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n 



BMIIH80SIAH IH8IITOTI0S 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

BCLLETIN 40 



HANDBOOK OF 
AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 

BY 
FRANZ BOAS 



WITH ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCHES 

By ROLAND B. DIXON, P. E. GODDABD, WILLIAM JO] 
AND TRUMAN MICHEL80N, JOHN R. SWANTON, 
AND WILLIAM THALBITZER 



' WASHINGTON 

NMEST PRIKTINQ OFFICE 
1911 






y rt 4.% 



i,' 



--■,< 



LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 



Smithsonian Institution, 
Bureau op American Ethnology, 
Washington^ D. (7., March 11^ 1908, 

Sib: I have the honor to submit herewith for publication, subject 

o your approval, as Bulletin 40, Part 1, of this Bureau, the manu- 

cript of a portion of the Handbook of American Indian Languages, 

prepared under the editorial supervision of Dr. Franz Boas. 

Yours, respectfully, 

W. H. Holmes, 

Chief. 
Dr. Charles D. Walcott, 

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution^ 

Washington^ D, C. 



Ill 



PREFACE 

The Handbook of American Indian Languages, the first Part 
of which is here presented, had its inception in an attempt to pre- 
pare a revised edition of the '* Introduction to the Study of Indian 
Languages," by Major J. W. Powell. 

During the first twenty years of the existence of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology much linguistic material had been accumulated 
by filling in the schedules contained in Major Powell's Introduction, 
and in this manner many vocabularies had been collected, while the 
essential features of the morphology of American languages remained 
unknown. 

It seemed particularly desirable to call attention, in a new edition 
of the Introduction, to the essential features of the morphology and 
phonetics of American languages, and to emphasize the necessity of 
an analytical study of grammar. The object next to be attained by 
linguistic studies of American languages is a knowledge of their pho- 
netic processes and of the psychological foundation of their structure. 
The former of these objects has hardly been attempted ; knowledge of 
the latter has been obscured by the innumerable attempts to represent 
the grammars of Indian languages in a form analogous to that of the 
European grammars. 

It was originally intended to give a somewhat elaborate intro- 
duction, setting forth the essential psychological characteristics of 
American languages; but with the development of the plan of work 
it was found necessary to rel^ate this discussion to the end of the 
whole work, because without a somewhat detailed discussion of the 
various languages the essential points can not be substantiated by 
reliable evidence. 

I have not attempted to give either exhaustive granunars or 
exhaustive discussions of phonetics, because the object of the whole 
work has been to describe as clearly as possible those psychological 
principles of each language which may be isolated by an analysis of 
grammatical forms. A detailed discussion of phonetics and of the 
probable historical development of granunatical forms belongs rather 
to detailed studies of linguistic stocks, which should be the next step 
in the progress of our knowledge of American languages. 

In the collection of the material embodied in the present volume, 
I have been liberally assisted by investigators employed by a number 



VI PREFACE 

of institutions^ particularly the American Museum of Natural Historf 
and the University of California. Most of the material contained 
in the first Part, except that 'contained in the sketches of the 
Athapascan, by Dr. P. E. Goddard, and of the Eskimo, by Dr. Wil- 
liam Thalbitzer, was collected in connection with extended ethno- 
logical research conducted imder the joint auspices of these institii- 
tions and the Bureau of American Ethnology; and the grammatictJ 
sketches are based on the discussion of texts published by the 
Bureau of American Ethnology and by other institutions, and whick 
are referred to in the various sketches. 

The work of collecting and of revision has extended over the 
period from 1897 to 1908. Lack of funds prevented a more rapid 
completion of the work. 

I desire to express my sincere thanks to the coUaborators who have 
contributed to the volume, and who have willingly adopted the gen- 
eral plan of presentation of grammar outlined by the editor. 

Franz Boas. 

New York, February 26, 1910. 



CONTENTS 



Page 

Introduction, by Franz Boas 1 

Athapascan (Hupa), by Pliny Earle Goddard 86 

Tlingit, by John R. Swanton 159 

Haida, by John R. Swanton 205 

Tsimshian, by Franz Boas 283 

Kwakiutl, by Franz Boas 423 

Chinook, 4>y Franz Boas 559 

Maidu, by Roland B. Dixon 679 

Algonquian (Fox), by William Jones (revised by Truman Michelson) 735 

Sionan (Dakota), by Franz Boas and John R. Swanton 875 

Eskimo, by William Thalbitzer 967 

VII 



INTRODUCTION 

BY 

FRANZ BOAS 



44877— BuU. 40, pt 1—10 1 



00:i^TENTS 



Page 

I. Race and language 5 

Early attempts to determine the position of the American race 5 

Classifications based on physical type, language, and customs 6 

Relations between physical tyi>e, language, and customs 7 

Permanence of physical type; changes in language and culture. . 8 

Permanence of language; changes of phjrsical tyi>e 9 

Changes of language and type 10 

Permanence of tyx>e and language; change of culture 10 

Hjrpothesis of original correlation of tyi>e, language, and culture 11 

Artificial character of all classifications of mankind 14 

nr. The characteristics of language 15 

Definition of language 15 

Character of phonetics 15 

Number of sounds imlimited 15 

Each language uses a limited number of sounds 16 

Alleged lack of differentiation of soimds in primitive languages. . 16 

Brief description of phonetics 18 

Unconsciousness of phonetic elements 23 

Grammatical categories 24 

Differences in categories of different languages 24 

Limitation of the number of phonetic groups expressing ideas 24 

Grammatical processes i 27 

Word and sentence 27 

Stem and afl^ 33 

Discussion of grammatical categories 35 

Nominal categories 36 

Gender 36 

Plural 37 

Case 38 

Tense ! 39 

Personal pronouns 39 

Demonstrative pronouns 40 

Verbal categories 41 

Interpretation of grammatical categories 43 

I Classification of languages 44 

Origin of dialects 44 

Comparison of distinct languages 45 

Mutual influences of languages 47 

Phonetic influences 47 

Grammatical influences 48 

Lexicographic influences 49 

Origin of similarities; by dissemination or by parallel development. . 50 

3 



4^ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. 

III. Classification of languages — Continued. n 

Influence of environment on language | 

Influence of common psychic traits 

Uncertainty of definition of linguistic families 

IV. Linguistics and ethnology 

Practical need of linguistic studies for ethnological purposes 

Theoretical importance of linguistic studies 

Language a part of ethnological phenomena in general 

Language and thought 

Unconscious character of linguistic phenomena 

V. Characteristics of American languages 



INTRODUCTION 



By Feanz Boas 



I. KACE AND LANQUAQE 

surly Attempts to Determine the Position of the American 

Bace 

When Colmnbus started on his journey to reach the Indies, sailing 
estward, and discovered the shores of America, he beheld a new 
,ce of man, different in type, different in culture, different in lan- 
lage, from any known before that time. This race resembled 
dther the Eiu*opean types, nor the negroes, nor the better-known 
kces of southern Asia. As the Spanish conquest of America pro- 
cessed, other peoples of our continent became known to the invaders, * 
id all showed a certain degree of outer resemblance, which led 
le Spaniards to designate them by the term *'Indios" (Indians), 
le inhabitants of the country which was believed to be part of 
idia. Thus the mistaken geographical term came to be applied to 
le inhabitants of the New World; and owing to the contrast of 
leir appearance to that of other races, and the peculiarities of their 
iltures and their languages, they came to be in time considered as 
racial imit. 

The same point of view still prevailed when the discoveries included 
lore extended parts of the New World. The people with whom 
le Spaniards and Portuguese came into contact in South America, 
3 well as the inhabitants of the northern parts of North America, 
11 seemed to partake so much of the same characteristics, that 
ley were readily classed with the natives first discovered, and 
rere considered as a single race of mankind. 

5 



6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll.<( 

It was only when our knowledge of the Indian tribes increased 
that differences between the various types of man inhabiting oa 

I 

continent became known. Differences in degree of culture, as wd 
as differences in language, were recognized at an early time. Muri 
later came a recognition of the fact that the Indians of our contj 
nent differ in type as much among themselves as do the members ^ 
other races. 

As soon as investigators began to concern themselves with thcd 
questions, the problem of the position of the natives of Ameria 
among the races of mankind came to be of considerable interest 
and speculations in regard to their origin and relationships occa 
even in the early descriptions of the New World. 

Among the earlier attempts we find particidarly endeavors 
prove that certain parts of the beliefs and customs of the Indian 
agree with those of the Old World. Such agreements were consii 
ered proof that the Indians belong to one of the races enimaerated 
in biblical history; and the theory that they represent the las: 
tribes of Israel was propounded frequently, and has held its om 
for a long time. In a similar way were traced analogies betweei 
the languages of the New World and those of the Old World, and 
many investigators believe even now that they have established 
such relationships. Attempts were also made to prove similaritie 
in appearance between the American races and other races, and 
thus to determine their position among the races of the Old World 

Classifications based on Physical Type^ Language, and 

Customs 

The problems involved in the determination of the relations d 
the various races have been approached from two different point? 
of view — either the attempt has been made to assign a definite po^i 
tion to a race in a classificatory system of the races of man, or th* 
history of the race has been traced as far back as available dati 
may permit. 

The attempts to classify mankind are nmnerous. Setting aside th« 
classifications based on bibUcal tradition, and considering only those 
that are based on scientific discussion, we find a number of attempts 
based on comparisons of the anatomical characteristics of mankind, 
combined with geographical considerations; others are based on the 
discussion of a combination of anatomical and cultural character* 



s] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 7 

ics — traits which are considered as characteristic of certain groups 
mankind; while still others are based primarily on the study of 
3 languages spoken by people representing a certain anatomical 
f>e. 

The attempts that have thus been made have led to entirely differ- 
b results. Blumenbach, one of the first scientists who attempted 
classify mankind, first distinguished five races — the Caucasian, 
)ngolian, Ethiopian, American, and Malay. It is fairly clear that 
Ls classification is based as much on geographical as on anatomical 
asiderations, although the description of each race is primarily an 
atomical one. Cuvier distinguished three races — the white, yellow, 
d black. Huxley proceeds more strictly on a biological basis. 
9 combines part of the Mongolian and American races of Blumen- 
tch into one, aligns part of the South Asiatic peoples to the Aus tra- 
in type, and subdivides the European races into a dark and a light 
vision. The numerical preponderance of the Eiu*opean types has 
idently led him to make finer distinctions in this race, which 
i divides into the xanthochroic and melanochroic races. It 
ould be easy to make subdivisions of equal value in other races. 
;ill clearer is the influence of cultural points of view in classifica- 
ons like those of Gobineau and Klemm (who distinguishes the 
jtive and passive races), according to the cultural achievements of 
le various types of man. 

The most typical attempt to classify mankind from a consider- 
iion of both anatomical and linguistic points of view is that of 
riederich MuUer, who takes as the basis of his primary divisions the 
>rm of hair, while all the minor divisions are based on linguistic 
)nsiderations. 

Relations between Physical Type, Language, and Customs 

An attempt to correlate the numerous classifications that have 
een proposed shows clearly a condition of utter confusion and con- 
radiction. If it were true that anatomical form, language, and cul- 
are are all closely associated, and that each subdivision of mankind 
J characterized by a certain bodily form, a certain culture, and a cer- 
ain language, which can never become separated, we might expect 
hat the results of the various investigations would show better 
greement. If, on the other hand, the various phenomena which 
i^ere made the leading points in the attempt at classification are not 



8 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 

closely associated; then we may naturally expect such contra 
tions and lack of agreement as are actually foimd. 

It is therefore necessary, first of all, to be clear in regard to 
significance of anatomical characteristics, language, and culture 
characteristic of any subdivision of mankind. 

It seems desirable to consider the actual development of ti 
vaoous traits among the existing races. 

Permanence of Physical Type; Changes in lAtngtu 

and Culture 

At the present period we may observe many cases in which a co 
plete change of language and culture takes place without a c*-*i 
sponding change in physical type. This is true, for instance, aoM 
the North American negroes, a people by descent largely African: 
culture and language, however, essentially European. While ii 
true that certain survivals of African culture and language | 
foimd among our American negroes, their culture is essentially ti 
of the uneducated classes of the people among whom they live, i| 
their language is on the whole identical with that of their neij 
bors — ^English, French, Spanish, and Portuguese, according to \ 
prevalent language in various parts of the continent. It might 
objected that the transportation of the African race to America ^ 
an artificial one, and that in earUer times extended migrations u 
transplantations of this kind have not taken place. 

The history of medieval Europe, however, shows clearly ti 
extended changes in language and culture have taken place mil 
times without corresponding changes in blood. 

Recent investigations of the physical types of Europe have shoi 
with great clearness that the distribution of types has remained tl 
same for a long period. Without considering details, it may be sai 
that an Alpine type can easily be distinguished from a noitl 
European type on the one hand, and a south-European type on tl 
other. The Alpine type appears fairly uniform over a large territoi] 
no matter what language may be spoken and what national cultm 
may prevail in the particular district. The central-European Frend 
men, Germans, Itahans, and Slavs are so nearly of the same tr? 
that we may safely assume a considerable degree of blood relation 
ship, notwithstanding their linguistic differences. 



OAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 9 

Instances of siinilar kind, in which we find permanence of blood 
rith far-reaching modifications of language and culture, are found 
1 other parts of the world. As an example may be mentioned the 
'^eddah of Ceylon, a people fundamentally different in type from 
tie neighboring Singhalese, whose language they seem to have 
dopted, and from whom they have aIso evidently borrowed a 
umber of cultural traits. Still other examples are the Japanese 
f the northern part of Japan, who are undoubtedly, to a consider- 
ble extent, Ainu in blood; and the Yukaghir of Siberia, who, 
rhile retaining to a great extent the old blood, have been assimilated 
a culture and language by the neighboring Tungus. 

^eymanence of LangtKige; Changes of Physical Type 

While it is therefore evident that in many cases a people, without 
indei^oing a considerable change in type by mixture, have changed 
completely their language and culture, still other cases may be adduced 
n which it can be shown that a people have retained their language 
v-hile undergoing material changes in blood and culture, or in both. 
\js an example of this may be mentioned the Magyar of Europe, who 
lave retained their old language, but have become mixed with people 
ipeaking Indo-Eiu*opean languages, and who have, to all intents and 
purposes, adopted European culture. 

Siinilar conditions must have prevailed among the Athapascans, 
3ne of the great linguistic families of North America. The great 
body of people speaking languages belonging to this linguistic stock 
live in the northwestern part of America, while other dialects are 
spoken by small tribes in California, and still others by a large body 
of people in Arizona and New Mexico. The relationship between all 
these dialects is -so close that they must be considered as branches 
of one large group, and it must be assumed that all of them have 
sprung from a language once spoken over a continuous area. At 
the present time the people speaking these languages differ funda- 
mentally in type, the inhabitants of the Mackenzie river region 
being quite different from the tribes of California, and these, again, 
differing from the tribes of New Mexico. The forms of culture in 
these different regions are also quite distinct; the culture of the Cali- 
fornia Athapascans resembles that of other Califomian tribes, while 
the culture of the Athapascans of New Mexico and Arizona is 
influenced by that of other peoples of that area. It seems most 



10 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull* 

plausible to assume in this case that branches of this stock mi^rraU^ 
from one part of this large area to another, where they interminglej 
with the neighboring people, and thus changed their physical char^ 
acteristics, while at the same time they retained their speech. With- 
out historical evidence this process can not, of course, be proved. ] 
shall refer to this example later on. 

Changes of Language and Type 

These two phenomena — a retention of type with a change d 
language, and a retention of language with a change of type-^ 
apparently opposed to each other, are still very closely related 
and in many cases go hand in hand. An example of this is, fisi 
instance, the distribution of the Arabs along the north coast of 
Africa. On the whole, the Arab element has retained its languagi^: 
but at the same time intermarriages with the native races were 
common, so that the descendants of the Arabs have often retained 
the old language and have changed their type. On the other hand 
the natives have to a certain extent given up their own languages 
but have continued to intermarry among themselves and have thus 
preserved their type. So far as any change of this kind is connected 
with intermixture, both types of changes must always occur at the 
same time, and will be classed as a change of type or a change of 
language, as our attention is directed to the one people or the other, 
or, in some cases, as the one or the other change is more pronounced. 
Cases of complete assimilation without any mixture of the people 
involved seem to be rare, if not entirely absent. 

Pernianefice of Type and Langtiagef Change of Culture 

Cases of permanence of type and language and of change of culture 
are much more numerous. As a matter of fact, the whole historical 
development of Europe, from prehistoric times on, is one endless 
series of examples of this process, which seems to be much easier, 
since assimilation of cultures occurs everywhere without ia-ctual blood 
mixture, as an effect of imitation. Proof of diffusion of cultural 
elements may be found in every single cultural area which covers a 
district in which many languages are spoken. In North America, 
California offers a good example of this kind; for here many lan- 
guages are spoken, and there is a certain degree of differentiation of 
type, but at the same time a considerable uniformity of culture pre- 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 11 

aiXs. Another case in point is the coast of New Guinea, where, 
ot^dthstanding strong local diflFerentiations, a certain fairly char- 
3teristic type of culture prevails, which goes hand in hand with a 
rong differentiation of languages. Among more highly civiUzed 
BO pies, the whole area which is under the influence of Chinese cul- 
ir© might be given as an example. 

Tliese considerations make it fairly clear that, at least at the present 
me, anatomical type, language, and culture have not necessarily the 
Lme fates; that a people may remain constant in type and language 
tid change in culture; that they may remain constant in type, but 
biajige in language; or that they may remain constant in language 
nd change in type and culture. If this is true, then it is obvious 
bat attempts to classify mankind, based on the present distribution 
f type, language, and culture, must lead to different results, accord- 
[ig to the point of view taken; that a classification based primarily 
•n type alone will lead to a system which represents, more or less 
tccurately, the blood relationships of the people, which do not need 
o coincide with their cultural relationships; and that, in the same 
vay, classifications based on language and culture do not need at 
ill to coincide with a biological classification. , 

If this be true, then a problem Uke the much discussed Aryan 
>roblem really does not exist, because the problem is primarily a 
inguistic one, relating to the history of the Aryan languages; and 
;he assumption that a certain definite people whose members have 
ilways been related by blood must have been the carriers of this 
anguage throughout history; and the other assumption, that acer- 
:,ain cultural type must have always belonged to this people — are 
purely arbitrary ones and not in accord with the observed facts. 

Sypothesis of Original Correlation of Tjrpe, Language, and 

Culture 

Nevertheless, it must be granted, that in a theoretical considera- 
tion of the history of the types of mankind, of languages, and of 
cultures, we are led back to the assumption of early conditions during 
which each type was much more isolated from the rest of mankind 
than it is at the present time. For this reason, the culture and the 
language belonging to a single type must have been much more 
sharply separated from those of other types than we find them to be 
at the present period. It is true that such a condition has nowhere 



12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BcrJ.4^ 

been observed; but the knowledge of historical developments almosi 
compels us to assume its existence at a very early period in the devet 
opment of mankind. If this is true, the question would arise, 
whether an isolated group, at an eariy period, was necessarily char- 
acterized by a single type, a single language, and a single culture, ci 
whether in such a group different types, different languages, and 
different cultures may have been represented. 

The historical development of mankind would afford a simpler an*. 
clearer picture, if we were justified in assuming that in primitive 
communities the three phenomena had been intimately associated 
No proof, however, of such an assumption can be given. On the 
contrary, the present distribution of languages, as compared with the 
distribution of types, makes it plausible that even at the earliest 
times the biological units may have been wider than the linguistk 
units, and presumably also wider than the cultural units. I belike 
that it may be safely said that all over the world the biological unit 
is much larger than the linguistic unit: in other words, that groups 
of men who are so closely related in bodily appearance that we must 
consider them as representatives of the same variety of mankind, 
embrace a much larger number of individuals than the number of 
men speaking languages which we know to be genetically related. 
Examples of this kind may be given from many parts of the world. 
Thus, the European race — ^including under this term roughly all 
those individuals who are without hesitation classed by us as mem- 
bers of the white race — would include peoples speaking Indo-Euro- 
pean, Basque, and Ural-Altaic languages. West African negroes 
would represent individuals of a certain negro type, but speaking the 
most diverse languages; and the same would be true, among Asiatic 
types, of Siberians; among American types, of part of the Calif omian 
Indians. 

So far as our historical evidence goes, there is no reason to believe 
that the number of distinct languages has at any time been less th$n 
it is now. On the contrary, all our evidence goes to show that the 
number of apparently unrelated languages has been much greater in 
earlier times than at present. On the other hand, the number of 
types that have presumably become extinct seems to be rather 
small, so that there is no reason to suppose that at an early period 
there should have been a nearer correspondence between the number 
of distinct linguistic and anatomical types; and we are thus led to 



OA*] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 13 

he conclusion that presumably, at an early time, each human type 
aay have existed in a number of small isolated groups, each of which 
Qay have possessed a language and culture of its own. 

However this may be, the prohabiUties are decidedly in favor of 
he assumption that there is no necessity to assiune that originally 
-ach language and culture were confined to a single type, or that each 
ype and culture were confined to one language: in short, that there 
las been at any time a close correlation between these three phe- 
lomena. 

The assumption that type, language, and culture were originally 
Josely correlated would entail the further assumption that these 
ihree traits developed approximately at the same period, and that 
bhey developed conjointly for a considerable length of time. This 
BLSSumption does not seem by any means plausible. The fundamen- 
tal types of man which are represented in the negroid race and in 
the mongoloid race must have been differentiated long before the 
formation of those forms of speech that are now recognized in the 
linguistic families of the world. I think that even the differentia- 
tion of the more important subdivisions of the great races antedates 
the formation of the existing linguistic families. At any rate, 
the biological differentiation and the formation of speech were, at 
this early period, subject to the same causes that are acting upon 
them now, and our whole experience shows that these causes act 
much more rapidly on language than on the human body. In this 
consideration lies the principal reason for the theory of lack of corre- 
lation of type and language, even during the period of formation of 
types and of linguistic famiUes. 

What is true of language is obviously even more true of culture. 
In other words, if a certain type of man migrated over a considerable 
area before its language assumed the form which can now be traced 
in related linguistic groups, and before its culture assumed the definite 
type the further development of which can now be recognized, there 
would be no possibility of ever discovering a correlation of type, 
language, and culture, even if it had ever existed; but it is quite 
possible that such correlation has really never occurred. 

It is quite conceivable that a certain racial type may have scat- 
tered over a considerable area during a formative period of speech, 
and that the languages which developed among the various groups 



14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BDi-i*.4<i 

of this racial type came to be so different that it is now impossible 
to prove them to be genetically related. In the same way, new 
developments of culture may have taken place which are so entirely 
disconnected with older types that the older genetic relationships, 
even if they existed, can no longer be discovered. 

If we adopt this point of view, and thus eliminate the hypothetical 
assumption of correlation between primitive type, primitive language, 
and primitive culture, we recognize that any attempt at classification 
which includes more than one of these traits can not be consistent. 

It may be added that the general term '^ culture'' which has been 
used here may be subdivided from a considerable number of points 
of view, and different results again might be expected when we 
consider the inventions, the types of social organization, or beliefs, as 
leading points of view in our classification. 

Artificial Character of AU Classifications of Mankind 

We recognize thus that every classification of mankind must be 
more or less artificial, according to the point of view selected, and 
here, even more than in the domain of biology, we find that classifi- 
cation can only be a substitute for the genesis and history of the now 
existing types. 

Thus we recognize that the essential object in comparing different 
types of man must be the reconstruction of the history of the develop- 
ment of their types, their languages, and their cultures. The history 
of each of these various traits is subject to a distinct set of modifying 
causes, and the investigation of each may be expected to contribute 
data toward the solution of our problem. The biological investiga- 
tion may reveal the blood-relationships of types and their modifica- 
tions under social and geographical environment. The linguistic 
investigation may disclose the history of languages, the contact of 
the people speaking them with other people, and the causes that led 
to linguistic differentiation and integration; while the history of civili- 
zation deals with the contact of a people with neighboring peoples, 
as well as with the history of its own achievements. 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 15 

n. THE CHABACTEBISTICS OF LANQUAQE 

Deflnition of Language 

The discussions of the preceding chapter -have shown that a con- 
sideration of the human languages alone must not be understood to 
jrield a history of the blood-relationships of races and of their com- 
I>onent elements, but that all that we can hope to obtain is a clear 
understanding of the relationship of the languages, no matter by 
whom they may be spoken. 

Before discussing the extent to which we may reconstruct the 
history of languages, it seems necessary to describe briefly the essential 
traits of human speech. 

In our present discussion we do not deal with gesture-language 
or musical means of communication, but confine ourselves to the 
discussion of articulate speech; that is, to communication by means 
of groups of sounds produced by the articulating organs — the larynx, 
oral cavity, tongue, lips, and nose. 

Character of Phonetics 

Speech consists of groups of sounds produced by the articulating 
organs, partiy noises made by opening and closing certain places 
in the larynx, pharynx, mouth, or nose, or by restricting certain 
parts of the passage of the breath; partly resonant sounds pro- 
duced by the vocal chords. 

# 

Nuniber of Sounds Unlimited 

The number of sounds that may be produced in this maimer is 
unlimited. In our own language we select only a limited number 
of all possible sounds; for instance, some sounds, like j), are pro- 
duced by the closing and a sudden opening of the lips; others, like 
t, by bringing the tip of the tongue into contact with the anterior 
portion of the palate, by producing a closure at this point, and by 
suddenly expelling the air. On the other hand, a sound might be 
produced by placing the tip of the tongue between the lips, making 
a closure in this maimer, and by expelling the air suddenly. This 
sound would to our ear partake of the character of both our t and 
our p, while it would correspond to neither of these. A comparison 
of the sounds of the well-known European languages — like English, 
French, and German; or even of the different dialects of the same 



16 BUREAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [BUii.4» 

languages, like those of Scotch and of the various English dialects- 
reveals the fact that considerable variation occurs in the manner of 
producing sounds, and that each dialect has its own characteristic 
phonetic system, in which each sound is nearly fixed, although sub- 
ject to slight modifications which are due to accident or to the effects 
of surrounding sounds. ' 

Each Language Uses a Idmited Number of 8(yundA 

One of the most important facts relating to the phonetics of 
human speech is, that every single language has a definite and 
limited group of sounds, and that the number of those used in any 
particular dialect is never excessively large. 

It would seem that this limitation in the use of sounds is neces- 
sary in order to make possible rapid conmiunication. If the num- 
ber of sounds that are used in any particular language were unlim- 
ited, the accuracy with which the movements of the complicated 
mechanism required for producing the sounds are performed would 
presumably be lacking, and consequently rapidity and accuracy of 
pronunciation, and with them the possibility of accurate interpre- 
tation of the sounds heard, would be difficult, or even impossible. 
On the other hand, limitation of the number of sounds brings it about 
that the movements required in the production of each become 
automatic, that the association between the sound heard and the 
muscular movements, and that between the auditory impression and 
the muscular sensation of the articulation, become firmly fixed. 
Thus it would seem that limited phonetic resources are necessary 
for easy communication. 

Alleged Lack of Differ entiatioti of Sounds in JPritniHve 

Languages 

It has been maintained that this is not a characteristic found in 
more primitive types of languages, and particularly, examples of 
American languages have often been brought forward to show that 
the accuracy of their pronunciation is much less than that found in 
the languages of the civilized world. 

It would seem that this view is based largely on the fact that cer- 
tain sounds that occur in American languages are interpreted by 
observers sometimes as one European sound, sometimes as another. 
Thus the Pawnee language contains a sound which may be heard 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 17 

more or less distinctly sometimes as an Z, sometimes an r, sometimes 
as n, and again as d, which, however, without any doubt, is through- 
out the same sound, although modified to a certain extent by its 
position in the word and by surrounding sounds. It is an exceed- 
ingly weak r, made by trilling with the tip of the tongue at a point a 
little behind the roots of the incisors, and in which the tongue hardly 
leaves the palate, the trill being produced by the lateral part of the 
tongue adjoining the tip. As soon as the trill is heard more strongly, 
we receive the impression of an r. When the lateral movement 
prevails and the tip of the tongue does not seem to leave the palate, 
the impression of an Z is strongest, while when the trill is almost 
suppressed and a sudden release of the tongue from the palate takes 
place, the impression of the d is given. The impression of an n is 
produced because the sound is often accompanied by an audible 
breathing through the nose. This peculiar sound is, of course, 
entirely foreign to our phonetic system; but its variations are not 
greater than those of the English r in various combinations, as in 
Iroih, motheTj where. The different impression is brought about 
by the fact that the sound, according to its prevailing character, 
associates itself either with our Z, or our r, n, or d. 

Other examples are quite common. Thus, the lower Chinook has a 
sound which is readily perceived as a &, m, or ty. As a matter of fact, 
it is a & sound, produced by a very weak closure of the lips and Mdth 
open nose, the breath passing weakly both through the mouth and 
through the nose, and accompanied by a faint intonation of the vocal 
chords. This sound dissociates itself with our &, which is produced 
by a moderately weak release of the lips; with our m, which is a free 
breath through the nose with closed lips; and with our w, which is 
a breath through the lips, which are almost closed, all accompanied 
by a faint intonation of the vocal chords. The association of this 
sound with Wj is particularly marked when it appears in combina- 
tion with a u vowel, which imitates the characteristic u tinge of our 
w. Still another example is the i sound, which is produced with 
half-closed nose by the Indians of the Strait of Fuca, in the State 
of Washington. In this case the characteristic trait of the sound is 
a semiclosure of the nose, similar to the effect produced by a cold 
in the head. Not less common are sounds intermediate between 
our vowels. Thus we seem to find in a number of Indian languages 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 2 



18 BUBEAU OP AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [BCtx.40 

a vowel which is sometimes perceived as o, sometimes as u (con- 
tinental pronunciation), and which is in reaUty pronounced in a posi- 
tion intermediate between these two sounds. 

The correctness of this interpretation of Indian phonetics is per- 
haps best proved by the fact that observers belonging to different 
nationaUties readily perceive the sounds in accordance with the sys- 
tem of sounds with which they are familiar. Often it is not diffi- 
cult to recognize the nationality of a recorder from the system 
selected by him for the rendering of sounds. 

Still another proof of the correctness of this view of Indian pho- 
netics is given by the fact that, wherever there is a greater number 
of Indian sounds of a class represented by a single sound in English, 
our own sounds are misinterpreted in similar manner. Thus, for 
instance, the Indians of the North Pacific coast have a series of 
I sounds, which may be roughly compared to our sounds tl, cl, gL 
Consequently, a word like close is heard by the Indians sometimes 
one way, sometimes another; our cl is for them an intermediate 
sound, in the same way as some Indian sounds are intermediate 
sounds to our ears. The alternation of the sounds is clearly an 
eflfect of perception through the medium of a foreign system of 
phonetics, not that of a greater variability of pronunciation than 
the one that is characteristic of our own sounds. 

While the phonetic system of each language is limited and fixed, 
the sounds selected in different types of languages show great differ- 
ences, and it seems necessary to compare groups of languages from 
the point of view of their constituent phonetic elements. 

Brief Description of Phmietics 

A complete discussion of this subject can not be given at this 
place; but a brief statement of the characteristics of articulate 
sounds, and the manner of rendering them by means of symbols, 
seems necessary. 

All articulate soimds are produced by the vibrations of the articu- 
lating organs, which are set in motion by breathing. In the vast 
majority of cases it is the outgoing breath which causes the vibra- 
tions; while in a few languages, as in those of South Africa, the 
breath, while being drawn in, is used for producing the sound. 

One group of sounds is produced by the vibration of the vocal 
chords, and is characterized by the form given to the cavities of 



>AS3 HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAQEB 19 

louth and nose. These are the vowels. When the nose is closed, 
''e have pure vowels; when the posterior part of the nose is more 
r less open, more or less nasalized vowels. The character of the 
owel depends upon the form given to the oral cavity. The timbre 
f the vowels changes according to the degree to which the larynx is 
aised; the epiglottis lowered or raised; the tongue retracted or 
rought forward and its back rounded or flattened; and the lips 
Dunded and brought forward, or an elongated opening of the mouth 
Toduced by retracting the comers of the mouth. With open Ups 
nd the tongue and pharynx at rest, but the soft palate (velum) 
aised, we have the pure vowel a, similar to the a in father. From 
his sound the vowels vary in two principal directions. The one 
xtreme is u (like oo in English fooT)j with small round opening of 
he protruding lips, tongue retracted, and round opemng between 
ongue and palate, and large opening between larynx and pharynx, 
he larynx still being almost at rest. The transitional sounds pass 
hrough d (aw in English law) and o (as in most), but the range 
>f mtermediate positions is continuous. In another direction the 
rowels pass from a through e (a in English mane) to i (ee in fleet). 
The i is pronounced with extreme retraction of the comers of the 
mouth and elongated opening of the lips, with very narrow flat open- 
ing between tongue and palate, and the posterior part of the tongue 
brought forward, so that there is a wide opening in the back part of 
the mouth, the larynx being raised at the same time. 

Variations of vowels may be produced by a diflferent grouping of 
the movements of the articulating organs. Thus, when the lips are 
in i position, the tongue and pharynx and larynx in u position, we 
have the sound il, which is connected with the a by a series passing 
through o. These sounds are similar to the German \milaut. 

Other combinations of positions of the tongue and of the Ups 
occur, although the ones here described seem to be the most fre- 
quent vowel-sounds. All vowels may become very much weakened 
in strength of articulation, and dwindle down to a sUght intona- 
tion of the vocal chords, although retaining the pecuUar vowel 
timbre, which depends upon the position of mouth, nose, and lips. 
When this articulation becomes very weak, all the vowels tend 
to become quite similar in character, or may be influenced in their 
timbre by neighboring consonants, as will be described later. 



20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY lBULL.4fl 

All sounds produced by vibrations in any part of the articulating 
organs other than the vocal chords are consonants. These vibra- 
tions may be produced either by closing the air-passages cobq- 
pletely and then suddenly opening the closure, or by producii^ 
a narrowing or stricture at any point. The former series of sounds 
are called '* stops ^' Oike our p, t, h). In all of these there is a com- 
plete closure before the air is expelled. The latter are called '* spi- 
rants ''or'* continued'^ (like our s and/), in which there is a continu- 
ous escape of breath. When a stop is made and is followed by & 
breathing through a stricture at the same place, sounds develop like 
our ts. These are called *' aflFricatives." When the mouth is com- 
pletely stopped, and the air escapes through the nose, the sound is 
called ^a ''nasal consonant'' (like our m and n). There may also be 
stricture and nasal opening. A rapidly repeated series of stops, a 
trill, is represented by our r. The character of the soimd depends 
largely upon the parts of the articulating organs that produce the 
closure or stricture, and upon the place where these occur. Closure 
or stricture may be made by the lips, Ups and tongue, lips and 
teeth, tongue and teeth, tongue and hard palate, tongue and soft 
palate (velum), by the vocal chords, and in the nose. 

In the following table, only the principal groups of consonants are 
described. Rare sounds are omitted. According to what has been 
said before, it will be recognized that here also the total number of 
possible sounds is infinitely large. 

Bilabial stop p 

Linguo-palatal stops: 

Apical (dental, alveolar, post-alveolar) . . . t 
Cerebral (produced with the tip of the tongue 

turned backward) . . t 

Dorsal : 

Anterior palatal k* 

Medial k 

Velar q 

Glottal (a stop produced with the vocal chords) . . * 

Nasal N 

Almost all these stops may be modified by giving to the closure 
a different degree of stress. In EngUsh we have two principal de- 
grees of stress, represented, for instance, by our h and p or d and L 
In many languages, as, for instance, in Sioux and in the languages 
of the Pacific coast, there are three degrees of stress that may be 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 21 

readily differentiated. The strongest of these we call the "fortis," 
and indicate it by following the consonant by an ! (p!, t!): 

When these stops are not accompanied by any kind of vibra- 
tion of the Tocal chords, they are called "surds." 

It is, of course, ako possible that more than one stop may be made 
at one time; Thus it might be possible to close at the same time 
the lips and the posterior part of the mouth with the tongue. This 
type of combination is, however, rare; but we find very frequently 
articulation of the vocal chords with stops. This results in the 
voiced consonants, or sonants. In EngUsh we find that almost 
always the stress of articulation of the voiced sound is less than the 
stress of articulation of the unvoiced sound, or surd; but this cor- 
relation is not necessary. In American languages particularly, we 
find very commonly the same degree of stress used with voicing 
and without voicing, which brings it about that to the European ear 
the surd and sonant are difiScult to distinguish. 

A third modification of the consonants is brought about by the 
strength of breathing accompanying the release of the closure. In a 
sound like t, for instance, the sound may be simply produced by 
closing the mouth, by laying the tip of the tongue firmly against 
the palate, producing a sUghtly increased amount of air-pressure 
behind the tongue, and then releasing the closure. On the other 
hand, the sound may be produced by bringing about the closure 
and combining the release with the expiration of a full breath. 
Sounds which are accompanied by this full breathing may be called 
"aspirates," and we will designate the aspiration by \ the symbol 
of the Greek spiritus asper. This fuU breathing may foUow the 
stop, or may begin even before the completion of the closure. With 
the increased stress of closure of the fortis is connected a closure of 
the glottis or of the posterior part of the tongue, so that only the air 
that has been poured into the vocal cavity is expelled. 

In the case of voiced consonants, the voiciog may either be en- 
tirely synchronous Math the consonant, or it may slightly precede or 
follow it. In both of these cases we may get the impression of a 
preceding or following exceedingly weak vowel, the timbre of which 
will depend essentially upon the accompanying consonant. When 
the timbre is very indefinite, we write this vowel E; when it is more 
definite, A, /, 0, U, etc. In other cases, where the release at the 



22 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBiTLL.« 

closure is made without a full breath going out, and simply by com- 
pressing the air slightly in the space behind the closure, a break k 
very liable to originate between the stop and the following sound uf 
the word. Such a hiatus in the word is indicated by an apos- 
trophe C). It seems likely that, where such a hiatus occurs fol- 
lowing a vowel, it is generally due to a closing of the- glottis. 

Most of the phenomena here described may also occur with the 
spirants and nasals, which, however, do not seem to differ so much 
in regard to strength; while the character of the outgoing breath, 
the voicing and the breaking-off , show traits similar to those observed 
among the stops. 

All the stops may be changed into nasals by letting the air escape 
through the nose while the closure is continued. In this manner 
originate our n and m. The nasal opening may also differ in width, 
and the stricture of the upper nares may produce semi-nasalized 
consonants. 

In the spirant sounds before described, the escape of the air is along 
the middle line of the palate. There are a number of other sounds in 
. which the air escapes laterally. These are represented by our /. 
They also may vary considerably, according to the place and form 
of the opening through which the air escapes and the form of closure 
of the mouth. 

It seems that the pecuhar timbre of some of the consonants depends 
also upon the resonance of the oral opening. This seems to be 
particularly the case in regard to the t and k sounds. In pronouncing 
the t sounds, one of the essential characteristics seems to be that the 
posterior part of the mouth is open, while the anterior portion of the 
mouth is filled by the tongue. In the Tc series, on the other hand, 
the posterior portion of the mouth is filled by the tongue, while 
the anterior portion remains open. Sounds produced with both the 
posterior and anterior portion of the mouth open partake of the 
character of both the Tc and t series.^ 

Two of the vowels show a close aflMiation to consonants of the 
continuant series. These are i and u, owing largely to the fact that 
in i the position of the tongue is very nearly a stricture in the anterior 
portion of the mouth, while in u the position of the lips is quite near 
to a stricture. Thus originate the semi-vowels y and w. The last 
sound that must be mentioned is the free breathing Tij which, in its 

^ See p. W. Schmidt, Anthropos, II, 834. 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



23 



most characteristic form, is produced by the expiration of the breath 
with all the articulating organs at rest. 

In tabular form we obtain thus the following series of the most 
important consonantic soimds: 





Stops. 


Spirants. 


Nasals. 


Trill. 




Sonant 


Surd. 


Fortis. 


Sonant 


Surd. 


Sonant 


Surd. 


Sonant. 


Surd. 


BHabial . . 


b 


P 


p! 


V 
V 

9 
9 
1 

% 

y 

r 

m 

1 


f 
f 

c 

1 

? 

X 

1 


m 


^ 






Labio-dental 






Lineuo-labiai . . 


d 


t 
t 


tl 
tl 


n 
n 


9 
9 






I^infuo-dontal *! 






Dental 








Lingual- 
Apical 

Cerebral 

Dorsal- 
Medial.... 

Velar 

Lateral . . 


I d 

g 
g 

t 


t 
k 

q 

L 


tl 

k! 
ql 
l! 


n 
fi 


9 


r 

r 

r 


r 

R 


filottal 








Nasal 
















• 










1 











Semi-vowels y, w. Breath, * h. Hiatus '. 

The vocalic tinge of consonants is expressed by superior vowels 
following them: * « ^ <> ". The series of affricatives which begin with 
a stop and end with a continued sound have been omitted from this 
table. 

It will be noticed that in the preceding table the same symbols are 
used in several columns. This is done, because, ordinarily, only one, 
or at most two, series of these groups occur in one language, so that 
these differences can be expressed in each special case by diacritical 
marks. Attempts have been made by other authors to give a general 
system of soimd representation. For any particular language, these 
are liable to become cumbersome, and are therefore not used in the 
sketches contained in this volume. 

Uncanaciousness of Phonetic Ulements 

In the preceding pages we have briefly discussed the results of an 
analysis of the phonetic elements of human speech. It must, how- 
ever, be remembered that the single soimd as such has no independent 
existence, thaf it never enters into the consciousness of the speaker, 
but that it exists only as a part of a sound-complex which conveys a 
definite meaning. This will be easily recognized, if we consider for 
a moment grammatical forms in the English language in which the 
modification of the idea is expressed by a single sound. In the word 



24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

hiUsj the terminal s does not enter our consciousness as a separate 
element with separate significance, expressing the idea of plurality, — 
except, perhaps, in so far as our grammatical training has taught us 
the fact that plurals may be formed by the use of a terminal «, — but 
the word forms a firm unit, which conveys a meanmg only as 
a whole. The variety of uses of the terminal s as a plural, pos- 
sessive, and third person singular of the verb, and the strong effort 
required to recognize the phonetic identity of these terminal elements, 
may be adduced as a further proof of the fact that the single 
phonetic elements become conscious to us only as a result of analysis. 
A comparison of words that differ only in a single sound, like maU 
and nailj snake and stakcj makes it also clear that the isolation of 
sounds is a result of secondary analysis. 

Orammatical Categories 

Differences in Categories of Different Languages 

In all articulate speech the groups of sounds which are uttered 
serve to convey ideas, and each group of sounds has a fixed meaning. 
Languages differ not only in the character of their constituent 
phonetic elements and sound-clusters, but also in the groups of ideas 
that find expression in fixed phonetic groups. 

Idmitation of the dumber of Phonetic Groups Uxpress* 

ing Ideas 

The total number of possible combinations of phonetic elements is 
also unhmited; but only a limited number are used to express ideas. 
This implies that the total number of ideas that are expressed by 
distinct phonetic groups is limited in number. 

Since the total range of personal experience which language serves 
to express is infinitely varied, and its whole scope must be expressed 
by a limited number of phonetic groups, it is obvious that an extended 
classification of experiences must underlie all articulate speech. 

This coincides with a fundamental trait of human thought. In our 
actual experience no two sense-impressions or emotional states are 
identical. Nevertheless we classify them, according to their simi- 
larities, in ^vider or narrower groups the limits of which may be 
determined from a variety of points of view. Notwithstanding their 
individual differences, we recognize in our experiences common ele- 
ments, and consider them as related or even as the same, provided a 



►^sl HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 25 

L:fficient number of characteristic traits belong to them in common, 
bius the Umitation of the number of phonetic groups expressing 
Lstinct ideas is an expression of the psychological fact that many 
Lfierent individual experiences appear to us as representatives of 
\G same category of thought. 

This trait of human thought and speech may be compared in a 
3rtain maimer to the limitation of the whole series of possible 
rticulating movements by selection of a Umited number of habitual 
lovements. If the whole mass of concepts, with all their variants, 
rere expressed in language by entirely heterogeneous and unrelated 
o\ind-complexes, a condition would arise in which closely related 
ieas would not show then- relationship by the corresponding rela- 
ionship of their phonetic symbols, and an infinitely large number of 
Listinct phonetic groups would be required for expression. If this 
^ere the case, the association between an idea and its representative 
^o\ind-complex would not become sufficiently stable to be reproduced 
lutomatically without reflection at any given moment. As the 
automatic and rapid use of articulations has brought it about that a 
imited number of articulations only, each with limited variability, 
ind a limited number of sound-clusters, have been selected from the 
infinitely large range of possible articulations and clusters of articu- 
lations, so the infinitely large number of ideas have been reduced by 
classification to a lesser number, which by constant use have estab- 
lished firm associations, and which can be used automatically. 

It seems important at this point of our considerations to emphasize 

the fact that the groups of ideas expressed by specific phonetic 

groups show very material differences in different languages, and do 

not conform by any means to the same principles of classification. 

To take again the example of English, we find that the idea of water 

is expressed in a great variety of forms: one term serves to express 

water as a liquid; another one, water in the form of a large expanse 

(lake) ; others, water as running in a large body or in a small body 

(eiveb and brook) ; still other terms express water in the form of rain, 

DEW, WAVE, and foam. It is perfectly conceivable that this variety 

of ideas, each of which is expressed by a single independent term in 

English, might be expressed in other languages by derivations from 

the same term. 

Another example of the same kind, the words for snow in Eskimo, 

may be given. Here we find one word, aput, expressing snow on 



26 BUREAIT Of* AMERlCAi^ ETHNOLOGY Tb^-j 

THE ground; another one, qaruij falling snow; a third one. 
sirpoq, drifting snow; and a fourth one, qimuqsugy a snowdrtft 

In the same language the seal m different conditions is expid 
by a variety of terms. One word is the general term for si 
another one signifies the seal basking in the sun ; a third <:*a 
SEAL FLOATING ON A PIECE OF ice; not to mention the manv im 
for the seals of diflferent ages and for male and female. 

As an example of the maimer in which terms that we exprev^ 
independent words are grouped together under one concept. 
Dakota language may be selected. The terms naxta^ka to u 
paxta'ka to bind in bundles, yaxta'Jca to bite, i&a'xtaka ith 
NEAR TO, boxta'ka to pound, are all derived from the conimo:.^ 
ment xtaJca to grip, which holds them' together, while we use di>::] 
words for expressing the various ideas. 

It seems fairly evident that the selection of such simple terms m 
to a certain extent depend upon the chief interests of a people: 
where it is necessary to distinguish a certain phenomenon in n 
aspects, which in the life of the people play each an entireh* i 
pendent r6le, many independent words may develop, while in 'Mj 
cases modifications of a single term may suflice. 

Thus it happens that each language, from the point of vie»^* 
another language, may be arbitrary in its classifications ; that ^ 
appears as a single simple idea in one language may be characteiii 
by a series of distinct phonetic groups in another. 

The tendency of a language to express a complex idea by a sb3 
term has been styled ^'holophrasis," and it appears therefore thatev^ 
language may be holophrastic from the point of view of an<i 
language. Holophrasis can hardly be taken as a fundamental (hf 
acteristic of primitive languages. 

We have seen before that some kind of classification of expreicsi 
must be found in every language. This classification of ideas '^ 
groups, each of which is expressed by an independent phonetic po^ 
makes it necessary that concepts which are not readily rendered t?' 
single one among the available sound -complexes 'should he ^ 
pressed by combinations or by modifications of what might be cafe 
the elementary phonetic groups, in accordance with the elements.'! 
ideas to which the particular idea is reduced. 

This classification, and the necessity of expressing certain exp^^ 
ences by means of other related ones, which by limiting one mo^ 



M)A8] HANDBOOK OP AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 27 

lefine the special idea to be expressed, entail the presence of certain 
"onnal elements which determine the relations of the single phonetic 
^oups. If each idea could be expressed by a single phonetic group, 
Anguages without form would be possible. Since, however, ideas 
3aust be expressed by being reduced to a mmiber of related ideas, the 
tonds of relation become important elements in articulate speech; 
and it follows that all languages must contain formal elements, and 
bhat their nimiber must be the greater, the fewer the elementary 
phonetic groups that define special ideas. In a language which com- 
mands a very large, fixed vocabulary, the mmiber of formal elements 
may become quite small. 

Ghramniatical Processes 

It is important to note that, in the languages of the world, the mmi- 
ber of processes which are utilized to express the relations of terms is 
limited. Presumably this is due to the general characteristics of 
articulate speech. The only methods that are available for express- 
ing the relations between definite phonetic groups are their composi- 
tion in definite order, which may be combined with a mutual phonetic 
influence of the component elements upon one another, and inner 
modification of the phonetic groups themselves. Both these meth- 
ods are foxmd in a great many languages, but sometimes only the 
method of composition occurs. 

Word and Sentence 

In order to understand the significance of the ideas expressed by 
independent phonetic groups and of the elements expressing their 
mutual relations, we have to discuss here the question, What forms 
the unit of speech? It has been pointed out before that the phonetic 
elements as such can be isolated only by analysis, and that they 
occur in speech only in cQmbinations which are the equivalents of 
definite concepts. 

Since all speech is intended to serve for the commimication of ideas, 
the natural unit of expression is the sentence; that is to say, a group 
of articulate soimds which convey a complete idea. It might seem 
that speech can readily be further subdivided, and that the word 
also forms a natural xmit from which the sentence is built up. In 
most cases, however, it is easy to show that such is not the case, and 
that the word as such is known only by analysis. This is particularly 



28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tbcu.. 4*' 

clear in the case of words like prepositions, conjunctions, or verbal 
forms which belong to subordinate clauses. Thus it would be ex- 
ceedingly difficult to imagine the use of words Uke aiid, for, to, were, 
expressed in such a way that they would convey a clear idea, except 
perhaps in forms like the Laconic If, in which all the rest of the 
sentence is implied, and sufficiently indicated by the if. In the 
same way, however, we who are grammatically trained may use a 
simple ending to correct an idea previously expressed. Thus the 
statement He sings beautifvUy might eUcit a reply, sang; or a 
laconically inclined person might even remark, in reply to the state- 
ment He plays weUj -ed, which by his friends nxight be well under- 
stood. It is clear that in all these cases the single elements are 
isolated by a secondary process from the complete imit of the 
sentence. 

. Less clear appears the artificiaUty of the word as a unit in tho^ 
cases in which the word seems to designate a concept that stands out 
clearly from others. Such is the case, for instance, with nouns; and 
it might seem that a word like stone is a natural unit. Nevertheless 
it will be recognized that the word stone alone conveys at most an 
objective picture, not a complete idea. 

Thus we are led to the important question of the relation of the 
word to the sentence. Basing our considerations on languages differ- 
ing fundamentally in form, it would seem that we may define the 
word as a phonetic group which , owing to its permanefoce of form, 
clearness of significance, and phonetic independence, is readily sepa- 
rated from ihe whole sentence. This definition obviously contains ft 
considerable number of arbitrary elements, which may induce us, 
according to the general point of view taken, sometimes to designate 
a certain unit as a word, sometimes to deny its independent exist- 
ence. We shall see later on, in the discussion of American languages, 
that this practical difficulty confronts us many times, and that it is 
not possible to decide with objective certainty whether it is justifiable 
to consider a certain phonetic group as an independent word or as a 
subordinate part of a word. 

Nevertheless there are certain elements contained in our definition 
which seem to be essential for the interpretation of a sound-complex 
as an independent word. From the point of view of grammatical 
form, the least important; from the point of view of phonetics, how- 



»OASl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 29 

fver, the most fundamental, is the phonetic independence of the ele- 
nent in question. It has been pointed out before how difficult it is 
o conceive the independence of the English s, which expresses the 
)lural, the possessive, and the third person singular of the verb. This 
s largely due to the phonetic weakness of this grammatical element. 
i the idea of 'pluraUty were expressed by an element as strong pho- 
letically as the word many; the possessive part of the word, by an 
element as strong as the preposition of; and the third person singu- 
ar, by an element Uke he — we might, perhaps, be much more ready 
}o recc^:nize the character of these elements as independent words, 
ind we actuaUy do so. For example, stones, JoTin^s, loves, are single 
words; while many sheep, of stone, he went, are each considered as two 
wrords. Difficulties of this kind are met with constantly in American 
languages. Thus we find in a language like the Chinook that modify- 
ing elements are expressed by single sounds which phonetically enter 
into clusters which are pronounced without any break. To give an 
example : The word anid'lot i give him to her may be analyzed into 
the following elements: a (tense), ni,i him, a her, I to, o (direction 
away), t to give. Here, again, the weakness of the component ele- 
ments and their close phonetic association forbid us to consider them 
independent words; while the whole expression appears to us as a 
firm unit. 

Whenever we are guided by this principle alone, the limitation of 
the word unit appears naturaUy exceedingly imcertain, on account 
of the difference in impression of the phonetic strength of the com- 
ponent elements. 

It also happens that certain elements appear sometimes with such 
phonetic weakness that they can not possibly be considered as inde- 
pendent units of the sentence, while closely relatejl forms, or even the 
same forms in other combinations, may gain the strength which they are 
lacking in other cases. As an example of this kind may be given the 
Kwakiutl, in which many of the pronominal forms appear as exceed- 
ingly weak phonetic elements. Thus the expression He strikes him 
wrrn rr is rendered by mix'H'dsqs, in which the two terminal ele- 
ments mean : q him, s with it. When, however, substantives are 
introduced in this expression for object and instrument, the q assumes 
the fuller form xa, and the s the fuller form sa, which we might quite 
readily write as independent words analogous to our articles. 



30 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 4C 

I doubt very much whether an mvestigator who would record 
French in the same way as we do the unwritten American languages 
would be inclined to write the pronominal elements which enter into 
the transitive verb as independent words, at least not when record- 
ing the indicative forms of a positive verb. He might be induced 
to do so on discovering their freedom of position which appears in 
the negative and in some interrogative forms. 

The determining influence of the freedom of position of a phonetic- 
ally fixed part of the sentence makes it necessary to include it in our 
definition of the word. 

Whenever a certain phonetic group appears in a variety of posi- 
tions in a sentence, and always in the same form, without any, or at 
least without material, modifications, we readily recognize its indi- 
viduality, and in an analysis of the language we are inclined to con- 
sider it as a separate word. These conditions are fully realized only 
in cases in which the sound-complex in question shows no modifica- 
tions at all. 

It may, however, happen that minor modifications occur, par- 
ticularly at the beginning and at the end, which we may be ready 
to disregard on account of their slight significance as compared to 
the permanence of the whole word. Such is the case, for instfitnce, 
in the Dakota language, in which the terminal sound of a permanent 
word -complex which has a clearly defined significance will auto- 
matically modify the first sound of the following word-complex which 
has the same characteristics of permanence. The reverse may also 
occur. Strictly speaking, the line of demarcation between what we 
should commonly call two words is lost in this case; but the mutual 
influence of the two words in connection is, comparatively speak- 
ing, so slight that the concept of the individuality of the word outr 
weighs their organic connection. 

In other cases, where the organic connection becomes so firm 
that either both or one of the component elements may never occur 
without signs marking their close coupling, they will appear to us 
as a single unit. As an example of this condition may be mentioned 
the Eskimo. This language contains a great many elements 
which are quite clear in their significance and strong in phonetic 
character, but which in their position are so limited that they 
always follow other definite parts of the sentence, that they can 
never form the beginning of a complete phonetic group, and 



'AS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 31 

lat the preceding phonetic group loses its more permanent phonetic 
rm whenever they appear added to it. To give an example: 
Jcuvoq means he sees; tdkvJerpoq means he begins to see. 
1 the second form the idea of seeing is contained in the element 
Jctu-, which by itself is incomplete. The following element, -ler, can 
dver begin a sentence, and attains the significance of beginning 
aly in connection with a preceding phonetic group, the terminal 
)und of which is to a certain extent determined by it. In its turn, 

requires an ending, which expresses, in the example here selected, 
le third person singular, ~poq; while the word expressing the idea 
E seeing requires the ending -voq for the same person. These also 
m not possibly begin a sentence, and their initial sounds, v and p, 
re determined solely by the terminal sounds of the preceding ele- 
lents. Thus it will be seen that this group of sound-complexes 
3rms a firm unit, held together by the formal incompleteness of each 
art and their far-reaching phonetic influences upon one another. It 
rould seem that, in a language in which the elements are so firmly 
nit together as in Eskimo, there could not be the sUghtest 
loubt as to what constitutes the word in our ordinary sense of the 
erm. The same is true in many cases in Iroquois, a language in 
7hich conditions quite similar to those in the Eskimo prevail. Here 
tn example may be given from the Oneida dialect. Watgajijanegdle 
'HE FLOWER BREAKS OPEN consists of the formal elements vxv-, -t-, 
ind-g-, which are temporal, modal, and pronominal in character; the 
rowel -a-, which is the character of the stem-jija flower, which never 
occurs alone ; and the stem -negate to break open, which also has no 
ndependent existence. 

In all these cases the elements possess great clearness of signifi- 
cance, but the lack of permanence of form compels us to consider 
hem as parts of a longer word. 

While in some languages this gives us the impression of an adequate 
criterion for the separation of words, there are other cases in which 
certain parts of the sentence may be thus isolated, while the others 
etain their independent form. In American languages this is par- 
icularly the case when nouns enter the verbal complex without 
my modification of their component elements. This is the case, for 
nstance, in Pawnee: taftulcH i have cut it for thee, and rtks 
iRROw, combine into taWriksTcH i cut thy arrow. The closeness of 
ionnection of these forms is even clearer in cases in which far-reach- 



32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Im 

ing phonetic modifioations occur. Thus the elements to-t-n*^ am 

into ta^hu^n i make (because tr in. a word changes to h) ; and ta-^ 

ru^n becomes tahtksta^n i make an arrow (because r afi 

changes to t). At the same time riks arrow occurs as an indep 

ent word. 

If we follow the principle laid down in the preceding rem 

it will readily be seen that the same element may appear at one I 

as an independent noun, then again as a part of a word, the m 

which has all the characteristics before described, and whicli 

this reason we are not inclined to consider as a complex of indep 

ent elements. 

Ambiguity in regard to the independence of parts of the senii 

may also arise either when in their significance they become de]i 

ent upon other parts of the sentence, or when their meaning i 

vague and weak as compared to the other parts of the sentence i 

we are led to regard them as subordinate parts. Words ofj 

kind, when phonetically strong, will generally be considered as ^ 

pendent particles;. when, on the other hand, they are phonet^ 

weak, they will generally be considered as modifying parts of (^ 

words. A good example of this kind is contained in the P^ 

texts by the Rev. James Owen Dorsey,' in which the same eleiM 

are often treated as independent particles, while in other cases d 

appear as subordinate parts of words. Thus we find ^eama i^ 

(p. 23, line 17), but jdbe amd the beaver (p. 553, line 7). 

The same is true in regard to the treatment of the grammar of | 
Sioux by the Rev. S. R. Riggs. We find in this case, for inst^ 
the element pi always treated as the ending of a word, probi{ 
owing to the fact that it represents the plural, which in the Id* 
European languages is almost always expressed by a modificatj 
of the word to which it appUes. On the other hand, elements likej 
and Snif signifying the future and negation respectively, are treij 
as independent words, although they appear in exactly the sij 
form as the pi mentioned before. 

Other examples of this kind are the modifying elements in Tsi 
shian, a language in which innumerable adverbial elements i 
expressed by fairly weak phonetic groups which have a definj 
position. Here, also, it seems entirely arbitrary whether tbfl 
phonetic groups are considered as separate words, or whether th| 

s Contributions to North American Ethnology, vi. 



aoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 83 

ire combined with the verbal expressions into a single word. In 
:hese cases the independent existence of the word to which such 
^articles are joined without any modification will generally deter- 
mine us to consider these elements as independent particleS; pro- 
irided they are phonetically strong enough; while whenever the 
irerbal expression to which they are joined is modified either by the 
insertion of these elements between its component parts, or in some 
other way, we are inclined to consider them as parts of the word. 

It seemed important to discuss somewhat fully the concept of the 
word in its relation to the whole sentence, because in the morpho- 
logical treatment of American languages this question plays an 
important r61e. 

Stem and Affix 

The analytic treatment of languages results in the separation of a 
niunber of different groups of the elements of speech. When we 
arrange these according to their functions, it appears that certain 
elements recur in every single sentence. These are, for instance, 
the forms indicating subject and predicate, or, in modem European 
languages, forms indicating number, tense, and person. Others, 
like terms expressing demonstrative ideas, may or may not occur in 
a sentence. These and many others are treated in our grammars. 
According to the character of these elements, they seem to modify 
the material contents of the sentence; as, for instance, in the Eng- 
lish sentences lie strikes Mnij and I struck tJiee, where the idea of strik- 
ing somebody appears as the content of the communication ; while 
the ideas he, present, Mm, and I, past, thee, appear as modifications. 

It is of fundamental importance to note that this separation of the 
ideas contained in a sentence into material contents and formal 
modifications is an_arbitrary one, brought about, presumably, first of 
of all, by the great variety of ideas which may be expressed in the 
same formal maimer by the same pronominal and tense elements. 
In other words, the material contents of the sentence may be repre- 
sented by subjects and predicates expressing an unlimited number 
of ideas, while the modifying elements — here the pronouns and 
tenses — comprise, comparatively speaking, a very small number of 
ideas. In the discussion of a language, the parts expressing the mate- 
rial contents of sentences appear to us as the subject-matter of lexi- 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 3 



84 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull.4« 

cography; parts expressing the modifying relations, as the subject- 
matter of grammar. In modem Indo-European languages the num- 
ber of ideas which are expressed by subordinate elements is, on iht 
whole, Umited, and for this reason the dividing-Une between gramiMr 
and dictionary appears perfectly clear and well drawn. In a wider 
sense, however, all etymological processes and word compositiom 
must be considered as parts of the grammar; and, if we include those, 
we find that, even in Indo-Eiu'opean languages, the number of classi- 
fying ideas is quite large. 

In American languages the distinction between grammar and 
lexicography often becomes quite obscure, owing to the fact that the 
number of elements which enter into formal compositions becomes 
very large. It seems necessary to explain this somewhat more fully 
by examples. In the Tsimshian language we find a very great number 
of adverbial elements which can not be considered as entirely inde- 
pendent, and which, without doubt, must bo considered as elements 
modifying verbal ideas. On account of the very large number of these 
elements, the total number of verbs of motion seems to be somewhat 
restricted, although the total number of verbs that may be com- 
bined with these adverbial ideas is much larger than the total number 
of the adverbial ideas themselves. Thus, the number of adverbs 
appears to be fixed, while the number of verbs appears unlimited; 
and consequently we have the impression that the former are modi- 
fying elements, and that their discussion belongs to the grammar 
of the language, while the latter are words, and their discu^on 
belongs to the lexicography of the language. The number of such 
modifying elements in Eskimo is even larger; and here the impres- 
sion that the discussion of these elements belongs to the grammar of 
the language is increased by the fact that they can never take an 
initial position, and that they are not placed following a complete 
word, but are added to an element which, if pronounced by itself, 
would not give any sense. 

Now, it is important to note that, in a number of languages, the 
number of the modifying elements may increase so much that il 
may become doubtful which element represents a series of ideas 
Umited in number, and which represents an almost xmlimited series 
of words belonging to the vocabulary. This is true, for instance, in 
Algonquian, where in almost all verbs several elements app>ear in 
conjimction, each in a definite position,'but each group so niunerous 



WAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 35 

tiiat it would be entirely arbitrary to designate the one group as 
^ords modified by the other group, or vice versa. 

The importance of this consideration for our purposes lies in the 
■act that it illustrates the lack of definiteness of the terms stem 
ind affix. According to the ordinary terminology, afiixes are 
elements attached to steins or words, and modifying them. This 
iefinition is perfectly acceptable as long as the number of modifying 
deas is limited. When, however, the number of modifying elements 
aecoines exceedingly lai^e, we may well doubt which of the two is 
the modifier and which the modified, and the determination finally 
becomes entirely arbitrary. In the following discussions the attempt 
bas been made to confine the terms prefix, suffix, and affix entirely to 
those cases where the number of ideas expressed by these elements 
is strictly limited. Wherever the number of combined elements 
becomes so large that they can not be properly classified, these 
terms have not been used, but the elements have been treated as 
co-ordinate. 

Discussion of Grammatical Categories 

From what has been said it appears that, in an objective discus- 
sion of languages, three points have to be considered: first, the con- 
stituent phonetic elements of the language; second, the groups of 
ideas expressed by phonetic groups; third, the methods of combining 
and modifying phonetic groups. 

It seems desirable to discuss the second of these points somewhat 
more fully before taking up the description of the characteristics of 
American languages. 

Granunarians who have studied the languages of Europe and 
western Asia have developed a system of categories which we are 
inclined to look for in every language. It seems desirable to show 
here in how far the system with which we are familiar is character- 
istic only of certain groups of languages, and in how far other systems 
may be substituted for it. It seems easiest to illustrate this matter 
by discussing first some of the characteristics of the Indo-European 
noun, pronoun, and verb, and then by taking up the wider aspects of 
this subject. 



36 BUBEAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY Ibcll« 

Nominal Categories 

In the treatment of our noun we are accustomed to look for a 
number of fundamental categories. In most Indo-European lan- 
guages, nouns are classified according to gender, they are modifieti 
by forms expressing singular and plural, and they also appear in 
syntactic combinations as cases. None of these apparently funda- 
mental aspects of the noun are necessary elements of articul&te 
speech. 

GBNDBB 

The history of the English language shows clearly that the gender 
of a noun may practically be suppressed without interfering with the 
clearness of expression. While we still find traces of gender in 
English, practically all inanimate objects have come to belong to 
one single gender. It is interesting to note that, in the languages 
of the worid, gender is not by any means a fundamental cat^oiy, 
and that nouns may not be divided into classes at all, or the point 
of view of classification may be an entirely different one. Thus the 
Bantu languages of Africa classify words into a great many distinct 
groups the significance of most of which is not by any means clear. 
The Algonquian of North America classify nouns as animate and 
inanimate, without, however, adhering strictly to the natural classi- 
fication implied in these terms. Thus the small animals may be 
classified as inanimate, while certain plants may appear as animate. 
Some of the Siouan languages classify nouns by means of articles, 
and strict distinctions are made between animate moving and ani- 
mate at rest, inanimate long, inanimate round, inanimate high, and 
inanimate collective objects. The Iroquois distinguish strictly be- 
tween nouns designating men and other nouns. The latter may 
again be subdivided into a definite and indefinite group. The Uchee 
distinguish between members of the tribe and other human beings. 
In America, true gender is on the whole rare; it is found, perhaps, 
among a few of the languages of the lower Mississippi; it occurs in 
the same way as in most Indo-European languages in the Chinook 
of Columbia river, and to a more limited extent among some of the 
languages of the state of Washington and of British Columbia. 
Among North American languages, the Eskimo and Athapascan 
have no trace of a classification of nouns. The examples here given 



5^] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES. 37 

bow clearly that the sex principle, which underlies the classification 
f nouns in European languages, is merely one of a great many pos- 
ible classifications of this kind. 

PLX7BAL 

Of a somewhat different character is the plural of Indo-European 
ouns. Because, for the purpose of clear expression, each noun 
lust be expressed either as a singular or as a plural, it might seem 
hat this classification is almost indispensable; but it is not difficult 
o show, by means of sentences, that,, even in English, the distinction 
3 not always made. For instance, in the sentence The wolf has 
Wvoured the sheep, it is not clear whether a single sheep is meant, 
►r a pluraUty of sheep are referred to. Nevertheless, this would not, 
m the whole, be felt as an inconvenience, since either the context 
v^ould show whether singular or plural is meant, or an added adjec- 
tive would give the desired information. 

While, according to the structure of our European languages, we 
ilways tend to look for the expression of singularity or plurality for 
the sake of clearness of expression, there are other languages that 
ire entirely indifferent towards this distinction. A good example 
Df this kind is the Kwakiutl. It is entirely immaterial to the 
K^wakiutl whether he says, There is a house or There are houses, 
rhe same form is used for expressing both ideas, and the idea of 
singularity and plurality must be understood either by the context 
5r by the addition of a special adjective. Similar conditions prevail 
in the Athapascan languages and in Haida. In Siouan, also, a dis- 
tinction between singularity and plurality is made only in the case 
[)f animate objects. It would seem that, on the whole, American 
languages are rather indifferent in regard to the clear expression of 
pluraUty, but that they tend to express much more rigidly the ideas 
of collectivity or distribution. Thus the Kwakiutl, who are rather 
indifferent to the expression of plurality, are very particular in 
denoting whether the objects spoken of are distributed here or 
there. When this is the case, the distribution is carefully expressed. 
In the same way, when speaking of fish, they express by the same 
term a single fish and a quantity of fish. When, however, they 
desire to say that these fish belong to different species, a distributive 



38 BUBEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {bull%» 

form expressing this idea is made use of. A similar indifference to 
the idea of singular and plural may be observed in the pronomte of 
several languages, and will be noted later on. 

On the other hand, the idea of number may be much more stronglr 
emphasized than it is in the modem languages of Europe. The dual, 
as in Greek, is of common occurrence the world over; but it happens 
also that a trialis and paucalis — expressions for three and a Jew — are 
distinguished. 

CASE 

What is true of number is no less true of case. PsychologicallT, 
the substitution of prepositional expressions for cases would hardly 
represent a complete absence of the concept of cases. This is rather 
found in those languages in which the whole group of relations of the 
nouns of a sentence is expressed in the verb. When, for instance, in 
Chinook, we find expressions Uke Tie Tier it with cut, man, woman^ 
knife, meaning The man cut the woman with the Jcnife, we may safely 
say that the noims themselves appear without any trace of case- 
relationship, merely as appositions to a number of pronouns. It is 
true that in this case a distinction is made in the pronoun between 
subject and object, and that, in this sense, cases are found, although 
not as nominal cases, but still as pronominal cases. The case- 
relation, however, is confined to the two forms of subject and 
object, since the obUque cases are expressed by pronominal objects, 
while the characteristic of each particular obUque relation is 
expressed by adverbial elements. In the same language, the genitive 
relation is eUminated by substituting for it possessive expressions, 
Uke, for instance, the Tnan, his house, instead of the rruin^s house. 
While, therefore, case-expressions are not entirely eUminated, their 
number, which in some European languages is considerable, may be 
largely reduced. 

Thus we find that some of our nominal categories either do not 
occur at aU, or occur only in very much reduced forms. On the other 
hand, we must recognize that other new categories may occiu* which 
are entirely foreign to our European languages. Classifications Uke 
those referred to before — such as animate and inanimate, or of nouns 
designating men, and other nouns; and, further, of nouns according 
to form — are rather foreign to us, although, in the connection of verb 



M>Asl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 8d 

tnd noun, form-classifications occur. Thus we do not say, a tree is 
"OTnewherCj but a tree stands; not, the river is in New York, but the 
iver flows through New Yorlc, 

Tense classes of nouns are not rare in American languages. As we 
nay speak of afoMre husband or of our late friend, thus many Indian 
anguages express in every noun its existence in presence, past, or 
utnre, which they require as much for clearness of expression as we 
equire the distinction of singular and plural. 

Pe^rsonal Pronaunn 

The same lack of conformity in the principles of classification may 
>e found in the pronouns. We are accustomed to speak of three 
[>er8on8 of the pronoun, which occur both in the singular and in the 
pliiral. Although we make a distinction of gender for the third per- 
son of the pronoun, we do not carry out this principle of classification 
tjonsistently in the other persons. The first and second persons and 
the third person plm-al have the same form for masculine, feminine, 
and neuter. A more rigid appUcation of the sex system is made, for 
instance, in the language of the Hottentots of South Africa, in which 
sex is distinguished, not only in the third person, but also in the first 
and second persons. 

Logically, our three persons of the pronoun are based on the two 
concepts of self and not-self, the second of which is subdivided, 
according to the needs of speech, into the two concepts of person 
addressed and person spoken of. When, therefore, we speak of a 
first person plural, we mean logically either self and person addressed, 
or self and person or persons spoken of, or, finally, self, person or per- 
sons addressed, and person or persons spoken of. A true first person 
plural is impossible, because there can never be more than one self. 
This logical laxity is avoided by many languages, in which a sharp 
distinction is made between the two combinations self and person or 
persons spoken to, or self and person or persons spoken of. I do 
not know of any language expressing in a separate form the com- 
bination of the three persons, probably because this idea readily 
coalesces with the idea of self and persons spoken to. These two 
forms are generally designated by the rather inaccurate term of 



40 BUBEAU OP AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [^uia^^ 

» 

"inclusive" and "exclusive first person plural," by which is meant 
the first person plural, including or excluding the person addressed. 
The second and third persons form true plurals. Thus the principle 
of division of the pronouns is carried through in many lang:uages 
more rigidly than we find it in the European group. 

On the other hand, the lack of clear distinction between singular 
' and plural may be observed also in the pronominal forms of a nimi- 
ber of languages. Thus the Sioux do not know any pronominal dis- 
tinction between the singular and plural of the second person, and 
only a very imperfect distinction between the third person singular 
and plural; while the first person singular and plural, according to 
the fundamental difference in their significance, are sharply distin- 
guished. In some Siouan dialects we may well say that the pro- 
nominal object has only a first person singular, first person plural, 
and a second person, and that no other pronoun for the object occurs. 
Thus the system of pronouns may be reduced to a mere fragment 
of what we are accustomed to find. 

l>enimiHtrative Pronoutis 

In many cases, the analogy of the personal pronouns and of the 
demonstrative pronouns is rigid, the demonstrative pronoun having 
three persons in the same way as the personal pronoun. Thus the 
Kwakiutl will say, the house near me (this ho'ise), the house near thee 
(that house), the house near him (that hour /. 

But other points of view are added to the principle of division 
corresponding to the personal pronoun. Thus, the Kwakiutl, and 
many other American languages, add to the pronominal concept just 
discussed that of visibility and invisibility, while the Chinook add 
the concepts of present and past. Perhaps the most exuberant 
development of the demonstrative idea is found among the Eskimo, 
where not only the ideas corresponding to the three personal pro- 
nouns occur, but also those of position in space in relation to the 
speaker, — which are specified in seven directions; as, center, above, 
below, in front, behind, right, left, — and expressing points of the com- 
pass in relation to the position of the speaker. 

It must be borne in mind that the divisions which are mentioned 

4 

here are all necessary parts of clear expression in the languages men- 
tioned. For instance, in Kwakiutl it would be inconceivable to use 
an expression like our that house, which means in English €ie single 



BOAS3 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 41 

r 

ko%Lse away from the speaker. The Kwakiutl must express this idea 
in one of the following six forms: 

TTire {singular or plural) house visible near me 

invisible near me 

visible near thee 

invisible near thee 

visible near him 

invisible near him 
w^hile the Eskimo would express a term Uke this man as 

This man Tiear me 

near thee 

near him 

behind me 

in front of me 

to the right of me 

to the left ofm>e 

above me 

bdow me, etc. 

Verbal Categories 

We can follow out similar differences in the verb. In our Indo- 
European languages we have expressions signifying persons, tenses, 
moods, and voices. The ideas represented by these groups are quite 
unevenly developed in various languages. In a great many cases 
the forms expressing the persons are expressed simply by a combina- 
tion of the personal pronoun and the verb; while in other cases the 
phonetic complexes expressing personal relations are developed in 
an astonishing manner. Thus the Algonquian and the Eskimo possess 
special phonetic groups expressing definite relations between the 
subject and object which occur in transitive verbs. For example, in 
sentences hke I strike thee, or They strike me, the combination of the 
pronoims I — thee, and they — me, are expressed by special phonetic 
equivalents. There are even cases in which the indirect objects (as in 
the sentence, I send him to you) may be expressed by a single form. 
The characteristic trait of the forms here referred to is, that the 
combined pronoun can not be reduced to its constituent elements, 
although historically it may have originated from combinations of 
separate forms. It is obvious that in cases in which the development 



42 BTJBBAU OP AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY f^^ 

of the pronoun is as weak as in the Siouan languages^ to which I ksi 
referred before, the definiteness of the pronominal forms of the via 
to which we are accustomed, is entirely lost. Thus it happens ti 
in the Sioux the verb alone may be used as well for the more or j 
abstract idea of verbal action as for the third person of the indicso^ 

Much more fundamental are the existing differences in regBD.i 
the occurrence of tenses and modes. We are accustomed to vm 
forms in which the tense is always expressed with perfect defia* 
ness. In the sentence The man is sick we really express the ik 
The single definite man is sicJc at Oie present time. This strict exps 
sion of the time relation of the occurrence is missing in ma 
languages. The Eskimo, for instance, in expressing the same iis 
will simply say, sin^gle man sick, leaving the question entirely om 
whether the man was sick at a previous time, is sick at the pnsiri 
time, or is going to be sick in the future. The condition herp! 
similar to the one described before in relation to plurality. Th 
Eskimo can, of course, express whether the man is sick at the preset 
time, was sick, or is going to be sick, but the grammatical form J 
his sentences does not require the expression of the tense relatk 
In other cases the temporal ideas may be expressed with much gresm 
nicety than we find in our familiar grammars. Generally, languid 
in which a multiplicity of tenses are found include in their form i 
expression certain modifications of the tense concept which mi^t W 
called *' semi-temporal," like inchoatives, which express the beginnie 
of an action; duratives, which express the extent of time during whkl 
the action lasts; transitionals, which express the change of one sUt* 
of being into another; etc. There is very little agreement in regani 
to the occurrence of such tenses, and the characteristics of mauf 
languages show that tenses are not by any means required for clei: 
expression. 

What is true of tenses is also true of modes. The number i^ 
languages which get along with a single mode, or at most with tb 
indicative and imperative, is considerable; although, in this case abo. 
the idea of subordination may be expressed if it seems desirable t^ 
do so. 

The few examples that I have given here illustrate that many of 
the categories which we are inclined to consider as essential may be 
absent in foreign languages, and that other categories may occur as 
substitutes. 



BOABl HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 43 

Interpretation of Orammatical Categories 

When we consider for a moment what this implies, it will be recog- 
nized that in each language only a part of the complete concept that 
we have in mind is expressed, and that each language has a peculiar 
tendency to select this or that aspect of the mental image which is 
conveyed by the expression of the thought. To use again the example 
which I mentioned before, The man is sick. We express by this 
sentence, in English, the idea, a definite single man at present sick. 
In Kwakiutl this sentence would have to be rendered by an expres- 
sion which would mean, in the vaguest possible form that could be 
given to it, definite man near him invisible sick near him invisihle. 
Visibility and nearness to the first or second person might, of course, 
have been selected in our example in place of invisibility and nearness 
to the third person. An idiomatic expression of the sentence in 
this language would, however, be much more definite, and would 
require an expression somewhat like the following, TJuit invisible 
man lies sick on his back on the flx>or of the absent house. In 
Eskimo, on the other hand, the same idea would be expressed by a 
form hke (single) man sick, leaving place and time entirely indefi- 
nite. In Ponca, one of the Siouan dialects, the same idea would 
require a decision of the question whether the man is at rest or mov- 
ing, and we might have a form like the moving single man sick. 
If we take into consideration further traits of idiomatic expression, 
this example might be further expanded by adding modaUties of the 
verb; thus the Kwakiutl, whose language I have used several times 
as an example, would require a form indicating whether this is a new 
subject introduced in conversation or not; and, in case the speaker 
had not seen the sick person himself, he would have to express whether 
he knows by hearsay or by evidence that the person is sick, or 
whether he has dreamed it. It seems, however, better not to com- 
plicate our present discussion by taking into consideration the pos- 
sibiUties of exact expression that may be required in idiomatic forms 
of speech, but rather to consider only those parts of the sentence 
which, according to the morphology of the language, mi«< be expressed. 

We conclude from the examples here given that in a discussion of 
the characteristics of various languages different fundamental cate- 
gories will be foimd, and that in a comparison of different languages 
it will be necessary to compare as well the phonetic characteristics 
as the characteristics of the vocabulary and those of the grammatical 
concepts in order to give each language its proper place. 



44 BUBEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [buix.40 

m. CLASSIFICATION OF LANGUAGES 

Origin of Dialects 

In many cases the determination of the genetic relationship of 
languages is perfectly simple. Wherever we find close similariti^ 
in phonetics, in vocabularies, and in details of grammar, there can 
not be the slightest doubt that the languages that are being studied 
are varieties of the same ancestral form. 

To a certain extent the differentiation of a single language into a 
number of dialects is spontaneous. When commimication between 
peoples speaking the same tongue ceases, peculiarities of pronunciai' 
tion wall readily manifest themselves in one region or the other and 
may become permanent. In some cases these modifications of pro- 
nunciation may gradually increase and may become so radical that 
several quite different forms of the original language develop. At 
the same time words readily assmne a new significance, and if the 
separation of the people should be accompanied by a differentiation 
of culture, these changes may proceed at a very rapid rate. 

In cases of such phonetic changes and of modifications in the sig- 
nificance of words, a certain degree of regularity may always be 
observed, and for this reason the historical relationship between 
the new dialects and the older forms can always be readily estab- 
lished and may be compared to the modifications that take place in 
a series of generations of living beings. 

Another form of modification may occur that is also analogous to 
biological transformations. We must recognize that the origin of 
language must not be looked for in human faculties that have once 
been active, but which have disappeared. As a matter of fact, new 
additions to linguistic devices and to linguistic material are con- 
stantly being made. Such spontaneous additions to a language may 
occur in one of the new dialects, while they do not occur in the other. 
These, although related to the structure of the older language, will 
be so entirely new in their character that they can not be directly 
related to the ancestral language. 

It must also be considered that each of these dialects may incor- 
porate new material. Nevertheless in all cases where the older mate- 
rial constitutes the bulk of the material of the language, its close 
relationship to the ancestral tongue will readily be recognized. In 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 45 

all these cases, phonetics, details of grammatical structure, and 
vocabidary will show far-reaching similarities. 

Comparison of Distinct Languages 

The problem becomes much more diflBcult when the similarities in 
any of these traits become less pronounced. With the extension of 
our knowledge of primitive languages, it has been found that cases 
are not rare in which languages spoken in certain continuous areas 
show radical differences in vocabulary and in grammatical form, 
but close similarity in their phonetic elements. In other cases the 
similarity of phonetic elements may be less pronounced, but there 
may exist a close similarity in structural details. Again, many 
investigators have pointed out pecuUar analogies in certain words 
without being able to show that grammatical form and general 
phonetic character coincide. Many examples of such condftions may 
be given. In America, for instance, the phonetic similarity of the 
languages spoken between the coast of Oregon and Mount St. EUas 
is quite striking. All these languages are characterized by the occur- 
rence of a great many peculiar Tc sounds and peculiar I sounds, and 
by their tendency towards great stress of articulation, and, in most 
cases, towards a clustering of consonants. Consequently to our ear 
these languages sound rough and harsh. Notwithstanding these 
similarities, the grammatical forms and the vocabularies are so 
utterly distinct that a common origin of the languages of this area 
seems entirely out of the question. A similar example may be given 
from South Africa, where the Bantu negroes, Bushmen, and Hotten- 
tots utilize some pecuUar sounds which are produced by inspiration — 
by drawing in the breath, not by expelling it — and which are ordi- 
narily called ''cUcks." Notwithstanding this very peculiar common 
trait in their languages, there is no similarity in grammar and hardly 
any in vocabulary. 

We might also give the example of the Siouan and the Iroquois 
languages of North America, two stocks that have been in proximity, 
and which are characterized by the occurrence of numerous nasal- 
ized vowels; or the phonetic characteristics of Calif omian languages, 
which sound to our ear euphonious, and are in strong contrast to the 
languages of the North Pacific coast. 

It must be said that, on the whole, such phonetic characteristics 
of a limited area appear in their most pronoimced form when we 



46 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY {bull. 40 

compare the whole region with the neighboring districts. Thej 
form a unit rather by contrast with foreign phonetics than when 
compared among themselves, each language having its own peculiar 
characteristics in a group* of this kind. Thus, the Tlingit of the 
North Pacific coast diflfers very much from the Chinook of Columbia 
river. Nevertheless, when both languages are compared to a lan- 
guage of southern CaUfomia, the Sioux or the Algonquian, traite 
that are common to both of thenl appear to quit^ a marked d^ree. 

What is true of phonetics is also true of grammatical form, and 
this is evidently a characteristic trait of the languages of the whole 
world. In North America particularly such groups of language 
can be readily recognized. A more detailed discussion of this prob- 
lem will be given in another place, and it will be sufficient to state 
here, that languages — like, for instance, the Athapascan, Tlingit, 
and Haida — which are spoken in one continuous area on the north- 
west coast of our continent show certain common characteristics 
when compared with neighboring languages like the Eskimo, Algon- 
quian, and Tsimshian. In a similar way, a number of Cahfomian 
languages, or languages of southern British Columbia, and languages 
like the Pawnee and Iroquois, each form a group characterized by 
certain traits which are not found in other languages. 

In cases where such morphological similarities occur without a 
corresponding similarity of vocabulary, it becomes exceedingly diffi- 
cult to determine whether these languages may be considered as 
descendants of one parent language; and there are numerous cases 
in which our judgment must be suspended, because, on the one hand, 
these similarities are far-reaching, while, on the other hand, such 
radical differences are found that we can not account for them with- 
out assuming the introduction of an entirely foreign element. 

Similar phenomena have recently induced P. W. Schmidt to con- 
sider the languages of Farther India and of Malaysia as related; and 
the same problem has been discussed by Lepsius, and again by Mein- 
hoff, in reference to the relation of the languages of the Hottentot 
to a number of east African languages and to the languages of the 
Hamitic peoples of North Africa. 

Difficulties also arise in cases where a considerable number of 
similar words are found without a corresponding similarity of gram- 
matical forms, so that we may be reluctant to combine two such 
languages, notwithstanding their similarities of vocabulary. 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 47 

The comparison of vocabularies oflfers peculiar difficulties in 
American languages. Unfortunately, our knowledge of American 
anguages is very limited, and in many cases we are confined to col- 
ections of a few hundred words, without any information in regard 
:o grammatical forms. Owing to the strong tendency of many 
American languages to form compoimd words or derivatives of various 
dnds, it is very difficult in vocabularies of this kind to recognize the 
component elements of words, and often accidental similarities may 
>btrude themselves which a thorough knowledge of the languages 
otrould prove to be of no significance whatever. 

Setting aside this practical diffixjulty, it may happen qxiite often 
that in neighboring languages the same term is used to designate the 
same object, owing, not to the relationship of the languages, but to 
the fact that the word may be a loan word in several of them. Since 
the vocabularies which are ordinarily collected embrace terms for 
objects found in most common use, it seems most likely that among 
these a number of loan words may occur. 

Even when the available material is fuller and more thoroughly 
analyzed, doubt may arise regarding the significance of the apparent 
similarities of vocabulary. 

Mutual Influences of Languages 

In all these cases the final decision will depend upon the answer to 
the questions in how far distinct languages may influence one another, 
and in how far a language without being subject to foreign influ- 
ences may deviate from the parental type. While it seems that the 
time has hardly come when it is possible to answer these questions 
in a definite manner, the evidence seems to be in favor of the existence 
of far-reaching influences of this kind. 

Phanetic Influences 

This is perhaps most clearly evident in the case of phonetics. It 
is hardly conceivable why languages spoken in continuous areas, and 
entirely distinct in vocabulary and in grammatical structure, should 
partake of the same phonetic characteristics, unless, by imitation, 
certain phonetic traits may be carried beyond a single linguistic 
stock. While I do not know that historical evidence of such occur- 
rences has been definitely given, the phenomenon as it occurs in 
South Africa, among the Bantu and Hottentot, admits of hardly 



48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcll.*) 

any other explanation. And the same is true, to a more or less 
pronounced extent, among other distinct but neighboring languages. 
The possibility of such a transfer of sounds can not be denied. 
Among the American Indians, for instance— where intermarriages 
between individuals belonging to different tribes are frequent ; where 
slave women raise their own and their masters' children; and where, 
owing to the small number of individuals constituting the tribe, indi- 
viduals who have mastered several distinct languages are not br 
any means rare — ample opportunity is given for one language u> 
exert its phonetic influence over another. Whether this explanation 
is adequate, is a question that remains to be decided by further his- 
torical studies.* 

Grammatical Influences 

Influence of the syntax of one language upon another, and even. 
to a certain extent, of the morphology of one language upon another, 
is also probable. The study of the languages of Europe has proved 
clearly the deep influence exerted by Latin upon the syntax of all 
the modem European languages. We can also recognize how certain 
syntactic forms of expression occur in neighboring languages on our 
American continent. To give an instance of this kind, we find that, 
in the most diverse languages of the North Pacific coast, commamls 
are given in the periphrastic form. It would he good if you did so 
and so; and in many cases this periphrastic form has been substi- 
tuted entirely for the ordinary imperative. Thus it may well be 
that groups of psychological concepts which are expressed by means 
of grammatical forms have developed in one language under the 
influence of another; and it is difficult to say, if we once admit such 
influence, where the limit may be to the modifications caused by 
such processes. 

On the other hand, it seems exceedingly diJEcult to understand 
why the most fundamental morphological traits of a language should 
disappear under the influence of another form of thought as exhibited 
in another language. This would mean that the greater number of 
grammatical forms would disappear, and entirely new categories 
develop. It certainly can not be denied that far-reaching modifica- 
tions of this kind are possible, but it will require the most cautious 
proof in every single case before their existence can be accepted. 

1 See also p. 53. 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 49 

Cases of the introduction of new suflBxes in European languages 
ire not by any means rare. Thus, the ending -oftfe of French words 
las been adopted so frequently into English that the ending itself 
las attained a certain independence, and we can form words like 
'xttable, or even get-at-abUj in which the ending, which was originally 
French, is added to an English word. In a similar way the French 
rerbal ending -ir, combined with the German infinitive ending in 
en, is used in a large number of German words as though it were a 
>urely German ending. I do not know, however, of any observations 
vhich would point to a radical modification of the morphological 
traits of a language through the influence of another language. 

Lexicogrwphic Influences 

While the phonetic influence of distinct languages upon one 
mother and the modification of morphological traits in different 
languages are still obscure, the borrowing of words is very common, 
and sometimes reaches to an enormous extent. The vocabulary 
Df English is an excellent example of such extensive amalgamation 
of the vocabularies of quite distinct languages, and the manner 
by which it has been attained is instructive. It is not only that 
Ajiglo - Saxon adopted large parts of the vocabulary of the 
Norman conquerors, that it took over a few terms of the older 
Celtic language, and adopted some words from the Norse invaders; 
but we find also, later, introductions from Latin and Greek, which 
were introduced through the progress of the arts and sciences, and 

• 

which filtered down from the educated to the uneducated classes. 
Furthermore, numerous terms were adopted from the less civilized 
peoples with whom the English-speaking people came into contact 
in different parts of the world. Thus, the Australian and the 
Indian-English have each adopted a great many native terms, 
quite a number of which have found their way into colloquial and 
written modem EngUsh. This phenomenon is so common, and 
the processes by which new words enter into a language are so 
obvious, that a full discussion is not required. Another example 
that may be mentioned here is that of the Turkish language, which 
has adopted a very large number of Arab words. 

In such a transfer of the vocabulary of one language into another, 
words undergo, of course, far-reaching changes. These may be 

44877— BaU. 40, pt 1—10 i 



50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

partly due to phonetic difficulties, and consist in the adaptation 
of an unfamiliar group of sounds to the familiar similar souncb 
of the language by which the word has been adopted. There may 
be assimilations by which the grammatical form of a word is made 
similar to more familiar forms. Furthermore, changes in the ag- 
nificance of the word are conmion, and new derivations may be 
formed from the word after it has once become entirely familiar, 
like other native words. 

In this respect a number of American languages seem to be- 
have curiously when compared with European languages. Bor- 
rowing of words in Europe is particularly common when a new 
object is first introduced. In almost all these cases the foreign 
designation is taken over with more or less fundamental phonetic 
modifications. Examples of this kind are the words tohaccOy canoes 
maize, chocolate — to take as illustration a few words borrowed 
from American languages. American natives, on the other hand, 
do not commonly adopt words in this manner, but much more 
frequently invent descriptive words by which the new object is des- 
ignated. Thus the Tsimshian of British Columbia designate rice 
by a term meaning looJcin-g liJce maggots. The Kwakiutl call a 
steamboat Jire on its back moving on the water. The Kskimo 
call cut tobacco being blown upon. Words of this type are in 
wide use; nevertheless, loan words taken from English are not by 
any means rare. The terms biscuit, dollar, coffee, tea, are found in 
a great many Indian languages. The probable reason why descrip- 
tive words are more common in American languages than in Euro- 
pean languages lies in the frequent occurrence of descriptive noxms. 

We find, therefore, that there are two sets of phenomena which 
must be considered in the classification of languages: (1) differences 
which can easily be proved to be derived from modifications of a 
single ancestral language; and (2) similarities which can not be 
thus explained, and some of which may be due to the effects of 
mixture. 

Origin of Similarities; by Dissemination or by Parallel 

Development 

Before we proceed with this consideration, we have to discuss 
the two logical possibilities for such similarities. Either they may 
be due to dissemination from a common source, so that they origi- 



BOA81 HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 51 

nated only a single time, and were diffused by the influence of 
one people upon another; or it may be that they are due to an 
independent origin in many parts of the world. 

This alternative is present in the explanation of all ethnic phe- 
nomena, and is one of the fundamental questions in regard to which 
the ethnologist, as well as the investigator of languages, must be 
clear. In the older considerations of the position of the American 
race among the races of man, for instance, it has always been assumed 
that occurrence of similar phenomena among the peoples of the 
Old World and of the New proved genetic relationship. It is 
obvious that this method of proving relationship assumes that, 
wherever similarities occur, they must have been carried by the 
same people over different parts of the world, and that therefore 
they may be considered as proof of common descent. The method 
thus applied does not take into consideration the possibility of a grad- 
ual diffusion of cultural elements from one people to another, and 
the other more fundamental one of a parallel but independent 
development of similar phenomena among different races in remote 
parts of the world. Since such development is a logical possibil- 
ity, proofs of genetic relationship must not be based on the occur- 
rence of sporadic resemblances alone. 

A final decision of this vexed problem can be given only by historical 
evidence, which is hardly ever available, and for this reason the 
systematic treatment of the question must always proceed with the 
greatest caution. 

The cases in which isolated similarities of ethnic phenomena in re- 
mote parts of the world have been recorded are numerous, and many 
of these are of such a character that transmission cannot be proved at 
all. If, for instance, the Indians of South America use sacred 
musical instruments, which must not be seen by women, and if 
apparently the same custom prevails among the Australian aborigines, 
it is inadmissible to assume the occurrence of what seems to be 
the same custom in these two remote districts as due to transmission. 
It is perfectly intelligible that the custom may have developed inde- 
pendently in each continent. On the other hand, there are many cases 
in which certain peculiar and complex customs are distributed over 
large continuous areas, and where transmission over large portions of 
this area is plausible. In this case, even if independent origin had 
taken place in different parts of the district in question, the present 



1 

52 BUEEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 49 

distribution is fully explained by the assumption of extended dissem- 
ination. 

It is true, for instance, in the case of similar traditions which an 
found distributed over large districts. An example of this is the 
story of two girls who noticed two stars, a bright one and a small one, 
and wished these stars for their husbands. The following momii^ 
they found themselves in the sky, married to the stars, and later on 
tried to return to the earth by letting themselves down through a 
hole in the sky. This rather complex tale is found distributed over 
the American continent in an area extending from Nova Scotia to the 
mouth of the Mississippi river and westward to the Rocky mountains, 
and in places even on the Pacific ocean, for instance, in Alaska and in 
the state of Washington. It would seem diflScult to assume, in a case 
of this kind, the possibiUty of an independent invention of the tale at 
a number of distinct points; but it must be assumed that, after the 
tale had once attained its present form, it spread by dissemination 
over that prart of the continent where it is now found. 

In extreme cases the conclusions drawn from these two types of ex- 
planation seem quite unassailable; but there are naturally a very 
large number of others in which the phenomenon in question is neither 
sufficiently complex, nor distributed oVer a sufficiently large contin- 
uous area, to lead with certainty to the conclusion of an origin by dis- 
semination; and there are others where the sporadic distributions seem 
curiously arranged, and where vague possibilities, of contact occur. 
Thus it happens often that a satisfactory conclusion cannot be 
reached. 

We must also bear in mind that in many cases a continuous distri- 
bution may once have existed, but may have become discontinuous, 
owing to the disappearance of the phenomena in question in inter- 
mediate regions. If, however, we want to follow a safe method, we 
must not admit such causes for sporadic distribution, unless they can 
be definitely proved by other evidence; otherwise, the way is open to 
attempts to bring into contact practically every part of the world with 
all others. 

The general occurrence of similar ethnic phenomena in remote 
parts of the world admits also of the explanation of the existence 
of a certain number of customs and habits that were common to 
large parts of mankind at a very early period, and which have main- 
tained themselves here and there up to the present time. It can 



«AS] HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 53 

lot be denied that this point of view has certain elements in its favor; 
►ut in the present state of our knowledge we can hardly say that it 
^ould be possible to prove or to disprove it. 

We meet the same fundamental problem in connection with simi- 
irities of languages which are too vague to be considered as proofs 
f genetic relationship. That these exist is obvious. Here we have 
lot only the conmion characteristics of all human language, which 
lave been discussed in the preceding chapter, but also certain other 
imilarities which must here be considered. 

Influence of Environment on Language 

It has often been suggested that similarities of neighboring lan- 
^ages and customs may be explained by the influence of environ- 
nent. The leading thought in this theory is, that the human mind, 
mder the stress of similar conditions, will produce the same results; 
;hat consequently, if the members of the same race live in the same 
mrroundings, they will produce, for instance, in their articulate speech, 
the same kind of phonetics, differing perhaps in detail according to 
the variations of environment, but the same in their essential traits. 
Fhus it has been claimed that the moist and stormy climate of the 
North Pacific coast caused a chronic catarrhal condition among the 
inhabitants, and that to this condition is due the guttural pronuncia- 
tion and harshness of their languages; while, on the other hand, the 
mildness of the California climate has been made responsible for the 
euphonious character of the languages of that district. 

I do not believe that detailed investigations in any part of the 
world would sustain this theory. We might demand proof that the 
same language, when distributed over different climates, should pro- 
duce the same kind of modifications as those here exemplified; and 
we might further demand that, wherever similar climates are found, 
at least a certain approach to similarity in the phonetics of the lan- 
guages should occur. It would be diflScult to prove that this is the 
case, even if we should admit the excuse that modifying influences 
have obscured the original similarity of phonetic character. Taking, 
for instance, the arctic people of the Old and New Worlds as a unit, 
we find fundamentally different traits in the phonetics of the Eskimo, 
of the CSbukchee of eastern Siberia, and of other arctic Asiatic and 
European peoples. The phonetics of the deserts of Asia and South 



54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcu.40 

Africa and of southwestern North America are not by any means the 
same. The prairie tribes of North America, although living in 
neariy the same climate, over a considerable area, show remarkable 
diflFerences in the phonetics of their languages; and, on the other 
hand, the tribes belonging to the Salish family who Uve east of the 
Rocky mountains, in the interior of British Columbia, speak a lan- 
guage that is not less harsh than that of their congeners on the north- 
em coast of the state of Washington. In any attempt at arranging 
phonetics in accordance with climate, the discrepancies would be so 
numerous, that an attempt to carry out the theory would lead to the 
necessity ^of explaining exceptions rather than examples corroborat- 
ing its correctness. 

What is true in regard to phonetics is no less true in regard to mor- 
phology and vocabulary. I do not think that it has ever been 
claimed that similar words must necessarily originate under the stress 
of the same conditions, although, if we admit the correctness of the 
principle, there is no reason for making an exception in regard to the 
vocabulary. 

I think this theory can be sustained even less in the field of lin- 
guistics than in the field of ethnology. It is certainly true that each 
people accommodates itself to a certain extent to its surroundings, 
and that it even may make the best possible use of its surroundings 
in accordance with the fundamental traits of its culture, but I do not 
beUeve that in any single case it will be possible to explain the culture 
of a people as due to the influence of its surroundings. It is self-evi- 
dent that the Eskimo of northern arctic America do not make 
extended use of wood, a substance which is very rare in those parts 
of the world, and that the Indians of the woodlands of Brazil are not 
fanuUar with the uses to which snow may be put. We may even go 
further, and acknowledge that, after the usefulness of certain sub- 
stances, plants, and animals — like bamboo in the tropics, or the cedar 
on the North Pacific coast of America, or ivory in the arctic regions, or 
the buflFalo on the plains of North America — has once been recognized, 
they will find the most extended use, and that numerous inventions 
will be made to expand their usefulness. We may also recognize that 
the distribution of the produce of a country, the diflBiculties and ease 
of travel, the necessity of reaching certain points, may deeply influ- 
ence the habits of the people. But with all this, to geographical 
conditions cannot be ascribed more than a modifying influence upon 



BOAS] HAKDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 68 

the fundamental traits of culture. If this were not true, the peculiar 
facts of distribution of inventions, of beliefs, of habits, and of other 
ethnological phenomena, would be uninteUigible. 

For instance, the use of the underground house is distributed, in 
America and Asia, over the northern parts of the plateaus to parts of 
the Great* Plains, northward into the arctic region; and crossing 
Bering strait we find it in use along the Pacific coast of Asia and 
as far south as northern Japan, not to speak of the subterranean 
dwellings of Europe and North Africa. The cUmate of this district 
shows very considerable differences, and the climatic necessity for 
underground habitations does not exist by any means in many parts 
of the area where they occur. 

In a similar area we find the custom of increasing the elasticity of 
the bow by overlaying it with sinew. While this procedure may be 
quite necessary in the arctic regions, where no elastic wood is avail- 
able, it is certainly not necessary in the more southern parts of the 
Rocky mountains, or along the east coast of Asia, where a great many 
varieties of strong elastic wood are available. Nevertheless the use- 
fulness of the invention seems to have led to its general appUcation 
over an extended district. 

We might also give numerous examples which would illustrate 
that the adaptation of a people to their surroundings is not by any 
means perfect. How, fot instance, can we explain the fact that the 
Eskimo, notwithstanding their inventiveness, have never thought 
of domesticating the caribou, while the Chukchee have acquired 
large reindeer-herds? Why, on the other hand, should the Chukchee, 
who are compelled to travel about with their reindeer-herds, use a 
tent which is so cumbersome that a train of many sledges is required 
to move it, while the Eskimo have reduced the frame of their tents 
to such a degree that a single sledge can be used for conveying it 
from place to place? 

Other examples of a similar kind are the difference in the habita- 
tions of the arctic Athapascan tribes and those of the Eskimo. Not- 
withstanding the rigor of the climate, the former live in light skin 
tents, while the Eskimo have succeeded in protecting themselves 
efficiently against the gales and the snows of winter. 

What actually seems to take place in the movements of peoples 
is, that a people who settle in a new environment will first of all 
cling to their old habits and only modify them as much as is abso- 



56 BUBEAU OP AMBBICAN BTHKOLOGY [bull. 40 

lutely necessary in order to live fairly comfortably, the comfort of 
life being generally of secondary importance to the inertia or con- 
servatism which prevents a people from changing their settled habits^ 
that have become customary to such an extent that they are more 
or less automatic, and that a change would be felt as something 
decidedly unusual. 

Even when a people remain located in the same place, it would 
seem that historical influences are much stronger than geographical 
influences. I am inclined, for instance, to explain in this manner the 
differences between the cultures of the tribes of arctic Asia and of 
arctic America, and the difference in the habits of the tribes of the 
southern plateaus of North America when compared with those of 
the northern plateaus of North America. In the southern regions 
the influence of the Pueblos has made itself felt, while farther to 
the north the simpler culture of the Mackenzie basin gives the 
essential tone to the culture of the people. 

While fully acknowledging the importance of geographical con- 
ditions upon life, I do not believe that they can be given a place 
at all comparable to that of culture as handed down, and to that 
of the historical influence exerted by the cultures of surrounding 
tribes; and it seems likely that the less direct the influence of the 
surroundings is, the less also can it be used for accounting for peculiar 
ethnological traits. 

So far as language is concerned, the influence of geographical sur- 
roundings and of climate seems to be exceedingly remote; and as 
long as we are not even able to prove that the whole organism of 
man, and with it the articulating organs, are directly influenced 
by geographical environment, I do not think we are justified in con- 
sidering this element as an essential trait in the formation or modi- 
fication of human speech, much less as a cause which can be used 
to account for the similarities of human speech in neighboring areas. 

Influence of Common Psychic Traits 

Equally uncertain seems to be the resort to the assiunption of pecu- 
liar psychic traits that are common to geographical divisions of the 
same race. It may be claimed, for instance, that the languages of 
the Athapascan, Tlingit, and Ilaida, which were referred to before 
as similar in certain fimdamental morphological traits, are alike, 



BOASl HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 57 

Por the reason that these three peoples have certain psychical traits 
in common which are not shared in by other American tribes. 

It seems certainly admissible to assume slight differences in the 
psychical make-up among groups of a race which are different in re- 
gard to their physical type. If we can prove by means of anatom- 
ical investigations that the bodily form, and with it the nervous 
system and the brain of one part of a race show differences from 
the analogous traits of another part of the race, it seems justifiable 
to conclude that the physical differentiation may be accompanied 
by psychic differences. It must, however, be borne in mind that 
the extent of physical difference is always exceedingly slight, and 
that, within the limits of each geographical type, variations are 
found which are great as compared to the total differences between 
the averages of the types. To use a diagram: 



f 



1 1 

a c 



I r 

1/ a' 



If a represents the middle point of one type and h and c its extremes, 
a' the average of another type and V and cf its extremes, and if 
these types are so placed, one over the other, that types in the second 
series correspond to those in the first series vertically over them, 
then it will be seen that the bulk of the population of the two 
types will very well coincide, while only the extremes will be more 
frequent in the one group than in the other. That is to say, the 
physical difference is not a difference in kind, but a difference 
more or less in degree, and a considerable overlapping of the types 
necessarily takes place. 

If this is true in regard to the physical type, and if, furthermore, 
the difference in psychical types is inferred only from the observed 
differences of the physical types, then we must assume that the same 
kind of overlapping will take place in the psychical types. The 
differences with which we are dealing can, therefore, be only very 
slight, and it seems hardly likely that these slight differences could 
lead to radically diverse results. 

As a matter of fact, the proof which has been given before,* that 
the same languages may be spoken by entirely distinct types, shows 
clearly how slight the effect of difference in anatomical type upon 

1 See p. 9. 



58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBCix.40 

language is at the present time, and there is no reason to presume 
that it has ever been greater. Viewing the matter from this stand- 
point, the hereditary mental differences of various groups of man- 
kind, particularly within the same race, seem to be so slight that it 
would be very difficult to believe that they account in any way for 
the fimda'mental diflFerences in the traits of distinct languages. 

TTncertainty of Definition of Linguistic Families 

The problem thus remains unsolved how to interpret the similari- 
ties of distinct languages in cases where the similarities are no longer 
sufficient to prove genetit relationship. From what has been said we 
may conclude that, even in languages which can easily be proved to 
be genetically related, independent elements may be found in vari- 
ous divisions. Such independent elements may be due partly to new 
tendencies which develop in one or the other of the dialects, or to 
foreign influence. It is quite conceivable that such new tendencies 
and foreign influences may attain such importance that the new 
language may still be considered as historically related to tlje ances- 
tral family, but that its deviations, due to elements that are not found 
in the ancestral language, have become so important that it can no 
longer be considered as a branch of the older family. 

Thus it will be seen that the concept of a linguistic family can not 
be sharply defined; that even among the dialects of one linguistic 
family, more or less foreign material may be present, and that in this 
sense the languages, as has been pointed out by Paul,* are not, in the 
strict sense of the term, descendants of a single ancestral family. 

Thus the whole problem of the final classification of languages in 
Unguistic families that are without doubt related, seems destined to 
remain open until our knowledge of the processes by which distinct 
languages are developed shall have become much more thorough 
than it is at the present time. Under these circumstances we must 
confine ourselves to classifying American languages in those linguistic 
families for which we can give a proof of relationship that can not 
possibly be challenged. Beyond this point we can do no more than 
give certain definite classifications in which the traits common to 
certain groups of languages are pointed out, while the decision as to 
the significance of these common traits must be left to later times. 

1 Paul, Prlnciplen der Sprachgeschichte. 



BOjLsl HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 59 

IV. LmGUISTICS AND ETHNOLOGY 

It seems desirable to say a few words on the function of linguistic 
researches in the study of the ethnography of the Indians. 

Practical Need of Linguistic Studies for Ethnological 

Purposes 

First of all, the purely practical aspect of this question may be 
considered. Ordinarily, the investigator who visits an Indian tribe 
is not able to converse with the natives themselves and to obtain his 
information first-hand, but he is obUged to rely more or less on data 
transmitted by interpreters, or at least by the help of interpreters. 
He may ask his question through an interpreter, and receive again 
through his mouth the answer given by the Indians. It is 
obvious that this is an unsatisfactory method, even when the inter- 
preters are good; but, as a rule, the available men are either not 
sufficiently familiar with the English language, or they are so entirely 
out of sympathy with the Indian point of view, and understand the 
need of accuracy on the part of the investigator so Uttle, that infor- 
mation furnished by them can be used only with a considerable 
degree of caution. At the present time it is possible to get along in 
many parts of America without interpreters, by means of the trade- 
jargons that have developed everywhere in the intercourse between 
the whites and the Indians. These, however, are also a very unsatis- 
factory means of inquiring into the customs of the natives, because, 
in some cases, the vocabulary of the trade-languages is extremely 
limited, and it is almost impossible to convey information relating 
to the religious and philosophic ideas or to the higher aspects of 
native art, all of which play so important a part in Indian life. 
Another difficulty which often develops whenever the investigator 
works with a particularly intelligent interpreter is, that the inter- 
preter imbibes too readily the views of the investigator, and that his 
information, for this reason, is strongly biased, because he is not so 
well able to withstand the influence of formative theories as the 
trained investigator ought to be. Anyone who has carried on work 
with intelligent Indians will recall instances of this kind, where the 
interpreter may have formulated a theory based on the questions 
that have been put through him, and has interpreted his answers 



60 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

under the guidance of his preconceived notions. All this is so ob- 
vious that it hardly requires a full discussion. Our needs be<;ome 
particularly apparent when we compare the methods that we expect 
from any investigator of cultures of the Old World with those of the 
ethnologist who is studying primitive tribes. Nobody would expect 
authoritative accoimts of the civilization of China or of Japan from a 
man who does not speak the languages readily, and who has not 
mastered their literatures. The student of antiquity is expected to 
have a thorough mastery of the ancient languages. A student of 
Mohammedan life in Arabia or Turkey would hardly be considered 
a serious investigator if all his knowledge had to be derived from 
second-hand accounts. The ethnologist, on the other hand, under- 
takes in the majority of cases to elucidate the innermost thoughts 
and feelings of a people without so much as a smattering of knowledge 
of their language. 

It is true that the American ethnologist is confronted with a serious 
practical difficulty, for, in the present state of American society, 
by far the greater number of customs and practices have gone out 
of existence, and the investigator is compelled to rely upon accounts 
of customs of former times recorded from the mouths of the old gen- 
eration who, when young, still took part in these performances. 
Added to this he is confronted with the difficulty that the number of 
trained investigators is very small, and the number of American 
languages that are mutually unintelligible exceedingly large, probably 
exceeding three hundred in number. Our investigating ethnologists 
are also denied opportunity to spend long continuous periods with 
any particular tribe, so that the practical difficulties in the way of 
acquiring languages are almost insuperable. Nevertheless, we must 
insist that a command of the language is an indispensable means of 
obtaining accurate and thorough knowledge, because much informa- 
tion can be gained by listening to conversations of the natives and 
by taking part in their daily Ufe, which, to the observer who has no 
command of the language, will remain entirely inaccessible. 

It must be admitted that this ideal aim is, under present condi- 
tions, entirely beyond our reach. It is, however, quite possible for 
the ethnographer to obtain a theoretical knowledge of native lan- 
guages that will enable him to collect at least part of the information 
that could be best obtained by a practical knowledge of the language. 
Fortunately, the Indian is easily misled, by^ the ability of the observer 



k 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEBIC AN INDIAN LANGUAGES 61 

to read his language, into thinking that he is also able to understand 
what he reads. Thus, in taking down tales or other records in the 
native language, and reading them to the Indians, the Indian always 
believes that the reader also understands what he pronounces, because 
it is quite inconceivable to him that a person can freely utter the sen- 
tences in his language without clearly grasping their meaning. This 
fact facihtates the initial stages of ethnographic information in the 
native languages, because, on the whole, the northern Indians are 
eager to be put on record in regard to questions that are of supreme 
interest to them. If the observer is capable of grasping by a rapid 
analysis the significance of what is dictated to him, even without being 
able to express himself freely in the native language, he is in a position 
to obtain much information that otherwise would be entirely unob- 
tainable. Although this is wholly a makeshift, still it puts the 
observer in an infinitely better position than that in which he would 
be without any knowledge whatever of the language. First of 
aU, he can get the information from the Indians first-hand, without 
employing an interpreter, who may mislead him. Furthermore, the 
range of subjects on which he can get information is considerably 
increased, because the limitations of the linguistic knowledge of the 
interpreter, or those of the trade -language, are. eUminated. It 
would seem, therefore, that under present conditions we are more or 
less compelled to rely upon an extended series of texts as the safest 
means of obtaining information from the Indians. A general review 
of our ethnographic literature shows clearly how much better is the 
information obtained by observers who have command of the lan- 
guage, and who are on terms of intimate friendship with the natives, 
than that obtained through the medium of interpreters. 

The best material we possess is perhaps contained in the naive out- 
pourings of the Eskimo, which they write and print themselves, and 
distribute as a newspaper, intended to inform the people of all the 
events that are of interest. These used to contain much mytholog- 
ical matter and much that related to the mode of life of the people. 
Other material of similar character is furnished by the large text 
collections of the Ponca, published by the late James Owen Dorsey; 
although many 6f these are influenced by the changed conditions 
under which the people now live. Some older records on the Iro- 
quois, written by prominent members of the tribe, also deserve atten- 
tion; and among the most recent Uterature the descriptions of the 



62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Sauk and Fox by Dr. William Jones are remarkable on account of the 
thorough understanding that the author has reached, owing to his 
mastery of the language. Similar in character, although rendered 
entirely in English, are the observations of Mr. James Teit on the 
Thompson Indians. 

In some cases it has been possible to interest educated natives in 
the study of their own tribes and to induce them to write down in 
their own language their observations. These, also, are much superior 
to English records, in which the natives are generally hampered by 
the lack of mastery of the foreign language. 

While in all these cases a collector thoroughly famiUar with the 
Indian language and with English might give us the results of his 
studies without using the native language in his publications, this is 
quite indispensable when we try to investigate the deeper problems 
of ethnology. A few examples %will show clearly what is meant. 
When the question arises, for instance, of investigating the poetry of 
the Indians, no translation can possibly be considered as an adequate 
substitute for the original. The form of rhythm, the treatment of the 
language, the adjustment of text to music, the imagery, the use 
of metaphors, and all the numerous problems involved in any thorough 
investigation of the style of poetry, can be interpreted only by the 
investigator who has equal command of the ethnographical traits of 
the tribe and of their language. The same is true in the investigation 
of rituals, with their set, more or less poetic phrases, or in the investiga- 
tion of prayers and incantations. The oratory of the Indians, a sub- 
ject that has received much attention by ethnologists, is not ade- 
quately known, because only a very few speeches have been handed 
down in the original. Here, also, an accurate investigation of the 
method of composition and of the devices used to reach oratorical 
effect, requires the preservation of speeches as rendered in the original 
language. 

There are also numerous other features of the life of the Indians 
which can not be adequately presented without linguistic investigation. 
To these belong, for instance, the discussion of personal, tribal, and 
local names. The translations of Indian names which are popularly 
known — like Sitting-Bull, Afraid-Of-His-Horse, etc. — indicate that 
names possess a deeper significance. The translations, however, are 
so difficult that a thorough linguistic knowledge is required in order 
to explain the significance adequately. 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 63 

In all the subjects mentioned heretofore, a knowledge of Indian 
languages serves as an important adjunct to a full understanding of 
the customs and beliefs of the people whom we are studying. But 
in all these cases the service which language lends us is first of all a 
practical one — a means to a clearer understanding of ethnological 
plienomena which in themselves have nothing to do with linguistic 
problems. 

Theoretical Importance of lingiiistic Studies 

lAinguage a Part of JEthnological Phenomena In General 

It seems, however, that a theoretical study of Indian languages is 
not less important than a practical knowledge of them; that the purely- 
linguistic inquiry is part and parcel of a thorough investigation 
of the psychology of the peoples of the world. If ethnology is under- 
stood as the science dealing with the mental phenomena of the Ufe of 
the peoples of the world, human language, one of the most important 
manifestations of mental Ufe, would seem to belong naturally to the 
field of work of ethnology, unless special reasons can be adduced why 
it should not be so considered. It is true that a practical reason of this 
kind exists, namely, the specialization which has taken place in the 
methods of philological research, which has progressed to such an 
extent that philology and comparative linguistics are sciences which 
require the utmost attention, and do not allow the student to devote 
much of his time to other fields that require different methods of 
study. This, however, is no reason for believing that the results of 
linguistic inquiry are unimportant to the ethnologist. There are other 
fields of ethnological investigation which have come to be more or 
less specialized, and which require for their successful treatment 
peculiar speciaUzation. This is true, for instance, of the study of 
primitive music, of primitive art, and, to a certaia extent, of primitive 
law. Nevertheless, these subjects continue to form an important 
part of ethnological science. 

If the phenomena of human speech seem to form in a way a sub- 
ject by itself, this is perhaps largely due to the fact that the laws of 
language remain entirely unknown to the speakers, that linguistic 
phenomena never rise iuto the consciousness of primitive man, while 
all other ethnological phenomena are more or less clearly subjects of 
conscious thought. 



64 BUBEAU OF AMERICAJr ETHI!70IX)6Y [bull. 40 

The question of the reUtion of linguistic phenomena to ethno- 
logical phenomena, in the narrower sense of the term, deserres, 
therefore, special discussion. 

Language and Thought 

First of all, it may be well to discuss the relation between langu^ 
and thought. It has been claimed that the conciseness and clearness 
of thought of a people depend to a great extent upon their language. 
The ease with which in our modem European languages we express 
wide abstract ideas by a single term, and the facility with which 
wide generalizations are cast into the frame of a simple sentence, have 
been claimed to be one of the fundamental conditions of the clearness 
of our concepts, the logical force of our thought, and the precision with 
which we eliminate in our thoughts irrelevant details. Apparently this 
view has much in its favor. When we compare modem English with 
some of those Indian languages which are most concrete in their forma- 
tive expression, the contrast is striking. When we say The eye 
is tJie organ of sights the Indian may not be able to form the expres- 
sion the eye, but may have to define that the eye of a person or 
of an animal is meant. Neither may the Indian be able to generalize 
readily the abstract idea of an eye as the representative of the vrhole 
class of objects, but may have to specialize by an expression like 
this eye here. Neither may he be able to express by a single term 
the idea of organ, but may have to specify it by an expression 
like instrument of seeing, so that the whole sentence might assume 
a form like An indefinite person^ s eye is his means of seeing. Still, it 
will be recognized that in this more specific form the general idea 
may be well expressed. It seems very questionable in how far the 
restriction of the use of certain grammatical forms can really be con- 
ceived as a hindrance in the formulation of generalized ideas. It 
seems much more likely that the lack of these forms is due to the 
lack of their need. Primitive man, when conversing with his fellow- 
man, is not in the habit of discussing abstract ideas. His interests 
center around the occupations of his daily life; and where philo- 
sophic problems are touched upon, they appear either in relation to 
definite individuals or in the more or less anthropomorphic forms of 
religious beliefs. Discourses on qualities without connection with 
the object to wliich the qualities belong, or of activities or states 
disconnected from the idea of the actor or the subject being in a 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 65 

3ertain state, will hardly occur in primitive speech. Thus the Indian 
ivill not speak of goodness as such, although he may very well speak 
>f the goodness of a person. He will not speak of a state of bUss 
ipart from the person who is in such a state. He will not refer to 
:.he iK)wer of seeing without designating an individual who has such 
power. Thus it happens that in languages in which the idea of pos- 
session is expressed by elements subordinated to nouns, all abstract 
>eriQs appear always with possessive elements. It is, however, per- 
fectly conceivable that an Indian trained in philosophic thought 
would proceed to free the underlying nominal forms from the pos- 
sessive elements, and thus reach abstract forms strictly correspond- 
ing to the abstract forms of our modem languages. I have made 
this experiment, for instance, with the Kwakiutl language of Van- 
couver Island, in which no abstract term ever occurs without its 
possessive elements. After some discussion, I found it perfectly easy 
to develop the idea of the abstract term in the mind of the Indian, 
who will state that the word without a possessive pronoun gives a 
sense, although it is not used idiomatically. I succeeded, for instance, 
in this manner, in isolating the terms for love and pity^ which ordi- 
narily occur only in possessive forms, like his love for him or my pity 
for you. That this view is correct may also be observed in languages 
in which possessive elements appear as independent forms, as, for 
instance, in the Siouan languages. In these, pure abstract terms 
are quite common. 

There is also evidence that other specializing elements, which are 
so characteristic of many Indian languages, may be dispensed with 
when, for one reason or another, it seems desirable to generalize a 
term. To use the example of the Kwakiutl language, the idea to 
be seated is almost always expressed with an inseparable sufTix 
expressing the place in which a person is seated, as seated on the 
floor of the house, on the ground, on the beach, on a pile of things, 
OT on a rovmd thing, etc. When, however, for some reason, the 
idea of the state of sitting is to be emphasized, a form may be 
used which expresses simply being in a sitting posture. In this 
case, also, the device for generalized expression is present, but the 
opportunity for its application arises seldom, or perhaps never. I 
think what is true in these cases is true of the structure of every sin- 
gle language. The fact that generalized forms of expression are not 
44S77— BolL 40, pt 1—10 6 



66 BUBEAU OP AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY lBUiJk40 

used does not prove inability to form them, but it merely proves 
that the mode of life of the people is such that they are not required; 
that they would, however, develop just as soon as needed. 

This point of view is also corroborated by a study of the numeral 
systems of primitive languages. As is well known, many languages 
exist in which the numerals do not exceed two or three. It has 
been inferred from this that the people speaking these languages 
are not capable of forming the concept of higher numbers. I think 
this interpretation of the existing conditions is quite erroneous. Peo- 
ple like the South American Indians (among whom these defective 
numeral systems are found), or like the Eskimo (whose old system of 
numbers probably did not exceed ten), are presumably not in need of 
higher numerical expressions, because there are not many objects 
that they have to count. On the other hand, just as soon as these 
same people find themselves in contact with civilization, and when 
they acquire standards of value that have to be counted, they adopt 
with perfect ease higher numerals from other languages and develop 
a more or less perfect system of counting. This does not mean that 
every individual who in the course of his life has never made use of 
higher numerals would acquire more complex systems readily, but 
the tribe as a whole seems always to be capable of adjusting itself to 
the needs of counting. It must be borne in mind that counting does 
not become necessary until objects are considered in such generalized 
form that their individualities are entirely lost sight of. For this 
reason it is possible that even a person who has a flock of domesti- 
cated animals may know them by name and by their characteristics 
without ever desiring to count them. Members of a war expedition 
may be known by name and may not be counted. In short, there 
is no proof that the lack of the use of numerals is in any way con- 
nected with the inability to form the concepts of higher numbers. 

If we want to form a correct judgment of the influence that lan- 
guage exerts over thought, we ought to bear in mind that our Euro- 
pean languages as found at the present time have been moulded to a 
great extent by the abstract thought of philosophers. Terms like 
essence and eodstence, many of which are now commonly used, are 
by origin artificial devices for expressing the results of abstract 
thought. In this they would resemble the artificial, unidiomatic 
abstract terms that may be formed in primitive languages. 



BOABl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 67 

Thus it would seem that the obstacles to generalized thought inher- 
ent in the form of a language are of minor importance only, and that 
presumably the language alone would not prevent a people from 
advancing to more generalized forms of thinking if the general state 
of their culture should require expression of such thought; that under 
these conditions the language would be moulded rather by the cultural 
state. It does not seem likely, therefore, that there is any direct rela- 
tion between the culture of a tribe and the language they speak, 
except in so far as the form of the language will be moulded by the 
state of culture, but not in so far as a certain state of culture is 
conditioned by morphological traits of the language. 

Unconsciotis Character of Linguistic Phenomena 

Of greater positive importance is the question of the relation of the 
imconscious character of linguistic phenomena to the more conscious 
ethnological phenomena. It seems to my mind that this contrast is 
only apparent, and that the very fact of the imconsciousness of lin- 
guistic processes helps us to gain a clearer imderstanding of the ethno- 
logical phenomena, a point the importance of which can not be imder- 
rated. It has been mentioned before that in all languages certain 
classifications of concepts occur. To mention only a few: we find 
objects classified according to sex, or as animate and inanimate, or 
according to form. We find actions determined according to time 
and place, etc. The behavior of primitive man makes it perfectly clear 
that all these concepts, although they are in constant use, have never 
risen into consciousness, and that consequently their origin must be 
sought, not in rational, but in entirely imconscious, we may perhaps 
say instinctive, processes of the mind. They must be due to a group- 
ing of sense-impressions and of concepts which is not in any sense of 
the term voluntary, but which develops from quite different psycholog- 
ical causes. It would seem that the essential difference between lin- 
guistic phenomena and other ethnological phenomena is, that the lin- 
guistic classifications never rise into consciousness, while in other 
ethnological phenomena, although the same imconscious origin pre- 
vails, these often rise into consciousness, and thus give rise to secondary 
reasoning and to re-interpretations. It would, for instance, seem 
very plausible that the fundamental religious notions — like the idea of 
the voluntary power of inanimate objects, or of the anthropomorphic 



68 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

character of animals, or of the existence of powers that are sui>€rior to 
the mental and physical powers of man — are in their origin just as 
little conscious as are the fundamental ideas of language. While, how- 
ever, the use of language is so automatic that the opportunity never 
arises for the fundamental notions to emerge into consciousness, 
this happens very frequently in all phenomena relating to religion. 
It would seem that there is no tribe in the world in which the religious 
activities have not come to be a subject of thought. While the reli- 
gious activities may have been performed before the reason for per- 
forming them had become a subject of thought, they attained at an 
early time such importance that man asked himself the reason why 
he performed these actions. With this moment speculation in r^ard 
to religous activities arose, and the whole series of secondary explana- 
tions which form so vast a field of ethnological phenomena came into 
existence. 

It is difficult to give a definite proof of the unconscious origin of 
ethnic phenomena, because so many of them are, or have come to be, 
subjects of thought. The best evidence that can be given for their 
imconscious origin must be taken from our own experience, and I think 
it is not difficult to show that certain groups of our activities, what- 
ever the history of their earlier development may have been, develop 
at present in each individual and in the whole people entirely sub-con- 
sciously, and nevertheless are most potent in the formation of our opin- 
ions and actions. Simple examples of this kind are actions which we 
consider as proper and improper, and which may be found in great 
numbers in what we call good manners. Thus table manners, which 
on the whole are impressed vigorously upon the child while it is 
still yoimg, have a very fixed form. Smacking of the lips and bringing 
the plate up to the mouth would not be tolerated, although no esthetic 
or other reason could be given for their rigid exclusiou; and it is 
instructive to know that among a tribe like the Omaha it is considered 
as bad taste, when invited to eat, not to smack one's Ups, because 
this is a sign of appreciation of the meal. I think it will readily be 
recognized that the simple fact that these habits are customary, while 
others are not, is sufficient reason for eliminating those acts that are 
not customary, and that the idea of propriety simply arises from the 
continuity and automatic repetition of these acts, which brings 
about the notion that manners contrary to custom are unusual, and 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 69 

therefore not the proper manners. It may be observed in this 
connection that bad manners are always accompanied by rather 
intense feelings of displeasure, the psychological reason for which can 
be found only in the fact that the actions in question are contrary to 
those which have become habitual. It is fairly evident that in our 
table manners this strong feeUng of propriety is associated with 
the familiar modes of eating. When a new kind of food is presented, 
the proper manner of eating which is not known, practically any 
habit that is not in absolute conflict with the common habits may 
readily establish itself. 

The example of table manners gives also a fairly good instance 
of secondary explanation. It is not customary to bring the knife 
to the mouth, and very readily the feeling arises, that the knife is not 
used in this manner because in eating thus one would easily cut the 
lips. The lateness of the invention of the fork, and the fact that 
in many countries dull knives are used and that a similar danger 
exists of pricking the tongue or the lips with the sharp-pointed steel 
fork which is commonly used in Europe, show readily that this expla- 
nation is only a secondary rationalistic attempt to explain a custom 
that otherwise would remain unexplained. 

If we are to draw a parallel to linguistic phenomena in this case, 
it would appear that the grouping of a number of unrelated actions 
in one group, for the reason that they cause a feeling of disgust, 
is brought about without any reasoning, and still sets off these 
actions clearly and definitely in a group by themselves. 

On account of the importance of this question, it seems desirable 
to give another example, and one that seems to be more deeply 
seated than the one given before. A case of this kind is presented in 
the group of acts which, we characterize as modest. It requires 
very little thought to see that, while the feelings of modesty are 
fundamental, the particular acts which are considered modest or 
immodest show immense variation, and are determined entirely 
by habits that develop unconsciously so far as their relation to 
modesty is concerned, and which may have their ultimate origin 
in causes of an entirely different character. A study of the history 
of costume proves at once that at different times and in different 
parts of the world it has been considered immodest to bare certain 
parts of the body. What parts of the body these are, is to a great 



70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, 40 

extent a matter of accident. Even at the present time, and within 
a rather narrow range, great variations in this respect may be found. 
Examples are the use of the veil in Turkey, the more or less rigid 
use of the glove in our own society, and the difference between street 
costume and evening dress. A lady in full evening dress in a street- 
car, during the daytime, would hardly appear in place. 

We all are at once conscious of the intensity of these feelings of 
modesty, and of the extreme repugnance of the individual to any act 
that goes counter to the customary concepts of modesty. In a 
number of cases the origin of a costume can readily be traced, and 
in its development no considerations of modesty exert any influence. 
It is therefore evident that in this respect the grouping-together 
of certain customs again develops entirely unconsciously, but that, 
nevertheless, they stand out as a group set apart from others with 
great clearness as soon as our attention is directed toward the feel- 
ings of modesty. 

To draw a parallel again between this ethnological phenomenon 
and linguistic phenomena, it would seem that the common feature 
of both is the grouping-together of a considerable number of activi- 
ties under the form of a single idea, without the necessity of this 
idea itself entering into consciousness. The difference, again, would 
lie in the fact that the idea of modesty is easily isolated from other 
concepts, and that then secondary explanations are given of what 
is considered modest and what not. I believe that the unconscious 
formation of these categories is one of the fundamental traits of ethnic 
life, and that it even manifests itself in many of its more complex 
aspects; that many of our religious views and activities, of our eth- 
ical concepts, and even our scientific views, which are apparently 
based entirely on conscious reasoning, are affected by this tendency 
of distinct activities to associate themselves under the influence of 
strong emotions. It has been recognized before that this is one of 
the fundamental causes of error and of the diversity of opinion. 

It seems necessary to dwell upon the analogy of ethnology and 
language in this respect, because, if we adopt this point of view, 
language seems to be one of the most instructive fields of inquiry in 
an investigation of the formation of the fundamental ethnic ideas. 
The great advantage that linguistics offer in this respect is the fact 
that, on the whole, the categories which are formed always remain 



»o^] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDUN LANGUAGES 71 

unconscious, and that for this reason the processes which lead to 
tKeir formation can be followed without the misleading and dis- 
turbing factors of secondary explanations, which are so common in 
ethnology, so much so that they generally obscure the real history 
of the development of ideas entirely. 

Cases are rare in which a people have begun to speculate about 
linguistic categories, and these sp^ulations are almost always so 
clearly affected by the faulty reasoning that has led to secondary 
explanations, that they are readily recognized as such, and can not 
disturl) the clear view of the history of linguistic processes. In 
America we find this tendency, for instance, among the Pawnee, who 
seem to have been led to several of their religious opinions by lin- 
guistic similarities. Incidentally such cases occur also in other 
languages, as, for instance, in Chinook mythology, where the Culture 
Hero discovers a man in a canoe who obtains fish by dancing, and 
tells him that he must not do so, but must catch fish with the net, 
a tale which is entirely based on the identity of the two words for 
dancing, and catching with a net. These are cases which show that 
Max Muller's theory of the influence of etymology upon religious 
concepts explains some of the religious phenomena, although, of 
course, it can be held to account for only a very small portion. 

Judging the importance of linguistic studies from this point of 
view, it seems well worth while to subject the whole range of lin- 
guistic concepts to a searching analysis, and to ^ek in the peculiari- 
ties of the grouping of ideas in different languages an important 
characteristic in the history of the mental development of the various 
branches of mankind. From this point of view, the occurrence of 
the most fundamental grammatical concepts in all languages must 
be considered as proof of the unity of fundamental psychological 
processes. The characteristic groupings of concepts in Ameri- 
can languages wiD be treated more fully in the discussion of the 
single linguistic stocks. The ethnological significance of these 
studies lies in the clear definition of the groupings of ideas which are 
brought out by the objective study of language. 

There is still another theoretical . aspect that deserves special 
attention. When we try to think at all clearly, we think, on the 
whole, in words; and it is well known that, even in the advance- 
ment of science, inaccuracy of vocabulary has often been a stumbling- 



72 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BCix. 40 

block which has made it difficult to reach accurate conclusions. T^ 
same words may be used with different significance, and by assum- 
ing the word to have the same significance always, erroneous con- 
clusions may be reached. It may also be that the word expresses 
only part of an idea, so that owing to its use the full range of the 
subject-matter discussed may not be recognized. In the same man- 
ner the words may be too wide in their significance, including a 
number of distinct ideas the differences of which in the course of the 
development of the language were not recognized. Furthermore, we 
find that, among more primitive tribes, similarities of sound are 
misunderstood, and that ideas expressed by similar words are con- 
sidered as similar or identical, and that descriptive terms are mis- 
understood as expressing an identity, or at least close relationship, 
between the object described and the group of ideas contained in 
the description. 

All these traits of human thought, which are known to influence 
the history of science and which play a more or less important rftle 
in the general history of civilization, occur with equal frequency in 
the thoughts of primitive man. It will be sufficient to give a few 
examples of these cases. 

