten fathoms, going within two
Islands, which lye to the Eastwards of Pulo Lack. And
in the faire way there lyeth a shoald, which hath not
above sixe foot on the toppe of it, and is not above halfe
a Cables length every way, and hard aboord it there is
ten fathomes, and the next cast on ground, as by experi-
ence : for heere we lay three houres beating, with a
408
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1612.
reasonable stifFe gale ; but through Gods mercy, and the
extraordinary labour and endeavour of the Company, got
her off ; but sprung a leake, that for all night, and till
ten the next day we continued pumping every man (my
selfe only excepted) taking his turne, and all little enough
to keepe it from increasing, which made us all to doubt
that wee should be enforced to put backe againe to Ban-
tam, to the overthrow of all our men and Voyage for
Japan. The Carpenter by his diligence having found
out the leake, made it Tite, thankes bee to God. To
goe cleare off this shoald, keepe close to the Islands, for
the Maine is shoald.
The sixteenth, we anchored at the watering place called
Tingo Java, beeing foureteen leagues from Bantam, and Tinga Java.
some three leagues and an halfe to the West-wards of
Jaccatra, riding between two Hands which lie off the point. Two Islands.
distant five miles. Depth ten and nine fathomes close
to the Hand, but the maine is shoald. I sent Presents to
the King, to his Sabandar, and Admirall requesting leave
to buy such necessaries as we wanted.
The eighteenth, the King of Jaccatra sent his chiefe
man unto me, with thanks for the Presents, and proffer
of what his Countrey affoorded. The twenty one, we
set saile, steered neere unto the East-most Hand of the
two, that are against the watering place : depth ten and
nine fathome, and so to Sea-boord of all the Hands East
North-east from the watering place. For the outward-
most of them beareth East by North Northerly, and off
the Norther point of the said Hand lieth a shoald, which
yee shall see breake, distant from the Hand halfe a league,
and having that South of you, the East point of Java
will beare East Southerly, depth seventeene and eighteene
fathome, and all the way out from twentie to foureteene
fathome, but here you shall find a Current setting East J Current.
South-east, which you must allow for, as you have the
wind. In the evening we anchored, little wind at North
by West, the Current setting us to the South-east upon the
shoare : depth thirteene and thirteene fathomes and an
409
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
halfe, being shot three leagues to the East- wards of the
East point of Jaccatra, wind at North-west.
The twenty two, the wind at South-west, we weighed
and steered East North-east to get deepe water, and find-
ing foureteene fathome, the high hill over Bantam did
beare West South-west, halfe a point Westerly. The
three and twentieth in the morning, we deckt up our
[I. iv. 355.] sailes, the wind at South-east, and had sight of an Hand
which lieth off Cherribon, with three of those high piked
hils of Java, the Eastermost bearing South-east, and
Cherrybon South by East. Latitude at noone sixe
degrees tenne minutes, the wind at North North-west,
the Hand bearing East by North three leagues and an
halfe off.
Note, that yee may boldly keepe betweene twentie
three and twenty foure fathome water in the Offing, and
in twentie fathome upon Java, the darkest night that is,
and in the day upon Java in what depth yee please.
The twentie fourth in the morning, we had sight of
three high piked hils, and three other to the East-ward,
like Hands : depth twentie fathome, the point of Java
bearing South-east by South, and the Hand lying off it
South-east and North-'//est about nine leagues off. We
steered East by South, and East South-east. Latitude
sixe degrees tenne minutes, way East twenty eight
leagues.
The twentie sixth, at breake of day we had sight of
Pulo Labuck. the Hand called Pulo Labuck, bearing North-east by East
eight leagues off, wind West by North. We steered East
by South, depth thirtie foure and thirtie five fathomes,
and about nine of the clocke had sight of land, bearing
South-east and South-east by South, the Hand aforesaid
bearing now North-east by North little wind, latitude
sixe degrees twelve minutes, way East and East by North
twentie two leagues, wind at West, the Hand at foure in
the after-noon, bearing West by North nine leagues off,
depth thirtie foure fathomes. The twentie seventh, lati-
tude sixe degrees foure minutes, way East Northerly
410
I
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1612.
twenty eight leagues, depth thirtie eight fathome, and at
three in the afternoone had sight of an Hand bearing North
North-east seven leagues off, and at five of the clocke
sounded, and had thirtie foure fathomes.
The twenty eighth, at foure in the morning, we had
twentie five fathomes, steering East till noone, latitude
five degrees fiftie five minutes, way East Northerly
twenty leagues, depth thirty fathome. From noone we
steered East by South, and at foure a clocke had thirty
five fathome. The twenty ninth, in the morning about
foure, wind at West by North, we steered East by South,
but had no ground at fortie fathome, but at noone fiftie
two fathomes, with many overfalls. Latitude sixe de-
grees nine minutes, way East by South twentie eight
leagues, wind at West and West by North, with a Cur- A Current.
rent setting to the West-ward, afternoone we sounded, but
had no ground at an hundred fathome, and steered East.
The thirtieth in the morning, latitude five degrees
fiftie seven minutes, way East Northerly twenty eight
leagues, and in longitude from Bantam, two hundred
twenty foure leagues, the over-fals continuing, but sound-
ing had no ground at an hundred fathome. At three in
the afternoone, we had sight of a low flat Hand at top-
mast head, bearing North-east by North five or six
leagues off, full of trees, and had eighteene fathome, and
at next cast eightie five fathome : then we steered East
by South, and at foure a clocke it did beare North by East
halfe a point Northerly, three or foure leagues off. Then
we had sight of two other low flat Hands, the one opening
to the East-ward, the other to the West-ward, so that
this was the middle-most. At sixe at night, it bearing
North halfe a point Easterly, we sounded againe, but had
no ground at eightie fathom, we steered East by South,
keeping our lead in respect of the over-fals or Ripplings,
which were fearefuU, yet had no ground at sixtie fathome.
The one and thirtieth, at breake of day we had sight
of the Celebes, the Wester end rising like an Hand, and Celebes.
the outward-most high land bearing East by North :
411
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
Latitude five degrees fiftie two minutes, the East part
bearing East by North sixe leagues ofF, way East Nor-
therly sixteene leagues and a Current setting to the North-
west ward. At Sunne-setting we tooke in our sailes to
The Straight keepe short of the straights of Desalon, by the Naturals
ofDesalon or called Solore, and keeping our Lead all night, we found
°°^^' first twenty fathome, the high land North, and so drove
into thirtie three, and fortie seven fathome, fearing a
shoald which lyeth two third parts of a league from the
Celebes, and at low water the breach upon it may be
seene. On the Celebes side it is very dangerous, and
full of sunken ground. Wherefore we haled over for
Desalon side, keeping a good birth of it, having a piked
hill, which is next to the Sea-side, rising like an Iland,
being to the West-wards, then it is North North-east,
and when it is North, then yee are thwart of the West
end of the shoald, and then will the Iland which yee
leave on your Star-boord side, beare East North-east, so
that yee may be bold to steere out in the middest betweene
the two Hands. And when the Pike hill beares North by
West, then are you thwart of the East end. Note that
the East end of Desalon showeth like an Island, and will
deceive you till you come to it, but having brought the
North end of the point East North-east, halfe a point
Easterly, then bee bold ; for you are cleare of the shoald
afore-said. It is about foure leagues betweene them :
we came within halfe a mile of the Iland of our Star-
boord side, going through, and the wind taking us sud-
denly short, we sounded, but had no ground at fiftie five
fathome, right up and downe.
February. The first of February afternoone, we were thwart of the
point of the Iland bearing South off us, and the two
Ilands which make the straights, lying one from the other
North and South, distant five small leagues.
The second in the morning, we had sight of the South
[I. iv. 356.] part of Desalon, South-west by South, and the North
part West by North eight leagues off. We steered East
by North, the wind at North by East, latitude five
412
JOHN SARIS
degrees fiftie two minutes, distant from Desalon tenne
leagues. The third in the morning, the Southerne end
of Cambina did beare North-east by East, and the Hand
or Hammocke North-east eight or nine leagues, latitude
five degrees fiftie seven minutes : the Hand North-east
halfe a point Northerly eight leagues, way East Southerly
five or sixe leagues, and towards night the wind at South,
and South South-east, we steered all night East by North.
The fourth in the morning, the wind at North-east, lati-
tude five degrees no minutes. At three we saw land East
by North, making it to be Botun.
The fifth, three or foure leagues off Cambina, we found
the Current to carry us to the North-ward, the wind at
East by North ; and the Hand of the East end of Cam-
bina, North-east halfe a point Easterly foure leagues off.
The sixth at breake of day, the Hand North-east by North
Northerly foure leagues off, the wind at North ; so that
these twenty foure houres we have gotten to the East-
wards one point.
The seventh at breake of day, the Northern point was
North by East, & a smal high land, that lieth to the
South-ward sixe or seven leagues off Botun, South-east,
and the Easter land of Botun East North-east : we
steered East by North, and East, but left the high land
to the South-wards on our Star-boord side, and it did
beare South-east halfe a point Easterly, then was the
point of Botun shut in, in a long great Hand. The Nor-
ther end will be North North-west.
The eighth in the morning, we saw another Hand,
called Tingabasse, rising round and flat. Here we had
a Current setting North-east, the wind at North-east by
North and North North-east. The ninth, wind at North-
West by North, the point of Botun North-west halfe
a point Northerly, we had sight of two Curra Curras
between us and Botun : The Skiffe was sent off to them,
and brought one M. Welden, one of the Expeditions
Companie, and a Flemming bound for Banda. The said
Welden beeing employed in the King of Botuns affaires
413
A.D.
1612.
The lie
Tingabasse.
M. Welden an
Englishman
imployed in
the King of
Botuns
service.
A.D.
l6l2.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Advertise
ments concern-
ing the stn
of Botun.
for Banda, and had now the command of these Curra
Curras. Latitude five degrees twentie minutes, wind at
East North-east, we steered North, and at night the wind
Southerly, we steered North North-east : and from the
East point of Botun, the land fals away suddenly, with
two or three great Bayes to the North-westwards ; and
three great Hands which lie to the Northward of Botun,
which make the straights.
Note, to goe through the straights of Botun, it is not
^'^heTtririit '^^^^ ^ league broad, and the entrance is on the North-
^Botun. side of the Hand ; and if you come from the Westward,
being thwart of the North-west point, your course is
East North-east, and East by North, up to the Roade,
and no danger but what you shall see ; but you must
leave the three great Hands to the North-wards of you,
yet goe not betweene any of them, and falling with the
West end of Botun, goe not betweene the Hand that
lyeth off it. There are two long Hands, but leave them
on your star-boord side, for it is full of broken ground
betweene them and Botun. But if the wind serve you,
then hale to the North-ward of all the Hands either
betweene Botun and Cambina, or else to the North-ward
of that too, and so you may keepe the Coast of Celebes,
for it is bold : we steered with little wind all night. North
North-east.
The tenth in the morning, the straights of Botun did
beare North-west by West, and the maine Hand of Tinga-
basse South South-east halfe a point Southerly.
The eleventh, at five in the morning, the wind at
North-west, the Hand West ten leagues off, we steered
North North-east, latitude at noone foure degrees eight
minutes ; way North North-east Easterly a little, foure
and twentie leagues, and off the East point of Botun, five
and thirtie leagues, the wind all night betweene North and
North by West.
The twelfth, little wind at North by West, latitude
foure degrees sixe minutes, way East by North twentie
leagues.
414
JOHN SARIS
The thirteenth in the morning, we had sight of the
Hand Buro, beeing high-land, the one point bearing
North-east by North, and the other North-east ten
leagues off, the wind at North by West, having made to
noone seven leagues of latitude, three degrees one and
fortie minutes.
The fourteenth in the morning, we bore up with the
East part of the Hand to seeke for some place to ride in.
The fifteenth and sixteenth of latitude, three degrees,
fortie minutes, breake of day the Northermost part of
Buro, East by North nine leagues off, little wind at East
North-east, and North by East.
The seventeenth, little wind, the East-part of Buro,
bearing East Northerly, wind at North, at noone North-
west by North, the North part of Botun East by South,
and three Hands, which we then had in sight at Top-mast
head. North-east by North.
The eighteenth, in the morning, we were by the Easter-
most Hand three leagues off, wind at North North-west,
it bearing North North-east. At noone we were within
a mile off the shore. The Skiffe was sent to speake with
the Countrey people. This Hand is called Sula : wee had
fifteene fathome, the ships length off the shoare, and a
mile off no ground at a hundred fathomes : the West
part of Buro lying South halfe a point Westerly, and
North halfe a point Easterly fourteene leagues the one
from the other, wind at West, the Land stretching North
North-east.
The twentieth, wind at East by North, steered North
by East, of latitude one degree thirtie minutes, way
North-east seven leagues.
The one and twentieth in the morning, we were foure
or five leagues off an Hand, called Haleboling by our
Saylers, being a high copped round Hand, different in
shape from all the rest of the Hands in sight. The wind
at North-east, and at East having made to this noone a
North-east way fourteene leagues of latitude one degree,
sixteene minutes the point of Haleboling, or Bachian,
4^5
A.D.
l6l2.
The lie of
Buro.
The lie of
Sula.
[I. iv. 357.]
The He of
Haleboling, so
called by the
English
SaylerSy by
others Boa de
Bachian.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
North-east by North foure leagues off : and the outward-
most land, North a quarter Westerly, finding a current
setting North-east, wind all night at North North-east
and North.
The two and twentieth in the morning, wee had sight
Machian. of land North by East, it being the Hand Machian very
high land : heere we had a current setting North North-
east of latitude at noone no degrees, one and fiftie
minutes, way North seven leagues, variation at Sun-
setting, foure degrees twelve minutes, wind at North by
East, and North North-east.
The three and twentieth in the morning we were three
leagues off the Land, wind at North North-east seeking a
place to anchor in : and within a quarter of a mile of the
shoare had fortie fathome, wherefore we bore up to the
South part of the Hand, where we had twentie and nine-
teene fathomes for a cast or two, but then no ground.
Wee steered from this South point East South-east, for so
the Land lyeth open off the point of the high round
Hand, being foure leagues betweene the two points, but
the Wester point is an Hand with three or foure other to
the East-wards, which you cannot perceive till you bee
verie neere them. Then the Land falleth away North-
east, and sheweth a large and round sound or Bay with
Land of both sides very deepe. This round Hill is
Bachian, and yeeldeth great store of Cloves ; but by
Misery of reason of the Warres they are wasted. The people not
^^l ^^ ^ ^ suffered to make their benefit thereof, forbeare to gather
them, and let them fall and rot upon the ground. Beeing
by the Flemmings and Spaniards opprest, and wrought to
spoyle one another in Civill Warre, whilest they both
secure in strong Forts, sit and looke on, prepare to take
the bone from him that can wrest it from his fellow.
Having no ground to anchor in, and not able to get to
the Northward, we resolved to stand off all night, hoping
to have a shift of wind to carrie us to the Hand Machian,
whither we intended.
The foure and twentieth, in the morning the high land
416
I
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1612.
South by East ten or twelve leagues off the Hand seemed
ragged, we stood in, and a league off the point, sent off
the Skiffe to sound and to looke for water, but returned
aboord finding no water nor place to anchor in, wherefore
we stood into the Bay, and presently had sight of a Fort A mall Fort
and Towne called Bachan. The Pinnasse a head finding of the Hol-
fresh water in divers places, but steepe too into the cod n ?*
of the Bay, where the Flemmings have a Fort artificially Bachan, being
and warlike built ; the Towne hard by it. Heere we the Norther
came to an anchor (saker shot off the Fort) having had end of the
very uncertaine shoaling, as seventie, sixtie, eight and ^f^"^"^' ///*'*
ten fathome; but Ozie. ^ ^Hakboling,
The Dutch saluted us with five Peeces ; whom I
requited with the like number, but the Kings man being |
then a-boord our ship, we told him, it was done to the
honour of his King, who sent mee word that hee would
have come to visit mee, but that the Dutch intreated him
to forbeare. In this Fort are thirteene Peeces : viz. one
Demy-culvering of Brasse, the rest Saker and Minion.
The Flemmings here resident are more feared of the
Naturals then loved, which notwithstanding is cause of
their better benefit. For the Naturals, assoon as we were
arrived, told us that they durst not bring us a Cattie of
Cloves, but upon their lives. As wee rid heere, the out-
wardmost point was South South-west, and the other
South-west, distant from us foure leagues. The King
sent his Admirall and divers of his Nobles aboord to bid
me welcome, saying, that they knew of what Nation we
were by our Flagge, using much Ceremonious courtesie,
wishing that we were seated there in stead of the Flem-
mings, that they might bee cleered of them, their Coun-
trey now almost ruined by these Warres. I entertayned
them friendly, and told them that our comming was to
procure Trade and to leave a Factorie amongst them, if
their King so pleased. They answered that it was a;
thing by them much desired, but at present not to
bee granted, yet they would acquaint their King
therewith.
Ill 417 2D
A.D.
l6l2.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
The small
forces of the
Hollanders in
Bachian.
The Captaine of the Dutch Fort came aboord to visit
mee, by whom I understood their force to be but of
thirteene Peeces and thirtie Souldiers. The most of
them marryed, some to the Countrey-women, and some
to Dutch women, whereof the Fort was fitted with eleven
able to withstand the furie of the Spaniard or other Nation
whatsoever, beeing of a very lustie large breed, and fur-
nished with few good qualities. But it seemed they
followed their Leader : for no sooner was the Captaine
aboord, but the Amazon-band followed, complayning of
great miserie, sitting downe with our Saylors to victuals
at their first comming, with small intreatie. They had
what the ship affoorded, and they returned ashore with
their Captaine.
The third of March, we sounded with the SkifFe alongst
the East-side of this Bay, and at the opening or going
out neere to a little Hand, we found a place to anchor, in
twelve, sixteene, twentie fathome, Corall ground, with-
out command of the Fort. Note, there is a shoald to
the South-wards the length of three Cables, latitude no
degrees, fiftie minutes.
The fourth, the King of Ternata sent me a present by
his Priest.
The fifth, variation at Sun-rising, foure degrees fortie
eight minutes Easterly. A Moore came aboord with a
muster of Cloves, ofi^ering to sell some quantitie, if wee
would goe to Machian. This Moore was sent by a man
of great account of that place, who at the present was
[I. iv. 358.] heere. Wherefore it was thought good to stay a day
longer to have some conference with him, his name was
Key Malladaia ; and was Brother to the old King of
Ternata.
The sixth, we stayed to speake with this Cavalier, who
Tahannee,isa came and promised to goe with us to Machian, and to
'^^^f. ^^°^ bring us to a place there called Tahannee, and did put
zvhere the aboord US two of his chiefe men to be as our Pilots
Portugals heretofore have had a Fort, but now there is none, neither for them nor the F lemmings,
there is the best riding of the whole Hand, but very neere the shore, 'yet free of all danger.
4.13
Variation 4.
degrees, 48.
minutes
Easterly.
JOHN SARIS
A.D.
l6l2.
thither, appointing us to got before and stay for him at
an Hand by the way, and within two dayes he would be
with us, giving us great incouragement of good store of
Cloves. He told me that the Dutch gave fiftie Rials of
eight the Bahar, but they would cost us sixtie Rials, which
I willingly promised to give him.
The seventh in the morning, we weighed anchor and
parted out of this Road called Amasan, & by direction of
our new Pilots, steered in West & West by North for the
Hand Machian, leaving two Hands (which lye foure or
five miles from the place where we last anchored) on our
lard-boord side, depth two and twentie, thirtie and fortie
fathomes, two Cables length ofF the Hand.
The tenth, we had sight of Machian being a high and
copped Hand bearing North-easterly, and the Hand Tidore
opening like a Sugar-lofe on the Wester side, but not so
high Land as Machian : it is shut into the point of the
Wester side of the outwardmost Hands, of the three that
lye in the going out, two of them being without the
narrow or straight, and the third maketh the straights it
selfe, yet there are more Hands on the Easter side. But
the current setting to the South-wards, we anchored in
three and twentie fathomes, a mile off the little Hande in
the straights mouth : so that the distance from the
straights of Namorat, to this passage, is five leagues, and
from the Roade of Amasane, where the Flemmish For-
tresse standeth, fourteene leagues.
The eleventh in the morning, we weighed the wind at
South South-east, and current setting to the North-ward,
we passing the streights. The wind vered to the North-
west by North, we stood to the East-ward till noone, then
we tackt to West-ward the wind at North North-west,
and had sight of Geilolo, being a long Land, depth going Geik/o
out nine and twentie, and foure and thirtie fathome, and
many Hands to the East-ward, and East South-east. The
point of old Bachian lying to the North-ward of the
streights some three or foure leagues, leaving foure Hands
on the star-boord side. That which maketh the straights
419
T/ie Roade of
Amosane
where the Hol-
landers Fort
standeth.
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
Tavally q^ that side is called Tavally Bachar, and when you are a
Bachar. |-^^|^ without the small Hand which lyeth in the straights,
you shall have eighteene fathome, a cast or two, and then
it will deepen, and standing to the North-wards you shall
open another Hand to the West-ward called Tamata, with
a Rocke like a Sayle a good distance off the point of it.
And anchored at an Hand bearing North Westerly, three
leagues from the straights in three and fortie fathomes,
A shoale. where on the Southerne point is a shoale having three
fathome on the skirts, and is dry at low water, which
shoale reacheth over to the South part of Bachian, we
riding halfe a mile off the shoare. This Hand is called
Tavally, the wind at North North-west.
Heere we stayed all the twelfth day, for Keymalladaia,
being the place where hee appointed to come unto us.
This Hand is distant from Machian ten leagues : here we
had good store of wood, but no water.
The thirteenth, our Cowpers provided themselves of
Rottans for Water-caske, which make excellent hoopes,
and are heere of all assises in great abundance. The
shoale afore-said now dry, beareth West by South, halfe a
mile off us, and another point a mile off. North North-
east. The wind at North.
The fourteenth, for that Keymalladaia came not, his
servant doubted that the Flemmings seeing us to adven-
ture through this passage amongst the Hands did suspect
him and perforce kept him. Wherefore we did set sayle,
the wind at North by West, and plyed up for Machian.
The Norther point of Tavally, and the Norther point of
Lattetatte (from whence wee set saile) bearing one of the
other West by North, and East by South, distant sixe
leagues, and the Norther end of Tavally, and the bodie of
Grochyagreat Grochie, the great Hand, lye the one from the other
Hand. North-west foure leagues, and North North-west from
Grochy, are foure or five small Hands which cover the
Mayne of the great Hand, and are distant from it five
leagues North-wards, and there are many Hands North-
east by North, called Motere. The sound lyeth cleere
420
JOHN SARIS AD.
l6l2.
of all the Hands betweene Bachan and Geilolo, (alias Batta
China) South-east and North-west, and is very broad, but
hath Ilands on the star-boord side as you goe to the
North-wards. The Channell betweene Bachian, Machian,
Tidore, and Ternata lyeth North by West, and South by
East, and is sixe leagues over in the narrowest part.
The fifteenth in the morning, we passed betweene
Battachina and Caia. Latitude at noone no degrees
seventeen minutes to the North-ward : so that Machian Machian five
is not truely placed in the Plats : for that there the Equi- f/^' J^'f'^
noctiall cuts it in the middle, and wee find it to stand five
leagues more Northerly, wind at North by East, and
North by West, with a Current setting to the South-
wards, variation foure degrees fiftie eight minutes
Easterly. The sixteenth in the morning, we were faire
by the Hand of Caia, the wind at North by East. Here Caiaanlknd.
we had sight of a saile to the North-wards, which by a
Fisherman we understood to bee a Flemming bound from
Machian to Tidore with Sago, which is a * Roote whereof [I. iv. 359.]
the Naturalls make their bread. *^omesa^ the
The seventeenth in the morning, we were neere a Fort ^j^p{//Qf'fi
of the Flemmings called Tabolola, wind at North-east : Hollanders
we stood to the Southwards, the Current setting us to called Taho-
the North-wards. Then the wind at East by North, we ^°^'^'
steered with the East-most point, and came to an anchor
at foure in the afternoone in the Road of Pelebere, hard
by Tahanne in fiftie fathome, within call of the shoare,
having one point of the land South South-west two
miles off, and another North-east by North one mile and
an halfe off, and the Hand Caia five leagues off. This
night some small quantitie of Cloves were brought aboord,
the price set at sixtie Rials of eight the Bahar, of two
hundred Cattees, each Cattee three pound five shillings
English. I received a letter from Key Malladaia from
Bachian, excusing his stay, with promise that he shortly
would bee with me, in the meane time that he had
written to the people to helpe me with all the Cloves
they could.
421
A.D.
l6l2.
The Hollan-
ders entertain-
ment of us.
Tahane.
Pelebre.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
The eighteenth, a Samaca came aboord and proffered
much curtesie : two Hollanders came with him, being
very inquisitive to know who directed us to this roade,
saying, that it must needs bee one of the Naturalls, and
if they knew him they would cut him in peeces before our
faces ; that we did wrong them in comming hither, this
beeing their Countrey, as having conquered it by the
Sword. They were appointed to returne to their Forts,
and tell their Captaines that if they needed ought that
we might spare, they should have it for reasonable con-
tent before all others, because we acknowledged them our
neighbours and brethren in Christ : but for any propertie
of this Countrey to be more in them then us, we tooke
no notice, and therefore would ride there, and trade with
whosoever it pleased to come aboord. So they parted,
threatning the Naturalls which were then aboord, that if
any did bring Cloves aboord us, they would put them
to death. The countrey people made light of their
threats, and said they held us their friends, and would
come aboord to us. Bought this day three hundred
Catties Cloves for Cambaya cloth, and some sold for
ready money.
The nineteenth, the two Flemmings came aboord
againe, and beganne to note downe in their Table-bookes
the names of the Countrey people which came aboord.
Whereupon I caused the Boat-swaine to turne them out
of the ship, and command them to come no more aboord.
Divers of our Companie were sent to walke ashoare, to
see what intertainement the Countrey people would give
them. They went up to the Townes of Tahanne and
Pelebere, and were very friendly used. They told our
men, that the Flemmings had wrought so with Key
Chillisadang, the King of Ternataes sonne, who was
newly come, that he had forbidden them to sell us any
Cloves upon paine of death, otherwise we should have
had them before the Flemmings, whom they find
great oppressors of them. Towards night, the Prince
passing by our ship in his Curracurra, I sent my Pin-
42a
JOHN SARIS A.D.
.1612.
nasse well fitted with a faire Turkie Carpet, and Crimson
Silke and Gold Curtaines, intreating him to come aboord ;
which he tooke kindly, but excused it, saying, that in
the morning he would visit me.
The one and twentieth, an Oran Caya came aboord, and
told me that a Curra Curra of the Flemmings had searched
three or foure Prawes or Canoas comming aboord us
with Cloves, and had taken them from them, threatning
death to them for the next offence. And that since our
comming hither, they disfurnished their Forts, and placed
their people round about the Hand, that the Naturalls J/ff^^JfJ^^J^^
should not be able to bring us any more Spice, and that ^^ ^^
they had sent over a Curra Curra to Tidore, to cause two
great ships of theirs to come hither and ride by us, the
one a head, the other a sterne, to beate us out of the
Road, without trade or refreshing.
The twentie two, we had sight of one of the Flemmish
ships comming about the point, by reason whereof we
had little trade now, the people being afraid. I received
a Present from Key Malladaia, who as yet was not come.
The Naturals expected what would now become of us,
the Flemmings having reported ashoare, that they should
see us runne out of the Road at sight of one of their ships.
It was the Redde Lion, had thirtie Peeces of Ordnance,
anchored a sterne of us.
The twentie fourth, the Prince of Ternate, Key Chil-
lisadang sent to tell me, that hee would come and visit
me. So all things were fitted in the best manner for his
entertainment. Hee came attended with divers great
Curracurras, and rowed thrice round about the ship before
he entred. At his boording of us, our ship discharged
five Peeces of Ordnance : I brought him to my Cabbin,
where I had prepared a Banquet, meet enough to have
been set before the King of Ternata himselfe (had he been
there) with a very good comfort of Musique, which much
delighted him. He promised mie to give the people
license to bring Cloves aboord us, and requested that I
would but have patience for a day or two, that he might
423
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRTMES
1612.
have advice from his brother then beeing at Tidore. I
bestowed on him divers Presents, and at parting ordered
seven Peeces for his farewell.
The twenty fifth in the morning, a Curracurra of the
Flemmings came rowing by our shippe, scoffing at our
people, and singing a song which they had made in deri-
! sion of us : they often using thereof caused our men
; justly to find themselves therewith aggrieved, as also for
their rowing over our Can-bodyes divers times, ende-
vouring to sinke them. Wherefore I caused the Pin-
nasse to be wel fitted, and gave order, that if at their
returne they continued their mocking of us, to run aboord
JCurracurra ^j^^^ sinke them. They came singing and scoffing: accord-
ders almost ^^^ their custome, the Pmnasse ranne aboord them
sunke. with such a surge, as that the water came through her
[I. iv. 360.] sides ; there beeing in her two of the Captaines of their
Forts, well fitted with shot and darts : our men were
well provided, and had two good Fowlers in the Skiffes
head. They lay a good while aboord her, and willed
them to take this for a warning, and leave off their scoff-
ing and mocking of us, for else they would teach them
' 'better manners the next time, and so they returned aboord
with their promise, that it should be no more so.
Jwritingsent Towards evening they sent one of their Merchants
from the Hoi- ^^^^ ^^^ ^j^l^ ^ writing from their Doctor in Droits, who
' ? as we were informed, was chiefe amongst them in absence
of But or Blocke, who had come out of Holland, Generall
of eleven Saile. The effect whereof was to let me know,
That all the people of the Moluccas had made a perpetuall
contract with them for all their Cloves, at fiftie Royals of
eight the Bahar, of two hundred Cattees, in respect that
they had delivered them out of the servitude of the
' Spaniards, not without losse of much blood, and expence
of great wealth ; willing me that I should not moove the
people from their obedience, which might redound to
their greater damage, they holding the Countrey to be
their owne, as conquered by the Sword. Also that the
Naturals ought them much money, which was advanced
424
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
to be paid in Cloves. Answer was returned that we would
not meddle with their businesse, our comming being only
to trade with such as desired to trade with us, and so dis-
missed him.
The twentie seventh, the Flemmings inforced the
Prince to lie with his Curracurra a sterne, to keepe watch
that none bring any thing aboord us : for in our sight he
commanded a Canoa aboord him, which was comming to
us (as we thought with Spice) making him returne. To-
wards night, two of the Naturalls brought us some re-
freshing.
The twentie eighth, the Prince understanding that we
tooke it not well, that hee rid so neere us to the fearing
of the Naturals, remooved and went about a point further
off, which much discontented the Flemmings. After
noone, with the Skiffe well manned, I went to see if I
could deale with the Prince for a parcell of Cloves, but
found him gone to the Wester side. Captaine Blocke see-
ing my Skiffe gone into the Bay, followed us with his
Curracurra, and would have landed where I was, but that
I would not suffer him, which the Naturals seeing, and
that Captaine Blocke returned aboord againe without
landing, divers of the better sort came downe to us,
protesting great love towards us, and sent for Cocos and
other fruites, and bestowed them upon the Ging. The
Master of the Clove seeing Captaine Blocke to make
such speed after us, manned the long Boat for aide, but
upon a signe given returned aboord.
The thirtieth, the Flemmings brought the Prince to
ride by us in his old place. Towards evening another
Flemmish ship came in, called the Moone, a proper ship
of thirtie two Peeces of good Ordnance, but not above
fiftie men : she came to an anchor so neere a head us, as
that wee could scarcely wind cleare one of the other. The
Prince sent unto me to excuse his comming backe, but
now we saw that he durst not displease the Flemmings.
The thirtie one, divers harsh dealings and discourtesies
passed betwixt the Flemmings and us.
425
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
Aprillthe The first of Aprill, the Flemmings brought an hun-
first \b\i. ^j.gj ^j^j twentie of their men ashoare, which morning
and evening did set and discharge the watch with Drum,
Fife and Ensigne. This force they had gathered together
out of their Forts and ships.
The second, I seeing no more hope of lading, and that
Key Malladaia came not according to promise, gave order
to the Master, to cause water to be filled, and to make
readie to set saile with the first faire wind. At noone.
Road of observing we found this Road of Pelabry, to stand in no
Pelabry. degree, twentie sixe minutes to the Northward of the
Equinoctiall, Variation three degrees, eight and twentie
minutes, the highest land in the Island, Mechian bearing
West North-west halfe a point Westerly.
The fift, we weighed anchor, little wind, the Current
setting to the Southward, we drove to sea, being under
our fore-saile, and ahead the Moone the greater ship of
the Flemmish, which made a faire shot under our sterne,
which we presently answered, close a head his Admirall,
expecting further, but heard no more of them. At noone
they both weighed and followed us, but the wind at
South-west had put us so farre to the windward, as that
the Naturalls came aboord with Cloaves for a time, as
fast as we could weigh and pay for them, the Flemmings
not able to hinder them. Also there came an Oran
Caya aboord who promised us a good parcell of
Cloaves, if we would but come nearer the shoare in
the morning.
The sixt, about fiftie Cattees of Cloaves were brought
aboord in divers Canoas, but no newes of the Gallant.
Towards evening I standing nearer the shoare then we
were willing, but for this occasion, we had sight of a weft
ashoare : the SkifFe was sent and spake with the Oran
Caya, who said the Cloaves were readie, and in the darke
should be brought aboord ; but presently a Curra Curra,
of the Flemmings passing by, put him into such a feare,
as albeit our people would have wafted him, yet durst he
not adventure : so they returned.
426
JOHN SARIS A».
.1613.
The seventh in the morning, wee were thwart of
Mootiere, being distant from the Wester point of Machian Mootiere.
foure leagues North by East, halfe a point Easterly ; and
from it North three leagues, is the Island Marro, and
from that two leagues Tidore. There is passage betweene
these Islands, or on any side of them, without danger.
Wee had sight of the two Flemmings to the Southwards
of us, plying after us : Latitude at noone no degrees, ^yq
and thirtie minutes, wind Westerly.
The eight, Marro, North by West, some two miles off [I- iv. 361.]
the body of it and one point North by East, halfe a point ^'^^'^•
Easterly, and the other North-west by North, halfe a
point Westerly, and the pike of Tidore North by West,
and opening the East point of Tidore, and the Wester
point of Bachian, they will beare the one from the other
North and South, and the body of Marro West South-
west halfe a point Southerly, and the Westerne part of
Tidore, that you shall see West by North. Looke well
out, for in the faire way is a long shoale, which lyeth even ^ dangerous
with the water at high water, the water shewing whitish, ^^°^^^'
and stretcheth North-east and South-west, betweene
Marro and Battachina : and having brought the points of
the Islands, as above-said, then it will be East of you, at
low water you shall see it, for it ebbeth sixe foote, the
tide setting sixe houres to the Northward, and sixe to the
Southward : but keepe close to the Islands for there is no
feare. The Spaniards Fort is on the East-side of Tidore, The Spaniards
where is deepe water shoare-too. It fell suddenly calme, ^^^^ ^^Jj^^
1 ^ 1-1 . 11 ^T^i x^ East-Side of
SO that a great sea did set us mto the shoare. Ihe Jbort Ytdore,
made a shot at us, but willingly short : we answered with
one to Sea-boord : then the Fort made two more, intend-
ing to strike us, one betweene our missen mast and ancient
staffe, the other betwixt maine-mast and fore-mast. Then
they shot a Peece from the Top of the Fort without
sharpe ; wee answered that without, and presently they
sent off a Boat with a flagge of truce, the Sea still setting
us upon the shoare, no wind, nor ground at an hundred
fathom, so that we could lay it off no way, two Gallyes
427
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
riding under the Fort : when their Boat was put from
the shoare, they shot their two chase peeces, but without
sharpe. They came and tooke a fast a starne our shippe :
there were two Spaniards souldiers of good ranke,
I (knowne to Hernando the Spaniard, whom wee tooke
with us from Bantam) sent from the Captaine Generall of
the shoare, Don Fernando Byseere, to know of what
Nation we were, what we came for, and wherefore we
came not to an anchor under the Kings Fort. We re-
quested them to come aboord : they said they were
commanded to the contrary : wherefore I willed to let
downe wine and bread unto them in a string, from the
poope, which they fell too lustily, in so great a showre of
raine, as we had seene, yet would not enter the ship. I
returned answere, that I was the subject of the Kings
Majestie of Great Britaine, as by my Colours they might
well discerne. They said the Flemmings had many times
past by scot-free, by shewing the like, which made them
shoote the second shot with sharpe at us, thinking us to
^A\s^-.. i^gg Flemmings. I sent them word that my commi ag
was, to doe the best good I could to the friends of the
Kings Majestie of Spaine, but was not minded to anchor
heere, but further a head, where, if it pleased Don Fer-
nando to come aboord, he should be welcome : with which
answere, they returned ashoare contented. Suddenly it
pleased God to grant us a gale, so that we stood alongst
the shoare. The Captaine Generall sent oif the Pilot
Major of the Gallyes, Francisco Gomes, a man of good
presence, to bid mee welcome, offering his assistance to
bring us into the best anchoring place under the Fort, or
elsewhere about the Island. Being darke, he brought us
to a place about one league and an halfe off the Fort,
whereas he said no force was, and so intreated after supper
; to be set ashoare, for that the Captaine Generall would
i dispatch away letters to Ternate, to the Master Del
V Campo, Don Jeronimo de Sylva, for resolution in all
; points, and so departed.
The ninth in the morning before day, finding that we
428
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
were within command of eight peeces of Ordnance, we
got up our anchor and removed a league further to the
Southward, where we rid in five and thirtie fathome :
Gomes the Pilot came aboord with two Spaniards more
of good fashion, whom I bid kindly welcome, so that they
tooke their lodging aboord. They brought with them a
Present of eatable commodities from their Generall. I
returned the like to theirs, with proffer of all friendship
and assistance, that in mee lay, to supply his wants, and
to accept of Cloaves for payment, desiring speedie an-
swere, for that I would not stay long there. The two
Flemmish shippes plyed, as if they would have come to an
anchor by us ; but afterwards went and rid at their new ^^^^^'^'^^ ^
Fort Maracco. _ Z"".,!'^'.'!""
The tenth, the Captaine Generall sent to request me to
stay, and the next morning hee would visit me, with the
Sergeant Major of Ternate, who was arrived with a
letter from the Master Del Campo, giving them leave
thereby to trade with me for divers matters, and to con-
tent mee in what I requested ; wherefore I resolved a
while longer, to see what good might be done.
