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HAND  BOOKS  OF 

OGY  AND  ANTIQJJi 


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GREEKand ROMAN  COINS 


H I  L 1 


I 


'»*  Jikiai 


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I^anbboofes  of     '  ]    ^\ ' 

^rcjincologi)  anU  Antiquities 


A   HANDBOOK 


OF 


GREEK  AND   ROMAN   COINS 


A  HANDBOOK 


,0F 


GREEK  AND  ROMAN  COINS 


BY 

G.   F./HILL,   M.A. 

OF  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  COINS  AND  MEDALS  IN  THE  BRITISH  MUSEUM 


WITH     FIFTEEN     COLLOTYPE     PLATES 


iLonUon 

MACMILLAN   AND   CO.,  Limited 

NEW  YORK  :   THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 
1899 

[A//  rights  reserved^ 


O;cfor> 

HORACE    HART,   PRINTER  TO  THE  UNIVERSITY 


MrraiOPOLOQY 
UBXASY 


C:jz^-i 


H 


G 


ANTHROPOLOGY 
UBRABY 


PREFACE 

The  attempt  has  often  been  made  to  condense  into  a  small 
volimae  all  that  is  necessary  for  a  beginner  in  nmnismatics 
or  a  young  collector  of  coins.  But  success  has  been  less 
frequent,  because  the  knowledge  of  coins  is  essentially  a 
knowledge  of  details,  and  small  treatises  are  apt  to  be  rni- 
readable  when  they  contain  too  many  references  to  particular 
coins,  and  unprofitably  vague  when  such  references  are  avoided. 
I  cannot  hope  that  I  have  passed  safely  between  these  two 
dangers ;  indeed,  my  desire  has  been  to  avoid  the  second  at 
all  risk  of  encountering  the  former.  At  the  same  time  it 
may  be  said  that  this  book  is  not  meant  for  the  collector 
who  desires  only  to  identify  the  coins  which  he  happens  to 
possess,  while  caring  little  for  the  wider  problems  of  history, 
art,  mythology,  and  religion,  to  which  coins  sometimes  furnish 
the  only  key.  It  is  meant  chiefly  as  a  guide  to  put  students 
of  antiquity  in  the  way  of  bringing  numismatics  to  bear  on 
their  difficulties.  No  attempt,  therefore,  has  been  made  to 
avoid  controversy  where  any  profitable  stimulus  seems  Hkely 
to  be  provided  by  the  discussion  of  doubtful  questions.  The 
comparatively  full  references  and  the  bibliography  are  also 
added  with  the  aim  of  making  the  book  an  introduction  to 
more  advanced  works,  rather  than  a  more  or  less  self- 
contained  statement  o£.the  elements. 


vi  PREFACE 

Since  the  publication  of  Francois  Lenormant's  La  Monnaie 
dans  VAntiquite— the  last  considerable  work  undertaking  to 
cover  the  whole  ground  of  ancient  numismatics — the  number 
of  works  of  a  general  and  special  nature  which  cannot  be 
neglected  by  the  student  has  at  least  been  doubled.  Fresh 
catalogues  of  great  collections,  public  and  private,  appear  in 
rapid  succession ;  a  new  quarterly,  devoted  entirely  to  Greek 
numismatic  archaeology,  has  been  established  within  the  last 
year;  and,  above  all,  the  Prussian  Academy  has  begun  to 
issue  its  Corpus  of  the  coins  of  Northern  Greece,  which,  it 
is  to  be  hoped,  will  in  time  grow  into  a  Corpus  of  Greek 
coins.  Mommsen  has  said  that  he  was  driven  to  write  his 
numismatic  work  because  he  felt  that  the  help  to  history 
which  he  sought  in  coins  '  was  not  to  be  found  in  a  literature 
which,  after  Eckhel,  has  been  left  mostly  to  dilettanti  and 
shopmen.'  The  publications  of  recent  years  show  that  his 
reproach  is  no  longer  so  true  as  it  was.  It  is  now  not  too 
much  to  expect  that  all  archaeologists  should  have  at  least 
some  first-hand  acquaintance  with  coins.  If  coins  do  not,  like 
some  other  antiquities,  throw  much  light  on  private  life, 
their  importance  as  public  and  official  documents  is  inesti- 
mable. And  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  number  of 
coins  of  which  the  condition  is  practically  perfect,  and  the 
authenticity  beyond  suspicion,  is  greater  than  we  can  find  in 
any  other  series  of  antiquities  : 

Le  temps  passe.     Tout  meurt.     Le  marbre  m§me  s'use, 
Agrigente  n'est  plus  qu'une  ombre,  et  Syracuse 
Dort  sous  le  bleu  linceul  de  son  ciel  indulgent ; 
Et  seul  le  dur  metal  que  I'amour  fit  docile 
Garde  encore  en  sa  fleur,  aux  m^dailles  d'argent, 
L'immortelle  beauts  des  vierges  de  Sicile. 

As  regards  the  illustrations  in  the  text,  most  of  the  blocks 
have  been  made  from  line-drawings  by  Mr.  F.  Anderson. 
This  draughtsman,  to  whom  students  of  classical  antiquity 
owe  so  much,  has  made  the  drawings  over  enlarged  photo- 
graphs, adding  nothing  to  what  exists  on  the  original.     For 


PREFACE  Vll 

permission  to  use  one  of  the  drawings  (Fig.  31),  I  have  to 
thank  the  Council  of  the  Society  for  the  Promotion  of 
Hellenic  Studies.  Except  in  a  few  cases,  duly  noted,  the 
coins  illustrated,  both  in  text  and  plates,  are  all  in  the  British 
Museum.  The  collotype  plates  have  been  executed  by  the 
Clarendon  Press. 

My  indebtedness  to  the  authorities,  from  whose  works  this 
volume  is  nothing  more  than  a  distillation,  can  be  fairly  well 
gauged  by  means  of  the  footnotes,  although  it  has  been 
impossible  to  give  chapter  and  verse  for  every  statement  not 
my  own.  These  footnotes,  as  might  be  expected,  show  my 
deep  obligations  to  the  works  of  Head,  Imhoof-Blumer,  and 
Mommsen,  as  well  as  of  the  editor  of  this  series  of  hand- 
books. Professor  Percy  Gardner.  To  the  last  indeed,  both  as 
writer  and  as  teaxjher,  I  am  under  peculiar  obligations,  since 
to  him  I  owe  my  introduction  to  the  study  of  numismatics. 
Mr.  Warwick  Wroth  has  had  the  kindness  to  read  the  proof- 
sheets,  and  to  make  many  valuable  suggestions,  and  I  have  to 
thank  Mr.  H.  A.  Grueber  also  for  similar  assistance. 

G.  F.  HILL. 

British  Museum, 
July,  1899. 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION. 

General  Sketch  of  the  History  op  Coinage  in  Greece 
AND  Rome. 

PAGE 

§  I.  Early  Stages  of  Exchange i 

2.  Scope  of  Classical  Numismatics 2 

3.  The  Metallic  Unit  generally  adopted 4 

4.  The  Invention  of  Coinage 6 

.  5.  The  Spread  of  Coinage  to  European  Greece  ....  8 

6.  The  Extension  of  Coinage  to  Western  Greece        ...  8 

7.  Coinage  adopted  by  the  *  Barbarians' 9 

8.  The  Regal  Period 10 

9.  Revival  of  the  Coinage  of  the  Cities     .         .        .         .        •  11 

10.  Beginning  of  the  Influence  of  Rome 11 

11.  Coinage  under  the  Roman  Empire    ......  12 


BOOK  1. 

CHAPTER  I. 

The  Metals. 

1.  Quality  op  the  Metals  used  for  Coinage        .        .        ,        .13 

2.  Minor  Metals  and  Alloys 16 

3.  The  Sources  of  the  Metals 18 

4.  The  Testing  of  Metals  in  Antiquity 23 

5.  Oxide  and  Patina 25 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  Coin  as  a  Medium  op  Exchange.    OEiaiN,  Distribution, 
AND  Relation  of  Coin-Standards. 

PAGE 

§  I.  Theories  op  the  Origin  of  Coin- Standards     ....  26 

2.  Determination  op  Eari,y  Weight- Standards    ....  28 

3.  Distribution  op  the  Three  Oriental  Standards      .         .         •  33 

4.  The  Aeginetic  and  Euboic-Attio  Standards     .        .        .        .34 

5.  Local  Standards  op  Asia  Minor 38 

6.  Local  Standards  op  European  Greece     .....  40 

7.  The  Western  Mediterranean 41 

8.  Sicily 4a 

9.  KoMAN  Bronze 44 

10.  KoMAN  Silver 53 

11.  Roman  Gold 54 

12.  Etruria 55 

13.  Northern  and  Central  Italy 59 

14.  Southern  Italy 60 

15.  Coin-Denominations 64 


CHAPTER  IIL 
Monetary  Theory  and  Practice. 

§  I.  Aristotle's  Conception  op  Money 67 

2.  The  Quality  op  Ancient  Money 68 

3.  Plated  Coin ,ji 

4.  Precautions  against  Forgery .72 

5.  Protection  by  Taripp <j3 

6.  Eelativb  Values  op  the  Metals 74 


CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Coinage  and  the  State. 

§  I.  Private  Coinage 

2.  Nature  op  'Temple  Coinage' 80 

3.  Coinage  op  Monarchs 81 

4.  The  Coinage  and  the  Sovereign  Power 82 

5.  Rome  and  her  Subjects.    Restriction  op  Gold        ...  85 

6.  Restriction  op  Silver 87 


78 


CONTENTS  XI 

PAOE 

§  7.  The  Eastern  Pkovikces  under  the  Empire       ....  89 

8.  Roman  Colonies 92 

9.  Delegated  Coinage  :  the  Satraps 95 

10.  Military  Coinage  in  the  West 97 

11.  Roman  Military  Coinage 98 

12.  Combined  Coinages  :   Real  and  Complimentary  Alliances      •  102 

13.  Commercial  Unions 103 

14.  Political  Unions 106 

15.  Other  Alliances 114 

16.  Greek  Colonies 116 

17.  Religious  Combinations       .        .        .        .        •        •        •        'H? 


CHAPTER  y. 
Monetary  Officials. 

A.  Among  the  Greeks. 

§  I.  Magistrates'  Signatures  and  Symbols       .        .        .        ,        .119 

2.  The  Athenian  Monetary  Officials 121 

3.  The  Office  of  the  Moneyer 124 

4.  Magistrates  in  Imperial  Times 126 

5.  The  Greek  Mint 129 

B.  Among  the  Romans. 

6.  Roman  Monetary  Magistrates •  131 

7.  Monetary  Officials  of  Roman  Colonies 136 

8.  Roman  Governors 138 

9.  Thk  Roman  Minx 139 


BOOK  II, 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Fabric  and  Style. 

§  I.  Struck  Coins 143 

2.  Ancient  Dies 149 

3.  The  Development  of  Form  of  Struck  Coins     .         .         .         .151 

4.  Cast  Coins 155 

5.  The  Composition  of  the  Type 158 

6.  Development  of  Style 160 


XU  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VII. 
The  Meaning  and  Classification  of  Coin-Types. 

PAGE 

§  1.  The  Religious  Theory  and  the  Commebcial  Theory      .        .  i66 

/a.  Religious  Types 169 

3.  Types  kepkesekung  the  Issuing  Authority      .        .        .        •  171 

4.  Types  representing  Local  Features I73 

5.  Types  representing  Monuments I74 

6.-  Historical  Types i75 

7.  Canting  Types 176 

8.  Ornamental  Types i77 

9.  Imitative  Types i77 

10.  Classieication  of  Symbols 178 


CHAPTER  YIIL 
Coin-Insckiptions. 

§  I.  Inscriptions  naming  the  Issuing  Authority     .        .        .        .180 

2.  Varieties  of  Titulature 181 

3.  Inscriptions  naming  the  Type .185 

4.  Inscriptions  giving  the  Reason  of  Issue 189 

5.  Mint-marks  and  Artists'  Signatures         .        .         .        .        .     194 

6.  Names  and  Values  of  Coins .     196 

7.  Dates 196 

8.  Graffiti 197 

9.  Abbreviations 197 


^  CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Dating  of  Coins. 

§  I.  Dating  by  the  Evidence  of  History 199 

2.  Coins  bearing  Dates 201 

3.  Dating  by  Style  and  Fabric 203 

4.  Weight  and  Quality 204 

5.  Types 205 

6.  Epigraphy 207 

Greek 208 

Roman 215 

^.  Finds 217 


CONTENTS  Xlll 


APPENDICES. 

PAOB 

I.  Akcttent  Standards 222 

II.  Equivalents  in  Troy  Grains  of  Weights  mentioned  in  the  Text  226 

III.  Roman  Mint-marks .  228 

IV.  The  Imperial  Families 230 

V.  Select  Bibliography 242 

Key  to  the  Plates 256 

Index  of  Subjects 273 

Index  of  Greek  Words 289 

Index  of  Latin  Words 293 

Plates  I-XY at  end 


aav 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  THE  TEXT 

PAGB 

Fig.    I.  Bronze  Coin  (?)  of  Olbia  (Sarmatia) 3 

2.  „        ,,  of  the  Colony  of  Nemausus  ....        4 

3.  "Weighing  Rings  of  Precious  Metal  (Egyptian  Painting)         .        5 

4.  Gaulish  Imitation  of  Gold  Stater  of  Philip  II       .        .        .10 

5.  Iron  Coin  of  Argos 17 

6.  Babylonian  Bronze  Weight  of  5  manahs       .         .        .         .28 

7.  Half-shekel  of  Jewish  First  Revolt 34 

8.  Athenian  Ckalcus .         -37 

g.  Aes  rude  from  Caere 44 

10.  Reverse  of  Italian  aes  signatum 45 

11.  Roman  as  of  10^  oz 46 

12.  >ts  of  i^  oz 48 

13.  As  of  Augustus 50 

14.  Semis  of  Lamia,  Silius,  and  Annius 50 

15.  FolHs  of  Anastasius  I 5a 

16.  Reverse  of  Nummus  of  Anastasius  I 53 

17.  As  of  Hatria 59 

18.  Reverse  of  as  of  Commodus  (Rome  as  a  Colony)       ...  94 

19.  Reverse  of 'Alliance-Coin' of  Side  and  Delphi      .         .        .  loa 

20.  Semuncial  bronze  semis 133 

21.  Gold  Bar  from  Sirmio  [Pesth  Museum]          ....  137 

22.  Gold  Bar  from  Sirmio  [British  Museum]        ....  137 

23.  Bronze  of  Antiochus  IV  of  Syria 144 

24.  Wall-painting  in  the  House  of  the  Vettii  [Pompeii]     .      146,  147 

25.  Bronze  Coin  of  Paestum 148 

26.  Die  of  Faustina  II  [Lyon  Museum] 150 

27.  Clay  Moulds  for  casting  Coins 157 

28.  Coin  of  Apamea  in  Phrygia  with  Noah's  Ark  [Bibliothfeque 

Nationale] 170 

29.  Coin  of  Antiochia  in  Caria  with  Bridge         .         .         .        .174 

30.  Coin  of  Delphi  with  Agonistic  Type 192 

31.  Stater  of  Sicyon  with  Punctured  Inscription         .         .        .     197 
Plates  I-XV at  end 


XV 


NOTE  ON  ABBREVIATIONS 


A  REFERENCE  to  the  Bibliography  will  make  clear  the  abbreviated  refer- 
ences to  works  by  individual  writers.  The  chief  periodical  and  collective 
publications  quoted  in  abbreviated  form  are  as  follows  : — 

Abhandl(ungen)    der    KOn(iglich)    Sachs(ischen)    Ges(ellschaft)    d(er) 

Wiss(enschaften). 
Amer(ican)  Journ(al)  of  Arch(aeology). 
Ann(ali)  d(eir)  Inst(ituto  di  Corrispondenza  Archeologica). 
Arch(aologische)     Ep(igraphische)     Mitth(eilungen)    aus    Oest(erreich- 

Ungarn). 
Arch(aologische)  Zeit(ung). 
Athen(ische)  Mitth(eilungen)=Mittheilungen  des  Kaiserlich  Deutschen 

Archaologischen  Instituts,  Athenische  Abtheilung. 
Berl(iner)  Akad(emische)   Abh(andlungen)=Abhandlungen  der  KQnig- 

lichen  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften  zu  Berlin, 
Berl(iner)  Phil(ologische)  Woch(enschrift). 
B(ritish)  M(useum)  Cat(alogue  of  Greek  Coins), 
Bull(etin  de)  Corr(espon dance)  Hellen(ique). 
C(orpus)  Inscriptionum)  A(tticarum). 
C(orpus)  I(nscriptionum)  G(raecarum)  ed.  Boeckh. 
C(orpus)  I  nscriptionum)  L(atinarum). 
'E(p(7]/j.€ph)  ' Apx(cLio\oyiKrj) . 
J(ournal  of)  H(ellenic)  S(tudies), 

Journ(al)  Internat(ional  d'Arch^ologie  Eumismatique), 
Mem(oires'^^  de  rAcad(emie)  des  Inscr(iptions). 
Neue  Jahrb(ucher)  f(ur)  Phil(ologie). 
Num(ismatic)  Chron(icle), 
Num(ismatische)  Z(eitschrift), 
Rev(ue)  des  ]&t(udes)  Gr(ecques). 
Eev(ue)  Num(ismatique), 
Rev(ue)  Num(ismatique)  Beige. 
Rhein(isches)  Mus(eum  fur  Philologie), 
Rom(ische)   Mitth(eilungen)  =  Mittheilungen  des  Kaiserlich   Deutschen 

Archaologischen  Instituts,  E5mische  Abtheilung. 
Verhandl(ungen)  der  Berl(iner)  Gesellsch(aft)  fiir  Anthrop(ologie,  &c.). 
Z(eitschrift)  f(ur)  N(umismatik), 


INTRODUCTION 


GENERAL   SKETCH   OF   THE   HISTORY   OF   COINAGE 
IN   GREECE   AND   ROME 

§  I.   Early  Stages  of  Exchange, 

Trade  in  its  development  passes  through  three  stages. 
Beginning  as  barter,  or  the  direct  ^exchange  of  commodity 
against  commodity,  it  proceeds,  as  soon  as  it  attains  large 
proportions,  to  the  stage  of  mediate  exchange,  conducted  with 
the  aid  of  a  medium  in  which  the  value  of  exchangeable  com- 
modities can  be  expressed.  In  order  to  serve  for  the  measuring 
of  value,  this  medium  should  above  all  possess  three  qualities  : 
intrinsic  value,  so  that  the  possessor  of  it  may  feel  secure 
of  his  power  to  exchange  it  for  commodities  when  he  wishes  ; 
high  value,  so  that  a  small  quantity  of  it  may  represent 
a  large  quantity  of  ordinary  commodities ;  and  divisibility, 
in  order  that  accuracy  of  measurement  may  be  obtained. 
A  later  development  of  this  kind  of  exchange  is  seen  when  the 
medium  of  exchange  is  treated  purely  as  such,  and  to  save 
time  and  labour,  the  number  of  units  of  value  contained  in 
each  piece  of  it  is  directly  or  indirectly^  indicated.  This  obviates 
the  necessity  of  repeatedly  calculating  the  amount  of  the 
medium,  and  exchange  is  thus  considerably  facilitated.  A  still 
further  development  is  that  of  the  '  token, '  a  term  which  may 

^  Indirectly,  by  the  genuineness  of  the  piece  being  guaranteed  by  some 
mark  of  authority. 


2  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 

be  taken,  broadly,  as  meaning  any  medium  of  exchange  which 
represents  on  its  face  a  vahie  which  it  does  not  intrinsically 
possess,  but  for  which  it  is  or  should  be  redeemable.  Thus 
under  tokens  would  be  included  all  token-coins,  bank-notes, 
cheques,  and  the  hke.  As  these  forms  of  money  depend  on 
credit— i.  e.  a  fund  assumed  to  be  somewhere  in  reserve — this 
stage  may  be  regarded  as  only  a  subsidiary  development  of  the 
second  stage.  We  may  therefore  tabulate  as  follows  the  stages 
in  the  development  of  trade  : 

I.  Barter  or  Immediate  Exchange. 
II.  Mediate  Exchange. 

fi)  By  means  of  an  uncoined  medium, 
(ii)  By  means  of  a  coined  medium  of  full  value, 
(iii)  By  means  of  tokens. 

The  study  of  numismatics  in  its  accepted  sense  deals  strictlj^ 
with  II,  ii  and  iii  (but  with  the  latter  only  so  far  as  the  tokens 
assume  the  external  form  of  coins  proper).  But  its  roots 
stretch  down  into  the  lower  stages,  and  in  dealing  with 
monetary  standards  and  types  it  is  often  necessary  to  go  back 
to  the  days  of  early  mediate  exchange  and  even  of  barter. 


§  2,   Scope  of  Classical  Numismatics. 

The  table  of  contents  will  make  it  sufficiently  clear  under  what 
main  aspects  the  classical  numismatist  considers  his  subject. 
For  the  purpose  of  a  working  definition  we  may  describe  a  coin^ 
as  follows.  A  coin  is  a  piece  of  metal  (or,  exceptionally,  some 
other  convenient  material)  artificially  rendered  into  a  required 
shape,  and  marked  with  a  sign  as  a  guarantee  that  it  is  of  the 
proper  fineness  and  weight,  and  issued  by  some  responsible 
authority  ;  the  prime  object  served  by  the  piece  being  to  facili- 

*  The  Latin  cuneus,  from  which,  through  the  French,  this  word  is 
derived,  was  used  in  the  middle  ages  for  the  die  for  striking  coin?,  and 
sometimes  actually  for  the  coin  itself.  The  Greek  word  for  coin,  vo/jiafia 
(meaning,  like  vS/jiovj  in  the  first  instance  a  regular  custom  or  institution) 
has  given,  through  the  Latinized  form  numisma,  the  modern  name  of  the 
science.  The  use  of  the  word  medal  for  an  ancient  coin  ii  now  old-fashioned 
in  the  English  language,  being  properly  restricted  to  commemorative  or 
decorative  pieces  not  meant  to  circulate  as  currency. 


INTRODUCTION  3 

tate  exchange,  since  it  serves  as  an  expression  of  the  value  of 
exchangeable  commodities.  By  this  definition  those  objects 
are  excluded  which  serve  other  purposes  than  that  of  exchange, 
such,  for  instance,  as  drinking  cups  or  ornamental  rings  of 
precious  metals,  which  were  made  in  days  of  barter,  often 
according  to  a  fixed  weight  ^  ;  or  medals  ;  or  natural  objects 
which  have  been  used,  and  in  some  savage  countries  are  still 
used,  for  the  purposes  of  change,  such  as  cowry-shells  ^,  *  cats' 
eyes,'  and  the  like.  But  imitations  in  metal  of  such  natural 
objects,  as  for  instance  the  snail^hell  money  of  the  Burmese  ', 
or  imitations  of  implements  such  as  the  knife-money  and  hoe- 
money  of  China",  come  strictly  within  the  limits  of  the  definition. 
Nevertheless,  with  this  latter  kind  of  coin  the  student  of  Greek 
and  Eoman  coinage  has  practically  nothing  to  do,  the  coins  which 
concern  him  being  almost  entirely  of  a  conventional  shape. 


Fig.  I.— B:onze  Coin  (?)  of  Olbia  (Sarmatia)  ;  Ret.  OY. 

An  exception  may  be  found  in  the  fish-shaped  pieces  from  the 
north  of  the  Euxine  (Fig.  i).  If  these  are  coins,  they  differ 
from  the  ordinary  Greek  coin  only  in  the  fact  that,  instead 
of  putting  a  fish-type  on  a  flan  of  ordinary  shape,  the  whole 
coin  was  made  in  the  shape  of  a  fish.  Another  explanation  is 
suggested  by  the  fact  that  a  pig  of  metal  was  sometimes  called 
SfX0tf  ^.  These  fish-shaped  pieces  may  be  the  degenerate  repre- 
sentatives of  similar-shaped  pigs  of  bronze.  The  rings  and  ball- 
shaped  pieces  from  Pannonia,  and  similar  barbarous  regions, 
hardly  come  within  the  province  of  Greek  and  Roman  numis- 
matics. The  ham-shaped  pieces  of  Nemausus  (Fig.  2)  were 
probably  made  for  some   religious  purpose  ;  the  person  who 

•  St^e  for  instance,  Ridgeway,  Origin  of  MttalUc  Currency,  pp.  35  AT. ;  Journ. 
Hellen.  Stud.  xiii.  p.  225  (a  treasure  from  Mycenaa),  and  Holm,  Griech. 
Gvsch.  i.  p.  257,  Eng.  trans,  p.  214  (rings  with  the  name  of  Eteandros  of 
Cyprus. 

^  Ridgeway,  p.  13.  ^  lb.  p.  22.  ♦  lb.  p.  23. 

•■'  Ardaillon,  Les  Mines  da  Laurion,  p.  11 1,  who  compares  the  French 
saumon. 

B  2 


4  GEEEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 

would  have  liked  to  make  an  offering  in  kind,  was  able  to  give 
its  equivalent  in  a  coin  the  shape  of  which  suggested  the  animal 
offered  to  his  deity. 


Fio.  2. — Bronze  Coin  of  the  Colony  of  Nemausus.     Obv.  Heads  of  Augustus 
and  Agrippa.    Rev.  col.  nem.  Crocodile  chained  to  palm-tree. 


§  3.   The  Metallic  unit  generally  adopted. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  here  upon  the  first  stage  of  mediate 
exchange,  through  an  uncoined  medium.  It  is  sufficient  to 
recognize  that  it  is  in  all  cases  presupposed  by  the  next  stage, 
with  which  commences  our  subject  propar.  It  should,  however, 
be  borne  in  mind  that  the  uncoined  medium  is  not  necessarily 
metal,  but  may  be  anything,  from  a  stock-fish  to  an  ox,  which 
is  capable  of  being  regarded  as  a  unit  of  calculation  ;  which  is, 
that  is  to  say,  of  a  generally  recognized  value  \ 

It  was,  however,  the  metallic  unit  which  developed  into  the 
coin,  simply  by  having  an  official  mark,  a  guarantee  of  genuine- 
ness and  true  weight,  placed  upon  it.  The  stage  in  which  the 
medium  had  to  be  weighed  upon  each  occasion  of  exchange  is 
illustrated  by  a  few  monuments  and  by  a  number  of  literary 
references.     On  more  than  one  Egyptian  wall-painting  ^  a  large 

^  For  these  primitive  currencies  pee  Ridgeway,  Origin  of  Currency,  ch.  ii. 

^  Figured  in  Zeitschr.  fur  Ethnologie,  1889,  pp.  5  if.,  in  Ridgeway,  Origin  of 
Currency,  p.  128,  and  in  many  other  works.  The  illustration  in  the  text 
is  taken  from  Lepsius,  Denkmd'er,  iii.  pi.  39 1?. 


INTRODUCTION 


pair  of  scales  is  represented,  in  which  rings  of  metal  are  being 
weighed  (Fig.  3).  There  is  reason  to  suppose  that  in  Greece 
in  early  times  small  bars  of  metal  were  in  circulation,  which 


Fig.  3. — Weighing  Rings  of  Precious  Metal.     (Fifteenth  Centuiy  B.C.) 

being  of  uniform  size  could  be  counted  out  instead  of  being 
always  weighed  K  But  for  aught  we  know  these  may  have  had 
some  official  mark,  like  the  rings  of  Eteandros  (above,  p.  3, 
note  i),  and  have  therefore  been  true  coins. 


^  Plutarch,  Lysand.  c.  17  KivSwevti  Se  koI  to  iraix-nav  apxaiov  ovtws  6Xfi»', 
6Bt>^i(TKois  XP^H-^^'^^  vofiiafxaai  aidrjpoh,  kvioov  h\  xnKKois'  a(f  S)v  vapafxivH 
iT\rj9os  €Ti  KOi  vvv  Tcuv  Kepudroju  o/3oAov?  Ka\eia$ai,  SpaxfJ-rjv  5e  roiis  €^  o^oXovs, 
ToaovTQJv  yap  17  x^'P  tte  pud  parr  €to.  Cf.  Etym.  Magn.  s.v.  dPeXianns.  Pheidon 
of  Argos  is  said  to  have  hung  up  in  the  temple  of  Hera  specimens  of  the 
6/3eA.t(T«ot  which  had  served  for  money  before  his  time.  (But  see  below, 
p.  6,  note  3.) 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


§  4.    The  Invention  of  Coinage. 

Of  all  those  to  whom  the  invention  of  coinage  was,  according 
to  Juhus  Pollux  \  ascribed  —  the  Athenians,  the  Naxians, 
Pheidon  of  Argos,  Demodice,  wife  of  Midas,  the  Lydians-  only 
the  third  and  the  last  have  strong  claims.  As  to  Pheidon, 
Herodotus  speaks  of  him  as  having  given  measures  (i.e.  pre- 
sumably, a  complete  metrical  system,  including  weights)  to  the 
Peloponnesians  ^  Herodotus  himself  does  not  mention  coinage, 
the  introduction  of  which  is  only  attributed  to  Pheidon  by  later 
authorities,  the  earliest  of  whom  is  Ephorus  ^  The  bulk  of 
the  evidence,  both  hterary  and  numismatic,  goes  to  show  merely 
I  that  the  earhest  silver  coinage  was  the  Aeginetic,  but  that 
the  Aeginetic  coinage  was  at  the  same  time  only  an  adaptation 
of  something  which  already  existed  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Aegean  Sea. 

The  credit  of  inaugurating  coinage  in  the  Western  world 

'  Onom.  ix.  83. 

^  vi.  127  ^iiZwvos  h'k  rod  rd  fjifrpa  iroi'fjffavTOS  UeXowovvrjfTioKTi  Kal  v0piaavTOs 
ftfyiara  5?)  'EWTjvojy  dTrdvTOJV,  ^s  i^avaar-qaas  t<  v?  'HKc'lojv  dycuvoOeras  avrbs  rbu 
iv  'OKvjjLviri  dywva  edrjKe  (of.  Pausanias,  vi.  22.  2). 

^  Strabo  (viii.  p.  376)  has :  'Ephorus  says  that  silver  was  first  coined  in 
;  Aegina  by  Pheidon.'  Elsewhere  Ephorus  (Strabo,  p.  358)  attributes  to 
\  Pheidon  '  struck  coins  not  only  of  silver  but  of  other  metals.'  This  to 
T(  dk\o  betrays  Ephorus,  unless  we  can  suppose  him  to  mean  thereby  the 
iron  coinage  which  was  afterwards  used  in  some  Dorian  states,  or  the 
tdectrum  Aeginetic  coinage,  of  which  a  solitary  specimen  is  extant. 
Neither  alternative  is  likely,  and  the  truth  is  that  Ephorus  combined  the 
statement  of  the  introduction  of  measures  by  Pheidon  with  the  theory  that 
the  Aeginetic  silver  coinage  is  earlier  than  any  other  in  the  same  metal. 
As  to  this  theory,  it  is  admitted  by  every  numismatist.  But  as  to  the  tradi- 
tion that  Pheidon  was  connected  with  the  coinage,  that  can  neither  be 
proved  nor  disproved,  with  our  present  lights.  No  accumulation  of  quota- 
tions from  later  writers  will  strengthen  the  position  of  those  who  hold  that 
Pheidon  inti'oduced  coinage  into  Greece.  [Of  these  late  quotations,  one 
from  the  Etymologicum  Magnum  is  worth  mentioning,  s.v,  EvIioiKov  voniajxa  : 
'  Pheidon,  king  of  the  Argives,  was  the  first  to  strike  gold  money  in 
Euboaa,  a  place  in  Argos.'  Yet  even  this  has  been  taken  seriously  by 
some  critics.]  Pheidon's  date  is  quite  uncertain.  It  should  be  noted  that 
by  Herodotus  Pheidon  is  mentioned  in  a  context  which  makes  the  men- 
tion valueless  as  regards  his  date  (the  story  of  Agariste's  suitors  is  only 
a  Greek  version  of  the  Indian  story  of  the  shameless  dancing  peacock, 
and  the  personages  are  introduced  regardless  of  chronology).  For  the 
other  evidence  see  Busolt,  Griech.  Gesch.  and  ed.  I.  p.  6rrf. ;  Macan,  note  on 
Herod.  I.e.;  C.  F.  Lehmann,  Hermes,  1892,  p.  577  f. ;  Th.  Reinach,  Rev.  Num. 
1894,  pp.  18  (where  it  is  suggested  that  the  d0€\i<xteoi  dedicated  by 
Pheidon  were  standards,  and  not  obsolete  coins^ 


INTRODUCTION  7 

almost  certainly  belongs  to  the  Lydians^  There  is  direct 
literary  tradition  to  this  effect ;  and  the  provenance  of  the 
earliest  and  rudest  coins,  which  clearly  belong  to  Asia  Minor, 
and  being  of  electrum,  may  be  supposed  to  come  from  the 
Tmolus  district,  bears  out  the  tradition  2.  Again,  the  position 
of  the  Lydians  as  intermediaries  between  East  and  West,  which 
enabled  them  to  rise  to  a  high  state  of  civilization  and  luxury "', 
makes  it  easy  for  us  to  accept  the  tradition.  The  earhest 
specimens  seem,  if  we  may  judge  by  style,  to  go  back  well  into 
the  seventh  century  b.  c,  and  there  is  nothing  improbable  in 
the  suggestion  *  that  we  should  '  ascribe  to  the  seventh  century 
B.C.,  and  probably  to  the  reign  of  Gyges,  the  founder  of  the 
dynasty  of  the  Mermnadae  and  of  the  new  Lydian  empire,  as 
distinguished  from  the  Lydia  of  more  remote  antiquity,  the 
first  issues  of  the  Lydian  mint.'  These  issues  are  of  electrum  ; 
but  this  fact  can  hardly  be  said  to  clash  seriously  with  the  words 
Xpvaov  Km  dpyvpov  in  the  account  of  Herodotus  ^,  of  whom  it  is 
unfair  to  expect  numismatic  accuracy.  The  first  Lydian  coins 
of  gold  and  silver  are  now  usually  attributed  to  the  time  of 
Croesus  (the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  b.  c,  PI.  L  8  and  9). 
The  coinage  of  this  famous  ruler  would  naturally  make  an  im- 
pression on  the  Greek  mind  which  would  cause  it  to  forget  the 
earlier  electrum  coinage. 

What  may  be  called  the  Ionian  theory  of  the  origin  of 
Western  coinage  is  not,  however,  out  of  accordance  with  the 
statement  of  Herodotus.  This  theory  would  attribute  the 
early  electrum  coinage  to  the  cities  of  the  western  coast  of 
Asia  Minor,  leaving  to  the  Lydians  only  the  innovation  of  a 
coinage  of  pure  gold  and  silver.  There  is,  however,  no  tradition 
in  favour  of  this  view,  and  the  Lydian  tradition,  confirmed 


'  Herodotus  (i.  94")  says  of  the  Lydians  :  vp^roi  S^  avOpamwv  rwv  rjinTs 
iSfifV  vofuapia  xpvcrov  nal  dpyrpou  Koipctfievoi  kxpTl(TO.VTO,  rrp-vToi  d^  Knl  Ka-nrjXoi 
kyivovTo.  Julius  Pollux  (ix.  83)  gives  Xenophanes  as  the  authority  for 
the  Lydian  origin  of  coinage.  This  takes  the  tradition  well  back  into  the 
sixth  century. 

*  On  the  evidence  of  the  early  Lydian  coin-types  see  Curtius,  TJeher  den 
relig.  CharaJdcr  der  gr.  Munzen  {Gesamm.  Abhandl.  ii.  pp.  455  f.)  transl.  by  Head, 
Num.  Chron.  1870,  p.  91. 

3  Herodotus,  1.  c,  Athen.  xii.  515  d,  xv.  690  h,  c,  &c. 

♦  Head,  H.  N.  p.  544. 

'  These  words  must  mean  '  of  gold  and  of  silver,'  not  '  of  gold  and  silver 
mixed,'  i.  e.  of  electrum. 


8  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 

as  it  is  by  the  circumstantial  evidence  already  mentioned,  must 
be  allowed  to  hold  the  field. 

§  5.   The  spread  of  Coinage  to  European  Greece. 

If  the  Lydians  invented  coinage,  the  Greeks  of  the  Ionian 
coast  adopted  it  at  an  early  period.  For  a  very  large  series  of 
coins,  with  types  that  are  endless  in  variety,  has  to  be  distri- 
buted among  the  cities  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks.  This  coinage 
consists  chiefly  of  electrum ;  but,  as  we  have  seen,  gold  and 
silver  were  introduced  by  Croesus,  and  gold  was  used  even 
earlier  by  the  great  maritime  city  of  Phocaea,  in  the  period  of 
its  thalassocracy,  b.  c.  602-560  (PI.  I.  2).  Farther  east,  at 
a  shghtly  later  date,  Persia  adopted  gold  and  silver  coinage 
from  the  Lydians.  But  as  early  as  the  seventh  century  the 
institution  of  coinage  had  made  its  way  across  the  Aegean  Sea. 
Its  path  is  marked  by  a  series  of  primitive  issues  which  are 
grouped  together  as  island-coins  (PI.  II.  i  and  3).  Of  these  the 
series  which  can  be  most  satisfactorily  attributed  to  a  mint  are 
the  famous  'tortoises*  of  Aegina(Pl.  II.  i).  Somewhat  different 
in  general  character,  but  hardly  less  early  in  date,  are  the  primi- 
tive coins  of  Euboea  (PI.  II.  4).  Euboea  is  the  starting-point 
of  the  coinage  of  two  other  great  states  :  Corinth,  which  begins 
to  coin  towards  the  end  of  the  seventh  century,  and  Athens 
(PI.  II.  2),  where  the  earliest  coinage  is  probably  to  be  asso- 
ciated with  Solon.  But  besides  passing  westwards  across  the 
Aegean,  the  stream  of  coinage  also  in  very  early  times  went 
southwards  across  the  Mediterranean  to  the  rich  Cyrenaica. 

These  are  the  lines  along  which  Greek  coinage  first  spread. 
In  the  islands  and  Greece  proper,  where  little  or  no  gold  was 
found,  the  early  coinage  is  of  silver.  In  Cyrene,  on  the  other 
hand,  electrum  is  the  material  of  the  early  issues. 


§  6.   The  extension  of  Coinage  to  Western  Greece, 

The  middle  of  the  sixth  century  saw  a  further  extension  of 
coinage.  In  the  north  it  was  introduced  into  Macedon  and 
Thrace.  Corinth  had  already  extended  her  influence  west- 
wards, and  the  coinage  of  the  important  trading  city  of  Corcyra 


INTRODUCTION  9 

(PI.  II.  7)  probably  begins  as  early  as  b.  c.  585,  when  it  gained 
its  independence.  And  the  same  influence  passed  across  the 
Adriatic  to  Southern  Italy.  Meanwhile  trade,  extending  west- 
wards by  another  route  round  the  Peloponnese,  carried  the 
invention  to  Sicily,  whence  it  passed  to  Etruria.  While 
coinage  thus  spread  westward,  it  began  to  move  eastward  along 
the  south  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  where,  in  Lycia,  Pamphylia, 
Cilicia,  and  the  island  of  Cyprus,  the  beginnings  of  coinage 
date  from  the  end  of  the  sixth  century.  By  the  time  of  the 
Persian  wars  nearly  all  the  important  states  of  the  Greek  world 
were  in  possession  of  a  coinage,  with  some  few  exceptions  such 
as  Lacedaemon  and  Byzantium  \  The  fifth  century  saw  a 
still  further  extension  of  the  limits,  and  an  increase  within  the 
old  limits  of  the  number  of  cities  possessing  a  coinage.  In  the 
latter  half  of  this  century  begins  the  '  period  of  finest  art.' 

§  7.   Coinage  adopted  hy  the  ^ Larharians' 

And  at  the  same  time  the  influence  of  Greece  begins  to  be 
felt  by  the  barbarians.  The  coinage  of  Carthage,  struck  largely 
for  Sicily,  begins  about  410  b  c.  (PI.  XI.  5).  To  the  same  time, 
or  perhaps  to  a  somewhat  earlier  date,  belong  the  first  coin- 
ages of  Tyre  and  Sidon.  By  the  middle  of  the  next  century 
Rome  has  begun  to  coin,  in  bronze  only,  it  is  true.  Bronze, 
indeed,  came  into  use  as  a  coined  medium  for  the  first  time 
t(^wards  the  end  of  the  fifth  or  the  beginning  of  the  fourth 
century.  Gold,  which  some  few  cities,  such  as  Athens  and 
Ehodes,  had  begun  to  coin  either  shortly  before  or  shortly  after 
400  B.  c,  now  becomes  very  important.  The  exploitation  by 
Philip  II  of  Macedon  of  the  mines  of  Crenides  gave  him  a  gold 
coinage  (PI.  VII.  2),  the  influence  of  which  was  of  the  most  far- 
reaching  kind.  Not  only  did  it  pave  the  way  for  the  still 
more  abundant  gold  coinage  of  his  son  (PI.  VII.  5),  but  it  was 
eagerly  imitated  by  the  barbarians  who  hovered  above  Greece. 
By  the  valley  of  the  Danube  and  across  central  Europe  Philip's 
gold  and  silver  coins  (PI.  VII.  i  and  2)  were  carried  to  the 
West,  and  from  them  were  derived  the  most  important  classes 
of  Gaulish  coinage  (Fig.  4).    From  Gaul  the  imitations  passed  to 

^  And  these  are  perhaps  not  exceptions,  for  they  may  have  had  an  iron 
coinage.     See  above,  p.  5,  note  i. 


/ 


lO  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 

Britain,  giving  rise,  after  about  two  centuries  of  degradation,  to  the 
earliest  British  coinage.    Curiously  enough  the  gold  of  Alexander 


Fig.  4. — Gaulish  Imitation  of  gold  stater  of  Philip  II.     (Weight : 
7.9  grammes.) 

appears  to  have  almost  escaped  imitation  by  the  barbarians, 
although  they  found  his  silver  (PI.  VII.  4)  much  to  their  taste. 

§  8.   The  Beqal  Period. 

From  the  time  of  Phihp  II  it  is  the  coinage  of  the  kings 
both  in  the  West  and  in  the  East  that  attract*  most  attention 
for  a  considerable  period.  Alexander's  conquests  carried  the 
Greek  civilization  eastvv^ard,  and  soon  after  Alexander's  death 
began  the  regal  coinages  of  the  Seleucidae  in  Syria  (beginning 
with  Seleucus  I  Nicator,  b.  c.  312-280,  PI.  VII.  11)  and  of  the 
Ptolemies  in  Egypt  (Ptolemy  I,  Soter,  took  the  title  of  king 
in  305  B.  c,  PI.  VII.  9) ;  while  somewhat  later,  about  the 
middle  of  the  third  century,  begin  the  independent  coinages  of 
Bactria  (Diodotus,  b.  c.  250,  PI.  VIII.  i)  and  Parthia  (Arsaces  I, 
B.  c.  249-247).  In  the  west  we  have  the  important  coinage  of 
Agathocles  of  Syracuse  (b.  c.  317-289),  who  was  followed,  after 
a  short  interval  of  democracy,  by  Hicetas,  Hiero  II  (PI.  XL  6), 
and  Hieronymus.  In  Greece  there  are  the  various  successors 
of  Alexander  (such  as  Demetrius  PoHorcetes,  b.  c.  306-283, 
PI.  VII.  7  and  10),  and,  especially  important,  Lysimachus,  king 
of  Thrace  (PI.  VII.  6).  Naturally  enough,  therefore,  the  chief 
feature  of  interest  in  this  period  is  the  portraiture  of  these  rulers. 
Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  the  dominance  of  the  individual  ruler, 
some  cities,  notably  Rhodes  (PI.  V.  5),  retained  their  commercial 
and  monetary  importance ;  and  it  is  noticeable  that  the  chief 
currency  of  whole  districts  like  Peloponnese  consisted  of  federal 
coinages,  of  which  the  most  famous  instance  is  the  coinage  of 
the  Achaean  league  (PI.  IX.  i).  The  coinage  of  Athens  and 
Corinth  either  disappeared  altogether  or  dwindled  for  a  time. 


INTRODUCTION  II 


§  9.   Itevkdl  of  the  Cobtage  of  the  Cities. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  third  century  began  the  new  Athenian 
coinage  (PI.  IX.  8)  which  surpassed  the  old  in  its  extent.  At 
this  time  the  number  of  large  silver  coins  in  circulation  must 
have  been  enormous ;  for  besides  the  ordinary  regal  coinages, 
there  were  vast  numbers  of  coins  issued  all  over  the  East  with 
the  types  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and,  in  Thrace,  with  those 
of  Lysimachus.  It  is  hard  to  disabuse  oneself  of  the  idea  that 
these  are  regal  coins  ;  we  speak  of  them  as  '  Alexanders  '  and  the 
like,  and  forget  that  they  were  issued  by  autonomous  cities. 


§  10.   Beginning  of  ike  inflticnce  of  Borne. 

A  turning-point  in  the  history  of  ancient  coinage  is  the 
defeat  of  Antiochus  the  Great  at  Magnesia  in  190  b.  c.  This  is 
the  date  of  the  first  decisive  step  taken  by  Rome  to  interfere 
in  the  affairs  of  the  East.  Already  the  Greek  and  Punic 
coinage  of  the  West  had  lost  all  importance  ;  the  Carthaginian 
coinage  from  the  beginning  of  the  Punic  War  to  the  destruction 
of  the  city  is  wretched  in  every  way.  There  is  no  Sicihan 
coinage  of  any  importance  after  the  fall  of  Syracuse  in  b.  c.  212. 
By  the  end  of  the  third  century  the  influence  of  Eome  was 
making  itself  felt  in  the  western  part  of  northern  Greece.  So 
that,  when  Antiochus  fell,  the  advance  of  Rome  eastwards  was 
imminent.  The  peculiarity  of  the  coinage  of  the  new  period 
is  the  large  size  of  the  silver  tetradrachms.  This  feature  is  com- 
monest in  Asia  Minor  (PI.  VIII.  10)  and  in  Thrace  (PI.  IX.  2), 
but  it  is  also  found,  for  instance,  in  the  coinage  of  Athens 
(PI.  IX.  8)  and  the  Macedonian  district  (PL  X.  5).  Coincident 
with  the  advent  of  the  Roman  domination  is  the  gradual 
disappearance  of  gold  from  the  Greek  coinage.  The  last 
Ptolemy  to  strike  gold  was  the  fifth  (Epiphanes),  b.  c.  204- 
181.  Of  the  Seleucids,  Demetrius  I,  Soter  (b.  c.  162-150),  and 
Timarchus,  the  revolted  satrap  of  Babylon  (b  c.  162),  were  the 
last  to  issue  gold  as  a  matter  of  course  ;  but  Alexander  II, 
Zebina  (b.  c.  128-123),  i^  ^^  emergency,  melted  down  the 
golden  Victory  that  the  Zeus  of  Antioch  held  in  his  hand,  and 
made  her  into  coins,  of  which  one,  and  one  only,  is  known  to 


12  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 

exist  (PI.  VIII.  8)  \  There  are  other  instances  of  gold  being 
issued  at  this  period  (see  chapter  iv.  §  5),  but  the  general  rule  is 
clear,  that  only  Koman  generals  were  allowed  to  strike  gold  coins. 
The  gold  coinage  of  Kome  itself,  as  apart  from  the  coins  required 
by  generals  for  the  payment  of  troops,  belongs  to  a  later  period. 
Kome  could  hardly  be  expected  to  allow  the  petty  Greek  state 
a  privilege  which  she  denied  herself.  The  more  direct  inter- 
ference of  Rome  with  the  ordinary  Greek  coinage  is  shown  by 
the  introduction  of  the  coinage  of  the  Macedonian  Regions  and  the 
adoption  of  the  Asiatic  cistophori,  which  were  made  the  standard 
accordingto  which  the  other  large  coins  of  Asia  Minor  were  tariffed. 

§  II.    Coinage  under  the  Roman  Empire. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  Empire,  all  autonomous  coinage  had 
died  out  in  the  West  (all  extra-Roman  mints  had  been  closed  in 
Italy  in  b.  c.  89) ;  even  in  outlying  parts  such  as  Britain,  the 
autonomous  coinage  entirely  ceased  before  the  end  of  the  first 
century,  a.  d.  In  Greece  proper,  there  is  a  bronze  coinage 
of  not  very  great  dimensions,  and  of  a  somewhat  inconsecutive 
character,  down  to  the  time  of  Gallienus.  In  the  East,  an 
important  feature  is  the  semi-Roman  coinage  of  the  three  great 
mints,  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  (PL  XIV.  2),  Antiochia  in  Syria 
(PI.  XIV.  7)  and  its  assistant-mints,  and  Alexandria  in  Egypt 
(PI.  XIV.  5,  8).  The  latter  remained  open  until  the  time  of 
Domitius  Domitianus  (a.  d.  296),  longer  than  any  other  mint 
from  which  Greek  coins  were  issued.  The  rest  of  the  Greek 
imperial  coinage  consists  of  issues  representing  an  enormous 
number  of  cities  and  colonies,  especially  in  Asia  Minor,  down 
to  the  time  of  Gallienus  (with  a  few  instances  of  the  time  of 
Aurelian  and  Tacitus).  The  subsequent  estabhshment  of  mints 
for  striking  purely  Roman  coins  in  all  the  provinces  of  the 
Empire  marks  the  complete  supremacy  of  the  Roman  coinage. 
The  commencement  of  the  Eastern  Empire  with  Arcadius  (a.  d. 
395-408)  did  not  affect  this  supremacy,  which  lasted  until 
the  barbarian  invaders,  not  content  with  merely  imitating 
Roman  and  Byzantine  coins,  began  in  the  fifth  century  to 
make  those  changes  out  of  which  were  to  develop  the  coinages 
of  mediaeval  Europe. 

^  Wroth,  Num.  Chron.  1897,  p.  23,  PI.  V.  8. 


BOOK  I 
CHAPTER  I 

THE   METALS 

§  I.    Quality  of  the  Metals  used  for  Coinage. 

The  ancients  were  well  acquainted  with  the  art  of  refining 
and  of  alloying  metals '.  Of  the  three  chief  metals,  gold  {N) 
was  used  in  a  very  pure  state.  The  Persian  darics  were  958  to 
•970  fine  ;  staters  of  Philip  and  Alexander  997  fine.  The  gold  of 
the  Roman  Republic  was  perfectly  pure.  The  aurei  of  Augustus 
were  -998  fine,  and  the  gold  of  the  Roman  Empire  only  began 
to  lose  its  purity  towards  the  time  of  Septimius  Severus.  The 
gold  coinage  of  the  Bosporus,  under  the  Roman  Empire,  became 
rapidly  debased,  and  after  the  time  of  Severus  Alexander  was 
practically  mere  copper  with  a  tinge  of  gold. 

Silver  (M)  was  also  used  in  a  form  much  purer  than  that 
found  in  modern  coins.  The  tetradrachms  of  Athens  of  the  best 
period  are  from  -986  to  -983  fine  ;  those  of  the  succeeding  age 
are  somewhat  less  pure,  but  contain  about  -002  of  gold^.  The 
staters  of  Aegina  average  -960  fine ;  those  of  Corinth  961  to 
•936.  The  analysis  of  three  drachms  of  Alexander  yields : — 
Silver.  Gold.  Other  Metals. 


(0 

(2) 

(3) 

.991 

.9885 

.9674 

.0005 
•0036 

.009 

.01 

•OS 

'  See  especially  Mongez,  Mem.  cle  I'Acad.  deslnscr.  torn,  ix  (1831),  pp.  187  ff. ; 
Lenorraant,  La  Monnaie  dans  I'Antiquite,  i.  pp.  187  ff.  (who  gives  other  refer- 
ences). Ancient  metallurgy,  especially  with  regard  to  the  mines  of  Laurion, 
is  dealt  with  by  Ardaillon,  Les  Mines  du  Laurion,  pp.  59  ff. 

2  On  the  good  character  of  the  Athenian  coinage  see  Hultsch,  Metrologies 
pp.  232  ff. ;  on  the  Macedonian,  p.  248. 


14  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

The  silver  of  Magna  Graccia  of  the  early  and  best  periods  is 
of  very  good  quality,  though  it  not  unfrequently  falls  below  -95 
fine.  Equally  good  results  have  been  obtained  for  the  East, 
although  some  of  the  smaller  denominations,  and  the  late  coins 
of  the  Seleucidae,  Lagidae,  and  Arsacidae  are  largely  alloyed, 
the  'silver'  coins  of  Ptolemy  XIII,  Auletes  (b.  c.  81-58  and 
55-52),  being  made  of  copper  slightly  alloyed  with  silver.  The 
silver  of  the  Eoman  Eepublic  was  always  of  good  quality  except 
in  the  time  of  the  civil  war,  when,  for  instance,  the  military 
issues  of  Marcus  Antonius  contained  some  twenty  per  cent,  of 
copper.  Under  the  Empire  the  history  of  the  silver  coinage  is 
one  of  melancholy  debasement '.  Silver  of  a  kind  was  issued 
by  some  provincial  mints  under  the  Empire,  notably  Alexandria 
in  Egypt,  Antiochia  in  Syria,  and  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  *. 
But  the  metal  of  these  series  rapidly  degenerated  into  billon 
and  bronze,  therein  resembling  the  coinage  of  Eome  itself. 

One  of  the  most  important  metals  used  for  coinage  in 
antiquity  was  electrum  (EL)  or  'white  gold'  {'jXeKvpo  ,  rjKeKTpnv, 
\fVK6s  xpi'o-os)  ',  by  which  name  the  ancients  designated  any  alloy 
(natural  or  artificial)  of  gold  and  silver,  in  which  more  than 
twenty  per  cent,  consisted  of  the  latter  metal.  The  chief 
source  of  this  mixed  metal  was  Lydia,  where  it  was  yielded 
by  the  mountain-districts  of  Tmolus  and  Sipylus.  It  was 
regarded  as  a  metal  distinct  from  either  gold  or  silver,  for 
the  purpose  of  coinage  ;  but  its  actual  composition  seems  to 
have  varied  within  very  wide  limits  \  It  was  used  for  coin- 
age in  the  first  place  in  Lydia,  and  very  soon  afterwards  in 
several  great  cities  of  Asiatic  Greece,  in  Cyrene,  and  perhaps 
in  Aegina,  Euboea,  and  even  Athens.  On  the  western  side 
of  the  Aegean  it  was  soon  superseded  by  silver;  but  on  the 
east  its  use  was  more  enduring.  It  is  found  in  Asia  Minor  in 
early  times  as  far  north  as  Cyzicus  and  Lampsacus,  and  as  far 
south  as  Camirus  in  Khodes.  Two  of  the  most  important 
currencies  of  the  fifth  century  were  the  electrum  staters  of 
Cyzicus  (PI.  V.  8)  and  Lampsacus.      The  electrum  of  Mytilene 


^  S3e  ch.  iii.  2  <^gg  ^j^   j^ 

^  Blumuer,  Technologie  u.  Terminologie  d.  Gewerhe  u.  Kunste,  iv.  p.  ifo. 

*  On  the  composition  of  electrum  coins  see  Head,  Num.  Chr.  1875,  p.  245 

(Metrological  Notes  on  Ancient  Electrum  Coins)  ;  1887.  p.  277  (^El.  Coins  and  their 

ISpeciJic  Gravity'' ;  Brit.  Mus.  Caial.  Ionia,  pp.  xxv  fl". 


CH.  I]  THE    METALS  I5 

(PI.  IV.  9)  and  Phocaea  (PL  IV.  8),  in  the  form  of  sixths  of  the 
stater,  exists  in  great  quantities  \  and  is  somewhat  later  in  date. 

In  the  fourth  century  an  electrum  coinage  is  also  found  at 
Syracuse  and  at  Carthage ;  at  the  latter  place  this  metal  was 
coined  as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  second  century.  At  the 
same  time  we  find  Capua  coining  electrum  during  her  revolt 
from  the  Romans,  who  had  themselves  introduced  the  mixture 
some  time  before  in  their  coins  issued  for  Campania.  These 
later  issues  of  electrum  seem  to  have  partaken  of  a  fraudulent 
character,  and  the  metal  was  an  artificial  and  not  a  natural 
product.   . 

Copper  was  from  the  first  days  of  its  use  in  coinage  almost 
always  strongly  alloyed  with  tin.  The  abbreviation  M  stands 
for  copper  and  bronze  indifferently.  The  smallest  proportion 
of  tin,  so  far  as  we  can  tell  from  the  analyses  hitherto  made, 
is  found  in  some  coins  of  Massalia,  although  the  copper  in 
them  can  hardly,  with  Lenormant,  be  called  '  absolument  pur.' 
The  analysis  of  these  gives  ^ — 

Copper 789\ 

Zinc 165 

Tin 28  ^  in  1000. 

Lead 12 

Silver 6; 


:i 


In  other  Greek  bronze  coins  the  proportion  of  tin  is  sometimes 
as  large  as  sixteen  per  cent.  Greek  bronze  coins  contained 
a  veiy  slight  amount  of  lead,  not  to  speak  of  other  metals 
in  still  more  insignificant  proportions^.  The  Roman  bronze 
coins  from  the  beginning  contained  lead  in  considerable  quan- 
tity (twelve  to  twenty-nine  per  cent.).  After  Republican  times 
the  admixture  of  lead  was  discontinued  until  the  time  of 
M.  Aurelius,  when  it  was  resumed.  Under  the  Early  Empire, 
however,  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  between  the  metals 
used  for  the  various  denominations  of  coins.  Thus  the  sestertii 
(PI.  XII.  11)  and  dupondii  (PI.  XII.  9)  were  of  brass  (o^ti'xaXKoy, 


*  But  of  the  staters,  only  one  (of  Mytilene)  is  extant ;  the  two  known 
specimens  of  the  Phocaean  stater  (Ph  I.  2)  being  of  gold  and  belonging  to 
an  earlier  period. 

■''  Lenormant,  i.  p.  199  ;  Eev.  Num.  Beige,  1857,  p.  319. 

^  Bliimner,  Techn.  iv.  p.  191. 


1 6  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  t 

oricJtdlaim,  auricJidlcum,  a  mixture  of  copper  and  zinc) ;    the 
asseSf  on  the  other  hand,  of  pure  copper  \ 


§  2.   Minor  Metals  and  Alloys. 

Potin,  as  distinct  from  billon,  which  contains  about  one-fifth 
silver  to  four-fifths  copper,  is  an  alloy  of  copper,  zinc,  lead,  and 
tin.  It  is  not  found  as  a  monetary  medium  except  in  some 
late  Gaulish  coins,  which  are  always  cast,  not  struck,  owing 
to  the  want  of  ductility  characteristic  of  this  composition ". 

A  peculiar  alloy  of  copper  and  nickel,  in  almost  the  same 
proportions  as  those  employed  in  modern  coinage,  was  used 
in  the  second  century  b.c.  by  some  of  the  kings  of  Bactria, 
who  thus  anticipated  the  use  of  '  kupfernickel '  by  some  2,000 
years  ^. 

A  certain  number  of  leaden  coins  have  come  down  from 
antiquity,  and  the  fact  that  they  were  used  is  attested  by 
ancient  writers  *.  The  only  known  specimens  earlier  than  the 
Christian  era  belong  to  the  kings  of  Numidia.  Besides  these, 
leaden  coins  were  issued,  probably  in  the  second  or  third 
century  a.d.,  in  Egypt,  especially  at  Memphis,  and  in  the  first 
and  second  centuries  a.  d.  in  Eoman  Gaul.  From  actual  leaden 
coins  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  the  leaden  'proof  pieces,' 
struck  with  the  dies  afterwards  used  for  the  precious  metals. 

Tin  coins  are  stated  on  good  authority  ^  to  have  been  issued 

^  As  Bliimner,  Techn.  iv.  p.  191,  puts  it :  at  the  beginning  of  the  Empire 
the  proportion  of  tin  falls,  to  rise  again  about  100  a.d.  Zinc,  which  is 
wanting  in  Republican  coins,  is  constantly  found  from  shortly  before  the 
Christian  era,  in  quantities  of  from  ten  to  twenty  per  cent.,  and  only 
begins  to  fail  about  the  time  of  the  thirty  tyrants.  Pliny  (N.  H.  xxxiv.  4) 
is  the  authority  for  the  distinction  between  the  various  denominations, 
and  his  statement,  as  Bliimner  (op.  cit.  p.  197)  says,  is  partially  confirmed 
by  the  analysis  of  the  coins. 

*  Analysis  :  copper,  sixty  per  cent.  ;  zinc,  ten  per  cent.  ;  lead,  twenty  per 
cent.  ;  tin,  ten  per  cent. 

^  Flight,  Num.  Chr.  1868,  p.  305.  Nickel  was  known  to  the  Chinese  at 
an  early  period.  Small  traces  of  nickel  have  been  found  in  modern  times 
in  association  with  copper  at  Kandahar,  but  not  in  sufficient  quantity  for 
coinage. 

*  Lenormant,  i.  p.  207.  Polycrates  of  Samos  is  said  to  have  deceived 
the  Lacedaemonians  with  leaden  coins  plated  with  gold  (Hdt.  iii.  56,  wdio, 
however,  does  not  credit  the  story). 

'"  Pseudo  Arist.  Oecon.  ii.  2.  20  ;  Pollux,  ix.  79.  Polyaenus  (iv.  10.  2)  says 
that  Perdiccas  when  fighting  agr.inst  the  Clialcidians  paid  his  troops  by 


CH.I]  THE    METALS  I7 

by  Dionysius  of  Syracuse.  If  the  tradition  is  correct,  all  these 
pieces  have  disappeared  ^  False  tin  money  is  mentioned  in 
the  Digest^.  A  large  hoard  of  tin  denarii,  of  the  time  of 
Septimius  Severus,  was  found  at  Lyons  ^ ;  they  were  struck 
from  dies  otherwise  used  for  silver,  and  were  not  plated. 
They  appear  in  fact  to  have  been  meant  by  the  government  for 
circulation  in  Gaul. 

Iron  money  is  stated,  also  on  good  authority,  to  have  been 


Fig.  5,—  Iron  Coin  of  Argos.     Obv.  Forepart  of  Wolf.     Ret.  A.     (From 
an  electrotype  in  the  British  Museum.) 

used  at  Byzantium*  and  at  Sparta ^  Lenormant  holds  that 
this  was  not  money  properly  speaking,  but  bars  or  *  bricks ' 
of  iron  circulating  at  their  market  price ;  in  fact,  the  so-called 
iron  money  was  a  case  of  the  survival  of  aji^monetary 
medium  of  exchange.  We  know  that  the  Spartan  iron  took 
the  form  of  bars  or  spits  (o/3eXo/,  o^eXia-Koi)  ^  Nevertheless  there 
exist  pieces  of  iron,  purporting  to  be,  and  in  every  way 
resembling  coins,  with  types  which  enable  them  to  be  attributed 

striking  xf^^f^oKparov  Kaaairepov,  but  this  may  mean  copper  plated  with  tin 
{Zeitf.  Num.  1898,  p.  72% 

^  Probably  by  oxidation  ;  Mongez,  1.  c.  p.  200.  J.  P.  Six  has  suggested 
that  the  so-called  tin  coins  were  composed  of  copper  strongly  alloyed  with 
tin  (Num.  Chron.  1875,  p.  28  ff.}.  A.  J.  Evans  {Nutn.  Chron.  1894,  p.  219, 
PI.  VIII.  Fig.  i)  describes  a  coin  of  the  same  kind  as  the  silver  decadrachms 
of  Euaenetus,  but  made  of  bronze,  and  showing  traces  of  having  been 
originally  coated  with  a  white  metal,  not  silver,  and  probably  tin.  It  is 
not  a  plated  piece  struck  from  one  of  the  ordinary  decadrachm  dies  ;  a 
special  die  must  have  been  engraved  for  it.  But  Pollux  speaks  of  a  vofnafid- 
riov  passing  for  four  Attic  drachms  instead  of  one,  whereas  Mr.  Evans' 
coin  is  a  decadrachm ;  and  the  profit  obtained  by  plating  with  tin  instead 
of  silver  must  have  been  so  small  as  to  make  the  fraud  barely  worth 
perpetration. 

=^  X.  48.  '  Lenormant,  i.  p.  213. 

*  Pollux,  vii.  ro5,  ix.  78 ;  Hesychius  ciZap^os,  Aristoph.  Nub.  249  et 
Schol. 

'"  Plat.  Eryx.  400 ;  Plut.  Lycurg.  9,  Lysandr.  17  quoted  above ;  Pollux,  ix.  79. 

«  See  above,  p.  5,  note  i.  The  Britons  also  used  bars  (or  rods)  of  iron 
instead  of  money  (Caes.  B.  G.  v.  12). 


l8  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

to  Tegea,  Argos  (Fig.  5),  and  perhaps  Heraea\  They  are  of 
Aeginetic  weight  and  their  types  are  similar  to  those  of  the 
silver  coins  of  these  towns. 

The  glass  pieces  which  are  well  known  to  students  of  Arabic 
numismatics  have  their  analogy  in  certain  pieces  of  this  material 
dating  from  Eoman  Imperial  and  Byzantine  times  ^.  But  there 
is  no  doubt  that  all  these  pieces  alike  are  to  be  regarded  not  as 
coins  but  as  coin-weights  ^. 

Wood,  terra-cotta,  and  leather  are  mentioned  by  various 
writers  as  having  occasionally  been  the  material  of  money. 
There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  a  token  coinage  may  have 
been  issued  in  these  materials.  Terra-cotta  casts  of  silver  coins 
of  various  countries  have  been  frequently  found  at  Athens  \ 

§  3.    The  So%irces  of  the  Metals. 

The  sources  of  the  metals  which  we  have  described  are 
of  some  importance  in  the  history  of  coinage  since,  in  days  of 
comparatively  difficult  communication,  those  metals  as  a  rule 
which  were  most  accessible  in  the  neighbourhood  would  be  made 
into  coin.  Thus  the  first  coinage  of  Persia  was  largely  a  gold 
coinage,  since  the  treasures  of  Central  Asia  were  not  far  re- 
moved; the  early  coinage  of  Asia  Minor  was  of  the  electrum  from 
the  Lydian  mountains;  that  of  Greece  proper  was  of  silver; 
that  of  Central  Italy  of  bronze.  Other  facts  less  broad  rest  on 
similar  bases ;  thus  it  is  probably  the  nearness  of  the  Crimea 
to  the  Asiatic  gold  mines  that  accounts  for  the  high  w^eight  of 
the  gold  coins  of  Panticapaeum  (PL  V.  4),  and  the  extra- 
ordinary continuance  of  a  gold  coinage  (PI.  XIII.  3)  in  that 
part  of  the  world  even  under  the  Roman  Empire. 

As  to  the  distribution  of  the  metals,  we  may  take  a  brief 
survey,  in  geographical  order,  of  the  more  important  metalli- 
ferous districts  in  ancient  times  ^  The  metals  we  take  in  their 
natural  order  of  precedence. 

^  KGliler  in  Ath.  Mitth.  1882,  pp.  2  and  377. 

2  Longporier,  Rev.  Num.  1861,  pp.  412,  413.  The  British  Museum  pos- 
sesses a  large  number. 

^  See  Lane-Poole,  Catal.  of  Arabic  Glass  Weights  in  the  B.  M.,  p.  vii. 

*  See,  on  these  materials,  Lenormant,  i.  pp.  215,  220. 

'  In  this  we  cannot  do  better  than  follow  H.  Blumner,  Techn.  u.  Termin. 
d.  Gewerbe  u.  Kiinste,  iv  (1887),  where  ample  references  to  the  authorities 


CH.  i]  THE    METALS  I9 

In  Africa  there  were  two  chief  sources  of  gold  ;  the  mysterious 
interior,  whence  gold  was  brought  by  caravans  to  Egypt  and 
Carthage  ;  and  the  Abyssinian  and  Egyptian  mountains.  The 
island  of  Meroe  was  rich  in  gold  and  other  metals ;  but  most 
famous  were  the  mountains  between  the  Nile  and  the  Red  Sea, 
near  Berenice  Panchrysos,  on  the  road  from  Assuan  to  Abu 
Hammed,  near  Olaki.  The  east  coast  of  Africa,  south  of  the 
Eed  Sea,  was  perhaps  the  land  of  Ophir. 

In  Asia,  gold  came  from  several  places  in  Arabia ;  but 
far  richer  sources  w^ere  the  Altai  Mountains  and  Siberia. 
The  Indian  supplies  probably  came  from  the  region  north 
of  the  Punjab.  The  fame  of  these  districts  came  to  the  Greeks 
in  the  form  of  the  w^ell-known  stories  about  the  gold-digging 
ants,  and  the  gold-guarding  griffins.  The  gold  mines  of 
Armenia  and  Colchis  were  also  important ;  the  legend  of  the 
golden  fleece  not  improbably  originated  in  the  practice  of 
catching  the  gold  dust  by  means  of  fleeces.  In  Asia  Minor, 
there  is  record  of  a  number  of  sources  of  gold,  but  their  wealth 
was  probably  exaggerated.  Gold  was  found  in  mines  on  Tmolus 
and  Sipylus,  and  in  the  rivers  Pactolus  and  Hermus  which 
flowed  from  those  mountains.  These  sources  were  already 
exhausted  in  Strabo's  time.  It  is  necessaiy  also  to  mention 
the  mines  between  Atarneus  and  Pergamum,  near  Abydus, 
Cremaste,  Astyra,  and  Lampsacus ;  for  these  go  a  little  way 
towards  explaining  the  early  gold  and  electrum  currencies 
of  the  north-west  corner  of  Asia  Minor. 

The  tradition  that  the  island  of  Siphnos  possessed  rich  gold 
mines  is  supported  by  the  fact  that  its  inhabitants  were 
unusually  wealthy.  The  only  other  island  to  be  mentioned 
here  is  Thasos,  where,  in  the  part  lying  opposite  to  Samo- 
thrace,  the  gold  mines  were  early  exploited  by  the  Phoenicians. 
These  mines  belonged  really  to  the  same  system  as  those  of 
Thrace.  In  that  country  there  were  several  important  mines. 
Those  at  Skapte  Hyle  yielded  as  much  as  eighty  talents  a  year 
in  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century.  We  know  that  Athenian 
interests  were  strong  in  this  district,  and  that  the  historian 
Thucydides  owned  mines  there  ^     Daton  was  proverbially  rich 

will  be   found.      For  the  distribution   of  gold   in  antiquity,   see    also 
W.  Eidgeway,  Origin  of  Currency,  pp.  66  ff. 

'  The  reference  in  Lucian  (D«  Sacrif.  11)  to  statues  made  of  Thracian  gold 
hardly  applies,  as  Bllimner  thinks,  to  Athens  in  particular. 

C  2 


20  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

in  gold  {Adrov  dyaduv).  The  mines  called  Asyla  at  Crenides 
(afterwards  Philippi,  PI.  VII.  3)  became  the  chief  source  of  the 
wealth  of  Philip  II,  yielding  1,000  talents  a  year.  To  these 
sources  we  may  add  Mount  Pangaeus  and  the  Kiver  Hebrus, 
and  also  the  mines  of  Nisvoro  in  Chalcidice,  which  are  still 
worked,  though  not  for  gold '.  The  other  Thracian  mines 
were  worked  as  late  as  the  fourth  century  a.  d. 

In  Macedon  it  is  necessary  to  mention  the  mines  of  Mount 
Bermion  and  of  Pieria,  as  well  as  those  near  the  Strymon,  as 
far  up  as  Paeonia.  These  were  at  first  closed  by  the  Romans, 
and  afterwards  (158  b.c.)  reopened  for  the  benefit  of  the  Roman 
treasury. 

The  reports  of  gold  in  other  parts  of  the  Greek  mainland  are 
probably  untrue.  Even  in  Mycenaean  times  the  gold  which 
was  buried  in  such  quantities  with  the  dead  was  probably 
imported  from  Asia  Minor. 

In  Italy  the  most  important  gold  mines  were  in  Transpadane 
Gaul,  especially  near  Aquileia,  where  the  state  took  over  the 
mines  formerly  belonging  to  the  Taurisci. 

Spain  was  a  treasure-house  of  all  the  metals.  The  mines, 
which  were  first  organized  by  the  Phoenicians,  and  then  passed 
to  Carthage,  and  so  to  Rome,  belonged  in  Imperial  times  mostly 
to  the  state.  Gold  was  found  in  nearly  all  parts.  In  Gaul,  too, 
all  the  metals  were  plentiful,  gold  especially  being  found  in  the 
mountain  districts  of  the  Northern  Pyrenees,  the  Cevennes, 
and  Switzerland.  In  Central  Europe,  the  districts  of  Noricum, 
Dacia,  Moesia  (Hungary  and  Siebenbiirgen)  in  the  Danube 
district,  as  well  as  Dalmatia,  where  the  gold  mines  were  state- 
property,  must  be  mentioned.  The  state  also  possessed  gold 
mines  in  Britain  (probably  in  South  Wales). 

Silver  in  ancient  times  was  much  less  widely  distributed  than 
gold  ^.  In  Africa  itself  none  was  found,  except  in  admixture 
with  gold  in  the  electrum  mines  of  Aethiopia.  In  Asia  we 
hear  of  it  in  Nabathaea,  Northern  India,  Karmania,  and  Bac- 
triana.  The  silver  of  Asia  Minor  was  perhaps  obtained  by 
smelting  the   electrum.      There  were,   however,   silver  mines 

^  W.  0.  F.  Anderson,  A  Journey  from  Mount  Athos  to  the  Hebrus,  p.  223  (in 
the  Commemoration  Volume  of  University  College,  Sheffield,  1897). 