One of the most common cases of a group of views due to failing 
to notice that the same word may signify divers objects, is that 
based on the belief of the identity of persons bearing the same name. 
Generally the interpretation is given that a child receives the name 
of an ancestor because he is believed to be a re-incarnation of the 
individuality of the ancestor. It seems, however, much more likely 
that this is not the real reason for the views connected with this 
custom, which seems due to the fact that no distinction is made 
between the name and the personality known under the name. The 
association established between name and individual is so close that 
the two seem almost inseparable; and when a name is mentioned, not 
only the name itself, but also the personaUty of its bearer, appears 
before the mind of the speaker. 

Inferences based on peculiar forms of classification of ideas, and 
due to the fact that a whole group of distinct ideas are expressed 
by a single term, occur commonly in the terms of relationship 
of various languages; as, for instance, in our term uncle, which 
means the two distinct classes of father's brother and moth^'s 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 73 

brother. Here^ also, it is commonly assumed that the linguistic 
expression is a secondary reflex of the customs of the people; but 
the question is quite open in how far the one phenomenon is the 
prunary one and the other the secondary one, and whether the 
customs of the people have not rather developed from the imcon- 
sciously developed terminology. 

Cases in which the similarity of sound of words is reflected in the 
views of the people are not rare, and examples of these have been 
given before in referring to Max Midler's theory of the origin of 
religions. 

Finally, a few examples may be given of cases in which the xise 
of descriptive terms for certain concepts, or the metaphorical use 
of terms, has led to peculiar views or customs. It seems plausible 
to my mind, for instance, that the terms of relationship by which 
some of the eastern Indian tribes designate one another were origi- 
nally nothing but a metaphorical use of these terms, and that the 
further elaboration of the social relations of the tribes may have 
been largely determined by transferring the ideas accompanying these 
terms into practice. 

More convincing are examples taken from the use of metaphorical 
terms in poetry, which, in rituals, are taken literally, and are made 
the basis of certain rites. I am inclined to believe, for instance, that 
the frequently occurring image of the devouring of wealth has a 
close relation to the detailed form of the winter ritual among the 
Indians of the North Pacific coast, and that the poetical simile in 
which the chief is called the support of the sky has to a certain extent 
been taken literally in the elaboration of mythological ideas. 

Thus it appears that from practical, as well as from theoretical, 
points of view, the study of language must be considered as one of 
the most important branches of ethnological study, because, on the 
one hand, a thorough insight into ethnology can not be gained with- 
out practical knowledge of language, and, on the other hand, the 
fundamental concepts illustrated by human languages are not dis- 
tinct in kind from ethnological phenomena; and because, further- 
more, the pecuUar characteristics of languages are clearly reflected in 
the views and customs of the peoples of the world. 



74 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 

V. CHARACTERISTICS OF AMERICAN LANGUAOSB 

In older treatises of the languages of the world, language:^ W 
often been classified as isolating, agglutinating, poly synthetic, i^ 
inflecting languages. Chinese is generally given as an example of -_ 
isolating language. The agglutinating languages are represented 
the Ural-Altaic languages of northern Asia; polysynthetic lan^mer- 
by the languages of America; and inflecting languages, by the Id^- 
European and Semitic languages. The essential traits of these hiz 
groups are: That in the first, sentences are expressed solely by il 
juxtaposition of unchangeable elements; in the agglutinating ii^- 
guages, a single stem is modified by the attachment of numenn.- 
formative elements which modify the fundamental idea of the st^r. 
in polysynthetic languages, a large number of distinct ideas ir- 
amalgamated by grammatical processes and form a single word, wiir 
out any morphological distinction between the formal elements jt 
the sentence and the contents of the sentence; and in the inflect is; 
languages, on the other hand, a sharp distinction is made betwefi 
formal elements and the material contents of the sentence, and stems 
are modified solely according to the logical forms in which they appear 
in the sentence. 

An example of what is meant by polysynthesis is given, for inst^i^, 
in the following Eskimo word: takiimriartorumagalvarnerpdf do tot 

THINK HE REALLY INTENDS TO GO TO LOOK AFTER IT? {taktU9ar[pd] hf 

looks after it; -iartor[poq] he goes to; -umalvoq] he intends U' 
'[g]aluar[poq] he does so — but; -nerlpoq] do you think he — ; 4 
interrogation, third person.) It will be recognized here, that there 
is no correspondence between the suffixed elements of the fundi- 
mental stem and the formal elements that appear in the Indt^ 
European languages, but that a great variety of ideas are expressed 
by the long series of sufiixes. Another example of similar kind is 
the Tsimshian word t-yulc-ligi'lo-d' sp-ddLEt he began to put it 
*DO\^N SOMEWHERE INSIDE (t, he; yuk to begin; ligi somewhere; lo in: 
d^Ep down; ddz to put down; -t it). 

American languages have also been designated as incorporatii^ 
languages, by which is meant a tendency to incorporate the object of 
the sentence, either nominal or pronominal, in the verbal expression. 
Examples of this tendency are the Mexican ni-petla-tHwa i make 
MATS (peUa-U mat) ; or the Pawnee tA-tA'tka^wit i dig dirt (^^i- indie- 



OAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIaN LANGUAGES 75 

tive; <- I; Vtkd/i^ dirt; -^ to dig [rp in contact, form ^w])) or the 
Oneida g-nagla'-sl-i-zdk'S i search for a village (g- I; -nagW to 
ve; -«Z- abstract noun; -i- verbal character; -zak to search; -« 
ontinuative). 

A. more thorough knowledge of the structure of many American 
languages shows that the general designation of all these languages as 
olysynthetic and incorporating is not tenable. We have in Amer- 
ica a suflBciently large number of cases of languages in which the 
►ronouns are not incorporated, but joined loosely to the verb, and 
re also have numerous languages in which the incorporation of many 
lements into a single word hardly occurs at all. Among the lan- 
^ages treated here, the Chinook may be given as an example of 
ack of polysynthesis. There are very few, if any, cases in which a 
lingle Chinook word expresses an extended complex of ideas, and we 
notice particularly that there are no lai^e classes of ideas which are 
expressed in such form that they may be considered as subordinate. 
An examination of the structure of the Chinook grammar will show 
that each verbal stem appears modified only by pronominal and a few 
adverbial elements, and that nouns show hardly any tendency to 
incorporate new ideas such as are expressed by our adjectives. On 
the other hand, the Athapascan and the Haida and Tlingit may be 
taken as examples of languages which, though polysynthetic in the 
sense here described, do not readily incorporate the object, but treat 
both pronominal subject and pronominal object as independent ele- 
ments. Among the languages of northern North America, the Iroquois 
alone has so strong a tendency to incorporate the nominal object into 
the verb, and at the same time to modify so much its independent 
form, that it can be considered as one of the characteristic languages 
that incorporate the object. To a lesser extent this trait belongs also 
to the Tsimshian, Kutenai, and Shoshone. It is strongly developed 
in the Caddoan languages. All the other incorporating languages 
treated here, like the Eskimo, Algonquian, and Kwakiutl, confine them- 
selves to a more or less close incorporation of the pronominal object. 
In Shoshone, the incorporation of the pronominal object and of the 
nominal object is so weak that it is almost arbitrary whether we 
consider these forms as incorporated or not. If we extend our view 

over other parts of America, the same facts appear clearly, and it is 

not possible to consider these two traits as characteristics of all 

American languages. 



76 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY (bcul. 40 

On the other hand, there are certain traits that, although not com- 
mon to all American languages, are at least frequent, and which axe 
not less characteristic than the tendency to objective incorporation 
and to polysynthesis. The most important of these is the tendener 
to divide the verb sharply into an active and a neutral class, one of 
which is closely related to the possessive forms of the noun, while the 
other is treated as a true verb. We might perhaps say that American 
languages have a strong tendency to draw the dividing line between 
denominating terms and predicative terms, not in the same way that 
we are accustomed to do. In American languages many of our predi- 
cative terms are closely related to nominal terms, most frequently 
the neutral verbs expressing a state, like to sitj to staTul. These, also, 
often include a considerable number of adjectives. On the other hand, 
terms expressing activities — like to sing, to eat, to JciP- — are treated as 
true predicative terms. The differentiation of these two classes is 
generally expressed by the occurrence of an entirely or partially sep- 
arated set of pronouns for the predicative terms. 

Beyond these extremely vague points, there are hardly any char- 
acteristics that are common to many American languages. A number 
of traits, however, may be enumerated which occur with considerable 
frequency in many parts of America. 

The phonetic systems of American languages differ very consider- 
ably, but we find with remarkable frequency a peculiar differentiation 
of voiced and unvoiced stops, — corresponding to our 6, p; d, t; g, Jc, — 
which differ in principle from the classification of the corresponding 
sounds in most of the European languages. An examination of 
American vocabularies and texts shows very clearly that all observers 
have had more or less difficulty in differentiating these sounds. Al- 
though there is not the slightest doubt that they differ in character, it 
would seem that there is almost everywJiere a tendency to pronounce 
the voiced and unvoiced sounds with very nearly equal stress of artic- 
ulation, not as in European languages, where the unvoiced sound is 
generally pronounced with greater stress. This equaUty of stress of 
the two sounds brings it about that their differences appear rather 
slight. On the other hand, there are frequently sounds, particularly 
in the languages of the Pacific coast, in which a stress of articulation 
is used which is considerably greater than any stresses occurring in 
the languages with which we are familiar. These sounds are generally 
unvoiced; but a high air-pressure in the oral cavity is secured bj 



HANDBOOK OF AM£BIGAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 77 

ig the glottis and nares, or by closing the posterior part of the 
t^h. i^th the base of the tongue. The release at the point of 
ulation lets out the small amount of strongly compressed air, 
the subsequent opening of glottis and nares or base of tongue 
uceB a break in the continuity of sound. 

e find also with particular frequency the occurrence of a number 
Qgual stops corresponding more or less strictly to our Ar sounds 
',h., however, are more finely diflFerentiated than our Ic sounds. 
3 the velar t, which is so characteristic of Semitic languages, 
irs -with great frequency in America. On the other hand, the 
o-dental / seems to be rather rare, and where a similar sound 
irs it is often the bilabial sound. 

he same may be said of the r, which on the whole is a rare sound 
Kjnerican languages, and the trill of which is almost always so 
kk that it mei^es into the d, n, I, or y, as the case may be. 
hi the whole, the system of consonants of American languages is 
1 developed, particularly owing to the occurrence of the three 
isses to which I referred before, instead of the two with which 
are more familiar. In some groups of languages we have also a 
te distinct set of stops accompanied by full breathing, which cor- 
pond to the English surds. Furthermore, a peculiar break, pro- 
ced by closing the vocal chords, occurs quite commonly, not only 
connection with sonants, but also following or preceding vowels or 
ricative consonants. This intonation is sometimes quite audible, 
d sometimes merely a break or hiatus in the continuity of pronun- 
ktion. Sometimes it seems related to the pronunciation of a voiced 
nsonant in which the voicing is preceded by a closure of the vocal 
ords. In other cases it seems related to the production of the 
eat stress of articulation to which I referred before. For instance, 
a strong t the tongue may be pressed so firmly against the palate 
At all the articulating organs, including the vocal chords, take part 

the tension, and that the sudden expulsion of the air is accom- 
inied also by a sudden relaxation of the vocal chords, so that for 
lis reason the strong, exploded sound appears to be accompanied 
Y an intonation of the vocal chords. 

As stated before, these traits are not by any means common to all 
jnerican languages, but they are sufficiently frequent to deserve 
lention in a generalized discussion of the subject. 

On the other hand, there are languages which are exceedingly defi- 
ient in their phonetic system. Among these may be mentioned, for 



78 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY IBOJ..40 

instance, the Iroquois^ which possesses not a single true labial conso- 
nant; or the Haida, in which the labials are confined to a few 
sounds, which are rather rare. 

The vocalic systems of the northern languages seem peculiarly 
uncertain. The cases are very numerous in which obscure vowels 
occur, which are evidently related to fuller vowels, but whose affilia- 
tions often can not be determined. It would seem that in the south- 
em languages these weak vowels are not so prominent. We also find 
very frequently a lack of clear distinction between o and u on the 
one hand, and e and i on the other. Although the variabiKty of 
vowels in some of the languages seems beyond doubt, there are others 
in which the vocalic system is very definite and in which distinctions 
are expressed, not only by the timbre of the vowel, but also by its 
rising or falling tone. Among these may be mentioned the Pawnee 
and the Takelma. The Pawnee seems to have at least two tones, a 
sinking tone and a rising tone, while in Takelma there seem to be 
three tones. Nasalized vowels are very common in some languages, 
and entirely absent in others. This nasalization occurs both with 
open lips and with closed lips. An example of the latter is the Iro- 
quois u'^. 

It is not possible to give any general characterization of American 
languages with regard to the grouping of sounds. While in some 
languages consonantic clusters of incredible complexity are formed, 
others avoid such clusters altogether. There is, however, a habit of 
pronunciation which deserves attention, and which is found very 
widely distributed. This is the slurring of the ends of words, which 
is sometimes so pronounced, that, in an attempt to write the words, 
the terminations, grammatical or other, may become entirely inaudi- 
ble. The simplest form in which this tendency expresses itself is in 
the suppression of terminal consonants, which are only articulated, 
but not pronounced. In the Nass river dialect of the Tsimshian^ for 
instance, the terminal n of the word gan tree is indicated by the 
position of the tongue, but is entirely inaudible, unless the word is 
followed by other words belonging to the same sentence. In that 
language the same is true of the sounds I and m. Vowels are 
suppressed in a similar manner by being only indicated by the posi- 
tion of the mouth, without being articulated. This happens fre- 
quently to the u following a Jc, or with an i in the same position. 



BOAS) HANDBOOK OP AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 79 

Thus, the Kwakiutl pronounce wa'dsk^. If, however, another vowel 
follows, the u which is not articulated appears as a i^?, as in the form 
wd'dEhuxi, 

The slurring, however, extends over whole syllables, which in these 
cases may appear highly modified. Thus, in the Oneida dialect of 
the Iroquois, a peculiar I sound is heard, which presumably occurs 
only in such slurred syllables. It is very remarkable that the Indi- 
ans of all tribes are perfectly conscious of the phonetic elements 
which have thus been suppressed, and can, when pressed to do so, 
pronounce the words with their full endings. 

Another trait that is characteristic of many American languages, 
and that deserves mention, is the tendency of various parts of the 
population to modify the pronunciation of sounds. Thus we find 
that among some Eskimo tribes the men pronounce the terminal p, t, 
Tc, and j distinctly, while the women always transform these sounds 
into m, n, n, and ^. In some dialects the men have also adopted this 
manner of pronouncing, so that the pronunciation has become uni- 
form again. Such mannerisms, that are peculiar to certain social 
groups, are of course not entirely foreign to us, but they are seldom 
developed in so striking a manner as in a few of the Indian 
languages. 

In many American languages we find highly developed laws of 
euphony, — laws by which, automatically, one sound in a sentence 
requires certain other sounds either to precede or to follow it. In the 
majority of cases these laws of euphony seem to act forward in a man- 
ner that may be compared to the laws of vowel harmony in the Ural- 
Altaic languages. Particularly remarkable among these laws is the 
influence of the o upon following vowels, which occurs in a few lan- 
guages of the Pacific coast. In these, the vowels following an o in 
the same word must, under certain conditions, be transformed into o 
vowels, or at least be modified by the addition of a w. Quite differ- 
ent in character are the numerous influences of contact of sounds, 
which are very pronounced in the Siouan languages, and occur again 
in a quite different form in the Pawnee. It may be well to give an 
example of these also. Thus, in Dakota, words ending with an a and 
followed by a word beginning with a Tc transform the former into e, 
the latter into L In Pawnee, on the other hand, the combination 
tr is always transformed into an Ti; h following an i is generally 



80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BrLL.*© 

changed into a w; rp becomes hw, etc. While in some languages 
these phonetic changes do not occupy a prominent place, they are 
exceedingly important in others. They correspond in a way to the 
laws of euphony of Sanskrit. 

Just as much variety as is shown in phonetic systems is found in 
the use of granunatical devices. In discussing the definition of the 
word, it has been pointed out that in some American languages the 
word-unit seems to be perfectly clear and consistent, while in others 
the structure of the sentence would seem to justify us in considering 
it as composed of a number of independent elements combined by 
juxtaposition. Thus, languages which have a polysynthetic char- 
acter have the tendency to form firmly knit word-units, which may be 
predicative sentences, but may also be used for deno^ninative pur- 
poses. For example, the Chinook may say, He runs into the watery 
and may designate by this term tJie mink; or the Hupa may say 
They have been laid together, meaning by this term a fire. On the 
other hand, there are innumerable languages in America in which 
expressions of this kind are entirely impossible. 

In forming words and sentences, affixes are used extensively, and 
we find prefixes, as well as suffixes and infixes. It is not absolutely 
certain that cases occur in America where true infixing into a stem 
takes place, and where it might not be better explained as an insertion 
of the apparently infixed element into a compound stem, or as due to 
secondary phonetic phenomena, like those of metathesis ;^ but in the 
Siouan languages at least, infixion in bisyllabic stems that are appar- 
ently simple in their origin occurs. Otherwise, sufiixing is, on the 
whole, more extensively used than prefixing; and in some languages 
only one of these two methods is used, in others both. There are 
probably no languages in which prefixing alone occurs. 

Change of stem is also a device that is used with great frequency. 
We find particularly that methods of reduplication are used exten- 
sively. Modifications of single soimds of the stem occur also, and 
sometimes in peculiar form. Thus we have cases, as in Tsimshian, 
where the lengthening of a vowel indicates pluraUty; or, as in 
Algonquian, where modality is expressed by vocalic modification; 
and, as in Chinook, where diminutive and augmentative are 
expressed by increasing the stress of consonants. Sometimes an 
exuberance of reduplicated forms is found, the reduplicated stem 
being reduplicated a second and even a third time. On the other 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 81 

band, we find numerous languages in which the stem is entirely 
imchangeable, excepting so far as it may be subject to phonetic 
:*ontact phenomena. 

The following grammatical sketches have been contributed by 
investigators, each of whom has made a special study of the linguistic 
stock of which he treats. The attempt has been made to adopt, so 
far as feasible, a uniform method of treatment, without, however, 
mcrificing the individual conception of each investigator. 

In accordance with the general views expressed in the introductory 
chapters, the method of treatment has been throughout an analytical 
ane. No attempt has been made to compare the forms of the Indian 
^ammars with the grammars of English, Latin, or even among 
themselves; but in each case the psychological groupings which are 
^ven depend entirely upon the inner form of each language. In 
other words, the grammar has been treated as though an intelligent 
Indian was going to develop the forms of his own thoughts by an 
analysis of his own form of speech. 

It will be imderstood that the results of this analysis can not be 
claimed to represent the fimdamental categories from which the pres- 
ent form of each language has developed. There is not the slightest 
doubt that, in all Indian languages, processes have occurred analogous 
to those processes which are historically known and to which the 
modem forms of Indo-European languages owe their present forms. 
Grammatical categories have been lost, and new ones have developed. 
Even a hasty comparison of the dialects of various American lin- 
guistic families gives ample proof that similar processes have taken 
place here. To give an example, we find that, in the Ponca dialect 
of the Siouan languages, nouns are classified according to form, and 
that there is a clear formal distinction between the subject and the 
object of the sentence. These important features have disappeared 
entirely in the Dakota dialect of the same group of languages. To 
give another example, we find a pronominal sex gender in all the dia- 
lects of the Salishan stock that are spoken west of the Coast range in 
the states of Washington and in British Columbia, while in the dia- 
lects of the interior there is no trace of gender. On the other hand, 
we find in one of the Salish dialects of the interior the occurrence of an 
exclusive and inclusive form of the pronoim, which is absent in all the 
other dialects of the same stock. We have no information on the 

44877— BuU. 40, pt 1—10 6 



82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BrLL.40 

history of American languages, and the study of dialects has not 
advanced far enough to permit us to draw far-reaching inferences 
in regard to this subject. It is therefore impossible, in the few cases 
here mentioned, to state whether the occurrence and non-occurrence 
of these categories are due to a loss of old forms in the one dialect or 
to a later differentiation in the other. 

Although, therefore, an analytical grammar can not lay any claim 
to present a history of the development of grammatical categories, it 
is valuable as a presentation of the present state of grammatical de- 
velopment in each linguistic group. The results of our investigation 
must be supplemented at a later time by a thorough analysis and com- 
parison of all the dialects of each linguistic stock. 

Owing to the fundamental differences between different linguistic 
families, it has seemed advisable to develop the terminology of each 
independently of the others, and to seek for uniformity only in cases 
where it can be obtained without artificially stretching the definition 
of terms. It is planned to give a comparative discussion of the 
languages at the close of these voliunes, when reference can be made 
to the published sketches. 

So far as oiu: present knowledge goes, the following linguistic fami- 
lies may be distinguished in North America north of Mexico : 

1. Eskimo (arctic coast). 

2. Athapascan (northwestern interior, Oregon, California, 

Southwest). 

3. Tlingit (coast of southern Alaska). 

4. Haida (Queen Charlotte islands, British Columbia). 

6. Salishan (southern British Columbia and northern Wash- 
ington) . 

6. Chemakum (west coast of Washington). 

7. Wakashan (Vancouver island). 

8. Algonquian (region south of Hudson Bay and eastern Wood- 

lands). 

9. Beothuk (Newfoimdland). 

10. Tsimshian (northern coast of British Colimibia). 

11. Siouan (northern plains west of Mississippi and North Car- 

olina) . 

12. Iroquoian Gower Great Lakes and North Carolina). 

13. Caddoan (southern part of plains west of Mississippi). 

14. Muskhogean (southeastern United States). 

15. Kiowa (middle Western plains). 

16. Shoshonean (western plateaus of United States). 



BOASl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 83 

17. Kutenai (southeastern interior of British Columbia). 

18. Pima (Arizona and Sonora). 

19. Yuma (Arizona and lower California). 

20. Chinook Gower Columbia river). 

21. Yakona (Yaquina bay). 

22. Kus (coast of central Oregon). 

23. Takehna (Rogue river, Oregon). 

24. Kalapuya (Willamette valley, Oregon). 

26. Waiilaptuan (Cascade range east of Willamette, Ore.). 

26. Klamath (southeastern interior of Oregon). 

27. Sahaptin (interior of Oregon). 

28. Q^oratean (Klamath river). 

29. Weitspekan (lower Hamath river). 

30. Shasta (northeast interior of California). 

31. Wishok (north coast of California). 

32. Yana (eastern tributaries of upper Sacramento river, Cali- 

fornia). 

33. Chimarico (head waters of Sacramento river, California). 

34. Wintim (valley of Sacramento river). 

35. Maidu (east of Sacramento river). 

36. Yuki (north of Bay of San Francisco). 

37. Pomo (coast north of Bay of San Francisco). 

38. Washo (Lake Washoe, Nevada, and California). 

39. Moquelumnan (east of lower Tulare river, California). 

40. Yokuts (southern Tulare river, California). 

41. Costanoan (south of Bay of San Francisco, California). 

42. Esselenian (coast of southern California). 

43. Salinan (coast of southern California). 

44. C!hiunashan (coast of southern California). 

45. Tanoan | 

46. Zufii I (Pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona). 

47. Keres J 

48. Pakawan (from Cibolo creek, Texas, into the state of Coa- 

huila, Mexico). 

49. Karankawa (coast of Gulf of Mexico west of Atakapa). 

50. Tonkawa (inland from preceding). 

51. Atakapa (coast of Gulf of Mexico west of Chitimacha). 

52. Chitimacha (coast of Gulf of Mexico west of Mississippi). 

53. Tunica (coast of Gulf of Mexico west of Mississippi). 

54. Yuchi (east Georgia). 

55. Timuqua (Florida). 

Of these, the present volimie contains sketches of a number of 
languages of the northern group, the Athapascan, Tlingit, Haida, 
Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, Chinook, Maidu, Algonquian, Siouan, Eskimo. 



ATHAPASCAN 

(HUPA) 

BY 

PLINY EARLE GODDARD 



85 



CONTENTS 



Page 

§ I. Distribution of the Athapascan family 91 

S§ 2-4. Phonetics 93 

§ 2. Sounds 93 

§ 3. Grouping of sounds 97 

§ 4. Assimilation of sounds 98 

S§ 5-8. Grammatical processes 99 

§ 5. Enumeration of grammatical processes 99 

§ 6. Ck>mpo6ition 99 

§ 7. Changes in the phonetic character of the root 100 

§ 8. Position 101 

J§ 9-19. Ideas expressed by grammatical categories 101 

§ 9. Enumeration of categories 101 

S 10. Denominating concepts 102 

511. Predicating concepts 102 

§ 12. Syntactic relations 103 

S 13. Classification 103 

S 14. Number 104 

§ 15. Distribution 104 

§ 16. Time 105 

S 17. Mode 105 

§ 18. Place and direction 106 

§ 19. Person .^ 106 

§ J 20-88. Discussion of grammar 106 

§§20-27. Nouns 106 

§20. Structure 106 

§ 21. Formative elements 107 

§ 22. Compounds 108 

§23. Verbs as nouns.. 109 

§24. Plural of nouns 109 

§25. Possession 109 

§ 26. Locative suffixes 110 

§27. Tense 110 

§§28-75. Verbs Ill 

§28. Structure Ill 

§§ 29-50. Formative elements Ill 

§ 29. Greneral remarks Ill 

§§30-37. Prefixes 112 

§ 30. Classification of prefixes according to their position and 

significance 112 

§ 31. Adverbial prefixes, first position 112 

§ 32. Adverbial prefixes, second position 116 

§ 33. Deictic prefixes, third position 117 

§34. First modal prefixes, fourth position 117 

87 



88 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



§§ 20-88. Discussion of grammar — Continued Puge 

S§ 28-75. Verbs— Continued 

§§ 29-50. Formative elements — Continued 

§§ 30-37. Prefixes— Continued 

§35. Second modal prefixes, fifth position IIS 

§36. Pronominal prefixes, sixth position 120 

§ 37. Third modal prefixes, seventh position 130 

§§38-44. Suffixes 121 

§38. Classification of suffixes 121 

§39. Temporal suffixes 122 

§ 40. Temporal and modal suffixes 123 

§41. Modal suffixes 123 

§ 42. Suffixes indicating source of information 124 

§ 43. Conjunctional suffixes 124 

§ 44. Adverbial suffixes 125 

§§45-50. Verbal roots 125 

§ 45. Variation of verbal roots •. 125 

§ 46. Roots with four forms 126 

§ 47. Roots with three forms 126 

§ 48. Roots with two forms 127 

§ 49. Roots with one form 129 

§50. Meaning of roots 132 

§ 51. Analysis of verbal forms 132 

§ 52. Tenses and modes 134 

53-75. Conjugations 135 

§ 53. Class 

§ 54. Class 

§ 55. Class 

§56. Class 

§ 57. Class 

§ 58. Class 

§ 59. Class 

§ 60. Class 

§ 61. Class 

§62. Class 

§ 63. Class 

§ 64. Class 

§ 65. Class 

§66. Class 

§ 67. Class 

§68. Class 

§69. Class 

§ 70. Class 

§ 71. Class 

§ 72. Class 

§ 73. Class 

§ 74. Object 



I, Conjugation la 135 

I, Conjugation 16 135 

I, Conjugation Ic 136 

I, Conjugation Id 136 

I, Conjugation le 136 

I, Conjugation 2 137 

I, Conjugation 2, with a changed root 137 

I, Conjugation 3a 137 

I, Conjugation 36 137 

I, Conjugation 4 138 

II, Conjugation la 138 

II, Conjugation Ic 139 

II, Conjugation 2 139 

II, Conjugation Sa 140 

II, Conjugation 36 140 

II, Conjugation 4 140 

III, Conjugation 1 141 

III, Conjugation 2 141 

III, Conjugation 3 ! 142 

IV, Conjugation 1 142 

IV, Conjugation 3 143 

jtive conjugation 144 

§ 75. Passive voice 146 

§§'76-78. Adjectives 146 

§ 76. Prefixes of adjectives. 146 

§ 77. Comparison of adjectives 147 

§ 78. Conjugation of adjectives 147 

§§ 79-86. Syntactic particles 147 

§79. Personal pronouns 147 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 89 

S§ 20-88. Discussion of grammar — Continued Page 
§§ 7&-86. Syntactic particlefl — Continued 

§ 80. Possessive pronouns 148 

§ 81. Demonstrative pronouns 148 

§ 82. Adjective pronouns 149 

§83. Numerals 149 

§84. Adverbs '. 149 

S 85. Post-positions 150 

§ 86. Conjunctions 150 

§ 87. Character of sentence 151 

§ 88. Character of vocabulary 151 

Text 153 



ATHAPASCAN 
(HUPA) 



By Pliny Earle Goddard 



§ 1. DISTRIBUTION OF THE ATHAPASCAN PAMILT 

The Athapascan st6ck is one of the largest and most widely dis- 
tributed families of speech in North America. Geographically it 
consists of three divisions, the northern, the Pacific coast, and the 
southern. 

The northern division * occupies much of the northwestern portion 
of the continent. East of the Rocky mountains ttie southern boundary 
is the Churchill river at the southeast, and the watershed between 
Athabasca and Peace rivers at the southwest. South of them are 
peoples of the Algonquian stock. The Eskimo hold a narrow strip of 
continuoas coast-line along the Arctic ocean and Hudson bay to the 
north and east West of the Rocky mountains the Athapascan ter- 
ritory begins at the fifty-first parallel of north latitude, and includes 
all of the country except the coast and islands. Only near the 
boundary of Alaska and British Columbia did they reach the coast. 
In the extreme north the coast is in the possession of the Eskimo. 
To the south the shore-lands are in the possession of the Haida, 
Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Wakashan. Their southern neighbors are 
members of the Salishan stock. 

1 The principal works which treat particularly of the Athapascans of the north are the following: 

Sib Alexanbib Mackxnzib. Voyages from Montreal, on the River St. Laurence, through the Con- 
tinent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans: in the Years 1789 and 1793. 
London, 1801. 

Sib John Richabdson. Arctic Searching Expedition: a Journal of a Boat Voyage through Ruperts 
Land to the Arctic Sea, In Search of the Discovery Ships under Command of Sir John 
Franklin. London, 1851. 

J. C. E. BuscHVANN. Der Athapaskische Sprachstamm. Konigtiche Akad. der WIm. zu Berlin, Abhand- 
lungen atit dem Jakre 18&5. 144-319. 

Lb R. p. E. Pbtftot. Dlctlonaire de la langue D^n4-Dindji6. F&ris, 1876. 

Rev. Father a. G.Mobice. The Western D6n6, their Manners and Customs. Proceedings of the 
Canadian InttUnU, 3d ser., vii, 109-174. Toronto, 1890. 

. The D4n6 Languages. TrantactUnu of the Canadian Institute, i, 170-212. Toronto, 1891. 

— . The History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia. Toronto, 1904. 

91 



92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bct-l 40 

The Pacific coast division^ formerly consisted of one band in the 
interior of British Columbia, two small bands in the state of Washing- 
ton, and many villages in a strip of nearly continuous territory about 
four hundred miles in length, beginning at the Umpqua river, Oregon, 
and extending south between the coast and coast range mountains to 
the head waters of Eel river in California. At the Klamath river 
their territory was cut through at one point by the Yurok who occa- 
pied the lower portion of that river and the coast southward nearly 
to the mouth of Mad river. From that point the non- Athapascan 
Wiyot extended along the coast a little south of the mouth of Eel 
river. These villages were separated in many cases from each other 
by low but rugged mountains. They were suiTOunded by the small 
stocks characteristic of the region. 

The southern division ' occupies a very large area in the Southwest, 
including much of Arizona, New Mexico, and western Texas, and ex- 
tending to some distance into Mexico proper. The people form three 
groups, the Lipan in the East, the Navaho south of the San Juan 
river in eastern Arizona and western New Mexico, and the various 
tribes of Apache east and south of the Navaho. This division greatly 
exceeds in numbers all the other Athapascan people. Their prindpal 
neighbors were the Piman, Shoshonean, and Pueblo peoples. 

Wide differences in physical type and culture, and considerable 
changes in language, make it certain that these divisions have not 
been separated from each other recently. 

In the Pacific coast division, to which the Hupa belong, are at least 
four languages mutually unintelligible. The Umpqua at the north 
seems to differ widely from the dialects south of it, both in its pho- 
netic character and its vocabulary. From the Umpqua southward to 
the Yurok country on the Klamath river the dialects seem to shade 
into one another, those formerly si>oken on the Coquille river and 

1 PublicatioDs treating this division of the Athapascan are: 

J. Owen Dorsey. Indians of the Siletz Reservation, Oregon. American Anthnpclogitt^ n, 6&-6L 

Washington, 1889.— Thtf Gentile System of the Siletz Tribes. Journal qf American F>ott-Lore, 

III, 227-237. Boston, 1890. 
Stephen Powers. The Northern California Indians. Overland Monthly, viii, ix. San Francisco, 

1872-74. 
Pliny Earle Goddard. Kato Texts. Vnix^ersUy of California Publications, American Archxology and 

Ethnology, v, no. 3. 

>The published material concemttig this division is mostly restricted to the Navaho, and has been 
collected by one author. Dr. Washington Matthews. The more Important of his works are: 
The Mountain Chant: a Navajo Ceremony, f^lh Annual Report of the Bureau qf Ethnology* 1887. 
Navaho Legends. Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society, v. Boston, 1897. 
The Night Chant Memoirs qf the American Museum qf Natural History, yi. New York, 1902. 

§1 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 93 

Galice creek being the most distiDct. In the southern portion of the 
area^ on Eel river and the coast, are several dialects differing much 
more in vocabulary than in phonetics. That Indians from the ex- 
tremes of this territory can converse in their respective languages is 
not probable. On lower Mattole and Bear rivers and the adjacent 
coast a very distinct dialect was spoken. * In the middle of this Pacific 
coast division are two dialects very closely connected. One of them 
was formerly spoken on upper Redwood creek and middle Mad river in 
Humboldt county, California; and the other, the Hupa of which this 
paper treats, on the lower (northern) portion of the Trinity river. 

The villages speaking the Hupa dialect have for neighbors, to the 
north the Yurok, to the northeast the Karok, to the east the Shasta, 
but with high mountains intervening, to the south the Chimariko and 
Wintun, and to the west the Athapascans of Redwood creek. 

Texts of myths, tales, and medicine formulas collected by the author 
were published by the University of California,* upon which, as 
a basis, an analytical study of the morphology of the language has 
been made.' A preliminary paper describing in detail the individual 
sounds of the language and illustrating them by means of palatograms 
and tracings has been published.' The examples given in the follow- 
ing grammatical sketch are taken from the collection of Hupa texts 
published by the University of California. The figures refer to 
pages and lines. 

PHONETICS (§§ 2-4) 

§ 2. Sounds 

Among the sounds composing the Hupa language, consonantal con- 
tinuants predominate. This takes from the speech the definiteness 
produced oy a predominance of stops, and the musical character im- 
parted by full clear vowels standing alone or scantily attended by 
consonants in the syllable. 

The stops are entirely lacking in one of the most important series, 
the labial. Hupa has neither p nor J. The latter is often found in 
many of the other Athapascan dialects of the Pacific coast division. 
In Hupa the corresponding words have m. in place of 5. The back 

1 For a general account of the Hupa Tillages and their surroundings, see P. E. Qoddard, Life and 
Calture of the Hupa. UniversUy of California Publicationt, American Archaeology and Ethnology, i, 
no. 1.— Hupa Texts, idem, i, no. 2. 

'The Morphology of the Hupa Language, idem, iii. 

•The Phonology of the Hupa Language.— Part I, idem, v, no. 1 

§2 



94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY £BnA.40 

series are represented by stops, but mostly by surds only. Id the 
dental series alone is the sonant frequent. There are two surds of 
this series, one quite strongly aspirated, about as much so as is 
English ^ in a stressed syllable; the other, followed by suction, 
probably produced by glottal action, has the vowel following the 
explosion of the consonant in about half the time it does in the 
aspirated t. In this regaixl it lies between the aspirated t and d. The 
unaccustomed ear usually hears it as d^ but it may eaisily be distin- 
guished from that sound when the attention is directed toward its 
sonancy which begins in d at the moment of release. On first acquaint- 
ance with the language the sonant has been written as ^ by all who 
have attempted its notation. After more practice it may be distin- 
guished with precision, and its pronunciation only as a sonant meets 
with the approval of the native speaker. Of the palatal series, only 
the anterior palatals are employed before e and i sounds. When 
these occur before a, e>, and u^ a well-defined glide is heard, which has 
been written as y. The posterior palatal series is articulated just 
back of the line of the joining of the soft and hard palates. That there 
were originally three or more representatives of this series is probable. 
The full sonant seems to have become w. The aspirated supd has 
become a continuant spirant a?.* There remain two sounds, one {Jc) 
that has the sonancy closely following the release, and one (^) accom- 
panied or followed by suction giving it a sharp, harsh sound usually 
designated as fortis. The velar series is articulated very far back, 
giving the effect of a closure against a yielding surface, and resulting 
in a soft sound, rather difficult to distinguish as surd or sonant, 
but probably always the former. The glottal stop («) is most easily 
recognized when final, for then its release is often heard. Between 
vowels it must be detected by the silence enforced and by the change 
wrought in the close of the first vowel. 
The stops may be represented as follows: 

Glottal Velar Palatal Anterior palatal Dental Labial 

Sonant - - " 9t 9y ^ - 

Surd («) q k h^hy t - 

Fortis - - k k t 

The continuant consonants of Hupa comprise spirants, affricatives, 
nasals, and liquids. A glottal spirant occurs after as well as before 
vowels. Initially it is a surd breath escaping as the glottis passes from 

1 Compare Hupa tcUteswen he carried, and mcniixc' you finished, with Kato tdetgiii and bcniUkt^. 

§2 



BOASl HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 95 

the open position maintained in breathing to the position required for 
the vowel, and is written A. It is rather stronger than English A. 
When final, the spirant is caused by the sudden opening of the glottis 
without diminution of the force of the breath, and is written ('). It has 
been noted only where it is most prominent, or where it differentiates 
one word or word-element from another. One of the spirants (x) im- 
I>arts a noticeable harshness to the Hupa language. It is formed 
rather far back in the mouth, apparently in the velar position. The 
mouth-passage is made quite narrow, and the uvula is thrown into vibra- 
tion. The period of these vibrations is about forty per second. The 
resulting sound is harsh, both from the lowness of the period and 
from its irregularity. The degree of harshness varies considerably in 
Individuals, and, indeed, in the same individual. While the sound is 
not far removed from the velar r in its place and manner of forma- 
tion, its effect on the ear is rather that of German cA after back vowels. 
In Hupa, however, this sound is usually initial. There is no correspond- 
ing sonant in Hupa. It does occur in Navaho; as, for example, in 
the proper pronunciation of hogan house, where the first consonant is 
nearly like the Hupa sound, and the second is its sonant. There is a 
spirant pronounced in the palatal position, but accompanied by marked 
labial rounding. It closely resembles w/ but it is a surd, not a sonant. 
When this sound is initial (Aifi), it appears to begin without rounding 
of the lips, sounding much like English wh in who. When final (25), 
the sound makes much less impression on the ear. It is to be distin- 
guished from X by its lack of roughness, and from both x and A by the 
rounding of the lips. It differs from a bilabial fin that it is accom- 
panied by a narrowing of the mouth-passage in the palatal position.^ 
Another spirant (l) common on the Pacific coast, and found in Hupa, 
causes great difficulty when first heard. It is formed at one or both 
Hides of the tongue, as is Z, but differs from that sound in that the 
breath which passes through the opening is surd instead of sonant, 
and that the passage is narrower, causing a distinct spirant character. 
When the passage is entirely closed and the breath must break its way 
through to continue as a spirant, an affricative L is formed. Both of 
these sounds, but especially the latter, impress the ear of one unac- 
customed to them as combinations of ^ or ^ and L The spirant s in 
the alveolar position is frequent in Hupa, and does not differ espe- 

iThis sound baa for its equiyalent in other dialects c {ah). Of. Hupa Ajga sun and hyte 1, me, with 
Kato ca and ei. 

§2 



96 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



cially, either in its method of formation or in its sound, from English s. 
The sonant z does not occur except when preceded by d. There are 
no interdental, labio-dental, or bilabial spirants except the rounded 
palatal spirant, hm^ m^ discussed above. 

The affricatives are tc^ d;^ ts^ &, and Z. The first two are formed by 
a Mike closure and explosion, followed by a spirant through a passage 
formed by a horizontally wide and vertically narrow constriction along 
the middle of the hard palate near the first and second molars. The 
second pair, ts and dz, are formed nearly as in English, in the dental 
position, through a rather round passageway. It is probable that 
there are three members of each series, the sonant, the aspirated ' 
surd, and the fortis surd. The aspirated anterior palatal surd usually 
has a u tinge and has been written tew. The fortis is indicated by tc. 

The nasals are three in number — the palatal, dental, and labiaL 
The palatal nasal is very frequent in its occurrence, especially in the 
final position in the word. It is accompanied by more or less nasality 
in the preceding vowel. 

The only liquid is the lateral one Z, which does not differ in any 
considerable degree from English I either in the manner of its ma king 
or its sound. 

The continuants may be represented as follows: 



Spirant 
Affricative 
Nasal . . 
Liquid . . 



Glottal Velar Palatal Anterior palatal Dental Labial 

A (') X hm {m) L (lateral) s hw i^ 

- - - tc^ tcw^ dj^ L ts^ dz - 

- - fl - n m 

- - -I (lateral) - - 



The complete system of consonants may be tabulated thus: 

stops ConUmtants 



Sonant 



Glottal . 
Velar . 
Palatal . 
Anterior 
Palatal 
Dental . 
Labial • 



\ 



Surd 
e 



Spirant 

AC) 
g X 

Jc (i) hw (vj) 



Affricative 



Nasal 



Liquid 



n 



g,gy h^hy -(lateral) ^^'^^^^^ - 



I 
(lateral) 



d t{0 8 ts^ dz 

hm{m) 



n 

7)1 



There are in Hupa nine vowel-sounds and two semi-vowels, 
may be represented as follows: 



They 



§2 



Vj h h 



6, e, 



a, 



a, 0, 0, u, V) 



BOAS] HANDBOOK. OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 97 

The vowels in Hupa are formed with much less movement of the 
lower jaw and lips than is employed in the corresponding sounds in 
EInglish speech. The Hupa seem to talk with their mouths nearly 
closed. As a result, the sounds are not open and dear, but muffled. 
These vowels may terminate in a sudden opening of the glottis, result- 
ing in an aspiration of the vowel; or in a closure of the glottis,* bringing 
the vowel to an abrupt close. When aspirated, the whole vowel has 
a breathy quality; and when closed by a glottal stop, it sounds hard 
and compact. 

§ 3. Grouping of Sounds 

It is rarely the case that words or syllables begin with a vowel, and 
most of such cases occur in verb forms. Semi-vowels and single con- 
sonants are frequent initially. The only clusters which stand initially 
are the affricatives <fe, ^, dj^ tc^ and tcw^ and the combinations A^^, 
xw^ and Tcy. Of the affricatives, tew seems to be a phonetic derivation 
from a simple sound, probably a palatal with a xi tinge. The combi- 
nation hw. corresponds to the simple sound c (sh) in the other Atha- 
pascan dialects; xw is due to the change of 5 to the semi- vowel to; and 
tj/ has for the second element a glide due to a back vowel following 
an anterior palatal consonant. Probably none of these initial sounds 
were therefore originally two distinct consonants in juxtaposition. 

Many syllables end in vowels. When final in the word, and bear- 
ing the accent, some vowels, under certain conditions, seem to develop 
semi- vowels after themselves, becoming diphthongs. This is especially 
true of the vowel a in the roots of verbs. In the past tense, which is 
more strongly accented on the ultima (the root syllable), a becomes a/, 
or sometimes au. The au is due to a disappearing final g. That ai 
is due to a suffix is not unlikely. Syllables may end in simple conso- 
nants or in affricatives. The only prominent sonant stop which occurs 
in Hupa (d) is not frequent in the final position. When a dental stop 
occurs in the interior of a word, it is usually surd if at the end of 
a syllable, and sonant if at the beginning. In fact, it often happens 
that the same sound begins as a surd and is completed as a sonant, 
the occlusion belonging to the preceding syllable, and the explosion 

iTbe opening of the glottis is of course brought about by a separation of the vocal processes. The 
pitch at the end of the vowel is lowered. The closure of the glottis is more probably brought about 
by the movement of the epiglottis so as to cover the glottis as in swallowing. A similar glottal 
action no doubt produces the fortis series. 

§3 
44877— Bull, 40, pt 1—10 7 



98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibcll.40 

to the succeeding syllable. Two consonants may stand together in the 
middle of a word, provided they belong to different syllables. 

§ 4. Assimilation of Sounds 

Assimilation of consonants, mostly retrogressive, takes place in some 
cases when two consonants are brought together morphologically or 
syntactically. The most important are these: 

(1) Retrogressive. 

t before n becomes n. 

tcuhmiLkinneen he nearly caught me (for tcuhwiikitneen) 

t before tn becomes m. 

yaliMmmifi they intended to catch (for yaiLkitmiri) 

a before I becomes I, 

yawifl^an he picked up a stone (but yaioillai he picked up 
several stones) 

t before I becomes I, 

noiwiLkilliLte it will be foggy (for noiwiLkitliLte) 

a before t or d becomes n, 

neiLifl I am looking at it (but neiLinte I am going to look 
at it) 

fL before m becomes m. 

yawifl^an he picked it up (but yawimnias he rolled over) 

(2) Progressive. 

h after I becomes ?. 

tcOkqallit as he walked along (for tcHkqalhit) 

w after H becomes H, 

tcuwiflflcut he scraped bark off (but wewas I scraped bark 
off) 

When morphological causes bring two consonants at the end of a 
syllable, one of them is dropped. This is evidently the case in the 
formation of the conjugation where the modal prefix W would be 
expected after the sign of the first person singular (m)- In this case 
the modal prefix is not found. In the second person singular of the 
verb the modal prefix remains, but the sign of the second person 
(fi) has been dropped. Also, in the third person singular s would be 
expected before the same modal prefix, but it does not occur in Hupa. 
In Tolowa all of these combinations do occur, and in the very places 
where one would expect them in Hupa but fails to find them. 

§4 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 99 

* 

There are in Hupa several morphological elements which seem to 
have only the initial consonant fixed. Th3 remainder of the syllable 
depends upon the sounds which follow it. For example, the sign of 
the third person singular (tc) has the following forms: 

tcetlwiU he is always lying down 
tcuweswaZ he remained lying down 
tcissilwaL he is lying down 
tcillot^ he tied it 
tdmmitc he is breaking it off 
tcinnesten he lay down 
toUtesyai he went 
tcCthqal he walked 

GBAMMATICAL PROCESSES (§§ 6-8) 

§ 6. Enuineration of Orammatical Processes 

Grammatical processes and syntactical relations are expressed by 
means of the following methods: 

(1) Composition. 

(2) Changes in the phonetic character of the root. 

(3) Position in the sentence. 

§ 6. Coinposition 

The verbs of Hupa, and some of the nouns, consist of two or more 
syllables, each of which has some rather definite meaning or points 
out some particular relation. These elements do not express ideas of 
equal rank and of like kind. Each may be replaced in turn by another 
giving to the thought expressed a different character. The element 
which by its displacement most completely alters the meaning may be 
called the root. The word-parts which precede this root may be con- 
sidered prefixes, and those which follow it suffixes. These prefixes 
and suffixes fall into classes rather well marked as regards their office 
in the expression of thought, and have a definite order in the word- 
structure. 

These sound-complexes expressing complete thoughts might be 
looked upon as sentences, which they often are, and their constituent 
parts as monosyllabic words, but for the following reasons: First, the 
individual parts, expressing definite ideas or relations, are not 
always phonetic wholes capable of independent production. These 
may be thought once to have had a more complete form, and to have 

§§5,6 



100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bclu40 

united with other elements of the word with which they came in 
contact through the disappearance of one of the vowels or by their 
contraction. It is, however, possible that from the beginning of tiie 
language they have had this meager form. Second, some of these 
elements, while existing as independent syllables, express relations 
or subordinate ideas which do not seem to arise in the mind of the 
Hupa when these syllables by themselves are uttered, but which 
readily arise when the syllables are uttered in their accustomed con- 
nection. Both of these statements are true of some of the monosyl- 
labic elements of spoken English. The difference is not one of kind, 
but of degree. 

Besides these older and largely conjectural phonetic changes which 
join together the parts of the word, there are other more simple and 
apparent modifications of the root by the suffix, or of the suffix by the 
root, bringing the whole into greater phonetic harmony. These 
changes are quite infrequent, and never great enough to obscure the 
root or suffix. 

§ 7. Changes in the Phonetic Character of the Root 

There are definite and regular changes in the phonetic character of 
the roots which cannot be explained as being due to the influence of 
morphological additions. These are of two kinds: 

(1) Changes in the terminal consonant. 

(2) Changes in the character and length of the vowel. 

Changes in the Terminal Consonant. — One of the most common 
changes of the terminal consonant of the root is that of n to n. This 
is a change of series, the nature of the sound remaining the same. 
The roots in which this change occurs have n in the forms expressing 
past definite, customary, and negative future action, and fi elsewhere. 
A modification of the character of the sound, not in the place of its 
formation, is found m the case of / and l. The first sound is found in 
the forms expressing past definite, customary, and negative future 
action. The change in this case is from surd to sonant. Of a similar 
nature is the series of three sounds, l^ l, and Z. The first {I) is 
found in forms expressing customary and negative future action; the 
second {l) is employed with the forms of the present and imperative; 
and the third (Z) with forms exprcvssing definite action, whether past, 
present, or future. A few verbs have roots ending in « or the corre- 

§7 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 101 

spending affricat've, ts. The latter occurs in the forms expressing 
definite action. i.c is evident that c and tc formerly had a similar rela- 
tion, but the former has since become w. Finally there are a number 
of roots which lose a final t. The j)ast definite, customary, and nega- 
tive future have the form with t; and the present of both definite 
and indefinite action and the imperative do not have it. 

Changes in the Character and Length of the Vowel. — Certain 
vowel-changes occur in connection with the change of terminal conso- 
nants, and are perhaps tied up with them. These are a change ot a to 
i2, and of e to t. The stronger vowels, a and e^ occur with n; and H 
and /, the weaker ones, with ft. The threefold consonant-change, /, i, 
and Z, has e before Z, and i before I and l. Other changes take place in 
cases where there are now no final consonants. These are u to (\ au to 
a, and ai to a.^ Iti all the pairs given above, the first-named is consid- 
erably longer in its duration than is the second. Probably these 
changes, the direction of which is not known, came about by a change 
in the position or force of the accent, whether of stress or pitch. 

§ 8. Position 

Upon the order of the words in the sentence often depends their 
relation to each other. This is especially true of the subject and 
object when expressed as nouns. The first in order is the subject, 
and the second the object. Both of them may precede the verb. 
Possession and other relations are expressed by syntactical particles, 
which are joined to the limited word, and fix its place in the sentence 
after the word which limits it 

IDEAS EXPBESSED BY OBAMMATICAL CATEOOBIES 

(§§ 9-19) 

§ 9. Enumeration of Categories 

The following ideas have grammatical devices for their expression 
in Hupa: 

(1) Denominating concepts. (6) Distribution. 

(2) Predicating concepts. (7) Time. 

• 

(3) Syntactic relations. (8) Mode. 

(4) Classification. (9) Place and direction. 
(5). Number. (10) Person. 

iThe pftlrs ft^ e, »nd au^ a, are represented in Kato and other Eel river dialects by (<j, c', and ag, a'. 

§§8,9 



102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 10. Denominating Concepts 

Most nouns are clearly separated from verbs, both in form and 
meaning. Many nouns are monosyllabic, entirely lacking in descrip- 
tive power, and having meaning because they have become associated 
in the mind with the object for which they stand. Of essentially the 
same character are the names of the parts of the body and terms of 
relationship, which are always found with a prefixed possessive pro- 
noun, the purely nominal part being a single syllable. There are a 
few compound nouns, either co-ordinate and in juxtaposition, or 
one modifying the other. Certain nouns are formed by suffixes which 
are strictly limited to a nominal use. Of such character are the aug- 
mentative and diminutive suffixes -hyd and -itc. Other suffixes have 
the meaning of dwelling in, frequenting, or being found in the 
place named by the stem to which they are attached; for example, 
xontehtau place broad he frequents (coyote). While nouns of 
this class do describe and predicate certain things, that is not their 
chief purpose. The description is for the purpose of pointing out 
definitely an object by discriminating between it and other related 
objects. 

A number of nouns have a verbal form, and describe the object 
referred to by giving some characteristic position, form, or action. 
For this purpose the verb may appear alone in the active or passive 
voice, or a noun may be placed before it to serve as its object or limit 
of motion. It is probable that some such verbal forms, having lost 
their verbal force, have furnished a number of polysyllabic nouns 
which have now no descriptive meaning in the mind of the Hupa, 
and do not yield to attempts at analysis. These complexes which 
serve the office of nouns, indicating an object or animal by means of 
a characterization of it, are really substantive clauses. 

There are a few suffixes which are employed with both nouns and 
verbs. They are tempoml, indicating that the thing or act belongs to 
the past or future rather than the present. 

§ 11. Predicating Concepts 

The verbs differ from the nouns in that they are almost invariably 
polysyllabic, and have the meaning of a complete sentence. The more 
essential pai-t or root of the verb is usually not associated in the mind 
with a certain object or animal, but with some particular act or motion: 
as -to^ which means to insert or exsert an object into a tubular 

§§ 10, 11 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 103 

OPENING. There are a number of roots which are connected with 
objects; not, however, naming them specifically, but indicating the 
class to which they belong as regards size, shape, or physical char- 
acter. The few roots which do agree in form with monosyllabic 
nouns seem to name the object by means of which the act is done. 

The form of the complete verb differs from the ordinary noun in 
that it has prefixes as well as suffixes, and in the character of these 
formative elements, which, with the exceptions noted above, differ 
from those employed in nouns. They differ in function in that they 
invariably have predicative force, while nouns either lack predicative 
force or have it incidentally. 

§ 12. Syntactic Relations 

The syntactic relation of subject i id object to the predicate, when 
both are expressed by nouns, is shown by their order in the sentence. 
When only one is expressed by a noun, it may be determined, in most 
case^i, whether it is intended as subject or object by the form of the 
incorporated pronoun, which is employed in the verb regardless of 
the employment or non-employment of nouns. However, in the case 
of a subject and object which are both of the third person and both 
other than adult Hupa, only one of them being expressed as a noun, it 
is impossible to tell, except from the context, whether such a noun is 
the subject or object. 

The relation of possession is distinctly and regularly expressed by 
the prefixing of the possessive pronoun to the limited word and the 
placing of this compound after the word which limits it. Parts of the 
body and terms of relationship do not occur without prefixed possess- 
ive pronouns. Other syntactic relations are expressed by means of 
post-positions, having the appropriate force, placed after the weaker 
form of the pronoun. These post-positions, with their accompanying 
pronouns, stand after the nouns which they limit. 

§ 13. Classification 

In the third person of the pronoun, personal and possessive, adult 
Hupa are distinguished from young and old members of the tribe, 
from animals and inanimate objects, by a special form. 

There are no grammatical forms by which objects are classified. 
Classification is sometimes indicated, however, in the verb, the stem 
expressing the character of the object to which the predicate refers, 

§§12,13 



104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

the objects being characterized as long, round, flat plural in number, 
etc. In the intransitive verb this classification relates to the subject; 
in the transitive verb, to the object. 

§ 14. Number 

• Only a few nouns have forms for the plural. These are those denot- 
ing age and station in life, and relationship. 

The independent as well as the incorporated and prefixed pronouns 
are capable of expressing the plurs^l in the first and second persons by 
means of additional forms. The plural of the first person includes, 
or may include, the third person as well as the second. 

In the third person, -ya- is placed before the root for a plural sub- 
ject and also for a plural object. One must judge from the context 
which is intended to be plural, ya- is also prefixed to the possessive 
form. In the singular, his father is expressed by hai xota^. Some- 
times for THEIR FATHER hai yaxota^ is found, Jiai being the article. 

In certain intransitive verbs a dual is indicated by using the root, 
indicating a plural subject, without -ya-, while for the plural -ya- is 
inserted. 

In many cases Hupa employs the singular, as is shown by the verb, 
where the plural would be required in English. Whgn a number of 
individuals do anything as a unit, as in a dance, the singular is used. 

§ 16. Distribution ' 

The distributives in Hupa are carefully distinguished from the plu- 
rals. For the expression of distribution the prefix te- is employed: 

for example, 

tceniflyai he went out 
tcenindeL two went out 
tceyanindeL they went out 
tcetedeL one by one they went out 

The same element expresses distribution as to the object. For 

example, 

yawin^an he picked up a stone 

yaiDillm he picked up stones 

yate^an he picked up a stone here and there 

Distinct from this is the intermittence of the act itself. That a 
thing is done now and again, or habitually, is indicated by a syllable, 
probably ^, inserted before the pronominal subjective elements. The 

§§ 14, 15 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 105 

presence of this syllable, together with a certain form of the root, 
constitutes a customary tense or mode. 

By the use of na- an iterative force is given to the verb, express- 
ing the fact that the act is done a second time or that it is undone. 

§ 16. Time 

Time is expressed by means of suffixes, a change of root, inde- 
pendent adverbs, and temporal clauses. For past time -neen may be 
suffixed to a noun or verb. A house in ruins is called xontaneen 
HOUSB USED TO BB. Habitual acts which have ceased are expressed 
by the same suffix, as auwiinneen I used to do it. A single definite 
act completed in time already past is differentiated from such acts 
in present time by a change in the form and length of the root, and 
a change of the accent: for example. 



tcinni'flya he has just arrived 
tcinniflyai' he arrived some time ago 



The future is expressed by the suffixes -te and -teL. The former 
seems to be employed of the more remote future. These are gen- 
erally employed only with verbs, but are sometimes found with nouns 
and adverbs: for example, haiyate here will be the plage. 

§ 17. Mode 

Closely connected with the time of the act is the degree of cer- 
tainty with which it is asserted. For past acts, suffixes which indi- 
cate the source of the authority for the statement are often employed. 
That which is perceived by the sense of hearing has -tm or -tae* 
suffixed; the former for the past, and the latter for the present. 
When the transaction is in sight, -e is suffixed. Things which are 
(*onjectured from circumstantial evidence, as the building of a fire 
from the remains of one, have -mlan added to the verb: 

LeyaniUai they built a fire 

Leyanillaxolan they must have built a fire [here are the ashes] 

Future acts which are contingent on human will or outward cir- 
cumstance are rendered by the suffix -de^. When the future is 
expressed with an absolute negative force, the impossibility of its 
being brought to pass being implied, a special form of the verb with 
an auxiliary verb prefixed is used. 

§§ 16, 17 



106 BUBEAXJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcll. 40 

Acts attempted, but not succeeded in, have xoni', an adverb, inserted 
before the verb; while the successful attempt after several vain or 
insufficient ones has -ei suffixed to the verb. 

§ 18. Place and Directioii 

Direction and place, both relative and absolute, are expressed in 
Hupa with much exactness. A number of prefixes, occupying the 
first place in the verb, indicate the direction of the movement 
expressed or implied by the verb. The place, initial and ultimate, is 
also indicated by prefixes as being on the surface of the earth, on 
some surface higher than the earth, in the fire, on or in the water, or 
in the air. By means of demonstratives, and adverbs formed from 
demonstrative elements, added exactness as to location is expressed. 
For that which is in sight and can be pointed to, the demonstratives 
ded a,nd haided^ and the adverb of place, dikkyUfi^ are employed; for 
the first-mentioned or more remote of two, haiya or kai is used; 
while that which is still more remote is referred to by yd and haiyo^ 
and the most remote of all by yen. 

§ 19. Person 

The distinction between the person speaking, the person spoken to, 
and the person or thing spoken of, is made by means of the personal 
pronouns. The signs of the subject incorporated in the verb are not 
all to be connected with certainty with the independent pronouns. 
The pronouns for the first two persons seem to be different in some 
particulars from those of the third person, which also classify the 
objects or persons to which they refer. Taking with this fact the fre- 
quent absence of any sign for the subject or the object in the third 
person of the verb, it seems probable that originally there were per- 
sonal pronouns only for the first and second persons, and that demon- 
stratives were used for the third person. 

DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAS (§§ 20-88) 

Nouns (§§ 20-27) 

§ W. Structure 

The nouns of the Hupa language, when classified according to their 
formation, fall into five classes: 

(1) There are many monosyllabic nouns, for the most part the 
names of common material objects and elements. These words are 

§§ 18-20 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 107 

mostly common to all the cognate languages, and clearly point to the 
monosyllable as the probable form of the Athapascan noun. 

(2) Closely connected with these are the names of the parts of the 
body, terms of relationship and intimate possession, which have a 
single syllable for their substantive part, but always occur with a 
possessive prefix. 

(3) There are a considerable number of nouns, consisting of two or 
more syllables, which are not easily analyzed and do not seem to 
have a descriptive meaning at present. They seem originally to have 
been derived from verbs, or formed by composition. 

(4) A large and increasing number of nouns, formed by means of 
suffixes and by compounding, have a descriptive force which is ever 
present in the Hupa mind. 

(5) Verbs in the third person singular of the active or passive voice, 
with or without an object or limit of motion, are employed as nouns. 

§21. Formative Elements 

As far as is known, the only prefixes employed in noun-formation 
are the possessive prefixes, which are proclitic forms related to inde- 
pendent pronouns. They may be employed with any noun to denote 
possession, but must be employed with the names of the parts of the 
body and terms of relationship. That words of this class require 
such prefixes is not necessarily due to a lack of mental abstraction, as 
has been sometimes assumed, but to a habit of speech. The necessity 
for their use without a possessive seldom occurs. 

The suflSxes employed in noun-building are not numerous. For the 
most part, they are used to distinguish one thing from another which 
it resembles by mentioning its size, color, or other physical character, 
or by indicating the place where the plant grows or which the animal 
frequents. The principal suflixes are the following: 

1. 'jooi inhabiting; added to the name of a place. 

Lomittaxoi glades among people (the New River people) 

2. "tau FREQUENTS. Uscd of plants or animals. 

xaaUrttau riffles he frequents (the crane) 

3. "hyo liABOE, an augmentative. 

Teoskyo bulb large (Chlorogalum oomeridanum, the soap-root) 

§21 



108 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bclu40 

4. 'UCf "tc SMALL, the diminutive suffix. 

medilitc canoe small (from onediZ canoe) 102.9 
djdotc small storage-basket 158.13 

5. "yauw. SMALL, young. Used of trees. 

nihtilhyauw. young black oaks (from nihtijiJc black oak) 

6. "tiewan resembling. This has furnished many ne^ names. 

qoneivan worms like (rice, from its resemblance to white grubs) 
xonnewan fire like 329.10 

7. 'difl PLACE. 

tsedifl brush-place (a grave) 

8. -fa' PLACES. 

milMMnta its hands bases places (its wrists) 

9. 'U^t ON. 

Tniskut a landslide on (the name of a village) 
denokilt the sky (this us on) 286.12 

§ 22. Compounds 

There are five classes of compound nouns: 

(1) A few nouns stand in juxtaposition without a subordinatiug 
possessive prefix. In a few cases the second noun seems to qualify the 
first: for example, Lum'Tan snake river (an eel). If these compounds 
are introduced by a possessive prefix, the first noun qualifies the second: 
for example, kixxdl^in its net pole. 

(2) When the second of two nouns forming a compound has a pos- 
sessive prefix, the first qualifies the second and is subordinate to it: 
for example, dindai^ mltctcwd flint its grandmother (a bird). 

(3) A few compounds which are true substantives have the first 
element a noun, and the second an adjective qualifying it. An ex- 
ample of such is yaxthlail louse white (a grayback). 

(4) Compounds of nouns and qualifying adjectives are sometimes 
introduced by possessive prefixes. While they serve as substantives, 
they really qualify a subject understood: as in misaa^niLtcwifi its 
MOUTH stinks, the bird having a stinking mouth (a buzzard). 

(5) Compounds similar to the last have for their last element words 
indicating abundance or lack of the quality named by the first part of 
the compound. Examples arc: ynuxxalxxolen its children having 
(doe), mitcdjeedln its mind lacking (an infant). 

§22 



BOAa] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 109 

§ 23. Verbs as Xouns 

Many verbs in the third person present of the active or passive 
voice are used as nouns. Examples of the active voice so used are: 

naflya it comes down (rain) 
ntllifi it flows (a creek) 
nUndU they come down (snow) 

For the passive voice the following may be cited: 

wUloi^ it has been tied (a bundle) 

fUMBonnlloi' it is tied around him (a belt) 

LenawiMa they have been laid together (a fire) 

taZkait over the water it has been pushed (a fishing-board) 

Sometimes a substantive is formed by a verb with a noun preceding 
it as its object or limit of motion: for example: 

Ttax-kekos-naduwi/l two its necks waving about {nax two: ke 

its; ho8 neck; waL to strike [a monster]) 
sa'xaum in the mouth a liquid is put (acorn-soup) 

Adverbial prefixes of place, instrument, accompaniment, and manner 
make substantives of verbs. Of this sort are the following: 

mihtcdLwiU with he chops (an axe) 
kiLnadU with them they travel (wolves) 

Sufiixes of location added to verbs, furnish names of places: 

ncmcUtlLdifl stepping-down place (the name of the place in the 
sweat-house at the foot of the ladder) 

§ 24. Plural of Nouns 

Only a few Hupa nouns change their form to indicate the plural. 
They are those which classify human beings according to their sex and 
state of life, and a few terms of relationship. The following are all 
that have been found: 



Singular 


Plural 




JceLtsan 


keLtsUn 


virgin, maiden 


tsUmntesLon 


t^HrnmesLon 


a fully grown woman 


x&xai 


x&xaix 


a child 


hwittsoi 


hwittsoixai 


my grandchild 


ntkkU 


nikkilxai 


your younger brother 


xoLtistce 


xoLtistcexai 


his sister 



^25. Possess ion 

Possession is indicated by prefixes which are shortened forms of 
pronouns. These vary according to the person and numl^er of the 

§§ 23-25 



110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull 40 

limiting noun or pronoun. Many nouns, upon taking the prefixes, 
add a syllable to the end, which seems to have no other office than the 
preservation of the symmetry of the word in some way. This added 
syllable has e for its vowel, but is preceded by various consonants, 
apparently suggested by the final sound of the original word. 

millitde its smoke (from hit smoke) 
nolifike our pets (from Lifl a pet, a dog) 
xohminne her song (from hwin^ a song) 

It will be noticed that in some of the examples given, x, the surd 
lateral consonant, becomes the sonant I. 

§ 26. Locative Suffixes 

There are several suffixes employed in Hupa which might be looked 
upon as case-endings, since they are not permanent parts of the nouns 
to which they are attached, but indicate varying relations of position 
or direction. Some of these suffixes are also post-positions ; but when 
so used they follow a pronominal prefix. Examples of suffixes show- 
ing place-relations are the following : 

LohwAnrne^ glade only in (a prominent hill) 
taeyem^ in (under) a rock 

2. 'difi AT. 

mikkindifi its base at (the name of the place by the back of 
the house) 

3. 'tciil TOWARD. 

LohmAy^h^ttcifl glade only on toward 

4. 'kai ALONG. 

xotUelkai his forearm along 

6. 'hilt ON. 

LdhqnAfLkilt glade only on 

§ 27. Tense 

By the use of suffixes the time of the noun's existence may be indi- 
cated. This process pmctically gives tenses to nouns. For the past, 
-neen is employed : for example, xoHtneen iiis wife used to be (she 
is now dead). The same form might mean only that the possession of 
her had ceased. The future, as in verbs, is indicated by -te: for 
example, mitLowete their medicine it will be (Indians who are to 
possess it have not yet come into existence). 

§§ 26, 2T 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 111 

Verbs (§§ 28-76) 

§ 28. Structure 

The verb in Hupa, as in other Athapascan languages, presents many 
difficulties. It contains in itself all the elements of the sentence. For 
example, xanalsdlydde^ ip she comes back up has, first an adverbial 
prefix xa-^ denoting that the motion is up the side of a hill; next is 
found the particle -na-^ having an iterative force, showing that the 
act is done a second time (in this case it is only intended to show that 
the path from the river is passed over a second time); the syllable -w-, 
by the consonant it contains, shows that the act is thought of as pro- 
gressive over the surface of the ground. The fact that a following i 
forms a syllable by itself, indicates that the act is thought of as per- 
formed by an adult Hupa, otherwise s would have been joined to the 
preceding na-. The lack of a sign of person or number at this point 
in the verb allows no other conclusion than that the third person singu- 
lar is intended. The syllable -rfJ-, of which d seems to be the essen- 
tial part, usually follows the iterative prefix -n«-, the two being 
equivalent, perhaps, to English back again. The next syllable, -ya-^ 
may be called the root, since it defines the kind of act. It is used of 
the locomotion of a single human being on his feet at a walk, and also 
of the coming of non-material things. Had this verb been in the 
plural, the root would have been -deL, Had the pace been more 
rapid, -La would have been employed. Had some animal been the 
subject, the root would probably have characterized the gait of the 
animal. The final suffix -de^ indicates a future contingency. 

Formative Elements (§§ 29-50) 

§ 29. aENERAL BEMABKS 

The more extended forms of the verb have one or more prefixes 
preceding the root, and one or more suffixes following it. By means 
of the prefixes, the direction of the motion in space, its manner and 
purpose, whether repeated or not in time, and whether conceived as 
continuous, beginning, or completed, are expressed. By changes in 
a single syllable, that which usuall}' directly precedes the root, the 
person and number of the subject are indicated. These changes 
almost amount to inflection. By variations in the form of the root, 
the number of the subject in intransitive verbs, and of the object in 

§§ 28, 29 



112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 40 

transitive verbs, is shown; and also whether the act or state is one and 
definite in time, or repeated and continaous. By the suffixes wliich 
follow the root, the action is further limited as to its time, continu- 
ance, or likelihood. 

PREFIXES (§§ 80-87) 
§ 80. Olaasification of Prefixes according to their Poaition and Significance 

The prefixes employed in the verb have a fixed order, in accordance 
with the class of ideas they express. They may be classified as — 

1) Adverbial prefixes, first position. 
[2) Adverbial prefix, second position. 

3) Deictic prefixes, third position. 

4) First modal prefixes, fourth position. 

5) Second modal prefixes, fifth position. 

6) Pronominal prefixes, sixth position. 

7) Third modal prefixes, seventh position. 

§ 81. Adverbial Prefixes, First Position 

These are adverbial prefixes showing the position of persons or 
things at rest, and the place, limit, or origin of motion. The most 
important of these follow: 

1. ya- (1) is used of the position of one sitting, of picking things 

up from the ground, and of motion wholly or partly through 
the air, as the carrying of objects and the flight of birds. The 
primary meaning seems to be in the air, above the surface of 
the ground. 

yawin^a he was sitting 162.11 (definite, class I, conjugation 1 h; 
§ 54; ^a to be in a position) 

yawifl^an he picked up a stone 342.1 (definite, class I, conjuga- 
tion 1 5, § 54; «an to transport several round things) 

yaijoihlcas he threw up 96.3 (definite, class II, conjugation 1 h; 
§ 64; his to throw) 
• yaioiflen he carried it {wen to carry) 

2. ya- (2) seems to have the meaning of the object being reduced to 

many pieces. 

yanakisdimmillei she smashed it 152.16 {na- again, § 32; ^-, § 84; 

«-, § 85; -6?, 3d modal, after na- § 32, p. 116; milr to throw 

several things; -ei suffix, § 40) 
yanaiskil he split 142.3 {tux- again, § 32; «-, § 35; kU- to split) 

§§ 30, 31 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 113 

3. 2/e- is used of motion into houses, beds of streams, and spaces 

however slightly enclosed, and also into smaller objects, as 
canoes and baskets. 

yenawityai he went into (a house) 98.15 

yenjawihmen he made it swim into (a river from the ocean) 266.2 
y^ntilLfie^ you must step into (a canoe) 209.2 {tal to step) 
yetceiLkas he threw into (a basket) 288.7 

4. «ra- (1) seems to mean through with verbs of cutting and 

burning. 

wakinnillitxdlan they were burned through 119.3 {lit to burn) 
wakinninkats he cut through 

5. wa" (2) is employed with verbs of handing or giving something 

to a man or an animal. 

xowalLcbi he handed it to him 181.13 {xo him) 
waimnill he always distributes them 195.8. 

6. LC" has the general meaning of the converging or nearness of ob- 

jects. It has the special meaning of building a fire from the 
placing-together of sticks. It is also employed of completing 
a circle, or a circuit in travelling. 

LetuzUloi^ he tied together 210.5 

LenaniUai he built a fire 

Lenanihten he took it all the way around (the world) 

7. tne" (1) seems to have the meaning of position at, or motion to, 

against, or along the surface of, something. 

menaUdiyai he climbed (a tree) 103.12 
menetnen he landed him (against the shore) 162.9 
meittan he stuck to it 202.3 
niewihwaL he beat on 

8. me- (2) is similar to ye-^ except that it usually refers to position in 

something, while ye- is employed of motion into. 

nutsisyen she stands in (the body of her husband) 195.11 

9. na«- (1) * is used of indefinite motion over the surface of the 

ground or water, and of position on the earth's surface. The 
primary meaning may be horizontal. 

naiLits it is running about 294.4 {its to run) 

na^wimme^ he swam 

naHvmLu I paint (my body) 247.12 

1 The glottal stop probably belongs with the prefix. It appears in some forms and is absent in others. 

§31 
44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 8 



114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

10. na- (2) or nana expresses motion downward or toward the 

earth. The second na may be the iterative particle, since 
whatever or whoever comes down must previously have gone up. 

nalfUxy&t it dropped down 115.14 
nanawityai he came down 138.15 

11. na- (3) is used of horizontal motion or position, as a line stretched, 

or in crossing a stream. 

nananindeL they went over (the river) 267.6 
nanuwUxHt it was hung for a door 171.1 

12. nO' is employed of the cessation of motion, as in placing some- 

thing in a position of rest, of reaching the end or limit of 
something, or of completing a task. 

noyanindeL they sat down 280.5 

ndfiaum.ne^ you must put it down 210.7 {aum to handle round ob- 
jects 
noiniflyanne that far they ate 347.17 

13. xa- has the general meaning of up. It is found employed of 

movement up a hillside when the speaker's standpoint is at the 
top of the hill, the digging of objects out of the ground, and of 
motion out of the top of receptacles or of houses. 

xalalai she brought up 98.16 
xawillai she dug it out 242.5 
xawitqot he jumped out (of the smoke-hole) 329.13 

14. xee- in the sense of away from, as in blowing and pushing. 

xeelLyol he blows away 296.16 
xeenailkia she pushed it away 185.3. 

15. xotda-^ with the general meaning of down, expresses motion 

down a hill or stream. 

xotdalLkas he threw down (from a tree) 138.8 
xotdanxeii they floated down 216.5 

16. dcotde^ is used of one person's meeting another where the move- 

ment of only one person is of interest. When one wishes to 
say they came toward each other, Le- is employed. 

xotdeisyai he met him 105.14 
xotdeyaisdeL they met them 110.8. 

17. sa^' is employed of motion into the mouth, as in eating, drinkingi 

or biting. 

sa^wiFLxan he put it into her mouth 278.10 
sa ^imllai he put in his mouth 119.6. 

§31 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 115 

18. cJa- refers to a bank, bench, shelf, or something higher than the 

ground, on which the person or object is at rest or comes to rest. 

danintsa be seated (on a chair) 107.12 
daHflxiig fly upon a tree 114.2 

19. de^d" is employed of motion toward or of position in fire. The 

second syllable, which is completed according to the sound 
which follows it, may be separated from the first syllable. 

denddelummil I put in the fire 247.9 
dedHwimmeL he threw into the fire 165.10 

20. djc' expresses the separation of a mass, as in splitting wood. 
djewiitseL he pounded it open 108.11 

21. dU' signifies off, away from. 

duwiflxuts it came off (the umbilical stump) 157.7 

22. fa- (1) is employed of motion toward or away from a body of 

water with special regard to its surface. 

tanaistan he took it out of the water 325.4 

tawes^a a mountain will project into the water 255.2 

taidinnHfl let us drink water 179.3 

23. to- (2) is used with verbs meaning to desert, to leave a place 

PERMANENTLY. 

tasyahmO'fi one ought to go away 215.8 {ya to go) 

24. te" refers to motion into water and under its surface (see no. 22). 

tewiltsit a canoe sank 153.17 

tetcuwintan he put it into the water 101.14 

25. tsifl' means away from in expressions of fleeing. 
tslntetesdildeZ we ran away 198.10 

2^>. fee- has the meaning of out of, and is employed of motion out of 
a house or small receptacle, but also of Ics^s definitely enclosed 
spaces, as brushy places or the bed of a stream (see no. 3). 

tcenamii throw them out (of the house) 301.13 
tcenifi^an he took out (from his quiver) 119.15 
tceilhat he jumped out (of ambush) 106.2 
tcewUUndifi where it flows out 175.10 

27. he" seems to refer to motion or position against or along a ver- 
tical surface. 

he^ai he climbed up 137.17 
kenanifl^a it was leaning up 99.5 

§31 



116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

There are three prefixes which indicate the pursuit or search for a 
person or thing, or, in a secondary sense, the attempt to do a thing. 

28. wiiU" (wa + n f) is used of looking for a thing the position of 

which is unknown, as in hunting game. It also means to at- 
tempt something by persistent effort. 

wHnnaisi^a he started to make 319.3 
wxUnnadihte they will hunt 311.14 

29. na" is employed when there is a track to be followed. It is likely 

connected with the iterative particle na- again, since the mean- 
ing may be that of going over the trail again. 

naycuoteLxe^ they tracked him 170.3 

30. oca' implies the going-after with the intention of getting the thing 

sought and bringing it back. 

xanetete I am going to look for it 336.10 

31. a- is used to introduce verbs of saying, thinking, doing, and 

APPEARING. It seems to have no definite meaning; but, since it 
is omitted when a direct object precedes a verb of thinking or 
saying, it may be an indefinite object for the verb. 

adenne he said 97.15 
alene^ you must do it 100.18 

§ 82. Adverbial Prefixes, Second Position 

1. na^^ the prefix of iteration, expresses the undoing of anything or 

the retracing of one's steps, as well as the repeating of an act. 
It is often employed where in English the repetition is taken for 
granted, as in the customary acts of daily life, eating, drinking, 
sleeping, etc. Sometimes the prefix requires d ov t preceding 
the root, and in other cases it is used without either. 

menaniLtcwit he pushed it back 163.1 
nanaUwxuji he used to carry it back 237.8 
narwdlya let it come back 233.5 
anatcillau he did it again 106.8 

2. Of^a-, the prefix of identity, refers to any act previously described 

that is repeated by the same or a different person. 

xaatcillau he did the same thing 211.1 
xadiyate it will do that 254.10 
xa'dlle do that 165.19 
xaatcityau he did that 280.12 

§32 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 117 

§ 88. Deictic Prefixes, Third Position 

For the third person, in Hupa, two forms occur. The first form is 
that used when speaking of adult Hupa. The second form is used 
when speaking of Hupa (children and sometimes of very aged people, 
of members of others tribes and races, and of animals. The first form 
begins with tc-^ and is completed according to the sound which fol- 
lows. The second form has y- for its beginning, and is also com- 
pleted according to the following sounds. After many of the pre- 
fixes, these signs do not appear; but a hiatus* marks the absence of 
the first form; and contraction or lengthening, often involving diph- 
thongization, the second. There are no pronouns with which these 
may be connected, and demonstrative sources are to be expected. The 
third person has a dual whenever the root by its displacement has the 
power of showing plurality. In that case the same signs — or their 
absence — indicate the dual as the singular, the forms differing only in 
the root. The plural is invariably indicated by the syllable -ya-, which 
has the hiatus after it, for the first class of persons, and lengthening 
or contraction for the second. 

yetcthda he is carrying a large object 

yeyihda he (not an adult Hupa) is carrying a large object 

§ 84. First Modal Prefixes, Fourth Position 

Several elements appear as prefixes in many verbs for which no 
definite and satisfactory meaning has been found. 

1. fe-, T^y'9 is phonetically weak, the remainder of the syllable being 
supplied from the sound which follows. Only occasionally has 
a meaning been found for it, and the meanings which do. appear 
are not reconcilable. It is probable that it supplies an indefi- 
nite object for verbs of eating, and perhaps some others.* In a 
few cases it has the meaning of leaving as a gift rather 
than LEAVING FOR A TIME. In many cases a sense of indefinite- 
ness is present in the verb as regards the time occupied and the 
number of acts required for the complete operation. 

naJdfiyxLfl eat again (without mentioning what is to be eaten) 153.9 
ydkiflwuyi carry it 105.18 
yekyuwestce the wind blew in 270.4 

1 The hiatus in this case does not seem to be due to a full glottal stop, but to a lessening of the force 
of Uie breath. It is very likely brought about by the disappearance of tc-. The lengthening and 
diphthongization which take place in the case of the second form are probably due to the coalescing 
of y with the preceding yowel. 

*In other dialects a sound (tc) which almost certainly corresponds to this is regularly used when 
the object has not been mentioned or is unknown. 

§§ 33, 34 



118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

2. fe-, the prefix of distribution, means either that the act took place 

here and there in space, or continuously over space; or that one 
person after another did the act. 

natetos she dragged it back 190.1 
tehtcwen it grew 96.3 

tcittetcwai she buried in several places 192.12 
tcetedeL they went out one by one 138.5 

3. d' occurs, for instance, with the adverbial prefix <i<?- (§ 31.19), sig- 

nifying INTO FIRE. 

dexodihwaL he threw him into the fire 

4. 6" a verbal prefix, the meaning of which has not been ascertained. 

dotcowilan she will leave (rf^ not; tc- deictic; o- first modal; -to- 
second modal; Ian stem) 

5. -e- CUSTOMARY. This prefix is not used throughout all the tenses or 

modes, as are the preceding, but has the office in itself of mak- 
ing a tense, as the suffixes generally have. Before vowels it 
generally appears as ^, and that is probably its true form. In 
many cases it is connected with a consonant suggested by the 
following sound or another word-element, when it appears as i. 
Its use marks the act or condition as customary or habitual, or 
at least as occurring more than once. 

tceexaum he is accustomed to catch with a net {tc- deictic; -e cus- 
tomary; xaum stem) 

tcoexait he is accustomed to buy {tc- deictic; o- first modal; -e cus- 
tomary; 'Qcait to buy, customary tense) 

6. In the same group stand all pronominal objects. 

t€{u)hw.dw{i)Lxul(i)Lte she will ask me for it {tc- deictic; hm- me; 
o- first modal; -w- second modal; -x- third modal; xul to ask, 
definite tense; -l continuously; -te future; the letters in paren- 
theses represent glides) 

tanaixosdowei it cut him all to pieces {ta- adverbial prefix of 
unknown significance; na- iterative; -i deictic; -ico him; -s- sec- 
ond modal; do to cut; -ei emphatic) 

7. ti". The use of this prefix is mostly confined to adjectives (see § 76). 

§ 85. Second Modal Prefixes, Fifth Position 

There are three simple sounds which by their presence indicate 
whether the act is viewed as beginning, ending, or progressing. These 
sounds are not found in all forms of the same verb, but only in those 
tenses which refer to the act or state as one and definite. While it 

§35 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEBIC AN INDIAN LANGUAGES 119 

seems certain that these sounds do have the force mentioned above, 
it is found, by making comparisons, that they follow certain prefixes. 
In many cases the nature of the prefix requires the act to be thought 
of as beginning, ending, or progressing. The sound which is of most 
frequent occurrence is w. It stands at the beginning of a syllable, 
usually the one immediately preceding the root. The remainder of 
this syllable contains the subjective personal elements. Its initiatory 
force can be seen in the verbs wiflyaL comb on and wiflxa water lies 
THERE. This last verb can not be applied to a natural body of water, 
like the ocean, which has had no beginning. The following prefixes 
require w in the definite tenses: ya-, ye-^ aja-, «ae-, da-^ de-d-^ d/u-. 

In a precisely parallel manner, n occurs as the initial of the inflected 
syllable under circumstances which point to the completion of the act 
With wifiyaL (above) compare niflyai rr arrived. Most of the pre- 
fixes which require n to follow in the definite tenses require the act 
to be viewed as ending. They are the following: v)a-^ Le-^ me-^ 
na- (3), nO'y -tee-. 

Without the same exact parallelism of forms which obtains with the 
two mentioned above, a large number of verbs have s as the charac- 
teristic of the inflected syllable of the definite tenses. Most of these 
verbs clearly contain the idea of progression, or are used of acts which 
require considerable time for their accomplishment. The distributive 
prefix te- is always followed by «, never by either of the other signs, 
and some of the prefixes listed above are used with « with a distinc- 
tion in meaning: for example, 

xawifkin he took a stone out of a hole (but xalsyai he came up a 
hill)^ 

Excluding all the verbs which require one of these three sounds in 
the definite tenses, there remain a considerable number which have no 
definite tenses, and therefore no such sounds characterizing them. 

For the sake of convenience, the Hupa verbs have been divided into 
conjugations, according as they have one or the other of these sounds 
in the definite tenses or lack definite tenses entirely. There are, accord- 
ing to this arrangement, four conjugations: the first characterized by 
w; the second, by n; the third, by s; and the fourth lacking definite 
tenses. 

>In one of the Eel river dialects the bringing home of a deer is narrated as follows: yigiii^n he 
started carnring; yUetgln be carried along; yiningin he arrived carrying. Here we have g (corre- 
•ponding to Hupa 10), <, and n used with the same stem, expressing the exact shades one would expect 
InHupiL 

§35 



120 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 86. Pronominal Prefixes, Sixth Position 

Next in order are the sounds which indicate the person and number 
of the subject. These are sometimes changed and sometimes disap- 
pear, because of phonetic influences. 

First Person 

For tenses other than the definite, the sign of the first person sin- 
gular is m or -umj which is in all cases appended to the preceding syl- 
lable. This sound is related to the initial sound of the independent 
pronoun of the first person singular, htnej and is no doubt derived 
from it. In the definite tenses this form does not occur, but -e is 
found instead. The first person plural has d- for its sign. The remain- 
der of the syllable of which this is the initial is completed from the 
sound which follows it. 

Second Person 

In the singular the form is -ft or -ifl. The former is found when 
there is a sound preceding with which it can join, and the latter when 
no sound precedes, or when, for some reason, it can not unite with it. 
The sign seems to be dropped before l and I following in the same 
syllable, of which there are many cases. It is reasonable to suppose 
that this sign is connected with the independent pronoun of the sec- 
ond person singular, 7iifl. In nearly all cases, in the second person 
plural o' is found as the vowel of the inflected syllable. This o is 
strongly aspirated. The cases in which o is not found seem to be due 
to contraction, which always results in an aspirated vowel. An o of 
similar quality and with an aspiration occurs in the pronoun for the 
second person plural, 7idhm, 

§ 87. Third Modal Prefixes, Seventh Position 

Certain prefixes are found in many verbs immediately preceding the 
root, and suggest transitiveness or intransitiveness in the verb, or in 
some way point out the relation between the subject, predicate, and 
object. As the second modal prefixes are required in most cases by 
the adverbial prefix which precedes them, so these are necessitated by 
certain roots which follow them. When, however, a root is found with 
different prefixes preceding it, their force becomes apparent. Com- 
pare tcittetaL HE STEPPED ALONG with tcitteLtuL HE KICKED SOME- 
THING ALONG. The absence of a modal prefix in the first is connected 

§§36,37 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 121 

with the intransitive meaning; and l is connected with a transitive 
force. Compare also bemintfin it stuck fast (said of a bird alighting 
on pitch) and kevriLian he put pitch on something. The n which in 
the first of these examples precedes the root, seems to be a vestige of 
a prefix of this order occurring in certain forms of the third person in 
a class of verbs where usually none is present. 

In nearly every case in which l is present, required by the root or 
not, a transitive force can be conceived for the verb, which is always 
active. No prefix, or n shown above, is found with intransitive verbs; 
but this is alsQ true of a large number of transitive verbs. It is 
noticeable, however, that the transitive verbs which do not require a 
preceding x belong to those which, by the nature of the root, indicate 
the character of the object. Certain roots are always preceded by t 
or d (the third class), and certain others by I (the fourth class). But 
it is found that those without a sign, or with the sign n of doubtful 
character, when changed to the passive, also take t or d. In the same 
manner, verbs with l the surd, on becoming passive, change x to Z the 
sonant. 

On the basis of these prefixes the verbs have been arranged in four 
classes: 

Class I has all intransitive and a certain class of transitive verbs, 
and has no characteristic prefix, unless it be n. 

Class II is composed entirely of transitive verbs, and has x as its 
characteristic. 

Class III contains the passives of Class I, and certain ver})s not pas- 
sive, but possibly with passive leanings. 

Class IV is composed of the passives of Class II and certain other 
verbs which show the influence of some power outside of the apparent 
agent. 

STTFFIXES (§§ 38-44) 
I 88. Classification of Suffixes 

The suffixes employed with verbs differ from the prefixes in that 
their use is only occasional, while the prefixes are for the most part 
essential to the meaning of the verb, and are employed with all its 
forms. The suffixBs are appended mostly to the present definite and 
present indefinite tense-forms. Most of them have a temporal, modal, 
or conjunctional force. 

§38 



122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibci-i^40 

{ 89. Temporal Suffixes 

1. 'X. This suffix is used with the forms of the present indefinite, and 

indicates that the act or condition was persistent through a lim- 
ited and definitely stated length of time. 

wUweL tsiadavjx until night he stayed 
naihits^x he ran around (until morning) 

2. 'Winte. The suffixing of -winie to the forms of the present indefi- 

nite gives a meaning to the verb but little different from the 
customary tense, which has a prefix e-* It indicates that the 
act or condition is continuous, or at least takes place whenever 
cause arises. The customary may mean that the act has been 
done several times without regard to the regularity of the 
intervals. 

toiLwaZwinte they always dance 

3. 'tieen. This suffix is applied to nouns and verbs alike. It states 

that the thing, act, or condition has ceased, or is about to cease, 
its existence. When used with verbs, it is usually appended 
to the forms of the present indefinite, and means that the act or 
condition was habitual or continual in the past, but has now 
ceased. 

auwilnneen I used to do that 
wessilyoneen you used to like (him) 

4. 'te. This is the suffix most conunonly employed. It predicts a 

future act or condition, either as the result of the impulse of the 
agent, or the compelling force of some person or event. It 
takes the place, therefore, of English will and shall. It is 
appended, for the most part, to the forms of the definite present. 

mdumte 1 am going to watch it 
deduwillate he will put it into the fire 

This suffix is sometimes preceded by a syllable containing tiie 
vowel e standing between the root and -te. The prediction is 
said to be made with less assurance when it has this form. 

tdacUyaivnete she may live to be old 

5. 'teL. This suffix seems to denote events in a nearer future than 

those expressed by -te. 

duwiUeteL a party is coming to kill 
mlnesgitteL it will be afraid 295.7 

§39 



TOAB] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 123 

§ 40. Temporal and Modal SufELxes 

Certain suffixes are temporal, but also have a modal force. 

6. -e<. In myths and tales the definite past occurs very frequently 

with an ending -ei^ which regularly takes over the semi-vowels 
and often the consonants of the preceding syllable. The younger 
Hupa, at least, do not seem to be conscious of any change in 
meaning that may be made by its addition. A comparison of the 
instances of its occurrence would indicate a mild emphasis, that 
the act, which has several times been ineffectually ttempted, has 
been successfully accomplished, or that something which has been 
several times done is now done for the last time. 

yauoihtennei she picked him up (after several attempts) 

7. 'ilf "iL. The application of the verb may be made continuous 

over space by adding -l or -II for the present, and -/ or -U for 
the past. The shorter forms are used after vowels without 
increasing the number of syllables; the longer forms add a 
syllable, often taking over the consonant which precedes. 

yaxdwiLxaih going along they track him 
tcohmeiLte they will call (continually) 
tcuwihtd he was bringing 
JcyuwinyHflU you ate along 

§ 41. Modal Suffixes 

8. -mm. This suffix, which is not of frequent occurrence, indicates 

that the verb which it follows expresses the purpose of some act 

yaiLkimmifl that they might catch it 

9. -ne^* The more positive and more frequent form of the impera- 

tive seems to have -ne^ suffixed to the regular form, implying 
the duty or mild necessity one is under to do the act. 

ohtsaine^ dry them 
yezntilLne^ you must step in 

10. 'hwUfl. To express a moral responsibility or necessity, -hw4n 

is suffixed to the forms of the definite or indefinite present. . 

ddneyahw0l I can not stay 
tasyahw0l one ought to go away 

11. ^sillen. This suffix seems by its use to imply that the occurrence 

was imminent, but did not result. 

yaioHnxiUssillen he nearly flew 

§§40,41 



124 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bum. 40 

m 

12. ''Yiewan. The suffix -newan indicates that the act is done, bat 

with difficulty. 

dotcuoMUTieLirUenewcm one can hardly look at 

13. "de^* For the expression of a future condition, -de^ is employed. 

adende^ if he sings 
axolad^ if it happens 808.1 

14. 'detc. This suffix, which occurs but rarely, seems to indicate 

a less probable and more general future condition. 

tcmemoindeto if he kills 

15. 'tniflinne. For the expression of the result of supposed condi- 

tions contrary to fact, -miflmne is employed. 

dddaaooaiinmiflinne (people) would never have died 

{ 42. Suffixes Indicating Source of Information 

Certain suffixes are used to show by which of the senses the fact 
stated was observed, or whether it was inferred from evidence. 

16. -e. The vowel -<?, standing by itself or preceded by the consonant 

or semi- vowel of the preceding syllable, indicates that the object 
or act is within the view of the speaker. 

mefwinta/rme he stuck to it (he saw) 

17. 'tsUy "tse. When the act is perceived by the sense of hearing 

or feeling, -tse is appended to the present definite, and -tml to the 
past definite. 

nelumgittse I feel afraid 
adeiitm he heard it say 

18. 'Xolan. A fact inferred from evidence is expressed by the 

suffix 'Xolan, Since the act is viewed as already completed, 
the verbs often have the force of the pluperfect. 

henaniUcLxdlan he had built a fire (he saw) 

19. 'XolAfL. This suffix is said to differ from the preceding only in 

the fact that the evidence is more certain. 

xalaxoldfl grass has grown up (the fact is certain, for the grass 
is there, although the growing of it was not seen) 

§ 48. Conjunctional Suffixes 

A few suffixes are conjunctional. Their union with the verb seems 
to be rather loose. 
§§ 42, 43 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OV AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 125 

20. '•'hit. The suffixing of -hit to the verb has the effect of making it 

part of a subordinate temporal clause. 

yexdnUflhit when they ran in 
tcelnsithU when he woke up 

21. "tniLm This suffix has nearly or quite the same force as -hit. 
yltsifl ee^amiL west (the sun) used to be then 

22. 'tsit* This suffix, which occurs seldom, means that the act 

expressed by the verb to which it is added is to be done before 

some other contemplated act. 

« 
MflyHntsit eat first 

$ 44. AdTerbial Suffixes 

There are two suffixes which appear to be adverbial. 

23. "he. This suffix emphasizes a negative command or a condi- 

tional statement. It is comparable to English in the leasi*, or 
French pas, in negative clauses. 

doaduwinnehe don't say that 
tcuwiyilJfiilhe even if he eat it 

24. 'ha, 'Hie. These suffixes signify like, in the manner of. 

aifinka the way they do 
nesedai/Q^ the way I sat 

VEBBAIi BOOTS (§§ 46-60) 
{ 45. Variation of Verbal Boots 

The greater number of verbal roots undergo a change of form or 
length, for the most part connected with the changes of mode or tense. 
In a few cases there is also a change within the mode or tense for the 
persons. For number, the change, when present, is not an alteration 
of the root, due to phonetic or morphological causes, but a substitu- 
tion, in the dual and plural, of a root altogether different from that in 
the singular. 

Sometimes the changes in the root mark off the definite tenses from 
the indefinite; in other cases the customary and impotential are differ- 
ent also in the form of the root from the present indefinite and imper- 
ative; and in a few cases, the impotential alone has a form longer than 
or different from that found elsewhere in the verb. The indefinite pres- 
ent and imperative are the weakest of all in the form of their roots. 
Of the definite tenses, the past is usually longer than the present, and 

§§44,46 



126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

is characterized by stronger vowels : for example, a is found in the 
past instead of ^, and e instead of i; and the diphthong ai and on 
appear for a. Some roots which end in t in the past do not have 
that ending in the present. 

A nmnber of roots, many of them containing the vowel ^, do not 
change in form or length. 

It is extremely difficult to trace these variations of the root to their 
causes. It is altogether probable that -ul^ which is the final sound in 
many roots of the indefinite tenses, is to be connected with -c {sK) or 
'8 (which occurs in the same roots and the same tenses in Tolowa and 
other Athapascan dialects). It is therefore, in all likelihood, the 
remains of a former suffix. It is most likely that -n and -fl^ which 
are so characteristic of the definite tenses, are not original parts of 
the root. In fact, what seems to be the same root often occurs with- 
out the nasals. The difference between the past and present definite 
is almost certainly due to the accent, which is on the root in the past 
and on the syllable preceding the root in the present. This in turn 
may be due to the fact that the latter is often used with suffixes. 

The most important verbal roots are given below with their varia- 
tions and what is deemed the most characteristic meaning of each. 

% 46. Boots with Four Forms 

The following roots have the past definite in -en; the present defi- 
nite, in 'i/fi; the impotential, customary, and present indefinite and 
unexcepted forms of the imperative, in -ma; and the third person 
imperative, in -e. 

-wen^ 'wifly -vmjUj -we (3d imp.) to carry on the back 
'Wen^ 'win^ -itnm^ -yye (3d imp.) to move or to wave fire 
-ten^ -tiU^ 'tum^ te (1st and 3d imp.) to lie down 

Two roots have -u for the impotential and customary, with -e for 
present indefinite and imperative. 

4en^ 'Un^ -lu^ -le to become, to be, to be transformed 

'lauj 'lay -luj -le to do something, to arrange according to a plan 

§ 47. Boots with Three Forms 

The following have the first form for the past definite, the second 
form for the present definite, and the third form for the indefinite 
tenses. Some exceptions are noted. 

-«an, '^Hflj '^auw. to transport round objects 

-<m, -Hfl^ -aum to run, to jump (with plural subject only) 

§§ 46, 47 



BOx«] HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 127 

-yaw, -yitfl^ -yav/uL to eat 

-awTi, -arfl/l, -xauyi, to move in a basket or other vessel any 

liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net 
-tan^ 'tUfly tuuL to handle or move a long object 
'tan^ 'tUfl^ 'turn to split 
-wen^ -wvfi^ -we U> kill 
"terij tifl^ turn, to move or to carry in any way a person or 

animal 
-tcwen^ 'tcvnfly -tcwe to make, to arrange, to grow, to become 
-yai, -ya, -ycmw. to go, to come, to travel about (1st and 3d imp. 

m-ya) 
'lai^ 'la^ 'luw. to move or transfer a number of objects 
'lai^ 'la^ "Vwm to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe 
-hwfli^ 'hwfl^ 'hwauw to walk, to go, to come (imp. has -hwa) 

The following have the definite tenses with -Z, the customary impo- 
tential with -Z, and the present indefinite and imperative with -l :^ — 

-waL^ 'loiU^ -vtAl to strike, to throw, to scatter 

'WeL^ 'wU^ 'WiL relating to the passing of night 

'VfteL^ -milj -mih to strike, to throw, to drop 

'deL^ 'dil^ 'dih to go, to come, to travel (plural only) 

-^Z, -(?^7, -^ih to strike 

'taL^ 'tiU^ 'tUh to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot 

"tseL^ 't»ilf 'tsiL to pound, as with a hammer or maul 

(48. Boots with Two Forms 

These roots, with a few exceptions, have the past definite, impoten- 

tial, and customary with the first form, and the remaining tenses with 

the other. 

JFHr»t Type, -an, ^-Atl 

-yan, -yUfi to live, to pass through life 

-yan^ -yihU to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion 

-wan^ -vrAn to sleep 

'lan^ 'Mft to quit, to leave, to desist 

'lan^ -Mn to be bom 

-wan, -nilfl to drink 

-awn, -QsHfl to be sweet or pleasant to the taste 

'tan J -tuft to eat (3d person singular only) 

'icMiy 'tUfh relating to any wax or waxlike substance 

'tsan^ 'tsU/fl to find, to see 

'tcwcm^ -tcioilfl relating to the eating of a meal in company 

'kan, 'hdfi to put on edge, to lean up 

1 That the form with x iff doe to a final aspiration and that with L to glottal action seems reason- 
able. The cause of this, if not dne to vanished soffixes, must be looked for in accent. 

§48 



1 

128 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Second Type, -en, -t^ 

-erij 'ift to look 

. -en^ 'ifi to do, to act, to deport one's self 
-yen^ -yift to stand on one's feet 
'len^ 'lifi to flow, to run (said of any liquid) 
'Tnen^ -mifL to fill up, to make full 
•hwen^ 'hwifb to melt 

'Sen^ '8ifi to think, to know (1st and 2d persons only) 
'den^ 'difl to travel in company 
'den^ 'dirt to be light, to blaze 
'ten^ 'tirl to do, to perform an act 
'tcwen^ 'tewifl to smell, to stink, to defecate 
'tcweuy 'tewifl to want food or sexual gratification, to desire 

Third Type, -al, -a 

V 

-^ai (impoten. and past), -^a to be in position 

-yal (impoten.), -ya to move about, to undertake 

'leal (impoten.), -wa to go, to go about (8d person only) 

-da I (impoten. and past def.), -da to sit, to stay, to remain, to 

fish 
'tcwai (impoten. and past def.), -tcwa to handle or move many 

small pieces, to dig, to bury, to paw the ground 
kai (impoten. and cust.), -ha to get up from a reclining or 

sitting position 

Fourth Type, -au, -a* 

-au^ -a to sing 

-yau^ -ya to do, to follow a line of action, to be in a plight 

'dau^ 'da to melt away, to disappear 

'tau^ 'ta to hover, to settle, to fly around 

Fifth Type,'U,'e^ 

'lu^ -le to make an attack, to form a war-party 
'lu^ 'le to dive, to swim under water 

-x?7, 'Le to handle or to do anything with a semi-liquid, dough- 
like substance 
-/i?7, -ne to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way 
'Xu^ 'Xe to finish, to track, to overtake 
'djeu^ -dje to fly in a flock 
'tu^ 'te to sing in a ceremony 
'tm^ 'tse to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble 
'teum^ 'teice to cry, to weep 



1 Originally -ag -a', and -^g -€\ therefore similar to the following -ot -a. 



§48 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 129 

Sixth Type, "tU, -a 

-toaC^ -wa to Hhake itself (said of a dog) 

'lat^ 'la to float 

'Lot^ 'La to run, to jump 

'icait^ 'Xai to buy 

'tcat^ 'tea to be sick, to become ill 

-kait^ 'hai to cause to project, to push, to pole a canoe, to shoot, 

to fall forward from weakness (i. e., to starve) 
-kyot^ 'hyd to flee, to run away 
"tsat^ 'tsa to sit down 

Seventh Type, -I, -i 

'Uj -iL to swim, to dive (plural only) 

-y^Z, -yoL to blow with the breath 

-wal^ -waL to shake a stick, to dance 

-lalj -lah to dream, to sleep 

-n^Z, -neh to play 

-nol^ -noL to blaze 

-hyial^ 'hmciL to fish for with a hook, to c«tch with a hook 

'hwily 'hmiL to call by name, to name 

-ajoZ, 'xaL to dawn 

-dil^ 'dih to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow 

'tsd^ 'tsez to be or to become warm 

'kilj 'kiL to split with the hands 

-qoly -qoL to crawl, to creep 

Eighth Type, ^ttt, -» 

•mais^ -mas to roll, to coil 

'X&ts^ 'XHs to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw 

'iats, 'tds to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels 

Ninth type^ -tc, -n; 

-ate, -auw to move in an undulating line 
-qotc^ -qow to throw, like a spear 
-qotc^ qow to run like a wolf 

$ 49. Boots with One Form 

A few of these vary in length, but those having the vowels i 
and 4 and some others do not. 

-eL to have position (plural only) 

-mw to drop 

'its to shoot an arrow 

4ts to wander about 

-^t to move flat flexible objects 

-ya to stand on one's feet (plural only) 

§49 

44877— BuU. 40, pt 1—10 9 



n 



130 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

-ye to dance 

-yeuw to rest 

-yeuw to rub, to knead 

-yits to entangle 

-yd to like 

-yow to flow, to scatter 

-yot to chase, to bark after 

'Wauw to talk, to make a noise (plural only) 

-was to shave off 

-wis to twist, to rotate 

-witc to rock sidewise 

'le to feel with the hands 

'lei to carry more than one animal or child in the hands 

'lei to bother 

"lit to burn 

4itc to urinate 

4ik to relate, to tell something 

-loi^ to tie, to wrap around 

'Ids to drag, to pull along 

'luw to watch, to stand guard over 

'lU to cause to burn 

-me^ to swim 

-men to cause to swim 

-medj to cook by boiling 

-mit to turn over, to place one's self belly up or down 

-mM to break out (as a spring of water), to break open 

-na to cook by placing before the fire 

-na to move 

-ne to gather nuts ^from the ground) 

-nuw to hear 

'hwe^ to dig 

'Xa to have position (said of water or a liquid) 

'Xdt to hang 

-xiit to tear down 

'Scrdts to bite, to chew 

-sit to wake 

'da^ to be poor in flesh 

'da^ to carry, to move (said of a person or animal) 

'dai^ to bloom 

'dik to peck 

-dits to twist into a rope 

'do to cut, to slash 

'do to dodge, to draw back 

'djifi to mind, to be bothered by something 

-te^ to look for, to search after 

'te^ to carry around 

J 49 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 131 

'te to remain in a recumbent position 

'tetc to lie down (plural only) 

'tits to use a cane 

'to^ referring to the movement or position of water 

'0t to drink 

'tu to beg 

'ium to split 

'tilk to count 

'te^ to have some particular form, appearance, or nature 

'tik to tie with a string 

'0 relating to mutual motions of two objects by means of 

which one is inserted into or withdrawn from the other 
'tsai to be or to make dry 
'tsas to swing a stick about, to whip 
'tse^ to open or shut a sliding door 
'tse^ to stay, to live (plural only) 
't»is to be hanging 
'tsis to find, to know 

-tsit to know a person or some fact or legend 
-tsit to fall, to sink 
'tsit to soak acorn-meal 
'tsit to pull out a knot 
'tsit to wait 

'tce^ to blow (said of the wind) 
'tcit to die 

'tc&t to strip off, to take bark from a tree 
'tcyyit to push, to pull off leaves, to shoot, to rub one's self 
'tcwog to sweep 
'tcwuw to smell of 
-git to be afraid of, to be frightened 
-git to travel in company 
has to throw 
'het to creak 

'kia to put one's hand on, to steb, to spear 
'hit to catch with the hands, to take away 
'kit to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog) 
'kit to feed, to give food to any one 
'hate to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny 
'hya^ to wear a dress 
'hya to perceive by any of the senses 
'hyas to break, to cause to break 

'kyos to handle or to move anything that is flat and flexible 
'qal to walk (3d person only) 
-qot to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to stick, 

to poke 
'qot to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly 

§49 



132 BUBEAU OF AMEEICAK ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 50. Meaning of Boots 

In regard to meaning, roots fall into at least three classes. 

(1) A fev monosyllabic nouns, occupying the position in the verb 
which belongs to the root, name the means employed; while the gen- 
eral nature of the act is suggested by that^part of the verb which pre- 
cedes the root. For example, -tits (a verbal root identical with the 
noun tits A cane) occurs in the verb tcitteLtits he walked with a cane. 

(2) A rather large number of roots, while not definitely naming the 
object, indicate the class to which it belongs as regards its size, shape, 
or physical character. The most important of these are the following: 

-«a/i, -e^/X, '^aum round objects 

'M flat and flexible 

'Wen^ 'wifi^'Wum. fire 

'lai^ 'laj 'luw. several of any kind 

'lei several children or animals 

-xtZ, 'Le dough 

'Xom^ 'xHflj -xauw. liquid 

'da a person or animal 

-ta7i^ 'tUfl^ 'turn a long object 

'ten^ -tifi^ 'taw person, animal, or animal product 

'tarhy tfifi wax or waxlike 

'tcwai the soil 

'kyoSy flat and flexible object 

These verbal roots are rigidly restricted in their applicability to 
objects of definite form, including in this category number. This 
classification has reference to the appearance of objects as bound, 

FLAT and flexible, LONG AND SLIM, ANIMATE, PLUBAL. In the 

intransitive verb this has reference to the form of the subject; in the 
transitive verb, to the form of the object. 

(3) Most if not all the remaining roots indicate more or less exactly 
the nature of the act itself. It has been impossible, with no knowl- 
edge of the past history of the Hupa language and but little access 
to the related languages, to define exactly the meaning of many of the 
roots. 

§ SI. Analysis of Verbal Fortns 

A few of the more complex forms are analyzed in the following 
table in accordance with the general discussion of the formative ele- 
ments contained in the preceding sections. 

§§ 50, 51 



B0A8] 



HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



133 



3 

< 

M 

> 

O 












1 




• 












2 


o 




• 

a 

2 


• 

1 


a 

00 

lH 

• 


• 

to 
o 

-s 

2 

M 

1 

•s 

1 

i 

.C 














• 

00 

m 






to 

• 

o 

i 

08 

"5. 

xi 


00* 

1 

1 

■s 


s 

u 

a 

4-* 


• 

.2 


• 

to 

s^ 

OS 

t 

St 


• 
• 

o 
u 

1 

C 

i 

OB 

5 


• 

o 

§ 

9 


a 

SB 

1-1 

g 

5 


a 
• 

S 

8 


§ 

■3 

1 

U3 


53 

u 

.c 

% 


• 

• 

1 

§ 

a 

9 


8- 

-a 

•<^ 

a 

2 

a 


5 

• * 

§ 

« 

Xi 

•o 

! 


2 

e 

1 


a 

a 

1 

xi 
It 
St 


• 

CO 

• 


a 

Oi 

• 

s 

l-t 

1 


■4 

OS 
08 

1 

.a 


ft 

• 

i 

1 

§ 


• 

X* 

to 

08 

8 


1 
"S 

9 

3 

9 

"3. 
S 

8 

9 


m 














1 








e 




























00^ 






















5 




























QQ 






•S{ 













4S 




* 


■s 






4S 


^ 


•c 


4S 










^4 




• 






















fS 


















t^^ 




























s 






















CO 




o 

•> 


•> 


8 


•^ 

V 


« 


E 


I 


a 


E 


E 


1 


^ 


1 




••• 

5 


•*>> 
S 


1 


^ 

s 

s 


8 
O 

w 


1 


g 


s 




6. 
modals. 


















































t 












k4 


















































o 






















"W 


















s 


« 


e 


« 






K« 


•e 




« 




k4 


»4 


c 


>H> 


II 


8 






8 


8 


•» 


•«« 


tJ 


•is 




































•^Is" 




« 














































^8 










a 


tj 






V 


















a 


91 






— 


•e 




TSai 




































Si's 






































































































s 


S 


8 


s 


^ 


$ 




e 


«0 


tf 


•0 


(S 




$ 




5 








8 


s 


5 


9 


8 


» 






































as 


s 
















































•g 


•« 
















































~a 


a ^ 
















































t 


•O 










^ 






































£ 






•*< 


•e 


•V 


8 


•« 




^ 




^ 


•« 


ii 


•K 




8 






^ 


•V 


ts 


•« 


8 




• 


















































33 


















































1 




5 




































a 


9» 








.1^ 








•^ 
























8 

1 


3 
















1? 




€ 


3 

'8 


1 

4 




S 




1 


^ 






:i$ 




•^ 


91 

< 


1 


'8 


3 


3 
'3 


3 

1 


^ 




3 


3 



§51 



134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Iblll.40 

§ 52. Tenses and Modes 

While the time, reality, and definiteness of the act or condition may 
be expressed by means of suffixes and variations in the root, the same 
distinctions of meaning are drawn from the form of the complete verb. 
Without taking into account the suffixes, the following tense or mode 
fonns exist: present indefinite, imperative, impotential, customary, 
present definite, and past definite. The first four of these are clearly 
marked off from the last two, in meaning, by the fact that they do not 
refer to a single definite act. They differ in form, in most cases, in 
the root and in the sign of the first person singular. 

The name of present indefinite has been chosen to distinguish the 
present of wider use and of less discrimination as to the time of the 
action, from the present definite, which affirms a single act as just com- 
pleted. The former is used of acts in progress but not completed, 
when such acts consume appreciable time, or of acts desired or intended. 

The real imperative forms, the second person singular and plural, 
are identical with those of the indefinite present, while the forms of 
the third person, expressing the wish that some person be compelled 
to perform the act, are different from those of the indefinite present. 

The impotential deals with future negative acts in a sweeping way, 
implying that it is impossible that they should take place. Part of 
this force is given the form by doxolifi^ which precedes the verb, mean- 
ing it IS NOT. The form of the verb itself in this mode- tense is not 
different from the present indefinite, except that it often has a longer 
or stronger form of the root. 

The customary differs from the present indefinite in the presence of 
an element (consisting of a single vowel, probably -e-) which stands 
before the signs of person and number, and sometimes in form of the 
root. Its meaning, as the name implies, is that the act is habitual, or at 
least several times performed. It is used almost entirely of past acts. 

The definite present and past differ from each other only in the form 
and length of the root. The past has the longer and stronger form 
of the root, if it be variable at all. The accent seems to rest on the 
root in the past, and on the syllable before the root in the present. 
They refer to individual, completed acts, — the present as just com- 
pleted; and the past, of more remote time. On the forms of the 
present definite by means of suffixes, the future, future conditional, 
and other tenses and modes are built 

§52 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



135 



Cotijtigations (§§ 53^75) 

{ 58. CLASS I, OONJTTGATION lA 

tcexaum he is catching 

FresetU Indefinite 



1. 


Singular 

vumxaum 




Plural 

itdexauw. 


2. 


ifixaum 




o'xaum 


3. 


tcexaum 




yaxaum 


3a. 


yixxauw. 




yaixaum 


3. 


tcoxaum 


Imperative 


Plural 

yatcdxaum 


3a. 


yoxauw. 




yaiyoxaum 


1. 


Singular 

elumxauw 


Custofnary 


Plural 

e^tdexauw. 


2. 


elflxaum 




eo'xauyi 


3. 


tceexaum 




yaexaum 


3a. 


yeexauw. 




yaiexaum 


1. 


Singular 

wexUfl 


JDefinUe 


Plural 
witdexUfl 


2. 


wiMxHfl 




wo^xufi 


3. 
Za. 


tcuwiflxitfl 
yv/wifhxdfl 




yaicinxdfl 
yaiwifixiJLfl 



{ 54. CLASS I, CONJUGATION IB 

yarfios he is rolling over 

Present Indefinite 

Singular Plural 



1. yauwjnas 

2. yUmrnds 
8. yaraas 

3a. ydmas 

Singular 

1. yaluinmas 

2. yalmmaa 

3. yalmmas 
3a. ydlmmas 

Singular 

1. yavmaa 

2. yawi/mmoB 

3. yawim/maa 
8a. ymoi/m/maa 



Cugtontary 



I>eflnite 



yadimmas 
yamas 
yayamas 
yaydTnas 

Plural 

yaltdbiimas 
yaoTnaB 
yayatmmas 
yaydinimas 

Plural 

yawitdimmas 
yawo'mas 
yayawimmas 
yaydwimmaa. 



§§ 53, 64 



136 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



(BULL. 40 



§ 66. CLASS I, CONJUGATION IC 

In this division of the conjugation there is a contraction in the 2d 
person singular of the definite tenses. 

nahit HE IS CHARRING 



Singular 

1. naihit 

2. nayiLit 

3. nawinhit 
3a. naiwlnLit 



Definite 



Plural 

natoitdiLLtt 
nawd*Lit 
nayawiriLit 
nayaiwinLit 



§ 66. CLASS I, CONJUGATION ID 

kittlts HE CUTS OPEN 





J^enent Indefinite 


Singular 




Plunl 


1. hyvfwtiis 




kitdittils 


2. kintus 




kyotiis 


3. hittiU 




yakittiia 


3a. yihittils 


Imperative 


yaikitti^s 


Singular 




Plural 


3. kyotus 




yakyoius 


3a. yikyotus 




yaikyoPds 



CuMtomary 

Singular Plural 

1. ke'/flinff}^, etc. keitdittl'S, etc. 



Singular 

1. ketais 

2. kyuvfiniafs 

3. klntjitH 
3a. yiMnUiU 



neftnite 



Plural 

kymritditfats 
kyuwTitflts 
yakintais 
ymkmtaU 



§67. CLASS I, CONJUGATION IE 



tcoxai HE 18 BUYING 



Singular 

1. duir,ra?' 

2. onxal 

3. tcoxai 
3a. yoxai 



Singular 

!• oiuinixait 



Present Indefinite 



Customary 



Plural 

odexal 
oxai 
tcoyaxai 
yoyaxai 

Plural 

oitdexaity etc. 



§§ 55-57 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



137 



Singular 

1. oixai 

2. onxai 

3. tcofixai 
3a. yofUcai 



neflnite 



Plaral 

oioitdexai 
awo^xai 
tcoyaflxai 
yoyaflxai 



§ 58. GLASS I, OONJUQATION 2 

The several conjugations differ from one another in regard to the 



definite tenses only. 

* 
noniMt he put a blanket down 



definite 



Singular 

1. nonaUt 

2. noniflM 

3. noniftUt 
3a. noinifiUt 



Plural 

ndndaUt 

noiwHt 

noyaniflM 
noyainiflilt 



I 59. CIiASS I, OONJUQATION 2, WITH A OHANQED BOOT 

tceniflya he is coming out 



Singular 

1. tceneya 

2. tceniflya 

3. tceniflya 
3a. tciflya 



J}efinUe 

Dual 

tcenedeL 
tcenodeL 
tcenifldeL 
tcindeL 



Plural 

tcenedeL 
tcenodeL 
tceyanindeL 
tceyilndeL 



§ 60. GLASS I, OONJUaATION 3A 

tcisloi^ HE IS tying 



singular 

1. seloi^ 

2. silloi^ 

3. tcisloi^ 
3a. yisloi^ 



I>eflnitr 



Plural 

aitdilloi^ 
soloi^ 
yaisloi^ 
yaiisloi^ 



§61. CLASS I, OONJUaATION 8d 

tdttetaL he is stepping along 



singular 

1. tesetaL 

2. te%intaL 

3. tdttetaL 
3a. yittetaL 



neflnUe 



Plural 

tesdittaL 
teso^taL 
yatetaL 
yaitetaL 



§§58-61 



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§ 62. GLASS I, CONJUQATION 4 





na^a he has 


IT 


Singular 

1. naum^a 

2. nHfl^a 


Breaent 


Plural 

nada^a 
na^a 


3. na^a 
3a. nai^a 




naya^a 
nayai^a 


Singular 

3. natc^o^a 
3a. nay^o^a 


Itnperative 


Plural 

nayatc^o^a 
nayay^o^a 


Singular 

1. namm^a 

2. naifl^a 


Customary 


Plural 

naltda^a 


3. naa^a 
3a. naia^a 




nayaa^a 
nayaia^a 



§ 63. GLASS n, GONJUaATION lA 

yetciLda^^ he is carrying in a large object 

I^esent Indefinite 



Singular 


Plural 


1. yemwda 


yeitdilda 


2. yethda 


yeohda 


3. yetcihda 


yeyaihda 


3a. yeyihda 


yeyaiihda 


Imperative 


Singular 


Plural 


3. yetcohda 


yeyatcohda 


3a. yeyohda 


yeyaiyohda 


Customary 


Singular 


Plural 


1. yeeiumda 


yeeltdilda 


2. yeeihda 


yeeohda 


3. yetcethda 


yeyaihda 


3a. yeyeiLda 


yeyaiihda 


I>efinite 


Singular 


Plural 


1. yewehda 


yewitdilda 


2. yewihda 


yewohda 


8. yetcwwiLda 


yeya/wihda 


3a. yeyuwihda 


yeyai/wihda 



lit is probable but not quite certain that the glottal itop occurs finally in the root in all forms of 
the verb. 



§§ 62, 68 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



139 



§ 64. CLASS n, CONJUQATION IC 

yatLwHh HB THREW INTO THE AIR 



Singular 

1. yauuztoilL 

2. yiiLioiiL 

3. yaiLwilL 
3a. yaiLvyObL 

Singular 

3. yatcoLwHL 
3a. yaioLvyObL 

Singular 

1. yalumw^ 

2. yaiLwiU 

3. ya'lLwiU 
3a. yaiiLwiU 

singular 

1. yaihwaL 

2. yaLwaL 

3. yawihwaL 
3a. yaiwiLwaL 



Firesent Indefinite 



ItnperttHve 



CH9Unnary 



Definite 



Plural 

yadilwilL 
yaLwiLL 
yayalLwHL 
yayaiLvrdLL 

Plural 

yayatcoLwiiL 
yayaioLwHh 

Plural 

yaitdilvydbl 
ycwLwiU 
yayalLwid 
yayaiihwid 

Plural 

yawitdUwaL 
yawoLwaL 
yayawihwaL 
yayaivnLwaL 



i 65. GLASS n, CONJUQATION 2 

meiLxe^ he is finishing 



1. 


Singular 

mumxe^ 


I*reeent Indefinite 

Plural 

medilxe^ 


2. 


miLQce^ 




mcLxe^ 


3. 
3a. 


meiLxe^ 
mliLxe^ 




mayaiLxe^ 
meyaiLx^ 


8. 


Singular 

metcoLxe^ 


Inoperative 


Plural 

meyatcoLxe^ 


8a. 


meyoLxe^ 




rneyayoLxe^ 


1. 


Singular 

rneiumxu 


Cuetontarff 


Plural 

meitdUxu 


2. 


M^LOCU 




meoLXU 


3. 


Tn^LXU 




meya^Lxu 


3a. 


mViLxu 




meyaiiLxu 



§§ 64, 65 



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Singular 

1. meneLxe^ 

2. menijjxe^ 

3. ineniLxe^ 
3a. mlnzLxe^ 



J>€fi,nUe 



Plural 

mindilxe^ 
menoLxe^ 
met/anzLxe^ 
meyainzLxe^ 



§ 66. GLASS n, CONJUQATION 3A 

The indefinite tenses do not differ from Conjugation 1, 

7iaTsxdl HE 18 TEARING DOWN 



Singular 

1. naseLardt 

2. nasiLQuHt 

3. naisoaUt 
3a. naiaxiU 



J>4tflnUe 



Plural 
ndsdilxiU 

nasoLxiU 

nayalsxHt 

naydiaxHt 



i 67. CLASS II, OONJUaATION SB 

teisseiAoifl he is killing 



singular 

1. seseLwifl 

2. sesiLwin 

3. tcisacLwin 
3a. yisssLwin 



I>efinite 



Plural 

aesdilwin 
sesoLwin 
yaseLwin 
yaiaeLwifi 



§ 68. CLASS n, CONJUaATION 4 

Tia'iLtffUfi HE IS BINDING 



Singular 

1. naumtsHin 

2. ^iHiLtsilin 

3. naiLtaHin 
3a. naihtsUfi 

Singular 

3. 7iaicbLtsvfl 
3a. naoLtsitfl 

Singular 

1. nalUmtsan 

2. naxLtsan 

3. naihtaan 
3a. naiiLtscm 



Present 



Intpemtivfi 



CustonHzry 



Plural 

nadiltsiLn 
nahtsUfi 
nayalhtsUn 
nayaiht^fl 

Plural 

nayatcoLtsHfl 
nayaoLtsHfl 

Plural 

naltdiltsan 
naoLtmn 
nayalhtaan 
nayaiiLtsan 



55 66-C8 



r 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



141 



i 60. GLASS in, OONJUQATION 1 

yadeqot he is dodging 



singular 

1. yaumdeqot 

2. yHjideqot 
8. yadeqot 

3a. yadUkqot 

Singular 

3. yatcodeqot 
3a. yaddeqot 

singular 

1. ycuumdeqot 

2. ya'indeqot 

3. yaltqot 
3a. yaltqdt 

Singular 

1. yaumdeqot 

2. yandeqot 
8. yawitqot 

8a. yatqot 



JPresent Indefinite 



Plural 



In^peruHve 



(Jnehnnary 



J>efiniie 



yadUkqot 
ya'deqot 
yayadeqot 
yayadtlkqot 

Plural 

yayatcodeqot 
yayaodeqot 

Plural 

yaltdeqot 
ydd^deqot 
yayaltqot 
yayaltqot 

Plural 

yavritdeqot 
yanjoodeqot 
yayawitqot 
yayatqot 



§ 70. GLASS m, GONJUaATION 2 

nanit^aum he is bringing it back 

nrement Indefinite 

Singular Plural 

1. naumde^aum nanede^auyi 

2. nande^aum nano'de^aum. 

3. nanit^auw. nayanit^auw. 
3a. nainit^auw. nayainit^auw. 



Singular 

3. nanode^aum 
3a. nainode^aum 



Imperative 



C^tetomary 



Singular 

1. naiietuwjde^aum 

2. naneinde^auuL 
8. naneit^aniw. 

3a. naineit^auyi 



Plural 

nayarwde^aum 
nayainode^aum 

Plural 

naneede^auw. 
nanoode^auin 

nayanelt^aum 
na/yainelt^au2ii 



§§ 69,70 



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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



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Singular 

1. nauwde^tlfi 

2. nande^Hn 

3. nalnde^HTL 
3a. naininde^Ufi 



neflnite 



Plural 

nafiede^U^ 
nano'de^Htfl 
nayalnde^Hfl 
nayaininde^Hi/h 



§71. CLASS m, CONJUGATION 3 

The forms for the definite tenses are like those given for Class III, 
Conjugation 1. 

na/lsdeqot he is tumbling about 



Singular 

1. nasdiUcqot 

2. naaindeqot 

3. naUdeqot 
3a. nasdakqdt 



JOefinite 



Plural 

nasedeqot 
naso'deqdt 
naya'lsdeqot 
nayasdijJcqot 



§ 72. CLASS IV, CONJUGATION 1 

nailyeuw. he rests 



Singular 

1. nauwyeum 

2. nUiZyeum 

3. nailyeum 
3a. nalyeum 

Singular 

3. natcolyeuw 
3a. nayolyeum 

Singular 

1. na'luwyeuw. 

2. nailyeum 

3. nailyeuw 
3a. nailyeum 

Singular 

1. nauwyeum 

2. nalyeum 

3. nawllyeum 
3a. nalyeum 



J*reaetU Indefinite 



Plural 



Imperative 



Cu9tontary 



I>efinite 



nadilyeum 
naLyeum 
nayaUyeum 
nayalyeum 

Plural 

nayatcolyeum 
nayayolyeum 

Plural 

naitdilyeum 
naoLyeuw 
nayaUyeum 
nayailyeum 

Plural 

nawitdilyeum 
?iawdLyeum 
nayatoUyeum 
nayalyeum 



§§71,72 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



143 



§ 73. GLASS IV, OONJUQATION 8 

nadilifi he is watching for it 



SiDguIar 

1. nddumifi 

2. nadilifi 

3. nadilifL 
3a. naidilifh 

Singular 

3. nadolifi 
3a. naidolin 

Singular 

1. nad^/uiaen 

2. nadeilen 

3. nadeilen 
3a. naideilen 

Singular 

1. naduioesifl 

2. naduwesUifl 

3. nadwwesifl 
3a. naiduweaifi 



Present Indefinite 



Imperative 



Customary 



JfefinUe 



Plural 

naditdUifl 
naddLi/fl 
nayadUifl 
TiayaidUifl 

Plural 

nayadolifi 
nayaidoli/fl 

Plural 

nadeltdilen 
nadooLen 
nayadeile7i 
7iayaideilen 

Plural 

naduwesdilifl 
naduwesoiifi 
na/yaduwesifi, 
na/yaiduweaifl 



§73 



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{74. OBJECTIVE OONJUQATION 

yahmiLtum he is picking me up 



Subject: 



First person singular 
(object) 



Singular. 



»Plural . . , 



1. 

2. yohyijijiiim 

3. yahjsiiJiuyi 
3a. yaihmJiiMw 



J*reaetU Indefinite 

Second person singular 
(object) 

yUnniujtituis 



1. 

2. yahyfijMm 
8. yayahmitium 
3a. yayaihjiiiiium 



yUnnetciiluyi 
y^nniLt&ia 

yCnnUdUtum 



yayHnnetciutuyi 
yaiy<inniUu3£ 



Third person singular 
(object) 

yaxd3i!(u3£ 
yaxoUum 
yaxdituui 
yaixdLt(i]£ 

yaxdidiltu]£ 
yaxduHijs. 
yayaxo'4ujs. 
y'ayaixdituyi 



Inoperative 



Singular.. i -• y^^H^^^^U 
yaihvBJiUum 



Plural... 



•I'- 

l3a. 
ISo. 



yayahyfiiiuuL 
yayaihyfiiiujn 



yUnnetcdiMyi 
yUnnditum 

yayiinndcoLUi3£ 
yaiyiknndUuyi 



yaxdiluw 
yaixdUiiuic 

yayaxoijtum 
yayaixd tufn, 



CusUnnary 



Singular.. 



Plural 



1. 

2. yahjiif^Ltuw. 

3. yahweiiXHm 
3a. yaihrn^iiiiyi 

1. 

2. yahwjadLtuyi, 

3. yayahmciLtum 
3a. yayaihm^iiuyi 



yUnneiilLWliiL'is, 



yUnneic^iJtuyi 
yUnneiLtuuL 

yUnneitdUtuvi 



yayHnneiiluvf 
yayHnneiUtuyi 



y(UDoU6fiet^yi 

yaxoiiULum 
yaxoiiiiu^ 
yaixoUiiuui 

yaxoUdUtuyi 
ycucddutujn 
yayctxoUitAyi 
yayaixoiiiiuii 



Definite 



Singular.. 



Plural 



§74 



1. 

2. yahwiii'^LtUi 

3. yahyriiMii 
,3a. yaikisiiMfi 



1. 

2. yahmtiVfoUin 
8. yayahyiiiXiii 
,3a. yayaihmiLtm 



yUnneLtm 



ydnnetctmfl 
yUnniiMfl 

yUnnuwUdiUHl 



yay^nndciLtm 
yaiyunniitiil 



yaxweiUH 
yaxowiiMli 
yaxdiUfi 
yaixdutm 

yaxdwUdHtm 
yaxdtPdLiia 
yajflixduUfl 
yayaixoutm 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



145 



OBJBOnVE OONJUQATION— Continued. 



yahmiLtuW. HE IS PICKING ME UP 



Subject: 



Present Indefinite 



First t>erson plural 
(object) 



Singular. . 



1. 



2. y^nndhdUuyi 

3. punndttHUum 
3a. yunnuhiU6m 



Plural . . 



1. 

2. v^nndhd'lujn 

3. yay^nnotciUuw 
3a. yaiydnnohiUuw. 



Second person plural 
(object) 



yUnndtciUuie 
VHnnohillujc 

yUnndhildiUiiui 



yai/6nnotciUuui 
yaiyHnTwhiUum 



Third person plural 
(object) 

yayaxdiefUj/n 
yayazdU&ui 
yctyaxdUum 
yayaix6Uuj£ 

yaycutdtdiUujs. 
yaycuco'lu^ 
yay€LtdUuj£ 
yayaixdUuyi 



Singular 



Plural 



I3a. 

I 3. JM» 
[Za. yai\ 



yUnndtcdlu]/: 
yilnndkdl6i£ 



yayHnndtcolum 
yaiyHnndholuw 



Singular.. 



Plural... 



1. 

2. yiknT^dhdlliiw 

3. yUnnotc^luiv 
3a. yAnndheiUuj£ 



2. yiinnoheo'lujn 
8. yaytnnolcf'iUuw 
3a. yaiyHnndhe'iUuyi 



Jtnperatire 



yHnndtc6IujB 
yUnndhdluyi 

yayHnndtedm^ 
yaiydnnohdlujs 



Custotnary 



yUnndfuiuwlum 



yUmnotceilluw. 
yUnndh^Mm 

yUnndh^tdiUum 



yay&nndtrriUuyi 
yaiyHnnofmUu'UL 



yayaxdUUm 
yayaixoUHyi 

yayaxdUuyi 
yayaixdUu^ 



yayaxoiiuy^6]£ 
yayaxoiULutE. 
yayaxoiUluui 
yayaixoiiUui£ 

yayaxoiUdiUvm 
yayaxdo'lfiw 

yayajroiUlujn 

yayaixoiiUnyi 



nefinitr 



Singular. 



Plural 



1. 

2. yiinnowiUa 

3. yUnnotciUa 
3a. yiinndhUla 



1. 

2. yUnndtoo'la 

3. yayHnnotciUa 
3a. yaiyHnnOhUia 



yiinndhrla 



y^nndtciUa 
yUnnohiUa 

ydnndtpUdiila 



yayiknnoiciUa 
yaiyHnndhiUa 



The past definite has -lai for its root. 



44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 



-10 



yayaxweUa 
yayax6wUla 
yayaxdUa 
yayaixoUa 

yayaxdunidUla 
yayaxdtpd'la 
yayaxoUa 
yayaixdtla 



§74 



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§ 75. PASSIVB VOICE 

yaxowiltifl he is carried off 
The present indefinite seems to have no forms for the passive voice. 

ImpotenHal 



Singrular 

1. doxolifl yahmeldittuw. 

2. yUnneldittum 

3. yaosoldittum 
3a. yiUdittuw 



Singular 

1. yahmeldittuw. 

2. yUneildittum 

3. yaxoiUdittum 
3a. yae^ldittuw. 

Singular 

1. yahmuimltifl 

2. yUnnuwUtifi 

3. yaxowiltifl 
3a. yaltifl 



Customary 



J>€fitUte 



Plural 

doxolifl yUnriohitluw. 
yUnndhitZuin 

yaya^xotluw 
yayaUum 

Plural 

yUnnoheitluw. 
yUnnohevtluyi 

yayaxdiitliim 
yayattluw. 

Plural 

yUnnowitla 
yUnndwiUa 
yayaxowitla 
yayatla 



Adjectives (§§ 76-78) 

The qualifying adjectives in Hupa are very closely linked with the 
verbs. They are fully conjugated, indicating by internal changes 
the person and number of the subject qualified, and by changes of 
tense whether the quality is predicated of the present, past, or future. 

§ 76. I^eflxeH of Adjectives 

The prefixes of the adjectives consist of a single sound, and are 
found only in the present. They seem to classify the adjectiv^es 
according to the degree of connection of the quality with the noun. 
The principal prefixes are the two following: 

1. ii- used mostly of inherent qualities, such as dimensions. 

nilwiies I am tall numteL I am broad 

numhmdfl I am good numtcwifl I am dirty 

numdas I am heavy numkycto I am large 

2. L" used for the more accidental qualities, such as color, and condi 

tion of flesh. 