§. V.
Further observations touching the Molucca Hands,
and their proceeding on their Voyage to Japan.
Hollanders.
He eleventh, wee expected the Captaine Generall
according to promise, and hearing nine peeces of
Ordnance to be shot out of the Fort, provided for
them, thinking verily that they were comming : But it
proved to bee for the arrival of the Prince of Tidore, who
had bin abroad in war, and was now returned with the [i. iy, 362.]
heads of an hundred Ternatans, his force being only Key Chilly
sixtie small shot, two brasse Bases, and three or foure ^^j^ng, the
Fowlers : having overthrowne Key Chilly Sadang, the .^f- '
King of Ternate his sonne, whom the Flemmings had sla'me by the '
enforce over from Ternate to Machian, to keepe the Tidorians.
429
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
countrey people from selling of Cloaves to us. For whom
returning back towards Ternate, (after our departure) the
King of Tydores sonne, lying purposely in waite upon
sight of them, the Tydorians keeping themselves behind
a point of land, sent out two small Praws to fish in their
way, whom the Ternatans espying, did presently give
chase unto. The Fishermen easily retire, the other
earnestly pursue, untill before they once thought thereof,
they fell into their enemies hands, who spared not one
' man of an hundred and sixtie, the Prince of Ternate him-
selfe being one of the number, whose head the Con-
querour brought to his wife, who was sister to the Prince
of Ternate, so slaine. At their first incounter, a barrel!
of powder, which the Prince had bought of us at Machian,
tooke fire, which was the confusion and losse of them all.
With the Prince was slaine one of his yonger brethren,
and the King of Geilola. Towards evening came aboord
us the Sergeant Major of Ternate, and Secretary of State ;
with the like complements to those of the Tydorian
Officers, requesting me to come thither, and they would
doe what in them lay for me : whereto I consented, the
rather because it was in my way.
The twelfth, the Prince of Tidore sent unto mee, to
excuse his hitherto not visiting of mee, and to acquaint me
that he had some store of Cloaves, which I should have.
I thanked him, and requested speedie dispatch. They
promised mee to be aboord againe before day. Where-
fore to prevent all treachery, we kept double watch, match
in cocke, and all things in readinesse. This Tidorian
Prince being a very resolute and valiant souldier, having
performed many dangerous exploits upon the Flemmings,
and not long since surprized one of their ships (being
a Man of War) then riding not farre from this place.
Before day, a Gaily (which the Spaniards told us they
expected) came over from Batta China, and were neare us
in the darke before they were aware, we haled her, they
answered, Spaniards, and your friends, and so made to
the shoare with all speed, shee was but small, of fourteene
430
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
oares on a side. At noone latitude no degrees, fiftie
minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctiall.
The thirteenth, we weighed, the wind Northerly, and
a Current setting out of the South-ward : passing by the
Fort, we gave them five peeces, which they requited.
Divers Spaniards boorded us with complements, and the
Princes man, saying, that if we had stayed but foure and
twentie houres longer, we should have had good store of
Cloaves, but wee rather thought they intended some
treachery against us with their Gallyes, Frigats, and Curra
Curra's, which by sudden departure we thus prevented.
Comming about the Wester point of Tidore, we had sight
of the foure Flemmish shippes, riding before their Fort ^oure ships of
of Maricco : one of them at sight of us, shot off a peece ^°^^^^^'
of Ordnance, as we supposed, to call their people aboord
to follow us. We steered directly with the Fortresse of
Ternate : comming neare, shortned our sailes, and lay
by the Lee, and shot off a peece towards the Towne,
without sharpe ; which they readily answered, and sent
off a Souldier of good fashion, but to as little purpose as
those of Tidore had done.
But little wind our shippe sagged in, and no anchoring,
but at night a gale at South, we stood into the Sea, having
lost much by the Current of that wee had gotten, finding
it to set to the Southward.
The fourteenth, the wind at South South-west, we
steered North North-west, and at noone had latitude one
degree no minutes : we had sight of a Gallie, wherefore
we cast about, but finding her to stand away, went our
course for Japan.
But before we part further from this Moluccan Coast,
I thinke it not amisse, to acquaint the Reader with a few
Notes that I hold worthy observance, touching the Trade
and state of those Hands.
Throughout all the Moluccae Hands, a Bahar of Cloves
doth weigh two hundred Cattees of that Countrey, every
Cattee three pound five ounces haberdepoiz, which
maketh the Bahar to be sixe hundred sixtie two pound
431
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
eight ounces haberdepoiz subtill. For which Bahar cf
Cloves, the Flemmings by their perpetuall contract (as
they terme it) give fiftie Rials of eight. My selfe for
more speedie obtayning of lading, yeelded to pay them
sixtie Rials of eight the Bahar. Which increase of price
made them so forward to furnish us, that had not the
Flemmings by their force over-awed the nationals, im-
prisoning and threatning them with death, and keeping
watch and good guards alongst the Sea-Coast, I had in
one moneth procured our full lading. The most of these
Hands beare store of Cloves. Those of note inhabited,
yeeld one yeare with another as followeth, that is to say,
Ternate, one thousand Bahars. Machian, one thousand
and ninetie. Tydore, nine hundred. Bachian, three
hundred. Moteer, sixe hundred. Meau, fiftie. Batta
China, five and thirtie. The totall is three thousand
nine hundred seventie five.
Every third yeare is farre more fruitfull then either of
the former two, and is called the great Monson. It is
lamentable to see the ruines that Civill Warre hath bred
in those Hands, which as I understood at my being there,
beganne and continued in manner following. The Por-
tugall at his first discoverie of them, found fierce warres
betwixt the King of Ternate and the King of Tydore,
under which two Kings all the other Hands are either
[I. iv. 363.] subjected or confederated with one of them. The Por-
tugall for the better setling of himselfe, tooke part with
neither of them, but politikely carrying himselfe kept
both to bee his friends, and so fortified upon the Hands
of Ternate and Tydore, where, to the Portugals great
advantage, having the whole Trade of Cloves in their
owne hands, they domineered and bore chiefest sway
The Hollan- untill the yeare 1605. wherein the Flemming by force
ders planted in displaced them, and planted himselfe : but so weakly and
the^Moluccas, unprovided for future danger, that the next yeare the
Spaniard, (who whilest the Portugall remayned there, was
ordered both by the Pope and King of Spaine not to
meddle with them) came from the Philippinas, beat the
432
I
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
Flemmings out of both the Hands, tooke the King of
Ternate Prisoner, sent him to the Philippinas, and
kept Ternate and Tydore under their command. The
Flemming since that time hath gotten footing there
againe, and at my beeing there had built him these
Forts, viz.
Upon the Hand Ternate, They have a Fort called Mala-
you, which hath three Bulwarkes, and is walled round
about. Secondly Tolouco, which hath two Bulwarkes,
and a round Towre walled about. Thirdly, Tacome,
which hath foure Bulwarkes, and is walled about.
Upon the Hand Tydore, Marieko which hath foure
Bulwarkes.
Upon the Hand Machian, First, Tafasoa, (the chiefe
Towne of this Hand) where they have foure great Bul-
warkes walled about, sixteene Peeces of Ordnance, and
about one thousand Inhabitants of the Naturals.
Secondly, Nofakia, another Towne, where they have
two Forts walled about, and another Fort upon the top
of a high hill there, which freeth the Roade on the other
side, and hath five or sixe Peeces of Ordnance.
Thirdly, Tabalola, a Towne where they have two Forts
walled, eight Peeces of Ordnance, and the Inhabitants
hereof, (as of the former) under their command. This
place is very strongly scituated by nature.
Those of Nofakia are esteemed no good Souldiers, but
are reported to take part alwayes, as neere as they can
ghesse it, with the strongest. But the Naturals of Taba-
lola, which formerly dwelt at Cayoa, are accounted the
best Souldiers of the Moluccae Ilands, and are deadly
Enemies to the Spaniards and Portugal s, and as weary
now of the Flemmings.
In these three Forts upon Machian, there were at my
being heere an hundred and twentie Holland Souldiers,
viz. eightie, at Tafasoa ; thirtie, at Nofakia ; and ten, at
Tabalola : which Garrison is with the least.
This Hand Machian is the richest of Cloves of all the
Moluccae Ilands, and according to the generall report of
"I 433 2 E
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
the Inhabitants, yeeldeth in the yeare of the great Monson
above eighteene hundred Bahars of Cloves.
Upon the Hand Bachian, The Flemmings have one
great Fort.
Upon the Hand Moteer, They have foure Bulwarkes.
These Civill Warres have so wasted the Nationals, that
a great quantitie of Cloves perish, and rot upon the
ground for want of gathering. Neither is there any
likelihood of peace to bee made betwixt them, untill the
one part be utterly rooted out.
Thus leaving them to their warres I will returne to
our Trafficke, and shew in what manner we traded with
the Naturals for Cloves, which for the most part was by
bartering and exchanging Cotton cloth of Cambaya, and
Coromandell for Cloves. The sorts requested, and prices
that they yeelded.
Candakeens of Barochie, six Cattees of Cloves. Can-
dakeens Papang, or flat, three Cattees. Selas, or sm^all
Bastas, seven & eight. Patta chere Malayo, sixteen.
Dragam chere Malayo, sixteen. Five Cassas twelve.
Course of that kind eight. Betellias, or Tancoulos red,
fortie foure and fortie eight. Sarassas chere Malayo,
fortie eight and fiftie. Sarampouri, thirtie. Chelles,
Tapsiels, & Matafons, twentie, & foure and twentie.
White Cassas, or Tancoulos, fortie, and foure and fortie.
Dongeriius, the finest, twelve. Course of that kind,
eight and ten. Pouti Castella, ten. Ballachios the finest,
thirtie. Patta chere Malayo, of two fathomes eight and
ten. Great Potas, or long foure fathom.e, sixteene Cat-
tees of Cloves. Parcallas white, twelve. Salalos Ytam,
twelve and fourteene. Turias and Tappe Turias, one
and two. Patola, of two Fathomes, fiftie and sixtie.
Those of foure and one fathome accordingly. Rice eight
and twentie pound, a Riall of eight. Sagu, which is a
roote whereof the Naturals make their Bread, and is
their chiefest food through the whole Countrey, it is
sold in bunches, and was worth there one quarter of a
Riall of eight a bunch. Velvets, Sattins, Taffataes, and
434
JOHN SARIS ^^IKKKF AJ3.
1613.
other stuffes of Silke of China, are very well requested
heere. And this shall serve for advice concerning the
Moluccae Hands.
The sixteenth, calme till night, then a gale at West :
we steered North North-west.
The seventeenth in the morning, wind at East by
South, we steered North but after variable, shifting to
all the points of the Compasse : towards night we had
sight of land to the North-ward.
The eighteenth, calme, much raine and contrarie windes,
I therefore resolved to oroe for the Hand Saiem which was
o
to the West-ward, and there to stay and refresh till the
Monson would permit me to proceed. But instantly the
wind came to the West, so that wee stood North and
North by East. The nineteenth, little wind at West, [I. iv. 364.]
wee continued our course North by East, very much
raine and extreame hot.
The twentieth, in the morning calme, and a continuall J Current to
current setting to the East-ward, which we have felt ever ^^^ ^^^^-
since our departure from Ternate. In the after-noone ^
the wind North a gale we stood to the West-ward to
stemme the current, in regard of the Northerly winds
subject to calmes and the Easterly current, we stood in
with a P^reat Hand called Doy, to rest and refresh our ^°y ^ 5''^^^
selves. ^ ... . '''"''■
The one and twentieth, in the morning we were faire
before the said Hand, neere the Northerne point, being a
low point stretching to the Southwards, we stood in East
by South, wind at North by East : at noone the Skiffe
was sent to search out a convenient place to ride in, but
the current did set so strong to the East-ward, as that we
could not get a head, onely discovered a Bay very large,
but it had a great shoale lying off the Northerne point Agreatshoak.
halfe a league into the Sea, and had sixtie fathome two
mile off the shoare sand, but night approaching wee stood
off till morning.
The two and twentieth, after Sun-set we anchored in
foure and twentie fathomes, in the Bay having had
435
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
(standing in) fiftie sixe, thirtie five, twentie sixe, and
twentie foure fathomes.
The three and twentieth, I sent the Skiffe ashoare to
seeke a convenient place to water in, and to pitch a Tent
for the company to defend them from the raine. They
found such a place right over against the ship, together
with a great tracke of Deare and Swine, but no signe of
people : the Countrey full of Trees and abundance of
Cokers, Penang, Serie, Palmitas, and Fowle, Phesant and
Wood-cockes. I went ashoare, the Merchants with mee,
a Tent was set up, our Carpenter made Fal-pits very
artificially to take Swine, some fish we tooke amongst
the rockes, but cost much labour, one Phesant, and two
Wood-pidgeons very large bodied like Hens, some of
the Companie stayed all night on shoare, to looke for the
comming of the Swine to the Trap.
The foure and twentieth, we saw very large Swine, but
got none. This day about halfe an houre after seven in
A strange the morning, the Moone in the full was eclipsed in the
^////^ of the strangest manner that ever any of us had seene, being
obscured three houres and an halfe before she recovered
her perfect light, which unto us was very fearefull.
The five and twentieth, our people searched abroad,
brought to the ship great store of Cokers, some Fowles,
and heads of Palmita Trees, which boyled with Beefe are
as good as Cabbage.
The eight and twentieth, the Companie laboured to
get in wood and water. The Skiffe sounded about
the shoale, and found ten and twelve fathome, at the
Norther point neere to it, night and day very much
raine.
The nine and twentieth and thirtieth were spent in
getting aboord our wood, whereof wee had great store,
'*. and as good as our Billets in England.
Ma^\.\(i\l. The first of May, the Skiffe was sent to sound to the
Wester point into the Bay, and found very deepe water.
Landing, they found the ruines of houses, and certaine
brasse pannes, so that we were of opinion that the place
436
JOHN SARIS ■■» A.D.
1613.
had lately beene inhabited, but the Inhabitants by the
Warres hunted from their home.
The twelfth, we set sayle from this Island Doy, being I^oy at the
the North-east most Hand of Batta China or Geilolo in ^^^fi^^^^^
the Moluccas, latitude two degrees, thirtie five minutes, ^^ ^
variation five degrees, twentie minutes Easterly, having
remayned heere twentie dayes, beeing seventie one per-
sons bound for Japan, and at noone fourteene leagues
North by East, off the place where wee anchored.
The thirteenth, the shippes way to noone North by
East, twentie two leagues. Wee steered North the wind
West, variation five degrees thirtie minutes Easterly,
with a strong Current setting to the East-ward, then the
wind shifted to the West by South, West North-west,
East, then a gale at West by South, and West South-
west. The fourteenth, latitude five degrees twentie sixe
minutes, way North by East twentie sixe leagues, wind
West, and Current as afore-said : cleere weather. The
fifteenth, latitude five degrees fiftie sixe minutes, way
North North-east, fourteene leagues current as formerly.
The sixteenth, latitude seven degrees ten minutes way
North Easterly, twentie seven leagues, wind at South-
west, and West rainie. The seventeenth, latitude eight
degrees twentie two minutes, way North twentie foure
leagues wind South-west, but in the morning at East
with raine. The eighteenth, latitude nine degrees seven
minutes, way North-easterly fifteene leagues, wind at
East and East North-east very cleere weather. The nine-
teenth, latitude nine degrees fortie one minutes, way
North eleven leagues one third part, wind East and East
North-east. The twentieth, latitude ten degrees fortie
minutes, way North halfe a point Westerly, twentie
leagues, wind East and North-east, with helpe of a cur-
rent Northerly. The one and twentieth, latitude eleven
degrees thirtie sixe minutes, way North North-west
twentie leagues, wind North-east East, North North-east,
and North-east by East star-boord tacke aboord. The
two and twentieth, latitude twelve degrees thirtie nine
437
A.D.
1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
minutes, way North North-west, twentie three leagues,
wind East North-east, North-east by East, and North-east.
[I. iv. 365.] The three and twentieth, latitude twelve degrees fiftie
seven minutes, way North by West, sixe and two third
parts of a league wind. South-east calme. The foure and
twentieth, latitude thirteene degrees fortie two minutes,
way North fifteene leagues, wind South by East, very
smooth water. The five and twentieth, latitude fifteene
degrees, twelve minutes, way North thirtie leagues, wind
t^ote. South, we steered North Westerly. Note, that wee find
those favourable winds in the full of the Moone. The
sixe and twentieth, latitude seventeen e degrees, sixe
minutes, way North thirtie eight leagues, wind South by
West South, and South South-west a continuall stiffe gale
and smooth water. The seven and twentieth, way North-
east twentie foure leagues, wind at West North-west and
West, with Raine, Thunder and Lightning. The eight
the twentieth, way North nine leagues, wind West, and
West North-west. The nine and twentieth, latitude
nineteene degrees fifteene minutes, way North nine
leagues, winde North-east East, West, West North-west
and South, calmes and gusts. The thirtieth, latitude
twentie degrees twelve minutes, way North twentie
leagues, wind at South-east and East South-east. The
one and thirtieth, latitude twentie one degrees, thirtie five
minutes, way North by West, thirtie leagues, wind East,
Variation and East by North. Variation sixe degrees no minutes
sixe degrees Easterly.
June I'ldxx ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ J^i^^j we passed the Tropick of Cancer, the
Sunne in our Zenith wee could not observe, way North
fortie leagues, wind at South-east, and South-east by East,
variation five degrees twentie five minutes Easterly.
The second, latitude twentie five degrees fortie foure
minutes, way North fortie two leagues, wind South-east
and South-east by South, making account we should have
The lies Dos seene the Hands, Dos Reys Magos, about eight of the
Reys Magos. clocke in the morning, but as yet see none. About foure
a clocke in the after-noone we made land, being a very
438
JOHN SARIS iH^V A.D.
1613.
low Hand bearing North-west about three leagues off,
wind South-east by East, and having it North North-east,
we had sight of the high-land over the low land, there
being many Httle Hands to the number of ten or eleven,
with broken ground and breaches reaching over to each
Hand, so that wee could discerne no passage to the West-
ward. At night we tackt off, tooke in our Top-sayles,
and lay close by in our courses all night, wind very much
at South South-east, we steered East. The Hands lye
alongst North-east and South-west.
The third we stood in for the land, being a high Hand
bearing North-west, seeming to us a most pleasant and
fruitfull soyle, as any we had seene since our comming out ^
of England, well peopled, and great store of Cattle. Wee
purposed to have come to an anchor about the North-east
point, and sounding had sixty fathome, had sight of two
Boates comming off unto us, wee used all the meanes we I
could to speake with them, being desirous of a Pilot, and
to know the name of the Hand, the better to bee assured
where we were. But the wind was so forcible, as that
we could not get in, wherefore we stood away North-west,
and had sight of another Hand bearing West North-west,
we steered with it, and from thence had sight of another
Hand, bearing North-east halfe a point Easterly, some
seven or eight leagues off, and comming under the
Wester-most Hand, we discerned certaine Rockes that lay
off the shoare above two miles, the one above water, and
the Northermost under-water, and is a great way without
the other, the Sea breaking upon it. Then the land
falleth away to the South-wards round, and neere to the
point you shall open a steepe Rocke, that is upon the
West-side of the Hand, resembling Charing-Crosse. )
Then we steered North-west with an extreame gale at
South by West, and South South-west. When we had
opened the Hand, and a current setting to the South-
ward, at foure of the clocke we tooke in our Top-sailes
and haled close upon a tacke, the Hand being about seven
leagues North-west off us. Way to noone North halfe a
439
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
point Easterly, sixteene leagues, way North North-west
three quarters Westerly, twentie leagues. At three a
clocke in the afternoone we set our courses, the wind at
North-west, and North-west by North, wee steered North-
Variation east some two houres, then calme and raine, variation at
foure degrees Sunne-setting foure degrees for tie minutes Easterly.
Easterh ' ^\\.^ fifth, way West by North foure leagues and an
halfe, wind North North-east, wee steere North-west star-
boord tackt, variation foure degrees for tie two minutes.
The sixth, way North North-west nine leagues, wind
East North-east, North-east by North and North-east by
East, little wind, much raine, variation foure degrees
nineteene minutes Easterly. At night the wind at East
and East South-east.
The seventh, way North-east by North sixteene leagues,
wind at South-east and South South-west, then we steered
away North-east by North, supposing to bee off Tonan
twentie eight or thirtie leagues.
The eight, in the morning wee had sight of a high
round Hand bearing East sixe leagues off with divers
other Hands rising in sixe or seven parts bearing West
^v^ or sixe leagues off : having made to this noone twentie
two leagues North-east by North, wind at South South-
west a stiffe gale. Then we haled over North-west with
another Hand, which we found to be foure in number,
being barren and many picked Rockes. Then we steered
North by East, the wind at South by West, about three
of the clocke wee had sight of an Hand, with three Hils
like three round Sugar-loves, bearing East by S. five
leagues off. At five of the clock we had sight of an
[I. iv. 366.] Hand rising in two parts, bearing North North-east, the
Northren end being an high steep upright point, the land
falling away to the Eastward North-east, and at sixe of
the clock the body of it did beare East one league and
an halfe off. The wind West, we stood off upon a tacke
North North-west.
The ninth, in the morning wee had sight of land, bear-
ing North North-east, and sixe great Islands on a ranke.
440
JOHN SARIS
A.D.
1613.
Xima or
Mashma.
From the Island we descried yesternight North-east and
South-west, and at the Northermost end of them all,
many small rockes and hummockes, and in the Bay to the
Eastward of the hummockes we saw an high land bearing
East, East by South, and East South-east, which is the
Island called Xima in the Plats, but called by the Naturals
Mashma, and the Island aforesaid. North North-east, is
called Segue or Amaxay : it lyeth East by North, and
West by South, with many small Islands and rockes on
the Southerne side of them, and is distant from the Island
with the steepe point, (which wee did see the eight day)
South South-west twelve leagues, the wind calme all
night, yet we got to the Northward, as wee supposed, by
the helpe of a current or tide.
The tenth, by breake of day the outward-most land to
the Westward did beare North by East ten leagues off,
the wind at North-east by North : at nine, a gale at
South, wee steered North by West, and had sight of two
hummockes without the point. Then wee steered North
North-west, and soone after came foure great Fisher-boats
aboord, about five tunnes apeece in burthen, they sailed
with one saile, which stood like a Skiffe saile, and skuld
with foure oares on a side, their oares resting upon a pinne
fastned on the toppe of the Boats side, the head of which
pinne was so let into the middle part of the oare, that the
oare did hang in his just poize, so that the labour of the/
Rower is much lesse, then otherwise it must be ; yet doe
they make farre greater speed then our people with row-
ing, and performe their worke standing, as ours doe
sitting, so that they take the lesse roome. They told us
that we were before the entrance of Nangasaque, bearing Nangasaque.
North North-east, and the straights of Arima, North-east
by North, and the high hill, which we did see yesterday,
is upon the Island called Uszideke, which maketh the
straights of Arima, where at the Norther-most end is
good riding, and at the South end is the going into
Cochinoch. To this noone we have made a North-way
sixe leagues. Wee agree with two of the Masters of the
441
Jn excellent
kind of oares.
A.D.
1613.
June 1 1 .
1613.
The King of
Firando and
his "Nephew.
Japonian
habite.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Fisher-boats (for thirtie Rialls of eight a piece in money,
and Rice for their food) to Pilot us into Firando ; which
agreement made, their people entred our shippe, and per-
formed voluntarily their labour, as readily as any of our
Mariners. We steered North by West, the Pilots mak-
ing account to be thirtie leagues off Firando. One of the
foure Boats which came aboord us, did belong to the
Portugals, living at Langasaque, and were new Christians,
and thought that our ship had been the Macau ship ;
but finding the contrary, would upon no intreatie stay,
but made hast backe againe to advise them.
i VI.
Their arrivall at Firando : the Habite, Rites, and
Customes of the Japonians.
He eleventh, about three of the clocke in the after-
noone, we came to an anchor halfe a league short
of Firando, the tide so spent that we could not
get further in : soone after I was visited by the old King
Foyne Sama, and his Nephew Tone-Sama, Governour
then of the Hand under the old King. They were at-
tended with fortie Boats or Gallyes, rowed some with
ten, some with fifteene oares on a side : when they drew
neare to the ship, the King commanded all, but the two
wherein himselfe and his Nephew were, to fall a sterne,
and they only entred the ship, both of them in silke
gownes, girt to them with a shirt, and a paire of breeches
of flaxen cloath next their bodies, either of them had two
Cattans or swords of that Countrey by his side, the one
of halfe a yard long, the other about a quarter. They
wore no bands, the fore-parts of their heads were shaven
to the crowne, and the rest of their haire, which was very
long, was gathered together and bound up on a knot
behind, wearing neither Hat nor Turbant, but bare-
headed. The King was aged about seventie two yeeres,
his Nephew or Grand-child, that governed under him,
was about two and twentie yeeres old, and either of them
44^
I
JOHN SARIS
had his Governour with him, who had command over
their slaves, as they appointed him. Their manner and
curtesie in saluting was after their manner, which is this.
First, in presence of him whom they are to salute, they
put off their shooes (stockings they weare none) and then
clapping their right hand within their left, they put them
downe towards their knees, and so wagging or moving of
their hands a little to and fro, they stooping, steppe with
small steps sideHng from the partie saluted, and crie Augh,
Augh. I led them into my Cabbin, where I had prepared
a Banquet for them, and a good consort of Musicke, which
much delighted them. They bade me welcome, and pro-
mised me kind entertainment. I delivered our Kings
Letters to the King of Firando, which he received with
great joy, saying hee would not open it till Ange came,
who could interpret the same unto him ; this Ange is in
their language a Pilot, being one William Adams an
English man, who passing with a Flemming through the
South-sea, by mutiny and disorder of the Marriners shee
remained in that Countrey, and was seised upon by the
Emperour about twelve yeares before. The King having
stayed aboord about an houre and a halfe, tooke his leave :
he was no sooner ashoare, but all his nobilitie, attended
with a multitude of souldiers, entred the ship, every man
of worth brought his present with him, some Venison,
some Wilde-fowle, some wilde Boare the largest and
fattest that ever any of us had scene, some Fruits, Fish,
&c. They did much admire our shippe, and made as if
they had never scene it sufficiently. We being pestered
with the number of these visiters, I sent to the King,
requesting him that order might bee taken to remove
them, and to prevent all inconveniences that might happen.
Whereupon he sent a Guardian, (being a principall man
of his owne Guard) with charge to remaine and lye aboord,
that no injury might be offered unto us ; and caused a
proclamation to be made in the Towne to the same effect.
The same night, Henrick Brower, Captaine of the Dutch
Factory there, came aboord to visite me, or rather to see
443
A.D.
1613.
Japonian
manner of
salutation.
p. iv. 367-]
William
Adams.
His story
written by
himselfe you
have before.
A.D.
1613.
Osackav.
A strong tide.
We anchored
before the
Towne.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
what passed betwixt the King and us. I did write the
same day to Master Adams (being then at Edoo, which is
very neare three hundred leagues from Firando) to let
him understand of our arrivall. King Foyn sent it away
the next day by his Admirall to Osackay, the first Port of
note upon the chiefe Island, and then by post up into the
' Land to Edoo : giving the Emperour likewise to under-
stand of our being there, and cause thereof.
The twelfth in the morning, there was brought aboord
such abundance of fish, and so cheape as we could desire.
We weighed and set saile for the Road. The King sent
at the least threescore great Boats or Gallyes very well
mand, to bring us into the harbor. I doubted what the
cause of their comming might be, & was sending ofi^ the
Skiife to command them not to come neare the ship but
the King being the head-most, weaved with his hand-
kercher, and willed the rest to attend, and himselfe
comming aboord, told me that he had commanded them
to come to tow our ship in about a point, somewhat dan-
gerous, by reason of the force of the tide, which was such
that having a stiffe gale of wind, yet we could not stemme
it, and comming into the eddie, we should have been set
upon the Rockes. So we sent Hawsers aboord them,
and they fell to worke. In the meane while the King did
breake his fast with me. Being at an anchor, I would
have requited the people for their paines, but the King
would not suffer them to take any thing. Wee anchored
before the Towne in five fathome, so neare the shoare,
that we might talke to the people in their houses. We
saluted the Towne with nine peeces of Ordnance, but
were not answered, for they have no Ordnance heere, nor
I any Fort, but Barricados only for small shot. Our
ground heere was Ozie. Divers Noblemen came to bid
me welcome, whereof two were of extraordinary account,
called Nobusane and Simmadone, who were very well
entertained, and at parting held very great state, one stay-
ing aboord whilest the other were landed ; their children
and chiefe followers in the like manner. There came con-
even
: ' JOHN SARIS a.d.
1613.
dnually such a world of people aboord, both men and
women, as that we were not able to go upon the decks:
round about the ship was furnished with Boats full of
people, admiring much the head and sterne of the ship.
I gave leave to divers women of the better sort to come
into my Cabbin, where the picture of Venus, with her \
Sonne Cupid, did hang somewhat wantonly set out in a '
large frame, they thinking it to bee our Ladie and her
Sonne, fell downe and worshipped it, with shewes of great ^°^^ ^^^
devotion, telling men in a whispering manner (that some ^^^f^^^, °^
of their owne companions which were not so, might not ^> PopUh
heare) that they were Christianos : whereby we perceived sense, by
them to be Christians, converted bv the Portugall veneration of
Jesuits. ^ ^ ' ^ ^""'S'^'
The King came aboord againe, and brought foure chiefe
women with him. They were attired in gownes of silke,
clapt the one skirt over the other, and so girt to them, '^^^ ^^^S^ ,
bare-legged, only a paire of halfe buskins bound with silke ^^^JJ'
riband about their instep : their haire very blacke, and
very long, tyed up in a knot upon the crowne in a comely
manner : their heads no where shaven as the mens were.
They were well-faced, handed, and footed ; cleare skind
and white, but wanting colour, which they amend by arte. \ .
Of stature low, but very fat ; very curteous in behaviour,
not ignorant of the respect to be given unto persons
according to their fashion. The King requested that none
might stay in the Cabbin, save my selfe and my Linguist, -- - " ' ^
who was borne in Japan, and was brought from Bantam
in our ship thither, being well skild in the Mallayan
tongue, wherein he delivered to mee what the King spoke
unto him in the Japan language. The Kings women
seemed to be somewhat bashfull, but he willed them to bee
frollicke. They sung divers songs, and played upon cer- f^^^^ musicke
tain Instruments (wherof one did much resemble our ^^^J^^^^J'^
Lute) being bellyed like it, but longer in the necke, and
fretted like ours, but had only foure gut-strings. Their
fingring with the left hand like ours, very nimbly : but the
right hand striketh with an Ivory bone, as we use to play
445
A.D.
1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Prick-song.
Presents.
Feasting and
drinking of
healths in
Japan.
Upon a Citterne with a quill. They delighted themselves
much with their musicke, keeping time with their hands,
and playing and singing by booke, prickt on line and
space, resembling much ours heere. I feasted them, and
presented them with divers English commodities : and
after some two houres stay they returned. I moved the
King for a house, which hee readily granted, and tooke
two of the Merchants along with him, and shewed them
[I. iv. 368.] three or foure houses, willing them to take their choise,
paying the owners as they could agree.
The thirteenth, I went ashoare, attended upon by the
Merchants and Principall Officers, and delivered the Pre-
sents to the King, amounting to the value of one hundred
and fortie pounds or thereabouts, which he received with
very great kindnesse, feasting me and my whole com-
panie with divers sorts of powdered wild fowles and fruits :
and calling for a standing Cup (which was one of the Pre-
sents then delivered him) he caused it to be filled with his
Countrey wine, which is distilled out of Rice, and is as
strong as our Aquavitae : and albeit the Cuppe held
upward of a pint and an halfe, notwithstanding taking the
Cup in his hand, he told me hee would drinke it all off,
for a health to the King of England, and so did, my selfe
and all his Nobles doing the like. And whereas in the
roome where the King was, there was onely my selfe and
the Cape Merchant, (the rest of our Company being in
an other roome) the King commanded his Secretarie to
goe out unto them, and see that everie one of them did
pledge the health. The King and his Nobles did sit at
meat crosse-legged upon Mats, after the Turkie fashion,
the Mats richly edged, some with cloath of Gold, some
with Velvet, Satten, and Damaske.
The foureteenth and fifteenth, we spent with giving of
Presents. The sixteenth, I concluded with Captaine
Audassee, Captaine of the China quarter here, for his
house, to pay ninetie five Ryals of eight for the Monson
of sixe Moneths, he to repaire it at present, and wee to
repaire it hereafter, and alter what we pleased : he to fur-
446
Gesture at
meate.
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
nish all convenient roomes with Mats according to the
fashion of the Countrey.
This day our ship was so pestered with people, as that
I was enforced to send to the King for a Guardian to
cleare them out, many things being stolne, but I more _^ ^<J ^
doubted our owne people, then the Naturals. There ^
came in a Flemming in one of the Countrey boates, which
had been at the Hand Mashma, where he had sold good Mashma a
store of Pepper, broad Cloth, and Elephants teeth, but ^^''^fofour
would not be acknowne unto us to have sold any thing, commodities,
yet brought nothing backe in the boat with him. But
the Japons his watermen told us the truth, viz. That he
had sold good quantitie of goods at a Mart there, and
returned barres of silver, which they kept very secret.
The one and twentieth, the pld King came aboord ^t*^ j^*'*'
againe, and brought with him divers women to be frol- > -• '^
licke. These women were Actors of Comedies, which ^omen Actors
passe there from Hand to Hand to play, as our Players doe V^o^^^^/^^
here from Towne to Towne, having severall shifts of also common
apparrell for the better grace of the matter acted ; which tuomen, and
for the most part are of Warre, Love, and such like, their price
These Women are as the slaves of one man, who putteth a '^ ^ •
price what every man shall pay that hath to doe with any japan.
of them ; more then which he is not to take upon paine
of death, in case the partie injured shall complaine. It
is left to his owne discretion to prize her at the first, but .
rise he cannot afterwards, fall he may. Neither doth the ,.j«!
partie bargaine with the Wench, but with her Master, <- f *'
whose command she is to obey. The greatest of their
Nobilitie travelling, hold it no disgrace to send for these
Panders to their Inne, & do compound with them for the
Wenches, either to fill their drinke at Table (for all men
of any ranke have their drinke filled to them by Women)
or otherwise to have the use of them. When any of these ^^^^^ ^^h^-
Panders die (though in their life time they were received ^l^g^rnl after
into Company of the best, yet now as unworthy to rest death,
amongst the worst) they are bridled with a bridle made
of straw, as you would bridle an Horse, and in the cloathes
447
A.D.
1613.
Five thousand
Chinese done
to death for
trading in for-
rain parts.
The Hollan-
ders formerly
passed under
the name of
Englishmen.
Note.
Japonian song
of the English.
July.
Severitiefor
fighting and
drawing
weapons.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
they died in, are dragged through the streetes into the
fields, and there cast upon a dunghill, for dogges and
fowles to devoure.
The twentie three, we had newes of two China Junkes
arrived at Langasaque, laden with Sugar. By him we
understood, that the Emperour of China had then lately
put to death about five thousand persons, for trading out
of the Countrey, contrary to his Edict, confiscating all their
goods : notwithstanding hope of profit enticed these men
to put it in hazard, having bribed the new Pungavas and
Officers upon the Sea-coast, which upon the execution of
the former, were placed in their steads.
The twentie ninth, a Soma or Junke of the Flemmings
arrived at Langasaque from Syam, laden with Brasill
wood and Skins of all sorts, wherein it was said that there
were Englishmen^ but prooved to be Flemmings. For
that before our comming, they passed generally by the
name of Englishmen : for our English Nation hath been
long known by report among them, but much scandalled
by the Portugals Jesuites, as Pyrats and Rovers upon the
Seas ; so that the Naturals have a song which they call
the English Crofonia, shewing how the English doe take
the Spanish ships, which they (singing) doe act likewise
in gesture with their Cattans by their sides, with which
song and acting, they terrifie and skare their children, as
the French sometimes did theirs with the name of the
Lord Talbot.
The first of July, two of our Company happened to
quarrell the one with the other, and were very likely to
have gone into the field, to the endangering of us all.
For it is a custome here. That whosoever drawes a weapon
in anger, although he doe no harme therewith, hee is
presently cut in peeces : and doing but small hurt, not
only themselves are so executed, but their whole genera-
tion.
The second day, I went ashoare to keep house in Fir-
ando, the houshold consisting of twenty sixe persons.
Note, that at our comming we found Broad-clothes of
448
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
fifteen or sixteene pound a cloth to be sold by the Dutch [I- iv. 369.]
in Firando, for fortie Rials of eight, which is eight pound ^J^ff Jjf
sterling the Mat, which Mat is two yards and a quarter : ^J^^ j^J^^f^ -J
but desirous to keep up the price of our cloath, and hear- Japan.
ing that the Dutch had great store there, I had conference
with Brower, Captaine of their Factorie to this effect ;
That betwixt us we should set rates upon such clothes as
both of us had, and neither of us in any wise to sell under
the price agreed upon : for performance whereof, I prof-
fered to enter into bond to him. In the morning he
seemed to approove hereof, but ere night sent word that
he disliked it, excusing himselfe that he had no warrant
from his Masters to make any such agreement. The next
morning, he shipped away great store of Cloath to divers
Hands, rating them at base prizes, viz. at twentie, eighteene
and sixteene Rials the Mat, that he might procure the
more speedie dispatch of his owne, and glut the place
before the comming of ours.
Bantam Pepper ungarbled, which cost at Bantam one
Riall three quarters of eight the sacke, was worth here at
our comming tenne Tayes the Peecull, which is one hun-
dred Cattees, making one hundred thirtie pound English
subtill. A Taye is five shillings sterling with them. A
Riall of eight is worth there in ordinary payment but
seven Masse, which is three shillings sixe pence sterling.
For a Masse is as a Riall of Plate.
Tinne the Peecull, thirtie Tayes : Elephants Teeth the
Peecull eightie Tayes : Iron cast Peeces the Peecull sixe
Tayes: Powder the Peecull twentie three Tayes: Aloes
Socatrina the Cattee sixe Tayes : Fowling Peeces the
peece twentie Tayes : Callico and such like Commodities
of Choromandel, and of the Guzerates, as they are in
goodnesse.