^  It  was,  as  Bliimner  (p.  29)  notes,  sometimes  more  costly  than  gold,  as 
in  Egypt  (Lepsius,  die  Metalle — Berl.  Akad.  Abh.  1871— p.  51)  and,  as  late 
as  the  days  of  Mungo  Park,  in  Africa. 


CH.i]  THE    METALS  21 

such  as  those  at  Balia  in  Mysia  ^ ;  and  a  considerable  amount 
of  silver  came  from  Colchis. 

Of  the  Greek  islands,  Siphnos  alone  need  be  mentioned,  and 
its  store  of  silver  was  probably  shght.  On  the  mainland  there 
were  silver  mines  at  Mount  Pangaeus,  and  at  Damastium  in 
Epii-us^.  Elsewhere  in  Greece  silver  was  scarce,  except  — 
important  exception  ! — at  Laurium '  in  Attica.  It  is  probable 
that  the  great  mines  here  were  not  properly  worked  until 
the  time  of  Themistocles  *.  The  mines  belonged  to  the  state, 
but  were  worked  by  contract.  They  were  supposed  to  be  quite 
exhausted  by  Strabo's  time ;  nevertheless  an  attempt  has  been 
made  in  our  own  day  to  reopen  them. 

Italy  possessed  practically  no  silver.  There  were  mines  in 
Sardinia;  but  those  between  Populonia  and  Volaterrae  were 
probably  unknown  to  the  ancients. 

Spain  was  the  great  silver  country  of  antiquity.  Its  silver 
mines'  were  worked  by  natives,  Phoenicians,  Carthaginians, 
and  Komans  ;  yet  their  output  did  not  begin  to  faU  off  until 
Christian  times.  In  Koman  times  the  mines  were  at  first  in 
part  the  property  of  the  Koman  state  ;  later  a  large  number  of 
them  belonged  to  rich  individuals,  who  paid  a  tax  which 
yielded  more  profit  to  the  state  than  the  actual  working  of  the 
mines  by  the  government  would  have  done.  As  silver  was 
found  in  nearly  all  parts  of  the  peninsula,  it  is  unnecessary  to 
specify  the  silver-bearing  districts,  except  perhaps  that  of  Osca, 
north  of  the  Ebro,  whence  came  the  argentum  Oscense  often 
mentioned  by  Livy. 

Of  the  remaining  silver-bearing  districts  of  Europe  (Aqui- 
tania  in  Gaul,  the  district  of  the  Mattiaci  in  Germany,  Britain, 
Dalmatia,  and  Pannonia),  only  the  last  two  are  of  any  impor- 
tance.    The  mines  in  these  were  the  property  of  the  state. 

»  W.  C.  F.  Anderson,  1.  c. 

'  The  miner's  pick,  hammer  (rvms),  and  a  block  of  metal  with  an 
attachment  to  enable  it  to  be  carried,  are  represented  on  the  smaller  coins. 
For  specimens  of  the  instruments,  see  Ardaillon,  Les  Mines  du  Laurion, 

pp.  21,  22. 

^  See  the  exhaustive  work^  ^C^"'^*'  ^^4*^^^^°»  .■^^-  ^*w**  <***  Laurion  dans 
VAntiquite  (Bibl.  des  6coles  'fran9ai'ses),  1897. 

*  Silver  was  scarce  at  Athens  in  the  time  of  Solon  :  Plut.  Solon.  16. 

'  See  the  description  of  the  mines  in  Diodorus  Siculus,  v.  36.   One  Euboic 
talent  of  silver  could  be  won  in  three  days  ;  and  in  the  time  of  Polybius 
no  less  than  40,000  men  were  at  work  in  the  mines  of  Carthagena. 
t 


22  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

The  copper  of  antiquity  came  especially  from  two  districts, 
Cyprus  and  Spain.  But  we  have  evidence  of  the  finding  of 
copper  in  Africa  and  Asia,  as  well  as  other  parts  of  Europe. 
Thus,  for  Africa,  although  most  of  the  copper  used  in  Egypt 
came  from  the  mines  in  the  Sinaitic  district,  the  metal  was 
also  found  in  the  Thebaid  and  at  Meroe  \  The  produce  of  such 
vaguely  defined  localities  as  *  the  Numidian  coast '  and  *  Libya ' 
was  probably  unimportant.  In  Asia,  Palestine,  Edom,  the 
Phoenician  Lebanon,  Chaldaea,  and  Karmania  produced  copper. 
In  Asia  Minor  copper  came  from  Cilicia,  Cisthene  in  Mysia, 
the  island  of  Chalcitis  or  Demonnesos,  near  Chalcedon,  the 
district  of  the  Mossynoeci  on  the  south  coast  of  the  Euxine,  and 
doubtless  from  several  other  places.  The  importance  of  Cyprus 
in  respect  of  this  metal  is  shown  by  the  name  borne  by  copper  in 
a  large  number  of  languages.  Whether  copper  gave  its  name 
to  Cyprus  or  the  island  its  name  to  the  metal,  matters  little  for 
our  purpose;  the  latter  alternative  is,  however,  probably  the 
true  one.  In  the  island,  the  most  famous  mines  were  at 
Tamassus  (called  Temesa  in  Homer),  Amathus,  Soli,  Tyrrhias  (?), 
and  the  promontory  of  Crommyon. 

Legend  fixed  the  discovery  of  copper  at  Chalcis  in  Euboea. 
We  shall  see  that  one  explanation  of  the  origin  of  the  Euboic 
standard  is  based  on  the  fact  that  copper  was  the  staple  pro- 
duct of  the  great  Euboean  cities.  In  Strabo's  time  the  mine, 
which  had  possessed  the  peculiarity  of  producing  iron  and 
copper  in  conjunction,  had  given  out.  In  the  south  of  the 
island,  on  Mount  Ocha,  and  perhaps  in  the  north  at  Aedepsus, 
there  are  traces  of  copper  mining.  The  sources  of  copper  on 
the  mainland  of  Greece  were  insignificant. 

In  Italy  we  must  mention  first  the  mines  of  Temesa  in 
Bruttium.  The  similarity  of  name  caused  many  critics  in 
ancient  times  to  suppose  that  Homer  referred  not  to  Temesa- 
Tamassus  in  Cyprus,  but  to  the  Bruttian  city.  ^  Further  north 
the  mines  of  Elba  (Aethalia)  ^  and  Volaterrae  (the  latter  especi- 
ally rich)  produced  the  metal  which  was  employed  so  largely  in 
Italy,  not  only  for  bronze-work,  as  by  the  Etruscans,  but  also 

'  Copper  was  more  important  in  the  coinage  of  Egypt  under  the 
Ptolemies,  than  in  that  of  any  ancient  state  outside  the  Italian  peninsula. 

"  The  copper  of  Elba,  however,  gave  out  at  a  comparatively  early  date, 
and  was  succeeded  by  iron. 


CH.  I]  THE    METALS  23 

for  the  purposes  of  currency.  The  home  produce  was  probably 
considerably  supplemented  by  importation. 

Spain,  once  more,  takes  an  important  position  as  a  source  of 
copper,  which,  next  to  silver,  was  probably  her  chief  treasure. 
The  region  of  the  southern  coast  (Baetica)  was  especially  rich, 
the  most  famous  mines  being  at  Cotinae  in  the  Mons  Marianus 
(Sierra  Morena).  The  Kio  Tin  to  mines  which  were  also  worked 
in  antiquity  were,  however,  probably  not  far  behind  in  richness. 

The  amount  of  copper  produced  by  Gaul  and  Germany  was 
comparatively  small.  In  Caesar's  time,  Britain  used  imported 
copper  ;  but  it  appears  that  copper  mines  were  anciently  worked 
in  Wales. 

The  chief  source  of  tin  in  historical  times  lay  in  the  Far 
West,  in  the  'Tin  Islands.'  These  were  probably  the  British 
Isles,  or  more  accurately  speaking  South  West  Britain  \  The 
metal  came  to  the  Mediterranean  countries  partly  overland 
through  Gaul  to  Narbo  and  Massalia,  partly  by  sea  to  Spain, 
across  the  peninsula,  and  thence  again  by  sea  to  its  destination. 
In  comparison  with  the  British  mines  those  of  Spain  and  Gaul 
need  hardly  be  mentioned. 

Without  going  in  detail  into  the  source  of  the  other  metals, 
we  may  mention  one  fact  which  seems  to  bear  on  a  numis- 
matic question.  The  fact  that  the  chief  ancient  source  of 
iron,  so  far  as  the  mainland  of  Greece  is  concerned,  was  in 
Peloponnesus,  on  the  promontory  of  Taenarus,  and  in  the 
range  ending  in  Cape  Malea,  is  not  without  significance  in 
regard  to  the  iron  coinage  of  Peloponnesus. 


§  4.    The  Testing  of  Metals  in  Antiquity. 

The  description  of  the  ancient  methods  of  refining  does  not 
strictly  come  within  the  limits  of  our  subject,  and  it  is  sufficient 
to  refer  to  the  treatment  of  these  matters  by  Blumner '-. 

It  is  probable  that  the  ancients  were  much  more  skilful  than 
ourselves  at  practically  detecting  the  baseness  of  metal,  apart 

^  That  tin  came  thence  as  well  as  from  the  Spanish  peninsula  of  course 
admits  of  no  doubt.  Where  the  ancients  placed  the  '  Cassiterides  *  is  another 
question. 

'  Techn.  iv.  p.  130  f.  See  also  Gardner,  Types,  p.  17  ;  Ridge  way,  Origin  of 
Currency,  p.  81  ;  and  Mongez,  op  cit.  p.  188. 


24  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  l 

from  a  scientific  assay.  If  the  Chinese  at  the  present  day  can 
test  the  purity  of  metals  by  sight,  touch,  sound,  and  smell,  the 
Greeks  were  apparently  as  clever  \  Copper,  even  when  present 
in  a  small  proportion  only,  betrays  itself  by  its  smell  if  the 
metal  is  warmed  by  friction.  If  the  coin  was  plated,  an  obvious 
test  was  to  stab  the  piece,  and  the  marks  of  this  test  having 
been  applied  are  to  be  seen  on  many  ancient  coins  (PI.  II.  9). 
There  is  even  authority  for  the  use  by  the  ancients  of  the  touch- 
stone to  a  degree  which  seems  to  us  almost  incredible  ^, 
Theophrastus  ^  describes  a  stone,  found  especially  in  the  river 
Tmolus,  evidently  the  well-known  '  Lydian  stone '  or  ^ao-avirns 
Xidos,  which  could  be  applied  as  a  test  of  not  only  refined  metal, 
but  also  gold  and  silver  when  alloyed  with  copper  [KaTaxaXKos). 
By  this  means  it  was  possible  to  tell  what  proportion  was 
contained  in  the  stater;  the  test  revealed  the  presence  of  so 
small  a  proportion  of  alloy  as  a  'barley  corn'  (fpi^/?,  i.e.  j^  obol?) 
in  a  stater.  This  test  must  surely  have  been  carried  out  by  the 
application  of  some  reagent  to  the  mark  left  on  the  touchstone, 
and  not  merely  by  noting  its  colour.  But  probably  there  is  an 
element  of  fable  in  this  account  as  in  the  account  given  in  the 
treatise  De  Fluviis  of  the  behaviour  of  the  plant  called  chrysopolis, 
which  grew  near  the  Pactolus^, 

Silver  was  tested  ^  by  means  of  the  touchstone,  and  also  by 
the  process  of  placing  it  on  a  red-hot  iron  shovel.  Metal  which 
under  such  conditions  retained  its  clear  white  colour  was  pure ; 
that  which  took  a  red  hue  was  not  so  good  ;  that  which  became 
black  was  worthless.  There  were,  however,  it  would  seem, 
methods  of  cheating  this  test.     Another  simpler  test,  when 

^  Epictetus,  Diss.  i.  20,  8  opdre  Kal  knl  rov  vofxifffxarot  ,  .  .  ocrois  6  dpyupo- 
yvwfiouv  Trpoo'x/'^Tat  Kara  ZoKifxaaiav  tov  vofxicrfxaros'  rfj  oipei,  rfj  dcpy,  r^  ocrcppaaiq, 
TO,  TfXfVTaia  TTJ  d/cofj'  pd^as  rd  dijvdpiov,  rw  rpofo)  irpoaix^'-  k.t.K. 

'  Ridgeway,  in  Num.  Chron.  1895,  pp.  104-109 ;  Bliimner,  Technol.  iv. 
p.  138. 

'  De  Lapid.  46.  Cf.  Plin.  N.  H.  xxxiii.  126  (the  stone  was  called  in 
Latin  coticula,  just  as  sometimes  in  Greek  aKovrf).  A  piece  of  true  metal, 
and  the  piece  to  be  tested,  were  rubbed  beside  each  other  {vaparpifiuv)  on 
the  stone,  and  the  colours  of  the  streaks  compared. 

*  Cap.  vii.  §  4.  Ilpbs  avri^v  yap  al  daTvydrovts  v6X(is  t6v  dKepatov  xpvaov  SoKtfid- 
^ovaiv.  afia  ydp  avrou  x'^^^^^WC-^  ^drtrovai  rfjv  ^ordvrjv  Kal  kdv  piiv  dvoOfvrov 
TO  xpvoiov  -Q,  rd  <f>v\\a  xpv(^'>VTai'  kdv  5'  ((pOapfxivov  vndpxrf,  Ti)v  TjWayfievriv 
vypaaiav  dTTOTrrvn  Kal  Siarrfpu  ttjs  vKiji  rfjv  ovcriav  KaOws  laTopei  Xpvaepfxos  iv 
y'  irepl  TloTapwv.     (Plutarch,  Moralitty  ed.  Bernardakis,  vol.  vii.  p.  295.) 

''  Bliimner,  Techn.  iv.  p.  153. 


en.  I.]  THE    METALS  25 

silver  was   polished,   was    to  breathe   upon  it.     Pure  metal 
immediately  threw  off  the  moisture. 


§  5.    Oxide  and  Patina. 

On  the  nature  of  the  metal,  but  still  more  on  the  character 
of  the  soil  in  which  ancient  coins  have  been  buried,  depends 
the  quality  of  the  surface  which  they  now  present.  Gold 
suffers  least  of  all  the  metals,  but  it  is  not  uncommon  to  find 
gold  coins,  when  freshly  dug  up,  covered  with  a  reddish  deposit. 
This,  however,  is  usually  quite  superficial.  Silver  of  course 
becomes  considerably  oxidized  under  favourable  circumstances. 
It  is  not  uncommon  for  silver  coins  to  be  covered  in  addition 
with  a  greenish  deposit  from  the  surrounding  earth,  or  possibly 
from  bronze  vessels  in  which  they  have  been  hoarded.  But 
it  is  brass  and  bronze  coins  which  are  most  affected  by  the 
circumstances  of  their  burial.  A  very  small  percentage  of  the 
former  retain  their  original  bright  yellow  colour.  In  volcanic 
soils,  such  as  those  of  South  Italy,  Sicily,  and  Thessaly,  the 
effect  of  the  sulphurous  surroundings  is  happy,  the  rich  green 
or  blue  porcelain-like  patina  which  they  impart  being  highly 
prized  by  collectors  \  Other  soils,  again,  such  as  that  of  many 
parts  of  Cypi-us,  are  most  destructive  to  metal. 

'  The  dark  bluish-green  patina  (such  as  that  on  a  *  large  brass '  coin  of 
Jalia  Domna  in  the  British  Museum,  rev.  type  spes)  is  rarer  than  the  pale 
green. 


CHAPTER    II 

THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE 

ORIGIN,    DISTRIBUTION,    AND    RELATION 

OF    COIN-STANDARDS 

§  I.  Theories  of  the  Origin  of  Coin-Standards. 

The  least  satisfactory  department  of  ancient  Numismatics 
is  that  which  is  occupied  with  questions  of  Metrology'. 
Rigid  as  may  be  the  mathematical  basis  of  this  science,  it 
is  as  yet  impossible  to  erect  on  it  a  firm  system  into  which 
the  various  measures  adopted  for  coinage  in  ancient  times  can 
be  safely  fitted.  Commercial  interest  and  many  other  in- 
fluences, at  which  we  can  only  guess,  combined  to  modify, 
often  beyond  recognition,  the  standards  of  weight  which 
preceded  the  introduction  of  coinage. 

Briefly  regarded,  the  theories  of  the  origin  of  coin -standards 
and  weight-standards  fall  into  two  divisions.  The  one  com- 
prises theories  according  to  which  these  standards  are  derived 
from  a  scientifically  obtained  unit  or  units ;  the  other  theory, 
for  in  this  second  division  there  is  but  one,  regards  man 
as  making  'his  earliest  essays  in  weighing  by  means  of  the 
seeds  of  plants,  which  nature  had  placed  ready  to  his  hand 
as  counters  and  weights  ^'     The  first  object,  it  is  supposed, 

'  F.  Hultseh,  Griechische  u.  Rdmi^che  Metro'ogie,  and  ed.  1882  ;  J.  Brandis, 
Mum-,  Mass-  u.  Gewichtswesen  in  Vorderasien,  1866.  Summary  up  to  1887  by 
Mr.  B.  V.  Head  in  his  Historia  Kumorum,  pp.  xxviii  ff.  For  Koman  coins 
especially,  Mommsen-Blac.^s,  Histoire  de  la  Monnaie  Romaine,  and  Samwer- 
Bahrfeldt,  Gesch.  des  alt.  rom.  Munzwesens,  1883.   See  also  Head's  bibliography. 

2  W.  Ridgeway,  Origin  0/  Currency  and  Weight- Standards.  1892,  p,  387. 


THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  27 

to  which  the  art  of  weighing  was  applied,  was  gold,  and  the 
gold-unit  all  over  the  world  was  the  amount  equivalent  in 
value  to  an  ox.  And  this  gold-unit  was  universally  in  the 
earliest  times  determined  by  weighing  the  metal  against 
a  certain  number  of  grains  of  corn.  That  something  like  this 
was  the  origin  of  the  weight-unit  seems  to  be  exceedingly 
probable,  and  the  theory  indeed  so  far  meets  with  little 
opposition  from  the  representatives  of  the  'scientific'  school. 
Whether  the  weight  was  arrived  at  independently  in  various 
places  by  this  method  is  another  question.  What  concerns  the 
metrologist,  however,  is  the  fact  that  at  a  very  early  period 
the  Babylonians  and  the  Egyptians  had  left  this  primitive 
system  far  behind.  '  There  is  an  interval  of  centuries  between 
the  two  stages  :  (i)  of  the  first  introduction  of  the  practice 
of  measuring  weight  every  time  by  a  number  of  grains  of  corn, 
and  (2)  of  the  development  or  introduction  of  a  scientific 
system  with  a  fixed  standard  of  weight — the  origin  and  natural 
prototype  of  which  were  without  influence  on  commerce  and 
therefore  a  matter  of  no  concern  to  it  \'  It  was  in  Asia  Minor, 
where  Greece  came  into  contact  with  the  East,  that  coinage 
began,  at  a  time  when  the  scientific  standards  had  long  been 
in  use  for  the  weighing  of  metal.  Whatever  was  the  ultimate 
source  of  those  standards,  as  appHed  to  coins  they  can  only  be 
regarded  as  coming  from  the  East.  The  unit  of  8-42  grammes 
would  not  be  employed  by  peoples  in  all  parts  of  the  world  be- 
cause that  amount  of  gold  was  (if  it  was  !)  the  equivalent  of  an 
ox,  but  because  that  unit  was  employed  for  the  weighing  of  gold 
when  the  metal  was  first  made  into  coin,  and  had  continued  to 
be  employed  as  the  use  of  coinage  spread  from  East  to  West. 
It  is  sufficient  for  us  to  recognize  that  a  fixed  unit  of  weight 
had  been  already  determined,  whether  by  taking  once  for  all 
the  weight  of  a  definite  number  of  grains,  or  by  some  other 
process,  as  by  weighing  the  amount  of  water  contained  in 
a  certain  cubic  space. 

'  C.  F.  Lehmann,  Das  aUfbabyhnische  Maass-  u.  Geunchts-system  als  Grundlage 
der  antiken  GewicMs-,  Miinz-  u.  Maass-sysieme,  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Eighth 
Oriental  Congress  at  Stockholm,  1889.  Other  papers  by  this  author 
which  will  be  frequently  referred  to  in  the  course  of  this  chapter  are 
Althabylonisches  Maas  w.  Gewicht  in  the  Verhandlungen  der  Berliner  Gesellschaft 
fur  Anthropologies  &c.,  1889,  pp.  245  ff.,  and  Zur  'Adrjvaionf  HoAtTcta  in  Hermes, 
1892,  pp.  530  ff. 


28 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  I 


Admitting  the  existence  of  this  developed  system,  we  find 
that  two  countries,  Babylonia  and  Egypt,  dispute  the  claim 
of  its  origination.  As,  again,  this  question  l^elongs  to  a  stage 
prior  to  the  history  of  our  subject,  it  may  be  passed  by.  But, 
since  coinage  originated  in  Asia  Minor  and  not  in  Egypt, 
it  was  the  weight-system  of  Babylonia  and  its  derivatives 
to  which  the  early  coin-weights  belonged,  and  this  system, 
therefore,  so  far  as  it  concerns  the  coin-standards,  must  now  be 
described  ^ 

§  2.  Determination  of  Early  Weight-Standards. 
The  unit  of  weight  was  the  shekel  (o-i'yXo?  or  aUXos).     This 
was  ^V  of  t^6  manah  or  mina  (/ii/a),  and  this  again  ^^  of  the 


Fm.  6.  —Babylonian  Bronze  Weight  of  5  manahs. 

highest  weight  of  all,  the  talent  {toKco/tov  or  load ;  the  Semitic 
name  was  Jcikkar). 

^  I  have  already  referred  to  the  summary  of  the  evidence  as  to  the 
origin  of  the  Greek  coin-standards  given  by  Mr.  Head  in  his  Historia 
Numorum.  Since  the  publication  of  that  work,  the  study  has  received  a  new 
development  through  the  researches  of  Herr  Lehmann  (op.  cit.).  The 
latest  contribution  to  the  subject  is  by  F.  Hultsch,  Die  Geunchte  des  Alterthums 
nach  ihrem  Zusammenhange  dargestellt  (Abhandl.  der  KOn.  SSchs.  Ges.  d. 
Wiss.  xviii.  no.  ii.  Leipzig,  1898). 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE 


29 


To  determine  the  amounts  of  these  various  denominations 
we  are  guided  by  various  extant  weights,  mostly  inscribed  with 
their  amounts. 

BABYLONIAN  WEIGHTS. 


Description 
of  the 
weight. 

Probable 

Inscription  (usually  in 

Weight  in 

Weight  in 
grammes  of 

date. 

cuneiform). 

grammes. 

resultant 
manah. 

I 

Bronze  lion 

(Fig.  6) 

? 

'  Five    manahs    of    the 
king*  in  cuneiform, 'Five 
manahs  weight  of  the 
country'  in  Aramaic. 

5042 

1008 

2 

»» 

B.C.  850 

♦The  Palace  of  Shalma- 
neser,  king  of  the  coun- 
try, two  manahs  of  the 
king '  in  cuneiform,  and 
'  Two  manahs  weight  of 
the  country '  in  Aramaic. 

1992 

996 

3 

Stone  duck 

B.C.  1050 

'The  Palace  of  Irba-Mero- 
dach,  king  of  Babylon, 
thirty  manahs.' 

15060.5 

502 

4 

V 

? 

'  Thirty  manahs  of  Nabu- 
suma-libur,      king      of 
Assyria.' 

14589 
(broken) 

About  500 

5 

11 

B.C.   2000 

'  Ten  manahs ' ;  and  name 
of  Dungi. 

4986 
(injured) 

4986 

6 

Stone  cone 

^One  manah  .  .  .  imita- 
tion of  the  weight  fixed 
by        Nebuchadnezzar, 
king  of  Babylon'   (b.c. 
605-561),  'son  of  Nabo- 
polassar  after  the  pat- 
tern of  the  standard  of 
Dungi '  (b  c.  2000). 

978.309 

(about 
1.2  g. 
lost) 

979-5 

7 

Oval  stone 

'  Half  manah,'  &c. 

244.8 

4896 

8 

)) 

'Ur-nin-am.' 

81.87 

491.2 

9 

>> 

'One-third     manah     in 
shekels.  Palace  of  Nabu- 
sum-esir,'  &c. 

164.3 

492.9 

An  examination  of  these  weights  reveals  the  following  facts. 
In  the  first  place,  there  are  clearly  two  classes  of  manah,  one 
the  double  of  the  other.  Further,  there  is  a  distinction 
between  the  royal  manah,  represented  by  i  and  2  (heavy), 
3,  4,  and  5  (light),  and  the  common  manah,  represented  by 
6  (heavy),  7,  8,  and  9  (light). 


30  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

Of  these,  the  common  manah  is  probably  the  older,  and 
the  royal  is  derived  from  it.  The  raising  of  the  norm  was 
probably  dictated  by  a  principle  of  taxation,  in  accordance  with 
which  a  certain  percentage  was  added  to  all  the  common 
weights  whenever  payments  were  made  to  the  royal  treasury. 
In  accordance  with  the  Babylonian  sexagesimal  system,  the 
addition  was  in  the  first  instance  ^V*  This  gives  a  heavy 
manah  of  1022-9  g.  to  1027  g.  But  in  later  times  an  addition 
of  2^0  appears  to  have  been  made,  revealing  the  influence  of 
the  decimal  system,  and  this  yielded  a  heavy  manah  of 
1031-1  g.  to  1035  3  g. 

Finally,  for  the  purposes  of  coinage,  some  deduction  had 
to  be  made  to  defray  the  expense.  This  appears  to  have  been 
calculated  on  a  basis  of  two  per  cent.,  which  yields  a  heavy 
manah  of  1008  g.  to  loio  g. 

The  raising  of  weights  for  the  purpose  of  taxation  is  a  priori 
probable,  and  the  theory  that  weights  were  so  raised  is  borne 
out  by  a  weight  of  the  time  of  Darius  Hystaspes  ^  with  inscrip- 
tions in  old  Persian  (the  royal  dialect),  new  Susie,  and  new 
Babylonian.  The  two  latter  inscriptions  call  the  weight  ^ 
mina  i  shekel ;  the  royal  inscription  calls  it  2  Jcarasha.  Now 
since  the  weight  mina  =  60  shekels,  i  shekel  =  ^V  X  i  mina. 
Therefore  2  karasha  =  J  mina  +  an  addition  of  one-twentieth, 
or  five  per  cent.  The  weight  in  question  therefore  is  five  per 
cent,  in  advance  of  the  common  ^  mina,  and  we  have  here  an 
instance  of  the  king's  adding  five  per  cent,  to  the  common 
weight,  and  explaining  the  addition  by  inscription  in  the 
vernacular. 

As  regards  the  deduction  for  the  mint,  the  evidence  is  not 
quite  so  clear  I  But  the  usual  weights  of  8-40  g.  for  the 
daric  (PI.  I.  11)  and  560  g.  for  the  siglos  (PI.  I.  10)  seem 
to  have  been  obtained  by  some  such  deduction.  The  occurrence 
of  higher  weights,  on  the  other  hand,  shows  that  the  deduction 
was   not   always   made.     Again'',    the   Ptolemaic   drachm  is 

^  Lehmann  in  Verhandl.  der  BerL  Gesellsch.  fur  Anthrop.  &c.,  1889,  p.  273. 

2  The  daric,  on  which  as  weighing  8-57  g.  Lehmann  (op.  cit.  p.  279 ; 
Brandis,  p.  66)  bases  one  argument,  weighs,  according  to  Babelon  (Perses 
Achem.,  no.  124),  only  8.25  g.  The  highest  weight  of  any  daric  known 
to  me  is  8.46  g.  (Babelon,  no.  95) ;  of  any  double  daric,  17.002  g.  (Brit. 
Mus.). 

'  Lehmann  in  Hermes,  1892,  p.  535,  note  2. 


CH.  II]        THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  3I 

3  63  g.  (the  tetradrachm  being  a  Phoenician  stater  of  the 
common  norm  1455  g) ;  the  maximum  weight  as  found  is 
3  57  S-  ^o  35^  S'  The  Athenian  gold  drachm  is  never  above 
432  g.  The  reason  is  that  the  deduction  for  the  cost  of 
striking  was  made  rigorously  in  consideration  of  the  precious 
character  of  the  metal.  '  The  measure  in  question,'  as  Lehmann 
points  out,  '  was  a  protective  one.  Metal  which  has  already 
gone  through  the  processes  of  smelting,  refining,  &c.,  is 
naturally  the  inore  valuable  for  the  change.  Ornaments  made 
of  such  metal  could  obviously  be  placed  on  the  market  with 
more  profit  than  if  these  laborious  processes  had  to  be  per- 
formed. By  keeping  the  intrinsic  worth  of  a  coin  a  little 
below  its  nominal  value,  th3  authorities  made  it  more  profitable 
to  retain  it  as  a  coin  than  to  put  it  into  the  crucible.  The 
reduction  could  also  be  effected  by  alloying.  In  early  times, 
in  well-ordered  states,  where  purity  was  an  object,  this  method 
was  avoided.  And  the  occurrence  of  pieces  of  full  weight, 
as  in  the  Solonian  coinage,  was  also  due  to  a  wish  to  win 
a  reputation  for  the  cuiTency.' 

The  standard  as  thus  reduced  might  be  regarded  as  a  new 
standard.  Another  state  copying  the  standard  in  this  reduced 
form,  and  making  its  own  reduction,  would  bring  about 
a  further  fall  in  the  standard.  This  is  probably  one  secret 
cause  of  the  degradation  to  which  coin-standards  were  subject. 

The  principle  on  which,  for  the  purposes  of  coinage,  the 
units  within  each  norm  were  arrived  at,  may  be  explained 
by  the  following  instance.  Taking  the  light  mina  of  the 
reduced  royal  norm  at  505  g.  we  find  that  it  contains  sixty 
shekels  or  staters  of  8-4  g.  This  was  the  unit  employed 
for  gold  coinage  on  this  norm.  For  monetary  purposes,  again, 
the  weight-mina  of  sixty  shekels  was  not  used,  but  a  money- 
mina  of  fifty  shekels  (420  g.  in  this  case)  was  employed.  This 
was  the  system  for  gold.  But  for  silver  another  standard 
was  required,  because  at  this  time  the  relation  of  gold  to  silver 
was  of  an  inconvenient  kind,  being  13  J  :  i  ^  One  gold  shekel 
of  84  g.  was  therefore  worth  111-72  g.  of  silver,  or  (a)  ten 
pieces  of  silver  of  11-172  g.,  or  again  (b)  fifteen  pieces  of  744  g. 

^  Herod,  iii.  95  to  5e  xP^'^'^o^  TpiaKaiSfKatXTaaiov  XoyiCofxevov.  This  is 
only  approximate,  the  truer  relation  being  as  in  the  text :  Mommsen- 
Blacas,  Monn.  Bom.  i.  p.  407. 


32 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  I 


These  weights  could  therefore   be   conveniently  employed  as 
units  for  silver  coinage.     We  thus  get  the  following  system  : — 


Weight  Miiia. 

Gold  Shekel 

r 
6^ 

of 

weight  mina. 

Gold  Mina             = 

50 
60 

>>          »» 

Silver  Shekel  (a)  = 
Silver  Shekel  (b)  = 

I 

lO 

I 
15 

60 
60 

I 

45 
2 

135 

»?       .   ft 

V             V 

The  shekel  (a)  is  generally  known  as  the  Babylonian,  Lydian 
or  Persic,  the  shekel  (&)  as  the  Phoenician  or  Graeco-Asiatic. 
The  Greeks  appear  to  have  obtained  the  former  through  the 
Lydians,  the  latter  through  the  Phoenicians. 

Calculated  on  this  principle   the   gold  and   silver   weights 
may  be  tabulated  as  follows  : — 


I.    Common  Norm. 


Name  of  Weight 


Proportion 

of  the 

Weight- 

Mina. 


Heavy  System. 
Weight  in  grammes. 


Light  System. 
Weight  in 
gram,mes. 


Weight  Mina 

Gold  Mina 

Gold  Shekel 

Babylonian  Silver  Shekel 
Phoenician  Silver  Shekel 


982.4    to  985-8  4912    to  492-9 

818-6     „  821.5  4C9-3     »  4^0.7 

16.36  „  16-42  8-18  ,,       8-21 

21.82  ,,  2190  10-91  ,,     10-95 

14-54  ,,  14.60  7.27  „       7.30 


(a) 


II.   Royal  Norm. 

First  fuU  form  (-j\  higher  than  Common  Norm). 


Weight  Mina 

Gold  Mina 

Gold  Shekel 

Babylonian  Silver  Shekel 
Phoenician  Silver  Shekel 

(b)   Second  full 

Weight  Mina 

Gold  Mina 

Gold  Shekel 

Babylonian  Silver  Shekel 
Phoenician  Silver  Shekel 


n 

1023.3    to  1026.8 

511-7    to  513-4 

n 

852-8     „     855.7 

426.4     „  427-8 

^\ 

17.04  „       1710 

852  „       8-55 

xh 

22-74  „       22-80 

11.37  ,,     11-40 

Tir 

15.16  „       15.20 

7-58  „       7-60 

form  (^V  hi 

gher  than  Common  Norm). 

U 

1031-5    to  1035. 1 

515.8    to  517-6 

M 

859.6     „     862.6 

429-8     „  431-3 

.V 

17.18  „        17.24 

8.59  „       862 

^ 

22-92  „       23-00 

11.46  „     11.50 

Th 

15-28  „        15-34 

7-64  „       7.67 

CH.  u]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  33 


(c)    Reduced  form    h  taxed  at  two  per  cent.). 


Weight  Mina 

Gold  Mina 

Gold  Shekel 

Babylonian  Silver  Shekel 
Phoenician  Silver  Shekel 


n 


1038    to  lOIO 

840   ,,  841.6 

1680  ,,  16-82 

22.40  ,,  22-44 

14.92  „  14.96 


504   to  505 
420   „  420  8 

840  ,,   8-41 
ir.20  ,,  1T.22 

7.46  ,,   748 


For  the  purpose  of  comparing  the  Babylonian  with  the 
Phoenician  silver  shekel,  we  may  note  that  the  heavy  Phoe- 
nician silver  shekel  contains  four  times  the  unit  which  is 
contained  three  times  in  the  Hght  Babylonian  silver  shekel: 
thus,  if  we  take  the  reduced  royal  norm,  the  light  Babylonian 
silver  shekel  of  11-20  to  11-22  g.  is  f  of  the  heavy  Phoenician 
silver  shekel  of  14-92  to  14-96. 

§  3.    Distribution  of  the  Three  Oriental  Standards. 

The  ^  gold  shekel  *  standard,  as  it  may  be  called,  was  almost 
universally  used  for  gold  coins.  The  more  important  excep- 
tions which  occur,  where  gold  is  struck  on  different  standards, 
will  be  noted  in  due  place.  Besides  gold,  electrum  was 
occasionally  issued  according  to  this  standard,  or  one  closely 
resembling  it.  Thus  we  find  the  gold  standard  used  for 
electrum  at  Cyzicus  (16-328  to  16005  g.),  Lesbos  (16-07  g.), 
Samos  (8  618  g.).  The  famous  early  staters  of  Phocaea, 
weighing  16-516  to  16458  g.  (PI.  I.  2),  are  however  not 
electrum,  but  gold.  A  high  form  of  the  gold  standard  was 
that  in  use  in  the  Crimea  (PI.  V.  4). 

The  Babylonian  or  Persian  standard  from  Persia  spread  over 
the  greater  part  of  Asia  Minor,  passing  along  the  southern 
and  northern  coasts,  taking  root  sporadically  on  the  west 
coast.  Naturally,  also,  we  find  it  in  Cyprus,  and  perhaps  hence, 
because  of  Cypriote  trade,  it  passed  to  the  Phoenician  Aradus. 
From  Asia  Minor  it  passed  across  the  Propontis  to  the  southern 
coast  of  Thrace.  And  far  away  to  the  south-east  we  find  it 
in  later  times,  in  the  imitative  coinage  of  Southern  Arabia, 
although  here  some  other  standard  may  have  accidentally 
assumed  the  Babylonian  form. 

The  Phoenician  standard  prevailed  less  in  Asia  Minor  than 
did  the  Babylonian.  Still  it  was  in  use  for  the  early  electrum 
coins  of  Western  Asia  Minor.  Most  of  the  early  coinage  of 
Phoenicia  is  of  course  of  the  Phoenician  standard  ;  and  even 


34  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  Ibk.  i 

the  dominion  of  the  Syrian  kings,  who  used  another  standard, 
failed  to  dislodge  it.  It  held  its  ground  at  cities  like  Antioch 
even  after  they  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Rome.  The  re- 
markable coins  struck  by  the  Jews  in  their  first  revolt  (Fig.  7)  are 


Fig.  7.— Half-shekel  of  the  First  Revolt  of  the  Jews.  Obv.  '  Half-shekel, 
year  3.'  Eev.  '  Jerusalem  the  Holy.'  Weight :  7  ti  g.  [Slightly  under 
actual  size.] 

of  the  Phoenician  standard.  Westward  we  find  the  Phoenician 
standard  in  some  of  the  islands  of  the  Aegean  Sea,  and  farther 
north  at  Byzantium  (where,  however,  it  only  obtained  for 
a  time),  Abdera  (whence  it  passed  to  the  Bisaltian  tribes  in 
the  interior),  and  Amphipolis.  It  was  adopted  by  the  early 
Macedonian  kings,  and  made  its  way,  after  the  failure  of 
Athenian  influence  towards  the  end  of  the  fifth  century,  into 
Thasos,  Neapolis,  and  Chalcidice.  In  early  times  the  Phocaeans 
had  carried  it  to  their  colony  of  Velia  in  Southern  Italy.  Here 
it  took  firm  root,  producing  the  '  Campanian  standard ' ;  and 
stiU  further  west  we  find  it  in  the  Phocaean  colony  of  Massalia. 
This  was  the  progress  of  the  Phoenician  standard  along  the 
northern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean.  Along  the  south  coast 
it  is  equally  wide-spread  ;  Carthage  naturally  employs  it,  when 
at  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  she  begins  to  coin,  not  merely 
for  silver  but  also  to  some  extent  for  gold  and  electrum ;  in 
Cyrenaica  it  is  found  towards  the  close  of  the  sixth  century ; 
and  in  Egypt,  after  a  brief  struggle  with  other  standards 
in  the  time  of  Ptolemy  Soter,  it  becomes  the  standard  in  use 
for  both  gold  and  silver. 

§  4.  The  Aeginetic  and  Euhoic- Attic  Standards. 
The  earliest  coinage  of  Greece  proper,  of  some  of  the  Aegean 
islands,  and  of  many  other  places  scattered  about  the  Greek 
world,  is  struck  on  a  standard  which  cannot  be  identified  with 
any  of  those  just  described.  It  is  known,  from  the  fact  that 
its  most  famous  representative  is  the  currency  of  Aegina,  as  the 
Aeginetic  standard.     The  highest  weight  reached  by  a  coin  of 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  35 

this  class  is  1344  g-  (a  unique  electrum  stater  at  Paris)  \  A  few 
weigh  12-96  g.  or  a  little  more,  but  the  normal  weight  is 
12-57  g.  If  we  except  the  Paris  coin,  and  the  iron  pieces 
mentioned  above  (p.  17),  the  standard  is  confined  to  silver. 

The  usual  explanation  of  this  stater  is  that  it  is  the  stater  of 
14-5  g.  in  a  degraded  form  ^  Such  a  degradation  at  this  early- 
period  (seventh  century  B.C.),  face  to  face  with  the  adoption  of 
other  standards  in  an  unreduced  form,  is  highly  improbable. 
The  standard  has  also  been  explained  as  a  compromise  between 
the  Babylonian  and  the  Phoenician  standards,  the  old  Aeginetic 
silver  mina  of  628-5.  S-  being  equivalent  to  about  six  gold 
shekels  of  the  royal  weight  (taking  134  g.  as  the  normal 
weight  of  the  Aeginetic  stater,  and  the  relation  between  gold 
and  silver  as  13-3  :  i).  Mr.  Ridgeway  remarks  ^  that  this  equa- 
tion seems  somewhat  arbitrary.  He  himself  supposes  that  the 
relation  of  gold  to  silver  in  Greece  was  not  13-3  :  i  as  in  Asia 
Minor,  but  15 :  i.  One  gold  piece  of  84  g.  would,  therefore, 
be  equivalent  to  ten  silver  pieces  of  i2-6  g ,  i.e.  to  ten  Aeginetic 
staters  of  the  normal  weight  *. 

It  would  be  easy  to  multiply  hypotheses  of  this  kind.  If,  for 
instance,  we  assumed  16  :  i  as  the  relation  of  gold  to  silver,  and 
reckoned  from  the  gold  shekel  of  the  common  norm,  one  gold  piece 
of  8  18  g.  would  be  equivalent  to  ten  silver  pieces  of  13  08  g.  This 
would  explain  the  weight  of  all  but  the  electrum  stater,  the  excep- 
tional weight  of  which  might  be  explained  as  due  to  its  material. 

There  is,  however,  a  less  arbitrary  explanation  ^.  The  stater 
of  13-44  g.  maximum  'gives  a  mina  of  672  g.  This  is  §  of  the 
heavy,  ^  of  the  light  Babylonian  weight  mina  of  the  reduced 
royal  norm,  or  |^  of  the  light  Babylonian  silver  mina  of  the 
same  norm". 

The  later  Aeginetic  stater  of  1260 g.  may  be  derived '  with 

'  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  reverse  of  this  stater  is  of  a  character 
otherwise  confined  to  the  earliest  coins  of  Rhodes.  See  Head,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal , 
Caria^  PI.  34,  nos.  7-10 ;  PI.  35,  nos.  7-9.  The  attribution  of  the  coin  to 
Aegina  is  therefore  doubtful. 

^  So  Head,  H  N.  pp.  xxxviii  and  332.  ^  Op.  cit.  p.  219. 

*  Mr.  Ridgeway  is,  however,  inconsistent  with  this  explanation  when 
he  says  (p.  217)  that  *  the  weight  of  the  heaviest  specimens  of  any  series 
must  be  regarded  as  the  true  index  of  the  normal  weight.' 

'  Lehmann,  Hermes,  1892,  p.  558. 

^  The  Attic  trade  mina  of  655  g.  was  derived  in  the  same  way  from  the 
common  norm. 

^  Lehmann,  Verhandl.  der  Berl.  GeseUsch.  fur  Anthropologic,  &c.  {iS8g), -p.  z'jB. 

D    2 


36  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

almost  equal  probability  from  the  second  full  form  of  the  royal 
norm.  The  stater  in  question  implies  a  mina  of  630  g.  This  is 
1^  of  the  light  Babylonian  silver  mina,  ||  of  the  light  weight 
mina  of  this  norm. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  origin  of  the  Aeginetic  standard, 
its  spread  was,  with  the  course  of  trade,  towards  the  West. 
There  are  sporadic  cases  of  its  use  as  far  east  as  Mallus  and 
Celenderis  in  Cilicia,  and  Cyprus,  but  these  are  quite  excep- 
tional ;  it  prevails  largely,  though  not  exclusively,  in  the  Aegean 
islands.  We  find  it  also  in  Crete  ;  and  as  far  north  as  the 
western  coast  of  the  Euxine.  But  its  chief  home  is  on  the 
Greek  mainland,  from  Thessaly  downwards,  and  in  the  Ionian 
islands  (if  the  Corcjaean  standard  is  a  light  form  of  the 
Aeginetic) ;  Aegina  itself  counts  as  part  of  the  mainland  in 
this  respect.  Through  the  field  occupied  by  the  Aeginetic 
standard,  the  Euboic- Attic- Corinthian  standard  (to  be  de- 
scribed below)  forced  its  way  like  a  wedge,  reaching  across 
towards  Italy  and  Sicily.  The  Aeginetic  standard  passed  to 
Italy  and  Sicily  with  the  earliest  Chalcidian  colonies,  showing 
how  great  was  the  Aeginetic  trade  in  this  direction ;  for 
Chalcidian  colonies,  one  would  expect,  would  have  used  the 
standard  of  their  mother- country  \ 

The  Euboic- Attic  standard  (stater  of  8- 72  g.,  mina  of  436-6  g.) 
has  generally  been  explained  as  derived  from  the  Babylonian 
royal  gold  standard  (stater  of  8-42  g.,  mina  of  421  g.).  This 
derivation  is  open  to  the  objections  that  a  gold  standard  would 
be  thus  transferred  to  silver,  and  at  the  same  time  raised  by 
a  small  amount  ^.     Lehmann's  suggestion  •'  is  again  more  plau- 

^  If,  however,  we  accept  the  theory  of  Imhoof-Blumer,  that  the  silver 
coins  of  Naxos,  Zancle,  Himera,  and  Rhegium  were  thirds  and  eighteenths 
of  the  Euboic- Attic  tetradrachm  (and  this  seems  on  the  whole  most 
probable),  it  is  still  noteworthy  that  these  curious  denominations  must 
have  been  chosen  because  they  fitted  in  with  the  Aeginetic  standard. 
Mr.  A.  J.  Evans  notes  (Num.  Chron.  1898,  p.  321)  that  the  coins  weighing 
about  '90  g.  struck  at  these  cities  have  no  obvious  relation  to  any  but  the 
Aeginetic  system,  of  which  they  are  obols  ;  on  the  other  hand,  what 
appear  to  be  Euboic- Attic  obols  were  commonly  struck  at  Zancle  and  Naxos. 
In  any  case,  therefore,  the  system  was  a  dual  one. 

^  A  principle  to  be  observed  in  the  explanation  of  standards  is  that 
when  two  standards  resemble  each  other  so  closely,  the  resemblance 
may  be  due  as  well  to  coincidence  as  to  relation.  It  should,  however, 
be  noted  that  this  standard  was  actually  used  for  electrum  ;  see  below, 
p.  38. 

3  Hermes,  1892,  p.  549,  note  i. 


CH.  ii]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  37 

sible.     He  supposes  that  Chalcis,  the  copper- city,  where  this 

standard  probably  originated,  commanded  the  market  in  copper, 

and  was  able  to  put  an  unusually  high  price  on  that  metal  \ 

The  relation  of  silver  to  copper  in  Ptolemaic  times,  and  in  all 

probability  during  many  previous  centuries,  was  120 :  i.     If  we 

suppose  that  the  people  of  Chalcis  raised  the  price  of  copper 

one-fifth,  the  relation  of  silver  to  copper  would  now  be  96 :  i. 

Now,  when  silver  was  to  copper  as  120 :  i,  one  light  mina  of 

silver  was  equivalent  to  120  light  minae  of  copper 

=  2  light  talents     )     ^ 

r.  J.  1     i.     f  of  copper, 

or  I  heavy  talent     3 

and  ^  light  mina  of  silver  =  i  light  talent  of  copper. 

If  the  proportion  were  changed  to  96  :  i,  we  should  no  longer 

have 

I  light  silver  mina  =  i  heavy  talent  of  copper 

i     V         yi         ))     =  I  light      ,,  „ 

but         "I  light  silver  mina  =  i  heavy  talent  of  copper 

%    V       ^„         n     =  I  light      „  „ 

Now  ^  of  the  light,  or  f  of  the  heavy,  Babylonian  silver  mina 

of  the  common  norm  is  exactly  equivalent  to  the  Euboic- Attic 


Fig.  8. — Athenian  Chalcus.    Obv.  Head  of  Athena.    Rev.  Owl  and  Amphora. 

mina  of  436  6  gr.  It  is  noticeable,  in  confirmation  of  this 
derivation  on  the  basis  of  the  ratio  96  :  i  for  silver  as  compared 
with  copper,  that  in  the  Euboic-Attic  system  the  chalcus 
(Fig.  8)  was  -g\  of  the  stater.  The  x"^'^"^^  (ararjyp)  was  there- 
fore, originally,  a  stater's  weight  of  copper,  and  one  stater  of 
silver  was  worth  ninety-six  of  copper. 

^  That  is  to  say,  it  is  supposed  that  Chalcis  had  a  monopoly,  if  not  in 
copper,  yet  in  that  kind  of  copper  which  was  most  in  demand  for  bronze- 
work  in  the  parts  of  the  world  with  which  Chalcis  traded.  It  was 
therefore  able  to  put  up  the  price  of  the  metal.  The  effect  of  abundance 
of  gold  in  Panticapaeum  (see  below)  was  precisely  the  contrary ;  but  this 
only  means  that  no  attempt  was  made  to  establish  a  monopoly.  It  must 
be  admitted  that  Lehmann's  theory  is  based  on  a  conjecture,  but  it  is 
a  conjecture  remarkably  confirmed  by  the  place  of  the  xa^'fovs  in  the 
scale  of  denominations. 


38  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

The  so-called  Corinthian  standard  was  the  same  as  the  Euboic- 
Attic,  differing  only  in  its  divisional  system.  It  will  be 
discussed  in  greater  detail  below  (§  6). 

This  Euboic- Attic  standard  is  met  with  occasionally  on  the 
west  coast  of  Asia  Minor  in  early  times.  The  rude  but  remark- 
able pieces  of  electrum  attributed  by  Babelon  ^  to  Samos  are 
struck  on  this  standard  (17-42  g.  to  the  stater).  But  its  real 
home  is  in  Euboea  and  Attica.  Hence  it  spread  northwards 
to  Chalcidice,  Aenus,  and  elsewhere.  It  passed  westwards  to 
Sicily,  where,  having  ousted  the  Aeginetic  standard  (see  above, 
p.  36,  note  i),  it  became  thoroughly  established  in  the  early 
years  of  the  fifth  century.  From  Sicily  it  went  northwards  to 
Etruria  (see  below,  §  12).  But  the  great  triumph  of  the  Attic 
standard  was  reserved  for  the  Hellenistic  age.  Its  adoption  by 
Alexander  the  Great,  and  the  enormous  number  of  coins  issued 
by  him  and  his  successors  on  this  standard,  changed  the  w^hole 
face  of  the  Greek  coinage.  The  innumerable  copies  of  the 
tetradrachms  of  Alexander  and  Lysimachus,  and  the  large 
showy  *  spread  '  tetradrachms  of  Asia  Minor,  all  of  Attic  weight, 
are  evidence  of  the  popularity  of  the  standard.  It  penetrated 
even  to  Syria,  and  practically  as  far  east  as  Alexander's  civiliz- 
ing influence  was  felt,  until  it  lost  itself  in  India. 

These  five  ('Gold -shekel, '  Babylonic,  Phoenician,  Aeginetic, 
Euboic-Attic-Corinthian)  were  the  standards  of  Greece  proper 
and  the  East.  The  most  important  of  the  peculiarly  Western 
standards  was  of  course  the  Roman.  This  was  really  a  local 
standard,  and  did  not  spread  over  the  civilized  world  in  the 
natural  course  of  commerce.  Its  adoption  outside  the  ItaHan 
peninsula  was  due  to  the  force  of  Roman  domination.  It  may, 
therefore,  be  most  suitably  discussed  when  we  reach  Italy  in 
the  survey  of  the  various  countries  in  which  standards  were 
used  other  than  the  five  great  ones  already  described. 


§  5.   Local  Standards  of  Asia  Minor. 

On  the  western  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  the  great  seaport  of 
Miletus  is  credited  with  a  large  series  of  early  electrum  coins, 
the  weight  of  the  stater  being  14-18  to  1424  g.     The  standard 

^  Rev.  Num.  1894,  pp.  149  ff. 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  39 

appears  to  be  an  adaptation  of  the  Phoenician  standard  of  the 
common  norm,  by  a  deduction  of  4V  (for  14- 18  =  Jf  x  14-54) '. 
This  standard  is  also  found  in  the  electrum  coinage  of  Chios 
(14  06  g.)  and  Samos  (same  weight,  PI.  I.  12). 

Chios  itself  employed  a  pecuHar  standard  for  its  silver  coinage. 
The  earliest  silver  didrachms  (PL  I.  16)  weigh  797  g. ,  pointing 
to  a  tetradrachm  of  15  94  g.,  the  slightly  later  tetradrachms 
(still  early  in  the  fifth  century),  15-29  g.  The  standard  is 
explained  by  Mr.  Head  ^  as  a  raised  form  of  the  Phoenician,  but 
the  elevation  was  probably  due  to  adjustment  with  the  Aegine- 
tic  standard,  since  four  silver  staters  of  155  g.  =  five 
Aeginetic  silver  staters  of  12-4  g.^. 

When  Rhodes,  about  400  b.  c,  deserted  the  Attic  standard, 
its  silver  (PI.  Y.  5)  was  struck  on  a  standard  according  to  which 
the  tetradrachms  weigh  14  90  to  15-55  §•  5  probably  the  same 
as  the  Chian  standard  *. 

To  Samos  belongs  a  peculiar  standard,  according  to  which 
the  silver  tetradrachm  weighed  13-3  g.  This  is  roughly  f  of 
the  weight  of  the  contemporary  Chian  tetradrachm  of  1594  g. 

(13-3  X  T  =  15-96). 

The  cistophori,  circulating  in  that  part  of  Asia  Minor  which 
afterwards  became  the  province  of  Asia,  represent  a  peculiar 
standard.  These  coins  were  a  quasi-federal  currency,  which 
originated  probably  at  Ephesus  about  200  b. c,  and  was  adopted 
at  Pergamum  (PI.  X.  2)  and  spread  by  Pergamene  influence. 
The  tetradrachms  weigh  12- 73  g.  normal.  They  were  regarded 
by  the  Romans  as  equivalent  to  three  denarii,  and  were  worth 
rather  less  than  f  of  the  Attic  tetradrachm  of  1744  g. 
(12-70  X  f  =  1693)  which  circulated  so  widely  at  this  time  in 
the  Eastern  Mediterranean.  Nevertheless,  we  frequently  find 
on  the  staters  of  Side  (PI.  VIII.  5),  which  are  of  Attic  weight, 
the  counter-marks  of  cistophoric  mints,  which  would  seem  to 
show  that  these  staters  were  tariffed  as  equivalent  to  cistophori. 
Cistophori  were  also  issued  in  Crete. 

An  exceptional  issue  of  gold  by  Ephesus  during  the  Mithra- 
datic  war  is  represented  by  staters  of  the  usual  weight,  and 

^  Lehmann,  Altb.  Maass.  p.  264.  ^  H.  N.  p.  513. 

^  This  connexion  is  proved  by  the  name  TeaaapaKoarri  Xia,  the  Chian 
silver  statei-  being  -^-^  of  the  Aeginetic  mina.     Hultsch,  Meti:  p.  554. 
*  Head,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal,  Caria,  p.  civ. 


40  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

smaller  coins  of  5461  g.      The  latter  are  explained  as  being 
halves  of  the  Koman  aureus  of  10  912  g. 

The  so-called  'medallions  of  Asia  Minor/  struck  under  the 
early  Empire  (PI.  XII.  8)  down  to  the  time  of  Hadrian,  were 
a  continuation  of  the  cistophori,  and  equivalent  to  three 
Koman  denarii  (normal  11-70  g.  down  to  the  time  of  Nero, 
thenceforward  1023  g.). 

§  6.    Local  Standards  of  European  Greece. 

The  most  important  city  inhabited  by  Greeks  in  the  Crimean 
district  (Panticapaeum)  struck  gold  staters  of  9  072  g.  (PL  V.  4). 
This  high  standard  was  probably  due  to  the  cheapness  of  gold 
in  this  district,  through  which  would  pass  great  quantities  of 
the  metal  from  the  gold-bearing  regions  of  Central  Asia  '. 

In  Greece  proper,  the  Victoriate  standard,  which  is  of  Italian 
origin,  and  will  be  discussed  below,  is  found  in  Northern 
Greece  after  the  '  liberation '  by  Flamininus  in  196  b.c. 

The  most  important  state  on  the  east  coast  of  the  Adriatic 
in  early  times  was  Corcyra,  which  employed  a  light  form  of  the 
Aeginetic  standard  (stater  from  11-87  ^^  iioi  g.,  PI.  II.  7). 
In  the  course  of  two  and  a  half  centuries  the  weight  declined, 
so  that  by  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  b.  c.  the  stater  weighed 
as  little  as  10-36  g.  The  drachm  of  about  5-18  g.  could  now 
be  regarded  as  a  didrachm  of  the  Corinthian  standard.  The 
Corcyraean  standard,  used  in  various  neighbouring  places,  such 
as  ApoUonia  and  Dyrrhachium,  down  to  the  fourth  century, 
was  finally  ousted  by  its  powerful  rival,  the  Corinthian.  But 
before  this  it  had  made  its  way  across  the  Adriatic,  and  estab- 
lished itself  as  one  of  the  two  standards  in  use  in  Etruria. 

The  origin  of  the  Attic  standard  has  already  been  explained. 
The  history  of  the  Athenian  coinage,  however,  contains  one 
episode  of  great  interest  and  historical  importance.  Before  the 
time  of  Solon's  introduction  of  the  Attic  standard  a  weight- 
standard  known  as  the  Pheidonian,  from  its  founder  Pheidon, 
king  of  Argos  (see  above,  p.  6),  was  in  use  at  Athens. 
Solon  introduced  a  new  and  heavier  system,  in  which  the 
drachm  weighed  yV  of  the  Pheidonian  mina.  The  resultant 
stater  (or  didrachm)  of  this  Solonian  system  weighed  17-46  g. 

*  Head,  H.  N.  pp.  238,  239. 


CH.  11]        THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  4I 

That  '  didrachm  '  is  what  was  afterwards  called  a  tetradrachm  ; 
but  Aristotle  or  his  redactor^  clearly  tells  us  that  the  '  old  struck 
coin '  was  a  didrachm.  The  drachm  was  lowered  to  half  its 
weight,  in  all  probability  by  the  tyrant  Hippias  '^. 

The  standard  of  Corinth,  the  earliest  coins  of  which  city 
belong  probably  to  the  time  of  Periander  (b.  c.  625-585)  has 
the  same  unit  as  the  Euboic,  but  differs  in  its  divisional  system. 
The  stater  (PI.  II.  5)  at  first  weighed  8  40  g.,  later  as  much 
as  8-66  g.  ;  but  it  was  divided  into  three  drachms  (PI.  II.  6). 
These  drachms  weigh  291  g.,  a  weight  which  implies  a  full 
stater  of  8- 73  g.,  i.e.  nearly  exactly  the  normal  weight  of  the 
Attic  didrachm.  Thus  two  Corinthian  drachms  (5  82  g.)  would 
be  fairly  equivalent  to  one  Aeginetic  drachm  of  about  6-30g., 
at  least  for  purposes  of  ordinary  trade.  The  Corinthian 
standard  was  thus  practically  connected  with  both  the  Euboic- 
Attic  and  the  Aeginetic  standards.  The  Corinthian  standard 
was  the  origin  of  the  peculiar  '  Italic*  and  'Tarentine'  standards. 

§  7.  The  Western  Mediterranean, 

We  may  now  pass  to  the  Western  Mediterranean.  In  such 
parts  as  were  colonized  by  the  Greeks  we  find  various  Greek 
standards  —  Aeginetic  (possibly),  Phoenician,  Euboic-Attic. 
But  before  the  introduction  of  coinage  there  existed  in  these 
parts  a  medium  of  exchange  in  uncoined  bronze,  and  the 
earliest  standard  of  Italy  at  least  is  therefore  a  bronze  standard. 
It  can  nevertheless  be  fitted  into  the  Babylonian  system.  The 
old  ItaHc  pound  of  273  g.  is  half  the  light  Babylonian  silver 
mina  of  the  common  norm  (545  to  547  g.).  The  Koman 
pound  of  327  to  328  g.  is  one-third  of  the  heavy  weight  mina, 
or  three-tenths  of  the  heavy  Babylonian  silver  mina,  of  the 
same  norm.  It  is  on  this  pound  weight  of  bronze  of  327-45  g. 
[libra,  XiVpa)  that  the  Roman  currency  is  based,  the  bronze 
as  libralis  being  the  coin  of  the  weight  of  the  Eoman  pound. 
The  silver  equivalent  of  the  pound  weight  of  bronze  was  in 

^  'AOTjvaiojv  IloXiTfia,  cap,  10  :  ^v  8'  6  dpx<^ios  x^^po-'^'^VP  SiSpaxp-ov. 

'  See  below,  ch.  iii.  §  2.  For  the  theory  of  Solon's  reforin  of  the 
standard  stated  in  the  text,  I  have  given  reasons  in  Num.  Chron.  1897,  pp. 
284  ff.  The  arguments  of  G.  Gilbert  {Neue  Jahrbucher  f.  Philologic,  1896, 
P-  537) >  which  I  had  not  seen  at  the  time,  do  not  seem  to  me  to  establish 
the  theory  that  the  type  of  the  Solonian  coinage  was  an  ox. 


42  GREEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

Rome  a  scruple  {scripulum},  of  1-137  g.,  and  this  was  the 
basis  of  the  Roman  silver  currency,  the  coin  (nummus)  of  this 
weight  representing  in  value  the  libral  as. 

The  scripulum  and  the  ^irpa  are  also  the  units  of  the  gold 
coinage  of  this  part  of  the  world. 


§  8.  Sicily. 

The  Euboic- Attic  system,  when  introduced  into  Sicily  early 
in  the  fifth  century,  was  brought  into  connexion  with  the 
native  Sicel  system  in  a  curious  way.  When  the  Sicel  towns 
became  Hellenized,  they  struck  small  silver  coins  of  o  87  g. 
being  the  equivalent  in  value  of  a  litra  of  bronze,  and  therefore 
called  litrae.  This  silver  litra  was,  as  we  are  told  by  Aristotle', 
one-tenth  of  the  Corinthian  or  Euboic-Attic  stater.  The  towns 
using  the  Attic  standard  thus  worked  the  litra  into  their  own 
system,  in  some  cases  distinguishing  it  from  the  obol  by 
a  different  type.  The  litra  was  divisible  into  twelve  parts. 
We  thus  find  in  Sicily  an  elaborate  system  of  weights,  some 
of  which  belong  to  the  litra-system,  some  to  the  Attic  system, 
and  some  to  both  ^. 

Gold  was  first  coined  in  Sicily  towards  the  end  of  the  fifth 
century  b.c.^.  The  weights  of  the  coins  are  not  calculated 
according  to  the  usual  system,  but  depend  on  the  relative  value 
of  gold  and  silver :  any  one  gold  piece  being  exchangeable  for 
a  round  number  of  the  ordinary  pieces  of  silver  (the  Corinthian 
stater  or  the  Attic  tetradrachm).  The  first  gold  pieces  of 
Syracuse,  Gela,  and  Catana  or  Camarina  appear  to  prove  a  ratio 
of  15  :  I.     On  this  ratio  we  have  pieces  of 

1*75  g-     =  1-75  X  15  g-  of  silver  =  3  staters  or  30  litrae. 
liil  f  (  ~  ^  staters  or  20  litrae. 
0-58  g.     =1  stater  or  10  litrae. 

A  little  later  we  have  pieces  of  gold  at  Agrigentum  of  1-33  g., 

•  Pollux,  4.  175. 

^  See  the  table  in  App.  I. 

3  According  to  Mr.  Head  between  415  and  405  b.c.  {H.  N.  p.  153), 
according  to  M.  Th.  Reinach  {Sur  la  Valeur  rel.  des  Metaux  mon.  dans  la  Sidle 
grecque,  Rev.  Num.  1895,  pp.  489  ff.)  between  440  and  420  b.c. 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  43 

marked  with  two  globules.  On  a  ratio  of  13  :  i,  these  would 
be  equivalent  to  two  staters  of  silver. 

The  ratio  12  :  i  comes  in  after  412  b.  c.  and  lasts  for  a  con- 
siderable time,  but  in  the  third  century  there  seems  to  be 
e\TLdence  for  a  ratio  of  10  :  i. 

Thus  we  have  at  Syracuse — 


B.C. 

After  412 
Time  of  Timoleon 

340-317 
310  289 
287-270 

270-212 


On  Ratio  12  :  i 
equivalent  to 

8  staters  or  80  litrae 
4  staters  or  40  litrae 

3  staters  or  30  litrae 

6  staters  or  60  litrae 

4  staters  or  40  litrae 
2  staters  or  20  litrae 

12  staters  or  120  litrae 
8  staters  or  80  litrae 
6  staters  or  60  litrae 
6  staters  or  60  litrae 


On  Ratio  10  :  i 
equivalent  to 


96  litrae 
48  litrae 
48  litrae 
24  litrae 
32  litrae 


Electrum  was  struck  at  Syracuse  in  the  time  of  Timoleon 
or  of  Dion,  of  the  following  weights  : — 


Grammes.  At  ratio  0/  10  :  i  equal  in  silver  to 

6.90  4  tetradrachms  or  80  litrae 

3.60  2  tetradrachms  or  40  litrae 

1.85  I  tetradrachm  or  20  litrae 

0-72  10  obols  or  8  litrae. 


This  ratio  of  10  :  i  was  that  which  obtained  between  native 
electrum  and  silver  in  the  East  at  the  end  of  the  fifth  century, 
and  was  probably  the  ratio  prevaiHng  in  the  West. 

Bronze  in  Sicily  was  coined  as  real  money,  after  the  time 
of  Timoleon's  expedition,  at  Syracuse  and  various  Sicel  towns 
such  as  Adranum,  Agyrium,  Herbessus,  &c.  Up  till  then 
bronze  coins  as  a  rule  onl}'^  represented  value  conventionally. 
Even  now  the  bronze  coins  probably  represented  a  somewhat 
greater  value  than  was  justified  by  thpir  actual  weight.  The 
weights  however,  at  any  time,  seem  to  be  so  irregular  that 


44  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

it  is  impossible   to  arrive   at  any  certainty  as  to  the  exact 
weight  of  the  litra  of  bronze  ^ 

§  9.  Roman  Bronze. 

In  the  history  of  the  coinage  of  the  Italian  peninsula  there 
are  two  great  factors,  Greek  and  Eoman  influence.  The 
spheres  corresponding   to   these   factors    in   early  times   are 


Fig.  9. — Aes  rude  from  Caere.     (From  Garrucci,  Le  monete  delV  Italia 
Antica,  I  PI.  IV.) 

practically  Southern  Italy  and  Etruria  for  Greek,  Central  and 
non-Etrurian  Northern  Italy  for  Koman.  In  spite  of  the  order 
of  treatment  to  which  chronology  points,  it  seems  necessary 
to  deal  first  with  the  standards  in  use  in  Kome  and  Central 
Italy. 

It  will  be  convenient  to  deal  with  the  various  standards  of 
coinage  employed  at  Kome  according  to  the  chronological  order 
in  which  the  three  metals  were  introduced  into  the  coinage- 

1  See  Head,  H.  N.,  under  Agrigentum,  Camarina,  Himera,  Panormus, 
Segesta.  The  nominal  weight  of  the  Sicilian  litra  of  bronze  was  218  g., 
the  relation  of  silver  to  bronze  being  as  250  :  i.     Hultsch,  Metr.  p.  660  f. 


CH.  iij       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE 


45 


system.  The  oldest  metallic  medium  of  exchange  employed 
by  the  Komans  and  Italians,  the  aes  rude  (Fig.  9),  consisting  of 
amorphous  lumps  of  bronze  \  was  not  cast  in  pieces  of  fixed 
weight.  Scales  were  continually  employed  in  all  transactions 
in  which  this  medium  passed.  There  is,  however,  a  certain 
uniformity  traceable  in  the  weights  ;  the  heaviest  pieces  weigh 
about  5  Roman  lbs.  (1640  g.) ;  others  about  4^  lbs.  (1490  g.). 
The  basis  of  the  system  of  coins  properly  so  called  was,  as 


Fig.  10. — Reverse  of  Italian  aes  signatiim  (f  scale).     Weight :   1790-23 
grammes  (27627  grains  Troy). 

already  stated  (§  7),  the  pound  {libra)  of  bronze  (327-45  g.). 
The  early  heavy  bronze  coinage  of  Rome,  which  began  about 
the  middle  of  the  fourth  century^,  is  consequently  known  as 
the  libral  aes  grave. 

The  highest  denomination  of  this  early  system  of  circular 
coins  is  the  as  of  one  lb.  weight  ^ ;  but  not  earlier  than  the 
introduction  of  this  coinage  are  the   large    oblong  bricks  of 

^  With  very  little  tin  (one  piece  contained  only  0-063  of  that  metal). 
Hultsch,  Metr.  p.  255. 

'^  Not  the  fifth,  as  was  formerly  supposed.  Samwer  u.  Bahrfeldt,  Gesch. 
des  alt.  rom.  Miinzwesens  (Wien,  i883\  p.  14  ff. 

'  'Scriptula  cclxxxviii,  quantum  as  antiques  noster  ante  bellum 
Punicum  pendebat,'  Varro,  de  R.  R.  i.  10;  Hultsch,  p.  258. 

/ 


46 


GKEEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


bronze  (Fig.  lo),  which  were  issued  in  Kome  and  other  parts 
of  Italy  even  in  the  third  century.  These  probably  passed  as 
multiples  of  the  libral  as.  The  denominations  from  the  as 
downwards  were  as  follows* — 


As  of  12  unciae 
Semis  of  6  unciae 
Triens  of  4  unciae 
Quadrans  of  3  unciae 
Sextans  of  2  unciae 
Uncia 


Mark  of  value, 
I 

s 

•  •  •  • 


Very  few  extant  coins  testify  to  the  full  libral  weight  of 
the  as.      A  solitary  specimen  weighs  the  excessive   amount 


Fig,  II. — Roman  as  of  10^  oz.  Ohv.  Head  of  Janus.  Rev.  Prow  of  galley, 
and  mark  of  value  I .  f  scale.  Weight :  289.88  gi'amines  (4475*5 
grains  Troy), 

of  390-3  g.,  but  it  is  probably  under  the  influence  of  some 
non-Roman  standard  \    There  exist  however  a 

semis  of  161.25  g.  indicating  an  as  of  322.50  g.  (Vienna), 

a  triens  of  110.44  g*  indicating  an  as  of  331-32  g.  (Vienna), 

and  an  uncia  of  27-32  g.  indicating  an  as  of  327.84  g.  (Collegium  Romanum). 

The  heaviest  asses  (apart  from  the  exceptional  one  just  men- 
tioned) weigh  from  312-3  g.  to  300  g.,  i.e.  between  12  and 
II  oz. 

This  high  standard  was  not  long  maintained.     Probably 

^  Kubitschek  in  Pauly-Wissowa,  Real-Enc.  ii.  1509, 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  47 

before  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  the  effective  weight  of 
the  as  was  10  oz.  (Fig.  11).  The  Roman  colony  of  Luceria  (in 
Apuha),  which  was  founded  in  314  b.  c,  issued  its  first  coins  on 
the  standard  of  10  oz.  Between  this  date  and  268  b.  c.  the 
standard  sinks  rapidly,  pausing,  as  it  were,  for  a  while,  although 
without  definite  legal  recognition,  at  7^  oz.,  about  the  turn 
of  the  century.  By  268  b.c.  the  as  weighed  from  3  to  2  oz.  \ 
In  this  year  ^  the  silver  coinage  was  introduced.  The  earliest 
silver  of  the  highest  denomination  {denarius)  weighs  4  63  g. 
to  4-45  g.  (PL  XI.  8),  and  the  normal  weight  was  4  scruples 
or  n^^2  <^f  the  pound  (455  g.).  The  quinarius  (PI.  XL  11) 
similarly  weighed  normally  2  scruples ;  the  sestertius  (PL  XI.  10) 
I  scruple.     These  denominations  bear  marks  of  value : — 

X      =10  asses, 
V      =5  asses, 
1 1  S  =  2]  asses. 

The  as  in  terms  of  which  the  value  of  these  coins  is  expressed 
is  not  the  old  libral,  but  the  new  sextantal  as.  The  ratio 
between  silver  and  bronze  shown  by  this  system  is  120  :  i.  So 
low  had  silver  fallen  from  the  time  when  the  scripulum  (2  Jg  1^-) 
of  silver  was  the  equivalent  of  the  pound  of  bronze. 

Besides  the  three  silver  coins  mentioned,  the  victoriatus 
(PL  XI.  12)  was  also  issued  in  or  soon  after  268.  This  coin 
was  struck  at  a  normal  weight  of  3  scruples  (|  denarius)  or 
3-41  g.  Together  with  it  appeared  its  half  (with  the  mark 
of  denomination  S)  and  its  double  (a  rare  coin).  The  absence 
of  marks  of  value  showing  the  worth  of  these  coins  in  asses 
may  be  explained  by  the  statements  of  ancient  authors  that 
the  victoriatus  wa«  treated  loco  mercis '. 

Between  268  and  241  b.  c.  silver  of  the  standard  described 
and  bronze  of  the  sextantal  standard  were  issued  by  the  same 
moneyers.  The  stress  of  the  First  Punic  War  caused  a  fall 
in  the  weight    of  the  denarius,    which,   probably   about   the 

^  The  system  in  which  the  as  weighed  but  2  oz.  (the  weight  of  the  old 
sextans)  is  known  as  the  sextantal  system. 

^  The  law  introducing  the  silver  coinage  may  have  been  introduced  in 
269,  the  coinage  itself  in  268.  This  would  explain  the  discrepancy  in  the 
dates  given  by  ancient  authorities  (Hultsch,  p.  267). 

^  It  was  indeed  struck  to  meet  the  demand  of  a  trade  with  Northern 
Greece. 


48  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

close  of  the  war\  was  fixed  by  law  at  -g^  lb.  (390  g.).  At 
this  weight  it  remained  until  the  time  of  Nero.  The  sesterce 
was  probably  not  issued  after  the  end  of  this  war ;  but 
the  quinarius  appears  occasionally  even  after  217  b.  c.  The 
sesterce,  however,  remained  the  unit  for  reckoning  sums  of 
money.  This  it  had  been  from  its  inception  when,  probably, 
the  old  libral  asses  which  were  in  circulation  were  tariffed  as 
equivalent  to  one  sesterce  ^.  For  we  find  that  in  all  calculations 
the  (old  libral)  as  and  the  sesterce  are  convertible  terms. 