Lumkai I am white hittso it is blue, yellow, or green 

LUimJaxu I am fat Luhwin it is black 

§§ 75, 76 



BOAS J 



HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



147 



§ 11. Comparison of Adjectives 

The superlative, the only form employed, is expressed by pre- 
fixing^ dad-^ the second syllable being completed in harmony with 
the following sound : 

hai dadittsit the shortest 
hai dadikkyad the largest, etc. 



hai dadinnes the longest 
hat dadiLL'QJckau the fattest 



§ 78. Conjugation of Adjectives 

nitdaa it is heavy 



Slngalar 

1. numdas 


lYfenJt definite 

Plural 

nitditdas 


2. nindas 




no^das 


3. tcmdas 
3a. nitdas 




yalndas 
yanitdas 


singular 

1. iuyidas^ 


ItnperaHve 


Plural 

itditdas 


2. indas 




odas 


3. tcodaa 
3a. yodas 




yatcodas 
yayodas 


Singular 

1. etumdas* 


Customary 


Plural 

eitditdas 


2. eiTidaa 




eo'das 


3. tcm^tdas 
3a. eltdas 




yaltdas 
yaltdas 


Past 

Singular 

1. wumdas (or wedas) 

2. windas 


Plural 

witditdas 
wo das 


3. tcwwindas 
3a. windas 




yawindas 
y an das 



Sjmtactic Particles (§§ 79-86) 

§ 79. JPersonal I^onouns 

The personal pronouns in their independent form are used chiefly 
for emphasis and in repaying to questions. The incorporation of the 
object into the verb, and its inflection to show the subject, reduce to 
the minimum the need of pronouns as independent words. 



* Let me be heary. 



*l become heavy (each Beason). 



§§ 77-79 



148 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcu^ 40 

The pronoun for the first person singular is hme^ which serves for 
both subject and object. All other. Athapascan languages have a 
word phonetically related to this. In Tolowa the word is ci/ in Car- 
rier, ^; and in Navaho, c^. The plural of the first person is nehe. 
It may be used of the speakers when more than one, or of the speaker 
and the person spoken to. Instead of hme and 7k£;he^ longer forms 
{hmeeft and neheefi) often occur. These seem to be formed by the 
addition of the particle efi^ which points to a person, contrasting him 
with another. 

The second person singular is nifl^ and the plural nohm. 

It is probable that originally there was no personal pronoun for the 
third person, its place being taken by the demonstratives and by incor- 
porated and prefixed forms. In speaking of adult Hupa, when emphasis 
is required xofl occurs. This appears to be a»-, the incorporated and 
prefixed form, and efl mentioned above. For the plural, yaxv>en is 
sometimes heard. 

§ 80. Possessive Fronouns 

Weak forms of the personal pronouns are prefixed to the qualified 
noun to express possession. For the first and second person, hme and 
nifl are represented by hwr and n-, which are completed according to 
the sounds which follow them. The first and second persons plural 
are represented by one and the same syllable, no-, which may be pre- 
fixed without changing its form to any noun. The third person sin- 
gular has xo- prefixed when an adult Hupa is referred to, but m- (receiv- 
ing the same treatment as hm- and n- above), when the reference is to 
a Hupa child or very aged person, or to a person of another tribe or 
race. For animals and inanimate things, m- is also sometimes used, 
but for the former k- seems to be more frequent. When the pos- 
sessor of the object is not known, k- is also employed. 

A reflexive possessive is used where a chance for ambiguity exists. 
The form is ad- of which d is the initial sound of a syllable completed 
according to the sound which follows it. 

§ 81. Demmistrafive Fronouns 

The demonstrative pronouns for the nearer person or object, which 
must be in sight, are ded^ haided^ and haide^ which do not differ in 
meaning. The more remote object or person, whether insight or not, 
is referred to by yd or haiyo. Still more remote is yw, which is 
employed of places leather than of persons. 

§§ 80, 81 



BOAS] HANDBOOK, OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 149 

The Hupa employ hai referring to persons or things, singular or 
plural, in a manner that falls between our use of that (the demonstra- 
tive) and the (the definite article). It is employed before the third 
X)erson of the possessive where our idiom does not require an article. 

§ 82. Adjective Pronouns 

There are a number of words, equivalent in meaning to all, evert, 
aEVEBAL, etc., which stand alone, the person or thing limited by them 
being understood from the context. 

The most important of these are the following: 

atifl all djOdflhmee nobody 

atinne all people d/Wilhwp^ somebody 

atinado^iinte everything dlhmo^ something 

atiftJca^ilnie every kind dihrnee nothing 

atindifi every place ddnLd/ahwon several people 

a^daidehe ^knjihmg dUfiLUflhmd^ ^^y^v^ things 

§ 83. NumerdU 

The numerals to four are common to the Athapascan languages, 
most of which have cognate words for five also. From five to nine 
the Hupa numerals are not easily analyzed. Ten {minLUfi) means 
ENOUGH FOB IT. The numerals above ten are made by expressing 
addition for the numbers lying between the decimal terms and by 
multiplication for those terms. The meaning of LaHtdikkin^ one hun- 
dred, is not evident. No higher numbers exist, but the hundreds 
may be enumerated to a thousand or more. 

A special termination is used when enumerating people. This seems 
to be an old suffix, -nl or -ne^ meaning people. Compare La^ and 
LuwHn^ nax and nanirij tak and tdhdn^ difik and difikin^ and tcwola^ 
and tcwolane^ the numerals from one to five, for things and people 
respectively. 

^84. Adverbs 

Notwithstanding that place and time relations are freely expressed 
by means of verbal prefixes, a large number of adverbs are employed. 
These are for the most part closely connected with demonstrative 
pronouns in their meaning and the elements from which they are 
formed. Of the formative elements which do not also occur in demon- 
stratives are those employed in expressing directions. These have a 

§§ 82-84 



150 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



LBnu..40 



commoD initial, yl-^ which may after all be connected with the pro- 
noun yd. The final elements are: 

'TiHk south or up stream -t^ifi west or down a hill 

'de^ north or down stream -TnaTi the opposite side of a 

'diik east or up a hill stream or the ocean 

Besides the demonstrative source already mentioned, many adverbs 
are formed from nouns, adjectives, and verbs by means of suffixes 
indicating place, time, and manner. Some of these suffixes are the 
following: 

'difi and -tcifl (place) -Tea and -a?5, --fb? (manner) 

'dUfi and -difi (time) 

§ 85. Post'positions 

The post-positions not only follow the nouns which they limit, but 
they are joined to pronominal prefixes which stand for the limited 
noun whether it be expressed or not. The most important post- 
positions follow: 



-a for, for the benefit of 

-<?« in 

-edin without, lacking 

-an out of 

-u under, near 

-ye at the foot of 

-win7ia around, encircling 

'imlTl toward or from 

-Ian with the help of 

'lai^ on top 

'L with 

-na after 

-nuL in the presence of 



-nat around 

'Xa after 

'Xilts beside 

'ta^ among 

'tis over 

'tiiJc between 

'Tca^ -Tcai along 

'tcifL toward 

'tcifla in front of 

'Jcay 'Jcai after, following 

-hya away from 

'TcM on 



§ 86. Conjunctions 

The conjunctions in Hupa seem to be made from demonstratives, 
or adverbs derived from demonstratives. They usually end with the 
syllable -Un. For examples compare the following: 

haiUfl 1 haiyahiidjiPdfl \ , ,, 

, . , . -^ } and then 
nmyaastc J 



JiaiyaL 
havyaL'dfb 
haiyamih 
haiyamlLUfl 

§§85,86 



and 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 151 

§ 87. Character of Sentence 

The Hupa sentence expresses place and direction with very great 
minuteness and care. This is done both by the prefixes of the verb 
and by independent adverbs and adverbial phrases. In actual use 
these sentences are also accompanied by many gestures which might 
in themselves indicate all that is needful. That the act is repeated, is 
always stated, and frequently with redundancy, an adverb being 
employed in addition to the iterative prefix which the verb contains. 
Usually great care is taken, in making quotations, to state definitely 
who said or thought the matter quoted. Sequence of time is amply 
expressed, but other relations are often left to be inferred. 

One hesitates to say whether the sentences are all very short or 
that there are none, but paragraphs instead. One short statement 
follows another, usually co-ordinate with it but still closely connected 
in the temporal sequence which carries with it purpose, cause, and 
result. The synthetic, holophrastic verb is often complete in itself, 
the other words in the sentence being employed to add distinctness or 
emphasis. 

The greater burden in a Hupa discourse is on the speaker, who 
expresses with great exactness most of the concepts and their rela- 
tions, leaving little to be inferred by the listener. Some of the 
younger generation, who are nearly or quite bilingual, employ Hupa 
in giving directions about work to be done, or in relating events in 
which they wish place-relations to be plain, but English for ordinary 
social discourse. 

§ 88. Character of Vocabulary 

The vocabulary of Hupa, although it contains words of consider- 
able length, is not far from monosyllabism. It contains many mono- 
syllabic nouns and particles, but a much larger number of polysyllabic 
verbs, and nouns and other parts of speech derived from verbs. 
These long words, however, are made up of elements possessed for 
the most part of great clearness of form and meaning. On the other 
hand, some of the monosyllables other than nouns and pronouns lack 
distinctness of meaning, and in some cases of form. In writing the 
language there is difficulty, therefore, to know just what should con- 
stitute a word, and whether certain elements are to be taken with the 
word before them or the one after them. In ai language in which the 
accent is strong, words are set off from each other by it. In Hupa 

§§87,88 



152 BUREAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [bclu 40 

the accent is not strong, and in most cases does not belong to the 
word, but to the sentence. 

Nouns and pronouns are clear cut. They are capable of calling up 
definite and complete mental visions without the aid of associated 
words and word-elements. The large number of monosyllabic nouns 
in Hupa, and the still larger number in related languages, which do 
not occur in Hupa, points to the fact that the original form of Atlia- 
pascan nouns was monosyllabic. Monosyllabic nouns have given 
place to polysyllabic ones in Hupa constantly for years, perhaps for 
centuries. This may have been due to the pleasure which the Hupa 
find in poetical descriptive names, but it was certainly due, in part^ to 
the dropping of nouns out of the language at the death of persons 
who had had them for names. These dropped words were replaced 
by longer descriptive words coined for the purpose. 

Only one word has been found in the language which appears to be 
reduplicated. The aboriginal flute is called miliinU or milmiZ in 
Hupa, and in related dialects iiUbul. It is possible that some 
etymology will appear to explain this apparent exception. 

Very few words or word-parts seem to be onomatopoetic in their 
origin. There is a verb, kyuwindil n rang, the root of which, -dU^ 
no doubt represents the sound of striking metals. Another verb 
closely resembling this is kyuwiflket^ which is used of the creaking of 
trees. The sounds of nature which occur may be represented, but 
they have no other meaning. They do not stand for the thing or 
animal which makes them: for example, dil duwenne {dil it sounded) 
is said of an arrow striking the sky; dM duwenne {dUl it sounded), 
of a ball of wood striking a wall of obsidian; and ka ka duwenne {ha 
ka IT said), of the cawing of a crow. 

For the most part, both the monosyllabic words and the elements of 
the longer words are to all appearances the ultimate facts of the lan- 
guage. They express fundamental concepts and relations, which are 
no more resolvable into parts than are the syllables which express 
them. These elements, simple words, roots, prefixes, and suffixes, are 
not very numerous (probably less than a thousand), but the combina- 
tions of which they are capable are very great. Many combinations 
theoretically possible are not logically possible, and of these only those 
for which there was a frequent need in the life of the people really 
existed as words. 

§88 



TEXT 



The Me^dildin Poor Man 
Me«dildin * dedin * tcitteLtcwen^ ' haidn * kittekin ^ nikkyao • 



MedildiA poor he grew. 

tciL^an ^ haidn * takeimmil * haifin * 

she used to And 

make soup. 

haiy o ' * takelm mil* 

that She used to 

one. make soup 



he had. 


And 


mil." 


yaaqot ^' 


with 


housed to 




poke up, 


aiwe *'' 


xowfln " 


away 


from him 


Laaiux 


» x5'" 


And 


in vain 



And 

Laaiux* 

at once 

miL" 

then 



spoon large 

hai *® xokittekin " 

the his spoon 



yaaxauw 

he used to 
dip it up. 



16 



haifin * 

And 



wakinniiitats '• haiyaL*® yauwxauw'* tcOndesne*' 

he cqt a hole And, "Let me dip he thought, 

through. it up/' 

waninqots'* tcinneLen" hai x5kittekin Laaiux* 

it ran through. He looked at the his spoon. At once 

^mtedil CAVO^: -din locative suffix, place op or place at ( §S 21, 84). 

^ dedin poor, not having possessions. 

*ici- sign of 3d per. sing. (§ 33); -te- prefix, distributive as regards time or place (S84); -L, Sd 
modal in verbs, mostly transitives (S 37); -tcwen verbal root, to maks, to do, to grow; class II, con. 
3, 3d per. sing. 

*hat- probably Uie article; -M termination common to temporal adverbs and conjunctions. 

* kit- possessive preflx used of animals (§80); -ti horn, the spoon was of horn. 

*nik- one of the prefixes of adjectives (§76); -kyad root of adjective large; compare towUlkyaH 
(note 125). 

f (ci-. -£, see note 3; •'an verbal root meaning to have position, hence the notion of possession. 

0(a-, preflx employed of soup-making, drinking, probably connected with to water ($31); -ke- 
prefix, weak in form and of little force in meaning, it is connected with verbs requiring repeated 
motions for a single act ($34); -t- sign of customary tense ($34); -mt2 verbal root meaning to let 

PALL or to throw several SMALL OBJECTS OP THE SAME OR DIPFBRBNT KINDS, probably the CCK>k- 

ing-stones in this case; class II, con. 1, cust., 8d per. sing. 

* LOr, the numeral one. There is an element of surprise at the quickness of the act. 
^^fuU, the article is always employed with the possessive third person. 

^^xd- possessive prefix of 3d per. sing, or pi., employed only of adult Hupa; see also note 5. 

^^nU- pronominal preflx of 3d per. sing, when adult Hupa are not meant; -l post-position with. 

^ya- prefix used of motion up into, or horizontally through, the air ($ 31); -a- sign of customary 
tense, a is due to the preceding a of ya; -qot a verbal root used of pushing something into a yielding 
mass; class I, con. 1, cust., 3d per. sing. 

w hai- the article; -yd a demonstrative used of the more remote. 

^miL probably the same as in note 12, above; it is often used of time. 

"ya-, -a see note 13; -xauyi verbal root referring to water or a liquid; class I, con. 1, cust., 8d per. 
sing. 

^^ahoe AWAY, at a distance, not in the presence of; no connection with other words has 
been found. 

^*x5- pronominal preflx of 3d per.; -vr&fl poet-position used of motion toward or away from, accord- 
ing to the context. 

"^wor preflx meaning through ($ 31) ; -kin- 1st modal preflx of uncertain meaning ($ 84) ; -nin- 2d 
modal of completed action ($85); -fats verbal root to cut; class I, con. 2, past def., 3d per. sing. 

*>hai- probably the article; -ya- with fiai- it forms an adverb there; -i perhaps the post-position 
(see note 12). 

" ya- see note 13; -uw. sign of Ist per. sing.; class II, con. 1, pres. indef., 1st per. sing. 

>tc- deictic 3d per. sing.; -«-2d modal indicating progressive action; -ne verbal root, to think; 
irr^ular verb, past def., 3d per. sing. 

^xS' indicates that whatever was attempted failed; it is to be construed with yauysxaum (see 
note 16). 

»• wo-, -ftifi see note 19; -qdts verbal root. 

*te- deictic 8d per. sing.; ncir contraction of -nuwii of which -nu- is a 1st modal preflx of uncer- 
tain meaning and -wiL- has ip, 2d modal of inceptive action, and /^, 3d modal of transitive force; -en 
verbal root meaning to look; class II, con. 1, past def.. 3d per. sing. 

153 



154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

yoneyldflka** miL xeekiLtseL" Laaiux innalsdukkai ** Laaiux 

back of the from he threw it At once he got up. At once 

fire up away. 

mitdai^*' tceninyai'® baidn hai xota*'* haiyo xoLduwenne" 

outside he went out. Then the his father that one said of him, 

veu" na tceftinyai'* mfifikfltnikkyao" haifin wfln" xoikyfiii** 

''Way across he has gone MQfikOtnikkyad." And about it his mind 

out 

nanya" hai axoLtcitdenne" taistse^" mflxxa** tcittesyai** haififi 

studied that he had said of him. Sweathouse after it he went. And 

wood 

xoLtelit" xoLnonillit" miL yisxflnhit" xfiLedflil adenne xa*" 

with him With him it finished then the next day in the morning he said, ** WeU 
it burned. burning 

hwa" min winvaL*' hai daiditdin" haidaid tcelLauw" haiAn 

me for it come along." The (explanation there it always came Then 

was) out. 

^ydn- the seat of honor back of the fire, corner; yl- a prefix common to names of direction; -dAt 
together with yl-, has the meaning of up hill and the derived meaning of east. The word as a 
whole applies to the bank baak of the fire, where the belongings of the men arc kept 

^xee- prefix meaning away from, used with verba of throwing; -k- first modal; -IL- third modal; 
-tsez verbal root, to throw, to pound; class II, con. 1, past def., 3d per. sing. 

*^in' prefix of uncertain meaning, but employed of the act of rising from a reclining positioii: -nor 
prefix of iteration; -U- 2d modal of durative force; -diUc-, d 8d modal; -hai verbal root of acts per- 
formed with the legs (or other long instrument); class III, con. 3. past def., 8d per. sing. 

29 mitdaU the space in front of the house; mU- is probably the possessive prefix; compare mtftttttda 
(see note 131). 

^ tee- prefix meaning out op; -yai verbal root to go, used only in singular; class I, ooa. 2, past del.. 
8d per. sing. 

SI -tcfi FATHER, uot uscd without a possessive prefix. 

ss x6l- indirect object 3d per. sing.; -ne verbal root to sat, to sing, to makb a noise; irreg. pail 
def., 3a per. sing. 

ss ycu adverb, probably from a demonstrative stem, employed of the most remote. 

^ mUfikpJt lake; -nikkyao compare note 6. This is the name given to Trinity Summit, a moontain 
of 6,600 feet elevation east of Hupa valley. 

s& wHii post-position which does not have a pronominal prefix for 3d per. sing., except when an 
adult Hupa is referred to. 

» 'kyUn heart or vitals, the organ of cogitation. 

S7 na- perhaps meaning down, from above, is employed of things coming into existence; -ya 
verbal root to go, to come; class I, con. 1, past def., 3a per. sing. 

*8 a- prefix found with verbs of thinking, saying, and doing. 

s® tais- probably connected with tai- of taiky&mi -t^ brush, small shrubs. 

^ mux- pronominal prefix of which only m- is constant, the remainder of the syllable depending 
on the sound which follows; -xa post-position, after. 

4) tcU- deictic, 3d per. sing.; -te- distributive prefix; -•- 2d modal of durative action; -yai to go; <daai 
I, con. 3, past def., 3d per. sing. 

^ -lU verbal root to burn, in an intransitive sense only; class I, con. 8, past def., 8a per. sing. 

43 -no- prefix indicating the coming to a stop or end; -nil- for -nin-; class I, con. 2, past def., 8a per. 
sing. 

** yisMil- apparently a verb, of which yi- deictic 3d per. sing, (not an adult Hupa), -a- 2d modal, and 
-MU the root; compare yiaxan day ; -hit conjunctional sufllx when. 

^ xa* seems to terminate a discussion and attract attention to some proposition. It is also used to 
give assent to a proposition. 

« hwr pronominal prefix of 1st per. sing.; -a post-position meaning in the intbbbst op, fob the 
benefit of. 

47 w prefix found in a few presents where the inception of the act is in the mind of the speaker 
(compare § 28); -iil- sign of 2d per. sing.; -ya- verbal root to go; -l suffix indicating the continuation 
of the act over space; class I, con. 1, imp. 2d per. sing. 

^ daUiitdifi, the meaning of this word as a whole is more apparent than that of its parts. It is 
employed to introduce the explanation of a mystery. The first syllable, dai- or daid-. Is apparently 
the element which gives the indeflniteness to interrogative and indefinite pronouns. 

« tee- the prefix mentioned in tceniflyai (see note 80), but here it is used of coming out of the sur. 
rounding forest into a glade; -aum verbal root connected with -ate undulating movement, as of a 
herd. 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANaUAGES 155 

hai xoiin aLtcitdenne'** xa* hwa min winyaL xatehe*^^ x5soLwe" 

the his brother he told, "Well me for it comealonfir." "Well let it kill 

then, him 

hai dlhwo^" nin en** neskin nax tak iLtcin" kisxan*^ 

the Homething. You it is firs two three together stand 

mittuk" yeilLane^"' haifln tcittesdeL'* mflnkfltnikkyao xaisdeL*^ 

between yoa must Then they started. Mdfi^Otnikkyad they went 

them run in." up. 

Liomatckuttcin •* tcenindeL •* haiya mikkyaqottse *' naLauK ** 

LdmatckAtteifi they came There elks were 

out. about 

hai Lokflt*'^ haifln axoLtcitdenne nifi dikkyflfi" minna" 

the glade on. Then he said to him, " You here around 

sindan" hwe yeu kai wfinnaiwedate •• haiiiff yaixoLtcwen ^° 

you stay. I mstant along I will sit for Then they smelled 

them." him. 

xokyatcin^^ teLatc" xokflt danakindiyan" haiflH tak tceseLwen^* 

From him they ran, on him they ran. Then three he killed 



^autcUdenne the form used in speaking to children or non-Hupa adults. Compare axdutcUdenne 
(see note 88), which is the form ordinarily employed in speaking to adults. 

&i xor probably the same as xa discussed in note 45; -ie- is unknown; -he is used of concessions and 
negations which are sweeping. 

f^xd- the object; -s- a prefix found in this verb only; -6- regukwly indicates 3d per. of imp.; -z-3d 
modal; -toe verbal root to kill (this form of it occurs in pres. indef. and imp.), compare -ti«n in 
tceseLwen (see note 74). 

"di^ probably connected with the demonstrative stem de: -hm^ suffix often employed to give 
indcfiniteness. This word is often used to avoid a word of ill omen. 

** eil is employed to point a contrast. 

^iL has a reciprocal force; -tciH post-position, toward. 

>« -xan verbal root employed of the standing position of trees, 

^^mit- pronominal preBx; -tHk post-position between. 

w ye- prefix into, the correlative of tee-; -1 3d modal {-H- sign of 2d per. sing. Is dropped before it); 
-La verbal root to run (the past has -LcU); -nc* suffix, often found in the imperative, having the force 
of duty or necesaity; class IV, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp. 

f^-deL verbal root to go, used only of the dual or plural. CJompare tcittesyai (see note 41); class I, 
con. 3, past def., 3d per. dual. 

»j-a- prefix up, here up a hillside; the deictic itcit-, Is not used after za-); class I, con. 3, past def., 
3d per. dual. 

« L6 monosyllabic noun grass, leap; -ma- probably border; -tc- diminutive suffix; -idt- upon; 
-tciH locative suffix toward. 

«» Compare icenihyai (see note 30), the singular. This is the dual. 

^mik- possessive prefix; -kya- antlers; -qdtlse sharp, pointed (?). 

•♦n<^ prefix used of indefinite motion over the ground. Compare tceiiaum (see note 49). 

« Lo- grass; -iiit on. 

••The position of the speaker. Compare haiya, the more remote position. 

•7 min- pronominal prefix; -na post-position around, about. 

«s- prefix found in the present of a few verbs (compare -a- 2d modal prefix); -da verbal root to 
BIT, to remain; -fl[ suffix, perhaps from •ne' (see note 68). 

» trtin- prefix used of pursuit or attempted action; -w- 2d modal of inceptive- force; -e- sign of Ist 
per. sing., found only in the definite tenses; -da- verbal root to sit; -te suffix used to express the future. 

i^yai- sign of plural, employed of animals, etc. (for adult Hupa -ya-is used); -xd- object; -tcwen 
verbal root to smell, it has L preceding it when the verb is transitive, but does not have it when it is 
intransitive; class II, con. 1, past def., 3a per. pi. 

" xo- pronominal prefix; -kya- post-position away from; -tciii locative suffix. 

» -ate verbal root to move in an undulating line. It is employed of the motion of a pack-train. 
The verb is singular, since the band as a whole is the subject. Class II, con. 3, past def., 3a per. sing. 

"rfo- prefix which literally means on something higher than the ground, perhaps figurative 
here; -kin- of uncertain force; -di- 3d modal; -yan verbal root used of the movements of deer and 
elk; class III, con. Id, past def., 3a per. sing. 

74 tre- sign of 3d per., a variant for Uis- and tcis- found In tsisseiwen, tcisseiwen (below); -scL-, se- is the 
prefix mentioned in note 68; -«- 2d modal, is dropped before l 8d modal; -luen verbal root to kill; 
class II, con. 3, past def., 8d per. sing. 



156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

mikkyaqottse haifin Lenaiyanillai^^ haiya xokiit yalweL^* haifiiE 

elks. Then they built a fire. There on them *^it became Then 

night. 

x5Lin axoLtcitdenne dikkyfln tcin" don doxolwiF* xa* naidiL^' 

his he said to him, " Here they say it is no one spends Ck)me let w go 

brother the night. home. 

menesgit'" hai dikkyflii nehelweLte** haifin dfinLfliihsodin •* 

I am afraid." "The here we will spend Then several times 

the night." 

axoLtcitdenne yudinhit" xotcin tcuwintcwu'* axoLtcinne** miL 

he said it to him. Finally on his he cried. He kept telling him with 

account 

naidiL haiun kflt wilweL xotesduhaen " hai(in kittewestce' " 

"Lietus Then already it was night It grew dark. Then the wind blew, 

go home." 

yudinhit ax5Ltcitdenne xa« tcwitc Lekilla" kflt ainuwinsen" 

Finally he said to him, " Well, firewood gather. Already you have decided, 

hwelweLte '^ haifin kiit Leyakillau •* Lenayanillai xohw6w •• 

• 1 will spend Then already they gathered it They built a fire. Some way 

the night' " 

akitduwenne" xowinLit'* haiyahitdjit haiyo adenne xa« naidiL dao" 

it sounded. It thundered. And then that one said» "Well, let us go "No,** 

home." 

^* Le- prefix employed of motion mutually toward or position near each other; -nai- {no) iterative 
prefix often employed of habitual acts; -ya- sign of plural; -nil- for -nin- because of the following 2; 
lai verbal root employed of moving or handling more than one object; class I, con. 2, past def., 8d 
per. pi. The fire may have l)een ceremonial for the dressing of the elk. 

Te ya- sign of plural; -{- 3d modal, often of passive force; -toeL form of a verbal root indicating the 
passing of the night. The verb may be considered as an active form with the object prefixed, the 
subject being some natural element or supernatural being, or as a passive form of which the subject is 
the young men in question. 

77 Of uncertain derivation, but probably connected with the root -ne -n to speak. 

'« d6- negative prefix; -toil form of the verbal root discussed above. 

'* na- iterative prefix used here wUh the meaning of returning whence they had set out; -diL t^> 
bal root to go, other forms of it are -<lil and -deL (see note 59); cla.<« I, con. 3, pree. indef., 1st per. dual. 

^ mc- object; -nes-, of which n- is a prefix of uncertain meaning, and -«-, 2d modal (some sign for the 
first person singular would be expected, but a number of verbs have the first and third persons alike 
in form); -git verbal root to fear; class IV, con. 3, pres. def., Ist per. sing. 

" nehe- object us, or subject of passive we. 

82 dUn- stem or prefix found in expressions meaning several or none; -Liifl many, much; 'fngO' 
expre<<ses uncertainty or indefiniteness; -difL locative sufiix, but in numbers means times. 

^ yn- probably connected with the demonstrative stem yo; -diii locative sufilx common with 
adverbs of time and place; -hit conjunctional sufilx then. 

«* -tcmi verbal root to cry, to weep. 

» -tcin-, tccin- would be expected, but the verb Is quite irregular; -ne verbal root to say; irreg., 
cust., 3d per. sing. 

** xo- prefix giving al>9olute and impersonal force to the verb, used especially of weather condi- 
tions; -te- distribution; -«- 2d modal; -d- 3d modal; -hmen verbal root, no doubt connected with -hi£i» 
in Lfihuiin black. 

B7 tu- prefix always found with the blowing of the wind, it may give the idea of continuonsness to 
the act; -toe- formative element which gives a durative force to verbs, especially in the passive; 
-tec* verbal root indicating the action of the wind. 

* Le- see note 75; -ki- perhaps giving the force of local distribution; -I- for il on account of the fol- 
lowing 1; -la shorter form of the verbal root -lau (see note 91); class I, con. 1, 2d per. sing. Imp. 

w ai- appparently the same prefix which occurs in axoLtcitdenne (below); -nfi- prefix of unknown 
force; -sen verbal root to think, other forms of it are -sifl, -ne: irreg. class I, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp. 

*> hwe- object or subject me or i. 

»' -kil- contraction for -kuwil-: -lau, verbal root; class I, con. 1, past def., 3d per. sing. 

•2 x6- WAY OR MANNER; -fimoui, compare dihwo* (see note 53). 

^ -kil- employed in the place of -teU- when the subject is some unknown agent 

♦* xo- see note 92; -lU verbal root employed of noises such as a footfall. This verb In its imper- 
sonal form is iLsed for tlic noise of the earthquake as well as of thunder. 

^ Evidently connected with do- the negative prefix. 



BOAaJ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 157 

tcitdenne** kfit dan xo' finniixienne*^ naidiL d5m(ikkainasi6'a*' 

he said, **mlready some In vain I said to you, ' Let us go You did not want to." 

time ago home.' 

haiQn kiye anakitdenne** x5di5x*** xfindifi haiyahitdjit x5wfifi 

Then again it soonded still closer. And then for him 

x5dje^®^ tconda^^^ axOLtcitdenne nax hai neskin mittiik yellLane^ 

his mind was sorry. He said to him, "Two the firs between you must 

run in 

hai dikkyiin nSniilxAts *•* miL haidn k6t noltohi*^ miL hai 

the here it lights when." And already it dropped. Then the 

neskin mittiik yexonan*®' haiyo nolt5*n Laaiux ylkyuwinyan^** 

firs between uey ran in. That one lit Immediately it began to eat 

hai mikkyaqottse Laaiux yinneLyan*'^ haiyahitdjit Laaiux xo' 

the elks. Really it ate them up. And then at once in 

vain 

xaitenen*'* ylxoLtsan*** xokfittcin yalto*n Laaiux hai neskifi 

it looked for It found them. On them ft Jumped. Really the ilrs 

them. 

minnaikitdelai^^® haifin xo' mflkkflt danaduwiLfial"* yudinhit a'tiS 

it embraced. Then in vain at it he shot. Finally all 

tcekinninite "• haiyaL hai xoiifi aLtcitdenne nittsitdfikana^we "' 

he shot out. And the his brother he told, "Your quiver 

** Note the omisBion of the prefix a- when the object stands directly before a verb of saying or 
thinking. 

w Itn- the form a- takes when followed by n; -niL- indirect object of 2d per. sing. Compare •x6L' 
in (txdLieUdenne (below). These indirect objects are really adverbial phrases containing a post- 
position rendered in full by with tou. 

*• d6- negative prefix; -m^- pronominal prefix; -kcU- post-position AfTBB; -na- prefix oveb the 
SUBFACS OF THB GROUND; -8- 2d modal; -iflr sign of 2d per. sing.; -'a verbal root to have in one's 
P088BBSI0N. The literal meaning of this phrase is said to be, you did not carby after it in youb 

BAND. 

^-na- iterative prefix. Compare akitdenne (see note 93), employed of the first occurrence. 

u»2d4f- probably for xdtc right, exact, tc having become dj because of their change from final to 
initial position. 

i<n x5- possessive prefix; -<^j€ minix 

10* -doc verbal root to wastb away. 

!<■ nd- prefix denoting a position of rest on the surface of the ground; -nifir 2d modal required by 
-nd-; "XdUt verbal root to pass through the air. 

10* -lohi verbal root to jump, to alight. As is usual with Hupa verbs, the root defines the kind of 
act without reference to the fact of its banning or ending, which is expressed by prefixes. Class IV 
con. 2, past def., 8d per. sing. 

^^'Zd- prefix of unknown meaning: -an verbal root to run, used of dual and plural only; com- 
pare y^lLon^ (p. 155); class I, con. 1, past def., 3d per. dual. 

M* yH- deictic of the third person when not a Hupa adult; 'kyu- 1st modal prefix used when the 
object iB not known or not definitely named; -yan verbal root to rat; class I, con. 1, past def., 3a 
per. singr. 

w-Meir contraction for -nuwiL-^ of which the prefix evidently has reference to the completion of 
the act; class II, con. 1, past def., 8a per. sing. 

M* xa- prefix indicating PtmsuiT or search (the form xair is due to the subject not being an adult 
Hapa); teH- probably a contraction for -tHwifl-; -en verbal root to look; class I, con. 1, past def., 3a per 
sing. 

1* -xd- object; -L- 8d modal; -tmn verbal root to see, to find; class II, con. 4, past, 8a per. sing. 

u<^ min- pronominal prefix; -nai- post-position around; -lai verbal root apparently connected with 
la hand. It was explained that the wings had teeth on them; these the bird drove into the tree 
with great force. 

Ill cEo- prefix PO01TION higher than the earth; -nadu- indicating a position perpendicular as 
regBrda some plane; •'a- verbal root to have position; -I suffix denoting repeated acts. 

11* tee- prefix our of; -Hn- prefix used of acts completed, the means being exhausted; -its verbal 
root TO shoot; class I, con. 2, past def., 3d per. sing. 

us fUtr possessive prefix; -iMtdiikanahJoe thb quiybe of FiSHXE-flKiN; -nar prefix over the surface 
OF THB gboumd; -wc Verbal root to cabby. 



158 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

hwQwflLwfiL"* halyaL xowaiLwaL"* yudinhit xoLilkai"* tesyayei"' 

throw to me." And he threw it to Finally dawn came 

him. 

xoa'tindin yudifiihit naxaits"* na^tses nondlyan"' baiyahitdjit 

everywhere. At last two only arrows were left. And then 

mi83a*kinits"* baiyahitdjit naltsit"* tsisseLwen baiyaL tcenaindeL 

he shot in its And then it fell. He killed it. And they came out. 

mouth. 

natesdeL kflt tcisseLwen baiya medildin naindeL a'tinka«(inte*** 

They started Already he killed it. There Medlldifl they arrived. All kinds ~ 

home. 

ada"' tcittes«an"* baiflfii La towinkyau"* yaxoLtcitdenne medil 

for he came to own. Then once the river was They said to him, "Canoe 

himself high. 

talntuw"* bai dobexStcoyawenne ^'^ xo' wflnnayalsdeL *** 

take out of The he did not do it. In vain they tried, 

the water." 

dobetayalstan "• baiya xanalsdeL baiilff Luwflnnin"* tceninyai 

They did not take There they came up Then alone he went out 

it out. again. 

bai medil xaistan taikyuw mittsitda«"* datcuwintan baiyfika 

The canoe he brought up. Sweat-house its roof he put it on. Thw way 

kitteseox anuweste "* 

smart his nature was. 



11^ hi£U' indirect object; -tpilL- from the prefix -tro- (used of handing an object to any one) and l 
8d modal, a becomes U in 2d per. sing., probably because of the accent; -tcilL^ verbal root to 
THROW A LONG OBJECT; class II, cou. 2, 2d per. sing. imp. 

"fi xd' indirect object; -ii, -niL would be expected; -waL another form of the root in hiEuwdLvB^L; 
class II, con. 2, past def., 3d per. sing. 

n«x3- see note 86 above; -L-, prefix found with many adjectives; -kai root of adjective white. The 
" Dawn maiden " is meant by xdLUkai, 

UY -yei suffix giving emphasis to verb indicating the accomplishment of acts which are gradual, or 
which require several attempts. 

"«7MLc- two; -ails limitiug suffix only. 

n9.(2{. 8d modal; -yan verbal root used of th6 position of certain objects, such as baskets, etc. 

»» mis- possessive prefix; -«o»- mouth. 

>« no- prefix down; -I- 3d modal; -tsU verbal root to pall. 

^^a'tm- ALL;-*a- suffix with adjectives and adverbs, kind, way; -(e verbal root to appear, to 

HAVE A CERTAIN NATURE. 

123 cul- reflexive pronoun; -a post-position for. Compare fiwa (see note 46). 

i«* Compare tciL*an, note 7, p. 163. 

1^ to- the more common word for water in Athapascan dialects (in Hupa it is found in compounds 
and is applied to the ocean); -kyaU adjectival root to become large. 

^»ta- prefix out of the water; ^n- sign of 2d per. sing.; -tiiw- verbal root employed of long 
objects only; this form is confined to the indefinite tenses; class I, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp. 

1^ do- negative prefix; -he- adds emphasis to the negation (see note 51, p. 156); -xd- not know 
deictic; -ne verbal root to do a specified act; irreg. past def., 8d per. sing. 

i» wHn- see note 36. 

i2»-ton verbal root, another form of -tUm (see note 126). 

180 i^'i. probably from La' one. 

"' mil- pasvsesslve prefix; -tsitda' roof (?). 

i« -W€S- see note 87; -tc (see note 122). 



TLINGIT 

BY 

JOHN U SWANTON 



159 



CONTENTS 



Page 

§ 1 . DiBtribution 163 

§§ 2-3. Phonetics 164 

§ 2. Sounds 164 

§ 3. Phonetic processes 165 

§ 4. Grammatical processes 166 

§ 5. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 166 

§§ 6-24. Discussion of grammar 167 

§§ 6-10. The noun 167 

§ 6. Structure 167 

§ 7. Intensive suffix 168 

§ 8. Diminutive suffix 168 

§ 9. Collective 169 

§ 10. Possession 169 

§ 11. The personal pronoun 170 

§ 12. The demonstrative pronoun 172 

§f 13-21 . The verb 173 

§ 13. Structure 173 

§§14-18. Prefixes 173 

§ 14. Nominal prefixes 173 

§ 15. First modal prefixes .• 174 

§ 16. Pronominal subject 178 

§ 17. Second modal prefixes 178 

§ 18. Third modal prefixes 181 

§§19-20. Suffixes 184 

§ 19. Suffixes of temporal character 184 

§ 20. Syntactic suffixes 186 

§ 21. Composition of verb-stems 192 

§§ 22-23. Adverbs 192 

§ 22. Modal adverbs.. " 192 

§ 23. Locative adverbs 193 

§ 24. Conjunctions 195 

§25-28. Vocabulary : 195 

§ 25. Nominal stems 195 

§ 26. Verbal stems 197 

§ 27. Numerals 198 

§ 28. Interrogative pronouns 198 

Text 200 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 11 161 



) 



TLINGIT 



By John R. S wanton 



§1. DISTRIBUTION 

The Tlingit or Koluschan language is spoken throughout south- 
eastern Ala3ka, from Dixon entrance and Portland canal to Copper 
river, with the exception of the south end of Prince of Wales island, 
which is occupied by Haida. An interior tribe of British Columbia, 
the Tagish, are said to belong to the same linguistic stock, but it is 
by no means certain that they have not adopted the language from 
their Chilkat neighbors. Such a change is said, at any rate, to have 
taken place in the the language of the Ugalakmiut, or Ugalentz, of 
Kayak island and the neighboring mainland, who were formerly 
Eskuno and have now become thoroughly Tlingitized. 

The principal part of the material on which this sketch is based 

was obtained at Sitka, but I also have considerable material from 

Wrangell, and one long story from Yakutat. Although each town 

appears to have had certain dialectic peculiarities, it would appear 

that the language nowhere varied very widely and that the differences 

were mainly confined to the different arrangement and handling of 

particles; the lexical changes being comparatively few and the 

structure practically imiform. The greatest divergence is said to 

exist between the Yakutat people on the one hand and the people of 

Wrangell and the other southern towns on the other — the speech at 

Sitka, Huna, Chilkat, Auk, Taku, and KiQisnoo being intermediate — 

but I have not enough material to establish the entire acciu'acy of 

this classification. Anciently the people belonging to this stock, or a 

part of them, lived at the mouths of the Nass and Skeena rivers, on 

the coast now occupied by the Tsimshian, and the imiversal 

acknowledgment of this by the people themselves is probably evidence 

that it was at no very ancient date. Perhaps this recent spread of 

the people is responsible for the comparative uniformity of their 

163 



164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

language. Phonetically, at least, the divergence between the Skide- 
gate and Masset dialects of Haida is much greater than that of the 
various Tlingit dialects. 

Although they must be treated as entirely distinct stocks, Tlingit, 
Haida, and the languages of the interior Indians, or Athapascan, 
may be classed in one morphological group. The two former agree 
in the order which the processes and usually the words .themselves 
observe, although it is not imperative in Tlingit, as in Haida, that 
the verb should stand at the end. The two also resemble each other 
in expressing location by means of a multitude of post-positions, or 
particles with the aspect of post-positions; but Tlingit is noteworthy 
for its entire lack of locative affixes to the verb, as well as for extreme 
punctiliousness in expressing the state of an action — as to whether 
it is beginning, completed, in a transitory state, etc. In spite of 
these peculiarities and the fact that there is very little lexical 
similarity, several processes present such striking similarities that, 
in conjunction with the morphological agreement, an impression is 
given of a more intimate former relationship. 

PHONETICS (§§ 2, S) 

§ 2. Sounds 

The following table gives Tlingit phonetics arranged so as to show 
the inter-relationships of sounds: 

Semi- 
Sonant Sard Fortls Spirant Ifasal vowel 

Labials - -- — - w 

Dentals d t t! («) n - 

Sibilants - 8 c a! - - - 

Affricatives,* series ... dz ts ts! - - - 

Affricatives, c series , . , dj tc tc! - - - 

Anterior palatals .... - - Jc! - - 

Palatals ^g Jc Jc! q^y - y 

Velars - q q! x - 

Laterals l l l! I - - 

Breathing A 

Vowels: u (or o), u (or o), a, a (a under the accent), I (or e), i (or e). 

Many of these also occur in Haida, to the account of which lan- 
guage the student is referred; but the I and n of the latter language, 
along with the entire labial series, except Wj are wanting, although m 
appears in a few words imitating natural sounds and in words intro- 

§2 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 165 

duced from other stocks, such as the Tsimshian ; Z, however, is usually 
transliterated as n. To make up for this loss of phonetic elements, 
the number of sibilants and related sounds is greatly increased. 
Where Haida has only «, dj, tc, and tc!, we find here 8, s!, c (pro- 
nounced like English sh), djj tCj tc!j dz, ts, and ts!. The jr is not 
pronounced so far back as Haida ^, but, on the other hand, there is 
a sonant (y),* which is pronounced by the younger people exactly 
like English y. As indicated, three palatal fortes seem to be used; 
but it is so diflScult to distinguish Id from 1c! that I have not been 
able to carry out the distinction in my texts. After many palatals 
a slightly sounded u (or o) occurs, represented by ^ or <*, which 
develops in certain situations into a full u (or o) sound. 

§ 3. Phonetic Processes 

Harmonic changes are very few and special. Thus the reflexive 
prefix c appears as ^ or dj occasionally, though I am unable to lay 
down a rule for the alteration, especially since it occurs in words 
otherwise identical, as wuckikliyi'n or wvdjTdkliye'n bbothers to 
ONE ANOTHER. Another tendency is for a final surd to change to 
the corresponding sonant when a vowel is suffixed, as — 

qawafq eye duqawa'ge his eye 

yugo'qtc the trap yugo^qdjayu the trap it was 

yek spiritual helper duye'gi his spiritual helper 

telA'tc gadu' hidjaf ge nothing to kill with (instead of lI'IaIc 
gadu'iMja'qe) 

More important than either of the above is the employment of o or 
u in place of i or ^ when preceded by certain sounds. This takes 
place usually when x, j, or q! precedes and is itself preceded by o 
or u. Thus we have vmqo'z to get to a certain place by canoe 
and wuqoxo'n he had formerly come ashore there ; kunvfk did, 
kunugvfn while doing. In duqlua' his mouth (from g/a mouth), 
At uxua' HE ATE SOMETHING (from xa TO eat), the u is inserted. 

Since y belongs to the same series of k sounds, it is treated in the 
same maimer, and, on account of the weakness of the sound, changes 
to V). Therefore, when yi is suffixed to a word ending in u, it changes 
to vm; as, J^utalnuvm' grizzly-bear fort, instead of XutsInuyV ; 
dutuvruf HIS MIND, instead of dutuyV ; and we might add duga/wu his 
DRUM (from goo drum). Sometimes, though not invariably, wu is 

1 See Phonetics of Tsimshian. 

§3 



166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

used after a, especially when a is accented: as, anqd'wu chief, 
qok^gwand'wu if there were going to be death, ducaxafvm his haeb. 
A similar phenomenon exists in Kwakiutl, Chinook^ and Dakota. 

The strengthening of ^, as in duyd'gu his canoe (from yak* canoe) 
and ddq afluna^o'qoawe when salmon were running up (from 
a/luna^oq^)y must not be confused with this. 

Contraction of A-i to e occurs, and will be referred to on p. 172. 

§ 4. GBAMMATICAL PROCESSES 

Grammatical relations are indicated by affixes and by juxtaposi- 
tion, reduplication being absolutely wanting. Suffixes are few com- 
pared with prefixes, but the number of prefixes is not .very great, the 
categories of ideas expressed in this manner being limited. The 
word-unit is, on the whole, very loose, so that many prefixes might 
as well be considered as particles. Some of them seem to be essen- 
tially of the character of modal adverbs. Others, whose connection 
with the verb is even weaker, are pronouns and local adverbs. The 
last group is apparently much more closely connected with the noun, 
in regard to which particles of this class appear as post-positions, 
while in relation to the verb they appear as prefixes. A number of 
elements which appear as suffixes of both verbs and nouns are weak 
in character and are very intimately connected with the word to 
which they are attached. In some cases they cause or undergo 
phonetic changes which result in a still closer amalgamation of the 
two constituent elements. 

§ 6. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GBAMMATICAL PROCESSES 

The distinction between noun and verb is fairly clear, although a 
number of stems appear both as verbs and nouns, and a few nominal 
stems appear as incorporated adverbial elements. Plurality is not 
expressed in the noun, but there is a suffix indicating the collective. 
The plural of terms of relationship is formed by the same element 
that expresses the third person plural of the personal pronoun. 
Possessive pronouns are related to the personal pronouns, but the 
idea of possession requires the addition of a suffix to the noun pos- 
sessed. The possessive forms for terms of relationship differ from 
those for other nouns. There are no true cases, although some post- 
positions which express local relations are intimately connected with 
the noun. The number of these is very large.* 

§§ 4, 5 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 167 

The most characteristic trait of the verb is the occurrence of a num- 
ber of prefixes, the significance of which has come to be so weak that 
th.ey appear rather as formal elements than as clearly distinct cate- 
gories. It has not been possible to give more than an enumeration 
of these. They are evidently modal in character and may occur in 
groups. A few suffixes are common to verbs and nouns. Verbal 
suffixes are temporal or semi-temporal in character, express finality, 
or transform verbal expressions into nouns. The Tlingit has a very 
strong tendency to recapitulate statements by means of demonstra- 
tives, which are prefixed to nominal and verbal expressions, as 
well as used with post-positions. 

DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (§§ 6-24) 

The Noun (§§ 6-10) 
§ 6*. Structure 

Nominal stems are mostly monosyllabic and quite distinct from 
verbal stems. (See §§ 25, 26.) 

Nouns are compounded by juxtaposition, the qualif3Mng noun pre- 
ceding the one qualified; as, 

gAga'n-q!d8 sun-feet (=sun- leql-TcludA's redsnappcr coat 

beams) qo'Ha-xa-qoan man-eater-people 

xdt-s.'ax^ root-hat 

Parts of the body, except in composition, are always classified by 
placing qa man before those belonging to a human being, and the 
name of the corresponding animal before those belonging to animals; 
as, 

qadjt'n a human hand qaqlo's a human foot 

qawd'q a human eye tancal a sea-lion's head 

qagv!k a human ear qowahd'nqla a deer's mouth 

Nouns consisting of a theme and post-positions occur; as, 

ci-t!-ka' {ci' behind-on) Sitka. (See § 23, nos. 24, 29.) 

More common are nouns containing a possessive element (-yt or -«) 
(see § 10): 

gtts/^ qoa'nt sky people s/Atc d'nt Moss Town 

xat qoa'nt salmon people tan qiAdadjWyi sea-lion bristles 

yao teyV herring rock 

§6 



168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull. 40 

Here may belong — 

^ks-A^di people of the island an-qd'-wo town's man ( = chief) 
Kiks (a Tlingit clan) 

Other compounds are: 

Qo'na-na foreign tribe (the in- • ts/u-td't another night (=mom- 

land Athapascan) ing) 

DekV-na far-out tribe (the 

Haida) 

Nouns formed from clauses also occur: 

vm-c-ta-caf-ythmtLvned couple. (See?^m-[§ 15.4]; <?- reflexive [§ 11]; 
ta probably=c?a [§ 14.4]; ca to marry; yt [§ 20.2] 

yU't/aq/d'-ye'tmovtAT (j/u- thQ,t[§ 12]; t/aq/dtopoxind; 'ye[§ 20.2]; 
-t purposive suffix [§ 20.1]) • 

tO'Ux-si-yet whistle (^5 into; xix to blow; *e[?]; y^[§ 20.2]; -^[| 20.1]) 

Tdk^-hdasegA'k^ canoe-resting-place (a place name) {yak^ canoe; 
ka-^ la-^ 86' verbal prefixes [§ 15.2; § 18.4, 1]; gA stem [?]) 

KAt-uAq-tln^ white-rock-on-top-of -another (Ring island) (?) 

Yu'qla-kA^nAX'At-yadugu'q point he threw something across (yu- 
demonstrative; §' /a a point; ^ii'72iia?post-pofeition probably com- 
pounded of i^i ON, and n^ia? near; Atthing-^ ya-,<fw-[§ 15.3; § 17.3] 
verbal prefixes; gnq to throw) 

yU'AC'iga' 'Wusuwu' 'At the thing that helped him (yU' demonstra- 
tive; AC personal pronoun of third person; ga for; wu' verbal 
prefix; su stem; 'Wu infinitive or possessive suffix) 

OUnyakl^-Ldx moldy-corner (of salmon), (a personal name) (cSrvya 
corner; k!^ probably diminutive suffix; Ldx moldy) 

Adjectives, except numerals, follow the noun qualified. 

§7. Intensive Suffix 

When special attention is to be paid to anything, an intensive sufiGbc, 
-tc^ is employed. Thus Lliigt'ttc is the intensive form of Llngt't 
PEOPLE ; E^ksAdVtc^ the emphatic form of the name of the clan ElksA'dt; 
qawage'tc^ the emphatic form of qawd'q eyes; uhd'ntc^ the emphatic 
form of iihd'n (we)\ and LelA'tc never, the emphatic form of the nega- 
tive particle zel not. 

§8. Diminutive Suffix 

Smallness is indicated by suffixing -k!^ or 'k!^\ as, 

xtxtcIVk!^ little frog (from AtklA'tsk!^ a small boy (this 
xtxtc! frog) always takes the diminutive) 

ak!^ little lake (from d lake) duyA'tk!^ her little child 

§§7,8 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 169 

This suffix is used much with terms of relationship, sometimes 
probably in an endearing sense; as, 

cxAuk!^ grandchild slk!^ daughter 

tUk!^ grandparent JcMk!^ nephew or niece 

Lok!^ little mother, mother's 
sister 

§ 9. Collective 

With animate or inanimate objects, but more often the latter, the 
sense of a lot of or a heap of is expressed by suffixing q! or q!i; as, 

. LingVt man or men LingtHq! many men together 

ta stone teq! stones lying in a heap 

q!ai! island q!a!t!q!i islands 

At^house Id'tqit houses 

gux slave guxq! slaves 

That this is not a true plural is shown on the one hand by the 
fact that its employment is not essential, and on the other by the 
fact that it is occasionally used where no idea of plurality, according 
to the English understanding of that term, exists. Thus yuya!i 
isAnq! THE BIG WHALE may be said of a single whale, the suffix indi- 
cating that the whale was very large, and that it had many parts to be 
cut out. Therefore it may best be called a collective suffix. 

With terms of relationship the plural is more often indicated by 
placing Has after the noun: 

dukd'k his uncle, dukd'k Has duaft his aunt, dud't /ias his 
his uncles aunts 

Has also fulfills the office of a personal pronominal prefix in the 
third person plural, but it is probable that the pronominal function is 
secondary (see § 11). 

Instead of Aas^ some terms of relationship take y^Ti, often in con- 
junction with the collective suffix q/; as, 

diikWni his brother-in-law dukafnlyen his brothers-in-law 

klk! younger brother ivuckikHye'n brothers to each 

other {wu- § 15.4; r- § 11) 
ducA^ his wife ducA'tqItyin his wives 

§ 10. JPossesMion 

Possession is expressed by the possessive pronoun, which precedes 
the noun, and by a suffix which is attached to the term for the thing 
possessed, except when it is a term of relationship or part of the body, 

§§ 9, 10 



170 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bvls^ 40 



or one of a few other terms. This suffix is -yi after the vowels a^ *, 
e, ^, e^ and sometimes after a; -i after consonants; and -vm and -mx? 
after u or o and occasionally after a. Examples are — 



yao te'yl herring's rock 
xtxtdk!"^ ciyV little frog's 
song 

The possessive pronouns are- 

Ax my 
i thv 
du his 
AC his own 

Examples — 

Axl'c my father 
duLa' his mother 
duaxSyt his paddle 
dwwutsld'yayt her cane 



xat qoa'nt salmon people 

:puts! nuwu' grizzly-bear's fort 



ha our 
yi your 
hAsdu their 



icA't thy wife 
dxde'q! his heart 
dutcvini his dream 
duMtt his house 
dua!ni his town 



JiAsducayH nayl their anchor 

The demonstrative « may sometimes replace the forms of the third 
person; as, acd'yt his head. 

It seems possible that the suffix -/ (-w, -ye, -lou) is identical with the 
participial suffix to be discussed in § 20.2. 

§ 11. The Personal Pronoun 

There are three series of personal pronouns: the subjective, objec- 
tive, and independent. The last of these evid^tly contains demon- 
strative elements, and may be strengthened by the intensive suffix 
(§ 7). The third person objective with verbs and post-positions is 
sometimes a, while du and liAndu are used only with post-positions. 
In the following table these pronouns are given, together with the 
possessive pronoun: 



Subjective 


Objective 


Possessive 


Independent 


Ist per. sing. . . a?, xa 


XAt 


AX 


xa 


2d per. sing. . . i 


i n \ 


• 


vxu/ 


3d per. sing. . . - 


b\ 


du 


hu 


3d per. sing, reflexive - 


c 


AC 


— 


lstper.pl. ... tu 


ha 


ha 


ulid'n 


2d per. pi. . . . yl 


yl 


yl 


yiwd'n 


3d per. pi. . . , - 

* 


{ hAsdu ) 


hAsdu 


Kas 



§11 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 171 

In composition the objective pronoun always precedes the sub- 
jective, and both may be separated by verbal prefixes. The use of 
the independent pronoun in a sentence does not affect the verbal com- 
pound, and the pronominal prefixes must be repeated. 

The subjective pronoun appears as the subject of all active verbs, 
no matter whether they have an object or not. Some verbs that have 
no object take an indefinite object, At something; for instance, 

At xa xa I eat something 
At xa coq I laugh 

Has is freer in its position than the pronouns described before. It 
seems probable that it was not originally a pronoun. 
Examples of the use of the pronoun are the following: 

xAtc qlAxdioylaJtn I questioned him {xa I, independent; -tc inten- 
sive suffix [§ 7]; qiA mouth [§ 14.1]; xa I, subjective, wu- verbal 

prefix [§ 15.4]; -sitn stem) 
hu XAtc qiamusltn he questioned me {hu independent pronoun; 

XAtc emphatic form of objective) 
iqlAxawu's!^ I questioned thee {i thee; q!A mouth; xa I) 
wa^tc xAt q!eiiy\i8!tn thou questionedst me {wae'tc emphatic form 

of independent pronoun; xAt me; q!a-i contracted to q!e mouth 

thou) 
uha'ntc q/Atuvm's/tn we questioned him {uhWntc emphatic form 

of independent pronoun; tu we, subjective) 
vxie^tc haqleioWaltn thou questionedst us {ha us) 
uha!ntcyiq!Atuiim'H!!iiyvQ questioned you {yi yo\x\ q!A mouth; tu 

we, subjective) 
xagdx I am cr3'ing 
uhaJn gAX tvIsatV we are crying {tu we; na- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; 

ti to be) 
ye yawaqa! she said thus {ye adverbial, thus; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15. 

3]; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18. 2] ; qd to say) 
yeySxoaqa I said thus {x I; %oa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]) 
ixasitVii I saw thee {i thee; xa I; si- prefix [§ 18.1]; tin to see) 
yixasitl'n 1 saw you (y?* you) 

xoa^itiii I saw him {x- I; the use of oa here is not explained) 
xAtyisitVn ye saw me {xAt me; yi ye) 
hayiaitl'n ye saw us {ha us) 
hAsyisitVn ye saw them {hAs them) 
Qaya' hade' hAS awad'x they heard it on Gaya' {k^ade' on; hAS they; 

a- indefinite pronoun referring to ci song; wa- verbal prefix 

[§ 18.2J; ax to hear) 

§11 



172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcli-. 40 

alcAH hA8 qox ayic^ Has aositl'n when they paddled toward it they 
saw it (a- indefinite pronoun; kAt toward; Has they; qox to go 
by canoe; a-yu indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; a- indefi- 
nite pronoun; o- [§ 17.2]; si- [§ 18.1]; tin to see; here a is used 
three times; first, replacing xtxtc! frog as object of the post- 
position kAt; second, in combination with yu^ perform^ing the 
function of a conjunction, when; and, third, in the principal 
verb, again taking the place of xtxtc!) 

The pronoun is contracted with a. few verbal prefixes. The i com- 
bines with the terminal vowel of preceding elements, as in 2*^^ 
q!ewu'8!tn thou questionest me {q!A-i = q!e mouth thou; xa and 
the prefix wa- form xoa^ although xoa may perhaps originate in other 
ways also. Contractions are particularly characteristic of the future, 
which has a prefix gu-. This combines with the first person to qwa (for 
guxa)\ with the second person to ge (for gu-i). These forms will be 
discussed later on (§ 15.5). 

§ 12. The Demonstrative Pronoun- 

The demonstrative pronouns are used with nouns, with verbs when 
changed into nouns, in the formation of connectives, and with certain 
elements which transform them into independent demonstratives. 

1. he indicates an object very near and alwa3^s present. 

2. ya indicates an object very near and present, but a little farther 

away than the preceding. 

3. yu indicates an object more remote, but it has now come to per- 

form almost the function of an article. 

4. uie indicates an object far remote and usually entirely invisible. 

It has come to be used almost with the freedom of yu. 

Following are examples of their use: 

he'Ungtt \ , . he^do this place here 

ya'Hngtt ) ^ ya!t!a this place, this person 

yu'Imgtt the person yvldo il'c Wnt there is thy father's town 

we't'mgU that person (iyu\ aioe'^ when, that being done 

Some of them are also employed with post- positions; as, hat hither. 
Sometimes, pailicularly in songs, another demonstrative, ytwii, is heard, 
which is evidently compounded from ya. It differs from ya in being 
used to refer to a person who has just been spoken of, but is not 
actually present. 

§12 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 178 

The Verb (§§ 13-21) 
§ 13. Structure 

Verbal stems are, on the whole, monosyllablie. They take a con- 
siderable number of prefixes and a few suffixes. Most of the prefixes 
have a very weak meaning, and appear in many cases as purely formal 
elements, while in other cases the underlying meaning may be detected. 
It seems easiest to classify these prefixes according to their position. 
In the transitive verb the object precedes the whole verbal complex. 
Then follow prefixes, stem, and suffixes in the following order: 

Prefixes (§§ 14-18) 

(1) Nominal prefixes 

(2) First modal prefixes. 

(3) Pronominal subject. 

(4) Second modal prefixes. 
(6) Third modal prefixes. 

(6) Stem. 

(7) Suffixes. 

§ 14. NOMINAL PREFIXES 

A few monosyllabic nouns are prefixed to the verb. I have found 
the following: 

1 . qla MOUTH or lips. 

qeqie'dt ayv! yefqiayaqa toward morning she spoke thus {ayu' 
indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; ye thus; q!a mouth; 
yor verbal prefix [§ 16.3]; qa to say) 

ymcaJuAs! adA'x qiaodtsa' he blew upon the raft (yu demon- 
strative; xSrtAs! raft; a indefinite pronoun; dAX on; q!a 
mouth; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; dt- verbal prefix [§ 18.3]; 
sa to blow) 

2. tU MIND. 

Atcawy tuioidttsi'n therefore (the KiksA'dl) are brave {tu mind; 

VTU' verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; It- verbal prefix [§ 18.4]; tsin strong) 
Lox wa'sa tuwunu'k he felt very sad [hax very; wa'sa how; tu 

mind; vm- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; nuk sad) 

8. il^ POINT. 

ddq d'hinago' qoanjoe when they were running ashore in a crowd 
{daq ashore; a demonstrative; lu point, i. e. crowd; na- at the 
same time when [§ 17.5]; go^qoawe they run) 

§§ 13, 14 



174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

4. rfa- is employed sometimes with words meaning to say or tell, 
when it seems to indicate an indirect obiect. 

dukSnhfhi ye daya'duqa^ his brothers-in-law spoke to him thus 
{du- his; kSniy^ brothers-in-law; ye thus; da- indirect object; 
yor [§ 15.3]; da- [§ 17.3]; qa to say) 

{15. FIBST MODAL PREFIXES 

1. e«f- usually stands before all other prefixes, and indicates that the 

action of the verb is total, applying to all of the people or 
objects involved. 

qot c^wmlx they had been all killed off 

yade'x-tdk^ cunaxVxawe when these two years were over {ya- 

these; dex two; taJ^ year; cu- totally; na- at the same time when 

[§ 17.5]; xlx to finish; awe when) 
axod^' yaqal cunagvlt he was leading all these men among them {a 

indefinite pronoun; xod& among; ya demonstrative; qa man; 

cu- totally; no- at the same time when [§ 17.5]; gu- to go; -t pur- 
pose [§20.1]) 
ye yhi hA'sdu cuq! d'wadja thus there them all he told {ye thus; 

yen there; IiAsdu them; cu- totally; y.^a with mouth [§ 14.1]; 

wor verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; dja to tell) 
KtksA'di qot cu'waxix the KlksA'di were all lost {qot wholly; 

cu- totally; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; xlx to finish) 

This prefix appears to be used also as a post position. 

Axcu'dtyaqo'x come over to me (aa?me; cu entirely; -dt to; ya- 
verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; qox to go by water) 

2. ha" indicates causation, and performs the functions of a causative 

auxiliary. 

ax daq qoka! odzlha* she caused a hole to be in it by digging {ax 
literally, from it; d^ shoreward, or into the earth; qo- indefinite 
verbal prefix [§15.6]; Tea- causative; o- verbal prefix [§17.2]; 
dz%- verbal prefix [§ 18.6]; ha stem) 

hAsdudaka^q! kaodu^Liya mi Len a large fort was caused to be 
lowered down on them {hAsdu them; dakalq! out on; hor to 
cause; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.8]; x^- 
verbal prefix [§ 18.5]; nu fort; hen large) 

yidA'taqo^ic ylwAcJcaqlo'kotc ka'odnex when did your cheek-flesh 
cause a man to be saved? {yidA'tsqcetcwhew, yi your; wac cheek: 
kaqfokotc flesh, with intensive suffix; ka- to cause; o- verbal 
prefix [§ 17.2]; »i- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; riex to save) 

5 15 



wwkal HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 175 

At ka'oliga they caused (the canoe) to be loaded up {At indefinite 

object [things]; kch to cause; (h verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; U- verbal 

prefix [§ 18.4]; ga to load) 
ad&* akSwana doxAnqSvm then he caused his clothes-man to go 

out {a demonstrative; di\x>\ a indefinite pronoun; ka- to cause; 

wor verbal prefix f§18.2]; na to send; do his; xau clothes; qa 

man; -wu possessive [see § 10]) 

3. yo- seems to indicate the continuation of an action or state. 

ylya'xtc are you hearing it? {yl ye; ya- verbal prefix; ax to hear; 
'tc emphatic suffix) 

JSlksAdVtc A*tcayu xtxtc! hAS ayahe'n therefore the KIksA'dt claim 
the frog {a indefinite pronoun; tea adverb; a indefinite pronoun; 
yu demonstrative; ^ixtc! frog; Has they; a indefinite pronoun; 
ya- verbal prefix; hen stem) 

hVtqIt tux qoiowagub yucwwA't the woman was going through the 
houses (^$^ house; -qli collective suffix; tnix through; ya- o- wa- 
verbal prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.2]; gu to go; -^purpose [§ 20.1]) 

yahA'sdvqd'nAx yagataa'q when he was chasing them {ya demon- 
strative; hA'adu them; qd'nAX after; ga- verbal prefix [§17.4]; 
tsdq to run) 
' yuyanagvltt when (he was) traveling (yu demonstrative; ga-^ nor 
[5 17.4, 6], verbal prefixes; gu to go; -t -t suffixes [§ 20.1, 2]) 

This prefix ya- seems to be identical with the suffix referred to in 
§ 20.4. 

4. tvti'- often indicates the passive, but seems to have a very much 

wider function. 

CitHcald^ an Kas wuqdx they went with him to Baranoff island 
(<7e Baranoff island; t! behind; ^on; ^^to; a demonstrative; 
-n with; Kas they; vni- prefix; qox to go by canoe) 

yefayu xtxtc! qiaci'yi vmdvJdzikxi that is how the frog's song 
came to be known {ye- adverb; a- indefinite pronoun; yu demon- 
strative; xt^tc! frog; q!a mouth; el song; -yl possessive [§ 10]; 
vm- du' dzi- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.6]; Tcu to know) 

vmctt'n At uyuduLthm peace was made between them {y>u- verbal 
prefix; c- reflexive [§11]; tin with; \wuct%'n together]; At 
indefinite object; vm- du- f^t- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.5]; 
k/S to be good) 

The last of these examples shows a curious use of wu- before the 
reflexive prefix <?-, the latter standing independent of the verb, 
and being followed by a post-position. This employment of 
tiru- with the reflexive is very common, 

§15 



176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

5. gu- or gA^. Future time is denoted by a prefix gu- or gA-^ which 
is sometimes used much as if it were an independent particle. 
Besides its strictly future function, it is employed in speak- 
ing of any event about to take place as well in the past as the 
future. In the following simple examples it is often accom- 
panied by the affix x- to become, which will be treated in § 15. 7. 

wasa' At gugoneyV whatever is going to happen {wasa' whatever; 

At indefinite object; p'?^- future; gona st^m) -yt suffix [§ 20.2J) 
d7i guyagu't when he was going to go with them {a indefinite 

pronoun; -n with; gu- future; ga- verbal prefix [§ 17.4]; guto 

go; 't purpose [§ 20.1]) 
de dA'qdi ye guxdusnl' yuht't daidedt' they were going to take up 

the house-timbers (de now; dA'qdi up to; y^ thus; gu- future; 

X' to become; du- s- verbal prefixes [§17.3; § 18.1]; ni to take; 

yu demonstrative; hit house; daidedt' timbers) 
Mt a guxlaye^x gone't ^AnayV the opposite side (clan) was going 

to build a house {hit house; a indefinite pronoun; gu- future; 

X' to become; la- verbal prefix [§ 18.4]; yex to build [x possibly 

a suffix]) 
ya!doq!oa gAxdutd'ge they were going to make a hole in this one's 

mouth (ya demonstrative; do- his; ^. 'a mouth [see § 3]; ^ii- future; 

X- to become; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; tak to bore [?]; -e 

suffix) 

More often the future occurs in conjunction with an indefinite pre- 
fix qo or h^. The following examples illustrate this use, and also 
show the peculiar manner in which it combines with the personal 
pronominal prefixes. It will be seen that, instead of gvjxa in the 
first person, we find qica; instead of yui^ in the second person, 
ge. It would also seem that contractions of q and g to q^ and q 
and g to g^ take place in the first and second persons plural. 

Future tense of the verb git to do 

Singular Plural 

1st per. yeqqwasgl't ye'qAxtuBglt 

2d per. yeqge'sglt ye'gaxytsgl't 

3d per. yeqgiva'sglt /ias qo' a ye^sgtigasgl't 

Future tense of the verb oEq! to throw down 

Singular Plural 

1st per. xd'tc ye'nde qqzvage'qf uhd'ntc ye'nde qAxttigSq! 

2d per. rrae^tc ye'nde qyege'q! yihd'ntc y^nde gAxytg^g! 

3d per. hutc ye'nde A'qgwag?q! hAstc yifnde SAqgwage'q! 

§15 



BOA8] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 177 

The s which appears in the third person plural is probably a con- 
traction of has^ although the full word has may not have been 
heard when recording. 

To CBY takes the prefix or modifier ke^ and its plural is formed 
by the use of the verb ti to be. 

Future tense of the verb ^^^ to cry 

Singular Plural 

1st per. ke k^qwa^d'x {uhain) ke gax qAxtu'aati 

2d per. {lodef) ke k^^gegd'x (ylhd'n) ke gax gaxylsati* 

3d per. {hu) ke k^gwagalx ke /ias gax gA'xaati 

6. Q0^9 k"'9 is used when the event recorded happened at a time or 
place that is ill defined. 

lH Let! qa a'U qosti* there were no white men's things in those 
days {lU not; Let! white; qa man; A'tt their things; qo- s- verbal 
prefixes [§ 18.1]; ti to be) 

yuqo'liLU'tk^ those who used to leave the others behind {yu 
demonstmtive; go- II- verbal prefixes [§ 18.4]; L!tt stem; -k^ suf- 
fix [§ 20.3]) 

i^ducu'qtc they always laughed at him {if*- du- verbal prefixes 
[§ 17.3]; cuq to laugh; -tc always [§ 19.1]) 

ffti^ii^ yhi yu^xe'tcgl where is it that they never broke it oflf (gxisv! 
where; yhi there; yu- demonstrative; ^- verbal prefix; xUc 
stem; g% probably should be Ar" [§ 20.3]) 

At k^qedVx a sign or parable {At something; k^- prefix; qe proba- 
bly stem; -x suflSx [§ 19.4J) 

Lei 8u qosti' there was no rain {lU not; su rain; qo- s- verbal pre- 
fixes [§.18.1]; ti to be) 

Since future events are by their nature indeterminate, this prefix is 
constantly used with the future prefix gu-; as, 

al^gwalxq when will he break it oflf? (a indefinite pronoun; ^- 
indefinite prefix; g(u)- future prefix; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; 
Uq! to break oflf) 

7. -a? expresses the alteration of a person or thing from one condi- 
tion to another. It is suflBxed to the name of the thing altered, 
the adjective indicating the altered state, or to the future particle, 
but is placed among verbal prefixes because its connection with 
the following verb is extremely close, as is shown by its inser- 
tion after the future particle. 

ts€i8k!tix t'nasti you can become an owl {tsesk!^ owl; -a? verbal 
affix; t thou; na- s- verbal prefixes [§ 17.5; § 18.1]; ^e stem) 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 12 § 15 



178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

q!anackit?x8iti\ie> had become poor {q/anackiti poor; -a? transitive 
affix; 81' verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; ti to be) 

dv/xonq!e*x siti it had come to belong to his friends {du his; won. 
friend; -y/^ collective suffix [§ i)]; -a? transitive affix; si- verbal 
prefix [§ 18.1]; ti to be) 

tela an qo'a qa'yaqd'qIuwAnx siti but yet they became men sach 
as one can trade with {tela yet; an with them; qo'a however; 
qa men; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3J; qaqlxiwAu such as one <»n 
trade with [?]; -x [as before]; si- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; ti to be) 

gux tusVt we will make it become cooked {gu- future sign; -x transi- 
tive affix; ta we; sit to cook) 

ayl' de ye(fgAx dul'q! T!A*q!dentan they were going to invite the 
TiA'qIdentan (a indefinite pronoun; yi-de post-position \dJ& to]; 
ye adverbial prefix; ^- indefinite prefix [§ 15.6]; gA- future 
prefix [§ 15.5]; -a? transitive affix: du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; /y 
to invite) 

§ 16. PBONOMINAL SUBJECT 

The subjective pronoun follows the first modal elements. Examples 
illustrating the position of the subjective pronoun have been given 
before (§ 11). The following example contains also first modals: 

lU wuxasAgd'k ydnda^lA'tc 1 can not swim {iM not; wvr verbal 
prefix [§ 15.4]; xa 1; sa- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; gok can; ydn- 
datlAtc to swim) 

§ 17. SECOND MODAL PREFIXES 
1. djt' QUICKLY. 

liA^sdu ddt xd djivfdigut enemies came upon them quickly; (JiA'sdu 
them; ddt upon; xd enemies; djt- quickly; 'w- verbal prefix 
[§ 17.2]; di- inchoative [§ 18.3]; gu to go; -t suffix [§ 20.1]) 

ade^ dak wvdjixl'x he ran down to it (a- indefinite pronoun; de 
to; dak down or out; vm- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; dji- quickly; 
Tvx to get) 

yux ThAS djtuded't they started to rush out {yux out; Tias they; 
dji" quickly; u-de- [§ 17.2; § 18.3]; dt to go) 

Leq! tstutd't ayu' At nate^ Kas dji^usiha one morning they started 
out quickly to hunt alongshore (heq! fe.'u^'^[seep.200,note 11] 
a-yu indefinite demonstrative pronoun; At indefinite object 
nate' to hunt [?]; Jias they; dji- usi verhsA prefixes [§ 17.2 
§ 18.1]; Aa to start) 

TiAsduLd'k!^ adjl't Jias odjVwatAn they gave their sister to him 
quickly; (JiAsdu their; Ldk!^ sister; adj(i)' indefinite pronoun 
with intensive suffix; -t to; Jias they; Or demonstrative; 
dji-wa^ [§ 18.2]; tAU to give) 

§§ 16, 17 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 179 

2. "u^ (o-) often accompanies simple statements of past actions. 
This prefix is never used with the future gu-, or with vm-j nor 
apparently with the first and second persons singular and 
plural, and occurs only in the principal verb. It may be an 
element expressing the active, but may equally well be 
regarded as a past-temporal prefix. 

ySn uqo'xtc he always came there {yin there; u- prefix; qox to go 

by canoe; -tc always [§ 19.1]) 
Leg! tsfutd't an Ice vdzigl't dutcvfni one morning he awoke with 

his dream {hlq! one; tslutaft moming[see p. 200, note 11]; an 

with it; Are up; u- prefix; dzi- prefix [§18.6]; git to awake; 

du his; tcun dream; A possessive suffix) 
LAX q!un Jias uxe^ many nights they stayed out (lax very; qliin 

many (nights); Jias they; u- prefix; xe to camp) 
ayu' TiAS aositl'n there they saw it (a- indefinite pronoun; o- 

verbal prefix; si- indicative prefix [§ 18.1]; tin to see) 
he dutvftx qot Tca^ukH't it all got out of his head (l6 out; du his; 

tu into; -^ at; -x from; qot all; Aro- causative [§ 15.2]; o- verbal 

prefix; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; lc!U to get) 

3. dU" is very nearly identical in meaning with the English perfect 
tense, conveying the idea of something already accomplished. 
It resembles wa^ [§ 18.2] in some respects, and is often used 
conjointly with it; but while wo- seems to express finality, du- 
expresses previous accomplishment. 

Le dutu'ix qot IcaodvJcH't it got all out of his head (see above no. 

2, ex. 5) 
€k!e afgitahan yu'yaodudziqa "get up!" they said to him {ck!e 

up; afgitahan get [?]; yu- demonstrative; ya- verbal prefix 

[§ 15.3]; o-du-dA-ll 17.2; § 18.6]; ^a to say) 
a>ge'd% Jias gafdustln when they saw them already inside (a- 

indefinite pronoun; ge inside; di to; Ti as they; ga- when 

[§ 17.4]; du-S' [§ 18.1]; tin to see) 
leoducl' dulgaf they hunted for him Qco- [§ 15.6]; du-\ d to 

hunt; du he; I euphonic [?]; ga for) 
zel wudusTcu' they knew not {tel not; vyw- [§ 15.4]; du-', s- 

[§ 18.1]; Jcu to know) 
tslutd't MnwA'tdi aJcaye'Jc wudvfvmax Atxe'tc the next morning (it) 

was to be heard at the mouth of the creek (tsfuidH [see p. 200, 

note 11]; Mn water; WAt mouth; di to; a- indefinite pronoun; 

Jcaye'Jc at; ww- [§ 15.4]; du-; wa- [§ 18.2]; ax to hear; At . 

indefinite object; xe to go on; -te always [§ 19.1]) 

517 



180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibuix. 40 

dAne't ayide' ye vrudtidd'ni a box of grease was put inside of the 
canoe (dAue^t box of grease; a- indefinite pronoun; -yidi 
inside; ye thus [?]; vrw- [§ 15.4]; du-; dd- [§ 18.6]; ni to put 
aboard) 

Lei JiAS dvtl'n they could not see him {lU not; Iias they; du- 
perfect suffix; tin to see) 

4. ga^ is a prefix wliich indicates usually that the action was per- 

formed just before some other action, and may be translated 
by our conjunction when. This may be identical with the 
ga in aga or agaawe^tsa as soon as, immediately upon. 

Lax a/tAtc gadJA^qiTiawe ddq ugu'ttc when he became very cold, 
he always came out {Lax very; at cold; -tc intensive sufi[lx; 
gor-] djaq to die of [hyperbolically] ; -in suffix [§ 19.3]; awe 
when; dog out; u- [§ 17.2]; gu to go; -t suffix [§ 20.1]; -tc 
always [§ 19.1]) 

age'di hA8 gafduatln TiA'advdat xa djivdigu^t when they saw them 
inside, the enemy started to come upon them (see p. 179, 
no. 3, third example) 

dul'c d'ni aJcind' wiigaxi'xin yvfgAgan ye yi'ndusqetc when the 
sun got straight up over her father's town, they always said to 
her as follows {du- her; Ic father; an town; -4 possessive 
suffix; a- indefinite pronoun; Tcindf above; ww- [§ 15.4]; ^a-; 
act? to reach; An suffix [§ 19.3]; yu- demonstrative; gAgan 
sun; ye thus; yen possibly there; du- [§ 17.3]; 8- [§ 18.1]; qa 
to say ; -tc intensive suffix) 

5. nU' is employed when the action with which it is associated is 

represented as accompanied by or accompanying some other 
action. Just as ga- may often be translated when, this prefix 
may be translated while, yet the two may be used together. 
It is so similar to the suffix -n [§ 19.3] that it is not unlikely 
that the two are identical. 

ayA'xde yanagu^diayu aosotl'n cdWA't yu'adlglga' cwu'fimc while 
he was going around the lake, he saw a woman floating there 
(a- indefinite pronoun; yAX aroimd; de At; ya^ [§ 15.3]; na^; 
gu to go; 't purpose [§ 20.1]; ayu indefinite pronoun and 
demonstrative; a- indefinite pronoun; o- [§ 17.2]; «i- [§ 18.1]; 
tin to see; cafwAt woman; yu demonstrative; adlgiga in it 
[exact meaning uncertain] ; c- reflexive; vm- lv- verbal prefixes 
[§ 15.4; § 18.5]) 

ddq TiAS nuqo^x a'ayu yuhunxo'a ye'qiayaqa while they were going 
shoreward, the eldest brother said as follows (ddq shoreward; 

§17 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 181 

hA8 they; no-; qox to go by canoe; a'a-yu indefinite pronoun 
and demonstrative; yvr demonstrative; Tiunxo' elder brother; 
a indefinite pronoun; g/a- mouth [§ 14.1]; ya- [§ 15.3]; qa to 
say) 

leq! TclvdA's! aIvIx Tuigu'ttc ya TiA'sdu ya^atsd'q yvfawe Ice ickle'nic 
having gotten inside of his red-snapper coat, when he was 
pursuing them, that is the way he jumped {leq! red snapper; 
JcIvdA's! coat; a- indefinite pronominal prefix; tux inside; no-; 
gu to go; -< purpose [§ 20.1]; -te always [§ 19.1]; ya [?]; TiA'sdu 
them; yo- [§ 15.3]; gor- [§ 17.4]; Udq to pursue; yu- demon- 
strative; awe indefinite pronoun and* demonstrative ; Tee up; 
t[?]; c- reflexive; Iclen to jump; -tc always [§ 19.1]) 

naxd'c gA'xtuslt having cut it, we will cook it (na-; xdc to cut; 
gA' future prefix [§ 15.5]; -x transitional affix [§ 15.7]; fu we; 
sat to cook) 

xdt ga/Tumdi naA'ttc yuxDfts! qoa'ni the bear people, when they go 
hunting, always go after salmon {xdt salmon; gor- [§17.4]; 
no-; at to go; -i part, suffix f§ 20.2]; na-; At to go; -tc intensive 
suffix ; yVr demonstrative ; xUis! bear ; qoan people ; -^ possessive) 

tclak* ydThoguHiawe qox aTcu'dadjUc after it had walked a long 
time, it would stop suddenly (tcIdJc^ a long time; ya- [ § 15.3]; 
nor-; gu to go; -t purpose; -i suffix [§ 20.2]; awe when; qox 
completely; a- indefinite pronoun; ku- future prefix [§ 15.5]; 
da- [?]; djl stem; -tc always [§ 19.1]) 

§ 18. THIBD MODAL PBBFIXES 

1 . «- or st' is used in a simple statement of an action or condition, 
whether past, present, or future, but not usually of one 
which is incomplete. 

tcIdJc^ aWni a^ya aositl'n looking for a while, he saw her (tcldk^ 
a long time; a- indefinite pronoun; I- [§ 18.4]; tm to see; -4 
[§ 20.2]; a'ya indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; a- indefi- 
nite pronoun; o- [§ 17.2]; si-; tin to see) 

dutuwu'sigu she felt happy {du her; tu- mind; wu- [§ 15.4]; si-; 
gu to go [ ?]) 

daqane'x wusite! quarrelsome he was (daqane quarrelsome; -x 
[§ 15.7]; wvr- [§ 15.4]; te, stem) 

zel ye awusJcu' duyl't 8At%'yi he did not know it was his son {lcI 
not; ye thus; a- indefinite pronoun; wu- [§ 15.4]; s- leu to 
know; du his; ylt son; sa-] tl to be; yi participial suffix 
[§ 20.2]) 

A'tcqet dusgo'qtc what they throw it with (dv^[§ 17.3]; s-; goq to 
throw; -te always [§ 19.1]) 

§18 



182 BUBEAU OP AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [buu^ 40 

For examples of the use of this prefix with the future, see in § 15.6. 
It is important to note the evident identity of this prefix with 
the particle as or Asi. 

di8 TcavyvJa'sH Asiyu' Leql tat yvfavxisa it was a whole month, 
which he thought a night {dis month; Icavmkl'sH whole; Asi 
particle; yu demonstrative; Leq! one; tat night; yu demon- 
strative; a- indefinite pronoim; won verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; 
sa to say [ = think]) 

XAtc yetsl'net La Asiyu' it was the mother of the bears (xAtc this ; 
La mother) 

XAtc te Asiyu' it was a stone 

2. wa^ indicating completed action. 

taluta/t ayu' dak Jias uwaqo'x in the morning, at that time out 

they got (u- [§ 17.2]; wa-; qox stem) 
Atlafx JiAS uwaxe' behind them they camped 
JiAS CqlAt qoan ca^oduvxixitc they conquered the Stikine Indians 

(CqlAt Stikine; qoan people; ca- [?]; o- [§ 17.2]; du- [§ 17.3]) 
gul Lax Leq! die JiAsduJca' cuvxjmfx probably entirely one month 

on them passed {cu-ll 15.1]) 
aLe\ xdt vfwdha mother, I am hungry (u- vxir- verbal prefixes 

[§ 17.2]; Aastem) 

3. dt" denotes the beginning of an action. 

odA'xawe xd djivdigu't after that to war they started (xd war; 
dji'U- [§ 17.1, 2]) 

qeqe^de qondha^ lc cv/yaq!a'oditAn toward morning the woman 
began to change her manner of talking (cu- completely 
[§ 15.1]; yd [?]; g/a- mouth; o- [§ 17.2]; ^^n stem) 

ace^nya wndiLofx it had begun to mold at the comer (a- indefi- 
nite pronoun; ce'nya comer of; vm- [§ 15.4]) 

vmcTcA't caodite' they started to rush around (vnu- [§ 15.4]; c- 
reflexive prefix; IcAt post-position; co- reflexive [?]; o- di- 
verbal prefixes [§ 17.2]; te stem) 

yuxa/nAs! AdA'x qlaodxsa' he began blowing on the raft (yw- 
demonstrative; xa/nas! raft; qla- mouth [§ 14.1]; o- [§ 17.2]) 

JcaoditlA^q! it began to be hot weather (fca- o- di- verbal prefixes 
[§ 15.2; § 17.2]; t! Aq! stem) . 

TO START TO GO TO A CERTAIN PLACE is cxprcsscd by mcaus of 
an adverb. 

^o^na yeqgwagagu't when he was going to start {gona starting; 
ye thus; go- indefinite prefix [§ 15.6]; gu- future prefix 
[§ 15.5]; gor- verbal prefix [§ 17.4]; gut to go) 

§ 18 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 183 

4. i- or It" indicates repetition of an action or a plurality of objects 
acted upon. 

yAX JiAS aya'olidJAq yutafn thus they killed off the sea-lions (a- 

indefinite pronoun; yd- [§ 15.3]; o- [§ 17.2]; dJAq^ to kill; yu- 

demonstrative; <an sea-lion) 
ayu^ aolixa'c then he let it float along (ayu' there; a- indefinite 

prefix; o- li- verbal prefixes [§ 17.2]; xac stem) 
xatc qavxige' Asiyu' aca'olihilc it was full of eye^ {xatc this; qa- 

man; wage' eye; Asiyu' [§ 18.1]; a- demonstrative; ca- = cu- 
[§ 15.1];' o- [§ 17.2]; hilc stem) 
an qadjVn aoliLe'Jc^ he shook hands with those things in his hands 

(an with it ; qadjin man's hand ; a- indefijiite pronoun ; o- verbal 

prefix [§ 17.2]) 
xd'yi yakq!^ ayA'x aoliqlA^nql he made the enemy's canoes upset 

by quarreling {m enemy; -yt possessive suffix; yak^ canoe; 

-$.'« collective; qIxjax like that; a indefinite pronoun; o- li- 

verbal prefixes [§ 17.2]; qlAn stem; -q\ suffix [§ 19.5]) 

6. ^- or xt- is used in contradistinction to the above when the action 
takes place once, or is thought of at one particular moment. 

aositl'n coavaH yiwdlgl'ga cvm'Lixac (when he was going around 
the lake), he saw one woman floating there (a- indefinite pro- 
noim; (hsi-[ § 17.2; § 18.1]; <m to see; cd'M;^!'^ woman; yiwdlgl'ga 
there; c- reflexive; wu- [§ 15.4]; xac to float) 

dekl'na hVni qo'a wuLivflc far out its water, however, boiled 
(deJcl'na far out; Mn water; -4 possessive suffix; qo'a however; 
vm- Lv- verbal prefixes [§ 15.4]; uk stem) 

yin caoLitsi's there he stopped 

6. dzt" conveys the idea of the attainment of a state not hitherto 
enjoyed, and is best translated by the words to come to be. 

ayA'xawe duyA^tqli qodsiti' this is why his children came to be 

bom (a- that; yAX like; awe it is; du- his; yAt child; -qli 

collective; qo- indefinite [§ 15.6]; ^ to be) 
cJcA a'od^u' yuxa/t qoa'nitc wusne'xe afterward he came to know 

that the salmon people had saved him; a- indefinite pronoun; 

0- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; ]cu to know; yu- demonstrative; 

xdt salmon; qoan people; -tc intensive; wu-s- [§ 15.4; § 18.1]) 
tclu tdak^ llngVt fin Tca'odjite yue'q a long time ago there came to 

be copper among the Indians (llngiH Indians; tin with; ia-o^ 

[§ 15.2; § 17.2]; yu- demonstrative ; ^g' copper) 
wd'sa iya'odudziqa^ Axyi^f what did they come to say to you, 

my son? (t£?d'«a what ; iyou; yo- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; o-dv^ 

[§ 17.2,3]; qa to say; ax my; ylt son) 

§ 18 



184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

7. ct" expresses desire or wish, and may be used equally well as a 
stem. 

dusl' qoJcfft! ok^cttA^n his daughter liked to pick berries (rftt- his; 
qoJdU! berries; a- indefinite pronoun; t**- [§15.6]; Iau stem) 

Suffixes (§§ 19, 20) 

§ 19. SUFFIXES OF TEMPORAL CHABACTEB 

These suffixes, which are not to he confounded with true temporal 
suffixes, are -tCy -nutc, -n, -x, and perhaps -g.' and s!. 

1. "tc indicates invariability in the action, and may best be trans- 

lated by ALWAYS. It is perhaps identical with the intensive 

suffix (§7). 

duwd'qde yagacl^tc her eyes to he always pointed 

tslu yen uqo^zte again there he always went by canoe 

gAga/n Kane'sdtca calnfuAX Tee xixtc the sun always rises over the 

brow of Cross Mountain (gAgd'n sun; coH^uax over the head 

of; Ice up) 
gAvdawe/ via/itc diidA^qlauAX towards the fire he always sleeps 

with his back (gAU what burns; td to sleep; du- his) 

2. "fiutc marks what is habitual or customary. 

Jiu qo'a is! AS xuk Ahl'qlanutc she, however, only dry wood would 
get ifslAS only; xuk dry wood; ilq! to fetch) 

duqe'tcnutc they would throw off their coats 

ACuHcnutc duye'tk!^ she was in the habit of bathing her child 
(^ = a indefinite pronoun; cu/cstem; dvn possessive; yet child; 
-ir" diminutive) 

ux udulcu'qnutc they would laugh at him (v/- du- l- verbal prefixes 
[§ 17.2, 3; § 18.4]; cuq to laugh) 

IdakA^t A^dawe atfo'qtHnutc all kinds of things he would shoot 
(IdakAt all; Ad thing; a-we indefinite pronoun and demon- 
strative; a- indefinite pronoun; t!oqt! stem) 

dHlAqlanutc he would pound 

3. "U (after consonants -I/i or -ow). This suffix marks a sta- 

tionary condition of the action, and is usually employed in 
conjunction with another verb, when it indicates the state of 
things when the action contained in the principal verb took 
place. The action it accompanies may be conceived of as past, 
present, or future, and from its character it approaches at 
different times in meaning a perfect, continuative, and usi- 
tative. This suffix is perhaps related to the prefix nor- treated 
in § 17.5. 
§ 19 



BOAS) HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 185 

LcJgu yhi yAX dulnigVn ye qoyanaqe'tc when a person is through 
with a story, he always says this {m^gu story; yen there; yAX 
thus; dvr- 1' verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.4]; ni\k\ to say); ye 
thus; qiM/Or-nor- [§ 15.6, 3; § 17.5]; qa to say; -<c[§ 19.1]) 

WA'nin cvmLijpa'c edge turned up, he floated (wau edge; in [?]; 
c- reflexive prefix; vm- ^i- verbal prefixes [§ 15.4; § 18.5]; xdc 
stem) 

duqIefnAX d tela yut qIanACxe'ntc dul'yeq gagaA^tin when his spirits 
came to him, blood would flow out of his mouth (du- his; q!a 
mouth; -nAX from; (A blood; tela that; yut out of it; q!a 
mouth; nA- [§ 17.5]; c- [?]; xin stem; -tc always [§ 19.1]; dv/- 
his; yeq spirit; ^a [?]; aa- [§ 17.4]; at to go [pi.]; An suffix) 

ituum' qlWAn CAtlVq Nixaf nil guHni be courageous when Nix&' 
cpmesin (i- thy; tu mind; --vm possessive suffix ; qlwAn exhor- 
tative [§ 22.3]; ca- reflexive; t!iq/ stem [?]; nel into house; gut 
to go ; -n -i suffixes [§ 20.2]) 

tclaye' ddq gacVtc AcgadJA'qen when it almost killed him, he would 
run up (tctaye' almost; daq up; go- verbal prefix; cite to run; 
AC for c- reflexive [that is, he allowed himself to be killed, though 
by something else]; ^o- verbal prefix [§ 17.4]; dJAq to kill; -en 
verbal suffix) 

tan a aka'wati anAX gaduskuft Tiu anA^x yen vmqoxo'n he pounded 
out a figure of a sea-lion, so that people would know he had 
come ashore there (tan sea-lion; a indefinite pronoun; ha- wa- 
[§ 15.2; § 18.2]; a indefinite pronoun; nAX around; ^a- du- 8- 
[§ 17.4, 3; § 18.1]; Jcu to know; -t purpose [§ 20.1]; Jiu he; y^n 
there; vm- [§ 15.4]; qox to go by canoe) 

JiAS a^acd'n when they marry (a- ^a- verbal prefixes) 

4. -X may perhaps be regarded as a distributive; at any rate, it indi- 
cates that the action takes place many times, or continues for 
some period. 

Lei At udJA'qx tslu yin v^qo'xtc he kept coming in without having 

killed anything (Lei not; At indefinite objective; dJAq to kill; 

tslu there) • 

hu qo'a awe' Lei ufe'x he, however, did not sleep (u- [§ 17.2]; -x) 

lII ^A^gi ugu'tx he never showed himself (Lei not; ^A^gi was [?]; 

U' verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; gu stem; -t purpose [§ 20.1]; -x) 
tcul AC ute'nx ac wudjiyl'ayu Aci't qle'watAn before he thought of 
it, his nephew saw him and spoke to him (tcul before; ac him; 
^intosee; ^c his own; -j/i possessive ; a^u demonstrative; ^ci'/ 
to him; g.'o- mouth [§ 14.1]; tt^a- verbal suffix [§18.2]; ^^nstem) 
aga' tsa axe'x then only he ate (a- indefinite pronoun ; xa to eat ; -x) 
Lei ulge'x Jce'Lodi not ever got big the sea-gull (u- l- verbal pre- 
fixes [§ 17.2; § 18.4]; ge stem; -x) 

§ 19 



186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 

5. -g/ Although the meaning of this suffix has not been satisfac- 

torily determined, it may be included in this list, because it 
seems to be used in describing events that have taken place 
at some particular time, and to present a marked contrast to 
the suffix last considered. 

IdaTcA^t yetx ducd^q! people from all places tried to marry her 
{IdalcA't all, everywhere; yetx from into; dv/- verbal prefix 
[§17.3]; castem) 

cTcAX Ice djiWniyeq! you can not see anything {tin to see; iye par- 
ticipial suffix lengthened [§ 20.2]; rest uncertain) 

CAhustl'qttc those are (my people) there («- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; 
tl stem, to be; -tc always [§ 19.1]; rest uncertain) 

ayA^xawe aosVne ACi'n yAUAltd'dicix lit! tvfdi ac vmye'q! as he had 
told him to do when he ran into the fire with him he threw 
him into the basket (ayA^xawe as; a indefinite pronoun; o-rf 
[§ 17.2; § 18.1]; ac him, reflexive; -n with; yAU fire; Alia 
into [?]; di to start to; cix to run; lit! basket; tu'di into; ac 
he; WU' [§ 15.4]; ye to throw) 

xd'yi yakq!^ at/A^x a*oUq!A^nq! he made the enemy's canoes upset 
by quarreling (see p. 183, no. 4) 

6. -«/ occurs after a few verbs, but its significance is obscure. 

Afxawe' qoWxs! from there he listened (qo- indefijiite prefix 
[§ 15.6]; l- verbal prefix [§ 18.4]; ax stem) 

aya' Jceqyetl's! weldwA^lx you will look out for the green f em- 
roots {aya* for that; Ice particle; q- indefinite prefix [§ 15.6]; 
ge=^gu-% future prefix and personal pronoun [§ 15.5]; ft to be; 
we- demonstrative; Tc!waIx fern-roots) 

liAS qotl's! they were looking for him (go- indefinite prefix; ti to be) 

§ 20. STNTACTIC SUFFIXES 

1 . -f is suffixed to a verb to indicate that it contains a statement of 
the purpose for which some other action was performed. 

dyJcafhtc ade^ qoTca'waqa dulya' qAge'x dusgafndayu his uncle sent 
some one after him to burn [his body] {du his; leak uncle; -ic 
intensive [§ 7]; ade^ to it; go- indefinite prefix L§ 15.6]; lea- wa- 
verbal prefixes [§ 15.2; § 18.2]; ga tosay; dt^he; Iga^ for; du-s- 
[§ 17.3; § 18.1]; ^.471 fire, to burn; -d for -^ before vowel ; -ayw 
demonstrative) 

qa naA^di Jdide'n yen vmdu'dzini Atvft qonyA'nadayu and they 
put on good clothing because they wanted to die wearing it 
{qd man; na- verbal prefix [§ 17.5]; At to go [pi.]; -i verbal 

§ 20 



»OAsJ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 187 

suffix; [§ 20.2]; Jelide'n good; y^n there; vm- du- dzi- [§ 15.4; 
5 17.3; § 18.6]; Atu't into it; qongA [uncertain]; na to die; -t 
purpose; ayu demonstrative) 

dul^a' At nA^asv/t something to help him (dul^a^ for him; At 
indefinite; w.i-[?] ^o- verbal prefixes [§ 17.4]; su to help; -t 
purpose) 

adA'x awaxo^x Aci'n ckarujalnV gU then he invited him to tell him 
(something he did not know) (odA^x after it; ^c- he; -n with; 
c- reflexive; JcAuga [ ? compare qongA second example; l- ver- 
bal prefix [§ 18.4]; nlJc stem; -^purpose) 

AJc!^q!ayu ye'yati qd akdde' vmgu't ^A'nga a man stopping at Auk 
went to (the lake) to get wood (^it.'**, Auk; -ql at; ayu demon- 
stratives; yl' adverb, thus; ya- [§ 15.3]; ii to be; qd man; 
-Tcode' on; wu- [§ 15.4]; gu- to go; -t purpose; ^^n wood, fire; 
ga for). 

The use of -t with gu to go, as in the last example, has become very 
common, and in that connection it appears to have lost some- 
thing of its original function. 

2. -i, -o after consonants; yt-, -t#?i« after vowels. The subordina- 
tion of one clause to another is effected more often than in 
any other manner by suffixing -i or -o after consonants, or 
-yi or -wu after vowels (see §§3 and 10). This seems to 
have the effect of transforming the entire clause into a par- 
ticiple or infinitive. 

yuqd' qo'a Tcd'deqlakd^x daqt vrudjixi'xi the man who jumped out 
from (the raft was very much ashamed) (yu demonstrative; 
qa man; qo'a however; lid'deqlakd^x from on it; daqt out; wu- 
dji- [§ 15.4; § 17.1]; xix to jump or move quickly) 
dvdjVq! ye yutn/yi sidq gold' dke' ase^vmti he set up a bone trap 
he had (du he; djlq! to; ye thus; yu- demonstrative; tl to be; 
sIdq bone; gaid^ trap; a- indefinite pronoun; Jce up; a indefi- 
nite pronoun; se- verbal prefix; wat[i] to set up) 
Jiade' WAt at cl'yi this way! those who can sing (ci to sing) 
Lei ye wua'xIc yucafwAt AixayV Axa' yudje'nvm she never got full 
eating sheep-fat {lU not; ye thus; ax to eat; yu- indefinite 
pronoun; cd'wAt woman; a indefinite pronoun; At things; xa 
to eat; -yi suffix; Axa' fat; yu- demonstrative; dje'nwu moun- 
tain sheep) 
wuctacd/yi married to each other (that is, married couple) 
ayA'xde yaruigu'diayu aositl'n while he was going around it, he 
saw (a- it; yA'xde around; ya-na- [§ 15.3; § 17.5]; -ayu demon- 
strative) 

§20 



BUREAU OP AME 



/BfTLL. 40 



. -q! Although the meaning oi mis suiux u>i>- .^^^ h^ ^aw her (o- 
torily determined, it may be include'' n^) 
seems to be used in describing .^/'arently signifies thinob 

at some particular time, ap' . '7^ 15.6]; dsi- verbal prefix 

the suffix last consider^ , . '/ungs) 

vp r'V'S/ usiJ^lly indicated by the demonstra- 

^ ('^//^'^/(/seem, from the manner in which it is 

' y >^ ^rte, especially with the verb to call or 

;y^ "''';, should be regarded as a perfect participial 

''■ '.^ A noun-forming suffix. 

^I'uiir well speaking of them (yt you [pi.]; y«- de- 
.'g.'a mouth; tAH stem; -tc intensive; -gt- stands 

ir names being these (ye thus ; du- wa- verbal pre- 
I) 

waves rise up on it ; or waves, the rising up of 
; it'll wave; yvr demonstrative; dji- at- prefixes; 

at was why he had traveled that way; or, more 
the traveling of him {ye thus ; yvy- demonstra- 
t)al prefix ; gut stem) 

le ones having split tongues for you {yl- you ; Ica 
; at thing; ^ac stem) 

le one that could talk {yu~ demonstrative ; q}a 
erbal prefix; Iav, stem) 

when he was playing with the children, he would 
r, the hurt he would do to them {yvr demonstra- 
\i- verbal prefixes; s.'et stem) 
would break the knife he got hold of iyu- demoD- 
idefinite ; ya- verbal prefix ; Itq! stem) 
lAi* ««iM yr. ..o was a very great eater; or, the great eater that 

he was (lox very ; ya- verbal prefix ; laq stem) 
duiM' At ll'tc!i'q''lc'* he was a dirty little fellow; or, the dirty 
little fellow that he was {dund [% At thing; li- verbal prefix; 
ic{e^ stem) 
ada' yuqiA'duLXA'tk* about it they were all talking; or, the talk- 
ing that went on about it (o- indefinite ; da post -position ; j/ii- 
demonstrative ; j/a mouth; du- zi- verbal prefixes ; a( stem) 
tela aIcauI'Ic Ic'.ulc' aye'x yu'yatU-" whatever he told them took 
place (fc.'o whatever; te'.ide' then; aye'x like it; i/u- demon- 
strative; ya- prefix [§ 15,3]) 
qay^ qokiywane'ze tclULe' yuAhanikk" ayi'z yu'yaWc* when a 
S20 



\ HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 189 

\^ ^Tson was going to get well, he told them, and so it was (qa 

^V* -son; qo- [§ 15.6]; nex to be well; for the rest see last exam- 

"^"^^ The end of this sentence might be rendered as was 

^ELLING OF THIS BY HIM, SO WAS THE FACT 

• • ^dudjd'q qon yuAka'yaniTck^ what they were going to kill 
what they got {dafsa what; qa- future [§ 15.5]; -x transi- 
tional [§ 15.7]; du' verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; djdq to kill; qon [?]; 
yw- demonstrative ; .i- indefinite pronoun; to- ya- verbal pre- 
fixes [§ 15.2, 3]; nilc stem) 

4- -|/a. Another suffix similar to this is -ya, which is perhaps 
identical with the continuative ya- treated of in § 15.3. This 
is mainly used in clauses which in English would be subordi- 
nated by means of a relative pronoun or adverb, and often 
the participial suffix -i [§ 20.2] is employed in conjunction 
with it. It would seem that the entire clause is turned into a 
noun in this manner, and becomes the object of the principal 
verb. Examples are as follows: 

yAX yale' yuqids ade' vduwaqla/siya far is the distance which the 
cascade comes down (yAX like; gale' far; yu- demonstrative; 
q!d8 cascade; ade' to it) u-dvr t(?a-[§ 17.2, 3; § 18.2]) 

tc!u ade' xaqlvfya awe' ayA'x qot cvfwaxix just the way they were 
sleeping they were destroyed {tclu just; ode' at it; xaq^ to 
sleep; ayA'x like it; qot completely; ci^-[§ 15.1]) 

dvdfi'txawe ytdadund'ya from him they knew how to fix [ a trap] 
(du him; -d; intensive [§7]; ^ to; xfrom; awe demonstrative; 
yidadund'ya they learned to fix) 

ade' ThA8 JcAqladi'nutcya ode' alcaollxe's! he put them in the place 
where they were in the habit of hooking fish {ade' at it; Tias 
they; Tca to cause [?]; qlAt to catch [?]; -nutc habitually 
[§ 19.2]; a- indefinite prefix; Tca- o- Zi-[§ 15.2; § 17.2; § 18.4]) 

ate'xya aosiJcu' when she slept, he knew (a- indefinite prefix; te 
to sleep; -x -ya suffixes [§ 19.4]; a- indefinite prefix; o- «i- 
verbal prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.1]; Jcu to know) 

Jca^UlA'q! a!xo gvdiya' it was hot weather from where he started 
(Aro- o- di- verbal prefixes [§15.2; § 17.2; § 18.3]; Uaq! stem; 
Or- indefinite prefix; xo among; gu to go; -t purpose [§20.1]) 

Lei JiAS afwusku ode' yuyane'giya they did not know what to make 
of it {lU not; a- indefinite pronoun; wu- s- [§ 15.4; § 18.1]; ode' 
at it; yu- demonstrative; yon verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; neTc to say) 

liAS afwawus! ^^gudA'x sa ye'daduuA'taya^^ they inquired, '^From 
where do they get this?*' (gu where; dAX from; sa interrogative 
particle ; ye adverb ; da- du- no- verbal prefixes [§ 14.4 ; §17.3,5]; 
^< to go [pi.]) 

§20 



190 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



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HANDBOOK OP AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



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192 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 21. Composition of Verh^Stems 

A real composition of two verb-stems in one word seems to be 

entirely wanting. It sometimes happens, however, that the stem 

which contains the principal idea is placed before another verb-stem 

of very general meaning, such as ^ to be, x^ to get, or nvJc^ to 

BECOME, and is there treated as if it were a prefix or an adverbiid 

modifier, all of the other verbal prefixes being attached to the 

general auxiliary stem. Thus we have — 

yihafn Tee gax gAxylsatV you (pi.) will cey, where gax is the 
regular stem of the verb meaning to cry, and ti, the stem of 
the verb to be, taking the future, pronominal, and all other 
prefixes. Similar to this is ktarU hAS uvxmu'k^ they became 
ANGRY, where Jcldn signifies anger, and nuk^ to become. Of 
this same type is qot cvfwaxix they were all destroyed, 
although it is \mcertain whether qot is ever employed as a 
regular stem in the place of xix. 

The list on pages 190 and 191 contains the analysis of a number 
of verbal forms in accordance with the groups of prefixes and suf- 
fixes described in §§ 14-20. 

Adverbs (§§22,23) 
§ 22. Modal Adverbs 

1. €igt is an interrogative adverb which is used in interrogative 

sentences in which no interrogative pronoun occurs. It is 
placed after the verb, or near the beginning of the clause. 

iyaA^xtc ag%'f do you hear it? 

uha^n agV yekaf At tuxA^ck^ tea kvfcta qoan qlecafnif are we the 

ones splitting land-otter (tongues) to see people? {uka'n we; 

yekd^ the ones; At indefinite object, namely, tongues; tu we; 

xAc split; -k^ suffix [§ 20.3]; tea thus; kvfeta land-otter; qoan 

people; qfeea'ni to see [ uncertain analysis]) 
xat yl siti'n agif do you see me? {xat me; yi you; si- prefix 

[§ 18.1]; tin to see) 

2. d^ following the verb indicates the imperative. 

Adjl't gut de! come up to me! (ax me; -dj intensive [§ 7]; -t to; 

gu to come; -^purpose [§ 20.1]) 
d'nAX asaqo^x de! go with it around it! (a indefinite pronoun; 

nAX around ; a indefinite pronoun ; so- prefix ; qox to go by canoe) 
gA'nga naa't de! for firewood go! (^An firewood; ^a for; na- 

prefix [§ 17.5]; at to go) 

§§21,22 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 193 

3. qlwAn expresses a mild imperative and resembles our owiipbay, 

or SUPPOSE. 

deJd' qlwAU dagid'q out, pray, run to him! (dekl' out; do- to 
[§ 14.4]; qi' [?]; dq to run) 

hlnq! qlWAU yen xaI caI into the water, pray, then put me! (Jhln 
water; q! at; yin then; xAt me; caI put) 

ituwu' qfWAn CAtlVq! Nixd' nil gu'tnt be courageous when Nlx:&' 
comes in (see § 19.3; iyou; ^umind; ^m;u possessive; c^- reflex- 
ive; t!iq!y stem [?]; nel into the house; gu to go; -^ -n -i suf- 
fixes [§20.1; § 19.3; § 20.2]) 

4. I expresses the negation. Generally this element appears com- 

bined with the connective lb then. The emphatic negative 
is lilf apparently a doubled negation. 

lU Tclnigl'q ya AxhVti never tell about my house QU never; 

lci = 'ka [?]; nlk to tell; -iq suffix; ya about; ax my; Ai^ 

house; -4 possessive) 
lil LAX ye XAt TcugA^Tidjiq never let me bum up! {lax very; ye thus; 

XAt ly leu future; gAn to bum; -tc always; Aq a suffix) 

In negative questions the negation is contracted with the interrog- 
ative particle. 

L^gil XAt vmnekuf am I not sick? (x6 adverb; gi interrogative 
particle; I not (with xe); xAt I; wu- verbal prefix; nek^ sick) 

5. giU expresses probability, and is generally initial. 

gvl Ldx Leql dis TiAsduka^ cuwaxnfx very probably they passed all 
of one month {Lax very; Leq! one; dis moon; JiAsduka' on 
them; cu- entirely [ ? 15.1] ; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2] ; xlx stem) 

gul de djinka/t ayu' qla^owaxe for probably ten days he went 
[without food] (de already; djinJcat ten; ayu^ demonstrative; 
q!a mouth [§ 14.1]; o- wa- prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.2]; xe stem) 

§ 23. Locative Adverbs 

Locative adverbs are difficult to distinguish from post-positions, 
but the following may be mentioned as of constant occurrence: 

1. dak outward, out to sea . 7. nel into the house 

2. ddq shoreward 8. yu or yux out of doors 

3. ke upward 9. yen there 

4. de now, right away, al- 10. dekl^ far outward 

ready 11. ixkl' down below, spe- 

5. ye thus or as follows cifically southward 

6. yex or yAX like 12. yik inside 

44877-Bull. 40, pt 1—10 13 § 23 



194 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



I BULL. 4^ 



Bearing a closer resemblance to post-positions are: 



13. t or de to 

14. n with 

15. X from 

16. q! at 

17. yl down in 

18. yVnade down toward 

19. yes for 

20. qox back to, backward 

21. XAU to a person 

22. tu into 

23. ta/yi under 

24. t!a behind 

25. dAX from 

26. da around 

27. xo among 

28. Td toward 



29. Tea on 

30. ga for 

31. qAq! for 

32. ge inside of 

33. ^nwith 

34. hd^yi down underneath 

35. qles for 

36. gayi down in front of 

37. WAt at the mouth of 

38. tak in the middle of 

39. TiAX through, on account 

of, in association with 

40. gdn outside of 

41. daicvfn straight for 

42. ya in the neighborhood of 

43. sakV" for 



The last of these is always used after the verb. 
Even nouns and verbs are used exactly as if they were conceived 
of as post-positions: as, 

hVtqH tux ya'wagut yucafwAt adJA'q dAX the woman went through 
the houses after she had killed it QiU house; -q!i collective; 
tux through; ya- wa- verbal prefixes [§ 15.3 ; §18.2]; gu to go; -4 
[§ 20.1]; yu- demonstrative; cd'wAt woraAn; ait; dJAq to kill; 
dAX from) 

aqlVts CAutu^de Jcax a^odigeq! he put (his coat) on to go down 
into the midst of its tentacles (a- it; qOts tentacles; CArtntu'de 
into the midst of; Tcax adverbial; a- indefinite pronoun; o- d%r 
prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.3]; geq! to do quickly) 

ayAlane^slawe awA'n when he had sharpened the edges of it (o- 
indefinite pronoun; yA- Ia- verbal prefixes [§ 15.3; § 18.4]; 
nes! to sharpen; awe when; a it; wau edges) 

As, on account of their phonetic weakness, the post-positions t, n, 
Xj and q! must always be agglutinated to some other word, they 
sometimes have the appearance of cases, but the first of these is sim- 
ply a contraction of de; and the distinction in use between all of 
them and the syllabic post-positions is not marked enough to justify 
a separate classification. 

The adverbs de, Tce^ and ye are essential to certain verbs, and the 
same may be said oi At something with the verbs xa to eat and 

XUn TO START. 

§23 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 195 

§ 24. Conjunctions 

The conjunction used between nouns and coordinate clauses is 
ga and; while antithesis is expressed by qo^a, which more closely 
approaches English however in its use than but. Conjunctions 
employed to introduce sentences are, for the most part, compounded 
of post-positions and demonstratives: 

odA'xayu or adA'zoAve and then (compounded of a; cIax from; 

a, and yu or we) 
Atxawe! afterwards (from a; ^ to; a; from; a; and w^ 
ayA'tawt on accoimt of which (from a; yAx like; a; and we) 
tcluLe'y evidently then, consists of two adverbial particles, tclu 

and £6! 
vxinanVsawe by and by (probably compounded from some verb) 
Aicawe' contains the intensive suffix tc. 

Subordinate clauses, when not turned into participles or infinitiv.es, 

are connected to the principal verb by awe' or ayu', which also occur 

in conjunction with the participial suffix -i, and often with go-, nor-, 

or -n. 

VOCABTJLAEY (§§ 26-28) 

Stems are almost invariably monosyllabic, and consist usually of a 
consonant followed by a vowel; or a consonant, vowel, and conso- 
nant. Occasionally, however, we find single vowels; a vowel fol- 
lowed by a consonant; or a vowel, consonant, and vowel. Two con- 
sonants never occur together in the same syllable unless one is an 
agglutinated affix. 

§ 25. Nominal Stems 

Following is a list of several simple nominal stems: 

a lake ia stone 

an town tan sea-lion 

<w/ tree tat night 

aaa' paddle nu fort 

%c father naA^t clothing 

yaJc^ canoe nuk!^ shells 

yak mussel tcurieft bow 

ya^ herring taa seal 

yAjHc sea-otter taesk!^ owl 

yek supernatural helper s!dx^ hat 

yU son sit spruce 

da/sla snare CAt wife 

d%8 moon can old person 

§§ 24, 25 



196 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

camfna anchor xao log or dead tree 

d olood xat root 

ci song xon friend 

gAga/n sun xox husband 

gotc wolf Icat fish-basket 

qa man Icafni brother-in-law 

qdhafk^ salmon-eggs Wmdi sea-gull 

qou people xafrui evening 

g/a point xwts! grizzly-bear 

qldn fire ^xtc! frog 

qlun fur-seal hln fresh water 

q!at! island hit house 

xa enemy liu^nx elder brother 

Onomatopoetic words are surprisingly rare. 

The following are the terms of blood-relationship: 

lllk! grandparent 
Ic father 
La mother 

Lak! mother's sister (literally, little mother) 
kak mother's brother 

at father's sister, and father's sister's daughter 
SA^ni father's brother and father's sister's son 
Tiunx man's elder brother 
• CAtx woman's elder sister 

kik! man's younger brother, and woman's younger sister 

Ldk! man's sister 

Ik! woman's brother 

kdlk! mother's brother's children 

cxAuk! grandchild 

ylt son, and son of mother's sister 

8% daughter, and daughter of mother's sister 

kelk! sister's child, and child of woman's brother 

Terms of relationship through marriage are the following: 

xox husband 

CAt wife 

vm father-in-law 

tcdn mother-in-law 

kd^ni brother-in-law of man, and sister-in-law of woman 

The other relationships are indicated by terms purely descriptive. 
Most of the above are also used in a broad sense to cover those per- 
sons of the same sex, clan, and generation, as the one to whom it 
more particularly belongs. A sister's husband was called husband; 
and a wife's sister, wife, because, in case of the wife's death, the 
widower had a right to marry her sister. 

§25 



s] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



197 



§ 26. Verbal Stems 

One or two nominal stems, such as sa name, tcun dream, and a?Jx/ 
HEKKING-RAKE, are also found as the stems of verbs, but usually the 
t^w^o sets of stems are quite distinct. The following is a partial list 
of verb-stems: 



u to use 

ha to dig 

slu to cut off 

na to do 

ni to put 

xe to stay, remain 

gu to go (one person) 

of to go (pi.) 

dja to tell, explain 

ti to be 

Tcu to know 

iA to sleep 

qa to say 

su to help (a supernatural 

being acting) 
ca to marry 
xa to eat 
ya to carry, bear 
lc!i to be good 
djl to have 
qe to sit 
Tiex to save 
nik to tell 
vex to make 
l-ox to invite 
iAii to put 
nuk^ to become 
dJAq to kill 
tin to see 
gAs! to strike 
gen to look at, examine 
xix to get 
gAn to bum 



git to do 

na to die 

Tea to be lazy 

t!a to slap 

^/a to be hot 

ci to hunt for 

Mk to be full of 

djel to set, place 

tsln to be strong 

giq! to throw 

gou; to go by canoe 

Ltex to dance 

cat to take, seize 

mc to drift 

xo</ to sharpen 

ax to hear 

A^n to stand 

xeq! to sleep or to go to sleep 

slit to cover 

tit to drift 

gdx to cry 

Ar/dn to hate 

tslAq to smoke 

uk to boil 

</i^ to shoot 

tlAq! to pound ' 

wus! to ask 

irfn to fly into 

klAk! to cut 

q!ak^ to forget 

g/dit to swim 

Ak to weave 

tsis to swim 



It is possible that the final consonant of one or another of these 
stems is really a suffix, and such may have been the origin of some 
terminal consonants which are now inseparable. 

§26 



198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 27. Numerals 

Numerals precede the nouns with which they occur. The cardinal 
numbers are: 

Leq! one na'tslJcuducu' eight 

dex two gucvfic nine 

natslJc three dji'nTcdt ten 

daqlvfn four * djVnkat qa Leq! eleven 

Wdjin five Le[qa twenty 

Le'ducu six natslga djVnkat thirty 

daxa'ducu seven Jce'djin qa one hundred 

Ke'djin is formed from Jce up and djin hand; djVrikat contains the 
suffix Icat ACROSS or upon and djin hand; Ll'qa is from Leq! one and 
qa man. 

When human beings are referred to, slaves usually excepted, the 
numeral takes the post-position uax. 

nA'8!ginAX qa three men 

LeducvfuAX duTce'lkH Tias his six nephews 

dex gux two slaves 

The numeral one, however, id sometimes unchanged. 

yuLl'q! yAtl'yiga vmckikHye'n bring one of the brothers 
Leq! aWyia bring one man 

TiAX is also used to form distributive numerals. 

Ordinals are formed from cardinals by means of a final -a. 

dAxa' the second 
nat8!gia' the third 

The first is expressed by cuq!wa/nAX, 

Numeral adverbs are formed by suffixing -daken, 

dAxdalie'n ye'yanaqa when he said thus twice 
dAxdahe'na gu'dawe after she had been twice 

§ 28. Interrogative Pronouns 

The chief interrogative pronouns, also used as relatives, are adu'sa 
WHO, dafsa what, and wafsa what or how. The final syllable aa is 
separable, however, although never omitted, and ought rather to be 
regarded as an interrogative particle, though it is perhaps identical 
with the particle 8% or Asi referred to in § 18.1. Examples of the use 
of these pronouns are: 

§§ 27, 28 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 199 

advfsa wuLll^q! who broke it off? 

adu'sgi qa»i' gaca' I wonder who will marry my daughter 

dd'saya ye djVwani what has done this ? 

ddsayvf, aLe' what is that, mother? 

liA da' tin sa what with? (that is, what can you do?) 

wasa'yu hade' ye'doqa what to us do they say thus ? 

tcIuLef lel wvdusku' wa/sa waniye' then they did not know what 

had been done 
wafsa iya'odvdziqa' Axyl't what did they say to you, my son? 

With these should be connected gu'su where. 

gusy/ yen yuqoxeftcgi where is, then, the breaking off of it ? 
gusvf tuvmnu' guylyi where is it that he had felt bad ? 
gvdA'xqa'x SAyu' u'vxidji lel ye'avmsku' from whence he came, 
she did not know 

The last of these examples shows the locative character of gusu' 
(in this case contracted to gu)) and the first two, the curious manner 

of its employment. 

§28 



TEXT 

QaqIatcgu'k 

(Told by interpreter, Don Cameron, at Sitka, January, 1904) 

Clt!ka'q!ayu* ye'yati* wu'ckikliye'n' ye'duwasak" * hunxo'* a*^ 

At Sitka it was tliat tliere were brothers* named thus Ibe eldest that is 

QaqlAtcgQ'k.^ ALlu'nayu* hAs ak"citA'n.* Leq!*® t«!uta'tayu" 

QaqlAtcgQ'k. Hunting it was they liked. One morning it was on 

Uiat 

q!a't!q!I xode'" dak" has uwaqo'x." Lei At udJA'qx." Tslu 

islands to among out they went by canoe. Not things he ever Killed. Again 

yen uqo'xtc.^® Tslu dak uwaqo'x." AdA'xayu*^ yuqiu'n*' xo'de 

there he always came Again out he went oy canoe. And then the fur seals to 

in by canoe. among 

wuduwasa'." '*Hu At naqo'xtctya *® aya'." CSlklA'Ll" f'sa*^ 

his name was called. ** He things always going in canoe is here. Keep quiet your Toioes 

after 

gaa'x."" Daq hAs naqo'x'* a'ayu** yuhunxo'a** ye'qiayaqa:" 

lest he Shoreward they were going by at that time the eldest brother it said thus: 

hear." * canoe was 

> CUIkA^ (Sitka) compounded of Cithe native name of Baranoff island, the post-position t!a bbhikd or 
BACK OP, and the post-position ka on; q! locative post-position at; ayu compounded of yu the demonstra- 
tive and probably a- Indefinite pronoun, used to call particular attention to the place. 

* y« an adverolal particle referring to brothers, which may here be translated as follows, although 
it sometimes refers to what precedes; pa- contlnuatlve prefix § 15.3; ti stem of the verb to be. 

s um' i 15.4; c- the reflexive prefix § 11; kik! younger brother; -fin suflix which seems to take the 
place of hAa to indicate plurality. 

* ye AS follows; du- S 17.3; wa- § 18.2; mto name or call; •&« noun-forming or perfect participial sulBz 
$20.3. 

6 hum elder brother; 6 probably possessive; kik! younger brother. 
' a stands for yfduwasak^. 

7 Object of yi'duwataku. 

* a- indefinite pronoun indicating the things hunted for; Hun hunting for, employed as a post-posi- 
tion; -ayH (see note 1). 

9 Has personal pronoun subject third person plural; a- object referring to aUu'n: k*- indefinite prefix; 
d- desire % 18.7; tAWto put, verb-stem of many uses. 

10 Uq! one, numeral modifying U!ut&'t. Very often the noun modified is omitted in connections like 
this. 

^^U!u again; Uil night; ayu demonstrative. The meaning seems to be, another niobt being 

PAST. 

w q!&tl I3L/-ND; -qti plural; xo among; A? motion to. 
" Adverb; seaward or to an open place. 
" a- § 17.2; wa- § 18.2; qox to go by canoe. 
w tt- § 17.2; djAq to kill; -x distributive suffix § 19.4. 
" tt- § 17.2; qox to go by canoe; -tc Intensive suffix % 7. 
1' a- indefinite pronoun; -dAx from; ayu demonstrative. 
" yu- demonstrative; g/tZn fur-seal. 

» wvr § 15.4; dU' § 17.3; wa- § 18.2; »o to name, to call, also voice. 

» na- action accompanied by another action § 17.5; qox to go by canob; 4e inten^ve suffix $ 7; -I 
participial suffix; -ya noun-formlng suffix \ 20.2, 4. 
>i a Indefinite pronoun, and ya demonstrative. 
»c- reflexive § 11; I- frequentative § 18.4; k!AL! to be quiet. 
»f- thy; Ba voice (see note 19). 
** po- subordinating prefix § 17.4; &i to hear. 

* a and ayu. 

** yu- demonstrative; hunxd' elder brother; a indefinite pronoun. 
"^ yl' AS follows; q!a mouth; ya- § 15.3; qa stem. 

200 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 201 

"Lak" axa', yandunu'k"."" Le k!ant»« Has uwanu'k".^ Caqaha'di" 

••Quick paddlea it has become windy." Then angry they became. The bowman 

yak"t ^ awago'q" ^ duaxa'yi.** LdakA't ye's ^ wudztgi't.** AdA'xay u " 

into the pushed his paddle. All did the same. And then 

canoe 

cana''^ hAs wu'dls!lt.»« Yu'yak"^* qo'a Le wu'Iixac." Dekl'de*® 

beads they covered. The canoe, however, then drifted. Outward 

ijeducu'*^ yA'kaye qa tat" Has wu'lixac.'* Yadjt'nkat-qa-dex ** 

six days * and nights they drifted. Thetwelthday 

akA'tayu" ke a'odzigit** ySn yu'lititk"*^ yuya'k"." Aositi'n*' 

on that up he woke there the drifting against * the canoe. He saw 

the shore 

q!at!kA'ql*^ Asiyu'** tan, tsa, qlun, yAX"tcI qa tan-qlAdadza'yt.** 

on the island it was sea-lions, hair- fur- sea-otters, and sea- bristles. * 

seals, seals, lion- 

tidakA't ada'*^ aoKtA'q!" yuqla'tldaq!.*^ Has At ka'wadjel.*' 

All around it drifted the island around on. They things got up. 

Leq! tak"" aye's*** wuti'.^* KA'ndAkle'ti" yuLe'q! tak" qa acuwu'. 

One year they were there. It was completed the one year and a half. 

Wute'x*^ vuqa' tcucsta't.**® Leq! tsluta't an*® ke udzlgl't" 

Slept regularly tlie man to sleep about himself. One morning with it up he woke 

dutcri'ni.** Ye/atcun*^ qox®^ aga'qtc.^ AdA'xayu^^ Leql tsluta't" 

his dream. He dreamed thus back he always got. And then one morning 



* ^ { 15.3; n- action accompanied by another action { 17.5; du- { 17.3; nuk» to blow. 

* kidn anoer; -4 atttdnment of a state § 20.1. 
>• tt- { 17.2; tea- { 18.2; nuku to become. 

» Perhaps containing ca head, qa if an. 

■ InUm canoe; -t motion into. 

u a indefinite pronoun; wa- { 18.2; poq^ to push. 

M du^ ms; oxa' paddle; -pV possessive suffix § 10. 

> pi refers to action preceding; s probably stands for Has thet. 

M lew- $ 15.4; dti- to come to § 18.6; gU to do. 

*J ea head; -na probably around, near. 

■ WW § 15.4; di' Inchoative § 18.3; a!U to cover. 
» wu- § 15.4; 2- frequentative $ 18.4; xac to drift. 
« dMf PAR off; -di motion thither. 

41 Lgq! one; six » one counted upon five. 

A pa- demonstrative; djln hand; -kOt upon or across, probably the two hands lying upon each other; 
qa and; dix two. 

^ Probably a indefinite pronoun; ikA on; t motion to; ayu demonstrative compound. 
_ «« a indefinite pronoun; o- § 17.2; dH- to come to be § 18.6; git. 

« pH demonstrative: 2- frequentative { 18.4; tU to drift ashore; -Jtu verbal noun § 20.3. 

M a- indefinite pronoun; o- 9 17.2; -si simple statement of an action $ 18.1; (in to see. 

^ qfOil island; kA on; q! at. 

* Probably a indefinite pronoun; si simple statement of fact (see note 46); pu demonstrative. 

* qia probably mouth; -fi possessive suffix § 10. 
^ a indefinite pronoun; da around. 

u a indefinite pronoun; o- § 17.2; {- frequentative $ 18.4; Uql to drift. 
u pu demonstrative; qiati island; da around; q! at. 
•* Jto- TO CAUSE TO DO $ 15.2; WO- $ 18.2; djei TO arise. 

»« Strictly WINTER. 

u a indefinite pronoun; pis on account of, or y^ plus « for Has they. 
M wu- i 15.4; H to be. 

w I am unable to analyze this word. kA may be the prefixed auxiliary. 
M wu- $ 15.4; ta TO sleep; -x distributive § 19.4. 

■•fctic-i)erhaps reflexive} 11; «- single statement of action § 18.1; ta to sleep; -i suffix indicating 
purpose }20.L 
<B a indefinite pronoun; -n wrra. 

a tt- active prefix { 17.2; dzi- to come to be $ 18.6; gU to do. 
« du- ms; tciln dream; -i possessive suffix after a consonant §§ 3, 10. 
« pe- demonstrative; a indefinite pronoun; teiin to dream. 
M qac occurs both as adverb and as post-portion. 

* a indefinite pronoon; gOq to beach; -tc hitensive suffix § 7. 



202 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



(BULL. A9 



Tcakuge'yl ye'nde '* hayak"gwata'n.^' 

Anywhere* thither * we will go. 



duki'k!.hAs«« ye'ayaosiqa,*^ *'Ca'yidaqe'd6.«« Yak"yi«» At kaytlaga'.'*' 

his younger brothers he said to as follows, *'* Sit up. Into the things yon load. 

canoe 

GAga'n Kane'sdi-ca ^ 

^n Croes-moantain 

(Verstovaia) 

hA8 ya'watAn.^* Qo'ka 

they 'were heading. It was 

dark 

wucge'dt" hAsducayl'nayt'* hinql'* hAs anatl'tc*® gAga'n anA'x** 

into itself their anchor * in the they lowered sun fmm 

water near it 

LAX qlun** hAs uxe'** sayu'** hAs aositi'n ke'Ladi 

Very many they camped when they saw aaea-^ull 



cakl'n AX '* ke xlxtc. " ^^ 

near the np always gets." 
top of 



AdA'xayu ySn 

And then there 



ke xi'xtciya.** 

up where it gets. 



when 
it was 



ST 



yadji'ndahen.** XAtc*** lIux Asiyu' hAS aoslti'ii. Axa'd^ 

standing suddenly It was Mount it was they saw. Near it 

(on the water). Edgecumbe that 

yasffaqoxayu'** hAS aositrn l!ux klide'n. '^Yu'ca** adatcu'n,"** 

* when they were they saw Mount plainly. "The straight towards 

coming Edgecumbe mountain it," 

yu'yawaqa*^ QaqlAtxjgQ'k, "adatcu'n*** yen yayi'satAn."** AdA'xayu 

was what said QaqlAtcgd'k, '* straight towards there you\>e steering." And then 

xa'nade®* ada'x yen Has uwaqo'x. Ye hAS a'wasa Yak^kAbigA'k".** 

towards near there they came by Thus they named it Ganoe-resting-plaoe. 

evening canoe. 

Tan a akawati'*^ anA'x gadusku't** hu anA'x yfin wuqoxo'n.*' 

Sea it he caused ashore so they might he near it there had come by 

lion was to be at it know canoe. 



M du- his; Hkf younger brother; -Has plural for terms of relationship. 

^ ye demonstrative; a Indefinite pr<moun; pa- § 15.3; o- § 17.2; H- simnle statement { 18.1; fa to say. 
« Probably c- reflexive; i- you; da- Inchoative § 18.3; qi to srr; -di Imperative suffix or i>article { 22.2. 
• y<tt«* canoe; jrt probably down into. 

70 ka- TO cause 5 15.2; pi- ye; I- frequentative { 18.4; ga to load. 

71 y&n there; di motion toward. 

» ha us; par § 15.3; leu- Indefinite § 15.6; gwa- (for gu-) future § 15.5; tan to oo. 

n Kani'at Is the modem Tllnglt word for cross (Lieut. O. T. Emmons believes It to be a oorruption of 
Christ. The consonant cluster st does not sound like Tllnglt); ca mountain. 
74 ca head; Id towards; nAx near, or from near by. 
» yii TO get; -tc Intensive suffix § 7. 
w par { 15.3; wa- § 18.2; tAn to head. 
" wvr § 15.4; c- reflexive; pi into; dl motion to. 
78 hA9du- their; capi'na anchor; -pi possessive suffix. 
7» hln water; -ql into. 

M a Indefinite pronoun; na- action accompanied by another § 17.5; ti stem; -tc intensive sufOx. 
n a Indefinite pronoun; nAZ near, or from near by. 
» ily TO get; -le intensive suffix § 7; -1 participle; -pa verbal noun § 20.2, 4. 
B> After LAX q!un, the word UU winter should be understood. 
»♦ tt- § 17.2; xe to camp. 

» ^0- § 15.3; dji- RAPIDLY § 17.1; na- at the same time as §17.5; da- Inchoative { 18.3; hln to stand. 
w -tc emphatic suffix (?). 
87 a Indefinite pronoun; x^n post-position Indicating motion to the neighborhood of some person; -fa 

PURPOSE. 

» ya- § 15.3; 9- probably stands for hAi; pa- when { 17.4; qoz to oo by canoe; -apu demonstrative. 
» gu demonstrative; ca mountain. 

w a Indefinite pronoun; datcun i>ost-posltion, perhaps containing da around. 
9i gu demonstrative; pa- § 15.3; wa- § 18.2; qa to say. 
«s ya § 15.3; pi- second i>erson plural; sa- Indicative §18.1; L4n to steer. 
M d^ motion toward. 

»* gdkii canoe; kAl (?); *i- Indicative §18.1; ga or gAku (?). 
» a Indefinite pronoun; ka- to cause § 15.2; wo- § 18.2; ti to be. 

M pa subordinating prefix § 17.4; dur § 17.3; 9- Indicative § 18.1; ku to know; -t purpose § 20.1. 
^7 um- § 15.4; gox to oo by canob; -n conjunctival suffix preceded by in harmony with the o before s 
§ 3; § 19.3. 