The seventh, the King of the Hand Goto, not farre King of Goto,
from Firando came to visit King Foyne, saying, that he
had heard of an excellent English ship arrived in his
Dominions, which he greatly desired to see, and goe
aboord of. King Foyne intreated me that he might be
III 449 55 F
A.D.
1613.
The King of
Goto desirous
that our men
would come
into his King-
dome.
Japonian
manner of
Execution.
To steak
anothers slavey
death.
The manner of
their going to
execution.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
permitted, for that hee was an especiall friend of his. So
he was well entertained aboord, banqueted, and had
divers Peeces shot off at his departure, which he very
kindly accepted, and told me, that hee should bee right
glad to live to see some of our Nation to come to his
Iland, whither they should be heartily welcome.
The eighth, three Japonians were executed, viz. two
men and one woman : the cause this ; The woman none
of the honestest (her husband being travelled from home)
had appointed these two their severall houres to repaire
unto her. The latter man not knowing of the former,
and thinking the time too long, comming in before the
houre appointed, found the first man with her already,
and enraged thereat, he whipt out his Cattan, and wounded
both of them very sorely, having very neere hewne the
Chine of the mans backe in two. But as well as he
might hee cleared himselfe of the woman, and recovering
his Cattan, wounded the other. The street taking notice
of the fray forthwith seased upon them, led them aside,
and acquainted King Foyne therewith, and sent to know
his pleasure, (for according to his will, the partie is
executed) who presently gave order that they should cut
off their heads : which done, every man that listed (as very
many did) came to trie the sharpenesse of their Cattans
upon the Corps, so that before they left off, they had
hewne them all three into peeces as small as a mans hand,
and yet notwithstanding did not then give over, but
placing the peeces one upon another, would try how many
of them they could strike through at a blow : and the
peeces are left to the Fowles to devoure.
The tenth, three more were executed as the former,
for stealing of a woman from Firando, and selling her at
Langasacque long since, two of them were brethren, and
the other a sharer with them. When any are to be
executed, they are led out of the Towne in this manner :
There goeth first one with a Pick-axe, next followeth an
other with a shovell for to make his grave (if that bee
permitted him) the third man beareth a small Table
450
JOHN SARIS
whereon is written the parties offence, which table is
afterwards set up upon a Post on the grave where he is
buried. The fourth is the partie to be executed, his
hands bound behind him with a silken cord, having a
little Banner of Paper (much resembling our wind-vanes)
whereon is likewise written his offence. The execu-
tioner followeth next, with his Cattan by his side, holding
in his hand the cord wherewith the offender is bound.
On either side of the executioner goeth a souldiour with
his Pike, the head thereof resting on the shoulder of the
partie appointed to suffer, to skare him from attempting
to escape. In this very manner I saw one led to execu-
tion, who went so resolutely and without all appearance
of feare of death, that I could not but much admire him,
never having scene the like in Christendome. The
offence for which he suffered was for stealing of a sacke
of Rice (of the value of two shillings sixe pence,) from
his neighbour, whose house was then on fire.
The eleventh, there arrived at Langasacque three China
Junckes laden with Silkes. The nineteenth, the old King
Foyne, intreated me for a peece of Poldavis, which I sent
him ; hee caused it presently to be made into Coates,
which he (notwithstanding that hee was a King, and of
that great age, and famed to be the worthiest souldiour of
all Japan, for his valour and service in the Corean warres)
did weare next his skinne, and some part thereof was made
into handkerchiefes, which he daily used.
The twentieth, a Soma or Juncke comming from
Cochinchina arrived at Langasaque, laden with Silkes,
and Benjamin, excellent cleere and rich. The nine and
twentieth, M. Adams arrived at Firando, having been
seventeene dayes on the way comming from Sorongo, we
having staied here for his comming fortie eight dayes.
After I had friendly entertained him, I conferred with him
in the presence of the Merchants, touching the incourage-
ment hee could give of trade in these parts. He answered,
that it was not alwaies alike, but sometimes better, some-
times worse, yet doubted not but we should doe as well
451
A.D.
1613.
Poldavis zoorn
by the King.
William
Adams comm-
eth unto them.
[I. iv. 370.]
The first Car-
rier for not ^
making haste
with the letters
to A dams ^ was
banished by the
angry King.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
as others ; giving admirable commendations of the Coun-
trey, as much affected thereunto.
The thirtieth in the morning, one of the yong Kings
Governours was by his order cut into pieces in the street,
for being (as it was thought) too familiar with his mother.
A slave of his died with him, for endeavouring to defend
his Master. This day there came to Firando certaine
Spaniards of M. Adams his acquaintance, to desire passage
in our ship for Bantam. These Spaniards had been be-
longing to a Spanish Gentleman their Generall, who about
a yeare past, were come (upon the King of Spaines charge)
An tntentton fj-om Nova Hispania, to discover to the Northward
Spaniards to °^ J^P^^> ^^^ arriving at Edoo, attending the Monson to
discover to the g^^ ^o the Northward, which beginneth in the end of May,
Northward of his Company (whereof these were two) mutinied against
Japan. hJni, every man taking his owne way, leaving the ship
utterly unmanned, wherefore I thought it best to keepe
them out of my ship.
August. The third. King Foyne sent to know of what Bulk our
Kings Present to the Emperour was, also what number of
people I would take with me, for that he would provide
accordingly for my going up in good fashion both for
Barke, Horses, and Pallanchins.
This day I caused the Presents to be sorted that were
to be given to the Emperour, and to those of office and
esteeme about him, viz.
I s b
To Ogoshosama, the Emperour, to the value
of ----- -
To Shongosama, the Emperours sonne
To Codskedona, the Emperours Secretarie
To Saddadona, the Emperours Sonnes
Secretarie - - - - -
To Icocora Juga, Judge of Meaco
To Fongo dona, Admirall of Orungo -
To Goto Shozavero, the Mintmaster -
Totall -
452
- 87 7
6
- 43 15
0
- 15 17
JS
6
- 14 03
4
- 04 10
6
- 03 10
0
- II 00
0
- 180 03
10
JOHN SARIS AD.
1613.
§. VII.
Captaine Saris his Journey to the Court of the
Japonian Emperour, and observations there,
and by the way.
He seventh of August, King Foyne furnished me
with a proper Galley of his owne, rowed with
twentie five oares on a side, and sixtie men, which
I did fit up in a verie comely manner, with waste clothes,
ensignes, and all other necessaries, and having taken my T^he old King
leave of the King, I went and remained aboord the ship, ^^^ ^°°-
to set all things in order before my departure. Which j^^n money
done, and remembrances left with the Master and Cape /or him to
Merchant, for the well governing of the ship and house ^pend by the
ashoare during my absence, taking with mee tenne English, ^^y- ^Jj^^r
and nine others, besides the former sixtie, which were ^^;%J^JJ *
onely to attend the Gallie, I departed from Firando to- Uy setting
wards the Emperours Court. Wee were rowed through, forward
and amongst divers Hands, all which, or the most part of toward the
them, were well inhabited, and divers proper Townes r^^^l°^^^
built upon them ; whereof one called Fuccate, hath a very Fuccatealarge
strong Castle, built of free stone, but no Ordnance nor andfaire
Souldiers therein. It hath a ditch about five fathome Towne.
deepe, and twice as broad round about it, with a draw
bridge, kept all in very good repaire. I did land & dine
there in the Towne, the tyde and wind so strong against
us, as that we could not passe. The Towne seemed to be
as great as London is within the wals, very wel built, and
even, so as you may see from the one end of the streete
to the other. The place exceedingly peopled, very Civill
and curtdbus, onely that at our landing, and being here
in Fuccate, and so through the whole Country, whither-
soever we came, the boyes, children, and worser sort of
idle people, would gather about and follow along after us,
crying. Core, Core, Cocore, Ware, that is to say. You I
Coreans with false hearts : wondering, hooping, hollow- '
ing, and making such a noise about us, that we could
453
A.D.
1613.
Women with
their hous-
holds that live
in boats upon
the water.
Women-
divers.
[I. iv. 371.]
Straights of
Xeminaseque.
A strange
Juncke.
Osaca.
Description of
Osaca.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
scarcely heare one an other speake, sometimes throwing
stones at us (but that not in many Townes) yet the clam-
our and crying after us was every where alike, none
reprooving them for it. The best advice that I can give
those who hereafter shall arrive there, is that they passe
on without regarding those idle rablements, and in so
doing, they shall find their eares onely troubled with the
noise. All alongst this Coast, and so up to Ozaca, we
found women divers, that lived with their houshold and
family in boats upon the water, as in Holland they do the
like. These women would catch fish by diving, which by
net and lines they missed, and that in eight fathome
depth : their eyes by continuall diving doe grow as red
as blood, whereby you may know a diving woman from
all other women.
We were two daies rowing from Firando to Fuccate :
about eight or tenne leagues on this side the straights of
Xemina-seque, we found a great Towne, where there lay
in a Docke, a Juncke of eight hundred or a thousand
Tunnes of burthen, sheathed all with yron, with a guard
appointed to keep her from firing and treachery. She was
built in a very homely fashion, much like that which
describeth Noahs Arke unto us. The Naturals told us,
that she served to transport souldiers into any of the
Hands, if rebellion or warre should happen.
We found nothing extraordinary after we had passed
the straights of Xemina-seque, untill we came unto
Osaca, where we arrived the twenty seventh day of
August : our Galley could not come neere the Towne by
sixe miles, where another smaller Vessell met us, wherein
came the good man or Host of the house where we lay in
Osaca, and brought a banquet with him of wine and salt
fruits to intertaine me. The boat having a fast made to
the mast-head, was drawn by men, as our Barkes are
from London Westward. We found Osaca to be a very
great Towne, as great as London within the walls, with
many faire Timber bridges of a great height, serving to
passe over a river there as wide as the Thames at London.
454
JOHN SARIS f^^^K AJ3.
1613.
Some faire houses we found there, but not many. It is
one of the chiefe Sea-ports of all Japan ; having a Castle in
it, marvellous large and strong, with very deepe trenches
about it, and many draw bridges, with gates plated
with yron. The Castle is built all of Free-stone, with A fake and
Bulwarks and Battlements, with loope holes for smal shot strong Castle.
and arrowes, and divers passages for to cast stones upon
the assaylants. The walls are at the least sixe or seven
yards thicke, all (as I said) of Free-stone, without any
filling in the inward part with trumpery, as they reported
unto me. The stones are great, of an excellent quarry,
and are cut so exactly to fit the place where they are laid,
that no morter is used, but onely earth cast betweene to
fill up voyd crevises if any be. In this Castle did dwell
at our beeing there, the sonne of Tiquasamma, who being ^^^ ^^^ °f
an infant at the time of his Fathers decease, was left to JXT'Jy/'^^
the governement and education of foure, whereof Ogosho- j^pan how
samma, the now Emperour was one and chiefe. The defeated of hh
other three desirous of Soveraigntie each for his particular, ^'^Z^^-
and repulsed by Ogoshosamma, were for their owne safetie
forced to take up Armes, wherein fortune favouring
Ogoshosamma at the triall in field, two of them beeing
slaine, the third was glad to save himselfe by flight. He
beeing Conquerour, attempted that which formerly (as it is
thought) hee never dream'd of, and proclaimed himselfe
Emperour, and seazing upon the true heire, married him
unto his daughter, as the onely meanes to worke a perfect
reconcilement, confining the young married couple to live
within this Castle of Osaca, attended onely with such as
had been brought up from their cradles by Ogoshosamma,
not knowing any other Father (as it were) then him : So
that by their intelligence he could at all times understand
what passed there, and accordingly rule him.
Right over against Osaca, on the other side of the
River, lyeth another great Towne called Sacay, but not Saca;^.
so bigge as Osaca, yet is it a Towne of great Trade for
all the Hands thereabout.
The eight and twentieth day at night, having left
455
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
musters and prices of our Commodities with our Host,
Fushimi. we parted from Osaca by Barke towards Fushimi, where
we arrived.
The nine and twentieth at night we found here a Gar-
rison of three thousand Souldiers maintayned by the
Emperour, to keepe Miaco and Osaca in subjection. The
Garrisons Garrison is shifted every three yeares, which change
'^thref^alV ^^PP^^^<^ ^^ ^^ ^^ °^^ being there, so that we saw the
old Bands march away, and the new enter, in most
Their March Souldier-like manner, marching five abrest, and to everie
and Weapons. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ q^^^^. ^j^-^j^ -^ ^^jj^^ ^ Captaine of fiftie, who
kept them continually in verie good order. First, their
shot, viz. Calievers, (for Muskets they have none, neyther
will they use any) then followed Pikes, next Swords, or
Cattans and Targets, then Bowes and Arrowes : next those
weapons resembling a Welch-hooke called Waggadashes ;
Islo Ensignes thtn Calievers againe, and so as formerly, without any
ZcmIu ^""g"^ °': S?'°"'-«= neytl^e^ had they any Drummes or
Musicke. other Musicall Instruments ror Warre. The first file of
the Cattans and Targets had silver scabberds to their Cat-
tans, and the last file which was next to the Captaine had
their scabberds of gold. The Companies consisted of
divers numbers, some five hundred, some three hundred,
some one hundred and fiftie men. In the midst of every
Companie were three Horses very richly trapped, and fur-
nished with Sadies, well set out, some covered with costly
Furres, some with Velvet, some with Stammet broad-
cloth, every Horse had three slaves to attend him, ledde
with silken halters, their eyes covered with lether covers.
After every Troope followed the Captaine on Horse-backe,
his bed and other necessaries were laid upon his owne
Horse, equally peased on either side, over the same was
spread a covering of redde felt of China, whereupon the
Strange Captaine did sit crosse-legged, as if hee had sate betwixt
'^ ^^^' a couple of panniers : and for those that were ancient or
otherwise weake-backt, they had a stafFe artificially fixed
unto the Pannell, that the Rider might rest himselfe, and
leane backward against it, as if he were sitting in a chaire.
456
JOHN SARIS AD.
1613.
The Captaine Generall of this Garrison wee met two dayes
after we had met his first troop, (having still in the meane-
time met with some of these Companies as we passed
along, sometimes one league, sometimes two leagues
distant one from another.) Hee marched in very great
state, beyond that the others did, (for the second Troope
was more richly set out in their armes then the first : and
the third then the second, and so still every one better
then other, untill it came unto this the last and best of
all.) He hunted and hawked all the way, having his Hunting and
owne Hounds and Hawkes along with him, the Hawkes Hawhng.
being hooded and lured as ours are. His Horses for his [I. iv. 372.]
owne Sadie being sixe in number, richly trapped. Their
Horses are not tall, but of the size of our midling Nags, Their Horses.
short and well trust, small headed and very full of mettle,
in my opinion, farre excelling the Spanish Jennet in pride
and stomacke. He had his Pallankin carryed before him,
the inside of Crimson Velvet, and sixe men appointed to
Carrie it, two at a time.
Such good order was taken for the passing and provid- Their good
ing for, of these three thousand Souldiers, that no man °^^^^'
either travelling or inhabiting upon the way where they j
lodged, was any way injured by them, but cheerefuUy ! ^
entertayned them as other their guests, because they paid
for what they tooke, as all other men did. Every Towne
and Village upon the way being well fitted with Cookes
and Victualling houses, where they might at an instant
have what they needed, and dyet themselves from a pennie
English a meale, to two shillings a meale.
The Dyet used generally through the Countrey, is The Dyet in
Rice of divers sorts, one better then other (as of our J^P^^-
Wheate and Corne here) the whitest accounted the best,
which they use in stead of Bread, Fish, fresh and salted, ^iore ofpro-
some pickeld Herbes, Beanes, Raddishes and other Roots ^^^^°^-
salted and pickled, Wild-fowle, Ducke, Mallard, Teale,
Geese, Phesant, Partridge, Quaile, and divers others, which
they doe powder and put up in pickle, of Hens they have
great store, as likewise of Deere both red and fallow :
457
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
wild Bores, Hares, Goates, Kine, &c. of Cheese they have
No Butternor plentie, Butter they make none, neither will they eate any
Milke eaten, y];^^^ because they hold it to bee as bloud, nor tame
beasts.
Of tame Swine and Pigs they have great abundance.
Wheate they have as good as any of ours, being red.
They plow both with Oxen and Horse as wee doe heere.
At our being there, we bought Hens and Phesants of the
best for three pence a piece. Pigs very fat and large
twelve pence a piece, a fat Hogge five shillings. A good
Beefe, such as our Welch Runts, at sixteene shillings, a
Goate three shillings. Rice a halfe-pennie the pound.
Water drunke Xhe ordinarie drinke of the common people is water,
warme, which with their meate they drinke warme, holding it to
bee a sovereigne remedie against Wormes in the maw :
other drinkes they have none, but what is distilled out of
Rice, which is almost as strong as our Aquavitae, and in
colour like to Canarie Wine, and is not deare. Yet when
they have drawne off the best and strongest, they wring
out of it a smaller and slighter drinke, serving the poorer
sort of people, which through want cannot reach to the
better.
The thirtieth, we were furnished with ninetene Horse
at the Emperours charge, to carrie up our Kings presents,
and those that attended me to Surunga.
I had a Pallankin appointed for me, and a spare Horse
led by, to ride when I pleased, very well set out. Sixe
men appointed to carrie my Pallankin in plaine and even
ground. But where the Countrey grew hilly, ten men
were allowed me thereto. The Guardian whom King
Foyn sent along with us, did from time to time and place
to place by warrant, take up these men and Horses to
*> serve our turnes, as the Post-masters doe here in England :
as also lodging at night. According to the custome of the
A Pike, s'lgne Countrey, I had a slave appointed to runne with a Pike
ofauthoritie. before mee.
Thus we travelled untill the sixth of September, before
Surunga. we got to Surunga, each day fifteene or sixteene leagues,
458
_ JOHN SARIS ^j^jgfff A.D.
1613.
of three miles to a league as we ghessed it. The way
for the most part is wonderfull even, and where it meeteth
with Mountaines, passage is cut through. This way is High-wayes.
the mayne Roade of all this Countrey, and is for the most
part sandie and gravell ; it is divided into leagues, and at
every leagues end are two small hils, viz. of either side ■
of the way one, and upon every one of them a faire Pine-
tree, trimmed round in fashion of an Arbor. These
markes are placed upon the way to the end, that the
Hacknie men, and those which let our Horses to hire,
should not make men pay more then their due, which is
about three pence a league. The Roade is exceedingly
travelled, full of people, ever and anon you meet with
Farmes and Countrey houses, with Villages, and often
with great Townes, with Ferries over fresh Rivers, and
many Futtakeasse or Fotoquis which are their Temples, Foto^uis
scituate in Groves and most pleasantest places for delight, ^^^"J^^
of the whole Countrey. The Priests that attend there- Priests. '
upon dwelling about the same, as our Friers in old time
planted themselves here in England. When wee
approched any Towne, we saw Crosses with the dead bodies Crosses and
of those who had beene crucified thereupon. For cruci- "'^^in^^i-
fying is heere an ordinarie punishment for most Male-
factors. Comming neere Surunga, where the Emperours
Court is, wee saw a Scaffold with the heads of divers (which
had beene executed) placed thereupon, and by it were
divers Crosses with the dead Corpses of those which had
been executed, remayning still upon them, and the pieces
of others, which after their Executioners had beene hewen
againe and againe by the triall of others Cattans. All \
which caused a most unsavourie passage to us, that to !
enter into Surunga, must needs passe by them. This
Citie of Surunga is full as bigge as London, with all the ^^runga a
Suburbs. The Handi-crafts men wee found dwelling in "^"'X ^^'^^^
the outward parts and skirts of the Towne, because those
that are of the better sort, dwell in the inward part of the
Citie, and will not be annoyed with the rapping, knocking,
and other disturbance that Artificers cannot be without.
459
A.D.
1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
The Castle ^
Court of the
Emperour.
Assoone as we were setled in our lodging in Surunga,
I sent Master Adams to the Court, to let the Secretarie
i understand of my comming, and desire of as speedie dis-
patch as might bee. Word was returned that I was wel-
come, that I should rest me, and within a day or two I
should have accesse to the Emperour.
The seventh was spent in fitting up of the presents, and
[I. iv. 373.] providing little Tables of slit deale of that Countrey
(which smelleth verie sweet) to carrie them upon, accord-
ing to the custome.
The eighth, I was carryed in my Pallankin to the Castle
of Surunga (where the Emperour kept his Court) and was
attended with my Merchants and others carrying the pre-
sents before me. Being entred the Castle, I passed three
draw bridges, every of which had a corps of Guard, and
comming up a paire of verie faire and large stone staires,
I was met by two grave comely men the one them Codske
dona, the Emperours Secretarie ; the other Fungo dono
- the Admirall, who led me into a faire roome matted, where
we sat downe crosse-legged upon the Mats. Anon after
they lead mee betwixt them into the Chamber of Pres-
ence, where was the Emperours Chaire of State, to which
they wished me to doe reverence. It was of cloth of
Gold, about five foot high, very richly set forth for backe
and sides, but had no Canopie over-head. Then they
returned backe againe to the place where before they did
sit, where having stayed about one quarter of an houre,
word was brought, that the Emperour was come forth.
Then they rose up and led me betwixt them unto the
doore of the roome where the Emperor was, making
signes to me that I should enter in there, but durst not
looke in themselves. The presents sent from our King
to the Emperour, as also those which (according to the
custome of the Countrey) I gave unto the Emperour, as
from my selfe, were placed in the said roome upon the
I Mats very orderly, before the Emperour came into it.
i Comming to the Emperour, according to our English
I Complements, I delivered our Kings Letter unto his
460
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
Majestic, who tooke it in his hand, and put it up towards ^
his fore-head, and commanded his Interpreter, who sate a j
good distance from him behind, to will Master Adams to ; ■^'^^
tell me that I was welcome from a wearisome journey, |
that I should take my rest for a day or two, and then his
Answere should be readie for our King. Then he asked
whether I did not intend to visit his sonne at Edoo. I "^
answered, I did. The Emperour said that order should
be taken to furnish mee with men and Horses for the
Journey, and against my returne his Letters should be I l_
readie for our King. So taking my leave of the Emper-^
our, and comming to the doore where I had left the
Secretarie and Admirall, I found them there readie to con-
duct me to the staires head where formerly they had met
mee, and there I tooke my Pallankin, and with my Atten-
dants returned to my lodging.
The ninth, I went to deliver the Secretarie his present, \ %t'^
which in no wise hee would receive, but heartily thanked/
me, saying, that the Emperour had commanded the con-
trarie, and that it were as much as his life if he should
take any gift. But hee tooke five pound of Aloes
Socatrina to use for his health. I delivered the Articles v.^*'^
of priviledge this day to Codskedona, being in number
fourteene. He requested to have them abbreviated and
made as short as might bee, for that the people of Japan jaumans
affect brevitie. affect
The tenth, the Articles so abridged, were sent by Master brevitie.
Adams to the Secretarie, who shewed them to the Emper-
our, and he approved thereof, denying one only, which ,
was. That whereas the Chineses had refused to trade with
the English, that in case we should now take any of them
by force, that our Nation might have leave and libertie
to bring them into Japan, and there make sale of the
goods so taken. At the first motion, the Emperour ^-^f Ciopie of
answered, that seeing they denyed us Trade, we might f^^^V^f
take them. But upon conference with the Lieger of and zave mee
China, the Emperours minde was changed, and would not which after
allow of that Article. The rest were passed under his falhweth.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
great Seale, which is not of Waxe (as ours) but stamped
• like a print and coloured red.
The eleventh, the Present appointed for the Mint-
master, was delivered him, which he took thankfully, and
returned to me two Japonian Gownes of Taffata, quilted
with silke Cotton.
The twelfth. Master Adams was sent to the Mint-
master (being the Emperours Merchant, and having
charge of his Mint and readie monies, a man of very great
esteeme with the Emperour, and one that hath vowed that
whensoever the Emperour shall dye, he will cut out his
own guts and dye with him.) Master Adams carryed
;unto him the particular prices of our English Commodities
;(as before is specified.)
N About noone the same day, wee departed for Edoo, to
the Emperours sonne, beeing furnished with horse and
men by the Emperour, as formerly.
The Countrey betwixt Surunga and Edoo is well in-
habited. We saw many Fotoquise or Temples as we
passed, and amongst others one Image of especiall note,
The descrip- called Dabis, made of Copper, being hollow within, but
um of an gf ^ ygj.y substantiall thicknesse. It was in heip:ht, as
Image called 1 "^ 1 r 1 11 1 •
Dabis. wee ghessed, from the ground about one and twentie or
two and twentie foot in the likenesse of a man kneeling
upon the ground, with his buttockes resting on his heeles,
his armes of wonderfull largenesse, and the whole bodie
proportionable, he is fashioned wearing of a Gowne.
This Image is much reverenced by Travellers as they passe
there. Some of our people went into the bodie of it, and
hoope and hallowed, which made an exceding great noyse.
We found many Characters and Markes made upon it by
Passengers, whom some of my Followers imitated, and
made theirs in like manner. It standeth in the maine
Pilgrimage to Roade of the Pilgrimage to Tencheday, which is much
Tencheday. frequented : for night and day, rich and poore, are com-
ming and going to visit Tencheday. M. Adams told me
that he had beene at the Fotoqui or Temple dedicated to
this Tencheday, to whom they make this devout pilgrim-
4i2
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
age; and as he reported, there is monthly one of the
fairest Virgins of the whole countrey brought into that ^: ^"f- 374;]
Fotoqui, and there she sits all alone in a roome neatly kept, J^ff^^^ J„ ^'
in a very sober manner, and at certaine times, this Tenche- j^o//.
day (which is thought to be the Divell) appeareth unto
her, and having knowne her carnally, leave th with her at
his departure certaine skales, like unto the skales of fishes :
what questions shee is willed by the Bonzees, or Priests
of that Fotoqui to aske, Tencheday resolves : and
every moneth a fresh Virgin is taken in ; but what }
becomes of the old. Master Adams himselfe did not'
know.
The fourteenth, we arrived at Edoo, a Citie much We arrived at
greater then Surunga, farre fairer building, and made a °°'
very glorious appearance unto us ; the ridge-tiles and
corner-tiles richly gilded, the posts of their doores gilded
and varnished : Glasse-windowes they have none, but
great windowes of board, opening in leaves, well set out
with painting, as in Holland : there is a Cawsey which
goeth thorow the chiefe streete of the Towne ; underneath
this Cawsey runneth a River, at every fiftie paces there is
a Well-head, fitted very substantially of free-stone, with
buckets for the neighbours to fetch water, and for danger
of fire. This streete is as broad as any of our streets in
England.
The fifteenth, I gave the Kings Secretary, Sadda-dona,
to understand of my arrivall, requesting him to let the.
King know thereof.
The seventeenth, I had accesse to the King, and delivered
him the Presents from our King, as also certaine from my
selfe (according to the custome of the Countrey.) The
King kept his Court in the Castle of Edoo, which is
much fairer and stronger then that of Surunga, hee was
better guarded and attended upon, then the Emperour
his Father. Sadda-dona the Kings Secretary, is father to
Codske-dona the Emperours Secretary, whose yeeres
afFoording better experience, hee is therefore appointed
to have the government and direction of the yong King,
463
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
who (at our being there) we esteemed to be aged about
two and fortie yeeres.
My entertainment and accesse to the King heere, was
much like to the former at Surunga with the Emperour :
/ ; he accepted very kindly our Kings Letter and Presents,
^ ' bidding me welcome, and wishing me to refresh my selfe,
and his Letters and Presents to our King should be made
readie with all speed.
The nineteenth, I delivered Sadda-dona his Presents.
This day two and thirtie men being commanded to a cer-
taine house, for not paying their debts, and being in the
stockes, within the house, the house in the night time by
casualtie fiered, and they were all burnt to death.
Towards evening, the King sent two varnished Armours
for a Present to our King. Hee sent likew^ise a Tatch
or long sword, (which none may weare there but souldiers
of the best ranke) and a Waggadash for a present to my
selfe. From Edoo to the Northermost part of Japan, it
is esteemed two and twentie dayes journey by horse, little
more or lesse.
The one and twentieth, we parted by Boat from Edoo
to Oringgaw, a Towne upon the sea side. From whence
j we arrived at Surunga the nine and twentieth day, and
[^ ' there remained for the Emperours Letters and Presents to
our King.
The eight of October, I received the Emperours Let-
ters, directed to our Soveraigne Lord James, King of
Great Britaine, the true Copie whereof is as foUoweth.
To the King of Great Britaine.
YOur Majesties kind Letter sent me by your servant
Captaine John Saris, (who is the first that I have
knowne to arrive in any part of my Dominions) I heartily
embrace, being not a little glad to understand of your
great wisdome and power, as having three plentifull and
mightie Kingdomes under your powerfull command. I
acknowledge your Majesties great bountie, in sending
mee so undeserved a Present of many rare things, such as
464
JOHN SARIS ^^^^^^Ka:^
1613.
my Land afFordeth not, neither have I ever before seene :
Which I receive not as from a stranger, but as from your
Majestie, whom I esteeme as my selfe. Desiring the
continuance of Friendship with your Highnesse : And
that it may stand with your good liking, to send your
Subjects to any part or Port of my Dominions, where
they shall bee most heartily welcome, applauding much
their worthinesse in the admirable knowledge of Naviga-
tion, having with much facilitie discovered a Countrie so '
remote, being no whit amazed with the distance of so
mightie a Gulfe, nor greatnesse of such infinite clouds
and stormes, from prosecuting honorable enterprises, of
Discoveries and Merchandizing : wherein they shall find
me to further them, according to their desires. I returne
unto your Majestie a small token of my love (by your
said Subject) desiring you to accept thereof, as from him
that much rejoyceth in your Friendship. And whereas
your Majesties Subjects have desired certaine priviledges
for Trade, and setling of a Factorie in my Dominions, I
have not only granted what they demanded, but have con-
firmed the same unto them under by Broad-seale, for'
better establishing thereof. From my Castle in Surunga,
this fourth day of the ninth month, in the eighteenth
yeere of our Dary, according to our Computation. Rest-
ing your Majesties Friend. The highest Commander in
this Kingdome of Japan : c u -u j
^ -^ ^ Subscribed.
Minna. Mouttono. yei. ye. yeas.
I also received the said Priviledges for Trade in * Japan : [I. iv. 375.]
the Originall was left with Master Cocks : the copie thereof .
with the Seale in blacke heere followeth. The translation 1 ^
whereof (as neare to the Originall as may be) followeth.
* The Characters have by some been thought to be those of China,
but I compared them with China bookes, and they seemed to me quite
different, yet not letters to compound words by spelling, as ours ; but
words expressed in their severall characters, as the Chinois use, and the
brevitie manifesteth. I take them characters peculiar to Japan. Take
them thou Reader, and judge better, if thou canst.
Ill 465 2 G
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
The Japonian Charter, the lines to be read down-
wards, beginning at the right hand.
This last is the Scale.
466
I
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
Priviledges granted by Ogoshosama, Emperour [l- iv. 376.]
of Japan, unto the Right Worshipful! Sir
Thomas Smith, Knight, Governour, and others
the Honorable and WorshipfuU Adventurers
to the East-Indies.
1 TNprimis, Wee give free licence to the subjects of
A the King of Great Britaine, viz. Sir Thomas
Smith, Governour, and Company of the East-Indian
Merchants and Adventurers, for ever, safely to come into
any of our Port of our Empire of Japan, with their
shippes and merchandizes, without any hinderance to them
or their goods. And to abide, buy, sell, and barter,
according to their owne manner, with all Nations : to tarry
heere as long as they thinke good, and to depart at their
pleasures.
2 Item, Wee grant unto them freedome of Custome,
for all such merchandizes as either now they have brought,
or hereafter shall bring into our Kingdomes, or shall from
hence transport to any forraigne part. And doe authorize
those ships that hereafter shall arrive, and come from
England, to proceed to present sale of their commodities,
without further comming or sending up to our Court.
3 Item, If any of their shippes shall happen to be in
danger of shipwracke. Wee will our subjects not only
to assist them, but that such part of shippe and goods as
shall be saved, be returned to their Captaine, or Cape Mer-
chant, or their assignes. And that they shall or may
build one house or more for themselves in any part of Our
Empire, where they shall thinke fittest. And at their
departure to make sale thereof at their pleasure.
4 Item, If any of the English Merchants or other shall
depart this life, within our Dominions, the goods of the
deceased shall remaine at the dispose of the Cape Merchant.
And that all offences committed by them shall be punished
by the said Cape Merchant, according to his discretion :
and Our Lawes to take no hold of their persons or goods.
467
A.D.
1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
The discovery
ofTeadzo to
the northward.
5 Item, Wee will that yee Our subjects trading with
them for any of their commodities, pay them for the same,
according to agreement, without delay, or returne of their
wares againe unto them.
6 Item, For such commodities as they have now
brought, or shall hereafter bring, fitting for Our service
and proper use : Wee will that no arrest bee made thereof,
but that the price bee made with the Cape Merchant,
according as they may sell to others, and present payment
upon the delivery of the goods.
7 Item, If in discovery of other Countries for Trade,
and returne of their shippes, they shall need men or
Victualls, Wee will that yee Our subjects furnish them for
their money, as their need shall require.
8 And that without other Passe-port, they shall and
may set out upon the discovery of Yeadzo, or any other
part, in or about our Empire.
From our Castle in Surunga, this first day of the ninth
Or Raigne. moneth, and in the eighteenth yeere of Our * Dary,
according to Our Computation. Sealed with our Broad-
seale, &c.
Under- writ ten :
Minna. Mottono.
yei. ye. yeas.
Note that Oringgaw is a very good harbour for ship-
ping, where ships may ride as safely as in the River of
Thames before London, and the passage thereto by Sea
very safe and good : so that it will be much better for our
ships to saile thither, then to Firando, in respect that
Oringgaw is upon the maine Island, and is distant from
Edoo (the chiefe City) but fourteene or fifteene leagues.
The place is not so well replenished with victuall and
flesh-meat, as Firando is, which want only excepted,
Oringgaw is for all other matters to be preferred before
Firando.
At my returne to Surunga, I found a Spanish Embassa-
dour arrived there from the Philippinas, who only had
468
Oringgaw the
best haven or
road for us.
A Spanish
Embassador
from the
Philippinas.
y
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
sight of the Emperour, and delivered him his presents,
which were certaine China Damaskes, and five Jarres of
sweet wine of Europe. After the first time, he could not
obtaine accesse to the Emperour. His Embassage was,
that such Portugals and Spaniards as were within hisi
Dominions, not authorized by the King of Spaine, might 1
be delivered up unto him to carry away to the Philippinas : i
which the Emperour denyed to doe, saying. That his,
Countrey was a free Country, and none should be forced
out of it ; but if the Embassadour could perswade any to
go, they should not be staied. This comming of the
Spanish Embassadour for men, was caused by the great
want of men they had to defend the Molucca Ilands from
the Dutch, who then made great preparation for the
absolute conquest thereof. After that the Embassadour
had attended for the Emperours answere, the time limitted
him by his Commission, seeing it came not, hee departed
discontented. But being at the Sea-side, there was an
answere returned for him to carry, with a slender Present,
viz. five Japan Gownes, and two Cattans or Swords.
The ninth we departed from Surunga at Edoo. About
a month before my comming thither, the Emperour being [i. iv. 377.]
displeased with the Christians, made proclamation, that A prodama-
they should forthwith remove and carry away all their ^T^fl^^i^
Churches to Langasacque, a Towne situate on the Sea-side,
and distant from Firando about eight leagues : And that
no Christian Church should stand, nor Masse be sung,]
within ten leagues of his Court, upon paine of death. A
while after, certaine of the Naturalls, being seven and
twentie in number, (men of good fashion) were assembled
together in an Hospitall, appointed by the Christians for
Lepers, and there had a Masse : whereof the Emperour
being informed, commanded them to be shut up in an
house for one night, and that the next day they should
suffer death. The same evening another man for debt
was clapt up in the same house, being an Heathen at his
comming in, and ignorant of Christ and his Religion :
But (which is wonderfull) the next morning, when the
469
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Officer called at the doore for those which were Christians
to come forth, and goe to execution, and those which were
not, and did renounce the same, to stay behind : this man
in that nights space was so instructed by the other, that
resolutely he came out with the rest, and was crucified
with them.
In our passage towards Miaco from Surunga, we had
for the most part much raine, whereby the waters did so
rise, that wee were forced to stay by the way, so that it
was the sixteenth of October before we got thither.
The descnp- Miaco is the greatest Citie of Japan, consisting most upon
tionoftheCitie merchandizing. The chiefe Fotoqui or Temple of the
of Mtaco. whole Countrey is there, being built of free-stone, and is
as long as the Westerne end of Saint Pauls in London,
from the Quier, being as high arched and borne upon
Their Bon- pillars as that is : where many Bonzees doe attend for their
z^es, Idols, maintenance, as the Priests among Papists. There is an
in ^T^ifSc^' -^^^^^ whereon they doe offer Rice and small money, called
Condriius (whereof twentie make one shilling English : )
which is employed for the use of the Bonzees. Neare
unto this Altar there is an Idoll, by the Natives called
Mannada, made of Copper, much resembling that of
Dabis formerly spoken of, but is much higher, for it
reacheth up to the very Arch. This Fotoqui was begun
to be built by Taicosania in his life-time, and since his
Sonne hath proceeded to the finishing thereof, which was
newly made an end of when wee were there. Within
the inclosure of the walles of this Fotoqui there are buried
(by the report of the inhabitants) the Eares and Noses of
three thousand Coreans, which were massacred at one
time : Upon their grave is a mount raised, with a Pyramis
on the toppe thereof ; which mount is greene, and very
neatly kept. The horse that Taico-sania last rode on, is
kept neare unto this Fotoqui, having never been ridden
since, his hooffes being extraordinarily growne with his
age, and still standing there.
The Fotoqui standeth upon the top of an high hill, and
on either side, as yee mount up to it, hath fiftie pillars of
470
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
free-stone, distant ten paces one from the other, and on
every pillar a Lanterne, wherein every night lights are
maintained of Lampe-oyle. In this Citie of Miaco, the ^jf^'J^f.f
Portugall Jesuits have a very stately Colledge, wherein j^f^^^^
likewise are divers Jesuits, Naturall Japonians, which
preach, and have the new Testament printed in the Japan ^^^/^"^^ .
language. In this Colledge are many japonian children ^j^^ j^pan
trayned up, and instructed in the rudiments of Christian language.