The  next  great  change  in  the  coinage  coincides  with  the 


Fig.  12. — As  of  li  oz.     Weight :  32-63  grammes  (503-5  grains  Troy). 

crisis  in  the  Hannibalian  war.  In  217  b.  c,  by  the  lex 
F^aminia,  the  uncial  standard  was  legalized,  the  as  now  weighing 
no  more  than  -^\  lb.  Fig.  12  shows  an  as  probably  issued 
just  before  the  fixing  of  this  standard.  At  the  same  time  the 
denarius  was  made  equivalent  to  16  asses  instead  of  10  \  Silver 
thus  stood  to  bronze  in  the  relation  of  112 :  i.  About  two  years 
later  the  quinarius  was  issued  for  the  last  time,  and  shortly 
afterwards  (about  211  b.  c.)  the  victoriate  coinage  came  to 
an  end-    From  about  160  to  no  b.  c.  only  the  lower  denomina- 

1  Bahrfeldt  in  Z.  /.  N.  v.  p.  43. 

2  By  such  an  arrangement  all  possessors  of  asses  of  more  than  5  (old)  oz. 
would  suffer  considerably, 

^  The  sign  XVI,  or  its  equivalent  X  >  accordingly  appears  on  the  denarii, 
but  not  to  the  exclusion  of  the  old  X,  In  the  case  of  soldiers'  pay,  semper 
denarius  pro  decern  assibus  datus  est  (Plin,  N.  H.  xxxiii.  45).  This  meant 
that  the  legionary  continued  as  before  to  receive  an  annual  stipendium  of 
1200  old  standard  asses  or  120  denarii.  Caesar  raised  this  to  225  denarii, 
by  giving  3600  asses  of  the  new  standard  for  1200  of  the  old  standard. 
The  legionary  thus  got  10  new-standaid  asses  per  day  (Tac.  Ann.  i.  17). 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE 


49 


tions  of  the  bronze  coinage  were  issued.  In  89  b.  c.  the 
lex  Papiria  fixed  the  weight  of  the  as  at  half  an  ounce,  thus 
estabhshing  the  semundal  standard  ^ 

After  the  reductions  had  begun,  the  small  size  of  the  as 
permitted  of  the  issue  of  larger  denominations  of  a  circular 
form.  A  single  deeussis,  weighing  in  its  present  condition 
1105-900  g.^,  seven  dupondii  (from  22025  g.  to  151-70  g.), 
and  six  tresses  (from  313  g.  to  208  g.)  are  known.  They  all 
have  the  same  types :  on  ohv.  head  of  Minerva,  on  rev.  prow  to 
the  left.  The  marks  of  value  are  X,  III  and  II.  JDupondius 
is  of  course  an  erroneous,  if  intelligible,  name  for  a  coin  which 
no  longer  came  near  a  single  pound  in  weight.  These  high 
denominations,  however,  disappeared  soon  after  the  uncial 
reduction,  while  the  sextans  and  uncia  were  rarely  issued. 
The  Eoman  bronze  issues  ceased  between  84  and  74  b.c, 
not  to  be   revived  in   Kome   until   Imperial  times.     Eoman 

^  This  sketch  of  the  reduction  of  the  Roman  as  and  denarius  is  founded 
on  the  work  of  Samwer-Bahrfeldt,  Gesch.  des  alt.  rom.  Milnzicesens.  This 
treatise  has  made  it  necessary  to  considerably  modify  the  hitherto  almost 
universally  accepted  theory  of  Mommsen,  which  assumes  (i)  an  original 
10  oz.  as,  only  dejure  libral ;  (2)  a  triental  instead  of  a  sextantal  standard 
in  association  with  the  d6narius  of  268  b.  c.  ;  (3)  the  year  217  b.  c.  as  the  date 
of  the  reduction  of  the  denarius.  The  facts  are  by  no  means  certain.  In 
favour  of  Mommsen's  theory  are  certain  minor  circumstances.  Thus  the 
colony  of  Brundisium,  founded  in  244  b.c,  issued  its  first  coins  on  the 
triental  standard.  But  no  safe  inference  can  be  drawn  from  distant 
colonies,  whose  standards  were  subject  to  local  influence.  Thus  Ariminum, 
colonized  in  268  b.c,  used  a  standard  in  which  the  as  weighed  more  than 
3B8  g.  Mommsen  argues  from  this  that  the  libral  standard  was  in  use 
in  Rome  (at  least,  legally  recognized)  down  to  268  b.  c  But  the  weight  is 
much  in  excess  of  the  Roman  pound,  and  evidently  due  to  local  circum- 
stances. Logically,  Mommsen  should  have  argued  from  this  weight  not 
to  a  libral,  but  to  a  plusquam-libral  standard  at  Rome.  Mommsen's 
theory  that  2^  triental  asses  were  equivalent  to  one  original  as  of 
10  ounces  is  true,  but  for  the  important  exception  that  the  10  ounce  as 
was  not  the  original  one.  The  sestertius  (valued  at  2^  new  asses)  was 
therefore  not  really  equivalent  to  the  original  as,  even  if  the  new  asses 
were  triental,  instead  of  being,  as  they  were,  sextantal.  Finally,  there 
is  literary  testimony  to  the  fact  that  between  the  libral  and  sextantal 
standards  there  was  no  legal  definition  of  any  other  standard  (Samwer- 
Bahrfeldt,  pp.  176,  177).  These  questions  cannot  of  course  be  finally 
dismissed  in  a  footnote ;  and  the  rival  arguments,  as  stated  by  their 
formulators,  must  be  weighed  by  those  who  wish  to  come  to  a  definite 
opinion. 

^  Prof.  Luigi  Pigorini  has  been  good  enough  to  furnish  me  with  the 
exact  weight.  But  the  coin  is  perforated  by  a  hole  8  mm.  in  diameter, 
causing  a  loss  of  weight  which  he  estimates  at  about  4-500  g.  The  full 
weight  of  the  piece  may  therefore  be  put  at  about  11 10.400  g. 

£ 


50 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  I 


generals  occasionally  issued  bronze  coins  bearing  their  names : 
pieces  of  4,  3,  2  asses,  and  i.  I,  and  ^  (or  perhaps  I)  as;  the 
bronze  '  sesterce  *  of  4  asses,  which  now  appears  for  the  first 
time,  bears  the  mark  HS  or  sometimes  A  (=  4). 

In  15   B.C.   the   Senate  received  authority  to   strike    coins 
in   the  baser  metal,  with   the  letters  S  C  {Senatus  ConsuUo). 


F1G.13.— ^s  of  Augustus,  struck  by  T.CRISPIN  VSSVLPI  CI  AN  VS 
IIIVIR.  A.  A.  A.  F.F.     S.  C.     15B.  c.     Weight:    10.89  grammes. 

The  denominations  were  the  sestertius  (PI.  XII.  11)  of  4 
asses  (reTpaaadpiov),  the  dupondius  (PI.  XII.  9)  of  2  asses, 
the  as  (Fig.  13),  and  the  semis  (Fig.  14).  The  last  is  found 
until  the  time  of  Caracalla,  and  subsequently  under  Trajan 
Decius.     Quadrantes  appear  also  to  have  been  issued,  though 


Fig.  14.— Semis  of  Q.  Aelius  LAMIA,  C.  SILIVS  and  ANNiVS, 
I II  V.IRi  A.  A.  A.  F.  F.  S.  C  Simpulum  and  lituus.  13  b.  c. 
Weight :  3-04  grammes. 


not  after  Trajan's  time.  Sestertius  and  dupondius  were  made 
of  brass,  as  and  semis  of  copper  ;  the  sestertius  had  the  weight  of 
8  denarii  (i  ounce,  27-29  g.),  the  dupondius  and  the  as  were 
equal  in  weight  (4  denarii).  The  semis  and  quadrans  weighed 
I"  and  iV  <^z.  respectively.  Under  Nero  some  of  these  coins 
were  for  a  time  given  marks  of  value  (II,  I,  S  for  dupondius. 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  5 1 

as,  and  semis) ;  afterwards  the  head  of  the  emperor  was 
represented  radiate  on  the  dupondius,  and  laureate  or  bare 
on  the  as.  Other  obvious  distinctions  of  denomination  there 
were  none.  The  values  of  the  baser  metals  in  relation  to 
gold  and  silver  at  this  time  need  not  concern  us. 

The  degradation  ^  of  the  silver  coinage  in  the  third  century 
caused  it  to  become  indistinguishable  from  the  bronze,  but  for 
a  slight  silvery  tinge,  given  by  an  admixture  of  silver,  and 
the  absence  of  the  letters  S  C.  Probably  the  denarius  became 
mere  bronze  change,  while  the  antoninianus  (PI.  XV.  4),  intro- 
duced by  M.  Aurehus  Antoninus  (Caracalla),  retained  as  long  as 
possible  a  legal  value  above  its  intrinsic  worth.  The  continued 
degradation  caused  the  bronze  of  the  earlier  senatorial  issues  and 
of  the  provinces,  and  perhaps  also  the  denarius  (as  opposed  to 
the  antoninianus)  to  have  a  value  as  coins,  properly  speaking, 
and  not  as  mere  tokens.  The  bronze  coinage  proper  came  to 
an  end  shortly  before  the  time  of  Diocletian. 

The  bronze  coins  of  Diocletian  ^  and  his  co-regents  fall  into 
two  classes,  '  middle '  and  '  small '  (to  use  the  parlance  of 
collectors).  Both  contain  a  little  silver  which  is  driven  on 
to  the  surface  of  the  coin  by  chemical  treatment.  The  smaller 
kind  have  the  radiate  head  ;  these  ceased  to  be  issued  when 
Diocletian  reformed  the  currency  in  296  a.  d.  The  larger  coins 
(PI.  XV.  9),  struck  after  the  reform,  bear  marks  of  value  XX, 
XX. I,  XXI  or  I  (K^  KA,  AK  or  A)^  The  XX  or  K  must  signify 
that  the  coin  is  the  double  denarius  or  follis  *  of  the  time ; 
the  I  or  A  that  it  is  the  unit  of  reckoning.  XX- 1,  probably, 
is  meant  for  an  equation  (2  denarii  =  i  unit).  Diocletian  did 
not  strike  denarii,  but  a  small  bronze  coin,  probably  the  half- 

^  For  the  state  of  affairs  at  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  see  the 
inscription  of  Mylasa  in  Caria,  published  by  Th.  Reinach,  Bull.  Corr.  UeUen. 
1897,  pp.  523  ff. ;  Kouv.  Rev.  hist,  de  Drcit,  1898,  pp.  5  ff. 

^  For  this  period  see  especially  O.  Seeck  {Die  Munzpolitik  Biodetians  u. 
sein.  Nachfolger,  Z.f.  N.  1890,  pp.  36  ff.)  from  which  article  the  following 
details  are  taken. 

2  Some  of  these  marks  appear  on  the  coins  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Aurelian. 

*  Follis  means  (i)  a  purse ;  (2)  a  purse  of  bronze  coins  (*  collective  follis ') ; 
(3)  a  small  bronze  coin  ('coin-follis'),  which,  with  a  number  of  its  fellows, 
went  to  make  up  a  follis  in  the  second  sense.  The  coin-follis  was  equiva- 
lent to  2  denarii  and  ^V  or  more  probably  -^  of  the  siliqua  (see  below). 
The  so-called  silver  follis  was  merely  the  silver  value  of  the  collective 
follis.     Seeck  (Num.  Zt.  xxviii.  p.  178  f.)  identifies  the /o«is  and  sestertius. 

E  2 


52 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  I 


denarius  or  eenfeniondlis,  measuring  about  13  mm.  Con- 
stantius,  Severus,  Maximinus  II,  and  Galerius  also  struck  this 
denomination,  but  with  a  larger  diameter  (18  to  19  mm.) 
and  only  at  Siscia.  All  these  centenionales  weigh  from  i-i  g. 
to  255  g.  Centenionales  with  the  heads  of  Divus  Maximianus 
and  Divus  Eomulus  were  also  issued  by  Maxentius. 

The  foUis  introduced  by  Diocletian  soon  began  to  lose  weight. 
In  313  Constantino  set  it  aside  in  his  part  of  the  Empire, 
striking  instead  the  denarius  (marked  X  and  weighing  25 
to  3'5  g.).  This  denarius  was  in  its  turn  driven  out  by  the 
degradation  of  the  coinage  which  set  in  about  330.  Towards 
348  came  a  new  reform,  whereby  Constantius  established  the 
pecunia  maiorina,  measuring  20  to  24  mm.,  weighing  about 
75  g.,   and  the  centenionalis,   measuring  17  to   19  mm.   and 


Fio.  15.— FoZZts  of  Anastasi us  I  (a.d.  491-518)  :   D(ominus)  N(oster) 
ANASTASIVS  P(er,P^etuus)  AVG(ustus). 

weighing  about  35  g.  The  figures  LXXII,  which  are  found 
sometimes  on  the  former,  suggest  that  it  was  regarded  as 
worth  y\  of  the  miliarense  (see  below).  Constantius'  system  was 
short-lived,  being  superseded  about  360  by  the  following  : — 


mm. 

grammes. 

type. 

Follis 

28 

850  to  9 

head  of  emperor. 

Denarius 

23  to  25 

2-3  to  3.3 

5)                           J  J 

Centenionalis 

15  to  18 

about  1.5 

head  of  a  deity. 

Half  Centenionalis 

II  to  14 

about  i-o 

»'               ?> 

The  smallest  of  these  soon  disappeared,  and  in  395  Honorius 
abolished  two  others,  leaving  only  the  centenionalis.  From 
this  time  bronze  coinage  became  rare  in  the  West.     In  the 


cH.  n]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE 


53 


East  also  it  was  limited,  until  Anastasius  revived  it  in  quite 
a  new  form  : — 


mm. 

grammes. 

ynark  of  value. 

Follis  (Fig.  15) 

33  to  37 
23  to  24 

14.2  to  17  8  ) 
6.8  to  90      i 

M=40 

Denarius 

25  to  27 
1  19  to  20 

7  8  to  9.2 
3.9  to  4.6 

K=20 

Centenionalis 

15  to  16 

1.9  to  3.3 

Uio 

Nummus  (Fig. 

16) 

14  to  15 

1.65  to  2.55 

€=5 

(Unit) 

8  to  12 

0.45  to  0.85 

(none). 

Fig.  16. — Reverse  of  ^ummtw  of  Anastasius  I  (a.  d.  491-518). 


§  10.  Moman  Silver. 

The  earliest  Koman  denarii  (PI.  XI.  8)  weigh,  as  we  have  seen, 
455  g-)  i* ^-  4  scripula  or  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  Eoman  pound  of  32745  g. 
The  later,  reduced  denarius  was  fixed  at  -^^  lb.,  i.e.  390  g.,  and 
at  this  weight  it  remained  till  the  time  of  Nero,  who  further 
reduced  it  to  ^V  ^^'  (3'4i  S)-  Caracalla  introduced  the 
argenteus  antoninianus  (PI.  XV.  4),  fixing  its  weight,  probably, 
at  eV  lb.,  i.  e.  5- 12  g.  The  quality  of  these  coins  became 
rapidly  worse.  Pure  silver  was  reintroduced  by  Diocletian  ^ 
who,  at  least  as  early  as  290,  if  not  in  286  a.  d.,  struck  a  silver 
coin  (PI.  XV.  8)  of  ^^  lb.  (the  Neronian  denarius  revived,  but 
now  called  the  miliarense).  The  name  miliarense  implies  that 
the  coin  was  worth  jjy^jj  lb.  of  gold.  This  harmonized  well  with 
the  system  established  by  Diocletian  in  301  a.  d.,  in  which, 
accordingly,  i  pound  of  gold  =  50  aurei  =  1000  miliarensia  = 
50,000  denarii,  the  denarius  thus  having  the  same  relation 
to  the  miliarense  as  the  aureus  to  the  pound  of  gold.  But 
when  in  303  a  change  was  made  in  the  gold-system  (see  below), 
the  harmony  was  destroyed,  although  the  name  miliarense  was 
retained.     Of  Diocletian's   successors   only  Maxentius   coined 

'  See  Seeck,  Z./.  N.  1890,  p.  57  ff. 


54  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.i 

miliarensia  in  any  quantity.  Under  Constantius  and  Julian 
we  find  a  new  silver  coin  (PI.  XV.  13),  the  siliqua  {Kepdriov) 
=^j  solidus  (weight  2-72  g.  maximum).  This  in  Julian's 
time  ousted  the  miliarense  as  current  coin,  although  the  latter 
was  still  issued  as  a  'medallion,'  and  is  mentioned  by  name 
as  late  as  the  sixth  century. 

The  siliqua  was  followed  in  the  time  of  Honorius  by  the 
decargyrus  (=10  denarii?)  of  113  g.  maximum.  A  similar 
piece  prevails  under  the  following  emperors ;  while  under 
Justin  and  his  successors  we  find  pieces  which  were  probably 
equivalent  to  half  and  quarter  siliquae. 

§  II.    Homan  Gold. 

The  earliest  Roman  gold  coinage  (PI.  XI.  9)  consists  of 
pieces  of  i,  2,  and  3  scripula  (gls^,  tttj  ^V  ^^  ^^^  pound).  The 
aurei  of  Sulla  (PI.  XII.  2)  weighed  ^V>  l^ss  commonly  ^V  J 
those  of  Pompeius  ^\  ;  those  of  Caesar  -^^  of  the  pound  \  The 
last  weight  harmonized  with  that  of  the  Greek  gold  stater 
of  8- 18  g.  The  pieces  struck  after  Caesar's  death  follow 
the  same  standard,  but  the  weight  gradually  falls  to  -^-^  of  the 
pound  (780  g.)  under  Augustus  (PI.  XII.  10).  This  remained 
the  normal  (though  by  no  means  always  the  actual)  weight 
until  the  time  of  Caracalla,  towards  the  end  of  whose  reign 
the  weight  fell  to  -^q  lb.  (655  g).  In  spite  of  an  attempt 
on  the  part  of  Macrinus  to  return  to  the  earlier  standard, 
this  weight  recurs  under  Elagabalus  and  Severus  Alexander. 
Then  begins  a  hopeless  confusion,  such  that  the  scales  must 
have  been  necessary  in  all  transactions  in  which  gold  passed. 
Diocletian's  earliest  gold  coins  belong  to  the  period  of  chaos, 
but  they  are  followed  by  four  classes  of  coins  which  show  that 
he  attempted  (without  much  success)  to  arrive  at  a  more 
satisfactory  state  of  things. 

Aureus  =  -f^  lb.,  468  g.  normal,  bearing  mark  of  value 
0  =  70. 

Aureus  =  ^V  l^-?  545  g«  normal  (2  =  60). 

Aureus  =  -5'^  lb.,  655  g.  normal,  without  mark  of  value  ; 
this  system  is  presumably  connected  with  the  rating  of 
the  pound  of  gold  at  50,000  denarii  in  301  a.  d. 

'  Hultsch,  Metr,  p.  302. 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  55 

Aureus  =  ^V  lt>.,  545  g.  normal  (Z  =  60,  PI.  XV.  7).    This 
system  began  in  303  a.  d.  and  lasted  in  the  East  probably 
till   324    A.  D.,    in   Italy   and   Africa   till   312,   in  Illyria 
till  314. 
From  the  time  of  Constantino  the  weight  of  the  gold  coin 
(now  called  solidus,  PI.  XV.  10)  was  fixed  at  ^\  lb.  (4-55  g., 
normal),   marked   (at   a   later  period)    LXXII    or   OB.     There 
appears   to  be  some  reason  for   supposing  that  this  weight 
was  actually  in  use  before  the  year  312,  to  which  date  its 
introduction  is  usually  assigned  ;  it  may  have  been  first  em- 
ployed by  Constantius   Chlorus.     The   solidus   and   its   third 
(triens,    tremissis),    whenever    introduced,    remained    thence- 
forward the  denominations  of  the  gold  currency  in  use  down 
to  the  fall  of  the  Koman  Empire. 


§  12.   Etruria. 

Gold. — The  Etruscan  gold  falls  into  two  series,  the  unit  of 
one  being  four  times  the  unit  of  the  other. 

(a)  Coins  marked  X         =  10,  weighing  0.582  g.    \ 

„  „       Xll<=i2^,        ,,        0.72  „       yielding  a 

„  „       AXX=25,  „         1.45  „    V    unit  of 

n  1,      '^         -^50,  „         2.85  „        0.0582  g. 

(normally  2.91  „  )/ 

(jS)  Coins  marked  A       =5,  weighing  1.15  g.  )  yielding  a  unit 
,,  ,,       XX     =20,         „       467  „  i    of  0.2335  g. 

According  to  Deecke  and  Hultsch  ^  the  series  {8)  belongs  to 
the  fifth  century  ;  but  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  coins  of 
this  style  could  have  been  struck  so  early.  If,  for  instance, 
the  gold  coin  illustrated  in  PI.  XI.  3  belongs  to  the  fifth 
century,  then  Etruria  was  a  long  distance  ahead  of  Greece  in 
artistic  development.  In  any  case  this  series  corresponds  to 
a  silver  series  (0)  in  the  list  given  below.  The  series  (n),  with 
a  plain  reverse,  similarly  corresponds  to  the  (n)  series  of  silver 
described  below.  Judging  by  style  these  are  somewhat  earlier 
than  the  series  (/3),  although  by  Deecke  they  are  placed  later. 

Silver. — The  silver  of  Etruria  is  struck  on  no  less  than  four 
standards,  which  fall  into  two  groups. 

1  Hultsch,  p.  687. 


56 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  I 


(a)  Euboic-Syracusan. 


Unit,  litra  of  ©•87  g. 


Denomination, 

20  units 
10    „ 

5     i, 

I      ,, 


Actual  weight 
in  fframmes. 

16-653 
8.424  V 
4.146 
2.073 
0.907  to  0.842 


Normal  weight 
in  grammes. 

17.40 
8.70 

4-35 
2.17 
0.87 


(a )  The  same  standard  reduced  by  one-half. 


20  units 
10    „ 
5    ,1 


8.488 
4.310 
2073 
1.200 
0.427 


8.70 

435 
2.17 
1.09 
0-437 


(/3)  Corcyrean  (?)  or  Persic  standard. 


5  units 


"•339 
5-442 


11-37 
5-68 


(Aj  The  same  standard  reduced  by  one-half. 


20  units 

10     „ 

5    ,, 


22.67 
11-534 
5378 


22.74 

11-37 
5-68 


Mark  0/  value. 


XX 

X 

A 

All 
none. 


A 

none. 


XX 

X 

A 


The  unit  of  (a)  is  a  silver  coin  equivalent  to  the  Syracusan 
litra  of  087  g.  That  of  {a^)  is  just  half  the  litra.  The 
unit  of  {$)  is  double  the  weight  of  the  Roman  scripulum  of 
1-137  gv  and  the  unit  of  (iSg)  is  accordingly  equivalent  to  the 
scripulum.  The  coin  in  series  (a^)  which  bears  the  mark  All, 
corresponding  to  the  IIS  of  the  Roman  sestertius,  is  nearly 
equivalent  in  weight  to  that  coin.  Now  the  silver  sestertius 
was  introduced  into  Rome  in  269-8  b.c.  Hultsch  would 
suppose  that  the  Etruscan  system  was  modelled  on  the  Roman. 
The  analogy  of  Roman  history  would  rather  point  to  the 
Etruscan  system  being  adopted  by  Rome.  We  may  therefore 
safely  say  with  Head  that  the  Etruscan  silver  of  the  classes 

»  Cf.  PI.  III.  I. 

^  This  weight,  which  is  reached  by  two  coins,  Deecke,  Eirusk.  Forsch.  ii. 
p.  18,  nos.  32a,  32b,  is  considerably  over  the  normal. 


cH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE 


57 


Og  and  ^2  had  been  in  existence  for  some  time  when  it  was 
superseded  by  the  Roman  silver  coined  for  the  first  time  in 
269-8  B.  c. 

The  unit  of  the  silver  class  «  (0-87  g.)  is  fifteen  times  as 
heavy  as  the  unit  of  the  gold  class  a  (00582  g.).  The  analogy 
of  Sicily,  where  in  early  times  a  similar  relation  prevailed 
between  gold  and  silver,  and  the  same  silver  unit  existed, 
would  lead  us  to  expect  the  relation  between  silver  and  bronze 
here  also  to  be  250 :  i,  giving  a  bronze  litra  of  218  g.^  We 
find  the  following  denominations  issued  on  this  basis : — 


Denomination. 

Actual  weight 

Normal  weight 

Mark  of  value. 

in  grammes. 

in  grammes. 

As 

206 

218.288 

12  globules  or  1 

Semis 

106  (one  of  113) 

109-144 

6  globules. 

Triens 

67  (one  of  78) 

72.764 

4        „ 

Quadrans 

54-5 

54-573 

3        „ 

Sextans 

36 

36.38a 

a        „ 

Uncia 

18  (one  of  21  and 
one  of  19) 

18.191 

Taking  the  ^  classes  of  gold  and  silver,  we  find  that  the 
silver  unit  is  roughly  ten  times  the  weight  of  the  gold  unit 
(0-2335  S'l'  I^  g^l^  ^^  ^^  silver  as  10  :  i,  and  silver  to  bronze 
as  288  : 1,  we  obtain  the  following  bronze  units,  according  as 
we  calculate  from  the  gold  unit  or  from  the  silver  unit : — 

(i)  02335  g.  X  10 X 288  =  672-48  g., 
(2)  2274  g. X 288  =  654-9  g. 

The  former  is  equivalent  to  the  Aeginetic  monetary  mina, 
the  latter  to  the  Attic  trade  mina. 

The  bronze  coinage  of  Etruria  went  through  a  process  of 
reduction,  the  stages  of  which  are  described  by  Deecke^  as 
follows : — 

(i)  Reduction  by  }, 


DeywtniruUion. 

Actual  weight 

Normal  weight 

Mark  0/ value. 

in  grammes. 

in  gramtnes. 

Semis 

88 

90.9 

n 

Quadrans 

45 

45-5 

3  globules. 

Uncia 

15 

15.16 

I  globule. 

'  See  above,  p.  44,  note  i. 

'  This  rate  at  one  time  prevailed  in  the  West.     See  above,  p.  47,  and 
ch.  iii.  §  6. 

^  Etruskische  Forschungen,  ii. 


58 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  I 


(2)  Reduction  by 


Denomination.              Actual  weight 

Normal  iceight 

Mark  of  value. 

in  grammes. 

in  grammes. 

Triens                                 53 
Quadrans                    43  i  to  42 
Sextans                               28 

54-5 
40.9 
273 

To  this  stage  appear  to  belong 

also  the 

Quincussis                    736  to  730 

818580 

A 

and 

Dupondius                   327  to  285 

327-432 

II 

(3)  Eeduction  by  j. 

Dupondius                      279 
As                                     129 
Quadrans                          32 
Sextans                            21 
Uncia                           12  to  11 

291 

T 

la 

II 

1 

3  globules. 
a  globules. 

(4)  Eeduction  by  \. 

Dupondius                  231 
As                                 iii.4to9i 
Semis                           52  to  40.2 
Triens                          39  to  37 
Quadrans                     28  to  26 
Sextans                        20-8  to  13 

218 

109 
54-5 
36-4 
27-3 
18.2 

Uncia                           10  to  7.1 

9.1 

During  the  second  century  the  weights  of  the  bronze  coinage 
sank  as  low  as  the  weights  of  the  Eoman  sextantal  coins,  and 
even  lower.  We  find  coins  calculated  according  to  a  unit 
which  is  equivalent  to  y^^  of  the  Eoman  sextantal  as.  The 
denominations  are  as  follows: — 


Denomination. 

Adual  weight 

Normal  weight 

Mark  of  value. 

in  grammes. 

in  grammes. 

00  units 

40-6  to  32 

54-57 

Die 

50    „ 

26.38  to  19-12 

27-28 

4- 

30    » 

14.04  to  1345 

1637 

XXX 

25       M 

11.6  to  10-72 

13-64 

AXX 

20       „ 

10-7 

1091 

XX 

I2i    „ 

6.40 

682 

>IIX 

ro     „ 

(?) 

5-45 

XC?) 

5     » 

a.49 

2-73 

A 

I  [presupposed] 

0-54 

CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A   MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE 


59 


§  13.    JS'oythem  and  Central  Italy. 

The  silver  of  Central  Italy  is  limited  to  three  Latian  towns, 
Alba  Fucentis, 
Cora,  and  Signia ; 
and  the  coins  at- 
tributed to  the 
second  town  are 
Campanian  in 
fabric.  They 

weigh  602  g.\ 
At  Alba  and  at 
Signia,  on  the 
other  hand,  we 
have  coins  dating 
between  b.  c.  303 
and  268,  weigh- 
ing I  18  g.  and 

•583  to  -537  g- 
These  are  nummi 
and  h&U-7iummi, 
the  nummus  cor- 
responding, at 
the  rate  of  250: 1, 
to  an  as  of 
about  10  Koman 
ounces. 

The  average 
as  of  Central 
Italy  ^  was  as  a 
matter  of  fact 
equivalent  in 
weight  to  about 
1043  Roman 
ounces  ^  The 
extant  asses  of 
Hatria  (Fig.  17), 
however,  have  an  average  weight  of  15-32  Koman  ounces 


The 


Mommsen,  i.  p.  259. 


Ibid.  i.  pp.  332-343- 


Hultsch,  p.  683. 


6o  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

norrnal   Hatrian  pound  was  probably^  the  'Italian  mina'  of 

4929  to  491-2  g.,  i.  e.  18  Koman  ounces.     The  heavier  standards 

belong  as  a  rule  to  the  eastern  side  of  the  peninsula  (e.g.  Hatria 

and  Ariminum). 

The  marks  of  value  found  on  the  bronze  of  this  district  are : — 

Tressis  Mi  (Alba  Fucentis ?) 

Dupondius  1 1  (Alba  Fucentis  ?) 

As  I  or  ^  (Hatria) 

Semis  D  (Iguvium),  n  (Tuder),  S,  2  or  cv,  or  •  •  •  •  •  • 

Quincunx  ••••• 

Triens  •  •  •  • 

Quadrans  •  •  • 

Sextans  •  • 

Sescuncia  C  •  (Asculum  ?) 

Uncia  • 

Semuncia  ^  or  2,  also  3  or  9  (series  with  helmeted  head). 

The  methods  of  division  vary ;  thus  the  semis  is  unknown 
in  the  East,  the  quincunx  in  the  West. 

§  14.   Southern  I  tali/. 

The  earliest  gold  coinage  of  Southern  Italy  consists  of  small 
pieces  of  035  g.  struck  at  Cumae  in  the  first  years  of  the  fifth 
century.  These  are  ^V  ^^  the  ordinary  gold  stater  of  84  g., 
and  at  the  rate  of  15 :  i  would  have  been  nearly  equivalent 
in  value  to  one  Aeginetic  drachm  of  544  g.,  which  is  the 
weight  of  the  silver  coins  of  Cumae  at  that  time.  This  gold 
coinage  is  however  exceptional,  and  the  chief  gold  coins  of 
Southern  Italy  are  those  of  Tarentum  (PI.  XI.  2)  in  the  fourth 
and  third  centuries.  Here  we  have  gold  staters  of  the  weight 
of  8- 74  g.  maximum,  862  g.  normal,  with  drachms  and 
smaller  divisions  down  to  -^^  (litra),  i\  (obol),  and  gV  (hemili- 
tron).  At  Heraclea  at  the  same  time  we  find  a  quarter-stater 
of  2- 138  g. ;  and  at  Metapontum  in  the  fourth  century 
a  tetrobol  of  2  85  g. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  Capua,  under  Koman 
rule,  issued  gold  coins  on  the  local  (Campanian)  standard,  viz. 
staters  of  6-86  g.  maximum  and  drachms  (PI.  XI.  7)  of  3-41  g. 
maximum  %  or  6  and  3  Koman  scruples  respectively. 

^  Hultsch,  pp.  673  (no.  II),  683,  compared  with  table  of  weights,  above, 
P-  32. 

^  Pieces  of  452  to  4-46  g.  or  4  Roman  scruples  are  marked  XXX  (scil. 
Roman  asses),  which  would  show  that  the  Romans  tariffed  Capuan  money 
unfavourably,  since  the  piece  of  4  scruples  should  have  been  equivalent 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  6 1 

The  only  other  gold  coinage  of  Southern  Italy  is  that  of  the 
Bruttians,  who  during  the  third  century  issued  gold  staters  of 
the  normal  Attic  weight. 

The  Capiian  electrum  coins  were  probably  issued  in  the 
Hannibalian  war,  b.c.  216-21  i^  These  coins  weigh  from 
3-10  g.  to  2-6  g.,  and  are  simply  adulterated  gold.  The 
electrum  coins  weighing  282  to  2- 77  g.  (2 J  scruples)  on  the 
other  hand  are  probably  frank  electrum  and  circulated  for 
the  value  of  2  scruples  of  gold'\  They  contain  twenty  per 
cent,  of  alloy.  These  coins  are  contemporary  with  the  Boman 
gold  coins  struck  for  Campania. 

The  silver  standards  of  Southern  Italy  are  complicated  and 
peculiar.  They  may  best  be  considered  in  connexion  with  the 
Eastern  standards  from  which  they  were  derived. 

(o)  Derived  from  the  Phoenician  standard  was  that  which  is 
known  as  the  Campanian.  It  appears  to  be  a  raised  form  of 
the  Phoenician  standard,  and  the  elevation  was  perhaps  meant, 
as  at  Chios,  to  effect  an  adjustment  with  the  Aeginetic  standard. 
The  standard  had  its  origin,  so  far  as  Italy  was  concerned, 
in  the  Phocaean  colony  of  Velia  in  Lucania,  where  we  find 
a  drachm  (PI.  III.  10)  of  398  to  375  g.,  pointing  to  a  didrachni 
of  796  g.  maximum  (the  highest  form  of  the  light  Phoenician 
silver  shekel  is  only  767  g.).  On  the  other  hand,  in  most  of 
the  Campanian  cities  a  somewhat  lower  form  was  in  use,  the 
didrachm  weighing  7-41  g.  maximum,  which  is  very  near  the 
Phoenician  shekel  of  the  reduced  royal  norm  (7-46  to  748  g). 
Outside  Campania  we  find  the  Campanian  standard  at  Velia 
and  Poseidonia  in  Lucania,  at  Arpi  and  Teate  in  Apulia 
(didrachm  of  7-128  g),  in  Calabria  at  Baletium  and  even  at 
Tarentum  (although  the  Tarentine  coins  on  this  standard  were 
probably  meant  for  Campanian  circulation  only).  Roman  in- 
fluence about  318  B.  c.  caused  the  reduction  of  the  standard,  the 
didrachm  being  made  equivalent  to  6  Roman  scruples  (682  g.). 

(3)  Two  important  standards  were  derived  from  the 
Corinthian : — 

(i)  The  Italic   standard.     This   is   a   reduced   form   of  the 

to  X  L  asses.  But  the  specimen  in  the  British  Museum,  and  probably 
also  that  in  the  Vatican,  are  false  (Babelon,  ifonn.  de  la  Ee'p.  rom.  i.  p.  24 ; 
Head,  H.  N.  p.  29). 

^  See  P.  Gardner,  Num.  Chron.  1884,  p.  220  f. 

*  Mommsen,  If.  22.  i.  p  264. 


62  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

Corinthian  standard,  the  stater  weighing  about  8-164  S' 
maximum.  It  is  found  at  Sybaris,  Siris,  Pyxus,  Croton 
and  dependencies,  Caulonia,  Laus,  Pandosia,  Thurium,  and 
other  places;  and  the  coins  of  Poseidonia,  Metapontum,  and 
Locri  were  partly  issued  on  this  standard.  The  ternary  system 
of  division  distinguishes  it  from  the  other  derivative  of  the 
Corinthian  standard. 

(ii)  The  Tarentine  standard,  in  which  the  stater  (PI.  XI.  i), 
weighing  about  the  same  amount  (8 16  g.),  underwent  a 
binary  division.  The  Tarentine  standard  is  important  both 
because  of  the  great  quantities  of  coins  issued  by  Tarentum, 
and  because  of  a  question  as  to  the  value  of  the  vov/jiixos  or  vofios 
which  is  connected  with  it.  According  to  Aristotle  ^  the  name 
vovufxos  was  at  Tarentum  given  to  a  coin  with  the  type  of  Taras 
riding  on  a  dolphin.  This  was  the  regular  type  of  the  stater, 
which  we  might  therefore  suppose  to  be  the  vovmxos.  But  there 
is  a  possibility  that  the  vovfifins  was  a  smaller  coin,  viz.  the 
diobol  of  I  48  g.  maximum.  For,  in  the  first  place,  the  type 
of  Taras  on  the  dolphin  does  occasionally  occur  on  coins  of 
this  weight.  Further,  the  Konians  gave  the  name  nummus 
to  a  coin  of  nearly  this  weight.  Finally,  the  obol  is  marked 
•  ••••;  the  diobol  therefore  was  equivalent  to  ten  units,  pre- 
sumably of  bronze.  Now  at  Teate  and  Venusia  in  Apulia  the 
largest  bronze  coins  are  marked  N  and  N  I  (one  nummus) ; 
these  are  dextantes  ;  and  as  the  silver  coins  of  the  former 
place  are  struck  on  the  Tarentine  standard,  it  may  be  pre- 
sumed that  the  bronze  dextans  or  nummus  was  equivalent  to 
the  silver  diobol.  From  these  facts  it  would  appear  that  the 
nummus  was  the  diobol. 

Another  important  division  of  the  stater  was  the  litra  or 
one-tenth,  weighing  -87  g.  maximum,  and  bearing  the  type  of 
the  pecten-shell,  with  its  half  of  -433  g.  On  a  coin  of  -907  g. 
we  have  •  •  •  ;  it  is  therefore  presumably  a  trias,  or  fourth. 
4  X  -907  g.  gives  a  weight  of  3628  g.  which  is  just  the  weight  of 
the  Tarentine  drachms  issued  from  the  fourth  century  onwards. 

Outside  Tarentum  itself  we  find  the  Tarentine  standard  in 
use  in 

^  Poll.  ix.  80  'Ap'.<TTore\r]S  hv  rri  Tapavrivoov  iroKiTeia  KoKHadai  (prjai  vofitafxa 
■nap'  avToTs  vovfj-ixov  kepi"  ox;  ivTirvnSjaQai  Tapavra  rbv  no(Tfi8wvos  d(\<pu>t  enoxov- 

fXiVOV, 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  63 

Apulia — where  the  earliest  coinage  consists  of  silver  diobols 
and  didrachms  of  Tarentine  standard  ;  while  after  300  b.  c. 
the  smaller  divisions  only  are  Tarentine. 

Lucania—at  Heraclea,  and  Velia. 

No  more  than  the  other  standards  did  the  Tarentine  main- 
tain its  full  weight.  In  the  third  century  the  weight  of  the 
stater  seems  to  have  been  reduced  to  about  6609  g.  ;  although 
a  certain  number  of  coins  dating  about  b.  c.  212  to  209  belong 
to  the  higher  standard,  with  the  stater  of  7  77  g. 

Most  of  the  bronze  coinage  of  Southern  Italy,  until  about 
the  middle  of  the  third  century,  is,  like  most  Greek  bronze, 
merely  token  money;  it  very  seldom  bears  marks  of  value \ 
Before  this  period,  however,  we  find  in  Apulia  a  bronze 
coinage  app'arently  based  on  the  bronze  equivalent  of  the 
Tarentine  silver  diobol  (which,  if  the  ratio  of  silver  to  bronze 
be  taken  as  250  :  i  yields  a  weight  of  about  324  g.).  Thus  we 
have  at  Luceria  and  Venusia,  about  b.  c.  314  to  250,  a  libral 
as  (sometimes  marked  I)  and  smaller  denominations  from  the 
quincunx  to  uncia,  marked  with  five  pellets  down  to  one,  as 
well  as  a  semuncia  (?)  with  no  mark.  About  250  b.  c.  at  Atella 
and  Calatia  in  Campania,  at  Luceria,  Mateola,  and  Venusia  in 
Apulia,  at  Brundusium  in  Calabria,  we  find  bronze  issued  on 
the  triental  system.    The  marks  of  value  in  these  places  are : — 


quincunx, 

•  •  •  • 

triens, 

•  •  • 

quadrans, 

•  • 

sextans, 

uncia. 

k 

semuncia, 

c 

quarter-uncia, 

u 

one-eighth  uncia, 

although   all  these  denominations  are  not  found   at   all  the 
cities  mentioned. 

About  217  to  200  B.  c.  we  find  first  the  sextantal,  then  the 
uncial  standard,  a  larger  number  of  cities  falling  into  line.  To 
the  marks  of  value  in  use  in  the  previous  period  must  be  added 
N  or  N  .  I  for  the  nummus  (=dextans),  N  .  II  (2  nummi),  and 
•  S  for  the  sescuncia.     From  about  b.  c.  200  to  b.  c.  89  the 

^  At  Metapontum  there  are  bronze  coins  (about  b.  c.  350  to  272)  with 
the  inscriptions  OBOAO^,  TE  (reTapTrjuopiov?),  and  HE  {■^{JUTfTapTrj- 
fioptov  ?) :  Head,  H.  X.  p,  66. 


^4  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

semuncial  standard  prevails  (I  =  as,  S  =  semis,  .  or  *  =  uncia, 
and  the  other  usual  marks  of  value).  The  independent  coinage 
of  this  part  of  Italy  ceases  altogether  in  b.  c.  89. 

The  standards  in  use  in  Gaul  and  Spain,  and  along  the 
southern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  either  fall  in  with  one 
or  other  of  the  important  standards  already  described,  or  else 
(as  for  instance  in  the  case  of  Carthage)  offer  such  difficulty, 
and  have  received  such  inadequate  attention,  that  it  would  be 
unwise  to  attempt  to  describe  them  here. 


§  15.   Coin-Denominations. 

In  describing  the  various  standards,  we  have  neglected, 
except  in  a  few  cases,  to  note  the  divisional  systems  em- 
ployed. These  are  very  various.  The  minuteness  of  the 
divisions  may  be  understood  from  a  list  of  the  denominations 
of  silver  coins  struck  at  Athens.     These  are  :  — 


formal  tceight 

Expressed 

in 

,  grammes. 

in  didr. 

Deeadrachmon 

43-66 

5 

Tetradrachmon 

17.44 

2 

Didrachmon 

,8.72 

I 

Drachme 

4-36 

i 

Pentobolon 

363 

tV 

Tetrobolon 

290 

^ 

Triobolon 

2.18 

i 

Diobolon 

1-45 

i 

Trihemiobolion 

109 

i 

Obolos 

.72 

^ 

Tritemorion 

•54 

iV 

Hemiobolion 

•36 

ix 

Tiihemitetartemori 

ion 

.27 

^v 

Tetartemorion 

.18 

tV 

Hemitetartemorion 

t^br 

onze  ) 

1 

chalcus  (Fig.  8,  p. 

37) 

.09 

■Dff 

The  KoWv^os  was  probably  a  still  smaller  denomination 
(perhaps  a  quarter  of  the  chalcus,  as  we  hear  of  a  dikoUybon 
and  trikoUybon).  There  existed  also  a  Trei/Te'xaXKoi'  and  a  dixaXKov. 
All  these  were  issued  in  bronze. 

A  divisional  system  characteristic  of  some  of  the  Asiatic 
standards  is  that  in  which  the  stater  is  divided  into  thirds  and 
sixths.  Here  again  the  division  was  carried  down  to  very 
minute  weights,  as  low  as  ^V  ^^  ^^^  stater.     This  we  find  in 


CH.  II]       THE    COIN    AS    A    MEDIUM    OF    EXCHANGE  65 

the  early  electnim  coinage  of  Asia  Minor  \  Some  of  the  most 
important  electrum  currencies  of  the  fifth. and  fourth  centuries 
B.  c,  those  of  Cyzicus.  Phocaea,  and  Lesbos  for  instance,  con- 
sisted entirely  of  staters  and  sixths  ^  Many  other  places  using 
the  Babylonic  standard  practically  confined  their  denominations 
to  staters  and  thirds  (tetrobols). 

The  multiples  of  the  drachm  could  naturally  be  carried  to 
any  height  that  convenience  or,  more  usually,  love  of  magni- 
ficence might  dictate.  Besides  the  tetradrachms  and  deca- 
drachms  already  mentioned,  we  find  tridrachms,  pentadrachms, 
hexadrachms,  octadrachms,  and  dodecadrachms.  The  large 
gold  octadrachms  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  and  Arsinoe  II 
(PI.  VII.  8)  and  their  successors  are  among  the  most  pre- 
tentious products  of  ancient  art.  The  use  of  these  heavy 
denominations  was  on  the  whole  rare  in  Greece.  Athens  in 
early  times  produced  a  decadrachm  ;  there  are  also  a  few 
decadrachms  of  Alexander  the  Great,  probably  struck  at 
Babylon  either  by  Alexander  himself  or  his  generals.  Large 
silver  octadrachms  are  characteristic  of  some  of  the  Thraco- 
Macedonian  tribes  (Bisaltae,  Edoni,  &c.,  PI.  11.  9)  and  Thracian 
cities  (as  Abdera)  in  the  period  before  the  Persian  wars.  The 
Syracusan  decadrachms,  both  the  early  Demareteia  (PI.  III.  6), 
and  the  later  'medallions'  of  Cimon  (PI.  VI.  6)  and  Evaenetus 
(PL  VI.  4),  are,  with  the  rare  decadrachms  of  Agrigentum, 
the  only  high  denominations,  though  in  themselves  a  host, 
from  Sicily.  Carthage  produced  a  few  octadrachms  and  deca- 
drachms, and  the  Syrian  kings,  like  the  Ptolemies,  were  fond 
of  this  form  of  extravagance.  But  the  palm  was  borne  away 
by  the  Bactrian  Eucratides,  whose  gold  'medallion,'  now  in 
the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  is  equal  in  weight  to  twenty 
staters. 

The  indication  (Of  denomination  by  any  other  means  than 
weight  is  a  comparatively  rare  thing  in  Greek  coinage.  The 
use  of  numerals  is  common  in  the  West,  but  there  are 
instances  of  the  actual  name  (dpaxfiq,  daadpmu  and  the  like) 
being  written  in  full  on  the  coin,  although  these  are  mostly 
confined  to  Imperial  times  -^  The  distinction  by  means  of  types 
appears  to  follow  no  fixed  rule.     An  interesting  instance  of 

^  Head.  Brit  Mus.  Caial.,  Ionia,  pp.  3  ff. 

'  See  above,  pp.  14,  15.  »  See  below,  ch.  viii.  §  5. 


66  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 

such  a  distinction  is  furnished  by  a  series  of  coins  belonging 
to  Euboea ',  and  dating  about  520-460  b.  c.  The  series  is  as 
follows : — 

Tetradrachms  1677,  15-68  g.  Quadriga  facing. 

Octobols  5  60,  556  g.  ^  Rider  facing,  leading 

a  second  horse. 
Tetrobols  2- 79,  2-63,  2.46  g.  Rider  facing. 

Better  known  than  this  group  is  that  with  a  similar  scheme 
found  in  the  coinage  of  Syracuse  in  the  time  of  Gelon : — 

Denomination.  Type  of  Reverse 

Tetradrachm  Quadriga. 

Didrachm  Horseman  leading  a  second  horse. 

Drachm  Horseman. 

Obol  Wheel. 

*  Journ.  Hellen.  Stud.  1897,  p.  80. 


f 


CHAPTER    III 

MONETARY   THEORY   AND   PRACTICE 

§  I.  Aristotle's  Conception  of  Money. 

The  considerations  to  which  the  preceding  chapter  has  been 
devoted  may  help  to  throw  light  on  the  attitude  assumed  by 
the  ancients  towards  various  economic  problems. 

Any  attempt  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  ancient  theories 
of  money  must  be  based  on  the  definition  given  by  Aristotle  \ 
*For  the  purpose  of  exchange  men  agreed  to  give  and  take 
mutually  something,  which,  itself  belonging  to  the  class  of 
things  useful,  was  easily  made  to  do  service  in  ordinary  life. 
Such  were  iron  and  silver,  and  the  like.  At  first  these  metals 
were  used  in  pieces  having  a  definite  size  and  weight  only, 
but  finally  they  also  received  a  type,  in  order  to  save  the 
trouble  of  measuring ;  for  the  type  was  impressed  in  order 
to  show  that  the  coin  possessed  a  given  value  ^/  Nevertheless, 
Aristotle  carefully  guards  against  the  confusion  between 
wealth  and  plenty  of  money  ;  '  it  were  odd  that  wealth  should 
be  a  thing,  the  possession  of  plenty  of  which  could  not 
prevent  one  from  dying  of  hunger,  as  did  Midas  in  the  myth.' 
The  instance  is  a  bad  one,  since  the  sphere  of  political  economy 
is  of  course  not  mythological ;  the  science  deals  with  ordinary 
circumstances  in  which  the  possession  of  plenty  of  money  does 
as  a  rule  prevent  death  by  hunger.     The  point  to  be  realized. 

^  Fol.  i.  9.  14  ff.  1257  a  35,       ^  ^ 

^  6  xapaKT^p  (ridrj  rov  iroaov  ar}niiov.  This  does  not  imply  that  the 
type  was  an  indication  of  how  great  the  value  was,  but  only  a  token  that 
the  full  value,  whatever  it  might  be,  was  present.  The  importance  of 
this  apparently  subtle  distinction  lies  in  its  bearing  on  the  significance  of 
types  (see  ch.  vii.  §  2). 

F  2 


68  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

the  basis  of  the  sound  theory  of  money,  is  simply  this,  that 
money  must  be  a  real  equivalent,  not  a  merely  conventional 
token  w^hich  does  not  truly  represent  value.  Of  this  point 
Aristotle  seems  aware  when  he  says  that  money  must  belong 
to  the  class  of  useful  things.  But  he  appears  to  contradict 
himself  subsequently  when  he  says  :  '  Sometimes  money  seems 
to  be  a  mere  futility ;  a  universally  accepted  convention, 
but,  so  far  as  its  nature  goes,  a  mere  nothing  ;  since  if  those 
who  use  it  give  up  one  currency  for  another,  it  becomes 
worthless,  and  of  no  use  for  any  of  the  necessities  of  life.' 
Now,  money  being  nvro  twv  xp^^^H-^^,  this  is  absurd;  good 
money  will  always  have  its  value,  even  if  being  demonetized 
it  is  to  a  certain  extent  depreciated.  The  story  of  Midas  is 
not  to  the  point,  since,  as  he  could  not  change  his  gold  for 
anything  else,  his  gold  had  no  value.  A  government  cannot 
give  value  to  a  currency  which  has  none,  without  being  found 
out  in  a  very  short  time  and  becoming  bankrupt  \ 

Money  therefore  does  not  constitute  wealth,  but  is  only 
the  potentiality  of  wealth  when  it  is  good  money,  that  is 
to  say,  is  not  adulterated  or  a  mere  token.  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  theories  of  the  Greeks  on  this  point,  their 
practice  shows  a  certain  diversity  of  opinion. 


§  2.    llie  Qualify  of  Ancient  Money. 

It  is  usual  to  praise  the  ancients  highly  for  the  quality 
of  their  metal.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  was  no  lack  of 
bad  money  in  circulation  ^.  It  is  too  much  to  expect  that  the 
Greeks,  understanding  as  they  did  the  art  of  alloying,  should 
not  occasionally  have  been  guilty  of  fraudulent  adulteration. 
There  are,  of  course,  economic  excuses  for  a  slight  adulteration 
or  deduction  from  the  nominal  weight  of  a  coin,  in  order  to 
defray  the  cost  of  striking  ^ 

The  Athenian  coinage  was  on  the  whole  excellent.  Demo- 
sthenes ^  records  a  remark  of  Solon  that,  while  nearly  all  states 
punished  with  death  the  adulteration  of  money  {edv  ns  t6  vo^iaixa 

*  A  paper  or  similar  currency  is  of  cour.se  justifiable  only  when  bullion 
to  the  amount  of  notes  issued  is  possessed  by  the  bank  which  issues  them. 

^  See  eh.  i.  3  g^^  above,  p.  31. 

*  24  In  Timocr.  212-214. 


CH.  Ill]  MONETARY    THEORY    AND    PRACTICE  69 

c)ia4)0fipr]\  many  states,  nevertheless,  openly  used  silver  money 
vrhich  vp^as  alloyed  with  copper  and  lead.  It  is  implied,  of 
course,  that  the  Athenian  coinage  was  pure,  and  analysis  has 
proved  this  to  be  true.  Xenophon^  also  testifies  to  the 
character  of  the  Athenian  money,  which  was  as  gladly  accepted, 
and  as  profitably  disposed  of,  outside  Athens  as  is  English 
gold  abroad  at  the  present  time.  The  abuse  which  in  a  well- 
known  passage  of  Aristophanes  is  bestowed  on  the  coinage 
of  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  b.  c.  is  difficult  to  understand  '\ 
In  any  case  it  is  clear  that  the  new  gold  coins  of  the  end 
of  the  fifth  or  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  which  are 
of  excellent  quality,  cannot  be  meant  by  Aristophanes.  The 
reference  is  presumably  to  the  new  bronze  coinage  of  the  time, 
which  may  possibly  have  been  given  a  somewhat  arbitrarily 
high  value'. 

There  was  one  occasion  on  which  the  Athenian  government 
dealt  fraudulently  with  its  creditors  in  the  matter  of  the 
currency*.  The  tyrant  Hippias,  however,  did  not  alter  the 
quality  of  the  coinage,  but  merely  swindled  his  creditors  byl 
commanding  them  to  call  their  old  coins  by  a  new  name. 
The  unit  of  the  coinage  had  previously  been  a  didrachm. 
Hippias,  pretending  that  he  was  about  to  issue  a  new  coinage, 
called  in  the  current  coins.  As  a  matter  of  fact  he  reissued 
the  same  coins,  but  called  them  tetradrachms,  and  thus  made ' 
a  profit  of  cent,  per  cent,  on  his  transaction.  It  was,  however, 
in  accordance  with  the  sound  foreign  policy  of  the  Peisistratids 
that  Hippias  played  a  trick  which,  while  profiting  himself,  could 
not  damage  the  credit  of  Athens  in  the  outside  market,  as 
the  ordinary  process  of  adulteration  would  have  done.     It  was 

'  De  Vect  iii.  2. 

^  Ran.  720.  See  the  discussion  in  Head,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal,  Attica,  &c., 
p.  xxvii. 

^  The  introduction  of  bronze  coinage  seems  occasionally  to  have  been  as 
unpopular  as  was,  for  instance,  the  change  from  copper  to  bronze  in  the 
English  coinage  in  i860.  At  Gortyna,  as  we  learn  from  an  inscription,  the 
state  had  to  enforce  the  acceptance  of  bronze  money  (fo/xia/xa  to  Kavxov) 
instead  of  silver  obols  by  a  penalty  of  five  staters  of  silver  (F.  Halbherr, 
Amer.  Joiirn.  of  Arch.  1897,  p.  191,  and  Journ.  Internat.  1898,  p.  165).  As 
M.  Svoronos  shows,  ibid.,  p.  173,  the  inscription  in  question  cannot 
belong  to  the  period  of  the  first  introduction  of  bronze  in  Gortyna. 

*  The  account  given  in  the  text  of  Hippias'  measuie  is  based  on  the 
remarks  of  M.  J.  P.  Six,  Num.  Chron.  1895,  p.  178,  and  is  to  a  certain 
extent  conjectural. 


70  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i., 

only  the  individual  Athenians  who  suffered  by  this  measure  ; 
the  Athenian  money  still  passed  outside  Athens  for  the  same 
amount  as  before. 

It  has  been  said  that  such  debased  coinage  as  we  do  find 
among  the  Greeks  is  mostly''  confined  to  necessitous  tyrants. 
It  is  true  that  public  opinion  to  a  certain  extent  insisted, 
in  the  free  states,  on  the  purity  of  the  coinage.  And  the 
debased  coins  of  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  are  perhaps  the  most 
famous  instance  of  the  fraudulent  coinage  of  antiquity '.  But 
it  is  necessary  to  realize  that  the  operation  of  arbitrarily 
placing  an  excessive  value  on  coins  was  undertaken  by  several 
free  states.  The  greater  part  of  the  electrum  coinage  of  Asia 
Minor  is  indeed  an  illustration  of  the  tendency  to  debase 
coinage.  The  Phocaean  'gold,'  we  are  told,  had  the  worst 
reputation  in  antiquity  (ro  KaKtarov  ;^puTtci/)  '\  This  must  refer 
to  the  Phocaean  coinage  of  the  electrum  union  with  Lesbos,  not 
to  the  nearly  pure  gold  coins  of  the  time  of  the  Phocaean  thalas- 
socracy.  The  quality  of  the  Lesbian  electrum  of  the  same  time 
is  no  better  than  that  of  the  Phocaean.  Probably  only  a  small 
proportion  of  the  electrum  coins  possessed  the  value  con- 
ventionally assigned  to  them.  The  value  of  the  original  gold 
Phocaic  stater  was  twenty  Babylonian  silver  staters,  and  this 
value  remained  the  nominal  one  long  after  the  Phocaic  staters 
were  of  electrum  instead  of  gold.  Naturally  such  coins 
weie  subjected  to  a  discount  in  markets  outside  the  district 
within  which  they  were  legal  tender  for  a  fixed  sum  ^  This 
was  the  case  with  the  electrum  coins  of  Cyzicus  and  Lampsacus 
as  well  as  with  those  of  Phocaea  and  Lesbos.  The  latter  state 
in  quite  early  times  carried  the  adulteration  of  silver  so  far 
as  to  produce  money  (PI.  I.  13)  of  a  horrible  metal  containing 
•only  about  forty  per  cent,  of  silver  \ 

In  addition  to  Asia  Minor  both  Italy  and  Carthage  suffered 
■from  the  frauds  to  which  the  possession  of  electrum  seems 
to  have  tempted  ancient  governments.  The  electrum  money 
struck  by  the  Eomans  for  circulation  in  Campania  contained 


'  See  above,  pp.  16,  17.  ^  Hesych.  s.  v.  ^ojKafTs. 

'  The  poet  Persinus  found  that  he  could  get  better  exchange  for  his 
*cy/fai'5ts  in  Mytilene  than  in  Atarne  (Pollux,  ix.  93  ad  fin.). 

*  This  billon  coinage  ceases  about  440  b.  c.  (Wroth,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal, 
Troas,  &c.,  p.  Ixiv). 


CH.  Ill]  MONETARY    THEORY    AND    PRACTICE  7 1 

twenty  per  cent,  of  alloy,  and  though  weighing  only  2|  scruples 
circulated  at  a  value  of  2j  scruples  of  gold.  The  electrum 
of  Carthage  was  evidentlj'-  meant  to  pass  as  gold,  since  the  coins 
were  so  treated  that  their  exterior  had  the  appearance  of 
the  nobler  metal. 

The  most  extensive  frauds,  however,  in  connexion  with 
money  were  perpetrated  by  the  Eomans  under  the  Empire. 
The  silver,  which  at  first  contained  from  one  per  cent,  to  two 
per  cent,  of  alloy,  underwent  a  speedy  degradation.  Nero's 
silver  contains  from  five  per  cent,  to  ten  per  cent,  of  alloy ; 
under  Vitellius,  the  proportion  is  nearly  twenty  per  cent. 
The  Flavians  improved  the  coinage,  lowering  the  proportion 
to  ten  per  cent.  From  the  end  of  Trajan's  reign  to  that  of 
Antoninus  Pius  it  is  again  nearly  twenty  per  cent.  ;  twenty-five 
per  cent,  under  Marcus  Aurelius,  nearly  thirty  per  cent,  under 
Commodus.  Thus  it  gradually  rises  to  fifty  per  cent,  or  sixty 
per  cent,  under  Septimius  Severus '.  Caracalla,  besides  his 
billon  coins,  issued  pieces  of  lead  plated  with  silver,  and 
mingled  with  his  aurei  copper  plated  with  gold.  Under 
Gordian  III  the  alloy  in  the  silver  amounts  to  about  sixty- 
seven  per  cent.  Gallienus  began  by  improving  the  coinage, 
and  then  proceeded  to  the  opposite  extreme,  some  of  his  coins 
being  only  twenty  per  cent,  or  even  five  per  cent.  fine.  Excep- 
tionally, however,  we  find  a  few  pure  silver  coins  of  this  time ; 
but  the  argentei  antoniniani,  by  far  the  commonest  class  of 
'silver'  coins,  are  nearly  all  of  the  quality  above  described. 
Thus  Diocletian  on  his  accession  found  practically  nothing  but 
a  bronze  and  a  gold  coinage  in  existence.  He  revived  the  use 
of  silver,  which  from  this  time  onward  was  usually  of  very  fair 
quality  ^. 

§  3.  Plated  Coin, 

More  disgraceful  if  possible  than  the  adulterating  of  the 
metal  was  the  practice  of  plating.  It  is  not  uncommon  to 
find   plated  Greek  coins  ^,   but  the  practice  of  issuing  them 

^  These  details  are  taken  from  Mommsen,  M.  R.  iii.  p.  29. 

'  Mommsen,  M.  R.  iii.  p.  86  ff. 

^  Among  the  most  interesting  of  these  is  the  British  Museum  specimen 
of  the  coin  issued  by  Themistocles  at  Magnesia  (Head,  Brit.  Mus.  Caial.f 
Ionia,  p.  158;.     The  Paris  specimen  (PI.  IV.  i)  is  solid. 


72  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

can  hardly  be  called  general,  and  as  a  state  measure,  was 
probably  very  rare.  Among  the  Eomans,  however,  plated 
money  occurs  in  great  quantities,  and  the  practice  of  issuing 
a  certain  number  of  plated  coins  from  time  to  time  was 
recognized  by  the  Romans  as  a  legal  source  of  state  profit. 
The  Greeks  had  from'  early  times  issued  (though  seldom 
openly)  coins  consisting  of  bronze  or  lead  plated  with  silver 
or  gold;  the  Romans  introduced  an  iron  core^  The  vast 
majority  of  the  Roman  plated  coins  are  proved  not  only  by 
literary  tradition,  but  by  the  skill  with  which  they  are 
executed,  as  well  as  by  their  numbers,  to  be  state  issues '', 
and  not  the  products  of  private  forgers.  The  first  state  issue 
of  plated  coins  is  said  to  have  taken  place  during  the 
Hannibahan  war*.  In  spite  of  enactments  compelling  the 
acceptance  of  this  bad  coin,  it  was  avoided  when  possible, 
and  in  84  b.c.  the  popular  praetor  M.  Marius  Gratidianus 
recalled  all  such  pieces.  The  reactionary  Sulla,  however, 
put  the  praetor  to  death  and  cancelled  his  wise  measure. 
Plated  pieces  continued  to  be  issued  until  the  time  of  the 
Empire,  but  it  would  appear  that  Augustus  called  in  the  plated 
pieces,  when  he  made  his  monetary  reform  in  15  b.  c.^  Even 
then,  however,  plated  pieces  were  issued  by  the  state  for 
exportation,  and  the  practice  was  soon  revived  in  Rome  itself, 
although  the  gradual  adulteration  of  the  unpla ted  money  made 
it  less  worth  while  to  issue  plated  pieces. 


§  4.  Precautions  against  Forgery. 

Our  information  as  to  the  legal  precautions  taken  by  the  state 
against  false  coining  is  very  scanty  ^     The  statement  of  Solon, 

'  Herod,  iii.  56  ;  Polyaen.  Strat.  iv.  10.  2 ;  Arist.  Ran.  720  if.  and  Schol. 

^  Pseudo-Aristot.  however,  Oecon.  ii.  2,  says  that  the  people  of  Clazomenae 
ill  a  time  of  necessity  issued  iron  instead  of  silver.  These  pieces  they  gave 
to  the  wealthiest  citizens,  and  received  a  corresponding  amount  of  silver 
in  return.  Some  have  supposed  that  these  coins  were  plated.  But  the 
transaction  has  the  appearance  of  a  loan,  and  it  is  possible  that  the  iron 
pieces  were  not  plated,  and  were  meant  to  be  redeemed  by  the  State 
when  the  crisis  should  be  past  ;  in  fact  they  were  certificates. 

^  The  technical  phrase  was  miscere  monetam,  or  aes,  or  ferrum  argento 
miscere,  which  does  not,  except  in  late  times,  mean  to  alloy,  but  to  plate. 
The  legal  term  for  plating  with  gold  was  iingere  or  wficere. 

*  Zonaras,  Ann.  viii.  26  s.  fin.  '->  Lenormant,  i.  p.  234. 

*  See  Eckhel,  Dodr,  Kiun.  i.  p  cxiiif. 


CH.  m]  MONETARY    THEORY    AND    PRACTICE  73 

that  the  crime  was  in  most  states  a  capital  one,  has  already 
been  mentioned.  The  false  moneyer,  whether  a  private  person 
or  the  state  official,  was  subject  to  the  same  penalty.  The 
death  penalty  is  mentioned  in  the  inscription  relating  to 
the  Lesbio-Phocaean  electrum  union  \  In  Kome,  the  adultera- 
tion of  gold  or  silver  was  regarded  as  equivalent  to  forgery  -. 
The  lex  lulia  XKCulatus  of  Augustus"  provided  against  the 
adulteration  of  the  public  gold,  silver,  or  bronze.  Of  the 
enactments  of  the  later  emperors,  that  of  Tacitus  is  worthy 
of  notice,  making  it  a  capital  offence  (involving  confiscation 
of  the  offender's  property)  to  alloy  gold  with  silver,  silver  with 
bronze,  or  bronze  with  lead  *.  And  there  are  numerous 
provisions  against  the  issue  from  the  mint  of  cast  instead  of 
struck  coins. 


§  5.   Protection  l)y  Tariff, 

As  we  hat^e  said,  money  to  which  the  law  gave  an  arbitrarily 
high  value  within  the  district  subject  to  that  law,  fell  to  its 
proper  value  outside  the  limits  of  the  jurisdiction  concerned. 
Similarly  money  which  was  thoroughly  sound  was,  it  might 
be  supposed,  always  worth  carrying  with  one^  In  the 
autonomous  period  of  Greek  history  this  was  probably  always 
the  case.  But  when  the  Greek  world  became  subject  to  Rome, 
certain  measures  were  taken  by  the  mistress  of  the  world 
towards  protecting  her  own  money ;  the  money,  i.  e.  of  the 
Roman  state,  and  that  issued  by  Rome  for  provincial  purposes. 
The  denarius  being  in  Imperial  times  made  the  official  money 
of  account  all  over  the  world,  all  forms  of  money  were  brought 
into  rough  and  ready  relations  with  the  denarius,  and  always 
to  their  disadvantage.  Before  Imperial  times  we  see  a  similar 
measure  adopted  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  tetradrachms  of 
the  Attic  standard  still  in  circulation,  which  were  assimilated 
in  value,  though   not   in   weight,   to   the   lighter   cistophoric 

'  See  below,  ch.  iv.  §  13. 

*  'Lege  Cornelia  cavetur,  ut  qui  in  aunim  vitii  quid  addiderit,  qui 
aigenteos  nummos  adulterines  flaverit,  falsi  crimine  teneri '  (Ulpian,  Dig. 
xlviii.  10.  9).  Notice  the  distinction  between  the  gold,  which  was  in  bars, 
and  the  silver,  which  was  coined. 

'^  Mommsen,  iii.  p.  37  ;  Dig.  xlviii.  13.  i. 

*  Scr.  Hist.  Aug.  Tacit.  9.  *  Xen.  De  Vect.  iii.  2. 


74  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  r 

standard  ^.  In  Imperial  times,  the  silver  tetradrachms  issued 
from  the  mint  of  Antioch  were  tariffed  at  three  denarii,  whereas 
four  would  have  been  a  fairer  estimate.  Similarly  the  last 
drachms  issued  from  the  Ehodian  mint  (after  b.  c.  88)  were 
probably  made  to  exchange  against  Koman  denarii,  considerably 
to  the  advantage  of  the  latter,  which  weighed  only  about  3  88  g. 
as  against  42 1  to  453  g.'\ 

§  6.    Udative  Values  of  the  IlcfaJs. 

Closely  connected  with  the  question  of  the  adulteration  of 
money  by  the  state  is  a  problem  which  in  the  present  day  has 
assumed  remarkable  proportions.  This  problem  is  concerned 
with  the  relation  of  the  various  metals  to  each  other.  So  long 
as  the  coinage  of  Greece  was  confined  to  a  single  metal,  the 
others  circulating  merely  in  uncoined  form,  no  difficulty  could 
have  arisen.  The  state  of  things  must  have  been  parallel  to 
that  in  Mediaeval  Europe,  from  the  disappearance  of  gold  in 
the  seventh  century  down  to  its  reappearance  in  the  middle 
of  the  thirteenth.  But  in  so  far  as  gold,  electrum  or  bronze 
circulated  beside  silver,  a  verj^  natural  attempt  was  made  to  fix 
the  relation  between  the  metals.  Some  states,  such  as  Athens, 
seem  to  have  been  content  to  leave  the  matter  to  the  market ; 
they  struck  their  gold  coins  of  a  certain  weight,  their  silver 
also  of  a  certain  weight,  but  made  no  attempt,  so  far  as  we  can 
judge  from  the  coins,  to  fix  a  rate  of  exchange.  But  other 
states,  such  as  Syracuse,  were  continually  altering  the  weights 
in  their  gold  coins,  in  order  to  bring  them  into  satisfactory 
relation  with  the  silver.  The  frequency  of  such  alterations  is 
sufficient  to  show  that  the  system  was  a  failure.  The  extra- 
ordinary complications  of  the  standards  of  weight  in  the  Greek 
world  are  mainly  due  to  the  attempt  to  adjust  the  weights  of 
the  coins  to  the  relative  value  of  the  two  metals  '\ 

In  regard  to  the  relative  values  of  the  three  chief  metals, 
a  brief  summary  of  the  results  arrived  at  by  various  investi- 
gators must  suffice  \     Throughout,  we  have  to  remember  that 

*  See  above,  p.  39. 

2  Head,  Brit.  Mus.  Catah,  Carta,  &c.,  p.  exiii. 
'  The  evidence  for  this  will  be  found  in  ch.  ii. 

*  See  especially  Hultsch,  Metrologie  (,1882),  Index,  s.  v.  Werthverhaltniss  ; 
Lenormant,  La  Monnaie,  i.  pp.  145  tf. 


CH.  Ill]  MONETARY    THEORY    AND    PRACTICE  75 

there  is  often  a  distinction  between  the  actual  rate  of  exchange 
and  the  rate,  often  arbitrary,  assumed  for  the  purposes  of 
coinage. 

Belaiion  of  gold  to  silver. — At  and  long  before  the  time  of  the  ff 
introduction  of  money,  the  normal  rate  of  exchange  between 
gold  and  silver  was  135  :  i  in  Babylonia  and  in  the  nations 
commercially  dependent  on  it.  The  early  coins  of  Chios  give 
a  rate  of  1384  :  i.  According  to  Herodotus  ',  the  rate  prevailing 
in  the  Persian  kingdom  was  13  :  i.  So  far  as  Athens  was  con- 
cerned the  rate  was  not  legally  fixed,  and  we  find  that  it 
fluctuates  from  ii|^  :  i  up  to  14  :  i  during  the  fifth  and  fourth 
centuries  B.C.  The  metals  were  allowed  to  find  their  own 
levels,  and  such  too  was  the  case  in  Macedon,  where  Alexander's 
coinage  shows  that  no  rate  was  fixed.  There  was  a  popular 
idea  that  gold  might  be  regarded  as  roughly  ten  times  as 
valuable  as  silver,  and  many  calculations  seem  to  have  been 
made  on  this  basis.  In  one  case  we  find  a  rate  of  10  :  i  fixed 
by  law,  viz.  in  the  treaty  of  Rome  with  the  Aetolians  in 
189  B.  c.  And  this  was  the  rate  in  the  Cimmerian  Bosporus 
before  the  days  of  Alexander.  It  is  safe  to  regard  12  :  i  or 
]  2|  :  I  as  the  most  usual  rate  in  the  Mediteri-anean  basin  under 
ordinary  circumstances.  But  there  are  frequent  exceptions. 
Thus  the  earliest  coinage  of  Etruria  proves  a  decimal  relation  ; 
the  coinage  of  the  same  district  in  the  fourth  century  a  ratio  of 
15:1.  The  rate  at  Carthage  in  306  b.  c.  was  also  10:1,  owing 
probably  to  the  adulteration  of  the  gold  coinage.  The  earliest 
Roman  gold  coinage  (217  b.  c.)  is  evidence  for  the  extraordinary 
high  rate  of  17I  :  i  ^.  During  the  last  two  centuries  of  the 
Roman  Republic  the  legal  rate  was  probably  11-90  :  i.  But 
the  discovery  of  gold  in  Noricum  in  the  middle  of  the  second 
century  B.C.  sent  the  price  of  gold  down  by  one-third,  and 
although  it  recovered,  it  suffered  a  similar  shock  from  Caesar's 
Gallic  victories  a  century  later.  Under  the  Early  Empire  the 
rate  is  12-5  :  r.  Nero's  adulteration  of  the  coinage,  owing  to 
which  the  silver  coins  became  merely  a  money  of  account,  gave 
gold  an  arbitrarily  low  value  (10-31  :  i,  and  in  the  next  century 
9-375  :  i),  from  which  it  only  really  recovered  under  Diocletian, 
who  fixed  the    ratio   at    1367  :  i.       From   Constantine    I   to 

'  iii.  95. 