•018 1 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 203 

AdA'xawe yaCi'tlkadS" hAS wuqo'x. Ya'anl** gaya'qdS*** 

And then here to Sitka they oameby This town ashore in front of 

canoe. 

ya'sgaqo'xay u' ^®^ tcla'gnayf **" ducA't*** gant a^'x. Tclaye' su 

when they were coming the old one his wife outside wept. At that very 

in by canoe time 

gaxe'ayu'**^ aostti'n yu'yak" an egaya'dS*^ yanaqo'x.*^ Aostti'n 

wh en sh e was she saw theoanoe town to in front of was coming. She saw 

crying 

awu'Agfi'i^ xat-sla:^:".^" Wudlhfi'n*^ nelde'"* wugu't."* Hat"« 

she had the root-hat She started up into the to go Here 

woTen house (she went). 

hAS uwaqo'x. Dutuwu' "* sigu' yuca'wAt-can."* Dux5'x duxA'nql"* 

they came. Her mind was happy the old woman's. Her husband to her 

daq gu'dayu IdakA't At qadjide'"* ye aosi'ni"^ tan-qlAdadza'yt, 

up came when all things to the men these he gave sea-lion bristles, * 

yA':^"tc dugu', qfun dugu'. An qadjt'n"* aoKLe'k"."® Duka'ni- 

sea-otter skins, fur-seal skins. With hands he shook. Hisbrothers- 

these 

y8n"» ye'davaduqa, «" "Detc!a'k""» iitil'ql"» ygn yu-At-ka'wati."* 

in-law they said thus to him, "Long since invour there the feast has been 

place given. 

Yuyl's-qa"* de*"* udu'waca."*" ALe'n*" tuwunu'k"*** awatle'.**> 

The young is already married." It was trouble she felt, 

woman much 

" jra THIS, employed because ne story was told in Sitka; di toward. 

• fo this; dn town; -f possessive suffix. The reason for the use of this suffix is not clear. 

M^'ya post-position, in front or; -f probably indicates motion shobi ward; -^toward. 

Ml ^ 1 15^; 9- for kAi THXT (7); ^subordinating prefix $ 17.4; fox to oo bt canoe; -ayti demonstrative. 

M> te/dk» OLD, OLD TDf xs. OLD THiNQs; '{a)ifi posssssive suffix referring to ducA't. 

wtftt-ms. 

>M ^ TO CRT; -i participle { 20.2; -ofm demonstrative. 

M» e- occurs a few times before post-positlans beginning with ^, such as fa and pi; fOfpa m front of; 

a TOWARD. 

Mi ^ 1 15.3; no- action done at the same time as another { 17.5. 

w a Indefinite pronoun; wu- { 15.4; Ak to wxavx, with terminal sound voiced before vowel; -i participle 
{20.2. 
"■rff root; «/ay« hat. 

M» tcrti- 1 15.4; H- inchoative $ 18.3; Mn to movs. (?) 
u* nB into thb house; di toward. 
ui wu- 1 15.4; gu to oo; -4 purposive sufllx { 20.1. 
us he demonstrative; -t post-position, 
us du her; tu mind; wu possessive suffix after u { 10. 
m pu demonstrative; cA^wAt woman; tOn old. 
u* du he; -xAti to the neighborhood of a person; -f / at. 
u« fa man; -te voiced before vowel; emphatic sufllx { 7; di toward. 
n? See note 46; nf to give. 
usftt man; ^nHAND. 
"S (^« TO SHAKE. 

isi du ms; pSn plural for terms of relationship (see note 3). 

n pi demonstrative; da sign of indirect object $ 14.4; pa- { 15.3; du- $ 17.3; qa to sat. 

i» de now; te!Sk» a long time ago. 

>s> i- tht; -f / post-position. 

iM fu demonstrative; At something; ko- causative $ 15.2; wa- { 18.2; ti to be. 

^ fu demoostiBtive; |fff young person; 9a human being. 

^de now. 

^ u-i 17.2; du- { 17.3; wa- { 18.2; ea to marrt (—woman). 

m a indefinite pronoun; Lin big. 

>s» tu mind; wu- { 15.4; nttkv to become. 

m a taideOiilte proooon; wa- { 18.2; tli to feel. 



204 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

[Translation] 

Brothers lived at Sitka of whom the eldest was named Qaq lAtcgu'k. 
They were fond of huntmg. One morning they went out among the 
islands. He (that is Qaq lAtcgu'k) kept coming back without having 
killed anything. He went out again. Then his name was mentioned 
among the fur-seals. "The one who always hunts is here. Keep 
quiet, lest he hear your voices.'* When they were going towards the 
shore, the eldest brother said, "Use your paddles quickly, for it has 
become windy/' Now they became angry. The bow-man pushed 
his paddle down into the canoe. All did the same thing. Then they 
covered their heads. The canoe, however, drifted on. They drifted 
out for six days and nights. The twelfth day he (Qaq ! Atcgu'k) awoke 
and found the canoe drifting against the shore. He saw sea-lions, 
hair-seals, fur-seals, sea-otters, and sea-lion bristles on the island. 
All had drifted ashore around the island. They took their things up. 
They were there for one year. A year and a half was completed. 
The man kept sleeping, thinking about his condition. One morning 
he woke up with his dream. He kept dreaming that he had gotten 
home. And one morning he said to his younger brothers, "Sit up. 
Put the things into the canoe. The sun always rises from the neigh- 
borhood of Mount Verstovaia.'' Then they headed in that direction. 
When it became dark, they lowered their anchor into the water in the 
direction from which the sun comes up. After they had spent very 
many nights, they saw a sea-gull upon the water. What they saw 
was Mount Edgecumbe. When they got nearer it, they saw plainly 
that it was Mount Edgecumbe. "Straight for the mountain," said 
QaqlAtcgu'k, "steer straight towards it." So towards evening they 
came near it. They named that place Canoe-resting-place. He 
pounded out the figure of a sea-lion there so that they might know 
he had come ashore at that place. When they came ashore in front 
of the town, his old wife was outside weeping. While she was crying, 
she saw the canoe coming in front of the town. She saw the root-hat 
she had woven. She got up to go into the house. They came 
thither. The old woman's mind was glad. When her husband came 
up to her, he gave all these things to the people — sea-lion bristles, sea- 
otter skins, fur-seal skins. He shook hands with these in his hands. 
His brother-in-law said to him, " The feast was given for you some time 
ago (that is, the mortuary feast). The young woman is already mar- 
ried." She (the younger woman) was very much troubled on account 
of it (because her former husband was now a man of wealth). 



HAIDA 



BY 



JOHN R SWANTON 



205 



OOITTENTS 



Page 

S 1. Location '. 209 

({ 2-6. Phonetics 210 

§ 2. System of sounds 210 

{ 3. Grouping of sounds 212 

{ 4. Dialectic differences 213 

§ 5. Laws of euphony 213 

§ 6. Grammatical processes 215 

§{ 7-12. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 215 

{ 7. Noun and verb 215 

§ 8. Composition 216 

§ 9. Classification of nouns 216 

{ 10. Personal pronouns 217 

§ 11. Demonstrative pronouns 217 

§ 12. Connectives 217 

S{ 13-34. Discussion of grammar 218 

§ 13. Formation of word complexes 218 

§ 14. First group: Instrumental verbal prefixes 219 

§ 15. Second group: Classifying nominal prefixes 227 

§§ 16-21. Third group: Principal predicative terms 235 

§ 16. Characterization of predicative terms 235 

§ 17. Stems in initial position 235 

§ 18. Stems in terminal position, first group 237 

§ 19. Stems in terminal position, second group 238 

§ 20. Stems in terminal position, third group 240 

§ 21. Stems in terminal position, fourth group 243 

§ 22. Fourth group: Locative suflSxes 244 

{{ 23-26. Syntactic treatment of the verbal theme 247 

§ 23. Temporal suflSxes 247 

§ 24. Semi-temporal suffixes 250 

§ 25. Modal suffixes. 250 

§ 26. Unclassified suffixes *. 254 

§ 27. Personal pronoun 256 

{ 28. Possession 257 

§ 29. Plurality and distribution 260 

§ 30. Demonstrative and interrogative pronouns 261 

{{ 31-33. Modifying stems 261 

{ 31. Connectives 261 

§32. Adverbs 265 

{ 33. Interjections 266 

{ 34. Syntax 266 

§S 35-39. Vocabulary 268 

§ 35. General remarks 268 

§ 36. Verb-stems 268 

§ 37. Numerals 270 

§ 38. Nominal stems 271 

S 39. Plural stems 276 

Haida text (Skidegate dialect) 277 

207 



HAIDA 



By John R. Swanton 



§1. LOCATION 

The Haida language, called Skittagetan by Powell, was anciently 
spoken only on the Queen Charlotte islands, oflf the coast of British 
Columbia. About a hundred and fifty or two hundred years ago, 
however, a large body of Haida moved from their old towns in the 
northwestern part of the islands, and settled around Cordova and 
Kasaan bays, Alaska. As originally situated the Haida consisted of 
six fairly well-marked geographical groups, each of which probably 
possessed certain dialectic peculiarities; but only two or three well- 
established dialects can now be said to exist. The two most impor- 
tant of these are that spoken at Skidegate, in the central portion of 
the Queen Charlotte islands, and that spoken at Masset (on the 
northern end of the islands) and in Howkan, Klinkwan, and Kasaan, 
Alaska. The first I shall call the Skidegate dialect, and the second 
the Masset dialect. The speech of the people around the southern 
extremity of the group differed so far from these that it may also 
have been entitled to dialectic rank, but so few of those who used to 
speak it now survive that we have no absolute knowledge on this 
point. From the name given by whites to their principal town, I 
shall call this hypothetical dialect the dialect of Ninstints. 

The nearest neighbors of the Skidegate Haida were the Tsimshian 
of the mainland of British Columbia; and the nearest neighbors of 
the Masset Haida the Alaskan Tlingit. There is evidence, however, 
that at one time the Tlingit were neighbors of the southern Haida 
as well ; and the speech of both shows morphological and even lexical 
similarities such as lead to a suspicion of genetic relationship. 
Although Tsimshian influence has been very strong among the Haida 
in recent years, the Tsimshian language is quite distinct, and the 
only other language in this region which shows any morphological 
similarity to Haida is the Athapascan spoken in the interior of the 
continent. 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 14 209 



210 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



(BULL. 40 



The examples given in the following sketch have been taken from 
mj collection of Haida texts. Those in the Masset dialect will be 
found in the publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, 
Volume X ; those in the Skid^ate dialect in Bulletin 29 of the Bu- 
reau of American Ethnology. References preceded by B refer to 
Bulletin 29. 

PHONETICS (§§ 2-5) 

§ 2. System of Sounds 

Like most other languages of the north Pacific coast of America, 
Haida makes an extended use of sounds of the Jcj I, and 8 series. It 
is peculiarly remarkable, however, for the great extent to which it 
employs n and n (ng) and the frequent juxtaposition of two or even 
three vowel-sounds. Following is a list of all those sounds which the 
Haida themselves appear to recognize : 



AflEricatives 
Dentals . 
Palatals . 
Velars . 
Labials . 
Laterals . 



Semi- 
Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant N«iU ^^^jf 

Breathing. 



dj 
d 



tc 
t 
k 

9 
V 

L 



U! 

t! 

Tc! 



8 
X 
X 



n 
n 



y 

h 



LI 



t 



I (or e) i (or i) 

d (or a) A 
u (or o) u (or o) 



- m 
1,1 - 

An anterior palatal series might be added to these, but the sounds 
to be so characterized seem only palatals followed by a close vowel. 
The fortis sounds are accompanied by a slight explosion, which 
results from urging more breath against the articulating organs than 
can at once pass through. Some speakers bring these out very for- 
cibly, while others pass over them with considerable smoothness. In 
the latter case it is very easy to mistake them for corresponding so- 
nants. It is doubtful whether d and t and dj and tc really exist as 
recognizedly separate sounds; tc is sometimes heard in the Masset 
dialect, and dj in Skidegate in corresponding situations, x is pro- 
nounced intermediately between the ch in German "ach'* and in Ger- 
man ''ich," with which latter sound it agrees entirely when placed 
before a close vowel. In the Z-series l is much like dl, and l much 
like U; but the tongue is extended farther forward along the palate, 
and there is a greater flow of breath around it. In I the outflow of 

breath becomes extreme, m and p are usually final sounds in certain 
§2 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 211 

syllables where they appear to convey a kmd of onomatopoetic sense. 
In both cases there is a little longer pause with lips closed after the 
enunciation than is usual in English. 6, which occurs in barely half 
a dozen words, seems to be of the same nature. In the Masset dialect 
g and x are articulated so feebly that it is best to represent them by 
independent signs, * and ^; but this alteration seems to be only an 
accompaniment of the shorter form of speech which Masset people 
affect. In the present sketch all of the examples not marked 
"Masset" are taken from the Skidegate dialect. 

Among vowels we have to distinguish clearly between those proper 
to the language and those which seem to be purely accidental, a sort 
of by-product of speech. In the former class are u (or o), u (or o), 
% (or e), i (or 6), a, and a. The soimds in the pairs u and o, n and o, 
% and e, i and e, are not distinguished from each other, and in each 
case the two probably stand for a single sound. % and e pass very 
easily into i and e; and the latter may be described as accidental 
sounds, although which pair is really accidental it would be hard to 
say. Under the accent, a is lengthened into a. Sometimes a is heard 
instead of d (JciaflUj hiaflu) ; and sometimes the doubling of a sound 
gives the effect of d, as in Masset gdn, equivalent to qa'An, s,ndqd'nan, 
which is the same as qea'fuin, a following wa, as in wa'LUj resembles 
d; and & is heard in a few exclamations, but it is not proper to the 
language. The semi-vowels, y and w, are etymologically related to I 
and Uy and must be considered modifications of these. sounds. 

A notable feature of Haida is the doubling "and juxtaposition of 
vowels, accompanying the general vocalic character of the speech. 
Any two vowels may thus be used together, but, although generally 
treated as equivalent to a single vowel, they do not seem to be 
pronounced as closely together as the vowel-sounds which compose 
our diphthongs. Examples of this phenomenon are: 

djafada woman 

la V klinafgan WAnm'ga he told her the news, they say 

V 8vfu8 he said 
gua towards 
ta'olAU friends 
gui toward 

V ^ea'lagAU he became 
Inaga'i the town 

A weak i may be followed by two vowels, as in gia^ogi at the end. 

§2 



212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [b\:u.. 40 

§ 3. Grouping of Sounds 

Syllables may consist of a single vowel ; a consonant with following 
vowel, or with vowel-combination like the above ; two consonants with 
following vowel; two consonants, a vowel, and a terminal consonant; 
or of two consonants by themselves. 

While all classes of consonants may stand at the beginning of 
words, Jc sounds are not admitted as terminal sounds. 

Two groups of consonantic clusters may be distinguished — those 
with initial s and I, and those with other initial consonants. Z, l, l, 
and l! belong in part to the former group. 

Only 8 and ?, and to a certain extent Z, z, l, and l! may form 
initial clusters, and the first two are found with considerable fre- 
quency in monosyllabic stem. In these clusters 8 and I are followed 
by other consonants; but 8 is not followed by another 8 or anaflfric- 
ative. Following are examples, taken from the Masset dialect: 

8tAn two 280.10 Ita'nu to eat (collective) 278.7 

8t!e sick 300.28 Igiil to move about 

8g(U to chop 275,10 Ihmd disturbed, in haste 7 19.5 

sktt- to club IklA^maZ needle of coniferous tree 

sJcOdn but 296.32 303.11 

s^oan (s^wdn) one 275.7 Ineid to begin to spUt 711.23 

8q!ao salmon-berry bush 3 19.23 l^lanqlAW pit 703.25 

8LAqA'm butterfly 296.26 Iqain kelp 

8L!a hand 

Initial clusters with initial x, l, l! or I are not rare, but are formed 
probably in all cases by composition. 

Inagai' town 704.9 (from na to live) 

LUA^nda a whole one 707.11; 419.15 

V Lu^alanan she cooked it 731.41 (^al to cook 295.7) 

xno^ 710.26 

Ll'lgadAfiidan to split quickly 711.26 

Lldjugia' ga-i standing 725.26 

Lsku'nagahan they dress up 717.34 

All other consonantic clusters do not admit surd stops in second 

position, and no it sound occurs in first position. The only cluster 

beginning with an alTricative that I have found is djx. Presumably 

all these clusters are due to composition of stems which terminate 

and begin with consonants respectively. This would account for the 
§3 



w>*s] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 213 

absence of Tc sounds as first sounds of clusters, since these do not 
occur as terminal sounds. 

§4. Dialectic Differences 

Compared with the Skidegate dialect, Masset appears to have 
undergone a shortening process throughout. I have already men- 
tioned the change of g and a; to * and *; and this shortening is also 
conspicuously noticeable among vowel-sounds, a appearing as a, liao 
as u, stA or sta as sV , while the u and a soimds generally, especially 
when terminal, are reduced to very light breathings. The vowel- 
combination ai becomes almost e. Sometimes, however, one vowel is 
changed into another, as in siin two (Masset stAn) or u'ngu on top 
OP (Masset Vngu). In conformity with a euphonic tendency to be 
noted below, n, as in Vs/ln, often changes to n in Masset. Occasion- 
ally, too, whole syllables are dropped, and so we have qaod for 
qa'odi; Hal and dal for UalA^n and dalA^n; %'Llade for I' hlxagidasgai. 

Another difference between these two dialects, related to the ques- 
tion of euphony, is the change of g into x in certain situations in the 
Skidegate dialect, and its retention in Masset. Thus afdjgua over 
THERE in Masset becomes d'djxua in Skidegate, and V qafgah he 
WENT OUT becomes Ia qafxvls. This is interesting as seeming to 
show that the euphonic tendencies have acted differently in the two 
branches of the Haida tribe. 

All that is known of the peculiarities of the Ninstints dialect is 
that it tended to substitute Ic for g, and that in the manner of its 
enunciation it was esteemed by the other Haida to resemble Atha- 
pascan. 

§ 5. Laws of Euphony 

The most important euphonic change in Haida is related to that 

spoken of above. Within the Skidegate dialect itself the g and g of 

the connective particle gori (see p. 262), the possessive suflSx -gAu (see 

§ 28.4), and the past-temporal suflSxes before the quotative WATisvfga 

(see § 23.1), are dropped in certain situations, generally having to do 

with the preceding sound. It is not possible to make rules that will 

cover all the cases which occur, but it generally happens that g is 

retained after a and dropped after u. After the consonants and 

the remaining vowels it is more often dropped than retained; but 

exceptions are numerous, especially after I, n, the Z-sounds, and 8 

§5 4,5 



214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BrLL. 40 

contracted from dji. In the cases of infinitives and participles, 
exceptions are more nimierous than with nouns. Examples of the 
use and disuse of this g are the following: 

xafgai the dog B 37.4 TiafnAn his grandmother B 59.14 

Lua'i the canoe B 29.21 nd'figai the play 

djafgAn his wife B 29.30 qjadl'gai the slumber 

awu'n his mother B 7.1 afsgai this thing B 33.28 

goda'i the box B 71.32 V gea'lgai when he came (to be) 

In theMasset dialect the g of -a^^in, the Skidegate past-inexperienced 
temporal sufiix (see § 23.2, p. 248), is dropped in most situations, but 
retained as g after a, conformably with the above rule 

la l! isdagl'ganan they l! ^afsgadani they landed 
always took him zed idja'ni they were ashore 

But— 

qdL yufAU qledju'Llagan a big V tafgani he ate 

reef stood out of the water UAn I' Llagidagan one was chief 

The final consonant of certain stems is sometimes Z, sometimes i. 
Of these, I usually appears before a vowel, I before a consonant: 

Ia 8tA l! stUs they went back a^oMn gut Ia qaxUgid'ldsi he 
for him ran over this way upon it 

But accent seems to have something to do with the phenomenon; 
for, when two vowels precede this consonant and the accent falls 
upon the second, I is commonly employed; thus — 

frei lafga Ia tdVUagea/lgai lu when he got through breaking his 
paddles 

I is also sometimes introduced where it has no grammatical signifi- 
cance, and thus we find yakvlsl'a in the middle instead of yaJcusi^a. 

n and n seem to bear much the same relation to each other as do 
I and I, only in this case n is plainly the original sound. Thus the 
terminal phonetic combination -uas often contracts to ns; for 
example, iw/tga Jiao la'oatugwangAfiAS his nephew sat abound 
WHITTLING or nd^t^a Tiao la^oatugwangAUS, This phenomenon may 
be due as much to rapid pronunciation as to any other cause. 

Before s the terminal n of the imperative future suffix disappears, 
as also from gana^n like before xaUj as ingana'xAn; while in gi'ngAfi 
TO himself it appears to be inserted. 

8 becomes dj before most vowels; for example, ids sand, td'djai 

the sand; a' dji this, d'sgai this thing; Tiawa'n dAn xe'nAnavdja 

DO Tou still live? and gAm gu ^AUf, dA'ffa tIdU'fi Vnainaflus 
§5 



BOAS} HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 215 

MAY WE NOT LEAVE WATER WITH Tou? (Masset) — havG the soiue inter- 
rogative suffix -udja, 'tL8. 

Labials are of small consequence in Haida. Still it is worth 
noting that sip sea-anemone changes the p to & when followed by 
the connective particle, namely, sl'hai, 

§ 6. GRAMMATICAL PBOCESSES 

Grammatical categories and syntactical relations are expressed 
almost solely by composition, affixing, and position. There is a 
sporadic case of duplication presented by the continuative suffix 
-^Au; as, la ^'ngAft he is looking, la ^'ngAugAn he looks many 
TIMES ; but it is not extensively used. The perfect tense is expressed 
by a form which may possibly represent dieresis, but which is more 
plausibly explained as a suffix, -y; as, la suda'yagAni I'la isda'si, 

HE DID DIFFERENTLY FROM THE WAY HE HAD SAID HE WOULD DO. 

Verbal and nominal stems may be combined into stem-complexes 
by juxtaposition. These complexes are treated syntactically like 
single stems, each element in the complex receiving its significance 
by its position. Besides compositions of such independent stems, a 
number of others occur in which the component elements do not seem 
to be independent, but occur as prefixes or suffixes. There is, how- 
ever, no sharp dividing-line between composition and affixing; and 
some of the elements that appear at present as subordinate may 
prove to be independent stems. Notwithstanding the phonetic 
independence of the elements of the stem-complexes, their relation is 
so intimate that it seems best to. consider them as single words 
because they enter as units into syntactic construction. A number 
of sound changes which have been referred to seem to be of a 
purely phonetic character, and not to have any morphological 
significance. 

IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PBOCESSES 

(§§ 7-12) 

§ 7. Noun and Verb 

In general, the distinction between nominal and verbal stems is 

very sharp. It is true that certain stems are used in a manner that 

leaves a doubt as to which category they belong, but their use is 

quite limited. Such are waflgal potlatch and to potlatch, xval 

DANCE and TO dance, na house and to live; while glda chief^s 

§§6,7 



216 BUREAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

SON, yafuAn clouds, taffUi sea-water, have or may present verbal 

forms. Grenerally, however, a noun which is used as a predicate is 

followed by a verbal stem, or appears incorporated, as, V gldagafgAn 

HE WAS A chief's SON, V tcafahdas he had a spear (from tcd'aL 

spear). 

Verbs that change into noims usually become abstract, their 

origin being thus easily recognized. The names for instruments, 

store-articles, and some other things, are generally descriptive terms 

and thus verbal, but they have dropped their verbal suffixes and 

taken on a noun-forming suffix. Rarely a verb is turned into a 

passiv,e and then into a noun by prefixing ta and suffixing gai (see 

§ 17.4, p. 236). These are the only cases in which we find verbal 

prefixes in nouns. 

§ 8. Composition 

Although there is much freedom in the composition of stem- 
complexes, a number of types may readily be distinguished. The 
more fully developed complexes of this kind generally express by an 
initial element an idea of modality, most commonly instrumentality; 
by a second element, the nominal object; by a third element, the 
peculiar kind of action ; and by a fourth element, the local relations 
of the action. In those cases in which the various elements are 
best developed, the first element appears as an instrumental prefix; 
the second, as a term expressing a group of nouns characterized by a 
a certain shape ; the third is a verbal stem ; and the fourth expresses 
direction and location. 

These word-complexes are followed by suffixes expressing tense, 
mood, and related concepts. 

§ 9. Classification of Nouns 

The classification of nouns, referred to before, is one of the charac- 
teristic traits of the language. The groups characterize objects as 
'iong,'^ ^^slender,'' *'round," ''flat,*' ^'angular,'' *' thread-like," 
** animate," etc. On account of the extended use of these classifiers, 
incorporation of the noun itself is comparatively speaking rare. It is 
here represented by the use of the classifiers which express the subject 
of the intransitive verb, or the object of the transitive verb as a mem- 
ber of a certain class of things, the principle of classification being 
form. 

On the other hand, the same verbal stems — like **to carry," 

'*push," **move," **be" — are used, on the whole, in relation to all 
§§8,9 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 217 

kinds of objects, regardless of their form; consequently there are 
also only a few cases in which the verbal stem differs in the singular 
and plural. This agrees also with the fact that in the noun the idea 
of plurality is only weakly developed. It occurs only in terms of 
relationship and a few other terms designating human beings. 

§ 10. Personal Pronouns 

Verbs are strictly distinguished as active and neutral. Neutral 
verbs are, on the whole, those designating states of the body and 
qualities, while all other verbs are considered as active. The subject 
of the latter is expressed by the subjective pronoun, while the pro- 
nominal relations of the neutral verb are expressed by the objective 
pronouns. In the pronoim the speaker, person spoken to, and 
person spoken of, are distinguished. The distinction between sub- 
jective and objective forms is confined to the first and second persons 
singular and to the first person plural. Besides these forms, an 
indefinite singular and plural occurs. The indefinite personal pro- 
nouns are also commonly used before noims to perform the functions 
covered by our definite and indefinite articles. The personal pronoun 
of the third person plural is also frequently used as an equivalent to 
our passive. It is also employed as an equivalent to the form for 
the third person singular, when the person referred to is especially 
venerated or respected. The speaker may refer to himself in the 
same way. 

§ 11. Demonstrative Pronouns 

The demonstratives are liriiited in number, the most general spatial 
relations only being indicated. The demonstrative employed to mark 
nearness occurs very often, and corresponds to a similar demonstra- 
tive in the Tlingit language. There are certain other particles of a 
demonstrative character, but they more often indicate grammatical 
connection than spatial relations. 

§ 12. Connectives 

Special local relations are expressed by a long series of connectives 

which are in intimate relation with the verb, but also with the noun 

and pronoxm. They characterize the special relation of the indirect 

object to the verb. They are placed preceding the direct object and 

following the indirect object, if there is one. They seem to be 

adverbial in character. 

§§ 10-12 



218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ivuhh.40 

DISCUSSION OF GBAMMAB (§§ 13-34) 

§ 13. Formation of Word- Complexes 

As already stated, Haida words are very loosely put together and 
many of their elements may also be used mdependently. The type 
of the word-complex which may be isolated as the predicative term 
of the sentence embraces four groups of elements : 

A FIRST GROUP, describing an incidental state or activity, particu- 
larly instrumentality. 

A SECOND GROUP, indicating the nominal object of transitive, the 
subject of intransitive, verbs. 

A THIRD GROUP, expressing the principal predicative term. 

A FOURTH GROUP, expressing local relations and modalities. 

Although there is hardly any phonetic influence between these 
groups of elements, their connection is so intimate that the combi- 
nation is best considered as a single word, even though the component 
elements may occur in other combinations quite independently. An 
example of such a combination is the word dAngldalL Ixas^a ca^ok 
BEING HAULED SEAWARD, which is Constituted as follows 

First group: dAU by pulling. 

Second group: gl canoe-shaped object. 

Third group: ddl to move. 

Liza toward something. 

■ 

s^a seaward. 

Several complexes of this kind may enter into combinations. It 
would seem that when this is the case each complex expresses modality 
or instrumentality in relation to the following ones in the same way 
as the first group expresses modality in the single term. An example 
of this kind is the word gldjiglldalskit to place an animate object 

BY CAUSING IT TO BECOME (oUC that) HOLDS ON WITH THE HANDS: 

First complex, third group : gldji to hold with hands. 

Second complex, third group: gil to become. 

Third complex, third group : da to cause. 

Fourth complex, third group: skit to bring into contact. 

These combinations may be illustrated by the following examples: 

I A la tagiagA^ ngwafias he ate it as he stood around (JLa la objective 
and subjective pronouns; to to eat; -^ to stand; -jr^ifl contin- 
ue tive; -gwan about; -as participle) 
§13 



Fourth group : 



■^*^^ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 219 

gi'tgalAfl stin e'sin Ia qenqla'oxauAS he also saw his two children 
sitting there (git child; -^a possessive suffix; -I An plural suffix 
with terms of relationship; stin two; i'sifi also; I a subjective 
pronoun; qin stem to see; q!a to sit; -o suflBxed auxiliary; 
xan perhaps a form of gAn continuative [§ 24.1, p. 250]; -as 
participle [§ 25.7, p. 254]) 

agA'a Ia s^Alqa'iddffAnhe went stealthily (aj^^i'n reflexive; Ia sub- 
jective pronoun; s^aI to hide; gato go; -id inchoative; -a^An 
past inexperienced) 

Ia gu Ia qaqea'tanagAn he went and looked at her Qa objective 
pronoun; gu post-position at; Ia subjective pronoun; qa to go; 
qea to look; tafUi to go by sea [?] ; -^igAn past inexperienced) 

V qd'dji I A qinqla'idjudalasi he saw his head go by (V possessive 
prefix 3d person singular; qd'dji head; Ia subjective pronoun; 
gin [same as qen] to see; qlor-i- classifier [§ 15.18, p. 232]; 
dju of that sort or kind ; dal to go ; -dsi participle) 

gAtn dalA^n l! qtnxitxd^fi^A^iigasga they will not see you flying 
about all the time (gAm negative particle; dalAU object 2d per- 
son plural; l! subject 3d person plural; q%n to see; xU to fly; 
xdn [?]; -gAn continuative; ga [?]; -^ga future) 

While many verbs and nouns may enter into compositions like 
those described, others occur, at least at present, only in such com- 
positions, and therefore appear as prefixes or suffixes, according to 
their position, preceding or following the third group, which contains 
the principal verbal stems. This is particularly true of the second 
group, which contains a large group of nominal terms of very general 
significance, each representing nouns conceived as possessing a cer- 
tain form. Therefore the second group appears essentially as a group 
of nominal classifiers, although special nouns occur occasionally in 
the same position. The local relations which belong to the fourth 
group never occur independently. 

§ 14. First Qroup : Instrumental Verbal Prefixes ^ 

1. -Wn- BT MEANS OF THE BACK. 

Ia ga u'ntciidanl he carried some on his back (Ia he; ga some; td 

stem [?]; -id inchoative [?]; -an past inexperienced [§ 23.2]; 4 

suffix [§ 25.6]) 
XA'nagi Lina dl Ia u'nxidAS lu I wish he would carry me on his 

back face up (xAfi face; Ltna I wish; dl me; I a he; xit to pick 

up; '8 participle [§ 25.7, p. 254]; lu when) 

1 See also § 17.1, p. 236. All referanoes in { § 14-27 refer to the Slddegate Texts, Bulletin 29, etc. 

§14 



220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [buli^ 40 

I A la u'nsLtcIaids he came in with him and took him off from 
his back (I a him; la he; un- with back; sl to place; tela into; 
-y perfect [§ 23.7, p. 249]; -8 participle [§ 25.7, p. 254]) 

2. tdtt^ BY SHOOTING OB BY HAMMERING; also independent verb, 

TO SHOOT. 

V gl'tgdlAn stVfiXAn tdUga/igadAnaga/iagan WAUsvfga her sons 
knew well how to shoot stones by means of a stick (Z' her ; git 
child; -ga possessive [§ 28.1, p. 257]; -Iau pi.; stVnxAn both; 
to tit' by shooting; gdia to know how to) 

la tcHtguegA^ndi qa'odihao after he had shot for a while (la he ; gv£ 
stem; -(/iin continuative; -di[§ 20.7,p.241]; ga'odi connective 
AFTER A WHILE ; Juw general demonstrative) 

lA4a tell' gas he shot it (I a it; la he; tcH to shoot; -ga auxiliary 
to be [§ 18.5, p. 237]; -s participle [§ 25.7]) 

3. dd' BY PUSHING OR BY AN OUTWARD MOTION OF THE HANDS. 

I A l! daL^SLgawas they pushed him down (I a him; l! they; l- 
[§ 15.20, p. 232] shaped like a human being; sl to put or place; 
gawa [?]; -s participle [§ 25.7]) 

^a la gAu I A dd^gilsi she put it in for him (^a in; la him; gAn for: 
Ia she; da- prefix; gilW; si participle [§ 25.7]) 

V qeU^^a I a dasqIa'sTcitgoasi they put it in front of it (V it; qeu'^a 
in front of; Ia they [with -go § 20.1, p. 240]; do- prefix; sqia- 
[§ 15.11]; slcit stem; -si participle) 

I A gut gia^gai I a daqlafinanAfigoas he rubbed tallow on them Qa 
them [with -^o § 20.1]; gut upon; ^'^ai the tallow; I a he; da- 
prefix; q!di[^ 15.18]; ?iantorub; -.iflcontinuative [§ 24.1]; -s 
participle) 

l! dadjitlAldaVyagAui they pushed down 45.15 {dji stem; -UaI 
down; da to cause; -y perfect) 

4. dafi' BY pulling; also an independent verb(?). This is one of 
the most frequent instrumentals. 

la dAfiA^ndjiLlxas he pulled [him] out head first 29.26 (la he; 
dAU- by pulling; Andji erect; -Lixa toward; -s participle) 

gu'tstA I A dA'ndaias he pulled him apart (gut together; stA from ; I a 
he; dAU' by pulling; da to cause; i = y perfect; -s participle) 

s^wan V dA'nantcIiLOs lu when he pulled one out of the sea (Masset) 
s^wan one; V he; dAu- by pulling; antc!i=- Andji erect; La per- 
haps Lixa toward; -s participle; lu when) 

A'na V dA^nidani he pulled his property out (Ana his own; V he; 
dAfi- by pulling; -da to cause; -an past inexperienced; A 
[§ 25.6, p. 253]) 

Ia dAuqlaf-iLOS he pulled out (head) 10.4 (q!a-i- §15.18) 

Ia dA'nsq!astas he pulled out a long one 57.9 (sq!a- § 15.11) 
§14 



»^^sl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 221 

5. dal'' BY MEANS OP A CURRENT OF WATER (doZ RAIN). 

V dd'ldas he floated (living one) down 97.19 

na'lgaA^nda yvfdAla dd'llgAldALlxaiagAn much seaweed came 
drifting 33.22 {naflgaA'nda seaweed; yu^yu^An much; -^lAla 
pi. adj. [§ 39, p. 276]; dot- by means of a current; Igal to 
turn; dii to cause [§ 18.2]; -x/xa toward; -i perfect; -a^^npast 
inexperienced [§ 23.2]) 

6. f/ce- BY STAMPING OR TREADING UPON. Perhaps related to stfa, 

I A l! Hast'lganAh they tickled her by treading 31.26 (JIa her; l! 
they ; tta- by treading; sU to tickle ; -gauAn continuative dupli- 
cated [§ 24.1; §6]) 

qala'i Inagwa'i gei la ttanana/nasi he stamped half of the alder to 
pieces {qcH alder; -ai the; Inagwai the half; gei into; la he; 
tlar- by treading; Tian to roll about; -an continuative; -asi 
participle) 

V HaLlsadafngasgas she washed it by treading upon it in the sea 
(Z' she; Lisaddn [?]; ^a to go [?]; -sga seaward; -s participle) 

gei Ia tfcmariA' ngavxisi they broke in pieces with their feet (gd 
into [pieces]; I a they [with -^ai^] ; tla- with feet; nan to grind; 
-An continuative; -asi participle) 

7. stlU' BY kicking; identical with the word for foot. 

Ia la 8t!a'sgidA8 he kicked it {Ia it ; Za he ; sgid stem ; -as participle) 
la stlaxa^ostAgiasi he kicked it into the water (la he; xao quickly; 

stA stem; -gia suffix [?]; -si participle) 
Id^ga Ia la stfaqadai'yagAn he kicked his own 89.33 

8- naii^ BY GRINDING, being the stem of the verb to grind. 

agA'n Ia nanha'Uuvms he destroyed himself by grinding {agA'n 
himself; Ia he; hailu to destroy; -8 participle) 

9. Sktt'' BY CHOPPING or BY CLUBBING. 

la gei I a slcUnanA' nxidaias he began to chop them up Qa it 
[pieces]; gei into; Ia he; nan An stem; -rid inchoative; -i per- 
fect ; -8 participle) 

Ia la sJcida'ndi qa'odi after he had chopped it for a while {Ia it ; 
la he; skid to chop; -an probably continuative; di [§ 20.7] 
ga'odi after a while) 

na'wai Ia sldtnanA' ngawasi they clubbed the devil-fish {nawa^ 
the devil-fish; I a he [with -gav) § 20.1]; nanAn stem; -qm 
participle) 

gl Ia skldjvfusi he tried to club them {gl to [post-position with 
omitted object]; Ia he; 8Tci[t] by clubbing; dju to try, to do 
that sort of thing; -usi participle) 

a^A^n Ia 8ldtk!b'tuida8 he let himself be clubbed to death 12.13 
{ogA'n self; klotul dead; da to cause) 

V sldigaf gonasi he went around while they were beating time 13.16 

§14 



222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

10. SkiU' BY MEANS OF THE SHOULDER. 

V Ina^a'i la slciu' guxidcLS he carried half of it on his shoulder 

(Inagvxi'i the half; gu stem [?]; -xid inchoative [§ 18.6]; -as 

participle) 
la skiu'sktagVnwasi he sat with it on his shoulder (sJcIa- [§ 15.8]; 

gift thing [?]; w=u to continue to be [§ 18.1]; -^isi participle) 
Ia skiv/djUsi being on shoulder 37.32 

1 1 . 8L!' WITH THE FINGERS, this being the word for hand. 

V XA'ne ge^istA gafilgan la SLlglsta'ias he pulled out a blood-clot 
from his eye with his fingers (x^'fle the eye; gei into; sIa from; 
^a'i^^afl blood-clot; jfi- shape [§15.13]; «totomove from; -i per- 
fect; '8 participle) 

I A sLlam'ya he moved the fire with his hands (sl stem; ya [?]) 

12. gtfi^ CAUSE in general, of which the special variety has just been 

given; possibly related to gl'na thing. 

ga^ihao V gimdja'n WAnsvfga that made him feel that way, they 

say {ga'-i that; hw way; i« to be; -an past inexperienced 

[§23.2]; t<;.i 'rml'ja quotative) 
IcuTia'i sqao V ginlLlxedagea'lan WAnsvfgAfi what he got in 

exchange for the whales made him rich Qcurwfi the whales; 

sqao in exchange for; iLlxeda rich or a chief; geal to become 

[§ 18.10]; -afl past inexperienced [§23.2]; watisu^ ga quoisLtive) 
^A gtnqla^adias he (accomplished something) by pretending to be 

asleep (q!a to sleep; -di [§ 20.7]; -as participle) 
lu l! gingvf suganan all that time they made him speak {gusii to 

speak [from stem «w]; -grafl continuative; -an past inexperienced) 
gtnkfotul to cause to die 81.43 
ogA^n gifisHe' gUdaiyan . . . she made herself sick 73.34 

13. fcif- BY MEANS OF A STICK (comparc H'too speab). 

V Inagwa^i la Tdtdjixidaf n WAnsu'ga he carried half of it oflf on a 
stick, they say (inagwa^i the half of it; djl stem; -xid inchoa- 
tive [§ 18.6]; -an past inexperienced; i^^instl'gra quotative) 

I A laMtga/tatdas he threw it in with a stick {gata to throw; -tda 

inside; -8 participle) 
I A V Icidd'^an they struck at him with a stick (Masset) (Z^i him; 

V they [with ^w § 20.1]; -an past inexperienced) 
la V IciqlatLigan he took it into the canoe with a stick (H[t]- 

with stick; g.'a^stem; -zi into canoe; -gran past inexperienced) 
la Lua'-i Jcitgldd'lAsi he pushed the canoe with a pole 41.3 {lu 

canoe; -a-i the; gl- flat object) 
TdtqlafidjUgwagagAU put out (a copper) with a stick 87.24 igJa'V' 

round thing [§ 15.18, p. 232]) 
§14 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 223 

14. Art;- or Jfeti- by means of the voice, for which word this is the 

stem. 

gai Ia gi JcUgadd'n . . . those shouted out to him (gaithose; 
gi to; gad stem [?]; -an past inexperienced) 

gia'gAnai gafdji JcU^d'txaixisi the house-pole heads shouted 
(gia'gAfiai the house-pole ['* standing thing"]; gd'dji heads; 
^t stem [?]; -xa [?]; La [?]; -si participle) 

Llua^i lafga Ia TcVlgol^aiagAU he told him to use his wedge 
33.13 {htua'i the wedge; Zd'^a his [§ 28.1]; golga to make; -i per- 
fect; '^An past inexperienced) 

Ia l! Miq!a/wan they told him to sit {qld to sit; w = uio continue 
in one place [§ 18.1]; -^in past inexperienced) 

15. Tcwti^ BT A stream OF WATER POURING OUT; also an independent 

verb(?). 

tdaanua'i gei ^A'nLai tIalA'n hvalgl'stasgadaa^an we will let the 

water run into the fire (tdaanua'i the fire; ^ei into; gA^nmi 

the water; tfalA^fi we; lgl-[^ 15.25]; stato move from; -s^a 

into fire; da to cause; -asan future) 
tcl'vxii hwaga/ Llxaudgana^An the current flowed out quickly 

(td'tvai the current; gd stem; -zlxa toward; -Ldgafi first or at 

once [§ 21.3]; -^au past inexperienced) 
tct'vxii Tcwa^Ia/mAlLlxa^ the current made cracks by the rapidity 

of its flowing (td^wai the current; gld'mAl to crack; -hlxa 

toward; -«i participle) 
gAUL Jnoa^tcUcfawas water flowed down {gAriL fresh water; -s 

participle) 
gAftL JcoaHlA^mdAgasi a stream flows narrow 8.10 {UAm- narrow) 

16. klut' WITH THE LIPS, a nominal stem. 

V JcfulLU^stAlahe spits water upward {lusIa stem [?]; -Ia upward) 
IdutLu'Lda to make noise with lips 91.37 

g!aal la Jclutna^nasi he wet the arrow-point with his lips {qiaul 
arrow-point; Tiaflstem; -cm participle) 

17. qpAl' BY MEANS OF FIRE ACTING FROM WITHOUT (compare XaI 

sunshine). 

V ^AUdfigwegAsga it will fall away under the sunshine {tdi- prone 
object [§ 15.3]; gwe stem [?]; gA to be [?]; -sga future) 

TiAn xaIj^sIo/s one of them was burned up {uaH some one; l- 
[§ 15.20]; 4:^stem[?]; -« participle) 

V JcIwa'iAgaiAn xA^lLgaias his elder brothers were burned off 

Qclwai elder brother; -ga possessive sufl&x; -lAfi plural; l- 

animate object [§ 15.20, p. 232]; ga to be [§ 18.5]; -^ perfect; 

'8 participle) 

§14 



224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bclu 40 

XAiya's Lu V XA^lLtaLta'diaotlAlgAnAS when the sun shone, the 
heat made it lengthen out {xai to shine; -a« participle; iju 
when; -tlAl downward [?]; -gAU continuative; -as participle) 

XAlhd^'iluAsi destroyed by fire 37.13 

XAlgA^mdcunde^s beginning to be shriveled up by fire 37.15 QgATn- 

' [§ 15.24]) 

18. ^0' (Masset *o) by means of fire acting within the body 

ITSELF. 

qiAl IaoI JcWtdAla qlds goxdgodies small persons with black skin 
held burning pitchwood {^IaI skin; IaoI black; IclAt short 
or small; -dAla plural suffix for adjectives [§ 39]; qlds pitch- 
wood; 'Xa inanimate plural [§ 15.26]; ^o to be somewhere; -di 
determinate; -es participle) 

ge'istA goLlafmuidaanAS flames came out of it {^ei into; sIa 
from; Llamul stem [?J; da causative; -aft continuative) 

V qd'li gut ^oxA^plaganasi it passed quickly down, burning 
through the inside of him {qd'li inside; gut upon; XAp quickly; 
Zastem[?]; -^a ft continuative; -<m participle) 

a'asin gohafiluesi at once they were destroyed by burning {a'dsin 
at once; hd^Uu to destroy; -esi participle); see also 37.8 

19. xut' or xd' BY THE WIND or the bkeath; also independent 

verb, TO blow. 

V xa/sLsgasi it blew out strongly (-«^a seaward; -si participle) 
gAm Lgu stA xutskit^angafnsga no breeze will blow from any- 
where 31.6 {gAm negative; Lgu where; at a from*; skit stem; 
-^a /I negative suffix [§ 25.3]; -^dn continuative; -sflra future) 

Ia xutskitda^si he blew it in (ski[t] stem; tela inward; -si par- 
ticiple) 

Ga/sqo ya o xuf^ds^aian (they) were blown straight out to 
Ga'sqo (Masset) (Gd'sqo name of island; ya straight to [post- 
position]; [ = hxio] demonstrative; xu by wind; *as stem; ^a 
to go; -ia perfect; -an past inexperienced) 

20. ffAl' (Masset ^Al) by leading, pulling, or towing. 

glwa'i^a Ia ga ^Algd'isLasi something pulled him to the fishing- 
ground 29.23 {gtwa^i the fishing-ground; ga to; ga something; 
gdi' floating [?]; sl stem; -si participle) 

g^a^ai gado' IaIu gAlgd'lgAldaasihe pulled him around the island 
29.21 (^ru^ai island; ai the; gado^ around; ^a- [§15.17]; IgAl to 
move about [stem]; da to cause; -asi participle) 

Ia ga gA^ltlaiaiagAn something drew it away {ga something; V.Or 
[§ 15.4]; xa to separate part from whole; -i perfect; -^^au past 
inexperienced) 
§14 



^OAsJ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 225 

Ia l! ^A'lqatdds they led her in (qa to go [smg.]; -tela inside; -« 
participle) 49.18 

21 . qeU' BY LOOKING. It is the stem of the verb to look. 

gAm ih! qease'laan don't tickle us by looking at us {gAm not; ihl 
us; 8el to tickle [stem]; -gan negative suffix [§ 25.3]) 

tdl'goyori la qea^qja'-ida^ldi qa'odi after he had looked at the ris- 
ing sun B 29.9 (g/a'-i- rounded objects [§ 15.18]; dal to move; 
di [§ 20]; qa^odi after) 

22. qfett' WITH A KNIFE. It is the stem of the verb to cut. 

V XAU Id'ga qleidafgAS its bow was carved {xaH bow or face; la'ga 
its; qleida to be carved [stem] [?]; gA to be[§ 18.5]; -s participle) 

V dAl lafga Ia qleitginga'vms they cut his belly open (dAl belly; 
Id'gahis; Ia they [wiih-gaw § 20.1]; gin stem [?]; -as participle) 

V qa/dji la qle^iLLgavmn WAnsu'ga they cut his head off and put 
it into the canoe, they say {qd'dji head; la they [with -gaw]; 
q!ei[t] with a knife; l to remove part from whole; -l into canoe: 
-afl past inexperienced; WAUsv/ga quotative) 

la la qle'itxidan ... he started cutting it up, they say {gteit 
to cut up [stem]; -xid inchoative; -afl past inexperienced) 

V a'oga Ia gi qleitLaVyagAn his mother cut off for him 7.2 

V q!ekq!d'-iLxidia^'i lu when he began to cut off (the round thing) 

12.14 

23- g/O- BY MEANS OF THE TEETH. 

Ia ga qloifdAsis something held him tight in its mouth {ga some- 
thing; i- shape [§ 15.20]; dAS st&ra [?]; 4^ participle) 

xd'gai hao qle'nAfi qfogana/ngAni the dog was playing with [a 
stick] (xd^gai the dog; Jiao that; qle^UAll in company with; ga 
shape [§ 15.17]; nan to play [stem]; -agAn [§ 23.2]; -4 [§ 25.6]) 

xa/gu qloklu'gatxiasi they had halibut in their mouths {xd'gu 
haUbut; A:/i^ short obj. [§15.15]; .^a^stem; xi[?]; -osi participle) 

Jcu'ngia qloqlV Lai the piece of whale bitten off (Masset) (Jcun 
whale; ^a piece of ; j/e shape [§ 15.18]; l to remove; ai the) 

xd V q!oJc!otu'lgaga'vxin WAnsu'ga they say the dogs killed them 
with their teeth 81.42* 

24. OMl' BY GRASPING WITH THE HANDS. 

au'n gi I a o^aLtxagVlgAfiasi he brought it to his mother (ait 
mother; '[u\n his own [§ 28.3]; gi to; ga stem [?]; -Llxa to- 
ward; -gU shoreward; -gAfi continuative; -asi participle) 

Icivfgaidjao xd^ginas sledge-hammers held in their hands (fcm'- 
gaidjao sledge-hammers [gaidjaoY>eT\ieLps = q!ai'dju roundish]; 
gin stem [?]; -o^ participle) 

> [Compare { 15.26, p. 234. Perhaps all these forms belong to tne classifier za.— Ed.] 
44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 15 § 14 



226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [buli- -*0 

A xdgvdjd'fidsi he threw them around (ffudjdn analysis uncertain; 

-asi participle) 
Ia gi Ia xafsLtdas he handed in to him 55.7 {sl stem; id into) 

25. xAfi'' WITH THE FACE. This is the stem of the word for face, 

and it is rather doubtful whether it belongs properly in tlus 
class, although similar to the others in form. 

Ikia/gui V djd^ga I a sIa xAulgvfldas his wife turned her face away 
from him toward the door {Ikm outside; gui toward; dja 
wife; -^a possessive; sIa from; Igul stem to turn about; da 
to cause; -s^ participle) 

I A 8tA I A xAnga'ogAnas she turned around from him {sIa from; gao 
stem; -gAn continuative; -cls participle) 

gAm Idfga XA'ngingauAS she did not look in the face as thougli 
anything had happened (gAm not; -ga possessive; gin stem 
[perhaps properly gift TO look] ; -^^ifl negative; -ii« participle) 

26. L' BY ANY kind OF CONTACT, but morc particularly contact 

WITH THE HANDS. It is the stcm of the verb to touch. 

Lta gu la ida'las he laid his hands on them (i/a them; gu at or 
there; dal stem; -ds participle) 

dl la LSL let me go (dl me; la imperative particle; sl stem) 

gvda'n la Lnand'nasi he rubbed the medicine on himself (gvd^ 
upon; -an himself; Tuin stem to rub; -dfi continuative; -asi 
participle) 

Ia Lxe^gUai lu when she made a noise at the door (by touch- 
ing it) (xegil [or xegil] stem to make a noise; -ai demonstra- 
tive or article turning clause into a noun; lu when) 

27. LU' BY CANOE. It is also the word for canoe. 

XAldafndjidai Leil silgiafn Luqd^idesi the five slaves started back 
by canoe {xAldd'n [or xa^MaJI] slave; -djid plural of human 
beings [§29.2]; -ai demonstrative; Leil five; silgia'ft back [ad- 
verb]; qd to go; -id inchoative; -esi participle) 

riAn gA^TistA I a Luqd' lIxos he came to one by canoe {uAn one [indefi- 
nite person]; gA^nstA to [probably compoimd post-position of 
^AU FOR and si a from]; qd to go; -Lixa toward; -s participle) 

Ia dA^fiat Ia Luqd'itxitgiangai lu when he started to go home 
with him {d a' fiat in company with; qd to go; -i^ inchoative; 
^xit seems to be inchoative used again, -it with qd having 
become so common as to have become stereotyped; -giaU [?]; 
gai demonstrative; xu when); see also 7.9 

28. xi- WITH THE arms (from ri arm, wing). 

Ia xisLgUa^i lu when he waved his arms toward the town {sl 
stem; ^IZ shoreward; -at demonstrative; xw when) 
§ 14 



^OAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 227 

29. 8q6U WITH THE ARMS. It is also the word for annpit. 

la sqoixagia/nagani he had under arms 69.13 

Ia gi sqo'tgadagAn (he) took him by the arm 65.12 

Ia spotsTcidd'nan wansu'ga it is said he clapped with the hands 

29.22 
l! sqotxe'gans they beat drums 89.41 

30. kiU' BY TYING. 

Iduqla-igadancLsi fastened stones by tying (to it) 71.6 {qjd-i- 

roimded object [§ 15.18]) 
Tdutctiapuwagani (it) was tied (to the doorway) 67.1 {tcOs" cubic 

object [§ 15.2]) 

§ 16. Second Group: Classifying Nominal Prefixes^ 

Following is a list of the more important of these, with examples: 

1. fd- classifies such objects as full sacks and bags, pillows, etc. 

la'gi la la td'sLsga^ias she brought the full sack out to him (gi to; 

la it [sack]; la she; tcl- classifier; sl stem; -sga seaward; -i 

perfect; -s participle) 
ga TcH'dji tciqleda^ some people with big bellies (ga some [people]; 

Icfe'dji beUies; qleda' big) 
la gi gA'ndjUgaglgai Ia kiutclsgide^si he tied a dancing blanket to 

him (gi to; gAndjUgagl dancing blanket; gai demonstrative; 

Idu' tying; sgid stem; -esi participle) 

2. tcItS' cubic objects, such as boxes. 

la'ia l! tclisxida's they picked up a whole box of cranberries 
(Wia cranberries; :nd to pick up; -as participle) 

qayu'da tdisLe'il five boxes of berries and grease (qayu'da boxes 
containing a mixture of grease and berries; Le^il five) 

nldjafnu at s^afna wa'^a sgd^godai tclVsgodigangl'ni masks and 
whistles were always in the secret-society box (nldjd^fi to imi- 
tate; -u noun-forming suffix [§26.1]; a^ with; s^a'na supernatural 
objects, and thus secret-society whistles; 'M;athat; ga in; sgon 
sacred; ^oda box; aithe; ^o stem to lie; -dt determinate suf- 
fix; -^afl continuative [?]; -jfm usitative; -i perfect) 

Ia tdVsLS^as he brought out a box 55.23 

3. fai- applied generally to objects lying on or close to the ground, 

but also to clubs, etc., grasped in the hand. 

l! taisLL^a/gAS they all went to bed {sl stem; -Lga all; -gA 
auxiUary to be; -s participle); see also 67.15 

gvfgus ttagane' ta'igodies lo! a house (shape) lay there {gv/gu8 
what! ^/o^ane' behold! ^o stem to lie; -di determinate suf- 
fix; -es participle); see also 65.28 

1 See also § 17.2. 

fl5 



228 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

gia'sgdlAntaistafnsinxa eight storehouses (jfia's^oZ^fl storehouses; 

sta'nsfifixa eight) 
UAU qataidaflas one (wave) came moving toward him {uAfi one, 

a; ga [?]; ddl to move; -as participle) 
ul'uI SLo/Tiagi I a ta/igin he held a club on the left side {ul'uI club ; 

SLd^na left; gi at, in; gin stem [?]) 

4. f/a- flexible objects represented as crossing or coiled. 

tcaflga Ia la Halgvfls he put a ground squirrel about her as a 
blanket {tcaflga ground squirrel; Igul to go around [stem]; -« 
participle) 

gitgA^n Ia la Ltlalguldayan WAUSv/ga she had put it on her son as 
a blanket, they say {git son; -gAfi her own; l- with hands; 
Igul to go around; da to cause; -y perfect; -aft past inexpe- 
rienced; 'M;.i7isu'^a quotative) 

5. tIaO' objects shaped like spoons and feathers {tiagu'n feather) 

agA'n I a Ha^oageildas he puts himself (into the water) as an 
evergreen needle (shape indicated) {o^a'Ti himself; a stem [?] 
-geil to become [§18.10]; -da to cause [§18.2]; -s participle) 

la'ga Ia sqastla^oLasi he bit off his tongue (-jra possessive; 8qas[f\ 
La stem; -.n participle) 

gut Ia la ddtla^onana^nas he rubbed it (his tongue) on it (gut upon 
dd' outward motion; nanafl stem; -as participle) 

SLa^gwal tlaogo'na a big spoon (sLa'gwal spoon; qo'na big) 

goritla'ogindd'las feathers floating about 41.4, 6 {gori floating) 

Ia tla^ostas he took out a feather 55.25 

Ia dAntla'osdaiyasi — man he pulled out the feather 55.26, 31 
(dAU- by pulling) 

tia'odju it is a feather 55.26 

Slcid'mskun-tla'odjugins hawk with feather sticking out of water 
41.31 (skid'mskun hawk; dju to be; -gin afloat) 

6. tlAni' certain slender objects. 

tWrndjiwasi it was slender {djiw = dju sort, kind [§ 39]; -asi parti- 
ciple) 

wa'ga tlA^mgitdiasi it became smaller there {vxi demonstrative; 
-ga at; git stem [?]; -di determinate suffix; -«$ participle) 

LU tA^mdju a narrow canoe 7.7 

TcoaHlA'mdagasi flowing narrow 8.10 (Aroa- by a current) 

VtArnxie' ULlxa' si he came to a narrow one 73.38 

7. sta' ring-shaped objects, like finger-rings, bracelets, barrel-hoops. 

Inaga^i guHga staLe'ilasi a village of five curving rows (Jina^lana 
town; gai demonstrative; gut together; -ga in, at; Lcil five; 
-asi participle) 
V dastd' sgidasi he pushed a curved (bow) against it 79.7 
§15 



*OAs) HANDBOOlt Of AMfiftlOAK fNDlAN LANGUAGES 220 

staga'otdayasi they came in and sat down in circular lines (^oo 
stem; -te/a motion into; -y perfect; -si participle) 

qwe'stAl patsta'sgit.WlgAns a rainbow moved up and down (qwe 
sIaI rainbow; ^at- with rapidity; sgi=8git stem; -f/^Z mo- 
tion down from above; -$r^n=-jf.iflcontinuative; -s participle) 

ga stagi'dAUAS something ring-shaped 9.1 

8. shtO' small cylindrical, and occasionally square objects. 

gl'nasJda'dAla some cylindrical objects (stones) (gl^na thing; dAla 
plural with adjectives [§ 39]) 

sqodA^n ge'istA qe'gu sklasda^yas he had pulled a basket out from 
under his armpit {sqoda armpit; -^flhis own [§ 28.3]; ^eiinto; 
stA from; qe'gu basket; sda^sta stem; -y perfect; -s participle) 

8%'wai WAdA^nat gu'tgui Ia dasktaxuTiaf nasi he was rolling the lake 
together with it (sii^=«t6 lake; ai demonstrative; wa it; d a' fiat 
together with; gut towaxd; grm toward [with motion]; (Za- mo- 
tion outward; xun stem [?]; -afl continuative; -asi participle) 

UAn skla'idjuwagas the one that had a knot-hole (shape) in it 
{riAfi the one; dju it is of that sort; -ga to be; -s participle) 

Igudja^'i la ga sJdaxuuA^ndalasi mats rolled toward him 89.11 

9. ska- round objects, like marbles, berries, eggs, and potatoes. 

oM djlrl' sIcadAlda'nsi the waterdrops falling from this were roimd 
((wi this; djixl' [?]; dAl=dAla plural with adjectives; dan 
stem; -si participle) 

Ia la gorslca^xidas he picked it (cranberry) up with it (spoon) {gor 
[?]; xi(2stem; -a« participle) 

10. sgO' (Masset s^a-) strings, ropes, hairs, etc. 

dafgU s^alu^nal three strings {da'gU strings; lu'nal three) 
wa^LuxAn ga gAlsga^stahfyan WAnsu^ga something pulled all of 
them up (wa it; lu when; XAn just so; ga something indefi- 
nite; ^^?- by pulling; sta stem; -la suffix meaning up; -j/ per- 
fect; -afl past inexperienced; WAnsu'ga quotative) 
^al s^a/sgu all night, night being spoken of metaphorically (Mas- 
set) {^al night; sgu it is all [?]) 

11. sqta^ long objects, like sticks and paddles. 

sglagild'nas extending out in lines (from the island) (jriZ seaward 

[?]; -dfi continuative; -as participle) 
aflaisglaLa'al ten paddles (aZ paddle; ai demonstrative; iMfal ten) 
Zjea'Tmigd'd/isg.'os^i'fl two kelp-heads 63.24 {Iqea^ma kelp; qd^dji 

heads; stifi two) 
sqlaxivf sga^ai sqlastA'nsinsga'si four lines of people danced 

toward the beach (xiu stem; -s^a toward beach; gai the; 

stA'nsin four; -sga toward beach; -si participle) 

§15 



230 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY UrLL. 4d 

Ia dAUsqiasdAga^-i Lii'hao when he pulled (it) out 77.43 (dAn- by 
puUing) 

ddsqtd'sgidAn push on the long one 55.18 (da- by pushing) 

sqafhcbga-i sqJaLa'Al ten deadfalls 61.3 

sga/na Iga'na sqldstVn two dorsal fins 89.3 

TcVtawe sqlastA'n two spears (Masset) (H'tao spear; e==ai demon- 
strative; stAfl two [Masset dialect]) 

See also 

sqia/no pole 41.1 
8q!agavxi'-i stringers 89.12 

12. sL!' indicates the shape assumed by objects lying in a heap, such 

as driftwood, pieces of dry halibut, a cord of wood. 

tdafanuai sil^d'wdsi the fire lay there (tcdanufye; ai demonstra- 
tive; gd'w=gao or ^o to Ue; -si participle) 

13. gt" materials such as blankets, shawls, tablecloths, mats, thin 

sails. It is sometimes used for canoes, instead of ^o-. 

mAt qd/li Ia glgaLlxa'sgas he brought the insides of a mountain- 
goat {mAt mountain-sheep; qd'li insides; ga stem; -Llxa toward; 
-«^a seaward; -s participle) 

ga^ilgan la SLiglsta'yas he pulled out a blood-clot with his finger- 
nails {ga'ilgan blood-clot [from gai blood]; sl! with fingers; 
8ta stem; -y perfect; -as participle) 

qwe'^Al gia'at glstVn two sky blankets {qwe'^Al sky; gia'at blan- 
kets; stifi two) 

Igus glLe'ii five mats 55.12 

Ia dAugl'stalia^-i lu when she pulled up (her dress) 31.19 

Ia dAnfft'djiLlxagA'nAsi he pulled out the canoe 29.28 {dATir by 
pulling; d/istem; -x.'a:a towards) 

la Idtgl'sLgd'nsga he will push (the canoe) 41.30 {Jdt" with 
pole; -8L stem; -s^a future) 

14. gU' flat but broad and thick objects. 

STcl'na qdsga Ia la qlogusgidan ... he emptied all from his 
mouth at the head of Skeena, they say (making a lake) (STd'na 
Skeena; qds contraction of qd^dji head; -ga at; qlo- with 
teeth [§14.23]; sl'id stem; -a /I past inexperienced) 

Qi'ngi laimfga xe'tgu and' qdL gudja'ogldAS it must have been in 
front of Qi'ngi's town that a reef came up {Qi'flgi [name]; land' 
town; -ga possessive; xet down in front of; gu there; and' it 
must have been; qdL reef; djao=dju it was of that sort; gld 
stem; -as participle) 

V gulasga'n WAnsu'ga he went off in the shape of a floimder, they 
say {la stem; -sga toward the sea; -ah past inexperienced) 
§15 



■OAS3 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 231 

xa'gu la dAfigu^a^Llxa'st he pulled the halibut out on the surface 
{xa'gu haUbut; dAU- by pulling [§14.4]; ga stem; -Llxa to- 
ward; -si participle) 
Ia dAugvlgAlda'asi he pulled (a cloud) around it 41.40 
Ia dAfigvf siAiLeUas he pulled out five (boxes) in succession 55.24 

15. fc/i^- short objects. Posts, nails, and some short loops are so 
denominated. 

8tA I A Jc!v/gwetc!asi he (a short bird) came in from it (stA from; 

^estem; -^.'a motion into; -si participle) 
Ia dAuklvf stAsgod'nandgani he pulled (the spear) out for good 

69.9 (dAU- by pulling; sIa stem; -sgoan for good) 
la L'golgdklusLai'yanwAnsvfga it is said he made (gambling sticks) 

53.1 
gl'nA IcIu'ginAsi something he held in hand 73.40 

15a. klAt' small objects. 

Iclvfda JdA^tdjiLfxaga'-i a small beak came out 53.28 {-L!xa 

towards) 
qe'igdo klA^tdju A smM basket {qe'igao basket; IcIaI- classifier; dju 

it was of that sort) 

16. qcAt' small objects. Used like the above. 

ga XA^tdju some small (olachen) (ga some; dju they were of that 

sort) 
nAfi Igal xA'tdju a small dark person {uAfi a; Igal dark or black; 

dju it was of that sort) 
s^anxA'tdju9kSVCid\\ killer-whale (Masset) (s*an killer-whale ;,dfw 

it was of that sort) 

17. jjfo- (Masset *a-) flat objects, such as boards, doors, pictures, 

looking-glasses, dishes, lakes, canoes. 

Iruiga'i gaLa^ildAya'gani there were five towns {lna = lana town; 
gai the; La%l five; -dA causative; -ya perfect; -gan past inex- 
perienced; -4 perfect) 
■ qiadaxui' agA^n la gasLsga'ya^ he turned himself in his canoe 
(indicated by its shape) toward the mainland (q!ada toward sea 
[mainland being considered outward]; xui toward; agA'lt him- 
self [§ 28.3]; SLstem; -«jra seaward; -j/a perfect; -s participle) 

Id'ya la gagatlxa'sgas he brought out a dish of cranberries (Wya 
cranberries; ga stem; -hlxa toward; -sga toward open place) 

gvfgus Hagane' ga^godies lo! a level (pond) lay there {gu'gus what! 
tlagane^ behold! go stem to lie; -di determinate suffix [§20.7]) 

Lu ga^god^nsin one canoe 10.9 

sqa^ola-i gaLS^il five clam-shells 55.11 

Id'na ^a^oa'nsin one town (Masset) (Jd'na town; s^oansin one) 

§15 



232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

18. qlai* (Masset qte^) roundish objects, such as rolls of dry- 

goods, lumps of bacon, and pieces of whale-meat. 

qa/La qld'igodies a roundish reef {qa'La reef; go stem to lie; -di 
determinate suffix [§ 20.7]; -es participle); see also 77.45 

gl'gawai I a dAnqla'iustoM he pulled out the fish-trap (gl'gaw = 
jii'jrao fish-trap; ai the; d^fl- by pulling; ustostemf?]; -«i par- 
ticiple) ^ 

8tA sl'nAn la qfa'isLdsi he snuffed from the (roimd basket) {sIa 
from; sl^UAfi snuffing; 8l stem; -asi participle) 

ge'istA Ia gilA l! qldfistas they gave him a round thing out of it 
{gei into; sIa from; gi to; sta stem; -s participle) 

Mtqld'idjUgwagagan (they) put down (a copper plate) 87.24 (i-i/- 
with a point) 

la qea'q.W-idd^ldi qa'odi after he had looked at (the sun) for a 
while 29.9 (qea- by looking; dal motion; -di [§ 20.7]; qa'odi 
after) 

l! qla'-isLgiasi they put down (the drum) 14.3 

V qd'dji ga qtoqld'-^sgidagAU by biting it jammed his head 91.11 
(gas head; g/o- by biting; sgid contact) 

We find also 

l! q!d'-isLL!xatc!ai^yagAni they brought (the canoe) in to him 

101.4 (sL- stem; -Lfxa towards; -tc! into) 
Ia l! qta-isLsgai'yagAU they took him (porcupine) out to sea 

45.16 (sL- stem; -sga out to sea); the same for knife 87.7 
Ia l! qta-isLlai^yagAU they took him (beaver) up 47.1 (-i up) 
'qla'-idjuLlxadies (foam) coming piled up 95.10 {-L!xa towards) 
qon qlestd^nsanan four moons ( = four months) (Masset) {qon 

moon; std^nsafl four; -an past inexperienced) 

19. qI6l' the shape assumed by long flexible objects, such as hairs 

or strings, when they are tangled together; also bushes with 
many stems. 

a'LgAu q!an djldja'i WA^gut qlolxd^was here was a hemlock with 
a clump of branches sticking out all over it {a/LgAU here; q!an 
hemlock; djldja'i the branches; wa it; gut upon; xdw=^xao 
stem; -as participle) 

JcWMa q! digue' la clump of branches; fall down ! (JcWldA clump 
of branches; gue stem; ?a imperative) 

Jci'nxAn ga Ia daqlo'lskidesi he shoved in a bunch of moss to stop 
up' the hole (ki'nxAU moss; ga in; da- by pushing; skid stem) 

sin qioldjvfgan a bunch of gambling-stick wood 55.2 

20. ^- animate things, such as human beings, animals, fish, insects. 

V ^xiendd'la^ he was running along (xien probably means quickly) 
§15 



^^^1 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 233 

la l!a sUa'i^a L^odia'si he, however, was lying down in the 
baby's place (indicated by shape) (l!a however; sHa^i the 
place; jra in; ^o to lie; -di determinate; -cm participle) 

ia/xoddda zdjiLlxas a grebe came out of the water (Id^xodada 

grebe; dji stem; -Lixa toward; -s participle) 
lA'gui ogA^n Ia LSLgia'las he (a fish) turned himself toward him 
(gui toward [with motion]; ogA^fl himself; sl stem; -gial 
toward shut-in place; -as participle) 

Ia q!a-itL'8Las he cut up (a whale) 51.7 (qta-U- by cutting) 

Ia dAnLstai'yagani he pulled out (a bear) 95.14 {dAft- by pulling; 
sta to move away) 

Ia ifsLtcldS he brought in (a bird) 27.31 {-tc! into) 

lAla L Una' gas he put a living one down 13.1 

L^xida to take (a child) 27.17 

i/sgu^sUs found a whole one 49.11 

21. if- or 2>M- the shape assumed by a nimiber of clams or fish 

with a stick run through them to hold them together, and also 
by a canoe with many persons standing up in it. 

ya'gulsi I a gvmfn Ludjudafasi he placed them standing in line 

in the middle of the canoe (ya'gu=ya'Tcu middle; I euphonic; 

-«i participle; glxa^fi standing; dju it was of that sort; -da 

causative [§18.2]; -<m participle) 
Jcu^Tigado Ldd'lLtxaa (a canoe full of men) is coming around the 

point Qcun point; ^ado around; dal to go [pi.]; -x/xa toward; 

-« participle) 

22. X/- thin objects, such as thin boards, berry-cakes, pies and pie- 

plates, flat cans of beef. 

gu'tgi Ia I a ddLlsJctda^si he flattened it together (gut together; gi 

to; dd' by pushing; slcld stem; -asi participle) 
ga Wdjai Llgosga^ certain flat rocks lying out from (the woods) 

(ga certain; tidj = tls rocks; ai the; jro to lie; -s^d seaward) 
LlLB^U^ve (plugs of tobacco) (Le^il five) 
yA^mdjt LldjiwogAugd go to the flint which sticks out thin! (yA^mdji 

flint; djiwo =^dju it is of that sort; gAn =gAn continuative; -gd 

to be [§18.5]) 

23. IgU' branching objects, such as bushes with numerous branches 

from one stem, combs, several hooks on one line, clothing with 
a coarse weave, the vertebral column, and even a person who 
is very thin. 

l! Ld'dji la gllga'La^ he broke off the ends of some cedar-limbs 
{l! some; Ld'dji limbs; gl- [?]; l stem to touch) 

§15 



S34 BtJBEAU OF AMEKICAK ETHNOLOGY [bijli.40 

Ia IgaVngawus he put up (a stone wall) {Vngaw perhaps contwis 

go TO lie; -u8 participle) 
Ia dAfdga/stagvm'gdsi he pulled out (a hemlock branch) 10.6 
ia'ole IgalunuVafwan there were three hooks (Masset) (to'oZ hooks; 

e the; lunul three; ^aw^^o to lie; -an past inexperienced) 

24. IgA^ri' large roundish or cubic objects. 

^'sa IgA^mqeda l! IgA'mgatxi they had large round rattles in 

their hands {s^'sa rattle; qeda lai^e; gatxl stem [?]) 
xdUgA^mdaxide' 8 (skin) shriveled up in fire 37.15 {xal- by fire) 

25. Igt' large cylindrical objects, like logs, steam-boilers, smoke- 

stacks, rolls of bedding, many objects flowing in a stream, 
also driftwood sometimes, and large fence-rails. 

wage^istA Tcwalgl' stAsga' si (olachen) ran out of it in a stream 

toward the sea {wa it; gei into; stA from; hwa^ in a stream; 

stA stem; -sga outward; -si participle) 
Uau la Igl^ginas he was carrying a hard, dead limb (tlAn Umb or 

knot rotted out of a tree; gift stem; -as participle) 
Idi xutlgldju^Llxa^ias there cranberries were blown out (in a 

cylindrical body) {Idi cranberries; xut- by the wind [§14.19]; 

dju stem; -ilxa toward; -gia outward; -s participle) 
I'hlga xo'dai da IgV ataLgagasan you might eat our hair-seal {%l! 

our; -ga possessive; xbd^xot hair-seal; ai the; da you; a [?]; 

ta stem to eat; -Lga all [§20.2]; -ga to be; -asah infallible future) 
l! Igl^stAnsindai^yagAn they make four (grave-posts) 91.29 

{stAnsin eight; -da to make) 
Igidj'ufusgadia's (glow of fire) shines toward beach 39.6 
sTclle I w^e Id Igidjvfdiwan put a tall dance-hat on his head! 

(Masset) (stiZ dance-hat; 6 the; imperative particle; to = tew 

it [hat]; ^e into; la probably =Za with the possessive -*a his; 

djusievci'y -di determinate sufiix; -an past inexperienced) 

26. xa- many inanimate small objects. 

. . . xd' godigAui they (gills) lie 97.26 {go to lie; -di determinate; 
- -^.171 experienced ; -i [p.253]) 

ta-u xd'xlwas halibut-hooks were hanging 67.19 {pa-u hook; xiu 
to hang; -o^ participial) 

27. HLAp- 

gVna go^lgal SLA^pdAla some slim, blue things (gl^na some; go'lgal 
blue; dAla plural with adjectives of shape) 

28. t!Ap' 

gVna sget tlA^pdjuLlxa something short and red protruded (gi'na 
something; sget red; dju stem; -L.'xa toward) 
§15 



»OAsi HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDUN LANGUAGES^ S35 

29. k!Am^ small (cf. no. 15a, p. 231). 

Lu TdA^TridAla small canoes {lu canoe; dAla plural with adjectives) 
tta'gcbs IcU'mdala small flakes of snow 3 1.28 

ga qld'ldga ga/m^odies a large open space in the woods {ga some 
[indef. pi.]; qld'laga open place or swamp; ^o to lie; -di deter- 
minate; -es participle) 

31. LlAp- 

la LUpdjVlAxadds he let a small part (of the surface of the moon) 
be seen (djilaxa [?]; -da causative; -s paiticiple) 

32. sJLam^ 

qlafdjai V xe'lA ^e^istA s^et aLofiYidjigolafndaUisi the gum hung 
out from his mouth red (g.'adj=g.'d« gum; ai the; xc'Ia mouth; 
(jrei into; ^^^i from; «^i^red; djiprobably =dyi^itisof thatsort; 
goWfiddl analysis uncertain; -<m participle) 

33. tcil' the insides of such objects as sea-eggs. 

34. «f/a- dumb-bell shaped objects, such as the liver of a dog-fish. 

35. skAp' applied to such an object as the curled tail of a dog. 

sJcA^pdala crooked wedges 33.13 

36- skiSt- small and very slender objects, such as certain smaU, 
slender teapots. 

Third Group: Principal Predicative Terms (§§ 16-21) 

§ 16. Characterization of Predicative Terms 

Most elements of this group must be considered as independent 
verbs. It has been pointed out before that they may also enter into 
combinations. Among some of them this tendency is strongly devel- 
oped. Here belong the verbs forming terms of the first group (see 
§ 14). A niunber of others are so intimately related with other ideas 
in their significance that they occur only rarely alone, if at all, and 
ap{>ear, therefore, in part rather as auxiliary verbs, or even as aflSxes. 

§ 17. Stems in Initial Position 

Some of these stems take initial positions. 

1. gai' (Masse t gri-) refers to any object floating upon the water, 
gai being the stem of the verb to float. 

Na-givf ga Ia gafisLgeilglgAS he stopped at House-fishing-ground 
(floating there upon the water) 29.8 {Na house; gin fishing- 
ground; ga in; 8l stem; -gil to come to be [§18.10]; gl com- 
pletion of action; gA to be; -s participle) 

§§16,17 



236 BUBEAXT OF AMERlCAK MSNOLOGY lwtA^46 

gA7h V lana'ga da'osqual ga^isLga^ogAngafiga driftwood never 
floated ashore in his town (gAm not; lana town; -ga possessive ; 
da^osqual driftwood; sl stem; gcLo [?]; -gAfi negation; --gan 
continuative; -ga to be) 

V ze'tgu V gd'isLgUs it floated ashore in front of him {xet down, in 
front of; gu there; sl stem; -jr{? shoreward; -« participle) 

V gd'ingwafiAS it was floating about (gd =9ai- floating; An on aBa. ; 
-gwafl about; -as participle) 

[This stem might be considered as an instrumental, like 
those discussed in § 14. It takes the same position before 
classifiers as other instrumentals do: gd'-itidoga'ogadie's a 
feather floated ashore 37.24 {t!ao- feather-shaped object). — ^Ed.J 

2. gAfi' applied when a number of people are doing a thing en masse. 

I A St A l! gA^ndaxitdjilasi they all started away from her (stA from ; 

daedal to go [pi.]; -xU inchoative [§18.6]; -djil truly) 
I A stA l! gA'nlgalAfids they went home from him (stA from; IgcJ 

to go indirectly; -Afl continuative; -as participle) 
la gA^nstA gAndd'lLlxagilsi they came to him together (ga'nstA to 

[=^i4n FOR and stA from = coming for a purpose]; ddl to go 

[pi.]; -L.'xa toward; -^Handward; -^participle) 
Igv/nvl gAndax'l'dAU three came along 107.20 

V gAThdlgo ga'odiha^ after they had gone along 37.2 

[It would seem that this element must be considered as a 
classifier, analogous to those discussed in § 15 and meaning 
GROUP of people. The following example illustrates its use 
following an instrumental: Ia l! gAlgA'ndaxUgd'vxin wansu'ga 
it is said, they led him home 81.39 (gAl- by leading). — Ed.] 

3. xaO' (Masset xd') to no a thing quickly. 

la at gut I a da'oxaostas they seized each other quickly {at with; gvi 
each other; dao- to go and get [prefixed]; sta stem) 

la ga ga nd' nxaoLgAnasi it quickly ground oflF his skin (ga to; ga 
something; ndn=nan to grind [§ 14.8]; l stem [?]; -gAfi con- 
tinuative; -asi participle) 

V dd'^alAU stAh V doxo' stAS^aian her two brothers ran down to 
take her (Masset) {dd'^a younger brother; -IaU plural; stAii 
two; do to go and get; sIa stem; -s^a seaward; -i perfect; -an 
past inexperienced) 

4. ta^ expresses the use of a transitive verb without object. 

toga' og An An WAnsu'ga they say few were left 11.8 

tagld^dAS she cut up 49.1 

taqo^ldjuvias he spread out in morning 53.4 

iasTddd'nagAni they plundered 105.4 

§17 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMBEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 237 

§ 18. Stems in Terminal Position^ First Oroup 
Most of these verbal steins take a terminal position: 

1. tC TO SIT or CONTINUE TO BE. 

2. €Ul TO CAUSE. 

3. Clul TO MOVE ALONG WHILE SOMETHING ELSE IS TAKING PLACE. 

4. Stfi TO WISH. 

5. gu TO BE. 

6. qcit (Masset -id) to begin 

7. q^Al or xAl (Masset Al or Al) to tell. 

8. ^a (Masset ^a) to go. 

9. ^aya (Masset ^aya) to know how to do a thing. 

10. ffetl or ^eal (Masset ^el or^el) to become. 

11. Of^a^ TO THINK or GUESS. 

Examples of the use of auxiliaries with nouns : 

OATiL xe'lauas there lay a water-hole (^aul fresh water; xela a 
water-hole; u to lie or sit [no. 1]; -as participle) 

l! l^afuas they put stones into the fire {Igd stones; u auxiUary 
[no. 1]; -as participle) 

la ga/ldas he stayed all night Qa he; gal night; da [no. 2]) 

Ia la svfvdas he said to him 27.2 {su to say, intransitive) 

V tca/aLdasYie had a war-spear (Z' he; tea/ at war-spear; -da aux- 

iliary [no. 2]; -« participle) 
dAU gu Imada'dasgOf I will put mountain-goats upon you (dAn 

you; gu there; I I; mad=mAt mountain-goats; a [?]; -da 

auxiliary [no. 2]; -sga future) 
UAn He'djl l^a/gas the one who was half rock 8.9 {uAfi one; 

t!e'dj% half; Igd stone) 

V nd'tga gam' gas his nephew was a child* (rul't nephew; -ga pos- 
sessive [§ 28]; gaxd child; -ga to be [no. 5]; -s participle) 

la/ga XAlagafgAU his (implement) was copper (-j^a possessive; 

xaIa copper; -gd to be [no. 5]; -ogAn past inexperienced) 
I A gi yd'nAngetlgoas it became foggy upon them (Ia them [with 

suflBx -go]; gi at or upon; yd^UAii clouds or fog; -geil to become 

[no. 10]; -a« participle) 

Examples of the use of auxiliaries with other verb-stems : 

V q!d'o-u qa'odi after he had sat there for a while {q!d[o] to sit; u 

auxiUary [no. 1]; qa'odi after a while) 
Ia qoyd'das he caused it to be dear ( = he valued it) (qoyd dear; 
-da auxihary [no, 2]; -s participle) 

1 ^6xa appears to have been originally a verb meaning to bb wkak (see $ 19.1), but here it is made a 
verb over again Just as if it were a noun, 

§18 



238 BUREAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY i^^^ "^^ 

V dd'yinddl qa'odi after he had gone along huntmg for a while 

{ddyift hunting; dal to go [no. 3]; qaodi after a while) 
ddn gi l! gl^dayu'Ansinga they wish to give you much food 

(dAU you; gi to; 0da to' give food to any one; yu'AU much; 

'sHii auxiUary [no. 4]; -^a perhaps this should be -sga futxire) 
Va'oga V td'gAS his mother ate it 27.28 {do mother; -^a possessive : 

id to eat; ga to be [no. 5]; -« participle) 
Ia la go/ Llxaxalgods they told him to come out to them (Ja they 

[with suflBx -jfo] ; qd to go; -Llxa toward; -xaZ auxiliary [no. 7]) 
TiAfi qea'n^asi one went to look (uAn one; qea stem to ix>ok; -a ft 

continuative; -^a auxiUary [no. 8]; -«i participle) 
TtAU^axd's nd' nagaydgeiU the child came to know how to play 

{uAfi the [with suffix -s]; gaxd child; -« participle; ndna==nan 

stem; -gaya to know how to [no. 9]; -jreiZto come to [no. 10]; 

-8 participle) 
qona'i Id'na qlestd'nsanai^els their months became eight, or eight 

months passed over them (Masset) (qofl moon; ai the; Id'nu 

their [singular form covering p\\xval]=la-{-afUi their own; qle- 

classifier [§ 15.18]; std'nsafUi^std'nsafixa eight; i probably 

euphonic: -^el auxiliary [no. 10]; -8 participle) 
JiayVnxAU Laga xia^lxA'ngua I think he has danced long enough 

(Masse t) (hayVfi instead of [dancing longer]; xau so, thus; 

i/O^a enough [?] ; xial to dance; -xAfi, auxiUary [no. 11]; -gua. 

declarative suffix [25.5]) 

§ 19. Stetns in Terminal Positimi, Second Group 

A number of others are also apparently verbal stems, but appear 
in close connection with other verbs, so that they almost convey the 
impression of suffixes. In some of them, however, their independent 
character is quite apparent. 

1. 'Xa usually occurs in such close conjunction with the verb 
stem that it is hard to determine whether it is a true suffix or 
not. It may indicate state. 

dl dalA'n LgaxagVlga you tire me with your handling {d% me; 

daZwi'/lyou [pi.]; x-by handling [§ 14.26]; (/axa together means 

weak; -gil to become [§ 18.101; -ga auxiUary [§ 18.8]) 
Sawall'xa gia'xayas Sawaii'xa stood up {SawalVxa man's name; 

gia to stand; -y perfect; -s participle) 
la gAu V sUe'xagialAn WAnsvfga he became angry with him, they 

say {gAU with [?]; 8t!e angry or sick; gidl to become [§ 18.10]; 

-.iflpast inexperienced; WAnsu'ga quotative) 
la'gi V l^oa'xagiU he became afraid of him {gi of; Igoa stem to 

fear; -gil auxiUary; -s participle) 
§19 



*>^»3 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 239 

Ia la Mlge^idaxa-Tddiwaflan ... he made her so ashamed by 
his words that she died (H^- by words [§ 14.14]; ^ewia perhaps 
means it is that way, but with -xa it signifies to become 
ashamed; Iclotvl to be destroyed; -an past inexperienced) 

gAjn l! qe^xaganas they did not find him (gAtn not; ge .perhaps is 
qea to see, but with -xa it means to find; -gafl negation) 

2. ^gtfif 'gtn, or -f n motion by sea ; also an independent stem.* 

V qa'idanginAS it went of itself by sea (qa to go; -id inchoative 
[§18.6]; -aft continuative [?]; -as participle) 

qafgin qa'odi after it had gone along on the ocean for a while 

{qd to go; qa'odi after a while) 
T xa'oins he was fishing 29.7 {xao to fish; -s participle) 

V sarins he went out hunting by sea {sai to hunt; -s participle) 

3. "^iM (Masset '^Oft) conveys the idea of random progression on 

foot, and is used only after the verb stems qd and is. 

V djVlgoqago'ndi after he had danced around for a while (V they 

[with sufiSx -/70]; djil stem to dance; qa to go; -^on = -^ofl 
suffix; -d% determinate suffix) 

V qd'gongAni he wandered around {qd to go; -^An past inexperi- 
enced; 'i perfect) 

la ^nqd'gofiAS he saw walking about 12.2 

la qd'gon qa'odi after he had walked about 67.33 

4. ^id is also used principally after qd, and seems to indicate that 

the motion is with a definite object in view, straight on to a 
certain place. Possibly it is the stem of the verb to stand, 
with which it is morphologically identical. 

gut Ia qagiagA^n qa'odi after he had gone along upon the trail for 

a while {gut upon; qa stem to go; -gAh continuative; qa'odi 

after a while) 
gala qd^gia^A^nsl he was going thither {ga to; qd stem to go; 

•^An past experienced; A perfect [§ 25.6]) 
la'ganAuqd'giagAnaa one came to him upon the trail {ga to; 

UAfi one; qd stem to go; -gAfl continuative; -as participle) 

5. ^qlol or ^qlol to do secretly; also independent verb stem. 

Savxill'xa V qinqlo^ltadies Sawali'xa looked at him unobserved 

{Sawall'xa man's name; qifl stem to look; -ta perhaps for; 

-da auxiliary; -di determinate suffix; -es participle) 
la V svfdAqloldaian he whispered to her secretly {su stem to 

say; -dA to cause; -da to cause [used twice]; -i perfect [§ 23.7]; 

-an past inexperienced) 

»(Nos. 2-4 might be classed with the locative suffixes described in § 22. -Ed.] 

§19 



240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

dl Ia qlolgVrvda don't let any one know of me {dl me; Ia impera- 
tive particle; gin [?]; -da to cause) 

§ 20. Stems in Terminal Position, Third Chroup 

It is probably due to their significance that the following groups 
take ordinarily their position following the last series: 

1. -jjro (Masset -^o) plurality. Originally this probably marked dis- 

tributive plurality. It always follows la, the personal pronoim 
of the third person singular. 

^An Ia la djild^dagoas they had her as bait for it (^au for; la they 
[with -jro]; djild bait; -(Za to cause; -as participle) 

stA l!a LuqafitgoaA they went away {stA from; l!a they; lu- by 
canoe [§ 14.27]; gdtogo; -ii inchoative [§ 18.6]; -(m participle) 

V nd'xagAugogA' nga they fly about (V they [with -go]] fva^xa to fly 
[pi.]; -gAli continuative; -gAfl probably continuative also, the 
suffix being doubled ; -ga auxiliary) 

Ia qIa'osLogagawan . . . they came and sat down by the fire 
(Ja they [with gaw = -go]; q!a to sit; -o probably auxiliary; 
SLO stem [ ?] ; -jra auxiliary [ ?] ; -aft past inexperienced) 

2a stA Ia Luqaf-itgoas they left him by canoe 59.3 

V ge'tgatgavxi'-i lu when they had gone 59.4 
Ia laTiadageilgd'wagAn they had a town 103.11 

2. 'fjga (Skidegate dialect) indicates that all of the objects or persons 

just mentioned are included in the action. 

V ga^oluLgagawas they all got up {V they [mth -gaw=-go]) 
la'giaga gl^nagai qa'ilLgagas all his property was lost {gia prop- 
erty; -ga possessive; gVna things; gai the; qa'il stem; -gra 
auxiliary ; -s participle) 

3. '^odju Masset equivalent of the above. 

^alA^nsL^odjawani it was all cooked {^alAn to cook; sl appears to be 

the principal stem; ^odjaw = ^odju all; -<in past inexperienced; 

-i perfect) 
^a l! V sdals^odjawan all went down to it (^a to; is[?]; dalto go; s 

[?]; ^odjaw = ^odju ei\l; -an past inexperienced) 
l! V Llada^odjawan all went down to it {I'Llada [?]; ^odjaw^^odju 

all; -an past inexperienced) 
Lu'gue A'na V Vsda^odjawan he took all into the canoe {lu canoe; 

gu there; e=^e into; a' Ha his own; isda stem; -^odjaw= -^odju 

all; -an past inexperienced) 

4. ^ski applied to an action that fails of accomplishment, or per- 

haps to one that nearly succeeds, 
§20 



w>A8l HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 241 

Jcllwa^i gei V xA^ptagoaskid'si he almost went flying through the 

doorway {Jc!iw=lc!iu doorway; ai the; ^eiinto; Xiip probably 

means quickly; t(igoa [?]; -dsi participle) 
la dd'yinskia' gadjuugAn he hunted for it in vain (dd'yifi to hunt; 

rest imcertain) 
^ei l! dayVnskiya'i lu when they found nothing there by 

hunting (gei into; dayili to hunt; -y perfect; ai the; lu when) 
gado' I ge'tskian I could in no way get them i^ado' around [always 

used with this stem]; l\) get stem; -afi [?]) 

5. ^goafi. A frequentative best translated by the English word 

ABOUT. 

V xetVt tdVnlgoangas he went about hunting birds {xeWt birds; 
tc!in to shoot or hunt; I perhaps euphonic; -ga to go; -« 
participle). See also 27.27 

V ga/yingoanAS it was floating about {gdy-^gai- floating; 4fl on 
water; -as participle) 

go'ngari dA'nat Ia iw/ugoan ga'odi after he had lived along with 
his father for a while {gon man's father; -gali his own; dA^fM 
in company with; na to live; u auxiliary; -^oafi along or 
about; ga'odi after a while) 

Ia la I'nchugoan qafodi after he had remained with his wife for a 
while (I'na to marry; -u auxiliary; qa'odi after a while) 

6- -gfl the completion of action; also, sometimes, continuation, in 
which case it probably means continuation to the end. 

la geilgldaga'i lu when she had finished {geil to become; -da aux- 

lUary; ^ai the; xu when) 
la sugl'gai lu when he was through talking {su to talk; gai the) 
la qingl'gwasi they looked at it for some time (Ja they [with -gw = 

-^o]; qin stem to look; -asi participle) 
xao ^ tadjy^'ganan the raven always sat upon it (xao [?]; jr* at 

or upon; ia probably a classifier; dju stem [?]; -gafl continua- 

tive; -an past inexperienced) 

7. ^di a suffix that seems to define the action as having taken 
place at a certain particular place and moment. Its use is 
not so pronounced in the Masset dialect as in Skidegate. 

qlal Igal Jc.WtdAla qlas goxd'godies some small black-skinned per- 
sons held burning pitchwood then (qlal skins; Igal black; JclAt- 
short or small ; -dAla plural with adjectives [§39]; g/cw pitch- 
wood; go- burning; xa inanimate pL; -go to be somewhere; 
-€8 participle) 

Ia Lind'ndigAndi xau at the moment when she was striving to 
disentangle it (lI- with the hands [?]; flafl probably stem; -di 
seems to be determinate suffix used twice; -gAn continuative; 
XAU thus, at that moment) 

44377— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 16 § 20 



242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bclu40 

gu I A ta'idiasi he lay right there (^ there; tai to lie) 

V gaoca/di at the time when he was a boy {^axd boy) 

This suffix is used very often before qa'odi. 
Vsudi qa'odi after he had cried 7.7 

8. "tii or -te? TO DO A thing early in the morning. 

QtanA'n tla'^a I qla'o-ulas I sit early in the morning at the 

mouth of QIanA'ft river (QlauA'fi river name; t!a mouth of; 

-^a at; ll\ q!a to sit; -o auxiliary; -as participle) 
garw/n ge'itulas (the weather) becomes like this early in the 

morning {gafta'ti Hke; ^eit stem it was so; -as participle) 
ydfuAna ta'iginvlia'i lu when it was cloudy (or foggy) early in 

the morning (yd'nAfia clouds or fog; iai to he [close to water] ; 

gin on water; ai the; lu when) 

V Id'uliga it is fine weather so early this morning (Id good, fine) 
UAn Iclvxii'yagas klodaL^^o-ulaiyah one brother lay dead in the 

morning 77.33 (k!oda- dead; l- classifier; ^o to lie) 

9. "Itfia^ marks potentiality. 

i'sin L^ao l! xadalind'ngudA'nsi he thought he might restore 
them {Vsin again; Lgao new; l! he [plural because a great hero 
is speaking]; xada human being; -an continuative [?]; -gud to 
think; -iin continuative [contracted before s] ; -si participle) 

gl'na at V Idlina' wa' luxau la'gi I a Vsdas he gave him all things 
which might make him happy {gl'na things; at with; Id good 
or happy; wa'LuxAU all [wa-\- lu + xau]; gi to; Vsda gave) 

sIcAUy sta'i^a Lgua I sqa^gd'itlina' blockhead, I can knock out 
your labret (sAr^ifl blockhead; sto'ilabret; -^a possessive; Lgua 
a sort of adverbial interjection, whatever it is; Z I; sqa^gd'it 
to knock out) 

gAm gu ^AnidAn ^a ttalA'n Vnalinanu^ may we not leave fresh 
water with you? (Masset) (gAm not; gu interrogative particle; 
'aul fresh water; dAfi you; ^a to; ttaWfi we; Vrm stem; -an 
continuative [?]; -us interrogative suffix) 

lifiaf may also be employed as the stem of an independent verb 
and as an adjective. 

l! do'na JclAdATw/sis u V Ina'yan she made it so that younger 
sisters are wise (Masset) (l! indefinite; do'na younger sisters; 
JclAdAfld' wise; -s participle; -is probably contracted form of 
verb TO be; u general demonstrative; Ina stem; -y perfect; 
-an past inexperienced) 
NAuki'lsLOs Una'i he who was going to become NAflki'lsLas, or 
the potential NAfiki'lsLas (NAfi one; HZ- voice; sl stem; -as 
participle [all meaning one-whose-voice-is-obeyed]; ai the) 
§20 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 243 

a'Tuw qait lifw/i hao Idja'n WAUsiVga those were the future (or 
potential) trees, they say (a this; hao general demonstrative; 
qait trees; Kfla'i the potential; Tiao general demonstrative; 
Idja to be; -a /I past inexperienced; WAUsu^ga quotative) 

It is also often used in the formation of names. 

§ 21. SfetnH in Tertninal PoHition, Fourth Group 

All of these except two are nothing more than incorporated adjec- 
tives. 

1. y€i' BIG. 

Ia gd'na yu' Audaya^AU he. had it very thick 33.9 {gd^fia thick; 
-da to cause [§18.2]; -y perfect [§23.2]; -a^AU past inexperi- 
enced [§23.2]) 

la'^An 8k!vlyvfAnA8 it was very crowded for her (^ati for; sklul a 
crowd; -as participle [§25.7]) 

V Ldi l! daoyvfAUAS they came near him on the opposite shore in 
a very great crowd {idi abreast of on shore; da^o to go to get) 

V qoanyu^anAu they were very many {V they [sing, used for pi.]; 
qoan many; -An past inexperienced [§23.2]) 

2. €^Jttl' REAL. 

gd'lgor^MdjilV gai lu when it became quite dark i^d^l night, 

dark; -^a[?]; (/^ii to become; jai the; i.u when) 
gl I A gwaodjiW gasi he really did not care for (it) {gl for; gwa^ 

stem NOT TO CARE for; -ga auxiliary [§18.5]) 
dl skUsLdjiWga I am truly full {dl I; skUsL to be full [perhaps 

compounded of akti and sl\] -ga auxiUary to be) 
la'gi Ia dayVnsMdjiWgas he was absolutely unable to find him 

(gi to or for; dayi'n to find; -ski in vain [§20.4]; -ga auxiUary 

to be [§18.5]; -8 participle) 

3. L^l'gAA THE FIRST. 

nAU la ^Mgl'gaLd'ganas he finished a certain one first 33.2 (riiifl 
one; geil to become; -gl completed action [§20.6]; -ga auxiUary 
[§ 18.5] ; -cw participle) 

gi I A Ha' gauLdgana^An he asked for him first 33.26 {Icia stem; -gafi 
continuative [§24.1]; -a^AU past inexperienced [§23.2]) 

1. ^O'da (Masset ^oda) the last. Originally this appears to have 
been the word for buttocks. In the Masset dialect it is 
used as a connective meaning after. 

La ga tafga^otsLOS the ones he ate last (xa [?]; ga the ones; id, 
stem TO eat; -ga auxiUary to be [?]; -^ot last; sl stem; -<w 
participle) 

§21 



244 BUREAU OF AMEBIGAN ETHNOLOGY [bui.i.40 

6. s^oan forever, or for a long time. This is derived from the 
same stem as s^oa^nsin one, sgu'nxan only. 

ga'igu Imo V tci^agetlsgodnan WAusu'ga he came to have a place 
there forever, they say (gai the or that; gu there; hao general 
demonstrative; tela a place; geil to come to; -afi past inex- 
perienced; WAUsu^ ga qxxotsLtiye) 

Id'aa I A dAnda'ostAsgoafTUinasi he pulled his [spear] out for good 
{-ga possessive; d^ifl- by pulling; dao to go and get; sIa 
to move from a place; -a/l continuative[§24.1]). See also 69.9 

The nimierals from two up are suffixed to take the place of ordinals, 
numerals, and numeral adverbs. 

Ia gotxia'tctastA'nsaTw/i lu after he had swallowed four times, or 

the fourth time (gotxia stem [?]; -tela motion into [§22.1 J; 

'StA'nsan four; -ai the; lu when) 
dtha'o I A la tcHga'stianan ... he shot him twice with it (at 

with; Juw general demonstrative; tell- by shooting [§14.2]; 

ga stem; -stiafi^stin two; -an past inexperienced [§23.2]) 
gvige'istA la la dATidjistALe^ila^ he pulled apart five times (gut 

together; gei into; stA from; dATir- by puUing [§14.4]; djista 

stem [?]; -Leil five; -as participle) 

§ 22. Fourth Group : Locative Suffixes ^ 

1. -fc/a or -'671 indicates motion or action into something, espe- 

cially a house. 

TcOa'lu au'n gi Ia JcIu'sLtcIis he brought a cormorant in to his 
mother 27.27 (kid'lu cormorant; au mother; -ufl his own; 
gi to; A- .'t^ classifier [§15.15]; 8l atem; -« participle [§25.7]) 

da'tcH Ia L'sLtcIas he brought in a wren 27.31 {da'tcH wren; i> 
classifier [§15.20]; sx stem; -« participle) 

V gate ! a' y as he came in (ga stem; -ya perfect; -s participle) 
ga'gei la qVntclayas he looked into some houses (ga some; gei 

into; (/in stem; -y perfect [§23.7]; -s participle) 

2. ^gua direction of action out of something, especially a house. 

Ia la da'oxaostAgua'gawan WAnsu'ga they ran out of the house to 
him quickly, they say (la they [with suffix -gaw^-go]; dao to 
go to get; xa^- quickly [§17.3]; stA stem; -an past inexperi- 
enced ; WAUsu^ga quotative) 

Ia gi I a qinguafgasi she looked out at him {gi at; g^fl stem; -ja 
auxiliary; -s^ participle) 

V A^ndjigoagai lu when he put his head out (Andji erect; gai 
the; LU when) 

1 See also § 10.2-4. 

§22 



«>^«3 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 245 

Jc/iwa'i ga la gid'xagooM he stood at the door outside (kUw^lcliu 
door; ai the; ^a at; gid stem; -xa sufl^ of unknown signifi- 
cance; -goa out; -si participle) 

3. ^QpfU or xtial (Masset -fiftrf or ^gtial) has a meaning similar to 

the above, but in this case actual motion out is always meant. 

I A qarud'lan WAnsvfga he went out, they say 29.38 {qa stem; 

-afi past inexperienced; trx rwu'gra quotative) 
SLvdjd'gadAnai V^n dA^nat Ia qa/xuU he also went out with the 

woodpecker 29.46 (sLudjd'^adAfi woodpecker; -ai the; i'sifi 

also; dA^ Hat with; gastem; -« participle) 

V Ld'lga qaxuaflasi her husband went out {loI husband ; -^a pos- 
sessive l§28]; ga stem; -<wi participle) 

V qd'gualan he went out of doors (Masset) (gastem; -an past 
inexperienced) 

gAm havn'dan V qagulafanan he did not go out quickly (Masset) 
{g Am not', havn'dan quickly; d' carries accent; -an negative) 

4. ^tladj ACROSS A BODY OP WATER, especially an arm of the sea. 

Sl'kla Jcun ^a o V sa'irUIadjan he went across to Slk!a point to 
hunt (Masset) {SVTcta name of a point; kun point; 'a to; o 
general demonstrative; «a'mstem; -an past inexperienced) 

l! Ludo'tfadjan they went across the harbor (Masset) (lu by 
canoe [§14.27]; do to go to get; -an past inexperienced) 

tra'a l! Ll'tladjant they brought them across to it (Masset) 
(wa it; ^a to; li stem; -an past inexperienced; -i perfect) 

q.'d'daHadjasi (he) threw across 73.42 

5. ^sgitn ACROSS a strip of land, such as a peninsula. 

*a V qd'sgieuAul he went across to it (Masset) (*a to; qd stem; -au 
past inexperienced; -^ perfect) 

vxigui' V qd'sgieuAn he went across to a distant point (Masset) 
(wa it; gui toward [with motion]; qd stem; -an past inex- 
perienced [§ 23.2]) 

6. ^tlAl or tiAl MOTION DOWNWARD. 

td^vmi u'ngd HttUpha'otUlsi it stuck into the floor-planks from 
above (tclw = tcu plank; ai the; un on top of; ^ei into; Ht- by 
a stick [§ 14.13]; tlApJia'o stem [?]; -si participle) 

Inaga'i dalA'nga la IcitgvftlAldausan I will tip over your town 
(lna=lana town; gai the; dalA^fl you [pi.]; -ga possessive; la I; 
Jcit' with a stick; git stem; -da to cause; -asafi future [§ 23.5]) 

silgui'gan Ia gaxia'tlala^Au he descended to his- home {M back; 
gui toward [with motion]; -gan his own [§ 28]; ^axia^ stem [?]; 
-a^An past inexperienced [§ 23.2]) 

§22 



246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Ia l! qd'tUlLogAndasi they let him oflF first (qd stem; La [!]; 

^iin=gr^flcontinuative[§ 24.1]; -dato cause [§ 18.6]) 
l! dadjUlAldai'ya^Ani they pushed (it) down 45.15 

7. -I MOTION UPWARD. 

V qa'ildi qa'odi after he had gone up for a while (qa stem ; -di 
determinate suffix L§ 20.7]; qa'odi after a while) 

V JcIviLv/stAla he spits water upward (klvi- with the Ups [§ 14.16]; 
LU' probably a classifier; stA stem; -la up) 

ndga'i ^a I a qafiUi he went up to the house (rki house; ^ai the; ^ 
to; gdstem; -si participle) 

V dA'nandjUas he pulled it up out of the water {dATt- by pull- 
ing; andji erect; -a« participle) 

l! qi'ngalasi they went up to see 12.4 

8. ^s^a (Masset (t^a) motion toward an open place, particularly 

toward the open sea, toward the fire. 

qladAxudf la sa'ana qia'usga come down toward the sea and sit 
idle 29.4 {qfadA seaward; -xua toward [without motion]; la 
imperative particle; sa'ana idle; q!a to sit; -u auxiliary) 

td^djilsgas the wind blew out of the inlet {tddji wind; I [?]) 

V xd'gatsga^ she stretched her arm seaward to grasp (something) 
31.22 (xd- by grasping; ^a^stem; -s participle) 

Ld^lAU d a' fiat qfd^wos^a sit down by the fire with your husband 
(Ldl husband; -Ah own; dA'fiat with; q!d stem; -o auxiliary 
[§ 18.1]) 

9. "gll or "gial motion toward a shut-in place. 

V ga'isLgils it came in and floated {gai- floating; sl stem; -« par- 
ticiple) 

V qaxiagid'lafi WAnsvfga she started into the woods (jqa stem; xia 
perhaps =xif to start; -an past inexperienced; WAUSu'ga quo- 
tative) 

V gddd'lgialan WAnsu'ga she moved farther inland, in a fitting 
posture igodd buttocks; Z [?]; -afl past inexperienced; wati- 
su'ga quotative) 

gwa'iye ^a V Lv/qagA^awan they went up to the island (Masset) 
{gwai island; ye=ai the; ^a to; V they [with suflix -^ait?=-*o]; 
liu-by canoe [§ 14.27]; gastem; -jiinandward; -an past inex- 
perienced) 

Ia squ' gagatgils he swam ashore 12.11 

10. 'Lljca (Masset ^Lla) toward anything. 

r stVlLlxagai xu when he came back toward (it) (stil 8tem; gai the; 

LU when). 
Ia Luqd^Llxagoas they approached by canoe 39.5 
§22 



■<**»1 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 247 

Ia gu I A qla'oLlxayan WAnsu^ga it came and got on it, they say 
(gu on; q!a stem to sit; -o auxiliary; -d perfect [§ 23.7]; -afl 
past inexperienced; WAUSfufga quotative) 

la dAUA'ndjtLlxas he pulled it out head first 29.26 (dAfl- by 
pulling [§ 14.4]; ATidji erect; -» participle) 

au'n gi I a xagahldgVlgAfiasi he brought it up to his mother (Mas- 
set) {au'fi^do MOTHER -h-afl HIS own; gi to; xa- inanimate 
objects [§ 15.26]; ga stem; -gU shoreward; -gAfi continuative 
[§ 24.1]) 

(Z') ga-isLLlxa's he came floating 7.8 

11. -flria or gl under water. 

r ga'ogids it vanished under water {goo stem; -« participle) 

Lua'i dagu'l gi gatgia'ai (the arrow) fell into the water at the side 
of the canoe (lu canoe; ai the; dagu'l side; gi at; gat stem; 
-8% participle) 

vxi'gei la gi^JiAlgioM they poured it into (the ocean) (wa it [ocean]; 
gei into; la they [singular used for plural]; glhAl [?]; -si par- 
ticiple) 

Ia la znfdugia^ he let him down into the sea {xlda stem; -« parti- 
ciple) 

12. -i' INTO A canoe. 

gu'gei I a qaz^gasi he got into his canoe (gu there; gei into; qa stem; 
-ga auxiUary; -si participle) 

Ia gvfgei I a VsLgwas they got into the canoe with him {gu there; 
gei into; Ia they [with -^=-jfo]; is stem; -s participle) 

Ia la ge'tgaidayagan he got him into the canoe {geisiera) -ga aux- 
iliary [?]; da to cause; -i perfect [§ 23.7]; -^an past inde- 
terminate) 

Ia la qai/dagwa^ they took her aboard 41.8 

Syntactic Treatment of the Verbal Theme (§§ 23-26) 

§ 23. Temporal Suffixes 

1. ^gArif sometimes -^h, indicates past events which the speaker has 
himself experienced. 

Ia l! tdinlgoa/ngAn they began shooting at them (that is, us) (Ia 

them [singular form used for plural]; tdin stem; I probably 

euphonic; -goafi about) 
Ia ThAU sVldagAU I borrowed one {I a I; UAfi one; siZ stem; -da 

auxiliary) 
lIa l! tcH^nlgoanxldAn they started shooting at them (Ha them; 

tcHn stem; I euphonic; -goafi about [§ 20.5]; -xld inchoative 

[§ 18.6]) 

§23 



248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bui^l. 40 

dd'fhxua agA'n I sJda'gaLgAn I jumped into the stem {da/fixua 
stem; ogFii'fl reflexive; 11) «Ha'gfa stem [?]; -x aboard [§ 22.12]) 

See the use of this suffix in the text on pp. 105-109, Bulletin 29. 

2. "O^^n (Masset -aii or "gan) past events known to the speaker 

only by report. 

V djd'^a I A gl'aAnxayagAU his wife left something for him {dja wife ; 

-ga possessive; gi^oAnxa [?]; -i perfect [§ 23.7]) 
la V safwagAU she spoke to him {saw^su to speak) 
I A la VnagealagAn he married her {Ina stem; -^eal to come to 

[§ 18.10]) 
UAn I'lina hao sqd'badax'idagAU a man began to set deadfalls 95.1 

(nAfi a ; l^lina man ; sqa/ha deadfall ; -da to make ; -x'id to begin) 
Lue' tclastA'nsanan the canoe had four men (Masset) {lu canoe; 

e the; tela" people in canoe; stA'nsan four) 

See the use of this suffix in the text on pp. 33-35, Bulletin 29. 

Before WAUSU^ga, the quotative in the Skidegate dialect, this suffix 
takes the form -afl. 

A'nga Ia sgotsklda/ nan WAnsu'ga he struck his canoe with his 
hands, they say 29.22 (A'figa his own; sqot with amis [§14.29]; 
skid contact; -dfl continuative; i^xn^'gfa quotative) 

gltgA'n ^An Ia ga^oyafnan WAnsvfga he was calling for his son, 
they say {gU son; -qAfi his own [§ 28.3]; qAn for; gago [1]; -i 
perfect; -afl continuative; WAnsu'ga quotative) 

la e'sifi qa'idanwAnsW ga he also started off, they say (^'«ifl also; 
jastem; -id inchoative [§ 18.6]; tt^^in^tZ'^a quotative) 

Ia la qd'gAndagan WAnsu^ga she saved him, they say (qa'gAn to 
save; -da to cause [§ 18.2]; WAnsu'ga quotative) 

3. '-gtn events that occur or occurred habitually, and usually those 

which the speaker himself has experienced or is experiencing. 

d'thao gAm ^^Da/gaV^ JiAn l! svfgAfigAngin therefore they were 
not in the habit of saying*' to-morrow*' 35.4 {d'tliao therefore; 
gAm not; dd'gal to-morrow; JiAn like it; su stem; -gAfl nega- 
tion [§ 25.3]; -^ii/l continuative) 

QAga^nhao Ia wd'gAfiglni that is the reason why I do so (ga^ga'nhao 
that is why [=^gaga'n-\-Tia/)]; Ia I; wd stem to do; -gAfl con- 
tinuative; -^m = -^n usitative; A perfect [§ 25.6]) 

'A'nze wa^a Vsl I nUgl'ni I used to drink the water that was in it 
(Masset) (^Anz water; e the; i^a it; *a in; ^'s^ was; I I; nil 
stem TO drink; 4 perfect [§ 25.6]) 

ga dl l^oa'gaglni I used to be afraid of it (Masset) (ga something 
indefinite; dl I; l^oa stem; -ga auxiUary [§ 18.5]; -4 perfect) 
§23 



^OABl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 249 

4. "Sga simple futurity. 

agd'TiOrqeda's dA'nga qea'xolgUgWnsga the supernatural beings 
will not become tired of looking at you 31.4 {s^a'na super- 
natural; qeda's probably those that are so bom [from qe to be 
BORN, -da auxiliary, -» participle]; dAfi you; ga at; qea by 
looking; xol stem; -gU probably -^Z to become; -gan^-^afi 
continuative) 

dl gi sina'gasga no one is going to touch me 31.7 (dl me; gi to; 
^flastem; -ga auxiliary [§ 18.5]) 

dAU I qinpd'nsga I shall see you sometimes 31.13 (dAfi you; 
1 1; qin stem; -gdn continuative) 

5. ''{a)8afi infallible futuYe occurrence, similar to English you 

SHALL. 

[In both these suffixes the future element is probabl}^ -«, while -sga 
contains also a declarative ending (-ga). — Ed.] 

Ltui'i dAU Ia si'ldadaasan I will let you have the canoe (lu canoe; 
ai the; dAfl you; I a I; silda stem [?]; -da auxiliary) 

djafgAnddda'ogasan you shall go and get your wife {djd wife; 
-^aU your own; da you; dao stem; -ga auxiliary) / 

V s^A'lgatgaasan he will conceal you {s^aI Istyerbal stem to con- 
ceal; gat 2d verbal stem it was like that; -ga auxiliary) 

gusu l! I'Llagidas ta'asan what will the chiefs eat {gusu what? 
l! indefinite demonstrative; Vhfagidas chief; ia stem to eat) 

6. ^qasafi, "qaseis^ immediate or imminent future occurrence; 

evidently compounded from the above. 

a'dal dl l! tafnsanqasan they will come to get me to-morrow 
{a^dal to-morrow; dl me; td'nsan to come by sea) 

git qafhla^anqaaan her child was about to come (Masset) {^ 
child; qd stem; -x/a toward [§ 22.10]; -*afl [?]) 

nAn ya^e'ts u dA'nai VnLtaTunqasangua the princess is going to 
bring plenty of food (Masset) {uAh the [becomes definite with 
suffix -«]; ya'e't chief *s child; -s participle; u general demon- 
strative; d a' fiat with; in stem; -hla toward; -xafb continua- 
tive; -gua declarative) 

l! lagarvd^ nqasas they were about to make a feast (lagan to make a 
feast; -dfi continuative; -qasas imminent future followed by 
participle) 

7. -<, in intervocalic position y, perfect time. 

Igitgu'n awd'n gi Ia LgLtcla'yan WAUsvfga he had brought in a 
goose to his mother, they say {Igitgu^n goose; aw^ao'i mother; 
-dn his own; giio] i> classifier [§ 15.20]; ^Lstem; -fc.'a motion 
into [§ 22.1]; -afl past inexperienced; WAnsu'ga quotative) 

§23 



250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Cbdll.40 

dagale'^a Vain V xeWt tdVnlgoangayas next day he had again 
gone out shooting birds (dd^al the next day; e the; -^a on; 
i'sin again; xetVt birds; tdin to shoot; I euphonic [?]; -goan 
about [§ 20.6]; -ga auxiliary; -s participle) 

la svdd'ya^ATd lla' isda'si he did dMFerently from the way he had 
said (he would do) (su stem to say; dd to cause; -d^An past 
inexperienced; -4 perfect; Ua' differently; is stem; -da aux- 
iliary ; 'Si participle) 

gafiafxAu Ia svfdayagAni so he had said (gafld^XAU so [from gafid'n 
like; XiinJUST]; sutosay; -da auxiliary; -a^/iiw past inexperi- 
enced ; A perfect) 

§ 24. Semi' Temporal Stifflxea 

Suffixes related to temporal suffixes, but defining the nature or 
time of the action more minutely. 

1. ^gafif 'Ufif or -til. The common continuative or perhaps rather 
habitual suffix, similar to the English form of the verb ending 
in -ING. 

au'n gi Ia xa^aLlxagVlgAfiasi he was bringing up things to his 
mother (au^fi [=ao mother + -a fl his own]; gi to; xa- by 
grasping [§ 14.24]; ^astem; -L.'xa toward [§ 22.10]; -^shore- 
ward [§ 22.9]; -si participle) 

gl'na at Ia nafnganas he was playing with something (gl'na some- 
thing; at with; ndn stem to play; -as participle) 

gitgA^n Ia gagoyd'nan WAnsvfga he called for his son, they say 
{git son; -^Afi his own; gagoy^gagoe stem [?]; -afl past inex- 
perienced [§ 23.2]; WATisu'ga quotative) 

Sometimes this suffix takes the form -xau or xau, 

ga qia'oxanas the ones sitting there (ga the ones [indefinite]; q!a 
stem TO sit; -o auxiliary [§ 18.1]; -a« participle) 

l! naxa'ndi qa/odi after they had lived there for a while (net stem 
TO live; -di determinate suffix; qa'odi after a while) 

l! taixd'udi qa^odi after they had remained in bed for awhile (tai 
stem TO lie; -di determinate [§ 20.7]; qa'odi after a while) 

The occasional reduplication of this process has been referred to 
in § 6. 

§ 23. Modal Suffixes 

The following have also a modal significance: 

1. I or #a indicating the imperative; placed before or after the verb. 

dl Ia qlosL let go of me with your mouth (dl me; Ia imperative; 
q!d' with mouth; sl stem) 
§§24,25 



^o^s\ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 251 

sWlda la let us go back {sill stem; -da auxiliary; la imperative) 
liai Igafnai dl gx^nstA I a IcVndA now, cousin, be my herald {hai 
now; Igdn male cousin on father's side; ai the; dl me; gA'nstA 
for; Ia imperative; M'ristem; -dA auxiliary [§ 18.2]) 
gin t!el 8^u'nan I tdafanu ^au ista'ri get only wet things for fire- 
wood (Masset)- (gin things; t!el wet; s^un only; -an just; 
idd'anu firewood; ^An for; ista stem [?]; -afl continuative) 

With the auxiliary ^a to go, however, instead of l, -la is suflSxed 
to the verb. 

hAn A V svfdagala go and speak to it like this QiAn hke; a this; 

su stem; -da auxiUary; -qa auxiliary) 
tdafanu da'ogala go and get firewood {jtda/anu firewood; da^ 

stem TO GO AND get; -^a auxiliary) 
Vdafgua na'galdjvfgAla go and sit toward the door (Jkid side 

toward door; gua toward; na^gal [?]; -dju it is of that sort; 

'^A auxiliary) 
Lget dalA'n tdagafnsa ga Vagogala go to the place where you are 

going to settle {hget where; daWn you [pi.]; tcia stem to 

HAVE A place; -gan continuative; -sa^safl infalUble future 

[§ 23.5]; ^a to; is stem; -go plural [?]; -^a auxiliary) 

2. ^djafi (Masset -fcin) is employed to indicate what is usually 

denominated the first person imperative, both singular and 
plural, LET me, let us. 

1w/Ia tlalA^n tdWanugadadjafi come and let us make a fire Qui'Ia 

come! tIalA'n we; tdafanu fire; -ga -da auxiliaries [§ 18.5,2]) 
JujIa' dAn gl I gVngatdjan come and let me adorn you 29.2 QuiIa' 

come! dAfiyoWy glioovloT\ 11] ^n- agent in general [§ 14.12]; 

gat stem) 
Tui'Ia ttalA'n ga^d'nVndjan let us go over to look (ha'lA come! 

adlA'ftwe; gaLgd'nin['i]) 
UaI qorsa/tdtn let us go away (Masset) (UaI we; ga stem to go; 

"Sa probably infallible future [§ 23.5]) 

3. ffAfi (Masset ^Afi) negation, always preceded by the negative 

particle gAm, 

gAm gVnxi gut I qealgA^ngAn I saw nothing upon it (gAm not; gl'na 
thing; gut upon; 1 1; qea stem to see; I euphonic or possibly 
up; -gAn past inexperienced) 

sgafnorgeda's gAm Ia gut gaga/ dag Angansga the supernatural 
beings will never know it (sgd^na qeda's supernatural beings 
[see § 23.4]; gAm not; gut upon; gagdda [?]; -gan^-gan con- 
tinuative [§ 24.1]; 'Sga future [§ 23.4]) 

§25 



252 BUBEAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [buli- 40 

. . . gAm Ia su^vda^ATiAsi (he) had not told him 27.6 (sii to say; 

-da auxiliary; -si participle) 
gAm V ^afndAn^anani he did not feel it (Masse t) i^Am not; ^andAfi 

stem[?]; -an past inexperienced [§ 23.2]; A perfect [§ 25.6]) 
gAm la ga l! gl'da^anganan they did not give him food (Masset) 

(gAm not; ga indefinite things [food]; glda stem to give 

food; -grafl. con tinuative; -an past inexperienced) 

4. ^^tidja^ contracted sometimes to ^us, marks interrogation, and, 
like the two suffixes last mentioned, is always preceded by a 
particle (gv^i or gu) or by an interrogative pronoun. 

dja H'Ulqm gasVnhao dAU qea'oa tsu'udjan say, chief, what has 
happened to your brother-m-law? (djd say! WUlgsi chief 
[whose voice is obeyed]; gasi'n what? Juw general demon- 
strative; dAft your; qea brother-in-law; -^a possessive; is 
stem; u'udja=udja interrogative sufl^; -afl continuative) 

axada'i gua ga gAltlaLsgd'udja were the meshes of the net pulled 
oflF? {axada'i the net; gua interrogative particle; ga indefinite 
plural subject of verb, and agent of pulling; ^aI- by pulling 
[§ 14.20]; V.a- classifier [§ 15.4]; l stem; -sgd seaward [§ 22.8]) 

gasVuLlao Ia dAn Vstor-udjan why did you tease her? (gasi^nzfcu} 
why? dAfl you; ista stem ['i]; -afl continuative) 

gasVuLlao I la dAn q^d'yadaidjuudjin why do you love it so much ? 
(gasi'riLlao why? I [?]; dAfi you; qo'ya stem to love; -da 
auxiUary[§ 18.2]; zdjulf]; -ud/i interrogative; -fl continuative) 

Gna (Masset gu) or the pronoun may, however, be employed 
independently. 

da gua sJcid'nadi are you awake? (da you; sJcid^na stem [?]; -di 

determinate suflSx [§ 20.7]) 
gAm gua gleigA^na gAu dalA^n u'nsAAigan don't you know any 

stories? (gAm not; q/eigA'fia stories; ^au for [always precedes 

u'nsAAt]; dalA^n you (pi.); u'nsAAt stem to know; -gan 

continuative) 
dAuguLl Vn^etudja were you married ? (Masset) (dAfi you; x.' they 

[used in lieu of passive]; m to marry; 'et principal stem) 
da gu SLA^gu Wa-udja did you kill a land-otter? (Masset) (da you; 

SLA^gu land-otter; Via stem to kill) 
gl'atd e'djin who are you? (gi'sto who? e'dji stem to be) 
ga^'jiLlao dAul'djin what is the matter with you? (gaM^^nL!ao 

what? dAfl you; I'dji stem to be; -fh continuative) 
gv/su l! l^Llxagidas tafasan what will the chiefs eat? (gvfsu what? 

l! indefinite demonstrative; I' L!xa,gidxi8 chiefs; td stem to eat; 

-aaafi future infalUble occurrence and continuative) 
§25 



«>AS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 253 

5. — ^tea suffixed in the Masset dialect to declarative sentences in 
direct discourse. 

gATTi too UalA'n da^a^A' ngAngua we have no food {^Am not; too 
food; tlalA'fl we; da'a stem to have; -'aH negation; -^Afi 
continuative) 

dl qlo'lu ^AUL I'djingua I have fresh water {dl me; qlo'lu probably 
means near by; 'aul fresh water; Idji to be; -ft continuative) 

LU dl ^An qaf Llas^igAugua a canoe came out for me (Masset) {lu 
canoe; dl me; 'au for; qa stem to go; -Lla toward [§ 22.10]; 
-sFi=8Fa seaward [§ 22.8]; -^au continuative) 

dl 'An l! 'afyinglnigua they used to call me {dl me; 'au for; 
'ayifi stem [?]; -gin usitative [§ 23.3]; -i perfect) 

UAu VLladds 'a'-iyu tAfiafgAngua the chief's blood is salt 22.14 
(jiAfi with following -« definite article; 'aA blood; Iau sea- 
water) 

6. -t is a final vowel used very frequently after the past and usita- 
tive suffixes. In most cases it maj' be employed or omitted 
indifferently ; but the cases in which there is a choice seem to 
show that it closes the sentence, and so probably indicates the 
completion of the idea. 

V gldatdia'i lu lA'gi I a isdagafwa^Aui when she brought food, 
they gave them to her {glda to bring food to give to people; 
tc!i into [§22.1]; -ai the; lu when; jr^ to; I a they [with suffix 
-^aw^^ -go]] -^AU past inexperienced) 

klid'lhao Lua'i A^nga Ia Lgolga'ya^Aui all that time he worked 
upon his canoe (Jclid'lhao all that time [ = fc/mZ4-the general 
demonstrative luw]', lu canoe; ai the; A'iiga his own) l- with 
hands [§ 14.26]; golga to make; -ya perfect [§ 23.7]) 

gaga'nhao Ia wd'gAnglni that is the reason why I do it (gdga'nhao 
that is the reason [ =g(iga'n-\-Jiao]; IaI; wd stem to do; -gAfi 
continuative; -gin usitative [§ 23.3]) 

gAm 'a I qa'^Anglnigua I did not go thither (Masset) (3 Am not; 
*a to; Z I; qa stem to go; 'aU negation; -gin usitative; -gua 
declarative) 

Possibly the i after -« is the same in meaning; but I doubt 
whether it had the same origin. 

Inaga'i gu l! qfo'dAlsi they were in a starving condition at the 

town (Ina^a'i the town; gu at; qlo- mouth [§ 14.23]) 
Ia qA'ngOrsi he dreamed {qAfi stem to dream; -ga auxiliary) 
Id'ga hd'Uuasi his (food) was gone {Id his; -^a possessive; Tid'ilu 
gone or destroyed; -<wi participle) 

§25 



254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

7. -« or "St is properly used in forming infinitives and participles, 
but by some speakers it has come to be employed as the 
equivalent of the past-temporal suffix. It indicates that 
everything in the preceding clause or set of words is to be 
taken as a unit, and so occasionally appears to have a 
plural significance. It also has the force of aforesaid^ and, 
after a noun preceded by UAn, gives the indefinite article the 
force of a definite. 

I A la tcH'gas he shot it 

I A la qld'gadas he dried it 

UAn saoa'na V qe'inas he saw one 

L^d'xetgu Idfnas the Pebble-town people 

UAn L^afxetgu Wna a Pebble-town person 

UAn la'oatawas one who was whittling, or the whittler 

UAn sqadjd'sas the future brave man 

UAn sqadjd'sa a future brave man 

UAn gaxd'gas the child, or one who was a child 

In the Masset dialect it generally concludes a subordinate clause. 

V l^Llagid^els lu Na^sto' gu ^aqle'dadjan when he became a chief, 
his mother was drowned at Nasto {i^Llagid chief; ^el to become 
[§ 18.10]; -s participle; lu when; Nastd' name of an island; 
gu at; ^aqU'dadj [?]; -an past inexperienced) 

§ 26. UnclasHifled Suffixes 

1. -ft is suffixed to descriptive terms to form the names of instru- 
ments, manufactured and store articles. 

mdjafnu mask (for derivation compare la at V nl'djananwAnm'ga 

he made an image of it, they say) 
SLland^nu that with which the hands are washed ( = soap) 

(sLla- with hands [§ 14.11]; nan to play with or wash) 
qlaixitagd^nu round thing shaken ( = rattle) (qlai round-shaped 

object [§ 15.18]; xit to shake; gdh continually) 

2» 'Al a suffix used in speaking condescendingly, as to a slave, or 
sometimes in a kindly manner, to one's equal. It is also em- 
ployed sarcastically, or in belittling one's self, out of courtesy. 

gafMn hao la sufuAldd^lgAU he spoke like that (as if speaking to 
a slave) {gafi<i'h like; liao that; su stem to speak; ddl [?]; 
-gAfi continuative) 

ha'oslclien cLau gia'ga qa'gAnaA^ldas and yet yours will be safe 
(Jka'osklien and yet [ = Aao -f connective skOen]] dAn your* gia 
thing, or property; -^a possessive; qa'gAua stem to be safe; 
-da auxiliary; s participle) 
§26 



»OAs] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 255 

dA n ^o'n^a A^ldjiwai your slave-father {dA ny our ; gofi man's father ; 

-ga possessive; djiw=dju he is of that sort; ai the) 
dAn rw/tga A^ldjiwai your slave-nephew {dAfl your; ndt nephew; 

-ga possessive; A'ldjiwai [as above]) 

3. '€iant astonishment or wonder. 

gATTi gua la gei gl^na Tdvdjvfs l! qingafnaani I wonder that they 
do not see the object sticking into him {gAm not; gua inter- 
rogative; gei into; jri'na something; Iclu- classifier [§ 15.15]; 
dju it was of that sort; -s participle; ^n stem to see; -gan 
continuative) 

glsi'sdo hao l! waga'ani I wonder whence the people came who 
did this iglsi^sdo whence [contains stA from and o general 
demonstrative]; hio general demonstrative; wa stem to do; 
•^a auxihary) 

-#• "algtfi appears to be identical in meaning with the above. 

a'sa^a esi^n l! qia'gaalgin I wonder if I slept here (a^sa this place; 

-ga in; esi^n also; l! I [Hterally they], often used for first 
person singular or plural; qia'ga stem to sleep) 
wa zgu gl'na ge'ida I taga^d'algin what a small thing I am going 

to eat! (wa that [thing]; Lgu how or what; gl^na thing; ge/ida 

it is so or it is like; 11, ta stem to eat; -ga^a probably -qa^a 

about to [§ 23.6]) 
st!a^ hao gawaalgin I wonder if you have become witches (stla^ 

witches; ha^ those; gawa stem) 

5. fla'og6 this is rather a particle than a suffix, but is usually 
placed after the verb. It may be best defined as a sort of 
dubitative, though its use is very varied. Sometimes its 
meaning is conditional. 

n-n-n TiitU^A'n Lofsta Vdjins at La'staia da'opo isgwd'nxAfi 
probably it is because she has been doing the same thing again 
(n-n-n exclamation; hiV.A^A'n then; Ld'sta [?]; Idjins it is 
[including stem, continuative, and participle]; a<with; i^stem; 
-gwafl moving about [§ 20.5]; -XAfi continuative [§ 24.1]) 

Tiadjadl'a ga^'uLlao dl taiga' sa da'ogo alas! I wonder what is 
going to become of me Qvadjadl'a alas! gasi^ULlao what! dl 
me; taiga' sa contains the infallible future [§ 23.5]) 

V i'ndaxuai gut gldjigl'da da'ogo la LdA^nLgailxas lo! when he 
pulled him out of the water, he only held together by the 
joints (Vndaxuai the joints; gut together; gldji to hold; <7t [?]; 
-da causative; l- by handling [§ 14.26]; dAfl- pulling [§ 14.4]; 
X- classifier [§ 15.20]; ga stem; -Llxa toward [§ 22.10]; -s par- 
ticiple) 

26 



256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Brtu40 

V lin I qei Iclvxi'igai gao da'ogo the eldest son that I bore is as if 
he were non-existent {I'lifl male person; 11; qei to bear; kiwai 
elder son; gai the; gao to be wanting or gone) 

l^et da daf^a da'ogo la Vsdan if you own a bow, take it along (Iget 

bow; da you; dd'^a to own; la imperative; Vsdafl stem and 

continuative suffix) 
H'lsLai hxiflA da is da'o^o qdL chief, if it is you, get into the canoe 

{ki'lsLai the chief; Tui^Ia come! da you; fe it is; qd stem to 

go; -l aboard [§ 22.12]) 
gasl'nLla^o ga ae^gasa da'ogo I wonder how things are going to be 

(gam'uLlax) now; ga things [indefinite]; ge probably for get stem 

TO BE like; -^a«a=2asa imminent future) 
HaklVnga Tw/Ia da is da'ogo dl gu qafhlxa grandchild, if it is you, 

come to me {UaklVn grandchild; -^a possessive; hi'lA come! 

ddyou; is it is; dime; ^u at or there; gdtogo; -r/xa toward) 

V Lga da'ogo gut agA^n la Tcutida'ldias becoming a weasel^ he 
climbed up {hga weasel; gut upon; o^a^H reflexive; Icutn prob- 
ably an instrumental prefix; i> classifier [§ 15.20]; da stem [?]; 
'l up [§ 22.7]; -di determinate suffix [§ 20.7]; -a« participle) 

dl djd'ga Inagai gl gudafna da'ogo I tia'gAs I ^'ngo look at the 
man I killed who wanted to marry my wife! {dl my; djd wife; 
-ga possessive; Ina to marry; gai [?] the; gl to or for; guda'fia 
to think or want; 11] tia to kill; -^a auxiliary; -« participle; 
I imperative; qin stem to look; -^o plural) 

§ 27. Personal Pronoun 



I 


I 


me dl 


thou (subj.) 


da 


thee dAn 


he, she, it 


U 


him, her, it la 


he, she, it (indef.) 


UAn 


him, her, it (indef.) uAn 


we 


UoIa'tI 


us ih! 


you (plural) 


dalA'n 


you (plural) dalA^n 


they 


l! 


them l! 


they (indef.) 


ga 


them (indef.) ga 



Another indefinite l might be added to these. 

In the Masset dialect dAU is used both for the subjective and 
objective forms of the second person singular, while da serves as an 
emphatic form. 

The subjective series is used as subject of the transitive verb and 
of active verbs, even when there is no object expressed. Objective 
pronouns are used to express the subject of verbs expressmg states 
and qualities. Following is a short list of neutral verbs. 

§27 



■OA81 HANDBOOK OF AMEBIGAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 257 

k!dt!a to die goo to lie (plural) 

^ealy pi to become qiai'xa to be far away 

stAl to want i'dji to be 

l^oa to fear g(iga{%) to be tired 

u'nsAt to know go^UiO) to fall into 

gao to be absent, gone gut to think 

When pronominal subject and object accompany the verb, they 
are placed preceding the whole stem-complex, the object being placed 
before the subject. Only the third person plural l! always stands 
immediately before the stem-complex. The indirect object precedes 
the direct object and is characterized by connectives (see § 31). 

§ 28. Possession 

!• -^a (Masset -*a). Possession of an object by a person other than 
the subject of the sentence is expressed by the objective pro- 
noun preceding the noun, and by the suffix -^a (Masset -*a). 
In the Masset dialect this suffix is used only rarely. We find 
the noun either without suffix or with the suffix -gia. 
(a) The possessive forms of terms of relationship are formed by the 
objective pronoun and the suffix -^a, which is attached to 
the noun. 