Religion, according to the Romish Church : There are not
lesse then five or sixe thousand Japonians in this Citie of
Miaco professing Christ.
Besides the Fotoqui before described, there are many
other Fotoquis in this Citie. The Tradesmen and Arti-
ficers are distributed by themselves, every Occupation and
Trade in their several! streets, and not mJngled together,
as heere with us.
At Miaco we stayed, expecting the Emperours Present,
which at length was delivered to me out of the Castle,
being ten Beobs, or large Pictures to hang a chamber
with.
The twentieth, wee departed from Miaco, and came the
same night to Fushimi.
The one and twentieth, about noone we arrived at
Osaca : heere wee found the people very rude, following Osaca.
us, crying Tosin, Tosin, that is, Chinaes, Chinaes ; others ,^^'
calling us Core, Core, and flinging stones at us ; the j
gravest people of the Towne not once reproving them,
but rather animating of them, and setting them on. Heere
we found the Gaily readie, which had attended for us
ever since our landing, at the charge of the King of
Firando. The foure and twentieth at night we all ^^ embarked
embarked for Firando. > ^''''''^''
The sixt of November we arrived at Firando, and were 'November 6.
kindly bid welcome by King Foyne. All this while our
people sold little, the custome of the Countrey being, that
without expresse permission from the Emperour, no
stranger may offer goods to sale. Besides, our chiefestj
commoditie intended for those parts being Broad-cloath, '
47 Jt
V-*'
I
A.D.
1613.
[I. iv. 378.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
(which according to former intelligence, had lately been
sold there at fortie Rialls of eight the matte, which is two
yards, as aforesaid) the Natives were now more backward
to buy then before, because they saw that we our selves
were no forwarder in wearing the thing which wee recom-
mended unto them. For, said they, you commend your
Cloath unto us, but you your selves weare least thereof,
the better sort of you wearing Silken garments, the meaner
Fustians, &c. Wherefore hoping that good counsell may
(though late) come to some good purpose, I wish that our
Nation would be more forward to use and spend this
naturall commoditie of our owne Countrey, so shall wee
better encourage and allure others to the entertainment
and expence thereof.
§. VIII.
Accidents after his returne to Firando, the setling
of a Factory there, departure for Bantam, and
thence for England.
He seventh of November, I visited the Kings with
Presents first, and after with Presence, and was
kindly entertained. The eighth, Andrew Palmer,
Steward of the ship, and William Marnell Gunners Mate,
lay ashoare all night, and in a drunken humour, went into
the field and fought, and wounded each other so sore, that
it is thought Palmer will hardly escape with his life, and
Marnell be lame of his hands for ever.
The ninth, in the morning very early I went aboord the
Ship, and carried M. Cockes along with me, and called
the Master and all the Officers into my Cabbin, making
it knowne unto them, that it much greieved me the
indirect course some of them tooke, namely. Palmer and
Marnell, who went out of the Ship without license,
and had wounded one an other so sore, that the one
was in danger of his life, and the other a lame man for
ever ; and that which was more, the Surviver in danger
to be hanged if the other died, which could not choose but
472
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
bee a great hearts griefe unto me : as also to understand,
that Francis Williams and Simon Colphax were in the
boat, going ashoare to have fought, and John Dench and
John Winston appointed to doe the like, and Dench con-
fessed it was true, and that he saw Palmer and Marnell
fighting, and went and parted them, otherwise both had
remained dead in the field : these matters, I told them,
were grievous unto me, and therefore I willed them it
might be amended in time, otherwise they would dis-
people the Ship, to the utter overthrow of our Voyage,
and deceive the Honourable Companie, that had put their
trust in us.
After much contestation, each one departed, with pro-
mise to amend what was amisse, and not to offend in any
sort hereafter, which God graunt may proove true. I told
them also, that Foyne Same, the old King, had made
complaint unto me, that if any more came ashoare to fight
and shed blood in his Countrey (contrary to his Lawes) he I
would cause them to be cut in peces, for that he would I i_
not suffer strangers to have more Priviledge in that matter i
then his owne Subjects. And at my returne to the'
English house, Foyne Same the King came to visit me,
and told mee the piece of Poldavis and a Shash I gave
him, were consumed with fire when his house was burned,
which was a manner of begging two more, which I pro- <
mised him, and got him to send of his people aboord, with
my Jurebasso John Japan, to signifie to the Company,
that if any of them came ashoare to fight any more, the
King had given order to cut them in pieces, and not to
suffer any one to returne aboord. I did this in hope to
restraine them from such drunken Combats.
Towards night came a Spaniard from Langasaque, (
called John Comas, and brought two Letters from Dom- /
ingo Francisco, one for me, and the other for M. Cockes,
and sent me a Present of three baskets of Sugar, and a
pot of Conserves, with many no lesse sugred conserved
words of complement in his Letters, that he was sorie that j l
our seven men were gone away in his absence, excusing I
473
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
both himselfe, and the Fathers or Jesuites, that they had
no hand in the matter, neither ever spoke such word, that
we were heretikes or theeves, yet said our men were gone
away from thence, three of them in a China or Japan Soma
I for the Manillias, and the other foure in a Portugal!
Vessell ; but I hold these but words to excuse themselves,
and put other men in fault : for the Spaniards love not the
Portugals, neither either of both the Japan, much lesse the
Japan them.
The eleventh, I went and visited Nobesane ; he used
me kindly, and would have had mee come to dinner to
morrow, but I excused the matter, in respect of the much
businesse I had, and short time of stay. I met the old
King Foyne at his house, who desired to have two peeces
English poudred Beefe, and two of Porke sod with Tur-
nips, Raddish and Onions by our Cooke, and sent unto
him, which I caused to be done. Wind Northerly a fresh
gale day and night, faire dry weather, but cold.
The twelfth, the two Kings Governours, came to visit
me at the English house ; and from thence went abord
the Clove (Master Cockes accompanying them) to signifie
unto the Master and the rest of the Companie, that from
hence forward, our ships Companie should have a care how
they came a shore to fight and shed blood, for that the
Law of the Countrey was, that they which went out to
fight, and drew weapon, were to die the death, and all
those which did behold them, obliged to kill both parties,
in paine of ruinating all their generation if they did not
kill both parties.
The foureteenth, I sent M. Cockes and my Jurebasso
to both the Kings, to entreat them to provide me of a
dozen Sea-men, that were able to doe their labour, to goe
with me for England, and for wages I was willing to give
them what in reason their Highnesses thought fit. The
Kings were impeached about other matters ; so they spake
with their Secretaries, who told them, they need not to
speake about that matter to the Kings, for that they would
provide mee a dozen such as should be fit ; but that there
474
JOHN SARIS A.B.
1613.
were divers vagrant people about Towne, which no doubt
would be willing to goe, yet were not fit to be carried to
Sea ; for that when they came there, they would serve for [I. iv. 379.]
nothing but to spend victuals, and of such the Flemmings
served their turne without making request unto them :
and what is become of them or the Ship is not known to
this day. But seeing that now the matter was referred to
them, they would looke out for such as were for our
purpose.
The eighteenth, Foyne the old King sent me word he
would come and visit me, and bring the dancing Beares ,_
or Curtesans of the Countrey, which soone after he did,
being three whoores of the Countrey, and two or three
other men with them, they all dancing and making
musique after the Countrey fashion, although harsh to our
hearings.
The nineteenth, the Captaine Chinesa and George Severe Justice
Duras the Portugall came unto me, desiring me to send ^^ J^/>^^-
to Semidone, to procure the libertie of two honest poore
men, who were like to loose their lives, for bidding a
poore Knave flie, which had stolne a little piece of Lead
not worth three halfe pence, and yet the Malefactor was
taken and put to death, and these men in danger to have
done the like, had I not sent M. Cocks with my Ring to '
Semidone, to desire pardon for them for my sake, which
he granted to procure, and did effect it.
The twentieth, Samedon the King of Crats sent mee
word hee would come aboord our Ship : So I met him
there, he beeing accompanied with both the Kings of
Firando, they had five peeces of Ordnance at their entrie
aboord, and three with shot or Bullets, were shot at a
marke at the request of Samedon. He gave me two
Pikes or Japan staves with Cattans or Sables on the
ends, and so they departed with seven peeces of Ord-
nance for a farewell, one being with shot at the marke
aforesaid.
The twentie two, a Present was laid out, and sent to
ti King of Crats : it was delivered unto him at
475
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
Tomesanes the young Kings house, he being there at
Breakfast, and tooke in very kind part, sending me word
by M. Cockes, that he was doubly obliged unto mee, first
in his kind entertainement aboord, and now in sending
him such a Present of worth, of such things as his Coun-
trey affoorded not the like, and all without any desert of
his : onely the recompence he could make was, that for his
sake, if ever any of the English Nation did come within
his Dominions, he would bid them kindly welcome, and
shew them any favour he could.
The twentie fifth in the morning betimes, the Purser
and M. Hownsell came ashore, and told me Andrew Palmer
the Steward departed out of this world about tenne of the
clocke the night past, and that the Chirurgion Thomas
Warner affirmed (as he told me the like many times before)
that Palmer was the occasion of his owne death, his wound
beeing curable, if he would have bin ruled. I willed the
Purser M. Melsham to goe aboord, and that the Master
and he should take order to carry him, and bury him on
an Hand as secretly as might be, in respect we were about
to get some Japans to goe along in our ship, which it
might be hearing of the death of any one, would make
them the more unwilling.
The twentie eighth, a Japan was put to death : some
said for theft ; others said he was a house-burner : He
was lead by the Hang-man to execution, one carying a
board before him, wherein was written the fact he had
committed, as the like was written in a paper flag over
his head, and two Pikemen followed him with the points
of their Pikes hard to his backe, to have killed him if he
had offered to resist. Divers of this place complained,
that the Ships Company owed them money, and now the
Ship was ready to depart, desired payment, which to pre-
vent a greater inconvenience, I hearkened unto, and wrote
to the Master to enquire aboord who they were that were
indebted, and what the summe was they owed, to the
intent to make satisfaction, and so to abate it out of their
wages.
476
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
Now touching a Factorie to be left there, I had on the
twenty sixth, assembled my Merchandizing counsell,
where upon these considerations, viz. The encouragement
wee had received in the Moluccas by private intelligence,
the Dutch Factorie alreadie planted here in Firando : The
large Priviledges now obtained of the Emperour of Japan :
The certaine advise of the English Factories setled in
Siam and Patane : The Commodities resting unsold upon ^
our hands appointed for these parts, and the hoped for
profit which further experience may produce : It was
resolved, that a Factorie should be left here, viz. eight The setling of
English, three Japan Jurebasses or Interpreters, and two ^^ ^^l^^h
servants, who were appointed against the comming of the j^p^n,
next ships, to search and discover the Coast of Corea, Tush-
may, and other parts of Japan, and Countreys thereunto
adjoyning, to see what good might be done in any of them.
The fifth of December, M. Richard Cockes, Captaine December.
and Cape Merchant of the English Factorie, setled at
Firando in Japan, tooke his leave of me aboord the Clove
with his Companie, beeing eight English, and five others.
After their departure, our Companie was mustered aboord,
finding fortie sixe English, five Swarts, fifteene Japaners,
three Passengers, in all sixtie nine : having lost since our
arrivall here three English, two by sicknesse, one slaine,
and seven which ranne away to the Portugals and c
Spaniards, whilest I was at the Emperours Court. The
names of the English we left in the Factorie with M.
Cockes were William Adams, (entertained at an hundred
pounds the yeere into the Companies service) Tempest
Peacocke, Richard Wickham, William Eaton, Walter Car-
warden, Edward Sares, W^illiam Nelson.
The wind Northerly a stiffe gale, we set saile, beeing ^^^^/^^^^^
foure leagues from the place where wee rid : our course Japan,
South by West, halfe a point Westerly, Latitude thirtie [I. iv. 380.]
three degrees foureteene minutes. Note, that by exact ^^^^^i'^on at
observation on the shoare, we found this Iland of Firando ^^^f^ ^'
to stand in latitude thirtie three degrees thirtie minutes, minutes'
variation two degrees fiftie minutes Easterly, Easterly.
477
A.D.
1613.
We sailed
alongst the
Coast of
China.
A great Cur-
rent shooteth
out betzveene
Corea and the
maine of
China.
Sumbor.
Three hun-
dred sailes of
small Fisher-
tnetit
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
It was resolved to keepe alongst the Coast of China,
directly to Bantam, and so wee brought aboord our star-
boord tacke, and steered away South-west, edging over
for China, the wind at North North-east, a stiffe gale and
faire weather.
The sixth, Latitude thirty one degrees thirty nine
minutes, way South by West forty leagues.
The seventh, it blew very much wind, a storme at North-
west, wee steered South South-west no observation, there
we felt the great Current which shoots out betweene the
Hand Corea and the maine of China, which made a very
great Sea, way South South-west halfe point Westerly
twentie five leagues.
The eight. Latitude twentie nine degrees fortie one
minutes, way South-west, twentie sixe leagues, wind
North-west a very stiffe gale, we steered West South-
west, to make Cape Sumbor upon the Coast of China :
the Sea very much growne, so much wind, that it blew
our maine course out of the bolt ropes.
The ninth. Latitude twentie eight degrees, twentie
three minutes, way South-west three quarters Westerly,
twentie two leagues and two third parts, we sounded and
had fortie nine, and fortie five fathome Ozie, the weather
cleered, and the wind came to the North, but wee could
see no land.
The eleventh, no observation : way West South-west
thirtie five leagues, verie greene water, we kept our Leade,
and had fortie nine, fortie three, thirtie five, thirtie seven,
thirtie fathome, no sight of land, yet very cleere, wind
North and North-west by North.
The twelfth, before day we sounded, and had thirtie
five fathome Ozie, wind North and North-west by North
a stiffe gale, and in the morning esteeming our selves to
bee neere the Coast of China, we had sight of (at the
least) three hundred sailes of Junckes of twentie, thirtie,
and upwards tunnes apiece, whereof two came to the wind-
ward close by us, but perceiving them to be Fisher-men,
we let them passe, using all the faire meanes wee could to
47^
JOHN SARIS
get some of them to come aboard, but could not prevayle.
Wherefore we stood on our course West by South, and
presently descry ed the land, being two Hands called the
Hands of Fishers, bearing West by North halfe a point
Northerly some foure leagues off. Latitude at noone
twentie five degrees fiftie nine minutes, way South-west
by West fiftie leagues, Depth twentie, and twentie sixe
fathome. Soone after, the wind came to North-east, wee
brought our Lar-boord tacke aboord, and steered alongst
the land South South-east, very much wind. About seven
at night we came faire by a Rocke, which, by Gods mercie,
wee descryed by Moone-light, and lay right in our course,
supposing to have runne from noone to this time twelve
leagues. We were within twice our ships length of the
Rocke depth thirtie fathome. Then we haled off South
one watch to give the land a berth, and after mid-night
steered South-west, the wind at North-east very much
wind, and continually following us as the Land trents.
The thirteenth. Latitude twentie foure degrees thirtie
five minutes, variation one degree, thirtie minutes Easterly,
way South-west fiftie foure leagues, wind at North-east
faire weather, wee steered South-west keeping faire by the
Hands, lying alongst the maine of China, some five leagues
off, much wind.
The fourteenth in the morning little wind, having this
night past had twelve and fourteene fathome, then stood
off into deeper water. Latitude at noone twentie two
decrees ten minutes, way South-west by South one quarter
Westerly fortie two leagues wind at East North-east, and
at eight at night we had fifteene, thirteene fathome, at nine
a clocke sixteene, twentie seven, twentie one and twentie
five, sandie ground.
The fifteenth, in the morning we came amongst many
Fisher-boates, but had so much wind as that we could not
speake with them. They made signes to us to keepe up
to the West-ward (as we thought.) Our sounding the last
night to this present was twentie, twentie foure, twentie
five, twentie fathomes, three leagues off the land. Lati-
479
A.D.
1613.
Hands of
Fishers.
Latitude 25.
deg.^().minut.
A Rocke.
Variation
degree 30.
minutes
Easterly.
Latitude 22.
de. 10.
minutes.
Many Fisher-
boates.
I
A.D.
1613.
Latitude, 21.
de. 40.
minutes.
Note.
Latitude 18.
deg.i^.minut.
Variation 50.
min. Westerly.
[I. iv. 381.]
Pulo Cotan.
Plaxel.
Camboia.
A Varella.
Camboia is not
so farE aster ly,
as it is set in
our Flats.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
tude at noone twentie one degrees, fortie minutes, way-
West South-west one quarter Southerly fiftie two leagues.
The wind at North North-east a stifFe gale, we steered in
West North-west Northerly to make the land, and about
two houres after had sight of it, but by reckoning should
not have beene neere it by fiftie sixe leagues, so that the
distance from Firando hither, is lesse by fiftie sixe leagues.
Note, that the Hands which lye alongst the Coast of
China, lye more Southerly then in the plats ; about three
in the after-noone wee were by an Hand called Sancha
about two leagues off, we steered South-west alongst the
land, esteeming to have runne since noone three leagues
West North-west.
The sixteenth, at noone no observation : way fortie
leagues, South-west by South one quarter Westerly, wind
at East with drisling raine.
The seventeenth. Latitude eighteene degrees nineteene
minutes, course South-west by South one quarter Wes-
terly fortie seven leagues, wind at East, variation fiftie
minutes Westerly, we sounded, but had no ground.
The eighteenth, latitude fifteene degrees fortie three
minutes, course South-west by South sixtie leagues, wind
at East a stiffe gale, and at five at night wee had sight of
land beeing an Hand called Pulo Cotan, bearing West
South-west, about five leagues off, wee steering South-
west. This Hand is high land, and lyeth about twentie
leagues (by report) from the shoale called Plaxel, to the
West-ward of it we sounded about eight of the clocke,
but had no ground.
The nineteenth in the morning, the maine of Camboia
was on our star-boord-side about two leagues off : we
steered alongst South by East Easterly, keeping the maine
in sight. Latitude at noone thirteene degrees one and
thirtie minutes, way South by West fortie foure leagues,
wee steered alongst South South-west, making account to
bee thwart Varella : keeping about two leagues off the
shoare, we sounded but had no ground at firtie fathome.
Note, that this land of Camboia lyeth more Easterly in
4^<>
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
our plats, then it should, for wee find South South-west to
goe alongst the land a faire berth off. So that the land
heere lyeth South South-west, and North North-east,
having divers Rockes like Hands, some one league some
league and an halfe off the maine, but otherwise no danger
that we could see. Note also, that heere wee found the
windes trade alongst the shoare, for from Firando hither
we did goe large, finding the wind to follow us as the
land trents.
The twentieth. Latitude ten degrees fiftie three minutes,
course South by West fiftie foure leagues wind at North,
a stiffe gale alongst the shoare. And three Glasses after
we had observed, wee had sight of a small Hand, which
wee made to be the Hand at the end of the shoale, called
Pulo Citi, and at five Glasses running we sounded and had ^»^^ ^^y °^
eleven fathome, fine sand, two leagues off the shoare. ^° ^^^''
We steered alongst Southwest to bring the point of the
shoale called Pulo Citi a starne : then wee sounded about
two Glasses after, and had fifteene fathome. Note, that ^j!l^^!^^![l[
wee found Jan Huijghen Van Linschotens booke very
true, for thereby we directed our selves ever from our
setting forth from Firando.
The one and twentieth. Latitude nine degrees fortie
three minutes course South-west a quarter Westerly thirtie
foure leagues, wind at East North-east a continuall stiffe
gale till noone, then calme, and found that we were in a
tyde girt, our depth all the last night to this noone
was ten, sixteene, seventeene, eighteene, twentie one,
twentie one, nineteene, twentie, twentie, nineteene,
eighteene fathome good ground, but had no sight of
land.
The two and twentieth in the morning, we had sight
of land being an Hand called Pulo Condor, bearing off us Pulo Condor.
about five leagues off, we steered South-west, the wind at
North-east, latitude at noone eight degrees, twentie Latitude 8.
minutes, way South-west by West, fortie leagues and two ^^' ^°' ^^^
third parts. Depth eighteene, nineteene, twentie two,
twentie one, twentie one, twentie two and twentie one
in 481 3H
Obsei'vations
true.
Latitude 2.
deg. 38
min.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
fathomes, we steered South South-west, for the land called
the seven Points.
The three and twentieth, no observing, way South-west
by South one quarter Southerly, fiftie one leagues, depth
twentie, twentie two, twentie foure, and at noone twentie
seven fathomes.
The foure and twentieth, way South-west halfe a point
Westerly, thirtie three leagues one third part, wind at
North-west by North, depth thirtie seven, thirtie nine,
fortie three, fortie, and at noone thirtie five fathome Ozie
ground.
The five and twentieth, latitude two degrees, thirtie
eight minutes, course South by East, one quarter of a
league Easterly, twentie two leagues one third part, the
wind at North-west and East by North, Depth, thirtie
foure, thirtie two, thirtie, thirtie foure, thirtie foure, thirtie
foure, thirtie five. And about foure a clocke in the morn-
ing, we made the land, beeing an Hand called Pulo Timon,
distant from us some five leagues. And at sixe in the
morning, the Northermost part bearing South-west Wes-
terly : and the South part South South-west halfe a point
Westerly, we had sight of another Hand called Pulo Tinga,
bearing South South-west Westerly, about sixe leagues
off at noone.
The sixe and twentieth. Latitude one degree eighteene
minutes, course South-east by South, thirtie two leagues
wind at East and East by North, Depth thirtie seven,
thirtie sixe, thirtie seven, thirtie five, thirtie, and twentie
seven fathome.
The seven and twentieth, course South by East fortie
leagues, and two third parts. Depth, twentie seven, thirtie
one, twentie eight, twentie nine, twentie eight, twentie
sixe, and twentie foure fathomes at noone.
The eight and twentieth, way South South-east, fortie
leagues and two third parts, Depth eighteene, nineteene,
sixteene, eighteene, nineteene, sixteene, & at noone
China-bata,or fift^ene fathome sandie ground, making account that
Pulo bato, China-bata was about one league and an half off being
482
Pulo Timon.
Pulo Tinga.
JOHN SARIS
lowland, and at the South-west point full of Trees or
Bushes. At sixe Glasses after-noone wee sounded, and
had twentie fathomes Ozie ground, steering alongst the
Land South South-east, the wind at North North-west.
Note, that those long Hands on our star-boord-side heere,
and divers small Hands on our Lar-boord-side doe make
the Straights of China-bata, finding it to be truely laid
downe in Plat or Draught made by Jan Janson Mole a
Hollander, which he gave to Master Hippon, and he to
the Companie.
The nine and twentieth, a little before noone, we per-
ceived the water to be much changed a head, and therefore
doubted it to bee a shoale ; so narrowly escaping a very
great danger. Wee sounded and had eleven, twelve,
fourteene, fifteene fathome, but within halfe a Glasse had
eight & seven fathomes & a halfe, it seemed three square
sharp to the South-west-ward, & so we steered when we
had first sight thereof, not farre from the entrance of the
straights of China-bata. This shoale lyeth very danger-
ously, but is truly placed with his depths. Latitude at
noone foure degrees sixe minutes, course South by West
thirtie leagues, wind at North-west and North, depth
twentie, thirteene, fifteene, twentie foure, twentie seven,
twentie, twentie five, twentie, eighteene, ten, ten, ten,
eight and ten fathomes soft sand. And at eight a clocke
in the night, we came to an anchor in seven fathomes, the
weather likely to bee fowle, and our experience little or
nothing, the place verie full of shoales, and before our
anchor was a ground wee were in sixe sixe and a quarter,
five and an halfe, sixe, and then in seven fathomes soft
sandie ground, then wind at North-west a small gale and
rainie.
The thirtieth, this morning we had sight of the Darling,
plying for Coromandell, her Companie one and twentie
English, and nine Swarts. By them wee first understood
of the death of Sir Henrie Middleton, and losse of the
Trades Increase, &c. The weather close, wee observed
not : way South South-west halfe a point Westerly fifteene
483
A.D.
1613.
The Plat of
Jan Janson
Mole.
[I. Iv. 382.]
A dangerous
shoale not far
from the
entrance of the
Straight of
China-bata,
Latitude foure
deg. six min.
The Darling
say ling for
Coromandell.
Death of Sir
H. Middleton,
and losse of
the Trades
Increase.
1
A.D.
1613.
A sunken
ledge of rocks.
The high land
of Sumatra,
January i.
The Expedi-
tion bound for
England.
We arrive din
Bantam
Roade.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
leagues, depth, ten, thirteene, fourteene, eleven, ten, nine,
eight, seven, sixe and an halfe, ten, ten, sixe and
a halfe, seven, five, foure and an halfe, foure and
a quarter, five, five, and foure fathome, hard sandie
ground, esteeming this the shoale described in Moles
Plat, and not that which we made it for. This
night God mercifully delivered us out of a great danger.
For wee passed by a sunken ledge of Rockes, under all
our sayles, within a stones cast of the top thereof, which
was onely seene above water, and, had not the noyse of
the breach upon it wakened us, wee could not have cleered
our selves. Wee did let fall our anchor presently, being
in a great Tide girt, and had seventeene, seventeene
fathomes and an halfe Ozie ground.
The one and thirtieth, in the morning as we rid, the
high land of Sumatra was about leagues off us,
and one Hand a starne. The passed shoale or ledge of
Rockes on the star-boord side, and three small Hands on
our lar-boord bow, lying three square : way South three
quarters Easterly, one and twentie leagues wind at North-
west. Depth, ten, nine, eight, seven, nine, ten, eleven,
twelve, fifteene, twentie two fathome, about eight leagues
off the high-land of Java. We could not get in, because
it fell calme.
The first of January, beeing calme, was most spent at
an anchor. The second having a little wind we set saile,
and about eight of the clocke met with the Expedition,
and understanding that shee was bound home-ward laden
with Pepper, we writ by them to our friends in England.
The third, we came to an anchor in Bantam Roade,
finding (to our great griefe) no lading in readinesse : For
which I justly blamed those whom I had left there to
provide the same, who excused themselves, saying, that
they did not as yet expect me.
I questioned with Kewee, the chiefe Merchant of the
Chineses, (being come aboord to visit me) what price
Pepper did beare, and how he would sell. He answered
that it was alreadie knowne ashoare that I was home-ward
484
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1613.
bound, and must of necessitie lade Pepper, whereof my
Merchants having provided none afbre-hand, I might be
assured it would rise. He said it was then at twelve Rials
of eight, the ten sackes, but he would not undertake to
deliver any quantitie at that price. I offered him twelve
Rials and an halfe for ten sackes, but found him so farre
off, as that there was no hope of dealing at the present.
Note, that of the ten, left in the Factorie heere for the
eight Voyage at our departure for Japan, we found now
but five living at our returne. Betweene Firando and
Bantam, wee lost only one.
The fourth, in the morning, I went ashoare, visited the
Governour of Bantam, and presented him with two faire
Cattans, and divers other things of worth.
This day I bargained with Kewee and Lackmoye for
foure thousand sackes of Pepper, at thirteene Rials of
eight the ten sackes : Basse three the hundred, and
appointed the Merchants to hasten the milling thereof,
all that might be. ^
The fifth was spent in reducing the severall English Fac-' T'h^ multipli-
tories in Bantam to one Government, and setling them in ^Yactfries for
one house : also order was taken that the expence of Dyet ^^^^ Vo'^age,
should bee more frugally managed, and not spent in racke caused the
houses abroad, or on Hang-by Swarts at home, as of late prices to rise,
it had beene : and that the Ware-houses in the Towne ^^^^ Xt/.r
should be fewer in number and better looked unto, as well the particular
it might be, the goods being with more discretion orderly accounts of
stowed. their ozone
The sixth, in the reweighing of the Pepper received the ^W^» ^^^
day before, wee found most of the sackes hard weight, and ^^^ publike
many to want of what the Kings Beame did allow. Where-
fore I sent for the Weigher, used him kindly, intreated
him to take a little more care and paines to amend this
fault, which he promised to doe : whereto the better to
incourage him, I appointed the value of five Rials of eight
to be given him.
The sixteenth, being the Sabbath day, I stayed aboord.
About two of the clocke in the afternoone the Towne
4«5
M'
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
was all on a fire. Wherefore our Skiffe being well manned
[I. iv. 383.] was presently sent ashoare to helpe the Merchants to
guard the goods. The wind was so violent, that in a
The whole moment of time almost the whole towne was burnt downe,
^^Y V the English and Dutch houses excepted, which it pleased
btrmddozvne, ^od of his mercy to preserve.
saving the The twentieth, being ashoare, I procured Lackmoy and
English and Lanching, two Chinesa Merchants, to translate the Letter
Hollanders which the King: of Firando in Japan, had delivered mee
houses. ^ ^ -LT- T '^ V. • r-i_-
to carry to our Kmg James ; it was written in China
Character and Language, they translated it into the
Malayan, which in English is as followeth, viz.
L- To the King of Great Britaine, &c.
"Ost mightie King, how acceptable your Majesties
loving Letter and bountifull Present of many
worthy things sent mee by your servant Captaine John
Saris is unto mee, I cannot sufficiently expresse : neither
the great happinesse I esteeme my selfe to be in, by enjoy-
ing your Highnesse friendship : For which I render you
many thankes, desiring the continuance of your Majesties
love and acquaintance. I am heartily glad of your subjects
safe arrivall at my small Island, from so long a journey.
My helpe and furtherance they shall not want to the
uttermost, for the effecting of their so worthy and laud-
able enterprises of Discovery and Merchandizing, greatly
* This comes commending their forwardnesse therein : referring their
to passe by the hitherto entertainment to the report of your servant, by
LhtnaCharac- , ^ tv /r • • 11
ters which in whom 1 returne unto your Majestie an unworthy token,
proper names wishing your Majestie long life. From my Place of
borrozv the Firando, the sixt day of our tenth moneth.
other words of Your Majesties loving Friend, Commander of this
like or nearest Island Firando in Japan,
'//^^' ^^^ FoYNE Sam-mas AM.
therefore cause
often mtstak- Xhev could not well pronounce his name, for Lanching
inz as Joseph , . ^ '■ , . .®
Acosta hath ^aid it was * Foyne Foshin Sam : but I^ackmoy said as is
observed. above written.
JOHN SARIS
The two and twentieth, such houses as the former fire
had spared, were now burnt downe ; yet the English and
Dutch houses escaped againe : thankes be to God.
The sixe and twentieth, heere arrived a Flemmish
shippe of a thousand tunnes from Holland, called the
Flushing. At the Island Mayo the Company had mutined
against the Captaine, and had murthered him in his Cab-
bin, but that it pleased God a Scotch-man revealed the
matter, even when they were armed to the exployt, so
that they were taken betwixt the deckes with their wea-
pons about them. In this shippe were divers English and
Scottish souldiers. Shee stayed not heere, but towards
evening set saile for Jaccatra.
The seven and twentieth, I went ashoare to hasten the
Merchants, divers of our Company being at this present
fallen sicke. Our ship had now her full lading in.
The first of February, the Darling was enforced to
returne hither, and order by common councell was taken,
both for her goods and present sending to Socadanna, and
after to Patane and Siam.
The thirteenth day, we got out of the Straights of
Sunda. Note that in the Straight of Sunda, the Tides set
twelve houres to the Eastward, which is floud, and twelve
houres to the Westward, which is ebbe.
The sixteenth of May 1614. we came to an anchor in
the Bay of Saldania, where wee found the Concord of
London, being the first that was set out for the joynt
stocke. We found the Naturalls of this place very trea-
cherous at the present, making signes unto us of the
forcible carrying away of two or their people. They had
wounded one of the Concords men very sore ; and whilst
we were up in the Land, they did assault those that kept
our Skiffe, carried away our Grapnell, and had spoiled
those that were left to tend her, but that they tooke the
water.
The nineteenth, heere arrived a Flemmish shippe bound
for Bantam, the Master, Cornelis Van Harte. We
remained heere three and twentie dayes, and having well
487
A.D.
1614.
Divers
English and
Scottish
Souldiers.
February \.
Tide of twelve
houres jioud^
and twelve
ebbe in Sunda.
May 16.
1 614.
The Concord,
the first ship
set out fi)r the
joynt Stocke.
A.D.
1 6 14.
The Beefe of
Saldania
taketh salt
well.
Septemberz'j.
We arrived at
Plmmouth.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
refreshed our selves, tooke with us fourteene Oxen and
seventie sheepe alive, besides good store of Fish and Beefe,
which we powdered there, finding it to take salt well, con-
trary to former reports. For ten dayes after our depart-
ing from Saldania, we had the wind at North-west, and
West North-west, but then came to South-west, so that
we might goe our course North-west.
The seven and twentieth of September, we arrived,
thankes be to God at Plimmouth, where for the space of
five or sixe weekes wee endured more tempestuous
weather, and our lives more endangered, then upon the
whole Voyage besides. Since which, having had some
spare time, I have collected certaine notes (in the Journall
omitted) and have thought good to cause them heere to
attend the former Relation.
[I. iv. 384.]
Yedvoo is an
Hand.
%. IX.
Intelligence concerning Yedzo, delivered in the
Citie of Edoo in Japan, by a Japanner, who
had beene there twice.
Hat Yedzo is an Island, and lyeth on the North-
west side of Japan, and distant from thence ten
leagues : That the people are white, and of good
Hairie people, condition, but very hairy all their bodies over Hke Mun-
keyes. Their weapons are bowes and arrowes poysoned.
The people in the Southermost part thereof doe under-
stand weight and measure : whereof within the Land
thirtie dayes journey they are ignorant. They have much
silver and sand-gold, whereof they make payment to the
Japanners for Rice, &c. Rice and Cotton cloath of Japan,
is heere well requested. Iron and Lead is brought to them
from Japan. Necessaries for the belly and backe are most
vendible to them. Rice transported from Japan to Yedzo,
hath yeelded foure for one.
The Towne where the Japanners have their chiefe resi-
Matchma. dence and Mart, is called Matchma, therein are five
hundred housholds of Japanners, who likewise have a
488
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1614.
Fort there, the Governour whereof is called Matchma-
donna. This Towne of Matchma, is the principall Mart
Towne of all Yedzo, whither the Natives most resort to
buy and sell, especially in September, for their provision
for winter. In March, they bring downe Salmon and
dryed fish of sundrie sorts, and other wares, for which the
Japanners barter, which the Japanners rather desire then
silver.
The Japanners have no setled being or Trade, in any
other Towne then Matchma. That further to the North- ^^^J^^^f ^"^^
ward, upon the same Land, are people of very low stature ^otheNorth-
like Dwarfes. That the Yedzos are people of the stature ward.
of the Japanners : and have no apparrell, but what is
brought them from Japan. That there setteth a very ^ ^^^^^rent to
violent current betweene Yedzo and Japan, which com- f^Qj-th-east
meth from Corea, and setteth to the East North-east.
That the winds are for the most part, as usually they are
in Japan, viz. That the Northerly winds beginne in
September, and end in March, and then the Southerly
winds begin to blow.
[Chap. II.
489
A.D.
1605.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Left eighteene
men in all^
viz. Jive
Mariners,
and thirteene
Jailers.
A Flemmish
Junckefrom
Priaman :
nezves of Sir
Edward
Michelborne.
The danger
from our men
ofwarretoour
Merchants.
Chap. 11.
Observations of the said Captaine John Saris, of
occurrents which happened in the East-Indies
during his abode at Bantam, from October
1605. till Octob. 1609. As likewise touching
the Marts and Merchandizes of those parts ;
observed by his owne experience, or relation
of others, extracted out of his larger Booke,
and heere added as an Appendix to his former
greater Voyage ; and may serve as a continua-
tion of Master Scots premised Relations. To
which are added certaine Observations of the
said Author, touching the Townes and Mer-
chandize of principall Trade in those parts of
the World.
x^..^ ^.....^A
1
He seventh of October 1605. Our Gene-
rall Henry Middleton, and Captain
Christopher Coulthurst departed this
Roade for England. The eight, we
killed one of Keygus Varowes Slaves,
which would have fired our house.
The three and twentieth, here arrived
a Junck of the Flemmings from Priaman, by whom we
understood of Sir Edward Michelborne and Captaine
Davis, there being upon the coast, and that they had taken
a Guzerate Juncke in the Straights of Sunda, which came
from Bantam, bound to Priaman.
The five and twentieth, we were commanded to the
Court, upon the report the Flemmings had made of Sir
Edward, where it was demanded whether wee knew him,
and wherefore hee should offer violence to the Kings
friends, which had done him no wrong. It was answered,
we knew a Knight so called, but whether he were upon
the coast or no, we knew not, nor did know the Guzerate
490
JOHN SARIS
to be taken, but by the report of the Flemmings, which
we held fabulous, and that upon their better considera-
tions, it might proove rather to be one of the Flemmings
ships, which set saile two dayes before the departure of the
said Guezerate from Bantam. Whereupon we were
willed to depart, till further proofe could be made.
The sixe and twentieth, Admirall Vanhangen of Utricke
departed for Holland, with two ships more in company,
by whom we advised the Company of all matters at
large.
The nine and twentieth. Sir Edward Michelborne came
to anchor heere, in the Road of Bantam, Master Towerson
and my selfe went aboord to him, where we had good
entertainment : And he did intimate unto us the taking
of the Guzerate : wee intreated him that he would not
take the China Junckes, the which he promised us, as he
was a Gentleman, he would not.
The second of November 1605. ^^^ Edward set saile,
directing his course for the Straights of Pallingban.
The thirteenth heere arrived a small ship of the Flem-
mings from the Moluccas, called the little Sunne.
The eighteenth, heere departed a small Pinnasse of the
Flemmings, for the discovery of the Hand called Nova
ginnea, which, as it is said, affordeth great store of Gold.
The foure and twentieth, Vansoult set saile for Choro-
mandell.
The second of December 1605. heere arrived three
Junckes from Pattanny, they brought newes of the great
losse the Flemmings had had by fire there.
The seventeenth, Generall Warwicke arrived heere
from Patanny, where hee had taken a very rich Carracke,
which came from Mackcan, the greatest part of her lading
was raw Silke.
The second of January 1605. heere departed a Juncke
of this Towne, fraughted by Chineses for Temore : their
lading or commodities they caried was Brand peeces of
silver, beaten very thin of an hand-breadth English, Iron,
course Purseline, TafFaties, China Pans and Belles. The
4S^
A.D.
1605.
AdmirallVer-
hagen set saile
for Holland.
Sir Edward
Michelborne
came into the
road.
[I. iv. 385.]