'  But  the  circumstances  were  special.     See  below,  ch.  iv.  §  11. 


76  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

Theodosius  the  rate  ranges  from  13-89  to  1440  :  i  \     About 
the  year  400  the  rate  is  as  high  as  1518:1. 

In  Sicily  the  relation  between  gold  and  silver  was,  as  we 
liave  seen  (pp.  42,  43),  subject  to  considerable  fluctuations, 
ranging  from  15  :  i,  on  which  ratio  the  first  gold  coins  were 
issued,  down  to  10  :  i. 

Helation  of  silver  to  copper, — In  countries  where  a  copper 
standard  was  in  vogue,  this  relation  was  of  course  important ; 
but  where,  as  in  the  greater  part  of  Greece,  and  in  Italy  after 
the  introduction  of  a  silver  coinage,  silver  was  the  standard 
metal,  copper  coins  were  merely  a  money  of  account,  and  the 
relation  of  silver  to  copper  is  unimportant  for  our  purposes. 

The  rate  120  :  i  was  that  prevailing  in  Ptolemaic  times  ^,  and 
it  is  probable  that  it  also  prevailed  in  the  Aegean  in  very  early 
days,  long  before  the  coinage  of  copper.  We  have  seen  (p.  37) 
that  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  Euboic  standard  it  is  necessaiy 
to  suppose  that  the  great  copper-city,  Chalcis,  put  an  unusually 
high  value  on  copper,  making  the  rate  96  :  i,  a  difference  of  one- 
fifth  ;  but  this  was  of  course  an  exceptional  rate.  Lenormant 
arrives  at  a  rate  varying  between  120  :  i  and  100 :  i  as  the  most 
probable  one,  both  for  commercial  and  monetary  purposes,  in 
the  Greek  world.  The  rate  105  :  i  can  be  fixed  for  the  district 
north  of  the  Euxine  from  the  aes  grave  of  the  great  commercial 
city  of  Olbia.  For  the  rest  of  Greece,  after  the  time  of 
Alexander,  the  actual  value  of  copper  is  in  no  way  to  be 
ascertained  from  the  coinage  in  that  metal,  which  is  purely 
a  token-money. 

In  the  West,  if  we  exclude  Carthage,  the  relation  between 
the  two  metals  was  very  different.  The  original  rate  appears 
to  have  been  288  :  i,  but  with  increasing  commerce,  and  the 
consequently  increasing  influx  of  silver,  the  rate  gradually 
sank.  The  gradual  fall  in  the  value  of  silver,  as  compared 
with  bronze,  keeps  pace  with,  or  rather  is  the  chief  cause  of, 
the  fall  in  the  weight  of  the  bronze  coins  of  the  Republic. 
The  monetary  exchange  value  (56  :  i)  established  in  89  b.  c.  (the 

^  Under  Julian  the  actual  rate  was  14-25  :  i,  the  rate  fixed  for  coinage 
12  :  I. 

-  The  latest  discussion  of  the  most  difficult  problem  of  the  silver  and 
copper  coinage  of  the  Ptolemies  is  by  B.  P.  Grenfell  {llevenue-Laivs  oj 
Jiuemy  Philaddphus, -pp.  193  IT.). 


cm  III]  MONETARY    THEORY    AND    PRACTICE  77 

date  of  the  introduction  of  the  semuncial  as)  does  not  however 
express  the  real  commercial  value  of  bronze.  The  same  is 
true  of  the  rates  fixed  under  Augustus  (56  :  i),  Nero  (71-11  :  i), 
and  Trajan  (80  :  i).  Brass,  which  was  largely  employed  for 
coinage  under  the  Empire,  was  also  fixed  at  an  arbitrary 
value,  and  retained  a  constant  relation  to  copper  of  2  :  i. 

Electrum,  which  was  regarded  for  the  purpose  of  coinage  as 
a  distinct  metal,  was  rated  at  ten  times  the  value  of  silver, 
both  in  Asia  Minor  and  in  Greece  Proper.  Gold  being  to 
silver  as  13^  :  i,  the  rate  of  10  :  i  would  be  true  of  a  mixture 
in  which  seventy-three  per  cent,  of  gold  and  twenty-seven  per 
cent,  of  silver  were  combined.  It  has  already  been  remarked 
that  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  ingredients  varied  very  considerably 
from  this  standard. 


CHAPTER    IV 


THE    COINAGE   AND   THE   STATE 

§  I.    Private  Coinage. 

The  most  primitive  stage  of  commerce,  in  which  exchange 
was  conducted  by  means  of  barter,  was  no  sooner  succeeded  by 
the  stage  in  which  a  definite  medium  of  exchange  was  adopted, 
than  it  became  necessary  for  the  state  to  regulate  the  con- 
ditions under  which  that  medium  was  produced.  It  was 
possible  no  doubt  for  a  private  person  to  place  his  stamp  on 
a  piece  of  metal  in  order  to  lelieve  others  of  the  trouble  of 
constantly  weighing  it ;  but  his  guarantee  would  be  accepted 
only  within  a  small  circle  in  which  his  credit  was  established. 
With  the  extension  of  commerce  it  became  necessary  that 
coins  should  be  marked  by  some  better  known  authority,  and 
that  authority  was  naturally  the  state.  Outside  the  bounds  of 
the  state,  it  depended  on  its  credit  whether  its  coinage  would 
be  accepted  without  weighing ;  whether,  that  is,  it  would  be 
accepted  as  a  medium  of  exchange  or  treated  as  merchandize. 
In  ancient  times  the  credit  of  many  states  stood  so  high  that 
their  coins  were  always  accepted  at  a  fixed  value ;  that  of 
others  was  regarded  loco  mercis. 

The  history  of  ancient  coinage  is  thus  bound  up  intimately 
with  the  political  history  of  ancient  states  and  rulers,  and  it  is 
therefore  necessary  to  inquire  in  some  detail  into  the  conditions 
attached  to  the  prerogative  of  coinage. 

A  private  coinage  implies  the  absence  of  a  state  coinage,  for 
the  guarantee  of  the  state  is  more  secure  than  the  guarantee  of 
the  individual,  and  only  when  the  better  guarantee  is  not  to 


.?/ 


THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  79 

be  had  will  the  worse  be  accepted.  It  has  been  suggested ' 
that  a  large  number  of  the  earliest  coins  which  it  is  customary 
to  attribute  to  various  Asiatic  cities  are  in  reality  private 
money,  and  that  the  types  thereon  are  the  private  badges  of 
influential  bankers.  Nevertheless  it  is  doubtful  whether  any 
of  the  instances  which  the  author  of  this  theory  adduces  are 
really  conclusive.  The  great  stores  of  staters  which  we  are 
told  were  in  the  possession  of  wealthy  bankers  like  Sadyattes 
or  Pythes,  may  well  have  been  state  issues.  In  all  probability 
the  marks  which  were  placed  by  such  bankers  on  coins  were 
subsidiary  countermarks,  which  served  to  give  a  further 
guarantee  to  state  issues  which  they  had  tested  and  found 
satisfactory.  The  minor  types  which  are  occasionally  found  on 
the  reverses  of  the  early  electrum  coins,  inside  the  incuse^ 
impressions,  can  hardly  be  explained  as  the  badges  of  indi- 
vidual bankers  ;  or,  if  they  are  to  be  so  explained,  they  can 
only  have  served  as  a  secondary  guarantee  of  genuineness,  the 
primary  one  being  afforded  by  the  main  type  of  the  obverse. 
The  comparative  regularity  with  which  the  '  incuses '  are  dis- 
posed on  the  reverses  of  all  these  coins  shows  that,  where  two 
or  three  incuses  appear  on  one  coin,  they  must  all  have  been 
impressed  at  one  and  the  same  time.  When  they  do  contain 
designs  (and  this  in  early  times  is  by  no  means  the  rule), 
those  designs  very  possibly  belong  to  the  officials  appointed  to 
superintend  the  striking  of  the  coin,  and  are  analogous  to  the 
symbols  which  at  a  later  time  appear  in  the  field  beside 
the  main  type.  Finally,  the  electrum  stater  of  'Phanes' 
(PI.  I.  4),  on  which  so  many  questions  seem  to  depend  for 
their  answers,  does  not  by  any  means  enable  us  to  decide  this 
one  with  certainty.  Babelon  recognizes  in  Phanes  a  banker  or 
merchant  who  stamped  his  pieces  of  gold  with  his  badge  and 
name.  But  Phanes  may  well  have  been  a  potentate  of  whom 
there  is  no  other  record  \ 


*  E.  Babelon,  Les  Origines  de  la  Monnaie,  p.  91  ff, 

^  The  origin  of  these  incuse  or  sunk  rectangles  is  explained  in  ch.  vi. 

^  So  far  I  assume  that  the  name  on  the  coin  is  rightly  explained  as  the 
genitive  of  a  name  ^ivurjs,  ^aiyiji,  or  ^atvrjs.  If  so,  the  badge  is  definitely 
slated  to  be  that  of  Phanes.  There  is,  therefore,  no  reason  to  attribute 
the  coin  to  Ephesus,  simply  because  the  stag  ;^the  symbol  of  Artemis)  appears 
on  this  coin  as  on  the  coinage  of  that  cify.  Indeed  Phanes  would  be  less 
likely  to  adopt  the  stag  as  his  a^/M  in  Ephesus  than  elsewhere.     There  is 


8o  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

Whether  there  ever  existed  in  ancient  times  a  subsidiary 
private  coinage  corresponding  to  the  token  coinage  of  modern 
times  (such  as  the  tradesmen's,  civic,  and  bank  tokens  of 
England  during  the  seventeenth,  eighteenth,  and  early 
nineteenth  centuries),  it  is  impossible  to  say  with  certainty. 
At  least,  no  recognizable  specimens  have  come  down  to  us. 
These  token  coinages  differ  from  the  private  coinage,  the 
existence  of  which  M.  Babelon  has  tried  to  establish  for  early 
times,  in  that  they  attempt  not  to  rival  the  state  issue,  but 
only  to  supply  the  gaps  which  it  leaves  unfilled  ;  that  is  to  say, 
when  the  state  issues  only  the  more  valuable  kind  of  coin, 
private  money  in  small  denominations  is  issued  to  facilitate 
small  transactions.  The  series  of  many  ancient  states  are 
notably  deficient  in  small  denominations.;  but  it  would  seem 
that  the  want  was  supplied  by  the  use  of  uncoined  blocks  or 
bars  of  the  meaner  metals,  such  as  had  been  in  use  before  the 
introduction  of  coined  money. 


§2.    Nature  cf  ^  Temple  coinage.* 

There  is,  then,  no  certain  instance  in  ancient  history  of 
anything  which  can  properly  be  called  a  private  coinage.  The 
prerogative  invariably,  so  far  as  we  are  informed,  belonged 
to  the  state.  Whenever  in  Hellas  coins  were  issued  by 
individuals,  those  individuals  were  rulers,  whether  constitu- 
tional kings  or  tyrants.  Even  what  are  known  as  temple 
coinages  are  probably  merely  a  variety  of  state  coinage.  The 
temple  at  I)idyma  issued  coins  (drachms  or  hemidrachms) 
of  the  same  types  as  those  of  the  Milesian  coinage,  but 
with  the  inscription  ET  AlAYMnN  lEPH  (soil,  ^paxtih).  The 
inscription  proves  that  the  coins  were  issued  from  the  temple  ; 
but,  taken  in  conjunction  with  the  type,  it  also  proves  that  they 

much  more  to  be  said  for  the  attribution  to  Halicarnassus,  where  the  coin 
was  actually  found,  and  where  we  have,  in  later  times,  a  record  of  a  certain' 
Phanes,  who  acted  as  an  auxiliary  of  Cambyses  in  Egypt.  But  as  Fiankel 
has  pointed  out  [Arch.  Zeit.  1879,  pp.  27-30;  Weil,  in  Berl.  Phil.  Wo:h.  1898, 
P-  1337))  t'le  form  ^aivos,  which  appears  to  be  the  correct  reading  of  the 
name,  is  the  genitive,  not  of  ^aivrjs  (which  would  give  the  uncontracted 
form  ^aiveos  in  the  third,  and  ^aivioo  in  the  first  declension),  but  of  ^aivu, 
an  epithet  of  Artemis.  This  being  so,  the  attribution  to  Ephesus  is 
made  more  probable. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  8l 

were  issued  with  the  authority  of  Miletus.  This  was,  in  other 
words,  a  special  Milesian  issue  meant  for  religious  purposes. 
On  the  other  haiid,  the  Arcadian  coins  (PI.  II.  8)  reading 
'ApKadiKOPj  although  very  possihly  issued  from  a  great  common 
sanctuary,  are  not  a  mere  temple  issue,  as  we  shall  have  reason 
to  see  (below,  §  14).  The  stater  of  Olympia  with  the  legend 
'oXvuniKop  belongs  to  a  special  issue  of  the  coinage  of  Elis 
associated  with  the  Olympic  festival.  The  /coinage  of  the 
Delphic  Amphictiones  may  most  properly  be  classed  with 
federal  coinages,  which  will  be  dealt  with  lelow.  i^nother 
sanctuary  coinage  is  probably  that  of  Eleusis  (PI.  IV.  5),  issued 
during  the  latter  half  of  the  fourth  century  b.  c.  *  to  meet  the 
requirements  of  the  Festival  of  the  Thesmophoria  to  which 
the  types  refer'.' 

§  3.    Coinage  of  Monarchs. 

In  the  case  of  individual  rulers,  the  custom  most  prevalent 
in  Greece  Proper  and  in  Western  Greece,  until  the  period  after 
Alexander  the  Great,  was  for  the  ruler  to  conceal  his  identity,  so 
far  as  the  coinage  was  concerned,  under  the  name  of  the  state 
which  he  governed.  Thus  Peisistratus  and  his  sons,  the 
tyrants  of  Athens,  Anaxilas  of  Rhegium,  Gelo,  Hiero  I  and 
the  two  Dionysii  of  Syracuse,  There  of  Acragas,  the  Battiadae 
of  Gyrene,  and  others  all  employed  on  their  coinage  not  their 
own  names  but  the  names  of  the  subject  states.  No  doubt 
this  practice  was  dictated  by  motives  of  policy.  In  outlying 
districts  where  monarchy  was  constitutional,  or  tyrants  more 
audacious,  owing  to  the  lowei;  grade  of  civilization  of  their  sub- 
jects, personal  names  appear,  as  at  Termera  in  Caria  (where  the 
tyrant  Tymnes,  in  the  fifth  century,  issued  coins  bearing  the 
legends  TYMNO  and  TEPMEPIKON  -),  among  the  Edonians 
(King  Getas,  about  b.  c.  500,  PI.  II.  9),  and  the  Macedonians  (King 
Alexander  I  and  his  successors).     Alexander  and  Teisiphonus, 

*  Head,  Brit.  Mus.  Cafal,  Attica,  p.  Ix. 

'  It  would  be  natural  to  explain  this  as  a  case  of  a  Persian  vassal 
issuing  coins  ;  but  we  find  that  the  Kapes  oSv  Tvfxvrji  dpxei-  paid  tiibute  to 
Athens  in  B.C.  440  {C.  I.  A.  i.  240,  col.  ii.  v.  76.  The  coins  in  question 
are,  it  is  true,  usually  placed  in  the  first  half  of  the  fifth  century  B.C. 
And  it  must  also  be  remembered  that  the  Lycians  were  at  once  vassals  of 
Persia  and  tributaries  of  Athens. 


82  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

tyrants  of  Pherae  in  Thessaly,  placed  their  names  on  their 
coins,  but  the  coins  of  their  predecessors,  Lycophron  and  the 
famous  Jason,  read  simply  ct>EPAION.  In"  this  connexion  it 
would  have  been  interesting  had  the  Spartans,  with  their 
constitutional  double  monarchy,  possessed  an  early  coinage 
other  than  the  (doubtless  anonymous)  o/3eXof'. 

The  breaking  down  of  the  old  Greek  traditions  of  autonomy 
by  Alexander  the  Great  brought  about  the  frank  declaration  of 
the  royal  prerogative  on  the  coinage  of  most  monarchic  states. 
Alexander's  name  naturally  appeared  on  his  own  coins  in 
continuation  of  the  old  Macedonian  custom.  That  custom  was 
eventually  adopted,  though  with  some  hesitation,  by  his 
successors :  and  from  them  it  was  copied  by  Agathocles  at 
Syracuse.  Even  Sparta  at  this  time  followed  the  fashion,  for 
a  tetradrachm  of  Alexandrine  types  reading  BAZIAEOZ 
APEOZ  is  known'.  And  from  this  time  onwards  it  is  the 
rule  that  the  name  of  the  monarch  should  appear  on  his 
coinage,  although  some  of  the  more  conservative  states  offer 
exceptions "', 


§  4.   The  Coinage  and  the  Sovereign  Power. 

*In  antiquity,  as  in  modern  times,  the  right  of  striking 
money  was  generally  an  exclusive  attribute  of  sovereignty  ^' 
The  independent  right  of  coinage  being  but  a  sign  of  political 
independence,  it  was  inevitable  that  the  ancient  Greeks,  so 
far  as  their  history  is  that  of  a  number  of  small  independent 
states,  should  produce  an  extraordinary  variety  of  indepen- 
dent issues.  The  history  of  Kome,  on  the  other  hand,  and 
that  of  Persia,  are  histories  of  sovereign  states,  with  subjects 
grouped  under  them  ;  and  in  the  coinage  of  these  empires 
we  are  therefore  concerned  with  series  partly  imperial,  partly 
delegated  to  subordinate  authorities.     The  distinction  between 

^  Areus  reigned  from  b.c.  310-266.  On  coins  not  much  later  than  this 
period  appears  the  diademed  head  of  a  king  who  is  not  named.  The 
tyrant  Nabis  (b.  c.  207-192)  is  named  and  portrayed  on  a  unique  tetra- 
drachm in  the  British  Museum,  reading  BAIAEOZ  (=  Ba'tAeo?) 
NABIOS  {Num.  Chr.  1897,  p.  107  flf . ;  1898,  p.  i).  But  as  a  rule  the 
Spartan  coinage  was  civic.  Nabis  himself  on  his  earlier  coinage  placed 
his  name  alone  without  the  title  of  king. 

2  Gardner,  Types,  pp.  29,  30.  3  Lenormant,  ii.  p.  3. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  83 

imperial  and  autonomous  coinage  obtains  broadly  throughout 
the  ancient  world,  although  there  are  in  the  course  of  history 
instances  of  the  small  state  or  individual  ruler  becoming  an 
imperial  authority  with  subjects  whose  coinage  required  control, 
or  joining  with  other  states  in  a  political  or  commercial 
federation  which  was  appropriately  accompanied  by  a  monetary 
union. 

In  so  far  as  the  relation  of  ruler  to  subject  was  clearly 
understood  in  the  political  world,  this  relation  may  be  found 
reflected  in  the  coinage.  The  relation  of  Athens  to  her  subject- 
allies  in  the  fifth  century,  for  instance,  was  one  of  disguised 
empire.  Consequently  we  find  that  the  imperial  city  was 
unable  to  interfere  openly  with  the  coinage  of  the  allied  states. 
Nevertheless,  as  Holm  has  pointed  oat ',  those  districts,  such 
as  the  Cyclades,  which  were  in  closest  dependence  on  Athens, 
were  most  restricted  in  their  coinage.  The  close  relations 
between  Miletus  and  Athens  account  for  the  fact  that  hardly 
any  coins  can  be  attributed  to  the  former  city  at  this  period. 
Cities  like  Cnidus  and  Phaselis  show  at  the  same  time 
a  considerable  restriction  if  not  a  complete  cessation  of  coinage. 
But  it  is  possible  that  this  feature  may  be  explained  rather 
by  exhaustion  on  the  part  of  the  tributary  states  than  by  an 
actual  interference  by  Athens  with  their  right  of  coinage  ^ 

The  coinage  of  the  kings  of  Macedon  is  an  illustration  of  the 
way  in  which  a  Greek  ruler  controlled  the  coinage  of  his 
dominions.  When  Philip  in  358  b.  c.  founded  the  town  which 
bore  his  name,  he  gave  it  permission  to  strike  coins  in  all 
three  metals  bearing  the  autonomous  legend  ^tXtWcoi'  (PI.  VII. 
3) ;  but  before  his  reign  was  over  the  grant  was  withdrawn, 
and  Philippi  was  placed  on  a  level  with  other  Macedonian  cities, 
used  as  regal  mints,  but  only  to  be  identified  by  subsidiary 


»  Or.  Gesch.  ii.  p.  267  ;  Eng.  transl.  ii.  p.  233. 

^  In  the  Beiblatt  of  the  Oesterreich.  Jahreshe/te,  i.  (1898),  p.  43,  Dr.  Wilhelm 
now  announces  the  discovery  on  Siphnos  of  an  inscription  showing  that 
the  Athenians  interfered  to  regulate  the  coinage,  weights  and  measures 
of  her  allies.  Another  copy  of  the  same  document  was  seen  at  Smyrna 
and  published  by  Baumeister  in  the  Berichte  der  Berliner  Akademie,  1855, 
p.  197,  but  has  since  been  lost  and  forgotten.  Both  texts  are  much 
damaged.  Pending  the  fuller  publication  and  discussion  of  the  new 
inscription,  I  must  be  content  to  note  that  the  passage  in  the  text  will 
probably  require  considerable  modification  in  the  sense  indicated. 

G  2 


; 


84  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

mint  marks.  Alexander  the  Great  continued  the  system  ;  but 
in  his  character  of  liberator  he  accorded  the  right  of  inde- 
pendent coinage  to  all  those  states  which  freely  accepted  his 
suzerainty.  Even  the  issue  of  gold  was  permitted  to  them, 
a  liberty  which  they  had  not  enjoyed  under  the  Persian 
domination. 

For  the  Great  King  had  reserved  to  himself  most  strictly 
all  rights  connected  with  the  issue  of  the  imperial  metal. 
When  we  find  gold  issued  by  some  of  the  dynasts  under 
Persian  rule  (thus  Pixodarus,  dynast  of  Caria,  b.  c.  340  to  334, 
issued  a  gold  coinage),  it  is  'a  sign  of  a  general  relaxation  of 
direct  Persian  control  \'  The  difficulty  of  controlling  the  out- 
lying island  of  Cyprus  also  accounts  for  the  issues  of  gold  coins 
by  the  kings  of  Citium,  Marium,  Paphos,  and  Salamis.  In  the 
great  body  of  his  own  dominions  the  Persian  king  was  able 
to  prevent  the  coinage  even  of  silver  except  by  his  own 
authority.  Where,  however,  the  king's  authority  was  repre- 
sented by  satraps  or  tributary  dynasts,  we  find  large  series 
of  silver  coins,  issued  partly  by  the  cities,  partly  by  his 
generals  and  in  their  own  name. 

Thus  practically  the  whole  of  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  and 
Syria  are  represented  by  a  silver  coinage.  We  even  hear  of 
a  satrap  of  Egypt,  Aryandes,  issuing  silver  coins  ^.  At  Tarsus 
we  find  issues  of  silver  bearing  the  legends  TEPZIKON  and 
KIAIKION  and  their  Aramaic  equivalents.  These  and  similar 
adjectives,  like  NAriAIKON,  ZOAIKON  at  other  Cilician 
mints,  have  been  explained  as  showing  that  the  coins  are 
not  properly  autonomous  issues  (which  would  require  the  form 
T  APSEnN,  &c.)  ^  Parallel  with  these  issues  are  those  bearing 
the  names  of  satraps  such  as  Datames,  Mazaeus,  Pharnabazus, 
and  tributary  tyrants  and  dynasts  such  as  Maussollus  and 
his  successors  in  Caria,  or  Dionysius  and  Timotheus  at 
Heraclea  in  Pontus.     The  most  interesting  coin  of  the  kind 

'  Head,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal ,  Caria,  &c.,  p.  Ixxxiv. 

'■*  Herodotus,  iv.  166.  Darius,  from  Herodotus'  account,  would  appear 
to  have  been  angry  with  Aryandes  for  issuing  silver  of  excessive  purity. 
There  are  no  extant  coins  which  can  be  attributed  to  this  satrap.  It  may 
be  that  he  coined  sigli  with  the  royal  types  which  should  only  have  been 
issued  by  the  royal  mint,  and  that  this  was  the  real  reason  of  his  fall. 

^  But  there  seems  to  be  insufficient  foundation  for  this  view  ;  see 
Babelon,  Perses  Achem.  pp.  xxvii.  f. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  85 

is  that  struck  by  Themistocles  (PL  IV.  i)  when  in  exile  at 
Magnesia  \ 

Ptolemy  Soter  allowed  to  the  province  of  Cyrenaica  con- 
siderable privileges  in  the  matter  of  coinage.  Thus,  under  his 
rule  (b.  c.  321-308)  there  seems  to  have  been  no  limitation  of 
the  coinage,  which  is  found  in  all  three  metals.  From  the 
time  of  Ptolemy  IV,  Philopator,  down  to  the  acquisition  of 
Cyrenaica  by  the  Komans  in  b.  c.  96,  there  is,  however,  no 
autonomous  coinage,  Cyrene  being  used  as  a  royal  mint. 

The  letter  of  Antiochus  VII  to  Simon  Maccabaeus  ^  is  an 
interesting  record  of  a  grant  of  the  right  of  coinage  made  by 
a  ruler  to  his  vassal.  The  tenor  of  the  letter  shows  that  it  was 
only  when  Antiochus  was  in  need  of  help  that  he  thought  fit 
to  grant  this  privilege,  which  he  retracted  as  soon  as  he  could 
safety  break  with  the  Jewish  prince  ^ 

The  grant  of  the  right  of  coinage  was  occasionally  accom- 
panied by  the  condition  that  the  head  of  the  sovereign  should 
appear  on  the  coins.  Such  was  the  case  with  the  autonomous 
coinage  of  several  cities  of  Cilicia  and  Northern  Syria  under 
Antiochus  TV*.  But  the  reason  for  the  appearance  of  regal 
portrait-heads  on  autonomous  coins  is  often  merely  compli- 
mentary :  such  is  the  case  w^ith  the  head  of  Cleopatra  on  the 
coins  of  Patrae  (where  M.  Antonius  stayed  the  winter  b  c.  32  -31). 


§  5.   liome  and  her  Subjects.     Hestriction  of  Gold. 

The  regulation  by  Rome,  from  the  time  that  she  became  an 
extra-Italian  power,  of  the  coinage  of  her  subjects,  is  a  matter 
which  can  only  be  briefly  touched  upon  here.  In  this  respect, 
a  more  or  less  definite  line  may  be  drawn  between  the  western 

*  "Waddington,  Melanges,  i.  PI.  I.  2  ;  Head,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal,  loiia,  p.  158 
(the  latter  a  plated  specimen  ;  the  Berlin  Museum  has  recently  acquired 
a  third  specimen  {Zeitschr.f.  Num.  xxi.  p.  73  note). 

^  I  Mace.  XV.  5  vvv  ovv  'iarr]  i  aai  wavra  to,  a'paipefiara,  d  dipjjKav  aoi  01  vpo 
kfiov  ^aaiKfis,  Kal  oaa  dWa  dcpaipefiaTa  dfpfJKav  aoi,  iroirjaai  Ko/xfxa  iSiov  vofnapia 
TTJs  )(d;pis  aov. 

^  The  correctness  of  the  attribution  to  this  period  of  the  well-known 
Jewish  shekels  and  half-shekels  (Fig.  7,  p.  34)  has  rightly  been  doubted. 
They  are  rather  to  be  given  to  the  first  revolt  of  the  Jews  under  Nero 
(see  the  references  to  recent  literature  ou  this  subject  in  Num.  Chr. 
1893-  P-  75). 

*  Lenormant,  ii.  34  ;  Babelon  Rois  de  Syr.  p.  ci.  flf. 


86  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

and  the  eastern  provinces.  In  the  former  (with  which  the 
Adriatic  district  must  be  classed)  the  denarius  was  the  basis  of 
all  the  coinage ;  all  coins  belonging  to  any  other  standard  were 
demonetized.  Thus  the  coinage  of  silver  was  either  stopped,  or 
limited  to  issues  on  the  denarius  standard.  There  was  of 
course  no  legal  gold  coinage  except  that  of  Kome  herself  or  her 
direct  representatives.  The  striking  of  a  gold  piece  by  the 
allies  in  the  Social  War '  was  even  more  treasonable  than  their 
issue  of  denarii.  The  local  issues — both  provincial  and  muni- 
cipal—lasted to  the  time  of  the  Empire,  the  provincial  coinages 
of  Spain,  Africa,  and  Gaul  (the  last  centring  round  the  altar  of 
Eome  and  Augustus  at  Lyons),  being  most  important.  But 
by  the  time  of  Nero  all  these  local  issues  had  been  entirely 
superseded  by  imperial  coins.  Sicily  throughout  was  placed 
under  the  same  system  as  Italy,  a  bronze  coinage  alone  being 
allowed,  and  that  only  to  certain  favoured  cities  like  Panormus, 
which  were  free  and  'immune.' 

The  coinage  of  the  East  was  more  complex.  Here  also  the 
general  rule  prevailed  limiting  the  coinage  of  gold  to  Kome. 
There  are,  however,  one  or  two  exceptions.  Most  important 
is  the  large  issue  of  gold  coins  (gradually  degenerating  into 
electrum)  which  belongs  to  the  kings  of  the  Cimmerian 
Bosporus  (PI.  XIII.  3).  Electrum  continued  to  be  coined  by 
these  rulers  as  late  as  the  second  half  of  the  third  century  a.  d., 
but  by  this  time  the  material  of  the  money  is  more  properly 
to  be  called  bronze  with  a  wash  of  gold.  From  the  time  of 
Domitian  onwards  the  head  of  the  emperor  always  occupies  one 
side  of  the  coin,  the  head  of  the  vassal  king  the  other. 

Certain  gold  coins  reading  KOZHN  are  often  attributed  to 
a  Thracian  prince  who  supplied  Brutus  with  gold  before  the 
battle  of  Philippic  On  these  coins  Brutus  is  represented 
marching  between  two  lictors.  But  it  is  not  very  probable  that 
the  name  of  such  a  person  should  have  been  placed  in  the 
nominative  on  these  coins,  which  are  really  a  Roman  issue. 


'  Friedlander,  Osk.  Mum.  p.  73  ;  Finder  u.  Friedlander,  Beitrdge,  i.  p.  176  ; 
Mommsen,  M.  R.  ii.  p.  426,  no.  225. 

'^  Mommsen  [M.  R.  iii.  p.  283)  speaks  definitely  of  'Coson,  prince  de 
Thrace.'  The  passage  of  Appian,  on  which  alone  the  theory  is  based, 
does  not  mention  the  name  of  the  king  whose  widow  brought  gold  to 
Brutus. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  87 

The  word  Koacuv  may  be  a  genitive  plural,  and  the  name  of 
a  peopled 

The  gold  pieces  belonging  to  the  time  of  Caracalla  and 
bearing  types  relating  to  Alexander  the  Great  are  of  course 
not  coins,  and  therefore  do  not  concern  us^. 

The  result  of  this  restriction  of  the  coinage  of  gold  was 
a  gradual  disappearance  of  this  metal  from  the  coinages  of  the 
outskirts  of  the  Eoman  dominion  in  proportion  as  that  dominion 
made  itself  felt.  Thus  both  in  Gaul  and  Britain  the  advance 
of  Roman  influence  caused  the  gradual  disappearance  of  the 
gold  coinage.  And  independent  rulers,  as  the  Eoman  power 
threatened  their  existence,  abstained  more  and  more  from 
employing  this  metal.  The  issue  of  a  gold  stater  at  Athens  in 
the  name  of  Mithradates  the  Great  (PI.  IX.  7)  was  of  course 
an  act  of  war.  There  is  a  curious  exception  to  this  rule  in  the 
gold  decadrachm  struck  at  Tyre  in  102  b.  c.\  The  issue  of 
a  gold  coinage  by  Ephesus  and  Pergamum  in  b.  c.  87-84  was 
a  'declaration  of  independence  ^' 

§  6.    Bestridion  of  Silver. 

As  regards  silver,  the  regulations  were  more  lax.  In  the 
first  place  the  denarius  standard  was  not  imposed  ;  but  at  the 
same  time  an  unfair  tariff  was  established  in  accordance  with 
which  the  silver  coins  in  circulation  were  valued  at  a  discount 
in  terms  of  denarii.  In  the  province  of  Asia  the  issue  of 
Attic  tetradrachms  ceased,  and  the  cistophori  were  the  only 
silver  coins  which  under  ordinary  circumstances  were  legal 
tender.  The  Attic  tetradrachms  of  Side  were,  however, 
admitted  to  the  province,  but  only  when  assimilated  in  value 
to  the  cistophori.     The  issue  of  Phoenician  tetradrachms  in 

^  The  people  of  Cossea  has  been  suggested.  Babelon,  Monn.  de  la  Rep.  rom. 
ii.  p.  114. 

^  Longperier,  Rev.  Num.  1868,  PI.  10-13.  The  little  gold  coins  of 
Alexandria  Troas  belong  to  the  same  class  (Wroth,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.,  Troas, 
&c.,  p.  12,  note).  Of  the  gold  coins  of  Amyntas,  it  may  be  said  that  the 
evidence  against  their  genuineness  is  too  strong  to  allow  of  their  being 
admitted  to  the  text.  The  stater  at  Paris  is  certainly  false  ;  some  of 
the  sixths  appear  to  be  of  better  style  than  others,  but  the  resemblance  is 
too  close  to  allow  of  a  satisfactory  distinction  between  false  and  true 
(see  Wroth,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.,  Galatia,  &c.,  p.  xviii). 

3  At  Berlin,  Z.f.  N.  iv.  p.  6. 

*  Head,  H.  N.  p.  497. 


88  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

Phoenicia  was  interfered  with  and  partially  stopped.  Still 
most  of  the  Greek  cities  that  possessed  the  title  of  '  free '  or 
'  autonomous '  retained  the  right  of  silver  coinage  ;  and  certain 
confederations  created  or  patronized  by  the  Komans  enjoyed 
the  same  privilege.  Thus  we  have  silver  coins  of  the  Lycian 
league  (PI.  IX.  5)  certainly  as  late  as  the  time  of  Augustus ; 
we  have  the  federal  coinage  of  the  Eegions  of  Macedon,  during 
the  short  period  158-146  B.C.,  those  of  the  Magnetos,  Thes- 
salians,  &c ,  and  that  of  Hispania  Citerior  down  to  the  war  of 
Numantia.  It  was  natural  that  in  mining  districts  such  as  the 
last-mentioned  a  silver  coinage  should  be  permitted. 

In  Greece,  after  the  formation  of  the  provinces  of  Achaea  and 
Macedonia  in  146  b.  c  ,  the  various  federal  coinages  come  to  an 
end.  We  now  have  a  provincial  coinage  in  Macedonia  in  both 
silver  and  bronze.  The  earliest  pieces,  while  resembling  in 
types  the  earlier  regional  coinage,  now  bear  the  word  LEG(atus) 
(PI.  X.  5) ;  the  later  pieces,  on  which  th3  quaestorial  insignia 
occupy  the  reverse,  are  marked  with  the  names  of  the  praetor, 
quaestor,  or  legatus  pro  quaestore  \  Bronze  coins  were  also 
issued  by  at  least  two  quaestors.  On  these  the  whole  legend 
is  in  Greek,  while  on  the  silver  the  Greek  lettering  is  confined 
to  the  word  M  AKEAONnN. 

In  the  Province  of  Asia  the  cistophori  were  taken  up  by  the 
Komans,  and  on  the  later  of  them  appear  the  names  of  Koman 
proconsuls  of  the  Province  of  Asia,  as  T.  Ampi{us)  T.  f.  pro 
co{7i)s{ule).  On  the  Phrygian  cistophori,  since  the  Phrygian 
cities  were  at  times  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  governor  of 
Cilicia,  the  names  of  Cilician  proconsuls  (P.  Lentulus,  PI.  X.  6, 
and  M.  Tullius  Cicero)  occur,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Asiatic 
governors. 

Generally  speaking,  down  to  the  time  of  the  Empire  the 
coinage  of  silver  in  the  eastern  provinces  was  limited  to  the 
Komano-provincial  coinage,  and  to  the  issues  of  a  few  cities  or 
rulers  specially  favoured  (such  as  Alexandria  Troas,  Tyre,  Side 
in  Pamphylia,  Amyntas,  the  kings  of  Cappadocia,  &c.).  Other 
states  and  monarchs  received  the  right  of  coinage,  but  were 
limited  to  bronze.  And  that  a  distinct  grant  was  necessary  is 
shown  by  the  curious  way  in  which  some  of  the  "most  important 
cities  are  ill  represented,  or  entirely  unrepresented,  by  coinage 
^  Aesillas  q{uaestor),  Suura  leg[atus)  pro  q[uaestore). 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  89- 

after  they  come  under  the  power  of  Eome.  The  scantiness  of 
th3  Khodian  coinage  under  the  Empire  is  doubtless  due  to  the 
sufferings  of  the  island  state  in  the  civil  war. 

§  7.    The  Eastern  Provinces  under  the  Empire. 

The  advent  of  the  Empire  caused  considerable  changes  in  the 
provincial  administration.  In  the  first  place,  although  local 
money  was  not  suppressed,  Augustus  made  Koman  coins, 
weights,  and  measures  obligatory  in  all  parts,  in  so  far  as  they 
were  to  be  legal  in  all  transactions,  and  all  public  accounts  and 
tariffs  were  to  be  based  on  the  denarius  \  If  the  drachm  is 
mentioned,  it  is  regarded  as  equivalent  to  the  denarius,  unless 
a  special  tariff  was  arranged  ". 

It  took,  however,  some  three  centuries,  before  the  Roman 
coinage  actually  expelled  the  local  coinage  from  all  parts,  and 
then  the  cessation  of  the  local  coinage  may  have  been  due  rather 
to  exhaustion  and  disorganization  than  to  other  causes. 

The  silver  money  of  the  East  in  Imperial  times  is  designed  to 
meet  the  want  of  the  provinces  for  a  silver  coinage  which  could 
not  be  supplied  in  sufficient  quantity  by  the  Roman  mint.  In 
the  first  place,  the  cistophori  were  continued  by  the  so-called 
*  silver  medallions '  of  Asia  Minor  (PI.  XII.  8).  Farther  East, 
the  great  mint  of  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  issued  enormous 
quantities  of  silver  coins,  mostly  with  a  local  type,  the  Mens 
Argaeus  (PI.  XIV.  2).  Syria  and  the  further  East  were  served 
by  Antiochia  on  the  Orontes  (PI.  XIV.  7)  and  its  subordinate 
mints  (Tyre,  Heliopolis,  Emesa,  and  others;  even  places  like 
Seleucia  ad  Calycadnum  struck  an  occasional  billon  coin  which 
is  evidently  to  be  classed  with  the  Antiochene  series).  The 
third  important  coinage  of  this  kind  is  that  of  Alexandria  in 
Egypt,  which  extends  down  to  the  end  of  the  third  century 
A.D/*  These  coins  do  not  bear  the  name  of  the  mint,  but  are 
distinguished  by  their  fabric  and  by  the  careful  system  of  dating 

^  Egypt,  however,  seems  to  have  been  excepted ;  not  till  Diocletian's  time 
did  drachms  and  obols  go  out  of  use  in  accounts. 

^  Thus  we  hear  of  the  Rhodian  drachms  current  in  a.  d  71,  that  they 
were  tariffed  at  10  assaria,  or  f  of  the  denarius  (inscription  of  Cibyra, 
C.  I.  G.  4380  a,  vol.  iii.  p.  1167). 

3  As  Pick  has  pointed  out  {Z.f.  N.  xiv.  p.  300  f.  ;  Joum.  IrUernat.  1898, 
p.  462),  the  coinage  of  Alexandria  under  the  Empire  is  not  the  coinage  of 
the  city,  but  of  the  provincial  government. 


90  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

according  to  the  regnal  years,  the  symbol  L  being  employed,  as 
a  rule,  instead  of  €TOVC  (Pi.  XIV.  5,  8).  The  character  of 
these  coinages  is  by  no  means  high,  and  the  silver  rapidly 
becomes  billon,  and  the  billon  bronze. 

Besides  these  important  issues,  we  may  mention  some  of 
a  more  sporadic  character.  After  the  dissolution  of  the  Lycian 
league  and  the  constitution  of  the  imperial  province  of  Lycia- 
Pamphylia  by  Claudius  in  43  a.  d.,  a  series  of  denarii  were 
issued  until  the  time  of  Trajan.  This  coinage  ceases  with  the 
transference  of  the  province  to  the  Senate.  Less  important  are 
the  casual  issues  of  silver  at  Byzantium^  and  at  Ephesus^ 
There  are  also  silver  coins  struck  in  Imperial  times  at  Strato- 
nicea,  Aphrodisias,  and  Tabae  in  Caria,  in  the  first  case  as  late 
as  the  time  of  Antoninus  Pius.  The  silver  coins  struck  in 
Cyprus  during  the  last  three  years  of  Vespasian's  reign  (in  the 
names  of  Titus  and  Domitian)  are  of  the  same  exceptional 
character.  Crete  has  a  series  of  silver  coins  from  Augustus; 
to  Trajan.  The  little  silver  coins  struck  at  Nicopolis  in 
Epirus  with  the  head  of  Faustina  Senior  (66 A  <t)AVCTeiN  A)^ 
were  issued  in  connexion  with  the  Actian  games.  Tarsus 
occasionally  issued  silver.  The  silver  coinage  of  Tyre  lasts 
down  to  57  A.  D.  ;  and  this  city,  as  we  have  already  noticed, 
was  one  of  the  mints  of  the  Antiochene  series.  The  source 
of  a  peculiar  series  of  silver  coins  struck  in  the  time  of 
Marcus  Aurelius  and  his  family,  and  reading  vTrep  viktjs  'Pcofiaicov 
or  vTTfp  viKr]s  Ta>v  KvpL(ov  2f^(a(rTU)v),  was  probably  Edessa  in 
Mesopotamia. 

The  irregular  and  scattered  character  of  this  silver  coinage 
shows  how  much  the  right  of  coinage  depended  on  the  will  of 
the  provincial  governors.  It  seems  impossible  to  elicit  from 
the  known  facts  any  kind  of  rule  governing  the  distribution  of 
silver  mints.  That  they  were  kept  under  strict  control  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  a  governor  in  the  time  of  Marcus  Aurelius  is 
known  to  have  demonetized  the  silver  of  a  mint  (unknown) 
owing  to  its  debased  condition  *. 

^  With  the  heads  of  the  deified  Augustus  and  Livin,  therefore  pre- 
sumably struck  by  Tiberius. 

2  UnderNero,  withthe  inscriptions  A I  AP  AX  MON  and  A  PAX  MH. 

'  Wroth  in  Num.  Chr.  1897,  p.  104,  no.  19. 
.   *  Digest,  xlvi.  3.  102,  pecunia,  qua  ilia  res  publica  utebatur,  quasi  aerosa 
iussu  praesidis  sublata  est.     After  the  time  of  Augustus  the  number  of 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  9I 

The  coinage  of  bronze  was  permitted  in  enormous  quantities. 
The  right  was,  even  so,  strictly  controlled  by  the  home  govern- 
ment. There  were  only  two  senatorial  ^  mints  (Rome  and 
Aritioch),  and  local  issues  supplied  the  remainder  of  the  bronze 
coinage.  The  bronze  coins  issued  by  Roman  procurators  in 
Judaea  (of  which  later)  may  perhaps  form  another  class.  The 
local  issues  are  of  two  kinds,  those  bearing  the  heads  of 
emperors  or  personages  of  the  Imperial  family,  mostly  em- 
presses, and  those  with  a  quasi-autonomous  type.  The  emperors 
or  empresses  are  occasionally  identified  with  deities ;  Plautilla 
appears  as  N€A  66  A  HP  A,  Commodus  as  HPAKAHC  PHMAIOC 
(PI.  XIII.  2).  Similarly  even  on  Roman  coins  we  find  Livia 
in  the  character  of  PI  ETAS. 

Next  to  the  heads  of  emperors,  and  forming  a  transition  to 
the  more  frankly  autonomous  types,  come  the  personifications 
oftheRomanSenate(iePACVNKAHTOC,e€ONCVNKAHTON, 
PI.  XIII.  6)  and  of  Roma  herself  (0E  A  PHMH,  06  AN  PHMMN, 
PI.  XIII.  6).  These  are  limited  to  senatorial  provinces,  or 
rather,  one  may  say,  to  the  province  of  Asia  ^. 

The  individual  city  is  represented  on  its  coins  by  its  AHMOC 
(PI.  XIV.  9,  10),  BOVAH  (l€PA  BOVAH,  PL  XIV.  11), 
r€POVCIA  (l€PA  rePOVCIA),  or  personified,  in  which  case 
the  name  of  the  city,  or  simply  PIOAIC,  is  inscribed  beside 
the  bust.  A  fine  coin  of  Sardes(Pl.  XIII.  i)  has  a  representa- 
tion of  the  MrjTponuXis  SapSts  'Aaias  Avdias  'EXXaSoy  a'.  But  the 
greater  number  of  these  quasi-autonomous  coins  bear  repre- 
sentations of  deities  or  heroes  locally  important,  such  as  Zeus 
Poteos  at  Dionysopolis  (PI.  XIV.  12). 

The  right  of  coinage  gradually  became  more  and  more  an 
empty  honour.  The  greater  part  of  the  later  bronze  coinage 
of  Asia  Minor  seems  to  have  been  connected  with  local  festivals 
and  games,  and  coins  were  probably  issued  in  vast  numbers  on 
these  occasions  in  order  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  unusual 

mints  from  which  silver  was  issued  was  considerably  reduced.  Again, 
under  Hadrian  and  Antoninus  Pius  there  were  numerous  changes,  some 
mints  being  closed,  other  new  ones  opened,  many  only  for  a  few  years. 

^  See  p.  50,  for  the  authority  of  the  Senate  in  the  matter  of  coinage. 

'  PriMH  occurs  outside  the  province,  as  at  Amisus  and  Alexandria. 
The  interference  of  the  Roman  Senate  in  local  affairs  is  evidenced  at 
Laodicea  in  Phryg'a  by  the  phrase  Aoyfxan  :EvvK\r]Tov,  which  is  equivalent 
to  Senatus  Consulto. 


92  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

concourse  of  spectators.  After  the  time  of  Gallienus,  Greek 
Imperial  coins  were  rarely  struck  ;  the  Emperors  Claudius  II, 
Aurelian,  and  even  Tacitus  are,  however,  represented  (the  last 
only  at  Alexandria  and  Perga).  At  Alexandria  the  coinage 
went  on  (long  after  the  billon  had  degenerated  into  bronze) 
until  the  time  of  Diocletian,  who  established  there  one  of  his 
Roman  mints. 

The  treatment  of  vassal  rulers  seems  to  have  varied  as  much 
as  that  of  subject  cities.  The  gold  coinage  of  the  Ci-imean 
kings  has  already  been  mentioned.  In  the  closing  days  of  the 
Republic  and  the  beginning  of  the  Empire  the  kings  of  Maure- 
tania,  of  Cappadocia,  of  Pontus  (that  is  to  say,  the  Zenonid 
family),  the  kings  of  Nabathaea,  and  Amyntas  of  Galatia  are 
all  represented  by  silver.  On  the  other  hand,  the  kings  of 
Thrace  (with  the  possible  exception  of  a  Cotys  in  the  first 
century  b.  c),  the  Jewish  rulers,  the  kings  of  Commagene,  the 
dynasts  of  Olba,  the  kings  of  Cilicia,  and  (from  the  time  of 
Trajan  downwards)  the  princes  of  Edessa  were  limited  to 
bronze.  The  usage  as  to  putting  on  the  coins  the  head  of  the 
emperor  seems  to  have  varied  in  different  places,  and  under 
different  rulers  in  the  same  place. 

The  Roman  governors  and  their  subordinate  officers,  having 
authority  over  the  various  provinces,  naturally  appear  on  the 
coins  of  places  under  their  control ;  in  these  cases  the  inscrip- 
tions are  in  Greek  \ 

§  8.   Homan  Colonics. 

A  peculiar  position  in  the  monetary  system  of  the  Roman 
dominions  was  occupied  by  the  Roman  colonies.  Strictly 
speaking,  that  colonies  of  Roman  citizens  should  ever  have  had 
a  coinage  other  than  the  state  coinage  was  an  anomaly.  That 
colonies  with  limited  citizenship  should  have  had  certain 
rights  of  coinage  was,  on  the  other  hand,  only  to  be  expected. 
Accordingly  we  find  in  the  earliest  period  that  cities  like 
Caere  and  Capua  (which  possessed  the  '  Caeretan  right '),  and 
colonies  with  the  'Latin  right,'  standing  in  the  same  position 
as  allied  states,  did  possess  a  coinage  of  their  own.  Until 
268  B.  c,  when  the  Roman  silver  coinage  was  introduced,  the 

^  See  below,  cli.  v.  §  8. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  93 

right  of  coinage  in  these  colonies  was  unrestricted.  At  this 
date,  however,  the  issue  of  silver  by  the  colonies  was  stopped, 
and  a  similar  measure  was  adopted  with  the  allies  (the  Brettians 
alone  excepted).  About  four  years  later,  all  mints,  colonial  or 
other,  were  closed  in  Central  Italy,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
system  of  the  as  was  imposed  on  the  southern  part  of  the  penin- 
sula. The  bronze  now  issued  was,  however,  of  a  lower  standard 
than  the  Koman  ;  and  after  a  time  none  but  the  smaller  divisions 
were  allowed.  The  admission  of  all  Italians  to  the  citizenship 
by  the  leges  Julia  and  Flautia-Fapma  (b.  c.  90-89)  naturally 
carried  with  it  the  abolition  of  the  independent  coinage  of 
Italian  colonies  and  allies,  excepting  only  Paestum.  The 
coinage  of  Sicily  and  Spain,  however,  continued  ;  but  here 
again,  as  earlier  in  Italy,  the  weights  were  kept  below  the 
Roman  standard. 

In  the  period  of  transition  to  the  Empire,  the  old  rule  was 
broken,  notably  in  the  case  of  Corinth,  which,  though  a  colony 
of  Eoman  citizens,  issued  coins.  Gades  is  another  instance  of 
the  same  breaking  down  of  the  old  distinction.  About  this 
time  also  we  find  a  number  of  municipia  striking  money,  some 
of  them  even  placing  their  title  on  it '.  Some  of  these  may, 
however,  have  been  municipia  with  the  Latin  right  only.  We 
have  also  in  the  coins  of  Vienna  and  Lugdunum  (under  the 
name  of  COP  I  A)  further  instances  of  the  same  relaxation  of 
the  rule ;  and  Nemausus  and  Cabellio  (with  the  Latin  right) 
and  Lugdunum  (with  the  Roman  right)  even  issued  silver 
q;tiinarii. 

Augustus  removed  the  anomaly  by  abolishing  the  distinction 
between  the  two  forms  of  right,  and  making  it  possible  for  all 
colonies  outside  Italy  alike  to  issue  bronze.  The  right, 
however,  had  to  be  specially  granted  in  each  case,  and  the 
circumstance  of  the  grant  is  noted  on  many  coins.  As  it  was 
at  first  made  by  the  emperor  directly,  we  find  the  formulae 
Perm(issu)  Augusti,  Permissu  Caesar  is  Aug{usti),  Per{missu) 
Imp{eratoris)  Caesaris  Augusti,  Indulgentiae  Aug(usti)  Moneta 
impetrata  (this  at  Patrae),  and  even  Pcrm(issu)  Divi  Aug{usti). 
But  after  the  reorganization  of  15  b.  c.  the  proconsuls  were 
competent  to  make  the  grant,  and  thus  we  meet  with  the 
names  of  legates  and  proconsuls  in  formulae  such  as  :  Perm{issu) 
1  As  at  Emporiae,  EMPOR— MVNlC. 


94  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

Silani  (at  Berytus),  Permissu  L.  Aproni  procos.  Ill  (at  Clypea). 
The  mention  of  these  permissions  ceases  in  the  time  of 
Tiberius  \  The  most  abbreviated  form  in  which  they  are 
found  is  PPDD  {Permissu  Proconsulis,  Decuriomim  Decrcto), 

Colonial  coinage  in  the  West  has  but  a  brief  duration.  In 
Sicily,  it  ends  with  Augustus ;  in  Africa  and  Numidia,  with 
Tiberius ;  in  Spain,  with  Caligula ;  in  Gaul,  about  the  time  of 
Nero  :  Babba  in  Mauretania,  curiously,  strikes  as  late  as  Galba's 
reign.  The  exceptions  are  only  apparent.  When  Commodus 
perpetrated  his  freak  of  colonizing  Kome,  the  new  colony 
struck  coins  with  the  title  Col(onia)  L(ucia)  An(tonimana) 
Com{modiana)  (Fig.  i8).     The  coins  of  the  fourth  consulate  of 


Fig.  i8. — Reverse  of  as  of  Commodus  (a.d.  190)  :  COL(onia)  L(ucia) 
A fsl (toniniana)  COM(modiana).  P(ontifex)  /V\(aximus),  TR(ibu- 
nicia)  P(otestate)  XV,  I  M  P  (erator)  VIM,  CO(n)Scul)  VI.  S.  C. 
Priest  ploughing. 

Postumus  (a.d.  265-266)  struck  at  Cologne,  reading  Col(onia) 
Cl[audia)  Agrip(pina)  or  C(olonia)  C{laudia)  A{ugusta)  A(grippina\ 
are  really  imperial,  not  colonial  coins.  In  the  East  the  colonial 
coinage  lasted  down  to  the  time  of  Aurelian. 

The  official  language  of  these  colonies  was  of  course  Latin. 
Still  we  find  Greek  in  some  of  the  colonies  of  late  foundation, 
as  Thessalonica,  and  Philippopolis  in  Arabia.  Greek  in  fact 
is  the  rule  in  the  remote  East,  where  it  must  have  been  difficult 
to  inculcate  Latin.  And  even  in  Asia  Minor  the  Latin  legends 
are  often  sadly  blundered  ^.  The  later  coins  of  Antiochia  on  the 
Orontes  reading  S  C  and  M?jrpo.  KoXcovia  have  been  explained,  on 

^  But  Corinth,  which  received  again  from  Domitian  the  right  vv^hich  it 
had  lost  under  Vespasian,  records  the  fact  in  the  legend  Perm(issu) 
Imp(eratoris). 

2  For  instance,  the  title  of  Volusian  appears  (in  the  dative)  on  coins  of 
PisidianAntiochaslMPCVIRAPCALVSSIANOAVG. 


CH.  IT]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  95 

the  ground  of  the  two  Latin  letters,  as  really  senatorial  coins  \ 
The  letters  S  R  on  the  coins  of  Antioch  in  Pisidia  point  to 
some  interference  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  Senate  with  the 
coinage  of  the  colony  (PI.  XIV.  3)-^. 

The  obverse  type  of  colonial  coins  under  the  Empire  is 
almost  universally  the  emperor's  head.  In  the  earlier  period 
it  is  not  unusual  to  find  mention  of  the  Roman  patrons  of  the 
city.  At  Gades  we  find  Agrippa  as  Municipi  Patroiius  et  Parens ; 
earlier  at  Paestum  Cn.  Corn{eUus)  M.  Ttic{cius)  Fatr(oni). 
Agrippa's  third  consulate  is  commemorated  on  coins  struck  at 
Caesaraugusta  (Tarraconensis)  as  late  as  the  reign  of  Caligula. 

The  types  of  the  colonial  coins  are  as  a  rule  somewhat 
uninteresting.     The  most  common  are :  — 

A  priest  tracing  the  pomoerium  with  a  plough  drawn  by 
a  yoke  of  oxen. 

The  Wolf  and  Twins. 

Marsyas  (a  copy  of  the  Silenus-statue  in  the  Roman  forum, 
X^opularly  called  Marsyas  and  supposed  to  be  a  type  of  the 
Latin  right)  ^. 

Military  standards  (denoting  a  deductio  of  veterans)  some- 
times accompanied  by  an  indication  of  the  legion  concerned. 

But  besides  these  and  other  stock  types  (such  as  Victory,  the 
emperor  performing  various  functions,  the  Roman  eagle,  &c.), 
there  occur  interesting  local  representations,  such  as  Apollo 
Smintheus  at  Alexandria  Troas,  Men  at  Antioch  in  Pisidia 
(PI.  XIV.  3),  or  the  types  relating  to  the  myths  of  Bellerophon 
and  of  Melicertes  at  Corinth. 


§  9.  Delegated  Coinage  :  the  Satraps. 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  subsidiary  coinages  of  the 
Persian  Empire  :  those  coinages  w^hich,  to  meet  the  military 
necessities  of  the  outskirts  of  the  Empire,  were  by  the  Great 
King's  permission  issued  by  his  generals  or  satraps,  and  by 

1  SC  occurs  elsewhere,  e.g.  at  Philippopolis  in  Arabia  and  at  the 
colony  of  Mallus  in  Cilicia. 

2  An  interference  limited  at  first  (from  Septimius  Severus  to  Gordian  III) 
to  the  sestertii,  and  then  extended  to  all  the  coins.  The  meaning  of  the 
abbreviation  is,  however,  by  no  means  certain.  The  letters  also  occur  at 
the  colony  of  Parlais  in  Lycaonia. 

*  Serv.  adAen.  iii.  20;  iv.  58. 


96  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

the  dynasts  who  owned  allegiance  to  him.  From  one  point 
of  view  {de  facto)  the  coinage  of  these  last  was  simply  the 
outcome  of  a  privilege  granted  to  subjects  (from  whom  it  could 
hardly  be  withheld) ;  from  another  {de  jure),  the  right  of 
coinage  may  be  looked  upon  as  delegated  to  them  by  the 
Great  King.  The  coinage  of  the  satraps  and  generals,  on 
the  other  hand,  is  a  purely  delegated  coinage  without  any 
of  the  character  of  autonomy.  In  Paphlagonia,  Ionia,  and 
Cilicia  the  satrapal  coinage  is  especially  important.  In  the 
northern  province,  the  mint  of  Sinope  was  used  by  Datames, 
by  his  son  Abd  Susin  (?)  \  and  by  Ariarathes ;  the  last-named 
struck  coins  also  at  Gaziura  in  Pontus.  The  legends  on  all 
these  coins,  except  those  of  Datames,  are  in  Aramaic.  Besides 
the  satraps  themselves,  however,  it  is  possible  to  recover  from 
these  coins  the  names  of  a  certain  number  of  their  subordinates, 
such  as  those  which  M.  Six  has  read  on  coins  of  the  series 
of  Datames  ^ 

As  satrap  of  Dascylium,  Pharnabazus  issued  staters  bearing 
a  fine  portrait  of  himself  (PI.  V.  6),  perhaps  from  the  mint 
of  Cyzicus,  on  the  occasion  of  the  loss  of  that  city  by  the 
Athenians  \  These  coins  bear  the  satrap's  name  in  Greek 
letters.  More  than  thirty  years  later,  when  he  was  preparing 
his  expedition  against  Egypt  (b.  c.  378-372),  it  is  probable  that 
Pharnabazus  issued  from  Tarsus  coins  bearing  in  Aramaic 
characters  his  name  and  the  supplementary  legend  Mk  or 
KIAIKION,  showing  that  the  coinage  was  meant  to  defray 
the  expense  of  his  military^  preparations  in  Cilicia.  These 
satrapal  coins,  therefore,  were  probably  nothing  but  a  military 
issue  *. 


^  Num.  Chr.  1894,  p.  302.  In  the  pseudo- Aristotelian  second  book  of  the 
Oeconomics  (c.  24)  is  an  interesting  story  of  Datames  and  the  plundering 
of  a  temple  for  plate  which  he  carried  to  Amisus  and  converted  into 
money  to  pay  his  troops. 

^  Vararanes,  Tir Orontobates  (perhaps   identical  with  the  last 

dynast  of  Caria). 

'  B.C.  410.     Wroth,  Num.  Chr.  1893,  pp.  11-13. 

*  '  C'est  comme  generaux  places  a  la  tete  d'armees  en  campagne  et  non 
comme  satrapes,  exer9ant  les  pouvoirs  reguliers  de  cette  charge,  que  les 
personnages  en  question  les  ont  fabriquees  et  y  ont  inscrit  leurs  noms  ' 
(Lenormant).  Probably  also  the  repre:ientation  of  the  satrap's  own  features 
which  we  find  at  Cyzicus  would  not  have  been  peimitted  in  the  province 
of  Cilicia,  which  was  nearer  home. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  97 

The  word  mzdy,  which  occurs  on  a  large  number  of  Cilician 
coins  of  later  date  than  those  of  Pharnabazus,  was  once 
interpreted  as  equivalent  to  the  Greek  ixktO^s  '  ;  but  it  is  now 
generally  agreed  that  the  letters  represent  the  name  of 
Mazaeus,  whose  career  as  satrap  in  Cilicia,  in  Eber-nahara 
(i.e.  northern  Syria,  'across  the  river'  Euphrates),  and  finally 
in  Babylon  under  Alexander,  lasted  from  362  to  328  b  c.  He 
issued  coins  for  all  three  satrapies,  the  most  remarkable  piece 
being  that  (PL  IV.  12)  which  describes  him  as  '  Mazaeus,  who 
is  over  Eber-nahara  and  Cilicia.' 

In  considerably  later  times  the  Parthian  king  Phraates  II 
(B.C.  136-127)  in  order  to  pay  his  troops  in  the  war  against 
the  Scythians,  issued  drachms  which  bear  the  word  KUTaarpaTeUi 
('  campaign '}. 


§  10.  Military  Coinage  in  the  West. 

Examples  of  a  military  coinage  are  by  no  means  wanting 
when  we  pass  from  the  East  to  the  Greeks  of  Greece  Proper. 
The  enigmatic  *Thibronian  money'  mentioned  by  Photius'^ 
was  presumably  that  struck  by  one  of  the  two  men  named 
Thibroii,  probably  the  Spartan  harmost,  to  pay  the  Greek 
troops  which  he  organized  against  Tissaphernes  '.  The  coins 
have  not  been  identified  with  any  degree  of  certainty*.  An 
instance  of  a  military  coinage  issued  in  common  by  a  number 
of  Sicilian  towns  will  occupy  us  subsequently  ^. 
.  But  the  most  important  instance  (outside  Rome)  of  the  issue 
of  coins  for  purely  military  purposes  is  found  in  the  Western 
Mediterranean.  The  Carthaginians,  who  did  not  possess  a 
citizen  army,  were  obliged  to  spend  large  sums  in  payment 
of  their  mercenary  troops.  The  earliest  Carthaginian  coins 
are  those  struck  in  Sicily  for  this  purpose  at  the  time  of  the 
great  invasion   of  410  b.c.    (PI.   XI.    5).     The  workmanship 

*  Lenormant,  ii.  p.  262. 

*  Qippuiveiov  vufjua/xa  :  eduKU  diro  Qi^puvos  tov  xa/>«£a''''os  (lp^cr6a-j  Lenor- 
mant, ii.  p.  258. 

*  Xen.  Exp.  Cyr.  vii.  6.  i. 

*  See  Willers,  Z.  f.  N.  xxi.  p.  60  f.     It  appears  that  the  coins  were  not 
of  good  quality. 

*  For  the  coin  supposed  to  have  been  struck  by  the  Athenian  army  in 
Samos  (Lenoimant,  ii.  p.  a6o),  see  Gardner,  Samos,  pp.  45,  46. 

H 


98  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  1 

of  these  coins  is  thoroughly  Greek  ;  but  the  inscription  in 
Punic  characters,  an  occasional  Punic  symbol,  and  types  such 
as  the  date-palm,  the  head  of  a  queen  (Dido  ?),  and  others 
proper  to  Carthage  distinguish  them  from  the  issues  of  the 
Greek  cities  of  Sicily.  At  the  same  time  the  head  of  Persephone 
surrounded  by  dolphins,  which  often  occurs,  is  an  obvious 
imitation  of  the  head  on  the  Syracusan  coinage.  The  in- 
scriptions fall  into  two  classes.  The  one  includes  the  names 
of  cities  occupied  by  the  Carthaginians,  such  as  Heraclea 
Minoa,  Motya,  Panormus  (?),  Eryx,  Solus.  Of  the  others  one 
is  the  name  of  Carthage  ('New  city  of  Carthage'),  which  does 
not  imply  that  the  coins  were  struck  there,  as  the  analogy 
of  ROMA  on  coins  struck  at  Capua  and  other  places  suffices  to 
prove.  We  find  also  'Am  MacJianat  and  similar  forms, 
meaning  *  the  people  of  the  camp '  or  *  army.'  Finally, 
Mechashim  appears  to  denote  the  quaestors  or  paymasters 
in  attendance  on  the  commanders. 

This  camp  coinage  of  the  Carthaginians  in  Sicily  probably 
terminated  in  the  time  of  Agathocles,  having  lasted  about 
a  century. 


§  II.  JRoman  Military  Coinage, 

The  military  issues  were,  as  has  been  already  indicated, 
an  exceedingly  important  part  of  the  Roman  coinage,  both 
in  their  bulk  and  by  the  historical  fact  that^  the  process  by 
which  the  coinage  of  the  Republican  state  became  the  coinage 
of  the  emperor  was  entirely  conditioned  by  the  laws  relating 
to  the  military  coinage.  In  accordance  with  the  whole  con- 
stitution of  the  Empire,  Julius  and  Augustus  applied  the 
principles  of  the  military  coinage,  up  till  then  confined  to 
the  provinces,  to  the  coinage  of  the  city ;  the  right  of  coinage 
belonging  to  the  Imperator,  which  included  the  right  of 
portraiture,  was  thus  assumed  by  the  head  of  the  State  in  civil 
as  well  as  in  military  affairs.  The  military  commander  in 
virtue  of  his  iniperium  struck  coins  either  in  his  own  name, 
or  through    his   financial    officers    {quaestor,    legatus,    or  pro 

^  As  Lenormant  has  said  in  a  passage  (ii.  pp.  272,  273")  the  gist  of  which 
1  have  tried  to  reproduce.     See  also  Mommsen,  Monn.  Rom.  ii.  pp.  57-63. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  99 

quaestore'^).  The  authority  of  the  Senate  was  not  needed 
and  is  only  exceptionally  mentioned^.  The  coinage  thus 
issued  by  the  military  commanders  was  part  of  and  conformed 
to  the  system  of  Koman  state  coinage  ;  its  circulation  was  not 
confined  to  any  one  part  of  the  Koman  dominions.  But  the 
governors  of  provinces  also  issued  local  coinages  of  a  limited 
character  and  conforming  to  local  standards  and  types  (such 
as  the  Macedonian  series  or  the  cistophori  ^),  which  must  not 
be  confounded  with  the  military  coinage  proper,  although 
the  imperium  in  virtue  of  which  the  two  classes  of  coins  were 
issued  was  one  and  the  same  *, 

The  first  coins  certainly  of  a  military  character  issued  by 
the  Roman  Republic  are  small  gold  pieces  of  60,  40,  and 
20  sesterces  (PI.  XI.  9).  The  obverse  bears  the  helmeted  head 
of  Ares  and  the  mark  of  value ;  the  reverse  an  eagle  on  a 
thunderbolt,  and  the  inscription  ROMA.  The  work  is  Greek. 
These  pieces  were  issued  during  the  Hannibalian  war,  beginning 
in  217  B.  c.  The  extraordinary  value  attributed  to  them  (giving 
a  ratio  of  17^  :  i  between  gold  and  silver  °)  shows  that  they 
were  issued  under  stress  of  circumstances. 

The  'liberator'  of  Greece,  T.  Quinctius  Flamininus,  issued 
during  or  after  the  Second  Macedonian  war  (b.  c.  200-197) 
a  gold  stater  with  his  portrait  and  name  (T.  Q_yiNCTI).  In 
some  respects  this  rare  coin  ^  is  an  exception  to  the  rule  that 
Roman  military  coinage  conformed  to  the  general  Roman 
system  ;  for  it  is  a  stater  of  Attic  weight,  and  the  reverse  type 
is  that  of  the  gold  staters  of  Alexander  the  Great  (Nike  with 
wreath  and  palm-branch).  But,  as  Lenormant  has  remarked, 
at  this  early  period  a  coin  of  Roman  weight  would  have  puzzled 
the  Greeks. 

The  Social  War  saw  the  issue  of  a  large  military  coinage 
by  the  revolted  allies  (PI.  XI.  13,  14).     This  records  the  names 

^  Other  officers  were  occasionally,  but  only  in  special  circumstances, 
granted  the  right ;  e.  g.  legatipro  consule  or  pro  praetor  e,  and  in  the  civil  wars 
the  urban  quaestors  and  the  triumviri  monetcdes  replace  the  military 
quaestors. 

^  On  coins  of  Sulla's  two  lieutenants  C.  Annius,  C.  Valerius  Flaccus  ;  of 
L.  and  C.  Memmius,  quaestors  during  the  Sertorian  war  ;  and  the  praetor 
C.  Coponius  in  the  war  between  Caesar  and  Pompeius. 

3  See  above,  p.  88. 

*  A  list  of  these  provincial  issues  in  Lenormant,  ii.  pp.  277-287. 

5  Hultsch,  p.  302.  ®  See  Head,  H.  N.  p.  205. 

H  2 


lOO  GREEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [bk.  t 

of  their  generals  (and  perhaps  also  their  military  quaestors), 
and  C.  Papius  Mutilus  is  sometimes  actually  called  (in  Oscan. 
charsLcters)  Emhratur  {i.e.  Imperator)^, 

The  great  series  of  Roman  military  issues  begins,  however, 
with  Sulla.  His  quaestor  in  the  Mithradatic  war,  Lucullus, 
issued  for  the  payment  of  the  troops  coins  which  were  actually 
known  as  '  Lucullan.'  These  are  probably  the  pieces  of  some- 
what hasty  execution  reading  L.  Sulla  on  the  obverse,  and 
Imper.  iterum  on  the  reverse.  The  obverse  bears  a  head  of 
Venus,  before  it  Cupid  with  a  palm-branch  ;  the  reverse, 
a  sacrificial  ewer  and  a  lituus  between  two  trophies  (PI.  XII.  2). 
Two  peculiarities  may  be  noticed  :  exactly  the  same  types  occur 
in  both  gold  and  silver ;  and  the  gold  pieces  are  struck  at 
thirty  to  the  pound  '\ 

'  The  example  set  by  Sulla  was  followed  by  Pompeius,  by 
Julius  Caesar,  and  by  the  minor  combatants  in  the  civil  war. 
In  49  B.C.,  for  instance,  the  praetor  C.  Coponius,  in  command 
of  the  fleet  at  Rhodes,  struck  denarii  with  his  own  name: 
C,  Coponius  Pr[aetor\  and  that  of  the  monetary  triumvir 
Q.  Sicinius:  Sicinhis  Illvir.  The  fact  that  both  these  men 
were  holding  '  home '  magistracies,  and  therefore  had  no  real 
right  to  strike  military  coins,  made  it  necessary  for  them 
to  mention  the  Senate  (S.  C.)  as  authorizing  the  issue. 
These  coins  well  illustrate  the  disturbed  condition  of  the 
political  world  at  the  time. 

Caesar,  once  in  possession  of  the  city  of  Rome,  made  it 
the  mint  of  his  imperatorial  coinage,  while  the  urban  officers, 
as  we  have  seen,  struck  outside  the  city  the  coins  which  should 
have  been  issued  at  home.  In  44  b.  c.  an  order  was  made 
by  the  Senate  that  the  portrait  of  Caesar  should  be  placed 
on  the  coins.  This  was  done  in  the  case  of  the  urban  silver 
coinage  which  was  issued  by  the  monetary  magistrates  in- 
stituted by  Caesar  (PI.  XII.  7).  But  the  order  did  not  apply 
to  the  gold  coins,  which  did  not  come  within  the  Senate's 
control.  For  the  issue  of  money  by  the  urban  officials  was 
still  strictly  limited  to  the  baser  metals,  except   in  the  case 

*  Friedl.  Osk.  MiXnzen,  PI.  IX.  6  and  9.  See  also  below,  §  14  ;  Ccnway, 
Italic  Dialects,  i.  pp.  216  ff. 

■•'  Sulla  occasionally  issued  gold  at  thirty-six  to  the  pound  ;  Hultsch, 
p.  302.     The  weight  of  the  Roman  aureus  gradually  fell  (see  above,  p.  54). 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  lOI 

of  military  coinage  ;  and  the  aurei  of  Caesar  were  all  issued 
in  virtue  of  his  military  office.  Not  till  the  year  after  Caesar's 
death  was  an  urban  gold  coinage  instituted.  A  single  gold 
coin  of  Julius  Caesar  (if  indeed  it  is  not  a  coin  of  Hirtius 
which  has  been  tooled)  bears  his  portrait  ^  ;  but  in  placing 
his  portrait  on  this  gold  piece  he  was  not  conforming  to 
any  decree  of  the  Senate,  but  to  the  example  set  long  before 
by  Flamininus.  The  right  of  portraiture  was  not  actually 
a  prerogative  of  monarchy  at  this  time ;  witness  the  fact  that 
not  only  M.  Antonius  and  Octavius,  but  also  the  most 
eminent  republicans  (Cassius  excepted),  followed  Caesar's 
example  after  his  death.  The  privilege  was  extended  by  the 
triumvirs  to  their  families  (thus  we  find  the  heads  of  Octavia, 
of  Marcus  Antonius  Junior,  even  of  Cleopatra,  on  coins  of 
Marcus  Antonius).  The  right  of  portraiture  was  retained  by 
the  governors  of  senatorial  provinces  even  under  the  Empire, 
but  only  until  the  year  6  a.  d.  From  that  time  onwards 
it  was  an  imperial  prerogative  '^. 