V djd'ga qfd'gada'si his wife dried it 288.12 * (dja wife) 

dl go'nga dl gi ginge'idAn my father put paint on me 290.8 {dl 

my; gon father of male; dl me; gi on; gin- to cause [§ 14.12]) 
Wa/nA^An gi'tga hdo Idjd'gAn that one was the son of Wa'nAgAn 

B 87.17 
Qa/L-qons gudjd'n'a Thgas gl'd^a ina^e'lan Qa'L-qons' daughter 

married I'Lgas' son (Masset) 394.10 (gudjdn daughter; g'it son; 

i'na to marry; -'el to become) 

(6) In terms expressing transferable possession the noun takes 
neither the pronominal element nor the suffix, but both are 
combined and precede or follow the noun. At the same time 
the noun takes the suffix -i. 

Skid^ate Masset 

my nd'ga di'na 

thy dA'nga dA'n'a 

his Id'ga Vd'fia 

our Vbdga VtlafUi 

your daWnga 

their Lfd'na 



1 References In this section indicate page and line in John R. Swanton, Halda Texts ( Publications 
of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. x), except that references preceded by B indicate page and 
line in John R. Swanton, Haida Texts and Myths (Bulletin 29. Bureau of American Ethnology). 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 17 § 28 



258 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fBCUi* 40 

dd gua gatagd'-i nd'^a isdai'yanf did you eat my food? B 45.4 (jid 

thou; gnta question ; ya- something; to to eat; -ga-i it) 
LV/d'-i Id'^a sta'^gasi his canoe was full 288.10 
ga'odjiwa-i Id'ga l! slcVdAnasi they beat his drum B 13.16 
lA'gudje I dlsf dl'naVsdi take my mat from me! (Masset) 753.29 
(JiAgus mat; i imperative; dl me; st from; dl'na my) 

V hie' 'add' Id'na l! gudAgwd'nan they thought about its name 
(Masset) 741.19 (kie' name; 'add about; gut mind) 

tc!idalAna'-i isin I' Liana V gVodjuwe . . . that he also take all 
our arrows (Masset) 660.19 {tcH'dalAn arrow; -'odja all) 

Inagd'-ixa'da-i dd'n'ahl'lugAh your town people are destroyed 
(Masset) 740.22 (Idna town; xa'da people; M'lu to destroy) 

tcH'dalAna-i htd'na 'ag^ I ^'gaLlatcIa'san I shall swim for their 
arrows (Masset) 663.3 {tcH'dalAn arrow) 

In some cases the pronoun precedes the noun. 

l! stld'sU Lid'na l! qe'nganan they saw their footprints (Masset) 
281.13 (stid'sil footprint) 

(c) Terms expressing parts of the body do not take the suflix-^; 
but either take only the objective pronoun indicating the 
possessor and a vocaUc ending, or they repeat the pronominal 
possessive-like terms expressing transferable possession. 

V klu'da Id'ga Ia qami'ydgAn he sharpened its bill for it B 59.25 

V Ltxadji Id'ga the crown of his head B 13.4 

V qd'dji g!eitq!d'-iLxidW-i lu when he cut its head off B 12.14 
(qds head; qfeit- with knife [§14.22]; -xid to begin) 

V SLfa-i VloI qd'fuin her husband saw her hands (Masset) 430.24 

{8L!a hand ; Ldl husband ; qdn to see) 

2. 'B. A weak vocalic suflBx is used with terms expressing parts of 
the body. Words ending in a vowel, n, ii, Z, do not take this 
suffix, while others seem to transform the surd terminal into a 
sonant; 8 becomes dj before it. The same forms are used in 
Masset with terms of relationship. 

(a) Words ending in vowels, n, n, or I, 

'o'de xie' the eagle's wing (Masset) 771.2 

I'Lfadas 'ai the chief's blood (Masset) 779.14 

r qo'lu his legs (Masset) 332.38 I 

V SLHkfu'n her finger nails (Masset) 507.8 I 

V tcHn 'a'^ada between his teeth (Masset) 331.19 I 

V x'el its neck part B 79.37 

V xAfl his face B 10.4 

tci'nor-i qaI the salmon skin B 13.5 
§28 



K>A8] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 259 

dl 0/da I I'nan marry my daughter! (Masset) 514.8 

V nan V sfudai'an said his grandmother to him (Masset) 670.4 

(6) Words ending in consonants other than n, n, I. 

V Iclu'gi ya opposite its heart (Masset) 294.25 
dl Jc!dg' my heart (Masset) 298.24 

dATi qa'dji thy head (Masset) 301.5 

V Iclo'tA its beak (Masset) 498.4 

V Jdvfda its beak B 59.25 

V qd/dji his head 12.14 

V sku'dji its bones B 8.13 

3. ^gia means originally property, but in Masset is now sometimes 

used as equivalent of ^a. 

V ^on gia gl'nAga-i M'lawan his fa therms property was destroyed 

689.18 
XAnsvflot gia Lue' sea-anemone's canoe (xAnsu'lot sea-anemone; 

LU canoe) 
dA'ngia liuiga'i xada'i your town-people (Inaga'i the town; 

xada'i people) 
nATi l^limis gia tafwe the man's food {nAh I'linas the man; tao 

food) 

Sometimes it appears instead of dl'na, signifying my, mine; as — 

dalA^n Uanogl's Lit I gia' g An na-i ^n isdd'lgala^wan dalA^n vxi'- 

Luwan a after you have eaten let all go up to my house 
gia' g An na-i aI tdd'nu yu'An za'ola make a big fire in my house 
giagAfi 'add' Uao l! 'e'sgagA'n but they were unsuccessful with 
mine 

4. ^gAfi or ^afi (Masset ^Afi) expresses possession of an object by the 

subject of the sentence, 
(a) The possessive forms of terms expressing relationship and parts 
of the body are formed by suffixing -^An or -an (Masset -An) 
to the noun possessed. 

djd'^An gi xagwa'-i I a Lgua'si he carried the hahbut toward the 

woods to his wife 288.12 {djd wife; gi to; xagu halibut; l- with 

hands [§14.26]) 
gi't^Afi i'sin I gifigd'nsga I shall see my son also 291.1 (git child; 

i'sin also ; Z I ; -sga future) 
Or^'natlA Idd'nanas he asked his mother 289.9 {as mother; at 

with; Tdd'n to question) 
Icfd'lAn LU Ia dAhgl'stalia'-i she had it even with her knees 291.7 

(lu even; dAftr- by pulling [§14.4]; gl- flat thing; sta- to move 

away from; -l up) 

§28 



260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fTOLL. 40 

XAfwfn I LisJcu'nagul clean your eyes (Masset) 649.23 (xAh face, 
eye; I imperative; l- by touching [§ 14.26]) 

(6) Separable possession is expressed by the pronoun a'u^ (Mas- 
set A'n^a). 

Lua'-i djl'na A'n^a I a sqotsJddd'nan he struck the edges of his 

canoe with his hands 288.4 
q.Ul d a' fiat A^hc/a la qaxuaflan wansvfga he went out with his 

skin 289.7 
^A'uLe ^ai gVwl An^a' V isdai'yan he put his fish trap into the 

creek (Masset) 518.15 {^a^ulc creek; ^ai in; gl'u fish trap) 
gl^we A'n^a V qeafnan he looked at his fish trap (Masset) 518.20 

§ 29. Plurality and Distribution 

JPlural Suffixes with Nouns 

1. 'lAfi is used principally with terms of relationship. It is also 

contained in the pronouns UoIa'ti we, dalA'n ye. 

ga'jfoZii 71 uncles B 27.13 {qa/[ga] uncle) 
naftgalAn nephews B 63.24 {nd't[^a] nephew) 
sqd'ngalAn aunts {8qafn[^a] aunt) 
yd^galAn parents B 45.31 
a^o^alATi parents B 59.1 
klvxii'galAn elder brothers B 37.10 

2. "djtt occurs with some words indicating human beings. 

I' Una a male human being 

lla^ndjidai male human beings 
XA'ldan slave 

xAlda/ndjidai slaves 
gU a servant or low caste person 

gl'djidai low caste persons 

The Distributive Suffix 

3. ^xa is used after numerals, connectives, and nouns. 

stVnxa two apiece {stin two) 
le'Uxa five apiece (le^il five) 
gadb'xa round about igadd' around) 
djVnxa in the neighborhood of {djin near) 

tca^A'nxa around under the ocean-water {ica^A'n the ocean- 
water) 
IklVnxa about in the woods {Iklie^n woods) 
V sttexgia'lagAn he became angry B 95.3 
§29 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMEBIC AN INDIAN LANGUAGES 261 

§ 30. Demonstrative and Interrogative Pronouns 

The essential demonstrative elements are a and wa, which are often 
used alone; but there are also several demonstrative adverbs com- 
pounded from these, such as the following: 

d'djxua over here (near by) wd'uAn farther off! 

wd'djxua over there (at some d'nis this region, etc. 

distance) wafnis that region 

d'gusa here d'lgui this way 

wd'guaa there wa'gui that way 

a'«4, aldjl'j aUV this thing d^LgAU right here. 

Interrogative pronouns are all built upon three stems by means of 
suffixes. These stems are gl or gls where? gus what? and gasi'n 
TVHY? or HOW IS IT? and the two former may be related to the con- 
nectives gl and gii (§ 31). Who? appears to be formed by adding 
the connectives sIa and Juio to giy making gl'sto (literally from where 
ARE you?). 

Other variant interrogative pronouns are built upon the steins in 
a similar manner: gl'sgetj gisi^staJuWy gl^L^AUy where; gv/su, gu'sgiao, 
what?; gasi'nd, gasi'nhaoj gasi'nLlaOj why or how? Gus is often 
duplicated into gvfgus. The s which occurs throughout most of 
these forms very much suggests the interrogative particle {so) in 
Tlingit, and is one of the features which suggest community of origin 
for the two languages. These interrogatives and the indefinite 
pronouns are also used in place of our relatives; the indefinite l in 
conjunction with gu (Lgu) being frequently so employed. 

Modifying Stems (§§31-33) 

As already stated, this group of stems includes post-positions, 
conjunctions, adverbs, and interjections. They may be most con- 
veniently classed as — 

(1) Connectives 

(2) Adverbs 

(3) Interjections and expletives 

§3/. Connect Ives 

These are a series of words used to bind together the various parts 

of a sentence and also to connect sentences, and they thus perform 

the functions of our prepositions and conjunctions. It is evident, 

from the manner in which they are employed, that they depend very 

closely upon the verb, and in some cases they are quite essential 

§§30,31 



262 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[btix. 40 



portions of it. The following is a fairly complete list of the 
connectives : 



at or al with, of 
a'ihao for that reason 
atguLvf as soon as 
atxA'nhao as soon as 



a/xATia near 



a' la because, for 
alu therefore 
aMjVaIu therefore 
uied now 
uie'dhao now 
u'ngu on top of 

u'ngut on top of (motion thither) 
I'naat at the same time as 
Vagien and (connects nouns) 
ya straight opposite 
Tvao that (very general meaning) 
ha'ohao for that reason 
dji'ngi alongside 
djl'gigui behind 
da to (M asset dialer* t) 
da^u'lLu alongside of 
dA'nat with (close company) 
dVtgi back toward the woods 
tla'gi opposite 
tla'^a on account of 
Hd'lga while 

He'stA towing or dragging 
sa above, up 
S'ufuga among 
sl'agei above 
slla'iga after 
stA from, after 
sklid'xAn although 
gd'wan without 
gai the or that 

ga'istA after that, from that place 
gand'n like 
gand'xAU as soon as 
gl (Masset ga) to or for 
gia'ogi at the end or edge of 
gien and (usually when) 
gu at, there 
gua toward 
§31 



gui toward (with motion) 

gut with, together with 

gutstA apart, from each other 

gu'tgi together 

gu't^ together 

gtva'di seeking . 

ku'n^AstA ahead of 

Tcwa'gi above 

Telia' oga for 

Ididl every time 

ga in or to 

gd'at^ between 

(^d'a/gf^ between (with motion) 

gado' around 

gAU for (purpose) 

gA'nstA to 

ga^a'n on account of 

go'da behind 

go'tgado around behind 

go'haga after (compare Lga and 

go'da) 
gei into 
ge'istA out of 
qafodi after a while 
qa'sdihao after that 
qd'li inside of 
qdligu't upon the inside of 
qall'gei into the inside of 
qfd'iga near by 
qio'lgAStA' from near 
qk'ufgi in front of 
qtevfxa around in front of 
xe'daxiui below (toward below) 
xe'tgu down 
xe'tgi down 
xe'li in the mouth of 
Lu when 

• 

Lga after 

Ld'gu on the shore opposite 

Ld'gnda as soon as 



Ld'xa near 



LgixATi as soon as 
Iget against 






■OAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 263 

A large number of ^ these, it will be seen, are compounded from the 
simpler connectives, for example : 

a'thao (at-\-Jiao) 8lWi^a'(8ila'i the place +^a) 

(UguLvf {at-\-gu-{-Lu) ga'istA igai-VstA) 

atxA'nhao (a^ + the adverb xau gand'xAn (gand^n-{-XAn) 

-\-Ji(io) gu'tstA (giU-\-8tA) 

A'la (xZ + a in place of a verb gu'tgi (gut-\-gi) 

or clause) gu'tga (gvi+^a) 

aIW {aI-\-Tuio) ^o'tgado {go' da -V gado') 

AldjVAlu{Ald]i'thi3-{-Al-hJi<U)) ge'istA (gei-\-8tA) 

uie'dhao (uied + Jkw) qa'odihao (qa'odi + hao) 

ha'ohao {hao-\-hao) qaligu't (qd'li^-gut) 

dl'tgi {dVda-\-gi) qalige'i (qd'li-{-gei) 

si'agei (sa + gei) qlolgAstA (q!d'lga-\-8tA) 

Still other connectives are evidently compound, although one of 
the elements may be rarely or not at all used alone. Thus: 

afxATia perhaps contains the demonstrative a and the adverb xxn 

u'ngu is evidently compounded of a connective un, not used 

independently, and gu 

u'ngut is compounded of un and gut 

Inaat contains at 

i'sgien contains gieri 

djVngi contains gi 

dji'gigui contains gui and probably gi 

dagu'lhu contains lu 

dA'nat contains at 

t!a'gi contains gi and probably a non-independent connective t!a 

tia'ga contains ga and t!a 

tld'lga contains ga 

tIe'stA contains stA 

svfuga contains ga 

skfid'xAn contains xau 

gia'ogi contains gi 

Icu'ngAstA contains stA and probably ga and kun point 

kwa'gi contains gi 

Jclia'oga contains ga 

gafatga contains ga 

ga/atgei contains gei 

gA'nstA contains gAU and stA 

qlo'lga contains ga 

qtevfgi contains gi 

qlevfxa contains the distributive suffix xa 

xefdaxuaj xe'tgu, and xe'tgi contain giuij gu, and giy respectively, 

with a connective xet 

§31 



264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Cbcll. 40 

Lofgu contains gu and a connective La 

Lofguda contains xd and gut 

Lofoca contains hd and xa 

Lgl'xAn contains xau and perhaps Ld and gi 

Still another non-independent connective seems to be used with 
the reflexive sufiix in qle^nAU for themselves. Gd'vxtn in the above 
list is simply the past tense of the verb goo to be wanting, and ^o'da 
is the word for buttocks. Gmjo, and gui are probably compounded 
of m and gei or gi respectively, with gu; and gut is perhaps from gu 
and aij or else the suffix indicating motion (see below). Qd'li insfdes, 
and af' K in the mouth of, are also used as nouns, meaning the 
insides of a man or animal, or a sound (body of water), and the inside 
of the mouth, respectively. Ganafn is perhaps simply the continu- 
ative verbal suffix duplicated. 

Leaving out these affixes, therefore, along with a few others which 
occur rarely, it seems as if the following list represented the stems 
of the original connectives : 

at or al su ^au 

uied 8tA gei 

un gai qa'odi 

ya gu q!dl 

Tvao gi q!eu 

djin or djl gien xet 

da gia lu 

dlt Jc!ia Lga 

t!a ga Ld 

t!dl goat Iget 

8a gado^ 

't is suffixed to connectives to indicate motion of an object in the 
situation specified by the connective. 

sl'geit I A xx'tlgaldorS he flew about above (sige above; M in that 
place; xit to fly; Z^aZ moving about; -da to cause) 

gATTi V nd'dAlAn da isi'n l! do'^Anganan V Icfotd'lan sUe't a after 
he died, they did not call his nephews (Masset) {gAtn not; nddA 
nephew; -Z^ifl plural; da[?]; M'nalso; do to go and get; -^Afi 
negation; -^afl continuative; -an past inexperienced; Jcfotal 
stem TO die; -an past inexperienced; sUe after; a stands for 
do'^Aflgaflan) 

l! xetVt l! i'steidani they put these before them (xet before; iste 
stem [?]; 4<i inchoative [?]; -an past inexperienced; A perfect) 

'A^nLe djirie^t alongside of the stream (they went) (Masset) (fAUL 
fresh water or stream; e the; djin along by) 
S31 



«>*»1 HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 265 

§ 32. Adi^erbs 

The position which adverbs take in the sentence, and their use in 
general, connect them closely with connectives. Both are subordi- 
nated to the verb in the same way, and the only difference lies in th^ 
fact that an adverb does not refer to a substantival modifier of the 
verb so directly as does a connective. The fact that adverbial 
modifiers sometimes do refer to such a substantive {ila' , sa, etc.) 
shows how close the relationship is. The simpler adverbs are the 
following: 

Vsin (Masset Vsin) again, also dl'da landward 

Ua' differently qfafda seaward 

yen truly sa up, above 

ye'nk!ien very much mfuAfi snuffling 

Tvavn'dan quickly gvxi (interrogation) 

TwyVn instead gAm not 

Kau (Masset hin) like, as fol- xau (Masset Tiati) still, yet 

lows XAugian answering, in reply 

TudgunAU closer Lan complete, ended 
hitlA^A'n (Masset liitlA'n) ^ i. 'a however 

then la (imperative adverb) 

Mna'n only Inan a little 

A second set of adverbs is formed by means of xaUj which has very 
much the force and function of the English adverbial ending -ly. 
Such are: 

wa^ I A fix An really 

ha'oxAn still 

de'ixAn carefully 

Icu'nxAn still more 

hia'xAn outside 

Lgua'nixAn aimlessly, traveling at random 

Many ideas expressed in English by adverbs are rendered in 
Haida by a noun, or its equivalent, and connective : 

qfa'gui northward or to the north 

djaxui' seaward, toward the mouth of the inlet 

qalgui' up-mletward, or toward the head of the inlet 

tadjxua' toward the rear of the house 

Ikia'gua toward the door of the house 

sgo'lAgi to the right 

SLofangi to the left or leftward 

§32 



266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 33. InterjectiouH 

The following is a list of interjections, or words of interjectional 

nature : 

a-i ah! or oh my! 

ay a no ! 

afdigua just hear! (an angry exclamation used by old people) 

ana yes! 

« don't! 

% (disgust) dirty! etc. 

lUe'i indeed! or is that so? or why! don't you know? 

vxi or lengthened into wd-d-d pretty, nice ! 

yvfya a feminine exclamation of terror 

yula'dAl an exclamation used by the Ninstints people w^hen they 

hear news, regardless of its quality 
hai now! 
Tvavn^t quick! 

hd^maya horrors! (a very strong expression) 
Jiadjadi'a alas! 
ha'ku now \ 

JujIa' come! The Ninstints sometimes use zin instead of this. 
huk or lengthened into hu'JcuJcukuk look out! also the cry raised 

when rushing on an enemy. It always indicates danger. 
djd say ! well ! 
tlaganV lo! surprising! 
ga'o ano or go'ano no ! 
gvfgus tlagane' wonderful! or surprising! 
Tclwai pray! wait! hold on! 

q!a pretty or nice (a Kaigani exclamation particularly) 
qld'la Idjd^xAU an obsolete expression, used only by chiefs, and 

indicative of intense anger 
na here! say! 

Lan or ha^osian enough ! stop ! (identical with the adverb Lan) 
Llna would that! 

§ 34. Syntax 

The verb almost always stands at the end of the sentence or clause; 
but where the speaker wishes to supplement some thought to what 
he has just said, he may do so by introducing the essential part of it, 
and adding a, which stands for the verb and modifiers just given. 

WAgand'xAn la isda'ya^An uau djd'ada^ a she did it that way, 
the woman (did it that way) (wAgaild^XAn that way [^WA-h 
gaha^ fi -{- XAu]; isda stem; -ya perfect; -agAU past inexperi- 
enced; riAfi the [with -s]; djd' da woman; a for isda'yagAn) 

§§33,34 



•o^sl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 267 

I' qa'idagAn tada'oagai si^lga a she started off, while those who 
were after salmon were away (she started) (qd to go; -id incho- 
ative; '^AU past inexperienced; tadd'odgai they were after 
salmon; si'lga while [literally, in the place]; a for qd'ida^An) 

V qaLtxa'yagAu Wnai djVngi a she came out of the woods, near 
the sea- water (she came out) {qa stem; -Llxa toward; -j/a per- 
fect; -a^iin past inexperienced ; te'/laithesea; djmnear; griat; 
a for qahlxa'yagAn) 

la gAn l! d'xAnd^'lagani la Lga da'ogai a they came near her, 
those that came after her (came near her) (gAU for; d'xAua stem 
TO COME near; -gidl to come to be; '<Lgan past inexperienced; 
-i perfect; zga after; dao to come to get; gai the or those; a 
for d'xAnofid^lagani) 

Occasionally a is omitted. 

ffien Ia gd'itqld'isgitlasi ^n Lgu Id'na e'sin and he threw it up hard 
into the air, the sun also (gien and; gait hard or quickly; q!di- 
classifier; sgitsiem] -Zup; -cm participle; stnsun; Ljfu indeed; 
Za'na that one; e'sih also) 

ga'iLuhao l! laga'yan WAusu'ga gd'lai Ld'alge'tUi lu at that time 
they went off in a crowd, at the end of ten days (literally, 
nights) {ga'iiAihao at that time; laga stem [?]; -j/a perfect; -aft 
continuative; WAnsvfga quotative; gal night; ai the; Ld'al ten; 
ge'U to become; -si participle; lu when) 

When the subject and object of the verb are nouns, the former 
precedes; when they are pronouns, the order is reversed. A third 
pronominal object is followed by one of the connectives, and is placed 
before the other personal pronouns. When nouns and pronouns are 
both used as subjects or objects, the pronouns usually stand nearest 
to the verb, and exceptions to this are usually for emphasis: 

uan dAn I gi'nga I cease to see thee 31.5 (Lan to stop; dAu Ihee; 

1 1; g^n to see; -ga declarative or auxiliary [?]) 
la VAn la'ga qd'gas he, too, went to him {i\nn too; ga to; qd stem 

TO go; -ga auxiliary; -s participle) 
dalA'n Lla l! tA'lgi Wgasga you, however, will be better than 

the others (doZ^' fly ou [pi.]; x/a however; ^.I'i!^ more than; Id 

good; -ja auxiliary ; -sya future) 

I have noted above, that a connective depending upon a verb may 
stand at the very beginning of the sentence, the noun to which it 
refers being either understood or expressed in the preceding clause. 

Adjectives, connectives, and possessives used like connectives, 
always follow the nouns to which they refer. When several adjec- 

§34 



268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY £bci-l. 40 

lives depend upon one noun, they are apt to occur in an order exactly 
the reverse of that observed in English: 

go'djai till XA'tdju the wolf, wet, small (the small wet wolf) 
gl'na go'lgal SLA'pdju a thing, blue, slim (a slim blue thing) 

Subordinate clauses almost always precede those on which they 
depend, though occasionally they may be inserted into the major 
clause itself: 

r Ita'xui xvfadji V tia'gan la ^au gudd'nagAn his friends (that) a 
grizzly bear killed him thought about him (his friends 
thought a grizzly bear had killed him) (Ita'xui friends or clans- 
men; xu'adji grizzly bear; tia stem to kill; -dgan past inex- 
perienced; ^ATi for [here about]; gvda'na stem to think; -gAn 
past inexperienced) 

In the Masset dialect the subordinate clause usually ends in -« 
(§ 25.7) and is followed by gieUy lu, or some other connective. This 
is also found in the Skidegate dialect ; but more often the subordinate 
clause ends in gai. Masset sentences are usually introduced by 
WA'gien; and Skidegate sentences, by gie'nhdOf WA'gienhao, Lu^haOy 
etc. It is often more convenient, however, to regard the sentence 
they introduce as a clause coordinate with that which precedes. 
This uncertainty always renders it difficult to divide Haida discourse 
into sentences. 

VOOABULAET (§§ 86-89) 

§ 36. Oeneral Bemarks 

Haida stems may be most conveniently divided into two classes — 
principal stems and modifying stems. The former class includes 
those which we should call in English, verbs, adjectives, nouns, and 
pronouns; the latter, post-positions, conjunctions, adverbs, and inter- 
jections. 

§ 86. Verb-Stems 

The greater number of these consist of one syllable, and, in many 
cases where more than one occur, it seems probable that they are 
really compound. The following list includes all of those most com- 
monly employed, along with a few rarely found. They are arranged 
in the following order: (1) stems consisting of a single vowel; (2) 
those of a single consonant; (3) a consonant and following vowel 
or vowel-combination; (4) two consonants; (5) two consonants and 

§§35,36 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



269 



following vowel; (6) a consonant^ vowel, and consonant; (7) two 
consonants, a vowel, and a consonant; (8) steins of two syllables. 

1 . Ti to remain in one place or to 6. nan to grind or rub 

sit 

2. X, to touch 

3. -uw to do or make 
dju to be of a certain sort or 

kind 



dao to go and get 

ia to eat 

tai to lie 

tia to kill (one person) 

su to say 

goo to be absent or wanting 

gia to stand 

gue to come 

hwa to strike 

Jciu to tie 

Jclwi to mention 

xia to follow 

• 

qAao to hang up 

ffo to lie 

go{xa) to bum 

qa to go (one person) 

qe to give birth 

q!a to sit (usually followed 

by auxiliary u) 
q!a to sleep 
q!a to laugh 
qlol to hide or secrete from 

the eyes 
xao to fish 
lIu to sit (plural) 

4. «£ a stem of very general ap- 

plication, meaning to place 
in a certain direction 

5. sta to remove from a certain 

place 
8t!e to be sick, angry, sad 
f^ to swim 
L^ to creep 

Ltda to kill (many people) 
Ha to spit 



nial or nil to drink 

gin to go by sea 

Tddn to ask 

Tdn to make a noise, as a 

bird 

klel to be extinguished 
xcLL to howl 

• 

Tit to fly 

Tit to pick up 

gat to run, to act quickly 

g^l to become 

get to be like 

xut to drink 

• 

xoal to steam 

xon falling of a heavy ob- 
ject, like a tree 
»iZ to borrow 
lin to start anything 
III to surround 

7. stil to return 

sTdt to move so as to result 
in contact 
. sldt to club 
skin to wake up 
sgail to weep 
8gol to hide 
Igal and Igul to move around 

8. aba to chew up food, for a 

child 
Idji or i« to be 
haUu to destroy 
dJApAt to sink suddenly 
daga to own 
gldji to seize 
glsu to wipe 
Tclo'tAl to be dead 
gdxa to be weak 
golga to make 
qaido to go to war 
Zd'no to swear 

§36 



270 BUREAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY (bclu40 

Adjectives may always be used as verb-stems and so belong to this 
category*. The following are the principal : 

ada different ^ot last; also a noun meaning 

yaku middle buttocks 

yu'An big (incorporated yu) qoan much 

taidjvf half gd'na great, mighty 

till wet Id good 

salt red Igal black 

ruwida) many go'lgal blue 

ga'da white 

Nouns like the following may also be used as the stems of verbs : 

yafuAfi clouds glia chief's son 

tc!a/ano fire or firewood tafna sea-water 

TW, house 

More often the noun is followed by an auxiliary, and these 

auxiliaries are used after verb-stems as well, though a few of them 

may occur as entirely independent stems (see § 18). 

§ 37. Numerals 

The numeral system has become decimal since the advent of the 
whites, and the word hundred has replaced the original expression 
that covered that figure; but the old blanket-coimt ran as follows: 

1 sgoafnsin 

2 stin 

3 Igu'nul 

4 stA'nsin 

5 Le^il 

6 LOA^nul 

7 dpguagd' 

8 sta'nsAnxa 

9 LaAlV ngisgoansV ngo 

10 lcl'aI 

1 1 lo/a I wai'gi sgoa'nsin 

12 Ld^Al wai'gi stin 
20 lA'guat sgoa'nsin 

30 lA'guat sgoansVngo wai'gi id'al 
40 lA'guat stin 
50 Wgvxit stin wai'gi id'al 
60 lA'giuU Igu'nul 
100 U'guat ie'il 
200 U'guat id'Al 

300 lA'guat Ld'Al wai'gi Wguat lI'U 
400 lA'guat Ld'Ale stin 
1000 lA'guat Ld'Ale lI'H 
2000 lA'guat Ld'Ale Ld'al 
etc. 
§37 



HANDBOOK OF AMEBIGAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



271 



It will be seen that the term for four is derived from that for 
two; the term for six, from the term for three; the term for eight, 
from the terms for four and two ; and the term for ten, from that 
for five; while nine is simply ten minus one. 

§ 88. Nominal Steins 

Following is a list of the simpler nominal stems, arranged in the 
same order as the verbal stems given above. Since stems of two 
syllables with a weak final vowel differ but slightly from those of one 
syllable, I have given them before other two-syllable stems: 



1 . ao mother 

2. cU paddle 

3. tela place 
tc!u cedar 
sU lake 
na house 
gvmi island 
Jc!iu trail 
xaI sunshine 

• 

pai blood 

qa uncle 

q!a harpoon 

q!a north 

k!do salmon eggs 

xao juice 

Lu canoe 

lai cranberries 

5. 8t!a foot 
8t!ao wizard 
sJcu back 
Lga land 
l^a rock 

6. djat woman 
tdn grandfather 
tc!tn teeth 

ties rock, ledge 
djU bait 
sU place 
sin day or sky 
^^son 
Jcun point 
Jclial leg 
paJ night 



qait tree 

qofi moon 

qlds pitch 

qiAn grass 

q!dn hemlock 

qlal clay 

q.Ul swamp 

xdt woman's father, also 

grave-post 
XATi face 
xel neck 
xel hole 

len certain Tsimshian songs 
lln root 

7. sqot armpit 
l^Afi male cousin 
^AfiL fresh water 

8. td^na sea-water 

B^a/na supernatural being 
lc!a'-Ua tray 
kla^'ilda star 
gloria something 
Jd'pa meat, flesh 
Tclvfda beak 
go'da buttocks 
go' da box 
■qa'dji head 
qaf La or qdL reef 
qd'na father-in-law and son- 
in-law 
xa'ida human beings 
Idfna town 

Lxadji middle of top of head 

§38 



272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY rwti-40 

Iqea'makelp; also tall rough gu'dAU mind And throAt 

grass along shore kVl^a language 

ItA'nga feathers JcId'nAl color 

I'nagvxi one side or half Icliaflu cormorant 

I'Lgas chief JcIoriA'n a crazy person 

i'Llxdgidas chief ^d'yao the sea 

I'lin male ^d'yu smoke 

tclafano fire go'dAU a white variety of 
dafgal to-morrow rock 

dadji'n hat qa'woda bag 

taffiAl tongue gjt'gu water basket or bucket 

stAgu'n branch-tips qland's comrade (in address) 

gia'at blanket qU'ndal a mass of trees 
glnl't smoke-hole fallen in one place 

gl'gao salmon-trap laflAga house-screens 

Some of these last are undoubtedly compound. Thus gu'dAU^ 
TcIouA'n, and go'dAUseem to have the continuative ending Un) ; Id'na 
is probably compounded from na house, and perhaps 2a he or his; 
da/ gal probably contains gal night; I'hlxagidas is very likely from 
I'Lgas and gl'da chief^s son (a gl'da being so high that he was prac- 
tically certain to be a chief himself) ; while IcVlga probably has the 
possessive suffix. Other nouns which are certainly compound are: 
sVfi^ evening {sin day or daylight-sky); hu'ngida comer (perhaps 
from Icun point); qia'ixida woman^s cloak; gA'ndjilga'gi dancing- 
blanket; xd'tgi dancing-leggings; ga'ixat ashes; gagwa/nqe cradle; 
tA'ngoan ocean. The two last probably contain the verbal suffix 
goan about, around, and the last seems to be compounded of this 
and tofna sea-water. The word for salt, tan qld'ga, means simply 
DRIED SEA-WATER. The word for BEANS and PEAS is zo'ya-Lu'ga 
raven's canoe, and refers to one of Raven's adventures. Rice is 
called Vnln-tcUfi English teeth. Qdxa child seems to be derived 
from the stem of the verb meaning weak. 

A study of animal names is usually interesting; but in Haida most 
of the names of land and sea animals, along with those of the most 
common birds and fishes, are simple, and yield nothing to investi- 
gation. Such are the following: 

tcln salmon (general term) tdL loon 

tdin beaver t!in robin 

» 

tdi silver-salmon ^'ga snake 

tan black-bear stlao screech-owl 

§38 



»OA»l HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 273 

sqao grouse and big variety got eagle 

of clam qai sea-lion 

sqol porpoise qo sea-otter 

8q!en gull xa dog 

8Lgu land-otter xd'gu halibut 

nao devil-fish xo'ya raven 

Tciu clam xot hair-seal 

lc!at deer tga weasel 

Tclal sculpin Qdia saw-bill 

IclAgA'n mouse Igo heron 
Jcun whale 

The word for beaver seems to be the same as that for teeth, from 
-which it may have been derived. Most of the other animal, bird, 
and insect names are evidently derived from descriptive terms. Such 
are the following: 

yA^nidJAn spider 

dJAgA^ldAxuan^y, also snipe 

djl' gvl-a' oga shrew (probably Uterally, fern-mother) 

djidA'n humpback-salmon 

dogafthxagana chicken-hawk 

ta/ina steelhead-salmon 

td'gun spring-salmon 

taxe't small salmon found on the Queen Charlotte islands 

td'ixit trout 

id' LAt-gafdala swallow * 

tialgun swan 

slxAsijdA'lgdna small bird 

staisklu'n fish-hawk 

stdqfafdjitga brant 

sJcd'gi dog-salmon 

skdxia'o swamp-robin 

sqaA'm star-fish 

8L!v!djagadAn red-headed woodpecker 

TcAlgaVAgAU butterfly, grasshopper 

Tcu'ndaguan (Masset SLAqA^m) sand-flea 

Tc!a/ldj%da crow 

qadjV nq! Alge'TcsLl green-headed duck 

qdtgadAgA'ralgal bat 

qotgalvf sparrow 

qla'isgut butter-ball 

qfoyaffi mouse 

Igitgu'n goose 

Vdii'nqJostAn frog (fklii'n forest; qlostA'n crab) 

tdLAt'-gd'dAla fast trout 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 18 § 38 



274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Another set of names appears to be onomatopoetic eilher in fact 
or in idea: 

M'xodada or la'xoddda grebe dl'dAU blue-fly 

vM salmon-berry bird sm'lavnt small bird 

md^mcUdegi dragon-fly ska'skas small owl 

djldja't small hawk gu'tgunis (Masset gu'igunist) 

djidjiga/ga small bird horned owl 

tela' tela song-sparrow l !ai'L !ai bluej ay 

da'tdi wren 

I know of but two story-names of animals, JcIu'xuginagUs marten 
(instead of Idvfxu) and sqo'lginagits porpoise (instead of sqol) ; but 
it is possible that the same suffixes may have occurred after other 
animal-names as well, gl'na means something, and git son; but 
whether those are the words included in the suffix is uncertain. 

Several animal-names are almost identical with those found in 
Tlingit : 

tcll'tga skate godj wolf 

tdisg^ moose qld'xada dog-fish 

tco^lgi ground-squirrel qld'Ati fur-seal 

nafgadje fox xu'adji grizzly-bear 

nusg wolverene lAgvnfdji sea-bird 
Idvfxu marten 

• 

Igo HERON, and JdAgA'n (Keene*s) mouse, also resemble the Tlingit 
terms; and the Tlingit word for raven, yely is the same as that used 
by the Masset Ilaida. This similarity between the two vocabularies 
extends to a few words other than names of animals, of which the 
following are the principal : 

yage't or ya^e't chief's son gaodja'o drum 

Mgaye^dji iron gu^lgd abalone 

Nd'gadje fox is also found in Tsimshian, and the following names 
are also from that language: 

a'od^ porcupine skiafmsm blue-hawk 

rriAt mountain-goat gu'tgunis horned owl 

Names of implements and various utensils are formed from verbs 
by means of a noun-forming suffix o (u) : 

sgunxola'o perfume (from agurij sJcun to smell) 
8L!and'nu soap (from sila hand ; nan to play) 
nidjafnu mask (from nidja/n to imitate) 
Mtao spear handle (from Mt to spear) 

§38 



BOASl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 275 

Of a similar character are the following, although their derivation 
is not clear: 

daqu'nlao matches qfd^sgvdjao lamp 

Jcitsgald'no poker Lqalda'o baking-powder 

xalgadja'o tin pan Lino milk 
qlaij/Uagaf no rattle 

Probably the Masset word for food, too, should be added to this 
list. The Skidegate word for food is formed in a peculiar way — by 
prefixing the plural indefinite pronoun ga to the stem of the verb eat 
{ga ta food). 

Proper names are often formed from nouns or descriptive terms by 
means of the suffix «, already referred to. The following are examples : 

Djl'lindjaos a man named Devil-club {djl'lindjdo devil-club) 

(fao qons the name of an inlet (^ao qon mighty inlet) 

Qleis name for the Kaigani country {q!et narrow strait) 

Gu'lgaa a man named Abalone (gu'l^a abalone) 

NAnH'lsLOS the Person-who-accomplished-things-by-his-word ; that 

is, the Creator, Raven {nAn TcVlsLa a person who accomplishes 

things by his word) 
Qai al Id'ncbs a family called the people of Qai (Qai al lafnxi a man 

of the town of Qai) 
Nav^sIVtis The-one-who-is-(equal-to)-two {nAfi one person; stin 

two) 
Na qld'laa a family called Clay-house People (wa qla/la a clayey 

house) 
Tcdn lafnas Mud-town 

This, however, is not essential to the formation of proper names, 
as the following examples will show: 

Xo'ya gA^nm Raven creek 

Qa'itgcLo^ao Inlet-from-which-the-trees-have-been-swept-away (a 

camp between Kaisun and Tc !a'at) 
idjin xa^idA(/ai Far People (the Kwakiutl) 
Gvdd'nstA From-his-daughter (name of a chief) 
Tddnu aI qlola'i Master-of-the-Fire (name of a chief) 
Sgd'na yu'An Great Supernatural Power (name of a chief) 
Qend-ga'isL Floating-heavily-in-his-canoe (name of a chief) 

The following nouns are nothing more than verb-stems : 

wd'l^al potlatch Jclo^da dead body 

8t!e sickness qidl dance 

gu'su speech 'e'da shame (Masset) 

As already noted, there are a few other stems difficult to classify as 
absolutely nominal or verbal; such as na house, xa^ida person. 

§38 



276 BUREAU OF AMEHICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcix.40 

§ 39. Plural Stems 

By substitution of one stem for another, plurality is sometimes 
indicated in the verb itself; but a close examination shows that this 
phenomenon is not as common as at first appears. A large number 
of plural stems of this kind prove to be nothing more than adjectives 
with the plural suffix -dAla or -da, and still others really have the same 
stem in the singular and plural; but the Haida mind requires some 
additional affix in one number to satisfy its conception fully. In the 
other cases there seems to be an alteration in idea from the Haida 
point of view, such as would impel in all languages the choice of a 
diflFerent verb. The only verbs which show conspicuous changes in 
stem in the plural are the following four: 



Jingular 


Plural 




qa 


is, dal, or isdal 


to go 


qiao 


l!u 


to sit 


xlt 


M{lgAl) 


to fly 


tia 


Lida 


to kill 



In the first three cases the plurality refers to the subject; in the 
last case, to the object. 

The plural of adjectives expressing shape and size is expressed by 
the syllables -dAla and -da. These may be plural equivalents of the 
stem dju, 

tla'^ao JclA^mdAla fine snow (JcA^mdju a small or fine object) 

qe'gu yvfdAla big buckets {yvfAU big) 

'a XA dAla small children (xA'tdju small thing) (Masset) 

-da is sometimes used instead of the preceding. 

yuA^nda big things {yu'AU big) 
djVnda long things {djin long) 



§39 



HAIDA TEXT (SKXDEGATB DIALECT) 

-A. liAiD ON THE Bella Coola by the People of Ninstints and 

Kaisun 

Q^'isan gn GrA'fixet xa'idAgai* lu ^tA'nstii' gn ^dA'fi" 

Kaisun at Ninstints people canoes four at in company 

with themselyes 

r.! qa'idoxalgAn ^ Lui'sLlxagAn.* Gifi'nhao* lu ^tA'nsift gix 

tliey to ask to go to fight came by canoe. And then canoes four at . 

t!a'ogAn^ l1 I'djtnt.' Ga'iLuhao* lI Luda'ogAnt»« stA Lilgrmt" 

toother they went At that time they went across after Bentinckarm 

(lit., were). 

gei lI LuJsda'ltcIigAn." Gie'nhao ga'l^ua" tla'odjf^i" La'xa^* 

IJato they went in by canoe. And then aurlng the the fort opposite 

night 

r.1 Luisda'ltcItgAni. Gi^'nhao sLiifi" ea ga naxanda'yagAn ^^ 

tiiey went in by canoe. And then the inlet in some had been camping 

xA'fifgustA" l1 tc!tt?rdAni.»* Gu'hao*® Amai'kuns klo'da^eidAn." 

from in front them started to Are on. Right there Amaikuns was killed. 

Oayf'ns I'sfn l1 tcUtLi'dagAn." Q5ya' i'sifi lI tcIitLi'dagAn. 

Floating too they wounded. Beloved too they wounded. 

La'hao*® lI suga sqa'djigAn. Ga'igu" ga sttfi lI 

He them among was a brave man. There some two they 

> OA^fixH was the name of a cape close to the southern end of the Queen Charlotte Islands, though, acced- 
ing to Dr. C. F. Newcombe, It is not identical with the Cape St. James of the charts. The Halda on this 
port of the Islands received their name from it. -yoi is the connective. 

*pa- prefix indicating shape; tU'fuiik four. 

* pads' AROUND -h the possessive suffix -Aii (S 28.4) (literally, around themselvxs). 
*9a'id6 to oo to war; -xal the auxiliary to ask(S 18.7); -qaH the continuatlve suffix (( 24.1). 

* lH canoe, and so motion by canoe; U stem of verb to be; -L.'xa motion toward any object men- 
tioned (S 22.10); -gAn suffix Indicating past event experienced by the person speaking (S 23.1). 

*gUn AKD + hao. 

^-fAfi is the suffix denoting intimate possession (( 28.4). 

* Although, the story-teller himself went along, he speaks of his party in the third person throughout 
moch of the narrative. -In is the same suffix as -gAn, spoken of above (S 23.1). The -{ is a suffix of 
doubtful dgnificance, probably ^ving a very vague impression of the completion of an action (S 25.6). 

* gai + i.u+hao. 

v> LU- BY canoe; dao stem; -gAn past^temporal suffix experienced (§ 23.1); -I see note 8. 

" lAlgVmi Is applied to Interior Indians generally by the Bella Bella at the mouth of BenUnck arm and 
Dean canal. 

u lH- by canoe; U stem; dOl several oomo; -tcli motion into a shut-in place, such as a harbor or 
inlet (§ 22.1); -gAn temporal suffix (S 23.1). 

^fOl night; fua (ffua) toward, without motion, and thus derivatively during (§31). 

i*t!a'o4}i fort; gai the or that. 

u Ad IN the neighborhood of or OPPOSITE something on shore; -xa distributive suffix (( 29.3). 

^tL.lii means anything that Is well back, such as the rear row of several lines of houses, and thus It 
Is applied to an Inlet running back Into the land. 

17 na TO UVE, temp<»rarlly or permanently; -xan » -gAii the continuatlve suffix (( 24.1); -da auxiliary 
Indicating cause ($ 18.2); -ya perfect time (( 23.7); -gAn i>ast-experlenoed-temporal sufiix (( 23.1). 

^xaH face; ^ at or there; sIa from (§ 31). 

I* (c/f/ TO SHOOT WITH GUNS; -fid the Inchoative auxiliary () 18.6); "An the past^experienoed-temporal 
suffix, which drops g after d; -t as above. 

^gu AT or THERE + hOO, 

njcfifia DEAD body; -geit to be in that condition; -An temporal suffix. 

277 



278 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull 40 

xAlda'n^tda'gAnt." Ga'istA" l! Lul'sdayitgoa'gAnf.** Gien lI 

enslaved. After that they started out And them 

ku'ngAstA**^ ga qaitLa'gangAn" ga ^utguigfngAn" ga'iatsgagAn." 

before those started first some coming sailing went out to. 

Djlgwa'i'* sqla'stin*® wa gu«' qlada'cgagAnt.** StA Lua'i q!al 

Guns two it at was the noise of. After- the empcj 

ward canoe 

?Qtgtnda'lgAni " gi6n ga dja'ada stiii xAlda'ngadayag^An.** 

drifted along and some women two were enslaved. 

Gien gA'nstA** lI LutsLlxa'gAni** gi6n wa gu tagi'djigidai •^ 

And to they came and it at persons captured 

at Lga sgu'ngi^ ag^'n l! xA'ttalgfilgAndf* xad^ lI q!o'l^ nAfi 

with land close to them- they rejoiced that having while them near a 

selves 

kundju'gAn*® ^do' ga xutgfdji-Llxagai" l!a gei qe'xagai^ lu 

point was around some came sailing them (into) saw irhen 

qIaL!t!A'lgAnt.« Gie'nhao go'La^^ lI daotU'lgAnt.** Gie'nhao 

Jumped off. And then after [them] they landed. And tben 

agA'n I L'goi^gin*' qa'odlhao^® 1 qatlA'lgAn.*' GiS'nhao ga'^^awai** 

self I prepared after a while I got off. And then the sea 

LA'xa nAfi Lxienda'lsi** Ia xitxi'dAnl.'*** Lkli'nxet^* 1a i xitgi'ndal 

near one was running I started to pursue. About in the him I chased aboat 

woods 

ssto.^Mnstrumental prefix meaning by shooting (S 14.2); Lfda stem of verb to kill when used with 
plural objects, probably used here because two are spoken of in close c<mnection ($39). 

^gai THE + 9tA FROM, both being connectives. 

** LtlrBY canoe; f« Stem; -da contraction of -do/ (§ 14.5); jU to begin to (§ 18.6); -i;oa MOTfON oiTT or 
DOORa (S 22.2). 

» Probably means literally from in a point (Jkun point; ^ in; tM from). 

^qa TO go; 'U( probably originally contracted from ^if) to start (( 18.0) ;-£d^ft first, FiRsrTiME(( 21.3). 

>'ztU- instrumental prefix meaning with the wind (§ 14.19); -ifui stem; iflli on the sea ({ 19.2). 

*igai floating; spa motion seaward (§22.8). 

^djVgu + gai, the g being dropped after u. 

M«f /a- classifier Indicating objects like sticks (( 15.11). 

»> WA demonstrative pronoun + gu at. 

^'ga probably auxiliary meaning to be. 

n^iZt- with the wind (§ 14.19); -gin drifting on the sea; -401, auxiliary indicating motion ({ 14i>). 

**xAldd'iipat slave; -ya perfect time (§ 23.7). 

» Probably from pAn for + si a from, the idea being motion from a certain place with a definite object 
In view, and thus to something else. 

M LtZ-BY canoe; U stem; -L!za motion toward; -gAn temporal suffix. 

*^ta- a noim-formlng prefix; gi'djl stem of verb to seize. 

'^gi the connective meaning to or for. 

^ogA'fi the reflexive pronoun; if pronominal subject; zAfial to rejoice; -(^SftONTHESEA; -gAti'^ -gAfi 
the contlnuatlve; -di suffix Indicating that the action is held suspended in acertain position pending some 
further developments; xAn the adverb still or yet. 

*^liun point; dji sort of thing; -gAn past-experlenced-tempOTal suffix. 

<i^a plural Indefinite pronoun; ^tZ/- motion by means of the wind; ^I to seize or carry along, 
seized; 'L!xa- motion toward; gai the or those. 

^ql'xa to see; (^ai connective turning the verb into an infinitive. 

^AIaI motion downward; -gAn temporal suffix. 

^ ^ is evidently from p6'da or g6t posteriors, and secondarily afterwards; -iApa is the same as-^. 

^dao is probably the stem to go and get; -HaI motion downward, out of the canoe. 

^ogA'fi the reflexive pronoun; I subjective pronoun of the first person singular; l- to accomplish by 
touching with the hands; p6lpa stem of verb meaning to make; -^ii upon the ocean; qa'odikao the con- 
nective before which a verb loses its temporal suffix, and which is itself compounded of qa'odi + hio. 

« qa singular stem meaning to go; -HaI motion downward. 

^p&'yao SEA + (^)a< the connective. 

^^- shape of a human being; dal auxiliary; -al the infinitive suffix. 

M ^. This stem is perhaps identical with the stem meaning to fly, and so Indicates rapid motion; -?U 
TO BEGIN to do a thing; -An the past-experienced-temporal suffix. 

^^Iklin woods; -xa distributive suffix; -t motion in that place. 



^OA8] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 279 

qa'odihao" ga'yawai gei 1a ga'tgigAni." GiSn 1' qa'dji** dA'nat^ V 

•Lf^r a while the sea into he Jumped. And his hair with his 

a'xinai^* 1a' stA 1a giLgflgAni." Gien qia'da 1' L'tcIlLlxagA'n «» 

yellow cedar him from I took. And toward be came up 

t>«trli blanket the sea 

g-ien dl xAna'^'^* 1a Lqlagilda'figAn.'® Gie'nhao dl ^ 1a 

and my face he held up his hands at. And then me to he 

Lglgf'lgAn/* Di gAn 1' a'xAnagea'lgai **' lu®* I'sin I' ga'iglAgAn*' 

s^ram shoreward. Me for he came to be near when again he dove 

gien qia'da 1' LdjtLlxagA'n " giSn 1a gt« i tcltdjuxI'dAn."* Gi^n 1' 

and seaward he came to the surface and him at I began to shoot. And he 

i-glgi'lgAn gien nAn stalA' xA'ngt*' agA'il 1a gldjJgi'ldaLskrdAn.** 

swam landward and a cliff on the face himself he held tight against. 

Oa'igu f'sin 1a 1a tc!i'gastia'ngai«* lu«* Lan 1a Ia ge'ildagAnl.^** 

There too him I shot twice when ended him I caused to become. 

Gie'nhao sta'lai xA'fi^ qait'^ giaga'nagAni^ gut 1a qaxia'lgAni.^' 

And then the cliff on the face tree was standing upon he climbed up. 

GiSn r qa'dji atala'i stA dji'nagAnt." Sk!ift'xAn» wA'gui" 1a 

And its top the cliff from was some distance. But still toward it he 

tlaskitgaogA'ndi^' qa'odi stala'i xA'ngi agA'fi 1a gldjigl'ldalgaski'dAni.^ 

bent it after the cliff on the himself he got hold of. 

a while face 

(iien gu ga xe'lgAni'* gei 1a qa'tcIIgAn.^® Gahi stA L'gut^^ xe'tgi" 

And therein was a hole into he went in. Not from either downward 



^xU" stem above referred to (50); -ifln probably the continuative -gAii; -dal the auxiliary. 

^ pat TO MOVE rapidly; gi motion down into the water; -gAn temporal suffix. 

^ qA'dH is used both for hair and for head. 

^ dA'iiat contains the connective at. It means very much the same thing as at, but Is a strcmger form. 

^ ai is the contracted form of gai. 

*' ^classifier Indicating shape of blanket; -01 motion landward. 

^{r shape of human being; -Uxa motion toward. 

^ di objective personal pronoun of the first person, used as the possessive; xaH face; -ga possessive suffix. 

<• l!- action with hands; -gUl toward the land; -da auxiliary to cause; -aii continuative suffix. 

^ ^ shape of man; gi swimming on water; -gll motion landward. 

^a'zAna near, is also used independently as a connective; -peal the auxiliary meaning to become or 
TO COME TO be; gai the Inflnltive-formlng connective. 

•yol- FLOATiNO ON the wator; -giA motion down into the water. 

M{^ human shape; -Llia MOTfbN toward. 

^lA personal pronoun of the third person singular; gi the connective to. 

^tc!U TO shoot; -ytt to begin to do. 

^xAli face; to or at. 

^gUdjl to grasp, seize; -^ to become; -da the auxiliary to cause; ^ human shape; tkit contact, 
-An temporal suffix. 

^tcH'^tdU to shoot; -ga the auxiliary to be; -stiA'li » Hlli two; gai the connective. 

"f^lA objective pronoim of the third person singular; la subjective pronoun of the first person singular 
^ to become; -da to cause. 

n Also the word for spruce. 

T^giato stand; -g&h the continuative suffix. 

"ga to GO (one person); -yte quickly; -I motion upward. 

"^djffia also an adjective meaning a long distance, far. 

^XAn — the adverb still, yet. 

f^wA the dem(mstratlve pronoun that; gui toward (with motion). 

" ttor shape of curving tree; rtW to put; -gAn — -gAii the continuative suffix. 

'*^iflfdjji TO seize; ^ to become; -da to cause; {(^ shape assumed by a branching object, referring here, 
either to the top of the tree or to the shape assumed by the man as he climbs off from It. 

^*(rtt connective THERE, referring to the cliff which Is imderstood; ga connective in; ill hole; -gAn past- 
experienced-temporal suffix. 

w^ to go (singular); -tc!i motion inside of something. 

Bi L an indefinite pronoun or adverb; gut the connective with or together. 

Bz2tDOWN; gi lo. 



280 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibvli.. 40 

at si'gf" qalA'Mnai" gaogA'figAni." Ga xA'nhao" V klotulfn" 

or upward (he) coold go wm wanting. In right he would die 

tIalA'n xuntla'gAnl." 

we said to each other. 

GiS'nhao ga'istA l! Lu$sda^'dAn$. Lu'hao l! tcIa'anugadagA'n* 

And then from that they started by canoe. When they had a fire 

place 

giSn gut at lI da'ytii:pdAn.** GiSn ga'istA lI Lidaxidai Lu'hao** 

and each to they started to give to eat And from that they started by when 

other canoe 

tla'odji-gai I'sin l! xitgldA'figAni.*' Lu'hao gu II! getgadage'dAni.*' 

the fort too they started to fighL Then there we cuuld not get away from. 

Ga'iiiUhao IlI getgada'gedAn gien ga'istA IlI l! getgaL'dagAn.** 

At the time we could not get away when from that us they got back in. 

Gien na'gai** u'ngu** nAii L'xuqa'gondigAn,"' la'hao lI 

And the house on top of one crept around, him they 

tcIitqatlA'lgAn.** Gien qia'da lI ga'iLgf iigin •« qa'odi nAf! I'llna*" 

made fall by shooting. And seaward they lay after a while a man 

gAndjiiga'giada "* hA'nlgia-qAidada *^ lu dAnglda'lLlxasgagAn/® 

dancing-blanket cedar-bark rings canoe dragged down, 

nAi! dja'da I'sffi 1' ^o'la^ qa'LlxasgagAn **** gien I'l! ga** 

a woman also him after came and to us 

qaxia's^gAnt.^^ Gien Ldo'gwaff gu'ga L!a ^ kflgulgAn.**' 

came out. And Lddgwafl therein them to talked. 

"«i (from m) up; gi to. 

M^ TO GO (singular); -U motion upward; -Hfi potential suffix; ai the connective j^zi, which toms Uiis 
all into an infinitive. 

^gao to bk wanting; -pA^ negative modal suffix after the adverb gAVt not which stands at the very 
beginning of the sentence. 

Mpa in; zAn the adverb meaning eiobt there; hao, the connective. 

v' r—to the personal pronoun of the third perscm singular, subject of the verb; klo'tul to die; -Hik poten- 
tial suffix. 

'^tlalA'a subjective personal pronoun of the first person plural; -ffAn the temporal suffix. 

"(c/d'anu FIRE or firewood; -ga auxiliary to be; -da auxiliary to cause; -gAn temporal suffix. 

^ddiro GIVE food; -iA the contlnuatlve suffix; -fid to start to give. 

n £/- used of travel by canoe, several going together; daedal to go; -rid to start to go; ai the con- 
nective gai. 

^•Aii the contlnuatlve suffix; -gAn temporsJ suffix. 

•>{£/ personal pronoun of the first person plural; pHga to be unable (perhaps compounded oi pit to 
BE LIKE or In that condition + ga to bk); -da probably the auxiliary to cause; pAl to be in that condi- 
tion; -An past-lnexperlenced-tempOTal suffix. 

•*pi'tga TO BE IN SUCH AND SUCH A CONDITION; -j. motlou of boarding a canoe; -da the auxiliary meaning 

TO CAUSE. 

»7ta house; gai the connective. 
**u'ngu contains gu at, there. 

^^ LfVr BY creeping; 9a TO GO (slugular); -p6fi rather aimless motion on land; -di presents the acticm as 
just taking place; -gAn temporal suffix. 
» hao Is aconnective placed after la for emphasis; telU- by shooting; qa motion; -f/ii/ motion downward. 
^gai floating; -giii on the sea; qa'odi the connective before which temporal suffixes are dropped. 

Wl'liila A MALE BEING. 

ui gAndjllgd'gi dancing-blanket; -da the auxiliary meaning to cause, and here to have been put on by 
somebody else. 

^^UA'nlgia the ring itself; gAl alder; -<2a the auxiliary to cause, the whole evidently meaning cedar- 
bark ring dyed wttb alder or upon which alder has been placed. The last-<fa means that It had been 
put upon this roan by somebody else. 

v» lH canoe Is object of following verb; dAfi- to accomplish by pulung; ^ shape of canoe; dal motion; 
'L/za MOTION toward; -«pa motion toward the sea; -gAn temporal suffix. 

iM qa motion of one person; -L/xa motion toward; -spa motion toward the sea; -gAn temporal aifflx. 

i»f I./ objective pronoun of first person plural; -pa connective to. 

iMga motion (singular); -spa motion toward the sea. 

^^kll- action with the voice; IgtU verb-stem Indicating an action lasting some time, covering consider 
able ground, different phases of a question, etc. 



■<*^al HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDUN LANGUAGES ' 281 

GiS'nhao ha'lgunAn»«» U lI ga'ylnxAlgAn,**^ gig'nhao iiAfi i'Knas^" 

A.041 then closer her they told to come, and then the man 

lI tclit^'tgisi'ngAn."^ Ldo'gwan gl gwa'ogAn"' gien l!a stA"' 

tliey "Wished to make him fall into Ldd'gwafi to refused and them from 

the water by shooting. 

qa'idAnl."* Lu'hao stA lI gaitgwa'giagAn."* Lla'hao a'nigai"* 

started. Then from they fled in terror. They ammunition 

wa'^ haila'WagAni."' Gie'nhao tlaU'i! i'sin stA Luisda^rdAnl. 

in it was gone. And then we too from started by canoe. 

Gie*Dhao DjI'dao-kun stA lI LuIsdayi'dAn giSn gal stA'nsii! 

And then DJI'dao-Point from they started by canoe and nights four 

si'gai"* gut lI Lgaga'i"' lu QA'nxet-kun' ^ lI LufsLlxagi'lgAn."^ 

tbe ocean upon they spent when Cape St. James to they came shoreward by canoe. 

Ga'istA gal stin lI LuisdAla'i Lu'hao Qa'isun gu lI LuJ'sLlxagAn. 

From that nights two they traveled by when Kaisun at they came by canoe. 

canoe 

Hayfn"^ djlll' »" hao Lga dji'fia^** stA l1 i'djln.*** Hao Lan a'sgai at 

Instead really country far from they were. Here end this of 

gialgalA'ndAgai "* ge'da. 

the story comes to an. 

[Translation] 

The Ninstints people came to Kaisun in four canoes to ask the 
people to go to war in company with them. Then they went along 
in four canoes. After they had crossed (to the mainland), they 
entered Bentinck arm. And they went in opposite the fort during 
the night. Then some people who had been camping in the inlet 
began firing from in front. There Amai'kuns was killed. They also 
wounded Floating. They also wounded Beloved. He was a brave 
man among them. There they also enslaved two persons. After 
that they started out. And those who started first went out to some 
people who were coming along under sail. The noise of two guns 
was heard there. Afterwards the canoe drifted away empty, and 

1** The stem of this is probably haU', which is also used as an inteijecti(m. 
^^gai rLOATiNO; 4fi -^ -ififi on ths sea; -xaI the auxiliary to tell. 

iM Compare with uaH f'Mfta in the fourth line from the bottom on p. 280. The sufiQx -t makes the 
Indefinite form definite. 

Ul tefU- BY SBOOTINO; f&t TO MOTE QUICKLY; gi MOTION UNDER WATER; -Hli the auxiliary TO WISH. 

iiigufoo verb-stem. 

lu 1,/a the obJecUve personal pronoun of the third person plural; stA the connective prom. 

"4 fa TO GO (singular); -id is probably contracted from the auxiliary -|id to begin. 

i}b.ffia probably the suffix indicating motion straight through to the object; -gAn temporal suffix. 

iM^' the connective the. 

11' haiiaw — hatlH to destroy; perhaps related to the name for the being that brings pestilence, HaUi'Uu. 

n*«{« means the open expanse of sea; in taking the connective gai the final < is dropped. 

^^gai the connective the. 

»« lU- by canoe; tf stem; -Lixa motion toward anything; -gil motion landward. 

^hayl'ii an adverb always used when something falls out difTerently from what was expected. In 
this case the rest of the clause, which naturally belongs with it, Is omitted and Its sense left to the hearer. 

^djlR' REALLY, actually; is strengthened and emphasis placed upon it by the connective hao, 

»dji'^ FAR, an adjective depending upon the preceding noun iga country. 

u*4a the pastrexperienced-temp<H^ suffix. 

^Hao refers to all of the story preceding, which It connects with this sentence; Lan an adverb depend- 
ing upon pi'da; A'sgai (— (is or fi'cfjf + gai) a demonstrative referring also to the preceding story; at c(m- 
nectlve with, of, etc. QUdgalA'ndA^i probably has the same stem as the verb treated of under note 
107; gai the connectiTe. 



282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcli. 40 

they enslaved two women. (The others) came thither, and while 
they lay close to the land, rejoicing over the persons captured, some 
people came sailing around a point in a canoe, saw them and jumped 
off. Then (we) landed in pursuit of them. And after I had spent 
some little time preparing myself, I got off. And I started to pursue 
one person who was running about near the sea. After I had chased 
him about in the woods for a while, he jumped into the ocean. And 
I took his hair, along with his yellow-cedar bark blanket, away from 
him. And he came up out at sea and held up his hands in front of 
my face (in token of surrender). Then he swam shoreward toward 
me. When he got near me, he dove again and came to the surface 
out at sea, and I began to shoot at him. Then he swam landward 
and held himself tightly against the face of a certain cliflF. After I 
had shot at him twice there, I stopped. Then he climbed up upon 
a tree standing upon the face of the cliflF. And although its top was 
some distance from the cliflF, he bent it toward it, and after a while 
got hold of the face of the cliflF. And he went into a hole in it. He 
could not go from it either downward or upward. We said to one 
another that he would die right in it. 

Then they started from that place in their canoes. Then they had 
a fire and began to give each other lood. And after they again 
started oflF, they again began fighting with the fort. Then we got 
into a position from which we could not get away. Then, although 
we could not get away at first, they finally got us into (the canoes). 
And a certain person crept around on top of the house. They shot 
him so that he fell down. And after they had lain out to sea for 
some time, a man wearing a dancing-blanket and cedar-bark rings 
dragged down a canoe and came out to us, accompanied by a woman. 
And those in Ldo'gwafi's canoe talked to them. Then they told the 
woman to come closer, and said that they should shoot the man so 
that he would fall into the water. Ldo'gwafL refused and started 
away from them. Then they fled away in terror. Their anmiu- 
nition was all gone. Then we also started oflF. 

Then they started from Point-Dji'dao, and, after they had spent 
four nights upon the sea, they came to Cape St. James. After they 
had traveled two more nights, they came to Kaisim. Instead of 
accomplishing what they had hoped, they returned from a far country 
almost empty-handed. Here this story comes to an end. 



TSIMSHIAN 

BY 

FRANZ BOAS 



2»3 



i 



CONTENTS 



Page 

51. Distribution of language and dialects 287 

§§ 2-4. Phonetics 287 

S 2. System of sounds 287 

§ 3. Grouping of sounds and laws of euphony 290 

§ 4. The phonetic systems of Nass and Tsimshian 290 

§ 5. Grammatical processes 295 

§6. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 296 

§5 7-67. Discussion of grammar 298 

§§ 7-16. Proclitic particles 298 

§ 7. General remarks 298 

§ 8. Local particles appearing in pairs (nos. 1-22) 300 

§ 9. Local particles — continued ( nos. 23-62) 305 

§ 10. Modal particles (nos. 63-135) 312 

§ 11. Nominal particles (nos. 136-156) 328 

§ 12. Particles transforming verbs into nouns (nos. 157-163) 333 

§ 13. Particles transforming nouns into verbs (nos. 164-166) 336 

§ 14. Transitive pronominal subject 336 

§ 15. Particles that may precede the transitive subject (nos. 167-180) . . 337 

§ 16. Alphabetical list of particles 340 

J§ 17-32. Suffixes 343 

§ 17. Suffixes following the stem 343 

§ 18. Pronominal suffixes 348 

§ 19. Modal suffixes following the pronominal suffixes 348 

§ 20. Demonstrative suffixes 349 

§§21-31. Connectives.... 350 

§ 21. General remarks 360 

§ 22. Attributive and adverbial connectives 350 

§ 23. Predicative and possessive connectives 352 

§§ 24-31. Predicative and possessive connectives of the Tsimshian 

dialect 354 

§ 24. General characteristics of the connectives 354 

§ 25. Predicative connectives 355 

§ 26. Connectives between subject and object 359 

§ 27. Possessive connectives 360 

§ 28. Prepositional connectives 360 

§ 29. Phonetic modification of the connectives 362 

§ 30. Connectives of the conjunction and 362 

§ 31. The connective-2 362 

§32. Suffixes of numerals 363 

§33. Contraction 363 

§ 34. Incorporation - 365 

285 



286 BUBBAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibull.« 



§§35-38. Reduplication j^ 365 

§ 35. General remarks - 365 

§ 36. Initial reduplication, including the first consonant following 

the first vowel 365 

§ 37. Initial reduplication, including the first vowel 371 

§ 38. Reduplication of words containing proclitic particles 373 

§ 39. Modification of stem vowel 373 

§§40-47. Formation of plural 373 

§ 40. Methods of forming the plural 373 

§ 41. First group. Singular and plural the same 374 

§ 42. Second and third groups. Plurals formed hy reduplication and 

vowel change 375 

§ 43. Fourth group. Plurals formed by the prefix ^a- 377 

§ 44. Fifth group. Plurals formed by the prefix qa- and the suffix -(0^^ - 379 

§ 45. Sixth group. Plurals formed by the prefix /- 380 

§ 46. Seventh group. Irregular plurals 381 

§ 47. Plurals of compounds 383 

§§ 48-54. Personal pronouns 383 

§48. Subjective and objective pronouns 383 

§ 49. Use of the subjective 384 

§50. Use of the objective 386 

§ 51. The first person singular, objective pronoun 387 

§ 52. Remarks on the subjective pronouns 388 

§ 53. The personal pronoun in the Nass dialect 389 

§ 54. Independent personal pronoun 391 

§ 55. Possession 392 

§ 56. Demonstrative pronouns 393 

§§57-58. Numerals 396 

§ 57. Cardinal numhers 396 

§ 58. Ordinal numhers, numeral adverbs, and distributive numbers.. 398 

§§ 59-65. Syntactic use of the verb 399 

§ 59. Use of subjunctive after temporal particles 399 

§ 60. Use of subjunctive in the negative 403 

§ 61. The subjunctive after conjunctions 403 

§ 62. Use of the indicative 404 

§63. The negative 404 

§64. The interrogative 405 

§65. The imperative 406 

§ 66. Subordinating conjunctions 408 

§67. Preposition 410 

Texts 414 



TSIMSHIAN 



By Fbanz Boas 



§ 1. DISTBIBUTION OF LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS 

The Tsiinshian (Chimmesyan) is spoken on the coast of northern 
British Columbia and in the region adjacent to Nass and Skeena 
idvers. On the islands off the. coast the Tsimshian occupy the region 
southward as far as Milbank sound. 

Three principal dialects may be distinguished: The Tsimshian 
proper, which is spoken on Skeena river and on the islands farther to 
the south; the NIsqa'% which is spoken on Nass river, and the 
G'itkean (Gyitkshan), which is spoken on the upper course of Skeena 
river. The first and second of these dialects form the subject of the 
following discussion. The description of the Tsimshian proper is set 
oflF by a vertical rule down the left-hand margin of the pages. 

The Tsimshian dialect has been discussed by the writer^ and by 
Count von der Schulenburg.' I have also briefly discussed the dialect 
of Nass river,^ and have published a collection of texts* in the same 
dialect. References accompanying examples (like 290.2) refer to page 
and line in this publication; those preceded by ZE refer to a Tsimshian 
text with notes published by me.^ 

PHONETICS (§§2-4) 

§ 2. System of Sounds 

The phonetic system of the Tsimshian dialects is in many respects 
similar to that of other languages of the North Pacific coast. It 
abounds particularly in ^-sounds and Z-sounds. The informants from 

1 FlfUi Report of the Committee on the Northwestern Tribes oi Canada {Report 0/ the 69th Meeting 
qfthe British AuodatUm fw the Advancement of Science, 1889, 877-889). 
sDr. A. C. Graf von der Schulenburg, Die Spracbe der Zimshian-Indianer (Brunswick, 1894). 

• Tenth and Eleventh Reports of the Committee on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada (Reports qf 
the 65th and 66th Meetings of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1895, &83-586; 1886 
686-591). 

4 Tsimshian Texts (Bulletin t7 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1902). 

• Bine Sounensage der Tsimschian, Zeitschriflfiir Ethnologie, 1908, 776-797. 

287 



288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [w^«J- ^ 

whom my material in the Nass river dialect has been gathered used 
the hiatus frequently, without, however, giving the preceding stop 
enough strength to justify the introduction of a fortis. A few people 
from other villages, whom 1 heard occasionally, seemed to use greater 
strength of articulation; and there is little doubt that the older mode 
of pronunciation had a distinct series of strong stops. In the Tsim- 
shian dialect the fortis survives clearly in the i and p; while the i^ 
and k fortis have come to be very weak. I have also obsei*ved in this 
dialect a distinct fortis of the y, w^ w, n, and I, In these sounds 
the increased stress of articulation brings about a tension of the vocal 
chords and epiglottis, the release of which gives the sound a strongly 
sonant character, and produces a glottal stop preceding the sound 
when it appears after a vowel. Thus the fortes of these continued 
sounds are analogous to the Kwakiutl ^y, ^w, *7w, *«, and H. Pre- 
sumably the same sounds occur in the Nass dialect, although they 
escaped my attention. Differentiation between surd and sonant is 
difficult, particularly in the velar k series. 

The phonetics of Tsimshian take an exceptional position among the 
languages of the North Pacific coast, in that the series of I sto[)8 are 
missing. Besides the sound corresponding to our /, we find only the 
I, a voiceless continued sound produced by the escape of air from the 
space behind the canine teeth; the whole front part of the mouth being 
filled by the tip of the tongue, which is pressed against the palate. The 
Tsimshian dialect has a continued sonant k sound, which is exceedingly 
weak and resembles the weak medial r, which has almost no trill and is 
pronounced a little in front of the border of the hard palate. It cor- 
responds to the sound in Tlingit which Swanton (see p. 165) writes y, 
but which I have heard among the older generation of Tlingit distinctly 
as the same sound as the Tsimshian sound here discussed. With the 
assumption that it was originally the continued sonant corresponding 
to X of other Pacific Coast languages agrees its prevalent u tinge. I 
feel, however, a weak trill in pronouncing the sound, and for this 
reason I have used the symbol r for denoting this sound. In some 
cases a velar trill appears, which I have written r. 

In the Nass dialect, liquids (m, w, I) that occur at the ends of words 
are suppressed. Tongue and lips are placed in position for these sounds, 
but there is no emission of air, and hence no sound, unless a following 
word with its outgoing breath makes the terminal sound audible. 

§2 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 289 

The vocalic system of Tsimsbian is similar to that of other North- 
west Coast languages, with which it has iu common the strong tend- 
ency to a weakening of vowels. The Tsimshian dialect has no clear 
a, but all its a's are intermediate between a and a. Only after w does 
this vowel assume a purer a tinge. A peculiarity of the language is 
the doubling of almost every long vowel by the addition of a parasitic 
vowel of the same timbre as the principal vowel, but pronounced with 
relaxation of all muscles. 

Following is a tabular statement of the sounds observed in the Nass 
dialect. 

The series of vowels may be rendered as follows:* 

E 

Short u o da i e % i 

Long - d a a e - I 

With parasitic vowel , . . - ou dO da dS ee - It 

This series begins with the w-vowel with rounded lips and open 
posterior pail of mouth-opening, and proceeds with less protrusion of 
lips and wider opening of the anterior portion of the mouth to a; then, 
with gradual flattening of the middle part of the mouth-opening, 
through e to i. 

The system of consonants is contained in the following table: 

stops AffrietOives CotUinued Ifasais 






CO 



Labial . . . 
Dental . . . 
Anterior palatal 
Middle palatal 
Velar . . . 



h p (/>') - - - -• - m 

d t \t') dz t8 its') z 8,{c) n 

g' k' (^•') - - - - a- 

9 9 (?') - - - (r) 



X 



Lateml, voiced continued ...... Z 

voiceless stop (?) ...... l 

Breathing ........ A 

Semi-vowels . . . . . . . . y hw 

It is doubtful whether c (English sh) occurs as a sepai^ate sound; 
8 seems rather to be pronounced with somewhat open teeth. The 
sounds g and k take very often a 'w-tinge. The semi -vowel w is 
almost always aspirated. 

1 NotwIthfltandiDg its defects, I have adhered for the Nass dialect to the spelling used in previous 
publicationa. 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 19 § 2 



290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcll. 40 

§ 3. Grouping of Sounds and Laws of Euphony 

Clustering of consonants is almost unrestricted, and a number of 
extended consonantic clusters may occur; as, for instance, 'ltk^t<^\ 
ppt^ qsL^ irtg\ and many others. 

Examples are: 

aJqhl^det they reached 111.1* 

a!d'%k 'ak^L came 35. 1 

xshal" eagle 178.10 <^ 

There are, however, a number of restrictions regulating the use of 
consonants before vowels. Terminal surd stops and the affricative U 
are transformed into sonants whenever a vowel is added to the word. 

g*at man g'a'dEin 90.6 

qwalk^ dry gwallgwa 176.2 

uE'be'p uncle dsp-he'Ebe my uncles 157.9 

n'ta^e'Ua grandmother tie'Edze my giundmother 157.10 

It seems that single surd stops do not occur in intervocalic position. 
A number of apparent exceptions, like k^opE- small, were heard by 
me often with sonant, and contain probably in realit}^ sonants. 

There are a number of additional intervocalic changes: 

Intervocalic .t* changes into y. 

X changes into ?/?, o. 

X changes into ^. This last change is not quite regular. 

6x' to throw o'ytn you throw 139.3 

hwUd'x' to know hwild'yi 1 know 

hdx' to use hd'yuEiii use of — 55.3 

xbEtsd'x afraid sf^Etad'we I am afraid 

k'sax to go out k'aa'wun I go out! 171.4 

y&oxk^ to eat yd' 6 fan to feed 

In a few cases / is assimilated by preceding n, 

an-hwtn instead of an-hwi'l 40.6, 7 

§ 4. The Phonetic Sjrs terns of Nass and Tsimshian 

The system of vowels of Tsimshian is nearly the same as that 
of the Nass dialect, except that the pure a and a do not occur. 
The vowels o 5, and e e appear decidedly as variants of u u and / 1 
respectively, their timbre being modified by adjt)ining consonants. 






» Figures refer to page and line of F. Boas, Tsimshian Texts ( BulMin f7 of the Bureau ^ Americon 
Ethnology)', figiires preceded by E 8, to F. Boas, Tsimshian Texts, New Series (PublicaUpQs o( the 
American Ethnological Society, Vol. iii, 1910). 

§§3,4 



«>A»1 HANDBOOK OF AMEBIGAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 291 

I have been able to observe the system of consonaDts of Tsim- 
shian more f uHy than that of the Nass dialect. It may be repre- 
sented as follows: 

9tap» AgHeaHves Contituted KastUs 

§il i|i§||i 

m CO £ S OQ h (2^ OQ S 

Labial h p p! - - - - -m m! 

. d t t! dz is is! - 8 n n! 
. g' k* Jr! ---'-- - 

.ghkl-'-'-r--' - 

• ? y?-' - - - W 



Dental 

Anterior palatal 
Middle palatal 
Velar . . . 
Glottal . . . 



X - 



Lateral, continued, voiced I 

'' fortis 1/ 

** *' voiceless, posterior . . . . Z 

Breathing A 

Semi-vowels . . y^w 

" fortis . y/, w/ 

The terminal surd is much weaker than in the Nass dialect, and 1 
have recorded many cases in which the terminal stop is without 
doubt a sonant: 

^odlb house g*ad people 

Before g and k, terminal sonants become surds: 

vyi'ts!E7n-ldf''pgE great cave ES 96.30 
nE'^Witga^ his hat ES 90.1 

Before t and vowels, the sound remains a sonant: 

g'd^hE . . . to draw water . . . ES 96.10 
he'^'ldEt . . . many . . . ES 96.14 

The fact that some terminal sounds always remain surd shows 
that in the cases of alternation of surd and sonant the latter must 
be considered the stem consonant. 

Some of the sounds require fuller discussion. It has been 
stated before that the fortes, as pronounced by the present genera- 
tion, are not as strong as they used to be and as tbey are among 
more southern tribes. The ^series is alveolar, the tip of the tongue 
touching behind the teeth. The affricatives have a clear continued 
«-sound, the tip of the tongue touching the upper teeth; while a has 
a decided tinge of the English sh. It is pronounced with tip of 
tongue turaed back (cerebral) and touching the palate. The teeth 
ar# closed. The sound is entirely surd. The nasals m and n are 



92 



BUBEAU OF AMBBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[Btnx. 40 



long continued and sonant, even in terminal positions; m! and n! 
have great tension of oral closure with accompanying tension of 
glottis and epiglottis. The sound r has been described before. It 
is entirely absent in the Nass dialect. Bishop Ridley, who prepared 
the translation of the gospel on which Count von der Schulenburg's 
grammar is based, has rendered this sound, which often follows a 
very obscure % or e^ by u; but I hear distinctly r. Thus, in place 
of Bishop Ridley's nuyu (I), I hear nlj^ryu; instead of gudj gBfvEl; 
instead of %hgu^ sgEr. In the Nass dialect, e ovi takes the place of 
this sound: 



TRimRhian 
SgET 

nlsIrEn 


NasB 

sg'l 
ne^Eft 


EDgliBh 

to lie 
thou 


gE'rd 
seIveI 


g'e'El 
sVeI 


to pick 
middle 


klsfrEl 


k-'l'El 


one 


gsIrEdax 
gsIrEtka 
^ElrEng*(ix8 
E^rEnx 


k'l'dax 
g'etka 
qL^e'ng'ixa 
enx 


to ask 

to reach 

to crush with foot 

box 


E'VEml 


erriL 


bucket 


Efrla 


Ux 


seal 



The sound has, however, a close affinity to m, before which it 
tends to disappear. 

plid'T to tell; pliafu I tell. 

It is suggestive that many u-sounds of Tsimshian are ^ or ^ in Nass. 
This may indicate that the u and r in Tsimshian are either a later 
differentiation of one sound or that a loss of r has occurred in many 
forms. On the whole, the latter theory appears more plausible. 

Examples of this substitution are the following: 

English 

to live 

to push 

tongue 

root 

to have around neck 

cedar-bark basket 

to call 

angry 

feast 

blind 

wedge 

two 

§4 " 



Tsimnhian 


Nass 


dvls 


dels 


t!vP% 


ties 


dvf^la 


de'lix 


hv?8 


wis 


iv!Hk 


ie'tk'' 


duHk 


deik^ 


huHk 


etk"" 


Ivf^nti 


hintx' 


lu'alg'at 


le'slg'it 


m^ns 


Ans 


lut 


Ut 


gv!^p!El 


k-'VWEl 



»o-^8l HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAK INDIAN LANGUAGES 293 

In terminal position Tsimshian -fr corresponds to Nass -ox, and 
after long vowels r to x. 



Tsimshian 


NasB English 


dET 


dax to die, plural 


ksET 


ksa^ to go out, plural 


ysr 


yca^ to hide 


U!et 


ts!a3t much 


SET 


sa:p mouth of river 


Iet 


Lax under 


Examples of r 


following a long vowel are — 

• 


Idr 


ld:p trout 


tsldr 


ts!d^ inside 


dzir 


dzix porpoise 


Combined with change of vowels are — 


Tsimshian 


Nass English 


ptiafr 


pLeyo'x to tell 


idtr 


xMix to burst 



The sound r, the continued sonant corresponding to ^, is heard 
very often in. the middle and at the end of words, as ganra'n trees; 
but it disappears invariably when the word is pronounced slowly, 
and g takes its place. 

The sounds x' and y of the Nass dialect do not occur in the Tsim- 
shian dialect. 

The ending x' of the Nass dialect is generally replaced by i in 
Tsimshian. 

Tsimshian Nass English 

wUa'i hwvlalx' to know 

hoi hdx' to use 

gai qSix' wing 

wai wax' to paddle 

This change is evidently related to the substitution of y for x' 
before vowels. 

Terminal x of the Nass dialect tends to be displaced by a ter- 
minal a. 

Tsimshian Nass English 

du'^^la defUx tongue 

sfrla elx seal 

no! Ha ndLx jejune 

gaina qenx ti*ail 

gd'epla qd'eplax light 

nap nax bait 

t/c^ d^ax lake 

§4 



294 



BUBEAU OP AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



iBUIX. 40 



Here belong also — 

Tslmshian Naas Bnglish 

me tnax sour 

hu^ hdx to wait 

Vocalic changes, besides those referred to before in connectioo 

with the sound r, occur. 

In place of au in Tsimshian we find e in Nass. 

Tslmshian Naas 

hau he 

gil'havHi g'iWlix' 

g'ttxau'tk g'itxe'tk 

t ! Em- go! us t Ieiu -qe's 

ma'ulkHt (indlkst) melk'st 

Tsimshian du is replaced in Nass by dd. 

Tsimshian Nass 

ydlivxk yd'oxk?^ 

yafuk ydok?^ 

qld'watsx qld'dtsx 

Initial wd of Tsimshian is sometimes replaced by o in Nass. 

Tsimshian Nass English 

wdpx opx foxehead 

Another very frequent change is that from a following wiot. 



English 

to say 

inland 

some time ago 

head 

crab-apple 

English 

to eat, singular 
to follow 
gills 



Tslmshian 

wcUp 

wdl 

wdtk 

ts/uwafn 

Igwd'lksM 

was 



Nass 

hv)Up 
hwU 

tsIuwVn 

Igii'ijc/i'lkdLk^ 

{hai)vA'8 



English 

house 

to do 

from 

top 

prince 

rain 



The substitution is, however, not regular, for we find- 



Tsimshian Nass 

wdi hwdx' 

wan hwan 

Related to this is probably — 

Tsimshian Naas 

hd'yets hets 

hd'yitk'' hetk"^ 

gai'na qhix 

sgd'yik^ sqeksk?^ 

Tsimshian J?/ is replaced by Nass m. 

Tslmshian Nass 

p!a'lg'ix8 ma'lg'ix 

pids inas 

pH'yan miyd'n 



p!al 
gan-apla 



mal 
gan-sma 



English 

to paddle 
to sit, plural 

English 

to send 
to stand 
trail 
to wound 

English 

heavy 
to grow 
smoke 
button 
baton 



§4 



^OAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 205 

§ 5. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES 

The most characteristic trait of Tsirashian grammar is the use of a 
superabundance of particles that modify the following word. Pho- 
netically these particles are strong enough to form a syllabic unit, 
and they remain always separated by a hiatus from the following 
word. Most of them, however, have no accent, and must therefore 
be designated either as proclitics or as prefixes. These appear par- 
ticularly with verbal stems, but their use with nominal stems is 
not by any means rare. They do not undergo any modifications, 
except in a few cases, and for this reason a large part of the gram- 
matical processes relate to the use of these particles. On the whole, 
their position in the sentence or word-complex is fairly free. Suf- 
fixes are rather few in number. They differ fundamentally from 
the proclitic particles in being phonetically weaker and in forming 
with the preceding stem a firm unit. Some pronouns which belong 
to the proclitic series are also phonetically weak and share with the 
sufiixes the inclination to amalgamate with the preceding elements. 
Thus the proclitic pronouns sometimes become apparently suffixes 
of the preceding words, whatever these may be. 

Incorporation of the nominal object occurs principally in terms 
expressing habitual activities. In these it is well developed. 

The Tsimshian uses stem modifications extensively for expressing 
grammatical processes. Most important among these is reduplica- 
tion, which is very frequent, and which follows, on the whole, fixed 
laws. Change of stem-vowel is not so common, and seems some- 
times to have developed from reduplication. It occurs also in com- 
pound words, which form a peculiar trait of the language. Not 
many instances of this type of composition have been observed, but 
they play undoubtedly an important part in the history of the 
language. Many elements used in word-composition have come to 
be so weak in meaning that they are at present more or less formal 
elements. This is true particularly of suffixes, but also, to a certain 
extent, of prefixes, though, on the whole, they have preserved a 
distinct meaning. 

The grammatical processes of Tsimshian have assumed a much more 
formal character than those of many other Indian languages. It is 
not possible to lay down general rules of composition or reduplication, 
which would cover by far the greatest part of the field of grammar. 

§5 



296 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bvim, 40 

Instead of this, we find peculiar foims that belong to certain definite 
stems — peculiar plurals, passives, causatiyes, etc., that must be treated 
in the form of lists of types. In this respect Tsimshian resembles the 
Athapascan with its groups of verbal stems, the Salish and Takelma 
with their modes of reduplication, and the Iroquois with its classes of 
verbs. The freedom of the language lies particularly in the extended 
free use of proclitics. 

§ 6. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES 

The use of the same stems as nouns and as verbs is common in Tsim- 
shian, although the occurrence of nominalizing and verbalizing' ele- 
ments shows that the distinction between the two classes is clearly felt. 
The proclitic particles mentioned in the last section may also be used 
with both verbs and nouns. While many of these particles, particu- 
larly the numerous class of local adverbs, always precede the stem 
from which they can not be separated, there are a considerable number 
of modal elements which have a greater freedom of position, and 
which merge into the group of independent adverbs. These elements 
are so numerous and diverse in meaning, that it is difficult to give a 
satisfactory classification. The group of local proclitics occupies a 
prominent place on account of its numbers and the nicety of local dis- 
tinctions. It is, however, impossible to separate it strictly from the 
group of modal proclitics. 

The use of these proclitics is so general, that the total number of 
common verbal stems is rather restricted. 

The proclitics are used — 

(1) As local adverbial and adnominal terms; 

(2) As modal adverbial and adnominal terms; 

(3) To transform verbs into nouns; 

(4) To transform nouns into verbs. 

Almost all the proclitics belonging to these groups form a syntactic 
unit with the following stem, so that in the sentence they can not be 
separated from it. The pronominal subject of the transitive verb 
precedes the whole complex. 

Another series of proclitics differs from the last, only in that they do 
not form so firm a unit with the stem. The pronominal subject of the 
transitive verb may separate them from the following stem. To this 
group belong all strictly temporal particles. The transition from this 
class to true adverbs is quite gradual. 

§<5 



»>Asl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 297 

In the group of inseparable modal proclitics must also be classed 
the plural prefixes qa- and i-, which will be discussed in §§ 43-46. 

The pronominal subjects of some forms of the transitive verb — and 
of some forms of the intransitive verb as well — are also proclitics. 
They consist each of a single consonant, and have the tendency to 
amalgamate with the preceding word. 

Suffixes are few in number. They are partly modal in character, 
signifying ideas like passive, elimination of object of the transitive 
verb, causative. A second group expresses ceilainty and uncertainty 
and the source of information. By a peculiar treatment, consisting 
partly in the use of suffixes, the modes of the verb are differentiated. 
Still another group indicates presence and absence; these take the place 
to a great extent of demonstrative pronouns. The objective /ind pos- 
sessive pronouns are also f onned by means of suffixes. Most remark- 
able among the suffixes are the connectives which express the relations 
between adjective and noun, adverb and verb, subject and object, 
predicate and object, preposition and object, and conjunction and the 
following word. There are only a few classes of these connectives, by 
means of which practically all syntactic relations are expressed that 
are not expressed by means of particles. 

Reduplication serves primarily the purpose of forming the plural. 
A number of particles require reduplicated forms of the following 
verb. Among these ai-e the particles indicating imitation, genuine, 
ACTION DONE WHILE IN MOTION. The progressive is indicated by a 
different kind of reduplication. 

Nouns are classified from two points of view, according to form, 
and as special human individuals and common nouns. The selection 
of verbal stems and of numerals accompanying the noun is determined 
by a classification according to form, while there is no grammatical 
differentiation in the noun itself. The classes of the numeral are 
fonned partly by independent stems, but largely by suffixes or by 
contiuction of the numeral and a classifying noun. In syntactic con- 
struction a shai'p division is made between special human individuals — 
including personal and personal demonstrative pronouns, some terms 
of relationship, and proper names — and other nouns. 

Plurality is ordinarily expressed both in the noun and in the verb. 
It would seem that the primary idea of these foims is that of distri- 
bution, but at present this idea is clearly implied in only one of the 
many methods of forming the plural. The multiplicity of the methods 

§6 



298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcu^ 40 

used for forming the plui*al is one of the striking chai-acteristics of the 
Tsimshian language. 

It has been mentioned before that most forms of the transitive verb 
are treated differently from intitmsitive verbs. While the subject of 
these foiTus of the transitive verb precedes the verb, that of the intran- 
sitive verb, which is identical witfh the object of the transitive verb and 
with the possessive pronoun, follows the verb. This relation is obscured 
by a peculiar use of intransitive constructions that seem to have gained 
a wider application, and by the use of the tmnsitive pronoun in some 
forms of the intransitive verb. The independent personal pronoun, 
both in its absolute t^ase (subject and object) and in its oblique ease, is 
derived from the intransitive pronoun. 

AH oblique syntactic relations of noun and verb are expressed by a 
single preposition, a, which also serves frequently to introduce subor- 
dinate clauses which are nominalized by means of particles. 

DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (§§7-67) 

ProcUtic Particles (§§7-16) 

§7. General Remarks 

The Tsimshian language possesses a very large number of particles 
which qualify the verb or noun that follows them, each particle naodi- 
fying the whole following complex, which consists of particles and a 
verbal or nominal stem. All these particles are closely connected 
with the following stem, which carries the accent. Nevertheless they 
retain their phonetic independence. When the terminal sound of the 
particle is a consonant, and the fii*st sound of the following stem 
is a vowel, there always remains a hiatus between the two. Lack 
of cohesion is also shown in the formation of the plural. In a very 
few cases only is the stem with its particles treated as a unit Usually 
the particles remain unmodified, while the stem takes its peculiar 
plural f onn, as though no particles were present. There are very few 
exceptions to this rule. 

The freedom of use of these particles is very great, and the ideas 
expressed by them are quite varied. There is not even a rigid dis- 
tinction between adverbial and adnominal particles, and for this reason 
a satisfactory grouping is very difficult Neither is the order of the 
particles sufficiently definitely fixed to afford a satisfactory basis for 
their classification. 

§7 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 299 

As will be shown later (§22), nouns, verbs, and adverbs may be 
transformed intx) elements analogous to the particles here discussed 
by the addition of the suffix -Em. Since a number of particles have 
the same ending -Em (haldEm- no. 77; pElEm- no. 80; hElocsEm- no. 
81; mESEm- no. 83; nMm- no. 96; tsagam- no. 9; t^ElEm- no. 7; 
xpUytin- no. 126; lEgEm- no. 5; and the monosyllabic particles amr no. 
136; ham- no. 156; f^Em- no. 140; fsm- no. 13; ts^Eni- no. 152; k'8Em- 
no. 146; q^am- no. 118; xleth- no. 56; LEm- no. 134; SEm- no. 168; 
dEm- no. 170), it seems justifiable to suggest that at least some of 
these may either have or have had an independent existence as stems 
that may take pronominal endings, and that their present form is 
due to contractions (see § 33). At least one particle {q^ai- no. 122) 
seems to occur both with and without the connective -Ein. 

The particles may be classified according to the fixity of their con- 
nection with the following stem. In a large number the connection is 
so firm that the pronoun can not be placed between particle and stem, 
so that the two form a syntactic unit. A much smaller number may 
be so separated. Since only the subject of the transitive verb appears 
in this position (see § 48), it is impossible to tell definitely in every 
case to which group a particle belongs. Furthermore, the particles of 
the second group may in some cases be joined to the verb more firmly, 
so that the pronominal subject precedes them, while this freedom does 
not exist in the foimer group. 

The most distinct group among the particles is formed by the local 
adverbs. Many of these occur in pairs; as up and down, in and our, 
etc. AH of these express motion. In many cases in which we should 
use an adverb expressing position, the Tsimshian use adverbs express- 
ing motion, the position being indicated as a result of motion. For 
instance, instead of he stands near sr, the Tsimshian will say he is 
PLACED TOWARD A PLAGE NEAR BY. Thcsc particlcs are generally 
adverbial. This seems to be due, however, more to their significance 
than to a prevalent adverbial chai*acter. We find instances of their 
use with nouns; as, 

gaZi-a'k'a river {gali- up river; ak'8 water) 

A second group might be distinguished, consisting of local adverbs, 
which, however, show a gi*adual transition into modal adverbs. Here 
belong terms like in, on, over, lengthwise, all over, sideways, 
etc In composition this group precedes the first group; but no fixed 

§7 



300 BUREAU OF AMBKICAN ETHNOLOGY imuj^ 40 

rules can be given in regard to the order in which particles of this 
group are arranged among theniselves. The use of some of these 
particles with nouns is quite frequent. 

The second series leads us to the extensive group of modal adverbs, 
many of which occur both with nouns and verbs. These gradually 
lead us to others, the prevailing function of which is a nominal one. 

1 have combined in a small group those that have a decidedly 
denominative character. 

There is another small group that is used to transform nouns into 
verbs, and expresses ideas like to make, to partake of, to sat. 

It will be recognized from these remarks that a classification neces- 
sarily will be quite arbitrary and can serve only the purpose of a 
convenient grouping. 

§8. Local Particles appearing in Pairs 

1. boJC' up along the ground (Tsimshian: b€iX'), 

hio/X'ia/ to go up, singular 142.8 
hdx-qd'dd'En to finish taking up 209.2 
ha^'Sg'ef trail leads upward (literally, to lie up) 
Ixix-dd'q to take up several 208.8 

We find alsQ — 

baX'i&L ak'8 water rises (literally, goes up) 

Tsimshian: 

hax-wa'lxs to go up hill 
ho/x-gsf^wa to haul up 

2. iaga" down along the ground (Tsimshian: y!aga^). 

ia^a-sg*e* trail leads downward (literally, to lie downward) 
ia^a-ie^ to go down 137.5 
ia^Orsa'k'ali^ to go down (plural) 29.9 

Tsimshian: 

y!aga'^6!^ to go down to 

y!aga-d6'x to take down 

3. mEn» up through the air (Tsimshian: man'), 

mEn-g'a'ask^ to look up 214.2 

rrtEn-da/uLt he went up through the air 95.4 

mEn-g'ihd'yuk to fly up 126.9 

mEU'L&d to go up, plural 42.8 

lomEn-hwan to sit in something high up, plural 34.1 {Id- in; 

hwan to sit, plural) 
msu'dd'x to be piled up; (to lie up, plural) 164.13 
tnEn-gd'dd to finish taking up 95.10 

§8 



K>A8l HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 301 

Tsimsbian: 

man-ia!'* to go up ZE * 790^»* 
di-man-h&ksg to go up with some one 
mElarman-walxa both go up 
rnan-li plume (literally, upward feather) 

4. rf^JS'p- down flirough the air (Tsimshian: tgi'). 

d^Ep'ie! to go down (from a tree) 9.14 

cPsp-he^tk^ to stand downward, a tree inclines downward 201.8 

de-gidtk*8-d^Ep-ma'q8 to throw one's self down also {de also; 

gvltk'8 self [obj.]; mags to throw) 
lO'd'^Ep-gal to drop down inside {Id in; ^al to drop) 181.13 
tO'd^Ep-dSuL Ldqa the sun sets 

Tsimshian: 

tgi-nefHsg to look down 

lu'tgi-ld^ to stretch down in something 

tgi'iaf^ to go straight down through the air 

5. lEgEm^j I6^6m^ into, from the top (Tsimshian: IdgOni'). 

lo^&m-ha'x to go aboard (literally, to run into [canoe]) 111.11 
Isi^Em-qd'fEn to finish (putting) into 215.12 
Idgdm-d'x* to throw into from the top 

Tsimshian: 

sa-ldgdm-^da to jump into (canoe) suddenly 

Idgdm-ba/^ to run in 

Id^dm-tlaP to sit on edge of water 

6. VukS' out of, from top (Tsimshian: tefc^-, tanks'). 

fvJeS'Lffd to stretch down out of canoe 181.3 
fuks'iaH to go out of (here, to boil over) 132.5 
fuks'ha'x to run out of dish (over the rim) 
fvJcS'd'x' to throw (meat out of skin of game 150.12 

Tsimshian: 

vks'halhffU they are full all the way out 

uks-dff^ to take out of (bucket) 

adat vJc8'8a'k'!a n-Uldltga^ then he stretched out his face 

7. f^^-E^^m- into, from the side (Tsimshian: tHlElEnt'), 

t^ElEm-halx to run in 204.9 

t^ElBm-he'tli^ to rush in (literally, to place one's self into) 209.11 

t^ ElEm-al qhl^ to get into 129.12 

ts/ElEm'de-ba'x to run in with something 140.15 

Tsimshian : 

tslElEm-wi'ha'utg to cry into (house) 
ts lElEm-tlaH to put into 

1 References preceded by ZB refer to the Zeitachrift fQr Ethnologie, 1908. 

§8 



302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bui-l. 40 

8. A*«i- out of, from the side (Tsimshian: ksE^). 

k' si-go' u to take out 129.12 

k*%i'^dt% to cut out 121.6 

k'd'ha/tk^ to rush out (literally, to place one's self outside) 30.7 

Tsimshian: 

ksE'lff^ to shove out 

ksE'hu'Hk to call out 

SEm-ksE-ya* dz to cut right out ZE 784^' 

ksE-gwa'ntg to rise (sun), (literally, to touch out) 

9. tsa^am^ from on the water toward the shore (Tsimshian: 

tsagani'ha'k'a to scold from the water toward the shore 16.4 
tsagam'ho'u to escape to the shore 51.14 
tsagam'de-g'ibaJyuk to fly ashore with it {de- with) 178.12 
t lEp-tsagam-q^as'xqLt he himself dragged it ashore {t he ; Isp- 

self [sub].]; (fdJ^xqh to drag; -t it) 175.14 
tsagam-g'e'n to give food shoreward 175.3 

Tsimshian: 

dzagarn-dd^ul to go ashore 

dzagant'lu-yilyaHtg to return to the shore, plural 

10. ukS" from the land to a place on the water (Tsimshian: uks^^ 

t^uks). 

vks'ie' to go out to a place on the water near the shore 150.14: 
vks-aJqik^ to reach a point out on the water 74.13 
de-uks-ha'xt he also ran down to the beach 104.13 

Sometimes this prefix is used apparently in place of iaga- (no. 2), 

signifying motion from inland down to the beach, although it 

seems to express properly the motion out to a point on the 

water. 

Tsimshian: 

vks'MHk to stand near the water 
ukaha'u to say turned seaward 
uks'da'id to go out to sea 

In Tsimshian this prefix occurs also with nouns: 

uks-a'pda-qlame'Hg one canoe after another being out seaward 
wagait-uks' G'idEgane'idzEt the Tlingit way out at sea 

11. qaldtx*" to the woods in rear of the houses; corresponding nouns, 

g'tle'ltx'; qaq^ala/n 65.13 (Tsimshian: qeUdtk"} correspond- 
ing noun, gil'hau'li). 

qaldix'-ie' to go back into the woods 8.4 

qaldix'-via'ga to put behind the houses into the woods 65,13 

|8 



Bo-^s3 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 303 

Tsimsbian: 

' qMik-sgE'r to lie aside 

I qaldtk'ia'^ to go into woods 

12. wa- out of the woods in rear of the houses to the houses; cor- 

responding noun, ^'at^ (Tsimshian: na-). 

na-ha'x to run out of woods 147.11 

na-he'ta to send out of woods 213.13 

na-de-id to go out of woods with something 214.8 

Tsimshian: 

na-gd to run out of woods, plural 
na-bd'^ to run out of woods, singular 

13. t^EfU" from rear to middle of house (Tsimshian: t/Em"). 

fsm-le' to go to the middle of the house 130.12 
t^Em-iTd'L to put into the middle of the house 193.14 
fEm-ifd'qL to drag into the middle of the house 62.11 

Tsimshian: 

tiErrt'Stu'H to accompany to the fire 
tlEm-di'id'^ to go also to the fire 

14. €is^' from the middle to the front of the house (Tsimshian: asdi*), 

ase-i/x' to throw from the middle of the house to the door 
Tsimshian: 

I asdi-gd'^ to take back from fire 
The same prefix is used in Tsimshian to express the idea of mistake: 

I asdi'Jia'u to make a mistake in speaking 
Tsimshian synonyms of t^Eni' (no. 13) and andl* (no. 14) are — 

15. la^auk* from the side of the house to the fire. 

laga^ik-id'^ to go to the fire 
lagav^'hu'Hg to call to fire 

16. tsIEk'IeU" from the fire to the side of the house. 

I ts/Ek'/al'7na'g to put away from fire 

17. ^ali" up river; corresponding noun, vi^gdn 117.6 (Tsimshian: 

qlaUt"). 

lo-gali'Sg'l (trail) lies up in the river 146.10 
gali'ie' to go up river 117.6 

This prefix occurs with nominal significance in gali-a'k's river 

(literally, up river water). 

Tsimshian: 

tdl-qlala-a'ks large river 
lu-q!ala-yd'°k to follow behind 

§8 



304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l^^^- *0 

18. g'isi' down river; corresponding noun, sax 23.6 (TsimshiaD: 

gisi'f corresponding noun, ssr). 

g'Ui'ba'x to run down river 18.11 
g'UUa'qhk^ to arrive down river 23.6 
k^L-g'Ui'ldk's they float about down the river 16.10 

In one case it seems to mean down at the bank of the rtver. 

g'tsi'lo'Wd'wdq^ it was dug down in it down the river 197.8 

Tsimshian: 

stE-gisi'id'^ to continue to go down river 
gisi'ksiSn down Skeena river 

19.- g^tdi' right there, just at the right place or in the right manner 

(Tsimshian: g^tdi"). 

SEm-g'tdi-ld'he'tk^ exactly just there in it it stood 88.8 

g'tdi-qak'sk^t just there he was dragged 51.5 

g'tdi-go^u to catch (literally, to take in the right manner) 147.8 

Tsimshian: 

g-idi-ga!^ to catch ZE 787"^ 
g'tdi-wa'l to stop 

BE-g'idi-MHg to stand still suddenly 
g-idi'tla!^ to stop ZE 788^^^ 

20. Itg^i^ at some indefinite place, not in the right manner; i. e., 

almost (Tsimshian: Itgi^). 

Itg'i-k^uL'da' to sit about somewhere 54.10 
Itg'i'tsagam-de'lpk^ it was a short distance to the shore some- 
where 104.8 
lig'i-mEtme'tk^ full in some place (i. e., almost full) 159.10 

This particle is often used with numerals in the sense of about: 

lig'i'txa'lpx about four 14.1 

It is also used as a nominal prefix: 

Itg'i'laX'Walh somewhere on the edge 104,8 

Itg't-nda' somewhere 87.1 

lig'i'hvA*l goods (i. e., being something) 164.8 

Tsimshian: 

Ugi-ndEf somewhere ZE 782«<» 
Itgi-gd!^ something 
Ug't-la-nVEdz to see bad luck coming 
Itg'l-ga'n any tree 

A few others appear probably in pairs like the preceding, but only 
one of the pair has been recorded. 

21. spl' out of water. 

spl'ie' to go out of water 52.2 
spl-go'u to take out of water 

§8 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 305 

22. HHiVani" out of water (Tsiinshiau: wuVam*), 

Tsimshian: 

wuVam'haX'd(7(j to take up from water 
wuV ani-a' \d(j to get ashore 
wuVam-m'^ to go ashore 

§ f>. Local Particles — Continued 

The following series of local particles do not appear clearly in pairs, 
or — according to their meaning — do not form pairs: 

23. tsaffa" across (Tsimshian: dza^a-). 

iHa^a-sg'l to lay across 40.12 
lEp-isacja-yoivJc^ he went across 40.13 
tsaga-de'hitk^ to lead across 79.11 
tsa^a-ho'lcsaan to fasten across an opening 217.6 
tsaga-his*ia'ts to chop across 201.7 
gmi-tsa^a-ie' to order to go across 40.13 

Tsimshian: 

dzaga-id'^ to go across 

dza^a-di-ld'^ sta^'ing also across (a name). 

g'^ap-k!a'd^aga'alu'haf^io run really very openly across ZE786"* 

24:. qalk*8i* through a hole (Tsimshian: ffalksn:-). 

qalk'si-yffxk^ to go through 149.12 
qalk'si-g'a'ask^ to look through 127.8 
qalk'sl-lihd'yuk to fly through, plural 14.9 
l()-qalk'8i-ha' q^oax to squeeze through inside 149.16 

This prefix occurs also before nouns: 

qalk'si-no'o a hole through 11.9 
qalk'd'sqafejck^ through the darkness 

Tsimshian: 

galkHE-ne^^isg to look through 

galksE'klVHs! eI to poke through 

galkKE-aloAg to get through (litemlh', to finish through) 

25. {ftniC' probably far into, way in (Tsimshian: (fatni"). 

g'tiiie-ie to walk to the rear of the house, through the space 

between people sitting on the sides 132.14, 189.13 
g'tme-qa^td to pour through a pipe, along the bottom of a canoe 
g'lme-y&xh*' to go through a pipe 183.1 

Tsimshian: 

I lu-gami-tla!^ it goes way in 

26. Id^dl" under (corresponding noun, Lax). 

Idgol'dsp-d^a^ to sit under (a tree) 8.4 

44S77— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 20 S ^ 



306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull. 40 

27. lukL* under (Tsimshian: luMI^). 

lukL-g'iba'yuk to fly under 
Tsimshian: 

I IvMi'da'vl to go under 

28. l^-aan^ over. (In Tsimshian q^an^ occurs alone, but also J/i- 

q!an'^ which is more frequent. This prefix is a compound of 

l!l' ON, and q!an over.) 

U-gan-dx' to throw over 
le-gan-g'a'as^ to look over 

Tsimshian: 

Ul-qlan-Ml to be spread over 
l!l-qlan-m' to swing over 
sa-qlan-tla!^ to put over 

29. 16' in; the corresponding noun has the prefix ts^Brn- instde; 

independent noun, ^5'm«?w (Tsimshian : lu*; the corresponding 

noun has the prefix tslEm- fNSiDE). 

Ib-d'a to be in 118.10 

de-lo-a'lg'ixL qo'ot he also speaks in his mind (i. e., bethinks) 

49.14 
Id'CPEp'idafia'q to hang down inside 65.10 {cTEp- down [no. 4]) 
lo-sqa-raal qsaan to put in sideways 150.3 (sqa- sideways [no. 36]) 
td-wusEn-me'tk^ it is full inside all along 29.10 (wussn- along 

[no. 51]) 
hasp^a-lo-yffxk^ to go in the same road 202.15 {hasp^a-^ hasba- 

upside down [no. 74]) 
le-ld-d'^Ep-yu'k to move on the surface in something downward 

104.11 {le- on [no. 30]; d'^sp- down [no. 4]) 

This prefix occurs in a few fixed compositions: 

to-yalltk^ to return 
ld-da!ltk^ to meet 

It occurs also in a few cases as a nominal prefix: 

lO't^aJwu inside 102.10 

ld'k*8-g'e'wU in the lowest one 53.11 {k's- extreme [no. 143]) 

ld'k'S'g*i'^k%9X the extreme outside 219.1 

to-LtpLa'p deep inside 197.8 

lo-sSlvk in the middle 184.13 

Tsimshian: 

lu-9gt!r to lie inside ZE 782" 

lu'tld!^ to sit in 

sa-la-haldEm-haf^ suddenly to rise in something 

lu-tgi'ld'° to stretch down in 

lagax'lu'dd'^ to put in on both sides (lagax- on both sides [no. 38]) 

§9 



«>Asl HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 307 

30. ?^- on; the corresponding noun has the prefix Zaa?-/ independent 
noun, loja^o' (Tsimshian: ?/!-/ the corresponding noun has 
the prefix lax-; independent noun, la£&). 

Z^-^a' to sit on 202.4 

le-rrtEn-pta^UJ^ to rise up to the top of (see no. 3) 

U'ia'q to hang on 89.10 

txa-le-haL to spread over entirely (see no. 93) 

le-sqa-ag'i to put on sideways 184.13 (see no. 36) 

Tsimshian: 

aa-Hl-g'd'^ks to drift suddenly on something (see no. 98) 

Ul-hsfts^Efi to put on 

sEm-HlrfaZb to cover well (see no. 168) 

Ht-BE-gu'lg to make fire on something (see no. 164) 

ha-lIl-gdlH to think (see no. 160) 

31. tgO' around (Tsimshian: tgU"). 

lo'tgo-ba'x to run around inside 77.11 

k^wa't^ik'8-tgo-ma'ga to turn over and over much 52.10 (see 

no. 176) 
tgo-yaHtl^ to turn around 47.9 
k^uL-lo-tgO'lax-lefWEn to roll about around inside to and fro 

13.14 {k^uL- about [no. 33^* Id- inside [no. 29]: tgo- around; lax- 

to and fro Fno. 38]) 

Tsimshian: 

J^vl'tgu-ne'^tsg to look around (see no. 33) 

tgu-wa'n to sit around, plural 

tgu'id'^ to go around 

tgvrda'p to measure around ZE 784®^ 

32. k^utgo* around; corresponding noun, dax' circumference. 

sa-KutgO'dJaluL to go suddenly around (the trunk of a tree) 211.9 
Tiutgo-iSetk^ to go around (the house) 218.1 

33. h^uLi^ about (Tsimshian: k!iil*). 

KuL'ha'x to run about 94.10 
KuL-U-Lffdil^ he puts about on it 218.7 
(fasba'TiuL'hfwalax' he paddled about astray 17.2 
Jc'uL'lix'la'k' to scatter about 

Tsimshian: 

alu'k'vl'ia'^ to go about plainly ZE 783" 
ktvl-yvrhxi'^ksg to carry bucket about (see no. 159) 
k!vl'da*7n8(ix to be downcast here and there (i. e., always) 

34. k'^tlq^al" round on the outside. 

k'^Uq^al-Tna'n to rub over the outside 103.12 
k'^UgcU-axts^d'xk^ scabby all around 

§9 



308 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 

35. fg^al- against (Tsimshian: txaU), 

tq^al-gwaW^ to dry against (i. e. , so that it can not coD[ie off) 104.2 
tq^al-cCdt to put against (i. e., on) face 195,12 
tq^al'da'k'L to tie on 68.12 

This prefix is often used to express the idea of meeting: 

tq^al'hwa' to meet and find 31.6 

hwagait'ld-tq^al-go'iLsJi?^ to reach up to inside against (i. e., meet- 
ing) (hwagait- up to [no, 71]; lo- in [no. 29J) 
tq^al-qSId to go to meet (to go against) 158.11 

Sometimes it expresses the idea of with: 

tq^al-a'h's to drink something with water 21.9 
tq^al'hu'kaaan to place with something 36.8 

In still other cases it signifies fobeyer, in so far as the object 

remains fastened against something: 

td'tq^al-gwdltk^ to be lost forever in something (Id- in; t^olr- 
against 166.1 

It also may express the idea for a purpose: 

tq^al'Sm good for a purpose 80.14 
SEm'tq^al'SiEp^En to like much for a purpose 45.1 
tq^al-weHEVfiLk^ female servant 

Tsimshian: 

aa-txal-g'd'ag to float suddenly against (i. e., so that it reaches) 
ixaL'Jw'ltg full all over 
txal-a'xlg to arrive at 

36. sqa^ across the way (Tsimshian: s^a^). 

sqa-cPa' to be in the way 183.10 
Id-Bqa-he' (^ En to place inside in the way 129.10 
sqa-sg'V to lie across 148.11 
Tsimshian: 

lu'sga-y^dz to strike in and across the face 

lEp'sga-daM (he) himself ties across (see no. 129) 

sga-g'l'^tg to swell lying across 

sga-haf^ to run across (i. e., to assist) 

sga-na'k some time (literally, across long) ZE 791*^ 

sga-ho' a few 

37. gHlwuU past, beyond (Tsimshian: g*tlvruh). 

g'ilwvl-ddm to hold beyond a certain point 61.8 

Tsimshian: 

g^ihmtJrbd!^ to run past 

g'Uwul-dx^a'idg to get ahead 

lH-qlan-g'tlwnZ-d/uf^lxk not to be able to pass over (see no. 28) 

§9 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 309 

38. Moo to and fro, at both ends (Tsimshian: la^aa>). 
(a) to and fro: 

lax'ba'x to run to and fro 

{b) at both ends, on both sides: 

lax-g'ihg'a'Lk^s carved at both ends 
Idx-lo-tid^xk^ to move in it on both sides 34.4 
Idx-le'Lk' to watch both ends 136.10 
IdX'Oa'lg'ix to talk both ways (i. e., to interpret) 
IdX'hwd'nEmLk^ seated on both sides (two wives of the same 
man) 194.7 

This prefix occurs also with nouns: 

Lax-wdsEy W&s (a monster) at each end 106.14 
Lax-mdk'sJ^ white at each end (name of a man) 

Tsimshian: 

lagax'lu'dd'^ to put in on both sides 
lagax-nE'Std'^ both sides 

39. ««t- off (Tsimshian: «a-). 

sordx' to throw off 145.2 
sa-bEsbe^8 to tear off 25.4 
m-KSik^ to stand off 137.9 
sa-fffq to scratch off 

sa'uks'ts^EnS'X'k'^d'xl^ to escape goinff off, leaving out to sea 
{uks- toward water [no. 10]; t^Eus- leaving [no. 104]) 

Tsimshian: 

sa-ga!^ to take off 
aa-tsld'H to pull off 

40. gtS" away to another place. 

gtS'cTa* (plural gU'hwa'n) to transplant {cTa [plural hwari] to sit) 
gtS'ie' to move away to another place 
gi!s-ke'tJ^SEn! move away to another place! 

41. wuWwfV' away forward (Tsimshian: taud^En^). 

wucTEn-ie^ to step forward 
vyucPEn-k'slafqs to kick away 

Tsimshian: 

I vmcCEn-gwa'^ away here along the middle 

42. lUkS" along a valley (Tsimshian). 

I luks-g'ig'd'^nit down along the river 

43. w^X- away , probably in some special direction (Tsimsh ian : atmi ?-). 

tcHir-gd' to take away 
Tsimshian: 

I awuL-rrwlg to put aside, to sidetrack 

§9 



310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I^^xl 40 

44. Iiagun^ toward, near; corresponding noun, a/wa'a (Tsimdhian: 

gun^; corresponding noun, awa'^), 

hagun-ie^ to go toward 129.14 

aqL-hagun-yffxk^ unable to get near 201.6 (see no. 137) 

hagun-he't^ to stand near 125.4 

hagun-de'lpk^ a siiort distance near by 147.5 

Tsimsbian: 

gun-id'^ to go toward 

gun-gd!^ to go toward sometbing 

gun-tld'^ to sit near 

45. h^la* near by. 

hela-cPa' to sit near by 

46. WsO' in front. 

losa-ief to walk in front of 
Idsa-cPa' to sit in front of 

47. txas- along the surface of a long thing (Tsimsbian: tocaS"). 

txa%-ie* to walk on a long thing 
txaS'lalaguL to wrap up a long thing 
txaS'ia'ts to chop along a long thing 

Tsimsbian: 

lu'txas-sgEfr to put in edgewise 
aa-lu'txaa-ld'H to shove in suddenly edgewise 
txaS'kl&'H through the year ZE 792"» 

48. hadtx*' lengthwise along the middle line (Tsimsbian: Iiat/'Ek'). 

hadtx'-qo'ts to cut (a salmon) lengthwise 55.3 
Tsimsbian: 

I lu'hat/Ek-ldH to push in endwise 

49. stBX" lengthwise, on either side of middle line. 

stExfotsk^ one side lengthwise is black 

stEx-sg'lL qe'riEx Idx-ts^e'L ak's the trail lies along (the water) od 

the beach-side; (sg'l to lie; qe'riEX trail; lax- on [no. 151]; 

ts^e'L beach; ak's water) 

50. haL" along the edge, edgewise (Tsimsbian: hal"). 

(a) Along the edge: 

k\iL'haL'id' to walk about along the edge (of the water) 122.4 
det'haL'do'qt he held it also along the edge (of the fire) 47.8 {de 
also [no. 167]; t he [subj.]; doq to place; -t it) 

Not quite clear is the following: 

q^arH'ld-haL'fuxfa'k^det they only twisted off (their necks) inside 
along the edge 115.5 (q^am- only [no. 118]; Id- in [no. 29]; 
'det they) 

§9 



»o-^s] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 311 

(S) Ekigewise: 

haL-g'd'dfEn to put (the paddle into the water) edgewise 

Tsimshian: 

k!id'hal-h^tg to stand about alongside of ZE 796'*^ 
hal'k*! a' 71 to go along beach in canoe 
hxjirgwa'^ along here 

61. wtiHEn^ along the inside (Tsimshian: wusEti'). 

wusETi'he'tif^ to rush along inside (the canoe) 57.5 
Id-vmsEn-me'tk^ full along inside (the canoe) 29.10 
vmsEn-hishe's to tear lengthwise (to split) 99.13 (or wudEn- 

see no. 41) 
wttsEJi-yis^ia'ts to chop lengthwise (into wedges) 148.4 

Tsimshian: 

Idx-vmsEn-ia!^ on the flat top of a mountain (literally, on along 
going) 

62. tifltsEn'fhUts^En' along through the middle (Tsimshian: 

WUtSlEflfl'). 

vMimi-ia! to go back through the house 125.3 

hutiEn-Wah to put from fire back to the rear of the house 207.2 

Tsimshian: 

I wuts/Eu-ia!^ to go along through the house 

53. xl/tp- at end (Tsimshian: xlEp^), 

xLip-gu'x to hit at end 88.11 
xLtp't^isfo'tsk^ black at the ends 31.5 

Tsimshian: 

oiEp'hd'ksEn to put on at end 
sEm-idEp'ts'uwd'n the very end of the top 

54. xtSB' in the middle of a long thing (Tsimshian: xts/Em), 

xtse-ia'ts to chop across the middle 133.9 
sa-xtse-q'd'ts to cut quickly across the middle 100.6 

Tsimshian: 

I xtslE'^ai' to bite through in the middle 

55. h^L^" all over (Tsimshian: J^ll^), 

k^i^'haaha'ts to bite all over 84.15 
k^^Le-bisbl's to tear to pieces 71.6 
l^ht'iaHs to hit all over 58.2 

Tsimshian: 

kHl'iaf^m laxha' going across the sky ZE 783*® 
JiHl-gaigai' to bite all over 
kHi-galg&l split all over 

§9 



312- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHKOLOGY t bull 40 

56. xLEnh" around an obstacle, making a curve around soniettuDg 

(Tsimshian: oclEtn-). 

XLEm ie! to go overland, cutting oflp a point 
XLEm-ma' gaL to put a rope over something 
xLEm-he'tsL to send around something 
XLErn-da'ga to choke some one, hang some one 

Here belongs also — 

XLEm-^algai'a'et to kneel down 
This prefix occurs also with nouns. 

xLEm-qe'riEX trail going around in a circle 

Tsimshian: 

^Em-ial^k to embrace 
aiEm-da'ld to tie around 

57. k**Sdd- sideways. 

Tc'^edo-g^a'dsk to look sideways 

58. k'^dL' aside. 

q^am-h''^dL'L6^6t she only pushes aside 191.11 
h'^aL'Jie'tgum q^e'sEmq labret standing on one side 191.13 

59. qanaf inclined against (Tsimshian) 

qana-fd'^ to sit leaning against something 
qana-he'Hg to stand leaning against something 
qana-ha'tsg to stand leaning against something 

60. maoUE" through a narrow channel (Tsimshian). 

moidE-haf^ to go through a channel 
mojAE'ha! W Eks to swim through a channel 
mandE-g^afp a narrow channel 

MaxlE-qd'la Metlakahtla, narrow channel of sea (compare 
G'it'qafla people of the sea) 

61. gHk^si" out of ; undoubtedly a compound of k'd out of (no. 8). 

g'ik'81-hwi'tk^ to come out of 10.1 

62. lUila* near the end ; perhaps a compound of Id- in (no. 29), and 

hela- near (no. 45). 

Ivfila'cPe^UJcs cut off smooth at end (name of a dog), from 

We'Uk*s smooth 
IvIUa-allg'tx to speak close to some one 

§10. Modal Particles 

There is no strict distinction between this group and the preceding 
one. Many of the particles classed here are used with equal frequency 
as adverbial and as adnominal elements. Thus we find wi-^ which 
means at the same time greatly, much, and large; Lgo-^ which sig- 

§10 



»OA8l HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 313 

nifies both a little and small. The attempt has been made to rele- 
gate all elements which may be separated from the stem by a pronoun 
into a group by themselves (§ 15); but since such separation occurs 
onh' in transitive verbs, and not all particles have been found with 
transitive verbs, it seems likely that the grouping may have to be 
changed when the language comes to be better known. While in 
some cases the composition of particles and stems is quite firm, others 
convey the impression of being almost independent adverbs. 

63. aivuS" ready to move; not free (Tj^imshian). 

awus-t!a!^ ready to stand up, singular 
aicmS'waJn ready to stand up, plural 
awuS'h^Hk ready to move 

63a. a- easily (Tsimshian). 

a-sond'l easily tired 
a-k^ti' easily hungry 
^ OrbWg^ask worried (literally, easily tasted) 

64. anVEl" in an unusual frame of mind. This prefix is not entirely 

free (Tsimshian: plEU). 

anV El-he' to say crying 220.5 

anVEl-a'lg'ix to speak while angry, to talk behind one's back 
anV El-ia! aik^ to strike, break, in a state of anger 
aTJfEl-qalalq to play 

Tsimshian: 

1 plEl'qa-ml'Hk to play with something 

65. ank'S' opening up (Tsimshian: €iks-). 

ank'S'ksIa'qst to kick apart 134.3 

a7ik'8-{e' to increase 

ank'8-fE7?}e'8t paint-pot 

im-ankst-sgcm large rotten (open) tree 106.12 

Tsimshian: 

j sa-hagid-aks-id'^ to open suddenly slowly (see no. 76) 
dks'id'^g to increase 
aks-tm^s to push open 
sE'oks-qla*^ to open up 

66. agwi' outside, beyond (Tsimshian: agwi-), 

agwi'tq^al-cTa' it is outside close against it 

agwi-an-dalx' the outside 

agwi'Tnd'l boat (literally, beyond a canoe) 

«^w7e-At^a6te'^''£n great-grandchild (lit., beyond grandchild) 

Tsimshian: 

I agvyi'haHsg to stand outside 

§10 



314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [tol*. 40 

67. aW" {a- easily, lu- in?) plainly; alone (Tsimshian: aUi^). 

(a) Plainly, real: 

ato'd^a' there was plainly 106.13 

alO'hSn inn quickly I 93.4 

8Em-k''^a-(ile'ha'x to run really exceedingly quick 107.10 

As a nominal prefix we find it in — 

ald-g'ig*a't real persons (i. e., Indians) 170.13 
Here belongs probably — 

8Em-alo-q6l to run quite suddenly, plural 141.8 

(b) Alone; always with reduplication: 

alo'hehe'tk^ to stand alone 44.15 
ald'^sgV to lie alone 
ald'd*E(ra' to sit alone 

Tsimshian : 

aZxi-FuL-iaf^ to go about plainly ZE 783** 
alu'tla? to be in evidence 
alu'ha!^ to run reallv 

68. aLax* in bad health (Tsimshian: to-). 

aLox'hag'd'dtk^ having a crippled back 
Tsimshian : 

I la-g'a'tk in bad health 

69. aLda* in the dark. 

aida-wd'x' to paddle in the night 
ahda-ie' to walk in the dark 

70. /- with reduplication; action done while in motion. 

i-g'ig'Ehd'yuk flying while being moved 
i-dollg'tne I talk while moving, while at work 
i'hahd'dtk's swimming while carrying 

71. hwagait' completing a motion entirely (Tsimshian: wa^ait^). 

This prefix belongs to the series hagait- {lEhagait-) (no. 82), 

sagait' (no. 99), spagait- (no. 103), q^amgait- (no. 119). 

Moagait-qalk'Hi-dd'nLto pass through entirely 143. 14 (see no. 24) 
hwagait-sg'l* to lie way over 134.3 
hwagait-ma'q to put away 

This is also a nominal prefix: 

h^vagait-g'l'iks way oflP shore 146.14 
Itwagait-go' st over there 134.4 

Tsimshian: 

HEm-sa-wagait-uks-dix' ul to go right out to sea very suddenly 

(see nos*. 168, 98, 10) 
wagalt-q' ia! k^ way off shore 

§10 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 315 

72. 'waLEU' former. 

waLBn-ga'n an old (rotten) tree 25.4 
waLBn-na'k'st his former wife 135.14 
waLEn-g'ig'a't the people of former times 191.1 
waLBn-wi-gis^d' 6t the same size as before 23.4 

73. -M?!- great, greatly; singular (Tsimsbian: w?I-). This prefix is 

commonly used as an attribute, but also as an adverb, 

expressing, however, rather a ouality of the subject. See 

also Lgo- no. 135. 

(a) Adverbial: 

wl'SE'ine'L to make burn much 89.8 
uH'Sa'gat it splits much 148.8 

It is also found in fixed combinations: 

i^T^-y^^^tocry 90.3 

vrL-am-he't to shout 89.12. Here it is apparently connected 
with the adverbial -sin (§ 22) 

(S) Adjectival: 

vn-g^a't big (awkward) man 196.9 
wi-lig*^e' En%k great grizzly bear 118.4 
Wl-xbafla Great West-wind (a name) 

Tsimshian: 

{a) Adverbial: 

wi'ha'utk to cry 
(J) Adjectival: 

vn-gd'ep/a great light ZE 785** 

vn-mEd^'Ek great grizzly bear 

Q^ap-kla'idi'naxiufg really exceedingly great supernatural 
being (see nos. 117, 106) 

wi'BETrC&git great chief 

73«. wvid^ajx^ great, plural (Tsimshian: wut!a'). 

wud^ax-qa-wVn large teeth 84.3 
wucTax-ax-qa-gA'ddEt great fools 33.10 

74. tuisba- upside down (Tsimshian: hasba-). This prefix is re- 
lated to q^asha- no. 121. 

haspa-be^a to tear out so that it is upside down 127.13 
SEm'haahorsg'l' to lay exactly face up 214.11 
hmba!'Sg*i to lay upside down (a hat) 17.2 

Peculiar is — 

hasba-lo-y&xk^ to go in the same trail 202.15 

Tsimshian: 

I hasba-pU'Egal to tear out so that it is upside down 

§10 



316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [toll. 40 

75. luitH^Eks* terribly, causing feeling of uneasiness. 

hats' Eks'hwV I to act so that people get afraid 
hats*Eks-a'lg'tx to talk roughly 

76. haguU slowly (Tsimshian: haguU). 

hagvl-hwVl to do slowly 54.4 
hagvl-gtod'dtJ(^ to disappear slowly 

Tsimshian: 

hagid-ha!'' to run slowly ZE 786»»* 
hagul'dzaga-id'^ to go slowly across ZL 787*** 
hagnl-1^da!x% to leave slowly 
hagyl-id'^x to go slowly 

77. haldEni' (Tsimshian: haldEm^) occurs only with the verbs 

bax^ plural gdl^ to bun, with the meaning to rise 124.9, 114.7. 

In Tsimshian the same composition with ^, plural gSl^ to buk, 
occurs with the same meaning; but the prefix seems to be a 
little freer with the meaning rising from the ground. 

haldEm-mPdz to look up 

78. M- to begin (Tsimshian: M-). 

he'-yvJc to begin 138.14 

q^ ai'Ke-W d^vzdet they just began to shoot 20.4 

This prefix is much more common with nouns: 

hlmEsd'x' beginning of day 
he'-Lnk morning 

Tsimshian: 

hl'8E-t!afH it just began to be ZE 781» 

hl-tsH'^n just to enter 

hi-sEt!a-dEint pla'egant he began to break it down 

79. htS" to do apparently, to pretend to (Tsimshian: «t«-); always 

with medial suffix (see § 17.3-5). 

Ma^-a'k'sJi^ to pretend to drink 18.7 
hts'huwd'qs to pretend to sleep 219.10 
hts-huwVUk^s to pretend to do 23.1 
hts-nd'otk^ to pretend to be dead 65.11 
Ms-wiye'tkH to pretend to cry 217.10 
Ms'LVntk'8 to pretend to be angry 
IdS'XdaJk's to pretend to be hungry 

Tsimshian: 

sU'k^tV^nu I pretend to be hungry 
sts-d'xs to laugh (literally, to play with the mouth) 
8ri8-y^i-h(i'k^da!ks to play having (i. e., with) a bow (seenos. 159? 
160) 

§10. 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 317 

80. plSlEni' to act as though one was performing an action (Tsim- 

shian: bEnEni'). 

j^ElEm-go' to act as though taking 38.8 
pElEm-if! to go and turn back again at 'once 
pElEm-g'a'j) to act as though eating something 

Tsimshian: 

hsnBm'XsVHk to act as though vomiting 
bEnEm-tlvf^a to act as though about to strike 

81. bElxsEni' in front of body, forward; similar in meaning to 

xLna- no. 127 (Tsimshian : xbEsEtn*), 

t Id-hElxsEm-qaq^afq^ant he opened it in front of his l>ody 26.14 

Tsimshian: 

I xhESEm-sgEr to lie prone ZE 789*^* 

82. ha^aiU just in the. right place or manner (Tsimshian: lEba- 

^ait"). Compare hwa^aiU (no. 71), sagait- (no. 99), spa- 
gait- (no. 103), g^amgait' (no. 119). 

hagait-kwa' 8t it is cracked right in the middle 
hagait-go' to hit just in the right place 

q^ain-hagait-hEhEsha'UT^ only to be lifted just in the right way 
62.13 

Like the other prefixes ending in -gait^ this prefix is also nominal: 

sEm-hagait'Sefluk just right in the middle 73.4. 

Tsimshian: 

lEbagait-aga-ha'tsg to stand across just there ZE 793"' 
lEbagait'dEtfa'^ sitting alone 
lEhagait'W^ to be lost 

83. mEsEnt' separate. 

mESEm-hwa'n to sit separately 
mESEm-hd' to walk separately 

84. ma^ like (Tsimshian: tnE-), 

ma-wa'tsx crazy (literally, like a land-otter) 
nui'&l having epileptic fits (literally, like a bear) 

Tsimshian: 

I mE-toa'tsIa crazy (literally, like a land-otter) 

85. wadi' like (Tsimshian). 
wadi'hatsHal^n innumerable (literally, like fly-blows) 
wadi-ksE'lefatx like fluid slime 
wadi-wd'lb like a house 

86. -WMMC- only, entirely, all. 

maoi'hdna' q (they are) all women 184.5 

maX'Vvxt a woman having only sons; (they are) all men 

maX'hSx' it is only fat 42.3 

§10 



318 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY i^^^ *« 

87. niEL{ay to each, distributive (Tsimshian: mEla^). 

mELa-gvlalnt three to each 

mELi'k'^dll one man in each (corner) 33.12 

Tsimshian: 

I niElarkl^rEl one to each 

88. ntElO' both (Tsimshian). 

mE'la-inEn-waHxs both go up (see no. 3) 
mEla-lH-dd'^ to put on both (see no. 30) 
mEla-hakliefldEm g'at both (villages had) many people 

89. sEti' firmly (Tsimshian). 

SEU-nd'^ to bait 
SEti'do'xs to hold fast 
sEYi'W&x to admonish 

90. dEX'f dtx*' firmly; not free (Tsimshian: dax-)^ 

dlx'-yu'l^ to hold fast 
Tsimshian: 

I dax-yd'^gwa to hold fast 

91. dE'f d^- with (Tsimshian: dE'). 

dE'dafuL to carry away (literally, to go away with) 

tsaam-de-g'iWyuk to fly ashore with something 178.12 

Tsimshian: 

dE'hd'^ to run away with 
ha,r'dE'g(/itlEks to come up with 
t dE'tsl^nt he entered with it 

92. dUla" improperly. 

drd^x-a'lg'lx to talk improperly, to grumble 

drda-dTi'dEL a/jt to put mouth on one side 

dula-ye'etkH to walk improperly, to wabble 

wl'drd^-g'a'tk^ being a great improper man(i. e., cowardly) 195.3 

93. txa' entirely, all (Tsimshian: txa-), 

txa-qo'ligE^at he carried all on his shoulder 116.4 
txa-wf/o to invite all 186.15 
txado'tsWot to skin inside entirely 150.10 
txa-hsla'da it was all abalone 45.3 

This prefix is contained also in — 

txane'tk'' ail 

Tsimshian: 

txii-ga^ntg stiff (literally, woody) all over 
txaicd'^ntg to have teeth to the end (of life) 
txa-yelg all slippery 
txa-Ul-qai' nat all fall on 

§10 



■OAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 319 

94. "nS" to complete an action (Tsimsbian: na-). 

nd'da'qL to strike with a hammer so that it breaks 
na-ha'ts to bite through 127.8 
na-d'x' to hit so that it breaks 48.8 
^la-gapgd'hEt they fastened it so that it staid 178.3 
nd'CTiscPe'a to knock with the hand 8.12 

Tsimshian: 

I na-g'a'Vc to punch through 

95. tia^ each other, one another (Tsimshian: na"). 

k'^ax-nar(JLPa!lg'%xdet they talked to each other for a while 19.8 

(see no. 107) 
na-Qcse'nqdet they disbelieved each other 28.2 
FuL-na-^aq^efdet they howled about to one another 96.4 

Tsimshian: 

I lu-na-ld'H to put into each other 

96. 7i6'6ni' to desire. This may possibly be the verb 7id'd to die. 

nffdm-ie^ to desire to go 
nffom-a'k's to desire to drink 21.8 

If this element is an adverbial form of vo'o^ it corresponds to 

Tsimshian: 

I dza'gsm xsfff^anu I am dead asleep 

97. sEU fellow, companion (Tsimshian: sEU). 