Nov. 2. 1605.
Sir Edward
set saile for the
Straights of
Pallingban.
A Flemmish
Pinnasse upon
discovery of
the Hand
called Nova
ginnea.
P aul V ansoult
set saile.
Decern. 2.
1605.
A Flemmish
Juncke from
Patany.
Generall
Warwicke
arrived,
Januar. 2.
1605.
A Java Juncke
set saile for
Tymore
fraughted by
Chineses.
A.D.
1606.
May 23.
1606.
Newes of the
Flemmings
lossofTernata.
The Flem-
mings Pinnasse
pillaged by the
Kings Fleete
of Bantam.
The Kings
Fleet returned.
June 15.
Nockhoda
Tingallfrom
Banda.
Mace sold for
in Bantam an
hundred and
fiftie Riallsy
the Bahar
foure hundred
and fiftie
Cattees.
The Flem-
mings returne
from Nova
ginnea.
August 6.
The Moone
Eclipsed in
Bantam.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
twentieth, arrived a China Juncke, which Sir Edward
Michelborne had taken, and restitution was demanded of
us, the Governour and principall Courtiers being very
much offended, but by the Admirall and Sabandar were
pacified. The Nockhoda of the Juncke alledged many
rich par cells taken.
The three and twentieth of May 1606. heere arrived a
small Frigat of the Flemmings from Ternate, and brought
away their Merchants, which had been left there by Bas-
tianson. The Spaniard had taken away all they had, but
gave every man his libertie. They carried the King of
Ternate for the Mannelyes, and as it was reported, they
purposed to send him for Spaine. Some ten leagues from
Jackatra, this Flemmish Frigat chanced to meete with the
King of Bantams Fleete, which pillaged them of all which
they had saved from the Spaniards. The Flemmings
laboured to get restitution, but could get none of the
Javanes.
The nine and twentieth, the Kings Fleete returned,
having done verie little against their enemies the Palling-
banes.
The fifteenth of June, heere arrived Nockhoda Tingall
a Cling-man from Banda, in a Java Juncke, laden with
Mace and Nutmegs, the which he sold heere to the
Guzerats for an hundred and fiftie Rialls of eight the
Bahar Bantam, which is foure hundred and fiftie Cattees :
he told me that the Flemmings Pinnasse which went upon
discovery for Nova Ginny, was returned to Banda, having
found the Hand : but in sending their men on shoare to
intreate of Trade, there were nine of them killed by the
Heathens, which are man-eaters ; so they were constrained
to returne, finding no good to be done there.
The sixt of August, the Moone was eclipsed about
eight of the clocke in the evening, continuing for the
space of two houres, the Chineses and Javanies beating
of Pans and Morters during her obscuritie, in such
manner, as you would thinke there were no hell but there,
and crying out the Moone was dead.
492
^K 1607.
V^ The fourth of October, 1606. the China quarter was all 9f^'^''''^'
burnt downe, yet it pleased God to preserve Ours. _ The ^^^t-^^^^
same night, the Carracke of the Flemmings set saile for ^^^^^^
Holland, her lading was fifteene thousand sackes of
Pepper, some rawe Silke, and great store of China
Sugar.
The fifth, the West Frisland arrived here from Ternata, '^f^^^f
whence she was beaten by the Spaniards: she was not //J^f^j-^^^j
above halfe laden with Mace, Cloves, and Cotton- Tej-nata.
yarne.
The ninth, here arrived a small Frigat from Soocadanna, -f ^<?^^ f
the Merchant was Claes Simonson, his lading was Wax, j,.^^ s^oZ^-^^
Caulacca, and great store of Diamonds. The thirteenth, ^^^^^^
about midnight we had an Earthquake, it continued not Jn earth-
long, but for the time it was very fearefiill. ^l^^^^ ^"»
The thirteenth of December, here arrived two Junkes ^^^^^^^^ j
of the Flemmings from Jor, by whom we understood, intelligence
that there was a Fleete of Flemmings, beeing eleven ships ^ven by the
before Mallacca. The Commander whereof was Matte- Junckes of
leefe the younger. The ships names were as followeth : Jo^yf^^^^^^
The Orangia Admirall, Amsterdam Viceadmirall, Midle- ^y lemmings at
burgh, Mauritius, Erasmus, Great Sunne, Little Sonne, Mallacca.
Nassaw, Provincies, White Lyon, Blacke Lyon.
The twentie two of May, they came to an anchor before May 22.
Mallacca with nine ships : for their Admirall before their
comming thither, had sent the Provincies and the Erasmus,
for Achen.
The fifth of June, they landed their men, but a little June 5.
before their landing, the Portugals set fire of one Car-
racke and foure Juncks which were in the Road. In
July, the Provincies and Erasmus came to the Fleet at
Mallacca. The twenty fifth of August, the Viceroy with ^^^ ^^.^-
a Fleete of sixteene great ships, were discovered by the ^^^fl^^/L
Little Sunne, which was appointed to keepe watch at an vke-Roy of
Hand called Cape Rochado, who immediately came and Goa with a
certified their Admirall, finding him very much unpro- Fleet of six-
vided, his Ordnance and men beeing ashoare. But by ^^^? ^
the Portugalls calling of a Councel, they gave the Flem-
493
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1607.
mings twenty foure houres time, to get his men and furni-
ture aboord, and to fit himselfe before he came to them.
p[. IV, 386.] Thus being readie, the Flemmings weighed, and stood out
• ^ T'd ^^ ^^^ Harbour to them, where they beganne a good fight,
out of the road, which continued two nights and one day: in which fight
and meet with was burned the ship Middleburgh, the Nassaw, and three
the Fice-roy, Portugal ships. The Orane^ia having sprung a great
•form leake, was faine to put into Jor, the King beeing their
aood fight. great friend and assistant, the Fleet following him, where
he remained one moneth, and then set saile for Mallacca
againe, where he met with sixe ships of the Portugals, of
Three Portu- |.j^g which the Flemmings burnt three, and the Portugals
fy \heFlm themselves burnt three. From thence they departed for
and three by the Nicubars, where they found the Vice-roy with seven
themselves. ships, but they were haled so close ashoare, that they durst
TheFlem.^ not deale with them.
ro^'lt'th''' ^^^ twentieth, he arrived here with sixe ships. The
'Nicubars, but twenty ninth, he departed for the Moluccas.
they were so The foureteenth of May, 1607. here arrived a Malaia
strong ashoare, Junke from Grese, by whom we understood, that Julius
m^deak^with ^ ^^^^"^"^i^gj ^^^ five more, which departed this Road the
^^^^ thirtieth of November, 1606. for Soocadanna, was put to
Mateleefe death at Bemermassen, and all their goods taken by the
departed fi)r King of that place, the occasion (as it is reported) pro-
the Molluccas. needed from the Flemming, who had used certein foule
Flemmoreput Speeches of the King, which he came to the hearing of, and
to death at thereupon sent for the Merchant and Master, and by the
Bemermasser. way gave order to kill them.
A ship called np }^g seventeenth of August, here arrived the Great
Sunne arrived ^^^^^ from Choromandell, the Captaine Peter Isaacson,
from Choro- by whom we understood, that upon the Hand of Selon,
mandel. they tooke a very great ship of the Portugals, out of
whom they had eightie Packs several sorts of cloath, eight
hundred Bades of Sugar bound for Malacca. Item, that
in the Road of Masulipatan, where their Factory lieth,
they took a Portugal ship very richly laden with all sorts
of Commodities fit for that Coast, which was greatly for
their benefit, for that they were ignorant what Commo-
494
JOHN SARIS
dities were most vendible there : her lading was Cloves,
Mace, Nut-megs, China TafFaties, Velvets and Dam-
masks of the brightest colours, but no white, China Porse-
line fine and course, but your great Basons with brims are
the best. Item, the Flemming hath Factories in three
severall places upon that Coast, but not farre the one from
the other, viz. At Masulipatan, at Pettapoli, and Balli-
gat. Mesulipatan lieth in the latitude of seventeene
degrees. It is a place of great plentie of victualls, thirty
two Hennes for a Riall, two sheep for a Riall, an Oxe for
a Riall. Item, in the moneth of May, the wind at West,
it is so extreame hot there, that you would thinke the wind
would take away your breath, yet can you not by any
meanes sweat till the Sunne be downe, and then you shall
sweat very much : wherefore in this Moneth they goe not
abroad in the day time, but in the night, for there have
been many smoothered.
The seventh, here arrived a small Pinnasse from an
Hand called S. Lucia, in the latitude of twentie foure
degrees and an halfe, about a mile from the Hand of Mada-
gascar, where they were forced in by a leake in the Car-
racke, which departed from hence the fourth of October,
1606. they were forced to throw away three thousand
sacks of Pepper, besides other Commodities to great
value. They reported unto us, that it is a very good
place to refresh in. The people have no knowledge of
Coyne : they bought a fat Oxe for a Tinne spoone, and a
sheep for a small peece of Brasse : it is hard ground, and
very good riding in seven and eight fathome. The
foureteenth of November, 1607. Captaine David Middle-
ton arrived here in the Consent of London.
The seventeenth, the Flemmish Admirall Matteleefe
arrived here from the Coast of China, where he hoped to
have gotten Trade, but could not : he proffered them at
Canton an hundred thousand Rialls of eight for a gift
onely, but they would not accept it ; he was there in great
danger of taking, by sixe Carracks which came out of
Maccau of purpose for him : they made him cast off his
495
A.D.
1607.
The places
where the
F lemmings
hath left Fac-
tors upon the
coast of Choro-
mandell.
The latitude oj
the Countrey.
In the Month
of May much
wind.
A Flem. from
5. Lucia upon
the Hand of
Madagascar.
C apt. Middle-
ton arrived in
the Consent of
London.
Matteleefe
arrived from
the coast of
China.
A.D.
1607.
The ship Gel-
derlandfrom
Holland,
Admiral
Paulus van
Carle with 7.
The Flem.
assault the
Castle of
Mosambique.
[I. iv. 387.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Pinnasse, the which the Portugals tooke. He touched
at Camboya and Pahang, but bought nothing but vic-
tuals.
The seventeenth of December, 1607. ^^^^ arrived the
Gelderland from Holland. They came betweene S. Laur-
ence and the maine : their first place of refreshment was
at Mayot, one of the Hands of Gomora, where they set
up a fine Pinnasse. It is a good harbour, but there is
little cattel to be had. From thence to Callicut, where in
their way they tooke a small Boat of Meeca, laden with
Rice and people of divers Nations. The Towne of Cali-
cut lieth by the Sea-side, and is thought to be five English
miles long. The Sambrin which is their King, came
downe unto them, he was very rich in apparell, having a
Crowne of Gold over his Turbant, a naked Sword in his
hand, which is the manner there, he gave the Flemmings
good words, ofi^ering to let them leave a Factorie there :
but they durst not trust him, the Portugal being so great
with him.
The twenty seventh, here arrived Admirall Paulus van
Carle, with seven very good ships, and one Portugall
Frigat. They refreshed at Cape de Lope Gonsalvo, which
lieth upon the Coast of Ginnie, where they found very
good water and fish ; they continued here sixe weekes,
having the wind at South-east by East. From hence to
an Hand called Annabon, upon the same Coast.
The thirtieth of March, Stilo novo, we (say they) came
to an anchor in the road of Mosambique, letting fall our
anchor in eighteene fathomes, the Castle shooting very
hotly at us, but wee answered them not againe, but made
all the speed we could aboord of two great Guzerate
shippes and a Frigat which ride hard by us, laden with
Callicoes, course blue cloth with white spots, and some with
red spots, the which for the most part we tooke out, and
set the great ships on fire, but the Frigat we kept. The
thirtie one, we mustred our men, finding nine hundred
ninetie five, all well and in perfect health.
The first of Aprill, we landed seven hundred men, and
496
JOHN SARIS ^ A.D.
1607.
seven peeces of Artillerie, viz. eight Demy-Cannons of
Brasse, two Demy-Culverings of Iron, and battered upon
the Castle, but to little purpose : wherefore we brought
our trenches so neere the enemie, as we could heave stones
into them. And the same night we began to make our
mine, but there fell so much raine, that we were constrained
to give it over. Here they heaved fire-pots downe from
the walls upon us, which scalded our men very much, and
perceiving hereof, sallied out upon us, to our great detri-
ment. Thus having been here sixe weekes ashoare, our
men beeing hurt and sicke, wee brought our Ordnance and
men aboord, having lost in all fortie men, we set saile out ^°^f^^ ^^^^'
of the Roade, the Castle shooting very hotly at us, so that ^ ^^^^'
they sunke the sterne Most of our Fleete, which was a
very tall ship : and other of our ships had thirtie shot
through their sailes and hull. The Gunner was an
Englishman.
From hence we went for Mayotto, which is one of the ^^y°^ ^ ^^^'^
Hands of Gomora, to refresh our men. Here we bought ^^^/^^
sixe hundred twenty Oxen, thirty five Sheepe, and Goates,
to the great comfort of us. These people have know-
ledge of Coyne, and would deale with us for no Commo-
ditie but Rialls. The King made a decree, that no man
should sell us any Cattell, untill the Kings were sold, the
which he would not sell us under three Rialls of eight the
piece ; but his peoples cattell we bought for a Riall of
eight the piece, but sheepe and Goats cheaper. Here
we mustred our men againe, having bin here six weeks
& found our selves nine hundred & forty strong : where-
fore it was determined to goe againe for Mosambique, to
assault the Castle once againe. But comming into the
Roade, we found three Carracks riding there, which were
newly come from Portugal, whereupon it was held best,
[■piot to goe in againe, but to ply off and on, to see if they
would come forth ; but they did not, wherefore we stood
away alongst the shoare some thirtie leagues off the land ^ Mrdowne a
for Goa : where at a Towne called Seperdowne, we landed good place to
all the Guzerats which wee had out of the ships at Mosam- refresh at.
HI 497 2 1
I
A.D.
1607.
A Carracke
taken hard by
the Hands of
Commodo.
Ten Gallies in
the Road of
Calicut of the
Portugals.
The Flem. give
the Sambrine
of Callicut a
Present.
Paulus van
Carle set saile
for the
straights of
Mallacca.
Paulus van
Carle
returned.
Mattaleefe set
saile for
Holland.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
bique. At this place is good refreshing and cheape,
twentie hennes for a Riall, one hundred and fiftie Egges
for a shilHng, and as much fresh fish as would serve all the
ships companie for a day, for a Riall of eight. It lieth in
eighteene degrees to the North of the line, and is not far
from Chaul : we rid in seven fathomes clay ground. The
people are Moores, and great enemies to the Portugals :
it affoords no Marchandise but a little Pepper. From
hence hard by the Hands of Commodo to the North of
Goa seven leagues, we tooke a Carracke which was come
from Lisbone, her lading was most Rialls of eight, currant
Spanish coine ; all which we tooke out, and set her on fire.
The Captaine we tooke with us, his name was Jeronymus
Telbalditto. At Goa we remained a Moneth at anchor,
hoping to have met with the Carrackes which we had scene
at Mosambique, but they came not : wherefore we set
saile, and went for Callicut, purposing to have spoken
with the Sambarine, but by reason of tenne Gallies, which
were come from Goa and lay there, we went not ashoare,
fearing some Treason. We sent him a Present, which was
two pieces of Iron Ordnance, and one piece of Brasse, we
sent our Caske ashoare to fill with water, but we could
find none that we durst drinke. From hence we shaped
our course for Cape Commerin to looke for water but
could get none : wherefore we directed our course
for the straights of Mallacca, but finding the winds
and Current contrary, we came directly for Bantam,
having been out of Holland twenty one Moneths and
an halfe.
The thirtie one of December, he departed this Roade
with seven ships, and one Frigat to spend some time in
the straights of Malacca, in hope to have met with the
Mackaw shippes, but could not.
The fourth of January, 1607. ^^ arrived in the Road
here, leaving his ships riding at Poolo Tindoo. The fifth,
he departed hence for the MoUuccas.
The eio^hteenth, Admirall Matteleefe the younger set
saile for Holland : his lading was twelve thousand sackes
498
JOHN SARIS AD.
1608.
of Pepper, foure hundred sackes of Nutmegs, Sugar,
Ebony wood, and some raw Silke.
This yeare, 1608. arrived here many Junkes of China,
and other places, which I forbeare to mention.
The nineteenth of August, arrived a Flemmish ship j ^^^^' ^^^P
called the Erasmus from Amboyna, having in her some j^^^
seven hundred Bahars of Cloves, which she laded at
Hitto.
The first of September, arrived a small Pinnasse of the ^ F/em. Pin-
Flemmings from Mackian, by whom we understood of ^^^J'J[°^
two ships called the China and the Dove were cast away,
riding at anchor afore Mackian, with very litle wind at
West, which makes such a Sea, that it is not possible for
ships to ride there, by reason it is foule ground, and very
deepe water, as seventy and eightie fathomes. Item, that
they had taken Mackian and Taffasal without the losse Mackian and
of a man, and had left in each place, one hundred and ^^£^^^1^1^^^^
twenty Flemmings : in like manner they had strengthened /^^^^ qJ-q^^
the Castle at Malayo. man.
The tenth, departed a Pinnasse of the Flemmings for ^ F^^^- Pi^-
Soocadanna, to fetch away the Merchants whom they ^^^^^j^^^^
heard could get in no part of their debts, left there by
Clawes Simonson, and that they were very sicke.
The three and twentieth, arrived the ship Zeland from [I. iv. 388.]
Banda, halfe laden with Mace and Nutmegs, her burthen ^^/l^^^"''^
was an hundred and fiftie last. The five and twentieth, ^^anda^
arrived the Hay from Choromandell, her lading was The Hay from
divers sorts of Mallayo cloth, and cloth Cherra Java. Choromandell.
The second of October, arrived the Dragon from Pria- ^^ Dragon
man, wherein was Generall William Keeling. The •'^^^ riaman.
seventh, the Generall went up to the Court, and delivered
the King our Kings Letter, with a Present, which was five ^ ^'^"^'^^i-
Peeces, one Bason and Ewer, one Barrell of powder. ^f^Ba/tam^^
IHr The thirteenth in the morning very early, the Cover- The Gover-
nour and his Jerotoolies were killed by the Pungavas, the nour and his
Sabandar, Admirall, Key depatty Utennagarra, &c. who J^/ofooles
assembled themselves over night at Keymas Patties house, ^ ^ *
and beset the Court, first laying hold of the King and his
499
A.D.
1608.
A Flem. Pin-
nasse from
Soocodanna.
Five saile of
Flem. bound
for Holland.
A Flem. Pin-
nace from
Malacca.
A Pinnasse of
theFlemmings,
for Sooca-
danna.
W. Keeling
set say le for
England.
He returned
hacke.
He departed.
He returned
meeting with
the Hector in
the Straights.
A Flem. from
Holland which
had met with
two English
ships in 2,1. de.
to the North
of the Cape of
Cop Premeros.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Mother ; and then they ranne into the Governours Court,
thinking to have found him in bed, but he was on the
backeside his bed, where they found him, and wounded
him first on the head, whereupon he fled to the Priest called
Keyfinkkey, who came forth and intreated them for his
life, but they would not be perswaded, but perforce ran in,
and made an end of him.
The eighteenth, arrived the Flemmings Pinnasse from
Soocodanna, and brought away their Merchants, leaving
the Countrey much indebted unto them.
The sixth of November, set saile the Vice-Admirall of
Paulus van Carle, with five saile for Holland : their lading
was Cloves, Mace, Nutmegs, Pepper and Diamonds. The
eighth, arrived a small Pinnasse of the Flemmings from
Malacca, by whom wee understood of thirteene saile of
ships which rid there, and that in their Voyage they had
taken two Carrackes.
The ninth of November, 1608. Samuel Plummer de-
parted this Roade for Soocadanna, to remayne there.
The fourth of December, being Sunday in the after-
noone our Generall William Keeling departed this Roade
for England in the Dragon. The sixth, hee was forst
backe by foule weather and West-winds. The tenth, hee
departed from the West point. The thirteenth, hee re-
turned having met with the Hector in the Straights of
Sonda. They were very weake, their men for the most
past toucht with the Scurvie. The Portugalls of Damas
had betrayed their Boates at Surat, taken nineteene of
their men, and nine thousand Rials in Cloth as it cost
there. Item, as they came for Bantam, they tooke a small
Frigat of Collumba, out of which they tooke eleven packes
of Cloth, contayning in all eightie three Clothes, thirteene
pieces poulings, which were sent for the Hands of Banda.
The sixteenth of December, arrived a small ship from
Holland, by whom we understood of two ships which
they met withall to the North of the Cape Bona Speransa
in thirtie two degrees. They made them to bee English
ships, but whether they were bound they were not cer-
500
JOHN SARIS AD.
1608.
taine, but the smaller shippe bore the Flagge in the maine-
top. This shippe had beene on her Voyage eight
monethes and ten dayes, they refresht at one of the Hands
of Comora, called Pulo Lamone, where they had great
store of Beeves and Goats for old Knives and Tinne
Spoones.
The two and twentieth, she set saile for Mallacca, to A Flem. Pin-
their fleet which lay there, to will them to give over their y^^^^^^^y^^
siege.
The three and twentieth, departed the Dragon for T^he Dragon
England : Captaine, Gabriell Towerson. fi' ^^««^^'^«^-
The first of January, 1608. our Generall William Keel- T'he Hector
ing set sayle in the Hector for the Hands of Banda. > ^'''''^'''
The seventh, arrived two shippes and a Pinnasse of the ^^'^ ^^^P^ ^^^
Flemminpfs from Choromandell, laden with Cloath the ^^H^nZ..
1 • 1 ° 1 111 11 1 1 /'^^ Lnoro-
which some part they had taken, and the rest bought. mandelL
They had taken five prizes, one a Carricke at Mosam-
bique.
The fifteenth of January, 1608. departed the great Three Flem,
Sunne, and the two ships which came from Choromandell. ^^^^-^^
The third of Februarie, arrived Admirall Williamson ^ Fleet from
Verhoofe with twelve sayle of good ships from Mallaca. Holland,being
The fourteenth, the Admirall with seven ships de- i'^^l'^'^ ^^'^l^-
parted for the Molluccoes. ^ X'Ludiuc
The ninth of March, the Flemmings caused a meeting j meeting: at
at the Court of all the Pungavas, To tell the King that the Court by
they had received Letters from their King, which did tk^ Flem. pro-
make mention of peace betweene them and the Portugalls. ^«^'^^^«^-
Wherefore they thought good to certifie so much unto
them, To this end that if the Portugalls should come
thither under colour to trade with them, and so set upon
them for their Countrey, they could not take their parts
as aforetime they could have done, by reason the King of
Holland and Portugall were friends. Where at the Javans
fell all into a great laughter, smoking them, that their pre-
tence was to strike feare into them of the Portugall,
doubting the King would if they came, give them peace-
able Trade, which would be the overthrow of the Flem-
501
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1608.
mings. The Governour gave them no answere, but
willed them to take their course.
Our House The twentieth, It pleased God to deliver us from a great
escaped burn- ^janger, for a Chineses house next unto our Ware-house
tooke fire and was burnt downe, but ours escaped.
/ was sent for Xhe one and twentieth, I was sent for to the Court by
to t e Lourt. p^j^gj-a^j^ Areaumgalla the Governour. I went and carryed
with me a Present which was one Peece, one Mallee Goo-
baer, one piece Morey, one piece Mallayo Pintado, one
[I. iv. 389.] Bandaleere, one roll of Match, the which he accepted very
kindly, he told me he had sent for me, hearing that there
were two men in chaines in our house for debt, and he
would know by whose order I kept them. I told him by
the order of the King we had taken them up, and hoped
that he would not take them from me before I were satis-
fied my debt, or some part, and that it was due by them,
I shewed their Bils : hee said, hee thought they were
indebted, but that the King gave us leave to chaine them
up, he knew to the contrary, wherfore he would have
them loosed, but with much intreatie, I perswaded that
he gave me leave to keep them til Tanyomge, which ought
foure hundred twenty Rials & a half, should pay one
hundred, and Bungoone which ought five hundred Rials,
& one hundred sacks of Pepper, should pay twentie bagges
of Pepper, and one hundred Rials in money, according as
hee had before agreed and given me his Bill. Wherefore
hee sent one of his slaves home with me to tell the
Prisoners thereof, willing them to resolve and pay me.
The foure and twentieth, I was sent for to the Court,
and the Flemmings : hee demanded of the Flemming
whether it was their Countrey manner to take up a man
for debt without telling of the King, the Flemming said
The Cover- no, whereupon he willed me presently to let them out,
nours order, cleane forgetting his promise three dayes before, the which
/ zvas sent for j charp;ed him with, but all would not prevayle ; whtrt-
to the Court, ^ 1 r ^ ^r^ i 111
and willed to ^^^^ ^^ ^^^t one ot the Kmgs slaves and tooke them out
deliver the of the house. The which strict course I hold to be taken
Chineses up. against us, by the instigation of the Flemmings, wrought
50?
^F 1609.
by Lackmoye, to the end we should not trust the
Chineses : so that by this course they must needs come
to him, & he being fitted with all sorts of Commodities
from the Flamming, will wholly overthrow our Trade, in
respect wee cannot trust but at hazard, for there is no
Justice to bee had.
The three and twentieth of Aprill, 1609. ^^^^ arrived A Phnasse of
a small Pinnasse of the Flemmings from Soocadanna and f/^^^s^^^J^^^
Ternata : by whom wee understood that Admirall Pauls ^^^^^
Vankerle was taken at Ternata.
The one and twentieth of May, 1609. ^ Pinnasse of A Pinnasse of
the Flemmings set saile for Bemermassin, upon a league ^heFkmmings
made betweene them. And with purpose to search every \iassin.
Creeke and corner of the Hand. For they have heard
there is much Gold there and Bezars, the which is to bee
traded for with Beads and other Haberdasher-ware.
The sixe and twentieth of August, 1609. arrived Cap-
taine William Keeling from Banda, having laden there
twelve thousand foure hundred eighty foure Cattees one
halfe quarter of Mace, fiftie nine thousand, eight hundred
fortie sixe Cattees of Nutmegs, which stood them in nine,
ten and eleven Rials the Bahar, the Cattee there weighing
thirteene and an halfe of our English Ounces. The smal
Bahar Mace is ten Cattees, or one hundred Cattees of Nut-
megs : & the great Bahar is one hundred Cattees of Mace,
or one thousand Cattees of Nutmegs : so that if a man be
indebted unto you ten Cattees of Mace, and will give you
one hundred Cattees of Nutmegs you cannot refuse it.
The fourth of October, 1609. Captaine Keeling set TheHectorset
saile from Bantam, having taken in the rest of his lading, ^^y^^from
which was foure thousand nine hundred bagges, three ^^^^^^^
Cattees of Pepper, in the which ship called the Hector, I
came for England having beene in the Countrey foure
yeares, nine monethes, eleven dayes.
[Certaine Rules
503
A.D.
1605-09.
Also from
Sumatra,
Potannie,Cau-
chauchene.
Burrowse
yeeldeth
Tyurall,
called in Eng-
lish Buris,
worth there a
Riall the
Cattee, and
heere ten
shillings the
pound,itiskept
in Grease.
[I. iv. 390.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Certaine Rules for the choise of sundry Drugges, as
also from whence they may be had, as foUoweth.
Lignum Aloes, is a wood so called by us, but of the
Mallayens, it is called Garroo. The best commeth
from Mallacka, Syam, and Cambaya. The best is that
which is in large round stickes and very massie, of blacke
colour intermixed with Ashe-coloured veines. In taste
some-what bitter and odoriferous, and being burnt, it
becommeth like unto Pitch in bubbles. If a splinter
thereof be laid upon a fire-coale, for if it be good, it will
not leave frying till it bee quite consumed, casting forth a
most delectable Odour.
Benjamin, is a Gumme called by the Mallayens Min-
nian. The best sort commeth from Syam, which is very
pure, cleere and white, with little streakes of Amber
colour. The other sort which is not altogether so white,
but is also very good, commeth from Sumatra. And a
third sort which commeth from Priaman and Barrowse, is
very course like Horse-bread, not vendible in England,
but well esteemed in Bantam.
Civet, the best is that which is of a deepe yellow
colour some-what inclining to the colour of Gold, not
whitish, for that is usually sophisticated with Grease, yet
if it bee newly taken, it is naturally whitish, and will in
continuance of time become of a yellowish colour.
Muske, there are three sorts, blacke, browne and yel-
low, of which the first is naught, the second is good, the
last best : which ought to be of colour like the best Spick-
nard, that is, of a deep Amber colour, inclosed with one
onely skinne, and not one over another, as it is oftentimes
to be seene, not over-moist which maketh it waightie, but
in a meane, having some haires like bristles, but not over-
many, cleere of stones, leade, or other trash intermixed,
and of so strong and fragrant a smell, that to many it is
offensive, and being tasted in the mouth, it pierceth ihe
very braine with the scent, and ought not over-soone to
dissolve in the mouth, nor yet to remayne very long undis-
504
JOHN SARIS AD.
1605-09.
solved in any hand, it must not be kept neere to any
sweet Spices, least it lose the sent.
Bezar, there are heere of two kinds, the one brought
from the West, the other from the East-Indies, whereof
the East-India Bezar is worth double the price of the
other. The formes of both are divers, some round, others
long like Date-stones, others like Pidgeons Egges, some
like the Kidneyes of a young Goate, and others in forme
of a Ches-nut, but all for the most part are blunt at the
ends, not picked, and no lesse varietie is also to be seene
in the colours, for some are of light redde, others of colour
like Honey, many of a darke Ash-colour like that of the
Civet-Cat, but for the most part of a water ish-greene.
The East-India Bezars consist of many peelings and scales,
as it were artificially compacted together, in manner of the
skinnes and peeles of an Onion, each inclosing other,
bright and splendent, as if they were polished by Art, the
one peeling being broken off, the next is more splendent or
brighter then the former, these peelings are some thicke,
some thinne, according to the largenesse of the stones,
and the larger the stone is, the better for sale. This is a
certaine way to make tryall of Bezars ; take the direct
waight of the stone, then put him into water, and let it
stand for the space of foure houres, then see if he be not
crackt, wipe it dry, and weigh it againe, if it weigh never
so small a matter more then he did at the first, then build
upon it, it is not good. Thus have I proved my selfe
many times in Bantam, and have had divers turne to
Chalke with a little sticke in the middle, which hath
weighed a Taile Java, which is two Ounces. The most
Counterfeites come from Soocodanna, which is upon
Burneo. These names in the Margent, are the places ^^i^^^h
from whence they may be had. foZTamT/
Amber, there is hereof, if you regard the colour, many Mackasser,
sorts, as blacke, white, browne, and gray ; of all which the Insula das
blacke is usually the basest, and the gray the best, of v acas, which h
which choose what is best clensed from filth or drosse, ^ll^QamTa^a
pure of it selfe, of colour inclining to a white, and of an
505
A.D.
1605-09.
The Java
Alphabet is
twentie letters,
the Mallayens
foure and
twentie.
Bahar Ban-
tam:
Coolack Oj
Bantam.
Deceit in the
weigher.
Junckes from
Cheringin and
Jauby.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Ash-colour intermixed with veines, some Ash-colour,
other whitish, being put into a bowle of water, it ought
to floate aloft. The which, although some which is
sophisticated may doe, yet this is certaine, that none which
is pure will sinke in the water. The greatest quantitie
commeth from Mosambique and Sofala.
Of all the chiefe and principal} Townes for Trade
in these parts, with their severall names and
situations, and also what commodities they doe
affoord, and what is there desired.
BAntam, a Towne situate in the Hand of Java Major,
standeth in the latitude of sixe degrees to the South
of the Equinoctiall, and hath three degrees variation West.
To this place is great resort of divers Nations, in sundrie
sorts of commodities. For of it selfe it affoordeth little
but victuals. Cotton wooll and Pepper, whereof the quan-
titie may be at a harvest (which is in the moneth of
October) some thirtie or thirtie two thousand sackes, each
sacke containing forty nine Cattees and an halfe China,
and each Cattee twenty one Rials and an halfe English,
a sacke is called a Timbang, and two Timbanges is one
Peecull, three Peeculls is a small Bahar, and foure Peeculls
and an halfe a great Bahar, which is foure hundred fortie
five Cattees and an halfe. Item, there is a Coolack, by
the which the Javanes most commonly deale, because they
are not very perfect in the use of the Beame ; it con-
taineth seven Cattees and a quarter, and seven Coolackes
is a Timbang (water measure) the which is one Cattee and
a quarter, greater then the Beame (there should be no
difference, but that the weigher, which is alwayes a
Chinesa, doth give his Countrimen leave to get) for ac-
cording as he favours, he can fit them with a great or a
small measure, at his pleasure. Item, there commeth in
the moneths of December and January to this place, many
Junckes and Prawes laden with Pepper from Cherringin
and Jauby, so that in the fine of January there is alwayes
506
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1605-09.
Pepper sufficient to lade three good shippes. Item, the In the fine of
King hath no Coine of his owne, but what commeth from /^^^J^'Z^
China, which is called Cashes, and is made of the drosse of ;^^-^^ ^y p^^.
Lead, it is round and thin, with holes to string them on, perinBantam.
a thousand Cashes upon a string, called a Pecoo, which is China Cashes.
of divers values, according as Cashes rise or fall, where-
with they know how to make their accounts, which is as
followeth : ten Pecooes is a Laxsau, ten Laxsaues is a
Cattee, ten Cattees is an Uta, ten Utaes is a Bahar.
Item, you are to understand, there are two manner of
wayes of the stringing of Cashes; the one called Chu-
chuck China, the other Chuchuck Java, of which the Java ^^^ ^^^^.^
is the best, for there should be two hundred Cashes upon bantam called
a Tacke, but for the China Tackes you shall find but an chuckuck
hundred and sixtie, or an hundred and seventie : five Java,
Tackes should make a Pecoo ; so that you lose two
hundred Cashes upon a Pecoo, or an hundred and fiftie,
which will rise to a great matter, if you deale for much ;
but by the law of the Countrey they are to be just a
thousand Cashes upon a string, or to give Basse, which is ^^^^^ <^^^^^d
allowance. _ falT'^'''
Item, upon the departing of the Junckes, you shall buy p^^r^ \q ^^^
thirtie foure and thirtie five Pecooes for a Riall, which made in
before the next yeere you may sell for twentie two and ingrossingof
twentie for a Riall, so that there is great profit to be made, ^^^^^^'
but the danofer of fire is g^reat.
Item, the weight used to weigh Bezars, Civit and gold,
is called a Taile, which is two Rialls of eight and a [I- iv. 391.]
quarter, or two ounces, English. Item, a Mallaya Taile The weight
' T-.'iir-i iiir 1 used tn weigh-
is one Rial! or eight and a nalre, or one ounce and one i„n-ofBexars,
third part English. Item, a Taile China is i^V. Riall of Civet and
eight, or one ounce and one fift part English, so that ten Gold, with the
Tailes China is sixe Tailes Java, exactly. Item, the (content of their
English commodities vendible heere, are as followeth : ^^^n^f^ Q^ffjl
English Iron, long and thinne barres, sixe Rials the Pee- modities
cull : Lead, in small pigges, for five and twentie or sixe vendible in
and twentie peeces, five Rialls and a halfe the PeecuU : Bantam.
Powder, fine round cornd, the barrel! five and twentie
507
A.D.
1605-09.
Februajy and
March, the
time of the
comming of the
ChinaJunckes
for Bantam^
and what com-
modities they
are laden with.
Commodities
from China.
Benjamine,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Rialls : Peeces square, sanguined, the peece ten Rialls, of
sixe foot long : Peeces square, damasked all over, fifteene
Rialls, of sixe foote long and a halfe : Broad-cloth of ten
pound the Cloath, of colour Venice red, a Gasse, which is
three quarters of a yard, three Rialls of eight : Opium
Misseree, which is the best, eight Rialls the Cattee :
Amber, in great beads, one Wamg and a halfe Taile Mal-
laya, sixe Rialls of eight : Corall, in large branches, five
and sixe Rialls, the weight of the Taile Mallaya : Rialls
of eight, the principallest commodities you can carry.
Item, in the Moneths of February and March, heere
commeth three or foure Junckes from China, very richly
laden with Silkes raw and wrought, China Cashes, Purse-
line, Cotton cloath of divers fashions and prices, as fol-
loweth, viz. Raw-silke of Lamking, which is the best, an
hundred and ninetie Rialls the Peecull : Raw-silke of
Canton, which is courser, eightie Rials the Peecull :
TafFata in boults, an hundred and twelve yards the peece,
fortie six Rials the Corge, twenty peeces : Velvets
all colours, thirteene yards the peece, twelve Rialls
Damaske all colours, twelve yards the
Rialls the peece ; white Sattins, twelve
yards long the peeces, eight Rialls : Burgones, ten
yards long the peece, fortie five Rialls the Corge : Sleve-
silke, the best made colours, three Rialls the Cattee :
Muske the best, two and twentie Rialls the Cattee :
Sewing Gold the best, fifteene knots, every knot
thirty strings, one Riall : Velvet Hangings imbroydered
with gold, eighteene Rialls ; upon Sattins, fourteene Rials :
white Curten stuffes, nine yards the peeces, fiftie Rialls
the Corge ; white Damaske Flat, nine yards the peeces,
foure Rialls : Sugar white the Peecull, three Rials and a
halfe, very drie : Sugar Candy very drie, five Rials the
Peecull : Purseline Basons the peeces, two Rialls, very
broad and fine : Callico cloath, course, white and browne,
fifteene Rialls the Corge : Course Purseline, Drugges, and
divers other commodities they bring, but because they are
not for our Countrey, I doe omit. Benjamine very good
508
the peece :
peece, sixe
i^f^f^
JOHN SARIS
and white, five and thirtie, and thirtie RIalls the PeecuU :
Lignum-Aloes, eightie Rialls the Peecull : Allum, which
is as good as the English, and comes from China, two
Rialls and a halfe the Peecull. Choromandell Cloath is a
principall commoditie heere, the most vendible sorts are
called Goobares ; Pintadoes of foure and five covets :
Fine Tappies of Saint Thomas, Ballachos, Java Girdles,
alias Caine-Goolong, Callico Launes, Booke Callicos, and
Callicos made up in rowles, white. Item, a Goober is
double, and containeth twelve yards, or sixe Hastaes
single. Item, Ballachos, course and fine, containing two
and thirtie or foure and thirtie Hastaes, but the finest are
alwayes longest.