We  have  traced  the  process  by  which  the  military  coinage 
of  the  Eepublic  became  the  chief  state  issue  of  the  Empire. 
This  coinage  now  passes  out  of  the  limits  of  this  section, 
as  being  no  longer  an  issue  delegated  or  permitted  by  the  state 
to  its  military  representatives.  Before  leaving  this  subject, 
however,  we  may  take  notice  of  the  coins  struck  by  the 
propraetor  P.  Carisius  in  Spain  (23  22  B.C.),  the  last  on  which 
a  general  was  allowed  to  place  his  name  ^.  Henceforward 
the  military  coinage  is  absorbed  in  the  general  imperial 
system.  Certain  classes  of  coins  may,  however,  be  distinguished 
by  type  or  legend  as  having  a  closer  connexion  with  the  army 
than  the  rest;  such  are  the  coins  with  the  legends  FIDES 
MILITVyv\,  CONCORDIA  MILITVM,  &c,  or  with  the  names 
of  the  legions,  such  as  LEGio  XIII  GEM  ma  lAatiia  Wictrix\ 

^  Lenormant,  ii.  328.  The  portrait  is,  however,  disguised  as  a  head  of 
Pietas.  As  to  the  genuineness  of  the  coin  see  Bahrfeldt,  Nachtrage  u. 
Berichtigungen,  p.  140.  The  specimen  in  the  British  Museum  is  certainly  of 
very  doubtful  authenticity. 

^  But  it  was  not  recognized  as  such  byClodius  Macer,  who,  while  attempt- 
ing to  revive  the  republican  constitution  after  the  fall  of  Nero,  and  without 
calling  himself  imperator,  nevertheless  placed  h!s  portrait  on  his  coins. 

*  Lenormant,  ii.  p.  362  ;  Babelon,  Monn.  de  la  Rep.  i.  p.  317  f. 

*  These  legionary  coins  occur  under  M.  Antonius  and  again  in  the  third 
century  under  S.  Severus^,  Gallienus,  &c. 


I02 


GREEK   AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  X 


§  12.    Comlined  Coinages :  Heal  and  Complimentary  Alliances, 

Besides  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  coinage  by  the  single 
state,  Greek  history  presents  several  instances  of  its  being 
exercised  by  more  than  one  state  in  common.  It  is  necessary 
at  the  outset  to  distinguish  the  apparent  from  the  real  alliance 
coinages.  A  complimentary  understanding  (6/ioVotn)  between  two 
states  was  often,  under  the  Koman  Empire,  accompanied  by 
what  are  called  'alliance  coins'  on  which  the  names  of  the 
two  states  were  coupled.     Thus  we  have  a  coin  of  Valerian  I. 

struck  at  Side  with  CIAHTHN 
AeAct)nN  OMONOIA  (Fig.  19), 
commemorating  doubtless  an  under- 
standing with  Delphi  at  a  time 
when  Pythian  games  were  cele- 
brated at  Side.  There  are  coins  of 
Apollonia  in  Pisidia  in  'alliance' 
with  the  Lycians,  from  whose  land 
the  Apolloniates  claimed  to  have 
come.  The  states  are  usually  repre- 
sented by  their  deities,  and  also 
named,  but  occasionally  the  types 
are  regarded  as  sufficient  to  identify 
the  states  concerned  \ 

These  coins,  which  are  especially 
common  in  Asia  Minor,  cannot  be 
regarded  as  expressing  alliances  either  political  or  monetary, 
considering  the  conditions  of  the  Koman  rule  under  which  they 
w^ere  issued. 

The  real  alliance  coinages  of  Greek  antiquity  are  either 
primarily  poHtical  or  primarily  commercial.  A  third  class, 
however,  in  which  the  coinages  centre  round  a  religious  point, 
may  perhaps  be  distinguished.  As  a  rule,  coinages  originating 
out  of  purely  commercial  reasons  have  the  characteristic  that 
the  states  concerned  retain  their  own  types,  but  conform  to 
a   certain   standard  and  fabric.      The    coinages    of    alliances 


Fig. 


19. — Reverse  of  bronze 
'Alliance-Coin'  of  Side 
and  Delphi.  Two  Vic- 
tories holding  prize  vase 
with  palm  -  branches. 
[Ohv.  Bust  of  Valerian  I.] 


^  Mionnet  (vol.  iii.  p.  47,  no.  114)  describes  a  coin  reading  merely 
OMONOIA  MYTIAHfslAinN  on  which  the  divinities  represented 
show  that  the  alliance  was  between  Mytilene,  Pergamum,  Ephesus,  an4 
Smyrna. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  I03 

that  are  primarily  political  range  between  two  extremes; 
one,  in  which  the  individuality  of  the  various  states  is  so 
completely  sunk  in  the  federation  that  they  all  use  coins 
exactly  alike  and  struck  at  one  mint ;  the  other,  in  which 
a  certain  type  and  standard  are  common  to  all,  while  the 
various  states  distinguish  their  own  issues  by  mint  marks, 
subsidiary  types,  or  inscriptions.  Between  these  two  extremes 
there  is  much  variation  ;  frequently  we  find  states  supple- 
menting the  federal  coinage  by  means  of  a  coinage  of  their 
own.  And  usually  it  may  be  taken  for  granted  that  where 
the  former  extreme  of  an  absolutely  uniform  coinage  is  found, 
its  existence  is  owing  to  the  undue  predominance  of  a  single 
state.  In  these  cases  the  federal  name  XAAKIAEflfsl  (PI.  V.  1 1) 
or  BOinTIlN  or  the  like  is  placed  on  the  coinage  for  reasons 
of  policy.  The  true  federal  coinage,  in  which  the  equality  of 
the  various  members  of  the  state  is  properly  expressed,  is  one 
in  which  those  members  have  their  own  distinctive  issues. 


§  13.   Commercial  Unions, 

Of  the  commercial  unions  leading  to  the  adoption  of  a 
coinage  uniform  in  essential  particulars,  there  are  two  great 
instances,  the  union  of  Southern  Italy,  and  that  between 
Phocaea  and  Mytilene.  The  peculiar  fabric  of  the  early  coinage 
of  a  part  of  Southern  Italy  will  occupy  us  later  ^  The  states 
which  issued  these  remarkable  coins  were  in  the  main  Achaean 
colonies  or  their  dependencies  ;  but  the  Dorian  Tarentum  was 
drawn  into  the  system  for  a  time.  It  is  a  noteworthy  fact, 
recently  discovered  by  Mr.  A.  J.  Evans,  that  the  Chalcidian  city 
of  Zancle  across  the  Sicilian  strait  also  had  an  early  coinage 
of  a  fabric  similar  to  that  of  the  Achaean  cities.  The  federal 
coinage  which  began  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  and 
lasted  until  about  480  b.  c,  was  perhaps  partly  the  outcome  of 
the  political  projects  of  the  Pythagorean  brotherhood  ^  As  the 
federation  was  never  very  firmly  established,  we  find  con- 
siderable laxity  in  the  system  of  the  coinage.  Croton,  Sybaris, 
Metapontum,    Caulonia  (PI.   III.  3),  Laiis,  Siris,   Pyxus  and 

1  Ch.  vi.  §  4. 

'  Head,  H.  N.  p.  li.  In  so  far  as  this  is  true,  the  union  cannot  have 
been  founded  on  a  purely  commercial  basis. 


104  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

a  few  other  cities  conform  in  all  respects  to  the  federal  fabric 
and  weight  (staters  of  8i6g.,  thirds  of  272  g.).  Poseidonia 
(PL  III.  2)  conforms  in  fabric,  but  in  standard  and  mode  of 
division  it  follows  the  Campanian  system  (staters  of  7-64  g., 
drachms  of  382  g.).  Tarentum  observes  the  rule  of  fabric  at 
first,  but  about  500  b.  c.  places  a  new  type  in  relief  on  the 
reverse ;  and  the  stater  is  throughout  divided  into  halves. 
Finally,  Zancle,  in  the  earliest  period  of  its  numismatic  history, 
struck  drachms  of  568  to  5-12  g.\  A  peculiarity  to  be  noticed 
is  that  a  large  number  of  the  cities  place  their  names  side  by 
side  on  the  coins.     We  find  the  following  combinations  :— 

n'i\  . .  .  and  MoX  .  .  .  (both  retrograde)  Pal  .  .  .  and  Mol  .  .  , 

lipivos  (retrogr.)  and  Ilv^oes  Siris  and  Pyxus. 

Tioa  .  . .  and  fu<: ...  Poseidonia  and  Phistelia  ? 

Qpo  . .  .  and  2v  .  .  .  (retrogr.)  Croton  and  Sybaris. 

Opo  .  , .  and  Te  .  .  .  Croton  and  Temesa. 

In  some  cases  of  alliance  the  type  on  the  reverse  is  varied, 
although  still  incuse  (thus  the  coin  of  Croton  and  Temesa  has 
on  the  obverse  a  tripod — type  of  Croton — on  the  reverse  a 
helmet  incuse — type  of  Temesa).  But  equally  often  the  same 
type  does  duty  for  both  cities. 

No  less  important  than  the  union  just  described,  but  of 
a  later  date,  was  the  monetary  union  between  Phocaea  and 
Mytilene  which  is  attested  by  an  inscription  dating  about 
400  B.c.^.  This  inscription  records  an  agreement  between 
Phocaea  and  Mytilene  to  issue  a  common  coinage  in  electrum, 
the  quality  and  weight  of  which  is  fixed  ;  the  mints  were  to 
work  alternately  for  a  year,  the  lot  falling  upon  the  Mytilenaean 
mint  to  begin.  Omitting  the  mutilated  beginning  of  the 
inscription,  we  read  : — 

T\bv  8e  KfpvdvTa  to]  ;^pi'trtov  InobiKov  e'fixfxevat  dfxcf)OTepyiiai  als 
TToXifcrcrt*  5i[*cao-Tnj?  fie  efijixevcn  rai  fxeu  efi  MvTiXrjvai  [^Kepmvrtj  toU 
dpxotis  Traiaais  Tois  e/x  M\vTt\rf\vai  TrXeas  Tav  alp.icr((ov,  i^i  ^axai  8^€  TJais 
dp^ats  Traicrais  rais  tp.  ^toK'it  ttX relay  roov  alpicreoi^vj'  tclv  de  SUau  cfipfi/ai 
fTrei  K€  oiViavTos  e^eXdiji  iv  e^  pr]vve{cr)cn.  al  de  kc  KnTayj^pejdrji  to  -^pvalnv 
Kfpvdu  vbaptaTfl p^(i[v~\  6eX(i)v,  BavaTcoi  ^opiwadai'  al  8e  Ke  dno(p^vjyr]i  fJirqj 

*  Num.  Chr.  1896,  p.  loi.  Thii'ds  of  the  Euboic  tetradrachm  ?  or 
Aeginetic  drachms?     See  above,  p.  36. 

^  The  latest  account  in  Wroth,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.,  Troas,  &c.,  p.  Ixv.  The 
text  is  given  in  Michel,  liecueil  d'Inbcriptions  grecques,  no.  8. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  I05 

0Aa)|  i/J  dfji^lpoJTrjv,  Tifxaru)  t[6j  diKaarripiov,  otti  xprj  avT{o^v  na67]V  rj 
Kar6i[p^(vaL.  a  de  ttoKis  dva'tTios  Kal  d^dpios  [fcrjro).  €\a)(ov  MvTiKrjvaoi 
TTpoade  KOTVTrjv.  opx^i  nporavis  6  neba  KoXcovov,  e[p.  4>JcoKai  6c  6  TrcSa 
*Apin[T]apxo-, 

By  this  convention  the  official  who  makes  the  alloy  of  gold 
and  silver  (i  e.  the  electrum  of  which  the  coinage  of  the  two 
cities  is  composed)  is  responsible  to  the  government  of  his 
state,  the  trial  to  take  place  within  six  months  after  the 
expiiy  of  his  term  of  office.  The  punishment  for  wilfully 
making  the  alloy  too  base  (v^apea-Tepov)  was  death.  In  any  case 
the  official,  and  not  his  city,  was  alone  responsible. 

The  electrum  coins  of  Phocaea  (PI.  IV.  8)  are  distinguished 
by  the  canting  symbol  of  the  city,  a  seal  (iioiKt}) ;  a  certain 
number  of  Mytilenaean  sixths  are  distinguishable  by  the 
letters  M  or  AE  (Lesbos),  but  the  greater  number  (PI.  IV.  9) 
are  uninscribed.  The  strong  resemblance  to  each  other  of 
tliese  sixths  proves  that  they  were  issued  from  a  single  mint ; 
l^robably  for  use  in  the  various  Lesbian  cities  (as  the  inscription 
AE  would  seem  to  show).  The  Phocaic  staters  and  sixths  were 
accepted  in  Lesbos  as  legal  tender,  and  the  Lesbian  in  Phocaea. 
In  the  neighbouring  Atarne,  on  the  other  hand,  Phocaean  coins 
were  at  a  discount  \ 

The  convention  between  Phocaea  and  My tilene  is  the  nearest 
parallel  afforded  by  antiquity  to  such  a  union  as  the  Latin 
Union  of  our  day.  The  essential  element  in  such  unions  is 
that  they  are  purely  commercial,  and  no  political  union  is 
implied.  With  the  convention  between  Phocaea  and  Mytilene 
may  be  compared  other  conventions  on  a  smaller  scale,  the 
evidence  for  which  rests  entirely  on  a  numismatic  basis.  Such 
is  the  agreement  which  seems  to  have  subsisted  in  the  fifth 
century  B.C.  between  the  cities  of  Side  in  Pamphylia  and 
Holmi  in  Cilicia^.  The  earliest  coins  attributed  to  the  former 
city  bear  a  pomegranate  and  a  dolphin  combined.  In  the 
fourth  century  both  Side  and  Holmi  issued  statei-s  with  the 
types  of  Athena  and  Apollo  which  they  distinguished  by  symbols 
in  the  field,  Side  using  a  pomegranate,  Holmi  a  dolphin.  In 
all  probability,  therefore,  the  early  coins  just  mentioned  were 
struck  by  Side  and  Holmi  in  alliance. 

*  See  above,  p.  70,  note  2. 

'  Brii.  Mus.  Catal^  Lycia,  &c.,  p.  Ixxxi. 


Io6  GREEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [bk.  x 

Byzantium  and  Chalcedon,  the  two  cities  which  shared  the 
control  of  the  trade  which  passed  through  the  Bosporus,  struck 
from  400  B.  c.  onwards  coins,  a  comparison  of  which  shows 
that  some  sort  of  convention  must  have  been  in  force. 

BYZANTIUM.  CHALCEDON. 

B.C.  400-350     >PY  Bull  on  dolphin.  KAAX  Bull  on  corn-ear. 

Bev.  Mill-sail  incuse  square.         Rev.  Mill-sail  incuse  square. 
Persic  drachms.  Persic  drachms. 

B.  c.  350-280    Similar  types.  Similar  types. 

Phoenician  tetradrachms,  Phoenician  tetradrachms, 

drachms,  and  tetrohols.  drachms,  ietrobols,  and  diobols. 

B.C.  280-277     Foreign  coins  countermarked n 

>PY. 
B.C.  277-270    Head  of  veiled  Demeter. 

Bev.   Seated  Poseidon    N^Y, 
monogram  and  magistrate's  [      (PI.  IX.  4). 
name  (Pl.  IX.  3). 
Phoenician  tetradrachms  and  Attic 
ociobols. 


Head  of  veiled  Demeter. 
Rev.  Apollo  seated  KAAX 


Phoenician    tetradrachms  and 
Attic  octohols. 


The  cities  of  Aspendus  in  Pamphylia  and  Selge  in  Pisidia, 
both  on  the  river  Eurymedon,  seem  also  to  have  issued  coins 
according  to  some  convention  ^  similar  to  that  between  Byzan- 
tium and  Chalcedon.  There  is  in  fact  great  difficulty  in 
distinguishing  the  coins  of  these  cities  in  the  fourth  and  third 
centuries,  except  in  the  case  of  the  staters  which  bear  their 
names.  It  is  indeed  possible  that  the  resemblance  may  be 
due  to  imitation  on  the  part  of  Selge. 

§  14.  Political  Unions. 

In  the  great  majority  of  cases  the  combined  coinages  of 
Greek  states  are  merely  the  outcome  and  expression  of  a 
political  combination.  From  these  political  combinations  we 
should  perhaps  exclude  those  unions  consisting  of  a  number  of 
villages  allied  by  tribal  relationship,  such  as  the  Odomanti, 
Derrones,  Bisalti,  and  others,  which  produced  a  coinage  bearing 
the  name  of  the  tribe.  Still  the  difference  between  these 
coinages  and  the  issues  of  such  unions  as  the  Boeotian  league  is 
merely  one  of  degree  of  civilization ;  the'  former  were  the 
issues  of  a  group  of  villages,  the  latter  of  a  group  of  more 
highly  organized  cities.     It  is  with  the  unions  of  noKds  and  not 

^  Brit.  Mus.  CataJ.,  Lycia,  &c ,  p.  cxiv. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  107 

of  KoofAai  that  we  have  to  deal.  Such  unions  of  Kafxai  were  not 
unknown  even  in  imperial  times,  an  instance  being  the  koivov 
of  the  Hyrgalean  plain  in  Phrygia,  which  issued  coins  reading 

'YpyaXecov  or  'YpyaXecov  o^ovoia. 

As  early  as  the  fifth  century  b.  c,  and  probably  even  before 
that  time,  Arcadia  was  provided  with  a  coinage  consisting  of 
silver  triobols  and  obols  with  the  legend  'Ap  .  .  .  ,  'Ap^a  .  .  .  , 
*ApKa^i<^6v,  and  later  'Ap/caStKoV  (PI.  II.  8).  The  types  are  Zeus 
Aphesius  with  his  eagle,  and  the  head  of  Artemis.  It  has  been 
maintained  ^  that  these  coins  are  not  a  federal  issue,  since  we 
know  of  no  federation  of  the  Arcadian  cities  prior  to  that 
founded  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra  in  371  B.C.  The  coins 
must,  therefore,  be  a  temple  issue,  and  are  to  be  associated 
with  the  sanctuary  of  Zeus  Lycaeus  near  Lycosura,  and  the 
periodical  festivals  (Lycaea)  there  celebrated.  Nevertheless  it 
is  difficult  to  understand  how  in  this  case  the  inscription  could 
justifiably  be  placed  on  the  coin.  The  issuing  of  coins  with 
such  an  inscription  must  have  been  authorized  by  the  Arcadian 
cities  in  common  ;  and  it  is  clear  from  the  extant  coinage  that 
some  sort  of  federation  existed.  That  the  federation  was  to 
some  extent  political  is  further  clear,  from  the  political  signifi- 
cance of  the  inscription.  In  any  case,  the  attribution  of  this 
coinage  to  the  sanctuary  on  Mount  Lycaeum  is  not  certainly 
established,  and  there  are  reasons  for  supposing  that  it  was 
issued  from  the  city  of  Heraea  -.  If  so,  the  parallel  with  other 
federal  coinages,  such  as  that  of  Chalcidice,  is  exact. 

Euboea  offers  a  curious  variety  of  federal  coinage.  When 
delivered  from  the  power  of  Athens  in  411  B.C.  the  cities  com- 
bined to  use  a  coinage  with  the  legend  Ev^oi  .  .  ,  Et-jS  .  .  ,  Eu  .  .  , 
and  the  like,  but  with  types  that  prove  the  coins  to  have  been 
issued  from  the  mint  of  Eretria.  At  the  time  of  the  Macedo- 
nian conquest  the  coinage  ceases  ;  but  it  revives  again  with  the 
*  liberation'  of  Greece  in  197  B.C.  Now,  however,  the  silver 
coins  read  'Eperpuoiv  ;  but  the  federal  legend  Ev^oUav  appears  on 
the  bronze.  These  federal  coins,  therefore,  throughout  proclaim 
the  predominance  of  Eretria  in  the  federation. 

The  coinage  of  Boeotia  was  from  the  earliest  times  largely 
a  federal  currency.     Until  the  fourth  century  b.  c.  the  coins  of 

*  Lenormant,  La  Monn.  ii.  pp.  80,  81. 
'  Imhoof-BIumer,  Monn.  Gr.  p.  196. 


lo8  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

the  various  cities  were  distinguished  by  legends,  the  types 
being  uniform  ;  but  about  378  b.  c.  a  new  currency  was  insti- 
tuted, bearing  the  names  not  of  the  cities,  but  of  the  magistrates 
who  issued  it  (PI.  IV.  10).  After  the  battle  of  Chaeronea 
(b.  c.  338)  even  these  are  abolished  and  replaced  by  the  name 
of  the  Boeotians,  which  is  retained  (except  for  a  short  period, 
from  315  to  288  B.C.  when  coins  were  struck  in  the  name  of 
Thebes)  until  B.C.  146,  when  Greece  fell  under  the  power  of 
Kome.  The  regular  type  of  the  earlier  coinage  is  the  Boeotian 
shield  (possibly  the  shield  of  Athena  Itonia)  but  it  disappears 
after  b.  c.  288,  when  types  relating  to  Zeus,  Poseidon,  Athena, 
Dionysus,  &c.,  prevail  in  great  variety. 

In  392  B.  c.  the  cities  of  Chalcidice  formed  a  league,  with 
Olynthus  as  headquarters.  This  league  is  represented  by  a 
uniform  coinage  with  types  relating  to  Apollo,  with  the  inscrip- 
tion XaXKiderav  (PI.  V.  ii).  In  one  case,  on  a  silver  tetrobol,  the 
name  of  Olynthus  is  also  given.  Th?  names  of  magistrates  are 
given  on  the  gold  staters  and  silver  tetradrachms,  as  well  as 
on  some  silver  tetrobols.  There  are  also  bronze  coins.  This 
coinage  lasted  probably  until  358  B.C.,  when  Philip  II  captured 
Chalcidice. 

The  types  of  the  Epirote  federal  coinage  (which  probably 
began  even  before  the  definite  constitution  of  the  Eepublic  in 
238 B.C.,  and  lasted  to  168 b  c)  relate  chiefly  to  Zeus  Dodonaeus 
and  Dione.     The  coins  were  probably  struck  at  Phoenice. 

The  federal  coinage  of  Acarnania  begins  as  early  as  400  and 
lasts  till  168  b.  c.  The  mint  from  which  the  coins  were  issued 
was  shifted  from  town  to  town,  Stratus,  L^ucas,  and  Thyrrheum 
all  enjoying  the  privilege  at  various  times.  The  dominant  type 
is  the  head  of  the  river  god  Achelous. 

The  Aetolian  federal  coinage  begins  with  the  period  succeed- 
ing the  invasions  of  the  Macedonians  (b,  c.  314-31  i)  and  Gauls 
(b  c.  279).  The  reverse  type  of  the  gold  coins  and  the  higher 
denominations  of  silver  (PI.  VIII.  6)  is  a  figure  of  Aetolia, 
copied  from  a  statue  dedicated  at  Delphi  \  She  is  seated  on 
shields,  some  Gaulish,  others  Macedonian.  This  federal  coinage 
is  the  only  issue  produced  by  the  Aetolian  cities. 

In  Thessaly,  between  B.C.  196  and  146,  the  Thessalians,  the 
Perrhaebi,  and  the  Magnetes  struck  federal  coins,  the  mints 

*  Paus.  X.  18.  7  yviaiKJS  dyaKfxa  uvXianivrj^,  ij  AircvXia  57J6.v. 


CH.  ivj  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  109 

being  probably  Larlssa,  Demetrias,  and  Oloosson.  The  coinage 
of  the  Perrhaebi  in  this  period  is  limited  to  bronze.  To  the 
later  part  of  the  same  period  belong  the  coins  of  the  Aenianes, 
struck  presumably  at  their  capital  Hypata. 

•  The  coinage  of  the  Bruttians  in  the  third  century  b.  c.  has 
been  explained  as  a  federal  coinage  \  It  is  true  that  none  of 
the  pure  Greek  towns  in  the  peninsula  were  allowed  to  strike 
anything  but  bronze  after  b.  c.  272  (with  the  exception  of  some 
rare  silver  coins  of  Rhegium  meant  for  Sicilian  trade).  But  it 
is  doubtful  if  the  coins  reading  BperTicov  were  issued  by  the 
common  authority  of  several  states,  and  not  rather  in  and 
by  some  one  of  the  cities  of  which  the  Bruttians  had  gained 
possession. 

In  the  first  third  of  the  second  century  B.C.  (b.c.  185-168) 
the  Macedonian  subjects  of  Philip  V  and  Perseus  were  allowed 
to  issue  an  autonomous  federal  coinage  of  silver  (tetrobols  and 
diobols)  and  bronze,  with  a  variety  of  types  and  the  legend 
MdKedoi'cov  (sometimes  abbreviated,  the  silver  having  as  a  rule 
merely  MaKf.y.  This  fact  shows  how  weak  was  the  authority  of 
the  kings  over  the  Macedonian  cities.  These  coins  were  probably 
struck  at  Amphipolis,  and  partly,  at  any  rate,  by  the  same 
officials  as  the  regal  coins  (a  fact  proved  by  the  appearance  on 
both  series  of  the  same  monograms).  At  the  same  time  the 
districts  of  Amphaxitis  and  Bottiaea  issued  similar  coins  read- 
ing  'A/ii(^o|ta)i/  or    MaKi^ouoiv  'A^(f)a^ia)V    and    BoTTeartou   OY    Maufdovcov 

BoTT€aTci)u  (the  defining  names  being  sometimes  expressed  in 
monograms).  The  mint  of  Amphaxitis  was  probably  Thessa- 
lonica  ;  that  of  Bottiaea,  Pella. 

.  When  the  Romans  in  168  b.c.  took  over  Macedonia,  they 
divided  it  into  four  regiones,  at  least  three  of  which  received  ix 
158  B.C.  the  right  of  coining  silver  tetradrachms,  tetrobols,  and 
bronze.  The  coins  bear  the  legends  M.aKib6v(ov  Trpcor;;?,  bivrepa^, 
r^Taprr^s  (coins  of  the  third  region  are  at  present  unknown). 

The  federal  coinages  of  the  leagues  of  Lycia  and  Achaea,  and 
of  other  unions  to  which  we  now  proceed,  differ  from  most  of 
those  already  described,  in  that  the  cities  composing  the  federa- 
tions exercised  a  greater  freedom  in  the  matter  of  their  coinage, 

'  Lenormant,  ii.  p.  86,  after  Mommsen,  i.  p.  127  f. 

2  Collected  by  H,  Gaebler,  Z.  J.  N.  xx.  pp.  179  flf.  I  have  followed  his 
views  in  this  paragraph.  . 


1 10  GREEK   AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

which  was  issued  not  at  one  special  mint,  but  at  each  city. 
Nothing  more  than  conformity  in  type  and  standard  was 
required.  We  have  already  seen  that  a  currency  of  this  kind 
existed  in  Boeotia  until  the  time  when  the  power  of  Thebes 
became  so  predominant  that  all  the  coins  of  the  federation  were 
issued  from  that  city  alone.  The  type  of  coinage  with  which 
we  have  now  to  deal  thus  belongs  to  a  federation  in  which 
no  one  member  has  a  very  marked  predominance  over  the 
others. 

The  early  coinage  of  Lycia,  previous  to  the  age  of  Alexander, 
has  been  placed  in  the  category  of  federal  coinages.  In  all 
probability  some  sort  of  political  union  existed  in  Lycia  in  the 
fifth  century.  Apart  from  the  fact  that  the  Au^tot  Koi  a-wreXfli 
pay  tribute  to  Athens  \  the  homogeneity  of  the  coinage  is 
sufficient  to  prove  this.  The  majority  of  the  coins  are,  how- 
ever, dynastic,  and  the  federation  probably  consisted  of  an 
alliance  (or  rather,  a  number  of  alliances)  between  the  rulers  of 
the  various  Lycian  cities.  The  prevailing  type  is  the  symbol 
consisting  of  a  central  ring  with  three  (or  sometimes  four)  curved 
branches  radiating  from  it  ;  a  symbol  which  is  associated  with 
solar  worship,  and  therefore  doubtless  with  Apollo,  the  tutelary 
deity  of  the  Lycians  ^.  There  is,  however,  in  the  early  Lycian 
coinage  so  much  variety  within  certain  limits  that  it  would  be 
rash  to  assume  from  it  the  existence  of  a  highly  organized 
federation  such  as  that  known  in  later  times  as  the  Lycian 
League. 

This  was  founded  in  i68  b.  c.  at  the  time  when  the  Eomans 
delivered  Lycia  from  the  Rhodian  domination,  and  lasted  until 
Claudius  organized  Lycia  with  Pamphylia  as  a  province  in 
A.  D.  43.  The  coinage  consists  of  silver  and  bronze.  The 
silver  is  modelled  in  fabric  and  standard  on  the  coinage  of 
Rhodes,  in  that  the  reverse  type  is  placed  in  a  shallow  incuse 
square.  The  drachms  bear  the  head  of  the  national  deity, 
Apollo  (as  often  as  not  between  the  letters  A  Y),  with  his  lyre  ^ 
on  the  reverse  (legend:  AYKI  or  AYKIHN,  and  the  initials  of 


^  C.  I.  A.  i.  234,  col.  iii.  1.  31. 

2  The  explanation  of  the  triskeles  (tetraskeles)  symbol  as  symbolizing 
a  political  union  of  three  (four)  members  is  fanciful.  For  the  various 
explanations,  see  Babelon,  Les  Perses  Achemenides,  p.  xc. 

"  From  which  they  were  known  as  Ki9api](p6poi. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND   THE    STATE  III 

the  city,  as  flArapa,  HI  papa,  Wfivpa)'^,  There  are  a  few  speci- 
mens without  a  city  name,  and  these  were  probably  struck  at 
Xanthus.  The  hemi-drachms  were  only  issued  in  the  names  of 
Cragus  and  Masicytes  (of  which  below),  and  bear  on  the  obverse 
the  head  of  Artemis,  on  the  reverse  her  quiver  and  the  name 
KPAr  or  MAZI.  The  regular  federal  bronze  has  in  some  cases 
an  incuse  square  similar  to  that  of  the  silver,  but  towards  the 
end  of  the  period  of  the  league  this  goes  out,  and  a  considerable 
variety  of  types  and  sizes  is  found,  although  types  relating  to 
Apollo  and  Artemis  still  prevail.  On  the  silver,  and  on  some 
of  the  bronze,  the  mint  officials  are  represented  by  symbols 
(only  in  one  case  is  a  certain  innOAOxos(?)  named).  A  pecu- 
liarity of  this  federal  coinage  is  the  existence  of  two  large 
subdivisions,  comprised  in  the  districts  of  Cragus  (which  took 
in,  for  this  purpose,  the  banks  of  the  Xanthus  and  the  district 
west  of  that  river)  and  Masicytes,  which,  again  for  this  pur- 
pose, comprised  the  whole  district  east  of  the  Xanthus  valley 
(the  eastern  coast  and  various  outlying  parts  being  probably 
excluded).  The  chief  mint  of  Masicytes  was  Myra,  that  of 
Cragus  probably  Xanthus.  There  are  large  series  of  coins  with 
the  names  of  Cragus  and  Masicytes  (PI.  IX  5),  and  in  many 
cases  the  names  of  cities  such  as  Telmessus,  Tlos,  Xanthus, 
Myra  are  combined  on  the  coins  with  the  letters  KP  or  MA. 
That  the  issues  of  Cragus  and  Masicytes  do  not  belong  to 
towns  of  that  name,  but  to  sub-federal  districts,  is  probable  for 
a  number  of  reasons  which  I  have  given  elsewhere  ^  From 
the  time  of  Augustus  the  coinage  of  the  league  is  practically 
limited  to  these  two  district  issues,  which  are  represented  both 
by  silver  coins  bearing  the  emperor's  head  on  the  obverse,  and 
two  lyres  on  the  reverse,  and  by  bronze  of  a  variety  of  types. 

The  Lycian  league  was  celebrated  in  ancient  times,  and 
apparently  favoured  by  the  Eomans  ;  but  of  far  greater  historic 
importance  and  of  earlier  date  was  the  Achaean  league,  the 
most  ambitious  attempt  made  by  the  Greeks  towards  federal 
unity. 

The  earliest  coinage  of  the  Achaean  league  is  prior  to  the 
Macedonian   conquest.      The  silver    coin   (a    hemidrachm   of 

'  Occasionally  the  wider  ethnic  is  omitted,  and  the  name  of  the  city 
written  in  its  place,  as<t)ASHAI,OAYMnH. 
*  Brit.  Mies.  CatcU.,  Lycia,  &c.,  pp.  xlvii,  lii. 


112  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

the  Aeginetic  standard)  bears  on  the  obverse  the  head  of  Zeus 
Homagyrius,  on  the  reverse  the  letters  AX  in  monogram.  The 
types  of  the  bronze  are  similar.  About  280  B.C.  begins 
the  more  plentiful  coinage  on  which  the  various  mints  are 
distinguished.  The  coinage  is  throughout  uniform  ;  for  it  was 
a  part  of  the  constitution  that  all  members  of  the  league  should 
employ  the  same  weights  and  measures  and  coins  \  The  silver 
coins  (of  2-59  to  220  g.)  bore  on  the  obverse  the  head  of  Zeus 
Homagyrius,  on  the  reverse,  within  a  laurel-wreath,  the  Achaean 
monogram  with  the  names,  symbols,  or  monograms  of  the  mints 
and  mint  officials  (PI.  IX.  i).  On  the  bronze  is  a  full-length 
figure  of  the  same  Zeus,  holding  Nike  and  sceptre,  with,  on  the 
reverse,  a  seated  figure  (possibly  Demeter  Panachaia,  whose 
temple  stood  beside  that  of  Zeus  Homagyrius  at  Aegium, 
the  centre  of  the  league).  On  this  metal  the  name  of  the  city 
is  written  at  length,  accompanied  by  the  word  AXAinN^ 
The  league  included  not  merely  Achaean  cities,  but  a  very 
large  number  of  cities  in  Argolis,  Arcadia,  Elis,  Messenia, 
and  even  Lacedaemon  itself.  Many  of  the  lesser  cities  were 
naturally  only  represented  by  bronze  (and  this  was  also  th€> 
case  in  Lycia).  The  constitution  of  the  Achaean  league  was 
stricter  in  the  matter  of  the  coinage  than  that  of  the  Lycian,' 
in  that  the  bronze  coinage  was  no  less  uniform  than  the  silver. 
The  federal  coinage  ceases  with  the  constitution  of  the  Eoman 
Province  in  146  b.  c. 

The  federal  coinage  issued  immediately  after  394  B.C.,  when 
Conon's  victories  over  the  Spartans  freed  many  of  the  Asiatic 
cities  from  oligarchic  rule,  is  perhaps  the  most  interesting, 
historically,  of  all  such  issues.  Ephesus,  Samos  (PI.  IV.  13), 
lasus,  Cnidus  and  Khodes  all  issued  coins  bearing  the  type  of 
the  infant  Heracles  strangling  the  snakes,  and  the  legend 
^YN,  i.e.  avvfinxiKov  [vofiiana].  The  same  type,  but  without  the 
inscription  ^YN,  occurs  on  gold  and  silver  coins  at  Thebes 
at  this  time,  and  it  was  from  Thebes  that  the  type  was 
borrowed.  The  type  also  occurs  at  Lampsacus  on  gold  and 
at  Cyzicus  on  electrum.  The  silver  coins  are  equivalent  at  once 
to  three  Khodian  drachms  and  to  one  Aeginetic  stater.  The 
connexion  of  the  Asiatic  cities  with  Thebes,  already  seen  in 
the  type,  is  sufficient  to  explain  this  peculiar  standard.  The 
^  Polyb.  ii.  37. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  II3 

sole  evidence  of  the  existence  of  this  political  combination 
is  found  in  the  coins  of  the  cities  concerned  ^ 

Cyrenaica  during  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  III,  Euergetes  (b.c. 
247-:^22),  was  organized  on  a  federal  principle.  The  coins 
of  this  period,  of  silver  and  bronze,  bear  the  usual  types  of 
the  district  (head  of  Zeus  Ammon  and  silphiuni-plant)  but 
read  KOINON^ 

The  combination  of  the  Sicel  towns  in  support  of  the 
Corinthian  Timoleon,  when  he  visited  Sicily  in  345  B.C.  to 
deliver  it  from  the  Carthaginians,  was  accompanied  by  a  new 
currency  of  a  federal  character.  The  metal  (appropriately  to  the 
native  states,  for  which  bronze  had  always  furnished  the 
standard  of  value)  was  bronze.  Many,  but  not  all,  of  the  coins 
were  issued  from  Alaesa.  The  types  £lyb  sufficiently  suitable  to 
the  circumstances  :  the  heads  of  Zfi-?  'EXev^e'/jio?,  of  Sicily  (StKf Xi'o), 
of  Apollo,  the  leader  of  colonists  (Apxayeras) ;  the  free  horse 
(symbol  of  liberty),  &c.  The  legends  are  Sr/zfiaxf^oy  and  Kmvou 
(i.  e.  '  moneta  nova '),  and  in  the  case  of  Alaesa  the  name  of  the 
people  is  also  given  ('AXaiaivcov), 

The  later  Sicilian  coins,  reading  ^iKfXicorav,  were  not  a  federal 
currency,  but  were  struck  at  Syracuse  under  Hiero  II,  who 
was  practically  supreme  over  such  parts  of  Sicily  as  did  not 
belong  to  the  Carthaginians. 

The  list  of  federal  coinages  proper  may  be  closed  with  that 
of  the  Italians  in  the  Social  War  of  90-89  b.c.  (PI.  XI.  13,  14). 
Chiefly  from  Corfinium,  the  name  of  which  they  altered  to  Italia, 
the  allies  issued  denarii  imitated  from  the  Koman  coinage.  The 
inscriptions  are  usually  in  Oscan  characters,  but  one  group 
(PI.  XL  13)  has  the  inscription  ITALIA  under  a  helmeted 
head  modelled  on  the  well-known  representation  of  Eoma. 
On  the  reverse  of  this  denarius  are  the  Dioscuri  and  the  name 
(in  Oscan  letters)  of  C.  PA  API.  C.  (C,  Papius  Caiifilius'). 

In  the  second  century  B.C.  the  four  cities  of  Antiochia, 
Seleucia,  Apamea,   and   Laodicea   in   Syria  issued  a   kind  of 

^  See  especially  the  valuable  remarks  of  Holm,  Gr,  Gesch.  iii.  pp.  54  fF. 
Eng.  transl.  pp.  48  &.  The  coins  of  Zacynthus  and  Croton  with  similar 
types  may  belong  to  377  b.  c. 

2  Lenormant  (ii.  p.  118)  attributes  these  coins  to  the  period  b.  c.  96-66. 

^  This  and  other  varieties  are  illustrated  in  Head,  Coins  of  the  Ancients, 
PI.  68.  12-15.  See  also  above,  pp.  99,  icx) ;  Lenormant,  ii.  pp.  291,  292  ; 
Conway,  Italic  Dialects,  i.  p.  216. 

I 


114  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

federal  coinage  of  bronze.  The  legend  AAEA<t)nN  AHMHN 
is  appropriate  to  places  which  all  owed  their  foundation  to  one 
king,  Seleucus  I  \  The  coins  bear  dates,  which  show  that  they 
were  issued  between  149  and  128  b.  c.  As  the  four  cities  were 
subject  to  the  reigning  kings  of  Syria,  they  were  not  allowed 
to  coin  silver,  and  the  confederation  of  the  cities  was  of  course 
of  no  importance  except  from  a  municipal  standpoint. 


§  15.  Other  Alliances, 

In  the  case  of  the  coinages  which  have  been  dealt  with 
so  far  it  is  as  a  rule  comparatively  easy  to  say  what  is  the 
character  of  the  federation  which  produced  them: — political, 
commercial,  or  religious.  There  exist  in  addition  a  very 
large  number  of  alliance  coins  between  pairs  of  states  which 
it  is  not  always  so  easy  to  assign  to  any  one  class.  On 
these  the  names  of  the  participating  states  are  indicated 
(instead  of  their  being  included  under  a  federal  title)  either 
directly  or  by  means  of  types.  Perhaps  the  most  remark- 
able instance  of  this  kind  of  alliance  is  that  commemorated 
on  a  silver  tetradrachm  of  Cyrene  (PI.  I.  15)  struck  in  the 
time  of  Arcesilaus  III  (soon  after  b.  c.  530).  That  king  was 
restored  to  his  kingdom,  from  which  he  had  been  expelled, 
by  the  help  of  Samian  and  Khodian  allies.  The  coin  in 
question  bears  on  the  obverse  the  silphium  plant  and  its  fruit 
(types  of  Cyrene)  and  a  lion's  head  (type  of  Samos  or  Lindus) ; 
on  the  reverse,  in  an  incuse  square,  is  an  eagle's  head  holding 
a  serpent  in  its  beak  (type  of  lalysus).  In  this  case  it  is  easy  to 
assign  a  political  reason  for  the  issue  of  the  coinage  ^ 

In  all  probability  political  combinations  were  the  cause 
of  most  of  the  alliance  coins  which  are  so  characteristic  of 
the  coinage  of  Sicily  and  Magna  Graecia.  We  have  already 
enumerated  some  of  these  alliances  which  fall  within  the 
epoch  of  the  commercial  union  of  Magna  Graecia.     Of  a  later 

*  AiTrep  KoX  e\€yovTO  dW-fj^wv  dSeX^at  5td  r^v  ufiovoiav,  ^c\evKOV  tov  NiKaropos 
KTia/xaTa.    Strabo,  xvi.  749. 

2  It  is  the  coinage,  however,  not  of  the  states  of  Cyrene,  Lindus  (Samos), 
and  lalysus  in  alliance,  but  rather  of  allied  groups  of  individuals  from 
these  cities. 


CH.  rv]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  II5 

date   are   several  alliances  between  the  various  cities  of  this 
district :  — 

Croton  and  Temesa  (types,  tripod  and   9^^  for  Croton, 

helmet  and  TE  for  Temesa). 
Croton  and  uncertain  towns  (P,   I  A,  PA,  tripod  on  both 

sides). 
Croton   and   Pandosia    {ohv.   (f?0    tripod,    rev.     PANAO 

bull). 
Poseidonia   and   Sybaris  (ohv.    VM   Poseidon,    rev.   MOT 

bull).     (PI.  III.  8.) 
Mystia  and  Hyporon  {ohv.  head  of  Apollo,  rev.  MY  YPUP 
and  tripod). 
This  last  coin,  which  is  of  bronze,  is  considerably  later  than 
the  others,  being  struck  about  300  b.  c.     The  others  all  belong 
to  the  fifth  century. 

To  these  must  be  added  two  alliance  coins  recently  published 
by  Mr.  Arthur  Evans  ^  ;  one  of  Croton  and  Zancle,  earlier  than 
493  B. c,  but  with  both  types  in  relief  (9^0  and  DA,  tripod 
on  both  sides),  and  one  of  Locri  and  Messana,  of  the  second 
quarter  of  the  century.  (Ohv.  AO  and  ME^^ANION,  hare; 
Bev.  biga  of  mules.)  The  latter  coin  shows  the  same  excep- 
tional arrangement  of  the  names  of  both  towns  on  the  same 
side  of  the  coin  as  is  found  on  the  Mystia-Hyporon  piece. 
More  peculiar,  however,  is  the  arrangement  found  on  a  Croton- 
Temesa  piece,  where  TE  is  placed  beside  the  Crotonian  tripod, 
and  9PO  beside  the  helmet  of  Temesa,  and  on  the  coin  of 
Poseidonia  and  Sybaris  already  described. 

To  the  fifth  century  also  belong  the  alliance  coins  of  Leontini 
and  Catana^,  and  of  Eryx  and  Segesta  (which  have  a  dog 
as  a  common  reverse  type).  A  small  coin,  struck  probably  by 
two  or  more  towns  of  Western  Sicily  towards  the  end  of  the 
fourth  century,  has  on  the  obverse  a  head  of  Homonoia,  on 
the  reverse  an  altar  dedicated  to  the  river  Crimissus  ^.  Certain 
coins  struck  by  Theron  of  Acragas  when  in  possession  of 
Himera  (ohv.  cock  ;  rev.  crab)  have  been  called  coins  of  alliance 
between  these  two  cities  ;  but  the  union  they  indicate  is  of 
course  that  of  ruler  and  subject. 

Alliances  of  the   kind  described,    although    commonest   in 

*  Num.  Chr.  1896,  p.  106  f.  ^  A.  J.  Evans,  Num.  Chr.  1896,  p.  129. 

^  A.  J.  Evans,  1.  c.  p.  140. 

I  2 


1 16  GREEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

Western  Hellas,  are  also  found  in  the  East.  The  coins 
apparently  representing  an  alliance  between  Holmi  and 
Side  have  been  discussed  above  (p.  105).  A  coin  has  been 
described  bearing  on  the  obverse  the  name  and  type  (griffin) 
of  Abdera,  on  the  reverse  the  name  of  Amphipolis  with  a  fish '. 
More  than  considerable  doubt  may  be  expressed  as  to  whether 
the  so-called  alliance  coins  of  Abdera  and  Dicaea,  Maronea  and 
Samothrace,  Rhodes  and  Cnidus  ^,  are  really  anything  of  the 
kind.  The  head  of  the  Rhodian  Helios  on  the  last  is  probably 
due  to  imitation  merely.  The  Cilician  coins  with  constant 
types,  and  the  varying  mint  letters  M,  Z,  I,  T  (apparently 
for  Mallus,  Soli,  Issus,  Tarsus),  are  not  alliance  coins,  but 
satrapal  issues,  and  the  uniformity  of  type  is  due  to  their  being 
issued  under  the  same  authority. 


§  16.    Greeh  Colonies, 

The  relation  between  Greek  colonies  ^  and  the  qities  to  which 
they  owed  their  foundation  seems  seldom,  especially  in  early 
times,  to  have  been  of  the  fixed  character  which  is  found,  for 
instance,  in  the  case  of  Roman  colonies.  In  cases  like  those  of 
the  Athenian  cleruchies,  we  find,  it  is  true,  a  definite  regulation 
of  the  duties  of  the  colony  to  the  mother-city  * ;  but  these 
were  exceptional.  In  ordinary  circumstances  the  relation  may 
be  regarded  as  moral  rather  than  legal.  There  is,  accordingly, 
no  fixed  rule  affecting  the  coinage  of  Greek  colonies  in  respect 
to  their  mother-cities.  But  their  coinage  nevertheless  often 
bears  evidence  of  the  connexion.  Since  the  colonies  were 
usually  founded  on  the  line  of  trade,  it  resulted  that  they 
continued  to  use  the  standards  current  in  their  old  home.  But 
whether  colonies  were  founded  or  not,  standards  were  carried 
in  this  way  all  over  the  Greek  world  ,*  and  the  presence  of 
Asiatic  standards  or  their  derivatives  in  Southern  Italy  or  Gaul 
is  evidence  only  of  the  course  of  trade,  and  not  of  the  establish- 
ment of  colonies.  The  same  is  true,  though  to  a  much  smaller 
degree,  in  regard  to  the  retention  by  the  colony  of  the  coin- 

^  Lenormant,  ii.  p.  63,  after  CataL  WeUenheim,  no.  1964. 
^  Lenormant,  1.  c.  ^  Gardner,  Types,  pp.  36  ff. 

*  See  especially  the  inscription  relating  to  the  colony  of  Brea,  Ditten- 
berger,  Sylloge^  no.  18  ;  Hicks,  Gk.  Hist  Inscr.,  no.  29. 


CH.  IV]  THE    COINAGE    AND    THE    STATE  II7 

types  of  its  mother-city.  Since  colonists  generally  carried  with 
them  the  gods  whom  they  had  worshipped  at  home,  it  was 
only  to  be  expected  that  the  old  types,  more  or  less  modified, 
would  appear  on  the  coins  of  the  new  foundation.  This  is  the 
explanation  of  the  recurrence  of  Dionysiac  types  on  coins  of 
Naxos  in  Sicily,  a  foundation  of  the  island  Naxos  in  the  Aegean 
Sea.  So,  too,  the  griffin  of  Apollo  at  Abdera  is  taken  from 
the  griffin  of  the  mother-city  of  Teos.  Other  instances  of  the 
same  phenomenon  are  found  at  Rhegium  (the  Samian  type  of 
a  lion's  scalp  introduced  by  the  Samian  immigrants  early  in 
the  fifth  century),  or  at  Thurium  (an  improvement  on  the 
Athenian  head  of  Athena,  PI.  VI.  5).  What  may  be  called 
a  negative  illustration  is  found  at  Corcyra,  whose  hatred  of  her 
mother  city  Corinth  is  signalized  by  the  adoption  of  a  type 
(PI.  II.  7)  proper  to  Euboea,  and  of  a  standard  which,  what- 
ever its  origin,  has  nothing  to  do  with  Corinth  \  The  great 
commercial  state  w^as,  however,  more  fortunate  with  other 
cities  which,  being  either  founded  by  her,  or  entering  into 
friendly  relations,  adopted,  in  the  fourth  century,  and  in  some 
cases  earlier^,  the  well-known  types  of  the  head  of  Athena 
and  Pegasus.  Even  ApoUonia  and  Dyrrhachium,  although  they 
took  their  origin  from  Corcyra,  at  one  time  broke  through  their 
connexion  with  their  mother-city,  and  produced  '  Pegasi '  like 
most  of  the  other  cities  in  this  part  of  the  world  \ 


§  17.  Iteligious  Comhinations. 

With  the  issues  of  single  religious  centres  such  as  Olympia 
and  the  temple  at  Didyma  we  have  already  dealt.  To  a  certain 
extent  these  may  be  regarded  as  federal  issues,  since  the 
impoiiance  of  these  centres  was  largely  due  to  a  combination 
of  the  various  states  interested  in  them.  In  the  case  of  the 
Delphic  issue  of  the  Amphictiones  we  have  a  clear  case  of 
coins  being  struck  by  the  authority  of  the  representatives 
of  a  number  of  Greek  states  on  the  Amphictionic  Council. 
These  fine   coins  (which   read   'A^lk^iktio'i/wj/,  and   bear   on  the 

*  Gardner,  Tijpes,  p.  39,  PI.  XVI.  24. 

'■'  '  Pegasi '  were  struck  at  Ambracia  as  early  as  480  b.  c.  Head,  Brii.  Mus. 
Cutal. ,  Corinth,  &c.,  p.  104. 

^  Head,  Brit.  Mies.  CatoU.,  Corinth,  &c.,  p.  100. 


Il8  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 

obverse  a  head  of  the  Demeter  of  Anthela,  on  the  reverse  types 
relating  to  the  Pythian  Apollo,  PI.  V.  7)  are  probably  to  be 
associated  with  the  festival  of  b.c.  346,  after  the  deliverance 
of  Delphi  from  the  Phocians.  During  the  revival  in  the  time 
of  the  Antonines  we  meet  with  another  similar  issue,  but  in 
bronze  instead  of  silver. 

In  imperial  times  the  religious  festivals  which  almost  every 
city  celebrated  gave  rise  to  an  enormous  coinage  in  bronze. 
Among  these  festivals  were  many  which  had  a  federal  character, 
being  celebrated  in  common  by  the  various  cities  of  a  district, 
under  direction  of  a  chief  magistrate.  The  right  to  organize 
common  festivals  and  cults  (especially  the  cultus  of  the 
Emperor)  was  granted  by  Kome  as  a  slight  compensation 
for  the  loss  of  political  autonomy.  The  union  of  the 
cities  for  this  purpose  was  known  as  a  Koiuov ;  thus  we 
have  the  KOINON  BEIGVNIAC,  which  received  the  right  of 
coinage  under  Hadrian  (PI.  XIII.  4),  the  KOINON  AC  I  AC, 
KOINON  inNnN,  KOINON  IT  HOACnN  in  Ionia.  The 
coins  of  this  last  union,  which  flourished  under  Antoninus 
Pius  and  Marcus  Aurelius,  bear  the  name  of  Claudius  Fronto, 
who  was  Asiarch  and  Archiereus  of  the  thirteen  cities.  The 
KOINON  MAKEAONnN  NEHKOPHN,  the  KOINON 
KPHTnN  (sometimes  abbreviated  KK),  and  the  KOINON 
K  YD  PI  CON  are  other  well-known  instances  of  this  class  of 
union  ^. 

Combinations  of  cities  of  this  kind  are  in  the  West  only 
known  in  the  province  of  Africa,  where  the  cities  of  Oea,  Zitha 
and  Zuchis  issued  a  common  coinage  ^. 

1  A  list  in  Head,  H.  N. -p.  Ixxii.  The  term  KOlNON  seems  some- 
times to  imply  no  more  than  0  M  0  N  0 1  A  as  on  the  coin  of  Mytilene 
and  Perga  (Wroth,  Brit.Mus.  CataL,  Troas,  p.  215,  no.  235). 

^  To  these  may  perhaps  be  added  Macaraea  with  Bilan  (?),  and  again 
Oea  with  the  same  two  cities.  Much  uncertainty,  it  must  be  remembered, 
still  involves  the  numismatics  of  this  part  of  Africa. 


CHAPTER  V 

MONETARY   OFFICIALS 

A.       AMONG   THE   GREEKS. 

§  I.   Magistrates*  Signatures  and  Symhols,  \1 

Our  knowledge  of  the  offices  held  by  those  responsible  for 
the  issue  of  money  among  the  Greeks  is  extremely  obscure,  and 
depends  almost  entirely  on  the  coins  themselves.  What  we  do 
know  is  due  to  the  fact  that,  in  order  to  fix  the  responsibility 
for  the  quality  of  the  coin,  it  was  necessary  to  indicate  directly 
or  indirectly  the  person  or  persons  by  whom  their  issue  was 
superintended.  Directly,  this  could  be  effected  by  making  the 
person  place  on  the  coin,  in  the  field  beside  the  type,  either  his 
own  private  signet  or  symbol,  or  his  name  (written  monogram- 
matically,  otherwise  abbreviated,  or  at  full  length).  Indirectly, 
it  could  be  done  by  similarly  indicating  on  the  coin  the 
eponymous  magistrate  of  the  time.  A  reference  to  the  registers 
of  the  state  would  then,  in  case  of  need,  be  sufficient  to  bring 
home  to  the  moneyer  any  fraud.  The  indication  by  symbol 
may  be  said,  as  a  rule,  to  precede  chronologically  the  indication 
by  name,  just  as  the  earliest  coinage  of  most  Greek  cities  bears 
merely  a  type  and  not  the  name  of  the  city.  At  the  same  time, 
not  all  symbols  on  early  coins  must  be  interpreted  as  magis- 
trates' marks  ;  and  again,  the  representations  by  symbols  and 
name  often  continue  side  by  side. 

A  peculiar  development  of  the  symbol  is  found  at  two  or 
three  cities,  where  it  becomes  so  important  as  to  quite  over- 
shadow the  type.  At  Cyzicus  (PI.  I.  5,  V.  8)  and  Phocaea 
(PI.  IV.  8)  the  city  types  (a  tunny  and  a  seal  respectively)  are 


I20  GKEEK    AND    KOMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

reduced  to  the  size  ordinarily  assumed  by  the  symbol,  while 
the  greater  part  of  the  field  is  occupied  by  the  symbol.  The 
scope  which  this  gave  to  variety  of  artistic  display  is  obvious. 
At  Lesbos  this  system  was  carried  so  far  that  on  the  electrum 
hectae  (PI.  IV.  9)  we  look  in  vain  for  any  state-type.  At 
Lampsacus  (PI.  V.  10)  the  obverse  is  occupied  by  changing 
types  (some  of  them  among  the  most  beautiful  of  Greek  coin- 
types)  while  the  arms  of  the  city  (the  forepart  of  a  winged 
sea-horse)  appear  constantly  on  the  reverse.  At  Abdera  during 
a  certain  period  (the  last  third  of  the  fifth  century)  a  changing 
type  appears  on  the  reverse  ;  the  occasional  punning  nature  of 
these  types  justifies  our  supposing  that  they  are  magistrates' 
emblems.  Thus  we  have  a  dancing-girl  accompanying  the 
signature  en\  MoXma-ydpeo).  It  is  true  that  the  name  MoKnayoprji 
also  occurs  with  the  type  of  a  young  Dionysiac  head.  But 
such  types  as  a  warrior  associated  with  Nifoo-rparoy,  or  a  tripod 
with  Uvdcov,  seem  to  be  clear  instances  of  puns.  Or  it  may 
be  that  both  name  and  symbol  had  a  common  source — 
such,  e.g.,  as  a  military  success  on  the  part  of  Nikostratos' 
father,  leading  to  the  adoption  of  the  name  for  his  child  and 
the  symbol  as  a  family  signet ;  or,  again,  a  vow  to  the  Pythian 
Apollo  in  the  case  of  Python.  In  this  case  ^  the  types  would 
not  be  punning  types.  But  the  former  explanation  is  simpler, 
and  in  accordance  with  a  very  natural  tendency,  which  was 
probably  as  characteristic  of  Greek  heraldry  as  it  was  of 
mediaeval.     Either  alternative  suits  our  argument. 

At  the  same  time,  where  we  find  name  and  symbol  side  by 
side,  two  possibilities  have  to  be  considered.  Either  the  two 
belong  to  the  same  person,  or  else  the  symbol  is  the  mark  of 
some  other  official  whose  connexion  with  the  coinage  is  not 
otherwise  indicated.  Thus,  for  instance,  at  Rhodes  (in  the 
period  b.  c.  166-88)  we  find  the  symbol  of  a  right  hand 
associated  with  the  name  ^f^iKpdrrjs  '\  Here  we  might  be 
inclined  to  regard  the  symbol  as  a  'canting'  device.  But  the 
same  name  occurs  with  at  least  three  other  symbols  in  the 
same  period.  Again,  in  the  same  period,  the  head-dress  of 
Isis  occurs  as  a  symbol  in  conjunction  with  at  least  five  names 

(ApTffKoVy   Ev(t)dvr]s,   ZrjvaVj    OpaavfjLr]dr]s,    Mdiji),       In   all   probability, 

*  I  owe  this  suggestion  to  Professor  Percy  Gardner. 

^  Head,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal,  Carta,  p.  254,  no.  259,  PI.  XL.  4. 


CH.  V]  MONETARY    OFFICIALS  121 

therefore,  the  symbols  which  occur  on  the  reverses  of  these 
Rhodian  coins  belong,  not  to  the  actual  responsible  official  who 
signs  his  name,  but  to  the  eponymous  magistrate  \  whose 
name  does  not  occur.  This  theory  is  suggested  by  the  arrange- 
ment of  names  and  symbols  on  the  coins  of  Apollonia  and 
Dyrrhachium  (PI.  IX.  6)  in  Illyria,  where  two  magistrates' 
names  occur  on  each  coin.  On  one  side  the  name  is  in  the 
nominative.  It  is  accompanied  by  a  symbol  which  varies  with 
the  name  on  the  other  side.  Lenormant  has  formulated  the 
rule  that  a  man's  name  in  the  genitive,  whether  accompanied 
or  not  by  the  preposition  c-ti,  generally  signifies  that  the  coin 
was  issued  during  the  period  of  office  held  by  that  man, 
whereas  a  name  in  the  nominative  signifies  responsibility. 
The  difference,  in  fact,  is  that  between  'Aycopiirnov  (JipxovTos  ex"p"X^n 
TO  voniaixa)  and  AivoKfjarr)^  [exdpa^e  to  vofxiaixa).  The  name  in  the 
genitive,  then,  is  probably  that  of  the  eponymous  magistrate. 
The  names  on  the  two  sides  are  combined  in  a  great  many 
different  groups  which  would  seem  to  show  that  in  each  term 
of  office  of  the  eponymous  magistrate,  i.  e.  probably  in  each 
year,  there  were  nine  or  ten  moneyers  at  least,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  that  the  moneyers  remained  in  office  during  a  number  of 
years  \  That  being  the  case,  it  was  necessary  to  inscribe  on 
the  coins  both  names,  and  also,  in  case  of  a  re-election  on  the 
part  of  the  eponym,  the  symbol  used  by  the  latter  as  his  private 
mark.  This,  then,  is  the  most  probable  explanation  of  the 
variation  of  symbols  with  the  same  name  on  series  like  that  of 
Rhodes  already  mentioned  ^. 


§  2.   The  Athenian  Monetary  Officials. 

One  of  the  most  important  series  of  magistrates  is  furnished 
by  the  Athenian  coins  of  the  *  new  style,'  from  b.  c.  220 
onwards.  The  names  on  these  coins  are  at  first  (b.  c.  220-197) 
written  in  monogram  (in  two  exceptions  partially  resolved) ; 

^  Namely,  the  priest  of  Helios. 

'  See  the  list  given  by  Brandis,  Z.  f.  N.  i.  p.  59  f. 

^  The  names  which  occur  in  the  nominative  on  the  coins  of  Ccrcyra 
are  those  of  the  eponymous  prytaneis  'Lenormant,  iii.  62,  63).  In  this  and 
similar  instances  the  responsibility  for  the  coinage,  if  Lenormant's  lule 
of  the  cases  holds,  rested  with  the  eponymous  magistrate  of  the  state. 
But  the  rule  is  hardly  universal. 


122  GEEEK    AND    KOMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

from  196-187  we  find  the  names  of  two  magistrates  written  more 
or  less  fully ;  then  follow  series  of  three  names.  In  nearly  all 
cases  we  find  symbols  in  the  field  in  addition  to  these  names  ; 
also  letters  on  the  amphora  denoting  the  prytany  or  month  in 
which  the  coin  was  issued  \  and  certain  letters  beneath  the 
amphora,  supposed  to  indicate  the  various  workshops  in  the  mint. 
The  system  by  which  any  fraud  could  be  brought  home  to  the 
perpetrator  was  exquisitely  complete,  and  worthy  of  the  Athe- 
nian democracy  at  this  period.  The  question  arises:  to  which 
of  the  two  or  three  magistrates  does  the  symbol  belong  ?  One 
would  naturally  suppose  that  it  belonged  to  the  first-named 
magistrate ;  and  in  one  or  two  cases  (some  of  historical 
importance)  this  is  true.  Thus,  in  the  period  b.o.  186-146, 
we  have : — 

Magistrates.  Symbols. 

f  V  \  'AvTioxos — Nt«o7.  Elephant. 

^^^  \  'Avrioxos—Kapaixos  (VI  IX.  8)  Elephant. 

r,K  j  Mr]Tp6Swpos—MiXTia.dT)s  Grapes. 

^  ^  \  MrjTpoSojpos — ArjfioaOtv.  Grapes. 

In  the  next  period  (b.  c.  146-middle  of  first  century,  b.  c.) 

,  .{  'EvfxapfiSrjs — 'AX«(5a/zaj  Triptolemus. 

^^^  I  Evfmpddrjs — K\(Ofxiv,  Triptolemus. 

(d)     BacriXf.  MiOpaSaTrjs — 'Apiarlwv  (cf.  PI.  IX.  7)       Sun  and  crescents. 

The  Antiochus  of  (a)  is  the  man  who  afterwards  became 
Antiochus  IV,  Epiphanes.  This  in  itself  would  suffice  to 
suggest  that  the  elephant  is  his  symbol,  and  not  that  of  the 
second  magistrate.  Apart  from  this  fact,  since  in  (a),  (&),  and 
(c)  the  symbol  does  not  vary  while  the  first  magistrate  remains 
in  office,  the  symbol  must  belong  to  the  first  magistrate.  The 
King  Mithradates  of  (d)  is  of  course  Mithradates  the  Great,  and 
the  sun  and  crescents  his  particular  symbol. 

^  On  certain  series  of  the  first  period  these  letters  run  up  to  M  (=  12I ; 
hence,  if  we  assume  that  the  letters  represent  prytanies,  these  series  are 
later  than  the  foundation  of  the  Attalis  tribe  about  B.C.  200.  M  of 
course  recurs  on  most  of  the  later  series.  The  letter  N  which  occurs  on 
some  has  been  connected  by  Th.  Keinach  {Rev.  des  tt.  gr.  1888,  p.  397) 
with  the  fact  that  there  was  a  time  (before  200  b.c.)  when  there  were 
thirteen  prytanies  (inscription  from  Eleusis,  '£(/>.  dpx*  1887,  177  ff.).  But 
to  transfer  all  series  with  N  before  200  b.  c.  is  impossible  {Num.  Chr.  1889, 
pp.  229  S.).     If,  as  is  probable,  the  letters  refer  to  months,  N  represents  the 


CH.  V]  MONETARY    OFFICIALS  1 23 

The  combinations  which  point  to  the  symbol  belonging  to 
the  second  magistrate  are  the  following : — 
Period  b.  c.  186-146. 


\a)\'. 


AfpoSiai. — 'Air6\r]^i.  Nike  with  wreath. 

Aippodiai, — A£07€.  Double  cornucopiae. 


Period  b.  c.  146-middle  of  first  century  b.  c. 

.,  V  J  KoivTos — KAefts  Nike  crowning  Metellus  ? 

^  -^  I  KoivTos — Xapias  Two  ears  of  corn. 

/  \S  'ApxtTifxos — ATju-fjTpt,  Isis  (?)  holding  flower. 

^^^  I  'ApxiTifxos — UafXfxtvrjs  Thyrsus. 

I  Ato«A.^s — AeojviSrjs  Asclepius. 

(d)  <  AlokXtjs  to  Stu. — Mrj^eios  Hygieia. 

(  Aiok\7}s  rb  rpi. — Aiodcupos  Dionysus. 

^  V  J  <^iKoKpdTT]s — 'HpijSrjs  Dionysus. 

^^^  I  ^iXoKpaTTjs — Ka\\i<ppa)v  Nike. 

From  the  above  it  would  seem  to  be  clear  that  the  symbol 
belongs  to  the  second  magistrate.  It  might,  however,  be  argued 
that,  for  instance,  Architimos  came  into  office  a  second  time 
and  therefore  changed  his  symbol.  If  so,  why  is  Diokles  the 
only  one  who  enumerates  his  successive  tenures  of  office  ? 

Finally,  it  may  be  noticed  that  we  find  some  combinations 
which  fall  in  with  neither  of  the  alternatives  suggested. 

These  are : — 

Period  b.  0.  196-187, 

.  V  J  'Aptfiw — Aio,  Kerchnos  ^  or  no  symbol. 

W  I  'Apipu} — Ato.  Cornucopiae. 

Period  146-middle  of  first  century  b.  c. 

iBivoKXrjs — 'Apfxo^evos  Serpent. 

s(voK\7Js — 'Apfio^tvos  Trident  and  dolphin. 

SiyofcKTJs — 'Apfio^evos  Metellus  (?)  seated. 

On  the  whole  the  evidence  of  the  coins  is  so  inconsistent 
that  it  is  safest  to  assume  that  there  was  no  fixed  rule ;  indeed, 
the  placing  of  the  sj^mbol  beside  the  name  was  by  no  means 
essential,  since  we  find  series  in  which  the  symbol  is  either 
always  or  sometimes  absent  ^. 

^  For  the  significance  of  this  symbol,  until  lately  wrongly  called  plemo- 
cho6,  see  0.  Rubensohn,  Athen.  Mitth.,  1898,  pp.  271  ff.,  especially  p.  302. 

^  An  arrangement,  somewhat  similar  to  the  Athenian,  is  found  in 
a  series  of  coins  of  Macedonia  (regal  of  Philip  V  and  autonomous  of  the 
same  time)  which  have  been  shown  by  Gaebler  {Z.f.  N.  xx.  1895,  pp.  170, 171) 
to  bear  three  sets  of  monograms,  of  which  the  third  is  associated  with 
a  symbol. 


124  GREEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 


§  3.   The  Office  of  the  Moneyer. 

Who  were  these  magistrates  to  whom  the  superintendence 
of  the  coinage  of  Athens  was  confided  ?  It  is  impossible  with 
our  present  information  to  say  \  We  only  know  that  the  first 
two  magistrates  were  annual,  the  third  (whose  signature  was 
by  no  means  essential)  enjoyed  office  during  the  length  of 
a  prytany,  and  therefore  presumably  was  elected  from  the 
prytanizing  tribe.  The  Council  being  the  supreme  financial 
authority  at  Athens  ^,  the  control  of  the  coinage  was  naturally 
in  its  hands.  It  seems  fair  to  suppose  that  the  third  magis- 
trate is  the  treasurer  (ra/xias)  of  the  prytany  ^. 

In  the  case  of  some  federal  coinages  we  are  able,  thanks  to 
historical  records,  to  recognize  the  office  held  by  the  magistrates 
who  sign  the  coins.  Thus  the  coins  of  Phocis  in  the  fourth 
century  bear  the  names  'Ouvfiapxov  and  ^uXaUov^  the  famous 
Phocian  strategi  in  the  Sacred  War  (Onymarchus  b.  c.  354-352, 
Phalaecus  b.  c.  351-350).  The  name  'Etto/x.  or  'Enafxi.  on 
Theban  coins  of  the  period  b.  c.  379-338  (PI.  IV.  10)  almost 
certainly  represents  Epaminondas;  and  it  appears  that  the 
l^rivilege  of  coinage  belonged  to  the  Boeotarchs  who  happened 
to  be  at  the  head  of  affairs  \ 

A  few  cities  there  are  in  the  pre-Roman  period  which  go  so 
far  as  to  specify  on  their  coins  the  official  title  of  the  magistrate. 
A  unique  gold  stater  of  Smyrna,  probably  of  the  period  when 
Mithradates  the  Great  controlled  the  city  (b.  c.  88-84),  bears  the 
inscription  IMYPNAinN  nPYTANEIS.  The  earlier  coins 
of  the  same  city  (cistophori,  tetradrachms,  and  drachms  of  the 
second  century  b.  c.)  frequently  bear,  in  addition  to  a  magistrate's 
name,  monograms  in  which  the  letters  TTPY  or  HP  VTA  are 

^  The  various  conjectures— they  are  nothing  more— may  be  found  in 
Lonormant,  iii.  pp.  41  ff.  M,  Th.  Keinach's  tempting  theory  that  the  first 
and  second  magistrates  are  the  aTparrjyds  em  rd  orrKa  and  the  arp.  tm 
r^v  irapaffKfvrjv  respectively  {Rev.  des  EL  gr.  1888,  pp.  163  ff.)  is  refuted 
by  Preuner  (Bhein.  Mus.  1894,  p.  376  f ). 

^  Gilbert,  Greek  Constitutional  Antiquities  (Eng.  Trans.),  p.  341. 

2  Gilbert,  op.  cit.  p.  273. 

*  Lenormant,  iii.  p.  73,  and  Head,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal,  Central  Greece,  p.  xlii. 
The  Euares  mentioned  in  a  Delphian  decree  of  proxenia  (Perdrizet  in  BkU. 
Corr.  Hellen.  1897,  p.  551)  is  named  (EYFAPA  for  Eofdpao,  the  Boeotian 
genitive)  on  a  Theban  coin  {Brit.  Mus.  Catal.  p.  82,  no.  140).  See  Bull.  Corr. 
JIdlen.  xxi.  p.  577. 


CH.  v]  MONETARY    OFFICIALS  1 25 

a  predominant  element.  These  coins  were  therefore  issued 
in  the  former  case  by  the  authority  of  the  whole  body  of  the 
Prytaneis,  in  the  latter  by  a  single  Prytanis  \  It  is  noteworthy 
that  the  officials  who  sign  the  coins  of  the  imperial  period  at 
Smyrna  are  not  prytaneis  but  strategi.  It  follows  that,  in  the 
matter  of  titles,  we  cannot  infer  from  imperial  coins  to  the 
autonomous  period.  Such  an  inference  as  that  drawn  by  Lenor- 
mant  from  the  usage  at  Rhodes  in  Imperial  times  (when  coins 
are  signed  fVt  rov  ^^fhos  ra^ut)  to  an  earlier  period  is  only  justified 
when  we  know  that  the  institutions  of  a  city  have  remained 
absolutely  unchanged. 

The  same  word  7ipvT{avi^)  occurs  in  monogrammatic  form  on 
the  cistophori  of  Pergamum  in  the  period  b.  c.  133-67,  together 
with  the  first  two  letters  of  a  magistrate's  name.  It  is  by  no 
means  certain  that  this  magistrate  is  himself  a  prytanis.  UpvT. 
may  simply  signify  that  the  prytaneis  have  authorized  the 
issue  of  the  coin,  while  the  magistrate  who  signs  is  the 
responsible  mint  master. 

The  mention  of  magistrates'  names  on  regal  coins  is  naturally 
somewhat  restricted.  The  most  remarkable  instance  is  perhaps 
that  of  Zoilus  w^ho  signs  in  full  on  some  tetradrachms  of 
Perseus  of  Macedon,  and  in  monogram  on  other  coins  of 
Perseus  and  his  father  Philip  V  \ 

An  inscription  of  Sestos',  recording  a  decree  in  honour  of 
one  Menas,  throws  some  light  on  the  position  of  moneyer  in 
this  small  city  of  the  Thracian  Chersonesus.  Since  the  time  of 
Lysimachus,  Sestos  had  depended  on  foreign  currency ;  now, 
some  time  in  the  latter  half  of  the  second  century,  it  decided 
to  issue  a  bronze  coinage  of  its  own  (1.  43) :  rov  re  drjfiov  npoeXo- 

pevov  vofxia-fxaTi  ^aXKii-co  p^pJja^at  Idicoi,  X"/""  ''""^  vofxeirevecrBai  fxiv  rov 
Ttjs  TToXeoos  x^P^'^'^'VP^}  '"^  ^^  XvcrireXes  to  nfpiyfvonevov  €<  Ti]s  Toiavrrjs 
npoaodov  Xap^dveiv  rov  drjpov,  Koi  Trpop^ftpitro/iei/ou  rot's  Trjv  Triartv  evaf^cos 
re  Koi  diicaiois  TTjprjaovTas,  Mr]vas  alpe6€\s  pera  tov  crvvaTiobeL)(6(.VTOi  ti)v 
KadrjKOvaau    elarjUeyKaro    impeXetaVj    i^    otv   6    filj/ios    bia   ttjv    ratv    dvbpoou 

^  Two  of  these  officials  entitle  themselves  Bavs,  which  appears  to  be  an 
abbreviation  for  Ba{ai\€)vs.  The  liead  of  the  prytaneis  was  therefore  the 
lSa(Ti\fvs  (see  Pauly-Wissowa,  Real-Enc.  iii.  p.  71). 