Mhdiia'q fellow-woman 208.12 
sil^q*aimd!qsit fellow-youths 195.13 

This prefix is also used with verbs: 
sU-hwa'n to sit together 
M-qaS'qd'dfBn to be of the same size 89.7 ' 

Tsimshian: 

I nE 'SEl'WafU hiB companions 

98. »&" suddenly (Tsimshian: «a-). 

sd'he^tl^ to stand suddenly 99.14 
sd-^e'8xk?^ to stop crying suddenly 22.5 

Tsimshian: 

sorhalu to say suddenly 
sa-Hir-g'SPhs to float suddenly on something 
sa-lu-haldEm-ha!^ to arise suddenly on something 
aa-hi-nd'^k to lie on something suddenly 

99. suffalt" together (Tsimshian: sagaTt') (see nos. 71, 82, 103, 119). 

sagaU-da'k'L to fasten together 68.10 
sagait-Hf to go together 51.8 
sagait-y>i'lgat to carry all together 70.10 

§10 



320 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Tsimshian: 

sa^ait-wa'n to sit together ZE 786 "' 

sa^ait'h^tg to stand together 

sagait'ln-anCWm gagdf^d they were all glad (literally, good in 

their hearts) 
sagait-toa'lxsEm we walk together 

.100. saa^ap' without purpose (Tsimshian: sag^ap'). 

k'^uL-mg^ap-ie* to walk about without purpose 96.10 
sag^ap-Wmtx* to sing without purpose 

Tsimshian: 

I klul-sag^ap'iaf^ to go about without purpose ZE 796*^ 

101. s%' new (Tsimshian: su*). 

alna'k'st his new wife 135.15 
sl'hwtl new 

Tsimshian: 

su'pla's young, singular (literally, newly grown) 
8u-ma'xs young, plural (literally, newly standing) 
su-sa'mi fresh meat 
su-SE-n-dzo' g to make a new village (see no. 164) 

102. «tx*- steadily (Tsimshian: «ffi-). 

stx'-g'a'a to look steadily, to watch 156.1 
stx'-ie^ to walk steadily 
8lx''wa!x* to paddle steadily 

Tsimshian: 

sta-id'^nn I walk steadily 
sta-gisl'id'^ to go down river steadily 

103. spagalt' among (Tsimshian: spagait^). This prefix belongs 

• to the series hwagalt-, bagait-^ sagait-^ q^aingait- (nos. 71, 82, 
99, 119); -spa seems to belong to Ihospa- inverted, q^a^pa- 
ASTRAY, which have spa in common with spagait-. 

de-lo-Hpagait'Iioksk^ also to be inside among 42.4 

This prefix occurs also with nouns: 
sjyagalt-ganga'n among trees 31.14 
apagait-sffd' Ejrk^ in the darkness 11.9 
Hpagalt'loga Wlsq [among] in a rotten corpse 217.9 

Tsimshian: 

spagalt'Sqe'Hg in the darkness ZE 782'* 
spagait-g'a't among people 
spagait-ganga'n among trees 

104. tH^EtiH" to desert, deserted (Tsimshian: ts/EtiS'). 

ts^Erni'lu'k to desert by moving 159.15 
ta^EnS'dza'k^ widow (literally, deserted by dying) 

810 



»OAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 321 

Tsimshian: 

tslEus-lffytk to deseii; by moving 

tsIsnS'dza'Jc widow (literally, deserted by dying) 

105. tH^ErU' a short way (Tsimshian). 

tslErd-dzd'x to move canoe back a short way 
tsfErd'ia!^ to go a short way off 

106. A'^'a- to a higher degree, exceedingly (Tsimshian: feM-). 

sEm-k''^d'(de'ba'x to run really exceedingly fast 107.10 (see nos. 

168, 67) 
k'^a-yyirhe'ldEL elx there were exceedingly many seals 107.6 (see 

no 73; elx seal) 
k'^a-wl'fe'sL hmUpt as he's his house is larger than mine 

(literally, his house is exceedingly large to me) (see no. 73; 

hvMp house; as to; nes me) 
k'^^a-wl'Ve'sL h^oilp (this) house is the largest 
Lgo-k'^a-wi-fyst he was a little larger 103.15 (see no. 135) 

Tsimshian: 

g^ap-kla'dza^a-alu-hd'^ to run really very openly across ZE 

786"^ 
g^ap'k!arvn-mixn&g really a greater supernatural being 
k!a-na'g exceedingly long ZE 786 "• 

107. k*^aX'' for a while (Tsimshian: kla^). 

k'^ojX'ha'dt it stops for a while 218.3 

k'^^ax-hAx' to use for a while 34.6 

k'''ax^un-g'a'a to show for a while 26.6 {gun- to cause; g*a'aio 

see) 
k''*aaMiaraVa'lg'tx to talk to each other for a while 19.8 
k''^aX'Saqe't to make a string for a while 117.6 

Here belongs also — 
g''^ax hao'n later on 

Tsimshian: 

I ada' k^a-fafH then he sat for a while 

108. gffn- seems to occur only in g'tn-Ke'tk^ to rise 151.14. 

Tsimshian: 

I g'hia-hJeHg to rise 

109. fiftna- (left) behind (Tsimshian flfiiwj^). 

^•^7ia-A^^^ to stand behind 141.2 

g'vna-g'd'd to be there, being left behind 67.2 

g'tnord^a! to remain, being left behind 194.13 

Jc^uL-g'tna-dd'x to be (plural) about being left behind 70.8 (see 

no. 33) 
Lgo'^am'g'ina-d^al only a little one was left 95.14 

44877— BuU. 40, pt 1—10 21 § 10 



322 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY C»"^ ^ 

Tsimshian: 

g'ina-HaP to stay behind 

g'inoriS^ to go slower than (literally, to leave going) 

g'ina-ts'V^k left dry 

110. k*!tna^ to go to do something; the action to be done is expressed 

by a noun (Tsimshian).* 

k'Hna-xsa'n to go to gamble 

k' Una-ddf^sta to go across (to see) 

k'!tna-8U'p!a'8 to go after a young girl 

111. g^t'ldEp- underneath (?), upside down (?) 

g'UdEp'da'IMk'sk^ to cling to the under side (of the canoe) 57.6 
khiL'g'UdEp-qaxaUk^ to drift about capsized, upside down 24.3 
g'tldEp-qalu'lcs I turn dishes over upside down 

112. k^soM' only, just (Tsimshian : ksd'^ often with ^am- or am- only). 

k'sdX'd^&q just to take (i. e. , without implements for taking) 41.7 
k'saX'k^uL'daxdff gn they just lay about 162.5 
k'sttx-g'ina'viL Ud'osk'L he'x' he only gave a little fat 163.6 
{tsodsk' little; hex' fat) 

This may really belong to the particles given in § 15. 

k'sax' is often used with nouns: 

k'sax't8*e'p only bones 214.12 

k'saX'Lqo-ntie'Ua only the little grandmother 152.10 

Tsimshian: 

q^am-ksa-txalpx only four 
q^am-ksa-klE^rEl only one 
am-ksa hanafn^a only the women 
ksorh^HgEt he just stood still 

113. k^dpE' little, plural; a little (Tsimshian: klabE^), This is 

commonly used as an attributive prefix for the plural only. 

The idea of a lfttle, slightly, is generally expressed by 

this prefix; while Lgo-^ which is the singular of the attributive 

prefix, seems to imply that a small one pei*f orms the action 

expressed in the verb. See no. 135. 

{a) Adverbial: 

k'dpE'Oba'g^aak^ to be troubled a little 74.15 
VopE'aiiia-g'a'adEHEm^ look out a little well for her 192.1 
T^opE-lo-qcibu'x to splash in something a little 

(J) Adjectival: 

k^dpE'huinVlp little houses 185.8 
k^opE-tk-'e'Ll^ children 102.1 

' This particle is classed more properly with those given in § 13. 

§10 



»«Asl HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 323 

Xsimshiau: 

{a) Adverbial: 

k!ahE'^' EpgEnu I poor one am sick 
(J) Adjectival: 
kldbE-ga-gd'h little baskets 

114. gun^ to order, to cause (Tsimshian : guU'). 

gun-ha'h to cause to spread out 130.11 
gun-go' u to cause to hit 53.8 
gun-sE'Tne'L to order to make burn 91.14 
gun-qelLqan to order to poke 91.6 

Tsimshian : 

: gun-m&gan to ask to be taken aboard 
gun-nl'^dz to show (literally, to cause to see) 

115. gr ieKA?*«- backward; also reflexive object (Tsimshian: flfli^A?*-). 

gullk'8'he'ti^ to rush back 210.4 

guLik's-dqil^ to reach (arrive) coming back 76.10 

gulik'8'g'a'as^ to look back 

de-guUk*S'd? Ep-rrid qs to throw one's self also down {de also; 

^£/> down) 42.13 
gvl%k*%'dza'l&8 to kill one's self 
SEin'g%tl%k*8'e'th*'s to repent (literally, to name one's self much) 

62.3 
gidtk'8'd!dik^ pocket-knife (literally, covering itself) 
anik'8'ld-la! ^altk^ looking-glass (contracted from an-gidik's-lo- 

Id'galtk^ what one's self in beholds) 

Tsimshian : 

g'tlEks-ha'o to run back ZE 788"» 
g'UEk8'ga!^ to take back 
g'tlEks-nV^dz to look back 
lEp-g'UEks'&igEt he threw himself down 

116. gulX' continued motion (Tsimshian: gtigulx^ for all times). 

gidx'fefs to push along 
gulx'ha!x to jump along 

Tsimshian: 

I gugvlx-he'Hg to stand for all times 

117. g^ap' really, certainly, must, strongly (Tsimshian: g^ap-). 

^ap-Lgvlksaan to be really unable (to carry) 167.13 

q^ap-de-dzalpt really on his part he made 170.5 

g^ap-hal^al to urge really 43.13 

g^ap-wl'fefst it is really large 13.13 

^^ap-go'de I have taken it entirely 

yap-yd'xgun you must eat 

g^ap'&lg'^ certainly, it is a bear 

§10 



324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Cbcix. 40 

TsimshiaD: 

g*ap'XS'ts!a'ps really to be called a tribe ZE 783** 
^^ap'kla-wl-naxnd'g really a greater supernatural beiug^ (see new. 

106, 73) 
^^ap-wuPamrhd'^sg really to blow ashore (see no. 22) 
g^ap'hE^tag really to stand 

118. q^anu only, i. e., without result, to no purpose; compare k'sar- 

(no. 112) ONLY, i. e., without doing anything else (Tsimshum: 

q^am'9 ant"). 

(a) Adverbial: 

q^am-anffq to agree without caring 18.13 

q^am'tsagani'dda' Ext he only fastened it ashore (without taking 

it up to the house to eat it) 178.3 
q^ani'LiLolexJ^t he only finished eating (but did not go) 107.10 
q^am-td'g'd'EL only to lie down (without doing anything) 59.7. 

(h) Adnominal, with numerals: 
q^am-h'^d'l only one 100.13 
q^am-gvMn only three 113.1 
q^am-aLEho' only few 178.10 

{c) Adnominal; refuse, useless: 
q^arnfda'ts chips 
q^armJivyt'lp a miserable house 

Tsimshian: 

{a) Adverbial: 
ani'Tnan'wa'lxs he just went up (see no. 3) 

if) Adnominal, with numerals: 
q^am-ksa-txalpx only four 
q^am-kld'l only one 

{c) Adnominal; useless: 
Lgu-q^am-klwa's an old little broken one 
<fam-wdlVh old house 
(fam-tlo'^U charcoal 

119. q^am^aiU already, just then (Tsimshian: amgaU'). This pre- 

fix, which is related to the series in -gait- (nos. 71, 82, 99, 
103), appears also independently. 

k''^et q^amgait-g'a'as Txxi'msEm T. had already seen it 17.12 
t q^amgait-hwtlafx'L SErrC&q'it the chief knew it already 220.1 

(hwild'x' to know; sEni^d'g'U chief) 
q*amgait ntg'i w&qt just then he did not sleep 37.1 
q^amgaitq^a'mts'Endd^gdL . . . Tw^p'd'y^^already he had secretly 

taken salmon berries 49.15 (q^dnMsn secretly; dA'g to take; 

meg^d'qst salmon berry) 

{10 



BOA81 HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 3^5 

Tsimshian: 

I dda amgait-tafH then he was just there ZE 782" 

120. ^an^ always, permanently, without stopping. This prefix 

occurs commonly with hvM and adverbial ending -a in the 

sense of always 121.4, 15. Other compounds are — 

gane-me'L it burns so that the fire can not be put out again 
gane-cPa' to sit down for good 
gmie-U^efn to have entered to stay 
garie-a'lg'tx to talk without stopping 
gane-qab^yit there are just as many 

121. q^asba'' anywhere, astray. This prefix is related to hasba- up- 

side DOWN (no. 74); see also no. 103. 

^asha-Jc^uL-hwafax* to paddle about astray 17.2 (Xr'wx- about 

[no. 33]) 
q^asba'Sa-k^uL-ief he went about away astray 38.14 {aa- off 

[no. 39]; Kul- about [no. 33]) 

122. q'ai^ still, jiist, near; also used as an independent adverb. 

(a) Adverbial: 

q^ai'huw&qt he was still asleep 127.5 
^airhvHigait'taagam'yu'kdet they moved still far away toward 

the shore {htoagatt- [no. 71]; tsagam- toward shore [no. 9]) 
^airltg'i-q^sxk^t just any time he stopped 91.5 {Ug'ir any place 

or time [no. 20]; qe^oi^ to stop speaking) 

(5) Adnominal: 

^ai'^ffliL hdqs just six months 29.5 

Lgo-^airUi^d'sg'tm wi-t^e's just a little large 153.5 (hgo- small 

[no. 135]; t^d%k' small; -m adjectival connective; wi- great 

[no. 73]; fe% large) 

123. jjrai- too. 

gal'Ola'n too slow 
gal-cPe^dt too fast 
gal-ld'ltif^ too late 

124. qal' without people, empty (Tsimshian: qal-). 

qal'hwVlp house without people in it 
qalr-l^ts space 81.6 
qal'tialp town, tribe 

This particle is also used with verbs: 
qoL-d^al to stay away from a town 
qaL-dzffq to camp away from a town 

Tsimshian: 

I 

qal-EfTBnx empty box 
qdl-Ulalp town 

§10 



326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 40 

125. xpl" partly. 

xpl'ma'k'ak^ partly white 

xpi'ts^EmSltx' partly beaver (name of a monster supposed to 

resemble a seal with beaver-tail) 
xpi-nd'ts partly coward (name of a man) 

126. xptlytnt" forward (in time and space). 

xpUytm-g'a'a to took forward 

127. xLna" bending forward (Tsimshian: odfuz^). 

xLna-sg't'tif^ to fall down forward 
xLna-dd'k to kneel down 

Tsimshian* 

xtna-ma'xsg to dive, plural (literally, to stand head foremost) 
idna-dE-da!ul to go down headlong with 

128. ?- is a particle used to express the plural of certain words, and 

will be found discussed in J5 45. 

129. lEp' self, as subject (see guWc's- self as object [no. 115J). 

{a) Adverbial: 

lEp-g^tn-JiSil^t he himseli arose 156.11 
t lEp'tsagam-q^d'exqLt he himself dragged it ashore 175.13 
lEp-gidtk'S'haLa' EltkH it itself acted by itself 61.3 
lEp-gulik'8-hanwvld'kH nale^ I myself destroyed my own 220.5 
{nd'e I) 

(J) Adnominal: 

lEp'UEbl'pt his own uncle 

Tsimshian: 

(a) Adverbial: 

lEp-'^itg he himself takes a name 

lEp'lgusgE!ret he himself is happy 

dl t'lEp'do'gEt he himself, on his part, took 

dm-di'lEp-nExrw' xsEdst that they themselves, on their part, are 
supernatural 

lEp-g*UEk8'd'igEt he himself threw himself down 
{h) Adnominal: 

Isp-qaasd' (their) own canoes 

130. lEbElU against (Tsimshian: lEbElU). 

de'lEhElt-hwilEUEstd' you also do against (some one) 65.14 
lEbslt-he'tk^ to incite against 
lEhElt-a'lg'tx to talk with some one 

Tsimshian: 

lEhsU-da't to fight against 
lEhElt'Wd'l enemy 

10 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 327 

131. lEff'ul' for good (Tsiinshian: lEkluU for good; see ^arie- 

always, permanently [no. 120]). 

lEg^ul'sVns to be entirely blind 
lE^^ul'da'uL to leave for good 
lEg^ul-tsIefn to have entered to stay 

Tsimshian: 

I lEklvl'l^da'xs to leave for good 

132. ltg*'&C' partly, half. 

Itg ''^ ex-ma! gaL to put away half 

Itg'^ix-g'a't nobility (literally, halfway [chief] people) 

133. lEk8' strange, different, by itself (Tsimshian: lEkff'). 

lEks-g'a't a strange person 
sa-txa-lEks-g'a't to make quite different 
lEks-cTa' island (literally, sitting by itself) 

Tsimshian: 

Isks'tla!^ island 
lEks-g'ig'a'd kinds ZE 791«» 

134. LEni" stopping a motion (Tsimshian: lEm^). 

Lmn-ha'x to stop by running 

LEm-gffc to offend 

LEm-e'tk^c to interfere (literally, to stop by calling) 

In Tsimshian this prefix does not seem to be free. 
I lEin-g'ipd'ig to fly against the wind 
; lErn-hd'aag head-wind 

135. I^g6' little (Tsimshian: Igv^), This is commonly used as an 

attributive prefix, but for the singular only. The adverbial 
idea is expressed by Tc^opE- (Tsimshian: klahE- [no. 113]), 
which, in an attributive sense, is used only for the plural. 

Lgd'a!lg*%xt he said with a low voice (perhaps better, the little 
one said) 54.12 

The use of Lgo- as attributive is very common: 

k'sax-Lgd'W^Epts^a'p only the little wren 126.5 (see no. 112) 
LgO'ts^Eibi'ng'it the little youngest one 185.14 

Still more frequent is its use with adjectives: 

Lgo-gwd'Em LgO'tk''^e'lk^ the little poor little boy 139.7 
LgO'q^ai-ta^o'ag'im wi-f^e's only a little large {q^ai- just; ts^osk' 

small; wl- great; fes large) 
Lgo-dax-g'a't a little strong 

Tsimshian: 

i lgu'Xa'<' little slave ZE 789*" 

1 Igu-q^am-k/wa's a bad little broken one 

§10 



328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibvvl. 40 

§ IJ. Nominal Particles 

A number of particles, according to their meaning, can occur only 
in a nominal sense, modifying nouns and adjectives. A few of these 
might as well have been classed with the preceding group. 

136. aw- serving for (Tsimshian: ant"). This prefix is not free. 

am'lo'x' alder-tree (serving for [the dyeing of J head rings of 

cedar-bark) 
am-md'l cottonwood (serving for canoes) 
am-halai't head-dress (serving for shaman's dance) 
am-sg'iiit'st pine-tree (serving for pitch) 
am-yu'kt used in potlatch 194.1 

Tsimshian 

am-mefHk mask (serving for dance) ' 
am-ga'n cedar (serving for wood) 

This prefix is also used in some connections where the explanation 

here given does not seem satisfactory: 

am-qa'n a kind of salmon-trap 
am-xLd'L willow {xLdL fruit of willow) 
am-hafts* stump 55.5 

In other cases it appears as a verbal prefix, the meaning of which 

is not known: 

am qd'ddijo remember 209.13 
am-sg't to lie (on the beach?) 172.11 
arrHcXlEq to destroy in anger 

137. ax- without (Tsimshian: wa-). This prefix is nominal, and 

serves as negation in subordinate clauses, which in Tsimshian 

are transformed into nominal form. Examples are here 

given of nominal forms and of subordinate clauses: 

((i) Nouns: 

ax^-a'k's without water 

aX'Vnmd'x* without food 

ax-qagd'd foolish (literally, without minds) 123.10 

ax-^dfdEm g'a't foolish person 

an-ax'ko'^ carelessness 

dx-mo'k^ unripe 50.5 

cux-qam-da' xk^ disgraceful 

ax'de-si'hdlai't never giving a dance (an opprobrious epithet) 

ax-na-niu'x without ear-ornaments (an opprobrious epithet) 

ax-q^e'U without labret (a little girl) 

ax-tqal-g'a'tk^ virgin (not against a man) 

§11 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 329 

* 

(S) Subor3inate clauses: 

Ic'^et g'alah wund'x' La ax-g'e'hEtg'^ then he saw the food which he 

had not eaten 41.3,4 {k'^e then; -t he: g'a'a to see; -l connective 

[§ 23]; wund'x' food; La past, nominal form; ax- not; g'^pto 

eat something; -^ his; -^'^ absent [§ 20]) 
nd fan ax-kictlafgtni who does not know thee {nd who; fan he 

who; OX' not; htotld^x' to know; -?i thee) 
nig 'in drnm de go^ut hioU ox-kHa^ye I, on my part, shall not take 

it, not being hungry (ntg't not; -n I; dErn future; de on the 

other hand, on (my) part; gou to take; -t it; hwtl being; aa- 

not; Jc^ta'l hungry; -e I) 

There is a second form, ajx, the relation of which to ax is difficult 
to understand. Apparently this form is aq with connective 
'L (see § 23). It does not occur in subordinate clauses, and 
may perhaps be considered as a verb meaning it is nothing. 

nLh'^e aqL huMt then he did nothing 68.6 (then nothing was his 

doing) 
nik'^e aqL g'e'hsn then nothing is your food 157.11 
nLk''^e aqL-y&xkH Ts^ak' then Ts'ak* was without (place to) go 

126.7 
nLk'^e aqL-hvA'lt then he was without doing anything 68.6 

It is doubtful, however, whether this explanation is really satisfac- 
tory. Difficulties are presented particularly by forms like — 

aq dEp'hwUd'gxd what can we do? 103.7 (dEp we) 
aq n hvMa dzd'hst I do not know how to make it 

Only a few Tsimshian forms may be given here: 

wa-dl'lgu-xd''^ on their part without even a little foam 

{dl on their part; Igu- little; xd^ foam) 
wadza^a-ld'^plEl without twinkling across 

138. htvtn' innermost part (Tsimshian: wufi'), 

hwin-ae's brain 
hwin-havmH point of arrow 
hvnn-tsId'uniL heart of tree 148.8 

Tsimshian: 

I wun-ga'tis brain 

139. dE' extreme, plural; see k's- singular(no. 143) (Tsimshian: fa-) 

dE-laoSo't the highest ones 
dE-Ld'ioit the lowest ones 
dS'^algalSnt the last ones 

Tsimshian: 

Tnan-ta-gdl ga the first ones to come up (see no. 3) 
tOrfnf^lg'U the eldest ones 

§11 



330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tbijix. 41 

140. t/Eni' a nominal prefix of very indefinite significance (Trim- 

shian: tlEtn"). In several cases this is clearly a weakened 

form of the attributive form t/dm sitting, and probably tim 

is the meaning of this particle everywhere. (See § 33.) 

t/Em-ba^x hip 

t/Bm-qe's head {qes hair) 46.6 

t/Em'Ld^7fi leg below knee 

tlErri'la/nix' neck 

tlEm-gcHx' fathom, shoulder; and some other terms for parts of 

the body 
tlFm-ld'n steersman 
tlEni'tsafiq man in bow of canoe 

Tsimshian: 

Idx-tlErri'^al^is crown of head 

t! Em-la! n steersman (g'iWn stern) (See § 33) 

141. spE' place where something belongs, where one lives (Tsim- 

shian: SpE'). 

spE'oJp wasp-nest 

spE-a'xt den of porcupine 

spE'Wb'hqan ant-hill 

SpE'UExn^'q place of supernatural beings 32.11 

Spd-wa'hly" place of taboos 32. 12 

spE'Sd'7itk place where one lives in summer 

8pE'l*sd'nt place where one lives in autumn 

Tsimshian 

spE-m'ni I bear's den 

142. sgaU' tree, stick; evidently from ^an tree (Tsimshian: s^ati"). 

sgan-nie'lik'st crabapple-tree 17.11 
sgan-qala'mxHt rose-bush 
sgan-lci'ts elderberry-bush 
sgan-dafpxL harpoon-shaft 
sgaji'haLo' mast 

Tsimshian: 

sgan-JcH'nt wooden quiver 
sgcm-tm'Hsg spear-shaft 

143. k^8' extreme, singular; see rf^-, plural (no. 139) (Tsimshian: hS"). 

k's-qald' 71 the last 140.8 
(FEp'k's-q&q down first 81.4 
Id'k's-g'l'^kst in extreme outer side 219.1 

Tsimshian: 

I ks-qd'ga first ZE 791«" 

§11 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 331 

144. k8E^ fluid (Tsimshian: ksE'), This is evidently an abbreviated 

form of ais water. (See § 33.) 

ksE-t/o'tsk*^ black fluid 

ksE-rnd'dstk's milk (literally, breast fluid) 

Tsimshian: 

wadi'ksE'l^atx fluid-like slime (see no. 85) 
ksE'ofmks clear water 
ksE'gwa'miks spring 
ksE'S^ayie'^st water of mountain 

145. k^cE' fresh (Tsimshian : ksE'). 

k'cE'Cafk' fresh olachen 
k'CE'sma'x* fresh meat 

Tsimshian: 

I ksE-mE^'^d'^xs fresh berries 

146. A5*«-Bm- woman (Tsimshian: kHEm^), 

k'SEm-ntsqa'a a Nass woman 
k'SEm-qa'k'L mouse woman 136.4 
k'sETri'Sawa't Tongass woman 
k*BEm-ald-g'ig'a!t Indian woman 207.12 

Tsimshian: 

ksErri'iimtsl'^n mouse woman 
ksEm-qlaagd'^s crane woman 

147. g*tt' people, person (Tsimshian: g*it'), (See also § 33.) 
G'%t-mik'!e*na AwI'k*Ien6x", Rivers Inlet tribe 
G'tt-gd'ns Tongass 
g'U-idl'ltk^ warriors 113.13 
G'U-lax-dd'mEk'8 people of lake 

148. gtviS' blanket, garment (Tsimshian: guS'), 
g'ldls-halai't dancing blanket 71.5 
giols-qa! aqt raven blanket 39.8 
wt-gwls-qana'd large frog blanket 168.3 
gvna-ma'k'si^ white blanket 

Tsimshian: 

I gus-ya'ni mink blanket 
1 gus^Elhaftk button blanket 
1 gicS'S^a'n mat coat (rain coat) 

149. qa' seems to indicate location (Tsimshian: gr*^). 
qa-sd'x place in front 61.4 
qa-qcdd'n place behind the houses 138.6 
qa-g'Wu place in front of house 138.13 
qa-dd! the other side 211.10 

The same prefix appears in certain plurals. These will be dis- 
cussed in § 43. 

§11 



332 BUREAU OP AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY IBO"- ^ 

Tsimsbian: 

g'i'tsld'e^ bow of canoe 

g'i'la/n stern of canoe 

g'i'g'ofni up river 

g'Uhau'li in the woods (with euphonic / [?]) 

160. qaldEnt" receptacle (Tsimshian: galdEm"). 

qaldEin-Jialda' u-g'tt box of a sorcerer 217.3 

Tsimshian: 

I galdEm-a'ksk bucket (literally, drinking- receptacle) 

151. ?ax- surface of, top; corresponding to the adverbial prefix l^- 

(Tsimshian: Utx*), 

lax-lo'dp surface of stone 109.4 

lax-a'ns surface of sand 122.4 

laaPo' top 65.4 

lax'ha' sky (literally, upper side of air) 

The names of some clans contain this element. 

Inx-skVy^k eagle clan (literally, on the eagle) 108.3 
lax-k'eho' wolf clan (literally, on the wolf) 108.2 

Names of islands and of the ocean are compounded with this prefix: 

LaX'toaqh Dundas island 
lauc-se'lda ocean 104.7 

Tsimshian: 

la^X'tlEm-ga'vs crown of head 

lax-la' ragEm IspW^h top of hot stones 

Ux'ha' sky ZE 782«« 

152. ts^Em" inside; corresponding to the verbal prefixes Zo-, ts^Elsm-j 

/ji:^^7w- (Tsimshian: ts/Ent'), 

ts^E^n-hwflp inside of house 134.2 
ts'E/ii-dz'ddz^ik's inside of ground 201.9 
ts^ Em-Wop inside of stone 20.2 

A considerable number of words require this prefix: 

tiEm-a'q inside of mouth 118.15 

ts^Em-qaldls stomach 118.11 

t^Em-arC&n palm (literally, inside) of hand 110.10 

tiEm-ffl'n valley 77.3 

Tsimshian: 

tslEm-laX'ha' in the sky ZE 782*« 
UlEm-xsd!^ inside of canoe 
tslEm-a'ks inside of water 
tslEtU'ica'lh inside of house 
UlEm-Ula'ns armpit 
tslEm-uE'v!^ oven 

§11 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 333 

153. to^o- inside. I found thispretix, which is evidently related to the 

last, only in ts^u-hwVlp (Nass) and tsIa-inaJh (Tsimshian) the 
INSIDE OF THE HOUSE, SO designated in contrast to the outside; 
while t^Em-hvMp {tslEm-vyalh) appears in conjunction with 
the locative adverbial prefixes lu-^ ts'slEm-^ etc. 

154. an6^ direction toward (Tsimshian: nak^ or na-). 

anb-g'%' Elka south 

am-qoL'tia'p direction of the town 

ano-fEm-gl's head end 

anO'laa^mffOn direction of (on the) sea 

Tsimshian: 

nak'SEmia'vmnt or na-sEmid'wunt left hand 
nak-siA'^ one side 

nak-toDa'g'isi'hi'ioa'^s east (literally, direction along down river 
at the same time i*ain) ZE 785^ 

155. ts^tk'S" surrounding (Tsimshian: t/^kS"), 

ts^tk's-naa'qs bracelet (literally, surrounding jade) 
ts^tk'S'dad' finger-ring 

Tsimshian: 

I UEks-na'^xa bracelet 

156. ham* nearness. 

Jiain-tsHviVn place near the top, 80.12 

« 

§ 12. Particles Transforming Verbs into Nouns 

157. an*. This prefix is very difficult to translate. It is used to 

transform verbs into nouns, and expresses abstract terms, 
local terms, and even instruments. (Tsimshian: n-, nE*). 
(a) Abstract nouns: 

an'XpEdzd'xiesi,r art— '^V^ -^ ^g at<^ -^(< 



an-lEbSlq hatred " V '[ { 



an-setoensA^ love 
an-Ldfmak honor 

{b) Local terms: 

an-la'k^ fireplace 

an-sff'tmLk*^ womb (literally, lying-in place) 

an-tg^O'le'lbik'sk*^ whirlpool (what around drifts) 104.12 

an-saHep hole for steaming 55.4 

aU'Lcfuhl^ nest (literally, place of young ones) 

an-sg'Vt grave (literally, where he lies) 218.5 

an-qalffq play -ground 

cmrdA' other side 

§12 



334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcli^ 40 

Tsimshian: 

n-lak fireplace 

tslEm-riE-u'^ oven (literally, in-bakin^-place) 

n-g'tl-Jiau'li a place in the woods 

(c) Result of an act, instrument, etc. 

an-he't what he said 118.1 
an-le'pEUk^ thread (for sewing) 
an-doy'tn garden 

168. andU' receptacle, perhaps from an- no. 157 (Tsimshian: ntfi'). 

anda-ha-sd'xs ''rattle-box" 124.12 

ande La'ix box of crabapples 192.4 

anda-hawVl quiver (literally, arrow receptacle) 19.5 

ande-fe'hx" box of grease 192.3 

Here belongs — 

anda-xsa'n gambling-sticks 28.11 

Tsimshian: 

nta-ha-wulal^wad work-box 
nta-hawd'l quiver 

159. yu—k^ one who ha< (Tsimshian: yii—g). 

yu'hwt'lplc^ one who has a house 
yu-uEgioff otk^ one who has a father 

Tsimshian: 

klul-yu'ha'a'ksg carrying a bucket about 

yxi'sa'mig having meat 

yuhg'a'tg having manhood ZE 783^' 

160. /ia- instrument (Tsimshian: ha^), 

ha-xda'k^ bow (literally, shooting-instrument) 19.6 
ha-a'k's cup (literally, drinking-instrument) 
ha-iiifh knife for splitting 90.12 
hala'k^ powder (literally, fire-instrument) 
ha-sa'x rattle 213.9 

Tsimshian: 

ha-g'e'lg harpoon (literally, harpooning-instrument) 
ha-na'kst marriage present (literally, means of marrying) 

The compound prefix ha-Ie- is particularly frequent: 

ha-Ied'a' chair (literally, instrument to sit on) 

ha-le-dd'lEp pile of wood to roast on 131.12 

ha-le-dzo' qse world (literally, means of camping on) 14.10 

Tsimshian: 

ha-Ul-dzd'^ world (litemlly, means of camping on) ZE 782*' 
ha-lU'^d'^d to think (literally, means of minding on) 

§12 



«>^s3 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 335 

The days of the week are nowadays designated by the same prefixes: 

ha-le-qano* otk^ day of dressing up (Sunday) 
hale-ye'sq day of paying out (Saturday) 

161. gan^ means of, cause of (Tsimshian: yan-). 
gan-mfftJi^ means of saving 
gan-dEcte'ls cause of life 
gan-Le^ntx' cause of anger 

gan-lo-go'tbax window (litemlly, cause of light inside) 
gan-h^od'ltx' carrying-strap, (literally, means of carrying) 

Xsimshian: 

gan-hWdxg difficulty 

gan-p!a'lg'%x8g ballast (literally, means of being heavy) 

This prefix is identical with the particle gan therefore. 

162. gtuix*" nomen actoris (Tsimshian: huk'). 

gvAx'-oId fisherman 
wx-gvnx'-su-g'a't great murderer 23.6 
gwix'-w&o hunter 108.4 
gvAx'-iaJjaifask^ cheater 52.12 

Tsimshian: 

huk-ga'tsls one who pours out, an auctioneer 
huk-yi!lsk one who drills 

163. an- the one who ; preceding transitive verb (Tsimshian: 

tn-). This prefix is used very frequently in phrases cor- 
responding to our relative clauses. It is always preceded 
by the subjective pronoun of the third person. 

ne^En fan-dEdo'qL lax 3^ou are the one who caught the trout 
157.4 

Ar''c k'saxL Lgo-g'Vmx'dit^ dsmt an-ts^ ElEni-^cd' Ol nak'st then his 
little sister went out, she who was to call in his wife 204.6 
(^•.sax to go out; g*Vmx'de^\^\A\\ ts^ElEoi- into; ^^o'o to invite; 
nak's wife) 

fiLk'^e da'uLL k''^dlL g*at fan-gT/uL Lgo-tk*''e'Lk^ then one man 
left, who took the child 205.6 {dd'uL to leave; k'^'M one person; 
g'at person; gou to take; Lgo-tk^'^e'tk^ child) 

4*'^ hwtl sagait-hafp'aaL fan-k^Le-htfrya'tst then they rushed to- 
gether who beat him all over 62.12 (m^a//- together; haJ'p'a 
to rush; k^te- all over; yats to strike^ 

Tsimshian: 

7ia*< dEmt tn-na'ksgA IgvfHgES Qauff who is it who will marry 

the daughter of Gauo? 
t niElryu dEmt hi-na'ksgA Igu'HgEnt it is I who will marry 

your daughter 
nHnVs dEp gwai fin-SE-tlal^sga these are the ones who began 
ada nUnV t^in-lEhoI^UEtga^ be was the one who paid it back 

§12 



336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bci-u 40 

§ 13. Particles Transfortning Nouns into Verbs 

1()4. sE- to make something (Tsimsbian: sE^), 

sE-hvxi! to call (literally, to make name) 97.13 

8E-le't to make wedges 148.4 

SE'hd'n to catch salmon 

SE'le^mx' to make a song 77.9 

lEp'SE'iiExnd'x to make one's self supernatural 152.6 

sE-hsla' to make abalone shell 45.14 

Tsimshian: 

Hi'SE-gvllg to make fire on 
sU'8E-n-dzdg to make a new village 
8E'ina'Q^ to cause to grow ZE 791*®' 

165. oc- to eat, consume (Tsimshian: x-). 

X'hA'n to eat salmon 205.1 

x-ama'lgwax eating scabs 41.14 

ha'X-sma'x' fork (literally, meat-eating instrument) 

ha-x-miyafn pipe (literall^^ smoke-eating instrument) 

Tsimshian: 

X'Stsldlla to eat beaver 

x-gwa'iksEuu I feel cold (literally, I consume cold) 
lu'X'dzV usg until morning (literally, in consume morning) 
X'Sganefts to kill mountain goats (literally, to eat mountain) 
x-go'eplakem we enjoy the light ZE 786"^ 

166. XS' to say, to appear like (Tsimshian: ac«-). 

xs-nEgvdHk to say father 

x^-7ae' niExk to say hm 

xs-ia'nsks it sounds like leaves 

xs-ma'k'sli^ ^\i\{^ (literally, it appears like snow) 

xs-gusgud' dakH light blue (literally, it api>ears like a bluejay) 

Tsimshian: 

wl-xs-nd'6l it sounds loud like a drum 
wi'XS'Suwa^nsg it sounds loud like curing disease 
g'^ap-X8-ts!a!p% to be called a tribe ZE 783^ 



(41 



§ 14. Transitive Pronominal Subject 

The transitive subjective pronouns are in both dialects: 

71 I VI sEm ye 

dEp we /f^^' 

m thou [they 

These are placed before the verb and the particles treated in §§ 8-13. 

They will be discussed more fully in § 52. 

§§13,14 



^«1 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 337 

§ -X5. Particles that may Precede the Transitive Subject 

n?he particles enumerated in the present section differ from all those 
previously treated, in that their connection with the verb is not vso 
oloee. In certain cases of the third person, to be discussed later, they 
pr^ocede the transitive pronominal subject. Since many of these par- 
ticles have not been found with transitive verbs of this kind, it 
remains doubtful whether they are simply adverbial particles placed 
before the verb, or whether the first and second persons of the transi- 
tive verb, when used as subject, precede them. The particles enumer- 
&ted under nos. 167-174 are more clearly connected with the verb 
than the later ones. 

167. rfg- with, also, on (his) part (Tsimshian: efl-). 

de-t-gun-g^e^ipt on her part, she ordered (her) to eat it 156.11 

de-vJcS'ha'xt he, on his part, ran out to the sea 104.13 

de-gidlk'S'cCEp'ma'qst he also threw himself down 42.13 

de-t-gdiit he, on his part, took it 14.8 

ntg't-n dsm de-g'ipt not I shall, on my part, eat it 

de ntg't di-deik^t she, on her part, had no bag 206.9, 10 (de-di 

on her part; ntg't not; deLk^ bag) 
ntg't-n de-g'a'at I have not seen him 

Tsimshian: 

t/Em-di-yd'a he went to the fire, on his part 
dit'lsp'dd'gEt he, on his part, took it himself 
dda g'ik dit q^ani'^&'HgE hana/^xt and also he, on his part, 
blessed {q^am-gd'H) the woman ZE 797 

168. sEni' very, exceedingly (Tsimshian: sEnt"), This particle is 
very free in its position. It is often used in nominal com- 
pounds in the sense of genuine. 

ssm-aba'g^dsJi^t he was much troubled 80.1 

ssm'hcu^'Sg'l' to lay really upside down 214.11 

sErri'lio'm a'lg'ixne I <*peak the truth 

j/agai'SEni'k'^d'wi'he'lt^ however, exceedingly very many 158.11 

sRm-t'ld'qdf6dE7it she emptied it inside entirely 208.7 

sBm-ama sg'e'det they laid it down well 214.10 {am good; sg'l to 

lay) 

smri'hvX'd^'LgO'idi'lk'dLl^ also, on his part, a very prince {Kux 

also; de on his part; hgo- little) 
wt-ssm'ga'n the great very tree (i. e., cedar) 147.9 
sEm-tHvAn the very top 80.4 
sEm-cfai'tsetsd'osk' just very small 171.8 
sEin-q*am'k''^d/l really only one 146.18 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 22 § 15 



338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BCLt. 40 

Tsimshian: 

aEm-lu'dza'ga gd'H very downcast (literally, very dead in heart) 
sEm4u'Xa'x8t to weep bitterly 

dda 8Emt tgu'da'pt then he measured exactly around it ZE 784"* 
nE'SEm-sEfrElg exactly the middle 

169. /tieq!; also, again (Tsimshian: gik), 

hvx a'cPtk'sh^L yu'ksa evening came again 142.8 {a'd^tJc'd"^ to 

come; y?^'A*«a evening) 
hus^ de-fEm-iaft he also, on his part, went down to the middle 

of the house 142.14 
hnx det gu'nat he also, on his part, demanded it 143.1 
k'et hvx g'lnSmt then he gave it again 139.6 
hvfi Jc'^aflL g'ot another man 108.1 

Tsimshian: 

lot g'ik tla'lE nE-mEs-a'tisE lEmkdX^dEt a tsla'ltgcfi when his 

sister again put on her paint on her face ZE 795*** {mss-a^tis 

ochre; lEmJcdV^d sister; tslal face) 

ddat g'ik wulu'idE g'a'd then the people knew it again ZE 795'" 

dda g'ikt wulaH dEin hatla'xgE then they knew again that it 

would be bad ZE 796««« 

The following four particles serve to express future, present, past, 

and continuation. Their syntactic use will be discussed in § 59. 

Here I give only a few examples illustrating their use with the verb. 

170. cf-Eiit future (Tsimshian: dEmY, 

dETYi id'neE ah awa'an I go to thy proximity 196.12 

dEm g'a'an you will see 80.2 

n dsm swant I shall cure her 123.7 

dEint mu'kdeh txox' they were going to catch halibut 43.6 

In the following examples dmn is nominal: 

ntg'tdi a'd'^ik'sk^L dEm mEsa!x' not had come the future day- 
light 11.10 

dEm lEp'hwa'ytmL dEm nd'sm we ourselves will find our future 
bait 56.6 {lEp- self; hwa to find; noa? bait) 

Tsimshian: 

dEmt dzd'hE txanlV gdP he was about to make everything 

n dEm kla-tvnl'icd'n I shall overtake you soon 

dda dEmt sE-ma'xsE gd'H then it will make things grow 

171. 7«^ii?l? present (Tsimshian: wul). 

txane'tk^L hwtl seso'sl kldpE-t^d'Ots all the small birds 124.11 
naxna'a Ts^ak' hwtl ddL hana'q Ts'ak' heard (about) a woman 
being there 126.2 {ndxna!x to hear; d'^d to sit; hana'q woman) 
't hwU lo'ha'qt at his touching into it 203.6 

§15 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



339 



Tsimsliian: 

at g&'^ wul ksE-gwa'iitgE g'a'mgEt he went to where out comes 
(touches) the sun 

lot nVsstgE ts!a'hdE wid k' ! A-BA-gidi-tla!^ g'a'mgEm dzViLst when 
the people saw the sun standing still suddenly for a while 
ZE 788.13 {nl to see; ts!ah people; k'lA- for a while; sa- sud- 
denly; t!c^ to sit; g'amg heat, heavenly body; d^iust day- 
light) 

-a wul loa-dl-aya'^ult on account of his being without clever- 
ness ZE 789.14 {^oa- without; d/l on his part; aya'^wid clever) 

172. Xa past (Tsimshian : la). 

fUsk'Ie La hvx kefhuk it had been morning again 204.2(At/x again; 

hefLvJc morning) 
La de'lpk^L dmn mEsa'x' it was shortly going to be daylight 

143.7 (delpk^ short; mE8a!x* daylight) 
La hu3^ hwVlt he had done this also 145.4 
k'!e Lat hitnla!x'L hwtl n&ot he had known that he was dead 57.7 

{hwilalx' to know; nffd dead) 

Tsimshian: 

nfinV lat nVsstgE tsla'b that was when the people saw 

ada laal dl ts/V^^nsgE toak't but then his brother had gone in (al 

but; di on his part; ts/l^n to enter; wak' brother) 
ni wa'lds la ha'udEt it happened, what he had said 

178. Ldl while (Tsimshian: Id). 

La wi-f^^sL LgO'tk'''€iLk?^g'i aL ld'd*a!t aL ta'sm-xpe'tst while the 
child was large, it was in the box 9.9 {wi-fe's large; Lgo- 
tk'^e'Lk?^ child; Id- in; d^d to sit; ts^Bm- inside; xpeU box) 

Tsimshian: 

Id nUnV nE'SEla-wd'ldEt while that one did it with them 
Id q!a*ldEk'i&^tgaP while he was walking about in the woods 

174. ia^ai" already, however, rather (Tsimshian: ylayai-). 

iagai-g'tn-hl'tk^t however, he stood behind 141.1 
iagai-ne^t however, it was so 26.7, 157.9 
iagai'SEm-k' la-wi-he'lt however, exceedingly many 158.11 
k'''et iagai'U'ia'qt then, however, it hung on it 46.1 
k'!e iagait-g'e' eU then, he had picked it up already 26.3 
iagait'lo'dd/ytt he had put it on already 50.4 

Tsimshian: 

ytagai IS-vnda tgi-nV^tsgEt however, he looked always down 
adat y/agai'dzaga-gd/^dst then, however, he went across it 
n dEtn ylagai-na'ksEn I shall marry thee 
ylagai'SEm-hd's very much afraid, however 

§16 



340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

175. md'dzE" almost. 

md'dzB'Sg'it he almost lay 62.8 
q*am-?nd'd2E'n6'deE I am only almost dead 76.13 
md'dzEt'dx't he almost hit it 140.7 

176. kwa'ts^tk^S" close by. 

kioa'ts/ik'8-tq^al-8g'm you lie close a^inst 76.12 

177. sEm^gHt strongly (derived from sEm- much [no. 168], and g'at 

person) (Tsimshian: sEm'g'it). 

dsm sEm-g'it dax-yic'kdEu you will hold fast strongl}* 
BEmrg'it de-yVguL fEin-lafneist hold on to my neck I 80.10 

Tsimshian: 

I ada SEtYi'g'it Jie'tgE harm' gat then the woman stood fast 

178. sEm^gal very, much (from sEm-) (Tsimshian: sEm^gal). 

8Em-gal oha'g^askH he was much troubled 36.4, 40.4 
SETn-gal gwd'Et he was very poor 38.4 

Tsimshian: 

SBrrt-^al xaP! arch-slave! ZE 790**' 

t sEm-gal Ishci'lExstthey hate them much ZE 793*" 

179. q^amts^En secretly. 

q^amts^En ke't he said secretly 40.6 
^amtiEn U^'e'nt he entered secretly 25.6 

180. n%g*i not; used in indicative sentences (Tsimshian: a'lgE), 

k'^'e nig'i daa'qhk^det then they did not succeed 123.6 
ntg't haxL ak's the water did not run 18.3 
7itg'U hvx dzakH she did not kill him also 203.7 
ntg'tdt hodic'8 Ld^obolaf Logobola' did not paddle 17.3 
ntg'tn de g'a'at I have not seen it 

The syllable di^ de^ which is ver}'^ often added to the negative, 

probably signifies on his part, and is the particle no. 167. 

Tsimshian: 

a'lgE d?nl dEmtwuld'idEig*at it is not good that the people know 

it {dm good; wuld'i to know; g'at people) 
dda a'lgE ts!a'k'a8ga la'kga^ then the fire was not out 
a'lgE ndEm k:!tnafmt ai hanaf^x I will not give it to the woman 

§ 16. Alphabetical List of Particles 

As a matter of convenience, I give here an alphabetical list of parti- 
cles, the letters being arranged in the order vowels, semi-vowels, 
labials, dentals, palatals, latemls. In each series the order of sounds 
is sonant, surd stop; sonant, surd affricative. Eku^h particle is given its 

§16 



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HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



841 



nuoiber in the preceding lists. It will be remembered that there are 
slight differences in the rendering of the Nass (N) and Tsimshian (T) 
sounds, which are due to imperfections in the recording of the former 
dialect. 



aT6Sa 

avmsTeS 

avnd T {wih N) 43 

am N T 136 

am, q!am T {q^am N) 118 

amgait T (q^amgait N) 119 

cm N {in T) 163 

cm N (w, fiE T) 157 

ano^ (na^ 7iak T) 154 

anda N (nta T) 158 

anb'El N {p/El T) 64 

ank'8 N (aks T) 65 

ase N {asdi T) 14 

asdi T {ase N) 14 

agwi N T 66 

aJks T {ank'8 N) 65 

aa? N {wa T) 137 

aZo N {alu T) 67 

azaaj N {la T) 68 

az^ N 69 

algs T (nV^* N) 180 

*N70 

iaga N T 2 

ia^/ai N iylagai T) 174 

yw->fc« N (yi/-$r T) 159 

$n T {an N) 163 

t/fe? N T 6, 10 

vxi T (aaj N) 187 

wadi T 85 

hwagait N {wagait T) 71 

waLEn N 72 

2/?iNT73 

vmd'ax N {vmt!a T) 73a 

^i/<f £» N T 41 

Ai^Tin N (?^n/7i T) 138 

«wn T (A?/?«7i N) 138 

t/n^^ri N T 51 

touts' En T {vnts^sn^ hut^En N) 

62 
A«^ N (tm^ T) 171 



«;iii N {avmL T) 48 

i^m^ T {hvM N) 171 

w^am N T 22 

Aa N T 160 

ham N 166 

Aorf^- N {liatlEk T) 48 

Aa«Ja N T 74 

Juits'sks N 75 

hagun N (p'wn T) 44 

Aa^wZ N T 76 

haldBm N T 77 

AaL N (Aoi! T) 60 

Az N T 78 

A^ N («&r T) 79 

A^/a N 45 

huts^sn^ vrUfpBn N {wuis^an 

T)62 
At^;fc T (^w?«a- N) 162 
hxa N ^i^fc T) 169 
hsnErn T {pslsm N) 80 
p/^Z T (ar?y^Z N) 64 
pElEtn N {bsnEm T) 80 
hElxsEm N {xhESEm T) 81 
hagait N {Ishagait T) 82 
JaajNTl 
m^ T (TTia N) 84 
m^7t N (man T) 3 
rnESEm N 83 
m^Za T 88 
mi?i> N {msla T) 87 
TTia N {mE T) 84 
m^in T {msn N) 3 
maaj N 86 
maxlE T 60 
m^W^j? N 175 
rfi?, rf^ N {dE T) 91 
rf^ N {ta T) 139 
(^N(^T)167 
cf^;? N {tgi T) 4 
cfeTw. N T 170 

{16 



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IWCUL. 4f 



fBtn N T 13 

fEm N T 140 

to T (rfj5 N) 139 

dsx, dix' N {dax T) 90 

fsks T (ts'ik's N) 155 

fuks N T 6, 10 

dulati92 

t^al N (txal T) 35 

^^t T {d'Ep N) 4 

^^(? N {tgu T) 31 

^aja N T 93 

^a?a« N T 47 

n T (an N) 157 

na N T 12 

tkz, nai T (<m5 N) 154 

715NT94 

n«NT95 

«<35^', naT { and N) 154 

n%•^ N {algs T) 180 

n<5'5m N 96 

Tito T («7wto N) 158 

«^ N T 164 

«a N {sa T) 98 

«aNT39 

«ii?7/i N T 168 

ssm-g-it N T 177 

sEm-gal N T 178 

«EnT89 

««j?ai^ N T 99 

«aj?'a/> N T 100 

fAs T (A«« N) 79 

dx' N (^to T) 102 

8eI N T 97 

«t N (^ T) 101 

m T (^ N) 101 

spE^T 141 

^ajfa/^ N T 103 

ypl N 21 

«^^a; N 49 

sta T (^^J- N) 102 

«(7an N T 142 

sqa N («a« T) 36 

tslsm NT 152 

fe/iTW N T 104 

tslEnlTlO^ 

§16 



UlEk'Ial T 16 

^/a N T 153 

Uaqa N (&a^a T) 23 

tsagam N {dza^arn T) 9 

^/i^-« N (j5/j5^ T) 155 

ts/ElEm N T 7 

>fe-'a N (>fc/tf T) 106 

k-'ax N (*/a T) 107 

k-'aL N 58 

g'i T (^a in part, N) 149 

^•tm^ N (^ami T) 25 

^•i^ N T 147 

g'idi N T 19 

;t-/g(fo N 57 

g'in N (^'tna T) 108 

g'ifia N T 109 

k'/ina T 110 

5r-t» N 40 

g'i8m{gisiT)18 

gik T (Aw? N) 169 

g'ik'd N 61 

g'UEks T (^t^/tife-* N) 115 

g'Uvnd N T 37 

^•tZ^^ N 111 

k''tlq'al N 34 

;£•« N {ks T) 143 

fe^ T {k'si N) 8 

;b£ N T 144 

>fe-ci? N {ksB T) 145 

ifc-«£m N (Ar^^m T) 146 

A«a T {k'sax N) 112 

;fc-^i N (fes T) 8 

j(^ N in part {g'i T) 149 

q'ai N 122 

yV N T 117 

q^am N {q!am^ am T) 118 

y<i?«^i T {g'ime N) 25 

(famt^En N 179 

q^amgait N (amgait T) 119 

yan N T 161 

y/an T 28 
qana T 59 
yar?^ N 120 
q'asba N 121 
^aZ N 123 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 343 

jtfZ N T 124 Z N T 128 

qlala T {gali N) 17 Isp N T 129 

^ali N {^lala T) 17 Zi?i£^«5 N T 130 

qaldEm N {galdEm T) 150 lEbagait T {hagait N) 82 

joieiia?- N (jaWi^ T) 11 Z^^^m N (/5^^/i T) 5 

yaZ;fc-*i' N {galJcsE T) 24 Z^-i N T 20 

kwa'ts'ik's N 176 %-'e« N 132 

gwi8 N (firi^ T) 148 Ie^'uI N (Z^r^/i*; T) 131 

gvnx' N (Ai^* T) 162 Isks N T 133 

yfaif? T {k'opE N) 113 Za^awA T 15 

l?utgo N 32 lagax T (Zaaj N) 38 

gun T (A(z$rwn N) 44 lax^T 151 

^w N T 114 ^ai^? N {lagax T) 38 

^u« T {gwis N) 148 Z^ N {Hi T) 30 

^wfiri^aj T (gulx N) 116 Zd-jfOTi N {Lll-qlan T) 28 

^iA-« N (g^UElcB T) 115 Z^^^>//i T {Je^eir N) 5 

^wZaj N {gugulx T) 116 ^5 N {In T) 29 

JPwi N {Jclul T) 33 ^i^ N 62 

hsE T (yfc-«i N) 8 ^^«a N 46 

Tif'Le N (>Wi T) 55 Inks T 42" 

a? N T 165 Zi^ii N (^^^A^/ T) 27 

xbESEni T {hElxsEm N) 81 Z^^cJZ N 26 

irpt N 125 LEin N (^^//i T) 134 

xpVlyim N 126 Z« T (tfLai« N) 68 

a» N T 166 xa N (ia T) 172 

xtse N (i»^/B T) 54 xa N (ia T) 173 

a??i:/? T {xLip N) 53 iwi*?/ T {lukh N) 27 

a?xiW2, N {dEm T) 56 x^t> N {Igu T) 135 

a?xna N (aj?7ia T) 127 



Suffixes (§§ 17-32) 

{ Jf7. Suffixes following the Stem 

There are quite a number of suflBxes in the Tsimshian dialects, 
almost all of which are firmly united with the stem. The significance 
of most of these is much more ill-defined than that of the prefixes, but 
those that immediately follow the stem appear to be primarily modal 
elements. Some of them indicate the passive, causative, elimination 
of the object, etc. Their use shows great irregularities. These suf- 
fixes are followed by pronominal suflBxes, while demonstrative ele- 
ments and the interrogative element are always found in terminal 
position. 

§17 



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[BULL. 40 



1. ^En causative (Tsimshian: •En). In both dialects this suffix gen- 

erally modifies the terminal conspnant of the stem. 

hetk^ to stand, singular Id'tq^al-he'fEn to place a thing 

upright against something and 
inside of something 131.3 
raStlEn to fill 

yd'dg^an to feed one person 
txd'd^^cm to feed several persons 
hd'sig^a/ii to separate (v. a.) 
he-Ld'^an to break (v. a.) 
ha! an to cause to run 
ma'qsaan to place several things 

upright 8.1 
qfflk*8aan to cover (v. a.) 
la'qsaan to wash (v. a.) 198.8 
hu'ksa^in to place with 36.8 
gyUcsaan to awaken 121.8 
WW* En to roll 

sa'tplsn to harden 
Tn&'lklEn to force 
md'g^an to put aboard one object 
hja'^^an to annoy 
la'k'Itn to bend (v. a.) 
holhan to cause to run 
ga^ksEn to awaken one person 
CVdEksEn to awaken several 
h&ksEn to place with 

2. -«fc" expresses primarily the elimination of the object of the tran- 

sitive verb (Tsimshian -«fc). 



metJ^ full 

yd!6wk^ to eat, singular 

txd'dxk^ to eat, plural 

hd'^x to divide, v. n. 

he-Ld'q it breaks 

hax to run 

maqsk^ to stand, plural 

qolk'sk^ covered 
lo'la'qskH she washes in 197.10 
A5*«^ to be with 91.8 
guksk^ to awake 121.9 
teHMk'sk^ whirlpool 104.12 
Tsimshian: 
sa'tpk hard 
mdlk to be uneasy 
mdxk to be aboard, singular 
haPxk annoyed 
lak' bent 
haP to run 

gaksk to wake up, singular 
Wdaksk to wake up, plural 
hdksk to be with 



fa*aU> clap (v. a.) 34.10 
suwa'n to blow (v. a.) 123.1 

maL to tell (v. a.) 
g'a'a to see (v. a.) 
dWmgan to pull (v. a.) 



fa'ask^ to clap (no object) 203.3 
suwa'anak^ to blow (no object) 

124.8 
ma'haask^ to tell news 161.15 
^•a'flw*« to look 137.6 
dd'mgaiuk^ to be in the act of 

pulling 51.8 
gosk?^ to extend 126. 7 



goto take (v. a.) 

Verbs with this ending often form verbal nouns: 

cPSpxan to nail cPWpxansk nail 

^^^Eu to love ^^ifp^Ensk love 

aycfq to command ayo'g^a^k commander 

U'lVEn to roll te'Mk'skf^ whirlpool 104.12 

§17 



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HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



345 



Tsimshian: 

lu-tlu'^yu qM'^8 I sweep out a 
box 



t!vf^8k to sweep 
SB-yiUlask to polish 



tfi^lak to spin 

gan-hd'hsEfisk fastening-imple- 
ment 



sE-y'iflgu vHi'i I polish a pad- 
dle 
si'H to spin something 

hffksETi to place with some- 
thing 

Undoubtedly related to the preceding are the following two: 

3. -A^ used commonly after terminal je>, t^ Sj ts, q^ Xj z, and sometimes 

after ; (Tsimshian: -k); and 

4. 'tk^ used after vowels, Ij m, and n (Tsimshian: -f A?). 

Both of these have the same meaning, and seem to be primarily 
. medial or semi-reflexive, while in other cases no clear reason 
for their use can be given. These endings are found regularly 
in the possessive form of names of animals. (See § 55.) 
Examples of -k are: 



het- upright 
goks- to awake 
LeS' finished 
bats- to lift 

Tsimshian: 

ha'Us to send 
sa'ijh hard 

Examples of -tif^ are: 

(Ta to sit 
sB'hwa! to name 
wffd to invite 
tudda'u to bewitch 
d^Spxan nail 
hslSn belt 

Tsimshian : 

tH'^pIsn to love 
Xr'.'^Tia'm togive 
SE-wcH^ to name 
pldn sea- otter 



?ietk?^ to stand 
goksk^ to wake up 
Lesk?^ to be finished 

hatsk?" to be lifted 

• 

halUak sent 
m'tpk to be hard 

d^atk^ to be placed 216.1, 131.1 
SE'hioa'tk^ named 
wffdtkf^ to be invited 128.6 
hoLdduyitl^ bewitched 
cPafpxantk^ nailed 
hElcHntJ^ belted 

mf^plErUk loved 
km'ItnStk given 
sEwa'Hk named 
uE-jpttt ntgu my sea-otter 



These endings occur in many intransitive verbs, and in nouns : 

deipl^ short metl^ full 

tiipl^ strong dUk^sl^ to drift 

ayanjoSiJ^ to cry lieBl^ to expect 

mitl^ to scatter da'Mk'sk?^ to bend 

flT 



346 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY Ib^ll. 40 

ha'asJi^ wind oqLk*^ to attain 

a!d!%k*%T^ to come ialik^ slimy 

alhash*' to blame diky' fuel 

Itsle'sk^ to hang vxihl^ taboo 

m&d%l^ gray da/mqhl^ friend 

tiElSsI^ canyon ^Ar''6ir^ child 

q^&tsh^ to be tired meil^ to shine 

y&z;^" to follow deik^ bag 

de'lETTiExk^ to answer mao'W^ rope 
maxJ^ to go aboard a canoe malk^ to put into fire 

fihxky to shout amaHky scab 
ffd^J^ enough 

It is uncertain in many of the endings in -«^ whether they are 

derived from stems ending in -«, or whether they belong* to the 

suffix -sky. The same is true of forms in -^^, which naay be 

derived from stems ending in -t or represent the suffix -tJ^. The 

following have probably the suffix -tk^: 

yaltk*" to return laltk*' slow 

daltky to meet ptaltk^ to climb 

de'hitl^ to guide 

The same conditions are found in Tsimshian, but it does not seem 

necessary to give additional examples. 

6. •A In the Tsimshian dialect, words ending in /?, t^ «, fe, q^ ar, x, 

and sometimes in I (i. e., those corresponding to the group 

with the suffix -k [no. 3, p. 345]) have, instead of -sk (no. 2, 

p. 344), 'A. The terminal consonant is here modified, as 

before the suffix -En (no. 1, p. 344). 

dab to measure something da!p!A to measure 

HaPp to drive piles tld'^plA to be engaged in pile- 
driving 

g'ob to dig gan-g'a'plA a spade 

sE'WvZg'a'd to dye something huk-sE-wulg'a'd^A a dyer 

qats to pour out httk-ga'tslA one who pours out 

0U8 to split huk-hufsA one who splits 

6. -« is used in Nisqa" and in Tsimshian in place of -k and -tk (nos. 3 

and 4, p. 345) after k'^ x'j ^, ^, and x. 

dx' to throw dk's to fall (literally, to be thrown) 

bek^ to lie sa-he'T^B to make lies 

hwUafx' to know sE'hwUafx's to teach (literally, to 

make known) 
Tnag to put Tna'qas to be put 11.14 

lodq to dig i^^« to be buried 

§17 



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HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



347 



Tsimshian: 

dzak to kill dzaks killed 

mEctVEk grizzly bear nE-mEdl'^ksu my grizzly bear 

Here the -s suffix is also used after jk>, although not regularly: 

walb house tie waflpsu my house 

•E8 appears in Tsimshian a few times after terminal p in place 
of -sk. 



lalb to plane down something 
lu'^b to sew something 

8. -X seems to mean in behalf of. 

qe^Ent to chew 
ha/p cover 8.15 



la'lplES to plane 
luf^plEs to sew 



Wlg'it a feast 



qe^EndEx to chew for 36.5 
le-hd'bdxt it is on as a cover for it 

67.7 
le'lg'itx a feast for somebody 83.1 

9. -ti. This suffix designates the indicative, and appears only pre- 
ceding the suffixes of the first pei*son singular and plural, and 
the second person plural of the intransitive verb and the same 
objects of the transitive verb. 



oftneE I fish 

o/lg^alneE I look at something 

a^k^ncE I call 

vA'tk?*neE I come from 

dE7n dafuLrieE Le'sEms I shall leave 

for Nass river 
ie'EnlE I go 

t!v!^%gEnu I sweep 
ha/^nu I run 
li'^minu I sing 
t wafyinu he finds me 
t wafyinEm he finds us 

10. -d. The corresponding suffix -d appears in the indicative of 

many transitive verbs, both in Nass and in Tsimshian. 

id'eE what I roast 121.9 id'dst he roasts it 121.7, 154.3 

haMl to take care of 143.1 h&'EldcE I take care of it 

hats to bite 65.9, 127.8 ha'tsdes I bite 

Itgi agd'h dsm he'nUt what- dEp K^idEiidm we say 42.11 



at gill-net 

afly'^al to examine 138.8 

disJi^ to call 

witlc*^ to come from 

dafuL to leave 

ie'E to go 

Tsimshian: 

tlv^sg to sweep 
haP to run 
Va^mi to sing 
wdP to find 



ever you say 69.8 
qaq to open 
9ax to shake something 
cm&'sl to allow 122.1 



qa'qdcE I open something 
sa'xdeE I shake it 
and!j£,ldeE I lend 



§17 



348 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l"^ 

Tsimshian: 

dzak dead dadhdu I kill 

lu to wait buf^dut I wait for him 

gaP to take gaf^du I take 

11. 'tna may be, perhaps (Tsimshian: 'fna). 

Itg^i-gula' EldEina hdqs may be three months 170.13 
n&H-maE maybe he is dead 182.8 
ffi' EgumaneE maybe 1 am sick. 

Tsimshian: 

nUnl! gwai k!un(i^matga9 this is what they may ask 



\ 



§ IS. Prmiominal Suffixes 

The group of suffixes treated in the preceding section are foUowei 
by the pronominal suffixes, which will be described fully in §{ 50-51, aiM 
§ 53. For the sake of completeness I give here a list of the suffixec 
pronouns: 

Nms. TrimriiUn, 

First person singular -es -u^ -l 

First person plural * -vm -m 

Second person singular -n -n 

Second person plural -sEm -ssm 

Third person -t 

Third person plural -det 



]■' 



§ 19. Modal SuffioceM followhig the ^Prmiomi/nal Suffixes 

12. -fifS might (Tsimshian: -fift*'tt, ^gun). The position of thi« 

suffix seems to vary. 

nExiia^yttg'i they might hear it 91.10 
sl'^ph^g'lneE 1 might be sick 
gwa'tstg'e it might be dung 207.7 

Tsimshian: 

naha'ung'Pn maybe it is true 

naJwJunguna nlaxno'yu it may be that it is true what I have 

heard 
n tlu'xiSEng'IPn (take carel) I might hit youl 

13. •s&n evidently (Tsimshian). 

iiHiiVEt-stPn evidently it is he 

uE Ie gwa'lgEs^n evidently there has been a fire 

14. ^sBn indeed! (Tsimshian). 

nlinl^Et-HEn indeed! it is he 
naha!unsEn indeed! it is true 

§§ 18, 19 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 349 

15. "^at it is said (Tsimsbian: 'gat). 

gg'V-gaL ama xpe'ts there was a good box, it is said 19.4 {ag'l 

to lie; dm good; -a connective; xpeU box) 
k''*aX'afin-gaL fEm-qe'st bis head was good before, it is said 32.8 

{k^'^dx- before; dm good; fsm-qe's head) 
tgon-gaL dsTn hw^lsm dma al&'tl^'gat nom this, we are told, we 

shall do, we are told we shall swim in a shoal 70.6 {tgon this; 

dEm future; hvM to do; -Em we; ald'tk^ to swim in a shoal; 

nam we) 
dsm suwa'nt-gaL Lgd'uhl^t he says he Will cure his child 123.10 

(mwa'n to cure; Lgo'uLk*^ child) 
ne-gat'g'i di gtotx'-g'etpt he says he does not like to eat it 40.6 

{rie-g'i not; di on his part; guAx*- expert; g'etp to eat some- 
thing) 

Tsimshian: 

I sl^EpgE-gat I hear he is sick 

§ 20. Demonstrative Suffixes 

There are two suffixes which are generally attached to the last word 
of a clause, and which indicate distance and presence in space and 
time. They are quite distinct from the demonstrative pronouns, and 
determine the demonstrative character of the whole sentence. These 
elements are much simpler in the Nass dialect than in Tsimshian, and 
their general discussion in the latter dialect will be given in §§ 24-31. 
In Nass we find: 

-jf8 absence and distance: 

nVc'^e a'lg'ixtg'& then he said 53.1 (referring to one who is absent 

and to an event of the past) 
nLk''^e l^-ya!ltl^L g'a'tg'i then the man returned 113.3 
yu'kdeh ga'ng*^ La dza'pdet they took the sticks they had made 

114.7 {ynk to take; gan stick; dzap to make) 
haJSng'^ naJcH da yu'kna before long it was evening 152.14 {hao'n 

it is soon: nal<^ long; yii^kna evening) 

'St presence and nearness: 

dsm^ q^aiyVm, o'k'sde liaxoVlEist my arrow will drop near by 19.15 
i^dsTa future; q^ai near; -Em connective [see § 22]; ok's to 
drop; hawVl arrow) 

tgduL gouUt this I guess 28.2 

8E7n-hff daa^t it is true 20.13 

txe'ldESEMEst ye will burn 215.10 

nddlda dsm d'd'ik'sdEst when will he come? 

§20 



350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I^^ll 40 

In some cases a terminal -t is foand which indicates presence and 
nearness and corresponds to the analogous form in Tsimshian. 

na-^an'htmld'gut therefore I did so 113.6 

This element is, however, quite rare in our texts. 

Connectives (§§ 21'31) 

§ 21. GENERAL BEMABKS 

The connective suffixes form a class by themselves. They are 
always terminal in the word and connect two words that are syn- 
tactically related. Therefore they never stand at the end of a clause. 
We must distinguish between attributive and adverbial connectives, 
and predicative and possessive connectives. 

§ 22. ATTEXBUTIVE AND ADVEEBIAL CONNECTIVES 

'Em. The connective -Em is used to express attributive and adverbial 
relations. Thus it occurs as — 

(1) Connective betwQ^n adjective and noun. 

(2) Connective between two nouns, one of which has the function 

of an attribute. 

(3) Connective between an adverb or adverbial phrase and a verb. 
The following examples illustrate the use of -E/n: 

1. Between adjective and noun. In this case the adjective always 

precedes the noun, and the connective is firmly attached to 

it. The analogy with the second group suggests that the 

adjective expresses the class of things referred to, while the 

following noun qualifies the particular kind; hs qe's^um gan, 

A SMALL TREE (namely, a slender thing which is a tree, or 

which belongs to the class "tree"). 

sisd'sEm. gan little sticks 27.15 

wl-he'hlEm g'at many people 28.12 

Lgo-gnal Ein Lgo-tk'^e' lI'^ little poor little boy 155.16 

7)ia'1c'8guvi 16' op white stone 139.8 

wt/dm wan the invited deer 83.3 

Tsimshian: 

sl'lg'idEm Igu'^lg the eldest child ZE 783**^ 
lgv!HgE)n hana'x little woman ZE 797.32 
gwa'dEhsEni ye'^n cool fog ZE 797^** 
IvfnksEm seipg dry bone 

Numerals do not take this connective, but take -l instead (see § 23) 
(Tsimshian, -a pp. 351, 353). 
§§21,22 



^-^s] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 351 

2. Between nouns. The first noun takes the ending -Em^ and desig- 
nates the kind of thing referred to, while the second noun 
specifies the class. 

g'aJdEin gan a wooden man 89.12 (a man belonging to the class 
''wood") 

dawVsEm 16' dp a stone ax 147.14 (an ax belonging to the class 
''stone") 

huxdd'g'intgum (^axiq^alo crow-grandchildren 19.15 (grandchil- 
dren of the class "crow") 

a'lg'igam Ts^Emsa'n Tsimshian language 20.9 (speech of the 
class "Tsimshian") 

amg'd'g'hn Le'sEuis sawbill ducks of Nass river 114.5 (saw bill 
ducks of the kind [belonging to] Nass river) 

kuwaJm had^dxk^ bad names 41.12 (names of the kind '•bad") 

Tsimshian: 

go'iplEm U!al light-face 
g'a'ingEm dzVus day-sun ZE 78P 
tsIa'hEjn ye^ts/Esg the animal tribe 783*® 
md'sEm arCd'n thumb of hand 792'" 
ye'tslEsgEDi gilhau'li the animals of the woods 

3. Adverbial. 

haddfaam a'lg'txs TxafmsEm Txa'msen spoke badly 38.11 

SErri'hd'm no'dt he was truly dead 9.6 

wi-fe'sEm yd'oxkH he ate much 36.10 {yo'oxk^ \^ an intransitive 

verb) 
tid'sg'tm mast he grew a little 175.8 
KuL'Wl-ye'tgum xdax't he was hungry (going) about 39.9 

Tsimshian: 

dza'gEm xsfox to be dead asleep 
Jc8-q&'g6m allg'tx to speak first 
Jcs-qd'gd7n mAn-a'idg he reaches up first 

-a. The connective -a is used in a number of cases in place of -Em.. It 
would seem that its use is determined largely b}^ the particu- 
lar qualifying term. Some of these seem to take -a regularly 
in place of -Em. In Tsimshian this connective is -a; it 
appears regularly after numemls. 

ama hwtlp a good house 48.3 

wl-ama g'at very good man 208.7 

ama a'lg'txt he spoke well 45.6 

rm-ama hwa'ndet they sat down very well 83.4 

gwa'lgwa txb'x* dry halibut 161.10 

h^ya elx fat of seal 161.12 

f^la elx oil of seal 47.2 

§22 



352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I"^"- *• 

Tsimshian: 

lEksg'ig'a'ds hid'htet various stars 

amA y!vlH a good man 

wlrtef^JcsE lu'am?a!m ga-gdf^dEmt we are exceedingly glad 

JclE'vEldE g'a'mgEt one moon 

kld'ldE g*ad one person 

he'ldE tslap many people 

§23. PREDICATIVE AND POSSESSIVE CONNECTIVES 

The development of these connectives is quite different in Nass and in 
Tsimshian, and the two dialects must be treated quite independently. 
In the present section I give the Nass forms. In all cases where the 
connection between words is not attributive or adverbial, -l or -« are 
used as connectives, -8 being applied in all cases where the following 
noun is a proper name designating a person, a personal pronoun, a 
demonstrative pronoun designating a person, or a term of relation- 
ship. In all other cases -l is used. With terms of relationship -a is 
not always used, but -l may be substituted. 

The particular cases in which -l and -s are used are the following: 

1. In sentences with intransitive verb, connecting predicate and 

nominal subject. 
{a) 'L, 

U'ia'qL oq a copper hung on it 138.3 

g'&dh mdl there lay a canoe 138.13 

hwUh ts^EmeHix' the beaver did so 81.4 

ts'enL ts^EmVlix' the beaver entered 77.4 

a'lg'ixL vn-g'a't the great man said 195.16 
(J) -s. 

gali-iafs Ta^ak' Ts'ak* went up the river 117.6 

hwUs dEp-he'she my uncles did so 157.9 

xdax's Txd'msEm TxSmsEm was hungry 21.2 

2. In sentences with transitive verb, connecting predicate and nomi- 

nal subject. 
{a) L. 

7iLk''*et llhk'L gudVsk^t then watched his nephews 9.5 
w&bh tn^Eme'lix* axt the beaver invited the porcupine 73.2 
l6-d*Ep-L6'6dEL dg'idemna!q an^&nt inside down put the chief - 

tainess her hand 183.8 

(J) -«. 

kSiL-yu'kdEts Ts^ak' Wop Ts'ak* carried a stone about 118.9 
7iLk'^et 6x's Ts'ak: Lgo-qalmt Ts'ak' struck a little fire 118.12 
i hwa8 Txa/msEm hvMp Txa'msEm found a house 43.3 
§->3 



< 



K>AS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 353 

J. In sentences with transitive verb, connecting predicate and nom- 
inal object. 

(a) 'L. 

dEm Id-ma' qdcEL ts^Vsgun I shall put thy louse in 43.10 
nLk'''et g'aJah fVsEm g'at then he saw a large man 95.10 
a'yriLe wffoL na'k'An (good you) invite your wifel 205.10 

(J) -s. 

HLk'^et aorgo'vdEts Ts^ak' they took Ts'ak* oflf 120.15 

4. In sentences with transitive verb, the object may sometimes 

precede the verb, and is then connected with the predicate 
by -L or -5. 

txarieHI^L qal't^Kp-U^alpL g'e'daocdet they asked all the towns 

87.3 
naxL g'a'at he saw bait 50. 15 

5. To express the possessive relation between nouns. 

(a) 'L. 

qa-qala'nL hvMpi serrCdfg'it the rear of the house of the chief 

137.8 
ane'sL gem the branch of a tree 137.9 
mag&'nL K'san the mouth of Skeena river 15.3 
qa-wVuL k'ebo' the teeth of the wolves 84.4 
q*dEldfflL Lg'ih ha/na'qg'i six were the children of the woman 
97.8 

(ft) -s. 

qal'ts^a'ps dsp nsgud'dt the town of their fathers 107.13 
ndzt'EU Ts^ak' the grrandmother of Ts'ak* 119.8 
xpSyi% LdySbola! the box of L6g6bola' 19.4 

6. Between definite and indefinite numerals and nouns, the connec- 
tive is 'L. 

k'^dlL 8Bm^6!g'U one chief 137.1 

k'^^elh sa one day 137.2 

k*^afguL hAn one salmon 169.8 

q^ai-fspxafL qaq even two ravens 155.4 

hagade'lLLg'U two children 159.5 

bcMode'lL nak*8t two wives 194.6 

vn-he'lL lax many trout 157.6 

txane'tk?^L q^aima'qsit many youths 141.10 

g^uL'^anVh ha-xdak^^sE^niEst all your arrows 144.10 

A few indefinite numerals may also take the attributive connec- 
tive -Em. 
wi'heUdBm q^aima'qdt many youths 144.3 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1— 10 2Z § 23 



354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibcll « 

7. Connecting the preposition a (see § 67) with the following- noun. 

(a) 'L. 

k^'^dtskH ah qal'ta^a'p they landed at the town 107.13 

le-hwVU ah lax'l&dp it is on the stone 109.4 

a'lg'ixL qal'tia'p ah dEm %Ew!d!g'it the people said he should be 

chief 163.10 {a'lg'ix to say; dEm future; sEm?afg'it chief) 
maLt ah nak'st he told his wife 165.11 

if') -«. 

a^lg*ixt as n^tg'i he said to him 157.1 

a'lg'ixt as Ts'ak' he said to Ts'ak- 120.6 

k''^et sg'it a^ TxafmsEm he laid it before Txa'msEm 48.10 

8. Connecting the conjunction qan with the following noun. 

(a) 'L, 

hVya elx qauL he'ya dzix fat of seal and fat of porpoise 161.1:? 
tax qauL seso'sehh hSin trout and little salmon 157.4 

{C) 'H. 

ne'Eu qans ne^E qans ts^e^Edze you and I and my grandmother 
157.10 

PBBDIOATIVE AND POSSESSIVE CONNECTIVES OF THE TBIM- 

SHIAN DIALECT (§§ 24-31) 

§ 24. General Characteristics of the Coxmeettves 

While the connectives -s and 4 seem to be regularly used in 
the Nass dialect, they are absent in Tsimshian in many cases, and a 
nmch more complicated series takes their place. We have to dis- 
tinguish between the connectives in indicative and subjunctive sen- 
tences; those belonging to the subject of the intransitive and 
object of the transitive verb; and those belonging to the subject of 
the transitive verb. Furthermore, those belonging to common nouns 
must be distinguished from those belonging to proper nouns; and 
in each form, indefinite location, presence, and absence, are treated 
ditferently. Some of these endings are very rare; others, the exist- 
ence of which may be expected by analogy, have so far not been 
found. The series of forms in which a proper name appears as 
subject of the transitive verb is, for instance, hardly found at all, 
because sentences of this form are almost invariably rendered by 
a periphrastic form: ''It was (John) who" ... It will be 
noticed in the following discussion that the prepositional and pos- 
sessive forms agree with the predicative forms. The peculiar 
agreement of the indicative connectives of the subject of the tran- 
§24 



»OAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



355 



! sitive verb and of the subjunctive connectives of the subject of the 
intransitive verb corresponds to a similar phenomenon that may be 

' obeerved in the pronominal forms. These will be discussed in 
§ § 49-60. The series of connectives may be represented as follows: 



1. Subject of intranaitiTe 
▼erb, and object of transi- 
tive verb 

2. Subject of transitiTe verb 

1. Subject of intransitive 
Terb. and object of transi- 
tive verb 

2. Subject of transitive verb 



A. 


Indicative. 


(a) 
Indefi- 
nite. 


Present. 


sent. 


-M 
-M 

I 


-dM 

'8ds{7) 

•dEt 


•g* 

-gMt 

'8 



B. Subjunctive. 



Indefi- 
nite. 



Present. 



'M 



•8 

-dEt 



Ab- 
sent. 



-miM 
-dM 



•dxa 
•dEt 



-tgM 
4gE 



-8 

-tgEt 



,L Common nouns 



II. Proper names. 



§ 25. Predicative Connectives 

In the present section I shall give examples of these various 
classes of connectives, such as occur between verbs and nouns. 

All. Intransitiv^e verbs, indicative, common nouns: 

(a) Indefinite connective -e c(s ' V- < ^-^^ ^: t" ^ « ^^ 

da ulcB'MHgE a'uta a ue- ^dtA^n^kHEt then the por- 
cupine stood at the edge of the water {da then; 
uks' toward water; hJ^tg to stand; a'ut porcupine; 
a at; ue- po^^sessive; dz6^ edge; aks water) 

hd'ltgE ba^ntgEga a'ksga^ his belly was full of water 
(holtg full; ban belly; gEga development of prepo- 
sition a [see § 28J; aJcs water) 

sEm-hd'^SE sts/d'lga^ the beaver was much afraid {sEm- 
very; bd^f* afraid; sts/dl beaver) 
{b) Present connective -dE 

na-stu'HdE Iguf^lgEni ylu'^tgaP the boy went along 
(na- past; ntuH to go in company; IguHg child; 
-Eia attributive connective [§ 22]; y!uH man) 

da al ts!ElEiii-ha'pdE n!a!^jilEt but then the killer- 
whales rushed in {da then; al but; tslElEm- into 
from the side; hap to rush [plural]; nIaPxl killer- 
whales) 
{c) Absent connective -gE 

da na-bdf^gE fflga^ then the white bear ran out of the 
woods {na- out of woods; bdP to run; 61 bear) 

dagik JcsE-nd'HgEgA Bts!d!lga^ then the beaver breathed 
again {gik again; Tcse- out; ndPlg breath; sU!dl 
beaver) 

§25 



) 



356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY t»cLL 4$ 

All. Transitive verbs, indicative, common nouns. It is difficult 

to find the connectives of transitive verbs before the 
object, because the order of words in the sentence 
requires ordinarily that the subject shall follow the 
predicate. The cases here given, except the first one, 
contain the pronominal subject of the third person. 

(a) Indefinite connective -e 

k!wa!tgE txE-Jia-xba' ^a IgvfHgut my child has lost 
his knife {kiwatg to lose; ue- possessive; ha-AJ^ 
knife; IgvPlg child; -h my) 
wa'idE hd'^sEt he has found the dog 
dsm dzaUcdEdA haPs he will kill the dog 
(J) Present connective -ds 

TIE la Tfia'ldEdE wula dza'hEdEs Ounaxn^Emg'a'd he 
had told what did GunaxnesEmg'ad {]ta past; 77ud to 
tell; wid verbal noun; dzah to do) 
(<?) Absent connective -gs 

wd'itgE Kal^BgaP he has found the dog 

dEm dza'JcdEtgA ha^ngaP. he will kill the dog 

A I 2. Transitive verbs, indicative, common nouns: 

(a) Indefinite connective -e 

wa!i hana'xgs ha'HgE the woman found the dog 
ogwi-hA'tsgE nE-tja'^dxc my lance stands outside ES 94.20 
{c) Absent connective -sgE 

gvfisgE huk^idl' EtisgEtgE o'lgaP the hunter hit the bear 

(gu to hit; huksuU'Eusg hunter; 61 bear) 
dEm dza'hlEsga g'iha'ugA hJal^sgaP the wolf will kill the 

dog {dzak to kill; -rf- [see § 17.10]; g'iha'u wolf; 

haPs dog) 
da d%-l!l'wa'UgE iin-rriES'&lgA qal-ts!a'pgaP the great 

bear found the town {dl on his part; Hi- on; wa to 

arrive, to find; lol- great; mEs- white; 61 bear; qal- 

empty; tslap tribe) 

A II 1. Intransitive verb, indicative, proper names: 

(a) Indefinite connective -Et 
ama %oq!U Term Tom is rich 
da hd'iit Sadzapanl'l then Sadzapanl'I said 
du'HiJcgEt Asdi'Wdlt Asdi-wd'l can not move ES 90.15 

(5) Present connective -dst 

l!l-q!an'daf}ddEt Astiwallga^ Astiwa'l has gone 
across (Z/^- on; q!an- over; da'nl to leave) 

ic) Absent connective -gEt 

hd'^gEt Dz&7iga^io\\n is running 
§25 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 357 

I A. II 2. Transitive verb, indicative, proper names: 

(c) Absent connective -8 

da ni*EdzEs AstiwaH wul hd'ltgE . . . then Astiwa'l 
saw that it was full {nl to see; hdltg full) 

H 1 1. Intransitive verbs, subjunctive, common nouns: 

(a) Indefinite connective -e 

adat nV vnd gatgC/it/EksA tlEpxadu'^lda y!v!Ha then 
they saw two men coming (o^/a then; t- he [subj.]; 
^ffit/Eks [plural gatgo'itlEks] to come; tlEiyxadu'H 
two persons; y!uH man) 
a vnd hdsafgA stsldl because the beaver desired (Aa^a'^ 
to desire; atsldl beaver) 

(J) Present connective fe/^ 

dzE ha'usdE sEiii^dfg'U a kid'i if the chief says to me 
((^^£ conditional; Aa'wtosay; 8Ein^6/g'itc\i\Qt\ a to; 
k!&'i me) 
cm dd'uhdE Ctn-gal^sdA na'ksEn he who took your 
wife has just left (asl just; da' id to leave; t he; hi- 
who; gaf* to take; naks wife; -eu thy) 

{c) Absent connective -ags 

ada wul txal-iaf^sgE hd'^sgEga^ then his fear increased 

(txal-id^^ to increase; hd^ag fear) 
vml Ixi-la'psgE a'ksga^ where the water is deep {hi- in; 

lap deep; aks water) 
nUnifgaii ha'usgE ^^^/dV^a** therefore the beaver said 

{nUnl! it is that; gan reason) 

B 1 1. Transitive verbs, subjunctive, common nouns: 
(a) Indefinite connective -e 

odandEjn 8a-l!l4!u'^SA nE-galdEm-a'ksgu I shall sud- 
denly push over on it my bucket {n I; dEm future 
8a- suddenly; Hi- on; t!ii?8 to push; tie- possessive; 
galdEm- receptacle; aks water; -v my) 
adac lu'xba-qlasg&dzE nE-ga-tslEltsIa'UgE hd'^xga^ 
then he cut (in) across the faces of the geese (t he; 
lu- in; xha- across; godz^ with plu. obj. qlas'gddz 
to cut; UE- possessive; ga- plural; UlaX^ distribu- 
tive plural tslEltsla'l face; JwPx goose) 
(^) Present connective -8dE 

. . . fm gd'^sdE na'ksEu he who took thy wife 
(c) Absent connective -sgE 

adat gs'rEdExsgE hand'^xga^ then he asked the woman 

(t he; gE'TEdEg to ask; hand'^g woman) 
dat wul su'^sgE inad'wulkga^ then he shook the rope 
{su to shake; triad' loulk rope) 

§25 



58 BUBEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY i^^ ^ 

B I 2. Transitive verb, subjunctive, common nouns: 

(a) Indefinite connective -e 

adat tslElEm-ks'^m^E xe'^gEt first foam came in {t it, 
subj.; tslElEiii' into, from the side; X-*- extreme; 
gdg first; xif*g foam) 
(5) Present connective -cIe 

adat ^"ap-yal^TcEdE txanlV ga-vnda-dza'hEt then all the 
hunters really pui'sued it {g^ap- really; yaPk to pur- 
sue; txujiIV 2A\\ ga- plural; wula'dza'bh.\xn\BT) 
{c) Absent connective -tgE 

ada wvlt ksE-haske'^tstgE sEm^d'g'itgE hanafnaattgc^ 
then the cliief sent out the women {ksE- out; luU 
plural obj.; hasfie'U to send; BEvP-dfg'U chief; 
hand'g [plural Ivand'nag] woman) 

adat ne'^dzEtgA stsId'U/E 7tVHgaP then the beaver saw 
him {rn^dz to see; st.^!dl beaver; nliH he) 

B II 1. Intransitive verb, subjunctive, proper names: 
{a) Indefinite connective -s 

la dEm baPs Dzon John was running 
ada %ouL st'EpgES Tom Tom was sick 

(b) Present connective -dEs 

wida dzabEdEH GmtaxriesEmg^a' d what Gunaxne- 
sEmg'a'd was doing 

(c) Absent connective -8 

hi'tsU'ETis GunaxnesEmg'a'tga** GunaxnesEnig'a'd 

came in 
adawul sEiri'bW^sGana^tnesEing'a'tga^ th^n Gunaxnt'- 

sEmg'a'd ran fast 

B 112. Transitive verb, subjunctiv^e, proper names: 
(5) PrCvSent connective -dEt 

ada wult gE'vEdaxdEt KsEm-q/asgd'^sga^ then Crane- 
Woman asked him (gsfrEd^tg to ask; ksEm- female: 
qlasgd'^s ci*ane) 
adat doxdEt GunaxnesEmg'oltgE ludEia viE-sV^nsga^ 
then GunaxnesEmg'a'd took the copper wedge 
{dox to take; lud wedge; -Etn attributive connect- 
ive; mEHl^iiH copper) 
{c) Absent connective -tgst 

adat gE'vEda^rtgEt uEgwSHgE MgE'rEm y!v!^datg(f 
then the father asked his sons {gE^rsdag to ask; 
riEginaPt father; HgEV children; -Ein attributive 
connective; y!vPd man) 
ada al v^alt tl'^li<xdEt Astkod'lga** then Astiwa'l 
counted it {llHsx to count) 

§25 



^^^al HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 359 

§ 26. Connectives between Subject and Object 

In sentences with transitive verb as predicate, the subject gener- 
ally follows the predicate and precedes the object. The connectives 
between subject and object are in all sentences, and for both common 
nouns and proper names, -e^ -dEj -gs^ which generally agree with 
the predicate connective. 

A I 2. Indicative, common nouns: ^^^ 

(a) (with -e) wall hana'gA hd'^SEt the woman found tb^ dog 
{c) (with -gE) dEiri dza'kdEsga g'iba'xigA ha'^sga? the wolf 
will kill the dog 

B I 2. Subjunctive, common nouns: 

(a) (with -e) ada wult gS^dEt GuncLxnesEmg'a'dE lia- 
kdv!^8tga then GunaxnesEmg'a'd took his knife 
ada dit wagait-lu-yd'^kEtgEt Asdi-wd'ldE tslEm- 
qdirmga^ then Asdi-wa'l also followed in the path 
\di on his part; -t he; wagait entirely; lu- in; 
yaPk to follow; ts/Em- in; ga'ina path) 
dE}nt ha^-gd'^dE la'insu niA'tl m}' son-in-law will go 
after mountain-goats (see § 29) 

(a) (with -ds) ada al sa-nV'^dzE uE-t^alhEm ya'tslEsgE- 
dE wul ksEgwa'ntgE%ci-gffep!a^ but then suddenly 
saw the animal tribe the great light rising 

(5) (with 'gA)ada lahid'^giit SEx-d^^dE IguwaUksEtgA ns- 
8E'mEg^d'x8tga^ then the princess began to gather 
her berries {hid'^gu to begin; %EX-dd'^ to gather, to 
hold fast; Igmod'lksEt princess; fiE- possessive; 8e- 
to make, to gather; mEg^d'xst berries) 
Al^i'Z {c) da dl lU'Wd't^gE wi-mES-t/lgE qal-tsla'pga^ then the 
"^^^^^^^ great white bear, on his part, found the town (dl- 

on his part; Hi- on; wd to find; tdi- great; mEs- 
white; 61 bear; gal- empty; U!ap tribe) 

(c) da 'ijoulat y/aaa-ks'du'HtgE hand'nwxgE sxi-jp ! a' BEVfi 
ylu'Hagas then the women accompanied the young 
man down (Tsimshian Texts, New Series, PiMica- 
iions of the jhnerican Ethnological Society^ Vol. 
Ill, 78.29; y!aga- down; hs- extreme; duH to 
accompany; -t he; harid'nax^ plural, women; su- 
newly; p!a^ to grow; -Em adjectival connective; 
y!uHa man) 

(c) adat wul krUna'mdEt Asdiwd'lgE go'kgE . . . then 
Asdiwa'l gave the basket . . . {ibid., 98.17; k'/i- 
na'm to give; -dEt connective B II 25/ gok basket) 

So far I have not been able to find examples in which proper 
names appear as objects. 

§26 



360 BtTRfiAtT 6t aMEBICaN EtHK0t66t l^^ ^ 

§ 27. Possessive Connectives 

The possessive connectives differ in indicative and subjunctive 
sentences, and it seems that the complete series must be as follows: 



A. Indicative . 

B. Subjunctive 



I. Common nouns. 

— — . — - , — II. Proper names. 

(a) Indefinite. (6) Present, (c) Absent. 



-M 



dK 

-8dE 



-gE 



I have not been able to get examples of the whole series. 

A I. {a) Indefinite connective -e 

n!ml' iiE-waUbE SErn'ffg'U this is the house of the chief 
(5) Present connective -ds 

nE-mElE-l!l'q!d'**lsxan nEga-ts!\iwd!ldE Jia'^sEt the fingers 
of the dog were six on each (paw) {ns- past; viEiE' each: 
l!i-on\ qfdltsix; -sxan long; 7i£- possessive; ga- plural: 
tslmm'l finger; ha's dog) 
(c) Absent connective -gE 

gu'gA dzO'^at gEngE qoL-islalpgE nE-wdJlptgaP who lived in 
the houses of the town (gu who; dz6q to camp; gEigi 
from a in [see § 28]; qal-tsla'h town; walb house) 

B I. (J) Present connective -sdE 

ada TIE wul ni^ uE-waUbsdE ylu'^ta then I saw the house of 
the man {he I; ni^ to see; walh house; y!u'H man) 
{c) Absent connective -sgE 

ada itnd gwa'fsgsgE nE-wd'lhsgE y!v!Ha then the house of 
the man was burnt 

B II. naPl dEJiit tn-na'ksgA Igu^^lgEs Qaxi'of who will marry Gauo's 
daughter? {naP who; dEm future; fKn- he who; naksg to 
marry; IgvPlg child) 
txa-nll' nE-ligi-wd'h uEgwd'^dEngaP all the wealth of thv 
father {txa-nlV all; nE- possessive; ligi-wa!l wealth; ixe- 
gwd'^d father; -n thy) 

§ 28. Prepositional Connectives 

The general preposition a, which has been described in the Nass 
dialect (§ 23.7), occurs apparently alone in Tsimshian; but it seenus 
more likely that the a without connective must be considered as a 
special form for ue (see § 29). With connectives we find both the 
indicative and subjunctive forms. 
§J27, 28 



>^s) 



HANDBOOK Of AMERtCAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



d61 





I. Common nouns. 


11. Proper names. 




(a) Indefl- ' (6) Pres*- 
nite. ent. 

1 


(c) Absent. 
a»ga 




(a) Indefi- 
nite. 

a» 


(\^,*- (O Absent. 


A. Indicative . . 

B. Subjunctive . 


1 

a da 

a asda 

' 1 


dE8 


gE8 



I Furthermore, several of these forms occur contracted with demon- 
strative d and g; as — 

dsda gEgA 

dEsda gEsga 

I A. (a) Indefinite a 

kla'd'm a txornll' gff^ it is better than all things {k!a 

exceedingly; dm good; txa-iiH' dX\\ ^(i^** something) 
da vks'hS^tgE a*vta a nE-dzd^aalksEt then the porcupine 
stood at the edge of the water (da then; uk9- toward 
water; hJ^tg to stand; a'uta porcupine; ue- possessive; 
dzq^ edge; oka water) 
(i) Present da 

lEp'lg^isgE'rEsgE stsl&'ldA lax-a'ksEt the beaver himself 
was happy in the water {Isp- self; Igusg^rsag happy; 
staldl beaver; /oa?- surface; aks water) 
(c) Absent ^ii 

hd'ltgE hA'ntgEgA a'ksgaP his belly was full of water {JMtg 
full; l>An belly; -t his; gEgA from gA; aks water) 

I 6. {a) Indefinite a 

la hax-a^oAgEt a nE-miyafn wl-sa' mEn^a^ he came up to the 
foot of the great spruce tree (i^past; hax- up; aAg 
arrive; ue- possessive; miyafn foot of tree; vn- great; 
sa'mEu spruce) 
(J) Present a>sda 

ada al lH-q/an-ddfidda^ a'sdE nE-U!uwa!n sgane'^atga^ but 
he has gone over the top of the mountain {al but; Ul- 
on; j/a/i- over; (^'t^i to leave; tji;- possessive; ts!uwa!n 
top; «^a7i^'***^ mountain) 
(c) Absent asga 

ada hafusgA a'uta asgA stsld'lga^ then said the porcupine 
to the beaver 

II. {a) Indefinite as 

ada ha'ut na'kst as ne!H then his wife said to him 
(ft) Present dEs 

da-ya't Astimd'l dss uEgwd'Hgti^ said Astiwa'l to his father 
{c) Absent gss 

da'wula ha'usgA a'uta gss n'l'Hga^ then the porcupine said 
to him 

§28 



362 BURKAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY t^LL 4> 

Examples of the forms dssdA and gEsga are the following: 

TIE n ksE^ranu dssdA dalvlda^ I went out (at) some time apo 
da wl-am-ha'usgA aluta gEsgA stsldflga^ then the porcupine 
shouted to the beaver 

The forms in dsdA and gsgA occur in the translations of the 

Gospels with great frequency; but I have not been able to find any 

examples except the one given before under A I (c). 

§ 29. Phonetic Modification of the Connectives 

1. All forms in e described in the preceding paragraphs have no 

ending after the vowels Z, m, n, and r. 

ada al agsr a'uta . . . then the porcupine lay . . . 
ddat h'Unafm nE-umndd'Hga^ then he gave him tobacco 
da wul wall nE-lvJdu because of what happened to my wedge 
ada dEmt qldfpE^an IsksSi'^at then it will obstruct the door- 
way {ql&pEgan to obstruct; Isksd'^ doorway) 
stu'^plEl wvl t!aP im'JcsETi your wife is in the rear of the 
house {stu'^plEl rear of house; t!aP to sit [singular]; nah 
wife; -En thy) 
a lat nl g&ep!at when he saw the light 

2. The endings beginning with s lose this sound after words witb 

terminal s; for instance, 

ada 8Em-ba!^8gA »ts!dflga^ then the l)eaver was much afraid 
{ba?8 afraid; ha'HgA instead of haf^s-sgA) 

§ 30. Connectives of the Conjunction and 

The conjunction and, when expressed by di or gan^ takes the 
connectives s and i!, as in the Nass dialect — the former before proper 
names, some terms of relationship, and pronouns designating per- 
sons; the latter before common nouns. 

nlj^TEn dis nlE'riu thou and I 
gwa^ dis gwl^ that one and this one 
Dzo7i dls Tom 
Dzon gans Tom 

On the other hand: 

gica^ dil gic'i^ that thing and this thing 

y!u!Ha dil hana'^g 1 , _ , 

i-fo4 ^71 -fo fthe man and the woman 
yiuHa gam kana^g] 

§ 31. The Connective A 

Besides its use with the conjunctions di and gan^ the connective -J 
is used in negative, conditional, and interrogative sentences, be- 
§§ 29-31 



John and Tom 



^o^s] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 363 

tween the inti"ansitive verb and its subject, and between the tran- 
sitive verb and its object. 

I awa'lgE dzoM wan the deer is not dead yet {awa'lgE not yet; 

rf!saAjdead; wan deer) 
I a'lgE dl lie'tgEl lodlb osgE gwa'sga^a^ there was no house there 

{algE not; dl on its part; hetg to stand; v)alb house; asgs 
at [see § 28]; gwafsga that; -ga^ [see § 20]) 
a'lgEt dza'gul wan he did not kill the deer (dzdg to kill) 
a'lgE ami dsmt wvla'id^ g*at it is not good that the people 
should know it (d/Ti good; dsfm future, nominal particle; 
wuld'i to know; g'od people) 

In interrogative sentences: 

du naPl dsm dEdu'^lsEdsl toiu'lpxadE wvl k'Upk'Ia'pl sa 
ai msla-k/E'rEldEl g'amk a txas-h!QI^lEtf who will live 
(with) forty days each month throughout the year? (du 
demonstrative; naP who; dEin future; dsdvIHa to live; 
txalpx lo\XT^\ wul being; k*lap ten round ones, Jc'!ipk'!a'p 
distributive; sa day; a at; msla- each; klvfrEl one round 
one; g'amk sun, moon; a at; ixas- along, throughout; k!&% 
year) 

§ 32. SuffloceM of Numerals 

In the Niass river dialect, only three classes of numerals have dis- 
tinctive suffixes. These are: 

' -dl human beings 
'k^s canoes 
y-aTon fathoms (derived from the stem on hand) 

In the Tsimshian dialect the corresponding suffixes occur also, and, 

besides, another one used to designate long objects. These are: 

' -dl human beings 
I 'sk canoes 
I 'eVo'u fathoms 
, '%xan long objects 

The numerals will be treated more fully in § 5Y. 

§ 33. Contraction. 

The Tsimshian dialects have a marked tendency to form compound 
words by contraction which is apparently based partly on weakening 
of vowels, partly on the omission of syllables. In some cases it can be 
shown that omitted syllables do not belong to the stem of the word 
that enters into composition; while in other cases this is doubtful. 
Since my material in the Tsimshian dialect is better, I will give the 
Tsimshian examples first. 

§§ 32, 38 



364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY i^^^ « 

Contraction by weakening of vowels: 

t! Em-la! 71 steersman; for tlaPtti g'i-lafn sitting stern {t!^ to sit; 

g'i-lo!n stern of canoe) 
riEgatshaf^s smart, frisky; for riEgwafHs haf^s father of dog 
stE^niOfji humpback salmon; for st&m hdn on one side salmon 
lEbe UlaPg' kidney -fat; for WhE talaf^g' fat of stone (i. e., of 

kidney) 
lEhE-o'n biceps; for 161 ^hE aribo'n arm-stone 
tsIwiE l!l'h(Ptg he stands on the end of it; for tslmoafn 

Here belongs also the particle Jcse- fluid; for aJcs water: 

ksE-gwa'nuks spring of water. 

Following are examples of contraction by omission of prefixes: 

tiEm-lafn steersman, for tla^m g'i-lSn 

tiEm-tsIdeg harpooneer, for tIaPm g'i-tsld'eg sitting bow 

nE'kslunl'^sk looking-glass, for nE'g'ilEks-lu-nV^sk where back- 
ward in one looks. It seems probable that g'il- is a separable 
part of g'ilEks' 

HEfm-g'Sni the one up river, for t!aPm g'ig'dfni^ is not used, 
but is understood; also ttETrh-havHi the one in the woods; for 
tlaPiYh g'ilhau'lL 

Contraction with omission of syllables that are not known as 
prefixes seems to occur in — 

sig'idEjnna'x chief tainess; for sig'ldE^n harta!^ chief woman 
ha-Hi-ta tm^hEu when sea- lions lie on; for ha-lH-dd t/V*hEn 

contains also a material change of the stem-fomu 
The name of the tribe itself is interpreted in a similar manner: 
tslEin-sia'n^ for tslEtn-krsia'n in the Skeena river. The latter 
word may possibly contain the element ks- fluid. 

In the Nass river dialect the same kinds of contraction occur, but 
examples are not numerous: 

anik'su'lo'galtk looking-glass; for an-gvlik's-lo'ld! galtk where 

back in one examines. 
sig'idEmna'q chief tainess; for slg'adEia hd'naq chief woman 
8Ern!&g'%t chief, seems to contain SEm- very; g'at person. 
MasEmt^e'tsky' (a name); for md'sEmst yo-n-ts^e'etsk^ growing 

up having a grandmother {ynds to grow; -m connective; -«^ [^]; 

yo—ky' to have; n-tie'Us grandmother) 
Xpl'ydek (a name); for xpi-hagxiW q partly sea-monster. 

In connection with this phenomenon may be mentioned the use of 

some elements as verbs and nouns in fragmentary form, — or without 

affixes, as particles. An instance is: 

I hasa'ga to desire; saga cIetr yaJ^gu I desire to go. 

§33 



^-^sl HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 365 

§34. Incorporation 

In expressions designating an habitual activity directed toward an 
bject, the verbal stem and its object form a compound word, which 
5 treated like a single verb, so that the object appears in an incorpo- 
ated form. Examples of this form are the following: 

Xsimshian: 

g&ltslExgan to be a stick-carrier {gd'lts/Eg to carry; ^an stick) 
gd'ltslExW^h to be a stone-carrier {IcPb stone) 
wali^aln to be a stick-carrier (wall to carry on back) 
g'Wt!rla to be out harpooning seals (g'^ to harpoon; F!rla seal) 
hu'a^an to split wood {bus to split) 
Walag to split fire- wood (Za^ fire) 
g'UsM*^anu I am a box-carver {g'Ug to carve; xhl^s box) 
SB-yU-wa'yinu 1 am a paddle-polisher {se- to make; yUg smooth; 
v)a'i paddle) 

Reduplication (§§ 36-38) 

§ 35. General Meniarks 

There are two types of reduplication in Tsimshian — one in which 
the beginning of the word, including the first consonant following 
the first vowel, is repeated; the other in which the initial sounds, 
including the first vowel, are repeated. The functions of these two 
methods of reduplication are quite distinct. The former is generally 
used to form plurals, and with a number of proclitic particles that 
imply more or less clearly the meaning of repetition or plurality. 
The second forms generally a progressive form, or, perhaps better, 
a present participle of the verb. 

§ 36. Initial Meduplieation, includinf/ the First ConsO' 

nant followlny the First Vowel 

This part of the word is repeated before the stem-syllable with 
weakened vowel. The accent of the word is not changed, and the 
reduplicated syllable remains separated from the word by a hiatus. 
This is particularly evident in words beginning with a vowel. 



Singular 


Plural 




dx' 


i^&X' 


to throw 


am 


Em^cHm 


good 


a'lg'tx 


rVa'lg'tx 


to speak 


lile'i 


afe'tk^s 


to name 



§§ 34-36 



366 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



Cbcll. ¥, 



This method of reduplication may be considered as duplication modi- 
fied by phonetic laws. Monosyllabic words terminating with a con- 
sonan tic cluster retain only the first sound of the cluster, thus avoiding 
a great accumulation of consonants in the middle of the word. The 
same causes probably affect polysyllabic words in such maDner that 
the whoie end of the word is dropped. This seems the more likely, 
as the repeated syllable has its vowel weakened. This process would 
easily reduce the terminal parts of polysyllabic words, when repeated, 
to consonantic clusters. 

The weakened vowels have a tendency to change to ^ or I. The 
great variability of the vowels makes it difficult to establish a general 
rule. 

(a) Monosyllabic words, beginning and terminating either with a 
vowel or with a single consonant: 



Singal&r 


Plural 




6x- 


ix-'&x' 


to throw 


6s 


EH'o 8 ' 


dog 


dm 


Erri^a/m 


good 


61 


aVo'l 


bear 


dax* 


dix'da'x' 


hill 


cTec 


d'icd'e'c 


to push 


Lap 


LEpLa'p 


deep 


hah 


hEhba'h 


to spread out 


hap 


hapha'p 


to shut 


gan 


ganga'n 


tree 


€aq 


faqCa'q 

(but also fEi^a'q) 


[lake 


dz6q 


dziqdzo'q 


to camp 


fe 


fEt'e' 


valley 


mlL 


TnxLrm'h 


to bum 


msL 


miLme'L 


to tell 


g^lc 


g'lcg^l'c 


wrong 


U'6p 


lEpla'op 


stone 


Uap 


tsEptsa'p 


to make 


ts'al 


ts'Uts'a'l 


face 


ts'e'ip 


t^Ept^VXp 


to tie 


qo8 


(fisqo's 


to jump 


dzdq 


dzEqdz&q 


to camp 


n-dza^Tn i 


n-dzEvidza' m 


kettle 


le vowel is apparently 


1 strengthened in 




no' 


rvbno' 


hole 



36 



AS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



367 



'Isimshian: 




* 


Singular 


Plural 




A 


a%f6'y 


to throw 




dm 


aDi'd'in 


good 


, hd^8 


hdshd'^s 


dog 


d& 


dada' 


to place 


dam 


dEinda'm 


to hold 




dal 


dUda'l 


to fight 




dvPp 


dEpdvf^p 


foot of mountain 




h6'n 


hanho'^n 


to fill 


Jm'' 


hEhu!^ 


to wait 




Ml 


imn 


to spread 




k'/ak 


k'!%kk'!a'k 


to choke 


ts.'el 


UIeUsH'I 


to slice fish 


P 

in til 


msltna'l 


to tell 


dz&H 


dzddzd'H 


to slide 


ts!ap 


ts!Epts!a!p 


tribe 




lA^h 


IspUH 


stone 




dd'u 


dudd'u 


ice 




lU'Sd'^x 


lu-sExad'^x 


red-hot 




qial 


qlat^ai' 


to bite 


(6) Monosyllabic words beginning with a 


vowel or a single con- 


3nant, and terminating 


with a cluster of consonants, reduplicate the 


eginning of the word, including the first consonant following the first 


owel : 




• 


singular 


Plural 




*i'€/?^ 


dpsnfipk^ 


sick 


Uilpk?^ 


tiipti'^pk^ 


hard 


«^>(:» 


U'Vsh' 


stench 


jric*^** 


gicgVck*^ 


lean 


qeck^ 


qasqe'ck^ 


narrow 


delpk^ 


df/de'lpk^ 


short 


U'da'ltk^ 


lo-dEldd'lpk'' 


to meet 


Lantk^ 


LEULa'ntk^ 


to move 


mitlf*' 


inxtviVtk'' 


full 


g'itk^ 


g'itg'Vtk'' 


to swell 


g'ahk^ 


g'iLg'a'hk^ 


to pierce 


hanx' 


hanha^nx' 


thin 


Lintx' 


hhiLVntx' 


to be angry 


g'epkc 


g'ipg'i'pko 


high 


Itqc 


afe'tqc 


to end 


et^s 


afe'tkH 


to name 


ma&xk' 


7nnxm(i6' xk' 


meek 




Vb-ya'ah" 


lo-yUya'Ttk'' 


to return 



§86 



368 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BCLL # 



Tsimshian: 






Singular 


Plural 




st^pk 


BEp^'^pk 


sick 


dlx 


aVdUx 


brave 


iculh 


{Mivaflb) 


bouse 


haPxk 


haxhaf^xk 


annoved 


hok^k 


hakh&ksk 


to be with 


g'lHk 


g-isgV^sk 


to go past 


yaltk 


yilya'ltk 


to return 


g'elks 


g'ilg'e'lks 


to feel 


doig 


a^a'xtg 


to attain 


qaPpk 


^apqd'^pk 


to scratch, to rake 


kwdPtk 


kuthwd'Hk 


to disappear 



(<?) Polysyllabic words, beginning with a vowel or a single conso- 
nant, reduplicate the beginning of the word, including the first con- 
sonant following the first vowel: 



Singular 


Plural 




mfEVsn 


dprnfE^En 


to love 


Tiad^a'xT^ 


Kadhxid^a'xl^ 


bad 


hwild'x' 


hvMhvMd'x' 


to know 


hd'sixk^ 


hEshd'sixk^ 


to separate 


hwd^lix' 


hvMhwd'lix' 


to carry on back 


d'cCik'sk* 


ad'Sd^ik'sk?' 


to come 


g'VdEx 


g'ldg'Vdsx 


to ask 


dsafx* 


as^asd'x' 


foot 


de!l%x 


dilde'lix 


tongue 


Id'laq 


lEllo'laq 


ghost 


{qan)md'la 


{qan)7nElmd'la 


button 


a'lg'Xd) 


aVa'lg'ix 


to speak 


ma'lgek'i<k^ 


mElma'lgik'sk^ 


heavy 


haxda'k^ 

• 


hix'haxda'k^ 


bow 


lu/mtsHx 


ham hd'misHx 


to kiss 


ha'xg'^at 


haxha'xg*'*at 


sweet-smelling 


Tsimshian: 






Singular 


Plural 




k' Hiid' in. 


k' link' find' m 


to give 


le!p!gan 


lEpWpl^an 


to shuffle about 


U^k'IuUk 


lEk'^la!k'!ultk 


to wrap up 


gui'^^gEltk 


g'lkg'a'^gEltk 


to roll 


pHHeyi 


plElpH'HEn 


to nudge 


klwd'^dcu 


klutklwal^das 


to miRB 


tsla'k'a 


tslEk'tsIa'k'a 


fire is out 


da'klcETi 


dEkda'HxEn 


to drown 


§36 







SOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



369 



Singular 

g'Ud'H 

da'msax 

p/a'lg'ixsk 

su-\ouW^7isk 
^d'itlEks 



Plaral 

g'Ug'ild'H 
dBmdd'nisax 
plElpIa'lg'ixsk 
vmlETmiWH 
8u-vrulw uli'^nsk 



to look after 

downcast 

heavy 

to rub 

hunter 

to come 



gatgo'itlEks 

(d) X number of euphonic changes occur in this type of reduplica- 
tion. They differ in character in the two dialects. In the Nass dialect, 
when the reduplicated syllable ends in k'^ g\ and k^ these are aspirated, 
and become x'; g and q are aspirated and become x; y becomes x'; ta 
becomes s; dz becomes z. 



(or) i% g'^ k following the first vowel are changed into x': 


Singtilar Plural 




fak' fiic'tWk' 


to forget 


Aak's hax'ha'k'8 


to abuse 


dk'8 ax'^d'k'8 


to drop 


i&'ok's ix'H&'ok's 


to wash 


dk'8 ex''d'k'8 


broad 


diik'L dic'da'k'L 


to tie 


sak'sk^ 8ix'8a'k'8k^ 


clean 


ze-g'a't Liir'ze-g'a't 


weak, sickly 


mok^ ?mx'md^k^ 


to catch fish 


g'uk8 g'ix'g'u'k8 


fish jumps 


hokck^ hax'lio'kck^ 


to be with others 


(J3) y following the first vowel changes to x' 


• 
• 


Singular Plural 




lu/ytx hix'hd'yix 


like 


(x) g and q following the first vowel change 


to x: 


Singular Plural 




magd'nsJif^ mixinagSnsk^ 


explanation 


galiqck^ gExgWiqck^ 


to sit 


8d*uq8k^ 8EX8d'iiq8k*^ 


to dive 


q^dqL q^Exq^WqL 


to drag 


aql^L ax'a'qk^L 


to succeed 


(d) t8 and 8 following the first vowel change to 8 and z: 


Singular Plural 




yat8 y%8^ia'ts 


to chop 


q^6t8 q^E8q*fft8 


to chop a tree 


hefits hUhgtis 


to send 


he't8umBX hasheft8umEX 


to command. 


Sd^ik8 a^Sd^ik8 


proud 



44877— Bwll. 40, pt 1—10 24 



§36 



370 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



{BTLL. M 



{€) Sometimes a x' is introduced at the end of the reduplicated 
syllable: 



BfnguUr 

dEda'lEq 


PlHial 

dix'dEda'lEq 


to talk to 


amo's 


ax'^amJb's 


comer 


fotsk^ 


fix'fb'Uik^ 


iron 


ytna't^tx 
an-dx/yEn 


yix'ind't^ix 
ax'^an-dd'yEfi 


whip 
garden 


an-sg'Vst 


ax''^an'Sg'ist 
six'sSahlf^ 


grave 
weak 


Ikaholaht 


hax'eLofalst 


to work 


ha-LEbi'sl^ 


hax'e'LEbVsli^ 


knife 


sanlai'dtk's 
efE8l(^ 


^'8a/nlai'dVc'8 

dX'^l'Esl^ 


sign 
debf 


ax-yd'ok'slc^ 


ax'ix'yd'dlrsk^ 


to trust 


t(fal'hwl*lEmLh?*' 


tq'id'hwiarhwl'lErnLlc^ servant 


ere may also belong- 






Slngular 
yb'hVlEX 


Plural 

hix'io'LmEX 


to advise 



It seems possible that these forms of reduplication should be con- 
sidered as belonging to the class to be discussed in § 37. 

The phonetic changes in the Tsimshian dialect do not agi-ee with 
those found in the Nass dialect. 

{a ft y) The aspiration of g\ k'y g, and k does not seem to occur; 
only jr and q are aspirated: 

singular Plural 

dzo^ dzExdz&g to camp 

ylaq y!txy!a'q to hang 

{<S) The changes from dz and ts to z and s are also not regular: 

Singular Plural 

godz gadz^o'dz to tear 

IuHh hashif^s to send 

ya'dz ytsya'dz to chop 

tlu'tsh UEstln'^fsk black 

(f) In many cases a l\ corresponding to Nass a?*, appears inserted: 

Singular Plural 

sa'Hk/Ensk sEksa^HklEiisk 

UH IeIUH 

IvPntl lEldu'^nti 

W lEldd'^ 

wdmxk vmkwd'mxk 






riEknl!^ 
iiEknV^t^ 



dismayed 
to shove 
angry 
fast 

to suffer 
to see 
to look 



§3<J 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



371 



Singular 


Plural 








IMk 


lEkldftk (better: 


Ie'W 


tk) 


to move 


stiHt 


stEkstu'Ht 






companion 


gaba'xa 


gakgaba'xs 






to splash 


ya!vlETnx 


ytJcyaf ulEmx 






to advise 


gaTd'd 


gakgaV6fd 






to let ^0 



(i) Some words insert a t after the first vowel. Since 2i d ov t 
occurs in some of these cases after the first vowel of the stem, the 
occurrence of the t may sometimes be due to an irregular treat- 
ment of the reduplication: 

Singular Plural 



gwantk 


gutgica^ntk 


to touch 


g^TEdax 


gEtgE'vEdax 


to ask 


wa? 


unitwa'^ 


to find 



§ 57. Initial Reduplication f including the First Vowel 

(a) In most cases the stem-vowel is weakened in the reduplicated 
syllable: 



a'lg'tx 


to speak 


aa'lg'tx 


one who is speaking 


g'ihafyuk to fly 


g'ig'iha!yvJc 


one who is flying 


amiiyafn 


I smoke 


i^ExmiyafeE 


I smoke walking 


ha'dtk'8 


to swim 


ihahafdik's 


swimming while cat- 
rying 


gsba'ksk^ to splash 


i^EgEha'ksk^ 


splashing while being 








carried 


Ufj>!Es 


to sew 


lle'jplES 


one who is sewing 


txSxk^ 


to eat [plural] 


ttxd'xk^ 


those eating 


g'ip 


to eat something 


ang'ig'i'ft 


one who is eating it 


ts^en 


to enter 


ald-U^Et^e!n 


one who enters pub- 
licly 


fax 


lake 


fEt'a'x 


lakes 


nidi 


canoe 


TrCinal 


canoes 


box 


to run 


hbax 


one who runs 


Here belongs also 






woq to sleep 


huwd'q 


one who sleeps 



Similar forms occur in the Tsimshian dialect: 

(^'^9'^ to speak aa'lg*tg the one who is speaking 

fi^tg to stand hAhe'tg the one standing 

t!af^ to sit tEtlaP the one sitting 

haP to run hsbaf^ the one running 

ll'^dEg to be silent llVEdsg silent 

inPp bone sssl'^p bones ^ 

g'ad person g'ig'a'd people 

§37 



372 



BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



(Btxi.41 



{h) In a number of cases the vowel of the reduplicated syllabie is 
long and the accent is thrown back upon it, while the vowel of the 
stem is weakened: 



Singular 

Isqs 
w6q 


Plural 
I'oHEqH 

wd'woq 

se^uik' 


to wash body 
to sleep 
to haul out 


Lok' 


L?Ltk' 


to bend 


t!6q 


t/atlEq 


to scratch 


Tsimshian: 






Singular 

laPxt 


Plural 

U'Ha 
laHofixt 


to swim (fish) 

to hold with teetli 


lak' 


mtk' 


to bend 


xoa^q 

t!dg 
s^n-xoS^q 


walvyuq 
HffdEg 
8^n'U>ffw6q 


to bury 
to step on 
to rebuke 



(<?) Words beginning in hw {w Tsimshian) have a form of redu^ 
cation which is evidently of the same origin as the forms here di^ 
cussed: 



hwd 


huwd' 


name 


hwtlp 


huwVlp 


house 


Tsimshian: 






Singular 


Plural 




wa 


huwW^ 


name 


wdlb 


huwWIh 


house 


wai 


huwa'i 


paddle 



{d) Words beginning with a consonantic cluster reduplicate in the 
Nass dialect by a repetition of the first consonant; at the same time 
initial x is transformed into q. In Tsimshian the consonantic cluster 
is treated like a syllable, and is repeated with insertion of a weak 
vowel: 



Singular 
ptd 

XLqd 

xlJco'Iiix 

xtsa'e 


Plural 
pptd 
qEXLqff 

qEXhkd'lux 
qExtsaJe 


door 
to pray 
to scold 
thick 


Tsimshian: 






Singular 

sqag 
tx&^ 


Plural 

SExsqa'g 


to refuse 
flat 


§37 







boas) 



HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



373 



Plural 




(dWsJi^ 


weak {a may be a prefix) 


acme's 


branch 


Plaral 




huda'g'oxsJe 


to climb 


hanalnag 


woman (for hanhalnagV) 


• 

uEkno'^nk 


long 


ndxii&^nx 


supernatural 


vyuL^waJl 


drop 



{e) A number of cases of irregular reduplication occur. Examples 
In the Nass dialect are — 

Singiilar 

alVsk?" 
one's 

Tsimshian: . 

singular 

lafg'a;xsk 

JuinSg 

nak 

naxno'x 

li(9wa'l 

§ 38. Reduplication of Words containing Proclitic 

Particles 

As a rule, compound words containing proclitic elements redupli- 
cate the stem only. 

Singular Plural 

lo-d'm lo'am^d'm to be good inside 

A few examples of compounds of the type which reduplicate the 
initial syllables have been given in $ 36, J, f . 

S 89. Modiflcation of Stem Vowel 

In a few cases modifications of length and accent of stem syllables 
occur. I am inclined to think that all of these have originated by 
secondary modification of reduplicated forms. The following cases 
have come under my observation. All of them belong to the Nass 
River dialect. 



Singular 



Plural 



ana's 


and'ss 


skin 


g'ind'm 


g'e'nam 


to give 


k'iba' 


k'lha' 


to wait 


gwnla' 


guUa' 


cloak 


halai't 


lui'lait 


ceremonial dance 


hxmaiq 


lialnaq 


woman 



Formation of Plural (§§ 40-47) 

§ 40. Methods of forming the Plural 

The plural is generally sharply set off from the singular, both in the 
noun and in the verb, and only a limited number of words have the 
same form in singular and plural. Including these words and those 
which apply different stems in singular and plural, the following 
methods of expressing the plural may be distinguished. 

§538-40 



374 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BTLL. 46 



(1) Singular and plural have the same form. 

(2) The plural is formed by reduplication. 

(3) The plural is formed by diaeresis or by lengthening of vowels. 

(4) The plural is formed by the prefix qa-, 

(5) The plural is formed by the prefix qa- and the suffix -(O^**- 

(6) The plural is formed by the prefix l- with variable'vowel. 

(7) The plural and singular are formed from the same stem, but in 
an irregular manner, or they are derived from different stems. 



5 4:1. First Group. Singular and Plural the »€inie 

In this group are combined the words, singular and plural of wnich 
have the same form. Here belong the names of all animals except 
DOG 68 and beak o/, trees, and many words that can not l)e classified. 



Parts of the body (see also § 43): 

qee hair 

opx forehead 

dz\iq nose 

%0(in tooth 

ie'mq beard 

Laqs finger-nail 

ban belly 

ptal rib 

md'dz'th's breast 

mtsx'Fd'x' down of bird 

Miscellaneous: 

SE day 
aA'^ night 
Jc^oL year 
lak^ fire 
al^'s water 
pElVtit star 
ia'riH hmf 
diiinHs axe 
hmrVl arrow 
hEla' haliotis 

ia'k' to thunder 
d^lEmxk^ to reply 
m'e'lEk^ to dance 
leniu" to sing 
g'a'a to see 
Jiam'q to want 

§41 



nisq upper lip 

pLndx body (plural also qa- 

j}Lnd'x) 
minds thumb 
Ldtsx tail of fish 
ndiq fin 
q^dx' feather 
la'e wing 
f Em-Id' mx' neck 
fEjn-gd'x' fathom 



dt net 

ts^ak' dish 

wd'os dish 

le'p^EHt marmot blanket 

cPd'ist bed-quilt 

yd'tsEsl^ animal 

wtc root 

hEla' haliotis-shell 

mi'uks sweet-smelling 

xLqao'rn payment 

Lrnd'Bm to help 
hdtkH to rush 
g'i'dEx to ask 
hak?" to feel 
li-ya'q to hang 
and'q to agree 



»^sl HANi:)BOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 375 

A number of stems with prefixes also retain the same form in sin- 
pilar and plural : 

gicis-ma'k'sJi^ white blanket hwU-dig'a't warrior 

gwis'halai't dancing-blanket Id-sand' hk^ to be surprised 

Idx-ama'Jc^s prairie SE-anuioffq to rebuke 

The same class occurs in Tsimshian. Here also all names of 
animals have the same forms in singular and plural except those 
of the dog (haPs) and the bear {dt). Names of parts of the body- 
appear also in the same form in singular and plural, although more 
often they have the prefix qa-. 

Examples are — 



n^tsEks fish-tail u to fish with line 

sa day tna'k'Hl to drop down 

latifx smoked split salmon- Ishe'ld to forbid 

tail p!eI() to break law 

viag&'sx berry dHks servant 
hatfa'x to desire 

} 42. Second iuul Third Groups. Plurals formed by RC' 

duplication and Vowel Change 

In these groups are comprised the words the plurals of which 
ire formed by reduplication or diaereses. By far the majority of 
vords belong to this class. 

The plurals of the second group, which are formed by redupli- 
^tion, may be subdivided into the following groups: 

(a) The plural is formed generally by reduplication of the begin- 
ling of the word, including the first consonant following the first 
rowel, which method has been fully described in § 36. 

Jif>) Only in exceptional cases is the plural formed by the redu- 
[)lication of the beginning of the word, including the first vowel. 
The following instances of this type of reduplication used for form- 
ing the plural have been observed. 



Sin^lar 


Plural 




g'tn 


g'tg-Vn 


to give food 


g'ik^ 


g'tg'Vk^ 


to buy 


ts'ak' 


is'Ets'a'k' 


dish 


fax 


fEfa'x, faxfa'x 


lake 


tiep 


ts'Ets'e'p 


bone 


g'dt 


g'ig-a't 


people 


mdl 


mhidl 


canoe 

$42 



376 BUREAU OF AMEBICAK ETHNOLOGY l^^ « 

Tsimshian: 

Singular Plural 

I S. ( 

laPld lElilf^ld to move 

A special form of this reduplication is found in words l>e^inning 
* with hw^ which take huw in the plural, probably orig^inatin^ from 
hwhw (see p. 372). 

Singular Plural 

Moa Jiuwa' name 

hvMp huwVlp house 

hwdt huwd't to sell 

htcU hmoVl to do 

hwd liuwo* to call 

hwdx' huwafx' to paddle 

Related to this are the two plurals described in § 37 ^ (p. 373). 

(c) The few cases in which the syllable reduplicated according to 
this method is long and has the accent, while the vowel of the stem 
is weakened, have been described in § 37 J (p. 372). 

(rf) In some cases the singular is formed from a certain stem by the 
second type of reduplication, while the plural is formed by the first 
type of reduplication. 

stem Singular Plural 

dels dsdl'ls dslde'ls alive 

get qEgeHk^ qEtge'tk*^ difficult 

The word mak'sk^^ plural v.Esmdk'sl^^ white, may be mentioned 
here, since its stem seems to be mas, 
Tsimshian: 

Singular Plural 

dsdu'^h dEldu'Hn alive 

In Tsimshian a number of cases occur in which irregular redupli 
cations are used, or phonetic increments of the stem. 

singular Plural 

xswdxs SBxswd'xs to dive 

ts/d tsId'tslExt to split 

q!dx qld^lx to pull 

txa-a'q txa-Wlq place near the door 

W Id'Htk fish swims 

laq IW^lq to bite 

$42 



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HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



377 



In the third group are combined a few words the plural of which 
Is formed by change of the vowel of the stem and by change of accent 
Examples of this kind have been given in § 39. 

§ 43. Faurth Group. Plurals formed by the Prefix qa* 

In words of this class the plural is formed by the prefix qa-. It 
includes many names of parts of the body; adjectives expressing states 
of the body, such as bund, deaf; words of location; and a miscel- 
laneous group of words. 



(a) Parts of the body: 






Singular 


Plural 




VEfin-qe^C 


qa-fEm-q'^e'c 


head 


t^EtYi'in u'^ 


qa-tiEin'inu'x 


ear 


ts^Em-a'q 


qa-ta^ Era-a! q 


mouth 


fEm-qd'x' 


qa-f Eiu-qa! X' 


arm 


fEWLd'm 


qa-fEm-Lffm 


leg below knee 


tmiwe'Ent 


qa-tsuwe^ Ent 


fingers 


avLo'n 


qa-an^ffn 


hand 


pLnax 


qa-pLnax and pLnaq. 


! body 


q'eLq 


qa-q^e'hq 


chest 


gdt 


qa-gd't 


heart 


tgamd'q 


qa-tgamafq 


lip 


q^e'sEE 


qorq^e'sEE 


knee 


Ldqat 


qa-Loqst and Loqst 


nail, claw 


smax' 


qa-srnax' 


meat 


Tsimshian: 








Singular 


Plural 






J^ 


ga-hMfn 


belly 




du'la 


ga-dvfla 


tongue 




is! Em tsloius 


qa-UlEVfi'tsIans 


armpit 




QdH 


ga-gd'^d 


heart 




an o n 


ga-an'ffn 


hand 


(J) Adjectives expressing states of the l>ody: 


Singular 


Plural 




k'iba'E 


qa-h'tha'E 


lame 


Bins 


qa-nVna 


blind 


i£aq 


qa-ts^d'q 


deaf 


mE'Waftsx 


• 
qa-inE'Wa' tsx 


J crazy (literally, like 
1 land-otter) 


xd'osk^ 


qa-xd'ds^ 


wise 


ax'^d'dt 


wx-qa-gd'dt 


j foolish (literally, with- 
) out mind) 








§48 



378 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bcll. 40 



Here may belong also: 



Singular 


Plural 




gwafE 
huX'io'rist 

• 


qa-gwafs 
hux-qa-id'n^t 


poor 
liberal 


ama hvnl 


ama qa-hioVl 


j rich (literally, well-to 
1 do) 


Tsimshian: 






1 Singular 

ama icafl 
sagau-sa'H 

• 

IgangE'r 


Plural 

ama qa-woH 

sagau-ga-adfH 

^a-lgusgifr 


rich 

good luck 
happy 


{c) liocations: 






Singular 

dax' 


Plural 

qa-da'x* 


outside 


lax'-J 


qa-lax*d' 
qa-std'ok's 


top 
side 


g'li'xi 


qa-g'ofu 


beach 


{(I) Undassitied words 


• 
• 




Singular 
SEnii/tkH 


Plural 

qa-SEmo'tks 


to believe 


no'd^Eti 


qa-no'cPEu 


to adorn 


yla-gu'Hg'itli^s 
I e' Inks 


yU-qa-gu'sgitk^a 
qa-le'luks 


to rejoice 
to steal 


giotr '-Hile'en sk^ 

WIS 


gwtx' qa-silefhisk^ 
qa-wl's and -i^^ 


hunter 
root 


qafit 
men 


qa-qafit 
qa-nie'n 


hat 

butt of tree 


Tsimshian: 






Singular 

y!u'^ 
gok 


Plural 

ga-y!uf^ 

ga-gd'k 

ga-hvf.^ 


berrying-basket 

basket 

to scatter 


xsd° 


ga-xsd'^ 


canoe 


la^ks 


ga-ld'^bi 


torch 


xa!7k 


• 

ga-xa!tk 
ga-nd'H 


to upset 
to fast 


knE-na'^lk 


ga-k^sE-tui'Hk 


to breathe 


md' niEga 
xstaP 


• 

ga-md' mEga 
aa-xstd'^ 


to smile 
to vanquish 



On the whole, this prefix co'nveys strongly the impression of being 
a distributive, not a plural; but in many cases its use seems to have 
become formal and fixed. It would seem that particularly terms for 
parts of the body that have no reduplicated plural may take the 

§43 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



379 



prefix qa-. The distributive character appears very clearly in one case 
where ga-tsla'p means the one town of each one, while the plural 
would be U!EfU!a!p^ and also in Ji^dpE-^a-tEpte'tJc?^ all small pieces 
(of salmon) 56.1 

§ -J^. Fifth Cr^raup. Plurals fortned hy the IPreftx qa^ 

and the Suffix '{t)k^ 

Plurals formed by the prefix qa- and the suffix -(0^* are confined 
to terms of relationship. The prefix is probably the same as that used 
in the preceding class, while the suffix seems to be related to the 
verbal and possessive suffix -k^. 