Item, the fine Tappyes of Saint Thomas, sixe Hastaes.
Item, Moorees is a fine sort of cloath, but not very much
used heere, for it is deare and short, containing sixteene
Hastaes, at two Rialls and a quarter. Item, Booke Cal-
licos, if they be not corted, are two and thirtie Hastaes.
Item, all sorts of Mallayan cloath are generally eight
Hastaes long, wherefore it is called, Cherra Mallaya.
Item, generally all sorts of Cotton cloath, which is broad,
and of good length, is well requested heere.
Item, Callico Lawnes, white and red, are two and thirtie
Hastaes. Item, a Hasta is halfe a yard, accounted from
your elbow to the toppe of your middle finger. Item, the
Kings Customes heere, are as followeth : The Kings Cus-
tome called Chukey, is eight bagges upon the hundred
bagges, rating Pepper at foure Rials of eight the sacke,
what price soever it beares : Billa-billian is, if any ship
arrive in the Roade, laden with cloath or such like ; the
King is to be made acquainted therewith, and with the
sorts, quantitie, and price thereof, before you may land
any part : then hee will send his Officers, and such sorts,
as he likes, he will have at the halfe of your price, or some-
what above, as you can agree : for if you prise your cloath
at twentie Rialls for Corge, hee will give you but fifteene
or sixteene Rialls a Corge : but the Flemmings course
hath been to give him seven or eight hundred Rialls at
509
A.D.
1605-09.
Lignum Aloes
to be bought at
Bantam.
Commodities
vendible in
Bantam.
Content of
cloath Chera
Java, which
comes from
Choromandell.
Generally,
Cotton cloath
requested in
Bantam.
Custome.
Billa-billian
or Labba, is
upon six thou-
sand sacke s six
hundred sixty
sixe Rialls,
and so higher
or lower
according to
the burden of
your shippe.
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605-09.
a time for a shippes lading, to cleare them of the dutie
and trouble. But by the custome of the Countrey, this
dutie is upon sixe thousand sackes of Pepper, sixe hundred
sixtie sixe Rialls, if you lade Pepper, otherwise to take so
many thousand sackes of the King, at halfe a Riall, or three
quarters of a Riall upon a sacke, more then the price cur-
rant is in the Towne.
Item, if you shall have provided afore-hand sufficient
lading to dispatch your shippes, yet you are to pay for this
dutie as aforesaid, or else they will not permit you to lade.
Rooba. Item, Rooba, Rooba, is a duty for anchorage, and is
upon sixe thousand sackes five hundred Rialls of eight.
Item, the Sabandars duty is upon sixe thousand sackes
two hundred fiftie Rials. Item, the Waighers dutie is
one Riall upon an hundred sackes. Item,, the Jerotoolis
No custome. or Waighers belonging to the Custome-house, their dutie
is one Riall for an hundred sackes.
Jortan, is to the Eastwards of Jacatra, it is called Sere-
baya. It aifoordeth of it selfe victuals, and great store
of Cotton-wooll, and spun yarne. There commeth many
[I. iv. 392.] Junkes from Jauby, whose lading is Pepper ; also there
are small Prawes of the Towne, which goe to Banda ; so
that there are some few Mace and Nuts to be had there.
Mackassar, is an Hand not farre from the Celebes. It
aifoordeth great store of Bezar stones, which may be had
reasonably : also Rice and other Victualls great plentie.
There are Junkes also which trade to Banda, so that a
small quantitie of Mace and Nuts is there to be had also.
Balee, is an Hand to the East-wards of Mackassar,
standing in eight degrees and an halfe to the South of the
Equinoctial!. It hath of it selfe great store of Rice, Cot-
ten-yarne, slaves, and course white Cloth, well requested
at Bantam. The commodities for this place are the smallest
sort of blue and white beads, Iron and course Purseline.
Tymore, is an Hand which lieth to the East-ward of
Baly, in the latitude of tenne degrees, fortie minutes.
This place affoordeth great store of Chindanna, by us
called, white Saunders ; the greatest logges are accounted
510
■r 1605-09.
best, it is worth at Bantam twentie Rials of eight the Pee-
cull, at the comming of the Junkes : Waxe in great cakes,
worth at Bantam eighteene, nineteene, twentie, thirtie
Rials the Peecul, as the time serves. Item, you must be
verie carefull in the choosing of it, for there is great deceit
therein ; wherefore you must break it, to see whether it
bee mingled or not.
The Commodities which are carried thither, are Chop-
ping-knives, small Bugles, Porseline, coloured Taffataes,
but no blackes, China frying-Pannes, China bels, and
peeces of silver beaten flat and thin as a wafer, of the
bredth of a hand. Item, there is great profit made of this
trade, for the Chineses have given to our men which
adventured with them thither, foure for one.
Banda lieth in the latitude of five degrees to the South-
wards of the Equinoctiall. It affoordeth great store of
Mace and Nutmegs, with Oyle of both sorts: it hath no Oyko/Mace
King, but is governed by a Sabandar, which joyneth with t'^Jt at^Ban-
the Sabandars of Nero, and Lentore, Puloway, Pulorin, tam 5. or 6.
and Labatacca, Hands neare adjoyning. These Hands in Rialbaquart.
former times have been under the governement of the
King of Ternata, but at this present they governe of them-
selves. Item, on these Hands is harvest thrice a yeare,
viz. in the Moneth of July, October, and February. But
the gathering in July is the greatest, the which is called,
the Monson Arepootee. Monson Are-
Item, the manner of dealing for their price, is as fol- ^T]^\ ^^^^
loweth. A small Bahar is tenne Cattees Mace, and an Jias,th£ devils
hundred Cattees Nuts ; & a great Bahar Mace, is an hun- Hand comes
dred Cattees, and a thousand Cattees Nuts, and a Cattee the foule called
is five pound, thirteene ounces and an halfe English, the ^^^^^^^^'
prices variable.
Item, the Commodities requested in these Hands, are
Choromandel cloth, Cheremallaw, viz. Sarrasses, Pintados
of five Coveyts, fine Ballachos, blacke Girdles, Chellyes,
white Callicoes, broad cloath Stammell, Gold in coyne,
viz. Rose-nobles of England and the Low Countreys,
Royalls of eight. Item, you shall have that there, for
511
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605-09.
Lignum Aloes, seventy Rialls in Gold, which will cost you ninetie in
Ophton muse- RJalls, China Basons fine large, and without brims, Dam-
^ofHike wax ^^^^ ^^ ^^R^^ colours, Taffataes, Velvets, China Boxes, or
Counters gilded. Gold chaines, Plate cups gilded, Head-
peeces bright damasked, Peeces for shot, but not many
Sword blades brand and backt to the point. Item, Cam-
baya cloth, Callicoes blacke and red, Callico lawnes, &c.
Item, Rice is a very good commoditie to carrie thither.
The Hands of the Moluccos are five, viz. Molucco,
Ternate, Tydore, Gelolo, Mackean, and are under the
Equinoctial! line. These Hands affoord great store of
Cloves, not every yeare, but every three yeares. The
Cattee there is, three pound five ounces English, the
Bahar two hundred Cattees. Item, nineteene Cattees
Ternata, makes fifty Cattees Bantam exactly.
The commodities vendible for these places, are Choro-
mandell cloth, Cheremallaw, but fine ; and Siam girdles,
Salolos, fine Ballachos and Chelleys are best requested.
Item, China Tafl^ata, Velvets, Damaske, great Basons,
varnished Counters, Broad cloath crymson. Opium and
Benjamin, &c.
Siam, lieth in the latitude of foureteen degrees & a
halfe to the Northward of the Equinoctial. It affoords
great store of very good Benjamin, and many rich stones,
which are brought thither from Pegu. Item, a Tayle is
two Rials of eight and a quarter. Item, here is much
Silver in bullion, which commeth from Japan, but Rials of
eight are in more request, for two Rialls and a quarter in
coine, will yeeld two and a halfe in bullion. Broad cloth
stammell colour. Iron, and faire looking glasses are well
requested, all manner of China Commodities are there
better cheape then at Bantam.
Item, the Guzerat Junkes come to Siam in the moneths
of June and July, touching first at the Maldives, and then
at Tenassere, from whence they may goe over land to
Siam in twentie dayes. Item, at Tenassere, there is
alwayes five and an halfe, and sixe fathomes water.
Borneo, lieth in the latitude of three degrees to the
512
JOHN SARIS A.D.
1605-09.
South of the Equinoctial. It affoordeth great store of
Gold, Bezar stones, Wax, Rotans, Cayulacca, and Sanguis
Draconis. Item, at Bemermassin, a Towne situated on
this Hand, is the principallest trade for the Commodities
afore-said. Item, the Commodities requested there, are
as followeth, Choromandell cloth of all sorts, China Silkes,
Damasks, Taffataes, Velvets, all colours but blackes, Broad
cloth, Stammell, and Rialls of eight. Item, Bezar stones
are there bought by the Taile, which is the weight of one
Riall and an halfe of eight, for five or sixe Rials the Taile,
which is one Ounce, and the third part English.
Soocodanna, is a Towne situate upon Borneo, in the
latitude of one degree and an halfe to the South of the [I- iv. 393.]
Equinoctiall, and is North-east from Bantam one hundred
and sixtie leagues. There is in the entrance of the har-
bour five fathomes, and at low water three fathomes, a
Faulcon short of the shore, Ozie ground.
To this place is great Trade in Junkes and Prawes, for
it yeeldeth great store of Diamonds, the which are ac-
counted the best in the world. There is store to be had
at all times, but specially in the moneths of January,
Aprill, July and October, but the greatest quantitie in
January and Aprill, at which times they are brought
downe the River called Lave by Prawes. The manner of
getting of them, is as you dive for Pearle. The reason
why more quantitie is gotten in one Moneth then in an
other is, for that in July and October, there falleth so
much raine that it riseth nine fathomes which causeth
such a streame that they can hardly dive and in the other
moneths there is but foure, or foure fathomes and an halfe,
which is held the best depth for their diving.
Item, Commodities vendible and in request here at
Soocodanna, are Mallacca Pintados, verie fine Sarrassa,
Goobares, Poulings, Chera Java, Callico Lawnes, China
Silkes light colours, sewing Gold, sleave Silke, Broad
cloth, Stammell, all sorts of small Bugles, Bugles which
are made in Bantam, of colour blue, and in fashion like a
Tunne, but of the bignesse of a Beane, and cost at Ban-
in 513 2K
I
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605-09.
tarn foure hundred a Riall of eight, worth at Soocodanna,
a Masse the hundred, the Masse beeing three quarters of
a Riall of eight, China Cashes, Rials of eight, but princi-
pally Gold, without which you can doe little, for you shall
have a stone for one Rial in Gold, which you shall not
have for a Rial and an halfe, or a Riall and three quarters
in silver.
Item, you are to understand, that it is the best course
when you are bound for this place, to goe for Bemer-
massen first, where you may barter the Commodities afore-
said for Gold, which you shal have for three Cattees
Cashes the Mallacca Taile, which is nine Rials of eight,
as I have beene credibly informed, it hath been worth of
late years. And bringing it to Soocodanna you shall put
it away for Diamonds, at foure Cattees Cashes the Taile,
which is one and three quarters and halfe quarter of a
Riall in weight, so that you shall gaine three quarters of a
Riall of eight upon a Taile. But the principall gaines
must be in the Diamonds.
Item, you must understand, that there are Diamonds
of foure waters, which is called Varna, viz. Varna Ambon,
Varna Loud, Varna Sackar, Varna Bessee. The first is
white, greene, yellow, and neither greene nor yellow, but a
colour betweene both. But the white water is the best.
Their Weights are called Sa-Masse, Sa-Copang, Sa-
Boosuck, Sa-Pead. Item, foure Coopangs is a Masse, two
Boosucks is one Copang, and one Pead and an halfe is a
Boosuck. Item, there is a Pahaw which is foure Masse,
and sixteene Masse is one Taile, and by this weight, they
doe not onely weigh Diamonds, but Gold also.
Of China wares, raw Silke the best is made at Lanking,
and is called Howsa, worth there eighty Rials the Peecul.
TafFata, called Tue, the best made at a small Towne called
Hocchu, worth thirtie Rials the Corge. Damaske called
Towne, the best made at Canton, worth fiftie Rials the
Corge.
Sewing Silke called Couswa, worth one hundred Rials
the PeeculL Imbrodered Hangings called Poey, the best
514
JOHN SARIS AD.
1605-09.
ten Rials the piece. Sewing Gold called Kimswa, is sold
by the Chippau, which is a bundle, each Chippau, con-
tayning ten Papers, and in each Papea* is five knots sold
for three Pawes, two Rials of eight, and the best hath
thirtie sixe threds in a knot. Sattins called Lyn, the best
one Riall the piece. Great Basons called Chopau, worth
three by the Riall. White Sugar called Petong, the best
one halfe Riall the Peecull. Purseline of the small sorts
called Poa, the best one Riall the Cattee. Pearle Boxes
called Chanab, the best five Rials the piece. Velvets
called Tangojounck of nine yards long, five Rials the
piece Sleave Silke called Jounckes, the best one hundred
and fiftie Rials Peecull. Muske called Saheo, seven Rials
the Cattee. Cashes sixtie Pecooes, the Riall.
Item, Broad-cloth called Toloney, Sasocke, which is
three quarters of a yard, worth seven Rials of eight.
Looking Glasses very large, called Kea, worth ten Rials the
piece. Tinne called Sea, worth there fifteene Rials the
Peecull. Waxe called La, fifteene Rials the Peecull,
Muskets called Cauching, the Barrell twentie Rials.
Japon Sables called Samto worth eight Rials the piece.
Elephants teeth the greatest and best two hundred Rials
the Peecull, and small, one hundred Rials the Peecull,
called Ga : White Saunders called Toawheo : The best in
great logges fortie Rials the Peecull.
Item, the Custome of Pepper inwards, as one Taile
upon a Peecull, and out-wards no Custome.
Item, it is very straightly looked into that they carry
no munition out of the Land in any sort.
Item, in the moneth of March, the Junckes bound for
the Mannelies, depart from Chauchu in Companies, some-
time foure, five, ten, or more together, as they are readie.
Item, there lading out-wards is raw and wrought Silkes,
but farre better then those which they carrie for Bantam.
Item, betweene Canton and the Mannelies is ten dayes
sayle.
Item, in the beginning of June they returne from the
Mannelies, there lading is Rials of eight, and there is not
515
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605-09.
lesse then fortie sayle in a yeare, which are bound thither,
there force is nothing, so that you may take them with
your ships Boate.
[I. iv. 394.] Item, in this yeare, 1608. Pepper was worth in China
sixe Tades and an halfe the Peecull, and at the same time
in Bantam worth two and an halfe Rials the Tinbang.
A note of requestable Commodities vendible in
Japan, together with their prices there Cur-
rent, being Masses, and Canderines, each Can-
derine contayning the ^. of a Masse : viz.
B Road-clothes of all sorts, viz. Blackes, Yellowes, and
Reds, which cost in Holland eight or nine Gilders
the Flemmish ell, two ells three quarters is worth three,
foure to five hundred. Note that cloth of a high Wooll
is not requestable, but such as is low shorne most ven-
dible. Fine Bayes of the colours afore-said vendible : not
according as the Portugalls were, but well cottoned.
Sayes. Rashes. Bouratts single. Bouratts double.
Silke Grogarams. Turkey Grogarams. Chamlets. Divo
Gekepert. Weersetynen. Canjant. Gewart Twijne.
Velvets. Muske sold in weight against Silver. India
cloth of sorts requested. Sattins. Taffataes. Damaskes.
Holland-cloth from fifteene to twentie Stivers the Flem-
mish ell, and not above. Diaper. Damaske the better it
is wrought with figures or branches. Threed of all colours.
Carpets for Tables. Gilded Leather painted, with Pictures
and Flowres, the smallest worke best. Painted Pictures,
they delight in lascivious Stories of Warres by Sea and
Land, the larger the better worth, one, two, to three hun-
dred. Quick-silver the hundred Cattees, from three to
foure hundred.
Vermillion, the hundred Cattees, worth from three to
sixe hundred. Painting for Womens faces, the hundred
Cattees twentie eight. Copper in Plates, one hundred
twentie ^ve. Flemmish weight worth from ninetie to an
hundred. Lead in small Barres, the hundred Cattees
516
I
JOHN SARIS AD.
1605-09.
worth from sixtie to eightie eight. Lead in sheetes best
requested, the thinner the better, one hundred pounds
Flemmish, to eightie. Tinne in logs fine, one hundred
and twentie pound, Flemmish three hundred and fiftie.
Iron, twentie five Ounces Holland, worth foure. Steele
the hundred Cattees, worth from one to two hundred.
Tapistrie. Civet the Cattee, worth from one hundred
and fiftie to two hundred. China roots the hundred Cat-
tees or PeecuU worth fortie. China sowing Gold the
Paper, three masse, three Powder Sugar of China, the
hundred Cattees or Peecull worth fortie to fiftie. Sugar
Candie the Peecul, or one hundred Cattees, worth from
fifty to sixty. Velvets of all colors, eight els the piece,
worth from one hundred & twenty, to one hundred and
thirtie. Wrought Velvets like fabricke, worth from one
hundred & eighty to two hundred. Taffataes all colours,
& good Silke worth the piece, from foure and twentie,
thirtie, to fortie. Sattin of seven or eight ells long, the
piece worth from eightie to one hundred. Figured Sattin,
worth from one hundred and twentie to one hundred and
fiftie. Gazen of seven pikes or ells, worth from fortie to
fiftie. Raw Silke the Cattee, of twelve pound Flemmish,
worth from thirtie to fortie. Untwisted Silke of eight
and twentie pound Flemmish, worth from thirtie five to
fortie. Twisted Silke, worth from eight and twentie to
fortie.
Drinking Glasses of all sorts. Bottles, Cans and Cups,
Trenchers, Platters, Beere Glasses, Salts, Wine Glasses,
Bekers gilt. Looking-glasses of the largest sort, Muscovie
Glasse, much Salt, Writing Table-bookes, Paper-bookes,
Lead to neale Pots, Spanish Sope well requested, it is sold
for one masse the small Cacke. Amber in beades, worth
one hundred and fortie, to one hundred and sixtie. Silke
stockings of all colours. Spanish Leather, Neates Leather,
with other sorts of Leather used for Gloves, worth irom
sixe, eight, to nine. Candiques of China, worth from
fifteene to twentie. Candiques of the same place blacke,
the former being blew, from ten to fifteene. Wax for
517
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1605-09.
Candles one hundred pounds Flemmish, worth from two
hundred, to two hundred and fiftie. Hony the Peecull,
worth sixtie. Samell of Cochinchina, the Peecull, one
hundred and eightie. Pepper the Peecull, if there come
not much, worth one hundred. Nutmegs the Peecull,
twentie five, Campheir of Barous or Borneo, the pound
hollaus, from two hundred and fiftie to foure hundred.
Sanders of Solier the Peecull, worth one hundred. Callom-
back wood good and weightie, the pound worth from one,
two, three to five. Sapon, or red wood the Peecull, from
twentie to twentie sixe. Elephants teeth the greater, the
better worth from foure, five, sixe, seven, to eight hun-
dred. Renosceros home, the Javan Cattee worth thirtie.
Harts homes gilded the piece, three, foure, or five hundred.
Roch AUome esteemed good ware, and enquired after :
that which cost but three Gilders, hath beene sold for one
hundred Gilders, but not every mans money.
Note, that the Chineses will commonly trucke for your
Silver, and give you Gold of twentie three Carrackes :
from fifteene to twentie the Ounce Silver, but some times
there commeth much, and other some times little.
[I. iv. 395.] A Memoriall of such Merchandize as are to be
bought in Japan, and the prices as they are
there worth.
HEmpe very good, one hundred Cattees beeing one
hundred and twentie pound Holland, worth from
sixtie five to seventie. Eye colours for dying blew, almost
as good as Indico, made up in round cakes or pieces, and
packed one hundred cakes in a Fardell, worth the Fardell,
fiftie to sixtie. Dying for white, turning to red colour,
made in Fardels or Bales of fiftie Gautins Malios worth
five to eight. Rice very white and good, cased, worth
the Fares, eight, three fifth parts. Rice of a worser sort,
the Bale worth seven, three tenth parts.
At Edo, Saccaio, Osacaio and Meacow, is the best Dying
for all sorts of colours whatsoever your desire, viz. Red,
518
The
JOHN SARIS
Blacke and Greene, and for gilding Gold and Silver, and
is better then the Chinese Varnish.
Brimstone in great abundance, cost the Peecull, seven.
Salt-peeter dearer in one place then another, worth one
and an halfe. Cotton-wooll the Peecull, ten.
Chap. III.
Relation of Master Richard Cockes Cape Mer-
chant, Of w^hat past in the Generals absence
going to the Emperours Court. Whereunto
are added divers Letters of his and others for
the better knov^ledge of Japonian Affaires, and
later Occurents in those parts.
§. I.
Kings care, unreadinesse of ours, Japonian
Superstitions, strange tempest.
He seventh of August, all things being in
a readinesse, our Generall in company of
Master Adams, departed from Firando
towards the Emperours Court of Japan,
and tooke with him Master Tempest,
Peacocke, Master Richard Wickham,
Edward Saris, Walter Carwarden, Diego
Fernandos, John Williams a Taylor, John Head a Cooke,
Edward Bartan the Chirurgions Mate, John Japan Jure-
basso, Richard Dale, Cox Swaine, and Anthonie Ferre a
Sayler, with a Cavaleere of the Kings for Guardian and
two of his Servants, and two Servants of M. Adams. And
so they departed in a Barke or Barge of the Kings, which
rowed with some twentie Oares on a side, and had thir-
teene Peeces of Ordnance shot off at departure.
I went to complement with the two Kings, (as being
sent from the Generall) to give them thankes for provid-
ing so well for him for his Journey ; they tooke it kindly.
And I verily thinke the old King tooke notice of some of
5^9
A.I).
1613.
The old King
sent 100. Tats
in Japan
money for our
Generall to
spend on the
way, which I
put to account
by our
Generals
order as money
lent.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
our mens evill behavioiir this last night. For he willed
me to put the Master in minde to looke well to them
aboord, and that I should have a care on shoare, that
matters might be as well managed in the Generals
absence, as when hee was heere present, otherwise, the
shame would bee ours, but the dishonour his. Wind a
stiffe gale at North-east, most part of the day but calme
all night.
The ninth, a Japan Boy called Juan, came and offered
me his service, hee speaking good Spanish, asking me
nothing but what I pleased, and so to serve nine or ten
yeares, and to goe with me for England, if I pleased. I
entertayned him, the rather, because I did find the Juri-
basso Migell, which Master Adams left with me to bee
something stubborne, and loved to runne abroad at his
pleasure, leaving mee without any one that could speake
a word. I bought him two Japan Garments cost me
fourteene Mas, hee is a Christian and most of his Kinred
dwell at Langasaque : only one dwelleth heere, who came
with him and passed his word for him. Hee served a
Spaniard three yeares at Manilias.
The thirteenth, I shewed our commodities to certaine
Merchants of Maioco, but they bought nothing, only
their chiefe desire was to have had Gun-powder. Semi-
done went aboord the ship to accompany certaine strange
Cavaleroes, and afterward hee brought them to see the
English House. I gave them the best entertaynment I
could.
Pagan Feast at The nineteenth at night, began the great Feast of the
Firandoy being Pagans, they inviting their dead kindred, banquetting
a kind of ^^^ making: merry all nig^ht with candle-lig^ht at their
(Jiandletnas o • o o
Alsoules. ' graves : this Feast endured three dayes, and as many
nights. And very strict command was given from the
[I. iv. 396.] King, that every house should gravell the street before
their doores, and hang out candle-light in the night : in
doing whereof I was not slacke ; and as I was informed,
a poore man was put to death, and his house shut up, for
disobeying therein. The China Captaine furnished me
520
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1613.
with a couple of paper Lanternes very decent. And I
was informed the Kings would ride about the streets, and
come to visite me : so I made readie a banquet, and ex-
pected them untill after midnight, but they came not at
all.
On the twentieth, one and twentieth, and two and twen-
tieth, I sent presents to both the Kings (being informed
that it was the use of the Countrey) of Wine and ban-
quetting stuffe ; as likewise to Nobesane the yong Kings
brother, and to Semidone, the old Kings Governour, and
Unagense, which were well accepted. Some Cavaleros
came to visite our house, and received the best entertain-
ment I could give.
On the three and twentieth, we made an end of landing
our Gun-powder, being in all ninety nine barrells, of which ;
I advised the Generall by letter, to reserve convenient " ^~
store for our selves, if he sold the Emperour the rest.
We landed divers other things, which things the Master
thought good to send ashore, because our men begin to
filtch and steale, to go to Tavernes and Whore-houses. Loosenesse of
The Purser, Master Melsham and my selfe, dined at ^^^^'
Semydones this day : and the Master and Master Eaton
were likewise invited, but did not goe : he used us kindly.
This day the great Feast made an end, and three com- End of the
panies of Dancers went up and downe the Towne with ^^^^ ^^^^'
flags or banners, their musicke being Drummes and Pans ;
at the sound whereof they danced at every great mans
doore, as also at all their Pagods and Sepulchres.
The foure and twentieth at night, all the streets were Masking and
hanged with candle-light, for that the yong King and his ^^^^^i-
brother, Nabesone Semydone, and many others went with a
Maskarado, or to dance at the old Kings house : the yong
King and his brother were mounted on horse-back, and
had Canopies caried over them ; the rest went on foote,
and the musicke was Drummes and Kettles, as aforesaid ;
and Nabesone winded a Phife : I was informed they meant
to visite the English House at their backe returne : so I
sate up untill after midnight, having a banquet in readi-
521
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
nesse, and in the end they returned confusedly, and out of
order ; so I thinke there was some discontent, once none
of them entred into the English house : Captaine Brower
went along by the doore, but would not looke at us, and
we made as little account of him.
The seven and twentieth, we landed other three peeces
of Ordnance, viz. all whole Culverin, all which sixe peeces
are Iron Ordnance. The old King came downe when they
were about it, and seeing but twentie men, offered them
seventie or an hundred Japans to helpe them ; but very
quickly in his sight, our men got them ashore, which he
marvelled at, and said an hundred of his men would not
have done it so soone ; so hee sent for a barrell of wine,
and certaine fish, and gave it to our people for labouring
so lustily.
The eight and twentieth, I received two letters from
.< our Generall, by the Governour of Shimonaseke, dated
i-*"'^ the nineteenth and twentieth of this moneth, with two
other from Master Peacock, and Master Wickham : this
Governour came not ashore at Ferando, but delivered the
Letters aboord to the Master, and so went directly for
Langasaque, and promising to returne hither shortly.
Also I carried a letter to the old King Foyne, which the
said partie brought : Master Melsham and Harnando
accompanied me : the King gave a Cattan to Master
Melsham, and another with a Spanish dagger to Har-
nando, and gave both me and them certaine bunches of
Garlick, and gave us leave to drie our Gun-powder on the
toppe of the Fortresse ; offering us of his people to helpe
ours, if they thought good. And I received aland into
the English House two and twentie barres of lead, and
put into our new lodge an hundred and twentie five
Culverin shot, round and langrell. And as wee were
going to Supper, the old King came and supped with us,
being very merry, and tooke such fare as we had, in good
part.
Septemb. i. The first of September, the old King, with all the
A Maske. Nobilitie, made a Maskerado ; and this night following
522
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1613.
went to visite the yong King his Grand-child, with
musicke as aforesaid, all the streets being hanged with
Lanternes ; and I was informed he meant to visite our
English House at returne : so I made readie for him, and
stayed his returne till after midnight, but he passed by
with the rest of the company, and entred not into the
House. I thinke there was not so few as three thousand
persons in company with him, which I make account was
the occasion he went by, because he would not trouble us.
The second, Semydon and others, being appointed by Taxefor
the King, measured all the houses in the street ; our ^''''^•^•
English house being measured amongst the rest : I under-
stand it was for a generall taske to bee paid for making
Fortresses by the Emperours appointment. I entertained
them to content.
The fourth, we had newes the Queene of Spaine was / :J
dead, and the King a Suter to the Princes Elizabeth of
England.
The sixt, a Cavalero, called Nombosque, came to visite
our English House, and brought mee a present of two
great bottells of wine, and a basket of Peares. I gave
him the best entertainment I could, and he departed
content.
The seventh in the morning, much raine, with wind
encreasing all day and night variable, from the East to [I. iv. 397.]
the South, and in the night happened such a storme or
Tuffon, that I never saw the like in all my life ; neither ^ mighty
was the like seene in this Countrey in mans memory, for ^m°^ °^' .
it overthrew above an hundred houses in Firando, and ^^^ ftranze
uncovered many other ; namely, the old Kings house, effects thereof.
and blew downe a long wall which compassed the young
Kings house, and carryed away boughes or branches of
trees : & the Sea went so high, that it undermined a great
Wharf or Key at the Dutch House, and brake downe
the stone-wall, and carryed away their Staires, and sunke
and brake them two Barkes, as also fortie or fiftie other
Barkes were broken and sunke in the Roade. It brake
downe our Kitchen wall at the English House, which was
523
A.D.
1613.
Foolish supei
stitions.
\^^'
Merchants of
Miaco.
Of many mis-
demeanours, I
permit some to
passe thePresse
that the cause
of so many
deaths in the
Indies, might
hefoundrather
to be imputed
to their ozvne
then the
Elements dis-
temper,andfor
a caveat to
others which
shall send, or
be sent into
Ethnicke
Regions; yet
doe I conceale
the most and
worst.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
newly made, and flowed into our Oven, and brake it
downe, and blew downe the tyles, and uncovered part both
of the house and kitchen, and the house did shake, like
as if there had beene an Earthquake ; 1 never passed
night in all my life in such feare, for the barbarous unruly
people did runne up and downe the streets all night with
fire-brands, that the wind carried great coales quite over
the tops of houses, and some houses being carryed away,
the wind whirled up the fire which was in them, and
carried it into the ayre in great flakes, very fearefull to
behold ; so that the greatest feare I had was that all would
have been consumed with fire ; and I verily thinke it
had, had it not been for the extreame raine which fell
(contrary to the true nature of a Tuffon) being accom-
panied with lightning and thunder. Our shippe roade at
an anchor with five Cables, and as many Anchors, whereof
one old Cable burst, but God be thanked no other hurt
done : our long Boat and Skiffe were both driven from the
shippe, yet both recovered againe : And as it is said, it
did more hurt at Langasaque then heere, for it brake above
twentie China Junckes, and the Spanish ship which
brought the Embassadour from the Manilleas or Philip-
pinas.
The twelfth two Merchants of Miaco came to our
English house, unto whom I shewed all our Commodi-
ties ; they laid by two broad-cloths, viz. a Stammel and
a Blacke, the best they could find, and offered seven Tais
Japan money the yard : also they saw our Priaman Gold,
and offered eleven Tais Japan plate, for one Tais Gold :
but went away without doing any thing. Francis
Williams beeing drunke ashoare, did strike one of the
old Kings men with a cudgell, which gave him no occa-
sion at all, nor spake a word to him. The man came to
the English house and complained, being very angry (and
not without cause) giving me to understand, that he would
informe the King his Master how he was misused by our
people. He had three or foure in Company with him,
who did see him abused, and that he which did it, was
524
newly gone aboord the ship. I gave them faire words,
and desired them to goe aboord, and find out the partie,
and they should see him punished to their contents ; and
to that effect, sent Miguell our Jurebasso along with
them : so they found out the said Williams, who would
have denied it, if the matter had not been too manifest ;
but he stood stiffely against it with oathes ; yet the Master
caused him to be brought to the Captaine in their
presence, which they seeing, intreated for his pardon,
knowing he was drunke, but he was so unruly, that he
tooke up a crow of Iron to have stricken the fellow in
presence of the Master, using the Master in very bad
termes.
The thirteenth, I understood, that Foyne the old King
of Firando was sicke, whereupon I sent Miguel our Jure-
basso to visit him, and to carry a Present of one great
bottle of the Generals sweet wine, and two boxes of Con-
serves, Comfits, and Sugar-bread, offering him my Ser-
vice, beeing very sory to heare of his sicknesse, and that I
would have come my selfe, but that I knew company was
not pleasing to sicke men. He tooke my Present in very
good part, and returned me many thanks ; wishing me
not to let to aske for any thing we had need of, either for
the ship, or ashoare, and he would give such order, as we
should be furnished.
The foureteenth in the morning betimes, the Master
came ashoare, and told me that most part of the ships com- Un^'^/wesse
pany had lien ashoare all night without asking him leave, j^^^Hners
notwithstanding the great wind which had continued all
night, and the ship on ground. So he willed me to let
Miguell our Jurabasso goe along with him to seeke them
out, which I was content he should doe, and would have
accompanied him my selfe, but he was unwilling, telling
me it was needlesse. But M. Melsham the Purser went
along with him, and he found divers drinking and domi-
neering ; he bestowed blowes amongst some of them,
and notwithstanding the Master had commanded Lambart
id Colphax to retire aboord, yet they staid ashoare all
525
A.D.
1613.
September.ij.
1613.
Bastian the
Bawd angry
that his guests
were
disturbed.
The Kings
Justice.
[I. iv. 398.]
The Kings care
of good
Government.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
day, notwithstanding the great need was aboord about
ships businesse, divers Japans being hired to helpe them :
and Lambart and Colphax being drunke, went into the
field and fought, Lambart being hurt in the arme, and
remained drunken ashoare all night, as Boles did the like,
and so had done two or three nights before, and quarrelled
with Christopher Evans, about a whoore.
The seventeenth of September, I was given to under-
stand the Bastian which keepeth the whoore-house gave
it out, that if I came any more into his house to seeke for
our people, he would kill me, and such as came with me.
Whereupon I went and complained to the young King,
because the old was sicke : and at my request, the King
made Proclamation, that no Japanese should receive any
of our people into their houses after day light was done,
upon great paine, and that it should be lawfull for me, or
any other that accompanied me to goe into any Japans
house to seek for our men, without any molestation ; and
that they themselves should aide and assist me : and if the
doore were not opened at my comming, I might lawfully
breake them downe : and a souldiour was sent to Bastian
to signifie unto him, he should take heed he did not molest
or disturbe me in my proceedings : for if he did, he should
be the first that should pay for it. This angred our people
in such sort, that some of them gave it out, they would
drinke in the fields, if they might not bee suffered to doe
it in the Towne ; for drinke they would, although they
sought it in the countrey.
The sixe and twentieth, Nouasca dona came to visit me
at the English house, and brought me two bottles of wine,
seven loaves fresh bread, and a dish of flying fish, and as
he was with me, the old King came by the doore, and said,
he met two men in the street as he came along, which hee
thought were strangers, and none of our people, wherefore
he willed that Swanton and our Jurebasso might goe along
with one of his men, and he would shew them to them,
which they did, and found it was John Lambart and Jacob
Charke, who were drinking water at a doore in the streete
526
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1613.
as he passed by. I was glad the King looked so neare
after them ; for it caused our men to have a better care of
their proceedings.
The seven and twentieth, M. William Pauling Masters Death and
mate, having been long sicke of a consumption, died at buriallofW.
the English house, whereof I advertised the old King by ^^^^^^i-
Miguel our Jurebasso, desiring a buriall place for him
among the Christians, which he graunted me. So we put
the dead corps into a winding sheete, and coffind it up,
others of the ships company, came to the English house,
to accompanie the dead corps to the grave, and then were
we given to understand, that of force we must transport
it by water, as farre as the Dutch house, onely because the
Bose (or Priests) would not suffer us to passe through the Bonses super-
street (with the dead corps) before their Pagod or Temple : stition, and no
so the Master sent for the Skiffe, and conveied the dead ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^
body by water to the place aforesaid, we going all by land,
and met it, and so accompanied it to the place of buriall,
the Purser going before, and all the rest following after,
the coffin being covered with a Holland sheet, and upon
that a Silke quilt, we being followed with many of that
countrey people, both young and old. And after the
corps was enterred, we returned all to the English house,
and there made collation, and so our people returned
aboord about ships businesse. But I had almost forgot
to note downe, that we had much adoe to get any one of
these countrey people to make the grave, that a Christian
was to be buried in ; neither would they suffer the dead
corps to be conveied by water in any of their boates.
The King commaunded that all the streetes in Firando ^^^^^
should be made cleane, and channell rowes made on either °^^^^^^^^'
side, to convey away the water, the streetes being
gravelled, and the channels covered over with flat stones ;
which worke was all done in one day, every one doing it
before his owne house. It was admirable to see the dili-
gence every one used therein : our house was not the last
a doing, the Captaine Chinesa (our Land-lord) setting
men a worke to doe it.
527
A.D.
1613.
Conjuring
coosening
Knaves.
Octoh. 2.
1613.
Seven English,
viz. Jive
English and
twoFlemmings
which were
bound for
England run
away to the
Spaniards.
The Kings
house burned.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
The thirtieth, certaine Merchants of Miaco came and
had sight of all our commodities, and laid out the best
Stammell cloth we had, and offered twelve Tais a fathome
for it, and so departed without doing any thing. We had
extream winds both day & night, so that we thought
another Tuffon had beene come ; for all the fishermen
haled their boates on shoare, and every one bound fast the
covering of their houses : for a Bose (or Conjurer) had told
the King (a weeke since) that this tempest would come.
Our Chirurgion being in his pots, came into a house
where a Bose was conjuring for a woman to know of her
husbands or friends returne from Sea : so when he had
done he gave him three pence to conjure againe, and tell
him when our General would returne for this place, which
in the ende he assured him would be within eighteene
dayes ; hee said, hee heard a voice answer him from
behind a wall, both when he conjured for the woman, as
also when hee conjured for himselfe.
The second of October, the Master sent me word that
some of our ships company were runne away with the
Skiffe, viz. John Bowles, John Sares, John Tottie, Chris-
topher Evans, Clement Locke, Jasper Malconty, and
James the Dutchman. I was in way to goe to the King
to get boats to send after them, but our Dutch Jurebasso,
(entertained for ships use) came running after mee, and
told me our people were on the other side, making merry
at a Tap-house : which speeches caused me to returne to
the English house, and to get a boat for the Master to goe
looke them out : but they prooved to be others ; namely,
William Marinell, Simon Colphax, and John Dench, who
had hired a Boat, and were gone over to an other Hand,
because they could not have swinge to walke by night in
Firando. So in the meane time, our Run-awayes had the
more time to runne away.