^  Lenormant,  iii.  85.  Zoilus  is  unknown  to  history.  In  the  succeeding 
pages  Lenormant  mentions  various  historical  personages  whose  names  are 
to  be  recognized,  with  more  or  less  probability,  on  regal  coins. 

^  Last  printed  in  Ch.  Michel,  Recueil  d'Inscr.  gr.  no.  327. 


126  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

8iKaio(Tvvr]v    re    Koi    (piXorifxiav   ^P'?'"'^*   t*^*    tSicoi    voixio-fiari.      The    new 

coinage  is  that  which  is  classed  to  the  second  century  b.  c' 


§  4.   Magistrates  in  Imperial  Times. 

The  mention  of  magisterial  titles  is  very  rare  before  the  time 
of  the  Eoman  domination.  The  titles  which  are  then  given 
are,  however,  not  merely  those  of  offices  actually  connected 
with  the  issue  of  money  or  of  eponymous  offices.  A  man  may 
inscribe  on  coins  issued  by  his  authority  any  titles,  however 
empty,  that  he  may  chance  to  possess,  even  to  the  omission  of 
the  actual  title  in  virtue  of  which  alone  he  is  enabled  to  sign 
his  name. 

The  formulae  which  occur  on  coins  in  connexion  with  the 
magistracies  are  of  almost  endless  variety.  In  the  first  place 
the  name  of  the  magistrate  may  ba 

1.  In  the  nominative ; 

2.  In  the  genitive ; 

(a)  Alone,  or  with  a  preposition  ; 

(h)  With  a  participle  or  noun  in  absolute  construction,  or 
preceded  by  a  preposition, 
(i)  o-TpaTijyos  KXdposj  Smyrna. 

' EKarcivvfios  Al(rxpi<ovos,  Erythrae. 
(2)  (a)  Alyaiavovj  Lebedus. 

Sm  'opOpLov  'Upcovos,  Tabae  (Caria). 

(p)  rafxia  Teipoa-Tpdrov,  Rhodes. 

em  TcLfjioOeov  apxovro?,  Hyllarima  (Caria). 

(TTpaTrjynvuTos  'EcoarpaTov^  Dionysopolis  (PI.  XIV.  I2). 

I.  The  use  of  the  nominative  needs  little  comment.  It  is 
very  much  rarer  than  the  genitive,  and  would  seem,  as  in  pre- 
Imperial  times,  to  imply  some  special  responsibility  or  interest 
on  the  part  of  the  magistrate.  He  may,  for  instance,  make  the 
coin  a  means  of  paying  a  compliment  to  some  superior  person, 
or  to  his  city.  In  this  case  he  uses  formulae  which  may  be 
roughly  classified  as  follows  : — 

(a)  He  merely  states  that  he  struck  the  coin.  The  most 
curious  instances  of  this  class  are  those  rare  ones  involving  the 
use  of  the  word  p^apdrreii'  as  Zcaaip-os  ^iXonarpLs  'leponoiXeiTiov  ^X"P^^{.^^) 

1  Head,  H.  N,  p.  225. 


CH.  V]  MONETARY    OFFICIALS  I27 

at  Hieropolis  in  Phrygia ;   with  which  must  be  compared  the 

Ephesian  legend  'O  veco^Kopos)  'Ecfx^aioiv)  8Ti(noi)  enexap^a^ev). 

(/3)  He  dedicates  the  coin  to  a  personage  or  body  of  persons. 

Thus   Qevdiavbs   (rTpaTr](yS)v)   dvedrjKC  S/ivpvatots  ^.      This   *  dedication  ' 

probably  means  that  the  expense  of  the  issue  was  borne  by 
Theudianos ;  it  would  seem  that  the  issue  of  coinage  was 
regarded  as  a  leitourgia. 

(y)  The  name  of  the  person  complimented  may  also  be  placed 
in  the  accusative  case,  in  which  circumstances  we  must  under- 
stand some  such  word  as  eriprjaej  e.  g.  ^e^aa-rov  KecpaXicov  ypap- 
fiareviav  (PergamuHi). 

2.  The  use  of  the  genitive  is  much  commoner.  The  preposi- 
tions which  are  employed  are  three  in  number.  *E7rt  of  course 
expresses  primarily  a  date,  but  probably  in  the  case  of  financial 
officers  also  direct  responsibility.  Other  prepositions  are 
restricted  to  small  areas.  Aid  is  confined  to  part  of  Caria 
and  south-west  Phrygia,  occurring  at  the  cities  of  Laodicea 
ad  Lycum,  Attuda,  Cidramus,  Trapezopolis,  Apollonia  Salbace 
and  Tabae  (at  the  last  two  places  only  exceptionally),  napd  is 
found  once  or  twice  at  Apamea  in  Phrygia  {napa  ^TparoviKiavov). 
ilapd  and  did,  like  the  formulae  of  dedication,  both  seem  to 
imply  that  the  person  charged  himself  with  the  expense  of  the 
coinage. 

Before  passing  on  to  deal  with  the  various  magisterial  titles 
that  occur,  we  must  consider  a  few  participial  constructions 
which  express  not  an  office  but  a  commission  or  private  under- 
taking which  resulted  in  the  issue  of  coins.  The  commonest 
of  these  is  (mpeXrjdtvTos  or  i-nipekr^aavTos.  This  merely  implies 
that  the  person  (whose  official  title  is  sometimes  mentioned — 
€7npL€\T]6iPTos  ^\.  Mixouos  ap{x(^vTos)  at  Aphrodlsias  in  Caria)  is 
charged  with  the  issued  The  title  empeXrjTov  is  probably  quite 
distinct,  the  enifieXrjTTjs  being  a  distinct  official '. 

"irrjcpio-apfvov  ^Xav^iov  Ainp.l)dovs  is  the  inscription  on  a  coin  of 
Stratonicea  in  Caria  of  imperial  date  \     The  use  of  the  middle 

*  Smyrna,  Brit  Mus.  Catal,  Ionia,  133.  At  Temenothyrae  in  Phrygia 
nearly  all  the  coins  with  magistrates'  names  are  inscribed  with  this 
formula  (omitting  dviOr^Ki). 

^  The  phrase  is  common  in  inscriptions  in  connexion  with  the  erection 
of  monuments.     Compare  also  the  Sestos  inscription  (above,  p.  125). 
^  He  occurs  on  coins  of  Mastaura. 

*  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.,  Caria,  p.  153,  no.  4a. 


128  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

voice  is  peculiar,  but  the  analogy  of  lapidary  inscriptions  shows 
the  sense  to  be  that  the  coins  were  issued  in  accordance  with 
the  terms  of  a  x/^/j^io-jua  proposed  by  Diomedes,  or  possibly  passed 
under  his  presidency. 

Ahrjo-aixei^ov  ^poijyi  occurs  on  coins  of  Alia,  and  similar  inscrip- 
tions on  coins  of  Ancyra  and  Eucarpia,  all  Phrygian  towns. 
The  phrase  perhaps  means  that  the  coins  were  issued  in  answer 
to  a  request  from  Frugi  for  funds  to  defray  certain  expenses  \ 

F.lcravy€iXavTos   M.    KX(a^S(Ov)   OvnXepmvou   dpxi-[epe(os)   'Aata?    is   the 

inscription  on  a  coin  of  Eumenia.  Here  of  course  the  participle 
cannot  have  the  technical  sense  which  it  bore  in  Attic  law ; 
most  probably  the  inscription  means  that  the  coin  was  issued 
'  on  the  presentation  of  a  report  by  M.  Claudius  Valerianus.' 

The  vaguest  in  meaning  of  all  the  titles  is  apx(ov.  It  may 
either  be,  as  at  Athens,  a  real  title,  or,  when  used  in  the 
genitive,  may  simply  mean  'being  in  office.'  Only  at  those 
places  where  no  other  official  title  occurs  on  the  coins  can  we 
feel  sure  that  the  magistrates  were  called  archons,  and  at  any 
time  a  magistrate's  title  may  be  discovered  on  a  new  coin  to 
disprove  our  theory.  Elsewhere,  as  at  Cyzicus,  we  are  able  by 
comparison  to  arrive  at  the  real  title.  Thus  two  coins  of 
Cyzicus  (in  *  alliance  '  with  Ephesus  under  Antoninus  Pius)  read 

respectively  f'm  npxouros  'Eanalov^  'Opuunia  and  'O/zoj/oio,  2Tp{^iiTr]yni) 

'EaTialov  ^  The  former  inscription,  therefore,  means  '  during 
the  year  of  office  of  (the  general)  Hestiaeus.' 

The  various  titles,  and  the  explanation  so  far  as  that  is 
possible,  of  their  meanings,  cannot  be  given  in  detail  here.  It 
is,  however,  necessary  to  emphasize  the  distinction  between  the 
various  classes  of  them : — 

(i)  Kegular  official  titles,  of  an  eponymous  character,  or 
giving  the  bearer  right  to  issue  coins. 

(2)  Kegular  official  titles,  but  not  necessarily  implying  either 
of  the  above  rights. 

(3)  Honorary  or  fancy  titles,  or  titles  expressing  social 
grade. 

Of  course  the  same  title  may  at  one  place  belong  to  class  (i), 

^  Friedlander  (Hermes,  ix.  pp.  492  ff.)  refers  the  words  €mp.c\r}9fVTos  and 
alrrjaap.kvov  not  to  the  issue  of  coins,  but  to  the  erection  of  statues  or  the 
like,  which  are  sometimes  represented  on  the  coins  themselves. 

^  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.,  Mysia,  p.  60. 


CH.  V]  MONETARY    OFFICIALS  1 29 

at  another  to  class  (2).     The  third  class,  however,  stand  quite 
apart. 

The  regular  official  titles  of  the  first  class  may  relate  to  all 
kinds  of  offices  connected  with  the  administration  of  the  state. 
The  strategos  (who  of  course  had  no  military  power),  the 
prytanis  or  boularchos,  and  other  officials  connected  with  the 
various  municipal  assemblies,  financial  officers  like  the  rafiias, 
superintendents  of  the  athletic  and  musical  contests  which  were 
celebrated  at  so  many  cities  under  the  Empire  (panegyriarchs, 
agonothetae,  &c.),  and,  where  sacerdotal  and  political  offices 
were  closely  combined,  priests  and  archpriests — all  these  figure 
on  coins,  probably  as  possessing  the  right  of  coinage.  But 
again,  it  is  not  in  virtue  of  his  office  as  Asiarch  that  Tepnos 
'Aa-idpxTji  issues  coins  at  Smyrna,  but  because  he  holds  some  other 
office  ;  Epikrates,  son  of  Xenokrates,  calls  himself  hpfvs  8r]fiov 
at  Plarasa-Aphrodisias,  but  it  is  probably  as  holding  some  other 
office  that  he  is  entitled  to  put  his  name  on  the  coins  he  issues. 
Finally,  such  titles  as  vl6s  'A^poStacecof,  OuyaTrjp  Tov  dqpov  (Smyrna), 
vlos  'Acriapxov,  vlos  noXeos  are  merely  honorary  titles  (sometimes, 
doubtless,  specially  conferred  by  a  grateful  city) ;  titles  like 
linrtKQs  merely  betoken  a  social  rank  ;  and  "AttuXos  <jo^i(ttt]s  and 
2r.  "AttoKos  dpxiciTpns  indicate  professionul  distinction. 

Besides  individual  magistrates,  it  would  appear  that  bodies 
or  corporations  undertook  the  issue  of  coins.  Thus  we  find  the 
Nf'oi  at  Laodicea  issuing  a  coin  as  a  body,  while,  conversely, 
the  Statilius  Attains  already  mentioned  dedicates  a  coin  Neotf 
at  Heraclea  in  Caria.      Boards  of  magistrates  are  mentioned, 

though  rarely  :    thus  eVl  a.px6{vT(ji>v)  tS>v  Trepl  Me j/fcr^ea  'l(r6^ovvov  at 

Aphrodisias,  or  awapxia  at  Antiochia  in  Caria. 


§  5.  The  Greek  Mint, 

At  Athens  alone  among  Greek  states  do  we  know  anything 
of  the  arrangement  of  the  mint.  An  inscription  ^  of  Koman  but 
pre-Imperial  date  speaks  of  the  standards  preserved  fV  tw  dpyvpo- 
Koneico.      The  same  term  for  the  place   on-ov   KonTerat  r6  vopia-pa  is 

quoted  from  Antiphon,  Aeschines  Socraticus,  and  Andocides. 

^  C.  I.  A.  ii.  476,  §  4  'Ayiru  h\  xai  t]  pvd  fj  kfiiropiK^  XTf<{>avn(J>6pov  Spaxfioii 
iKarbv  rpiaKovra  Kal  oktu  npus  tcL  ardOixta  rci  kv  rS)  dpyvpoKowda/. 

K 


130  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

A  later  term,  was  arjiJLavTrjpiov  ^.  The  term  '2Te(})avr)cf)6pov  8paxnai  in 
the  inscription  just  mentioned  is  to  be  explained  by  '  drachms 
fresh  from  the  mint,'  which  was  attached  to  the  shrine  of  the 
hero  Stephanephoros  ^. 

Some  at  least  of  the  workmen  in  the  mint  were  public  slaves. 
Andocides  says  of  Hyperbolus  that  '  his  father  is  branded,  and 
is  still  a  public  slave  in  the  mint,  where,  being  an  alien  and 
a  barbarian,  he  XyxvoTroieV^'  Whatever  the  last  phrase  may 
mean,  it  certainly  denotes  some  very  base  office.  It  does  not, 
however,  follow  from  this  passage  that  the  die  engravers  were 
slaves,  as  some  would  have  us  suppose. 

On  the  Athenian  tetradrachms  of  the  '  new  style '  we  find 
a  number  of  abbreviations  which  seem  to  indicate  the  various 
officinae  or  workshops  of  the  mint.  In  a  time  when  all  the 
coins  were  struck  by  hand  there  is  nothing  astonishing  in  the 
existence  of  a  great  number  of  workshops  in  the  mint  of  a  city 
of  which  the  coinage  was  as  extensive  as  the  Athenian.  Most 
of  these  abbreviations  seem  to  represent  names,  possibly  of  gods 
or  heroes  after  whom  the  various  workshops  were  named. 
Five  of  them  occur  in  all  four  of  the  periods  into  which  the 
coinage  of  the  new  style  has  been  divided  (namely  :  AN  ;  ME 
or  MENE  ;  HP  ;  IcD  (PI.  IX.  8),  ZOA  or  ZOAI  ;  and  ZH). 
A  few  of  the  abbreviations  can  hardly  represent  names  :  such 
are  <t>)\,  M<t>,  MP.  In  all  there  are  between  thirty  and  forty 
of  these  mint  marks. 

Other  cities  (with  few  exceptions)  do  not  seem  to  have  gone 
so  far  as  Athens  in  fixing  the  responsibility  of  the  moneyers. 
At  the  same  time,  the  extraordinary  differences  in  the  dies 
which  were  employed  may  have  acted  as  a  check,  if  some  record 
was  kept  of  the  way  in  which  the  dies  were  used  by  the  various 
workmen. 

In  Athens,  as  we  have  seen,  it  is  possible,  though  not  proved, 
that  the  workmen  of  the  mint  were  public  slaves  working  in 
the  mint  and  probably  under  one  roof.  It  has  been  suggested 
(by  Lenormant)  that  elsewhere  the  moneyers  worked  in  their 

^  As  Beule  suggests,  a  more  suitable  term,  when  Athens  was  not  allowed 
to  strike  in  silver. 

^  Who  was  probably  no  other  than  Theseus,  one  of  the  mythical 
inventors  of  money  (Beul6,  Les  Monn.  d'Alhenes,  p.  349). 

'  Schol.  Aristoph.  Vesp.  1007. 


CH.  V]  MONETARY    OFFICIALS  I3I 

private  workshops,  being  of  course  responsible  to  the  state. 
The  difficulty  of  properly  controlling  them  seems  to  make  this 
suggestion  highly  improbable  '.  The  mint  must  always  have 
been  strictly  under  the  control  of  the  state,  and  this  would 
have  baen  thoroughly  ineffective  if  the  moneyer  were  allowed 
to  make  coins  in  his  own  house. 

The  artists  who  engraved  the  dies  of  Greek  coins  are,  in 
a  comparatively  few  cases,  known  to  us  by  name,  owing  to 
their  custom  of  signing  their  dies.  The  consideration  of  this 
subject  belongs  more  properly  to  another  chapter.  Here  we  may 
note  that,  magnificent  as  some  of  their  productions  were,  the 
utter  silence  of  ancient  literature  in  respect  to  these  engravers 
has  suggested  to  some  writers  that  they  were  not  freemen. 
Yet,  if  so,  it  is  hard  to  see  how  they  can  have  been  permitted 
to  affix  their  signatures  to  the  state  issue.  The  fact  that  we 
find  the  same  artist  working  for  different  cities  also  makes  it 
improbable  that  he  was  a  slave ;  the  jealousy  that  always 
existed  between  Greek  cities,  even  in  times  of  political  alliance, 
would  hardly  have  permitted  an  interchange  of  state  servants 
of  this  kind. 


B.     Among  the  Komans. 

§  6.   Moman  Monetary  Magistrates. 

The  earliest  Eoman  coins  bear  no  mark  indicating  the 
moneyer  who  issued  them.  As  in  Greece,  so  too  in  Rome, 
a  beginning  in  the  way  of  indicating  the  moneyer  is  made  by 
means  of  symbols.  These  are  found  on  some  of  the  old  denarii 
of  um-educed  weight  (therefore  before  the  close  of  the  First  Punic 
war)  ^  Towards  the  close  of  the  third  century  b.  c.  (before  217) 
appear  the  names  of  moneyers,  in  ligature  or  otherwise  abbre- 
viated.    Gradually  the  name  begins  to  appear  at  greater  length. 

^  A  passage  is  quoted  by  Lenormant  (Polyb.  ap.  Athen.  v.  193  d)  in 
favour  of  this  arrangement  at  Antiochia.  But  the  dpytpoKowaa  which 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  frequented  were  merely  silversmiths'  workshops. 
This  is  clear  from  the  context.  'ApyvpoKonos  must  not  always  be  taken  in 
the  sense  of  moneyer.  It  is  parallel  in  meaning  exactly  to  our  word 
silversmith.  There  is  no  reason,  for  instance,  to  suppose  that  Demetrius 
of  Ephesus  was  a  moneyer. 

^  See  above,  pp.  47,  48. 

K   2 


132  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  r 

It  is  only  in  the  later  period  that  any  title  is  added  to  the  name. 
This  becomes  common  in  the  case  of  extraordinary  issues ;  and 
sometimes  even  we  find  the  title  (such  as  \  tAPERator  on  a  coin 
of  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Pius,  or  Q_  for  Quaestor  on  a  coin 
struck  in  81-80  e.c.  under  Sulla)  without  the  name.  The 
increasing  importance  of  the  moneyers  is  also  shown  by  the 
introduction  (about  134  b.  c.)  of  types  personal  to  the  moneyers 
(such  as  the  tribune  C.  Licinius  Crassus  assembling  the  people 
in  the  septa,  on  a  denarius  of  P.  Licinius  Nerva,  PL  XII.  i). 
The  authority  over  the  coinage  probably  belonged  in  the  earliest 
times  to  the  consuls.  About  the  time  of  the  Second  Punic 
war,  when  coinage  was  concentrated  within  the  city,  it  would 
seem  that  a  new  arrangement  was  made.  The  tendency  at 
the  time  was  to  restrict  the  consular  power  within  the  limits 
of  the  city  in  various  ways.  Accordingly  the  consuls  lost  the 
right  of  coinage  within  Rome,  which  was  given  to  a  special 
board  of  magistrates,  tresviri  auro  argento  acre  ^  (or  acre  argcnto 
auro)  fiando  fcriundo  or  tresviri  monctalcs. 

The  title  of  the  ordinaiy  monetary  magistrate,  when  expressed, 
is  simply  given  as  1 1 1 VI R  (e.  g.  M.  AQ_y  I  Lius  M.  Fi/ms  M.  Hepos 
III VI R).  It  is  commonest  among  the  moneyers  belonging  to 
the  exiled  Pompeian  party,  who  naturally  felt  it  desirable  to 
call  attention  to  their  right  to  issue  coins. 

It  is  probable  that  when  the  board  of  moneyers  was  first 
instituted,  these  officials  were  appointed  not  every  year,  but  only 
when  their  services  were  required.  The  definite  establishment 
of  the  magistracy  is  dated  by  Mommsen  between  104  and  89  b.  c. 
As  a  rule  only  one  magistrate  signs  a  coin.  Thus  C.  Claudius 
Pulcher,  whom  we  know  to  have  been  Illvir  a.  a.  a.  f.  f? 
always  signs  alone:  G.  Pulcher.  This  practice  is  fully  in 
accordance  with  the  Roman  rule  that  each  official  could  exercise 
his  power  independently,  subject  to  the  veto  of  any  one  else 
of  equal  authority.  But  there  are,  nevertheless,  coins  signed 
by  all  three  members  of  the  board  :  thus  M.  Cdlid[ms), 
Q.  Met{ellus),  Cn.  F{o)l{vms).  The  office  of  moneyer  was  one  to 
which,  in  the  ordinary  cursus  honorum,  a  man  might  attain  at 
the  age  of  twenty-seven.  An  appointment  does  not  seem 
necessarily  to  have  entailed  the  issue  of  coins ;  for  we  know, 

'  The  old  form  of  the  dative,  as  in  iure  dicundo. 
^  C.  L  L.  i.  p.  279,  of  92  B.C. 


CH.   \] 


MONETARY    OFFICIALS 


133 


from  the  coins  dating  between   the  social  and  civil  wars,  of 
some  sixty  moneyers  only '. 

Inscriptions  on  coins  of  the  Republic  bear  witness  to  certain 
extraordinary  issues  authorized  by  the  Senate  : — 
S{enatus)  C(onsuUo) 
Ex  S(enatus)  C(onsulto) 
P(ubUce)  E(x)  S{enatus)  C(onsuUoY 
B(e)  S{enatus)  S{ententia) 
or  by  the  popular  vote  :  — 

Pu{hUce) — M,  LuciU(us)  Iiuf(us)  [90  b.  c] 
Itulli—P,  Scrvili  M.  F\ilii]  P{uhlice)  [89  b.c] 
These   issues  might  be   directed  by  the  triumvirs,   but  most 
often    a    special     person 
was     commissioned     for 
the  purpose.     In  82  b.c. 
an  urban  praetor  was  com- 
missioned to  melt  down 
all  the  temple  treasures, 
and   struck  denarii  with 
the  inscription    Q.  Anto- 
(nius)    BaTb(us)    Pr(aetor) 
S.  C.     Other  inscriptions 
of  this  kind  are  : — 

i.  Torqua(tus)  Q(uaestor)  Ex  S.  C.  [99-94  b.c] 
A.  Plautius  Aed{ilis)  Cur(ulis)  S.  (7.^  [54  b.c.  J 
M.  Fan(nms)  L.  Crit(onius)  P{uhUco)  A(rgento)  Aed[iles) 
Pl(ehei)[^6B.c.] 
The  formula  Ex  A(rgento)  P(uhlico) — sometimes  without  the 
preposition — appears  on  many  denarii  issued  between  90  and 
80  B.C.,  some  of  them  anonymous.     L{ege)  P{apiria)  D(e)  A(ere) 
P{ubUco)  is  the  inscription  on  the  earliest  semuncial  bronze 
(Fig.  20). 

^  With  three  moneyers  to  the  year,  we  should  have  for  this  period  more 
than  double  this  number.  Possibly,  however,  the  appointment  was  not 
annual.  Cicero's  use  of  the  word  monetalis  in  reference  to  Vectenus 
{ad  AU.  X  5  and  11)  is  a  jest,  the  point  of  which  has  escaped  Lenormant 
(iii.  pp.  162,  163),  who  founds  on  these  passages  a  theory  that  Vectenus 
was  a  triumvir  but  did  not  issue  coins  ! 

^  Others  write  these  abbreviations  P{ubUc)E  S(enatus)  C(pnsulto). 

'  The  coins  thus  signed  were  probably  issued  at  the  expense  of  the 
aedile  to  serve  for  his  games,  and  naturally  he  had  to  obtain  permission 
from  the  government  to  issue  them. 


Fig.  20. — Semuncial  bronze  eemis.  Ohv. 
Head  of  Jupiter,  S.  Eev.  L.P.D.A.P. 
Prow  of  galley.  Weight  :  6.n 
grammes. 


134  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  i 

A  set  of  coins  (a  special  emission  for  the  purposes  of  the  ludi 
Apollinares  made  by  M.  Volteius  M.  f,  shortly  before  74  b.c.) 
bear  the  legend  S.  G.  D(e)  T{hesauro),  and  we  know  that  the 
expenses  of  these  games  were  defrayed  out  of  a  special  treasury. 

Names  of  magistrates  other  than  the  regular  triumvirs  do 
not  occur  on  bronze  coins  of  the  city.  Ex  S.  G.  is  found  on  an 
anonymous  semuncial  as,  Be  S.  S,  on  an  as  of  G.  Gassius 
L.  Salina(tor)  issued  in  85  b.c.  Probably  all  the  bronze  was 
issued  by  ordinary  triumvirs. 

Julius  Gaesar  increased  the  number  of  the  moneyers  to  four 
(towards  the  end  of  45  b.c).  The  first  members  of  this  new 
board  were  L.  Flaminius  Chile,  L.  Aemilius  Buca,  M.  Mettius, 
and  L.  SepuUius  Macer,  of  whom  the  first  seems  to  have  been  the 
head  of  the  board,  if  we  judge  by  his  signature  L.  FLAMINIVS 
CHILO  IIIIVIR  ?R\mus?LKvit 

Hitherto  the  issuing  of  gold  had  not  been  within  the 
competence  of  the  board  of  moneyers.  When  the  Senate 
towards  the  end  of  44  b.c.  decreed  an  issue  of  this  metal, 
it  appointed  the  praetors  C.  Norbanus  and  L.  Cestius  to 
superintend  it  (so  that  the  coins  read,  for  instance,  L.  CESTI VS 
C.  N  ORB  Ames  ?Kaetores  Senatus  Consulto).  But  in  the  next 
year  the  power  of  striking  gold  was  transferred  to  the  quatuor- 
viri,  some  of  whom  added  the  new  distinction  to  their  title 
(L.  RECVLVS  IIIIVIR  kuro  PuUice  Feriundo). 

The  board  of  quatuorviri  as  constituted  by  Caesar  had  but 
a  short  existence.  The  old  triumviral  arrangement  was 
restored  by  Augustus  after  a  brief  period  (b.c.  41-27)  in  which 
no  coins  signed  by  regular  monetary  magistrates  were  issued. 
The  names  of  the  triumvirs  now  appeared  for  a  few  years  until 
15  B.C.  From  this  date  onward  they  were  discarded  on  gold 
and  silver,  but  maintained  themselves  for  about  ten  years  on 
the  bronze  coinage,  which  was  instituted  in  this  year.  This 
was  the  last  appearance  of  a  magistrate's  name  on  any  Roman 
coin.  Then  followed  after  an  interval  the  change  by  which 
the  Senate  took  over  the  superintendence  of  all  the  copper 
or  brass  coinage,  a  fact  which  is  indicated  by  the  letters  S  C, 
which  henceforward  occur  on  all  the  small  money.  The 
earliest  known  coin  struck  under  the  new  conditions  belongs 
to  the  year  a.  d.  ii.  The  gold  and  silver  coinages  remain 
in  the  province  of  the  emperor. 


CH.  V]  MONETARY    OFFICIALS  I35 

The  vigintivirate,  the  magisterial  college  in  which  the  tresviri 
monetdles  were  included,  was  established  definitively  in  11  b.c. 

Although  the  names  of  the  triumvirs  vanish  from  the  coins, 
lapidary  inscriptions  in  plenty  attest  the  existence  of  the  office 
for  at  least  two  and  a  half  centuries '.  But  although  they 
retained  the  full  title  of  '  triumvirs  appointed  to  cast  and  strike 
gold,  silver,  and  bronze,'  their  competence  was  restricted  to 
the  last  metal.  The  mention  of  these  triumvirs  in  inscriptions 
ceases  soon  after  the  middle  of  the  third  century  a.  d.,  and 
shortly  after  this  time  (under  Aurelian)  the  senatorial  right  of 
issuing  money  was  suppressed,  and  presumably  at  the  same 
time  the  board  of  triumvirs  ceased  to  exist.  The  change  is 
probably  connected  with  the  great  revolt  of  the  moneyers 
in  274  A.  D. 

The  coinage  of  the  imperial  gold  and  silver  was  entrusted 
to  officials  of  the  imperial  treasury.  We  hear  of  Caesar's 
having  placed  private  slaves  in  charge  of  his  coinage ;  of 
a  familia  monetalis  in  the  imperial  household  ;  of  one  Julius 
Thallus,  a  freedman  of  Caligula,  who  was  supcrpositus  auri 
monetai  nummulariorum  under  Claudius.  In  the  time  of 
Domitian  it  was  the  chief  official  of  the  imperial  treasury 
(with  the  title  a  rationibus  or  rafionalis)  who  superintended 
the  coinage  at  the  mint  in  Kome,  though  doubtless  not  in 
the  various  supplementary  provincial  mints. 

Trajan  it  probably  was  who  centralized  the  whole  system 
of  Roman  imperial  coinage,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  placing 
the  general  management  in  the  hands  of  a  procurator  monetae 
Augusti,  who  had  under  his  orders  dispensatores,  probably 
all  slaves  or  imperial  freedmen.  These  procurators  were  men 
of  equestrian  rank ;  and  they  remained  under  the  control 
of  the  rationalis  (at  least  it  was  a  rationalis  Felicissimus  who 
instigated  the  revolt  of  the  moneyers  under  Aurelian)  '^. 

After  the  suppression  of  the  senatorial  coinage,  at  the  close 
of  the  third  century,  we  find  special  procurators  appointed 
under  the  chief  procurator.  Such  are  the  proc.  sacrae  monetae 
per  Gallias  tres  et  prov.  Narhonens.  and  proc.  sacrae  monetae 
Trivericae,     This   arrangement   was   finally  extended   and   re- 

^  The  title  is  Illvir  a.  a.  a.f.f,  or  Illvir  monetalis  a.  a.  a.  /./,  &c.     The 
inscriptions  are  collected  by  Lenormant,  iii.  pp.  185  ff. 
'  Vopisc.  Aurelian f  38. 


136  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  1 

gularized  by  Diocletian.  There  exist  gold  bars,  of  which  two 
are  figured  here  (Figs.  21,  22),  bearing  stamps  which  were 
impressed  in  the  metal  before  cooling  by  various  officials 
connected  with  the  mint  at  Sirmio  '.  The  stamps  are  (i) 
Lucianus  6br{yzum)  ^  I  sig[navit),  followed  by  the  Christian 
monogram  ;  (2)  Fl{av'ms)  Flavianus  Pro{curator)  sig[navit)  ad 
digma  ^,  followed  by  a  palm-branch ;  (3)  Quirillus  et  Bionisus 
[star]  Sirmi{i)  sig(naverunt)  [palm-branchj;  (4)  DDD  NNN  (i.e. 
Domini  nostri)  with  three  busts ;  (5)  Sirm{ium),  with  personifi- 
cation of  Sirmium  seated,  holding  palm-branch ;  above  star 
or  Christian  monogram.  The  date  of  these  bai's  can  be  fixed 
to  some  time  between  367  and  383  ad.  Flavianus  is  evidently 
the  procurator  monetae  at  Sirmium  ;  Quirillus  and  Dionisus  and 
Lucianus  probably  minor  officials.  The  procurator  sacrae 
monetae  Urhis  until  Constantino's  time  was  under  the  rationalis; 
afterwards  he  was  placed  under  the  disposition  of  the  comes 
sacrarum  largitionum.  We  possess  the  tedious  formula  qua 
moneta  committitur^  i.e.  the  formula  of  institution  of  these 
procurators  "*. 

§  7.  Monetary  Officials  of  Boman  Colonies. 

In  the  Roman  colonies  the  formula  corresponding  to  the 
Roman  S.  C  is  D.  D.  or  EX  D.  D.  (ex  decurionum  decreto)  ^ .  But, 
just  as  at  Rome  in  Republican  times  it  was  never  considered 
necessary,  save  in  the  case  of  special  issues,  to  mention  the  fact 
that  the  issue  was  authorized  by  a  senatus  consultum,  so  in  the 
colonies  the  letters  D.  D.  or  EX  D.  D.  are  by  no  means  essential. 
Much  more  frequent  is  the  appearance  of  the  titles  of  the 
monetary  magistrates.  The  coinage  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
duumvirs  (originally ^rcte^ores  duumviri),  who  are  therefore  named 
sometimes  singly,  sometimes  both  together  ^      The  duumviri 

^  See  especially  G.  I.  L.  iii.  Suppl.  8080  ;  Mommsen,  Z./.  N.  xvi.  pp.  351  ff. ; 
Arch.  Ep.  Mitih.  aus  Oest.  vol.  xii.  The  article  of  H.  Willers  {Num.  Zt.  xxx. 
211),  too  recently  published  for  consideration  here,  should  be  consulted. 

^  'Offpv^ovj  refined  gold.  ^  Auy/xa,  sample  or  standard. 

*  Cassiodorus,  Vai:  vii.  32,  quoted  by  Lenormant,  iii.  p.  212, 

'  Lenormant,  iii.  pp.  215  ff. 

®  In  the  old  colonj^  of  Carthage  (that  founded  by  Julius  Caesar)  the  old 
title  of  Suffetes  was  revived  (ARISTO  MVTVMBAL  RICOCE 
SVF.)  for  a  time.  We  also  find  quatuorviri,  as  at  Parium  IlllnVi 
\ure  Olcundo  Decurionuni  Decreto. 


I 


^6 


E^ 


p; 


I 


138  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  "        [bk.  i 

were  usually  elected  annually  ;  but  in  some  colonies  we  meet 
with  duumviri  quinquennales  who  were  appointed  every  fifth 
year.  This  quinquennial  office  was  filled  as  often  as  three  times 
by  the  same  man  (as  is  shown  by  the  coin  of  Buthrotum 
in  Epirus  reading  GRAECINVS  QVIN.  TERT.  BVTHR.^  The 
office  of  quinquennalis  was  occasionally  bestowed  in  compliment 
on  imperial  personages ;  in  which  case,  like  those  duumvirs 
who  from  some  other  cause  were  absentees,  they  appointed 
prefects  (praefecti  pro  duumviris)  to  fulfil  their  duties.  Thus 
at  Carthago  Nova  we  have  a  pair  of  coins  of  Augustus  and 
Agrippa  respectively  reading : — 

(i)  \lAPerator  C^ESar  QyiNquemialis  L.  BENm'o  ?R\Efecto 
— HIBERO  PRAEf ecto. 

(2)  M.  AGRIPi^a  QyiNquennalis  HIBERO  ?RAEfecto—L. 
BENIN  10  PRAEFecto. 

From  the  arrangement  of  these  coins  it  appears  that  Bennius 
was  the  prefect  of  Augustus,  Hiberus  of  Agrippa.  The  prefects 
are  not,  however,  always  named.  The  honour  was  also 
occasionally  offered  to  distinguished  strangers  outside  the 
imperial  circle,  as  to  the  two  kings  of  Mauretania,  Juba  II 
and  Ptolemaeus,  who  were  duumviri  quinquennales  at  Carthago 
Nova. 

Occasionally,  we  find  coins  signed  by  aediles  or  quaestors 
(as  at  Carteia).  At  some  towns,  as  Obulco,  the  aediles  may 
have  been  the  regular  monetary  officials  ;  but  elsewhere,  when 
we  find  aediles,  we  have  probably  to  do  with  special  occasions, 
such  as  games. 

The  magisterial  titles  are  occasionally,  though  rarely,  given 
alone,  without  the  name  of  the  magistrate:  I II I VI R.  D.  D., 
or  CEnSor,  or  Qjiaestor  at  Carteia.  The  formulae  relating  to 
the  issue  are  simple,  such  as  Faciundum  Curavit  or  other  phrases 
containing  the  same  verb. 

§  8.  Eoman  Governors. 

The  nature  of  the  militaiy  coinage  of  the  Komans,  in  virtue 
of  which  the  Koman  generals  or  their  subordinates  placed 
their  signatures  on  coins,  has  already  been  explained  (p.  98). 
These  officers  hardly  enter  into  the  scope  of  a  discussion  of 

'  Gardner,  Brit  Mus.  Catal.,  p.  97,  no.  3. 


cn.  V]  MONETARY    OFFICIALS  I39 

monetary  officials.  The  Roman  governors  whose  names  appear 
on  Greek  coins  of  Imperial  times  are  as  a  rule  mentioned 
merely  out  of  compliment,  or  for  the  purpose  of  a  date.  Thus 
we  have  such  formulae  as 

dvOvnaTw  (= legato  proconsule)  ^povnlva  arparriyos  'Fr^ytivoi 

at  Smyrna  \  or 

in\  A.  'Avtcoviov  Nda-avos  iirtrponov  (procuratoie) 

in  Bithynia,  or 

virlaTfvovTos)  KwrCKiavov  in  Moesia  Inferior. 

Occasionally,  however,  the  Roman  official  signs  in  the  nomina- 
tives :  thus,  at  Nicaea  A.  Mii/Sto?  BdXjSoy  dvOvnaros.  It  is  possible 
that  in  such  cases  the  money  may  have  been  struck  by  the 
orders  of  the  Roman  governor  for  his  own  purposes,  or  at  any 
rate  that  he  was  directly  responsible  for  the  issue. 

§  9.    The  lioman  Mint. 

Little  more  is  known  of  the  Roman  mint  than  of  the  Greek. 
The  letters  and  monograms  which  occur  on  the  early  Republican 
coins  denote  extra-Roman  mints  (K  A  for  Capua  and  the  like). 
When  these  mints  were  closed,  letters,  monograms,  and  symbols 
representing  the  monetary  magistrates  were  placed  on  the  coins. 
Finally,  when  it  became  the  custom  for  the  magistrates  to  sign 
at  greater  length,  mint-marks  properly  so  called  were  intro- 
duced.    They  have  been  classified  by  M.  Babelon^  as 

(i)  Symbols. 

(2)  Latin  letters  or  syllables. 

(3)  Greek  letters. 

(4)  Monograms. 

(5)  Numbers,  rising  in  large  issues  as  high  as  CC,  and  on  the 
coins  of  L.  Calpurnius  Piso  Frugi  to  CCIDD  (10,000). 

(6)  Dots,  generally  placed  in  a  certain  connexion  with  letters 
or  symbols. 

The  object  of  these  various  marks  was  the  same  as  that 
served  at  Athens  by  the  letters  below  the  amphora. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  third  and  beginning  of  the  fourth 

^  It  has  recently  been  suggested  (by  Pick,  Joum.  Infernaf.  1898,  p.  461, 
note  2)  that  these  datives  are  incorrect  representations  of  the  Latin 
ablative  absolute.  For  this  view  there  is  certainly  much  to  be  said ;  but 
at  the  same  time  there  is  nothing  improbable  in  the  theory  of  a 
dedication. 

'  Monn.  de  la  Rep.  I.  pp.  1,  li. 


140  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  (bk.  i 

century  a.d.  we  meet  on  Eoman  coins  with  a  curious  series  of 
mint-marks,  which  have  only  revealed  their  secret  after  patient 
collation  of  various  issues  \  Two  examples  must  suffice.  Three 
coins  of  Diocletian,  of  one  and  the  same  type,  and  struck  at  the 
same  place,  bear  in  their  exergues  : — 

XXI. A. I,  XXI-BO,  andXXI.r.BI. 

Three  corresponding  coins  of  Maximian  bear  in  their  exergues : — 

XXI.  A.  HP,  XXI-B.KOY,  andXXl.T-AI. 

The  XXI,  which  is  constant,  is  a  mark  of  value.  The  A  B  f 
represent  three  different  workshops.  The  remaining  letters 
put  together  read,  in  the  case  of  Diocletian,  I  OBI,  and  in  that 
of  Maximian,  HPKOYAI.  These  words  represent  the  genitives 
of  the  Latin  titles  assumed  by  the  two  emperors,  lovius  and 
Herculius. 

A  set  of  coins  struck  in  Kome  during  the  period  of  the 
tetrarchy  with  the  legend  S AC(ra)  MON(eta)  VRB(is)  AVGC(usto- 
rum)  ET  CAESS(arum)  NM(ostrorum)  give  us  the  following 
exergual  letters : — 

Coin  of  Diocletian  (First  Augustus)  R  P 

,,  Maximian  (Second      ,,       )  R  S 

,,  Constantius     (First  Caesar)  R  T 

„  Galerius  (Second  ,,     )  R  Q_. 

The  R  of  course  stands  for  the  city  name.  The  remaining 
letters  are  the  initials  of  prima,  secunda,  &c.  (officina).  There 
were  thus  four  workshops  in  Eome,  one  devoted  to  each  of  the 
four  rulers. 

At  Alexandria  also  at  this  same  time  there  were  apparently 
four  workshops,  but  not  devoted  each  to  producing  the  coins  of 
one  of  the  four  rulers.  For,  taking  only  the  coins  in  the  British 
Museum  collection,  we  find  A  and  A  on  coins  of  Diocletian,  A, 
B,  and  f  on  those  of  Maximian,  A  ?  on  a  coin  of  Constantius 
Caesar,  and  A  or  A,  and  f  on  coins  of  Galerius  Maximian  us. 
The  use  of  these  mint-marks  seems  to  begin  in  the  eighth  year 
of  Diocletian  (a.d.  291-2). 

Of  the  workmen  in  the  mint  (familia  monetalis)  we  have, 

^  Mowat,  Combinaisons  secretes,  Bev.  Num.  1897,  pp.  67  f.,  127  f. 


en.  V]  MONETARY    OFFICIALS  I4I 

during  Imperial  times,  many  classes  mentioned.  The  signifi- 
cance of  their  titles  is  by  no  means  always  clear. 

Officinatores  was  the  usual  word  for  the  officials  who  super- 
vised the  mints.  Before  the  creation  by  Trajan  of  the  office  of 
Xwocurator  monetae  these,  and  the  officials  to  be  mentioned,  were 
perhaps  under  the  general  direction  of  a  superpositus  \  Under 
Constantino  their  director  was  known  as  praepositus. 

The  conductores  flaturae  directed  the  flaturarii  who  cast  the 
bars  of  metal  and  the  blanks  for  coining.  The  signatores  have 
been  explained  as  officials  who  attested  by  their  signature  the 
exactness  of  the  weight  and  quality  of  the  blank.  But  at  the 
period  at  which  we  hear  of  these  functionaries  (the  second  and 
third  centuries  a.  d.)  signatures  of  any  sort  are  conspicuous  by 
their  absence  from  the  coins.  Further,  as  we  find  signatores 
mentioned  together  with  suppostores  and  maUiatores^,  it  would 
seem  that  they  were  concerned  with  the  actual  striking  of  the 
coin.  It  may  be  suggested  that  as  the  supposior  was  the  person 
who  placed  the  blank  between  the  dies,  while  the  malliator 
brought  the  hammer  down  on  the  upper  die,  the  signator  was 
the  person  who  held  the  upper  die  in  position.  Signum  means 
device  or  type,  and  this  person  could  well  be  said  signare 
monetam^.  The  testing  of  the  accuracy  of  weight  of  the  blanks 
was  probably  the  work  of  the  aequator.  Finally,  there  were 
the  scalptores,  who  engraved  the  dies. 

All  the  officials  of  whom  we  hear  under  these  names  were 
members  of  the  Imperial  household  *.  The  titles  and  organiza- 
tion of  the  workmen  who  produced  the  senatorial  coins  were 
doubtless  similar.  All,  in  any  case,  worked  together  in  the 
mint  attached  to  the  temple  of  Juno  Moneta,  which  occupied 
on  the  Capitol  the  site  where  once  had  stood  the  house  of 
Manlius  ^. 

The  organization  of  the  mint  at  the  beginning  of  the  second 
century  a.  d.  can  best  be  realized  from  three  inscribed  bases 

^  In  115  A.  D.  we  find  the  whole  familia  of  oificinatores  under  an  optio 
et  exactor  auri  argenti  et  aeris  (C.  I.  L.  vi  (i),  nos.  42-44).     See  below. 

'  See  the  inscriptions  described  below. 

3  No  inference  must  be  drawn  from  the  connexion  between  this  title 
signator  and  the  verb  siginavit)  on  the  gold  bars  described  above  ;  for  the 
subject  of  the  latter  is  a  procurator  and  a  high  official. 

*  Julius  Caesar  monetae  puhUcisque  vectigalibus  peculiares  servos  praeposuit, 
and  thus  began  the  practice  (Suet.  Div.  luJ.  76). 

*  Livy,  vi.  20. 


142  GREEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS 

found  near  the  site  of  the  ancient  mint  \  The  first  is  a  dedica- 
tion to  Apollo  by  Felix  Aug.  lib.  Optio  et  Exactor  auri  argenti  et 
aeris.  The  second,  to  Fortuna  by  the  Officinatores  monetae 
aurariae  argentariae  Caesaris  n(ostri).  The  list  contains  the 
names  of  (i)  the  Felix  already  mentioned  ;  (2)  Albanus  lib(ertus) 
optio ;  (3)  sixteen  liberti,  who  are  described  as  oif(icinatores) ; 
and  (4)  nine  slaves.  The  third  inscription  is  a  dedication  by 
the  same  Felix  and  the  signatores  suppostores  malliatores  monetae 
Caesaris  n[ostri).  The  list  of  these  officials  contains  thirty 
liberti  and  thirty-six  slaves.  The  inscriptions  belong  to  the 
year  115  a.d. 

*  C,  I.  L.  vi  (i),  nos.  42-44. 


BOOK  II 
CHAPTER   VI 

FABRIC   AND   STYLE 

§  I.  Struck  Coins. 

The  word  fabric  is  loosely  employed  in  numismatics  to  denote 
the  form  given  to  a  coin  by  the  peculiar  methods  employed  to 
produce  it.  These  methods  and  their  results  varied  at  different 
times  and  places,  and  on  a  proper  acquaintance  with  them 
depends  to  a  large  extent  the  power  of  distinguishing  the 
genuine  coin  from  the  forgery,  ancient  or  modern,  as  well  as 
the  possibility,  in  many  cases,  of  attributing  a  coin  to  its  true 
place  of  origin.  The  ancient  literary  authorities  on  this  part 
of  our  subject  are  meagre  in  the  extreme,  and  our  knowledge 
of  it  is  largely  founded  on  inference. 

Metal  of  the  proper  quality  and  homogeneity  having  been 
obtained,  the  first  process  was  to  divide  it  into  the  requisite 
quantities.  Where  the  method  of  coinage  employed  was  that 
of  casting,  the  process  of  division  coincided  with  the  final  stage 
of  giving  the  coin  its  proper  form  and  type. 

For  the  purpose  of  striking  ^  coins,  the  blanks  of  metal  had 
first  to  be  prepared  of  the  requisite  shape  and  weight.  This  could 
most  easily  be  done  by  casting  them  ;  and  in  all  probability 
this  was  the  process  usually  adopted  ^. 

^  Xapdrreiv,  (irixapaTTeiv,  Koirreiv,  ferire,  cudere,  percutere,  signare  (see 
Bliimner,  Technol.  iv.  pp.  258,  259).  The  type,  and  apparently  even  the 
struck  coin,  may  be  called  x^P^'^'^VP  or  Ko/ifxa  {Nene  Jahrh.  f.  Phil.  1896, 
P-  538  ;  Num.  Chr.  1897,  p.  287). 

2  Pieces  of  gold  have  been  found  of  the  same  quality  and  weight  as  the 
Roman  aureiy  with  one  side  more  convex  than  the  other,  to  allow  of 


144 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


In  many  struck  coins  the  traces  of  the  original  casting  of 
the  blank  are  still  apparent,  as  in  the  projections  at  the  edge 
marking  the  channels  by  which  the  metal  entered  the  mould 
(see  below,  §  4).  The  traces  of  casting  are  present,  again,  in  the 
sloping  edges  which  are  characteristic  of  the  bronze  issues  of 
Syria  and  Egypt  (Fig.  23).  The  moulds  were  made  with  the 
edges  slanting  slightly  outwards,  so  that  the  blanks  when  cool 
would  easily  drop  out.  The  edges  of  the  gold  bars  described 
above  (p.  136)  are  sloped  for  a  similar  cause.     Any  roughness 


Fro.  23 — Bronze  coin  of  Antioclms  IV  of  Syria  (b.  c.  175-164).  Ohv. 
Head  of  Zeus-Sarapis.  Rev.  BacriXfw^  'Avtioxov  Qeov  l'E]Tn(pavov[s]. 
Eagle. 

left  on  the  edge  of  the  blank  by  the  casting  was  trimmed  off ; 
hence  a  secondary  chamfer  is  often  apparent. 

The  Pompeian  wall-painting  from  the  Domus  Vettiorum, 
which  is  reproduced  on  pp.  146,  147  (Fig.  24  a,  h)  is  of  the  utmost 
importance  as  illustrating  the  methods  of  coining  employed  by 
the  ancients'.  Its  date  is  some  time  in  the  first  half-century 
of  our  era,  but  the  methods  it  illustrates  are  probably  in  all 
essentials  the  same  as  those  of  an  earlier  period.  The  peacocks 
above  the  scene  are  probably  purely  ornamental,  but  they  may 
possibly  symbolize  the  presidency  of  Juno  Moneta  over  the 
operations  of  the  mint,  which  are  carried  on,  in  the  artist's 

the  high  relief  in  which  the  head  was  represented  (Mongez,  3Iem.  de 
VAcad.  des  Inscr.  ix.  1831,  p.  207\  There  exist  also  several  proofs  of  coins 
struck  in  lead  (e.g.  Brit  Mus.  CafaL,  Lycia,  p.  283,  no.  16 a\  It  has  heen 
suggested  (Friedlander,  Ann.  d.  Inst.  1859,  p.  407)  that  from  these  proofs 
moulds  were  made  in  which  the  blanks  were  cast. 

^  First  published  by  Mr.  T.  Ely,  Num.  Chr.  1896,  PL  VI.  The  view  of  Mau 
(Rom.  Mitth.  1896,  p.  78)  and  others  {Rev.  Num.  1896,  p.  360  ;  1899,  pp.  xvi  flf.) 
that  this  painting  represents  a  goldsmith's  workshop,  is,  I  venture 
to  think,  untenable.     Jewels  are  not  made  with  sledge-hammers. 


CH.  VI]  FABRIC    AND    STYLE  1 45 

fancy,  by  amoretti.  Beginning  at  the  right  we  see  a  furnace 
(surmounted  by  a  head  of  Vulcan).  On  one  side  stands  a  Cupid 
who  examines  a  ladle  full  of  metal  which  he  withdraws  from 
the  furnace  \  On  the  other,  another  flaturarhis  with  a  pair  of 
tongs  holds  in  the  flame  a  blank  of  metal  which  he  is  heating 
with  the  help  of  a  blowpipe.  When  heated  the  blanks  are 
passed  on  to  a  third  Cupid,  who  reduces  them  to  a  proper  shaj^e 
by  means  of  a  hammer  and  anvil.  The  next  object  in  the  picture 
is  a  cabinet  with  shelves  containing  various  coins  and  pieces  of 
metal  and  balances.  A  fourth  Cupid  holds  a  pair  of  scales  with 
which  he  is  testing  the  weight  of  a  blank  before  a  seated  figure 
who  appears  to  be  female.  It  would,  however,  in  spite  of  the 
apparent  'eyes'  on  her  wings,  be  rash  to  identify  her  with 
the  presiding  goddess.  The  final  stage  is  represented  on  the 
extreme  left,  where  one  Cupid  (the  suppostor)  holds  with  the 
tongs  the  die,  which  another  (the  maili'ator)  strikes  with  a 
sledge-hammer  on  top  of  the  blank  which — though  not  seen 
in  the  representation — is  lying  on  the  anvil  ^  The  coins  are 
throughout  represented  as  of  gold. 

On  the  coins  (PI.  XII.  6)  of  T.  Carisius  (denarii  struck  about 
48  B.C.,  and  *  restored  '  by  Trajan)  are  represented  four  objects 
which  are  generally  supposed  to  represent  the  instruments  of 
the  money er — anvil,  hammer,  tongs,  and  a  wreathed  conical 
object,  generally  described  as  a  coin  die.  Others  explain  this 
object  as  the  cap  of  Vulcan,  and  the  presence  of  the  wreath 
appears  to  favour  this  view.  So  far  as  its  shape  is  concerned, 
either  explanation  will  serve  ^.  The  hammer  is  absurdly  small 
for  the  size  of  the  die,  but  accuracy  in  a  matter  of  this  sort  can 
hardly  be  expected. 

The  only  other  external  evidence  of  the  methods  of  striking 
coins  is  derived  from  a  small  bronze  coin  of  Paestum,  alluding 

'  This,  Mr.  E.  J.  Seltmann's  explanation  {Num.  Chr.  189B,  p.  295),  is 
undoubtedly  right.  This  Cupid  was  previously  explained  as  stoking 
the  fire. 

^  The  depression  in  the  anvil,  necessary  to  prevent  the  blank  slipping 
aside,  accounts  for  the  invisibility  of  the  blank.  Or  it  is  possible,  as 
Mr.  Seltmann  suggests,  that  the  dies  are  actually  fastened  into  the  tongs. 
See  ch.  ix.  §  3,  note. 

^  Cp.  the  die  of  a  coin  of  Augustus  ;  Caylus,  Rec.  d'Ant.  i.  284,  PI.  105, 
no.  I.  The  case  against  the  explanation  of  the  object  as  a  die  is  given 
by  Friedlander,  *  Welche  sind  die  altesten  Medaillen  ?  '  p.  a6  j  of.  Ann. 
d.  Inst.  1859,  pp.  407  f. 

+  L 


146 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  II 


apparently  to  the  right  of  coinage  specially  accorded  to  this 
place  by  the  Romans  in  89  e.  c.  On  this  piece  we  have  on  the 
obverse  a  pair  of  scales,  on  the  reverse  a  workman  {malUator) 


CD 


striking  the  die  with  a  hammer  as  on  the  painting ;  in  front  of 
him  stands  another  person  (the  optio'?)  directing  his  work 
(Fig.  25)  \  Other  bronze  coins  of  the  same  place  represent 
what  appears  to  be  the  mint  building. 

'  Gan-ucci,    Le  Monete  dell'  Italia,  PI.    123,   nos.  5  (the  specimen  here 
figured)  and  6. 


CH.  Vl] 


FABRIC    AND    STYLE 


147 


The  Pompeian  picture  somewhat  incompletely  suggests  that 
casting  was  the  method  by  which  flans  were  originally  prepared. 


/ 

i-I^A'. 

1 

IFtF 

Pf  f 

U-'~.;3 

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If  so,  the  process  of  re-fusing  with  the  blowpipe  and  hammer- 
ing seems  somewhat  unnecessary  unless  it  be  to  remove 
irregularities  of  the  kind  already  mentioned.     If,  on  the  other 


L  2 


148 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  II 


hand,  the  blanks  were  obtained  not  by  casting,  but  by  cutting 
off  equal  lengths  from  a  bar  of  metal  of  uniform  thickness, 
we  can  understand  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  touch  up  the 
blanks  before  they  could  be  struck  ^ 

The  actual  process  of  striking  would  be  much  facilitated  by 

heating  the  blank,  and  the  reticu- 
lated surface  which  some  early 
Greek  coins  present  is  evidence 
that  in  at  least  some  cases  coins 
were  struck  while  hot  ^ 

But  this  raises  a  further  diffi- 
culty in  the  interpretation  of  the 
picture.  If  the  blanks  were 
heated  before  being  struck,  a 
second  furnace  episode  might  be 
expected  ;  for  during  the  touching-up  and  the  weighing  the 
flans  would  have  become  cold.  The  omission  may  be  due 
to  obvious  artistic  reasons  ;  or  again,  the  order  of  the  scenes 
from  right  to  left  may  not  correspond  to  the  actual  order 
in  time. 

The  lower  die  — that  of  the  obverse  of  the  coin — was  let  into 
the  anviP ;  the  blank  was  laid  over  it;  the  reverse  die  — con- 
sisting  in   the   earliest   times    merely  of  the   end   of  a   bar. 


Fig.  25. — Bronze  coin  of 
Paestum.  Obv.  Scales,  Rev. 
The  striking  of  money. 


^  In  mediaeval  times  the  blanks  were  clipped  into  shape  with  shears. 
This  of  course  was  possible  only  when  coins  were  thin,  although  Lenor- 
mant  thinks  that  the  process  of  punching  out  the  flans  was  occasionally 
adopted  in  ancient  times.  The  blanks  of  the  square  Indo-Greek  coins 
were  perhaps  cut  out  of  sheets  of  metal. 

^  Mongez  (op.  cit.  pp.  208,  209)  states  that,  until  the  time  when 
steel  dies  came  in,  all  blanks  were  heated  before  striking.  This  he  holds 
was  necessary  so  long  as  the  dies  were  made  of  so  soft  a  material  as 
bronze  (i.  e.  throughout  the  good  period  of  ancient  coinage).  The  eccen- 
tricity of  the  impressions  was  also  partly  due  to  the  great  haste  which 
was  necessary,  if  the  blank  was  to  be  struck  before  it  became  cool. 
Coins  which  were  left  too  long  after  heating  usually  split  under  the 
hammer.  Mongez  and  Lenormant  hold  that  coins  were  taken  away 
between  the  blows  and  reheated,  but  the  evidence  for  this,  never  very 
strong,  is  still  more  weakened  by  the  Pompeian  wall-painting. 

^  This  is  the  generally  accepted  view.  By  some  it  has  been  supposed 
that  the  incuse  square  was  produced  by  an  elevation  on  the  anvil,  and 
consequently  that  the  obverse  die  was  the  upper  one  (Bliimner,  Techn.  iv. 
p.  261,  note  1).  The  rude,  unequal  nature  of  some  of  the  incuses  shows 
that  the  position  of  the  blank  would  be  somewhat  insecure  on  such  an 
elevation. 


CH.  vij  FABRIC    AND    STYLE  1 49 

roughened  so  as  to  grip  the  blank — was  placed  over  all ;  and 
the  hammer  being  brought  down  caused  an  impression  to  be 
made  on  both  sides.  No  collar  appears  to  have  been  used  to 
prevent  the  metal  spreading  or  slipping.  The  upper  die  being 
driven  deeply  into  the  blank  by  the  first  blow  (thus  producing 
the  incuse  impression)  served  fairly  well  to  keep  the  coin  in 
place,  and  at  each  blow  the  security  of  the  position  of  the 
blank  was  of  course  increased.  But,  although  kept  in  place, 
the  metal  was  able  to  spread  freely ;  and  to  this  we  owe  the 
irregular  shapes  and  split  flans  which  can  hardly  be  said  to 
detract  from  the  charm  of  Greek  coins. 


§  2.   Ancient  Dies. 

The  way  in  which  dies  were  prepared  in  ancient  times  can 
only  be  conjectured  from  the  appearance  of  the  coins  struck 
with  them.  Mongez  ^  maintains  that  the  instrument  employed 
for  engraving  gems  was  also  employed  for  coin  dies,  viz.  the 
wheel '.  The  graving  tool  was  not  introduced  until  late  Roman 
times,  in  the  fourth  or  fifth  century.  That  the  wheel  was  used 
for  sketching  out  the  main  design  cannot  be  doubted  ^ ;  the 
circular  sinkings  produced  by  the  instrument  were  often  left,  and 
the  bosses  resulting  from  them  are  obvious,  especially  in  the 
lettering,  on  the  less  carefully  finished  coins.  Very  often  these 
bosses  are  so  large  as  to  considerably  increase  the  difficulty  of 
deciphering  the  letters  ;  and  the  types  of  barbarous  imitations 
often  reduce  themselves  to  a  meaningless  conglomeration  of 
bosses  or  pellets  of  this  kind.  The  more  careful  engraver 
supplemented  the  wheel  with  the  graving  tool,  and  smoothed 
away  the  circular  sinkings  until  the  whole  intaglio  appeared  to 
have  been  produced  by  the  graving  tool  alone. 

A  few  ancient  dies  exist ;  one  used  for  striking  coins  of 
Faustina  II,  in  the  Lyon  Museum,  has  been  illustrated  more 
than  once'*,  and  is  reproduced  here  (Fig.  26).     It  is  made  of 

^  Op.  cit.  p.  204. 

*  i.e.  a  small  metal  wheel  with  a  cutting  edge,  worked  by  means  of 
a  drill.     See  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.  of  Engraved  Gems,  p.  11. 

^  The  Italians  of  the  Renaissance,  who  imitated  Roman  coins,  used  the 
graver  wholly  (Mongez,  op.  cit.  p.  204V 

*  Friedlander  in  Z.f.  N.  v.  p.  12  r  ;  Gardner,  Types,  p.  20. 


^5o 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  II 


soft  iron,  except  for  the  part  which  contains  the  actual  design, 
which  is  in  steel.  Other  dies  exist  of  hardened  bronze  ;  a  few 
made  for  striking  Gaulish  coins  are  entirely  of  bronze  or  soft 
iron.  It  is  doubtful  whether  any  of  the  coin  dies  supposed  to 
be  Greek  can  be  regarded  as  genuine  \ 

On    the    coins   of  the   Seleucidae  (Fig.   23  and   PI.    X.   4), 

on  some  of  the  contemporary 
bronze  coins  of  Syrian  and 
Palestinian  cities,  on  the  coins 
of  the  Lagidae  with  sloping 
edges,  and  on  a  number  of 
Greek  imperial  coins,  there 
occur  punctures  in  the  very 
centre  of  the  field.  These  are 
generally  supposed  to  have  been 
caused  by  a  pin  inserted  in  the 
centre  of  the  die,  in  order  to 
prevent  the  blank  from  shifting. 
It  is  odd  that  so  simple  a  thing 
as  a  collar  should  not  have 
occurred  to  those  who  are  sup- 
posed to  have  adopted  this 
barbarous  expedient.  The  sup- 
position is  however  without 
foundation ;  for  in  two  coins 
from  the  same  die  the  hole  is 
in  difterent  places,  thus  show- 
ing that  the  object  which  pro- 
duced the  hole  was  not  fastened 
into  the  die  '\ 
Instruments  made  of  soft  metal  naturally  wore  out  very 
quickly,  and  it  is  indeed  not  common,  before  imperial  times,  to 
find  two  coins  from  the  same  die'\     To  this  fact  we  owe  the 


_/ 


Fig,  25. — Die  for  striking  coins 
of  Faustina  II.  Lyon  Museum. 
[From  the  Zeitschriftfur  Numis- 
matik,  vol.  v.  p.  121.] 


^  One  with  the  type  of  Berenice  is  published  in  the  Mon.  d.  Inst.  v.  51, 
no.  9  ;  Annali,  1853,  p.  1.28. 

^  E.  g.  Wroth,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.,  Galatia,  &c.,  pp.  20,  21,  nos.  16, 20.  I  know 
of  no  satisfactory  explanation  of  this  fact. 

^  Though  commoner  than  at  first  sight  appears.  Naturally  collectors 
do  not  care  to  have  two  specimens  from  the  same  dies.  At  the  same 
time,  the  value  of  noting  the  community  of  dies  is  considerable.  The 
chronological  relation  between  a  number  of  coins  can  be  partly  ascertained 


FABRIC    AND    STYLE 


151 


extraordinary  variety  in  design  which  is  characteristic  of  ancient 
coins.  In  imperial  times,  however,  it  is  not  uncommon  in  any 
large  collection  to  find  two  coins  sharing  one  die  between  them, 
although  it  is  still  rare  to  find  both  obverse  and  reverse  of  two 
coiris  from  the  same  dies. 

Traces  of  the  mending  of  dies  sometimes  appear  on  imperial 
coins,  in  the  shape  of  circular  lines  parallel  to  the  edge  of  the 
coin.  The  die  has  cracked  at  the  edge,  and  the  edge  has  been 
replaced  by  a  band  of  fresh  metal,  which,  not  being  truly 
adjusted,  leaves  traces  of  the  join  (PI.  XIII.  7). 

But  if  the  soft  dies  wore  out  quickly,  it  was  also  possible  to 
produce  them  with  great  rapidity.  This  speed  of  execution 
accounts  for  the  not  infrequent  blunders  on  ancient  coins,  and 
for  the  careless  workmanship  which  is  too  common  even  in  the 
period  of  the  finest  art.  It  also  explains  the  fact  that  emperors 
whose  reigns  were  short— sometimes  limited  to  a  few  days — 
are  represented  by  large  and  various  issues  \ 


§  3.    The  Development  of  Form  of  Struck  Coins, 

The  lower  die,  as  we  have  seen,  produced  what  is  known  as 
the  obverse  of  the  coin,  the  upper  die  the  reverse.  The  reverse 
continued  for  some  time  to  receive  merely  a  rude  impression 
from  the  punch  ;  the  idea  of  ornamenting  the  latter,  however, 
was  not  late  in  arising,  and  by  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century 
the  practice  of  having  what  might  properly  be  called  a  type  for 
both  sides  of  the  coin  was  fairly  well  established  ^     Before  this 

by  making  such  a  list  of  common  dies  as  that  drawn  up  for  Elis  by 
Mr.  Wroth  {Num.  Chr.  1892,  pp.  12,  13).  Tlie  sharing  of  common  dies  by 
different  cities  is  evidence  of  a  political  connexion  between  them.  Thus 
Mr.  Arthur  Evans  possesses  two  coins  of  Croton  and  Metapontum  from 
the  same  obverse  die,  Prymnessus  and  Synnada  in  the  time  of  Gallienus 
used  the  same  obverse  die.  See  Imhoof-BIumer,  Zur  MiXnzkunde  Gross- 
griechenlands  dx.^  mit  lesonderer  Berucksichtigung  einiger  Munzgruppen  mit 
Stempelgleichheiten,  Num.  Zeit.  xviii. 

^  Mongez,  op.  cit.  p.  210. 

2  If  the  accepted  attribution  of  the  earliest  double-type  coins  of  Athens 
to  Solon  is  correct — and  it  has  not  been  disproved  —Athens  was  a  genera- 
tion in  advance  of  other  states  in  this  matter.  In  any  case,  these  earliest 
double-type  coins  are  not  later  than  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  (Von 
Fritze  in  Z./.  N.  xx.  1896,  pp.  142  &.).  Some  of  the  earliest  electrum 
coins  of  Asia  Minor  bear  minor  types  on  their  reverses  (PI.  i.  3,  7  ; 
Head,  Coins  of  (he  Ancients,  Pi.  i.  3,  4). 


152  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

was  the  case,  various  methods  of  modifying  the  monotony  of 
the  incuse  square  had  leen  adopted.  A  combination  of  two 
squares  of  unequal  size,  or  of  an  oblong  with  a  square,  is 
very  characteristic  of  the  earliest  pieces  of  the  west  coast  of 
Asia  Minor  (PL  I).  In  the  south-east  corner  of  the  Aegean 
we  find  two  narrow  oblongs  side  by  side.  Another  method 
of  diversification— not  common  in  these  early  times  in  Asia  — 
was  to  divide  up  the  square  into  quarters  (square  or  triangular) 
or  eighths.  By  leaving  every  other  eighth  level  with  the  sur- 
face, there  was  produced  the  pattern  known  as  the  mill-sail 
incuse  (PI.  I.  5) '.  Some  of  these  forms  were  retained  by  cer- 
tain states  long  after  the  practice  of  using  two  types  had  become 
established  elsewhere  ;  in  other  cases  a  transition  was  effected 
by  placing  small  types  or  letters  in  the  division  of  the  incuse, 
preparatory  to  abolishing  the  divisions  and  filling  the  whole 
space  with  one  type. 

One  great  exception,  however,  to  the  use  of  the  incuse  square 
on  the  reverse  must  be  mentioned.  This  is  met  with  in 
Southern  Italy  ^.  At  the  time  when  coinage  was  introduced 
into  this  district  the  double  type  had  become  established  ;  but 
instead  of  a  new  type  being  placed  on  the  reverse,  the  type 
of  the  obverse  was  repeated  in  incuse  in  a  slightly  modified 
form  \  This  was  an  advance  on  the  practice  prevalent  in 
Northern  Italy  (Etruria)  and  in  other  outlying  districts,  such 
as  some  parts  of  Cyprus,  where  the  reverse  was  sometimes 
left  perfectly  plain.  The  object  of  the  Italian  fabric  was  to 
make  it  possible  to  pack  or  pile  coins.  A  number  of  coins 
of  this  peculiar  fabric  can  be  piled  one  on  top  of  the  other 
to  some  height.  With  ordinary  coins  of  which  both  sides 
are  in  relief  this  is  impossible.  But  from  an  artistic  point 
of  view  the  form  was  due  to  a  naive  attempt  to  enable  one, 
so  to  speak,  to  look  through  the  coin  and  see  the  obverse  type 
from  behind.  Thus  on  early  coins  of  Poseidonia  (PI.  III.  2) 
the  figure  of  Poseidon  on  the  obverse  is  seen  from  the  front, 
advancing  to  the  right ;  on  the  reverse  the  god  is  seen  from 

'  Peculiar  forms  of  incuse,  Head,  Coins  of  the  Ancien's,  PI.  i.  5  ;  6.  31  ; 
9.  33  (a  variety  of  the  mill-sail)  ;  13.  24. 

'■*  And  at  Zancle  in  Sicily  in  the  earliest  times  (Evans,  Num.  Chr. 
1896,  i)p.  loi  if.). 

'  The  coins  have  thus  the  deceptive  appearance  of  being  small  pieces  of 
repousse  work,  and  are  indeed  very  thin. 


CH.  VI]  FABRIC    AND    STYLE  1 53 

behind  (as  is  clear  from  the  representation  of  the  chlamys) 
advancing  to  the  left.  Small  details  were  usually  omitted 
on  the  reverse,  although  the  inscription  was  sometimes,  as 
in  the  case  just  mentioned,  repeated.  Even  where  the  reverse 
type'  was  a  different  one,  it  was  usual  in  this  district  to 
represent  it  in  incuse.  The  use  of  an  incuse  design  on  the 
reverse  is  also  found  in  the  electrum  coinage  of  Lesbos  in  the 
fifth  century  \  But  here  the  designs  are  always  different  on 
obverse  and  reverse. 

The  reverse  die,  in  Southern  Italy  and  in  Sicily,  was  as 
a  rule  from  the  first  made  circular  instead  of  square  in  form. 
The  result  of  this  was  a  circular  impression  on  the  reverse 
instead  of  the  incuse  rectangle  of  Hellas  proper  and  the  East. 
As  in  many  other  things,  the  Western  colonies  were  thus 
considerably  in  advance  of  their  mother-cities.  For  in  Hellas 
proper  and  the  East,  the  incuse  square  continued  to  be  usual 
until  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  b.c.  Before  this,  however, 
the  experiment  had  sometimes  been  made  of  using  the  round- 
headed  punch  for  the  reverse.  Shortly  after  400  b.  c.  this  circular 
incuse  very  generally  displaced  the  square,  and  it  was  not  long 
before  it  disappeared  in  its  turn,  except  so  far  as  the  excessive 
size  of  the  blank  caused  the  edges  to  swell  up  under  pressure 
and  form  a  rim  round  the  type.  The  transition  from  the 
incuse  square  to  the  flat  reverse  was  often  effected  without 
the  intermediate  stage  of  the  incuse  circle. 

It  was  doubtless  for  commercial  reasons  that  a  state  such 
as  Cyzicus  refused  to  do  away  with  the  incuse  square  on  its 
reverse,  but  retained  it  till  late  in  the  fourth  century.  But 
the  sudden  reappearance  of  a  well-defined  incuse  square  in 
the  second  century  b.c.  at  Rhodes,  and  certain  places  under 
Rhodian  influence  (mainly  in  Caria  and  Lycia,  PI.  IX.  5),  was 
not  due  to  any  such  reasons,  and  must  be  attributed  to  a 
tendency  to  archaize. 

So  far  as  fabric  is  concerned,  there  are  few  changes  to 
chronicle  in  the  fourth  century.  In  spite  of  the  disappearance 
of  the  incuse,  coins  continued  to  be  made  of  a  considerable 
thickness.  The  earliest  coins  were  almost  bean- shaped  ;  but 
the  thick  oval  dump  gradually  gave  way  to  the  round,  flat,  but 
still  comparatively  thick  piece.  Towards  the  end  of  the  fourth 
'  Wroth,  Brit.  Mits.  Catal.,  Troas,  &c.,  PI.  XXXI. 


154  GEEEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

century  may  be  noticed  a  tendency  to  spread  the  flan  and 
make  the  relief  lower.  At  the  same  time  more  care  is  taken 
to  strike  the  coin,  so  far  as  concerns  the  placing  of  the  type 
in  the  centre  of  the  flan  ;  and  the  types  of  the  coins  of  this 
and  the  succeeding  period  show  up  well  in  the  centre  of  the 
flan,  surrounded  by  a  comparatively  broad  field.  From  the 
beginning  of  the  second  century  b.  c.  dates  the  introduction 
of  the  *  spread  tetrad  rachms '  which  were  struck  in  such 
numbers,  especially  in  Asia  Minor.  This  spreading  was  often 
carried  to  excess,  as  for  instance  in  the  coinage  of  Maronea, 
Thasos,  and  Byzantium  (PI.  IX.  2). 