Singular 

Ufa 

nEgua'ot 

iiEhe'p 

wok' 

Here belongs also — 



me' En 



Tsimshian: 

Singular 

nEfn'^p 
mid' 71 



Plural 

qa-nialEtk^ 
qa-ntse' eUk^ 
qa-UEgvA' otk^ 
qa-nEbe'pk^ 
qa-wa'k'k^ 



qa-vie'sntk^ 



Plural 

ga-riEhl'^pg 
ga-rn Id'ntg 



grandfather 

grandmother 

father 

uncle 

younger brother 

master 



uncle 
master 



The following words have qa—k^ combined with reduplication, the 
reduplicated syllable being lengthened and the stem-vowel weakened: 



Singular 

nak'8 



Plural 

qa-rie! riik' sk^ 
7i6x qa-ndfriExk^ 

Without the prefix qa- are found — 

Singular 

wak* 
g'i'jnx'de 



wife 
mother 



Plural 

wak'k^ 
g'Vmx'deik 



younger brother 
elder brother 



Tsimshian: 



Singular 

naks 



Irregular is — 

Singular 

huxdo! ek''* En 



Plural 

nenksg 



Plural 

Lvxda! ek''^ Entk^ 



wife 



grandson 

Undoubtedly the terminal -tk^^ -^**, in these forms, is the same as 
the suffix discussed in § 17. $ 44 



380 



BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BOLX.. 4» 



§ 45. Sixth Group. Plurals farmed hy the Prefix U 

Plurals formed by the prefix l- are pre-eminently verbal plurals, as 
is illustrated by the following examples taken from the Tsimshian: 

Singular Nominal Ploral Verbal Plural 

ak'8 water, to drink ak^a'k's waters la-a'k's to drink 

wa'i paddle, to paddle huwa*i paddles lu-wa'i to paddle 

The vowel connected with this prefix is variable, and many irregu- 
larities are found in this class. 

(a) 





^Singular 


Plural 




ak*% 


la-a'k'a 


to drink 


ydxk^ 


U-yffxk'' 


to follow 


gokak^ 


lE-go'ksk^ 


to be awake 


cPdq 


lE'CTa/q 


to devour 


Tsimshian: 








Singular 


Plural 






'wa'i 


lu-wa'i 


to paddle 




^Orba'xsk 


gorle'hEXsk 


to shake one's self 




yET 


ll-yE'r 


to hide 


(J) Reduplication or 


lengthening of vowel is 


found with l-: 


Singular 


Plural 




xdax' 


lu'Xde'dix' 


hungry 


Qii>Etia!x 


la-aAe'ts'Ex 


to be afraid 


Here may be mentioned Tsimshian: 






Singular 


Plural 






kHl^ 


lu'ktV^d 


hungry 


(fi) Initial g\ k\ and 


q drop out after l-: 




Singular 


Plural 




g'&k's 


ldk'8 


a bird swims 


g'ibWyuk 


libWyyJc 


to fly 


qefnEX 


le^uEX 


(tree) falls 


Here belong also the reduplicated plurals: 




Singular 


Plural 




g'amk's 


lEmla^mk's 


to warm one's self 


g'aJmg'iL 


lEmla'rn^f'iL 


to warm sometbinj 


Tsimshian: 








Singular 


Plural 






gE'vEnka 


lunks 


to dry (meat) 




g'e^na 


le'^na 


to fall over 




g'c^ks 


Id^ks 


absent 




g'oPks 


Wks 


to float 




g'ig'dl^ka 


UdPks 


floating 




g't'^mg 


U'^mg 


to wipe 




g-amg 


laviks 


hot 




g'ipa'yvJc 


lipa'yvk 


to fly 


§ 


45 







HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



381 



(c?) Irregular, but i-elated to this class, are: 



Singular 


Plural 




yct^ 


U'Ux 


to hide 


yixyciq 


luivsly' 


to hang fv. n.] 


^daJ^ 


lidvx 


to shoot 


g'tn-heftJ^ 


linEdEYokf^st 


to arise 


J^staqs 


IvJcatsa'dEqs 


to leave 


Tsimshian: 






Singular 


PlORd 




gaJcsk 


U'dAksk 


to wake up 


g'a'ksEn 


U'dAksEn 


to awaken 


SES'd'^XS 


Iss-acHxs 


to laugh 


xst!6g 


laocstl&ega 


to sleep 



§ 4S. Seventh Crroup. 

This last group is quite irregular. 



Irregular Plurals 

The following plurals are formed 



from the same or related stems, but in an irregular manner: 





Singular 


Plural 




SEni*d'g'U 


8Bmg'ig'a't 


chief 


sig'idEmna'x 


sig 'idEmhd'nax 


chieftainess 


wuyVtk?^ 


siyaftk?^ 


to weep 


ayawa'tl^ 


alayuwa't 


to shout 


vnamhe' 


wud^ax aPamh^ 


to shout 


lO'Tnd'k'sa 


Id'Hfdik'sa 


to wash cloths 


wv-na'k^ 


mufuEk^ 


long 


wl-d^ff^ 


^Ezd^&^ 


stout 


^airmafa 


q^ai-ma'qAt 


youth 


anCarma'% 


am^Orma'q^t 


pretty 


Tsimshian: 








Singular 


Plural 






SEm!6!g'id 


SEmg'ig'a'd 


chief 




sig'idEmna' g 


sig'idemhdfnag 


chieftainess 




kJinVHk 


• 

nanVHk 


to arise 



Although the use of different stems for singular and plural belongs 
rather to the classification of nouns and verbs according to form of 
objects and actors, this feature is so prominent in the dialects of the 
Tsimshian that it deserves mention here. 



Singular 


Plural 




g-'dxk^ 


hjSut 


to escape 


ig 


l6 


to go 


iadxky^ 


txd'dxk?" 


to eat 


d^a 


wan 


to sit 


daaJ^ 


yUa 


to kill (plural = to 
chop) 



§46 



382 



BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BOLL. 49 



Sfngular 


Plural. 




hetk^ 


mak'sk^ 


to stand 


hvntl^ 


hak^ 


to come from 


go 


ddq 


to take 


sg'tt^ 


ddxk^ 


to lie 


k'sax 


k'd-Lff 


to go out 


maqt 


hwUqt 


to carry 


sqat£a'x 


alisg'l'da 


ugly 


dd'uL 


sak'sk^ 


to leave 


tfUiU^ 


txd'ldEt 


to put into fire 


iimxh^t 


centk^ 


to go aboard 


hax 


goi 


to run 


ma'qat 


fah 


to put 


g'cL 


Wl 


to lie down 


t^&n 


la'mdzix 


to enter 


nffd 


dax 


to die 


xa'E^ male slave 






wa!t!dk^^ female 


LLeng'U 


slaves 


slave 






g'at 


e'uxt 


man 


tsfosk' 


SEs^o's 


small 


Lgo- 


k^obs- 


small 


vn- 


wud^ax- 


large 


k's- 


dE- 


extreme 


Tsimshian: 






Singular 


Plural 




k'/e^ak 


huH 


to escape 


la^ 


W(llx8 


to go 


^do 


hah 


to go to a place 


idPxk 


txdPxk 


to eat 


t!aP 


wan 


to sit 


dzag 


yadz 


to kill 


hetg^ hatsg 


mmmk 


to stand 


wdHg 


amiaft 


to come from 


goP 


dog 


to take 


hayaf^ks 


maksk 


to put 


7}i6.rk 


sa9ntk 


to go aboard 


mc/g'an 


saPn 


to put aboard 


la^' 


g'ol 


to run 


vd9k 


IdHk 


to lie down 


tsH^n 


la'mdzEx 


to enter 


dzag 


dsr 


to die 


xa^ 


lUu'jig'U 


male slave 


IgvPlg 


IdgEv 


child 


61 


sa'mi (i. e., meat) 


bear 


§46 







boas] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



383 



Singular 


Plural 




ga'^wa 


txO* 


to take canoe down to 
the water 


ha'utk 


Mk 


to cry 


laxl<£x 


tgi-Ms'l 


to drop down 


p!as 


rnaxs 


to ^row 


su'p/a'a 


su-malxs 


youth 


hju- 


klahE- 


small 


Wl- 


wutla- 


large 


Tc%- 


ta- 


extreme 



§ 47, Plural H of CotnpoundH 

In by far the majorit}' of cases the plural of compounds is formed, 
in cases of reduplication, by leaving all prefixes unmodified, and by 
forming the reduplicated plural of the principal theme. 



Sinfoilar 

qal'Ura'p 
dax-g'a't 
aii'SebEnsk^ 

Tsimshian: 

Singular 

sa-dzagain'la-ya'Ug 



Plural 

qal'ts* Epts^ a' p 

ddx-g'ig'a't 

an-sEpHe^bEnsk^ 



town 

strong 

friend 



to return 



lu-am ^(i'^d 



suddenly 
across 
to be of [in] good heart 



Plural 

sa-dza^am-lu- 
ytlya'ltg 

There are, however, cases in which the whole word is reduplicated. 
Examples of these have been given in § 86, d (p. 370). The principal 
suffixes so treated are an- and ha-. 

The position of the prefix ^a- seems to depend upon the firmness of 
the compound. Generally it precedes the stem; as in 

Singular Plural 

gwix'-8ile'hisk^ g^olx'-qa-sUe'ensk^ hunter (Nass dialect) 

k! A'k!vl-^a-lgxisgE' vEdEt they are for a while here and there happy 
(Tsimshian dialect) 
On the other hand, we find in the Tsimshian dialect: 

Singular Plural 

tslEin-inu' ga-UlEm-mu' ear 



Personal Pronouns (§§ 48-54) 

§ 4S. Subjective and Objective Pronouns 

The personal pronouns have two distinctive forms, which, accord- 
ing to their probable original significance, may be designated as transi- 
tive and intransitive, or, better, subjective and objective. The former 

§§47,48 



384 



BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



Cbcu^«I 



express, at least partly, the subject of the transitive verb; the latter, 
its object, and at the same time the subject of the intransitive verb. 
Their use is, therefore, to a certain extent analogous to that of the 
subjective and objective pronouns in languages like the Siouaii^ 
Iroquois, Haida, Tlingit, and others. The use of the;>e forms b 
Tsimshian, however, is peculiarly irregular. The forms in the two 
dialects are — 



Subjective. 



ObjccUrc. 



FifBtpAson siiigular . 
Pint peiwm plural . . 
Second penon singular 
Second person plural . 
Third person .... 




§ 49. Use of the Subjective 

(a) The subjective pronouns are used most regularly in tiie sub- 
junctive mood, where they appear as prefixes of the verb. It will be 
sufficient to demonstrate their use in one dialect only, since the roleg 
are the same in both, and I choose the Tsimshian dialect for this pur- 
pose. 

SUBJUNCTIVE 



I . 

we 

thou 

ye. 

he. 



me. 



m — u 
m 9Efn — u 
t—u 



us. 



Wl — til 

m BEm — m 
t—m 



thee. 



TOU. 



him, them. 



n—n 
dEp — n 



H—€Em 

dtp — 8Em 



i—n 



*.~^Em 



dmp—t 



t 



Examples: 
ada wul itie woJyu then you (singular) found me 
a wul m sETTh walyu because ye (plural) found me 
ada wult wa!yu hol^sEt then the dog found me 
hjgfwV^n\ n dEin k!A-txal-wa!n wait until I shall for a while 

meet you (ha^m'^nl^ wait until; n I; dsm future; k/A- for a 

while; txal- against; wd to find; -n thee) 
a dEmt vlHxi that he will bake me 
ada ms dEin sEtn wid 7nan-8d'k'!ut then ye will pull it up {ada 

then; vie thou; dEtn future; SEm ye; loid being; man- up; 
sa'k'Iu to pull; -t it) 
aiotd dEp dl'SE'tad'H because we, on our part, give them names 

(a at; wul being; dEp we; dl- on our part; se- to make; im* 

name; -t it) 

§49 . . 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



385 



dEm-t ligi'la-nV^dzEtgaP he would see somewhere bad luck 
(dEm- future; ^ he; ligi- somewhere; la- bad luck; nV^dz to 
see; -t it; -ga^ absence [see § 20]) 

lot g'lk da'mkstga^ when he squeezed it again (fa when; t he; 
g^ik again; darnks to squeeze; -t it; -ga^ absence) 

(J) In the indicative, the subjective pronouns are used when the 
object of the verb is a first or second person. The objective pro- 
nouns are used to express the subject of the transitive verb, in the 
indicative, when the object is a third person. The verb takes the 
suffix -d or -n described in § 17. 






I 

; we .... 

thou . . . . 

ye 

■ he 



me. 



in— I 



nu 
du 



mssm 



'-\du 



inu 
~\du, 



INDICATIVE 




us. 


thee. 


— 


"-{3«. 


— 


-"^-{3. 


•n in Km 


— 


-*^H3£S 


— 


t fnBm 


*-{dEn 



you. 



"-{ 



nsMm 
8Eni 






'-{ 



n$Mm 
sEm 



Examples: 

m wd'yinu you (singular) found me 

m dEvi dzaHdn you will kill me {dzak to kill) 

t wolyinu ha'^sEt the dog found me 

n dza'kdsn 1 have killed thee 

n wa'^n you have found me ' 

WE ay\yyinE7R you (singular) have hit us 

dEp d'yin we hit thee 

(c) The subjective pronouns are used with transitive and intransi- 
tive forms that take the objective pronouns for the purpose of 

emphasis. 

m.E dEm dza^kdEnt gv!i \ , . , v -n i n ^.i,. 

, 7 ,7 7 ^ /. ryou (sinsfular) will kill this one 
or dEin azakdEnt gu i ) ° 

ms dsm setti dza!k»Emt gu'! \ 

u'i) 



or 



or 



or 



or 



WE dEm dza'kdEnt gv!i \ 

J T ,7 , /. i you (plural) will kill this one 
dEm dzaksEmt gv ^ » -^ ^^ ' 



t dza'kdstgE ha'^sgaP ) , , ,.„,,, , 
dzdUKtgE hafsga" \ ''^ ''*« ^'"«^ t^« ^""^ 

nan la yd'wuirgFfnu ) _ 

. , -, * f I was eating 

na la ya^mixgFrnu ) ^ 

nam la ya!vm.rgEn \ , , , . 

J -f f you (singular) were eating 

na la yavmxgEn ) J ^ ^ ^ » 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 25 § 49 



?6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY rwru. 46 

(d) The verb da-ya to say so takes these elemenU always: 

da-n-ya'^nu I say so 
da-dEp-ya'^nEta we say so 
da-m-ya'n you (singular) say so 
da-m-SEm-ya'^nsEm ye say so 
da-yat he says, they say 

Adverbs like g'ik again are placed here following the subjective 
pronoun, including jn-SErn, 

da-m-SEm g'ik ya'^nsEm ye say so again 

§ 50. Use of the Objective 

(a) The objective is used to express the subject of the intransitive 

verb. 

sV^pgEmc I am sick 

dEtn al tgi-ks-qd! ^anu but I shall (go) down first {^Em future; 

al but; tgi- down; hs- extreme; qdga first) 
ada dETTi Hi-o'lxSEn then you will drop on (it) {ada then; Hi- on; 

oks to drop) 
sa-ffkat suddenly he dropped 
da wul dzd'x8Emt when you camped (da at [see % 28]; wnl 

being; dzog to camp) 
mE'la hasa'gau tell that 1 wish 
tHfElEm-ks'txalafnu I am the last one behind 

(J) The objective is used to express the object of the transitive 
verb. Examples have been given in § 49, b, 

{c) The objective is used in the indicative of the transitive verb 
when the object is a third person or a noun. When the object is a 
third person pronoun, the objective -t is added to the objective pro- 
noun. 

6'yut 1 hit it 

o'ytnt 3^ou (singular) hit him 

6'ytmt we hit it 

7}E la dza'kdEmt gull we have killed this one 

dEm dza'kdut I will kill him 

6'yu haPs I hit the dog 

(d) The objective Is used in a periphrastic conjugation of the 
transitive verb, in which the objective pronoun is repeated in the 
form of the independent pronoun. 

nV^dzut nlE'vEn I see thee (literally: I see it, thee) 
dETYi dzalgdEn niBfryu you (singular) will kill me 

§50 



^As3 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 387 

{e) Theobjective pronouaisused toexpressthe possessive relation. 
mid' mi mv master 
nE'Wd'lbEn thy house 
nE'sT^plEnsgEt his friend 
ga-gd'^dEin our minds 

nE'icd! tiHEm what you have (wan for xodl^ I assimilated by pre- 
ceding n) 

§ SI. The First Person Singular^ ObJectUje Pronoun 

The first person singular of the objective form has a second form 
in -I, which occurs also in the possessive pronoun (see § 55). It is 
used in all cases in which the event is conceived as unreal. 

{a) In negative sentences. 

a'hjE dl Im-dza'gi I do not die from it 

a'lgE fuisa'gail dsifi dza'gsn I do not want thee to die 

{h) In sentences expressing potentiality, but with reference to the 
unrealitv of the event. 

ad(i a'lgEt ndH dEin fhi'lH-qlan'a'.dgl then there is no one who 
could get across me (a'lgE not; nd^ who; -^see §31 J; dsni 
future; -t he [trans, subj.]; tfi- nomen actoris (see p. 335); 
U'l-qlan- over; aAg to attain) 

SEingai haJ^nEnut dp dzE dza'gi I am much afraid lest I may die 
(sEtngal much; hd^s afraid; -n indicative; -a I; Oj) lest; dzE 
conditional; dzag to die) 

niE d'yig'tn you might hit me! (m thou; % to hit; -i me; -g'tn 
perhaps) 

ada dEint hlf^dzlgE nA',vd'igEHgE dEmt gun-a'kmjiga^; UH'<io'gE 
dEni g'a'hu^ dzEda la tsTi'^ni^ da . . . then mv master may 
send me, he may order me to get water; I shall take a large 
basket, when I come in, then . . . (h<Pdz to send; gE [see 
§ 24J; HA- possessive prefix [see § 55J; m^ slave; tiA-j'd' i -iwy 
master; gEsgE preposition [see § 28]; gu7i- to order, to cause; 
aksg to get water; -ga^ absence [§ 20]; wl- great; qdg basket; 
g'ab to dip up; dzsda if; tsfi°n to enter; da then) 

(c) In conditional clauses. 
ada dzE la lu-ya'ltgi then, if I return 

(d) The possessive suffix of the first person has the form -I in 
address. 

IgvfHgi my child! 

ndfi my mother! (said by girl) 

nEgwd'^dl my father! 

§51 



88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull 40 

(t) The possessive suffix of the first person has the form -l in sub- 
junctive and negative sentences, in which it designates potentiality of 
existence. 

ed'p/Exdi a n dzE ia txal-wd'adE Igu'Hglda^ I might remember 
when 1 met my child {eafp/Ex to remember; a at; n 1; dzs 
conditional; /d^ past; ^.^a^ against; ?/;a** to meet; {gii?f^ cbSM) 

a'lgE dl waflhi I have no house {a'lgs not; di on my part; walb 
house) 

§ 52. Remarks on the SubJecHve Pronoiuis 

{a) The prefixed personal pronouns n-, m-, and /- may be consid- 
ered true pronominal forms. The first person plural dnp is, how- 
ever, by origin, a plural of much wider application. It is used fre- 
(juently to express the plural of demonstrativ^e pronouns; for id- 
stance, dEj) gwa' i those. It seems, therefore, that its use as a first 
person plural may be secondary. 

(J) The second person plural contains the objective element -^ew*, 
which remains separable from the transitive second person m-. 
Particularly the temporal elements iiM^ dsra^ Zaare placed between 

m- and -i^Etn. 

ada )HE dEm sEm wida! i la gumfntgut then you will know that I 
have touched it {ada then; vie- 2d pers. subj.; dETti future: 
'HEiii 2d pers. plural; vjulaf! to know [singular obj.]; la past: 
gwantg to touch; -a I; -t it) 

(c) The third person is placed following the temporal particles, 
while all the other persons precede them, except the -sEm of the 
second person plural (see under b). 

First person singular: n dEm m mEofidgEt I shall shake the rope 

{)i I; d-Ein future; m to sw\nfr;r/iEd'idg rope) 
First person singular: n-dEm mi'lcsgEn I shall marr}' thee 
First person plural: dEp dEm axoid-ma! gan we will stand b>' you 

{dEp we; dEm future; awid- by the side of; ma^ to place: 

-n thee) 
Second person: ada mE dEm hsE-dE-haf^tga^ then you will run 

out with her {knE- out; dE- with; haP to run; 4 her; -gaP 

absence) 
Third person: add dEmt qla'pE^an lEksd! gat then he will close 

the doorway {qldlpEgan to close, fill up; lEksafg doorway) 
First person: a'lgE n la dl-Jc' linafm. dEl hanaf^g I have not 

given it to the woman {a'lgE not; n I; la past; dl on my part; 

k'Unafm to give; dEl [see §§ 28, 31]; handing woman) 

§52 



*^«J HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 389 

First person: ada 7ie wid ;n^ uE-waflpsgE ylvJHa then I saw 
the house of the man {flda then; ue I; unil being; mP to see; 
UE' possessive prefix [see § 55]; waih house; -sgE [see -§^^3; 
y!vPt man) k ^ 



Third person: ada wuLt d'yttgaoy 

adat wul dyttga^] 



and then he hit him 



{d) A comparison between the use of the (connectives [see § 24] 
a.iid the personal pronouns shows a strict correspondence between 
tHese forms. We have seen that in the indicative, in forms with 
the third person object, the subjective forms are not used, but that 
the objective forms are used instead. This corresponds to the 
p>eculiar identity of the objective forms of the subjunctive connec- 
tive (B 1, § 24) and of the indicative of the subjective connective of 
the transitive verb (A 2, § 24). It seems justifiable, therefore, to 
state that, in transitive sentences with nominal subject and object, 
the indicative takes the objective forms in the same way as in sen- 
tences of the same kind, in which pronominal subjects and objects 
only occur. 

§53. The Personal Prmioun in the NasH I>talect 

As stated before, the usage in the two dialects is very nearlj*^ the 
same, and a number of examples may be given here to illustrate the 
forms of the Nass dialect. 
Use of the subjective (see § 49, a): 

{a) Subjunctive forms. 

dm rriE dsm wo'ol qal-t^a' p good (if) you call the people 206.13 

(dm good; wo' 6 to call; qal-tH^a' p town) 
ha dm. niE na'k'sgucE good (if) you marry me 158.2 
dm dsp d^iisd^e'sL qa'd£a*^am, good (if) we strike our noses 103. S 

(d//i good; d'ls to strike; qn- plural; dia^ nose; -Em our) 
a;t gwa'llc^det for their drying them 169.7 {a preposition; t- 3"^ per. 

subj.; gwalJk^ to dry) 
nig'in hvMd'x't I did not know it {/ng'i not [takes the subjunctive]) 

(J)l I have not found, any examples of indicative and emphatic forms 

(c)J (see § 49, J, c), 

(d) The verb de-ya to say so (see § 4i>, d) has the following forms: 

ne-yaf^ne I say so 

dsp fuHdenom, we say so 

vie-ya'an you (singular) said so 171.5 

mssBm hefide you say so 

de-ya he says so 65.5 

§53 



390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Use of the objective: 

Most of the objective pronouns of the Nass dialect are identical 
with those of Tsimshian, The only exceptions are the first person 
singular, which in the Nass dialect is always -€£, and the third pen^oD 
plural, which is -det. 

Examples of the third person plural are the following: 

SEiJi'd'ha^tha' g'ask^detg'e they were much troubled 195.14 

alayuwd'tdet they made noise 173.14 

tqal-la' kulet ah dept loi-sgane'st they reached (against at) the foot 

of the mountain 126.6 
hvx he-yukt ox'det they began to throw again 139.15 
hvn'lpdet their house 102.3 

The objective pronoun is used in the same way as in the Tsimj^bian 
dialect. 

{a) Subject of the intransitive verb (see § 50, a), 

lu'g'ide liahxi'deE I am not a shaman 128.9 {nxg'i not; de on my 

part; halai't shaman) 
dsm le'tH,ran you will count 129.9 {dErn future; letsx to count) 
hagun-ie'et he went in the direction (toward it) 129.14 
dEw. de-ha'gam we, on our part, shall try 114.16 {hag to tr3- ) 
tiiEU'Lo' oriom we go up 42.8 
g'ilt) dze hxLX k\m!lsEm do not do so also 98.4 {g'iW do not; dzf 

conditional; liux also, again; hvM to do; -sEm ye) 
Ld HE/n-dEx-g'tg'a^tdet they had become very strong 98.13 {m past; 

SEm very; dEx- strong; g'at person; -det they) 

{b) Object of the transitive verb (see p. 389). 

(c) Subject of transitive verb, indicative with third person object. 
dEin lEp'hwa^yimL dEm no! Em we ourselves will find our bait 56.6 

(d) Periphrastic conjugation. 

dEm. naUcHkue ne'En I shall marry thee 203.9 

L(( liksg'a^fEUEn neE thou hast taken notice of me 158.1 

sal^sta' qsdet jie'En qims neE they have deserted thee and me 157.10 

dEm hwa'leE ne' En I shall carry thee 74.1 

{e) Possessive pronoun. 

an-q(da! ga'tE my playground 79.1 

tnld'he my people 192.2 

iiEgwa'odEn thy father 133.2 

Lgd'uLgnn thy child 205.5 

nak'st his wife 133.1 

La dEm g'e^ibErn what was to have been our food 122.9 

qa-tsEm-d^qf^Em your mouths 84.10 

qa'fs^Em-a'qdet their mouths 84.13 

§53 



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HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



391 



§ 64. Independent Persmial JPronoun 

The independent pei*sonal pronoun, which in its subjective form has 
tlso predicative character, is formed from the following stems: 
Nass dialect: Subjective ne-; objective Id-. 
Tsimshian dialect: Subjective n/sr-; objective k/A-. 





Nass dialect. 


Tsimshian dialect. 


1 


Nass dialect. 


Ti*imshian dialect. 


• • • 


* 


n!B'ria 


1 

me . . 


M'E 


a k.'d'i 


we . . 


nuEm 


n.'B'rEVk 


UB . . 


Id'ETtl 


a k!Am 


bou . . 


ne'En 


nfR'TBn 


thee . . 


Id'sn 


a kftvan 


,e . . . 


ni'sMm 


nHs'rRBsm 


, you . . 


Id'sEm 


a k.'wasxm 


le . . . 


nrt 




him . . 


UV6t 


\a ntot 


Lhey . . 


{nrdet 
{d£p ni'det 


nlot 


them . 


Id'ddMt 



Examples: 

ne^E fan mukt I am the one who caught it 44.8 

ne'En fan dEdo'qt thou ail the one who took it 157.4 

nhk'le Isp-ne'L xa'Eg'i then he himself the slave 40.8 

Jc'/ax-ne'sEm only ye 83.6 

txane'tl^BL dEin hwth t^Egwd'odsn 16! oe all that thy father will do 

tomel33.2(/a?aw^7X'**all; ^e?;/^ future; Ai^/Ztodo; -« connective; 

uEgwd'H father; -ii thy) 
dsm d^Ep-k's-qdq nee'at Idn I shall (go) down first to you 81.4 

{dsm future; d'^sp- down; Jc's- extreme; qdq first; neE 1; -st 

emphatic [see § 20]; IdEU to thee) 
lo-me'Hk^L g'at ld*dt inside it was full of people in it 120.3 {Jo- in; 

metk^ full; -l connective; g'at people) 
g&p de-ld'sEin go ahead, to 3^ou also! 83.10 
dEm naUcskue nlEn 1 shall marry thee 203.9 

In place of the oblique form, the subjective with the preposition as 
(containing the connective -a [see §23.7]) is also found, particularly 
for the third person. 

h^iM hwVls dEp'he'Ehe as ne'E7i qans ne'E thus did my uncles to thee 
and to me 157.9 {hvnl being; hcU to do; -s connective; dEp 
plural [see § 52, a]; heEp uncle; -e my; qan and; -s connective) 

a'l^'lxt . . . a* n^'^'2 she spoke to him 157.1 

Tsimshian: 

nlsriu dsmt tn-na^JcsgA Igu'HgEnt I am the one who will marry 
thy child {dsm future; t- he; in- nomen actor is; naJcsg to 
marry; IgvHg child; -eu thy) 

nlsfrsnt in-ffyit thou art the one who hit him 

§54 



S92 fiUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcix. 40 

y !agai-m'^dE8En g^ap-Jda-vn-naxTiff ^an da k!6!i however, he (L e., 
you) indeed, you are really more greatly supernatural than I 
iylagai' however; 7i¥*d he [here with the meaning you J; -sEn in- 
deed; ^'a/>- really; A:/fl- exceedingly, more; /r7- greatly; naxno^ 
supernatural; -n thou; da preposition [see § 28]; Jcfd'i me) 

lig^i-gd'^ dEtn hlund'yin da kid'iy dsiti h'lKna'mxi da hlwAn what- 
ever you will ask of me, (that) I shall give you (Ixgi- any [see 
§ 8, no. 20]; gd^ something; dEm. future; kluno* to request; -n 
thou; da preposition; k'UnSm to give; -u I) 

da-ya'gEt uEgioa'^t gEs iiV^t thus said his father to him 

§ 66. Possession 

In the Tsimshian dialect three forms of possession may be distin- 
guished, while the Nass dialect has only two. In the former dialect, 
separable possession is always introduced by the prefix w^-, which 
is absent in the Nass dialect. Both dialects distinguish p>os8ession of 
inanimate and of animate objects. 

1. Naas dialect: 

{a) All possession of inanimate objects is expressed by the suffix 
expressing the possessive pronoun (see § 53, ^), or, when the possessive 
is expressed by a noun, by the addition of the connective (see § 23). 

hwVlbeE my house hawVls Ldgohola' the arrow of Logobola' 20.3 
a'k'seE my water 18.7 ts^ele'mL ind'lg'e food of the canoe 107.6 

(J) All possession of animate objects is expressed by the same 
suffixes, but the noun is given the passive suffixes -i, -tk^ -« (discussed 
in § 17). Exceptions to this rule are terms of relationship in the sin- 
gular, which take simply the possessive suffixes, like nouns expre^ssing 
inanimate objects. The occurrence of the endings -k and -fk in the 
plurals of terms of relationship (see § 44) may be due to the treatment 
of these like other nouns designating animate objects. 

g'lho'tkH his wolf {g*!hd' wolf; -tk passive suffix; -t his) 
huxda!g'%ntkH his grandchildren 19.10 

2. Tsimshian dialect: 
(a) All inseparable possession, including nouns designating parts 

of the body, locations referring to self, and terms of relationship, 

are expressed by possessive suffixes, and, when the possessive is 

expressed by a noun, by the connectives (see § 27). 

{oL) Inseparable possession relating to parts of the body: 

})An belly Tja'tiu my belly 

ts!a^ nose isla'^En thy nose 

§56 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 393 

(/?) Inseparable possession relating to space relations: 

awa'^ proximity a^joa'H near him (his proximity) 

lax 6' the place over Idxo'yu the place over me 

tjcaJo!n the place behind txaldint the place behind him 

{y) Inseparable possession, expressing terms of relationship, in 
singular : 

riEgira'^d father riEgwaf^da my father 

lEmkdl' sister lEinkdl'yu my sister 



To this group l)elong also — 

mia'n master miaJnu my master 

nEia'^plEiiHij friend uEmf^plEnsgEii thy friend 

{b) Separable possession of inanimate objects is expressed b}'^ the 
prefix nE- and the ix)ssessive suffix (viz., the connective suffix). 

wcdh house nE-wd'lbu mv house 

laPh stone iiE-W^hu my stone 

(e) Separable possession of animate objects is expressed by the 
prefix nE'^ the passive suffix, and the possessive (viz., connective) 
sufiSx. 

e'vUi seal nE-E'rlagu my seal 

haPs dog uE-haf^agu my dog 

61 bear nE-o'ltgu my bear 

hdn salmon uE-hd'titgEn thy salmon 

8kE herring nE-skE'tgu my herring 

ap bee riE-a'pHu my bee 

mEll'^k steelhead salmon nE-mElU^ksu my steelhead 

salmon 
U!ap tribe n-tsla'pna people of my vil- 

lage (but n-tHla'hn my vil- 
lage) 
walh house nE-wdUpsu people of my house 

(but rtE-wd'lhu my house) 

§ 66. Demonstrative Pronouns 

I have not succeeded in analyzing satisfactorily the forms of the 
demonstrative pronoun. It has been stated before (§ 20) that presence 
and absence are expressed by the suffixes -nt {-() and -^^•^(Tsimshian -t 
and -ga). Besides these, we find independent demonstrative pronouns 
and peculiar demonstrative suffixes. In the Nass dialect there are two 
independent demonstratives: gTm this, gos that. 

§56 



394 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {ani. 40 

g&n: 

lEp-nefE qane-hwlla gon I am always doing this myself 52.3 (Irp- 

self; neE I; qane-hwtla always) 
nhJc'^e UjouL na-gd'otlH then she resolved this 7.5 
gE-g'tpg'a'psL htril daxdo'nt gon high piles these 42.10 
igoiil het: this he said 99.12 

gos: 

8Em-Uk's-g'a' (lEtn (ja-gd't dsp gostg'e very different were the mind.s 
of those 114.12 (heiu- very; lik's- separate; -g'at person; -etii 
attributive connective; qa- plural; ^d^mind; dEjh plural [§ 52,fl]) 

SEiu-go' iisk^L qe'nEx ds go'stg'e really he reached a trail there 126.7 
{sEin- very; gux to hit; -sk^ intransitive [17.2]; qe'nEx IthiI) 

inenL ts'EULt'h* go'ntg'e that was the master of the squirrels 212.5 
{mm master; -l possessive connective; t^^Eniik' squirrel) 

wl-sEm- k' Id-ama Dud tgo'Htg'^ that was a large exceedingly good 
canoe 107.5 (?^- large; «£m-very; ^' /a- exceedingly; a//i, good; 
-a connective [§ 22 J; indl canoe) 

In Tsimshian the demonstratives seem to l)e more numerous. 
There are two independent forms: gm this, gwa^ that. 

ywl : 

dd^ dit gunH they are here 

adat plld'rEdEt W(U'aya!°q dEp gm'H then Waxaya'**q told them 

Ign-H^a-iwJk da gun' a little after this {sga- across; nuk long) 

ywa9: 

ninll' ksdEnt&'H gal'tsl npUla^hE gwa^ those are the nine towns 

{nliiH' this; k^sdEmd\s nine; gal-ts/a'p town) 
(r'ifkmts/d'^nfk maP irdP gira^ this slave's name was G. 
kla-Hi^o'kHEm gvmP we will stop here for a while 
iuhft and'xdE dEp gtra'^ then these agreed 

Derived from gwa^ is gtra'f<ga'^^ which always refers to absent 
objects: 

ada at sgEr Ign-dza'guin a' uta gEsga gwa^nga^ but then the little 
dead porcupine lay there {ada then; al but; Ign- little; dzag 
dead; a' ut(( {)orcupine; gEi<ga at [see § 28j) 
a'lgE Ke'^tgEl wd'lhEHgE gioa'ngaga^ no house stood there 

It would seem that gvni^ refers to locations near by, since it is 
never used with the ending -ga; while gwa'sga designates the dis- 
tance, and is always used with the corresponding connectives. 

Derived from gwa is also gwai^ which seems to point to the part 
of the sentence that follows immediately; while gwa9 is almost 
always in terminal position. 
§56 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 395 

ninll' wUinaflb gwai na-tgi-dolvl those were the bouses that had 

come down 
nEgioaf^dE IgudfmlgE gwalit Ha!ts!Ena'sEt the father of the boy 

was that Ha'tslEna^sEt 

Possibly these two demonstratives are related to giLy which appears 
often with the function of a relative pronoun, but seems to be a 
demonstrative of another class. These appear to be made up of 
the demonstratives d and g^ which have been treated in § 20, and the 
two vowels '1 and -u. I have not succeeded, however, in gaining a 
clear understanding of these formS; I have found the series 

-u -du -gu 

of which I shall give examples: 

-I; 

ttvl^HEni this one hit thee 

nln!l/ bla/htE gwaP SE-waftEini ye'Hdd^ this is the star that we 

call y^l 
k^du'^nEifCh those around us 

gal'Ula'hE tlV^hEnl la gu gwaP this is the town of the sea-lions 
ada he'lds vm'ldi a gwaP much did this one here 
rol-sgane^^atE Jve'HgEdi a st!u!^p!Elt a large mountain stands 

here behind the house 

TiE-hd'^da haruif^g this woman has been running 
nE-ha'^du axoain the one near thee has been running 

nm!V gal-U!Epts!a'hE da gwa^ those are the towns 

du miH dsm dEdn'^lsEdd . . . who will live then? ZE 792*'** 

gd'^ da gan laf^ntin you were angry for something of the kind. 

gu na-di-g'ig'l'nExgA nE-ga-nialHgEin those were the ones 
prayed to by our grandfathers 

da! -yog A HsmWg'itga^ gugE g'a'mgEirh dzUusdEga^ thus said the 
chief, that sun 

tnE^rint in-k' lUl" Una' m yaUslE^gE da h!wan^ gu laJ^wula 
wutwa'yxn I am the one who gave you the animals that you 
always found (t he; nE'ria I; in nomen actoris; k: Una'm to 
give; yrtr7.y/£;vf/ animals; da\x>\ kiwan you [dativej; Id'mula 
always; vm to find) 

Among the demonstratives may also be enumerated the element n-, 
which, in the Nass dialect, forms the common conjunction n-k'''e^ and 

§56 



396 



BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BITLL. 4* 



which also may be contained in the stem 7i€- (Tsimshian n/Er-) of 
the independent pronouns. In Tsimshian it is found in the verr 
frequent demonstrativ^e ninU' that one. 

Numerals (§§ 67, 68) 
§ 57. Catdiiuil NiunherH 

The Tsimshian diale(»ts use various sets of numemls for various 
classes of objects. In Tsimshian one of these classes is used for simple 
counting. The others designate flat, round, long objects; human be- 
ings; canoes; measures. In the Nass dialect round and long* objects 
are counted by the same set of numerals. 

These sets of numerals in the two dialects are as follows: 







I. Abstract count. 




II. Flat objects. 




III. Round objects. 




Noss. 


Tsimshian. 


Na>«. 


Tsimshian. Nass. 




Tsimshian. 


1 


k-'ak« 


k!ft"k 


- I 


—• I 


k'e'El 


klE'rEl 


2 


t'Kpxa't 


tlEpxa'd 


-I 


=- I 




k-'e'lbEl 




gU'oplEl 


3 


gola'nt 


gwant 


- I 


- I 




gulfti 




k!ulf' 


A 


txAlpx 


tx&lpx 


- I 


» I 




.- I 




- I 


5 


k«8tt'iic 


k»«stons 


- I 


= I 




-I 




- I 


6 


q'&'Elt 


qlftolt 


- I 


- I 




-I 




— I 


7 


t'Epxft'Elt 


tlEpxftMt 


- I 


1 




= I 




^ • 


H 


qand&'Elt 


qlandd'olt 


yuxdA'EU 


yukda'lt 




-II 




- ir 


9 


k«stEin&'e - 


kstEmA's 


^I 


=- I 




-I 




— I 


10 


k'ap 


kiap 


= I 


1^ 1 




XpO'El 




kpH 


11 


k-'ap dl k"'aku 


k'!ap di jfaok 


- I 


■SLS. \ 




xpC'Bl di k' 


•O'Kl 




12 


k'apdi t'Epxjl't 


k'ap di tlEpxii'd 


- 1 


t.-s J 




x'pe'El di k* 


»0'lbEl 




20 


k'e'lbEl will k-'ap 


k'edo'«l 


k!iyc'tk« 






= I 






30 


giila will k*'ap 




- I 




- 1 

VI. 

NaM. 
qama'Et 








IV. Long objerUs. 


V. Hu 

Nass. 
ky'&l 


man beings. 


Canoes 






Na8s. 


Tsimshian. 
qia'wut.sxan 




Tsimshian. 


— 


Tsimshian. 


1 -III 


1 

1 k!Al 


q!amA'ot 


2 ™III 


qa'opsxan 


ba^adO'l 


1 tlEpxado'i 


^1b&'Eltku8 




^albft'oltk 


3 j -III pa'Us^an 


jrul&'n 


j gulA'n 


gula'altkus 




^alt3^'ntk 


i\ -III ' txA'opsxnn 


txalpxd&'l 


txalpxdAM 


txalpxku.H 




tx&lpxsk 


6 ' =111 1 ktu'onsxan 


kusiKns&'l 


kstRnsA'I 


k"st^n8k«s 




kstfi'onsk 


0, =.111 


qiA'ltsxan 


q'&dElda'l 


«l!aldA'l 


qlAEltkus 




q!41tk 


i 

7, =.111 


tlEpxA'ltsxan 


tiEpxadEdA'l 


' t!Bpxa1dA'l 


tiEpxA'Eltkus 




t!EpxA'Uk 


8 1 =111 


yukbioLsxa'n 


yuxdaEld&'l 


yuklcadA'I 


yuxdA'Eltkus 




yukd&'ltk 


9 


1 

-III 


kslEDQ&'tsxan 


kustEmasA'l 


jkstEnsA'J 
iJkstEmas&'l 


kustEm&'skus 




kstRmA'sk 


10 


»III 


kp<''otaxan 


xp&l 




kp&l 


k'apkus 




k-'apsk 


11 


-III 




xp&l di k'Al 






k'apk"»a di i 
ma'Et 


^a- 




12 


-III 




x*pAldiba^a(^ 


l«^'l 




k'apkttsdi^lba'- 

Eltkus 




20 


-III 




-I 




k*cdA'»I 


k-'iye'tk«8 






30 


«III 




-I 




gulA'lEgitk 









§57 



B0^83 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



397 





VII. 


Measures. 


VIII. Bundles of 
ten skinH. 




Nass. 


Tsimshian. 


NasR. 


1 


(k'ilgft'x)-III 


klErd'n 


gusk-'ewa' 


2 


(k'lbE)^'x)-III 


gu'oplEl'd'n 


gllpwa' 


3 


grulalad'n 


k!ul'd'n 




4 


txAlpxal6'n 


txalpxl'd'n 




o 


k«>8t£ii8Eld'n 


kstdnsEl'd^n, kstBn*d^n 




6 


q'&EldEl6'n 


qlAldBl'd'n 




7 


t'Epx&EldEld'n 


tlEpx&oldEl'd'n 




8 


yufdialdEld'n 


yukd&oidEl'd'n, yukdEldEl'd'n 




9 


ku8tKinAsEl6'n 


kstEm&ssrd'n 




LO 


x'pao'ndg 


kpErd'n 





This system will appear clearer when the numerals are arranged 
according to their, stems. 



One: 



Two: 



Nass 

k'lesl 
qavid(Et) 

fEpxd\t) 
k-re'lhsl 



Tsimshlan 

k-Ia'^k 

klE'VEl 

qlamciy which may be the stem 
also for qia'wutsxan 

tlEpjcWi'^d) 

gu'^plEl 

qa^p,^ which seems to be the 

stem for gaWd'Htk 

hagad(el) 

Three: gol{a!nt) gul- in gvmnt^ galQIn 

k!vle' It seems doubtful if 

this is diflferent from the 
preceding one 

gait 

tmlpx 

k^HtdruH 

ql&H 

tiEpxa the same as two 

q!an 

yiik 

kstEm&'s (containing mds 
thumb?) 

k'!ap 

kplH probably related to the 
preceding one 

It will be seen that a multiplicity of stems belong to the first three 
numerals, eight, ten, and probably twenty. Not all these distinct 
stems are entirely independent, but evidently in part modifications of 

§57 



Four: 
Five: 


txalpx 
k^stena 


Six: 


qldEl 


Seven: 
Eight: 


fEpxa 
qaii 


Nine: 


yux 
k^stEjnffc 


Ten: 


k'^ap 
x'pH 



398 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAl? ETHNOLOGY [kxl 40 

the same remote root. It would seem that the numerals one, two, 
three, ten, for the class of round objects, had a suffix -/, which his 
brought about modifications of the stems to which it has been at- 
tached. It seems plausible, therefore, that k'laPk and k/s^rEl^ gitant 
and k/ide^ k'/ap and kjnHy are derived each pair from one root. 

In some of the other classes the suffixes are obvious, although their 
meaning is not always clear. The suffix -sxan^ in the class for lon^ 
objects in Tsimshian, may well be a contraction of the numeral with 
8gan stick. The class designating human beings contains the endings 
'dl^ 'dM^ which in the numeral three {gulden) has been changed to 
-dn by dissimilation. The class expressing measures contains the 
element -on hand. 

In the numerals the process of contraction may be observed with 
great clearness. Examples are the weakened forms kstEnsd'l five pek 
SONS, and that for nine persons, which is probably derived from the 
same stem, kstEmasd'L Here belong also the forms yuldeadd'l^ which 
stands for yukdeldd'l; k!EV&n^ for k!E'rEV6n; k'^Ugd'x\ for k'^eEl gai' 

ONE FATHOM. 

§ 58. Ordinal NumherHf Numeral Adverbs^ and XX^ftrith 

utive Nunihers 

Ordinal numbers are not found, except the words ks-qd'^x and ks-dz6'jt 
THE FIRST, and ania! the next, which are not, strictly speaking, nu- 
merals. 

Numeral adverbs agree in form with the numerals used for counting 
round objects. 

nhk'^lt lo'MfjskH La gulafalt then she washed him in it three times 
197.11 {'t she; Id- in; laqsk^ to wash; -t him) 

Tsimshian: 

txaflpxa haha'kluxt four times it clapped together 



Distributive numbers are formed with the prefix mELa- (Tsimshian 
vieIe')^ which has been recorded in § 10, no. 87. Besides this, redu- 
plicated forms are found. 

Tsimshian: 

txaflpxadE wul h !ipk*!a'pl sa ai 7nEla-k/E^rEldEl g'amk forty days 
to each month ZE 792.21 (sa day; g'amk month) 

§68 



^»OAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 399 

Syntactic Use of the Verb (§§ 69-66) 

§ S9* Use of Subjunctive aftey* Tetnporal Particles 

The method of forming the modes has been discussed before, but it 
iremains to add some remarks on their use. By far the most common 
"form is the subjunctive. All historical prose, every sentence that does 
not express the speaker's own immediate experience, is expressed in 
this mode. For this reason almost all introductory conjunctions are 
followed by the subjunctive mode. Possibly this mode can best be 
compared with our participles in so far as it often has a somewhat 
nominal character. This is true particularly of the verb when intro- 
duced by the temporal particles JnoU^ ha^ xa, dEm (Tsimshian: v^ul^ la^ 
laP^ dEm), The following examples illustrate their use: 

1 . htvtl seems to indicate primarily an action or state, then the place 
where an action takes place. It occurs commonly after verbs 

like TO KNOW, TO HEAR, TO SEE, TO FEEL, TO COME, TO GO, and 

other verbs of motion, to find, to tell, and after many adjec- 
tives when treated as verbs. After the preposition a (see § 67) 
it generally expresses causal relations. 

After hmlafx' to know: 

hvMafyit hmla'nuksEtn elxt he knew the condition of being cooked 

of his seal 183.13 {a'naJcs done; -Em attributive connective; elx 

seal) 
(it hivilafx'L h^ml hacTa'xk'^L hvnfltg'e he knew the being bad his 

doing 37.6 {haiTa'xl'' bad; hiail to do) 
(Compare with this mg'it hmla^x's Ts^ak' he^tg'e Ts'ak* did not 

know what he said 127.7) 

After hdq to feel: 

haqh hi(M sqa-cTdL da'sgxim llx 183.10 she felt the piece of seal 

being across {sga- across; (Va to sit; dmk^ slice; elx seal) 
nhk'^l Lot hagh dEm hvM all'skH then he felt himself getting weak 

After naxna' to hear: 

naamdL hvnl af1<f'%xL qag she heard that the raven spoke 151.11 
t ndxna'h hwil hahWt t^an Tnok^L ia'nn he heard that some one was 

speaking who caught leaves 15.11 {het to say; uiok^ to catch 

with net; ia'ns leaves) 

(Ck)mpare with this t uoxtw/l KIl wl-d'e'sEt he heard what the old 

man said 22. 6) 

§59 



400 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY l«^»^ « 

After g'a!a TO see: 

t g'dlaL hwU goksL mEle't he saw a salmon jumping 52.15 

t g'a'aL hvM a'lg^alh g'at vn-x'pWot he saw a man examining the 

large jaw 52.6 
t g'a'aL LiLVng'ithwU La d'cTik'sl^L iLd'e the slaves saw the blood 

having come out 133.15 

After d'd^tk'sk^ to come: 
d'cPtk'sJ^L hwU mEsSx' it came to be daylight 160.7 
d'cPtk'sk^^L hwU ^'oltk^det it came that they cried 104.11 
WcTik'sl^L hiM <fandd*uL lax-ha' the sky came to be clear 7S.r2 

After ia/e to go: 

hagun-ialeL g'at aL hwil UiElEm-n&dt the man went to the hole 
being there 201.11 

After qa!d to go to: 

nLk''^et qd-OL kwil cTdt she went to where he was sitting 209.10 
k''^et qdfoL hwU sg'it he goes to where he lies 218.4 

After hfwa to find: 

ntg'it hwat hioil g'dk'SL qe'ttg'e he did not find his string of fish 
lying in the water 117.8 (ntg'i not; g'dk's to be in water; qet^ 
string of fish) 

After truiL to tell: 

t via'Ldet hwtl wVtk^detg'e they told him where they got it from 
42.8 {loUk"^ to come from) 

t nidLS G'tx'satsd'ntt'L hirtl le-ho'ksk^L LgouLk^L g'a'tg*e 90.15 
G'ix'sats'a'ntx* told where the child of the man was on {le- on: 
fwksk^ to be with something; Lgo'uLk^ child; g'at man) 

After adjectives used as verbs, and after numerals: 

nak^L hwtl id't long he went 146.11 (long was his going) 
Tiak^L hvul Loodet long they walked 126.6 
wl-f'e'sL hwtl g'VtkHg'e he swelled up much 90.12 
wi-fe'sL hwtl ayawd'tkH he cried much 123.4 
hux k'^'elL hwtl hioVh TxiifrnHEm T. did one thing more 44.13 
q^ayim-de'lpkHaL himl nmidJoL lax-ha' he was quite near to where 
the hole in the sky was 

Tsimshian: 

adat tiEUqdiHi loul wa'UEga sqd'Hgst he thought about it that the 

darkncvss continued ZE 781r.3 {tlEl-qdl^tl to think; wa'tsEg to 

continue; nqdHg darkness) 
adat nla^tyn'u!^ wul la g'ik ha'ts/Ek^Eni go'itlEkst then he heard biffl 

come again {n laxnv!^ to hear; g'tk again; halts! sksEin once more; 

g&it!Ek^ to come) 
adat n!axnv!^dEt Waxayd'^k wul rol-sdJldzEgE tsIa-ioWlhEt then 

Waxaya'**k heard the people in the house groan much {wl- 

greatly; adZdz to groan; tala- inside; wdlb house) 

§59 



«>A«1 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 401 

' ada sa-nV^dzE ya'tslEsgEdE wul JcsE-giod'^ntgE vn-g&ep!a then the 
animals saw the great light rising ZE 785.6 {sa- suddenly; rviPdz 
to see, discover; ya'tslssg animal; ksE- out; gwc^ntg to touch; 
ksE-gwa!^ntg to rise; wl- great; g&ep!a light) 

adat ma'lEsgE wiil-a ha'uagE n-tsla'ptgcfi then he told what his tribe 
said ZE 786.8 {mal to tell; ha'u to say; U!ap tribe) 

adat jUiaJrEt UE-Ulajpt gssga vnda dza'ksgA wai'k'tga^ they told 
the tribe about their brother being dead (pliSr to tell; ta/ap 
tribe; dzak dead; waih' brother) 

at k'H'Hsxan loul ksE-gwW^ntgE g'a'mgEt and he showed the moon 
that rose ZE 791.17 (k'lV^tsxan to show; g'amg sun, moon) 

dm dEp dEVfi id'^ka wuLa ha'u a'lita good we follow what porcu- 
pine says ZE 792.22 {dm gooA\ dEp we; dEm future; id'^k to fol- 
low; Aa't/tosay; a't^to porcupine) 

The use of wvl is not quite so regular in Tsimshian as in the 
Nass dialect. We find, for instance, 

t nldxnu'^ ha'vs Waomyd'^k he heard what Waxaya'**k said 
ada g'ik klE^rsldE wvl hJbltga^ and one more being full 

On the other hand, vml is used very commonly with the intro- 
ductory conjunctions ada^ da. In fact, in most prose the greater 
number of sentences begin with this combination: 

ada wul k* lefpxa-lEmd'HgEt then every one was saved 

ada wvlat yd'vlEmxs Waxayd'^kgaP then he gave advice to W. 

ada vnd ts!¥nt then he entered 

The two forms wvl and wvla are apparently used without much 
discrimination. Both are generally admissible, and I have not 
succeeded so far in discovering any difference in their meaning. 

2. La expresses a past state (Tsimshian: la), 

SBra-gwa'eh hwVlt ah gwasL guis-halai'tg'i he was very poor on 

having lost his dancing-blanket 38.14 {sEm- very; gwdi poor; 

gioas to lose; guia- blanket; halai't ceremonial dance) 
k'ai-Lo'ddet ah La LOXLolxl^det they went out having finished 

eating 40.9 
t g'a'aL wuna'x' La ax-g'e^bEtg'i he saw the food which he had not 

eaten 41.4 (wund'x' food; ax- not; g'ep to eat something) 
a'lg'ixs LdgSbold' aL Lat hioUd'x'L hvM d£aLt L6gdbola' spoke 

when he knew that he had lost 20.10 {a'lg'ix to speak; hvMd'x* 

to know; d£aL to lose) 
halfAxl^det aL La xsdat they divided upon his having won 21.1 
La hvsp yu'ksa^ nLk'''e . . . when it was evening again 141.4 
za Lt'sl^t U'ia'tsL axt k'o'ukH aL lax-am.'Wk^^ after the porcupine 

had struck the fire with its tail 77.7 

44877— BuU. 40, pt 1—10 ^26 § 59 



402 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibcll 4« 

TBimshian: 
adat sEm-hi'SanaflgEtga a lot nl'^ dvdafu lEplo'^p then he was 

much surprised at it when he saw the ice (on the) stones {ntm- 

very; lu- in; sanoUg surprised; nlP to see; da!u ice; l&^p stone) 
lu'd'm gdf^ts nd!H gsngs lat nl'^stgaP his mother was glad when she 

saw him (Zw- in; am good; ^dPd mind; noP mother; nV^ to see) 
ninlV gan-haldEmg^&lt gEsgs lag'ik ganlaf^k therefore they aro-* 

when it was morning again(/j/w/t' that it is; ^a7^- reason; A^iMeiu- 

up; ^'oi to run [plural] ; gssgEAt; ^'iA: again; ganld'**k jnormng] 
adat g'e'lkuA lat wuC am-9uxoa' ndE ba^^sgsf then he felt when the 

wind had driven him ashore {g'elks to feel; xcuTam- landward; 

suwa'n to blow; baPsg wind) 
la g'tk hlE'rElds la tgi-io!^ sat when again one day went down 

(klEfrel one; tgi- down; ia!^ to go; sa day) 
dzsda' la xgwa^tksEJi if you feel cold 
dzE la girafnksEn you may have been cooked 
ada la qa^odlngE ha'utga^ when he had finished speaking 
ada lat sa-ga^lEmgA u'nksEgst when they had taken off the ashes 

3. IM while (Tsimshian: IW*). 

rdk'^lt ma'hdltg'e ha tnetk^L gal-td'a'p then they told him that the 

town was full 183.14 
La HEm-lyag'ait-d^a'h Loqs^ nik'^e . . . when really' in the middle 

was the sun, then . . . 103.16 
ntg'l hux hwUt La qd'odet they did not do it again when thev 

finished 179.10 

Tsimshian: 

' n!'inl!t wxd wulaf i IdH wula sV^plEndE na'kstga^ that was how she 
I knew that her husband continued to love her {wida'i to know: 
sV^pfsn to love; naks husband) 
ada Id'^ xcula heHgE wul-qd'^sgEdst then continued to stand the 

wise ones ZE 792.20 (hlHg to stand; vml-qd'^sg wise) 
ada sagait-and' gasgEtgA a laP dEtn yyula ia'^ g'a'mgsm dzVnsdEi 
then they agreed together that the sun should continue to go 
ZE 791.18 (^^jrazV- together; and'gasgtx) agree; ia'^togo; ^'om^ 
moon, sun; dzVun daylight) 

4. dEifi future (Tsimshian: dEtn). 

xpEtnla'xL Ug'^e'E)tsk^g'^ aL dEtn de-hmlt the grizzly was afraid 

to do it also 56.14 (jpEts^a'x afraid; lig^'^e^Ensk^ grizzly bear) 
heL qd'odEL xa'EL dEin fuks-tfe^sES Ts!ak' the slave thought be 

would push out Ts'ak* 135.4 {he to say; q&dd heart; xoJe slave: 

€uks' out of; ties to push) 
nlg'i dEm hux a'd'^ik'sgueg'^ I may not come again 165.14 
dzaL am-hd'ts'' dEm g*e'iptg'e the stump ate all he was going to eat 

55.12 
dEtn A:*'e inEii'ie'En you shall go up 91.2 

§59 



JM*AS} HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 403 

Tsimshian: 

€uia dEm klvl'man-gd'sEti then you will jump up and about ZE 
j 790.15 {kltA- about; man- up; gds to jump) 
J gwaH dEm ha' an this will you say ZE 790.15 
I darriE dEm Jcse-Io'^ I sT^hEt then shove out the bone I {ms thou 
[sub].}; ksE' out; l&* to shove; fnf^b bone) 
laa'lE dEmt lEgu'^lardEt she told she would bi^rn it 

§ GO. Use of (Subjunctive in the Negative 

The negative conjunction m^*^* (Tsimshian: ai!^j?), and that used in 
interrogative-negative sentences 7ie (Tsimshian: (rf), are followed by 
the subjunctive or by the connective -l 

niff'tt mAfETiL dEm sqa-idt Idt 107.1 it did not let go what went 
across the way of it {m£fEn to let go; sqa- across; id to go\ Idt 
to it) 

nil^'et nU/'it da-a'qhk^det they do not reach it 139.2 

ntgtn dEm de-go'ut I will not take it 

ri^L ad^a'dik'sd^daf are they not coming? 

ne mESEm hwa'da? didn't you find it? 106.7 

Tsimshian: 

In the Tsimshian dialect the negative is generally used with the 
connective -Z, as described, in § 31; the first person singular fol- 
lowing the negative is -I. (See § 51.) 

a'lgE ndEm k/tnd'mt al hana^g I shall not give it to the woman 

a'lgE di tld'^xlgEtga^ it is not difficult 

a vml a'lgs dl t wulaHl dEm dax-ya/^gvl ani'^stgaP because he did 

not know how to hold on to the branch {widd'i to know; da^- 

yaf^g to hold; am! ^8 branch) 
a'lgE di ham* gal I do not wish (to do so) 
a'lgEt nlsa^d'^tgEtgA stsId'lgaP the beaver did not mind it 

{nisagd'^tg to mind; sts/dl beaver) 

Negative-interrogative sentences: 

al si'^pgEdi giigA hanal^xgaP? is not this woman sick ? 
oi THE wulafidut in-wulal gun? don't you know who has done this 
to you ? 

§ 61. The J^bjunctive after Conjunctions 

nhk'^et g'olah hwil leba'yukh qe'wun 103.5 then he .saw the gulls 
fly {g'a'a to see; leba'yuk to fly [plural]; qe'wun gull) 

k''^et gd*uL wdha'st then he takes a string 217.4 

ivdaLk'^et ld-d*Ep't^Ekld'aL8aant then he breaks it down in it 217.8 
(Id- in; d^Ep- down; t'' eMo! aisaan to break) 

tse n dEm 8uwa'nt I may cure her 123.7 

dot huMd'gxU when he has done this to him 217.6 

§§60,61 



404 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY t bcu- 40 

Tsimshian: 

adat gtlrEdaxtgaP then he asked her 

ada rriE dEm ssm widafi la gwa/ntgut then ye will know that I 
have touched 

§ 62. Use of the Indicative 

On account of the tendency of the Tsimshian langua^ to express 
all narrative in the subjunctive mood, indicative forms are quite rare, 
and occur almost only in statements of self -experienced facts. It i* 
remarkable that the particle na^ which expresses the completed past, 
and which occurs in the Tsimshian dialect only, is always followed bv 
the indicative. 

I nan k! id-sag^ ap-ia/^nu 1 have only walked about without purpose 
Examples of the use of the indicative are the following: 

dsm iafneE ah awa'an I shall go (to) near you 196.12 

dEvi qalafqndm we will play 75.6 

niLn^L id'deE I roast that 121.9 

lEp-g'e'hEdoH dze'sdze hgo-lEp-tq^ al-vie! nt grandmother ate her 
own little vulva 121.12 {tEp- she herself; g'eh to eat something: 
dze^sdz grandmother ; Lgo- little ; tq'al' against ; men vulva) 

Tsimshian: 

gwa^gE ns waflhE sEvnb&g'ii the chief's house is burnt 

aina wallt Tom Tom is rich 

dEin g'ldi-ga/^du ,raP I shall catch the slave 

waPnt ya'^gut my grandfather invites thee 

§ 6Vi. The Negative 

{a) The negative declarative is expressed by the adverb nt'g'i (Tsim- 
shian a'lgE)^ which evidently contains the stem ne (Tsimshian al) and 
the suffix indicating absence. The stem without this suffix is used in 
the negative interrogative (see § 60). The negative adverbs are 
always followed by the subjunctive. 

ntg'tt hwtlafx'L hinU daluLh Htelt he did not know where his com- 
panion had gone 15.2 {hwtlafx* to know; dduL to leave; stelcom- 
panion) 

nig'! fesfe^st they were not large 113.9 (See also p. 403.) 

{b) The negative interrogative is expressed by tie (Tsimshian: ai). 

nlL OATafdik'sdEdaf are they not coming? 

ncL sg'ih niE dEm ha-mE7i-8a' g'idaf have you anything to pull it 

up with? {ag'i to lie; ms thou; ha- means of; viEn- up; sag' to 

pull) 

§§ 62, 08 



boas) handbook of AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 405 

Tsimshian: 

al nE'haf^dif has he not been running? 

afl mE'Wulafidut in-wvlaf gunf don't you know who did this to you ? 

(c) The word no is expressed by nl (Tsimshian: a'yin). The form 
a'y^ is also sometimes used in interrogative sentences. 

''716," de'yaL g'a'tg't *'no," said the man 87.11 

Tsimshian: 

^^ A!yinl nE-gan-waf IsEmi^ rvaPtf'^'^ — ''J.'yi7i." Did you not get 
what you went for, my dear?" — *' No." (a'yin not; tie- posses- 
sive; gan- reason; xcfol to do; -aEm ye; naPt my dear! [masc.]) 

(d) hawaflg (Tsimshian) signifies not ybt. 

a fiawa'lga g&^ dEdu'^hEt when not yet anything was alive ZE 
782.1 

{e) In subordinate clauses the negation is expresaiBd by cur- (Tsim- 
shian wa-). These prefixes have been described \^j § 11, no. 137, 
p. 328. This prefix must be considered to have a nominal character, 
so that the whole sentence appears as a verbal noun. 

(/) g'Uo' don't ! (Tsimsjjjan g'ild!). 

« 

g'Uo dzE s&dsEm^ ana! don't take the rest out 181.9 {dzs weakens 

the imperative) 
g'U& rriE dzE SEm ma!LEt don't tell about it I 181.11 

Tsimshian : 

g'Ud' haf^sEut don't be afraid I 
g'UA' mE dzE ^dfH don't go there I 

§ 64. The Interrogative 

In the Nass dialect the interrogative seems to be formed regularly 
by the suffix -a, which is attached to the indicative pronominal endings 
(see § 48). In Tsimshian the most frequent ending is -^, but -u also 
occui's. It does not seem unlikely that these endings may be identical 
with the demonstrative endings 4 and -u, which were discussed m 
§ 56. After interrogative pronouns these endings are not used. 

1. Interrogative suffix -a : 

neeL t%!en% K''*aL-hd'tgutn'(/e'HEmq ah ts!Em-h^(Albaff did not 

Labret-on-One-Side enter the house? 191.12 {ts/en to enter; 

k'^aL- on one side; hdtg^ to stand; g/e'8E?nq labret; tslEm- 

interior; hwUp house; -a interrogative) 
rieth wv-tH'sda? is it great? 
ne mE ssm hwalda? didn't you find it? 106.7 

§64 



406 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY Iw^". 40 

Tsimshian -l : 

wa^ nV^dzsnlf do you see? 

rriE dEdvf^lsEnif are vou alive? 

a wu la dzoM waJni? is the deer dead yet? 

gH iriE ntdxno'^di gu xstdmqtf don't you hear a noise? 

al di ^a^usEnl? have you no hair? 

Tsimshian -w; 

aV^pgut? is he sick ? 

(d mE wula!idut tn-vmlaf gun? dost thou not know who did this 

to thee? 
cd mE la' vmla hahshdHdutf (fidst thou not always keep it! 

2. No interrogative suffix is used after interrogative pronouns. 

ago' what (Tsimshian: gdP): 

agd'h La an-hd'h qal-tiapf what is it that the people say ? 138.15 
agd'h dsm an-a'k'SEnf what are you going to drink? 17.14 
agd'h he'tsEnf what is talkmg (there)? 23.9 

Tsimshian: 

I gdP vmla ha'untf what do you say? 

nda where (Tsimshian: ndA): 

tidah hmtl hMT^L hvMpf where is tte house? 

ndaL dEmt hvM de-vMl^tf where will he have come from? 16.6 

Tsimshian: 

I ndA wula loa'HgEmtf where do you come from? 

na who (Tsimshian: ncfi)x 

na fan-ax-hmtld'yin? who does not know thee? 

Tsimshian: 

naPl t tn na'ksgs Igu'Hgss QavJb'f who is the one to marry the 

daughter of Gau6? 
naPdE gu axoa'^n? who is the one next to thee? 

§ G5. The Imperative 

The imperative of intransitive verbs is ordinarily expressed by the 
second person of the indicative or subjunctive, while its emphasis may 
be lessened by the particle dzE, Very often the personal pronoun is 
strengthened by the addition of the prefixed subjective pronouns. 
In many cases the imperative has the future particle, which suggests 
that the form is not a true imperative but merely a future which serv^ 
the purpose of expressing an order. 

dmn yu'kdsnL fEm-ld'neE hold to my neckl 75.11 
dE7n qaZd'qridm let us playl (literally, we shall play) 75.6 
§65 



fiOAs) HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAlT iNDlAl^ LAi^GtJAGES 407 

A^eakened by dze: 

dze ama-g'a' adESEm look well after her 191.15 

TTiE dzE k'^e* IRE ld-h^e!tsElt then put in the finger 196.10 

Xsimshian: 

dE^n hlul-man-gd'sEn then jump up and abouti 

n!%n%' dEm dzagam-hafHgEngaP that one callashorel (literally, that 

is the one you will call ashore) 
dEni efan nE-ama-waf Is riEgwaf^dEn promise him the wealth of your 

father 

Weakend by dzE: 
I ada dzE ttml, hau'un ''^ lax-Id' ^h'*\ then say ''on stone" 

Transitive verbs may form their imperatives in the same way. 
tgoriL dEm hvA'lEn do this I (literally, you will do this) 

Xsimshian: 

THE dsra lagdx-lu'ddP dafu put ice on each side! 
rriE dEtn SE-wa!dit call him a namel 

More frequently the imperative of transitive verbs is expressed by 

indefinite connectives, or, when there is no nominal object, by the 

ending l (Xsimshian -I). 

gouL Lgo'uLgun take your child I 205.5 

huts'ETi'd^a'L qa-tid'oL ts'ak' piit back from the fire some dishes 

207.2 
saflEhEL steam it I 54.8. 

Tsimshian: 

wal^ di hW^Il you, on your part, tryf 
dsx-yaf^gwA am'^sEt hold on to the branch! 
t!Ent'Htv!H led ntsut accompany my son-in-law to the fire! 
rnmi'Sa'ih'A ani'^nt pull up your foot! 

By far the most frequent method of expressing the imperative is 

l)y the periphrastic expression am (it would be) good (if). 

aniL dEm gvxt take it! 141.6 

amh dsm SE-d^Lgum let us cut wood! 68.4 

drnL dE7n de-xsan you gamble also! 29.1 

am, ms dsm wo'dh qal-tia'p invite the town 206.13 

Tsimshian: 

am IRE dEm dl haPlt try it too! 

afmsE^nl mEhla-dl-ha'ga n-dl-narbEha' gan just try my playground 
too {dm good; -SE^n dubitative; yaiE thou; Ida- just; dl- on (thy) 
part; bag to taste; n- possessive; na- place; hag to taste, play) 

dm dEm k' le'^xgEnt escape! 

din dzE gdPs dEp uEgwd'^dEn go to your parents! 



408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l^^ ^^ 

The negative impemtive is expressed by g'Ud\ 

g*U& ! nExna*yitg'i ah tslEm-hwi'lp don'tl they might bear you in 

the house 91.10. 
g'U& rriE dzE sEmaqa-yd'xk^t don't pass in front of it 107.3 
g'Udfz 8Exsd'mEX8EmE8 don't keep your mouths closed 84.5 

§ 66. Subordinating Conjunctions 

The use of the temporal particles and of the negative as subordinat- 
ing conjunctions has been described before (§§ 59 et seq.). It reniain:§ 
to enumerate a few of the other important conjunctions. 

1. fc'^S then; generally in connection with the demonstrative n- 

fiLk'^e olWihsk^t then he came 

k'^e ddqh anrwlsL qdq then he took the skins of ravens 39.2 

nL dBm k'^e mE-txe^ldtL smax' then burn the meat 213.1 

2. da when. 

da La wdqsL g'a'tg'i when the man is buried 218.4 

3. dzE (tsE) weakens statements. 

nLk'^e g'VdaxL sEni^&'g'U tsE hwU mttJ^t then the chief asked 

where it might come from 183.13 
ntg'U hwtlax's Wig'a't tsE hvMd^Ep-a'xk^L not knew Giant where 

he came down 15.1 
riLk'^e woxwa'xdet a tse hvM KvA'Il eLx then they wondered at 

where was the seal 42.6 
dp tsE nd'dt^ tsE me'tk*^L ahs ah ba'nt lest he die, if his belly should 

be full of water 73.7 

The use of dzE with imperatives has been explained before. 

4. tsEda {dzE da) when, if. 

tsEda hasa'xL haldafug'it dEmt dzaJc^L 8El-g'a!tt^ k'^e^ when a witch 

desires to kill a fellow-man, then 217.1 
tsEda Avx h'i/A^leE, uLk'^e^ when I do it again, then 165.12 
Ute'ne nat^ tsEda ne'En enter, my dear, if it is you! 39.13 

5. 5jp t8E else, lest. 

dp tsE n&6eE else I might die 74.4 

k'^^e BErri'ia' Lk^L lax-o'L 16' op; dp tsE g'^utg^wd'dtl^L sak* qan-hwUt 
34.9 then the top of the stone was very slippery; lest the olachen 
might be lost was the reason of his doing so {sBm- very; iahk* 
slippery; lax-o' top; lo'op stone; g^wddtJ^ to be lost; sak' 
olachen) 

6. t8^6 although. 

ts^ot A^^y hvMafx't although he knows it 
66 



>As5 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDUiJ LAi^GUAGES 40$ 

simshian: 

1. ada then. 
ada jna'lEds dsp gua!^ then these told 
adat g'ik sqa-ha'H he assisted him (literally, then he stood by 

him) 

2. da when. 

TIE la dEin giaWntgE da n dEtn su mEa'wulgEt when I shall have 

touched it, then I shall swing the rope (gimntg to touch; au 

to swing; rriEa^vmLg rope) 
daAltslElEm-ha'pdAnla'^aiEt^ada . . . when the killer- whales 

rushed in, then • . . {talslEm' into; hap to rush [plural]; 

nIaPxl killer- whale) 

3. dzE weakens statements. 

adat g^TEdaxtgE a gdl dzE gan Twiut then they asked why he 

might have said so 
edplExdi a n dzE txal-wa'sdE IgvSHgidaf^ 1 may remember when 

I may have met my child {dpiEx to remember; txal-wa!^ 

to meet; IgvPlg child; -l I, my [see $ 51]) 

4. dzE da when, if. 

jh dErn wa'lint dzE da hd'^sEn I will carry you if you are afraid 
(wa'li to carry on back; bd^s to be afraid) 

dzE da Id ts^l'^nl dA n dEm sa-dA-ga'iTUit when I enter, I shall 
fall with it (tsU^n to enter; sa- suddenly; dA- with some- 
thing; ga'ina to fall) 

5. &p dzE else, lest. 
bd'^SEnut 6'p dzE dza'gi I fear (lest) I fall 

6. tslu although. 

tsfu nVyEdA tgi-ffJcsut^ da g^ap'a'lgA-di-s^a'ytksgl although 1 
(literally, this one) fell down, he (1) really did not hurt himself 
(myself) (/a^^rf^ he, this; ^^-down; ^fe to drop; -?^I; fnp- 
really; a'lgA not; di- on [my] part; sga'yiksgto be hurt) 

tslu wagait ifCa g'idEgane'^tsga? even though far to the Tlingit 

7. as% while. 
ada ast hid'^htga IV^mitga^ then while he began his song 

8. am% if (event assumed as not likely to happen) 

ami dzE la iue g'a'lksE dzE dsm lu-da'ldxan if you should feel 
that you may drown (g'alJcs to feel, lu- in; da'Mxan to be 
drowned) 

ami dzE la k'le'^xgEn when you have made your escape 

9. yu**l if (event expected to happen). 
yyPl UE y^dzEii if I hit you 

§66 



410 BUBEAxr OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY i^^ ^ 

§ 67. Preposition 

The preposition a is used to express local, temporal, and modal 
relations. When used for expressing local relations, the particokr 
class is often expressed by the local particles prefixed to the verb and 
substantive. The preposition always takes the connective snffix -l or 
-«, as described in §§ 23, 28. 

The following examples illustrate the wide application of this 
preposition: 

1. Signifying at: 

iaxL LgO'oUc'B ah awa'adetg'i^ a little water ran near them 117.3 
(5(wj to run; Lgo- little; ak's water; awa'a proximity) 

iaga-ma'gat ah g'afu he put him down at the front of the house 
46.8 {iaga- down; mag to put; g'afu beach in front of house) 

ah g'o/lEq outside 121.15 

2. Signifying in; generally with the verbal prefix Id- and with the 

substantival prefix ts^Em-i 

lo-rfw! qsh^L felx' ah ts^Em-ts^ak' the grease ran in (into) the dish 
46. 14 {Id- in; maqsk^ to stand [plural]; fllx' grease; ts^Evi- inside 
of; ta^ak' dish) 

tq'al'lo'dzo'qst ah hvMpg'i he stayed in the house 64.11 {t^al- 
against [i. e., permanently]; Id- in; dz6q to camp; hwUp house) 

3. Signifying on; generally with verbal prefix U- and substantiral 

prefix lax-: 

ll'ia^L oq ah Idx-anl'at a copper hangs on a branch 138.3 {U- on: 
ia'q to hang; arte! 8 branch) 

4. Signifying toward; often with the verbal prefix hagim-i 

Jiagtm-ie'eL g'at ah awcdat a man went toward him 138.14 (Juxgun- 

toward; /e'gtogo; ^'^r^ man; a?^a'a proximity) 
ili'U ah g'lle'lfix' he went into the woods 119.11 
g'a'asJi^t ah l<m-ha* he looked at the sky 137.6 

5. Signifying from: 

iiMkH ah awa'as noxt he came from near his mother 22.12 {wHJ^ 

to come from; awa'a proximity; ndx mother) 
k'saxt ah kicrVlp he went out of the house 166.11 

6. Signifying to; used like our dative: 

JiitM hwfU dEp he'EheE as ne'En thus did my uncles to thee 157.9 

(AmZtodo; 6?^/? plural; (n-)5€'^5 uncle; -^^ my; w^i:n thou) 
g'tna/mt ah Lgo-tk'^^Lk^ he gave it to the boy 139.4 

7. Signifying with; instrumental: 

La'lbEL q^aldo'x' ah ha-q^d'h she scraped the spoon with her fish- 
knife 8.9 {ha' lb to scrape; q^oMo'x' spoon; ha-^o'L fish-knife) 

§67 



t>.-»Asl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 411 

Ze-iaJtsEt lax-cik's ah waqLt he struck the water with his tail 75.15 

{te- on; ia'ta to strike; lax- surface; ak's water; wdqL beaver's 

tail) 
g^iXL lak^ ah let qanh daqh he took fire-wood with wedge and 

hammer 90.8 {gu£ to take; lak^ fire- wood; Ut wedge; qan and; 

daqh hammer) 

8. Signifying on account of: 

slEpk^L q&'ots Wl-g'a't ah xdax'f sick was Giant's mind on account 

of his hunger 69.4 
S£m-j}La'k'ifkH ah hwVltg'e he was very tired on account of what 

he had done 62.15 

9. Expressing time: 

aL vyl-BoI all day long 188.9 (literally, at great day) 

ah hdd'ng'e niEm'x'g'e before daylight 151.6 (at not yet daylight) 

aL dnt in summer 20.14 

10. Used with various verbs: 

le-mstfue'tkH aL fe'hEn they were full of sea-lions 108.8 {le- on; 

rnetk^ full; fe'hEn sea-lion) 
metk^L maZ aL Idn the canoe was full of spawn 29.10 
ansgwa'tgut as ne'tg'e they made fun of him 143.3 
fiLk'^et g'enx g'a'tge aL hvnnd&d the man fed him with tobacco 

90.10 (g'e7i to give to eat; g'at man; hvnnd&6 tobacco) 
g'lk^L Li&'n aL h/iya'tsk^ he bought elk for coppers 194.11 {g'ek^ 

to buy; Lici'n elk; haya'Uk^ copper) 
sorhwa'dEt aL X-ama*lgwaxdEL Wd'sE they called him Eating- 

Scabs-of-Wa'sE 41.14 {sa- to make; hwa name; x- to eat; 

ama'lk^ scab) 
q*d,tsk?^t aL hana'q he was tired of the woman 126.1 
wai-g'a'tli^t as uEgud'odEt he longed for his father 203.13 

The preposition a is used very often with hio7l and dEvi to express 
causal and final subordination, the subordinate clause being thus trans- 
formed into a nominal phrase. 

11. aL hmtfhoGSMSQ (literally, at [its] being): 

laocbets^efx'det . . . aii Am^Z^^'a'ati^^ they were afraid because they 

saw it 207.10 
aL hiaUntg'idi halai'ts Ts^ak' ; n%Lne't qant-hwtla^k^detg'e because 
Ts'ak* was no shaman, therefore they did so 123.12 {ntg'i not; 
di onh\s part; AaZ«^7 shaman; ruLntt that; qaii reason; hwtl 
to do) 

tO'hwa'ntk^L qdlddEt aL hvM x^tamkH its heart was annoyed 
because of the noise 95.15 (Zo- in; hwantk^ annoyed; qdot 
heart; xstamk^ noise) 

§67 



412 BtTKEAU OF AMERtCAN ETHNOLOGY Ikcll. 40 

lo-hwa'ntk^L qd'ddEt ah hvM xstaml^t he was annoyed on account 
of the noise 95.15 {J^-Kwa'ntl^ annoyed; q&'dt mind) 

aba'g^askH ah hvM ait-k^'^a-mi-ye'tkHt he was troubled because he 
cried anew very much 21.12 {aha'g^ask^ to be troubled; »t- anew; 
^•'a- exceedingly; wi-ye'tk^ to cry) 

13. aL dsm in order to, that: 

tdagam-wff dt aL dEin dEdaflEqt he called it ashore to talk with it 
38.1 (tsagam- ashore: w6'6 to call; dEdaflEq to talk with) 

k'^^et hdxt aL dEm riddm-a'k'st he waited for her to be thirsty 21.7 
{f)6x to wait; nddm- to desire; ak's to drink) 

lo-ya^Uk^t aL dEm yo'oxkH he returned to eat 55.9 

k'si'ta'x aL dEm gun-Wkt he ran out to make move 

13. Sometimes the connection expressed by a is so weak that it may 
be translated by the conjunction and. Evidently the verb fol- 
lowing a is nominalized. 

yb'oxkH aL vn-fe^sEm yo'oxk^t he ate, and ate much 36.10 
d^at aL %fn-yVtkH he sat and wept 39.7 (he sat down, weeping) 
iaga-id'L 7ia'k'8tg'e . . . aL La giodfotkH his wife went down, and 
he was lost 166.7, 8 

Tsimshian: 

The variety of forms which the preposition a takes in Tsimshian 
has been discussed in § 28. Here examples will be given illus- 
trating its application. 

1. Signifying at: 

ada kla-HalH gEsgA g'ilhati'U then he sat at the inland-side for 
a while 

al di nAPkl g'ad a axoa' naksE uE-wai g'u? does a person lie near 
my brother's wife? (cH not; di- on his part; n&^k to lie; g'ctd 
a person; awa* proximity; naks wife; %oai^' brother) 

2. Signifying in: 

dEmt u'^dETi a tslErtt-la'gEt he will bake thee in the fire {vPd to 
bake; tslEm- interior of; lag fire) 

3. Signifying on: 

adat l!l-8E-gu'lgE la'gE dA lax'd'tga^ then he lighted a fire on 
top of him iJHv- on; se- to make; gulg to light; lag fire; 
laJo top) 

VIE dEm tlaf^nt gssgE stvf^plElga^ make him sit in the rear of 
the house 

4. Signifying toward: 

ada hagnl'ialH gssgA awa' nE-wa'lht then he went slowly toward 

his house 
gun-id'H gEsgE mul ndPkt he went to where he lay 

§67 



BOAS3 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 413 

6. Signifying from: 

wWHgEt gsagE aioal na'kstga^ he came from near his wife 
fuddEm-ba/^gEt Astiwafl gEsgs hixl&^pga^ Astiwa'l arose from 
the stones 

6. Signifying to; used like our dative: 

ada wvl ha'iia uEgwalH gss nV^tga9 then his father said to him 
adat wulu k'lhia'msgE da' it gEsgs Igil'HgEtga^ then he gave ice 
to his child (k'Hna'm to give; da' a ice; IguPlg child) 

7. Signifying WITH, instrumental: 

dot mul lu'S^a-ya! dzE tslalt gssgE ll then she struck him across 
the face with the feather {lu- in; s^a- across; gadz to strike; 
ts/al face; U feather) 
dzd'hst UL an^o'ntg'S he made with his hands 
LalbEt ah ha-q^d'h she scraped with a tish -knife 8.9 

8. Signifying on account of: 

lu-qla'gA gd'Ha Astiwa'l gssgE riE-txald'ndet Astiwa'l was sad 
on account of those he had (left) behind {lu- in: q!dg open, 
hollow; gdf*dimn&\ txijda'n behind) 

9. Expressing time: 

a wl-gA'TTisBm during the whole (great) winter 
a nA-qd!ga in the beginning ZE 781" 

10. Used with various verbs: 

a icult HE-q! an-q! add! ula ga-ga'^dA a gvm' dEksEiti ie^nt because 
she refreshed the hearts with cool fog ZE 797.32{q/a7i-dd'ul^ 
literally, to go over, to refresh; gfr^a'dsks cool; ie^n fog) 
hdUtgE ^vd'lhEt a talaPg full was the house of fat 
adat wvl plid'rES UEg^ca'H gssgEt g'tlks-nl'^sgE na'kstga^ then 
she told her father that she had looked back at her husband 
(plid'r to tell; g'tlks- back; 7u9 to see) 

11. a wxd because: 

a wnlt la na'gEdat niaxnu' hau because for a long time she had 
h^rd say (iiag long; niaxnu' to hear; han to say) 

oadE vnd wa-dllgu-xd'^ga because they, on their part, were even 
without a little foam (i. e., had nothing) {ica- without; dl- 
on their part; Ign- little; xaPg foam) 

12. a dEm in order to, that: 

txanH' gSi haPldE la'msa a dsmt wvla dza'kdut everything tries 
my father-in-law to kill me {txanH all; g& what, something; 
hd'Hd to try; lams father-in-law; dzak to kill) 

a dEmt vfHut in order to bake me 

a dEmt ma'ksgs nE-sEsl'^ptga^ in order to gather his bones 

18. a and: 

ada wul wa'ndit a W^kEdst then they sat down and lamented 

§67 



TEXTS 

NAaS DIALECT 

Txane/tkL * sa ' hi s-dz6'qsL ' k Iode- tk • le'Lk". ♦ Wl-he'l t,* 

Every day played camping little children. Many 

q'am-k!elL« wl-^'n.^ WMo-n6'6L» wT-ts!ilVut.» Wi-dVxL** 

only one great log. Great in hole great inside. Large 

wl-ga'n.7 Nl" hwil" gits'EL-q&'ddEL " k'opE-tk-'e'Lk".* NiLne'L" 

great tree. Then where in went little children. - Then 

hwt'lpdetg'e^'* wl-qalk'si-nfi'fim >® ^n.' NLk''et" lo-sI-me'ixieL*^ 

their house large through hole of tree. Then [in made bam ibey 

lak" lat.^» NLk-'e" hux txfi'xkMet** wi-he'lL^ ts^ele'mdet 

Are in it. Then again they ate many their traveling 

proTirfons. 

Han . ts'ele'mL gul-q'ane'tk"L" k'opE-tk-'eLk"/ La" nak^L** 

Salmon the provisions of all little children. When long 

hwfldet*^ aL*^ txane'tk"L^ sa,* nLk*'e" La" hux t'esL ak-s 

they did so at every day, then when again large was water 

La" hu? lo-dz6'qdet*' aL** wi-ts'Em-ea'n." NLk''e" hux pta'Kk's. 

when again in they camped at great in log. Then again the watei 

rose. 

1 tza- all (i 10, no! 93); LranHk^ independent form; L-connective of numerals ({23.6). 

> Same form in singular and plural ($ 41). 

» hU- to pretend (§ 10, no. 79); dz6q to camp; -« suffix (J 17, no. 6) required by Ma-; l- connective dI 
predicate and subject ($23). 

*k'opE- small [plural] (5 10, no. 113); tk'eLk^ children [plural]; If ops- only in the plural; Lgo- is 
the singular of small. 

• «i- great (§ 10, no. 73): heH many (almost always used with the prefix wi-). 

• q'am- only (5 10, no. 118); k'H one flat thing (5 67); L- connective of numerals. 
1 wi- great (§10, no. 73); fan tree, log. 

• wi great; W- in (verbal prefix [§ 9, no. 29] ); n6'6 hole; -L predicative connective. 

*tsldwu the inside; in combination with nouns the prefix ts'xm- is used to designate the ixaiDE 
(J 11, no. 152); t probably possessively its. 

w «'l great; d'Ex large. 

n n- demonstrative (?); L probably connective. 

w Verbal noun, here designating the place where something happens (| 69). 

w The prefix g'its'BL is not known in other combinations; il'i (singular), qd'6 (plural), to go; -det 
8d person plural (8 M); -^ connective. 

» n- demonstrative (?); L- probably connective. This conjunction/secms to appear here doubled. 

» hwHp house; -dlt their; -g-f invisible (S 20). 

»• tpi- great; qalksi- through (S 9, no, 24); n6'6 hole; -m adjectival connective. 

" nL; see note 11: k'i then; t transitive subject, 3d person (J 48). 

vid-in (§9, no. 29); si- to cause (J 13, no. 164); mei to bum; -det they; -L connects predicate and 
object. 

» tdU 3d person pronoun, oblique case (5 54). 

» yd'Cvrkn (singular), txd'dzkii (plural), to eat (intransitive verb); -drf they. 

» A compound the elements of which are not quite clear (compare trani^tk* all); also qane-kvSia 
always (§ 10, no. 120). 

» Particle indicating that one action is past when another sets in; also verbal noon (§ Si9) . 

» naku long, temporal and loca.1. 

»* hwll to do; -det they. 

» a general preposition (§67); -L indefinite connective. 

*ld-in; dz6q to camp; -del they. 

» wH- large; tc'sm- inside of (§ 11, no. 162). 

414 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 415 

NLk-'e" g-tg-a'k-sL«» wi-ga'n. NLk-'e uks-o'lik'sk^t." Nfff-it^* 

Tlien floated the great log. Then oat to sea it drifted. Nolthcy 

hwTla'x'L'^ k'opE-tk'^Lk".* YukL'* gwanEm-qala'qdef aL** 

knew it the little children. Beginning they were playing at 

lo-ts'ft'wuL** wl-ga'n La" hwagait-uks-da'uL** aL" hwa^it-g'i'ks** 

inside of great log when away out it was going at way off shore 

to sea 

La" uks-na'kn." NLk-'e" k-si-L6'6tk"L»» k-'SlL** Lgo-tk-'e'Lk".* 

when out to sea far. Then out went one little boy. 

NLk-'^et" g-a'at*« hwtl La*> hwa^it-uks-o'llk-sk^t'*" aL** 

Then he saw where when way seaward it drifted to 

hwa^t-g-flks.^ NLk-'e" k'si-qa'^^L" k'opk-tk-'e'Lk".* NLk-'e" 

way offshore. Then out went the little children. Then 

stg-a'tk"det;*» qane-hwila" stg-a'tk"det.*» NLk-'e" k'uL-da'uL** 

they cried; always they cried. Then about went 

wT-^'n^ aL** hwagait-lax-se'Elda.** 

the log at way off on the ocean, 

great 

NLk-'e hiL?: k-si-Ti6'6tk"L«» Lgo-hwil-x6'6sgum*^ Lgo-tk-'e'Lk".* 

Then again out was put the little being wue little child. 

NLk-'et g-a'aL*« hwtl" leba'yukL** qe'wun.*» NLk-'e ha'ts'ik-sEm^ 

Then he saw where flew gulls. Then again 

lo-ja'ltk"t** aL ts'a'wuL" wl-^a'n. K-'et maLt:" ''Qa'ne-hwtla*^ 

he returned at inside of great log. Then he told it: "Always 

le-hwa'nL" qe'wun*' aL lax-o'Em," aq-dEp-hwila'gut?'"^ NLk-'e 

on sit gulls at top of us, without we [way of ] aoing? " Then 



" glgd'k's to drift. 

> uk9- out to sea, from land to sea (§ 8, no. 6); -t intransitive, 8d person singular. 

* nig'i indicative negation; -t transitive subject, 8d person. 

n hvyUd'r to know; -det (3d person plural ending has been omitted here). 
*> yuk appears both as verb and as particle. 
*> gicanMm-B. prefix of doubtful significance. 

M ^ a verbal prefix, appears here with the noun ts'd'^vu the inside. It ^eems that this whole 
expression is ponsesslve or verbal, because otherwise the connective would be -m (5 22). 

* hwoffait- ayfAj (§ 10, no. 71); uks- seaward (§ 8, no. 6); da'uL to leave; perhaps the ending t would 
be better. 

M htpapait- is both verbal and nominal prefix; g-iks the region off shore (u noun corresponding to 
the verbal prefix ukt-). 
n ukg. seaward; naku far; -t perhaps closure of sentence (S 20). 
«■ k'si- out (I 8, no. 8); U'dik*. 

«• k-'dl one (numeral for counting human beings [S 67] ; -l connective of numerals (S 23). 
« ga'a to see; -t it (object). 

41 Atr/2 La present and past participle forming nominal clause (f 59). 
«• k'si- out of (S 8. no. 8): qd'dd to go (plural); -drt they. 
«* irregular plural ($46); singular xtmyi'tk*. 
« qanl- always (§ 10, no. 120). 

* k'uL- about; da'uL to leave, to go. 

«* hwapail- way off (verbal and nominal prefix); lax- surface of (nominal prefix corresponding to 
I?- on; (S 11, no. 151; $ 9, no. 30) Bi-Eldaoce&n. 

« Lffd- little; hwtl- being (§59); zd'dsk* wise; -m adjective connective (§22). 

« gibd'yuk^ (plural ISbd'yvk^i) to fly (J 46). 

<• Singular and plural same form (S 41). 

•• Adverb. 

»» Thl« verb occurs always with the prefix W- in. 

*« moL to tell (transitive verb). 

*»U' ON corresponds to the nominal prefix lax- (note 46); d^a (plural hwan) to sit; -l indefinite 
connective. 

** lax- surface (corresponds to the verbal prefix le- on [note 53] ) ; o« top; -m our. 

Mo^ without, and also n^ation of dependent clauses (§ 11, no. 137); dBp- plural of transitive 
pronoun; hwU&'k* is a peculiar form; while it is apparently a passive of hwU, it is used as a transitive 
verb; -t probably object 8d person. 



416 BUBEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [nvu^ 40 

tgon«« heL*^ k-'&lil^ Lg5-tk-'e'Lk":* "Am'» dsp^ dtsde'sL* 

Ihis said one little child: "Good we strike 

qa-dz'a'^m,*^ nL dEm k*'e** iiil'SLaat,*' dsp** dEm k*'e 

our noses, they future then bleed, we future then 

mant®* aL dax'L** wi-ga'n. Nl dEm k^e** tq'al-hathe't* 

rub it at outside of great log. They future then against stand 

ts'oba'qL qe'wun Ifi'tg-g.*^" NLk-'e hwMdetg-e.^ D1sd^e'sdeL« 

feet of gulls on it.'* Then they did so. They stnick 

qa-dzVqdet/^ K-'e a'd'ik'sk^L^ hwil" iiil'gLaat." NLk-'et k-flq^al- 

their noses. Then came being they bled. Then they aroond 

ma'ndet^® aL wi-ga'n. NLk'^e la'mdztxdet^* aL ts'aVuL wi-ga'n. 

rubbed it on the great 1(^. Then they entered at the innide of the log. 

great 

NLk-'e ad'a'd^k'sk^L** wi-he'ldEm" qe'wun. NLk*'e le-hwa'nt*^ 

Then came many gulls. Then on tbej sat 

la'6t.^» K-'e tq'al-gulgwa'lukL^ astsa'it.^* La« sEm-bagait-d'aL^ 

on it. Then against dried their feet. When very middle was 

Loqs,^' nLk"'e hu^ k*sa?L" Lgo-k*'a-wi-t'e'st.^® NLk''e leha'vukL** 

the sun, then again went out little really great large. Then <^w 

qe'wun. Nfg-it'® daa'qLk^deL^* dEm leba'yukdetg'e.^ NLk-'et 

the gulls. Not they succeeded future tney flew. Then be 

d6qL«« k-'filL** Lgo-tk-'e'Lk".* NLk''et l5-haL-t'uxtVqL" t'sm- 

took them one liUle child. Then he in along twisted their 

la'Dix't*" gul-gane'L** wi-he'ldEm" qe'wun. NLk*'et lo-d'ep- 

necks all great many gulls. Then he in down 

da'LEt** aL hwil nan6'6L" wT-ga'n. NLk*'e lo-am'a'mL*' qago'oL*^ 

put them at where holes great log. Then in good hearts 

*• The introductory t- of the demonstrative is the subject of the transitive verb; he. 

" For m-L. 

** dm good; used here as a periphrastic exhortative: it would bk good if we (§ 65). 

» dsp plural of transitive subject (5 48). 

« (Tcs (plural d'tstTd's) to strike ($ 42). 

« dz'ap nose; plural qa-dz'ag (8 43) ; rn our. 

M nUc'e (note 17) appears here divided by the future particle dRtn. 

Mit«<' blood. 

*^Bp viant we rub it (§ 48) (subjunctive). 

* dajt- surface, outer side. 

" tq'al- against (J 9, no. 85); m (plural hath^'t) to stend. 

•' Ml oblique case, 3d person pronoun; -g'^ absent (because the outer side of the tree was invisible 
to the speaker). 

« hwtl to do; -del they; -g'^ absent. 

•»d'd'ik8ku (plural Od'a'd'tk-tku) to come. 

^« k'llq'al- around; man to rub (transitive verb). 

^> ts*f^n (plural la'mdzix) to enter. 

'* whhc'U many (see note 6); usually used with adjectival connective -to, not with numeral conne* - 
tive-L (§22). 

">* tq'al- against; gwa'luk to dry. 

" OMa'e (plural as'fsa'r) foot. 

*' 8Em- very (§ 15, no. 168); bofail- In middle; d'a to sit (used to express the idea of to be in a poei- 
TION, for round objects. 

J« sun or moon. 

" k sax to go out (probably related to k-si- out of [5 8, no. «] ) . 

^*Lgd- a little; k-'d- really; wl- great; /7« large (almost always combined with tvi-); -t probably close 
of sentence. 

'• da-aqLk*i; aqLku to attain. The prefix da may be the same as in dr'ya he says thus (J 49, d). 

^guu (plural ddq) to take (J 46). 

"» W- in; hoL along (§ 9, no. 50); Vaq (plural VsxVa'q) to twist; -l connects predicate with object. 

" Vsm- prefix indicating certain parts of the body; probably from Vdm Simuo (5 8S). 

•• See note 21. 

« 16- in; <FBp- downward (§ 8, no. 4) ; ddL to put. 

» See note 8; imnd'd is here plural. 

M lo- in: dm (plural am'd'm) good (J42). 

^ fd'6t (plural qagd'dt) mind, heart. 



BOA«] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 417 

k'opB-tk-'e'Lk". G-e'IpdeL" sma'x-tg'g^ La« t'a'k-deL"® hwfldetg-8" 

the little children. They ate it the meat when they forgot what they did 

La" hwagait-k'uL-da'uLdet** aL hwagait-lax-se'lda.** 

when way out ahoat they went at way out on ocean. 

Ntg-i*» ltg-i-t8agam-de'lpk"det,«» aL ligi-lax-ts'ft'L^* ak's. 

Not anywhere landward short they at some- on edge of water. 

where 

NLk*'e La hux k*'elL" sa de-nExna'xdeL** wl-xsto'ntk". K*'e 

Then when again one day also they heard great noise. Then 

k -si-i^'fiL** k'oDE-tk -'e'Lk". G wina'deL, an-tgo-le'lbik'sk" »' 

out went the nttle boys. Behold tne whirlpool 

hwfl La« l5-le-d'Bp-yu'kdet.** NLk-'e a'dfk'sk^L** hwil" 

where when in on down they went. Then came the 

slg-a'tk"det** La" lo-d'Ep-he'tk"L*~ wl-ga'n aL dEm*<»* ^L6qk"L 

their crying when in down stood the great tree to future swallow 

(them) 

an-tgo-le'lbik-sk".*' 

toe whirlpool. 

NLk-'e La" lo-d'Ep-he'tk"t,*~ de-uks-ba'xL k-'alL»« g-a'tg-e.*~ 

Then when in down it stood, also sea- ran one man. 

ward 

Q'am-k-'e'lL^*« asa'eL'* g-a'tg-e.'~ NLk-'et g'aLk^L^®* wl-ga'n aL»» 

Only one foot the man. Then he speared the log with 

great 

qala'st^^^ K-'et tsagam-da'mgantg-S;^** de-le-ma'tguL*^ g-a'tg-g.^^ 

his harpoon. Then he ashore pulled it: he saved than the man. 

NLk-'e bax-L6'6L*«» k'opB-tk-'e'Lk" aL ts'Em-hwi'lpL>~ g'a'tg'S. 

Then up went the little children to inside of house of the man. 

NLk ''e y uk-txa'q'EDs"® Q'am- k -'e'lEm-asa'e. *" 

Then oegan he f©a them Only-One-Foot. 



" O'^ip to eat something. We should expect here t g'd'S2*^€t »max'. 
>• amax- venison; -t its; -ffi absent. 
•• Calr to forget; -det they; -l connective, 
w hwU to do; -det they; -g-^ absent. 
** huxLgaU- way off; k'uL- about; daub to go; <let they. 

M/ff7'z- somewhere, indefinite place ({8, no. 20); tsa^m- landward ($8, no. 9): dilvk* short, near; 
-det they. 
M lig'i- (see note 93); lax- surface; tsU'lL shore, edge (nominal term corresponding to tsapam). 

* df- also (precedes transitive subject); nsxna'x to hear. 
»uU (plural l6'6) to go (§46). 

« an- preflx indicating place (S 12, no. 167): tgo- around; Wlbik'sh* to flow (?). 
•• hwil La where in the past. 

• to- in (namely.Inslde the whirlpool): W-on (namely, on the surface of the water); d*Ep down- 
ward; yuk to begin; -det they. 

WW- in; d'xp- down; h<t to place upright: AWih* to be placed upright, to stand (5 17). 
MI aL drm to the future—, flnal sentence (SS 59, 67); i. c., to the future swallowing of the whirlpool. 
^g-atmAn; -f^V absent, 
m q^am only; k'*H one flat or round thing. 

**« g'OLk* to spear; the preceding t is the Nubject, the terminal -l conneate predicate and object. 
"* Terminal t either pronom or close of sentence. 
I* taa^m- shoreward; da'm^n to haul. 
»» mdlk^ (plural le-mAHk^) to save (J 45). 
M b€U' up along ground (S 8, no. 1). 
N*to'jrm- the inside of (nominal preflx). 

iM yut. beginning; txdAxk^ to eat (plural) (see note 20); -En causative suffix, 
ui See note 103. Here q'am k-'cl is used as an attribute, not as a predi(»tte, hence the connective 
■am instead of -l. 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 27 



418 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibcll. 40 

[Translation] 

Children played camping every day. There were many of thenu 
and there was only one great log. It had a great hole inside. It was 
a large log. That is the place where the children went in. Then the 
large tree with the hole in it was their house. They made a fire bum 
in it, and they also ate [many] traveling-provisions. Salmon wa^ the 
traveling-provisions of all the children. When they had done so for 
a long time every da^-, when the water was great (high) again, thev 
again camped in the great log. The water rose again and the great 
log floated. * It drifted out to sea. The children did not know it 
They were playing inside of the great log while it was going out to sea 
and when it was far away from the shore. Then one boy went out. 
He saw that they had drifted seaward and that they were way oflT shore. 
Then the children went out. Then they cried. They cried all the 
time. Then the great log went way out on the ocean. 

Then a little wise boy went out. He saw gulls flying about. He 
returned again into the great log, and he told them, ''Gulls are always 
sitting on top of us. Can we not do anything? " Then one child said 
the following: "Let us strike our noses. Then they will bleed. 
Then we will rub (the blood) on the outside of the gi'eat log. Then 
the feet of the gulls will stand on it." They did so. They struck 
their noses, and blood came out of them. Then they rubbed it on 
the great log. Then they entered the inside of the great log. Many 
gulls came and sat on it. Then their feet dried against it. When the 
sun was right in the middle of the sky, the one who was really a little 
large went out again. Thpn the gulls flew. They did not succeed in 
flying. Then one boy took them. Then he twisted off the necks of 
all the many gulls. Then he put them down into the hole of the great 
log. Then the children were glad. They ate the meat and forgot 
what was happening, that they were going way out on the ocean. 

They were not anywhere near shore or the edge of the water. Then 
one day they heard a great noise. The boys went out. Behold! 
there was a whirlpool in which they were going down. Then they 
began to cry when the great log stood downward in it, about to be 
swallowed by the whirlpool. 

While it was standing downward in it, a man ran seaward. The 
man had one foot. Then he speared the great log with his harpoon. 
He pulled it ashore. The man saved them. Then the children went 
up into the house of the man. Then Only-One-Foot began to feed 
them. 



T8IM8HIAN DIALECT 

Ada'oqam* a'utaga*' (Story op Porcupine) 
Ninll'sgE* la* ksti'**tga%* a* la* wa'nsgA^ txanH'sgE® ya'tslEsgEsgA* 

That it was when fall, at when were situng all animaS in 

DA-ga-tslEm-tsIa'ptga^*® Da'" wula" dl" tla'^sgE" wI-mEdi'^** 

their towns. Then being on his part sitting great grizzly bear 

gEsgA" n di tsla'pt" a* dzA" wi-g&'msEmga^ *• Ada*® ffa'ni-wula" 

in his also town at when great winter. Then always 

gwa'ntgEsgA** wa'^ga^•* da" g'ik** lu-la'wa'l** nA-tslEm-tsIa'psgA*® 

touched the run, then also in it dripped the town ox 

wi-mEdi'*»kga^^' Ada*® g'ik** Id'gaksgEsgA*® n-ll'nga*»." Ada*® 

the great grizzly bear. Then again 1^ was wet his fur. Then 

sEin^l** lu-ha'**xgE9gA** gfi'^t*® gEsgA^® 8ga-nA'ksgA "^ wa'^stga^** 

very in annoyed nis heart at too long rain. 

1 ada'og story: -mm connection (S 22). 

s a'ttto porcupine; -gtifi absent (§20) 

s Min.1' that (S 56); -tgE (S 25). 

« la when (§59). 

•ftsfi'o fall; -gofi absent (§20). 

• a preposition (§67). 

' (.'da (plural win) to sit (§ 46); -tgE (§24). 

> txanlV all (contains the particle txa- kntikely) ; -tgw (§ 24) . 

• From yaU to kill many; ya,'UE9k the killing (§ 17. no. 2); the terminal -Etga stands here for 

04^ IN. 

^nA- separable possession (§55); gor distributlTe plural, the towns of the various kinds of animals; 
Wem' inside (§ 11, no. 152); U!ab town; -( his; ^a» absence. 
" da conjunction (§ 66, no. 2). 
a §60. 

u di on (his) part (§ 15, no. 167). 
M Vdfi to sit; ■9gE § 25. 

» «7i- great (§ 10, no. 73); mEdi'ok grizzly bear. 
w a preposition (§67); absent conjunctive form (§28). 
»»- separable possession; di- on his part (cf. note 13); Wab town. 
T^dxA weakened statement, when it may have been (§ 66, no. 8). 
vtcTi- great (§ 10, no. 73); gd'vMEm winter; -gao absence. 

• Conjunction (§ 66, no. 1). 
SI fanir all (§ 10, no. 120). 

^gwcMtgto touch (i. e., here, fell); -tgA connection (§§ 24, 25). 

s> tiwlos rain. 

«*^a again (§ 15, no. 169). 

» lu' in (§ 9, no. 29); Ufiwa'l to drip; no connective after I (§ 29). 

> Wfdkag to be wet (fur, skin). 

^ n- separable possession; U fur, hair of body; •( his; -gofi absence. 

> *xm-pal very (§ 15, no. 178). 

» <ii- in (§ 9, no. 29), relating to fdod mind; hdpxg annoyed. 

M ^d mind. 

n ^ia-across(§9, no. 36); noj^ long; here apparently a verbal subordinate construction: at across 

LONG being the RAIK. 

o vrdos rain; the -( is a dilflcult directive ending, which is used very frequently, and for which no 
adequate explanation has been given. 

419 



420 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bmx. 40 

Nln!l'" gan-ksE-t!aH** gEsgA" nB-txaa'sAsgA** n-tsla'ptga**," at* 

That reason out he sat at the mouth of his town, at be 

nio87 lIg-i-lEp-ga'*>" gEsgA " k"du'<>ntjga^.»» Ada a'si^ dEtla'n** gEsgA" 

seeing everything at around hmi. Then while sitting at 

gWA'sgA,** gakstatna'^^gA^' a'utAgA" gun-h6'<i:gEt^ gEsgA" awa'*^tga^** 

that, behold who the porcupine toward stood at his proximit j. 

A'sl^ t*' 8ga-iaH** gEsgA" n-lEksa'gasgE** n-tsIa'pegE*® wi- 

When he across went at the doorway of ths town of the 

inEdi'**kga%" ada wul ha'usgA*® wI-mEdl'^kga**, *'Ts!I'**iia" g-I'^" 

great grizzly bear, then being saia the great grizzly bear, " Enter here. 

n-8l'Ep!EnsgII*^ Me dEm k!a-xdi'**yut."** Nin!l'" gan da' wula 

my friendl You shall a little eat with me." That it was reason then when 

tsIi'^^nsgA*' a'ut*^ g^sgA awa'^sgA^* wI-mEdi'°kga**.** Ada' wala 

entered the porcu- at the proximity of the great grizzly bear. Then beii^ 

pine 

wI-sE-la'ksEsgA" wI-mEdI'**kga**. Adat 8a-ga'°sgA** Igu-a'utaga^" 

great made fire the great grizzly bear. Then he suddenly took the little imrcnpine. 

Adat dEkda'klEgA** ga-sEsiHga*'*® dil«® ^-anWntga^." Adat 

Then he tied his feet and his hands. Then be 

hal-sgE'rt'* gEsgA dzo'gasgA^ la'ktga**.** Adat wul gwa'lklEnggA* 

alongside laid it at the edge of the Are. Then he burnt 

hak I&'*^gA** Igu-a'utaga**." Nil'' ada' wul ha'usgA^® wi-mEdI'**k " asgA" 

the back ofthe little porcupine. He then said the great grizzly to the 

bear 

n ni that: n.1 probably demonstrative (S 56) 

M pari- reason; following nln.^, it means thbbcpobb; ksE- out, generally directive, bat here indi- 
cating the position outside; t!do to sit; -t he. 

>^ nE- separable possession; txa- direction; df mouth. 

» a preposition (§ 67) with subjective (subjunctive) pronoun attached (( 49). 

s7 nlo to see: after to the connective is missing (§ 29). 

« Kff'i- somewhere, this or that (§ 8, no. 20) ; Ixp- self (§ 10, no. 129); gdo something, what; ligH-pa'* 
anjrthing; Itp-i-lsp-ffdo everything. 

N hniuon the place around (a nominal expression). When used in the possessive, it is considered 
as inseparable possession (§55). 

40 cui while (§ 66, no. 7), here followed by the progressive form. 

« d'ElId'o progressive form of t!do to sit (§ 37). 

** gtoofi this; gtoa'sgA that (S 56). 

4* an interjection, probably pakMa behold; t he; h&o who. 

♦* a'uta porcupine: -gA connective (§25). 

« guih- toward (§ 10, no. 114); heotg to stand; -t he. 

^ awd proximity (a noun which corresponds to the particle gun- [see notes 39, 45]). 

" t subject of intransitive verb, here emphatic. 

« spa across (J 9, no. 36): td'o to go; -t he. 

4» n- separable pronoun; Isksd'p doorway. 

M ha'u to say. 

»'/«.'ion (plural, la'mdzBx) to enter by (imperative [§ 65] ). 

^^g-iot here. 

M n- separable possession; si'opisnsg friend; -t my (in address (S 51] ). 

M mE thou (subjective [§ 49] ); dsm future (§ 59); k!a- a little while (S 10, no. lOV); xdi'o to eat with 
some one: -u me; -t (see note 32). 

» wi- great (§ 10, no. 73); he- to make (§ 13, no. 164). 

•• t subjective pronoun; «o- suddenly; gdo to take. 

« Igur little (J 10, no. 185). 

M daJU to lie (with plural object dEkda'Td). 

*»o»I'o (plural, pasEsVo [§ 43]). 

•0 di and; I connective (§ 30). 

•> an'6'n hand; pa-an'd'n hands (5 43). 

« hal- along (J 9, no. 60); agEr to lie. 

•» dzdp edge (noun corresponds to the particle hcU- [see note 62]). 

•^ZoJfcflre (cf. note 32). 

« gtoaig to burn; gwa'lk.'En to cause to bum ( S 17, no. 1). 

M hak.'do back; has no prefix nE-, because, as a part of the body, the possenion is inseparable. 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 421 

Igu-a'ut a" la* gwa'lksgA*^ n-lPm*' hak!&'**tga***^: '"Duu, duu," 

little porcu- at when burnt the fur of its back: "Duu, duu," 

pine. waji 

dsL-ye/gA^ wI-inEdI'°kga% '^Deid wa'lut,"'* da-y6'gA«* a'utaga, 

8ai<r the great grizzly bear. "Future I da it," said the porcupine, 

^'sEm'fi'g'id,'® lu'^n" dEda'klut,^* ada dEm wul wa'luda nE-ha'ant.'' 

"chie^ untie my bands, then future being I do it what you say." 

Ya^i^ a'lgEt'* nESEgfi'tgA^^ wi-mEdi'**kgA ha'usgA Igu-a'uta gEs'* 

However, not he minded the great grizzly bear said the little porcupine to 

nimga**, a wuF^sBm-gal** wi-gat-g'a'dga^" NIi'**tgA kla-gat-gVdEt'* 

him, because very greatly he is strong. He is most strong 

gEsga txanll'sgA^ ya'tslEsga**.* Ninli"^ gan-a'igEt'* nlExno'*® klabE- 

among all animals. That reason not he heard the little 

one 

ha'usgA" Igu-a'uta gEs'® nIl'<*tga^ Seih-^I wI-a'dzBksga**," adat g'ik 

said little porcupine to him. Very much proud, then he again 

la^uk-kJa'xsEt" gEsgA tslEm-n-la'ktga"." 

to flre kicked him into in the fireplace. 

[Translation] 

When it was fall, all the animals were sitting in their towns. A 
great Grizzly Bear, on his part, was also sitting in his town in mid- 
winter. Rain was always falling, and it also dripped into the house 
of the great Grizzly Bear. His fur was wet. Then he was nmch 
annoyed because it was raining too long, therefore he sat at the 
entrance of his house and looked around to see everything. While he 
was sitting there, behold I Porcupine came near him. When he passed 
the doorway of the house of the great Grizzly Bear, the great Giizzly 
Bear said, "Enter here, friend! You shall eat with me for a little 
while." Therefore the Porcupine entered near the great Grizzly Bear. 
The great Grizzly Bear made a great fire. He suddenly took the 
little Porcupine. He tied his feet and his hands. Then he laid him 
near the edge of the fire. Then the back of the little Porcupine was 
burnt. Then the great Grizzly Bear said to the little Porcupine when 

«? Rptn hakid'o back fur ( § 22). 

• This verb has always subjective pronouns (see § 49). 

*• Here indicative, therefore -u objective pronoun with third person object (§ 60). 

» sKm'd'gtd chief (see § 33). 

71 mo to untie. Here indicative construction in place of imperative. 

7S dMda'H bands; -u my; 4 (see note 32). 

T» 'ifo^ however (S 16 no. 174). 

» a'lgE not ({ 16, no. 180; { 63). 

n nE9gd' to mind; -tgE connective (S 24 BI2 absent). 

1* gES preposition, definite form before pronoun designating human beings (S 28). 

n a urul because (S 67, no. 11). 

» wi- greatly (| 10, no. 73); gat-g'a-d strong (a compound of gad person). 

1* kJa- exceedingly (here used as superlative [§ 10, no. 106] ). 

■» nExnd' to hear; no connective after vowels (J 29). 

n k!(ibM the little one, poorly ($ 10, no. 113), also plural to Igu- small, t 

« d'dzMk proud. 

M lofauk' from the sides of the house to the fire; klaxs to kick. 

M U!Mm- the inside; n- place (S 12, no. 167); lok fire. 



422 BUEEAU OF AMEBIGAN ETHNOLOGY Iwcu.. 40 

the fur on his back was burnt, ^^Duu, duul" said the great Grizzly 
Bear. "I will do it," said the Porcupine. "Chief, untie my bands, 
then I will do what you say." However, the great Grizzly Bear did 
not mind what the little Porcupine said to him, because he was very 
strong. He is the strongest of all the animals, therefore he did not 
listen to what the poor little Porcupine said to him. He was very 
proud. Then he kicked him again into the fireplace. 



KWAKIUTL 



BY 



FRANZ BOAS 



423 



CONTENTS 

Page 

§ 1. Distribution and history 427 

SS 2-4. Phonetics 429 

§2. Sounds 429 

5 3. Sound groupings 430 

J 4. Euphonic laws 431 

SS 5-8. Granunatical processes 439 

5 5. Enumeration of grammatical processes 439 

§ 6. Composition 439 

§ 7. Changes in the phonetic character of the stem 440 

§8. Position 440 

55 9-17. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 441 

5 9. Character of stems 441 

5 10. Nominal suffixes 442 

5 11. Local and modal suffixes 442 

§ 12. Classes of words 443 

513. Plurality 444 

5 14. Reduplication for expressing unreality 444 

5 15. Pronominal ideas 445 

5 16. Syntactic relations 445 

5 17. Character of sentence 445 

55 18-69. Description of grammar 446 

55 18-46. Formation of words 446 

55 18-39. Composition 446 

5 18. Suffixes 446 

5 19. Classes of suffixes 455 

5 20. Terminal completive suffixes 456 

55 21-36. Primary suffixes 458 

55 21-24. Suffixes denoting space limitations 458 

5 21. General space limitations 458 

5 22. Si)ecial space limitations 469 

5 23. Parts of body as space limitations 475 

5 24. Limitations of form 484 

55 25-26. Temporal suffixes 485 

5 25. Purely temporal suffixes 485 

5 26. Suffixes witii prevailing temporal character 486 

55 27-32. Suffixes denoting subjective judgments or attitudes 

relating to the ideas expressed 491 

5 27. Suffixes denoting connection with previously ex- 
pressed ideas 491 

5 28. Suffixes denoting degrees of certainty 492 

5 29. Suffixes denoting judgments regarding size, inten- 
sity, and quality 492 

5 30. Suffixes denoting emotional states 495 

425 



426 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY t^rLL. 40 

§§ 18-69. Description of grammar — Continued. Pace 
§§ 18-46. Formation of words— Continued. 
J J 18-39. Composition — Continued. 

§§ 21-36. Primary suffixes — Continued. 

§§ 27-32. Suffixes denoting subjective judgments, etr. — Con . 

§ 31. Suffix denoting the optative 496 

§ 32. Suffixes denoting the source of information 496 

J§ 33-34. Suffixes denoting special activities 496 

J 33. Activities of persons in general 496 

J 34. Activities performed with special organs of the body. 499 

J 35. Suffixes which change the subject or object of a verb 502 

J 36. Nominal suffixes 504 

§37. Adverbial suffix 512 

§38. Subsidiary suffixes 512 

§ 39. Alphabetical list of suffixes 514 

§§ 40-46. Modification of stems 518 

§ 40. Methods 518 

§ 41. Iterative 519 

§ 42. Distributive pliurality 519 

§ 43. Suffixes requiring reduplication of the stem 522 

§§ 44-46. Unreality 526 

§ 44. General remarks 526 

§ 45. The diminutive 536 

§ 46. The tentative 527 

§§47-69. Syntactic relations 527 

§ 47. Personal and demonstrative pronouns 527 

§ 48. Table of pronoims 529 

§ 49. Compound pronouns 530 

§ 50. Irregular pronominal forms 532 

§ 51. Sentences with pronominal subjects and objects 535 

§ 52. Sentences containing co-ordinate verbs 536 

§ 53. Sentences with nominal subject and object 537 

§ 54. Sentences containing co-ordinate verbs and nominal subject or 

object 538 

§ 55. Sentences containing possessive elements 538 

§ 56. Irregular forms 541 

§ 57. Irregular forms, continued 542 

§ 58. Remarks on irr^ular forms 542 

§ 59. Vocalic and consonantic pronominal forms 543 

§ 60. Objective and instrumental 544 

§ 61. Periphrastic forms 544 

§62. Causality 545 

§ 63. Finality 545 

§ 64. Causal and temporal subordination 547 

§ 65. Conditional 548 

§ 66. Imperative and exhortative 549 

§67. Interrogative 550 

§68. Plural 550 

§ 69. Adverbs 550 

§ 70. Vocabulary 551 

Text 553 



KWAKIUTL 



By Franz Boas 



§ 1. DISTEIBUnON AND HISTOET 

The Wakashan stock embraces the languages spoken by a number 
of tribes inhabiting the coast of British Columbia and extending 
southward to Cape Flattery in the state of Washington. Two 
principal groups may be distinguished — the Nootka and the Kwa- 
kiutl. The former is spoken on the west coast of Vancouver island 
and at Cape Flattery, the latter on Vancouver island and on the coast 
of the mainland of British Columbia from the northern end of the 
Gulf of Georgia northward to the deep inlets' just south of Skeena 
river. The outlying islands north of Milbank sound are occupied by 
a branch of the Tsimshian, while the coasts of Bentinck Arm are 
inhabited by the Bellacoola, a tribe speaking a Salish language. The 
neighbors of the Wakashan tribes are the Tsimshian to the north, 
Athapascan tribes Co the northeast, Salish tribes to the southeast and 
south, and the Quileute at Cape Flattery. Among all these 
languages, only the Salish and the Quileute exhibit some morpho- 
logical similarities to the Kwakiutl. 

• The Kwakiutl language may be divided into three principal sub- 
languages or main dialects — the northern, or the dialect of the tribes 
of Gardner inlet and Douglas channel ; the central, or the dialect of 
the tribes of Milbank sound and Rivers inlet; and the southern, 
which is' spoken by all the tribes south and southeast of Rivers inlet. 
Each of these main dialects is subdivided into sub-dialects which 
diflFer somewhat in phonetics, form, and vocabulary. Their number 
can not be determined exactly, since almost every village has its own 
peculiarities. They may, however, be grouped in a number of 
divisions. Only the divisions of the southern dialect are known. 

427 



428 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f^"^ 40 

There are four of these. The most northern is spoken in the villages 
of the extreme northern end of Vancouver island and of Smith inlet; 
the second, in the region from Hardy bay to Nimkish river, including 
the islands which form the eastern coast of Queen Charlotte sound; 
the third is spoken in the neighborhood of Knight inlet; and the last, 
in Bute inlet and the region of Valdez island. 

The second of these dialects, which is spoken by the Kwakiutl 
tribe of Vancouver island, forms the subject of the follownng discus- 
sion.^ The proper name of the tribe is Kwa'guJ; the name of its 
language, Kwa'klwala. A treatise on the grammar of this language, 
by Rev. Alfred J. Hall,* was published in 1889; but the author has 
not succeeded in elucidating its structural peculiarities. I have 
published a brief sketch of the grammar in the Reports of the Com- 
mittee on the Northwestern Tribes of Canada, appointed by the 
British Association for the Advancement of Science,* and another in 
the American Anthropologist,^ Texts in the language, colle<?ted by 
me, were published by the Unite! States National Museum,^ and 
other series of texts, also collected by me with the assistance of Mr. 
George Hunt, will be found in the publications of the Jesup North 
Pacific Expedition.* A series taken down without the assistance 
of Mr. Hunt from the lips of various informants will be found in 
the Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology/ Refer- 
ences in the following sketch refer to volume iii of the Publications 
of the Jesup Expedition, if not stated otherwise; v and x refer to 
the respective volumes of the same series; U.S.N.il. to the paper in 
the Annual Report of the United States National Museum for 1895; 
CS to the Kwakiutl Tales in the Columbia University Series. The 
first Arabic number of each reference indicates the page of the vol- 
imie, the second the line on the page. 

1 A grammar of the Kwagiutl Language, Tranaattions of the Royal Society af Canada, 1888, u, 57-105. 

> Sixth Report, Repoti of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1891, 655-668; also Elereoth 
Report, IlHd., 1896, 585-586. 

»N.s.,n, 708-721. 

* Annual Report for 1895, 311-737, particularly 666-731. 

ft Vol. Ill, Kwakiutl Texts, by Franz Boas and George Hunt. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1902-1905. VoL X, 
Paitl,KwakiutITexts, Second Series, by Frans Boas and George Hunt. Leiden, E.J. Brill, 1906. Vol. V, 
Part 2, The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island, by Franz Boas. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1909. 

Kwakiutl Tales, by Franz Boas. Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. II. 

§1 



»OAs] HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 429 

PHONETICS (§§ 2-4) 
§ 2. Sounds 

The phonetic system of the Kwakiutl is very rich. It abounds in 
sounds of the Ic series and of the I series. The system of consonants 
includes velars, palatals, anterior palatals, alveolars, and labials. 
The palatal series (English Ic) seems to occur only in combination with 
71 articidations, or as labio-palatals. The anterior palatals may, how- 
ever, also be explained as a A: series with i position of the mouth ; so 
that the two classes of palatals and anterior palatals may be consid- 
ered as modifications of the same series. The anterior palatals have 
a markedly affricative character. In most of these groups we find a 
sonant, surd, fortis, and spirant. The sonant is harder than the cor- 
responding English sound. The surd is pronounced with a full breath, 
while the fortis is a surd with increased stress and suddenness of 
articulation, and accompanying closure of the glottis. The sonant 
is so strong that it is very easily mistaken for a surd, and even 
more easily for a weakly pronounced fortis, since in many com- 
binations the laryngeal intonation which characterizes the sonant 
appears like the glottal stop which always accompanies the fortis. 
Besides the groups mentioned before, we have a series of lateral 
linguals or I sounds, the glottal stop, and h, y, and w. 

This system may be represented as follows : 

Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal 

Velar g q q! x 

Palatal giw) Jc(w) Jc!(w) x"(tt;) 

Anterior palatal . . g' Jc Jc! x' n 

Alveolar .... d i t! siy) - 

Affricative . , , , dz ts ts! - - 

Labial I p p! - m 

Lateral l l l! 1,1 - 

Glottal stop, ^ 

A, y, w 

The vowels are quite variable. The indistinct e is very frequent. 
The two pairs i e and o u probably represent each a single interme- 
diate sound. The whole series of vowels may be represented as 
follows: 

E 

i e i e a 6 o u 

I e e a a d o u 

§2 



430 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcll. 40 

By certain grammatical processes, consonants may be weakened 
hardened, or aspirated. These changes take place in accordance 
with the phonetic table given before. The hardened surd becomes 
a fortis, and the weakened fortis or surd becomes a sonant. The 
hardened and softened sonants strengthen their glottal element to 
an E. Examples of these changes will be given in §4. By aspiration 
the series of Jc soimds and of l soimds are transformed into their cor- 
responding spirants, while in the dental and labial series aspira- 
tion does not occur. The hardening and weakening of the spirants 
reveals a number of imexpected relations of sounds. We find — 

Spirants Hardened Weakened 

X Of* X 

x(w) 'w w 

X' n *n 

8 is! y or dz 

I n I 

Similar relations of consonants appear in cases of reduplication. 
Thus we have — 

e'qa reduplicated VsFeqa {q and s) 

qlu'lyak^ reduplicated qlvlsqfu'lyaJc^ (« and y) 

The change of x' into n suggests that the n may belong rather to the 
anterior palatal series than to the alveolar series. 

The nasals, Z, y, and w, when weakened, become sonant by being 
preceded by the glottal stop, y and w are clearly related to i and u. 

§ 3. Sound Groupings 

The Kwakiutl language does not admit clusters of consonants at 
the beginning of words. Extensive clusters of consonants are rare; 
and even combinations of two consonants are restricted in number, 
their sequence being governed by rules of euphony. On the whole, 
a stop (i. e., a sonant, surd, or fortis) can not be followed by another 
consonant. This is carried through rigidly in the case of the palatals 
and laterals, while combinations of consonants in which the first is 
an alveolar or bilabial stop do occur, p followed by consonants is 
not rare; t followed by consonants is by far less frequent. The cor- 
responding sonants followed by a consonant do not appear as often, 
because the intonation of the vocal cords tends to increase in strength, 
and an e is introduced which separates the sounds. 

§3 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 431 

Besides combinations with precedent palatal stops, a few others 
are rigidly avoided. These are l-s, Z-n, l-Jc^, l-g^, ?-?», «-{/«, sk^. 
Combinations of i sounds followed by 8 do not occur, because they 
unite and form an affricative sound; h occurs only at the begin- 
ning of words (except in the imitation of the language of a monster), 
and does not enter into consonantic clusters, y and w are strongly 
vocalic, and are always followed by vowels, although they may be 
preceded by consonants, w following a Jc sound is assimilated by 
it, so that the Jc sound is pronounced with u position of the lips, as a 
labio-palatal. 

Clusters of three or more consonants follow the same rules as com- 
bination of two consonants, so that clusters are possible as long as 
any two adjoining consonants tolerate each other. We find, for 
instance, xsd, xsty q^^stj q^^st!, x'dg', nxs, nx'q!, nx'8, nsL, nU, nlh, mx8, 
mx's, mx'd, msx, mlts, mlw, Ixl, 1x8, Ixm, IxL, IxH, Ix'd, Ix'l, Ud; and 
of clusters of four consonants, xsdx, mx'8t, nx'8t, 

§ 4. Euphonic Laws 

There are a considerable number of rules of euphony which govern 
the sequence of sounds. These become active when two phonetic 
elements come into contact by composition or by syntactic co-ordi- 
nation. They are partly ante-active (i. e., working forward) or pro- 
gressive, partly retroactive or regressive, partly reciprocal. The ante- 
active processes include laws of assimilation and of consonantic elision ; 
the retroactive processes consist in the hardening and softening of con- 
sonants; the reciprocal influence manifests itself in contraction and 
consonantic assimilation. Since the rules of consonantic combination 
(§ 3) relate partly to the initial, partly to the terminal consonant of 
the combination, these changes are apparently partly ante-active, 
partly retroactive; but since they are foimded on the mutual in- 
fluence of adjoining sounds, they are better treated under the head 
of reciprocal changes. 

(1) Ante^active Changes 

The u vowels do not admit of a following anterior palatal, which \3 
changed into a palatal with following Wy or, as we may say, Jc sounds 
with i tinge become Jc sounds with u tinge when following a u vowel ; 
or Jc sounds following u vowels are labialized. Posterior palatals, 
when following a u vowel, also assume a u tinge. 

§4 



432 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l«^"- *^ 

Instances of these changes are the following: 

(fja'toayvr^'Ua) Ld'wayugtvila to make a sal- 

mon-weir 26.39 
(so'-g'anEm) so'gvxinEm you perhaps 

146.28 
(Ld'wayu-^a) Lafwayugwa this salmon-weir 

(p'-giw-t^) o'gmwe' forehead 19.5 

(o-giga) o'gug'V inside 

{^md'qes [dyaha] sd'-Jc'os) ^md'qes(dyaha)8d^kvxis really 

thrown into my belly 478.1 
(o'-itax-eO o'lcwdxe* knee 154. 1 1 

(o'-Jr-.'in-eO d'Jdwirie' body 61.13 

(o'-Ar*.'iZjf-€*) o'TcIvmlae' front of body 

(bd'-x'ld) bd'qfvnd to leave 

Changes of velars following a u vowel : 

(^nvd'xulayvr^a) ^md'xulayu^wa Potlatch-Pres- 

ent-Woman 142.1 

(tslo-g-e^) Ulo'gwe^ given away among 

other things 

iyo-xa) yo'xwa to say "yd" X 176.19 

When the vowel following the Ic after a u vowel is an e, the timbre 
of the weak vowel tends towards the u. 

When a u vowel is followed by a consonantic cluster the first sound 

of which is a t sound (according to § 3 these can be only z', x*, or x\, 

the X' changes to x", while the others remain unaffected. 

(yu'"X'8d) yv/xHd it is entirely this 102.18 

ip-x'siu'e^) o'x^mve^ mouth of river 

On the other hand — 

(p'XLd-e^) b'xud^ head part 

(bo'XLe) ho'xLe to leave a miserable 

person 

The u tinge of Tc sounds and the very short u do not seem to modify 
the following anterior palatal g, at least not according to the usage 
of the older generation. 

(ydk^-g'aH) yo'TcIug'd^l (not yo'ldugwaH) 

noise of wind 

{mE^^-g'it'X'^ld) mE^ug'lUled to put things on 

the body 199.11 

Examples of change of the anterior palatal to the medial labio- 

palatal kw are, however, not absent. 

(jid'doq^'k'ina-la) dd'doxkwinala to see accident- 

ally 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 433 

I have recorded as equally admissible — 



g'o'x^g'in and g'o'x^gun my visible house here 
go'x^g'aEU and g'o'x^gvxiEn my invisible house here 

While the rule just described is founded entirely on the phonetic 
influence of the stem element upon its suffix, we have also a class of 
phonetic changes which are due to etymological causes, and can not 
be brought entirely under phonetic rules. 

When a word ending in a consonant is followed by a suffix beginning 
wnth another consonant, there is a strong tendency to elision of the 
initial consonant of the suffix, although the combination may be 
admissible according to the general phonetic laws. Thus the com- 
pound of the stem qas- to walk, and the suffix -x'^ld to begin, would 
result in the phonetically admissible combination qd^sx'^ld, which we 
find in a word like ^aldsxe' lynx. Nevertheless, the resulting form 
is qa's^id. The elision of the initial sound of the suffix is therefore not 
entirely due to phonetic causes, and must be treated in detail in a 
discussion of the suffixes. It is quite likely that the suffixes in ques- 
tion may be compounds of two suffixes, the first of the combination 
being dropped. The question will be discussed more fully in § 18 
(p. 449). 

Another ante-active change which is not entirely due to phonetic 
causes is the transformation of <J into wd after n and vowels, which 
occurs in a few suffixes : for instance — 

He'p^ to step off Id'-wd to be off (the right line) 

sop^'la to chop off dd^wd to fail to hold 

Ic'at-d'la long thing on water Tian-wWla hollow thing on 

water 
msxnd'la canoe drifts on water gV-wdla to be on water 

(2) lietroarfive Chatujes 

The changes just mentioned are best explained as an effect of the 
stem upon the suffix. We find, however, also others, indicating 
an action of the suffix upon the stem. These consist in a hardening 
or weakening of the terminal consonant of the stem, and can not be 
explained by phonetic causes, but must be founded on etymological 
processes. 