This night about eleven a clock, the old Kings house
on the other side the water was set on fire, and quite
burned downe in the space of an houre. I never saw a
more vehement fire for the time, it is thought his losse
528
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1613.
is great ; and as it is said, he himselfe set it on fire, in
going up and downe in the night with lighted canes, the
coales whereof fell amongst the mats, and so tooke fire.
The third, I went to visit the old King, giving him to
understand by his Governour, that I was very sorry for
the mischance happened the night past, and that I pre-
tended to have come my selfe in person to have holpen
the best I could, but that I stood in doubt whether my
companie would have been acceptable, I being a stranger,
yet assuring him that he should find me readie at all times,
to doe him the best service I could, although it were with
hazard of my life : he returned me many thanks, saying,
the losse he had sustained was nothing. And in return-
ing to the English house, I met the young King going to [I. iv. 399.]
visit his Grandfather. And before noone wee had word,
that our Run-awayes were at a desart Hand, some two
leagues from Firando, which I made knowne to both the
Kings, desiring their assistance and counsel, how we might
fetch them backe againe ; they answered, that backe they
would fetch them either alive or dead : yet they would
be loth to kill them, in respect we might want men to
carry our ship backe for England. I gave them thanks
for the care they had of us ; yet withall gave them to
understand, that although these knaves miscarried, yet
we had honest men enough to saile the ship for England.
In fine, the King made ready two boats full of souldiours
to goe after them, with full determination to bring them
backe either alive or dead, which I made knowne to the
Master, who desired verie much to goe along with them.
[§. II.
Ill 529 2L
A.D.
1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
§. II.
Lies of or on the Devill, and uproares about fire.
Deceit of Nangasack. Suspitions, Feasts,
Spanish Occurrents.
or belted.
He fourth of October, there was report given out,
their Bose or Conjurers, that the Towne of Fir-
that the devil had answered by their Oracle to
ando should bee burned to ashes this night, so that cryers
went up and downe the streets all night, making such a
noyse, that I tooke but little rest ; they gave warning that
every one should put out their fire, yet God be thanked,
?Tf ^ ^^^^^ ^^^ Devill was prooved a Iyer therein : for no such matter
happened.
The fifth, the old King Foyne Same came to the English
house, where I gave him the best entertainement I could :
he also told me, that our Fugitives could not escape taking,
and that hee had sent out two other men of warre after
the two former. And as I was talking with him about
these matters, there came a Cavelero, and brought him a
l_ 1 Letter from the Emperours Court, and said, that our
iGenerall would be here at Firando within eight or tenne
dayes ; for that the Emperour had dispatcht him away
before his comming from thence.
The King told me, that the Governour (or King) of
Langasaque, called Bon Diu, would bee here at Firando
to morrow, telling me it were good our ship shot off three
or foure Peeces of Ordnance as he passed by. This
Governour is the Empresses brother. And there is an
other Japan Governour, or King, in Towne, of a place
called Seam.
The seventh, our Master, M. James Foster returned
from Langasaque, and had brought the Skiffe with him,
but all the men were gotten into Sanctuarie in the Towne,
so that he could not come to speech of any one of them.
I was informed, that Miguell our Jurebasso dealt doubly
both with the Master and my selfe : for I sent him along
530
p
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
to be linguist, and assist the Master, and divers Japans
came to me, telling me, that he both spake with our people,
and gave them counsell to absent themselves. Once I
did perceive how the world went, and doubted the privy
conveyance of our people, which was like to ensue, if
this Bon Diu the Governour were not extraordinarily dealt
withall : whereupon a Present was laid out.
Afternoone, the Bon Diu passed along the street before
our English house on foot, hee being accompanied with
the young King (who gave him the upper hand) with
above five hundred followers after them. I went out into
the streete, and did my dutie to them, and the Bon Diu
stood still when he came to the doore, and gave me thanks
for the Ordnance were shot off at his passing by our ship.
I desired pardon of his Greatnesse, if I had neglected my
dutie hitherto, which was by meanes of the small acquaint-
ance I had in the Countrey, but that I meant to visit him
at his lodging, or aboord his Juncke, before he went ; he
answered me, I should be very welcome. So it was darke
night before he came to his lodging. At which time I
carried the Present abovesaid, which hee accepted of in
very good sort, offering to doe our Nation any good he
could at the Court, whither he was now bound, or else
where. And so of his owne accord, hee beganne to speake
of our Fugitives, asking me if he brought them backe
againe, whether they should be pardoned all for his sake
for this fault ? I answered him, it was not in my power to
pardon them, but in our General, which no doubt (except
it were one or two, which were the chiefe authors of this
and other evils which deserved punishment) that the rest
might easily goe free. He said, that his desire was for
pardon for all in generall, without exception. I answered,
that I knew our Generall would be contented with any
thing, his Greatnesse and the two Kings of Firando would
desire. To conclude, he told me, that if I would give it
under writing of my owne hand, in faith of a Christian,
that all in generall should be pardoned for this time, and
that I would procure the Generall to confirme the same at
531
1613. ^
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
his returne, that then he would send to Langasaque for
them, and deliver them into my owne custody : other-
waies he would not meddle in the matter, to be the occa-
sion of the death of any man. I said I was contented
with any thing it pleased his Greatnes to command, and
so to give the said writing under my hand, provided all
our men might be brought backe. And so I returned to
the English house, the Dutch comming after with an other
Present, but we were before them.
[I. iv. 400.] The eight, wSemidone passing by our doore, told mee
that Bon Diu had a Brother in companie, which expected
a present, although it was not fitting it should be so much,
as his Brothers. So upon advice with others I laid by a
present for him, as foUoweth ; & going to deliver it, the
Flemmings were before me with another, Captaine Brower
himselfe being with it. Hee accepted very kindly of the
present, offering his assistance to our Nation, either at
Court, or in the Countrey. And soone after he came to
the English House himselfe, accompanied with many
Cavaleeres, where they looked on all our Commodities,
yet hee went away and bought nothing, but gave mee a
small Cattan, and I gave him two Glasse Bottles, two
Gally-pots, and about halfe a Cattee of great Cloves,
picked out from the rest of purpose, hee being desirous
to have them for Physicall matters, as he told me. I
made him and his followers a collation, and so they de-
parted content. And soone after Bon Diu, & the two
Kings sent a Cavaleero to me, to have me to give it in
writing under my hand, that our Run-awayes should not
receive any punishment for this fact, so by counsell of
others I condescended thereunto, and made a Writing in
promise and faith of a Christian, they procure their pardon
for this time of the Generall ; if I had not done this, out of
doubt, we should never have got them againe, but the
Spaniard would have convayed them to the Manillies or
Maluccoes, I not doubting but the Generall will allow of
what I have done. And presently after this man was gone
I had word, that the Bon Diu, and his Brother would goe
532
i
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1613.
aboord to visit our ship, so I sent some banketting stufFe
aboord, and went my selfe and met them, where they were
entertayned in the best sort we could, and Bon Diu gave
mee two Cattans for a present, and so they departed with
seven Peeces of Ordnance shot off for a fare-well. But
forth-with his Brother returned aboord againe, desiring to
have one of the little Monkeyes for his Brothers children :
so I bought one of the Master Gunner, cost me five Rials
of eight, and sent him to Bon Diu, and being readie to
goe ashoare, he was desirous to have me goe along with
him in his Boate, which I did, he having three Peeces of
Ordnance for a fare-well, which as I understood afterwards,
was much esteemed off of both Brothers, and being ashoare
hee would needs accompany me home to our English
House, which I was unwilling of, yet hee would of force
doe it. So I made him collation againe in Captaine Adams
chamber : and so hee and the rest departed well contented,
(as it seemed) I offering to have accompanyed him backe
to his lodging, but he would not suffer mee. And late at
night Foyne Same the old King sent a man to me to know
the particular of the presents given to both the Brothers,
and put it downe in writing, but for what occasion I know
not. And I forgot to note downe how Bon Diu went to
the Dutch House to wash himselfe in the new Hot-house,
and from thence it was that hee came aboord our ship.
The ninth, Bon Diu sent one of his men to me to give
mee thankes for his kind entertaynment aboord, and by
the same Messenger sent mee two Barrels of Miaco Wine
for a Present. And soone after his Brother sent another
man with two Barrels of Japan Wine, with the like cere-
monie : both of them being very earnest to have a
Prospective Glasse, and in the end I found an old one of
Master Eatons, but soone after he returned me the said
Glasse with thankes, not desiring at all to have it.
The tenth, two of the Governours sonnes of Langasaque
(I meane another Governour which dwelleth in the Towne)
came to see our English House, they are Christians. I
entertayned them in the best sort I could, and shewed them
533
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
our commodities, and after made them collation and gave
them Musicke, Master Hownsell and the Carpenter by
chance being heere : and as wee were at it, old Foyne the
King came stealing in upon us, and did as the rest did,
and seeing the King and these Langasakians together, I
willed our Jurebasso, to put out a word for the speedie
sending backe of our Run-awayes : which they all pro-
mised, provided, that they should be pardoned for this
fault, as I had formerly promised, which now againe I
acknowledged. The old King desired to have a piece of
English Beefe, and another of Porke, sod with Onions and
Turnips, and sent to him to morrow.
The eleventh, I sent Migell our Jurebasso to the old
King, with the Beefe and Porke accommodated as afore-
said, with a bottle of Wine, and sixe Loaves of white
Bread : he accepted of it in very kind part, having in his
company at eating thereof, the young King his Grand-
childe, and Nabisone his Brother, with Semidone his Kins-
man.
A great Feast Xhe twelfth, I went to visit both the Kine^s, and found
P L old Foyne asleepe, but spake with his Governour, and
this day, it from thence went to the young King, and spake with him
being told me himselfe : they gave me thankes for the kind entertayn-
// zaas like a ment I gave unto these strangers ; which they tooke as
Lent, ^^ done unto themselves. And towards night the old King
Papists, ^ ^^^"^^ ^° vi'^it me, and to tell me he understood these people
which are departed, had taken away certaine commodities
from me, and payd mee what they themselves thought
good, and not that which I required, I returned him
answere, that it was true that they had done so, but I know
not whether it were the custome of this Countrey or no ;
for that I was given to understand they used the like course
both with Chineses and Portugalls at Langasaque, and
that that which they had taken from mee, was not worth
the speaking of. I was answered, that although they did
so with the Chineses at Langasaque, which were a people
defended not to trade into Japan, yet could they not doe
[I. iv. 401.] so to Strangers that had free priviledge to trade, especially
534
RICHARD COCKS
heere in this place where these fellowes had no command
nor nothing to doe. I replyed, I would come and speake
with his Highnesse my selfe, and informe him of the
truth : and in the meane-time returned humble thankes,
for the care hee had to use Justice to Strangers as well as
home-borne. Captaine Brower sent me word that they
had taken divers sorts of commodities from him, and paid
him what they list for it : he also sent an emptie Bottle,
desiring to have it filled with Spanish Wine, for that hee
had invited certaine Strangers, and had none.
The thirteenth, I heard three or foure Gunnes, or Cham-
bers goe off, which I thought had bin done to entertayne
the King at the Dutch House : but they were shot out of
a China Juncke, which passed by this place, and so went
for Langasaque, and presently after the old King sent for
me to come to dinner to the Dutch House, and Master
Eaton with mee, and to bring a Bottle of Wine. Master
Eaton had taken Physicke and could not goe, but I went :
wee had a very good Dinner at the Dutch House, the
meate being well drest both after the Japan and Dutch
fashion, and served upon Tables, but no great drinking.
The olde King sate at one Table, accompanied with his
eldest Sonne, and both the young Kings Brothers (for the
young King himselfe was not there, sending word he was
not well) at the other Table. First, sate Nabesone the old
Kings Brother, and then my selfe, and next me Semidone,
and then the old Kings Governour, and next him Zanze-
bars Father-in-law, and divers other Cavaleeroes on the
other side. Captaine Brower did not sit at all, but carved
at Table, all his owne people attending and serving on
their knees, and in the end, he gave drinke to every one
of his ghests, with his owne hands, and upon his knees,
which seemed strange to me, and when they had dined,
all the Nobles went away, and Captaine Brower would
needs accompany me to the English House. I asked him
why he served these people upon his knees, they sitting
at Table : he answered me it was the fashion of the Coun-
try ; and if the King himselfe made a Feast, hee did the
535
A.u.
1613.
B on DiusB ra-
the?' injurious
to the English
and Dutch.
A China
Juncke for
Langasaque.
Dinner with
the Dutch.
A.D.
1613.
* George
Peterson a
Flush.
* Daman
Maryn a
Venetian.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
like for the more honour of his ghests. And before night
the old King Foyne came to the English House, and
visited all parts, and made collation, staying an houre
talking of one thing and other.
The sixteenth, I was given to understand that two
Christians were come from Langasaque, so I went to their
lodging to see what they were, as also to understand some
newes from our men (or Fugitives) I found the one of
them to bee a * Flemming borne in Flushing, (as hee told
mee) and the other an Italian borne in the * Duchie of
Venice. They told mee that our seven men (or Run-
awayes) were conveighed away secretly in a small Barke,
which is gone for Macoro, and that they were runne to
get passage in our ship to returne into their Countries,
they told me Master Adams knew them well. And they
were very desirous to have gone immediately aboord our
ship, there to have remayned, because they were Sea-faring
men. The Flemming having served the Spaniard three
and twentie or foure and twentie yeares, and came a
Masters Mate from Agua pulca for the Manillias or
Phillippinas, they had good store of money, and would
have sent it aboord our ship, or have brought it to the
English House : but I told them that in our Generalls
absence I durst not presume to give them entertainment.
Yet notwithstanding, I would doe them any favour I could
at his returne, and so sent Migell our Jurebasso to the King
to let him understand, that two such Strangers were come
to Towne to seeke passage in our shippe, they being no
Spaniards, nor yet Subjects to the King of Spaine. The
King returned mee answere, that if they were such as I
said they were, they were welcome : but if they were Cas-
tillians, or Portugalls, hee would permit none to stay in
this place, his reason is, for that the Spanish Ambassador
hath procured order from the Emperour of Japan, that all
Spaniards which are to be found in his Empire, shall retyre
themselves into the Phillippinas, but these being no
Spaniards, are out of that number.
The seventeenth betimes, the two strangers came to
536
RICHARD COCKS
mee, desiring me to accompany them to the old King, the
better to countenance them ; which upon good considera-
tion I did. They told me in the way, that our Fugitives
had reported at Langasaque that more would come after
them, and not any man of account stay to carry away the
ship ; the occasion they said was, for that they which had
command over them, used them more like dogges then
men : adding further, that if but twentie resolute
Spaniards would take the matter in hand, with a small
Boat or two they might easily take our shippe. The old
King gave us all kind entertainment, and asked the
strangers many questions about the warres betwixt the
Spaniards and Flemmings in the Moluccas ; the which
they said the Spaniards were determined to pursue very
hotly, and to that effect had great forces prepared. They
also told the King, they thought verily all our Fugitives
were secretly conveyed from Langasaque seven dales past
in a Soma, that departed from thence for Macow : but the
King would not beleeve them, saying, it was not possible
that such a m.an as Bon Diu, having passed his word to
bring them backe, should be found to be false of his pro-
mise. In fine, he was very well contented, that these two
strangers should stay heere, and goe along in our ship, if
it pleased the Generall to carry them. So the poore men
returned to their lodgings with much content : and told
me in the way, that we might make account we had not
lost all our men, but recovered two, that would remaine
as faithfull to the death, as the others had proved false.
Adding further, that we needed not to wish any worse
revenge to our Fugitives, then the bad entertainment
they were sure to have of the Spaniards, comming bare
and beggerly as they did, in such base sort.
The eighteenth, there was a great Eclips of the Moone
this night, it began about eleven of the clocke, and en-
dured from the beginning to the end houres, it
was quite darkned.
The nineteenth, at night, about eleven of the clocke,
a fire began in Firando, neare unto the yong Kings house,
537
A.D.
1613.
Macozv a
Town of For -
tugalh neere
the Continent
of China.
Miguell the
Jurebasso,
Capt. Adams
his man was
suspected of
double dealing
in this case of
the Fugitives:
the circum-
stances 1 omit.
[I. iv. 402.]
Jn Eclips of
the Moone.
Fire in
Firando.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the wind being at North-east, which if it had so con-
tinued, most part of the Towne had beene burned : but
the wind fell variable South-easterly, and in the end
calme : yet notwithstanding forty houses were burned to
the ground ; and had not our English men bestirred them-
selves lustily, many more houses had gone to wrack, for
the fire tooke hold three or foure times on the other side
the street, where our English house was, but they still
put it out, and were very much commended of the Kings,
and all other in generall. The old King Foyne came on
horse-backe to our doore, and wished us to put all things
into the Gadonge, and daube up the doores, and then it
was out of danger. Captaine Brower, and some of his
people, came very kindly to the English house, to have
assisted us by land or water, if need had bin : it cannot
certainly be known how this fire began, but there is
speeches amongst the Japans, that there will be a greater
fire then any of these, it being told them by the Divell
and their Conjurers : God grant it bee not done by some
villanous ill minded people, thinking to rob and steale
what they can lay hold on, in time of such trouble and
confusion.
The twentieth in the morning, I went to the Dutch
house to visite Captaine Brower, and to give him thankes
for his friendly visitation and assistance the last night.
And towards night Harnando the Spaniard, and Edward
Markes, returned from Langasaque, but could not come
to sight of any of our Runawayes, yet it is certaine that
they are in Langasaque. And a Portugall or Spaniard,
a great man in Langasaque about Sea-matters, told
Edward Markes that wee should have none of these men
backe ; but to the contrary, if all the rest would come, and
leave the shippe emptie, they would give them entertain-
ment : yea, and that which was more, if they would bring
away the shippe and all, they should be the more welcome.
The Japan, which the King sent to accompany Edward
Markes and Harnando, and to looke out our people,
would not let Edward Markes budge out a doores in the
538
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1613.
space of one night and halfe a day after they were arrived
there at Langasaque, He going abroad himselfe, and the
Spaniard Harnando lying at another place. So I doubt
some legerdy-maine betwixt them two, and am now out
of all hope to have any of our people come backe. I
blamed the Jesuits, and the old King liked well of my
speeches : and told me he would take such order here-
after, that none of our people should be carried to Langa-
saque, except they stole away our ship-boats, as the others
did : of which I advised the Master, Master James Foster :
and so an Edict was set out, that no man should carry or
convey away any of our people, without making it knowne
unto me, and telling the King thereof.
The three and twentieth, I was given to understand of
a great Pagan Feast that was to be performed this day,
and that both the Kings, with all the rest of the Nobilitie, Solemne Feast,
accompanyed with divers strangers, met together at a ^^ ^^»«^^
Summer-house, set up before the great Pagod, to see a
Horse-race : I thinke there was not so few as three thou-
sand persons assembled together, as I esteemed in viewing
of them. Every Nobleman went on horse-backe to the
place, accompanied with a rout of Slaves, some with Pikes,
some with Small-shot, and others with Bowes and
Arrowes : the Pike-men were placed on the one side of
the streete, and the Shot and Archers on the other ; the
middest of the streete being left void to runne the race :
and right before the Summer-house (where the King and
Nobles sate) was a round Buckler of straw hanged against
the wall, at which the Archers on horse-backe running a
full Careere, discharged their arrowes, both in the streete j
and Summer-house, where the Nobles sate ; that neither
the Present which we sent, nor we could have entrance : ,
And so we passed along the streete, beholding all, and
returned another way to the English house. And late at \
night Zanzebars wives brother came to the English house, i
and brought me a Present of a hanch of Venison, and a ]
basket of Orenges : Zanzebar himselfe did accompany
him. And about ten of the clocke in the night, the Cap-
539
A.D.
1613.
The Dwell
againe a lyer^
if the Knaves
belyednot their
Master.
403-]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
taine Chinesa (our Landlord) came and knocked at the
doore, telling me that the King had given expresse com-
mand, that every house should have a Tubbe of water
ready on the toppe of their houses, for that the Divell had
said the Towne should be burned this night : yet he
proved a Iyer. But for all that, we got a great Tubbe of
water on the top of our house, which held twentie buckets
of water : and men did runne up and downe the streetes
all night, bidding every one looke to their fire, that it was
strange and fearefull to heare them.
The foure and twentieth, this report of burning the
Towne being still current, and every one making provision
to prevent it, I made readie fifteene buckets, which cost
sixe Con dr ins a peece, and filled them full of water, and
hanged them up in the yard, and set another great Tubbe
by them full of water, besides that which stood on the
toppe of the house ; and gave order to make a couple of
ladders, to carry water to the top of the house, and had
formerly provided nine emptie wine-barrels full of tem-
pered clay, to daube up our Gadonge doores, if need
should require, God defend us from any such necessitie.
Three or foure men did runne up and downe the streetes
all night, making a horrible noyse, that every one should
have a care thereof ; that it was both strange and fearefull
to heare them.
The ^v^ and twentieth, the Captaine Chinesa our Land-
lord, being sicke, sent for a piece of Porke, which I sent
him, and presently followed after my selfe to visite him,
and carried him a small bottle of Spanish wine, and while
I was there, Semedone and our Guardians father in law
came likewise to visite him.
The King sent me word by Miguell our Jurebasso, that
he had a bad opinion of Harnando Ximenes our Spaniard,
and that he went about to have runne away when he was
last at Langasaque : but that I know is not so, for he had
free libertie to goe when he would, without running away.
Another complaint was also made of him, that he was a
common Gamster, and had brought on divers to play, and
540
Dive II so often.
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1613.
got their money : which report I doe rather beleeve then
the other ; and I find by experience, these people are no ^ ^^^^^ ^°
friend, neither of Spaniard nor Portugall, and love them ^^^Ji^^,
of Langasaque the worse, because they love them so wel.
And I had almost forgotten to note downe, that the night
past ill disposed people had thought to have fired the
Towne in three places, and in one place set a house on
fire, but it was soone put out, and no hurt done ; but the
partie that did it was not found : out of doubt it is nothing
but a villanie of these Conjurers, and other base people,
which are given to the spoile, hoping to get or steale away
something when the Towne is on fire.
The sixe and twentieth, Master Melsham being very
sicke, Zanzebar came to visite him, and put him in mind
to take the Physicke of this Countrey, and that it would
presently stop his Flux ; and brought a Bonze or Doctor Bonze
with him, to administer it : Master Melsham was very ^^y"^^^^-
desirous to take it, but that first our Chirurgion should
see it : and so he gave him two pils yesterday, two in the
night, and two in the morning, with certaine other seeds ;
but for ought I could see, it did him no good at all : God
send him his health. All our waste-clothes, pendants,
Brasse shivers, and other matters were sent aboord, and
the ship put in order to receive the Generall. Another
house was set on fire the night past by villaines, but soone
put out, and no hurt done. Our night-criers of fire doe
keepe such a horrible noise (without forme or fashion)
that it is impossible for any man to take rest.
The Captaine Chinesa being sicke, sent for some spiced
Cakes, and a couple of waxe candles which I sent him, as
I had done the like heretofore. Master Melsham now
being weary of his Japan Physicke, returned to our
Chirurgion, Master Warner. Whereat Zanzebar and his
Doctor tooke pepper in the nose.
[§. III.
54'
A.D.
1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Comaedie.
§. III.
A srtange Comoedie acted by Kings and Nobles :
Preventions for Night-cries and fires : Returne
of the Generall from Court.
He thirtieth day, the Captaine Chinesa (our Land-
Collection which was made throughout every
lord) came unto me, and told mee of a generall
house in the Towne, to send presents of eatable commodi-
Another Feast ^.j^g ^q ^^ Kings, for the more honor of a great Feast they
^^ ^ have to morrow, with a Comoedie or Play : and so by his
counsell (with advice of others) I ordained two bottles of
Spanish wine, two roasted Hennes, a roasted Pigge, a
small quantitie Ruske, and three boxes banquetting stuffe,
to send to their Feast to morrow. And before night the
yong King sent one of his men unto me, to furnish them
with some English apparell, for the better setting out
their Comoedie, namely, a paire of Stamel-cloath breeches.
I returned answere, I had none such, neither did know
any other which had : notwithstanding, if any apparell I
had would pleasure his Highnesse, I would willingly give
it him. And within night both the Kings sent to me, to
bring Master Foster, the Master, and be a spectator of
their Comoedie to morrow.
The one and thirtieth, before dinner, I sent our Present
aforesaid to the Kings by our Jurebasso, desiring their
Highnesses to pardon the Master and my selfe, and that
we would come to them some other time, when there were
lesse people : but that would not serve the turne, for they
would needs have our company, and to bring Master
Eaton along with us ; which wee did, and had a place
appointed for us, where we sate and saw all at our plea-
sures : and the old King himselfe came and brought us
Collation in sight of all the people : and after Semidone
did the like in the name of both the Kings ; and after
divers Noblemen of the Kings followers, made us a third
Collation. But the matter I noted most of all, was their
542
Junketting.
RICHARD COCKS
Comoedie (or Play) the Actors being the Kings them-
selves, with the greatest Noblemen and Princes. The
matter was of the valiant deeds of their Ancestors, from
the beginning of their Kingdome or Common-wealth,
untill this present, with much mirth mixed among, to give
the common people content. The Audience was great,
for no house in Towne but brought a Present, nor no
Village nor place under their Dominions, but did the like,
and were spectators. And the Kings themselves did see,
that every one, both great and small, did eate and drinke
before they departed. Their acting Musique and singing
(as also their Poetry) is very harsh to us, yet they keepe
due time both with hands and feet. Their Musique is
little Tabers, made great at both ends, and smal in the
middest, like to an Houre-glasse, they beating on the end
with one hand, and straine the cords which goe about it,
with the other, which maketh it to sound great or small
as they list, according their voices with it, one playing on
a Phife or Flute ; but all harsh, and not pleasant to our
hearing. Yet I never saw Play wherein I noted so much,
for I see their policie is great in doing thereof, and quite
contrary to our Comoedies in Christendome, ours being
but dumbe shewes, and this the truth it selfe, acted by the
Kings themselves, to keepe in perpetuall remembrance
their affaires. The King did not send for the Flemmings,
and therefore I accounted it a greater grace for us. At
our returne to the English house, I found three or foure
Flemmings there, one of them was in a Japan habit, and
came from a place called Cushma, within sight of Corea.
I understand, they sold Pepper, and other Commodities
there, and I thinke have some secret trade into Corea, or
else are very likely to have. I hope, if they doe well, we
cannot doe amisse, M. Adams being the man that put
them forward unto it, and no doubt will bee as forward for
the good of his owne Countrey, as for Strangers. Her-
nando Ximenes was with Captaine Brower, and saw the
two men which came from Cushma, and did but aske him
from whence they came ; whereat Captaine Brower was
543
A.D.
1613.
Their Play^ in
which the
Kings them-
selves were
Authors^ with
their greatest
loobies.
Their actings
song and
musicke.
[I. iv. 404.]
Cushma.
Corea.
A.D.
i6i3.
Dutch
jealousie.
Langasaque
bad people.
November.
1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
angry, telling him he would give him no account thereof.
And towards night, I understood that two Spaniards were
come from Langasaque, and lodged at Zanzibars, and sent
for our Jurebassa to come to them ; but I would not let
him go so soone. After, Zanzibar and they came to the
English house, the one of them beeing, Andres Bulgaryn,
the Genowes, which passed by this place the other day ;
and the other is called Benito de Palais, and is Pilot Major
of the Spanish ship, which was cast away on the Coast of
Japan, and is the same man which, came from Langasaque,
to visit M. Adams at his being here. They told me they
were come of purpose to visit their friends ; namely, my
selfe first of all, with many other words of complement,
and then entred into speeches of our Fugitives ; saying, it
was not the Fathers (as they call them) which kept our
people secret, or went about to convey them away ; but
rather they of Langasaque themselves, who they reported
to be very bad people. In fine, I stood in doubt that these
fellowes are come of purpose, to inveigle more of our
people to doe as the others have done, and thereof ad-
vised the Master, to have a care both to ship and boats, as
also to take notice of any such as went about to keepe them
company : for that it is good to doubt the worst, for the
best will save it selfe.
The first of November at night, two houses were set on
fire on the other side the water, but fire was soone put out,
but the villaines that did it could not be found. I sent
M. Foster the Master a letter, advising him to take care
of ship and boats, as also to looke unto the behaviour of
our people, for that I doubted these two Spaniards were
but come as Spies to see what we did, and to intice some
other of our people to do as the former did. Also, I
advised him how I understood the said Spaniards did pre-
tend to invite him to dinner this day ; but I wished him
to take heed they gave him not a Higo : he returned me
answer, that he esteemed them such as I tooke them for,
and therefore would have a care to the maine chance. But
soone after he came ashoare, and the Spaniards came to
544
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
the English house, and with much intreaty, got M. Foster,
and M. William Eaton to goe along to dinner with them
to Zanzebars, and the other two Spaniards and Harnando
did the like. But these two Spaniards came unto me, and
bade mee tell the Master or any other that went with them,
to take heed they did not eate nor drinke any thing, but forewarned
such as they did see the others taste before them ; for that fi^^^^^^^-
it was no trusting of them, of which I advised both the
Master, and M. Eaton. Also I sent Miguell our Jure-
bassa, to both the Kings (and other Nobles) to give them
thanks for our kind entertainment yesterday, Harnando
Ximenes told me that M. Adams had goods in his hands,
belonging to this Pilot Major the Spaniard, and that his
chiefe comming was, thinking to have met M. Adams
here, and doth meane to attend his comming to have an
accompt of those matters. As also they brought Letters
of recommendation from the Bishop, and other Fathers to ^^^^^P ^^
the other two Spaniards (or strangers) to perswade them ^^^^'
to returne backe to Langasaque : but I thinke it is not
their determination so to doe.
The second, some villaines set an house on fire in the
Fish streete ; and it was soone put out, and the partie
escaped : and it is generally thought to be some base people
or Renegados, which lie loytering up and downe the
Towne, and came from Miaco, and three are much sus-
pected, but no proofe as yet found against them. But
there is order given, to make Gates and Partitions over
every streete in divers places, and watch to be kept at each
place, and no man be suffered to walke in the night,
except he be found to have earnest businesse. Another
villaine got into a poore widowes house, thinking to have
robbed her, but she making an out-cry, hee fled up into
the wood, over against the English house, where the
Pagod is; and soone after, the wood was beset round ^^^^ff^"
about, with above five hundred men, but the theefe could i^Qiscemple
not be found. At night, as we were going to bed, there or both.
was an out-cry on a sudden, that theeves were on the top
of our house, setting it on fire ; but our ladders being
III 545 2 M
A.D.
1613.
[I. iv. 405.]
Order to pre-
vent Fire-
knaves, and
Night-cryes.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
ready reared, both my selfe and others were not long a
going up, but found nothing, but that all our neighbours
houses were peopled on the tops on a sudden, as well
as ours. And it is to be thought it was nothing but a
false larum, given of purpose to see how every one would
be found in a readinesse. Yet at that very instant there
was a house set on fire, but soone quenched, it being a
good way from our English house.
The night past, three houses were set on fire in divers
parts of the Towne, but all put out at beginning, so that
no hurt was done. So now order is given, to take notice
in every house what people are in them, whether strangers
or others ; and such as are found to be suspected are to
bee banished out of the Countrey ; and gates or bars made
to shut up the passages or ends of streets, and watch set
in divers places, without crying and making a noyse up
and downe streets in the night, as hath been for a time
heretofore without either forme or fashion : yet notwith-
standing all this, a villaine about tenne a clocke in the
night, set a house on fire neare unto the Pagod, over
against our English house : but he was espied by the
watch, who pursued him with all speed, but he got into
the wood above the Pagod, which forthwith was beset
round about, with above five hundred armed men, and
the old King Foyne came in person with many other Noble
men, assisted in the pursuit ; yet I verily thinke, the
villaine did runne up and downe amongst the rest, crying,
Keepe theefe, as well as the best.
The fourth, the night past there was fire put in divers
places more, one in the Towne and an other in the Coun-
trey, besides the House neere ours, as I said before.
Order is now given, to have secret watch in divers parts of
the Towne every night, and no man to goe out in the
night except upon urgent occasion, and then to have a
light before them, to the end they may bee seene. If this
decorum be duly kept, our House burners will play least
in sight. I told the Kings, and others hereof above a
weeke past, and now it is put in execution.
546
RICHARD COCKS
A.D.
1613.
The fifth, this morning I received two Letters, the one
from Domingo Francisco the Spanish Ambassadour dated
in Ximonaseque five dayes past, and the other from George
the Portugal! : the Ambassadour went over Land from
thence for Langasaque, and sent his Servant with the
Letters, unto whom I shewed such Commodities as he
enquired for, and referred him off for others till our Gene-
rals returne writing him a Letter in answere of his, the
Copie whereof I kept : his man tooke liking of two
peeces of fine Semian Chowters, and eight pieces of white
Bastas, and paid seven Tais the piece for Chowters, and
two Tais the piece for Bastas. There came a Spanish Frier
or Jesuite, in the Boat with the Ambassadours man, & A Jesuite.
desired to see our ship, which I willed our Master to let
him, and to use him kindly, which he did. For as the
olde saying is, It is good sometimes to hold a Candle to
the Devill, &c. Master Eaton, Harnando and my selfe
dined with Unagense, and were kindly entertayned.
The sixth, this day about ten a clocke, our Generall and
all his company arrived heere from the Japan Court,
Master Adams being in company with him. And pre-
sently the Generall sent me with John Japan our Jure-
basso, to visit both the Kings, and thanke them for their
kindnesse in so well accommodating him with a Boate, as
also for the care they had of the ship, and the rest in his
absence, and that he would come on the morrow to visit
them, beeing now weary of his long; Voyage. They tooke
this visitation kindly, saying, they would be glad to see
him at their Houses. Also certaine Merchants of Miaco
which came from Langasaque, came to our English House,
and had sight of all our commodities, and amongst the
rest, took liking of ten pieces of Cassedy nill, and made
price for them at three Tais the piece, which is in all
thirtie Tais, and so sent them to their lodging, as other
Merchants before had done the like, and so returned mee
money to my content, but these sent mee nothing but a
Paper, and consigned mee to receive my money of Semi-
done, who was newly gone out of Towne on a Voyage,
547
Capt.Sarishis
returne from
the Emperours
Court.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
our Generall meeting him on the way : but I returned
these Merchants word, that I would have my payment of
them, or else my Merchandize backe againe, but they
made answere, I should have neither the one nor other ;
Merchants of neither would the Host of the House where they lodged
M^'^°L ^V ^ passe his word for payment, so I was forced to goe to both
the Kings to seeke for Justice, but first sent word aboord,
that if the Boate of Miaco weighed anchor to goe away,
that they should man out the Skiffe, and stay her, which
they did, and made her to come to an anchor againe, and
in the meane-time I spake to the Kings, but the younger
said that Semidone was a man able enough to pay me.
And then I answered and asked him, that if Semidone did
not, whether he would, and he told me no, and while we
were talking of it, old Foyne Same came in and told me
he would take order that I should have content : yet his
order had come too late, if our Pinnasse had not stayd
them. So in the end the Host where they did lodge,
passed his word for payment.
George the Captaine Brower^ and all his Merchants came to the
th^G T^ English House to visit our Generall, and Nobisana sent
Present of ^^"^ ^ young Porke for a Present, saying, hee would come
Japan Figs himselfe and visit him within a day or two.
anci Chesnuts. Here follow certaine Letters, the first sent from the
Emperour to the Prince of Orange, the rest from the
English in Japan, and principally from Master Cocke,
wherein the Japonian Affaires and various Occurrents for
divers yeares are expressed.
[I. iv. 406.] The Copie of a Letter sent by the Emperour of
Japan, unto the King of Holland, by the Ship
called the Red Lyon, with Arrowes, w^hich
arrived in the Texel, the two and twentieth of
July, 1 6 10.
Emperour and King of Japan, wish to the King of
Holland, who hath sent from so farre Countries to
visit me, greeting.
548
I
LETTER TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE a.d.
1 6 10.
I rejoyce greatly in your writing and sending unto me,
and wish that our Countries were neerer the one to the
other, whereby wee might continue and increase the
friendship begunne betwixt us through your Majesties
presence, whom I imagine in conceit to see, in respect I
am unknowne unto your Majestie, and that your love
toward me is manifested through your liberalitie in hon-
ouring mee with foure Presents, whereof though I had
no need, yet comming in your name I received them in
great worth, and hold them in good esteeme.
And further, whereas the Hollanders your Majesties
Subjects desire to trade with their shipping in my Coun-
trey, which is of little value and small, and to traffique
with my Subjects, and desire to have their abiding neere
unto my Court, whereby in person I might helpe and
assist them ; which cannot bee as now through the incon-
veniencie of the Countrey : yet notwithstanding I will
not neglect, as alreadie I have beene, to be carefull of
them, and to give in charge to all my Governours and
Subjects, that in what places and Havens in what part
soever they shall arrive, they shall shew them all favour
and friendship to their Persons, Ships and Merchandize :
wherein your Majestie or your Subjects need not to
doubt or feare ought to the contrarie. For they may
come as freely as if they came into your Majesties owne
Havens and Countries ; and so may remayne in my Coun-
trey to trade. And the friendship begunne betwixt mee
and my Subjects with you shall never bee impayred on
my behalfe, but augmented and increased.
I am partly ashamed that your Majestie (whose Name
and Renowme through your valorous Deeds is spred
throughout the whole World) should cause your Subjects
to come from so farre Countries into a Countrey so unfit-
ting as this is, to visit me, and to offer unto me such
friendships as I have not deserved. But considering that
your affection hath beene the cause thereof, I could not
but friendly enter tayne your Subjects, and yeeld to their
requests : whereof this shall serve for a testimonie, That
549
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
they in all places, Countries, and Hands under mine obedi-
ence may trade and traffique, and build Houses serviceable
and needfull for their Trade and Merchandizes, where they
may trade without any hinderance, at their pleasure aswell
in time to come as for the present, so that no man shall
doe them any wrong : And I will mayntayne and defend
them, as mine owne Subjects.
I promise likewise, that the persons which I understand
shall bee left heere, shall now and at all times be held as
recommended unto me, and in all things to favour them,
whereby your Majestic shall find us as your Friends and
Neighbours.
For other matters passed betwixt me and your Majesties
Servants, which would bee too long heere to repeate, I
referre my selfe unto them.
Firando in Japan, the tenth of December 1614.