A  few  of  the  varieties  of  fabric  in  struck  coins  which  are 
met  with  from  the  fourth  century  onwards  must  be  mentioned 
here.  Some  of  these  were  perhaps  due  to  fancy  merely.  To 
this  class  must  probably  be  assigned  the  famous  Koman  serrati 
(PL  XII.  4"^,  denarii  with  notched  edges  which  gained  a  con- 
siderable reputation  in  distant  parts  of  the  world  ^  The  serrate 
fabric  was  employed  by  the  Carthaginians  (who  perhaps  in- 
vented it),  the  Seleucidae  (PI.  X.  4),  and  the  Macedonians  about 
200  B.c.^  Since  there  are  bronze  coins  of  this  fabric,  its  object 
can  hardly  have  been  to  show  that  the  coins  were  solid  and  not 
plated. 

Another  class  of  coins  owed  their  shape  to  the  method  by 
which  the  blanks  were  prepared.  Such  are,  for  instance, 
the  square  Indo-Greek  coins  (which  were  cut  from  a  strip 
or  sheet  of  metal),  and  the  circular  coins  with  sloping  edges 
which  have  been  mentioned  above  ^.  The  varieties  so  far 
described  are  distinguished  by  the  nature  of  their  edges ;  as 
regards  surface,  there  were  very  few  departures  from  the  usual 
form.  The  earliest  coins  are  lentoid,  and  highly  convex  ;  a  very 
slight  convexity  is  as  a  rule  preserved,  even  on  the  reverse, 
throughout  the  later   periods  of  Greek  and  Koman   coinage, 

1  Tacitus  {Germ.  5)  says  of  the  Germans  in  his  time  (long  after  the 
serrati  had  ceased  to  be  issued)  :  pecuniam  probant  veterem  et  cliu  notam, 
serratos  bigafosque.     This  statement  is  confirmed  by  finds. 

^  Babel  on,  Kois  de  Syrie,  pp.  clxxxviii  ff. 

^  See  p.  144.  Lenormant  thinks  (i.  p.  264)  that  the  blanks  of  the  large 
bronze  coins  of  the  Lagidae  were  not  cast  but  cut  out  with  a  punch. 
But  I  fail  to  see  in  them  the  regularity  of  edge  on  which  he  bases  this 
theory.  In  fact,  they  present  every  appearance  of  being  cast,  and  many 
of  them  have  the  characteristic  projections  at  the  side. 


CH.  VI]  FABRIC    AND    STYLE  I55 

sufficient  to  prevent  the  piece  from  looking  too  flat.  But  there 
are  a  few  instances  of  a  slight  concavity^  although  never  attain- 
ing to  the  peculiar  scy;phate  fabric  of  late  Byzantine  coins. 


§  4.    Cast  Coins. 

The  process  of  casting^  coins  w^as  similar  to  that  used  for  all 
other  metal  work  which  was  cast  solid.  With  hollow-casting 
we  are  not  concerned.  The  first  step  was  to  make  a  model  of 
the  coin — we  will  suppose  in  wax  or  fine  clay.  On  this  a  mould 
was  made  in  two  parts,  which  were  then  joined  together. 
Apertures  were  left,  by  one  of  which  the  liquid  metal  could 
be  introduced,  while  the  air  escaped  by  the  other.  These 
apertures  are  represented  in  the  actual  coin  by  projections  from 
the  sides,  to  remove  which,  in  some  cases,  no  trouble  seems 
to  have  been  taken  ^.  A  number  of  coins  could  be  cast  at  the 
same  time  by  placing  the  moulds  side  by  side,  and  allowing 
the  molten  metal  to  run  from  one  into  another  by  means  of 
channels.      It   is  natural  to  suppose  that   the   moulds  were 

^  For  instance,  the  bronze  coins  struck  for  Cyprus,  with  the  head  of 
Antoninus  Pius  on  the  obverse,  and  that  of  Marcus  Aurelius  on  the 
reverse  ;  and  a  bronze  coin  of  Mytilene  {Brit  Mus.  Caial.,  Troas,  &c.,  PI.  XLI, 
no.  3). 

^  Xcoveveiv,  SiaxfTv,  fundere,  {con^Jlare.  The  last  word  is  the  only  one  of 
the  four  which  is  actually  used  of  coins  :  aes  antiquissimum,  quod  est  flatiim, 
pecore  est  noiatum,  Varr.  R.  i?.  ii.  i.  9  ;  flata  signataque  pecunia,  Cell.  ii.  10.  3  ; 
Illviri  auro  argento  aere  JIando  feriundo,  Inscr.  (Wilmann's  Exempla,  611  c, 
1 189,  &c.).  Pomponius  (Dig.  I.  2,  2)  speaks  of  the  triumviri  monetales 
aeris,  argenti,  aurijlatores  ;  and  we  have  denarii  of  L.  Flaminius  Chilo  with 
MM.  VIR  ?R\{mus)  FL^{vit),  and  of  Cn.  Cornelius  Lentulus  Marcel- 
linus  CVR(ator)  >jc  (denariis)  F\-(andis).  But  the  use  of  the  word  .A'are 
refers  partly  to  the  casting  of  bars  of  metal  which  were  afterwards  made 
into  struck  coins  (some  of  these  bars  have  been  found  bearing  the  names 
of  functionaries  of  the  mint ;  see  above,  p.  136,  and  Blanchet  in  Eev.  Num. 
1896,  p.  17  ;  1893,  p.  285^,  and  partly  to  the  casting  of  the  flans  of 
the  coin. 

^  Others  have  given  a  different  explanation  of  these  projections  which, 
as  we  have  seen,  occur  frequently  in  struck  coins  of  which  the  blanks  were 
cast.  It  is  supposed  (Blumner,  Techn.  iv.  p.  259)  that,  the  mould  being  made 
in  two  parts,  a  raised  edge  was  left  where  these  two  parts  joined.  On  the 
face  of  the  coin  this  disappeared  in  the  process  of  striking,  but  at  the  rim 
two  projections  would  remain.  Now  (i)  the  object  of  making  the  mould 
of  a  coin  which  was  afterwards  to  receive  a  type  from  the  hammer  in 
two  parts  is  not  apparent,  unless  it  was  made  from  a  proof,  which  is 
a  matter  of  conjecture.     The  mould  of  the  blank  was   more  probably 


156  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

made  in  such  a  way  that  they  could  be  emplojed  more  than 
once  ;  otherwise  the  labour  and  cost  of  producing  a  number 
of  coins  would  have  been  immense  \  When,  however,  the 
first  mould  was  broken  or  otherwise  spoilt,  it  was  easy  to 
make  another  from  one  of  the  coins  already  cast.  The  effect 
of  this  on  the  fabric  would  be  important.  For,  as  metal 
contracts  in  cooling,  each  coin  when  cool  w^ould  be  slightly 
smaller  than  the  capacity  of  its  mould.  A  second  mould  made 
from  this  coin  would  be  of  the  same  size  as  the  coin,  and 
therefore  by  an  equal  amount  smaller  than  the  original 
mould.  A  repetition  of  the  process  would  produce  a  still 
smaller  mould  and  coin,  and  the  effect  of  these  successive 
reductions  would  in  the  course  of  time  become  easily  ap- 
preciable ^  This  is  in  all  probability  one  cause  of  the 
curious  degeneration  in  size  and  weight,  which  we  meet  with 
in  the  early  Roman  coinage — the  largest  series  of  cast  coins  in 
existence. 

The  usual  shape  of  cast  coins,  as  of  struck  ones,  is  circular. 
Among  the  earliest  coins  of  Central  Italy,  however,  are  the 
large  quadrilateral  bricks  known  as  aes  signatum  (Fig.  10) ; 
and  even  earlier  than  these  are  the  aes  rude  (Fig.  9),  and 
massae,  large  pieces  of  metal  often  presenting  the  appearance  of 
fragments  of  cast  bronze  bars.  Another  exceptional  fabric  is 
found  at  Olbia  in  Sarmatia,  where  pieces  were  cast  in  the  shape 
of  fish  (Fig.  i). 

In  ancient  times  the  process  of  casting  was  almost  entirelj^ 
limited  to  Italian  coins  of  the  early  period.  Of  early  Greek 
coins,  only  the  large  bronze  pieces  of  Olbia  in  Sarmatia  were 
produced  by  this  process ;  for  the  aes  grave  of  Sicily  must 
be  classed  with  the  cast  coins  of  Italy.  Among  the  coins 
issued  by  Greek  cities  in  imperial  times  are  a  number  of  pieces 

a  mere  sinking,  like  the  holes  in  a  coin-tray.  This  may  be  considered  as 
certain  in  the  case  of  coins  with  a  sloping  edge  (see  above,  p.  144).  (aj  If 
the  mould  were  made  in  two  parts,  the  only  practical  method  would  be 
to  make  one  part  for  one  face,  the  other  for  the  other  face,  of  the  coin. 
This  could  never  leave  a  raised  edge  across  the  face  of  the  blank,  but  only 
round  the  rim. 

^  In  later  times,  in  the  case  of  medals,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the 
original  moulds  were  not  used  more  than  once.  C.  F.  Keary,  Guide  to  the 
Exhib.  0/  Italian  Medals  in  the  B.  M.  p.  xii. 

^  With  regard  to  cast  medals,  see  the  calculations  by  N.  Rondot,  Rev. 
Num.  1895,  pp.  403-416. 


CH.  Vl] 


FABRIC    AND    STYLE 


157 


which  have  been  cast.  Their  genuineness  has  often  been 
doubted.  But  some  light  is  thrown  on  this  point  by  two 
coins  of  Sillyum  in  Pamphylia  {ohv.  Head  of  Salonina ;  rev. 
Tyche  seated),  one  of  which  is  cast  from  the  other,  which 
is  struck.  It  would  be  fair  to  suppose  that  the  cast  was 
made  in  modern  times,  were  it  not  that  the  original  is  in  some 
places  more  w^orn  than  the  cast,  and  must  therefore  have  been 
in  circulation  after  the  cast  was  made  \  In  addition  to  evidence 
such  as  this,  the  existence  of  clay  moulds  (Fig.  27)  proves 
that  many  ancient  coins  were  cast.     It  has  been  suggested  that 


Fig.  27. — Clay  moulds  for  casting  coins  of  Maximianus  Herculeus  and 
Constantius  Chlorus.     Found  at  Duston,  Northampton. 

the  moulds  formed  part  of  the  plant  of  false  money ers ;  but 
there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  they  were  used  by  the  authorities^. 
In  deciding  whether  a  coin  is  cast  or  struck,  the  presence  of 
air-holes  is  of  course  a  good  test;  but  it  must  be  remembered 
that,  the  blanks  having  been  originally  cast  before  the  die  was 
impressed,  the  second  process  may  sometimes  have  failed  to 
ehminate  all  traces  of  the  first. 


^  Brit.  Mus.  Catal,  Lycia,  &c.,  p.  169,  no.  21,  and  p.  298,  no  21  a. 

*  Mongez  (op.  cit.  p.  207 )  considers  that  they  are  so  numerous  that  they 
cannot  have  been  used  only  by  the  authorities.  Large  quantities  have 
been  found  in  England,  in  France,  and  on  the  Rhine.  See  Caylus,  Eec. 
d'Ant  i.  p.  286,  PI.  105,  no.  ii ;  Mommsen,  iii.  p.  15.  The  casting  process 
was  severely  forbidden  by  various  ordinances  of  the  fourth  century. 


158  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  u 


§  5.   The  Composition  of  the  Type. 

Regarded  from  the  point  of  view  of  a  design,  the  types  of 
Greek  and  Roman  coins  went  through  a  regular  development. 
At  first  the  type  was  usually  impressed  on  the  metal,  without 
any  particular  regard  for  its  decorative  properties.  Even  in 
the  earliest  period,  however,  we  may  note  cases  in  which  some 
attempt  was  made  to  adapt  the  type  to  the  field.  Such  a  simple 
expedient  as  reverting  the  head  of  an  animal  (PI.  1. 7, 12),  in  order 
to  make  the  whole  design  more  suitable  to  the  circular  field,  is 
the  most  obvious  instance  of  this  attempt.  A  similar  motive 
inspires  the  '  heraldic '  arrangement,  by  which  a  type  is  repre- 
sented doubled,  so  as  to  produce  a  symmetrical  arrangement 
(PL  I.  6).  The  so-called  kneeling  (really  running)  figures,  so 
common  in  early  Greek  art,  were  for  a  similar  reason  also 
suitable  for  coin-types  (PI.  I.  5).  An  advance  on  this  stage 
was  made  when  the  figure  was  represented  in  its  natural 
attitude,  and  the  circular  field  filled  up  by  adjuncts,  either 
purely  ornamental  or  taking  the  shape  of  legends  or  symbols 
expressing  the  authority  under  which  the  coin  was  issued. 
The  addition  of  a  border  enhanced  the  artistic  appearance  of 
the  coin.  In  the  case  of  the  reverse,  the  type  was  sufficiently 
enclosed  by  the  incuse  square  \  although  in  some  places  a 
border  was  added  on  the  reverse  long  before  the  obverse  was 
thus  decorated.  In  Greek  Italy  a  border  was  usual  from  the 
first  on  both  sides  of  the  coin,  although  in  Sicily  it  was  as 
a  rule  dispensed  with  where  the  incuse  circle  was  employed. 
These  borders  most  frequently  take  the  shape  of  a  row  of  dots  ; 
occasionally  we  find  a  plain  line,  a  cable  pattern  (PI.  III.  2), 
a  radiate  border,  a  row  of  dots  between  two  lines,  or  two  lines 
with  the  interval  between  them  filled  with  parallel  cross- 
strokes.  These  are  the  chief  forms  of  the  purely  decorative 
border ;  but  there  are  also  instances  of  the  adaptation  to  the 
purposes  of  a  border  of  something  organic  to  the  type.  The 
best  instance  of  this  is  the  use  of  the  wreath  (Terina,  PI.  VI.  8)  ; 
we  also  find  a  conventional  wave-pattern  enclosing  the  head 

^  The  early  coins  of  Calymna  (PI.  i.  14)  are  interesting  for  the  way 
in  which  the  shape  of  the  incuse  is  adapted  to  the  shape  of  the  type — 
a  chelys. 


CH.  VI]  FABRIC    AND    STYLE  1 59 

of  a  water-nymph  ^ ;  and  even  the  legend  is  sometimes  disposed 
in  a  strikingly  decorative  way.  The  Greek  artist,  however,  left 
himself  a  free  hand  in  these  matters,  and  we  have  examples  in 
which  he  allowed  some  portion  of  the  type  to  escape  from  the 
border ;  the  good  effect  thus  produced  is  to  be  remarked  on  the 
obverse  of  the  coin  of  the  Sicilian  Naxos  (PI.  VI.  i),  the  reverse 
of  which  is  at  the  same  time  a  fine  example  of  the  adaptation 
of  the  type,  without  distortion,  to  a  circular  field. 

An  instance  of  the  way  in  which  what  was  once  an  organic 
part  of  the  type  may  come  to  have  merely  a  decorative  impor- 
tance is  seen  in  the  use  of  the  shield.  On  the  early  coins  with 
the  type  of  a  shield  bearing  a  device  ^  the  whole  design  from 
the  first  strikes  the  eye  as  representing  a  shield.  On  the  late 
coins  of  Macedon  ^,  however,  the  shield  is  so  treated  that  the 
part  of  it  not  covered  by  the  head  has  the  effect  of  an  elaborate 
border.  This  is  more  evident  in  the  coins  of  Macedon  under 
the  Eomans  (PI.  X.  5)  than  in  the  coins  of  Philip  V  of  the 
preceding  period  (PI.  VIII.  7). 

Of  the  adjuncts  to  the  type  which  occur  in  the  field,  those 
above  described  as  purely  ornamental  are  the  exception  in 
Greek  coins  ;  and  indeed  it  may  sometimes  be  doubted  whether 
a  better  knowledge  of  the  meaning  of  these  adjuncts  would  not 
reduce  still  further  the  number  of  those  which  can  be  called 
purely  ornamental.  It  is  enough  to  instance  as  adjuncts  of 
this  kind  the  volute  ornaments  on  Cypriote  coins  and  the  floral 
ornaments  in  the  corners  of  the  square  border  in  coins  of 
Posidium  in  Carpathus  ^  and  Khaucus  in  Crete  ^  But  by  far 
the  greater  number  of  the  adjuncts  have  a  distinct  meaning. 
The  discussion  of  this,  however,  belongs  to  a  different  chapter^. 
On  the  early  coins  the  symbols  are  often  represented  with 
undue  prominence ;  but  in  the  best  period  they  are  made 
smaller  and  do  not  interfere  with  the  effect  of  the  type. 
Compare  for  instance  the  dolphins  on  the  Demareteion  and  its 
companion  tetradrachm  of  b.  c.  480  (PI.  III.  5,  6)  with  those 
on  the  decadrachms  of  a  later  date  (PI.  VI.  4,  6).     Similarly, 

*  Gardner,  Types,  PI.  VI.  13. 

^  E.  g.  at  Elis,  Head,  Coins  of  the  Ancients,  PI.  14,  no.  33.  In  Lycia,  Brit, 
Mus.  Catal.y  Lycia,  PI.  VII,  nos.  7,  10. 

'  Head,  Coins  of  the  Ancients,  PI.  54,  nos.  10,  12. 

*  Ibid.,  PI.  3.  32. 

*  Svoronos,  Num.  de  la  Crete  one.  PI.  29.  9.  •  Ch.  vii  §  10. 


l6o  GEEEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

an  exaggeration  of  the  border  is  visible  on  early  coins  as  com- 
pared with  later  \ 

Legends  at  first  appear  on  Greek  coins  in  a  much  abbreviated 
form.  The  initial  letter  of  the  name  of  the  community  served 
to  indicate  the  authority  by  which  the  coin  was  issued,  such 
initials  being  in  fact  used  as  the  city  arms  on  other  objects 
besides  coins'^.  Not  even  the  earliest  inscriptions,  however, 
are  limited  to  the  city  name  ;  a  legend  explanatory  of  the  type 
occurs  on  the  earliest  inscribed  coin  (PI.  I.  4).  As  with  the 
spread  of  writing  the  legends  became  longer,  it  became  neces- 
sary to  arrange  them  decoratively  so  as  to  fill  the  vacant  spaces 
of  the  field  or  form  a  border.  The  former  arrangement  is 
obvious  on  most  coins ;  the  latter  is  perhaps  best  illustrated  by 
the  coins  of  the  Macedonian  and  Thracian  region,  such  as 
Amphipolis  (PI.  V.  i).  As  time  went  on,  a  tendency  showed 
itself  to  overcrowd  the  field  with  inscriptions,  of  which  good 
instances  may  be  found  on  the  Athenian  tetradrachms  and  the 
regal  coins  of  late  times.  On  the  latter  the  employment  of 
the  inscription  to  enclose  the  type  as  a  border,  whether  square 
(PI.  X.  i)  or  round  ^,  was  still  usual,  and  on  imperial  coins  the 
circular  arrangement  became  almost  invariable,  and  has  lasted 
down  to  modern  times.  In  imperial  times  the  border  of  dots  is 
almost  universal, 

§  6.  Development  of  Style. 

It  is  not  proposed  to  deal  here  in  any  great  detail  with  the 
artistic  development  of  Greek  and  Koman  coin-types  ^  The 
treatment  of  the  relief  in  coins  follows  more  or  less  closely  the 
general  lines  on  which  Greek  sculpture  in  relief  developed  ^. 
The  Greeks  soon  advanced  beyond  the  stage  in  which  the 
decoration  of  their  coins  consisted  of  a  mere  pattern,  to  that  in 
which  they  represented  some  object  natural  or  artificial.     As 

*  E.g.  on  coins  of  Tarentum  :  Head,  Coins  of  the  Ancients,  PL  7,  no.  4,  &c. 
"^  E.  Curtius,  Veher  den  rel.  Char,  der  gr.  Miinzen,  Ges.  Abh.  ii.  p.  457,  cf.  91  ; 

Imhoof-Blumer,  Z.  f.  N.  i.  130. 

*  Head,  Coins  of  the  Ancients,  PI.  62,  nos.  20,  21. 

*  For  Greek  coins  this  has  already  been  done  at  length  in  Professor 
Gardner's  Types  of  Greek  Coins  ;  for  a  brief  summary  of  the  development  of 
style,  see  also  Head,  Hist.  Num.  pp.  Ix  S. 

'  The  development  of  coins,  however,  very  often,  though  not  always, 
lags  somewhat  behind  that  of  sculpture. 


CH.  VI]  FABRIC    AND    STYLE  l6l 

the  human  figure  is  the  last  object  to  the  satisfactory  treatment 
of  which  any  art  attains,  we  are  prepared  to  find  that  the 
subjects  represented  on  the  earlier  coins  are  more  frequently 
of  another  kind  ;  in  fact,  animal  types  are  by  far  the  most 
common.  Next  to  these,  perhaps,  in  frequency  come  monstrous 
types  (with  which  may  be  classed  the  head  of  the  Gorgon), 
consisting  of  fantastic  combinations  either  of  two  or  more 
animals,  such  as  the  chimaera,  pegasus,  griffin,  winged  boar, 
or  of  animals  and  human  beings,  such  as  the  centaurs.  The 
most  fertile  imagination  in  regard  to  these  monstra  Iwrrenda 
seems  to  have  belonged  to  the  die  engravers  of  Cyzicus.  The 
human  head  is  naturally  much  less  represented  in  this  early 
period  than  the  human  figure  as  a  whole.  But  from  the  middle 
of  the  sixth  century  we  are  able  to  trace  the  development  of 
style  as  shown  in  the  treatment  of  both  head  and  figure.  This 
treatment,  down  to  the  time  of  the  Persian  wars,  cannot  be 
called  anything  but  primitive.  The  head,  where  represented, 
is  extrem  ly  rudely  made  ;  the  eye  is  an  elliptical  swelling, 
plastered,  as  it  were,  on  to  the  face,  and  of  an  excessive  size.  The 
ear  is  placed  rather  too  high.  The  swelling  of  the  cheek  is 
exaggerated  by  the  emphasizing  of  the  defining  line  below  it, 
the  transition  from  cheek  to  jaw  being  not  gradual,  but  marked 
by  a  depression  which  lends  to  the  face  the  'archaic  grin.' 
The  swelling  of  the  nostril,  also,  is  too  sharply  defined.  The 
hair  is  frequently  represented  by  rows  of  dots.  The  best 
instances  of  this  style  are  to  be  found  in  the  early  coins  of 
Athens  (PI.  II  2).  The  treatment  of  the  human  figure  errs  by 
a  similar  exaggeration  of  the  various  features,  and  failure  to 
blend  them,  as  is  clear  from  the  early  coins  of  Lete  in  Macedon  ' 
and  Caulonia  in  Italy  (PI.  III.  3).  But  even  before  the 
Persian  wars  the  rudeness  of  primitive  art  begins  to  be  refined. 
There  is  a  considerable  advance  from  the  coin  of  Caulonia  just 
mentioned  to  that  of  Poseidonia  (PI.  III.  2).  The  human- 
headed  bull  at  Gela  (PI.  III.  7},  or  the  female  head  at  Syracuse 
(PI.  III.  5)  brings  us  very  near  to  th«  most  remarkable 
coin  of  the  'early  transitional'  period — the  Demareteion  of 
480  B.  c.  (PI.  III.  6).  In  this  coin,  all  the  primitive  exaggera- 
tions are  toned  down  ;  the  eye,  though  still  shown  in  full, 
no  longer  projects  from  the  face ;  the  ear,  however,  is  still  set 
^  Head,  Coins  of  the  Ancients,  PI.  4.  5. 


1 62  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

too  high.  The  cheek  merges  naturally  into  the  jaw,  and  the 
archaic  grin  becomes  a  smile.  The  hair  is  still  represented 
with  formality,  but  by  means  of  wavy  lines  instead  of  dots. 
The  formality  which  is  characteristic  of  the  period  on  which 
we  have  now  entered  is  not  the  result  of  long  movement  in 
a  groove  ;  it  is,  on  the  contrary,  instinct  with  life.  Before  it 
could  reach  its  full  freedom  Greek  art  had,  so  to  speak,  to  go 
through  this  period  of  rigid  training,  in  which  extraordinary 
care  is  devoted  to  thoroughness  of  detail,  and  grace  and  refine- 
ment ix^ipts)  are  put  befoi'e  every  other  aim.  Some  twenty 
years  later  than  the  Demareteion  is  the  Naxian  head  of  Dionysus 
(PI.  VI.  i).  A  curious  feature  of  this  head  is  the  contrast 
between  the  hair,  the  treatment  of  which  is  not  surpassed  on 
any  Greek  coin,  and  the  formal  beard  and  moustache.  The 
somewhat  unpleasant  leer,  intensified  by  this  treatment,  is 
unusual  in  Greek  representations  of  the  wine-god  who,  though 
not  always  dignified,  is  almost  always  humane.  A  striking 
contrast  to  the  two  pieces  of  Syracuse  and  Naxos  is  furnished 
by  the  archaistic  coins  of  Athens  'PL  IV.  3\  In  these  we  see 
the  result  of  a  mental  conflict  in  the  artist,  who  is  really  capable 
of  much  better  work,  but  who  is  bound  to  produce  a  piece  which 
shall  resemble  the  genuinely  archaic  Athenian  coins.  The  result 
entirely  fails  to  carry  conviction  ;  it  is  neither  primitive  nor 
advanced  ;  it  is  lifeless,  and  formal  for  formality's  sake. 

The  change  in  the  treatment  of  the  human  figure  at  this 
period  is  sufficiently  apparent  from  a  study  of  such  repre- 
sentations as  the  discobolus  on  coins  of  Cos\  or,  again,  the 
remarkable  Silenus  on  the  reverse  of  the  coin  of  Naxos  already 
described.  It  is  difficult  to  imagine  how  the  pectoral  and 
abdominal  muscles  (above  all  in  a  Silenus  !)  could  in  a  position 
of  repose  take  the  tense  form  given  them.  There  is  some 
excuse  for  the  exaggeration  of  the  anatomy  in  cases  of  energetic 
action  ^,  but  the  only  muscles  which  should  stand  taut  in  this 
figure  are  those  of  the  legs.  The  proper  modelling  of  the 
muscles  in  this  pose  is  to  be  found  in  the  later  coin  of  Nuxos 
with  the  same  type  (PI.  VI.  3),  where  all  the  dryness  of  the 
transitional  period  is  replaced  by  the   supple  modelling   and 

^  Head,  Coins  of  the  Ancients,  PI.  11.  36. 

^  An  obvious  instance  of  such  exaggeration  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Amazon  frieze  of  the  Mausoleum. 


CH.  VI]  FABRIC    AND    STYLE  163 

pvdfios  of  the  artist  who  understands  anatomy,  and  understands 
it  well  enough  to  keep  it  in  its  proper  place. 

By  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century,  the  eye  is  shown  in 
profi/le  ;  the  top  of  the  ear  is  level  with  the  line  drawn  from 
corner  to  corner  of  the  eye.  The  general  characteristic  of  the 
style  of  this  period  is  a  severe  simplicity.  The  trammels  of 
archaic  refinement—  for  with  increasing  power  the  artist  begins 
to  work  more  boldly— are  thrown  off,  and  a  larger,  freer 
treatment  results.  Of  the  noble,  severe  style  of  this  period 
there  is  perhaps  no  better  instance  than  one  of  the  earliest 
coins  of  Thurium,  dating  from  443  b.  c.  or  a  few  years  later 
(PI.  VI.  5).  But  this  style  is  of  comparatively  short  duration. 
At  the  culminating  period  of  the  art  of  Greek  coins,  which 
may  be  placed  at  the  close  of  the  fifth  century,  the  severity 
of  which  we  have  spoken  had  completely  given  way  before 
a  softer,  though  still  dignified  and  ideal  treatment.  The  little 
coin  of  Terina  (PI.  VI.  8),  a  masterpiece  in  its  chastity  of 
design,  serves  best  to  illustrate  this  stage.  The  most  popular 
monuments  of  this  time  are,  however,  the  Syracusan  deca- 
drachms  and  tetradrachms  (PI.  VI.  4,  6,  7).  Many  of  these, 
however,  mai-vellous  as  they  are,  lack  the  simplicity  and 
reserve  of  the  coin  of  Terina ;  some  indeed  are  almost  ex- 
travagant. Still,  of  none  of  the  best  coins  of  this  period  can 
it  be  said  that  they  are  merely  pretty.  The  facing  head  of 
Apollo  on  the  coin  of  Amphipolis  (PI.  V.  i)  has  a  tendency 
towards  effeminacy,  but  it  is  still  a  noble  head.  At  the  same 
time  with  the  loss  of  severity,  the  artists  have  learned  to 
be  realistic  and  picturesque.  The  young  hunter  at  Segesta 
with  his  leash  of  hounds  \  the  Cretan  goddess  seated  in  her 
tree  (PI.  IV.  2),  the  Victory  of  Elis,  seated  on  a  basis,  watching 
the  contest  (PI.  V.  2),  the  two  eagles  at  Acragas,  ^oaKofxevoi 
Xayivav  epiKVfwva  (jiipnaTi  yevuav,  the  one  tearing  his  prey,  the 
other  with  his  head  raised,  shrieking  (PL  III.  9) — all  these 
are  instances  of  the  new  power  of  expression  belonging  to  the 
coin  engraver.  And  the  frequent  occurrence  at  this  time  of 
the  facing  head  is  another  proof  of  power  '. 

*  Head,  Coins  of  the  Anc'ents,  PL  17,  no.  31. 

*  The  wear  to  which  a  full-face  representation  was  exposed  soon  reduced 
a  beautiful  relief  to  a  caricature.  It  was  therefore  little  loss  to  art  when, 
about   the  middle  of  the  fourth   century,   this   form   of  representation 


164  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  n 

The  art  of  the  first  half  of  the  fourth  century  maintains 
most  successfully  the  level  now  attained.  It  is  not  really  until 
we  pass  the  middle  of  the  century  that  any  serious  change 
is  visible.  The  portrait  of  a  Persian  satrap  (PI.  V.  9),  on 
a  coin  struck  about  390  b.c,  ranks  among  the  finest  Greek 
coins  ;  the  same  is  true  of  many  of  the  Lampsacene  gold  staters 
(PI.  V.  10),  and  some  of  the  silver  staters  of  Philip  II  of 
Macedon  (PI.  VII.  2).  But  the  head  of  Zeus  on  a  silver  coin 
(PI.  VIII.  3)  of  Alexander  of  Epirus  (b.  c.  342-325)  illustrates 
the  tendency  to  weakness  which  now  begins  to  set  in.  It 
would  be  easy  to  find  other  examples  from  the  same  period. 
The  tendency,  it  should  be  remembered,  is  naturally  first  felt 
in  purely  ideal  heads.  In  the  idealized  portraits  of  the  close 
of  the  fourth  century,  it  is  not  apparent ;  for  the  very  reason 
that  the  personality  of  the  original  gives  force  and  character 
to  the  poitrait,  idealized  though  it  may  be. 

In  the  third  century,  the  work,  although  often  clever,  is  also 
often  careless.  The  more  careful  portraits,  as  those  of  An- 
timachus  of  Bactria  (PL  VIII.  4),  Mithradates  It  of  Pontus 
(PI.  VIII.  2),  or  Hiero  II  of  Syracuse  (PI.  XI.  6),  are  equal  to 
anything  of  the  kind  produced  by  Kenaissance  medallists. 

The  large  flans  which  became  usual,  especially  in  Asia 
Minor,  after  the  fall  of  Antiochus  in  190  b.c.  gave  excellent 
opportunity  for  showy  work.  Some  of  the  heads— notably  that 
of  the  turreted  city  goddess  at  Smyrna  (PI.  VIII.  10),  or  that 
of  Artemis  at  Perga  (PI.  VIII.  9),  strike  the  eye  at  first  as  fine, 
but  the  impression  does  not  last.  Nor  can  such  portraits  as 
those  of  Philip  V  or  Perseus  (PI.  X.  3)  be  rated  very  highly. 
The  best  efforts  of  the  time  are  devoted  to  producing  pretty, 
conventional  decorative  effects.  There  is  little  to  be  said  of 
the  art  of  Greek  coins  during  the  last  century  before  Christ. 
Occasionally  a  remarkable   coin  is  met   with — such  as  those 

became  less  common.  The  formi  was  unsuited  to  coins,  and  was  only- 
adopted  by  a  magnificent  blunder.  There  are  some  curious  instances 
on  early  coins  of  iaces  represented  full  or  nearly  full,  notably  in  Arcadia 
{Brit.  Mus.  Catal,,  Peloponn.,  PI.  31,  10  ;  37,  24.  25).  Side  by  side  with  these 
must  be  put  the  remarkable  representations  of  riders  and  chariots  seen 
from  the  front  (Journ.  Hellen.  Studies,  1897,  pp.  80  flf.,  PI.  II,  nos.  5,  6). 
The  bold  examples  of  foreshortening  from  Naxos  (PI.  VI,  i,  3)  and 
Gortyna  {Brit.  Mus.  Catal,  Crete,  PI.  9,  no.  6)  belong  to  a  later  period,  and 
owing  to  the  comparative  lowness  of  their  relief  are  not  subject  to  the 
criticism  just  made  on  the  full-face. 


CH.  VI]  FABRIC    AND    STYLE  165 

with  the  clever  if  theatrical  portrait  of  Mithradates  the  Great 
(PI.  X.  7),  or  the  striking  but  hardly  pleasing  head  of  Cleopatra 
at  Ascalon  (PI.  X.  8) — but  the  general  mass  of  Greek  coins 
at  this  time  is,  from  an  artistic  standpoint,  absolutely  devoid 
of  interest.  The  art  of  portraiture  revives  slightly  towards 
the  time  of  Augustus.  The  portrait  of  Archelaus,  king  of 
Cappadocia  from  b.  c.  36  to  a.  d.  17  (PI,  X.  9),  is  one  of  the 
best  works  of  its  time,  and  deserves  to  rank  with  the  youthful 
head  on  an  aureus  of  Augustus  (PI,  XII.  10).  The  latter  was 
probably,  like  the  former,  the  work  of  a  Greek  artist. 

Rome,  whose  coinage  begins  in  the  middle  of  the  fourth 
century,  offers  nothing  remarkable  from  an  artistic  point  of 
view,  but  falls  into  line  with  the  artistically  poorer  districts 
of  the  Greek  world.  The  occurrence  of  portraits  is  rare  until 
the  approach  of  the  Empire.  With  the  concentration  of  all 
political  power  in  Rome  a  distinct  improvement,  due  pre- 
sumably to  Greek  influence,  is  manifest,  and  the  series  of 
portraits  on  Roman  coins,  beginning  with  Augustus,  is  un- 
rivalled for  extent,  interest,  and  skill  of  execution.  The 
improvement,  however,  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  extended 
to  the  Greek  world.  The  highest  point  was  reached  in  the 
time  of  the  Flavian  and  Antonine  emperors  (PI.  XV.  1-3,  5) ; 
thenceforward  there  is  a  gradual  decline  to  the  time  of  Con- 
stantino, after  which  a  conventional  portrait  is  all  that  the 
die  engraver  is  able  to  produce.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fifth 
century  ad,  when  even  the  profile  portraits  had  become 
almost  unrecognizable,  the  full-face  representation  again  begins 
to  prevail  (PL  XV.  11),  and  in  the  Byzantine  coinage  it  is 
the  rule  (PI.  XV.  12). 


CHAPTER  VII 


THE   MEANING   AND   CLASSIFICATION   OF   COIN-TYPES 

§  I.    TJie  JReligious  Theory  and  the  Commercial  Theory. 

The  meaning  of  the  great  variety  of  types  which  appear  on 
Greek  and  Eoman  coins  has  been  made  the  subject,  in  recent 
years,  of  some  discussion,  arising  out  of  a  theory  enunciated 
by  Professor  Ridgeway  in  his  brilliant  work  on  the  Origin 
of  Metallic  Currency  ^  Mr.  Ridgeway  believes  that  modern 
scholars  'have  directed  all  their  efforts  to  giving  a  religious 
signification  to  everything '  that  occurs  as  the  type  of  a  coin ; 
whereas  a  truer  view  is  that  stated  long  ago  by  Leake,  who 
remarked  that  the  types  of  Greek  coins  generally  related  'to 
the  local  mythology  and  fortunes  of  the  place,  with  symbols 
referring  to  the  principal  productions  or  to  the  protecting 
numina.'  Mr.  Ridgeway  himself  goes  further  than  Leake.  In 
his  general  statement  of  the  case  '  there  is  little  with  which  it 
is  possible  to  find  fault.  But  several  types  which  he  adduces 
in  support  of  his  theory  can  with  equal  plausibility  be  explained 
from  the  religious  point  of  view  ^. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  many  of  the  objects  which  figure 
as  coin-types  are  articles  of  commerce  or  symbols  of  commercial 
products.     The  tunny  figures  on  the  coins  of  Cyzicus  (PI.  L  3), 

'  Pp.  3T3  If. 

^  '  I  do  not  for  a  moment  mean  that  mythological  and  religious  subjects 
do  not  play  their  proper  part  in  Greek  coin-types.  But  it  is  just  as 
wrong  to  reduce  all  coin-types  to  this  category  as  it  would  be  to  regard 
them  all  as  merely  symbolic  of  the  natural  and  manufactured  products 
of  the  various  states.' — p.  314. 

=*  See  the  discussion  in  the  Classical  Review,  1892,  p,  470  f.  ;  1893,  pp.  79  ff. 


MEANING  AND  CLASSIFICATION  OF  COIN-TYPES      167 

and  there  is  no  doubt  tkat  the  tunny  fishery  was  the  staple 
industry  of  that  city.  The  wine-cup  figures  on  the  coins  of  the 
island  of  Naxos  (PI.  II.  3),  and  it  will  not  be  disputed  that 
wine  was  a  product  of  the  island.  Mr.  Ridge  way  holds  that 
these  and  similar  types  appear  on  coins  because,  and  only 
because,  they  relate  to  commerce,  and  because  exchange  by 
means  of  a  currency  has  replaced  an  earlier  stage  of  exchange 
by  barter  in  the  object  represented  or  alluded  to.  The  coin 
with  the  wine-cup  is  the  representative  of  an  amount  of  wine  ; 
the  coin  with  the  tunny  of  a  certain  amount  of  tunny  fish,  and 
so  on.  The  '  orthodox '  view  is  that  these  types  appear  because 
they  are  connected  in  some  way  vrith  the  presiding  deities  of 
the  various  states,  and  the  genuineness  of  the  coin  is  guaran- 
teed by  its  bearing  on  it  the  religious  symbol  of  the  state  that 
issues  it.  The  truth,  probably,  in  the  greater  number  of  cases, 
lies  between,  or  rather  behind,  these  two  views.  The  type, 
whatever  its  character  may  be,  appears  on  coins  because  it  is  the 
badge  by  which  the  issuing  authority  is  recognized.  The  reli- 
gious sense  of  the  Greeks  led  them,  whatever  the  staple  industry 
of  any  state  might  be,  to  place  it  under  the  protection  of  their 
chief  deity.  Obviously,  therefore,  the  object  of  the  industry 
could  be  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  the  presiding  deity.  In  early 
times  the  difficulty  of  representing  the  human  form  was  suffi- 
cient reason  for  placing  on  a  coin  not  the  actual  deity,  but  that 
object  which  most  readily  recalled  him  or  her  to  the  mind  of 
a  citizen.  This  is  the  primary  reason  for  the  appearance  of  the 
wine-cup  on  the  coin  of  Naxos.  It  is  only  a  happy  accident 
that  the  type  of  the  coin  at  the  same  time  suggests  the  staple 
industry  \  The  fact  that  the  tunny  at  Cyzicus  is  decorated 
with  fillets  (PI.  I.  3)  proves  conclusively  that  the  type  is  meant 
to  have  a  religious  significance. 

In  addition  to  what  I  have  already  said  as  to  the  commercial 
allusion  of  the  type  not  being,  as  a  rule,  the  primary  one,  it  is 
necessary  to  make  clear  two  points  which  militate  against  the 
commercial  theory.  One  coin  on  which  Mr.  Ridgeway  lays  great 
stress  is  the  well-known  electrum  stater  which,  according  to 
a  more  than  doubtful  interpretation,  bears  an  inscription  stating 

^  It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  accept  Mr.  Ridgeway's  ingenious  inter- 
pretation of  the  commercial  i^ignificance  of  such  types  as  the  double  axe 
of  Tenedos  or  the  shield  of  Boeutia. 


1 68  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

it  to  be  the  sema  or  badge  of  Phanes  (PI.  I.  4)  \  The  type  is 
a  stag  browsing.  ^  The  stag  is  nothing  more  than  the  particular 
badge  adopted  by  the  potentate  Phanes,  when  and  where  he 
may  have  reigned,  as  a  guarantee  of  the  weight  of  the  coin  and 
perhaps  of  the  purity  of  the  metal  ^'  Such  is  Mr.  Kidgeway's 
own  explanation,  and  it  gives  away  his  case.  For  if  his  explana- 
tion is  true,  then  other  types  may  also  be  '  particular  badges ' 
adopted  by  states  and  rulers  as  guarantees  of  the  weight  of  the 
coin  and  of  the  purity  of  the  metal.  It  will  not  be  suggested 
that  Phanes  was  a  dealer  in  venison.  But  it  would  be  fair 
to  suppose  that  Artemis  was  his  tutelary  deity,  and  he  adopted 
her  symbol  as  his  badge.  And  in  the  same  way  a  city  which 
worshipped  Artemis  would  use  the  same  symbol  on  its  coinage. 
Secondly,  did  the  types  which  Mr.  Kidgeway  explains  as 
having  a  commercial  significance  represent  an  old  barter-unit, 
that  is  to  say  a  fixed  amount  of  the  commodity  in  which  the 
issuing  city  traded,  we  should  expect,  at  least  in  some  cases,  to 
find  in  the  types  one  feature  which,  at  any  rate  in  the  earliest 
times,  is  entirely  absent.  The  smaller  denominations  would 
not  bear  the  same  type  as  the  larger,  but  that  type  halved  or 
divided  according  to  the  requisite  proportion.  If  for  instance 
the  early  Lycian  staters,  of  which  the  constant  type  is  a  boar  or 
the  forepart  of  a  boar,  represents  a  certain  amount  of  ham,  how 
is  it  that  the  whole  boar  and  its  half  appear  on  coins  of  the 
same  weight  ?  If  the  earliest  silver  drachm  of  Athens  '  was 
equated  to  the  old  barter-unit  (either  of  corn  or  of  oil)  ^,*  why 
was  not  the  olive -spray  varied  on  the  larger  and  smaller 
denominations  in  order  to  indicate  an  equation  with  more  or 
less  of  the  old  barter- units  ?  And  why,  above  all,  was  the 
olive-oil  unit  indicated  by  a  mere  adjunct  in  the  field,  instead 
of  occupying  the  main  position  on  the  coin  ?  The  halving  of 
the  shield  on  Boeotian  coins  does  not  cori-espond  to  the  denomi- 
nations as  it  should,  if  the  barter-unit  theory  were  correct. 
Thus,  on  the  earliest  coins  of  Thebes,  we  have  the  whole  shield 
on  the  didrachms,  drachms,  triobols,  obols ;  the  half-shield  on 
hemi-obols  ;   and  the  whole  shield  again  on  the  quarter-obol. 

'  The  genitive  has  been  rightly  explained  by  Sir  C.  T.  Newton  and 
Frankel  as  equivalent  to  *  of  the  bright  one  *  (meaning  probably  Artemis  ; 
see  above,  p.  79,  note  i). 

*  Ridgeway,  p.  320.  ^  i(j.  p.  224. 


cii.  VII]    MEANING  AND  CLASSIFICATION  OF  COIN-TYPES   169 

The  half-shield  is  used  as  the  type  of  the  hemi-obol,  simply 
because  the  name  hemiobelion  suggests  the  halving  of  the  type, 
not  because  the  coin  represented  the  worth  of  half  a  shield. 
A  well-known  statement  of  Aristotle  would  seem,  at  first  sight, 
to  favour  Mr.  Kidgeway's  interpretation,  but  the  true  transla- 
tion of  the  passage  is  not  Hhe  stamp  was  put  on  the  coin  as 
an  indication  of  value,'  but  '  was  put  on  a  coin  to  show  that  the 
value  was  present '  ;  in  other  words,  to  guarantee  that  it  was  of 
full  weight  and  true  ^,  not  to  state  the  weight  or  value  of  it. 

The  type  then  does  not  indicate  that  the  coin  represents  an 
old  barter-unit ;  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  there  are  many 
types  which  cannot  be  explained  as  religious  symbols,  and  that 
some  of  these  have  a  commercial  significance,  in  that  they 
symbolize  an  industry.  Nevertheless,  owing  to  the  extra- 
ordinary penetration  of  religion  into  all  the  affairs  of  life  among 
the  Greeks  and  Romans,  it  is  by  no  means  entirely  unscholarly 
to  read  a  religious  sense  into  what  often  at  first  sight  appears  to 
be  something  very  different. 

With  this  understanding,  an  attempt  may  be  made  to  classify 
types  according  to  the  principles  which  induced  the  issuing 
state  or  ruler  to  adopt  them  as  badges. 


§  2.   Eeligious  Types. 

(a)  First  among  those  types  which  can  only  have  a  purely 
religious  meaning  must  be  mentioned  the  deities,  represented 
either  directly  or  by  means  of  symbols.  Zeus  and  Dione  in 
Epirus,  Zeus  at  Elis,  Messene,  and  Mylasa,  Poseidon  at 
Poseidonia  (PI.  III.  2)  and  Potidaea,  Apollo  at  Lacedaemon 
and  Delphi  (PI.  V.  7)  and  in  Lycia,  Hera  at  Samos  (PI. 
XIII.  8),  the  Cyprian  Aphrodite  at  Paphos,  Athena  at  Corinth 
(PI.  IV.  6)  and  Athens  (PI.  II.  2),  Artemis  at  Ephesus 
(PI.  XIII.  9)  and  Perga  (PI.  VIII.  9),  Hermes  at  Pheneus 
(PI.  V.  12)  and  Aenus,  Helios  at  Rhodes  (PI.  V.  5),  Baal-Tars  at 
Tarsus  (PI.  IV.  12),  Cybele  at  Smyrna  (PI.  VIII.  10,  identified 
with  the  city),  are  among  the  more  famous  instances  of  the 

^  Arist.  Pol.  ii.  1257  a  41  »  fo-p  x'^f^'^'^hp  ^T^Or}  tov  iroaov  crjixuov.  See 
above,  p.  67,  note  2,  and  the  definition  of  CTj/xfiov  in  Anal.  Pr.  ii.  27.  2  ov 
yap  ovTOS  eariv  fj  ov  yivofxevov  irporepov  ^  vanpov  ycyovt  to  vpdyfiaf  tovto 
CTj/ietov  fan  tov  yeyovtvai  ^  ehai. 


170 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  II 


great  deities  employed  as  types  in  the  most  obvious  way. 
Deities  and  heroes,  again,  are  constantly  represented  in  their 
mythological  connexions.  At  Pheneus  Hermes  is  shown  carry- 
ing the  infant  Areas  (PI.  V.  12) ;  Apollo  slays  the  Python  on 
the  coins  of  Croton  ;  Cydon  is  suckled  by  a  bitch  on  the  coins 
of  Cydonia ;  at  Phaestus,  Heracles  attacks  the  Hydra,  which  is 
assisted  by  a  crab,  or  Tales  hurls  his  stone  (PI.  IV.  1 1).    Castor 

and  Pollux  are  represented  on  the 
early  Koman  silver  (PI.  XL  8,  10, 
11)  charging  on  horseback,  as  they 
appeared  at  the  battle  of  lake 
Regillus.  At  the  Lycian  Myra  (PI. 
XIV.  4)  a  cultus-statue  of  the  form 
of  Artemis  known  as  Eleuthera  is. 
represented  in  the  branches  of  a 
tree  which  is  attacked  by  two  men 
with  axes  and  defended  by  snakes 
which  dart  forth  from  its  roots  \ 
At  Apamea  Ki^cotos  ('the  ark')  in 
Phrygia  (Fig.  28)  we  find  a  repre- 
sentation of  the  deluge,  Noah  (Nn€) 
being  represented  with  his  com- 
panions in  an  ark  floating  on  the 
waters  ^  Occasionally  the  myth 
which  is  represented  has  no  known 
connexion  with  the  place  ;  thus,  at  Cyzicus,  Gaia  rises  from  the 
earth  and  holds  up  Erichthonius  ^  It  would  be  easy  to  multiply 
the  instances  of  obscure  and  complex  myths  which  figure  on 
coins,  especially  in  the  rich  series  of  the  cities  of  the  provinces 
in  imperial  times.  And  a  complete  enumeration  of  the  symbols 
which  represent  deities  would  fill  a  volume— such  symbols  as 

'  The  type  probably  has  some  reference  to  the  story  of  Myrrha,  who  was 
transformed  into  a  tree.  Her  father  split  open  the  ti'unk  with  his  sword, 
and  Adonis  was  born.     Head,  H.  N.  \\  578. 

^  For  the  tradition  of  the  deluge  localized  at  Apamea,  where  there  was 
a  strong  Jewish  element  in  the  population,  see  Babelon,  Melanges,  i.  p.  172  ; 
W.  M.  Ramsay,  Cities  and  BisJioprics,  pp.  669  ff. 

^  The  so-called  types  of  Cyzicus  are,  however,  really  moneyer's  symbols 
(see  above,  pp.  1 19  f.).  In  any  ease,  this  type  is  probably  copied  from  a  well- 
known  monument;  the  counterpart  to  it  appears  in  the  figure  of  Cecrops 
on  another  Cyzicene  stater,  and  the  two  are  combined  on  a  terra-cotta 
relief  at  Berlin  (Baumeister,  Denkmaler,  i.  p.  492^  where,  however,  Athena 
is  present. 


Fro.  28. — Reverse  of  bronze 
coin  of  Septimius  Severus 
struck  at  Apamea  (Phry- 
gia). ''EnlaywvoOtTOv'Pip^e- 
IJux-y.  'Anafxiajv.  Ncoe.  From 
a  specimen  in  the  Biblio- 
thfeque  Nationale,  Paris. 


CH.  VII]    MEANING  AND  CLASSIFICATION  OF  COIN-TYPES    I7I 

the  thunderbolt  or  eagle  of  Zeus,  the  trident  of  Poseidon,  the 
owl  of  Athena,  the  stag  or  bee  of  Artemis,  the  lyre  or  the 
triskeles  symbol  of  Apollo,  the  ram  or  the  caduceus  of  Hermes, 
and,  to  come  down  to  the  end  of  the  period  which  concerns  us, 
the  cross  of  Christ  on  late  Imperial  coins  (PL  XV.  12).  That 
by  means  of  such  symbols  the  coins  were  marked  as  the  pro- 
perty of  the  authorities  which  issued  them  is  proved  by  parallels 
outside  the  sphere  of  coinage.  Marble  vessels  in  the  temple  of 
Apollo  at  Cnidus  were  marked  with  a  lyre  ;  in  the  Samian  war 
the  Athenians  branded  their  prisoners  with  an  owl,  the  Samians 
theirs  with  the  Samaina  or  Samian  galley.  And  just  as  the 
various  states,  so  did  kings  and  rulers  of  all  kinds  place  on  their 
coins  their  guardian  deities  and  heroes,  or  their  symbols.  Zeus, 
Athena,  and  Heracles  figure  on  the  coins  of  Philip  II  (PI.  VII.  i) 
and  Alexander  the  Great  (PI.  VII.  4,  5),  Perseus  on  the  coins  of 
Philip  V  (PI.  VIII.  7)  \  Venus  on  those  of  Sulla  (PI.  XII.  2). 
Even  the  minor  details  and  instruments  of  cults  are  used  for 
the  purpose  of  types,  such  as  the  fire-altar  on  the  coins  of  Persis. 
the  great  altar  at  Amasia,  the  tripod  of  Apollo  at  Croton.  Local 
features  of  various  kinds  are  personified.  Thus,  at  Caulonia, 
Apollo  stands  holding  on  his  outstretched  arm  a  little  wind- 
god,  personifying  probably  the  wind  which  blew  off  the  east 
coast  of  Bruttium  (PL  III.  3).  But  the  most  frequent  instance 
of  this  kind  of  personification  is  the  river-god  (PL  III.  7  ; 
XIV.  12),  who  appears  in  various  forms,  from  the  ordinary  bull 
to  the  reclining  male  figure,  on  coins  of  all  periods  2.  On  an 
imperial  coin  of  Laodicea  in  Phrygia  the  two  rivers  Lycos  and 
Capros  are  represented  by  a  wolf  and  a  boar  respectively 
(PL  XIV.  6). 

§  3.    Tr/pes  representing  the  Issuing  Autliority. 

(h)  The  above  may  suffice  for  an  indication  of  the  nature  of 
the  coin-types  belonging  to  the  more  strictly  religious  class.  It 
was,  however,  possible  for  a  badge  to  be  used  which  expressed 
the  identity  of  the  original  authority  in  a  way  which  was  less 

^  Who  actually  named  one  of  his  sons  after  his  favourite  hero.  On  the 
coin  illustrated  in  PI.  VIII.  7,  this  son  is  represented  in  the  guise  of 
the  hero.     See  Num.  Chr.  1896,  pp.  34  flf.,  PI.  IV. 

^  P.  Gardner,  Greek  River-Worship,  Proc.  of  Roy.  Soc.  0/  Lit.,  April  19,  1876, 


172  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

obviously  connected  with  religion.  When  the  authority  in 
question  was  a  king,  the  type  might  express  his  royal  power. 
Thus,  on  the  Persian  coins  (PL  I.  10,  11),  the  Great  King  is 
represented  in  person  hastening  through  his  dominions  armed 
with  spear  and  bow.  At  Sidon  the  king  proceeds  in  his  car. 
At  Tyre  his  power  is  symbolized  by  the  owl  with  crook  and 
flail.  Possibly  the  lion  of  Sardes  is  also  a  symbol  of  royalty  '. 
In  the  same  way  various  types  of  Victory  were  associated  with 
the  supreme  power,  especially,  in  late  Roman  times,  when  they 
almost  ousted  other  types  from  the  field.  This  kind  of  type 
was,  however,  not  possible  within  Hellas  proper  until  the  time 
when  the  Greeks  also  became  accustomed  to  the  representation 
on  their  coinage  of  the  supreme  power  of  a  single  ruler.  Thus 
it  was  that  portraits  were  placed  on  coins,  at  first  half- disguised 
under  divine  attributes—  as  when  Alexander  the  Great  appears 
in  the  guise  of  Heracles  (PI.  YII.  4) — afterwards  boldly  and 
unconcealed.  Personal  symbols  also,  such  as  the  Capricorn  on 
the  coins  of  Augustus  (who  was  born  under  this  sign),  or  the 
sphinx,  which  the  same  ruler  used  both  on  his  signet-ring  and 
on  his  coins,  come  under  the  present  head. 

The  forms  of  activity,  commercial,  political,  military,  agonis- 
tic, and  the  like,  which  are  expressed  by  coin-types  are  of 
course  infinitely  various.  The  cities  of  Thessaly  which  were 
famous  for  their  cavalry  forces  are  represented  by  appropriate 
types,  such  as  the  bridled  horse  on  the  coins  of  Larissa.  The 
horsemen  of  Tarentum  (PL  XI.  i)  furnished  a  well-known  type 
for  the  coins  of  that  city.  The  warriors  of  Aspendus  were 
sufficiently  famous  to  figure  on  the  early  coinage  of  their  city. 
Many  forms  of  athletics  are  represented  :  the  discobolus  on  the 
coins  of  Cos,  the  wrestlers  on  those  of  Aspendus,  the  athletes 
casting  lots  on  coins  of  Ancyra  in  Galatia  and  other  cities,  the 
race-torch  (PL  V.  i)  on  the  beautiful  staters  of  Amphipolis,  are 
well-known  instances  of  this  kind  of  type.  More  famous  still 
are  the  chariot- types  at  cities  such  as  Syracuse  (PI.  III.  5,  6  ; 
VI.  6,  7).  The  naval  importance  of  a  city  is  often  represented, 
notably,  for  instance,  by  means  of  the  prow  or  stem  of  a  galley 
on  the  coins  of  Phaselis,  or  by  a  plan  of  the  harbour  buildings 

*  According  to  others  (Gardner,  Types,  p.  42)  it  is  a  symbol  of  Astart 
or  of  the  Sun. 


CH.  VII]   MEANING  AND  CLASSIFICATION  OF  COIN-TYPES  1 73 

as  at  Zancle  or  Side.  The  Eoman  who  filled  an  important 
religious  office  used  as  his  badge  the  instruments  of  sacrifice  or 
augury  (PL  XII.  2).  The  municipal  life  of  the  cities  of  Asia 
M^nor  is  symbolized  by  representations  of  their  Council,  Senate, 
or  Demos  \ 

In  this  connexion  may  be  mentioned  the  symboKc  representa- 
tions of  various  attributes  belonging  to  rulers  or  states.  The 
idea  of  Liberty  was  sometimes  expressed  by  an  unbridled  horse, 
as  on  the  coins  of  Termessus  Major  in  Pisidia,  a  city  to  which 
a  kind  of  freedom  was  accorded  by  Kome.  To  the  same  category 
belongs  the  type  of  the  infant  Heracles  strangling  the  serpents 
(PI.  IV.  13),  which  symbolized  the  rise  of  the  power  of  Thebes 
against  the  Spartan  supremacy,  and  was  employed  by  various 
other  states,  such  as  Ehodes  and  Samos,  to  express  their 
sympathy  with  the  new  power  (see  above,  p.   112). 

The  Eoman  coinage  is  especially  rich  in  this  kind  of  type. 
The  personifications,  however,  of  Abundantia,  FeHcitas,  Con- 
cordia, and  the  like  may,  perhaps,  be  better  classed  with  the 
more  strictly  religious  types. 


§  4.    Types  representing  Local  Features, 

(c)  Closely  allied  with  the  second  class  of  types  is  a  class 
many  of  the  varieties  of  which  have  been  explained  as  having 
a  purely  commercial  significance.  The  prevalence  in  a  certain 
district  of  some  animal  or  plant  was  sufficient  to  induce  its 
adoption  as  a  badge  by  the  cities  of  that  district.  That  the 
object  was  sometimes  of  commercial  importance  was  a  mere 
accident,  so  far  as  its  adoption  as  type  for  the  coinage  was 
concerned.  The  mussel  of  Cumae  in  Campania,  the  corn  of 
Metapontum,  the  wme  of  Naxos,  Mende,  Maronea,  the  wild 
celery  of  Selinus  (PI.  VI.  2),  the  cow  of  Euboea,  the  sepia  of 
Coresia,  the  silphium  of  the  Cyrenaica  (PI.  V.  3)  all  belong  to 
the  same  category ;  and  that  some  of  these  types  are  punning 
types,  while  others  represent  articles  of  commerce,  is  not,  it 
must  be  insisted,  the  reason  for  their  appearance.  To  the 
same  class  belong  types  or  symbols  relating  to  other  local 
features,  such  as  the  warm  springs  of  Himera  (represented  by 

^  See  above,  p.  91,  and  below,  ch.  viii.  §  2. 


174 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bK.  II 


a  small  satyr  bathing  in  a  fountain).  The  lion  tearing  a  bull  at 
Acanthus '  is  evidently  as  appropriate  where  lions  were  abun- 
dant, as  is  the  boar  in  the  mountains  of  Lycia  or  at  Laodicea  in 
Syria.  How  rivers  were  represented  has  already  been  stated  ; 
neighbouring  mountains  may  also  be  made  to  furnish  types, 
as  Mt.  Argaeus  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia  (PI.  XIV.  2],  or 
Mt.  Viaros  at  Prostanna  in  Pisidia. 


§  5.    Ti/pes  representing  Monuments. 

{d)  Types  of  a  class  which  may  be  called  monumental  are 

naturally  not  wanting,  but  are 
almost  confined  to  imperial  times. 
An  anticipation,  however,  of  this 
class  of  types  is  found  in  early 
times  in  the  representation  of  the 
harbour  at  Zancle  (PI.  III.  4)'^. 
A  harbour,  with  porticoes  running- 
round  it,  is  represented  in  much 
later  times  at  Side.  The  bridge 
over  the  Maeander,  w4th  the  river- 
god  reclining  on  the  parapet,  and 
a  stork  perched  on  the  gateway, 
furnishes  one  of  the  most  remark- 
able types  at  Antiochia  in  Caria 
(Fig.  29).  The  Acropolis  at  Athens, 
the  Forum  of  Trajan  at  Rome  (PL  XY .  2),  are  other  similar  types. 
The  commonest  type  of  this  class  is,  however,  the  temple,  such 
as  those  which  occur  at  Ephesus  (temple  of  Artemis,  PI.  XIII.  9), 
or  at  Paphos  (temple  of  Aphrodite).  The  great  altar  at  Amasia 
has  already  been  mentioned.  Finally,  a  most  important  instance 
of  this  class  of  type  is  the  representation  of  famous  statues 
which  decorated  the  city  that  issued  the  coin  :    statues  such  as 


Fig.  29. — "Reverse  of  a  bronze 
coin  of  Gallieniib  struck  at 
Antiochia  in  Caria. 


^  Cf.  Herod,  vii.  125  :  in  this  district  lions  attack  the  camels  of  Xerxes' 
commissariat.  These  parts,  says  the  historian,  abound  in  lions  and  wild 
bulls. 

2  Usually  explained  as  a  sickle,  and  therefore  a  canting  type ;  for 
^dyKXov  was  the  local  name  for  a  sickle,  and  the  place  was  sickle-shaped 
(^Thucyd.  vi.  4).  Bat  the  object  on  the  coins  is  either  a  mere  semicircular 
bar  (not  with  a  cutting  edge)  or  a  flat  object  with  blocks  upon  it,  which 
perhaps  are  meant  for  buildings  on  the  quay. 


CH.  VII]   MEANING  AND  CLASSIFICATION  OF  COIN-TYPES   1 75 

the  Zeus  of  Pheidias  at  Elis  (PI.  XIV.  i)  or  the  Aphrodite  of 
Praxiteles  (at  Cnidus).  This  class  of  types  is  naturally  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  archaeologists,  and  sometimes  forms 
the  only  basis  for  the  restoration  and  reconstruction  of  lost 
works  of  sculpture  and  architecture  ^ 


§  6.   Historical  Types, 

(e)  History,  legendary  or  other,  also  furnished  its  quota  of 
types.  The  foundation  of  Tarentum  by  Taras,  who  arrived 
at  the  spot  on  a  dolphin  sent  by  his  father  Poseidon  to  save 
him  from  shipwreck,  is  alluded  to  on  the  coins,  where  Taras  is 
seen  riding  on  a  dolphin  (PI.  XI.  i  ^).  The  hare  on  the  coins 
of  Khegium  and  Messana  may  possibly  be  placed  there  in 
commemoration  of  the  interest  which  the  tyrant  Anaxilas 
took  in  this  animal  ^.  The  mule-car  on  the  coins  of  the 
same  places  is  certainly  commemorative  of  the  success  which 
Anaxilas  attained  with  mules  at  Olympia.  In  a  similar  way 
the  naval  victory  won  in  306  b.  c.  by  Demetrius  Poliorcetes 
over  Ptolemy  is  commemorated  by  representations  of  Nike 
standing  on  a  prow  and  blowing  a  trumpet  (PI.  VII.  10)  *, 
and  Poseidon  wielding  his  trident.  A  remarkable  type  on 
a  late  coin  of  Sagalassus,  which  was  taken  by  Alexander  the 
Great,  probably  represents  the  capture  of  the  city.  A  statue 
(of  Zeus  ?)  stands  in  the  middle ;  on  the  left  is  Alexander 
(AA6ZANAP0C)  charging  on  horseback;  on  the  right  is  a 
warrior  fleeing  from  the  conqueror  and  holding  up  his  hand  in 
supplication  to  the  statue  of  his  tutelary  deity".  To  return 
once  more  to  legendary  history,  the  story  of  Hero  and  Leander 

^  Their  utility  may  best  be  realized  from  the  works  of  Imhoof-Blumer 
and  Gsivdner,Nu7nismatic  Commentary  on  Pausanias,  and  D onaldaon,  Archiiectur a 
Numismatica.     See  also  Gardner,  Types  of  Greek  Coins,  Pi.  XV. 

^  The  beautiful  type  of  PL  XI.  2  may  perhaps  have  some  reference  to 
the  appeal  of  Tarentum  to  Sparta,  which  led  to  the  expedition  of  Archi- 
daraos  in  338  b.c.     See  Evans,  Horsemen  of  Tarentum,  p.  66. 

^  Aristotle  (ap.  Poll.  v.  75)  says  that  he  introduced  it  into  Sicily.  But 
the  type  has,  perhaps  rightly,  been  connected  with  Pun,  who  on  a  coin  of 
Messana  is  seen  caressing  a  hare  (see  Head,  H.  N.  p.  93). 

*  This  type  happens  also  to  belong  to  the  preceding  class,  for  it  repre- 
sents the  well-known  *  Nike  of  Samothrace  '  in  the  Louvre. 

"  This  type  again  has  the  appearance  of  reproducing  a  piece  of  sculpture 
in  relief,  or  a  painting. 


175  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ir 

is  naively  told  on  the  Imperial  coinage  of  Abydos  (PL  XIII.  5) 
and  of  Sestos,  and  Aeneas  is  represented  on  the  coins  of  New 
Ilium  carrying  Anchises  from  the  burning  city.  Koman  denarii 
are  rich  in  historical  types.  On  the  reverse  of  a  denarius  struck 
between  134  and  114  b.  c.  by  M.  Caecilius  Metellus  is  a  Mace- 
donian shield  with  an  elephant's  head  in  the  centre,  the  whole 
surrounded  by  a  laurel-wreath  :  a  two-fold  allusion,  to  victories 
won  by  L.  Caecilius  Metellus  in  250  b.  c.  in  Sicily,  and  by 
another  ancestor  in  Macedonia  between  148  and  146  b.c.  The 
surrender  of  Jugurtha  by  Bocchus  to  Sulla,  again,  is  com- 
memorated on  a  denarius  of  the  dictator's  son,  Faustus  Cornelius 
Sulla  (PI.  XII.  3).  Among  Imperial  Roman  types  may  be 
mentioned  those  commemorating  the  subjection  of  Judaea 
(I VDAEA  CARTA,  PI.  XV.  i)  or  the  visits  of  Hadrian  to  the 
various  provinces  of  the  empire  (ACHAIA  RESTITVTA  and  the 
like). 

Of  the  representation  of  famous  persons  connected,  either  by 
legend  or  by  history,  with  the  history  of  the  city,  the  most 
common  is  Homer,  of  whom  we  have  busts  or  figures  at  no 
less  than  seven  cities.  The  largest  series  of  portraits  of  this 
kind  is  found  at  Lesbos  \ 


§  7.    Canting  Types. 

(/)  The  most  obvious  of  all  forms  of  badge  was  the  type 
parlant  or  canting  or  punning  type,  which  represented  the  issuing 
authority  by  means  of  a  pun  on  his  or  its  name.  If  we  con- 
sider the  number  of  possibilities  of  this  kind,  the  canting  type 
will  be  found  to  be  comparatively  scarce  in  ancient  coinage. 
Famous  instances  are  the  seal  (0&)/cri)  at  Phocaea  (PI.  I.  2),  the 
rose  (pobov)  at  Rhodes  (PI.  V.  5)  and  Rhoda,-  the  lion's  head  at 
Leontini,  the  wild  celery  (o-eAii/oi/)  at  the  Sicilian  Selinus'-^, 
the  pomegranate  ((ribrj)  at  Side,  the  apple  (tirikou)  at  Melos, 
the   table   (rpciTreC")  at   Trapezus  (PI.  IV.  7)^      Possibly   the 

'  See  below,  ch.  viii.  §  3. 

"^  But  this,  like  the  head  of  Athena  at  Athens,  really  belongs  to  another 
class  ;  see  above,  p.  1 73. 

^  The  objects  piled  on  the  table  have  usually  been  called  grapes  ;  it  is 
possible,  however,  that  they  are  meant  for  coins,  and  that  the  table 
is  that  of  a  banker  (rpanf^iTijs), 


CH.  VII]   MEANING  AND  CLASSIFICATION  OF  COIN-TYPES   1 77 

race-horse  ridden  by  a  jockey  on  the  silver  coins  of  Philip  II 
of  Macedon  (PI.  VII.  i)  embodies  a  punning  allusion  to  his 
name. 

§  8.    Ornamental  Types. 

(g)  The  types  so  far  classified  were  adopted  for  reasons  which 
are  or  ought  to  be  capable  of  explanation.  But  there  is  another 
class  the  adoption  of  which  seems  to  be  purely  arbitrary,  and 
that  is  the  ornamental  class,  which  merely  consists  of  a 
meaningless  decorative  design.  The  simplest  instance  of  this 
is  to  be  found  on  one  of  the  earliest  of  all  coins  (PL  I.  i).  As 
a  matter  of  fact  the  instances  of  this  class  are  comparatively 
few,  and  some  of  them,  as  the  double  stellar  design  on  the 
coins  of  Corcyra  (PI.  II.  7),  or  the  star  at  Erythrae,  may  be 
connected  with  some  religious  ideas  with  which  we  are  not 
familiar.  The  arrangement  of  the  reverses  of  many  series  of 
coins  — as  at  Aegina,  Cyzicus,  and  in  Lycia  in  early  times  — 
seems,  however,  to  be  purely  decorative. 


§  9.    ImHative  Types. 

{h)  Finally,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  a  number  of  types 
are  purely  imitative,  and  were  adopted  by  states  in  order  to 
obtain  currency  for  their  own  issues.  Striking  instances  ot 
this  practice  are  to  be  found  in  the  Asiatic  imitations  of  the 
coinage  of  Philip  II  and  Alexander  III,  or  the  Gaulish  imita- 
tions of  the  gold  staters,  of  the  former  king  (Fig.  4,  p.  10),  or 
the  Himyarite  copies  of  the  Athenian  coinage.  In  these,  and 
similar  cases,  the  types  have  of  course  no  proper  relation  to  the 
authorities  which  issued  them.  Further,  among  barbarous 
nations,  unintelligent  copying  led  to  the  production  of  a 
meaningless  type  or  pattern,  out  of  which  eventually  the 
barbarian  engraver  evolved  some  animal  or  figure.  Thus  out 
of  the  profile  head  copied  by  the  Anglo-Saxons  from  Roman 
coins  was  developed,  through  successive  degradations,  the  type 
of  a  bird\     As  a  rule,   however,  the  final  result  is  a  mere 

1  C.  F.  Keary,  Morphology  of  Coins,  Num.  Oir.  1886,  PI.  Ill  [PI.  IV.  of 
separate  edition],  nos.  74-78.  In  the  same  way  the  British  Iceni  meta- 
morphosed a  human  head  into  a  boar.  Evans,  Ancient  British  Coins, 
PI.  XVL 


178  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

pattern,  such  as  that  developed  by  the  Gauls  out  of  the  rose  on 
the  coins  of  Rhoda  in  Spain  ^ 


§  10.    Classification  of  Si/mhols. 

The  classification  here  adopted  for  types  will  also  serve  for 
what  in  numismatic  language  are  called  symbols.  These  are, 
to  define  them  roughly,  subsidiary  types,  and  may  be  broadly 
divided  into  two  classes,  according  as  they  are  attributes  of  the 
main  type,  or  are  disconnected  from  it,  and  serve  a  separate 
purpose  of  their  own. 

The  first  division  needs  no  discussion.  A  deity  is  constantly 
accompanied  by  his  or  her  attributes,  or  attendant  objects. 
These  are  sometimes  brought  into  direct  connexion  with  the 
figure,  as  when  Zeus  holds  a  Nike  or  an  eagle  on  his  out- 
stretched hand  (PI.  VII.  4}^  Or  else  they  are  simply  placed 
in  the  field,  as  is  the  sphinx  of  Artemis  on  the  earliest  coins 
of  Perga. 

The  second  division  of  symbols  comprises  those  which  were 
meant  to  identify  the  coin  in  a  further  degree  than  was  made 
possible  by  the  main  type  alone.  In  the  case  of  coins  issued 
by  a  state  or  ruler  through  mint  officials  a  symbol  was 
frequently  placed  on  the  coin  in  order  to  fix  the  responsibility 
on  the  proper  person  ^ 

Another  very  large  division  of  the  second  class  of  symbols 
comprises  those  which  denote  a  mint.  Such  are  many  of  the 
symbols  on  the  coins  struck  in  imitation  of  the  tetradrachms 
of  Alexander  the  Great.  On  these,  for  example,  the  rose  is  the 
mint-mark  of  Rhodes,  the  helmet  of  Mesembria,  the  race-torch 
of  Amphipolis,  the  bee  of  Ephesus.  The  imitations  of  the  tetra- 
drachms of  Lysimachus  are  similarly  differentiated,  those  of 
Byzantium,  for  instance,  bearing  a  trident  (PL  IX.  2).  But  the 
usage  of  symbols  is  guided  by  much  less  fixed  principles  than 

^  C.  F.  Keary,  Morphology  of  Coins,  Num.  Chr.  1885,  PI.  VIII,  (I)  nos. 
20-22. 

^  These  types  are  sometimes  described  as  Zeus  Nikephoros  and  A6to- 
phoros  ref^pectively.  But  it  may  be  noted  that  viKijtpupos,  in  its  concrete 
sense  of  '  holding  Nike,'  has  no  classical  authority  ;  and  derocpopos  is  only 
used  to  signify  a  standard-bearer. 