The following examples illustrate these processes which were men- 
tioned before in § 2. In the first column the steins are given, the 
terminal soimds of which are modified by the addition of suffixes. 
In the second column hardened forms are given, in the third weakened 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 28 §.4 



434 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibtll. 40 

forms. In order to make the changes more readily recognizable, the 
suffixes are separated from the stems by means of hyphens. 
(a) Theme ends in surd or fortis : 

Theme Hardened WeakeDed 

ep- to pinch e/p!'id to begin to e'b-ayu dice 1 12.93 

pinch 
qap- to upset qap!-d^ldd to upset qah-e's upset on the 

on rock 179.27 beach 

xad'p! cradle 53.42 xda'h-Ek^ cradled 

wai' to lead uxL'd-Ek^ led 109.6 

ycU- to rattle ya'tt-ala rattle sound 

229.27 
at!- sinew ad-e'gi back sinew 

tlek- to lie on back tle^g-il to lie on back 

256.38 in house 259.12 

Tc'U'ldk'' to club Tc'Ie'lak' t-erie^ club- 
bing 
LEwk'- to wedge LEmklEXod to wedge L^mgayu wedge 

neck, i. e., foot of 
tree 
gsg- wife gd'^akla to try to get gsga'd having a wife 

a wife 
hsk^' man bEkl-u's man in hEgwA's man on 

woods beach 

tek^' to expect fegvr^na'kvla to come 

in sight being ex- 
pected X 186,2 
xunk^- child xu'ngwad having a 

child CS 170.11 
^riEmd'k^ one per- ^UEmo^klus one per- ^nEvru/gwis one per- 
son son on ground CS son on beach 

212.11 
slq^ to put out Elqlw-enox^ a person 
tongue who removes cin- 

ders from eye with 
tongue 
ydq^- to lie dead yd'^w-ls lying dead 

on beach 
wunq- deep vm'n^-ll deep floor 

187.23 
k'HmL- to adze k'!i'viL!-dla noise of 

adzing, U.S.N.M. 
677.19 
qJuLoi'if to hide qlvld^ L-^nd'kvla to 

go along hiding 
262.39 



§4 



■^^s^ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 435 

(6) Theme ends in sonant : 

Theme Hardened Weakened 

Dzd'wad Knight Dzd'wadE-enox^ peo- 

inlet pie of Knight inlet 

^Ega'd having a ^Eg'a'dE-^ne^ sidXeoi 

wife having a wife 

*noV*id (lav comes ^na'x'^lda-enox^ a 

condition in which 
day is coining reg- 
ularly 393.4 
me'x'ha to burn at me'x'bddk^ burnt at 

end end 247.9 

qd's'id to walk qd's^tda-as walking 



niEg'- to caulk niEg'ae^ne' caulking 

100.32 



place 



(c) Theme ends in spirant, continued lateral, or nasal : 



Theme 


Hardened 


Weakened 


dsnx- to sing 


da'dEUx-'a to try to 
sing 




Lox^' to stand 


^'Hi><i to stand on 


0v>-ayu salmon- 




rock 


weir 


qamx^' down of 


ga/gam^w-a to try to 




bird 


put on down of bird 




'max^- potlatch 




^md'w-ayu means of 
giving potlatch 


sex^- to paddle 


se^^w^nox^ paddler 


se'vMiyu paddle 


mix- to strike with 


md'mavra trying to 


mETira'isfe striking 


fist 


strike 


receptacle (drum) 


Ic'Ies not 


k' le'tslerie^ not being 
10.9 




plES- to flatten 




plsy-a'yu means of 
flattening 


gas- to walk 




gd'y-anmn obtained 
by walking 


tfos- to cut 




Uddz-ato to cut ear 


tslol- black 


tsloH-E'mya with 


tsol-ato with black 




black cheek 


ear 


Jc'il- afraid 




Jc'U'E'm fear 



g'H- to walk on g'd'g'i^-a to try to 

four feet walk on four feet 

^niEl' white 'rriElbd' white-chested 

Jumi' to eat ha'm-d'yu eating in- 

strument (fork) 

§4 



436 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [btll. 4e 

Stems ending in s and x^ present peculiar forms when the accent 
falls upon the semivocalic y and w, into which these sounds are trans- 
formed. The y becomes e, the w becomes o. Thus we have from— 

x'is' to disappear x'e'^nakula to disappear grad- 

ually 

qlEh- to sink under water qlEU'Jc^ sunk into water V 

488.9 

^rriEnS' to measure 'msne'lc^ measured V 477.1 

tlEmS' to beat time HEine'dzd to beat time on a 

flat thing III 86.5 

sex^- to paddle sid^'nakvJa to paddle along III 

297.10 

yix^- to dance yu^'nahda to danc^ along 

In some cases the preceding vowel, if accented, is contracted with 
the y which has originated from s. 

qas- to walk qd^'nakula to walk along 

qafnodze^ to walk alongside of 

The use of dz and y in place of 8 does not seem to follow any definite 
rules. Thus we find — 

lE^ndzETn (la-ns-ETYi) means of ^mE'nyEra {hnETis-ETu) meas- 

taking under water X 62.10 liring instrument 

qd'dzas place of walking (con- 
sidered not as goods as 
qd^yas) 

gwd'yAxsta {gwds-EXsta) to ha'dzExstax'^id {hds-Exsia- 

bring mouth near to one III x'^ld) to begin to make noise 

71.33 III 161.22 

'wd^layas (^imlas-as) size X Tva^rie'dzaa Qvaiv^-as) canoe 

161.25 lying on beach X 161.17 

A purely phonetic change belonging to this class is the palataliza- 
tion of t" and x" preceding an o or u. qfak^- slave becomes qld'lc'o; 

'niEJc^' A ROUND THING BEING IN A POSITION bcCOmCS 'mEk'd^la ROUND 

THING ON WATER (island); pEX^- TO FLOAT bccomcs psx'd'la TO 

FLOAT ON WATER. 

(3) Seciprocal Changes 

These are partly purely phonetic, partly etymological. Contact'of 
consonants results in their adaptation to admissible combinations. 
Therefore terminal k and l surds are changed before initial conso- 
nants of suflixes into their spiratits. This change is also made when, 
in a sequence of two words which stand in close syntactic relation, 

§4 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



437 



the former ends in a A: or x surd, and the latter begins with a conso- 
nant. On the other hand, 8 following a I becomes ts; s following a t 
forms with it ts; and 8 and a preceding 8 are transformed into ts. In 
some cases these changes persist even after the elision of the first 
consonant of the suffix, in accordance with § 4 (1). From hani- to 
SHOOT, and -x'^ld to begin, we have Tia'nVld, This phenomenon 
will be more fully discussed in § 18 (p. 449). In a number of 
instances t before an aflfricative changes to I. 
Surd Tc stops changed into spirants : 

^TieTc' to say 



^Tie'x'dETns time of saying 
^riex'L he will say III 33.13 
Tiaf^nax^L he will return home 

III 33.26 
we'^x^stEnd to shove into water 
md'x^bdla to tie to end III 

89.15 

yilpIe'^End to tie to a pole IIL 

158.32 
dUslE'nd to tear through (a 

string) 
hive'xalalxvxi will dance this 

III 447.4 

JcIwe'Uso^ feasted III 32.32 
qld'xtslEvnlUa to dress in III 

303.26 
lEgvn'Usa g'ok^ the fire of the 

house 

ua' gvnlbEntses to push nose 
with his III 349.20 

UHEmtsd^ cover is taken oflf 
from face III 109.23 

8 foUowing another 8 forms with it ts: 

(ax'd^S'SBn) ax^d'tssn place of my III 32.6 

(gd' 8'8e*8tala) qd'tse^stdla to walk around III 

23.13 

The soimds y and w, when interconsonantic, change to e and o; 

(niETiy-Jc^ [from mEns-]) mErie'lc^ measured 

{ttsmy-dzd [from tiEms-]) V.Eme'dzo to beat time on 

something flat 

§4 



nd'^ndk^ to return 

weq^' to shove a long thing 
mok^'to tie 

L changed into I: 
yiir- to tie 

dir- to tear 

Jcwe'xalairxtva 

8 following I changed to ts: 

(klwe'l'So') 
{qldXrtstd^Lsa) 

{lEgvn'l'Sa g'o'Tc^) 

m 

8 following d OT t forms ts: 
(Ld'gvnlhEnd'Ses) 

m 

(Je'tEmd-so^ 



438 BUBEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY t«^i^ ^ 

(pfEy-k^ [from plES-]) pleh^ one to whom potlatch is 

given III 163.40 

(qsmw-k^ [from qEmq:!^]) qemo'lc^ covered with down 

III 153.35 

(x^MvAr" [from x^«-]) xoir« split IV 246.39 

On the other hand, e and o preceding a vowel become y and w. 

(o-a^-6*) awa'ge crotch 

Ld^ and L^wes and his 

hie'x'sd^ he was told ^ne'x'SB^weda K. K. was told 

xd'e^ something split xd'^ds his thing that has been 

split 
Ld'sande* seaside m'savA^as its seaside 

The ending c^, when preceded by a consonant and followed by a 

vowel, changes to a^y. 

vd'qe^ mind nOfqa^yas his mind 

g'l'garrie^ chief g'l'gama^yas his chief 

The diphthong ay, when preceding a consonant, becomes a. 

ayo'l desired d'xvla to desire 

(qay-^nci'lcvla [from qds-]) qd^na/hala to walk along 

Another class of reciprocal changes affect the vowels. It seems 
that there are no purely phonetic rules which restrict the sequence 
of vowels, but contractions occur which depend upon the etymological 
value of the suffix. Thus the suffix -a (p. 533), when following a 
terminal a, is contracted with it into a, o^^moHi that chieftainess 
becoming o'^md; with terminal o it is contracted into 5, Ld'wayo-a 
THAT SALMON RIVER bccoHung Ld'wayS, On the other hand, we 
have, in the case of other suffixes, g'd'xaaqos your coming, in which 
two adjoining a's are not contracted. 

Similar contractions occur in a number of suffixes : 

(tsIdranEm) tstd'nEm obtained by drawing 

water 
(Id'wdrdmds) lawd'mcLs to cause to be off 

from a line 
(tsld-ayu) tald'yu instrument for draw- 

ing water 
(tsId-anEin) tsld'nEm obtained by giving 

(Lldyo-ap!) Llayd'p! to exchange 

(lExd^-dlisEin) lExd'lisEm to die of coughing 

The consonants m and I have a similar effect upon vowels: 

(de'gEm-ayu) de^gsmyu means of wiping face 

(tlEm-ayu) ttE'myu thread, i. e., means of 

sewing 



»OAs] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 489 

GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES (§§ 6-8) 

§ 6. Enumeration of Grammatical Processes 

Grammatical categories and syntactic relations are expressed by 
means of three processes. These are — 

1. Composition. 

2. Changes in the phonetic character of the stem. 

3. Position. 

§ 6. Composition 

Kwakiutl possesses a large number of stems which occur seldom 
\^athout word-forming affixes. The latter are numerous, and they are 
always attached to the ends of stems or of derivatives of stems. The 
number of stems exceeds by far the number of suffixes. The mean- 
ing of many of these suffixes can not be determined, and in their 
phonetic values they appear subordinate to the steins with which 
they firmly coalesce. 

Two processes bring about the coalescence between stem and suffix: 
(1) Phonetic contact phenomena and (2) contact phenomena due to 
the individual character of the stem and of the suffix (see § 4). 

The former of these processes is founded entirely on phonetic laws, 
and includes the transformation in the suffix of a t sound into the 
corresponding sound with u timber, after terminal u or o sound of the 
stem or preceding suffix; the change of a t" and x" preceding an o or u 
into k' and x'; modification of the terminal consonant of the stem 
or preceding suffix, and of the initial consonant of the suffix, which 
form inadmissible combinations; and contraction. 

The second group of processes can not be explained by phonetic 
laws, but depends upon the individuality of the suffix and of the stem 
or preceding suffix. The phenomena involved are contractions of 
the terminal stem and initial suffix vowels, although the combination 
of vowels may be quite admissible; elision of consonants; introduc- 
tion of connective consonants ; and retroactive changes which affect 
the terminal consonant of the stem. In one case, at least, the reason 
for the introduction of a connective consonant may be traced with a 
high degree of probability to the retention of the terminal sound of a 
suffix when combined with other suffixes, while the same sound has 
been lost when the same suffix closes the word (see p. 532). 

The modifications which affect the terminal consonant of the stem 
belong almost exclusively to a group of suffixes which usually follow 

§§5,6 



440 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fw^"- *0 

the stem itself, and do not readily admit any preceding suffixes. 
Most of these either harden or weaken the terminal consonant of the 
stem, although there is also a considerable number of suffixes of this 
class which do not produce amy changes other than those entailed by 
purely phonetic laws. In a few cases the changes produced by the 
suffix are very irregular. It is probable that no verbal or nominal 
stem ever appears without a suffix of this class. Therefore the 
terminal sound of a stem can not be determined unless it occurs 
with a suffix which produces no change. 

§ 7. Changes in the Phonetic Character of the Stem 

Setting aside the secondary changes produced by the action of 
phonetic laws and by the mutual effect of stem and suffix, we find that 
reduplication and change of vowel are used to express grammatical 
concepts. In the verb we find complete duplication of the stem, with 
assimilation of the terminal consonant of the first repeated syllable 
with the following consonant; for instance, Zog"- to fish halibut, 
loxfHoqwa to fisu now and again. True redupUcation is, on the 
whole, restricted to the initial consonant. The vowel of the redupU- 
cated syllable does not always depend upon the stem-vowel, but 
differs according to the function of reduphcation. Vowel-changes in 
the stem are rare, and consist generally of a lengthening of the stem- 
vowel. In many cases they may be explained as modified redupU- 
cation. 

§ 8. Position 

The position of words in the sentence is determined by syntactic 
particles. The parts of the sentence are held together finnly, and 
their position is definitely determined by their coalescence with 
syntactic elements which indicate the relations of subject, object, 
instrument, and possession. By this means the whole sentence is 
knit together so firmly that a separation into words is quite arbitrary. 
The firmness of this word-complex is due largely to the complete 
phonetic coalescence of the syntactic particle with the preceding 
word, and to its function as determining the syntactic value of the 
following word. It is of course impossible to determine whether this 
is an original trait of the language, or whether it is due to a phonetic 
decadence of the syntactic elements, similar to the one that may be 
observed in French in the combinations between verb and pronoim. 

§§7,8 



^OAB] HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 441 

IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATIOAL PROCESSES 

(§§ 9-17) 

§ 9. Character of Steins 

Although the formal distinction of noim and verb is quite sharp, 
the great freedom with which nouns may be transformed into verbs, 
and verbs into nouns, makes a classification difficult. All stems 
seem to be neutral, neither noun nor verb; and their nominal or 
verbal character seems to depend solely upon the suffix with which 
they are used, although some suffixes are also neutral. I am led to 
this impression chiefly by the indiscriminate use of suffixes with 
steins that occur as nouns, as well as with others that occur as 
verbs. A separation of suffixes of nouns and those of verbs can be 
carried through only when the sense of the suffix requires its com- 
position with either a verb or a noun, and even in these cases com- 
positions with the opposite class occur which are sometimes difficult 
to understand. The neutral character of the stem may also be the 
reason why many suffixes are attached to the stem freed of all word- 
forming elements. Examples of the indiscriminate use of suffixes 
with stems that we should be inclined to class as either nominal or 
verbal are — 

iEklu's man of the woods (from Ie^ man, -« in woods) 
UefhlES to lie on back on ground (from t!ek'- to lie on back, and 

the same suffix as before) 
tle'sEmx'tsIdna stone handed (from He's- stone, -Em plural, 

'Z'tsldna hand) 
axtsland'la to hold in hand (from ax- to do, and the same suffix 

as before) 

It is difficult to understand the combination of a suffix like -ol to 
OBTAIN with steins some of which we consider as verbal, while others 
appear to us as nominal stems. We find qld'Jc'OL to obtain a slave 
(from qlak^' slave), and also Iol to obtain (from la, a general 
auxiliary verb, originally designating motion). Lack of discrimina- 
tion between the nominal and verbal function of words is also brought 
out by compounds like hEgwafnEmx'^ld to become a man (from 
hEgwd'nEm man, -x'^id, inchoative), and mix'^l'd to begin to strike 
(from mix'- to strike and the inchoative suffix). 

A number of suffixes may also be used indiscriminately with 
nominal and verbal function; for instance, from -rumva sometimes, 

§9 



442 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBuu^ 40 

we have Id'naxwa he goes sometimes and x'iyd'snaxwa place where 
SOMETHING DISAPPEARS FROM TIME TO TIME (from x'is- to disap- 
pear, -as place of). For these reasons a strict classification into 
nominal and verbal suffixes does not seem admissible. 

§ 10. Nominal Suffixes 

Nevertheless many suffixes have assumed distinctly the function 
of giving to a stem a nominal or a verbal character. We find, for 
instance, many nouns ending in -a and -6% others ending in -sm, 
animate beings endmg in -^UEm, and terms of relationship ending in 
-mp. Besides these, there are a great many which express place 
and time of an action or process, various forms of the nomen actoris, 
the results and causes of actions and processes, possession, instru- 
mentality, material, etc.; in short, a wide range of verbal nouns. 
They retain, however, their neutral value. This is best expressed by 
the fact that most of these verbal nouns retain their syntactic rela- 
tion to the direct and indirect object. The Kwakiutl does not say 
''the seeing-place of the canoe,'' but "the place-of-seeing the canoe." 

Among purely verbal suffixes, there are a number which express 
actions affecting nouns, which for this reason are always (or at least 
generally) suflSxed to nouns, as, "to make," "to take care of/' "to 
sound;" verbs expressing sense impressions, as "to smell of," "to 
taste like;" and words like "to die of." With these groups maybe 
classed a number of suflSxes which change the subject of the sentence, 
like the passives and causatives. 

§ 11. Local and Modal Suffixes 

Most important among the suffixes which are both verbal and 
nominal is the extensive group of local terms. These embrace a gre^t 
variety of ideas expressed by our prepositions and by many local 
adverbs, and contain also a long series of more special local ideas 
(Uke "in the house," "into the house," "on the ground," "on the 
beach," "on rocks," "in the fire," "in water") and an exhaustive 
series of terms designating locally parts of the body (for instance, "on 
the hand," "on the chest," "on the thigh," "in the body"). A 
second group classify nouns according to form, and set off human 
beings as a distinct category. A third class of suffixes indicate 
time-relations, such as past, present, and future. With these may be 
classed the suffixes which indicate the modality of a process as 

§§ 10, 11 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 443 

beginning, gradual, continued, repeated, uncertain, simulated, etc. 
Many of these suffixes express the subjective relation of the mind of 
the speaker to the event. This is also true of the demonstrative suf- 
fixes indicating position in relation to the speaker, and visibility or 
invisibility. These, however, must be classed with the syntactic par- 
ticles which will be f oimd treated on pages 627 et seq. To the suffixes 
expressing subjective relation belong those expressing the source of 
subjective knowledge — ad by hearsay, or by a dream. Quite numer- 
ous are the suffixes expressing ideas like "much,'' "little," "admira- 
bly," "miserably," "surprisingly." I am imder the impression that 
all these have primarily a subjective coloring and a high emotional 
value. Thus, the ending -dze large is used in such a manner that 
it conveys the impression of overwhelming size, or the subjective 
impression of size, while the word ^wd^las expresses size without the 
emotional element; -xo^ indicates the entirely unexpected occurrence 
of an event and the surprise excited by it. The latter example shows 
that the subjective character of these suffixes may also be used to 
express the relations of a sentence to the preceding sentence. In a 
sense, -xoL is a disjimctive suflSx. As a matter of fact, these suf- 
fixes are used extensively to express the psychological relation of a 
sentence to the preceding sentence. They indicate connection as 
well as contrast, and thus take the place of our conjunctions. 

§ 12. Classes of Words 

The classification of suffixes here given shows that a division of 
words into verbs and nouns has taken place, both being fairly clearly 
distinguished by suffixes. We find, however, that syntactically the 
distinction is not carried through rigidly; nouns being treated with 
great ease as verbs, and verbs as nouns. It must be added here that 
the forms of the pronouns as attached to the noun and as attached 
to the verb are distinct. Since the psychological relation of sen- 
tences is included in the process of suffix formation, conjunctions are 
absent. For this reason, and on accoimt of the verbal character of 
most adverbs, there remain only few classes of words — nouns, verbs, 
and particles. 

There is no clear classification of nouns into groups, although the 
grammatical treatment of nouns designating human beings and of 
those designating other objects is somewhat different, particularly in 
the treatment of the plural. The noun-forming suffixes, mentioned 

§12 



444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY i^^^ ^ 

in the beginning of § 10, also indicate the occurrence of certain classes 
of ideas. The principle of classification, however, remains obscure. 
In syntactic construction a classification of noims according to 
form — such as long, round, flat — is carried through in some cases, 
and runs parallel with a differentiation of verbs of position and 
motion for objects of different form. 

§ 18. PluraUty 

The idea of plurality is not clearly developed. Reduplication of a 
noun expresses rather the occurrence of an object here and there, or 
of different kinds of a particular object, than plurality. It is therefore 
rather a distributive than a true plural. It seems that this form is 
gradually assuming a purely plural significance. In many cases in 
which it is thus applied in my texts, the older generation criticises its 
use as inaccurate. Only in the case of human beings is reduplication 
applied both as a plural and a distributive. In the pronoun the idea 
of plurality is not developed. The combination of speaker and others 
must not be considered as a plurality; but the two possible combina- 
tions — of the speaker and others, including the person addressed, and 
of the speaker and others, excluding the person addressed — are dis- 
tinguished as two separate forms, both of which seem to be derived 
from the form denoting the speaker (first person singular). The 
plurality of persons addressed and of persons spoken of is indicated 
by the addition of a suffix which probably originally meant "people.'' 
This, however, is not applied unless the sense requires an emphasis of 
the idea of plurality. It does not occur with inanimate nouns. 

In the verb, the idea of plurality is naturally closely associated 
with that of distribution; and for this reason we find, also in Kwa- 
kiutl, the idea of plurahty fairly frequently expressed by a kind of 
reduplication similar to that used for expressing the distributive of 
nouns. This form is applied regularly in the Bella Bella dialect, 
which has no means of expressing pronominal plurality. 

Related to the reduplicated nominal plural is also the reduplicated 
verbal stem which conveys purely the idea of distribution, of an 
action done now and then. 

§ 14. Reduplication for Expressing Unreality 

Reduplication is also used to express the diminutive of nouns, the 
idea of a playful performance of an activity, and the endeavor to per- 
form an action. It would seem that in all these forms we have the 

§§ 13, 14 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 446 

fundamental idea of an approach to a certain concept without its 

realization. In all these cases the reduplication is combined with the 

use of suflixes which differentiate between diminution, imitation, and 

endeavor. 

§ 16. Pronominal Ideas 

In the pronoim the three persons of speaker, person addressed, and 
person spoken of are each represented by formal elements. It was 
stated before that the inclusive and exclusive form of the first person 
plural are distinguished, and that both are probably derived from the 
first person singular. This means that these two forms are not con- 
ceived as plurals. It was also stated that the second and third 
j>ersoiis have no pronominal plural. 

The demonstrative is developed in strict correspondence with the 
j>ersonal pronoim; position near the speaker, near the person ad- 
dressed, and near the person spoken of being distinguished. These 
locations are subdivided into two groups, according to visibility and 
invisibility. The rigidity with which location in relation to the 
speaker is expressed, both in nouns and in verbs, is one of the funda- 
mental features of the language. The distinction of proper nouns 
and common nouns, and that of definiteness and indefiniteness — 
similar to that expressed by our articles — is expressed by a differ- 
entiation of form of these demonstrative elements. 

The possessive pronoun has forms which are different from those 
of the verbal pronouns, and by their use verb and noun may be 
clearly distinguished. 

§ 16. Sjmtactic Relations 

The fundamental syntactic categories are predicate, subject, object, 
possession (which is closely related to instrumentality), and finaUty 
(which is closely related to causality and conditionality). In other 
words, the syntactic cases, nominative^ accusative, genitive (possess- 
ive or instrumentalis), finalis (causalis), may be distinguished, while 
all local relations are expressed in other ways (see § 11). Verbal sub- 
c^rdination is expressed by means of forms which are closely allied to 
these nominal cases. Verbal co-ordination is expressed by verbal 
suflSxes, and thus does not belong to the group of syntactic phenomena. 

§ 17. Character of Sentence 

The contents of the Kwakiutl sentence are characterized primarily 
by an exuberant development of localization. This is brought about 

§§ 15-17 



446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tB«^>- ^ 

partly by the use of local sufBxes which define the exact place where 
an action is performed, without regard to the speaker; partly by the 
expression of location in relation to the speaker. Thus the sent^ice 
"My friend is sick" would require in Kwakiutl local definition, such 
as "My visible friend near me is sick in the house here." Further- 
more, the psychological relation of the sentence to the state of mind 
of the speaker — or to the contents of preceding sentences — ^is expressed 
with great care. The chief formal characterization of the sentence 
is the close connection of its parts, which is due to the fewness of 
syntactic forms by means of which all possible relations are expressed, 
and to the subordination of the noun under the verb by means of 
particles which coalesce phonetically with the preceding word, while 
they determine the function of the following word. 

DESCREPnON OF GRAMMAR (§§ 18-69) 
Formation of Words (§§ 18-46) 
Composition (§§ 18-39) 

{ 18. SUFFIXES 

Compounds are formed by the use of suffixes. There is no proof 
that the numerous suffixes were originally independent words. I 
have found only one case in which an independent word appears also 
as a suffix. This is -qlss to eat (p. 501), which occurs independ- 
ently as qlEsa' to eat meat 21.9. We may also suspect that the 
suffix 'p!a TO taste, and the stem p!aq- to taste, are related. It 
seems hardly justifiable to infer from these two cases that all suffixes 
must have originated from independent words; since the inde- 
pendence of these two stems may be a recent one, or their subordi- 
nation may have been made according to analogous forms. It is 
perhaps also not fortuitous that the suffix forms for the idea "to eat" 
are exceedingly irregular. 

The Kwakiutl language has very few particles, or words unable to 
be modified by composition with other elements. The suflixed 
elements coalesce quite firmly with the theme to which they are 
attached. Pronominal and syntactic suffixes must be distinguished 
from those forming denominating and predicating ideas, that, by 
themselves, are not sentences. Among the latter class we find a 
considerable number that may be designated as terminal or com- 
pletive, in so far as they round off the theme into a complete word 

§18 



»«A8) HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 447 

without any appreciable addition to its significance. Many of these 
are of rare occurrence. Almost all of them, except -a and -la, are 
denominative in character. We find for instance: 

from the stem dzdx^- dza'vm'n silver salmon 

Tianx^' ha^no'n humpback salmon 

gwdX' gwa'xnis dog salmon 

rriEl' rriEte'Tc' sockeye salmon 

mst' mEHa'rie^ large clam (Saxi- 

domvs) 

Isq- lEqiEstE'n kelp 

tslex'- tslex'i'nas elderberry 

tlEq^' tlEX^ao'a cinquefoil 

The composition of these stems with various suffixes enables us to 
isolate them from their completive endings. It is not improbable 
that in some cases by analogy forms may have developed which are 
not true stems, but fragmentary phonetic groups derived secondarily 
from longer words. The stems are almost throughout monosyllabic, 
as will be shown on page 550. When, for instance, the word ge'vxis 
DE£R is treated as though it were a compoimd of the stem JF€X"- to 
HANG and the suffix -as place, it is barely possible that this does not 
represent its true origin. The treatment of a few Enghsh loan-words 
makes it plausible that this process may have taken place. On the 
other hand, a number of polysyllabic Kwakiutl words are never 
reduced to monosyllabic elements in composition. As an example 
may be given the word me'ffwat seal, which never loses any of its 
sounds. This process shows clearly that what has often been termed 
** apocope,'* or, if occurring initially, *' decapitation," is merely due to 
a substitution of one affix for another one. 

Most suffixes in Kwakiutl add a new idea to the word to which they 
are added, and these are generally attached to the theme. At the 
same time, phonetic modifications occur, either in the theme alone, 
or in the suffix alone, or in both. Examples of such compounds are 
the following: 

hsJc^- man hd'lclum genuine man, Indian 

(see no. Ill) 
Lap- to peg iKihE^m pegging utensil, peg 

(see no. 173) 
xuls' to long xulydllSEm to die of longing 

382.27 (see no. 152) 
msl' sockeye salmon niElma'nd head of sockeye 

salmon 

§18 



448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

When a significant suflBx is added to a word provided with a sig- 
nificant suffix, the latter loses its formal, completive element, if it has 
one, and the new suffix is attached to the theme of the first suffix. 
For instance : 

tlsk^' to move, -ox- down (no. 19), -g'alll in house (no. 46\ 

tlEhwd^xalll to take down in house 
Ml- right, "Ic'Idt opposite (no. 12), -o^- crotch (no. 71), -€* noun 

(no. 161), Tie^lTddddge^ right side in crotch, i. e., right anal fin 
xunk^' child, -ad having (no. 170); -x'^ld to begin (no. 90). 

xu^ngvxidEX'Hd to begin to have a child 
x.'dg^-red, copper; -e^st- aroimd (no. 6), -galll in house (no. 46), 

-fc" passive participle, Lld'qwe'stalUJc^ made to be copper all 

around in the house 
'mEl- white, -xlo hair of body (no. 76), -^Eml mask (no. 54a*. 

^TYiE^lxLogEml white body-hair mask, i. e., mountain-goat 

mask 

Other suffixes are added to words which retain their formal, com- 
pletive elements. Examples are — 

stem . Completive su ffix . Su fflx . 

qla'k^- slave -o -bido' qfd'Tc'dbido^ little slave 

qfwds- to cry -a -hula qJivd'sabula to pretend 

to cry 
808' children -Em -nuk 8d'8Emnulc having chil- 

dren 

In still other cases the usage is not absolutely fixed : 

hariL- to shoot, -bES fond of, ha'nlbE8 fond of shooting 
e'ax- to work, -ala completive suffix, -bE8 fond of, €'axalabE8 fond 
of work 

or with slight differentiation of meaning: 

bEk^- man, -duEm completive suffix, -Tc'IaJa noise 
bEklwd^la man's voice 
bEgwd^nEmk'ldla voice of a man 

For convenience' sake those suffixes that are attached to the stem 
without its formal, completive endings may be called stem-suffixes; 
the others which are attached to the stem with its formal endings, 
word-suffixes. As indicated before, the Une of demarcation between 
these two classes is not rigidly drawn. An examination of the list of 
word-suffixes shows that they include largely adverbial and con- 
junctional ideas possessing a strong subjective element, and implying 
a judgment or valuation of the idea expressed in the word to which 
the suffix is attached. 

§ 18 



BOABl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 449 

While the word-suflBxes modify the terminal sound of the stem 
and imdergo changes of their own initial soimds in accordance with 
the rules of sound grouping, the stem-suffixes exert a more far- 
reaching effect upon the stem to which they are affixed. On the 
whole, these changes are quite regular and consist, on the one hand, in 
the transformation of surds into fortes, and the other in the trans- 
formation of surds and fortes into sonants, and other parallel changes 
described in § 4. I have called the former group hardening suffixes, 
because the intensity of articulation of the terminal sound is increased, 
and accordingly the acoustic effect of the sound is harder; while I 
designate the second group as weakening suffixes, because the inten- 
sity of articulation is decidedly decreased by their action. A third 
group of suffixes is indifferent and causes or suffers no changes except 
those occasioned by the laws of sound grouping. A fourth group 
loses initial sounds when the stem to which they are suffixed termi- 
nates in certain soimds. These are mostly indifferent, but a few are 
hardening or weakening suffixes. 

The only sounds thus affected are anterior palatals (g', Tc', Ic'!, x'), 
the sonant velar (jf), x, and s. The loss of the initial palatal or velar 
never occurs after vowels, m, n, and L It occurs regularly after 
labial, dental, palatal, velar, and lateral surd stops (p, tj Jc\ t**, j, g*, l), 
and after s. The number of cases in which suffixes of this class 
appear attached to a sonant or fortis stop (except in cases in which 
terminal sounds are strengthened or weakened) are so few in num- 
ber that I am not sure whether the initial soimd is dropped in all 
cases. There are a few examples that suggest a certain variability 
of usage: 

dzVdzoTiogotdla and dze'dzono^oxUUa Dzo'noqiwas on top 118.29 

mEgug'l'tlld to rub on 199.11 

Suffixes with initial g', x'j and ^ lose these sounds also after the 
spirant palatals and velars (a?*, x«, x, x"), while initial Ic! is generally 
retained in these cases: 

SEpE^lx'-k' Idlor-giLe ringing noise on water 152.34 (nos. 144, 42) 

dx-k'Id'la to ask 7.5 (no. 144) 

UlsX'laVlg'End-ala to drop in lap 258.2 (nos. 70, 2, 91) 

This rule, however, is not rigid. We find, for instance, 

^RmX'dt'sW'lil left hand side of door X 76.6 (nos. 12, 59, 46) where 

the initial sound of -Ic'ldt drops out; and 
^nsx-k'to't straight down, where it is retained 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 29 § 18 



450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [blu. 4U 

Possibly this difference is clue to the fact that the x in the last-named 
form is changed by contact from the terminal q of 'nEq- straight. 

Suffixes with initial -fc* lose this sound under the same conditions 
that govern the elision of g'j x*, and ^. An exception is — 

gE'lx^hwdind to lift by the top {gElq^-lc'E-ndy nos. 38, 2) 

Terminal I of the stem has the effect of eliding all initials. Only 
one exception has been found: 

A€?-A:-/of right side 81.2 

It is interesting to note that the suffix -giu, which belongs to this 
class, behaves differently according to its meaning. It signifies 
FOREHEAD, FRONT. Whenever it appears with the specialized mean- 
ing BOW OF CANOE, it is entirely Unchangeable, even after an o vowel, 
when, according to the general phonetic rules, it should be expected 
to assume the form -gwiu (see no. 57). 

Among these suffixes the following weaken the terminal consonant: 

'Xtd head -xtla seaward 

-x'sa away from 

Strengthening is: 

-Ic'Idla noise 

The suffix -x'Hd (nos. 87 and 90), and the inchoatives in -g'ol^, 
-g'il'f -g'aE- (no. 197), lose the initial x*, ^a, or g' after all consonants 
except m, n, Z, and after sonants. At the same time terminal p and i 
are transformed into the fortes p! and t!j and all k and l sto]>s are 
transformed into their spirants, while s and I remain unchanged. 

The suffix "SgEm round surface (no. 85), which is undoubtedly 
related to -^Em face, follows the same rules as suffixes in a, but it 
always retains its s: We find, instead of 

me^x-s^Em rrie/xsEm to sleep on a round object 

jnaH'SgEm maHtsE^m two round objects 

The suffix -e^sta around has the form -se^sta after vowels, m, n, ?, 
and behaves, therefore, in a manner opposite to that of suffixes in 
g'j X', and g. 

The suffix 'sqwap fire loses its initial s after stems ending in «, 
except when affixed to the stem ties- stone, in which case both s's are 
lost, and we find the form tle^qwap stones on fire. 

The suffix -sxd tooth seems to lose its initial s after stems ending 
in s and in Tc sounds. The number of available examples, however, 
is not sufficient to state definitely the mode pf its treatment. 

§ 18 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



451 



One phonetic characteristic of the suflSxes remains to be mentioned. 
It is the insertion of I and the transformation of 8 and t into I, It is 
diflBcult to give satisfactory rules for the use of the I, Apparently in 
one of its uses it is related to the inchoative -g'il'f which has been 
referred to before (p. 450), and it is sometimes weakening, sometimes 
indiflFerent. Thus we find from the stem qda- to walk, qddzEltu'sEla 
TO BEGIN TO WALK DOWN RIVER, and the theoretical form qdsatu'sEla to 
BE WALKING DOWN RIVER. Here the I weakens the terminal 8 of qaSj 
while in 8Vxultv/8Ela to begin to paddle down river (from «ex**- to 
paddle) the terminal x" is not changed. This I appears with par- 
ticular frequency after the sufiix -o-, which has a privative signifi- 
cance, as in -wuUla out of an enclosed place; -wultd out of a 
canoe; -wultos down out of; -wulUlo out of (no. 37). In the 
suffix '8td^ EYE, opening, the I is substituted for s, perhaps on account 
of the cumbersome form that would result, -Itstd', The terminal t of 
the suffix 'Ic'Idt opposite (no. 12) changes regularly to I before is!: 

helk'Ioltsfdna instead of Jtelkldt-tsldna right hand 

It would seem that the I before ts! is sometimes a gUde, at least I 
can not offer a satisfactory explanation of its occurrence : 

o- SOMETHING, •4g'' BACK, -xUldn- HAND, -6^ NOUN, form avn- 

g'aUsldne^ back of hand 
da TO TAKE, 'ha end, Ulan hand, -d inchoative, form dd'hal- 

tsIdnEud TO LEAD by the hand 
^nEq- middle, -UIo in, -la verbal ending, form ^UEgElUId'la to 

BE IN the middle 

Similar phonetic groupings occur, however, without the I: 

hvab WATER, -tslo IN, ^Wd'hstsJo WATER IN SOMETHING 

Following is a list of suffixes grouped according to their mode of 
attachment and effect upon the stem : 

WORD-SUFFIXES 



Adverbial 



'Em8Tc^ I told you so! 

'Eng'a it seemed in a dream 

-ana perhaps 

-ojiaa also 

-€L astonishing! 

-wl8t!a very 

-tiZpast 

-plEu times 



-hola to pretend 

-*m indicating close connec- 
tion in thought between 
two sentences 

-^m-wis and so 

-md at once 

-t!a but 

-^Tuixwa from time to time 

§ 18 



452 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



tBULL 40 



-'riesL oh, if! 

-n6^ too much 

-so' passive 

-dzd indeed 

-g'ariEm perhaps 

-it-OS indeed 

-k'as'd beautiful, beautifully 

•Ic'inal miserably 

-qldmas for the reason that 

•^landk^ quite imexpectedly 

-qldlam to no purpose 

-X' exhortative 

'XEnt evidently 



Adjectival 



-0 small 

-Mdo^ small (singular) 

-rriEnex small (plural) 



'ZOL behold! 

-<c'de transition from preset 

to past 
-x'sdZa carelessly 
'X'sd still 

-x'stfauk^ apparently, like 
-x'st! as usual 
'X'Ld very 
-xLe miserably 
-H it is said 
-lag'lL meanwhile 
'Idx potentiality 
"L future 



-dze large 

-ga female, woman 



IffisceUaneous 



'Ostqla to use so and so often 
"Sdana to die of — 
'Xa to say — 
-idl to dance like 
--talEs (-dzEs'i) piece of 



'S^ETrd mask 

-^arne' the one among 

cellent 
'Xwa's days 



— , ex- 



STEM-SUFFIXES 
Indifferent Suffixes 



'Em nominal suflSx 

'Elg'is doing for others 

-a verbal and nominal suflix 

-a^vnl across 

-apt neck 

-ap/ each other 

-dmas to cause 

-atus down river 

-dnEm class of animate beings 

-and instrument, passive 

-asde meat 

-yag'a returning 

-o^a past 

-dxa down 

-dgo extreme 

-dla continued position 

"'ydia to go to look for 

§18 



-em's near by 

-eso' rest 

-i'ldla about 

-o meeting 

-o out of 

-dJa on water 

-dla each other 

-dm4JLS class of animals 

-ot, (-^umt) fellow 

'^usta up river 

-'usdes up from the beach 

-ofc* person 

'olEm nominal suffix 

-OL to obtain 

'dlsla continued motion 

-hsta into, in 

-ba end 



BOASl 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



453 



-pla taste 

'pldla smell 

'platto with eyes 

'hES expert, fond of 

-pleq tree 

-pox (Newettee dialect) into, 

in 
-mand head 
-mis useless part 
-mtU refuse 
-mp relationship 
-d inchoative 
-dEms time of 
-eruik direction 
-TwZ inchoative 
-Enisles down to beach 



-ETix edge 

'Sdqo penis 

-'sta water 

'tslE- with hands 

-tslaq long 

'ts!d in 

-dzaqwa to speak 

-Ar'a to happen 

-Jc'ina accidentally 

-qlEs to swallow 

-qlsge^ meat 

-g/a to feel 

-xsa flat 

-xic^ top of head 

-XLO top of tree, hair on body 

4a verbal and nominal suffix 



Hardening Suffixes 



-Em genume 

-Etn^ya cheek 

-ES expert 

-a on rock 

-a to endeavor 

-aqa among 

-etnas class of animals 

-€7ie' abstract noun 

-€7iox^ nomen actoris 

-es body (?) 

Weakening 

-Em instrument 
-Em diminutive 
-En nominal suffix 
-^Enx season 
-eVc^ doing regularly 
-eUsus down river 
-ayu instrument 
-abo imder 
-amdla along river 
-ad having 
-abo ear 

-dnEm obtained by — 
-aano rope 
-cw place 
-atsle receptacle 
-cw crotch 
-oJcu material (?) 



-eg in body 

-exsd to desire 

-OS cheek 

-ho chest 

-s on groimd 

-g'aH to begin to make noise 

-xo neck 

-xsd hind end 

-xLa bottom end 

Suffixes 

-dlisEm to die of — 
^ -€^ nominal suffix ( ?) 
. -id having 

-inet obtained by — 

-es body (?) 

-es beach 

-eg'e back 

-ll in house 

-eL into house 

-esEla ashore (?) 

-^Z6a nose 

-eLlxo mouth 

-o^yo middle 

-ns obtained unexpectedly 

-oH ugly 

-^ndJcvla gradual motion 

-Tieq comer 

§ 18 



454 



BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL 40 



-no side 
-nos side 
-nuLEm temples 
-nulga groins 
-Twa under water 
-ndzEm throat 
-dzo flat 



-t" passive participle 

'X8 in canoe 

-x'sd away 

-xseg'a front of house 

'Exsta mouth . 

"l passive of verbs expressing 



sense perceptions 

SUFFIXES LOSING THEIB INITIAL CONSONANTS 



Losing initial g': 

-giu forehead 

-git body 

-gUa to make 

-g'ustd up 
Losing initial Jc: 

-Jcdj 'Tcaue between 

-k'E top of a square object 
Losing initial Tc'l: 

-A: /m body 

'Tc'Idla noise 

'Ic'Idt opposite 
Losing initial x-: 

'X'Hd to begin 

'X'^ld past 

'X'plega thigh 

'X'dEm place 

'X'da^x^ pronominal plural 

-x'dEe transition from present 
to past 

'X'8^ across 
Losing initial go-: 

All inchoatives in -gal-y such as- 

-g'oM in house 
-g'alExs in canoe 
Losing initial g: 

■ 

'^Em fare 

'^Eml mask 
Losing initial x: 

-xt!a seaward 

-xsd through 

-xtd head 
Losing or modifying initial s: 

'Se^sta around 

-8td^ eye 

'8d1c^ person 

§18 



-g'Eg'a inside 
-gag side of 
-g'U reason 



"Jc'dx'e knee 



-Ic'Ies in body 
'Tc'lUga front of body 



-x'sa away from 

-x'siap! arm 

'X'siu mouth of river 

'X'sls foot 

'X'sHa to take care of 

'X'ts/dna hand 

'X'La top 



-^'oaLEla suddenly 



-jfo meeting 



-xseg'a front of house 
-xi^a top of head 



-sqwap five 
-sx'a tooth 
-8^Em round thing 



BOAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 455 

Although the use of these suffixes follows the rules laid down here 
with a fair degree of regularity, there are quite a number of excep- 
tional compositions. A few examples will suffice here: 

stem ^EQ'- ^EnE^m wife 

stem ^6g'' ^w&yi'm whale 

stem g'inl' g'ind'nEm child 

stem xunJe^" xuno'k^ child 

stem x'is' x'o/x'a^ya trying to disappear 

(« weakened to y, instead 

of being strengthened to 

ts!) 
stem plES' to flatten p!dp!a^ya trying to flatten 

(same as last) 

§ Id. CLASSES OF SUFFIXES 

I have tried to classify the primary suffixes according to the ideas 
expressed. Classes of this kind are of course somewhat arbitrary, 
and their demarcations are uncertain. The general classification of 
suffixes which I have adopted is as follows: 

I. Terminal completive suffixes (§ 20, nos. 1-2). 

II. Primary suffixes (§§ 21-37, nos. 3-195). 

(1) Suffixes denoting space limitations (§§ 21-24, nos. 3-85). 

(a) General space limitations (§ 21, nos. 3-37). 

(b) Special space limitations (§ 22, nos. 38-52). 

(c) Parts of body as space limitations (§ 23, nos. 53-81). 

(d) Limitations of form (§ 24, nos. 82-85). 

(2) Temporal suffixes (§§ 25-26, nos. 86-97). 

(a) Purely temporal suffixes (§ 25, nos. 86-89). 
(6) Suffixes with prevailing temporal character (§ 26, 
nos. 90-97). 

(3) Suffixes denoting subjective judgments or attitudes relat- 

ing to the idea expressed (§§ 27-32, nos. 98-135). 

(a) Suffixes denoting connection with previously ex- 
pressed ideas (§ 27, nos. 98-104). 

(6) Suffixes denoting degrees of certainty (§ 28, nos. 
105-107). 

(c) Suffixes denoting judgments regarding size, intensity, 

and quality (§ 29, nos. 108-126). 

(d) Suffixes denoting emotional states (§ 30, nos. 127- 

129). 

(e) Suffixes denoting modality (§31, nos. 130-131). 
(/) Suffixes denoting the source of information whence 

knowledge of the idea expressed is obtained (§32, 
nos. 132-135). 

§19 



456 BtTBEAIT OF AMERlCAl^ ETHNOLOGY Twax. 4# 

(4) Suflixes denoting special activities (|§ 33-34, nos. 136- 

155). 
{a) Activities of persons in general (§ 33, nos. 135-143). 
(h) Activities peiformed with special organs of the 

body (J 34, nos. 144^156). 

(5) Suffixes which change the subject or object of a verb (| 35, 

nos. 156-160). 

(6) Nominal suffixes (§ 36, nos. 161-194). 

(7) Adverbial suffix (J 37, no. 195). 

ni. Subsidiary suffixes (§ 38, nos. 196-197). 

In the following list the influence of the suffix upon the stem is 
indicated by abbreviations, stem-s. and woed-s. indicate whether 
*the suffix is added to the stem or to the full word. ind. signifies that 
the suffix is indifferent and has no influence upon the stem except 
as required by phonetic laws, h indicates that the terminal con- 
sonant of the stem is hardened; w, that it is softened. 

§ 20. TEBIONAL COMPIiSTIVE SUFFIXES (NOS. 1-2) 

1. -a[sTEM-8., IND.]. This suffix is of indefinite significance. It is 

the most common word-closing suffix of verbs, and is very 
often used with substantives. Generally it disappears when 
the stem takes one of the primary suffixes, and it is also often 
dropped before syntactic suffixes. It is even dropped in the 
vocatives of noims. In both verbs and substantives it follows 
very often the suffix -Z- (no. 91), which seems to have primarily 
a verbal continuative character. 

(a) Verbal: 

mix- mix'a' to strike 

qdS' qa'sa to walk 

with -Z-: 

UIex'" tslExt^la to be sick 

(6) Nominal: 

lEq^' Isqwa' five 

-^a female, as in Ha/^WmA'ldga mouse woman 11.12 (but 
Hd'Ha^mMa^ O mouse woman!) 
with -Z-: 

^na- light ^nd'la day, world 

paxa- shaman paxa^la shaman 

2. -<if STEM-s.]. The first impression of the suffix -d is that it trans- 

forms intransitive verbs into transitive ones. 

qloxtslo' to have on qloxUlo'd to put on 

Wha to go to the end WhsTtd to reach the end. 

§20 



•0481 HANDBOOK OF AUERICJIN INDIAN UlNGTJAGES 457 

A closer examinatioQ shows that both forms occur in trmnsitive 
as well as in intransitive verbs. - 

-d intransitive: 

'nBmodf'xBdEnd to begin to be near 107.17 
iJffqmaxod to hand down a copper 84.3 

without -c2, transitive: 

qld'xtsldla to have on 98.27 
ne'xsdla to pull through 76.1 
dafdEha to hold at end 254.36 

On the whole, it seems that the sufhx -d expresses the motions 
connected with the beginning of an action; and, since transi- 
tive verbs express much more frequently a passing act than a 
long-continued activity, it seems natiural that the suflSx 
should appear frequently with transitive verbs. 

Generally the suflBx -d is suflSxed to a primary suffix. When it 
follows a terminal m, it is simply added ; when the primary suf- 
fix ends with a short vowel, the vowel is dropped and the ter- 
minal -d takes the form -nd. After primary suflSxes ending 
in -o or fl, and after -axa down (no. 19), it amalgamates 
with the terminal vowel and becomes -od. 

(a) -d: 

qlEue'psmd to cover face 299.21 (from -^j?m face; see no. 54) 

(b) nd: 

dzd'Jc'oxLsnd to rub hind end 96.21 (from -xl- hind end; see 
no. 15) 

tld'tse^siEnd to cut around 138.18 (from -e^st- around; see 

no. 6) 
UtBxbEtEfnd to throw in 365.16 (from -bEt- into; see no. 28) 
dd'bETid to take end 15.7 (from -&- end; see no. 31) 

(c) -od; 

ne'xsod to pull through 53.17 (from -xsd through; see no. 3) 
Ltafsdgod to put farthest seaward (from -a^o extreme; see 

no. 13) 
UB^d'^yod to move in middle 141.7 (from -o^yo middle; see 

no. 16) 
ne'xustod to pull up 184.37 (from -usid up; see no. 20) 
qto'xtslod to put on clothes 15.10 (from -te/o in; see no. 27) 
Lofydbod to push under 80.13 (from -dbo under; see no. 29) 
lafxtod to reach top 196.34 (from -xtd on top; see no. 30) 
^'o'd to take oflf 16.10 (from -o- oflf ; see no. 37) 

5 20 



458 BtJBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

PRIMARY SUFFIXES (NOS. 3-1946) (§§ 21-36) 

Suffixes Denoting Space LimitationB (Nos. 3-85) (§§ 21-24) 

§ 21. GeneriMl Space UmitatiMts {Nos. 3-S7) 

3. "Xsd THROUGH [sTEM-s., IND.] loses the initial x. 

la to go laxsd' to go through 

JcIuiueU to burn klumE^lxsd to burn through 

qdS" to walk qd'tsd to walk through 

plEL' to fly plEUsd to fly through 165.22 

sex'^' to paddle se'xHd to paddle through 

rieX' to pull rie'xsod to pull through 75.40 

Tie' xsdla to pull through 76.1 
tslslq^- hot tslE'lqwmxsd'la hot all through 

V 366.12 

hvd'xsd hole 72.39 

4. -;»•«* ACROSS [sTEM-s., IND.] loses the initial x\ 

^wil- entirely ^vn'wElx'sF cut up entirely X 

155.32 
gdx to come gafxsFa to come ashore 371.37 

sdk^' to carve meat SESd'xH^End to carve across to 

pieces 31.40 
8dp- to chop so'ps^End to chop across 

ii£7n,<- to split LE^mtEmx'S^End to split 

across, plural (see no. 196), 

158.30 

5. "iHdila) ABOUT [ STEM-s., IND.]. 

ddq^- to see do'dEqwi^ldla to look about 

459.33 
qlwes- to squeeze qlwe'siHdla to squeeze all over 

40.7 

pEX^' to drift pd'xwi'ldla to drift about 

4*59.33 

ddz' wrong Ad'dziHdlag'Uis Wrong all over 

the world (a name) 165.5 

6. "^stia) and ^s^st{a) around [stem-s., ind.]. 

(a) After vowels, m, and n; -e^stia): 

o- something awe'^sta circumference 85.9 

Jcfwa to sit Tcfwe'^siala to sit about 

gslq- to swim gslqame^stala to swim around, 

plural (see no. 196), 153.22 
mo'plEn four times mo'plEne^sta four times 

around 13.9 
lETie'^sta to forget 25.3 

§21 



w>Asl HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 459 

(&) After Tc and l sounds, «, p; -8e^8t{a): 

qas- to walk qd'tse^atala to walk around 

49.30 
mix'' to strike ndx'se^stala to strike around 

dsx^' to jump dsx^se^stdla to jump around 

i54.ll 
Jc'HmL' to adze Tc'IVndUVstdla to adze around 

x'tZp- to twist x'i'lpse'stala to spin around 

7. '{E)g{a) AMONG [STEM-8., H]. 

sex^- to paddle sio'gwa to paddle among 

yo}*- to distribute ya/q^tu^a to distribute among 

d- something d'^wd^e' the place between, in- 

side X 87.34 
x'Up- to turn x'VlplEqEla to turn in some- 

thing 92.28 
bdxoH/EqEla pitchy inside V 
490.1 
ndq- mind nd^qla^e^ song leader V 433.36 

iueJc^' a round thing is some- md'lclv^e' to be among X 

where 29.21 

g'l' to be somewhere g'l'^Vla to be among X 81.35 

There are apparently a few cases in which this suffix weakens the 
stem. I found the two forms qd'tslE^a and qd'^a to walk 
AMONG, derived from qds- to walk. 

It is also used to express the superlative : 

g'VlU- long gVltlaga long among (i. e., the 

longest) 

7 a. ^gam^. This suffix may belong here, although its use as a 
word-suffix and the indifferent action upon the last consonant 
make its relations doubtful. 

gl'^ame^ head chief ( = chief among others) 
xwd'Tctunagame^ excellent canoe ( = canoe among others) 
^no'last! sgame^ the eldest one X 3.32 

8. -fc'd, 'k*au BETWEEN [sTEM-s., IND.] loses initial Ic' after a and fc 
and L soimds. The original form may be Tcvyd (see § 4). 

Tc'imL- to adze IcimiA^la to adze between V 

347.19 
qEUS' to adze qEUsd'la to adze between V 

363.10 
Jclwex' to devise Jc!we'Jc!waxd^we^ inventor 

222.35 

§21 



460 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BDLL. 40 



xdx"- to stand 



Hamafldk'OAJoe* 111.29 
Jififc"- man 



laf ^E^fvxivxiyaa' 8 place of 
standing repeatedly be- 
tween on ground 140.35 
{^dfLB^j -aUj '8 [no. 44]; 
-as place [no. 182]) 



hEi'owe' man between 1 21 .39 

9. ^aq(a) pa8t[stem-s., ind.] often with a reduplication. It would 
seem that in these cases there is sometimes a weakening of the 
terminal consonant. 



la/qa to go past 

g'oflaqa to go past first (=to 

forestall) 246.35 
hla' dascLoqa to move seaward 
gwa/gwdoqa to move north- 
ward X 63.32 
'ria'vaUiaqa to move south- 
ward X 228.14 
qwe^laqa to go back 28.23 

In the following examples the terminal consonant is weakened: 

^wdS' to turn to ^lod'^aioayaqa to turn toward 

et!' again ae'daaqa to go back 13.9 

10. "X'Sia) AWAY FROM [STEM-S., W], 



la to go 
g'cU' first 

LidS' seaward 

gtixi- down river, north 

'nd'la south 

xiveU back 



plEL' to fly 
qdS' to walk 

hanr hollow object is some- 
where 
mdx'ts- to be ashamed 

'vn^l- entire 
8ex^' to paddle 



pld^iix'sa to fly oflf 
qEqafdzix'8a to walk oflf 
ha'nx'8E7id to take (kettle) off 

(from fire) V 441.40 
Tna/x'dzax'sa to go away for 

shame 316.32 
hm/^lx'sa it is entirely away 
8id'xHEnd to paddle away 

472.21 
After X the initial x' seems to be lost: 

ax- to do axsd^nd it is taken oflf 

10a. 'yag*a returning [stem-s., ind.]. 

Id'yaga to go back X 186.18 
ho'xyag'a they go back X 190.12 
Id'^yag'ElU to re-enter house 386.11 

11. "(^tn's NEAR by[stem-s., IND.]. Possibly the terminal -« does not 

belong to the suffix, but signifies on the ground (no. 44). 

'vmn- to hide 'wune'm^8 to hide near by 

klvxi to sit Jt!wem'8 to sit near by 

Lax^' to stand faxwe^7n'8 to stand watching 

21 



»OA8l HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 461 

12. "k'Kt OPPOSITE [sTEM-s., IND.]. After s the initial Jt* disap- 
pears. 

la to go lak'totEvd to go to the oppo- 

site side 271.8 
ap8' side apso't the other side 96.28 

qweS' far qwe'sot the far opposite side 

gwa- down river gwd'lc'ldt the opposite side 

down river 130.22 
Ihel" right hand Tte'llc'tddriegvnl the right hand 

comer in the house 81.2 
(see nos. 18, 46) 

Before the affricative is, t changes to h 

Jhe'lk'loltsldna the right hand 15.11 (see no. 67) 

While 2 before this sufl&x changes to x in ^UE'xk'lbt (from *n^g-) 
RIGHT OPPOSITE, the Tc' drops out in ^Emxoi left side (from 
^EmX') 

13. -ajrS EXTREME [STEM-8., IND.]. 

ek'I' above e'Tc'lago farthest above X 

179.32 

LidS' seaward Lld'sagod to put farthest sea- 

ward 

gvxjr- north gwaf^awe^ extreme north end 

218.9 

14. "QOSd BEHIND, HIND END, TAIL END[sTEM-S., h]. 

LEq" to slap LE^qlEXsd to slap behind 

tslEk*' short tslEklu'xsd a short person 

qlak^' notch qla'ku^xsde to have a notch for 

a tail 279.18 
ek'!a up e'Jc' laxsddla to have hind end 

up V 325.8 
o- something o'xsde^ hind end V 490.28 

nun wolf nu'ncLxsde^ wolf tail 279.13 

15. -iK|^(a) behind, BOTTOM, STERN [STEM-S., H]. 

Hod^las large ^waflaUlEXLa (canoe) with 

large stem 

o- something d'xis^ stem of canoe 127.23 

o'xLox'sldze' heel V 475.5 (see 
no. 75) 

hanL- to shoot ha'nLlEXLEnd to shoot stem of 

canoe 

gwdL- to groan gwd' l! EXLd'la to groan after- 

wards X 5.11 

§21 



462 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



16. -5*2/0 MIDDLE [STEM-8., W], 

moJc^ to tie 

la to go 

0- something 
Jc'ijh to clasp 

g'olc^ house 

da to hold 



md'gwo'yo to tie in middle 
370.13 

lo'^yo to go to the middle 
U.S.N.M. 670.17 

oyd'^e^ the middle 273.23 

Tc'ihd'yod to clasp in the mid- 
dle, to embrace X 177.4 

g'o'hvo^yo middle of house 
248.28 

dd'yiwe to hold in middle V 
325.7 



17. -n^ SIDE. The form of this suffix is variable. On the one hand, 
we have the word-sufBx -nOy from which are formed d'hand^ 
LANDSIDE 20.1, 'nd'lande^ seaside 272.3; and, on the other 
hand, we have -no as stem-suflSix, weakening the terminal con- 
sonant. From this form we have — 



ax- to do 



f^ax^ to stand 



o/xno'lis to place by the side 

177.39 
Ld'nolis to stand by the side 

37.9 
HE^nnoe' side door X 171.28 



Hex'- trail, door 

We have also -nvs, sometimes indifferent, sometimes weakening 

the terminal consonant. 
It weakens the terminal sound in the following forms: 

Jiel' right side Jhe'lTc'IodEnutse^ right side 

175.14 (see no. 12) 

qas' to walk qd^dzEno^dzBndala to walk 

alongside 
qa'nd^dzEndala to walk along- 
side 

8ex^' to paddle mfvx)nudz^ paddling along- 

side 

Lax^' to stand Ld'vmnddzElll to stand along- 

side in house 31.34 

It is indifferent in the following forms : 

da to take dd'hanusEla to take alongside 

152.5 (see no. 31) 

dzslx^ to run dzE^lxunu'dze' running along- 

side 

The ending -nuLsm (no. 546) suggests a third form, -^ul. 

§21 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



463 



18. ^n^q^ CORNER [stem-s., ind. (w.?)]. 



0- something 
Ml- right side 



aps- one side 

luiTV' hollow object is some- 
where 

19. -^jc(a) down [stem-s., ind.]. 

la to go 
vxi river 
plEL- to fly 
lox" to roll 

dzslx^' to run 
la to go 

With -ayu (no. 174) it forms -axo^yu. 
tslEq- to throw 



d'ne^vnl comer in house 56.15 
MlTdddnV^il right - hand 

comer in house 81.2 (see 

nos. 12, 46) 
apsa'negwes one comer of 

mmd 260.40 
Tvane'gwll (kettle) stands in 

comer of house X 125.29 

lafoca to go down 165.29 
wd'xsla river nms down 36.39 
plELd'xa to fly down X 155.21 
loxumd^xa to roll down, plural 

19.12 (see no. 136) 
dzE^lxwaxa to run down 196.39 
Wxalll to go down in house 

187.22 (see no. 46) 



tslEqd'xo^yu to be thrown X 

87.28 

With the inchoative (no. 2) it forms -axod, 

ax- to do axd'xod to take down 48.24 

vml- in vain vmWxod to bring down in 

vain U.S.N.M. 727.10 
Lei- to invite in Le'laxod to call down 185.36 

Lldq^- red, copper hfa^qwaxod to hand down a cop- 

per, i. e., to sell a copper 84.3 

20. ^•ustd up[8TEM-s., IND.] loses g' after «, and Jc and l sounds. 



aa- morning, early 
k!wd to sit 

'ns'mplEn once 

q!dm- rich 



doq^- to see 
dEX^- to jump 



nix- to pull 
qds- to walk 
plsir to fly 



gdg'ustd' to rise early 61.5 
kiwd'g'ustdlil to sit up in 

house 50.17 (see no. 46) 
^nE'mp! sng'ustd (to jump) up 

once 890.13 
Qld'mg'tLstdls wealth coming 

up on ground (name) 377.1 

(no. 44) 
do'qustdla to look up X 167.37 
dEX'o'std to jiunp up X 179.17 

x^ changes before o to x*, 

see p. 436 
ne'xustod to pull up 184.37 
qa/sustdla to walk up 
plELo'std to fly up 

§21 



464 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boli. 40 

21. ^nts!^ DOWN TO BEACH [STEM-S., IND.]. 

la to go iBfUsIes to go to beach 80.21 

gas- to walk qd'sEfUsIes to walk to beach 

zel' to invite in, to call Lc'lsntsIesEla to call down to 

beach 80.17 
Lo'gwala supernatural lo' LEgwalBrUsIesEla the super- 

natural ones coming down 
to the beach 159.18 

22. '^USd^ UP FROM BEACH [ STEM-S., IND.]. 

qds to walk qafs^usdes to walk up from 

beach 
la to go Id^'sdes to go up from beach 

211.15 
xdp- to grasp iji talons m'f'usdes to grasp and carry 

up the beach X 155.21 
oxL' to carry on back d'zLoadesEla to carry on back 

up the beach X 162.15 

22a. 'Xt/a our to sea [stem-s., w]. Loses initial x, 

^E^lgEtla to swim out to sea X 144.27 
do'^tldla to look out to sea X 117.26 
JcwadzEtfo'd to kick out to sea X 111.1 

23. "atUs and ^EltllH down river, down inlet [stem-s., -crftw 
IND., 'eUus IND. and w]. 

yal' to blow yd'latu'sEla to blow down the 

inlet 274.5 
^Elq- to swim ^Elqatv/sEla to swim down 

river 
qamx^' down of birds qa'mqwatdsEla down coming 

down river 154.30 
qdS' to walk qd'dzEltusEla to walk down 

river 
te to go Ld/tdsEUig'ills going down 

river (westward) throu^ 

the worid (name) X 84.39 
8ex^' to paddle se'vmUufsEla and se'xuUu'sda 

to paddle down river 

24. "'USta UP RIVER [sTEM-8., IND.]. 

Ao}**- to go [plural] ho'x^usta to walk up river 

62.31 
'uEq- straight 'uEX^usta' to continue up river 

70.23 
qdS' to walk qd's'ustdJa to walk up river 

sex^' to paddle se'^uatala to paddle up river 

§21 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



465 



25. "a^wll ACROSS [stem-s., ind.]. 
^mo^ to load 



^ma/^vnl a canoe carrying load 

across 131.23 
gElqafvn'lEla swimming across 
148.18 

26. 'nsiq) under water [stem-s., w]. 



jTieZg- to swim 



It- again 

'UEq- straight 

klwa to sit 
vmn- to hide (?) 



27. -f«/5 in [stem-s., ind.]. 
mcJfish 



e'dETisa again under water 

143.19 
^UE^E^nsEla straight under 

water V 477.30 
Iclu'nsa to sit in water 64.22 
vyufns^id to sink 143.32 (see 

no. 90) 



mdtsfd fish inside (i. e., in 
trap) 184.18 

'mE^ltsIo white inside 

axtsfd/la to put into 114.36 

axtslo^d to put into 175.27 

tsUx'tsfd'la sick inside, head- 
ache 

m€i^Us!d'la two inside, i. e., 
two in a canoe 147.15 

qld'xtslod to dress in, to put 
on garment 98.1 

g'l'tslE^was place of going in 
(see no. 182) 

Id'ltsldlll to come out of room 
in house 194.31 (see nos. 
27, 46) 

^vn^loltsld (strength) gives out 
entirely 141.2 (see no. 37) 

28. "bEtia) INTO hole [stem-s., ind.]. 

dEX^' to jump dsx^hEta' to jump into 99.1 

la to go WbEdas place of going into 

(hole) 9.10 (see no. 182) 
lIeux- to shove LlE'nxbEtEnd to shove in X 

224.17 

28a. 'p6Ij INTO hole, in hole (Newettee dialect) [stem-s., ind.]. 

Jcvl' to lie ktdpo'Lll to lie down in a room 

in the house X 207.22 (see 
no. 46) 

d- something d'poLll room in hous6 X 207.23 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 30 5 21 



'md- white 
OX' to do 

tslix'- sick 

maH two 

qlox- to dress 

g'l- to be somewhere 

la to go 

'wU- entirely 



466 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



(BULL. 40 



29. 'dbO UNDER [STEM-8., W]. 

LOS' to push 
0- something 



Lofyahod to push under 80.13 
a'wd'bd^e lower side 80.13 
a^wd'hoislExsde thigh (see no. 

14) 
g'l'gabde^ chief under others 

151.26 
^E'l^abosx'd'ya to grasp the 

under side of the bow of the 

canoe 127.28 (see no. 62) 

30. 'Xtd ON TOP OF A LONG STANDING OBJECT [STEM-S., W.] seems tO 

lose X after all consonants, but may retain it after m, n,l. 



glgame^ chief 
gElq- to grasp 



o'xtde^ top of mountain 126.3 
kiwd'xtd to sit on top 182.32 
IcIudzEtd'ya to sit on top 

415.22 
e'hEtod to pinch at top end 

X 224.32 
e'madzEUUa top float V 389.8 
'mEgtUo'd round thing b^ns 

to be on top X 121.11 

31. -&(f/) END OF A LONG HORIZONTAL OBJECT [STEM-S., IND.]. 



o- something 

k!wd to sit 

JcItLs- to sit, plural 

ep- to pinch 

€^ma^9 float 

^niEk^- round thing is some- 
where 



doq^' to see 
L!d8- sea 



LleX' sea-lion 

qand'yu lasso 
da to take 

Jva^UL' to shoot 

odz' wrong 

h'eh right 

x'lq- to bum 

la to go 



do'x^ha to see point 91.32 
L!d'8bala extending out to sea 

162.42 
Lld'sahala to walk on beach 
Lle'LlExbdla sea-lions at ends 

X71.6 
qand^yubaJa lasso at end 37.13 
dd'hsnd to take hold of end 

15.7 
Tmnha'nlhEnd to shoot at each 

end 153.3 
o^dzEbax'Hd to tuni the wrong 

way 227.25 
Mlbax'^idd'mas to cause to 

turn the right way 227.28 

(see no. 158) 
x'l^xbdlag'Us to bum at end on 

ground 251.29 (see nos. 

197, 44) 
td'labEnddla to go from end to 

end 196.35 . 



§21 



»OAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 467 

J2. "X^Lia) ONTOPOP AROUNDEDOBJECT[STEM-S.,IND.]lo8esa;*after 

Py 8, Jcy and L sounds. 
This ending has assumed two specific meanings: 

(a) ON THE FLAMES OF THE FIBEI 

ax- to do dXLd'la to put on fire 

axLE^nd to put on fire 
tH'qwajp stone in fire tfe'qwapLEnd to put stones on 

fire 20.8 
Aan- a hollow object is some- ha'nx'Lola hollow object on 
where fire ( = kettle) 

(fi) NAMED. The meaning in this case is that the name is on 
top of the object, in the same way as the Mexicans and the 
Plains Indians, in their picture-writing, attach the name to 
the head of the person. 

Dd'hEndEX'La named Da'bEnd 22.6 
Qta'mtalalLa named QIa'mtalal 100.1. 
a'ngvxix'La8% what is your name? 388.3 

33. ''(E)nQO EDGE OF A FLAT OB LONG OBJECT [STEM-S., IND.]. 

da to take dE'nxEnd to take by the edge 

10.14 
o- something awu'nxe' edge 

qdS' to walk qa'sEnxEndala to walk along 

an edge 
tETnJc^' to chop, bite out tE'mkunxEnd to bite out the 

edge 197.21 
Ic'Ie'LEnx knife 270.21 
ama^'EUxe' youngest child 

45.34 

34. -nf EDGE OF A ROUND OBJECT [ STEM-S., IND.?]. 

qdS' to walk qd'dznusEntala to walk along 

35. ^dZ^ ON A FLAT OBJECT [ STEM-S., W]. 

o- something odzo^e^ surface 

LCX' to beat time with baton Le'xdzdd to beat time on a flat 

thing 230.30 
ale'x*' to hunt sea-mammals Ale'udzEWe^ hunter on the flat 

thing (i. e., in the sky = 

Orion) 
tfEp- to step HebEdzo'd to step on a flat 

thing X 101.18 
do^' to see dd'gudzod to see a flat thing X 

226.12 

§21 



468 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {nxiu^ 40 

xaS' hill on which fortified vil- ^nidzEdzd'lis hill on flat on 

lage is built beach X 227.7 

tlek*' to lie on back //e^'£^dZi2tolieonbackonflat 

thing in house (see no. 46) 

^♦^ ^sgEni ON A ROUND OBJECT (see no. 85) 

36. 'g^Eg^a inside of a hollow object [stem-s., w.] loses initial g'E. 

0- something o'gug'l* inside of hollow thing 

moq^' yellowish md'gu^'a yellowish inside ( = 

spoon of horn of the big- 
horn sheep) U.S.N.M. 680.2 
tsloz^' to wash Ulo'xug'ind to wash inside 

V 432.42 

36 a. ^niUg*a hollow side (compound of -no and -g'a, nos. 17, 36). 
o- something o'nulg'ae^ groins 

37. '0 OFF, AWAY FROM. This suffix does not seem to occur by 

itself, but is always combined with a following primary suffix. 
Nevertheless, on account of its significance, I have included 
it in the primary suffixes. In its simplest form it occurs with 
the completive terminal -d. It seems to have a secondary 
form -vmi [stem-s., ind.] which may be formed from the 
inchoative -g'il- (see no. 197) and -o. It is not impossible that 
this suffix -o may be identical with -wdy -o (no. 124). This is 
suggested by such forms as tie'pd to step off (from tlep- to 
step), but the identity of these suffixes is not certain. 

(a) With the completive terminal -d: 

ax- to do axo'd to take out 

qix'- to put around qix'd'd to take off 16.10, 39.29 

eUc''' blood E'llc'dd to bleed 197.21 (see 

p. 436) 
t!d8' to cut tlo'sod to cut off 279.13 

saq!- to peel saqfo^d to peel off V 473.27 

(h) With other primary suffixes: 

ax- to do axo'daJa to take off 

la to go Io/weIs to go out (see nos. 

44, 197) 
hmH' all ^vn'^Wsta all out of water 21.8 

(see no. 39) 
la to go Idf'sta to go out of water 356.6 

Iex^' lEXUstE'nd to take out X 

155.39 (see no. 39) 

§21 



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HANDBOOK 01? AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



469 



had to load 



'moltsld^la to unload 55.33 
(see nos. 27, 91) 

loUsId'lll to go out of room 
194.31 (see nos. 27, 46) 

aixfvmltsld'd to take out (see 
no. 27) 

la/wiod to take off from fore- 
head 22.2 (see no. 57) 

g'd'xvmqd to come out of 
inside of something 415.31 

qlo'VwEqd to well up out of a 
hole 

hano'qdl's (box) coming out of 
ground X 35.31 (see no. 44) 

(c) The following are evidently compounds of the suffix -o or 
-wulj but the second elements do not seem to be free. 

-Wuttia OVT OF AN ENCLOSED PLACE: 



la to go 

dX' to do 

la to go 

g'dx to come 

q!d to well up 

Jian- a hollow thing is 
somewhere 



'wiH' all 
dsx^' to jump 
xwe'laq- backward 

-wultd OUT OF canoe: 

'vnH' all 

'mo- to load 



-wuUds DOWN OUT of: 
dsx^' to jump 



^vn'Holtla all out of the woods 

42.34 
dEX^wuUfd'Ul to jump out of 

room in house 97.29 
ifwe'laxwyltla to turn back out 

of 62.27 

'vnfHolid all out of canoe 

217.20 
'moltd^lasd' to be unloaded 

217.13 
mo'Udd to unload X 103.26 

dExvlto's to jump down out of 
279.15 



J 22. SpecicU Space Limitations {Nos* 38^2) 
38. 'h^E TOP OF A BOX [sTEM-s., IND.]; loses initial i*. 

Tc!wd to sit Tdwd'Tc'El' seat on top X 

155.23 
we^Jc'se' not full 
LEpEyVndala to spread over 
top (see nos. 2, 91) 
ndS' to cover nd'sEyind to cover top 

^nEind'x''%d to be level 'uEmd'Tc'Ee^ level on top 

gEl^' to lift gEflxkwdEnd to lift top of box 

§22 



we- not 

Lsp- to spread 



470 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[boll. 40 



39. ^8t{a) WATER [woRD-fl. and stem-s., ind.]. 

(a) Word-suffix: 

qlvla' life 
wuda' cold 
g'd'la first 



(6) Stem-suflSx: 

ax- to do 
dsx^' to jump 

Jc'ds^' lukewarm 
^e long time 

la to go 



qlvla^aia water of life 
wuda'^sta cold water 141.17 
g'd'la'sta first in the water 
62.13 



CLX' to do 

teq- to drop 
qajh to upset 



axgtE'nd to put into water 21 .5 
dsq^sta' to jump into water 

34.28 
Jc'o'x^sta lukewarm water 54.1 
ge'^stala long in water X 

155.38 (see no. 91) 
lA'^sta to go out of water 356.6 

(se^ no. 37) 
la'stEX'H'd to begin to go into 

water 36.25 (see no. 90) 
la'staa's place of going into 

water 34.3 (see no. 182) 
axstafno being put into water 

X 155.36 
ie'xsta to fall into water 100. 10 
qapstd'nd to pour into water 

CS 216.7 



40. 'Sqwap fire [stem-s., ind.]. 

q!e- many qle'sqwap many fires 

With ties- stone, this sufiix forms tie'qwap stone in fire. With 
other stems ending in «, one of the 8 sounds is dropped, which 
would suggest a form -qwap, 

ohnaa large (Newettee dialect) 



hvdlds great 



o'masqwd'psldg'ilis great fire 

in world (see no. 45) 
HudldsqwapElla great fire on 



beach (poetry; see no. 45) 
41. ^wdlUf »dla stationary on water. 
(a) After n and vowels -wala: 



Jian- hollow object is 

somewhere 
Jclwd to sit 
fM(x^)' to stand 

g'v- to be 
^e long time 



lianwa'la canoe adrift on water 

127.6 
Tctwafwala to sit on water 
Ldfwdla to stand on wat^ 

143.41 
gl'wUla to be on water X 87.37 
gehvd'la long time on wat«f 

X 181.3 



J 22 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



4Y1 



(ft) After p, t, and anterior and posterior i sounds -dla: 

Jc'dt' long object is some- k'atd'la long object adrift 

where 

yaq^' dead body is some- yafq&la dead body adrift 

where 

mjsxp- hollow things are niExd'la canoes adrift on 

somewhere water 

Medial Jc(w) sounds are transformed by this ending into the cor- 
responding anterior sounds (see p. 436). 

'niEJc^- round thing is ^mEk&'la island, i. e., round 

somewhere thing on water 

pEX^' to float pEX'd'la to drift 

The inchoative form of this suffix is formed with -g'il- (no. 197) 
and is -g'iltaJa. 

lc!wd to sit Iclwa' g'iltdla to sit on water 

lead' long thing is some- Ica'dEliala to put long thing 
where on water 

42. -I^ MOVING ON WATER [sTEM-s., wj. luchoative form -g'ite 
(see no. 197) loses initial g'i, 

hanz- to shoot 
doj*- to see 



dzExk'tafla noise of splitting 



sepe'Ix'Jc' lata ringing noise of 
metal 

xox*- to stand 



Tia'nLELe^ to shoot on water 

do'guLE^ydla to see moving on 
water 

dzExk' faflagiLe noise of split- 
ting begins to be on water 
152.19 

sepe'Ix'Jc' lalag'iLe ringing 
noise begins to be on water 
152.34 

^^x^waie' to begin to stand 
on water 143.11 



43. "€1 ON ROCKS [sTEM-s., ii]. Inchoative form -g'od'laj -gi^la (see 
no. 197) loses initial ga and gi, 

ydq^' dead body is somewhere yd'qlwa to lie dead on rock 

154.12 
o^neqlwa corner on rock (see 

no. 18) 168.33 
awVnaklwa rocky place 148.30 
klwaa' to sit on rock 102.31 
Ld*^wa to stand on rock 148.30 
qapld'Hod to pour out on rock 

179.8 

§22 



o- something 

o- something, -enak^ direction 
k!wa to sit 
zax*- to stand 
gap- upside down 



472 



BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BCLL. 40 



gU' first 
h!wa to sit 



g'UE'mg'i'lala to be on rock, 
[pL] 22.1C (see nos. 196, 197) 

Jclwd'g'od^la to sit down on 
rock X 105.25 



Ie^^' fire 
Jclvxi to sit 



44. -« ON GROUND, ouTsroE OF HOUSE [sTBM-8., h]. Inchoadve 

form -g'aEls, -g'ila loses initial g'a and g\ 

Isglu's fire on ground, out- 
side of house 45.32 
Jclwds to be seated on ground 

X 173.22 
Iclwa/dzas place of being seated 

on ground X 173.31 (see no. 

182) 
ge^s long on ground 37.14 
lSl's to stand on ground ; tree 

37.20 
ya/qtvdzas place of lying dead 

on ground 61.8 (see no. 182) 
hsJcIu's woodman 
JcIwd'g'aEls to sit down on 

ground X 173.19 
^DoftEls to lead on ground 

X4.5 
md'g'Us to move on ground 

60.37 
gung'E'ls to try on ground 

160.22 
dd'dEg'UsHd to pick up from 

groimd X 6.18 
la/wsls to go out 19.8 (see no. 

37) 
hmf^lawKU all outside 26.32 

(see no. 37) 

45. -S«, -I« BOTTOM OF WATER [sTEM-s., w]. Generally this sufiBx 

is used to designate the beach, but it means as well the bottom 
of the sea, which is always covered by water. If the latter is 
to be clearly distinguished from the beach, the suffix -ns undkb 
WATER (no. 26) is added, with which it forms -ndzes under 
WATER ON THE BOTTOM. Inchoativc form- g'aHis loses initial <^. 

t/tza- to sit [plural] Tclvdze's to sit on the beach 

102.18 
doq^' to see do'xdogwes to see the bottom 

34.4 

§23 



ge long time 
^x^- to stand 

yaq^' to lie dead 

bsh^' man 
k!wa to sit 

'wdt' to lead 

md to crawl, swim 

gun- to try 

da- to take 

Id to go 

'wl'^la all 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



473 



ek' good 

Aan- hollow vessel 

where 
gap- upside down 
Tclvxi to sit 

x/dV seaward 



IS some- 



gap- upside down 



e'g'ls good beach, sand 60.21 
ha'ne's hollow vessel on beach 

102.34 
qaie^s upset on beach 
Jcfwd'g'aHls to sit down on 

beach 96.28 
Lfaf l! Eshag'aHxs to put out on 

beach (in front of house), 

seaward 101.34 (see no. 31) 
qaf!afl%8 to upset on beach 



Here may also belong the very common suffix of names -g-ilU sig- 
nifying IN THE world: 

'uEmo'lc^ one person 'nEmd^hvlagUts alone in world 

o'masqwap great fire d'masqwa'pElagilis only great 

fire in world 

46. -II IN HOUSE, ON THE FLOOR OP THE HOUSE [ STEM-S., WJ. Inchoa- 

tive form -g'UU, -g'dlU loses initial g\ 



Ib^- fire 

Turn- hollow vessel 

where 
.fay*- to stand 
^a- early, -gustA up 

hulr to lie, plural 



IS some- 



yag*- to lie dead 

CLX- to do 
x*p- to spread 
tlek'- to lie on back 



lE^vn'l fire in house 

ha'nl'l kettle on floor V 427.1 

^'wil to stand on floor 47.28 
gafg'uatdvnl to be up early in 

house 46.12 
Jcu'll'l to lie down in house 25.6 
ku'le'lds place of lying down in 

house, bedroom 139.21 (see 

no. 182) 
yd'qumg'a'Wl to fall dead in 

house [pi.] X 110.34 
asfd'lil to put on floor 137.37 
LEpld'lll tospread on floor 24.3 
tlex''d'lll to lie down on back 

in house 139.18 



The very numerous forms in -III are evidently to a great extent 
derived from contmuative forms in -la. 

Jdvmdzd'lll to sit on flat thing 
in house 24.4 (see no. 35) 

^EmxdtstdHll left side of door 
in house 270.21 (see nos. 12, 
59) 

LEhEgvn'lk^ spread out on 
floor V 430.22 {leIeIc'' 
spread out, see no. 172) 

§22 



Iclwadzd/la to sit on flat thing 
^Emxotstdla left side of door 



xjpp- to spread 



474 



BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



47. -SXf INTO HOUSE [STEM-S., w]. 

ho^- to go pi. hd'gwiL to enter pi. 21.1 

dsx^' to jump dEvn'L to jump into house 

14.8 
g'dx to come g'ofxlLEla to be in the act of 

coming in 91.15 
ax- to do dxe'LEla to put into 48.27 

47a. '^fj^'sEla shoreward (stem-s., w.). This is evidently com- 
posed of 'II (no. 47); -Is (no. 45); 4a (no. 91) 

da/heie'sEla to tow ashore 



48. "XS IN CANOE [sTEM-8., W]. 

initial g'a, 

ho^' to go [pi.] 

0- something 

da to take 

Jc'Iip- to hold with tongs 

*mo- to load 
Jcltod to sit 



HtnZ- all, entire 
qap- upside down 
apS' other side 



Inchoative form -^'ooIbxs loses 

ho'^uxs to go aboard 224.9 
0X8 inside of canoe 
ddx8 to take aboard 96.32 
Jc'fEhE'xsEla to put aboard 

with tongs V 366.3 
'mo'xsEla to load 78.38 
k!wa/g'aalEX8 to sit down in 

canoe 121.26 
Hoi'lg'oalsxs all is in canoe V 

485.2 
qEplE^lEXS to pour into canoe 

V 473.15 

apsd'xdze^ other side of canoe 

V 361.22 



49. »xL6 ON TOP OF TREE [ STEM-S., IND.] (compare no. 76). 

han- a hollow thing is some- ha^nxzod to put a box on top 

where of a tree 278.31 

g'e- to be somewhere g'l'xLo it is on a tree 

50. oc*siil MOUTH OF RIVER [sTEM-s., iND.] loses initial X'. 

o- something o'x^aiwe^ mouth of river 29.3 

vmn- deep vm'nx'siu deep at mouth of 

river 

51. ^g*dg^ SIDE, BANK OF RIVER [sTEM-s., IND.]; loses initial g\ 

mak'- next md'k'd^e^ next to bank of 

river 180.23 
klvxi to sit kfwafg'd^End to sit on bank 

of river 30.6 
kfwd'g'dgEh to sit down on 
ground by a river 64.29 
§22 



^OAB] HANDBOOK OF AMEBIC AN INDIAN LANQUAQES 475 

o- something o'gwd^e' side of canoe 79.14 

shore of lake 143.7 

aea?**- to paddle se'sEXWd^e' paddles at sides 

214.40 

^e^- to hang ^exwd'^sdaia to be suspended 

by the side of V 479.10 

52. -X«ggf- OUTSIDE FRONT OF HOUSE [STEM-S., W]. 

Jc*!at' to paint Jdd'dExse^g'Ua painting on 

house-front 186.27 

o- something o'xaeg'eF outside front of house, 

272.4 

Lex- to beat time Le'xEXseg'ind to beat front 

boards of house 247.5 

I 23. Parts of Body as Space Limitations (Nos. 53-81) 

53. ^XLd ON HEAD [STEM-S., H or W?]. 

o- something o'xLd^e head of clam 134.10 

nea- to pull riets! EXidflabEnd to pull . by 

the head X 171.30 
•m^Z- white 'niE'ldzEXLd'la having white' 

feather on head X 114.12 
IsJc'- to throw lEg'ixLd'ls to throw at head 

outside X 116.20 
nei- to show ne'lsxiM/x'^ld to begin to 

show head 143.10 

54. -jr-Em' FACE. This suffix is probably related to -«^irm roimd thing 
(no. 85). After p, «, ty Ij l, and h sounds, -Em; after l, n, m, 
and fortes, -^Etn. 

hnEU white 'mE^l^Em white face 

ek*! upward, high e'k' ft^E'mald'mas to cause 

face to be turned up (see 

nos. 92, 158) 
qlwdx hemlock qlwafxameF hemlock on face 

(aroimd head) 18.10 
TuL'P' hair hapE'm hairy face 

lIeI- to push LlE'l^Emz'^ld to push from 

face 173.36 
ax- to be axamd'la to have on face 

• 271.24 

Sometimes with the significance in front of: 

fax*- to stand 0'xume^ standing in front of 

It occurs also as wordnsuffix: 

dLanE'm wolf dLanE'm^ETn with a wolf face, 

§23 



476 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOOy 



[BdLL. 40 



64 a. '^EnU mask [stem-s., as no. 54, or word-s.]. 

(a) STEM-S.: 

kunx*' thunder-bird 



hufnxuml thunder-bird mask 

16.1 
'mE^l^Btnl mountain-goat 

mask 98.12 

'ms'lxLdffEml mountain- 

goat mask 96.23 

54 ft. ^nuLEm temples ( = sides of face ; compound of -no side [no. 
17] and -^j?m face [no. 54]). 



'mEl" white 

(ft) WORD-S.: 

^msl' white 



o- something 
maH two 



M'Uddt right side 



55. 'Em'ya cheek [stem-s., h]. 

Lla^' red 

'7Mix«- to cover with blanket 



d'nuLEme^ temples 31.40 
mae'Tna'ldgunvf LEmd'la two 

persons on each side 217.29 

(see nos. 82, 91) 
JieUdddEnv/LETne^ right side 

of house-front (see no. 12) 

186.32 



Llaqlu'm'ya red-cheeked 
^nd'umya to cover cheek with 
blanket 



Lla/qtos red-cheeked 



56. ^^8 cheek [stem-s., h]. 

ir/oj**- red 

57. ^g^iu, 'g*iyu forehead [stem-s., ind.]; loses initial g\ 

o- something o'gwiwe' forehead 19.5 

wafdzo broad wa'dzogwiyu with broad fore- 

head (see § 4.1) 
qeS' to shine qe'siu shining forehead 

eTc' good e'Tc'iu pretty- 

Before vocalic suffixes the terminal u becomes w. 

A:*a<- a long thing is somewhere Jc'd'tewe' house beam 118.29 

(long thing on forehead) 



Ld8- to stick 

ho'x^hok^ a fabulous bird 

'yix**- to dance 
x'iS' to show teeth 

qlElx' wrinkled 



Lofsiwe^ what sticks on fore- 
head 19.11 

hd'x^hohvlwe^ ho'x"hok" head 
mask 110.16 

'yixvn'we' dancing-headdress 

x'isl'we^ wolf head mask (teeth 
showing thing on forehead) 

qfE'lxewe' wrinkles on fore- 
head 



S23 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 477 

6^t«- man hEhimfvxda to have man on 

forehead 167.27 

ox- to do, to be axe'wala to have on forehead 

19.6 

gums- ochre ^'msiwdk* forehead painted 

red (see no. 172) 

yiL' to tie yihEyo'd to tie on forehead 

Id to go Id'wiod to take off from fore- 

head 22.2 (see no. 37) 

This prefix is often used to designate the bow of the canoe. In 
this case the g' never changes after o to gw, 

o- something d'g'iwe^ bow of canoe 127.42 

Lox^' to stand Lo/x^giwe^ standing in bow of 

canoe 127.9 
xivld' to stick out xwt'dEgl'wala to stick out at 

bow 143.26 

Sometimes -giu is used with the significance ahead, in front, 
in the same way as -eg'- (no. 69) is used to express behind. 

sd'yapalg'iwala to send ahead 149.22 (probably containing the 

inchoative •^il- no. 197) 
(defxiilg'iu to paddle ahead 470.17 

We have -g'iu also as word-suffix in gd'lag'iwe' leader 8.6. 

58. -af5 EAR [STEM-S., W]. 

g'Ut!' long g'Vldato long-eared 

g^mxot left side ^Emzo'daiAe^ left ear 105.7 

AeZ-tohire Ae'Zofd to lend ear 217.37 

wdxs-- both sides wd'xsodatde' on each ear 223.2 

mvdS' to turn towards gwd'scuitdla to turn ear to 

81.43 

59. ^'sto EYE, door; more general, round opening like an eye 

[sTEM-s., IND.]; loses initial ^». 
(a) eye: 

dd to wipe dd^sto'd to wipe eye 

lewis- to spit Jcwe'stod to spit into eye 95.30 

^naq- middle 'nd'qd^stde' middle between 

eyes 168.13 
dzEX'- to rub dzEdzEX'sto'Tfvnd to rub eyes 

X 57.34 
(6) door: 

OX' to do axsto'd to open door 15.6 

0- something d'std'lil door of house 20.9 

§23 



478 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (boll. 40 

wdx8' both sides wd'xsusidlll both sides of door 

51.5 (see no. 46) 
mix'- to strike mix'iltd'we to knock at door 

(c) BOUND place: 

Le^ to miss ze'x^std to nuss a round place 

(d) TRAIL. It would seem that in this case the form -Uo, which 

weakens the terminal stem consonant, is also used. 

'ndq- middle 'uEXStd'e^ middle of trail X 

8.32 
'ue^eUo' to keep on trail 19.9 
Lcq^' to miss Ll'guUdd to miss a trail 

60. -f<6(a) NOSE, POINT [sTEM-s., w; from-&(a) point (no. 31)]. 

ot' to perforate odl^lbEfid to perforate nose 

o- something avn'lb^ point of land 682.1 

^wap^- raven ^wa/wlJbe^ raven nose 129.41 

xdg**- to push Lo/gwilbEnd to shove to nose 

349.20 
This suffix occurs also as word-suffix. 

qwe'sa far qwe' saelhedzA really far from 

nose 349.19 (see no. 119) 
^TiEXwa near 'nEXwae'lba near nose 349.21 

61. "Exstia) mouth, outward opening [stem-s., w]. 

'mEk^' round object is some- ^mEguxstaie's round entrance 
where on beach 153.29 (see no. 45) 

tloq- gap, narrow opening tld'^uxsta with small mouth 

o- something awaxsfe^ mouth of inlet 155.26, 

of bottle V 486.3 

ha'm- to eat ha/hnanodzEXsta to eat at the 

side of some one 117.23 (see 
no. 17) 

qsir to spread qEdEXSta'e* sticks for spread- 

ing (mouth) of tree 99.3 

^dS' to turn to gwafyaxst to turn mouth to 

71.33 

^maUfe- to recognize ^maUle'xst to recognize voice 

250.9 

gor- early ^ad'xstdla breakfast X 167.6 

OEg'- wife ^Eg'Vxst woman's voice 

62. "SX'd TOOTH [sTEM-s., IND.]; loses initial s, 

o'xlV hind end b'xmsx^a lower jaw 166.6 

a'wabo'e' lower side ahvd^hosx'de^ lower side of bow 

of canoe 127.20 

§23 



BOAS J HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 479 

^walas large ^walasx'd big toothed ( =« lynx) 

^TiEq- straight 'uEXX'd'la straight edged V 

491.30 
ties- stone tte'sx'd stone-edged 96.18 

63. --006 NECK [sTEM-8., h]. 

L!a^ red Lfd'qlWEXO red necked 

o- something oxd'we' neck 149.22 (see §4.3) 

qtx'- to put around qEUxd'la to have around neck 

167.28 
qETixo'd to put around neck 

90.2 
qlweS' to squeeze qiwe'tslEXod to strangle 136.32 

k'ltjh- to hold around h'liplEXo'd to embrace around 

neckX 121.38 
aop- to chop sd'ylEXod to chop neck (i. e., 

foot of tree) V 344.15 

63 a. 'ILlQCO IN MOUTH [sTBM-8., w; compouud of -eL (no. 47) and 

-xo (no. 63)]. 

'wdp water 'wd'hlzlxdwe^ saliva 

Ml' right WUl !xdwe' mouthful X 1 57.20 

tslEX^' to wash tslEwe'Lfxo to rinse mouth V 

432.27 
8Ek'' to spear sag'e^Llxdla to spear into 

mouth U.S.N.M. 670.2 
xfwak!' canoe xwd'gvnLfxdla canoe in mouth 

U.S.N.M. 670.2 
tslEq- to throw tslE^e'ilEXod to throw into 

mouth 359.13 

64. "tidzEm THROAT [sTEM-s., w; perhaps related to -n«- (no. 26)]. 
top- speck td'hEudzETYi speck in throat 

65- -clj>/ when followed by accent Ap! neck [stem-s., ind.]. 

o- something a^ivd'ple' neck piece 18.5, 39.4 

ga^yad'ple^ neck part 38.25 
cm:- to be axd'plala to have on neck 19.6 

d^x*- to jump dd'xwap! to jumpon neck99.27 

g'e- to be somewhere gipld'hElod to put into neck- 

piece 39.3 

Also with the meaning following, behind, like -eg'- (no. 69). 

X/ay*- to stand Ld^waplElis to stand behind on 

beach (see no. 45) 

Jian- hollow thing is somewhere Tia'ng'iLE^Wplala canoe fol- 
lowing on water (see no. 42) 

§23 



480 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



(BUIX. 40 



66. "X^aid'p! ARM ABOVE ELBOW. Evidently a compound of the 

preceding suffix; loses initial x\ 

0- something o's^siaple' shoulder and hu- 

merus 

*wek'' to carry on shoulder hmx'siafptala to cany on 

shoulder 57.16 

67. 'X*t8ldn(a) hand [stem-s., ind.] loses initial z\ 

ties- stone VefsBmx'Ulana stone-handed 

131.32 
ax- to do axtatd'nsnd to put on hand 

198.19 
lEmx^' dry lE'rrdBmq?^!anax'Hd to dry 

hands V 430.8 
fEX'- to scorch pe'pEX'taldnax'Hd to dry hands 

by fire V 429.18 

After short vowels this suffix has the form -ttsfdna; with preceding i 
it also forms -Us! ana. 



dd'ha to hold end 
Tte'Vc'tot right side 

68. -h6 CHEST [STEM-S., h]. 

j.'ap- to hit 



dd'battsldnsnd to take bvhand 

X 4.31 (see no. 31) 
heflJc'IoltsIdna right hand 

15.11 

qfd'pfho to hit chest 



69. -ggf(g) BACK [sTEM-s., w]. The terminal vowel of this suflSx 
may.be -a. It appears very often, however, as -e without 
any apparent grammatical reason. 

ode'geF back sinew V 487.4 

(see no. 161) 
ahm!g'V back 144.21, V 475.6 

(see no. 161) 
nvEne'g'ind to strike back 
Lfd'sig'dia being with back 

seaward 150.9 (see no. 92) 
g'Ul'g'snd to climb on back 

279.5 
g'Ulg'i'ndalapIa to climb on 

back of neck 279.7 (see no. 

65) 
le'ga to follow 47.41 
ewig'aUsIane^ backs of hands 

X 159.30 (see no. 67) 



atr- sinew 

0- something 

mix'- to strike 
Lids- seaward 

g'U- to walk on four feet 



ta to go 

0-, plural ew- something 



§23 



^OAS^ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 481 

With ending -e it appears in — 

Houn- to hide Houne'g-e to hide behind 120.7 

islElk'' feather tslE'lJcig-Ua feathers on back 

It is often used to signify behind, as in the examples given before. 

It is also used in a temporal sense, afterwards. 

Jiel- right Jie'leg'ind to serve a second 

course at a meal 156.18 
(i. e., right afterwards) 
Lfop- to roast Lld'hega to roast afterwards 

Tiaq- to drink nafgegUa to drink afterwards 

41.25 

Peculiar idiomatic uses of this suffix are — 

• 

*n^j- straight ^UEge^ge^ midnight 85.27 (i. e., 

straight behind) 
{iiaq;' ?) nafnageg'l to obey 26.13 

« 

70. ''1C^ttl^{a) FRONT OF BODY [STEM-S., IND.]. 

o- something o'Tclvml^e^ front of body 

g'v- to be somewhere g'e'TdUgEnd to put in lap 

V 478.25 
islBg- to drop tsfExk'U'lgEndala to drop in 

lap 258.2 
71. --aq CROTCH [stem-s., w]. 

o- something awd'qe crotch of a tree, hollow 

in foot of a tree 
awd'gdxLd small of back V 

490.32 (see no. 15) 
tslop- to tuck in tslo'ba^e' something tucked 

into crotch X 175.6 
g'Vg'd tooth gl^gaqala teeth in crotch 96. 1 7 

tslEt' crack, split tsfEdd'q woman (i. e., split in 

crotch ?) 

72- ^saq^ penis [stem-s., ind.]. 

TTiok^' to tie mo'x^SE^Ewak^ with tied penis 

(see no. 172) 138.11 

73- '<JC'*pl^*{a) thigh (compounded of -x'ple and -gfa inside fno. 36]). 

jlr*- to put around qix'p!e'g'ind to put around 

thigh 89.37 

74. "k'dX'e KNEE [sTEM-8., IND.]. 

o- something ohvd'xe' knee 87.12 

LBm- scab LEmk'd*x'e' with scabby knees 

154.11 

44877--Bull. 40, pt 1—10 31 S 23 



482 



BUBEAU OF AMERICAlf ETHNOUX3Y 



[bull. 40 



75. -x*»I*, ''X*Hidz(€) FOOT [sTEM-8., IXD.]; loses initial x\ 



o- something 

bETi- under 
Tie that 



ep- to pinch 

76. -XZ/O HAIR ON BODY FsTEM-S 



o't^mdzi^ foot of mountain 

19.12 
bE'jix'Stdze^ under foot 118.30 
hex'sidzEndala right down to 

foot 19.12 
. qfd'x'sidzi to lead 24.4, 50.10 
e^psldzEnd to pinch foot 96.3 



Lfdq*' red 
^mrZ- white 



w] (compare no. 49). 

Lld'guxLo red-haired 
^mE^lxLo mountain-goat (i. e., 
white-haired) 7.3 

77. ^qlE^e^ meat [stem-s. : probably from -q and -ga among (no. 7)]. 

'rriEl- white (see ^the^Ixlo under ^mE^lHaElqlEge^ mountain- 
goat meat 



no. 76) 

78. -C/J IN BODY [sTEM-S., w]. 

g'Ut!- long 
• ^tueIc^- round thing is 

tslix- sick 



wiyo'qtuge^ the inside V 490.13 

g'Udes long-breathed 
^mEgvn's stomach (i. o., round 

thing in body) 
tsUx'Ul'sEla lts!ix'i'la^4a). 
is lix'ts! Erie's sick in body 

78 a. ^frl^s is probably a secondan' form of the last, which loses 
its initial k', and hardens the terminal stem-consonant. 

'nEni one ^Emk'Ies one down in bell? 

(= swallowed) 
pEUL' stout pE'riLles stout belly 50.15 

Here belongs probably also a form 'h*!€i^s. 

o^lclwaedze^ branch side of tree V 344.15 
Id^Tc'Ia^dzETid to enter the body 77.20 

79. -flf/f body[stem-s., ind.]; loses initial g\ 

o- something o'gwite^ body 202.24 V 366.13 

qup' to sprinkle qupl'Ued to sprinkle over body 

112.19 (see no. 90) 
xos' to s[)rinkle xo'sii to sprinkle body 105.38 

ek' good e'k'etEla well 'grown (tree) V 

496.6 
tek^- to hang te'kwetledayu to be hung to 

body U.S.N.M. 667.7 
dzEh' to rub dzBk'l't to rub body 199-20 

§23 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



483 



In a few cases -^'it appears as word-suffix. 

^nd'la day ^na'lag'i'taso^ Day - on - Body 

196.4 (see no. 159) 
tH'ssm stone Tle'sEmg'it Stone-Body 200.9 

In one case the ending -git appears with its g' preserved after a g, 

^ms^' to put on [plural ob- ^mE^ugVt to put on body 
ject] [plural object] 199.11 

80. ^Jc*!tn BODY, CONSISTING OF (relating to the surface of the body) 
[sTEM-s., IND., also woRD-s.]; loscs initial A: /, replaced by *. 
(a) STEM-s.: 



o- something 
^rasl- white 
Llsmq!- yew tree 

Ismx^- dry 

x'lx- to bum 

dswe'x cedar withe 

Sometimes used to express log. 
Tclwa to sit 



o^lclvnne^ surface of body 
'mE^lk'Itn with white body 
LfE^mqfElc'Iin made of yew V 

408.1 
lEirdE^mx^unx'^ld to get dry V 

483.6 
xl^x^Eudla being like fire V 

196.35 
dEwl'ifEn cedar-withe rope 

170.8 

Tclwd^ldiml to sit on log in 
house 272.29 (see no. 46) 

gl'Jc' Hnddla to put on log 
272.33 (seenos. 2, 91) 

^UEX^u'nd to put on blanket 
65.1 

L Ja/qwaldm copper body (i. e., 
entirely copper) 80.12 
d'la real d'laklin able-bodied 208.39 

81. -^^ IN MIND [sTEM-8., H, often with reduplication]. 

o- something a^weqe^^ inside of body 

ei:" good ek'Ie'qEla to feel good 123.12 

(see no. 91) 
e'h'ex^ld to begin to feel glad 

34.30 (see no. 90) 
wd'^rieqa revengeful 
is^J-dead lE^lae^qsla to long (i. e., to 

feel dead) 63.14 
lE^lae'x^ed to yield (i. e., to 
begin to feel dead) 

§23 



^UEX^' to cover with blanket 

(6) woRD-s. : 
Llaq^' red 



484 



BUBEAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



g'v- to be 
Za to go 
qle- many 
'nek'- to say 



g'l'g'CLeqala to think 52.5 
U'lcLeqala to think of going 
qfd'yaqala to bother 54.38 
'ne^nk'Ieaftd to begin to think 
(see no. 90) 184.3 



§ 24. lAmitaMons of Farm {Nos. 82'85h) 

82. ^6k^ and -«5fc^ hub£A.n beings [stem-s., with doubtful influence 
upon stem]. 

maH two 
'ik' good 

gin- how many? 
Tio'lal a few 
gle- many 

83. -X«(a) FLAT [STEM-S., IND.]. 

'nEm one 
84. 'tslaq long [stem-s., ind.]. 



maHo'Tc^ two persons 48.21 
Wx'sok*^ handsome 48.29 
g'ino'Jc^ how many persons! 
ho'lalo'Jc^ a few persons 
gleyok^ many persons 



'ns'mxsa one (day) 18.2 



nEm one 



'nE^TntsIaq one (horn) 17.9 



85. "H^Eni ROUND SURFACE [ STEM-S., IND., and woRD-s]; loses B 
and jf. 

(a) STEM-s.: 

'nEm one 



'mEl" white 

t/wa to sit 

qlEnep- to wrap up 

Here belong also — 
Lid' 8" seaward 

la to go 

(ft) woRD-s.: blanket. 

mEtsa' mink 
qlwdx hemlock 

(Hd/g'im dressed skin 
§24 



'ns^ms^Em one round thing 

8.1 
'mE^lsgEm white -surfaced 

61.26 
IcIwafsgBm to sit on round 

thing 
qlEm'pEmd to cover face 

299.21 

LlafsgEmdla to face seaward 

61.16 
IdfsgEm to go facing (i. e., to 

follow) 8.9 

maftsasgEm mink blanket 

qlwa/xsEm house of hemlock 

branches 45.24 
aJd'g'ims^Em dressed -skin 

blanket X 57.3 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OP AMEBIOAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 485 

85a. 'dEn finger-width [word-s., ind.]. 

'riE^mdETixsd one finger-width thick V 491.6 (see no. 3) 
yasyu'dvx^dEm'ldla everywhere about three finger-widths (see 
no. 5) 

856. "Qcwa's day. 

Jie'loplEnriva's the right number of days 355.26 

This class of suffixes does not fit in the present place parti(fularly 
well, since nos. 82-84 are used almost exclusively with numerals, 
indicating the class of objects. My reason for placing these suffixes 
at the present place is that suffixes denoting space limitations may be 
used in the same way as this class. We have, for instance, with 
"tslo (no. 27), 'nB^mtsId one inside; and with -dla stationary on 
WATER (no. 41), aLshd'la seven in 'a canoe afloat. Since, further- 
more, 'ok^ HUMAN beings is uscd with a number of intransitive 
verbs, and since -sgEm is in its application quite analogous to all the 
other local suffixes, it seemed best to keep the whole series together. 
On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that there is a distinct 
contrast between -dzo on a flat thing (no. 35) and -xsa a flat 
thing; the former indicating the place of an action, while the latter 
is used only as a classifier of nouns. Furthermore, the few suffixes 
given here are in a wider sense classifiers than the local suffixes. This 
is indicated by combinations like 'nE^mxsatsId one flat thing 
inside (-xsa a flat thing, -te/o inside); and ^n^msgEm^sto one 
DROP, literally "one round thing in roimd thing" irsgEm round, -^std 
round opening [no. 59]) . 

Temporal SufElxes (Nos. 86-07) (§§ 25-26) 

S 25. rurely Temporal Suffixes {Nos. 86-89) 

86. 'tU REMOTE PAST [sTEM-s., IND., and WORD-S.]. This suffix has 

the form -uZ after words ending in a, m, n, Z, x^; after p, t, s, 

t", Xj it assumes the form -wul. At the same time terminal Jc^ 

is aspirated as before a consonant. After e' it has the form -yul, 

^UBqa/plEnkimbl the dead 'iiEqa'plEnk'tm 283.9 

Ya'xLBnul the dead Ya'xLEn 285.11 

lol he went long ago (from la to go) 

^md'xol the dead *ma'xwa 470.36 

ge- long time (/syo'l long ago 12.4 

d<mp father * o'mpwul dead father 113.16 

IbuS' one day remote Wns^ul yesterday 31.6 

ds thy father d'avml thy dead father 142.16 

§§24,25 



486 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bfll. « 

hayo^t^wul former rival 

^nEmo^x^vml past friend 271.23 

gd'xumlEn I came long ago 142.19 {g'dx to come; -eu I) 

O^^ma^asETna^yul the dead 0'*magasEme* 142.17 

In a few cases this suffix modifies the terminal soimd of the stent 

dd^gi'ndlwul dead fellow-wife 142.18, which contains the 
suffix 'Ot (no. 167, p. 506) changes its terminal t to I (see also 
p. 451) 

wa'yul OLD DOG, from wa^tsle dog, is treated as though the stem 
were vxis- and the terminal 8 were weakened. 

87. 'X^'id RECENT past[stem-s., ind.]. The initial x' drops out after 
Pj <, s, Z, and l and k sounds; p and t are at the same time 
strengthened ; l and Jc stops are aspirated. 

aX' to be aafd's^id place w^here he had 

been (see no. 182) 42.4 
la to go Idx'^ld he went 190.29 

88. -X FUTURE [WORD-S.]. 

xwd'JcIuna canoe xfwd'JcfunaL a future canoe 

83.33 
Le^gad having a name Le'^adEL one who \^ill have a 

name 19.1 

89. 'XuK TRANSITION FROM PRESENT TO PAST, OF Father from exist- 

ence to non-oxistence [stem-s., ind., and word-s.]; loses the 
initial x'. 

gU first gVlx'de what had been first 

8.11 
wd'ldEtn word wd'ldsnvx'de what he had said 

25.4 
x'isd'la to have disappeared xisd'lax'de the one who had 

disappeared and was no 

more 85.32 
yd^q!udzd^8 place of lying dead yd'gtudzd/sde place where he 

had lain dead 61.8 (see nos. 

44, 182) 

Tclwil to feast in house Jclvn'lde those who had been 

feasted, but ceased to feast 
22.4 

§ 26. Suffixes with P retailing Temporal Clutracter {Nos. 90^7) 

90. "X'^d inchoative. The initial x' is dropped after p, t, », i, and 

L and 1c sounds except the fortes; p and t are at the same 
§26 



JOASj 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



487 



time strengthened; l and Tc stops are aspirated. This suffix 
is evidently compounded with the terminal completive -d 
(no. 2). It can not be used with all other suffixes, many of 
which have a different way of forming inchoatives (see 
no. 197). It can also not be used with all stem-verbs. 
It was stated before (no. 2) that verbs with primary suffixes 
ending in -a generally form an inchoative in -nd. Never- 
theless cases occur in which the full suffix -x'Hd is used. We 
have — 

la^stax'H'd to begin to go into water 36.25 
^e'xtux^vnd to begin to have a direction on top ( = to steer) 
o'dzEbax'^ld to begin to turn the wrong way 
Jdiptsld'ldx'^id to begin to hold (in tongs) insido 192.38 
Jc' ta^staflax'^ld to begin to place into water 95.8 



examples of the use of the 
following: 

g'U- to walk on four feet 

Isn- to forget 

Jduml- to bum 

vmnr to drill 

^wun- to hide 

xeIc'!' to stay 

Lisp- to climb (a pole) 

Hap- to dig 

xo's^lt to sprinkle body (see 

79) 
^ds- to walk 
plES- to flatten 
nel' to tell 
gUd^L' to steal 
k'H'mL- to adze 
Ic'eir- to fish with net 
dze^h'' to dig clams 
doA:**- to troll 
doq^' to see 
naq- to drink 
avrnflq- to want more 
yd^'vnx'- to act 
Lix'- to turn bow of canoe 

• 

qamx^- to put on down 
rruix^' potlatch 
dsrix- to sing 



inchoative with simple stems are the 

g'i'lx'^id 
Is^nx'^ld 
Idu^mlx'^ld 
wu'nx'Hd 
^vm^nx'^id 
XEk'lEX'H^d 
LlEpH^d 
^Wplld 
no. xd^s^mid 

qd's^ld 

plEsH^d 

ne'l^id 

g'iWVid 

Tc'lVml'ld 

Tc-rVid 

dze'x'^ld 

do^x^wid 

• 

dd^x^tmd 

nd^x^ld 

awu^lx^ld 

ya^^wix'^ld 

Lix'H'd 

• 

qafmx^wld 
^ma^xhind 
de'rix^id 

§26 



488 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY i^^'^^ « 

It appears from the rules and examples here ^ven that the incho- 
atives of stems in 1c' and x*, h^ and x", q and x, g^ and x*, l and I 
can not be distinguished. The number of stems ending in a 
fortis is very small, but all those that I have found take the 
ending -x'^id preceded by a release of the vocal cords. I have 
no examples of stems ending in a sonant and taking the ending 
-x*y. 

A few cases are apparently irregular, presumably on account of 
secondary changes in the stem. 

{Lax^') to stand la'x^vnd 

{tox^') to go forward to'sfwld 

Both these stems are often treated as though they ended in -o, 
not in -x", but the relationship of these two sounds has been 
pointed out before. 

91. '1(a) continuative. In stems ending in a long vowel, it is added 
to the terminal vowel. With stems ending in a consonant, it is 
generally connected by an obscure e, but also by a long d. 
Terminal p and t sounds, including nasals in suffixes and 
stems, seem to require long d, while s occurs both with e 
and d. In stems ending in a, k sound with u or i tinge, it 
is added to the vocalized tinge. In all suffixes that may 
take a terminal -a (no. 1), it is added to this -a. 

wuL' to hear wuL^la to hear 11.10 

Ide^L to enter lae^LEla to be engaged in 

entering 24.2 
yd'idd to tie yd'Lodala to be engaged in 

tying 28.33 

This suffix is evidently contained in the suffixes -^nakula (no. 94), 
'hiala (no. 144), -iHdla (no. 5), -gcuiLEla (no. 96),-di£ia (no. 
93), -g'lla (no. 136). 

Examples of its use after various classes of sounds are the 
following: 

After long vowels— 

pd'la to be hungry 7.4 ^mo'^la to thank 21.2 

hamg'l^la to feed 7.6 d'la real 9.5 

^tui^'la entirely 10.8 axkld'la to ask 7.5 

After stems ending in a k sound with u or i tinge — 

gd*kvla to Hve 7.1 tslixVla sick 32.27 

^nd'gvla light 11.2 ple'xula to feel 

§26 



*OA8] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 489 

After consonants of k and I series — 

wuLE^la to hear 11.10 JcUeW to be afraid 10.2 

wu'nqEla deep 11.1 ^^qsla to name 9.13 

xs'nLEla very 7.3 ds'nxEla to sing 13.2 

After consonants of p and t series — 

dxa/plala to be on neck ho'lEmHa to obtain easily 7.3 

19.6 a'xddala to handle.32.41 

Jie^lohnala to be on time dd'la to hold 14.9 

15.10 lEUd^la to forget 

qEX'imd^la to be on head- qd'tse^stdla to go around 23.13 
ring 18.4 

After 8 — 

me'sEla to have a smell U'staJl'sEla to go around on beach 

12.7 
qwe'sala far 26.43 

After suffixes that may take tenninal a — 

Sa/gumhdla (name of a place) 7.1 (no. 31) 
tsfe'sLola tongs 21.3 (no. .32) 
qand'yobala having lasso at end 37.13 (no. 31) 
ge'^stdla long in water X 155.38 (no. 39) 

92. 'Ma continuative [stem-s., ind.]. This differs from the pre- 
ceding in that it indicates the continued position implied in 
an act, not the continued activity itself. 

x'os- to rest xd'sdla to be in the position 

of rest 274.7 

'tDun- to hide 'vmnd'la to be in hiding 161.2 

g'U' to move on four legs gUafla to be on four legs 

'nrx*- near ^nEXwd'la to be near 36.10 

da to take dd^la to hold 16.5 

hElc^- man hEkwd'la character of a person 

With stems ending in e, e, and I it is contracted to -dla: 

ge long ^d'la 129.14 

he that ha/la being that 14:^ 

93. "Oli^la) CONTINUED MOTION [sTEM-S., IND.]. 

e'lc'! above e^lc'ldlEla to continue to go up 

126.40 
*7idZa south ^nd'lolEla going south, down 

river 125.7 
gwdS' direction gwd^solEla to approach 9.9 

§26 



490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [biu. 40 

94. "^ndkuila) gradual motion, one after another [stem-s., w]. 

tek^' to hang te' gu^na'lcvla to hang one after 

another 
pEUL' stout p^nLB^na/Tcvla to grow stout 

49!l5 
qas- to walk qd^nd'Jcvla to walk along 115.3 

95. "Uaq^wia) sometimes [word-s.]. 

la to go Id'naxwa to go sometimes 11. 3 

x'iafs place of disappearance xid'snaxwa place where he 

disappears sometimes 28.8 

96. "gui^aLEla, after k and l sounds -^aLEla, suddenly. Used 

often with verbs denoting sense-impressions (see p. 514). 

dog^' to see ddx^vxtLE^la to discover 19.10 

pldq- to taste j>!E7^aLE'la to learn by taste 

31.5 
g/5x- to know qldt^aiE'la to learn 135.4 

g'dx to come . g'd'x^aLE'la to come suddenly 

33.41 

■ 

The following is apparently irregular: 

vmL- to hear wuLd'x^aLE''la to leam by 

hearing 35.23 

The following probably belong here also: 

ax- to do ax^azE^dd to take out sud- 

denly 38.13 

kwex' to strike kwexahE^lod to strike sud- 

denly 99.3 

Lds- to push LdsFaLE^lod to push in sud- 

denly 19.5 

97. "td^ TO DO at the same time while doing something else, 

while IX motion [stem-s., ind.]. 

ddl' to laugh dd^lWya laughing at the same 

time 284.5 

dEUX' to sing dE^nxEid^ya singing while 

walking 355.15 

*yix"- to dance ^yixutd^^ya dancing as she 

came 435.20 

With terminal -e (see § 49, p. 530) this suffix has the form -t^wt: 

'rie^g'itE^we he says while — 285.6 
hd'mald'g'ita^we to eat walking 134.2 
yd'qlEntldlaxtE^we to speak while — 374.9 

§26 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 491 

The elements -g'i- and -x- preceding this suffix in the last two 
instances are not clear as to their origin. 

Suffixes Denoting^ Subjective Judgments or Attitudes Belatizi^ to the 

Ideas Expressed (Nos. 08-133) (§§ 27-32) 

5 27» Suffixes JDenoting Connection with Previously Ejcpressed Mens 

{Nos. 98-104) 

98. 'X€ia ALSO; ON THE OTHER HAND [WORD-S.]. 

dd^x'^idaxaa he also took 8.13 

d^Emlxaas and only you on your part 397.3 {-sm no. 103; -l no. 

88; -sthou) 
Ld'gwalaxaEn I on my part have supernatural power 399.3 

(-En I) 

99. 'X\Sfl STILL, ENTIRELY [ WORD-S.]. 

Lo/siwalax'sd it still stuck on his forehead 24.5 
daflax'sd still holding on 14.11 
LlELlafgEX^sd entirely cedar-bark 86.24 

99a. -qlcLla perfectly, completely [stem-s., ind.]. 

^nd^qldla it is full day 441.13 
no'lqlala entirely xmeasy 

100. 'layif^ IN THE MEAN TIME [wORD-S.]. 

ssh'd'lag'iL to spear in the mean time CS 44.25 

101. 'tla BUT [WORD-S.]. 

^ne'x''latla but he said, it is said, 100.22 

102. "fja BUT [woRD-s.]. 

Wza but he went 14.10 

The difTerence between -La and -t!a is difficult to define. On the 
whole, the latter expresses an entirely unexpected event in 
itself improbable; the former implies that the event, although 
not necessary, might have been expected. 

qaple^deda xwd'lcluna la^me^sia Tie'ldik'ama the canoe capsized 
but he came out well 

qaple'deda xwd'lcluna la^me'sHa Jie^ldik'ama the canoe capsized 
and against all expectation he came out well (qaple^d to cap- 
size; -edaprenominalsubj. [p. 530]; xivd'kluna cemoe; Zatodo, 
go, happen; -^mes no. 104; M^ldik'ama to come out right) 

la'me^sHa vmLslcwa^ it has antlers (although they do not belong 
to it) {wuJ^E'm antlers; -1c^ passive participle, no. 172) 

§27 



492 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Cbcll. 4« 

103. ^m indicates that the subject has been referred to or thou^t 

of before. 

g'd^fBm he came 

laEfm'lae gwdl then, it is said, he finished (what has been men- 
tioned before) 141.34 
U'x'aEm doLofq^s K\ and it was only carried by K*. 403.28 
yu'^msn — this (what has been mentioned before) is my — 211.20 

104. ^'nuis [ woBD-8. ; compounded of -hnrwis and so, indicating that 

a certain event is the eflfect of a preceding event]. 

Ji^x'ldaEfn'ld'vns and so, it is said, it b^an to be (passim) (hex'Hd 

it begins to be, -'la it is said, -Ein-wis) 
g'V garnet Emxaa'vns En and so I, on my part, am also a chief 

This sufiix evidently contains -*m (no. 103); the intimate con- 
nection between the expressed idea and the preceding idea 
being first indicated by -^m, and their causal relation being 
indicated by -wis. In a few cases, when following -^na per- 
haps (no. 106), it occurs without -*m. 

§ 28. SuffljreH Denoting Degrees of CertaifUy (Xotf. 103" 107) 

105. ^lax POTENTiALrrY, used in all uncertain conditional sentences 

[WORD-S.]. 

a'me'lalax it might spoil 131.17 
yVlkwalaxoL you might be hurt 29.35 

106. ^dna perhaps [word-s.]. 

'md'dzdd'nawis what, indeed, may it be? (see no. 119) 11.12 
Id'g'Us'laxd'navns (what) may he perhaps be doing on the 

ground? 95.20 (-g'Us on ground [no. 44]; 4ax [no. 105]; -wis 

[no. 104]) 

107. ^g^nnEtn perhaps [word-s.]. 
so'gvxinEm you perhaps 146.28 

§ 29. SuffLres Denoting Juflgmenfa Regarding Size, Intensity, and 

Quality {\oti. 108-120) 

108. ^k^an really [word-s.]. In the dialects of northern Van- 

couver Island, particularly in that of Koskimo, this sufiix is 
used throughout, and has lost its significance entirely. 

^'laJcas really a long time 7.4 

nK'nuxdaklwinek'dsos your real supernatural quality 479.11 (see 

no. 171) 
gd^xJc'asdKn really I came 478.4 (see no. 89; -*n I) 

SS 28, 29 



^^^^1 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 493 

108 a. ^Tc'O^O FINE AND BEAUTIFUL, used particularly in poetry 

[WOBD-S.]. 

Ld'gvxddk'ds^d a really fine magic treasure 111.1, 478.9 

109. -^J UGLY, AWKWARD [STEM-S., w]. 

wd'ydH a big ugly dog 

Hvlo'ldhoisLe where is the past, ugly, miserable thing? Cwl- 

where, -ul past[no. 86], -o^l ugly,-wn'« [no. 104], -xLe miserable 

[no. 115]) 99.31 
WTc'odzdH that really bad one X 207.16 (see no. 108) 

110. -Cfejg LARGE [WORD-S.]. 

Lid'qwadze large copper 84.16 

qld'sadzeJc'os a great number of sea-otters (-k'ds no. 108) 

g^o's^dze large house 483.27 

110a. ^Em diminutive [stem-s., w] always used with reduplication 
(see § 45, p. 526). 

nsg'e' mountain nd'nagim small mountain 

tslsda^q woman tsfd'tslEda^Em girl 

g'ok* house g'd'g'ogum Uttle house 

g'inl' child g'd'ginlEm little child 

In sd'yobEtn little adze (from sop- to adze) the initial s is 

weakened (see § 43.6). 

111. ^Em GENUINE, REAL [sTEM-s. and WORD-S., H, lengthens vowel 

of stem]. 

bd'JcIum genuine man, Indian 
hd'gwansm^Bm full-grown man 
K^hvd'JcIum real Kwakiutl 
vnfwdplETn fresh water V 365.33 

112. ^bidO' SMALL [singular, woRD-s.]; see no. 113. 

qld'Tc'obido^ a little slave 99.31 
se'pjDabidd^ to paddle a little 
as'lwtlbdbidd' little hooked nose 271.29 
osgwd^'lbidd^ ugly, Uttle man (see no. 109) 

Very common are the compounds — 
amd'bido' amsJl one 18.10, 38.14 
'nBXWd'labidd^ quite near 19.13, 107.20 

With verbs this suflSx, as well as the following, signify rather 

that a small person, or small persons, are the subject of the 

verb, than that the act is done to a slight extent, although the 

latter is often impUed. 

e'pfebidd' the Uttle one pinched, he pinched a Uttle CS 12.13 

§29 



494 BUREAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [btu. 40 

113. ^niEn^** SMALL [plural, wobd-s.]. Possibly this is etymo- 
logically related to the preceding, since m and n are the nasaJs 
belonging to h and d; and a similar relation of stops and 
nasals may be observed in the northern dialects of the Kwa- 
kiutl, where we have, for instance, -mZex* corresponding to 
-enoj^ (no. 162). 

^ne^riB'TngesmETieT^ the Uttle 'nE^mges 135.34 

114. -5 SMALL [WORD-S.]. 

gd'xeLElad little ones entering U.S.X.M. 670.14 

115. ocfj^ MISERABLE, PITIFUL, TOO BAD THAT, loses the initial 2 

after «. 

me'xaxLayin too bad that I was asleep! 
Id'xLe unfortunately X 162.39 

116. "X'Ld VERY [wORD-S.]. 

talE'lqwax'Ld it is very warm 
qlE^msqlEmtslEX'Ld very lazy 45.9 

117. "WlstUi VERY (perhaps a compound of -wis [no. 104] and -tla 

[no. 101] BUT so). 

tsfo'ltowlstla very black 

118. "ind AT ONCE, WITHOUT HESITATION [ WORD-S.]. Uscd in the 

most southern Kwakiutl dialect, the LZ'kwilda^x^, with great 
frequency. In this dialect the sufTix has lost its significance 
entirely. 

g'd^xmd he came at once 

119. "dzd EMPHATIC [ WORD-S.]. 

ge'ladzd come, do! 13.3 (like German "komm doch!'') 

• 

^md'dzd what anyway ? 11.12 

yu'dzdEmxEni evidently this is it (see nos. 103, 135) 

Ic'te'dzdEm not at all X 3.29 (see no. 103) 

120. ^k*inal nicely [word-s.]. 
dF/nxalak'inal singing nicely 

121. <c*sa{Ia) carelessly [word-s.]. 
'ne'Jc'ax'sala to speak carelessly 

122. "kHua accidentally [stem-s., with reduplication]. 

dd'doxhvinala to see accidentally 
wd'walk'ine obtained by luck CS 42.8 
Ld^mak'inalaLe will be by chance very much CS 36.7 

§29 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 495 

123. ^q!dla^ni{a) to no purpose [word-s.]. 

q!d^nd^kulaq!d'la^7na walking along without object 
be'hEgwdnEmqfdla'm common men V 441.15 

124. 'Wd, 'd IN A wrong manner, to fail, to make a mistake, 

OFF [stem-s.]. This suffix may be identical with no. 37. 

After n and vowels, -wd; after p, f, and anterior and posterior Jc 
sounds, -d (compare no. 41). 

Id'wd to go off from road V 491.24 
dd'wd to fail to hold V 478.21 
tfe'pd to step off 
sopd'la to chop off V 345.18 
telo'la to have the bait off V 479.9 
Jcexd'layu to be scraped off V 487.12 

125. 'b6l{a) TO pretend to [word-s.] 

qlwd'sdbola to pretend to cry 155.34 

tslExqtabd'la to pretend to feel sick 278.26 (see no. 148) 

Tia^mdpbdla to pretend to eat 257.23 

^vn'^lahola to pretend to pinch 260.33 

This suffix occurs also with nouns : 

ha^me^holax'de past pretended food (what had been made to look 
like food). 260.36 

126. 'X*Ht! AS usual; "X^sflaak^ apparently, seemingly, it 

SEEMS LIKE. 

Wmx'stlds you do as usual U.S.X.M. 670.7 
ladzd'lisax'stlad'x^mae apparently reaching up to the sky 238.5 
ld'x'8t!(w/Tc^ it seems to be 50.25 

iSO. Suffixes Denoting Emotional States {yos. 127-129) 

127. 'q!andk^ quite unexpectedly [word-s.]. 

Wqland'kwae Jc'le^lax'^ldEq he struck her, although you would 
not expect it of him 

128. '^fj astonishing! [word-s.]. 

8d'€L it is you! 149.12, U.S.N.M. 725.11 

e'dzdlLok' behold not this! 198.37 {es- not; -dzd no. 119; -ok' 
this [see p. 530]) 

129. "X^fj astonishing! o wonder! [word-s.]. 

k'!e'8xdL oh, wonder! not 17.7 
Tie'^maa^laxoL oh, wonder! it was he 138.43 
laLa^nEfmaxoL behold! wolves X 57.15 

§30 



496 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bclu « 

i SI. Suffix DenoHtiff the Optative (Nas. 130-131) 

130. '-nJ^slj OH, if! [word-s.]- 
g'oxneFsLe oh, if (he) would come! 

131. -ac' LIKELY HE would! exhortative (see § 66, p. 549). 

§ 32. Suffixes nenoting the Source of Information {yos. 132-135) 

132. 'H{a) IT IS SAID [WORD-S.]. 

xe'tileWI very much, it is said 7.3 
Jc'le's^latta but not, it is said 8.10 (see no. 101) 
Id'^lae then, it it is said, he — (passim) 

133. 'Emsk^ AS I TOLD YOU BEFORE [wORD-8.]. 

g'o/xEmsk^ he has come — as you ought to know, since I told you 
before 

134. "Eng'a in a dream [word-s.]. 

la e' Tig' a in a dream it was seen that he went X 173.40 

135. "XEnt EVIDENTLY (as is shown by evidence) [word-s.]. 

Ic'ted'sdaxEut evidently nothing 73.18 
Ide'sxETxt evidently not 148.15 

Suffixes Denoting Special Activities (Nos. 186-156) (§§ 33-34) 
§ 33. Activities of Persons in GenertU (Xos. 136-143) 

136. 'gHla to make [word-s. and stem-s., ind.]; loses initial g-, 

Lfe'nag'ila to make oil 37.5 

md'mdsila to hurt 29.28 

LofwayugwUa to make a salmon-weir 26.39 

lEqwe^la to make a fire 98.8 

^e^g'ila to do so (to make a certain kind of thing) 15.12 

se^xwHa to make a paddle V 496.2 

This suffix occurs also with neutral steins as an indifferent stem- 
suffix. 

ft^A:*- man hEhwe'la to make a man 

103.20 
lok^' strong Ibhwe'la to make strong 104.7 

This suffix in its passive form -g'i^lak^ is used very often to form 
names of men, in the sense born to be — 

Qu^nte^laJc^ bom (literally, made) to be heavy 
NEg'd'lsl'lak^ bom to be mountain on open prairie 
HUf^moM^ldk^ bom to be a chief 
Lld'qwas^EmgVldk^ bom to be copper-faced 

8§ 31-33 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMBRICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



497 



Peculiar is the mythical name of the mink Lle'sElag'i^la, which 
retains the glottal stop of the passive forms, although it lacks 
the passive suffix -Ar" (no. 172), with which it would mean 

BORN TO BE THE SUN. 

137. -ac'^ia to take care op [stem-s. also word-s. Used with 
reduplication]; loses initial x*. 

tsfeq- winter-dance UH'xtsUxsUa to take care of 

winter dance 16.12 
ntfg- mind TianA^qex'sUa to resolve 184.2 

hsk^' man (?) hd'hax^sUa to use 36.7 

g'i^- chief g'd'gixsUa to treat like a chief 

360.42 
pana'yu hook pa' panayux^sVlatsU receptacle 

(i. e., canoe) for fishing with 
hooks V 484.14 (see no. 184) 

138. "UU TO BE occupied with [word-s., generally with redupli- 
cation or lengthened vowel]. 

Tnd salmon 



o'ma* chieftainess 

vySUd^ cedar 

pE8- to give a potlatch 

139. -SaC«f TO DESIRE [STEM-S., H]. 

noj- to drink 
ax- to do 

140. -5Xf TO OBTAIN [ STEM-S., IND.]. 

q!e- many 
la to go 
q!ak^- slave 



wir- nothing 
g'v- to be 



me'gvxU seal 

^6*yd' the thing referred to 



44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 32 



Tiame'yalal to be occupied with 
salmon (i. e., to dance the 
salmon dance) 84.5 

a'd^malal chieftainess dance 
84.8 

havn'lJcvlal cedar dance 

pd'salal potlatch dance 



Tid'qexst to desire to drink 
aTfe'xst to desire to do 17.3 



qleyd'L to obtain many 139.36 

Iql to obtain 59.34 

qla'Tc'dLauEm obtained by get- 
ting a slave 136.25 (see § 4, 
p. 436, no. 179) 

wio'l not to obtain 459.34 

ga'ydms place where one ob- 
tains something 26.22 (see 
no. 182) 

me'gwatdL to obtain seals 

gwo^yo'ms place where one 
obtains the thing referred te 
45.31 (see no. 182) 

8 33 



498 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



(BULL. 40 



141. 'a TO ENDEAVOR [sTEM-s., H, always v/ith reduplication with 
a vowel] (see § 46). 



doq^' to see 
x'is- to disappear 
na'qo to meet 
yix**- to dance 
do^x^wdSEla to discover 

tsd to draw water 
ne's to pull 



dd^doqlvxi to endeavor to see 
xd'x'a^ya to try to disappear 
nd'naqa^wa to try to meet 
yd^ya^wa to try to dance 
dd'ddx^wasElaa to try to dis- 
cover 
tsd'tsahja to try to draw water 
nd'7iets!aayu hook for pulling 
up red cod V 332, 18 (see 



no. 174) 
This suffix is used very often with nouns. 



tslElk'- feather 
8dS' spring salmon 
g'ix^' steelhead salmon 
xunk^- child 
xwdlc^' canoe 



tsId^tslElk'Ia to try to get 
feathers 157.3 

sd'yatsta to catch spring sal- 
mon 

g'd'giwa to try to catch steel- 
head salmon 

xwd'xunkfwa to try to get a 
child 

xwd^xwdklwa to try to get a 
canoe 



It also occurs quite frequently with other suffixes. 

loL to obtain (see no. 140) Id'loLla to try to obtain 73.21 

Zo^'l to enter (see no. 47) Id'laeLla to try to enter 

Id'wEls to go out (see no. 37) Id'lawultsla to try to go out 

^vnloL to obtain all (see no. 'wdlhtnldLla to try to get all 
140) CS 10.30 

142. ^^j/dla TO GO TO look for [stem-.s., ind., always with reduplica- 
tion with a vowel] (see § 46). 

ties- stone 



xwak^- canoe 



ttd'tHsE^ydla to go to look for 

stones 
xwd^xwdkuh/ala to go to look 

for a canoe 



142a. 'tndlff to go [stem-s., ind.]. 

qle^^mdla many walking 16.2 
wad'xwndla to go in company with several 44.19 
Ho/^lamalaga right going woman (mythical name of mouse) 11.12 
(see no. 192) 

1426. 'S^dla deserted [stem-s., ind.], 

hwa^dfla to ait deserted CS 404 

§33 



•OAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 499 

142c. -jjr5 TO MEET [sTEM-s., IND.]; loses initial ^, used with redupli- 
cation or lengthening of stem vowel. 

la to go Ie'I^o to meet 

ff'U first g'^'Vlgo meeting the first 

time (i. e., newly married 

couple) 
Tc'iq- to strike together Tc'd'qo canoes meet 

q!vl' alive qtwd^la^o to meet alive 193.29 

^yak'- bad 'yd'k'dmas to vanquish 131.24 

(see no. 158) 

143. 'Ostlqa to use, only with numeral adverbs. 

'nE'mpIendstlqa to use once. 
qle'pIendsUqa to use many times 
ma^lpfe^nostlEqa it happened twice 470.41 

f 34. Activities Performed with Special Organs of the Bwly {Nos. 

144-155) 

144. "k^Idla CONTINUED noise, CONTINUED ACTION WFTH THE VOICE 

[ STEM-s., h]. After <, te, Tc stops, x, Z, -ala, with hardened termi- 
nal consonant; after a, generally ^ala, 

da to hold dd'h'Iala to ask for something 

18.9 
dsnx- to sing dE^nxk'Idla noise of singing 

11.10 
sepeUc'- noise of metal SEpE^lx'Ic'IdUig'iLenn^ngnoise 

on water 152.34 
aa- to do axJdd^la to ask 7.5 

tefc*- to joke teJcIwd'la to joke 24.6 

Lei- to call Le'^lala to invite 23.2 

o'dzsq- wrong ,, o'dzEqldla to say something 

wrong X 101.30 
ml- love song sd^'ldla to sing love song X 

8.36 
d'hnis curious o'^mitsldla curious sound 

196.20 
g'ird" child gi'rddla noise of child 

In a few cases -Ic'dla appears as word suffix. 

hsgwd'nEm man 6£j^iyd'nrmA:/dZa noise of a man 

148.26 

dla really d^lakldla to speak really X 

5.24 
Irregular is — 

yd/qlantlala to speak (see yd'qiegaH to begin to speak, no. 145) 

§34 



500 



BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BUIL. 40 



144 a, 'dla to persuade to. I doubt very much if this suffix belongs 
with the preceding, since its rules of attachment are quite dif- 
ferent. It is always used with reduplication. 

g'ivr- to add to a price g'ig'VnhjDala to ask for a 

higher price 
mix- to sleep hame'sifala to persuade to sleep 

145. ^ya%-'k*!tg.a^l beginning of a noise, to begin with the 
VOICE [generall