'O this day I have not had time to perfest up my old
bookes of Accounts, by meanes of the dispatching
away our people, some to one place, some to another, and
then the new building of our house, and after that the
buying of a Juncke, and repairing of her, which is now
Trade at ready to depart for Syam, and hath been any time this ten
^^^^- dayes riding at an anchor at Cochi, a league from Firando,
where your ship rode at your departure from hence, ex-
pecting but a faire wind to set forward on her voyage :
shee is called the Sea Adventure, being about some two
hundred Tunnes, in whom Master Adams goeth for
Master, and Master Wickham and Edward Sayer for
Af. Peacocke Merchants, by meanes of the death of Master Peacock
^r^^^- \' s^^^^^ i^ Cochinchina, and likelihood of casting away
oc tnc tna. -^^j^gj. Carwarden, returning backe from thence, for to this
houre we have no newes of him, nor the Juncke they
went in, as I have at large advised the Worshipfull Com-
pany, &c. Since your departure from hence, the Emper-
Jesuttes our hath banished all Jesuits, Priests, Friers and Nunnes
banished. q^^ q^ Japan, and pulled downe, and burned all their
Churches and Monasteries, shipping them away, some for
550
T
RICHARD COCKS
Amacau in China, and the rest for Manillias. Foyne
Same the old King of Firando is dead, and Ushiandono
his Governour, and two other Servants cut their bellyes
to beare him company ; their bodies being burned, and
ashes entombed by his. Heere are warres like to ensue
betwixt Ogusho-same the old Emperour, and Fidaja-same
the yong Prince, sonne to Tico-same, who hath fortified
himselfe strongly in his Castle or Fortresse of Osakey,
having eightie thousand or an hundred thousand men, run
awayes and banished men, mall-contents, which are re-
tyred out of all parts unto him, & victualled themselves
for three yeares. The old Emperor himselfe is come
downe against him in person with an armie of three hun-
dred thousand souldiers, and is at the Castle of Fushma :
their fore-runners have had two or three bickerings
already, and many slaine on each part. All Osakey is
burned to the ground, but only the Castle. So Master
Eaton is gone to Sackey with his goods ; yet not without
danger, for part of that Towne is burned too.
Such a Tempest or Tuffon hath lately happened at
Edoo, that the like was never seene in that place, the sea
overflowing all the City, driving the people up into the
mountains, defacing and breaking downe all the Noble-
mens houses, which you know were beautifull and faire.
So let thus much suffice for newes in Japan.
And now for Sales of our goods : the Emperour tooke
our Ordnance, with a good part of our Lead, and ten
barrels of powder, and two or three Broad-cloathes, and a
good part of our other Broad-cloathes are sold, namely,
Blacke, Haire-colour, Synanon-colour, at fifteene, four-
teene, thirteene, and twelve Taies the Tattamy : but they
will not looke on a Venice-red, nor a Flame-colour, neither
are Stamels in such request as heretofore : they enquire
much after white and yellow Broad-cloath. The Hol-
landers have sold most of their Broad-cloath at base rates,
which maketh us to doe the like. And for our Cloath of
Cambaya, they will not looke on our red Zelas, blew
Byrams, nor Duttis, which are the greatest part of that
551
A.D.
1614.
Foyne Same
dead.
CivtllWarres
In Japan.
Osakay.
Fushma.
Ozacay burnt.
Sac ay.
[I. iv. 407.]
Most terrible
Tuffon.
A.D.
1614.
Hope of Trade
in China.
Hollanders
distasted by
Chinois and
Japan: Por-
tugalls not
accepted.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
you left with us, only some white Bastas are sold at four-
teene and fifteene Masse a peece : And Cassedys nill,
Allejas, broad Pintados, Chader Pintados, with such
spotted, striped and chequered Stuffes, most looked after,
and sold at profit. We have also sold neare halfe our
Bantam Pepper for sixtie five Masse the Peecull, and all
the rest had been gone before now, had it not been for this
rumour of warres. I stand in great hope we shall procure
Trade into China, by meanes of Andrea, the Captaine
China, and two other of his brothers, which labour in the
matter, and make no doubt but to bring it to efi^ect, for
three ships a yeere to come and goe to a place neare Lan-
quin, to which place we may goe from hence in three or
mure dayes, if the wind be good. I have written hereof
at large to the Worshipfull Company, as the like to my
Lord Treasurer.
Some little sicknesse I have had, but now I praise God
it is past. Master Wickham, Master Eaton, Master
Nealson, and Master Edward Sayer, have all foure been
very sicke, but now well recovered all, except Master
Eaton, who is troubled with the Fluxe and a tertian Ague,
God send him his health, for I cannot too much praise that
man, for his diligence and paines taken in the Worshipfull
Companies affaires. Jacob Speck, who was thought to be
cast away in going from hence to the Moluccas, is now
returned to Firando, Captaine of a great ship called the
Zelandia, with a little Pinnasse, called the Jaccatra : the
cause of his so long missing was, for that the ship wherein
he went from hence, passed to the Eastward of the Philip-
pinas, the same way we came, yet by currents and contrary
winds (as they say) they could not fetch the Moluccas, but
were driven to the Westward of the Hand Celebes, and so
passed round about it through the Straights of Desalon,
and so backe to the Moluccas, &c. The Chinaes doe much
complaine of the Hollanders robbing and pilfering their
Juncks, for (as they say) they have rifled and taken seven.
The Emperour of Japan hath taken some distaste against
the Hollanders, for he refused a Present they lately sent
552
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1614.
up to him, and would not speake to them which brought
it : as he did the like by another Present the Portugalls
sent him, who came in the great ship from Amacau, this
yeare, to Langasaque ; he refusing both the Present, as
also to speake to them which brought it. You thought
at your being heere, that if any other ship came out of
England, we might sell our Goods without carrying up
any Present to the Emperour : but now I find it to be
otherwise, for every ship which commeth in must carry a Presents a
Present to the Emperour, as a custome : neither can we ^^^^^^^fi/
set out any Juncke, without procuring the yearely License
of the Emperour, otherwise no Japan Mariner dare goe
out of Japan upon paine of death, only our owne shippes
from England may come in, and goe out againe when
they will, and no man gain-say it.
Wee cannot yet by any meanes get Trade from Tushma
into Corea, neither have they of Tushma any other privi-
ledge, but to enter into one little Towne (or Fortresse)
and in paine of death not to go without the walles thereof,
to the Landward, and yet the King of Tushma is no Sub-
ject to the Emperour of Japan. We could vent nothing
but Pepper at Tushma, and yet no great quantitie of that,
and the weight is much bigger then that of Japan, but
sold at a better rate. I am given to understand, that up
in the Countrey of Corea, they have great Cities, and C,orea Bogges
betwixt that and the Sea mightie Bogs, so that no man ^^^^ ^^'^"^S
can travell on Horse-backe, nor very hardly on foote ; ^^^°^^'
but for remedie against that, they have great Waggons or
Carts, which goe upon broad or flat wheeles under saile,
as ships doe. So that observing Monsons, they transport
their goods to and fro in these sayling Waggons. They
have Damaskes, Sattins, Taffeties, and other Silke stuffes
made there, as well as in China : it is said that Ticus-
same (otherwise called Quabicondono) the deceased Em-
perour, did pretend to have conveyed a great armie of
Souldiers in these sailing waggons, to have assaulted the
Emperour of China on a sudden in his great Citie of
Paquin, where hee is ordinarily resident, but he was pre- Paquin.
553
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1 614.
vented by a Corean Noble-man, who poysoned himselfe,
to poyson the Emperour, and other great men of Japan,
which is the occasion the Japans have lost that, which some
two and twenty yeares past they had gotten possession of
in Corea. James Turner the fidling youth, left a wench
with child heere, but the whore, the mother, killed it so
soone as it was borne, although I gave her two Taies in
plate before to nourish it, because shee should not kill it,
it being an ordinary thing here. Master Foster, the Mas-
ters whistle and chaine is found, and Master Adams hath
it, and will be answerable unto him for it. I did thinke
to have sent you a Japan Almanacke in another Letter to
the same effect as this, dated the five and twentieth
Ultimo, and sent by Sea-adventure, by way of Syam, but
forgot to put it in, yet now commeth here inclosed. I
pray you let this Letter sujffice to Master George Saris
your brother, and the rest of my loving friends ; and with
heartie Commendations in generall, I leave you all to the
holy protection of the Almightie, resting alwayes
Your ever loving friend at command,
Richard Cocks.
[I. iv. 408.] To the Worshipfull Thomas Wilson Esquire, at
his House at the Britaine-Burse, at the Strand,
give these.
Sir, my last unto you was of the first of December 16 13.
dated in the Isle of Firando in Japan ; and sent by
Captaine John Saris, in the ship called the Cloave : where-
in I advertised you, how unkindly the Hollanders dealt
with us in the Maluccas. Since which time, there is not
any matter of moment to advise you of, more then I have
touched in another Letter to my good Lord Treasurer.
The Hollanders give it out heere, That it is very likely
our East-India Company of England, and that of Holland
shall be joyned all in one : which if it prove true, it is
thought an easie matter to drive both Spaniards and
Portugals out of these Easterne parts of the world ; or
554
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1614.
else utterly to cut them ofF, or debarre them from all
Trade. For you will hardly beleeve how the Hollanders Hollanders
alreadie have daunted the Spaniards and Portugals in these ^i^J^^^ ^
parts, especially in the Maluccas, where they daily encroach
upon the Spaniards, which are not able to withstand their
proceedings : but now stand in much feare, that in short ^P^^^^^^^ ^^^
time they will also take the Philippinas from them. Also /^J!^^ ^
the Portugals, which trade from Ormus to Goa, and so
for Malacca and Macao in China, stand daily in feare to be
surprised by them.
One thing there is, the issue whereof I cannot well con- Hollanders rob
ceive : and that is the robbing of the Junckes of China, rji^^^ ^^
daily practised by the Hollanders in these parts : the goods
whereof cannot choose but amount to great matters, and
suffice to set out and maintaine a great Fleete, which is
worthy of consideration. And if it should happen, that
the King of Japan should fall out with the Hollanders,
and debarre them from Trade into his Dominions, (as it
may fall out that he will : ) then is it likely the Hollanders
will make prize as well of Japans as Chinaes. For out of
doubt, their Forces at sea in these parts are sufficient to
doe what they lust, if they have but a victualing place to
retire unto. And they are of late growne very stout, and
mocke at them, which, all the world knoweth, were their
masters and teachers. And it is very certaine that they
have gotten possession of divers Fortresses in the Maluccas,
and those parts : yet on my knowledge the people of those
parts doe rather encline to the Spaniards, then to them :
although at the first, they were glad of their arrivall, by
meanes of the intollerable pride of the Spaniards. But
now time telleth them, that the Spaniard brought them
store of Rialls of plate ; and in their proud humors were
liberall, which was easie for them to doe, in respect they
had wherewithall to doe it. But the poore Hollanders, Hollanders sea
which serve in these parts for souldiers, both by sea and -^''^^'
land, have such bare pay, that it will hardly find them
clothing to their backes, and meate for their bellies : Their
Commanders alledge, that all the benefite which hapneth,
555
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
either by reprisall or conquest, is for the States, and Win-
thebbers, as they call them. So that what will come of this
in the end, is hard to judge.
But letting these matters passe, I am verily of opinion,
that, if it be not for the misdemeanour of the Hollanders,
we shall obtaine a Trade in China : for our demand is but
for three ships a yeare to come and goe ; and only to leave
Jesuits play Factors sufficient to doe the businesse, without bringing in
the Factors, ^^y Jesuits or Padres, as they tearme them, which the
Be^^ers^in Chinaes Cannot abide to heare of, because heretofore they
these partsy as came into these parts in such numbers to inhabite, that
hy all Indian now they will not endure it, and were alwayes craving and
relations may begging without shame, which is a common saying among
appeare. ^j^^ Pagans.
Fame of the One thing there is, which putteth me in good hope, and
English tn the ^]^^^ -g ^j^^ j report and fame, which our En2:lish Nation
remote East. ,, o.,^ . ' a-hi-i t
hath gotten m these parts, smce our Arrivall : which, as 1
am given to understand, is come to the knowledge of the
Emperour of China : and how the chiefe King of Japan
hath received us, and granted unto us very large privi-
ledges. As also, how that the English at all times, have
held the Castilians, as they call them, to hard meate, both
by sea and land. These things the Chinaes themselves
tell me : and that the Emperour and other great men in
China, delight to heare reports of our Nation. But I had
almost forgotten to note downe, how some China Mer-
chants put out a question to me, to know, if we had a
trade in China, whether the King of England would de-
barre the Hollanders from robbing and spoiling of their
Junckes } Which question was doutfull unto me : yet
I answered them, that his Majestic would take such order,
that the Hollander should not misuse them.
Force of Tern- Of late heere is come newes from Edoo, a Citie of Japan
pests tn Japan, ^^ bigge as London, wherein the chiefe of the Nobilitie of
Japan have beautifull houses, that by meanes of an exceed-
ing Tuffon or tempest, all or the most part of them are
defaced ; the whole Citie being over-flowen with water,
and the people forced to flye up into the mountaines, a
556
RICHARD COCKS ad.
1614.
thing never heard of before : and the Kings Palace being
stately builded in a new Fortresse, the tyles being all
gilded on the out-side, were all carryed away with a whirle-
wind, so that none of them are to be found. The Pagans
attribute it to some Charmes, or by Conjurations of the
Jesuits lately banished : but the Papist Japonians doe
rather ascribe it to the punishment of God, for the banish-
ing of such holy men.
Another matter there is, which I thought good to adver- III successe of
tise you of, and that is of a disaster lately happened to us i^^^^^^/y^
/-. 1 • V>i • -n I'll • • r ^^ Cauchm-
m Lauchm-Chma : 1 o which place we sent a quantitie or china.
goods and money, to the value of seven hundred and
thirtie pound sterling, as it cost in England. Master
Tempest Peacock, and Master Walter Caerwarden, going
for Merchants in a Japan Juncke, carryed the Kings
Majesties Letters of England, with a Present of worth for
the King of Cauchin-China, and arrived at their Port of
Discharge, called Quinham : delivered his Majesties
Letters, and the Present, which were taken in good part,
and they entertained with kind speeches, and large pro-
mises. The Hollanders seeing we adventured to that [I. iv. 409.]
place, would needs doe the like, and tooke fraught in other
Junkes, and were likewise well entertained at first. But
in the ende. Master Peacock and the Chiefe Merchant of
the Hollanders, going on shoare, both in one boat, to
receive certaine summes of money of the King for broad-
Cloath, and other Commodities sold him, were treacher-
ously set upon in the water, and their boat overturned,
they beeing killed in the water with harping yrons like
fishes, with their Interpreters and other followers which
were Japonians : Walter Caerwarden beeing aboord the
Juncke, escaped and came away. But from that day to
this, wee can heare no newes neither of him, nor of the
Junke, wherefore we feare hee is cast away.
The common report both of the Chinas and Japans is, P^rfi^y
that the King of Cauchin-China did this, to be revenged '^^''^''S^'^'
on the Hollanders, for burning a Towne of his, and put-
ting his people to death without mercie. The originall
557
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
grew, from a great quantitie of false Dollers or Rials of
eight, sent to Quinham by the Hollanders, certaine yeeres
past ; and there put away for Silkes, and other China
stuffes, with the Merchants of that place. But the fals-
hood of the money beeing espied, they laid hands on the
Holland Factors, and I thinke, some one was put to death
in revenge : whereupon the Holland ships comming on
that Coast, landed their men, and burned a Towne, put-
ting Man, Woman, and Child to the sword. This was
the chiefe occasion (as report goeth) that this mischance is
happened now ; M. Peacocke being slaine, because he was
in company with the Hollanders. Here inclosed, I send
you a Japan Almanacke, whereby you may see their order
of Printing, Figures, and Characters. And so I leave
you to the holy protection of the Almighty. Resting
alwaies
Your Worships to command,
Richard Cock.
From Firando in Japan. December 10. 16 14.
December 5. 161 5.
Sir, I received a Letter from you by the hands of Cap-
taine Copendall, Captaine of the Hosiander, which
arrived here in Japan the twentie ninth of August, 161 5.
wherein I understood of your safe arrivall at the Cape
Bona Esperanza homeward bound : wherein your Wor-
ship gave mee to understand, of the losse of some of your
Company, yet I make no doubt, but by the grace of God,
you are safely arrived in England long before this time.
I sent you a Letter, dated the last of November, 16 14. by
the Hollanders ship called the old Zealand, wherein I gave
you to understand of the death of M. Peacocke, and
Walter Carwarden betrayed in Cauchinchina, which was
not a little griefe to us all, besides the losse of the Com-
panies goods. This last yeere past, M. Wickham, M.
Adams, and my Selfe, beeing bound in a Juncke which we
558
EDMOND SAYER a.d.
1616.
bought for Siam, having great stormes and foule weather,
sprung leakes in her, and were faine to beare up for the
Hands Leuckes, where we stayed so long, and could not
stop our leakes, we lost our Monson, and came to Firando
againe. This yeere we have trimmed her againe, and at
this present readie to set sayle againe for Siam. My
greatest hope in these parts is, that we shall have a trade
into China, for we have great possibilities, and I make no
doubt but ere long, to see a Factory established there, by
meanes that the Captaine Cheny and his brothers have
made. We have had here the last Summer great troubles
of Warres, betwixt the Emperour and Fidaja Sama, which
we doe not know whether hee bee slaine or fled, but the
Emperour hath got the victory with losse of men of both Forty thousand
sides, the summe of foure hundred thousand. Thus '^''-^'"^^J/ ^''^
having no more newes to write, I commit you to the pro- ^^arres.
tection of the Almightie. From Firando in Japan.
Your Servant alwaies to command,
Edmond Sayer.
Firando in Japan. December 4. 161 6.
WOrshipfull Sir, my humble dutie alwayes remem-
bred : having so fit an opportunitie, I could not
choose but trouble your Worship with these few lines, I
being but newly arrived heere in Firando, of a hard and
tedious Voyage from Siam, which went in a Junke of the
Right Honourable Companies, M. Adams being Master,
and my selfe Factor in her, having bought more goods
then we could lade, we fraighted an other Junke for Japan :
M.Benjamin Fary being principall of the Factory of Siam,
thought it fit for me to goe in this Junke for Japan,
for the safegard of the Worshipfull Companies goods:
wherein I tooke my Voyage, the yeare beeing far spent,
that we were from the first of June, to the seventeenth of
September, betweene Siam and Shachmar, with much tor-
ments and fowle weather, having lost twenty of our men
559
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1616.
with sicknesse and want of fresh water. The greatest
occasion of this first, was for want of a good Pilot, for we
had a China Pilot, which had no understanding of Navi-
gation : for when he was out of sight of the Land, hee
knew not where he was, nor what course to take : then he
falling sicke, was not able to creepe out of his Cabbin, I
beeing forced with the small skill I had, to doe my best,
and with the helpe of God brought the Junke safe to
Shachmar, where we arrived the seventeenth of September,
having but five men able to stand on their legges, com-
ming so late to Firando, that I could not goe this yeere to
Siam, but the Companies Junke is gone with M. Wil.
Eaton, and two English Pilots, whose names are Robert
Burges, and John Burges.
Your Worships servant till death,
Edmond Sayer.
c
[I. iv. 410.] Firando in Japan. February 15. 16 17.
Aptaine Saris, My last Letter unto you, was the fifth
of January, 161 6. sent by way of Bantam, in the ship
Thomas, which went from hence that yeere, with an other
small ship called the Advice : in which Letter I wrote you
at large, of all matters which occasion then offered : as
also of the receipt of two Letters of yours, the one dated
in London the twenty fourth of November, 16 14. and the
other the fifteenth of August, 161 5. Since which time
the ship Advice is returned againe into Japan, and arrived
at Firando, the second of August last past. By which con-
vaiance I received a Letter from the Honourable Com-
pany, dated in London the thirtieth of January, 161 5.
Wherein they write me, &c.
Capt. George There are some which can tell you, that Captaine
Barkeley. Barkely lying on his death bed, escaped a scowring of loos-
ing sixe thousand Rialls of eight ; and had he died before
it was found out, paid out for Custome of Pepper, it may
be some other man might have had the credit of paying it.
It is a common Proverbe, that it is a small matter for men
560
RICHARD COCKS a.d
1617.
which lie at Bantam, to be rich if they live but a little
time : for as the old saying is, No man dieth without an
heire.
Wee have beene this yeare againe, before the Emperour
of Japan, but cannot get our Priviledges enlarged, but
trade onely at Firando and Langasaque, and our English
shipping to come for Firando only.
M. Edmond Sayer went this last yeare for Cochinchina, '^^^^ !^
with a Cargeson of some one thousand eight hundred J^i^^l^'^ ^"^
Tays Goods and money : and being ready to come away,
was coozened of sixe hundred and fifty Tays by a China
& others, of whom he had bought Silke for the Worship-
ful Company, and weighed out the Money, attending to
receive the Silke, the Money lying by till it came, he and
an other being in the roome where it lay : but those false
people made a hole through the Cane-wall, and stole out
the Money, they not seeing when it was done. I am sorrie
for the mischance, but he hopeth to recover it againe this
yeare, having left a man to follow the suite, and returneth
backe this Monson in a China Junke, with a Cargeson of
two thousand Tais in Plate to bestow in Silke, and one
Robert Hawley goeth with him for mortalities sake, and
M. William Adams goeth Pilot for the Chines. God
send them a prosperous Voyage, and to recover the money
lost.
Our Junke, the Sea Adventure, made an other Voyage
the last yeare to Siam, M. William Eaton going Mer-
chant in her, and is returned againe in her thither this
yeare, God send them a prosperous Voyage.
The Hollanders sent a Fleete of ships the last yeare
from the Moluccas to the Manillias, to fight with Spanish
Fleete : but they kept in for the space of five or sixe
moneths, so that the Hollanders made account they durst
not come out at all : and therefore separated themselves,
to looke out for China Junkes whereof they tooke and
rifled some say twentie five Juncks, others say thirtie five :
once they tooke great riches, and all under the name of
Englishmen. But in the end, the Spanish Fleete came
III 561 2N
A.D.
1617.
Fight of Hol-
landers and
Spaniards.
Hollanders
wronging the
English name.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
out, and set upon five or sixe of their ships, burning and
sinking the Admirall, and two other Holland ships, the
rest escaping : but the Spaniards separating themselves to
seeke out the Hollanders, the Viceadmirall of them fell
with two fresh Hollanders on the morning, who fought
with her all day, and made her to runne on ground, and
set her selfe on fire, because the Hollanders should not
take them : the which two ships, and one of them which
was at former fight, came after to Firando, with two other
great Hollanders from Bantam, to looke out for the
Amacau ship, but missed narrowly of her, so that five
great Holland ships, the least of them as big as the Clove,
came into Japan this yeare, one of which, called the Red
Lyon (which was she which rid by us at the Moluccas)
was cast away at Firando in a storme, with a China Juncke
they brought in for Prize, but all the Merchandize re-
covered, although wet. The Emperour letteth them
make good price of all. They sent away the Blacke
Lyon for Bantam, a ship of nine hundred Tunnes, full
laden with Raw Silke, and other rich China stuffes.
Another, called the Flushing, of seven or eight hundred
Tunnes, is gone for the Moluccas, full laden with pro-
vision and money : and the Sunne, a ship of sixe or seven
hundred Tunnes, with the Gallias of above foure hun-
dred Tunnes, are left to scowre the coast of China, to
take what booty they can, and returne the next Monson :
the Gallias is gone out already, but the Sunne attendeth
the going out of the Amacau ship from Langasaque, to
be doing with her. She was going out heretofore, but
comming in sight of the Gallias, (the wind serving her)
returned into Langasaque againe, so I thinke she will
hardly goe out this yeare : and as I said before, they have
robbed all the Chines in the name of Englishmen, which
hath done much hurt to our proceeding, to get trade in
that place ; so that we were forced to send new supplies,
to give the Governours in China to understand, that they
are Hollanders which did it, and not Englishmen. In
fine, I have advised the Worshipfiill Company at large of
562
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1617.
all, of which I make no doubt but you will heare : And
so I commit you to God, resting
Your loving Friend assured at command,
Ric. Cock.
The Coppie of my Letter the last yeare, I send you
here inclosed.
A piece of another Letter of M. Cockes.
There came two Friers in that ship as Embassadours
from the Viceroy of new Spaine, with a Present for the
Emperour, but he would neither receive the Present, nor
speake to them which brought it, but sent M. Adams [I. iv. 41
to tell them, they should avoide out of his Dominions,
he having formerly banished all of their coate, and re-
mained still in the same opinion. It is said, that Fidaja
Same had promised the Jesuites entrance againe, if he had
got the victorie, and been setled in the Empire, which
if it had taken effect, out of doubt both Hollanders and
we had been turned out of Japan. And therefore better
as it is.
Also, the last yeere when we set out our Junke, we
entertained a Spaniard, called Damian Marina, and was
the same man which thought once to have gone along
with you, in Company of George Peterson. This Damian
was a good helme man : and therefore entertained, and
an other Spaniard, called Juan de Lievana went with them
as a Passenger : but the Junke loosing her Voyage, they
returned to Langasaque, where soone after arrived the
Carracke from Amacau ; and understanding that these two
men had gone in our shipping, they laid hands of them,
and put them in chaines aboord the great ship, condemn-
ing them to death, as Traytors to their Prince and Coun-
trey, in serving the English their enemies. Which com-
ming to my knowledge, I tooke their defence in hand,
and by authoritie from the Emperour got them set at
libertie, to the great spight and hearts griefe of both
Spaniards and Portugals, these two men going Passengers
563
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1617.
in the Hosiander for Bantam, &c. We have had extreame
troubles in Japan, by meanes of these warres, in posting
or transporting of our goods from place to place, to save
it. I long to heare from you of your safe arrivall, &c.
M. Adams is gone againe in the Junke for Siam,
accompanied onely with M. Edmond Sayer ; and M.
Nealson is very sicke, but M. Wickham, and M. Eaton
well : I pray you deliver the enclosed to my brother.
Yours, most assured at command,
Richard Cock.
Naugasaque in Japan, the tenth of March 1610.
IT is now almost three yeeres last past since I wrote
your Worship any Letter, and is by meanes of the
unlooked for & unruly proceedings of the Hollanders *
against our English Nation in all these parts of the
World, not sparing us in these Kingdomes of Japan, con-
trarie to the large Priviledges which the Emperour of
Japan hath given us, that the Japans should not meddle
with us. But these Hollanders this yeere having seven
ships great & small in the Harbor or Port of Firando,
have with sound of Trumpet proclaymed open War
* Hollanders abuses of the English in those parts, are here published
for knowledge of the Easterne Affaires, and Occurrents, as it is meet in
a Historie. But neither were these Nationall but personall Crimes,
and done in time and place of pretended Hostilitie, and now I hope
satisfaction is, or shall be made. Neighbourhood of Region, Religion
and Customes, are easily violated by Drink, Covetousnesse & Pride, the
three Furies that raysed these Combustions. This Historie hath related
the worth of many Worthy Hollanders ; if it yeelds a Close-stoole for
Westarwood (as Excrements rather then true Dutch) or a Graine-Tub
or Swil-tub for some brave Brewers and Bores, that embrewed with
Nobler bloud then themselves have, preferre their brutish passions to
Gods Glorie, Religion, and publike Peace, let it be no imputation to the
Nation (which I love and honour) but to such baser spirits as have (like
Scorbuticall humours in these long Voyages, and their longer peace and
want of wonted employments) beene bred as Diseases to their, and
infections to our bodie. My intent is to present others with their Acts,
my selfe with Prayers that all may be amended.
564
RICHARD COCKS ad.
.1610.
against our English Nation, both by Sea and Land to take
our English ships & goods, and kill our persons as their
mortall Enemies, which was done by one Adam Westar-
wood, their Admirall or Lord Commander (as they tearme
him) and openly proclaymed aboord all their shippes.
Also they came to brave us before our owne doores, and
picking quarrels entred into our House, thinking to have
cut all our throates, yet wounded but two persons, and
had it not beene for the assistance of the Japanesses our
Neighbours, which tooke our parts, they had killed us
all, they being a hundred Hollanders to one Englishman :
and not contented with this, they tooke our Boat going out
about our businesses, wherein there was one Englishman
which they carryed Prisoner into their owne House,
threatning to have killed him, putting him in great
danger of his life, by meanes of a Company of drunken
Consorts which were about him, threatning him to stab
him with their Knives. The young mans name is Richard
King and sonne to Captaine King of Plimmouth. And
besides this, two other of our Barkes going besides their
ships within the Towne and Harbour of Firando, they
bent a Peece of Ordnance against them, which tooke false
fire, but they shot at them with Muskets, but missed the
Englishmen, and killed a Japan : Yet for all this there is
no justice executed against them by the King of Firando,
although the Emperour hath commanded him to doe it.
Also may it please you to understand, that two of these
shippes which they brought into Firando this yeere, are
English ships which they tooke from Englishmen in the
Indies, as also they tooke two other this yeere from them,
riding at an anchor in the Roade of Patania, where wee
have a Factorie, and not doubting any such matter : in
which broyle, they killed Captaine * John Jordaine, our * This John
Chiefe President for the right WorshipfuU Companie in Jordaine is
the Indies, with divers others, and carryed the ships and ^^^^^^^'^^ .
goods quite away, but sixe of the Mariners which were in ^to^lavJlTene
the English ships which they tooke, escaped from them treacherously
and came to the English House, they sending to me to sl^ine.
5^5
A.D.
161O.
[I. iv. 412.]
^Andwhowas
the happy
instrument of
their deliverie,
from that
which they
account
slaverie, but
the English?
Unchristian,
uncivilly inhu-
mane,immane,
Devillish
Impietie.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
have them sent backe againe : unto whom I answered, I
would first see their Commission, how they durst presume
to take our shipping and goods, and kill our Kings
Majesties faithfull Subjects as they did : so then they
went to the Tono or King of Firando ; desiring to have
their * English slaves (as it pleased them to call them)
delivered unto them, but they had answere, they must
first demaund them of the Emperour, and looke what he
ordayned should be fulfilled. Yet in the meane time, they
held not the English-men to bee slaves unto them. This
was the chiefe occasion which made them to picke quarrels
against us, to hdVe killed us all, but I hope in God, his
Majestie by the Solicitation of our right Honourable, and
right Worshipfull Imployers, will not suffer his true and
loyall Subjects to lose their shipping, lives and goods, in
such order as they doe by such an unthankefull and
theevish Rabble of them, which are assembled together in
these parts of the World, who make a daily practice to rob
and spoile all, both friends and foes, and I trust that you
your selfe will be a Solicitor in this so just a cause, against
so common an Enemie.
This Adam Westerwood their Lord Commander, set
my life at saile, offering fiftie Rials of eight, to any one
that would kill me, & thirtie Rials for each other English-
man that they could kill : but hitherto God hath pre-
served me and the rest in this place, although they
wounded two or three, yet they are not dead. And this
proceedings of their Lord Commander, was told me
secretly by some of their owne people (willing me) and
the rest to take heed of our selves. They also informed
mee of the Noble Parentage of their Lord Commander
Westerwood, telling that his Father is a Close-stoole-
maker at Amsterdam, or thereabouts, and the best of their
Captaines either Shoomakers, Carpenters, or Beere-
brewers Sonnes, God blesse such an Honourable and Wor-
shipfull Generation, I meane, God blesse mee from them.
And so to make an end of this matter, I was this yeere
above at the Emperours Court at Miaco, to make com-
566
RICHARD COCKS a.d.
1610.
plaint of the abuses offered to us within his Dominions,
contrary to the Priviledges his Majestie had given us,
and I had very good words and promises that wee should
have Justice, and the Tono or King of Firando com-
manded to see it performed, but as yet nothing done,
although I have many times earnestly sued for it.
And at my beeing at Court, and at the Emperours
Palace, Portugals and Spaniards being there at the same
time, to doe their duties to the Emperour, as they doe
every yeere when shipping commeth. There was a Hoi- ^'^^^ °f^
lander in the Court, (which had lived in Japan almost
twentie yeeres, and speaketh the Japan Language well)
this fellow, in my hearing and others, beganne to extoll
their King of Holland, to be the greatest King in Chris-
tendome, and one that held all the others under, he little
thinking that we had understood what he said : but I was
not behind hand to tell him that he needed not to lye so
loud, for that they had no King at all, in Holland, but
were governed by a Count, or rather they governed him.
But if they had any King at all, in whom they might
boast it was the Kings Majestie of England, who hitherto
had beene their Protector, otherwayes they had never
bragged of their States, at which speeches, both Spaniards,
Portugals, and others did laugh apace, and so the Hol-
landers mouth was stopped, &c.
And now for newes in these parts, may it please you to Persecution.
understand that this Emperour is a great Enemy to the
name of Christians, especially Japans, so that all which
are found are put to death, I saw fifty five martyred at
Miaco, at one time when I was there, because they wold
not forsake their Christian Faith, & amongst them were
little Children of five or sixe yeeres old burned in their
mothers armes, Crying out, Jesus receive their soules.
Also in the Towne of Naugasaque, there was sixteene
more martyred for the same matter, whereof five were
burned and the rest beheaded and cut in pieces, and cast
into the Sea in Sackes of thirtie fathome deepe : yet the
Priests got them up againe, and kept them secretly for
567
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
Reliques. There is many more in Prison in divers other
places, as also heere, which looke hourely when they shall
die, for very few turne Pagans. Also this last yeere be-
fore Christmas, the Emperour hath displaced one of the
greatest Princes of Japan, called Frushma Tay, of sixtie
or seventie Mangocas, and turned him into a Corner, in
the North parts of Japan, where hee hath but a small
portion in respect of that was taken from him, and this
must hee doe or cut his belly. It was thought there
would have beene much trouble in Japan about it, for all
Fushma Frushma Tayes Subjects were in Armes, and meant to
destroyed. ^^^^^^ ^itld it out to the uttermost, having fortified the
Citie of Frushma, and gotten provision into it for a long
time, but the Tay himselfe and his Sonne being in the
Emperours Court, he commanded them to write to their
Vassals, to lay downe their Armes and submit themselves
to the Emperours pleasure, or else forth-with to cut their
bellies. So life was sweete unto them, and all rendred
unto the Emperour, and those pardoned which had taken
up Armes in the defence of the Tay. And the Emperour
hath given his Dominions being two Kingdomes, to two
of the Emperours owne Kinsmen, and now this yeere the
Emperour hath pulled downe his Castle at Frushamy,
which I thinke was farre bigger then the Citie of Rochester,
a very beautifull and gallant thing, wherein I saw him
this yeere, and all the stones are carried to Osackay, and
FidajaSamma that old ruinated Castle which Ticus Samma built, and
Sonne ofTtco Qgosha Samma pulled downe, must now bee built againe,
three times bigger then it was before, so that all the Tonos
or Kings, have each one their taske set them to doe at
their owne proper charge, not without much grudging,
they having leave after so many yeeres to returne to their
owne Lands, and now on a suddaine, are all sent for againe
to come to the Court, which angreth them not a little, but
they must, will they nill they ; in paine of belly-cutting.
Yet at this very instant, heere is a secret muttering, that
Fidaja Samma the Sonne of Ticus Samma is alive ; and
in the Daires House at Miaco, but I thinke it hath beene
568
RICHARD COCKS ad.
1618.
reported divers times heretofore that hee was alive, and in
other places but proved untrue, yet here are some rich
Merchants at Miaco, hereat present, which are affraid,
and are readie to goe up on a suddaine, for feare the Em-
perour should burne Miaco, if it be true, he be alive, and
out of doubt if he be alive, it may turne the Emperours
Estate upside downe, for hee is no Marshall man, but a
great Politician : once, howsoever it bee, it cannot bee
worse for us then it is, &c. And as I advised you in my
last, of the pulling downe of all the Churches in Japan,
yet there were some remnants standing in Naugasaque U- iv. 413.]
till this yeere, and the Monasterie of Misericordia not
touched, neither any Church-yard nor Buriall place, but
now by order from the Emperour all is pulled downe, and
all Graves and Sepultures opened, and dead mens bones
taken out, and carried into the Fields by their Parents
and Kindred to be buried else-where. And streets made
in all their places, where both Churches or Church-yards
were, except in some places, where the Emperour hath
commanded Pagods to bee erected, and sent Heathen
Priests to live in them, thinking utterly to roote out the
memory of Christianitie out or Japan. For there were
certaine places a little without the Citie of Naugasaque,
where divers Fathers and other Christians were martyred,
in the time of Ogosha Samma, where their Parents and
Friends had planted greene Trees, and set up Altars neere
each Tree, unto which place many hundreds went every
day to pray, but now by comm.and from the Emperour,
all the said Trees and Altars are quite cut downe, and the
ground made even, such is his desire to root out the
remembrance of all such matters.
And in Anno 161 8. in the moneths of November and Comets which
December, heere were two Comets seene over all Japan, ^PP^f^^^ ^^^°
the first rising in the East, being like a great fiery beame
rent to the South-wards, and there within the space of a
moneth vanished away. The other did also rise just
East, being a great biasing Starre, and went North-wards,
and within a moneth vanished quite away about the Con-
569
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1618.
stellation of Charles-wayne or Ursa Major. The Wis-
sards in these parts doe prognosticate great matters
thereof, but hitherto nothing of moment hath happened,
but the deposing of Frushma Tay, aforesaid.
Ex unque g^^ \ ^j^ ashamed to write you the newes the Portugals
eonem. ou ^^^ Spaniards report, and some of them have shewed me
may guesse of r •r^^'r^^^'r^
their Tales of -Letters to verihe it, and is or a bloudie Crosse seene in
Miracles at the Ayre in England, against which an English Preacher
home y speaking in the Pulpit was strooke dumbe, which Miracle,
abroad, by ^^ ^^^^ terme it, caused our Kings Majestie to send to the
Pope, to have some Cardinals and Learned men to come
into England, for that he meant all England should turne
Roman Catholikes. I pray you pardon me for writing
such fopperies which I doe, to the intent to have you
laugh a little, yet I assure you, heere are many Portugals
and Spaniards, will not be perswaded to the contrary. I
know not what else to write, but I hope by the next ship-
ping which commeth for this place to come towards
England, where God grant I may find you in good
health, &c.
Your Worships at command,
Richard Cock.
To the Right Worshipfull Sir Thomas Wilson, &c.
I have heere added for the Readers profit and delight
this Map of Japan, published by J. Hondius.
END OF VOLUME III.
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