^  See  above,  p.  119. 


CH.  VII]   MEANING  AND  CLASSIFICATION  OF  COIN-TYPES   1 79 

is  the  usage  of  types,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  great 
majority  of  symbols  are  unexplained. 

It  has  already  been  noted  ^  that  in  some  cases  the  main  type 
degenerates  into  a  mere  mint  symbol,  while  the  greater  part 
of  the  field  is  occupied  with  the  magistrate's  symbol.  Occasion- 
ally, at  least  at  Cyzicus,  the  symbol  is  combined  with  the  main 
design  in  a  curious  way ;  thus  the  winged  running  figure  on 
the  stater  figured  in  PI.  I.  5  is  represented  holding  up  the 
tunny  by  its  tail. 

^  Above,  pp.  119,  120. 


N  2 


CHAPTER   VIIT 


COIN-INSCKIPTIOXS 


§  T.   Inscriptions  naming  the  Issuing  AufJioritp. 

The  varied  nature  of  the  inscriptions  on  coins  will  be  better 
realized  from  a  study  of  the  problems  of  numismatics  in  which 
those  inscriptions  are  adduced  as  evidence,  than  from  any 
formal  classification.  Nevertheless,  for  the  sake  of  complete- 
ness, it  is  worth  while,  at  the  risk  of  repetition,  to  distinguish 
the  various  motives  underlying  the  inscriptions  which  were 
put  upon  ancient  coins. 

The  first  and  most  obvious  object  of  the  inscription  was  to 
state  the  fact  that  the  coin  was  issued  by  a  certain  people  or 
person — to  give,  in  fact,  authority  to  the  coin.  The  ordinary 
way  of  doing  this  was  to  inscribe  the  name  in  the  genitive 
(AKpdyavTosy  IvpaKoaloiv  \  Bomano{m),  'AXe^avdpov).  But  an  adjec- 
tive would  efi"ect  the  same  object.  Adjectives  constructed 
from  the  name  of  a  people  or  city  are  not  rare  (ApKa8iK6v  from 

'Ap»caSef,    SoXtKoi/    from    2oXo',  A^ppooviKov   from    Ae'ppcovfs  (?),    'Prjylvo^, 

Aapiaaia  (understanding  possibly  ^pax/ur/)  and  the  like).  Men's 
names  furnish  a  smaller  number.  Thus  we  have  ^AXf^dvdpeios 
from  the  name  of  Alexander  tyrant  of  Pherae  in  Thessaly 
{369-357  B.C.).  These  adjectives,  like  the  genitives,  imply 
a  noun,  which  may  either  be  a  general  term  for  '  struck  coin ' 

as   vopiapa,  7ra//zi(?),   Koppa,   ;(apaKTi7/j,   dpyvpiov^^    Or  a  more   special 

denomination,  as  ararvp,  8l^pax^JLov,  dpaxpn.  The  staters  of 
Alexander  of  Pherae  accordingly  read  'AXf^dvdpdOi-,  the  drachms 

'  Before  the  inti'oduction  of  <u  the  genitive  plural  often  has  the  appear- 
ance of  a  nominative  neuter  singular. 

^  ^aiaiictiv  rd  iraifxa  (Phaestus  Cretae)  ;  ^(v$a  dpyvpiov  (Seuthes  of  Thrace, 
end  of  fifth  century},  ^etOa  icoppa,  Kotvos  xa/'a^TiJ/)  (Cotys  of  Thrace,  first 
century  b.c.)  are  instances. 


COIN-INSCRIPTIONS  l8l 

'AXe^avSpet'o.  Certain  tetradraclims  (rerp;J6paxM«)  of  Attic  weight 
struck  by  Ptolemy  I  read  'AXe^dp'^pnou  nroX€/iai'(oi; ?),  i.e. 
'  Ptolemy's  tetradiachm  of  Alexander.'  The  inscription  ^aivovs 
or  ^nevovs  et/zi  (rrjua  (PI.  I.  4)  is  a  modified  form  belonging  rather 
to  the  class  of  descriptive  inscriptions  to  be  discussed  below, 
than  to  the  present  group.  In  addition  to  the  use  of  the  genitive 
and  the  adjective,  there  is  a  rare  use  of  the  nominative  case. 
Most  of  the  names  in  the  nominative  found  on  pre-imperial 
coins  seem  to  be  descriptive  of  types  ;  but  such  an  inscrixjtion  as 
AOE  0  AEMO^  (A6rji'atcov  6  8i)jLioi)  is  an  undoubted  instance  of 
the  use  of  the  nominative  in  place  of  the  ordinary  genitive. 
D  AH1<UE  on  the  early  coins  of  the  city  afterwards  known  as 
Messana  (PI.  III.  4)  is  descriptive,  in  as  much  as  the  type 
represents  the  harbour  of  the  city.  Ta'pay,  on  Tarentine  coins, 
is  usually  descriptive,  as  when  it  is  written  beside  the  figures 
riding  on  a  dolphin  (PI.  XI.  i) ;  but  it  is  also  found  with  types 
of  which  it  is  not  a  description  \  Other  instances  are  K  V  M  E 
(Cumae  in  Campania),  ROMA. 

§  2.   Varieties  of  Titulature. 

The  simple  naming  of  the  person  or  people  on  their  coins 
is  the  rule  in  the  pre- Alexandrine  period.  After  Alexander's 
assumption  on  his  coins  of  the  title  king^,  the  custom  of 
writing  oneself  down  as  king  begins  to  prevail  in  most  of 
the  monarchies.  The  steps  taken  by  various  tyrants  to  throw 
off  constitutional  hindrances  are  marked  in  this  way.  Thus 
the  coinage  of  Agathocles  falls  into  three  periods,  marking  by 
their  inscriptions  the  gradual  increase  of  his  confidence  : — 

Period  I.  B.C.  317-310.  Inscription,  ^vpaKoa-iayu  on  all 
metals. 

Period  II.    B.C. 310-307.    Inscription,  'AyadoKKeos  on  gold; 

IvpaKoiioiv    'A-ya^oxXtioy,    (Kopay)   ' AyaOoKkeios    or   ' Aya6oK\ios 

on  silver  ;  2vpaKoai(ou  on  bronze. 

Period    III.      B.C.   307-289.      'AyadoKXeos    BacrtXcoy    on    gold 

and  bronze. 

^  E.g.,  Head,  Coins  of  the  Ancients,  PI.  7,  no.  6  rev. 

*  As  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  however,  on  the  coins 
of  Gttas,  king  of  the  Edoni  (PL  II.  9  ,  we  find  the  inscriptions:  Vera 
BaaiXeojs  'BSojvdv,  Tera  Baaiktv  'Hduvlav,  and  FETA^  HAONEON 
B  A  ^  I AE  V ^.     See  Babelon  in  Joum.  Intemat.  i.  p.  7. 


l82  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

Similarly  the  tyrant  Nabis  begins  with  his  name  alone  (Na/3ioj), 
but  on  the  later  tetradrachm  in  the  British  Museum  he  uses 

the  style  BmT^eos  Nd^ios  '. 

The  strings  of  names  characteristic  of  the  later  period  of 
the  Greek  regal  coinage,  and  of  the  third  century  a.  d.,  are  in 
curious  contrast  to  the  good  taste  of  the  early  inscriptions. 

The  titles  of  Koman  emperors  on  Roman  and  Greek  coins 
present  enormous  variety  of  arrangement,  almost  every  per- 
mutation of  names  being  employed,  especially  on  the  Greek 
coins  of  the  imperial  epoch.  Titles  such  as  Augustus,  Caesar 
(2f/3no-rnf,  Kaifra/;)  are  sometimes  found  alone  on  coins  of  the 
early  Empire.  In  time,  however,  greater  particularization 
became  necessary.  Then  the  simplest  form  comprised  merely 
the  name  with  the  title  Caesar  or  Augustus :  thus  Antoninus 
Augustus,  Gallicnus  Augustus,  Avpi'iXios  Kalaap. 

On  coins  issued  after  the  death  of  an  emperor  or  empress, 
the  style  is  DIVVS  ANTONINVS,  DIVA  DOMITILLA 
AVGVSTA,  DIVO  TRAIANO  &c.,  and  the  reigning  emperor 
is  frequently  described  as  Dl  VI  F(ilius). 

More  commonly  than  the  simpler  appellations  are  found 
the  long  strings  of  titles  such  as  Pontifex  Maximus,  Tribunicia 
Potestate,  Consul,  I^nperator,  Pater  Patriae,  to  mention  only  the 
more  usual ;  and  to  these  had  to  be  added  the  complimentary 
titles  such  as  Britannicus,  Germanicus,  Parthicus,  We  thus 
meet  with  inscriptions  such  as  : — 

Imp{eratori)  Caes{ari)  Ner{vae)  Traian(o)  Optim(o)  Aug{usto) 
Ger{manico)  Dac(ico)  Parthico  P(ontifici)  M(aximo)  Tr{ibunida) 
P(otestate)  Co(n]s(uli)  VI  P{atri)  P(atriae)  S{enatus)  P{opulus)  Q[ue) 
B(omanus). 

By  the  time  of  Vespasian  it  had  become  usual  to  put 
Imp[erator)  first  in  the  inscription,  followed  by  Caes{ar),  as  in 
the  inscription  just  quoted,  then  by  the  other  names.  The 
most  usual  arrangement  in  the  Greek  coins  was  similarly  (to 
take  an  instance  from  Antoninus  Pius) 

AvTOKpaTcop  Kalaap  Titos  AlXios  'A8piav6s  'Avrtoulvoi  Evae^rjs  le^aoros, 
variously  abbreviated.     But  on  the  whole  the  titles  of  emperors 
on  Greek  coins  are  more  modest  than  on  Roman  '\ 

■  See  above,  p.  82,  n.  i. 

^  It  is  rare,  except  on  semi-Roman  issues  such  as  those  of  Antiochia  and 


CH.  viii]  COIN-INSCRIPTIONS  183 

Besides  the  titles  already  mentioned,  there  are  others  which 
play  a  considerable  part  at  a  later  period.  Pius  (Evae^qi)  is 
not  uncommon  after  its  introduction  by  Antoninus,  and  Felix 
{EvT,vxrji)  occurs  from  the  time  of  Commodus.  From  this 
time  onwards  the  conjunction  of  Pius  Felix  slowly  becomes 
more  usual,  until  after  the  time  of  Gallienus  it  is  the  rule. 
At  the  same  time  it  becomes  not  unusual  to  drop  the  Im- 
p[erator) ;  the  Caesar  is  called  Nob[ilissimus)  Caes(m)  \  In 
the  time  of  Constantino  I  we  find  the  style  D(ominus)  N(oster), 
and  the  regular  formula  is  now  D.  N.  CONSTANTINVS 
P.  F.  AVG.  In  the  fifth  century  the  end  of  the  formula 
is  modified  to  Perp{eiuus)  Aug[ustus),  often  abbreviated  to 
PP.  AVG. 

The  titles  assumed  by  kings  and  emperors  mostly  explain 
themselves.  But  among  those  belonging  to  cities,  especially 
in  Asia  Minor,  under  the  Komans  and  earlier,  there  are  titles 
of  which  the  meaning  is  less  evident,  and  which  throw  some 
light  on  Greek  life^.  The  title  vfcoKo'^cy  (or  veoKopos),  often 
conferred  on  men,  was  also  granted  to  cities.  It  means 
apparently  Hemple-keeper,'  and  par  excellence  keeper  of  the 
temple  of  the  Augustan  cult,  vfcoKopos  tccv  If^aarwu^.  When 
the  title  was  confirmed,  as  in  the  case  of  Ephesus,  a  second, 
third,  or  fourth  time,  this  w^as  duly  noted  ;  so  that  we  read 
B,  r,  or  A  NEHKOPriN,  at  various  times,  on  the  coins  of 
Ephesus. 

The  title  npMTt],  according  to  the  most  probable  explanation, 
refers  to  the  precedence  accorded  to  the  city  in  the  great  games 
of  the  various  Kciva.  That  the  same  city  did  not  always  hold 
the  first  place  is  clear  from  the  fact  that,  for  instance,  both 
Ephesus  and  Smyrna  call  themselves  'first  in  Asia.'  Magnesia 
in  Ionia  is  content  with  the  somewhat  paltry  title  of  i^dopr] 

Tr,s  'Actlos, 

MrjTpoTToXis  is  a  title  which  usually  implies  little  more  than 
our  word  metropolis  —  the  chief  city  of  a  district.     It  is  doubtful 

Caesarea,  to  find  the  consulship,  pontificate,  &c.,  mentioned.  I  give, 
however,  the  inscription  of  a  coin  of  Trajan  struck  at  Antioehia  in  Syria  : 
AvTOKp  droop)  Kai(T(ap)  N€p(j8aj)  Tpa'iavbs  S6/3(a(rTos)  r6pf((a»'t«os)  Ar]fjiapx{iK^s) 
'Ei{ovaias)  "T»rar(o5)  3'  (i.  e.  Tr.  Pot  Cos.  II). 

'  Rarely  on  Greek  coins  'Efft^(ai'eo'TaTos)  Kataap. 

2  See  the  list  in  Head,  H.  N.  pp.  Ixxiv  f. 

'  See  P.  Monceaux,  de  Commicni  Asiae  Provinciae,  Paris,  1885. 


184  GREEK    AND    KOMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

Avhether  it  even  always  bore  this  sense  ;  thus,  when  Anazarbus, 
in  close  proximity  to  Tarsus,  the  chief  city  of  Cilicia,  calls 
itself  metropolis,  it  is  possible  that  the  title  is  nothing  more 
than  a  boast. 

'lepd  and  davT^os  are  usually  combined  in  such  a  formula  as 

^Avrioxecov     MrjTporro'^eccs    Tr,s    Upas    nal    (/fri'Aou.        The    combination 

is  commonest  in  Syria  and  Cilicia  from  late  Seleucid  times 
onwards.  The  number  of  sanctuaries  with  the  right  of  asylum 
was  very  considerably  restricted  by  Tiberius,  in  22  a.d.,  since 
the  asyla  had  become  harbours  for  all  sorts  of  criminals. 

AvTovnpos,  in  pre  Roman  times,  implies  certain  privileges  of 
self-government  conferred  by  kings  on  cities  in  their  district. 
It  is  confined  to  southern  Asia  Minor  (from  Pisidia  east- 
wards) and  Syria.  The  privilege  of  autonomy  conferred  by  the 
Romans  was  of  course  of  a  limited  kind.  It  was  embodied  in 
a  written  constitution  {lex),  which  preserved  as  far  as  possible 
all  the  old  constitution  of  the  state,  and  granted  indepen- 
dence in  jurisdiction  and  finance,  and  freedom  from  Roman 
garrisons. 

'Ekevdepa  is  found  as  a  title  on  Roman  imperial  coins  of  a  few 
cities  in  Asia  Minor  \  many  of  which  (such  as  Termessus  in 
Pisidia)  also  call  themselves  avjovopos.  Strictly  i\iv(ipa  is  the 
translation  of  libera.  The  free  cities  with  this  title  were  known 
as  civitates  sine  foeclere  immunes  et  liherae,  and  their  position 
rested  on  a  law  or  senatus  consiiltum  ^. 

2vpfjLtixos  (with  or  without  'Pw/nai'cor)  is  a  rare  title  on  Greek 
imperial  coins  ;  it  is  evidently  equivalent  to  the  Latin  civifas 
foederata. 

Among  the  titles  assumed  by  cities  are  some  expressing  their 
boasted  origin,  such  as  AaKe8aipoui(ou,  which  is  the  standing 
addition  to  the  ethnic  'Ap^Xabewv  at  Amblada  in  Pisidia.  Others 
are  adopted  as  a  compliment  to  Emperors,  as  ^evrjpiavf}  MaKpeiviavrj 

MqTponoXis  Tapnos. 

The  most  magniloquent  of  all  inscriptions  is  probably  that 
found   at   Pergamum  on  a   coin  of  Caracalla  :    'H  Upo^Trj   Tri[s 

^  Also  on  coins  of  Cliersonesus  Taurica,  though  possibly  the  word  e\cv- 
6(pas  is  there  an  epithet  of  Artemis. 

^  See  for  instance  the  SCtum  de  Aphrodisiensibus  (Bruns-Mommsen, 
Fontes",  p.  167).  Termessus  Major  received  its  privileges  {leiberi  amicei 
socieiquep,  R.  sunto)  by  the  lex  Antonia  of  71  b.  c.  (op.  cit.  p.  91). 


CH.  VIII]  COIN-INSCRIPTIONS  185 

'AJcrtdS',  Koi  M[?jTpoj7roXis  rTpcor?/,  Koi  Tp\s  NecoKopos  IJpMTrj  twv  SfjSaaroJi', 
nepyctfxrjvayp  ttoXis. 

If  the  inscription  of  the  name  of  the  supreme  authority  was 
found  necessary  as  a  guarantee,  that  of  the  official  who  was 
directly  or  indirectly  responsible  for  the  issue  was,  in  many 
places,  found  to  be  desirable  as  early  as  the  fifth  century.  The 
princii^les  which  governed  these  inscriptions  have  however 
been  described  elsewhere  \  After  the  beginning  of  imperial 
times,  they  are  practically  confined  to  the  Province  of  Asia. 


§  3.   Inscriptions  naming  the  Type. 

The  most  interesting  and,  to  archaeologists  in  general,  the 
most  important  class  of  coin  inscriptions  comprises  those 
which  name  or  explain  the  type.  These  may  be  roughly 
classified  as  : — 

1.  Names  of  persons  and  personifications  ; 

2.  Names  of  objects. 

I.   Names  of  persons  and  personifications. 

{a)  Keal  persons.  The  names  of  rulers  are  of  course  the  most 
common  of  this  class  (see  above,  pp.  181  f.).  With  them  may 
be  classed  personages  such  as  Octavia,  Antinoiis,  and  others 
connected  with  the  rulers.  The  deification  of  kings  and 
emperors  has  already  been  alluded  to.  In  the  case  of  the 
kings  the  most  interesting  inscriptions  of  this  class  are  found 
on  the  coins  of  the  Seleucidae  and  Ptolemies.  Thus  the  word 
Ofiov  accompanies  the  heads  of  Ptolemy  Soter  and  Berenice 
on  coins  struck  by  Philadelphus  and  Arsinog  (PI.  VII.  8). 
Ptolemy  Philometor  calls  himself  nroXefiaiov  Baaikeoos  ^iXojjLfjTopos 
Oeov,    Antiochus  IV  of  Syria  has  the  title  Bao-tX/cos  'Arno'^ou  Qeov 

Personages  of  historic  fame,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of 
coins  extant,  are  not  to  any  extent  commonly  named  on  coins 
unless  they  happen  to  be  rulers  ^.  Homer  is,  however,  named 
on  coins  of  Amastris,  Nicaea,  Cyme  in  Aeolis,  Smyrna,  Chios, 

*  Above,  ch.  v. 

^  L.  Burchner,  '  Griechische  Miinzen  mifc  Bildnissen  hist.  Privatpev- 
sonen,'  Z.  f,  N.  ix.  pp.  109  ff. 


l86  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ir 

and  los  (at  the  last  island  in  the  genitive,  'O/xT^pov).  Of  famous 
persons  of  a  less  vague  antiquity  named  on  coins  we  may 
mention  Pittacus  (<E>trroKos),  Alcaeus  ('AAKatos),  and  Sappho 
{"irancfiai)  at  Mytilene.  Mytilene  in  fact  can  reckon  more  portraits 
of  historical  persons  than  all  other  Greek  towns  put  together  ^ . 
On  Eoman  coins  it  was  a  common  custom  for  a  moneyer  to 
name  any  famous  ancestor  of  his.  To  this  we  owe,  for  instance, 
the  fancy  portrait  of  L.  Junius  Brutus,  with  the  inscription 
L.  Brutus  Prim.  Cos.,  on  the  aureus  of  his  descendant  M.  Junius 
Brutus. 

(b)  The  names  of  deities  are  among  the  most  important 
inscriptions  of  this  class,  as  they  enable  us  to  identify  many 
types  which  would  otherwise  remain,  in  numismatic  phraseo- 
logy, *  uncertain  deities.'  The  names  occur  in  all  four  cases, 
the  nominative  [Aiowaos  KftVrr/s  at  Tium)  having  no  special 
significance,  the  genitive  (Atos  'EXevBepiov  at  Syracuse)  implying 
that  the  coin,  or  possibly  the  object  represented  on  it,  is  the 
sacred  property  of  the  deity,  the  dative  {Sand.  Deo  Soli 
EJagabal.  on  coins  of  Elagabalus  with  the  stone  of  Emisa, 
PI.  XV.  6)  meaning  that  the  coin  is  dedicated  to  the  deity  ^. 
The  accusative  is  very  rare,  in  any  cases  except  of  divinized 
human  beings;  as  'iov(\iav)  UpoxXav  rjpcoida  (at  Mytilene),  Qeav 
AioWu  ' Ay pLTnrlmv  (also  at  Mytilene),  or  personifications  of  Rome, 
or  the  Senate  {Qtav  'Pa>/i?;i',  Qebv  Suf/cXf/roy,  common  in  Asia). 
The  inscription  Ala  'iSaioi/  'iXiets  is,  however,  found  on  a  coin  of 
New  Ilium.  This  limitation  would  appear  to  show  that  with 
the  accusative  is  supposed  to  be  understood  irlyLrjaav  ^  /3ovXj)  Ka\  6 
8i]fios  or  some  other  of  the  similar  phrases  found  in  honorary 
inscriptions,  and  not  a  word  expressing  worship  ^ 

^  See  W.  Wroth,  Brit.  Mus.  CataL,  Troas,  &c.,  pp.  Ixx  ff.  To  his  list  add 
Se^Tos  v(os  Mdp(«:ou?)  and  'AvSpojxeda  via  Aeaficu(vafCTOs),  Imhoof-Blumer, 
Z  /.  N.  XX.  p.  286. 

^  Sometimes,  however,  the  deity  is  not  represented,  but  only  an 
attribute  or  a  temple,  in  which  case  the  genitive  would  imply  that  the 
thing  represented  was  the  deity's  property,  the  dative  that  the  thing  was 
dedicated  to  the  deity. 

^  The  phrase  Ata  'ISaiov  'I\l(is  must  be  explained  by  the  supposition  that 
the  type  represents  a  statue  set  up  by  the  city,  so  that  we  may  understand 
some  such  word  as  dveorrjaav.  Kubitschek  has  shown  {Oesterr.  Jahreshefte,  i. 
pp.  184  flf.)  that  this  and  similar  types,  occurring  at  Ilium  in  the  time  of 
Commodus  and  his  successors,  belong  to  a  series  of  statues  of  which  the 
inscribed  bases  of  three  are  extant. 


CH.  VIII]  COIN-INSCRIPTIONS  187 

It  is  common  to  find  epithets  of  the  gods  without  their 
proper  names  ;  such  as  Aeppavaios  (Apollo)  on  a  coin  of  the 
Paeonian  king  Lycceius ;  Swretpa  (Persephone)  at  Cyzicus ; 
Scwtri'TToXt?  (Tyche  ?)  at  Gela. 

A  very  large  number  of  the  deities  named  on  coins  are,  as 
we  have  already  noticed,  river-gods.  The  figure  of  the  god  is 
quite  commonly  accompanied  by  his  name,  as  'Aixevaiu's  at  Catana, 
Meavdpos  at  Dionysopolis  (PI.  XIV.  12),  and  Antldus  at  the 
Pisidian  Antioch.  A  pretty  instance  of  the  personification  of 
rivers  is  given  by  the  coin  of  Laodicea  in  Phrygia,  already 
mentioned,  where  the  two  rivers  Alko?  and  Karrpos  are  repre- 
sented by  a  wolf  and  a  boar  respectively  (PI.  XIV.  6). 

The  names  of  heroes  and  heroines  like  Aia?  the  son  of  Oileus 
on  the  coins  of  the  Opuntian  Locrians,  or  the  Sicanian  hero 
AfuKMo-zTts  at  Syracuse  (PI.  XI.  4),  are  comparatively  uncommon, 
except  perhaps  when  the  hero  gave  his  name  to  the  city.  Such 
was  the  case  with  'Vapm  at  Tarentum  (although,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  the  inscription  sometimes  refers  to  the  town  rather 
than  to  the  hero).  In  later  times  the  word  Kn'o-rj^s  is  sometimes 
added  {UevfaO^vs  KTiaTrjs  at  Elaea  in  Aeolis).  The  founder  of 
course  is  frequently  nothing  more  than  a  late  invention,  and 
a  mere  personification  of  the  state,  of  the  same  kind  as  the 
helmeted  goddess  who  is  called  ROMA  (PI.  XI.  8,  10,  11 ;  XV. 
3),  or  the  goddess  wearing  a  turreted  crown  whose  bust  is  one 
of  the  commonest  types  on  Greek  imperial  coins  (a  1777  or  Alyas 
at  Aegae  in  Aeolis,  U6\is  at  Prostanna  in  Pisidia).  Countries  of 
course  may  be  named  as  well  as  cities ;  thus  a  coin  of  Lucius 
Verus  struck  at  Alexandria,  of  which  the  type  is  a  captive 
seated  at  the  foot  of  a  trophy,  reads  'Appevia  \ 

Elaborate  personifications  belong  chiefly  to  a  late  stage  of 
art  (though  also,  to  a  certain  extent,  to  a  very  primitive  stage). 
Therefore,  although  personifications  such  as  Victory  (A>|^M, 
i.e.  NiKo,  she  is  named  on  a  coin  of  Terina  struck  early  in  the 
fifth  century)  range  through  the  whole  period  of  Greek  coinage, 
except  the  very  earliest,  it  is  from  the  imperial  period  and 
from  the  coins  of  the  Eomans,  who  were  forced  by  their  love 
of  the  concrete  to  personify  abstractions  to  an  extreme  degree; 
that  we   must    seek    examples    of  names   of  this   class.      Of 

'  On  this  whole  subject,  see  P.  Gardner,  'Countries  and  Cities  in 
Ancient  Art,'  Journ.  of  Hellen.  Stud.  ix.  (1888)  pp.  47  ff. 


r88  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS        "  [bk.  ii 

the  personifications  of  the   various  elements  of  the   constitu- 
tion of  Greek  cities,   we  find  the  names — 

IBovX^  and  'lepa  Bov\^  (PI.  XIV.  Il), 

Tepovaia  and  'lepa  Tfpovaia^ 

ATJpos  (PI.  XIV.  9,   lo),  'if /JO?  Arjpusy  'EXfvdepos  A^/ioy, 

'EKK\T](ria  \ 

The  Roman  Senate  appears  as — 

2vuK\r]T0Sy 

'lepci  2vi/K\r]T09j 

Qeov  ^vvkXtjtou  (PI.  XIII.  6), 

Qeciu  2vvKXrirop  ) 

,    ^  '       }  rare. 
Geos  "EvvKXrjTOS  J 

The  solecism  Sacra  Senatus  on  the  coins  of  the  colony  of 
Mallus  in  Cilicia  is  evidently  due  to  an  attempt  to  translate  the 

phrase  lepa  ^vvkKtjtos. 

Personification  is  carried  to  no  further  degree  on  Greek  coins 
than  on  a  coin  of  Pautalia  in  Thrace,  where  the  river  Strymon 
is  represented  surrounded  by  four  children  named  Borpvs,  ^Tcixvs, 
Xpvaos,  and"Apyi;pos — the  chief  products  of  the  district. 

At  Rome  conceptions  like  Liberty  were  early  personified ; 
but  not  before  the  Empire  do  we  meet  with  personifications 
of  the  more  subtle  character  oi  Ahundantia,  Laetitia,  Aeternitas 
(PI.  XV.  5).  The  desirability  of  adding  the  names  to  these  types 
was  less  often  felt  by  the  Roman  die-sinkers  than  numismatists 
would  wish. 

These  more  elaborate  personifications,  or  at  least  their 
artistic  forms,  were  probably  due  in  some  part  to  the  influence 
of  Alexandria.  On  the  coins  of  this  city  a  number  of  obscure 
personifications  occur  and  are  named  {^r)paaca,  and  the  like) ; 
but  quite  as  remarkable  as  these  are  2t6Xos  at  Nicomedia  (a  nude 
male  figure  wearing  a  rostral  crown  and  holding  a  rudder)  or 
TO  'Aya66v  at  Ephesus  (a  nude  male  figure  standing  with  clenched 
hands). 

2.  The  titles  descriptive  of  things  are  on  the  whole  less 
common  than  the  titles  we  have  just  classified.  The  most  im- 
portant are  those  which  name  local  monuments,  such  as  temples 
and  statues.     The  form  of  the  monument  of  Themistocles  at 

^  At  Aegeae  in  Cilicia,  Imhoof,  J.  H.  S.  1898,  p.  161. 


CH.  VIII]  COIN-INSCRIPTIONS  189 

Magnesia  has  recently  become  known  to  us  by  the  discovery  of 
a  bronze  coin  of  Antoninus  Pius,  on  which  the  hero,  who  is 
represented  sacrificing,  is  actually  named  ef/JtaTo^X^y.  Temples 
not  'Uncommonly  are  accompanied  by  an  inscription  naming 
the  deity  to  whom  they  belong,  or  otherwise  identifying  them. 
So  the  cistophoric  'medallion'  s.ruck  under  Augustus  (b.c.  19). 
for  circulation  in  the  province  of  Asia,  bears  a  representation 
of  the  facade  of  the  temple  in  which  the  religious  union  of  the 
Asiatic  cities  {<oivou  'A"/as)  celebrated  the  cult  of  Rome  and 
Augustus.  In  the  field  stands  CON^mune  ASIAE,  on  the 
frieze  FOM.  ET  AVGVST.  (PL  XII.  8).  More  naive  is  the 
inscription  on  a  coin  of  Ephesus  struck  in  the  reign  of  Elaga- 
balus:  '^(pecrlwv  ovroL  mo'.  On  Roman  coins  inscriptions  such 
as  FORVM  TRAIANz  (PL  XV.  2)  occasionally  describe  a  type, 
but  they  are  rare.  Of  smaller  objects  it  is  sufficient  to  mention 
the  Upanfjur)  or  ('mrjfxr]  Upa,  the  sacred  wagon  in  which  the  images 
of  Artemis  were  carried  round  the  city  of  Ephesus  on  festal 
occasions  ^ ;  the  Tdfxai  jSaaiXews  (ivory  chair,  golden  crown,  and 
sceptre,  sent  to  the  king  by  the  emperor  and  senate)  on  coins 
of  the  kings  of  Bosporus  ;  and  the  ship  'Apyco  at  Magnesia  in 
Ionia. 

§  4.    Inscriptions  giving  the  JReason  of  Issue. 

Side  by  side  with  the  legends  descriptive  of  the  type  must 
be  set  the  large  class  of  legends  explaining  the  circumstances 
of  the  issue.  Coins  may  be  issued  for  a  commemorative  purpose, 
much  like  one  class  of  our  modern  medals ;  or  the  issue  may 
be  complimentary,  in  which  case  there  is  again  a  parallel  in 
the  modern  personal  medal.  The  public  ordinance  in  virtue 
of  which  the  coin  is  issued,  or  the  purpose  for  which  the  issue 
is  required,  may  need  commemoration. 

Commemorative  inscriptions  are  fairly  common,  more  so, 
however,  on  Roman  coins  than  on  Greek,  'lovdaiai  (aXcoKvim  on 
the  Judaean,  and  ludaea  capfa  on  the  Roman  coins  of  Vespasian 
(PL  XV.  i)  and  Titus  commemorate  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  in 
A.D.  70.  'Ofjiovoia  is  a  common  inscription  on  imperial  coins, 
commemorating  a  more  or  less  complimentary  alliance  between 
two   or  more  cities.     The  first   Roman  denarius  on  which  a 

^  Jourp.:  Helen.  Studies,  1897,  p.  87,  PI.  II.  17. 


190  GKEEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [bk.  n 

contemporary  event  is  alluded  to  was  struck  by  the  aediles 
M.  Aemilius  Scaurus  and  C.  Plautius  Hypsaeus  in  b  c.  58  (PL 
XII.  5).  On  the  obverse  is  Aretas  {Eex  Aretas)  king  of  the 
Nabathaeans,  who  submitted  to  Scaurus,  governor  of  Syria,  in 
62  B.C.  He  kneels  beside  his  camel.  The  rest  of  the  inscrip- 
tion is  M.  Scaur{us)  Aed{ilis)  CuryiiUs).  Ex  S{enatus)  C{onsuUo). 
On  the  reverse  is  commemorated  the  capture  of  Privernum — 
Preiver{num)  Captu[m)  —  in  341  b  c.  by  C.  Hypsac(iis)  Co(n)s{ul\ 
ancestor  of  the  moneyer  P.  Hypsaeus  Aed{ilis)  Cur(ulis).  On  an 
aureus  of  Augustus,  struck  in  b  c,  17,  the  legend  Quod  viae  mu- 
n(itae)  sunt  refers  to  the  restoration  of  the  Via  Flaminia.  Among 
the  commonest  of  the  inscriptions  on  Roman  imperial  coins 
are  some  which  refer  to  the  decennial  and  similar  sacrifices. 
Annual  festivals  were  held,  at  which  vows  were  offered  for  the 
safety  of  the  emperors  ;  and  at  recurring  periods  of  five  years 
special  importance  was  attached  to  these  festivals.  Some  of  the 
inscriptions  simply  mention  the  vows  or  games — Quinquennales, 
Primi  decennales.  Votis  deeennalihus,  Votis  vicennalibus,  Votis  X 
et  XX,  Votis  XX  sic  XXX,  Votis  V  muUis  X. 

Others  commemorate  more  specifically  the  offering  of  the 
Yows—Vota  suscepta  decenn.  Ill,  Vota  suscepta  XX,  or  their 
fulfilment — Vot.  soJut.  dec. 

On  the  Greek  coins  struck  by  the  Roman  provincial  adminis- 
tration at  Alexandria,  we  meet  with  inscriptions  such  as  nepiodos 

deKuTrjj  irepioSos  deKafrrjpiSj  OV  deKaeTijph  Kvpiov. 

The  commencement  of  a  new  age  (Saeculum  novum)  is  re- 
corded on  an  aureus  of  the  Emperor  Philip  issued  in  248  a.d  \ 

The  complimentary  significance  of  many  of  the  inscriptions 
in  which  magistrates'  names  occurred  has  already  been  pointed 
out  (p.  139).  It  will  suffice  here  to  enumerate  some  of  the  com- 
plimentary inscriptions  addressed  to  emperors.  On  Roman 
coins  we  have  such  inscriptions  as  Augusto  oh  c(ives)  s(ervatos), 
equester  ordo  Principi  luventutis.  On  Greek  coins,  we  may  note 
at  Nicopolis  in  Epirus,  Ne'/jort  brjpoaiw  ndTpcovi  'EXXaSoy :  at  Caesarea 
in  Cappadocia  and  Nicaea,  Kopotov  ^aa-iXfvovros  6  Koapns  fiTvxfn  at 
Caesarea  and  Tarsus,  fh  iwva  (..tcova)  tovs  Kvplovs^ :  at  Cius  in 

Bithynia,  '2evr)pov  ftaaiKfvovros  6  Koapos  cvruxf t,  paKaptoi  Kiavoi,      These 

*  The  thousandth  year  of  the  city  began,  according  to  Varro,  on  the 
day  equivalent  to  our  Aprir'si,  247  a.  d. 
■  See  B.  Pick  in  Journ.  Infernat.  i.  p.  459. 


CH.  VIII]  COIN-INSCRIPTIONS  I9I 

*  loyal '  inscriptions  are  the  nearest  approximation  furnished  by- 
ancient  coins  to  the  modern  coin-motto  \ 

Except  at  Eome,  where  the  brass  and  copper  coins  under  the 
Empire,  and  a  number  of  other  coins  under  the  Kepublic,  were 
issued  by  decree  of  the  Senate  —  usually  recorded  S(enatus) 
G(onsulto) — the  ordinance  commanding  the  issue  is  not  commonly 
mentioned.  To  the  Latin  phrase  corresponds  the  Greek  Aoy/xan 
^vvKkrjTov^  which  is  found  at  Laodicea  in  Phrygia.  Why  this 
particular  city  should  have  required  the  special  sanction  of  the 
Roman  Senate — for  I-vvkKt^tos  always  means  that  body — or,  if 
that  sanction  was  necessary  for  all  cities  of  the  Empire,  why  it 
should  be  mentioned  here  alone,  is  a  mystery^. 

But  the  actual  object  for  which  coins  were  issued  is  some- 
times mentioned,  often  indirectly,  directly  seldom.  Coins 
struck  in  Sicily  about  B.C.  340,  when  Timoleon  united  the 
Sicilians,  bear  the  inscription  2i;/i/^ta;((<o.",  denoting  that  the  issue 
was  intended  to  serve  the  needs  of  the  allies.  The  inscription 
Sui*  on  the  alliance  coins  of  the  early  fourth  century  (above, 
p.  1 12)  is  of  the  same  kind.  The  little  coin  issued  by  Miletus  for 
the  purposes  of  the  Didymean  sanctuary,  and  the  crowds  who 
doubtless  frequented  it,  is  inscribed  iy  AidCfxcop  Upl)  '\  The  occa- 
sion which  prompted  the  issue  of  coins  is  most  distinctly  stated 
on  the  coins  struck  by  the  urban  quaestors  L.  Calpurnius 
Piso  Caesoninus  and  Q.  Servilius  Caepio  in  100  b.  c.  out  of 
a  special  grant  made  by  the  Senate  for  the  purchase  of  corn : 
Piso  Caepio  Q[nacstores)  ad  fni[mentum)  emii{ndum),  ex  S{enatus) 
C(onsuUo). 

The  most  fertile  source  of  coinage  in  the  provinces  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  and  a  very  rich  source  in  Rome  itself,  was  found 
in  festivals.     These  festivals— and  no  city  of  slight  importance 

^  They  are  foreign  to  the  pre-Roman  period.  The  reading  of  a  gold 
stater  supposed  to  bear  the  inscription  KvpavaToi  TlToKcfxaiq;  is  very  un- 
certain {Brit  Mas.  Catal,  Pcolemies,  p.  xx). 

^  Pick  (in  Journ.  Internat.  i.  p.  459,  note  i)  has  pointed  out  that  the 
abbreviations  P.  B.  and  F.  F.  on  coins  of  Tarsus  and  Anazarbus  cannot 
mean  (as  they  have  hitherto  been  supposed  to  mean)  ypafifmri  or  yvajfiij 
0ov\7js  and  yepovaias,  but  that  the  first  letter  must  signify  some  title  of 
honour  like  vea)K6pos  (possibly  7i/;ni'aatapxos),  and  B  and  F  *for  the  second' 
and  '  third  time '  respectively. 

^  The  weight  is  only  1.75  g.,  i.e.  half  a  Phoenician  drachm.  The  sacred 
drachm  may,  it  has  been  suggested  (Head,  H.  N.  p.  504),  have  been  only 
half  the  weight  of  the  trade  drachm,  so  that  we  may  complete  the  inscrip- 
tion dpaxurj. 


192 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bK.   II 


seems  to  have  been  without  one,  just  as  fairs  were  once  uni- 
versal in  England— drew  together  a  great  concourse  of  people. 
Money  was  therefore  needed  for  their  convenience  ;  and  as 
a  great  number  of  the  athletic  and  musical  contests  were  for 
pecuniary  rewards,  money  was  also  needed  for  the  prizes  \ 

The  festivals  mentioned  on  Greek  coins  may  be  divided  into 
the  following  classes  :  — 

(i)  The  four  great  Hellenic  games  and  festivals  named  after 
them  :  'OXvuma,  UiSia  (Fig.  30),  "ladfxia,  Ne/uf". 

(ii)  Festivals  named  after  divinities  :  'An-K'KrjnKln,  "HXtn,  Ko/Se/pui, 
KiiireToAia — from  Jupiter  Capitolinus — and  the  like. 

(iii)  Those  named  after  historical  persons, 
kings,  emperors,  &c.,  as:   'A\e^uv8p(ia,  'Ar- 

rd\r]a,    levtjpfia^    Top^uifrja^    OvaXepiava,    TaKiTios 
(scil.  dyo)'). 

(iv)  District    festivals,   as:    Kolvov  'Ao-t«s-, 

KoLfos  Tciv  Tpioiu  'E7Tap)(^La)u,  Koivou  MrjTponoXeLTCou 

TCOV   iv   'loiVLO, 

(v)  Festivals  commemorating  a  great 
event,  such  as  "Aktio,  the  battle  of  Actium, 
Saecularcs  Augg[ustorum)  the  new  century 
(in  1 00 1  A.  u.  c). 

(vi)  General  names  descriptive  of  the 
conditions,  nature,  or  locality  of  the  games. 
OiKovpeviKo.  are  games  open  to  all  comers ; 
ee/jLides,  games  in  which  a  Offia  or  money- 
prize  is  offered  ;  YljeXaa-riKo,  those  which  involve  the  triumphal 
entry  (flafXavven)  of  the  victor  into  his  native  city ;  'laonvdui  are 
games  in  which  the  conditions  and  rewards  are  the  same  (so  far 
as  local  importance  could  make  them  !)  as  at  the  great  Pythian 
games ;  Feriodkum  is  a  game  recurring  at  fixed  intervals  ;  Upt.l 
are  the  ayciwes  which  centred  round  a  sanctuary,  or  in  which 
the  prize  consisted  of  some  consecrated  thing,  such  as  a  wreath 
pulled  in  the  sacred  enclosure,  or  oil  from  sacred  olive-trees  \: 
titles  like  (ipiaro,  peydXa  merely  express  importance,  7rpC>ia  that 
the  games  were  held  in  the  'first '  city  of  the  district. 

^  Still  the  money-prizes  would  hardly  have  been  given  in  anything  but 
gold,  so  that  the  local  coinage  cannot  have  been  issued  to  this  end. 

'^  As  a  matter  of  fact  all  these  contests  are  Upd  (hence  the  customary 
neuter  termination  of  their  names),  so  that  the  expression  of  the  adjective 
is  really  unnecessary. 


Fig.  30. —  Reverse  of 
bronze  coin  of 
Delphi  (Obv.  Bust 
of  Faustina  I  Bed) : 
nVe  I  A  Agonistic 
table,  with  wreath , 
vase,  five  apples, 
and  raven. 


CH.  VIII]  COIN-INSCRIPTIONS  I93 

These  inscriptions  do  not  occur  alwaj^s  singly.  In  fact  we 
find  the  various  titles  combined  in  such  groups  as  hvyovaTna 

" \pi(TTa    ^OXv/XTTiOj    'lepos   'ArraAfo)!/    'OXvfiTria     OiKovfieviKos.     CeHciminU 

Sacrd  Capitolina  Oecumenica  Iselastica  Heliopolitanu.  A  combina- 
tion such  as  "oXvu-nia  Uvdia  may  imply  that  som^e  of  the  contests 
were  ordered  after  the  Olympian,  the  rest  after  the  Pythian 
model ;  but  the  piling  on  of  epithets  was  as  a  rule  a  mere 
advertisement,  intended  to  attract  competitors  or  satisfy  local 
ambitions. 

The  titles  of  the  games  are  not  infrequently  written  on  the 
spheroidal  vases  which  were  given  as  prizes,  or  on  the  edge  of 
the  table  on  which  the  prizes  were  preserved  in  the  temple  of 
the  presiding  deity  until  the  time  came  to  distribute  them. 

Besides  the  titles  of  the  games,  a  few  inscriptions  must  be 
mentioned  here  as  having  an  agonistic  significance.  Such  are 
dyoipodeaia,  yvyivaaiapxi-a,  the  offices  of  agonotliotes  or  president  of 
the  games,  and  gymnasiarch,  the  director  of  the  gymnasium. 
The  inscription  yvpvaaiapxf-^  is  usually  associated  with  a  large 
basin,  from  which  the  oil  was  supplied  to  athletes ' — an  illus- 
tration of  the  fact  tha.t  the  chief  duty  of  the  gymnasiarch  in 
imperial  times  was  to  supply  oil  to  the  people. 

The  earliest  inscription  on  a  Greek  coin  having  direct  refer- 
ence to  games  is  probably  the  AOAA  of  the  Syracusan 
decadrachms  of  Cimon  and  Evaenetus  (PI.  VI.  4,  6).  These 
coins,  as  recent  researches  tend  to  show  ^,  are  to  be  connected 
with  the  victoiy  of  the  Syracusans  over  the  Athenians  at  the 
Assinarus.  The  word  ^A6\a  is  written  below  the  panoply  (two 
greaves,  helmet,  shield,  and  cuirass)  displayed  on  the  basis  of  the 
chariot  group,  which  may  be  taken  to  represent  either  victory 
in  general,  or  the  chariot- race  which  would  form  the  chief  event 
at  the  games  celebrated  in  commemoration  of  the  victory. 

Indirectly  connected  with  games  may  be  a  series  of  names 
of  boats  which  occur   on   the  bronze  coinage  of  Corcyra   in 

^  As  at  Syedra,  Anazarbus,  and  Colybrassus  in  Cilicia.  These  are  not 
prize-vases.  Pick  (Journ.  Intern,  i.  1898,  p.  459,  note  i)  points  out  that 
rYMNACIAPXIA  cannot  be  the  name  of  a  festival.  As  regards  form, 
compare  CYN  APX  I  A  at  Antiochia  in  Caria  (Head,  Brit  Mm.  Catal.,  Caria, 
p.  18,  nos.  27,  28)  where,  apparently,  the  coins  are  issued  by  all,  or  a 
number,  of  the  magistrates  in  combination. 

^  A.  J.  Evans,  Syracusan  Medallions  and  their  Engravers  in  Num.  Chr. 
1 89 1,  pp.  205  ff. 

O 


194  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

the  third  century  b.c. — ^  names  such  as  Qrjpa,  Kcojmos,  Nfor>;r, 
4>6)o-0opoy.  These  names  are  written  above  the  forepart  of 
a  galley.  The  coins,  it  has  been  suggested  ^,  are  perhaps  con- 
nected with  races  of  galleys ;  the  names  may,  indeed,  be  those 
of  the  galleys  victorious  in  the  years  in  which  the  coins  were 
struck.  At  a  later  period,  the  word  NtVa  is  written  on  the  side 
of  the  galley — '  a  still  more  unmistakable  allusion  to  a  victoiy 
won  in  galley-racing/ 


§  5.  Mint-marJcs  and  Artists'  Signatures. 

Inscriptions  relating  to  the  actual  production  of  coins 
fall  into  two  main  divisions  ;  those  relating  to  the  engraving 
of  the  die  (in  other  words,  artists'  signatures),  and  mint-marks. 
The  latter  are  either  the  actual  names  of  cities  —  usually 
abbreviated,  as  BY  for  Byzantium,  CON  for  Constantinople, 
TR  for  Trier,  SIS  for  Siscia^; — or  marks  indicating  the 
officina  which  produced  the  coin  (such  as  the  abbreviated 
names  on  the  Athenian  tetradrachms  of  the  'new  style')  or 
the  number  of  the  issue  I 

Artists'  signatures  are  confined  to  a  comparatively  short 
period,  and  that  the  finest  in  the  history  of  Greek  coins.  The 
list  of  known  names  which  can  be  regarded  as  belonging  to 
engravers  is  small  enough  to  be  reproduced  here  *. 

'A  .  . .  Terina. 

*'A\  .  .  or  Aa  .  .  Elis. 

'Avav  . .  .  Messana  {Num.  Chr.  1896.  p.  123). 

**Ap  .  .  .  Leontini  [Num.  Chr.  1894,  pp.  207,  214). 

'ApiaT6^((vos)      Metapontum. 
*Aa  . .  .  or  'AA  .  . .     Elis. 

'E£a/cecrTi5a?(and  abbreviations)     Camarina. 

Exjacvero  (^and  abbr.)     Camarina,  Catana,  Syracuse. 

EvapxiSas  Syracuse  (Evans,  Syracusan  Medallions,  p.  189). 

Ev9  .  .  .  Syracuse,  *Elis. 

EvKXeida  (and  abbr.)     Syracuse. 

Evfxrjvov  (and  abbr.)     Syracuse  (sometimes  written  with  e  for  77). 

^  P.  Gardner,  Brit.  Mus  Catal,  ThessaJy  to  Aetolia,  p.  xlix,  and  J.  H.  S.  ii.p.  96. 

2  See  Appendix  III. 

■•'  For  further  details  see  above,  ch.  v. 

*  See  A.  von  Sallet,  Die  KUnstlerinschriften  avf  griech.  Mvnzen.  1871  ; 
R.  Weil,  Die  Kunstlerinschriftcn  der  sicil.  Miinzen,  1884.  An  asterisk  is  affixed 
to  those  nameswhicli  may  possibly  belong  to  magistrates,  and  notengravers. 


CH.  viii]  COIN-INSCRIPTIONS  I95 

'Hpa  .  .  .  Vella. 

'UpaKXdSas         Catana. 

&eu8oTos  kiruft     Clazomeuae. 

'Ifi.  .  .  or  'Ifj..  . .     Syracuse  {Brit.  Mus.  Catal,  Sicily,  p.  181,  no.  233). 

'InnoKpaTTjs  See  KpaT7]crimro. 

*"I<yTopo?  Thulium  {Num.  Chr.  1896,  p,  138). 

K  .  .  .  ({iruei  ?")    Rhegium. 

Klfiuv  the  elder     Himera  (Evans,  op.  cit.  p.  175). 

Kifjiojv  the  younger     Messana,    Metapontum,    Syracuse   (Evans,    op.    cit. 
pp.  180,  187,  &c.). 

K\(vS(i}pov  Velia. 

KpaTTqaimro  or  'InrroKpaTTjS     Rhegium. 

Mai  . .  .  Himera  (Evans,  op.  cit.  p.  180,  and  Num.  Chr.  1896,  p.  138  . 

*MoA.offO'o?  Thurium  {Num.  Chr.  1896,  p.  138). 

Mvp  .  .  .  Agrigentum. 

iifvavTos  €irj€i    Cydonia  {Num.  Chr.  1894,  p.  9). 
*iiiKavdpo  Thurium  {Num.  Chr.  1896,  p,  138). 

*'OAi;/i .  .  .  Arcadia. 

n  .  .  ,  Terina. 

Uapfic  ,  ,  ,  Syracuse. 

♦no  .  . .  Elis. 

no\v  .  . ,  Metapontum. 

TIpoKXrjs  Catana,  Naxos  (Sicil.). 

IlvOodojpos  Aptera  and  Polyrlienium  (Crete). 

^cuaoiv  Syracuse. 

*T€T  .  . .  Olynthus. 

*  .  . .  Thurium,  Heraclea  Lucan.,  Neapolis,  Velia,  Terina,  Pan- 

dosia  {Num.  Chr.  1896,  p.  139). 

^iXiff  .  .  .  Terina. 

^iXiariuv  or  ^iXktt'kuvos    Velia. 

^pv  .  .  .  Thurium  (Num.  Chr.  1896,  p.  138). 

^pvyiXXos  (and  abbr.)     Syracuse. 
*Xapi  .  .  .  Arcadia. 

Xoipiojv  Catana. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  practice  of  signing  coins  is  almost 
confined  to  Sicily  and  southern  Italy ;  of  names  certainly 
belonging  to  engravers,  there  are  none  from  Greece  Proper, 
two  from  Crete,  and  only  one  from  Asia  Minor. 

The  difficulty  of  judging  whether  the  names  represent 
engravers  or  not  is  caused  by  the  fact  that  it  is  very  rare 
to  find  the  verb  eVoet,  which  (or  the  equivalent  of  which) 
is  universal  in  the  signature  of  sculptors.  As  a  general  rule 
the  names  of  engravers  are  abbreviated  and  written  in  smaller 
characters  than  those  of  magistrates,  and  sometimes  in  places 
where  the  latter  would  not  inscribe  their  names  (as  on  the 
ampyx  of  Cimon's  Arethusa,  or  on  a  tablet  held  by  the  flying 
Victory,  &c.  —instances,  these,  of  somewhat  doubtful  taste  on  the 
part  of  the  artist). 

02 


196  GKEEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [bk.  it 


§  6.  Names  and  Values  of  Coins, 

Inscriptions  are  employed,  though  not  very  commonly, 
to  give  the  denominations  of  coins.  The  general  terms 
such  as  Koniia,  dpyvpiou  have  already  been  mentioned.  More 
definite  denomination   is   expressed   by   inscriptions   such   as 

o/SoXoy,  TerpaxaXKov,  daa-apia  rpia,  acraapLov  rjfxva-v  {^^zjjpLov^   I^  assaria) 

and  the  like  at  Chios,  Uipaxpov  (Ephesus,  Rhodes),  e|as  (HEZA^, 
Segesta),  rjpio^eXiv  {=i)piol3€\tov,  Aegiuni).  The  letter  T  repeated 
three  times  represents  the  value  TfiT€TapTr]p6piov  at  Pale ;  in 
Arcadia,  oS  is  the  dialectal  form  of  ol3[eX6s)  ;  at  Colophon 
the  letters  rjp  combined  in  a  monogram  represent  i)pio^6Xiov,  and 
re,  similarly  combined,  reTapTrjpopiov.  X  is  x"^'^^^^  at  Clazo- 
menae^  Similarly,  in  Italy,  U  is  a  common  abbreviation  for 
litra  or  libra,  and  S  for  semis. 

The  method  of  indicating  value  by  means  of  numerals  is 
twofold  ;  the  figures  either  mean  that  the  coin  weighs  so  many 
units,  or  that  its  weight  is  an  aliquot  part  of  a  greater  weight. 
The  sign  .  •  •  •  is  equivalent  to  four  unciae  or  a  triens  (5  of 
a  libra) ;  the  sign  *  •  *  to  five  ounces  [nevToyKiov).  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Greek  numerals  OB,  on  the  late  Roman  coins, 
indicate  that  they  are  struck  at  seventy-two  to  the  pound  \ 


§  7.  Dates.    . 

Inscriptions  relating  to  dates,  with  the  exception  of  those 
which  merely  give  the  date  in  numerals^,  are  rare.  Such  as 
are  found  really  refer  only  to  anniversaries,  and  are  •  therefore 
to  be  classed  among  commemorative  inscriptions.  Ueplodos 
dcKarrj,  Saeculum  novum,  and  others  similar  have  already  been 
mentioned.  "Etovs  lepov  (Caesarea  in  Cappadocia),  e'rovs  viov  Upov 
(Antiochia  in  Sy^ria),  f'rovs  ^e/c.  Upou  all  have  reference  to  the 
decennalia  or  similar  occasions. 


^  These  abbreviations  all  occur  on  specimens  published  by  Imhoof- 
Blumer,  Num.  Chr.  1895,  pp.  269  ff.  See  also  the  Indices  to  his  Monnaies 
grecques  and  Griechische  Miinzen. 

'^  Further  instances  may  be  found  in  ch,  ii. 

^  See  ch.  ix.  §  2,  pp.  201  ff. 


ciLVin]  COIN-INSCRIPTIONS  .  I97 


§8.   Graffiti. 

Like  other  antiquities,  coins  sometimes  bear  graffiti,  or 
inscriptions  more  or  less  rudely  incised  upon  them  with  a  point, 
and  having  no  relation  to  the  proper 
use  of  the  coin.  The  great  majority 
of  such  graffiti  seem  to  be  dedicatory 
formulae,  and  are  usually  limited  to 
the  letters  ANA9,  or  a  shorter  abbre- 
viation of  the  word  dvddfixa  or  dvadrjua. 
The  most  remarkable  of  all  such  in- 
scriptions occurs  on  a  stater  of  Sicyon 
(Fig.  31),  on  which  is  punctured  (not, 
as  usual,  scratched)  an  inscription  show-  p^^  gr.-Silver  Stater  of 
ing  that  the  coin  is  dedicated  as  an  Sicyon  with  punctured 
offering  to  Artemis:  to?  'Apra/xtroy  tSs  inscription. 
e'AKfS/LtoM,    i.e.    apparently,  rds  ^ApTofiiros 

rai  ((v)  A(a)Ke^{ai)tioui  ^      Others,  SUch  aS  UupTis  Kok,  (?)  and  ^ivTfpa, 

recall  the  love-inscriptions  on  vases. 


§  9.    Ahhreviations. 

The  foregoing  classification  of  coin- inscriptions  deals  with 
them  only  from  the  point  of  view  of  their  significance.  But 
they  are  valuable  for  another  reason,  as  offering  to  the  student 
of  epigraphy  a  quantity  of  evidence  which  is  the  more  im- 
portant because  it  can  usually  be  dated  with  accuracy.  As 
regards  the  forms  of  the  letters,  the  disposition  of  words, 
the  use  of  monograms  and  ligatures,  some  idea  of  the  usage 
on  coins  is  given  in  Chapter  IX.  Here  we  may  touch  on  one 
other  small  point.  This  is  the  method  of  abbreviation  adopted 
in  order  to  get  legends  into  a  confined  space.  The  punctured 
inscription  on  the  coin  of  Sicyon  already  mentioned  is  an 
instance  of  abbreviation  of  a  peculiarly  clumsy  kind.  Syncope 
of  this  kind  is  excessively  rare  on  Greek  coins ;  the  form  Ba  vs 
for  BaaiKevi  at  Smyrna  being  the  only  certain  instance  among 
official    coin    inscriptions   earlier   than    imperial   times.     The 

1  J.  H.  S.  1898,  p.  302,  where  references  are  given  to  the  literature  of 
the  subject. 


198  ^        GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 

form  AvTKpa  for  AvTOKparap  is  SO  common  on  Greek  imperial 
coins  that  it  must  be  no  blunder,  but  a  deliberate  syncopation. 
The  form  C  B  for  Sf/Saoro'y,  though  easily  explicable  as  a  blunder, 
may  perhaps  be  another  instance  of  this  method.  The  forms 
IC  XC,  and  the  like,  of  course  become  common  in  Byzantine 
times.  A  monogrammatic  abbreviation  of  Kalaap,  consisting 
only  of  the  letters  K  A  and  P,  is  found  in  early  imperial  times  at 
Chalcedon  and  Byzantium  \ 

The  common  method  of  abbreviation  is,  however,  that  in 
which  a  certain  number  of  letters  are  dropped  from  the  end 
of  the  word.  The  Latin  cos  for  consul  stands  halfway  between 
this  and  the  syncopated  form. 

In  later  Koman  times,  in  the  third  century  a.d.,  a  form 
of  abbreviation  for  the  expression  of  the  plural  is  intro- 
duced. This  is  the  familiar  doubling  of  the  last  consonant  in 
the  abbreviation,  of  which  the  form  AVGG  or  AVGGG  for  two 
or  three  Augusti  is  the  commonest.  From  coins  struck  in  the 
Greek  part  of  the  Roman  world  it  is  sufficient  to  quote  raWirjvbs 
OvaXepimos  D.  AiKtWmi  Sf/S^.  from  a  coin  of  Adada  in  Pisidia, 
and  Victoriae  DDD.  NNN.  (i.e.  trium  dominorum  nostrorum) 
from  a  coin  of  Pisidian  Antioch  with  the  portrait  of  Caracalla ". 

'  Imhoof  Blumer  in  Journ.  Intern.  1898,  pp.  15  f. 

^  The  three  domini  are  presumably  Septimus  Severus,  Caracalla,  and 
Geta. 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE   BATING    OF   COINS 

The  numismatist  is  often  heard  to  boast  that,  of  all  objects 
of  antiquity,  coins  can  be  the  most  surely  dated.  At  the  worst, 
few  experienced  numismatists  will  differ  by  more  than  half 
a  century  in  ordinary  cases  as  to  the  date  of  a  particular  coin. 
There  are  of  course  instances,  as  in  the  case  of  the  early  electrum 
coinage,  where  opinions  may  diverge  more  widely.  But  in  the 
ordinary  series  of  Greek  coins  it  is  seldom  that  such  a  difficulty 
can  occur. 

In  view  of  this  fact— for  the  boast  is  largely  justified— the 
importance  of  coins  as  affording  criteria  for  the  dating  of  other 
works  of  art  can  hardly  be  over-estimated.  It  is  worth  while, 
therefore,  to  analyze,  so  far  as  is  possible  in  a  brief  space,  the 
principles  according  to  which  the  age  of  a  coin  is  decided.  Some 
of  these  are  sufficiently  obvious,  others  less  so.  The  cataloguer, 
it  must  be  admitted,  does  not  always  state  definitely  to  himself 
his  reasons  for  placing  one  coin  later  than  another.  His  reasons, 
as  a  rule,  are  complex.  It  is  impossible,  therefore,  in  w^hat 
follows,.to  give  more  than  a  slight  indication  of  the  many  kinds 
of  evidence  which  have  to  be  taken  into  account. 


§  I.    Bating  by  the  Evidence  of  History. 

The  most  obvious  means  of  dating  a  coin  is  naturally  the 
external  evidence  of  history.  The  coins  of  Himera  must  all  be 
earlier  than  408  b.  c,  since  in  that  year  the  city  was  utterly 
destroyed.  The  large  flat  coins  of  Sybaris  for  a  similar  reason 
belong  to  a  period  previous  to  510  B.C.     The  gold  coin  of  Athens 


cir.  IX]  THE    DATING    OF    COINS  20I 

Pisidia  was  added  to  the  territories  of  the  Galatian  king  Amyn- 
tas.  Both  events  are  of  a  kind  likely  to  cause  changes  of  some 
sort  in  the  coinage  of  the  place  affected.  Now  a  series  of  coins, 
which  their  style  alone  would  enable  us  to  assign  to  the  first 
century  B.C.,  bear  dates  ranging  from  i  to  32.  They  therefore 
exactly  fit  the  interval  between  71  and  39  B.C.,  to  which  period 
we  are  justified  in  assigning  them  \ 

It  would  be  easy  to  multiply  instances  of  this  method  of 
dating  ;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  as  a  rule  it  is  only 
possible  to  date  isolated  coins  or  groups  of  coins  in  this  way. 
From  the  points  d'appui  thus  obtained,  it  is  possible  to  work 
backwards  or  forwards,  with  the  help  of  other  criteria. 


§  2.    Coins  hearing  Bates. 

The  custom  of  actually  placing  a  date  on  coins,  now  universal, 
is  of  sporadic  occurrence  in  ancient  times.  The  dates,  when 
they  do  occur,  are  computed  according  to  eras  or  regnal  years. 
The  mention  of  an  eponymous  official  is  of  course  equivalent  to 
giving  a  date,  and  it  is  only  our  want  of  information  that  pre- 
vents this  indication  being  of  any  value  except  in  rare  cases. 
Some  coins  are  even  dated  to  a  month ;  such  are  the  Athenian 
tetradrachms  of  the  '  new  style '  bearing  letters  indicating  the 
month  in  which  they  were  issued  "^ 

Of  the  eras  '  some  were  computed  from  the  foundation  of 
a  dynasty,  others  from  some  event  of  local  or  universal  impor- 
tance. For  instance,  the  Seleucid  era  was  calculated  from 
October  i,  312  b.  c. — from  the  victory  of  Seleucus  and  Ptolemy 
over  Demetrius  at  Gaza.  The  Actian  era  began  with  the  defeat 
of  M.  Antonius  at  Actium  in  B.C.  31. 

It  is  often  impossible  to  discover  the  exact  date  from 
which  an  era  is  reckoned.  But  the  following  will  serve  as 
an  illustration  of  the  method  to  be  adopted. 

We  have  coins  of  Macrinus  struck  at  Aegeae  in  Cilicia,  and 
bearing  the  dates  fZC  and  AZC.  Macrinus  was  proclaimed 
emperor  on  April  11,  217.  He  died  in  July,  218.  fZC  =  263, 
AZC  =  264. 

*  Bnt.  Mus.  Catal.,  Lycia,  &c.,  p.  Ixxxix.  ^  See  above,  p.  122. 

'  See  the  list  in  the  Index  (pp.  792,  793)  of  Head's  Historia  Numorum. 


202 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[bk.  II 


July  218  A.  D.  was  in  the  264th  year  of  the  era. 


TJherefore    „         i  a.d.     „ 

„       47th 

I  B.C.      „ 

„       46th 

„       46B.C.     „ 

1st 

Again  April  11,  217  a.d.     „ 

„     263rd 

therefore  ,,       ,,      46  b.c.     ,, 

,,         1st 

Therefore  the  era  was  reckoned  from  some  day  between  July 
47  B.C.  and  April  11,  46  b.c.  Now  it  was  in  the  autumn  of 
47  B.  c.  that  Caesar  settled  the  affairs  of  Asia  Minor  after  the 
battle  of  Zela.  The  era  of  Aegeae,  therefore,  probably  dates 
from  this  epoch. 

For  the  purpose  of  finding  a  date,  given  according  to  a  known 
ancient  era,  in  terms  of  years  b.  c.  or  a.  d.,  it  is  useful  to  have 
a  table  giving  the  exact  correspondence.  Or,  from  such  a  table 
as  follows,  it  is  easy  to  construct  formulae  for  obtaining  the 
exact  equivalent. 

In  this  table,  we  assume  two  imaginary  eras,  one  beginning 
July  I,  B.  c.  6,  the  other  beginning  J  uly  i,  a.  d.  2. 


In  terms  of  era 

In  terms  of  era 

beginning 

beginning 

July 

I,  B 

.0.6 

July  I,  A.  D.  s 

July  I,  B 

C.6, 

to  June 

30, 

B.c 

5 

-Year 

I 

5 

n 

4 

= 

J> 

2 

); 

4 

»> 

3 

= 

J> 

3 

3 

>j 

2 

= 

>) 

4 

a 

M 

I 

= 

>> 

5 

I 

A.D 

I 

= 

)> 

6 

July  I,  A. 

D.   I 

,, 

2 

= 

>> 

7 

2 

,, 

3 

= 

JJ 

8 

=  Year  i 

3 

fl 

4 

= 

ft 

9 

=     j»     2 

4 

If 

5 

= 

>> 

10 

-^     »     3 

5 

tJ 

6 

"= 

»> 

II 

=     »,     4 

It  is  necessary,  however,  to  remember  that  an  era  was  not 
always  computed  from  the  actual  date  at  which  the  epoch- 
making  event  happened,  but  the  current  year  in  which  it 
happened  was  often  regarded  as  the  first  year  of  the  new  era. 
Thus,  in  that  part  of  the  world  where  the  year  began  in 
September,  if  the  event  happened  in  June,  a.  d.  30,  the  first 
year  of  the  new  era  would  probably  run  from  September  a.d.  29 
to  September  a.d.  30. 


CH.  IX]  THE    DATING    OF    COINS  203 

Regnal  dates  are  merely  eras  on  a  small  scale,  and  have  to  be 
calculated  with  the  allowances  already  mentioned. 

Dates  may  be  recognized  by  the  word  ETOYZ  (often  abbre- 
viated to  ET) ;  in  Alexandria,  and  occasionally  elsewhere,  by 
the  sign  L  (derived  from  an  Egyptian  sign  which  signifies  that 
the  letters  following  it  represent  numerals).  Numerals  are 
frequently  surmounted  by  a  horizontal  line. 


§  3.   Dating  'by  Style  and  Fabric. 

The  safest  of  all  internal  criteria,  within  certain  limits,  is 
style.  Style  for  purposes  of  dating  must,  of  course,  be  used  in 
conjunction  with  fabric.  It  is  here  that  the  numismatist  has 
an  advantage  over  the  student  of  sculpture  or  of  gems.  The 
raw  material  of  sculpture  or  gem  has  been  more  or  less  the 
same  at  all  periods.  But  when  a  type  of  late  style  is  found  on 
a  flan  of  early  fabric,  the  combination  must  be  false  ;  and  when 
a  type  of  early  style  occurs  on  a  flan  of  late  fabric,  the  combina- 
tion is  either  false  or  due  to  archaism.  The  latter  can  easily  be 
detected.  Fabric  and  style  together,  therefore,  form  a  most 
valuable  criterion,  because  of  the  counter -checks  which  they 
furnish.  There  are,  however,  several  pitfalls  in  the  path  of  the 
unwary.  The  tendency  to  archaism  in  some  states — notably 
Athens — is  the  most  serious.  In  the  case  of  Athens,  the  archaic 
fabric  and  style  continue  down  to  the  introduction  of  the  '  new 
style '  about  220  e.g.  In  other  states,  such  as  Cyzicus,  the 
archaism  is  restricted  to  fabric,  the  old-fashioned  '  mill-sail ' 
incuse  square  being  preserved  on  Cyzicene  electrum  down  to 
the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.  At  Rhodes,  again,  and  in 
the  neighbouring  ports  of  Asia  Minor,  the  incuse  square  reappears 
in  the  second  century  b.  c.  Conversely  an  archaic  type— usually 
representing  some  revered  cultus-figure,  such  as  the  Artemis  of 
Ephesus — may  be  represented  down  to  quite  a  late  date  in 
imperial  times. 

A  second  danger  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  progress  of  art  is  not 
regular.  There  are  times  when  the  general  execution  becomes 
slipshod  ;  then  there  may  be  a  revival  for  a  short  period,  and 
then  a  relapse.  Barbarous  imitations  may  not  be  very  far  re- 
moved from  the  original  in  time,  although  artistically  the  two  aie 


204  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

far  apart.  The  most  striking  instance  of  this  fact  may  be  found 
in  the  coinage  of  Crete,  at  such  a  city  as  Gortyna,  where  in  the 
course  of  about  a  century  the  type  of  the  goddess  seated  in 
a  tree  is  treated  in  every  possible  degree  between  the  extremes 
of  fine  work  and  utter  barbarism  (PL  IV.  2  and  4). 

Of  course  there  are  numerous  small  features  in  the  fabric  and 
style  of  coins  which  are  helpful  to  the  numismatist  in  coming 
to  a  decision  as  to  date.  It  is  a  curious  fact,  for  instance,  that 
for  a  long  period  after  about  200  b.  c.  the  large  silver  regal  coins 
are  almost  invariably  so  struck  that  both  types  are  in  the  same 
position  relatively  to  the  flan,  whereas  on  the  silver  coins  of 
the  previous  period  this  regularity  is  not  observed  \  There 
are  also  various  changes  in  fashions  ;  thus  the  border  of  dots  is 
practically  an  invariable  feature  of  coins  of  imperial  date ;  the 
Greek  coins  from  the  close  of  the  first  century  b.  c.  to  the  time 
of  Nero  are  usually  small  and  neat  in  style ;  they  then  begin 
to  increase  in  size  and  reach  their  maximum  (more  than  an 
inch  and  a  half  in  not  a  few  places)  about  and  shortly  after 
200  A.  D. 

On  the  whole,  the  most  difficult  period  in  which  to  date  Greek 
coins  is  comprised  in  the  last  two  centuries  before  our  era. 
As  a  rule,  style  neither  progressed  nor  went  backward  during 
this  period,  and  we  are  obliged  to  resort  to  other  criteria. 


§  4.    WeigJit  and  Quality. 

A  slight  indication  of  date  can  be  obtained  from  the  weights 
of  coins.  Standards  (for  reasons  explained  above)  have  a 
tendency  to  fall.  Supposing  the  same  standard  to  be  used  or 
intended,  a  group  of  coins  differing  from  another  group  by 
a  reduced  average  weight  will  presumably  be  somewhat  later. 
This  is,  however,  a  most  uncertain  criterion,  Greek  coin-standards 
being  proverbially  treacherous,  and  the  weights  of  individual 
coins  depending  so  largely  on  their  condition.     An  example. 


'  The  regularity  may  be  due  to  the  hinging  together  of  dies,  as 
Mr.  Seltmann  has  suggested  (Num.  Chr.  1898,  p.  300),  or  simply  to  the 
exercise  of  care  on  the  part  of  the  workmen.  A  pair  of  dies  of  late 
Roman  coins  of  the  mint  of  Antioch,  hinged  together,  are  figured  iji 
M.   Babelon's  Notice  sur  la  Monnaie  (Grande  Encyclopedie),  p.  112. 


OH.   IX] 


THE    DATING    OF    COINS 


205 


showing  how  the  criterion  at  -once  answers  and  fails  to  answer, 
may  be  taken  from  the  coins  of  Rhodes  '. 


' 

Average  Weights  in  Grammes.  , 

I. 

B.  C.  400-333 

II. 

B.  C.  333-304 

III. 

B.C.  304-166 

IV. 

B.C.  166-88 

Tetradrachms 

Didrachms 

Drachms 

15-065 

(15  specimens) 

6.687 
(13  specimens) 

3-496 
(3  specimens) 

6-512 
1 3  specimens) 

3.116 
(5  specimens) 

13-251 

(11  specimens) 
6-538 

(24  specimens) 

2-49 
(35  specimens) 

2.67 

(56  specimens) 

It  appears  that  the  general  rule  of  decline  in  weight  is  broken 
by  the  slight  rise  of  the  didrachms  in  the  third  and  of  the 
drachms  in  the  fourth  period. 

A  sudden  change  of  standard  often  has  historical  significance, 
and  thus  helps  to  furnish  a  date.  The  change  from  the  Euboic- 
Attic  standard  to  the  Phoenician  in  certain  cities  of  the 
Ohalcidian  district  of  Macedon,  such  as  Acanthus  and  Mende, 
is  probably  to  be  connected  with  the  failure  of  Athenian 
influence  in  that  part  owing  to  the  expedition  of  Brasidas  in 
424  B.  c.  So  too  the  less  violent  change,  by  which  at  Syracuse 
the  Corinthian  silver  stater  replaced  the  Euboic-Attic  tetra- 
drachm  as  the  chief  silver  currency,  is  to  be  connected  with  the 
mission  of  the  Corinthian  Timoleon  in  345  b.c. 

Analogous  to  the  fall  in  weight  is  the  degradation  of  the 
metal  in  some  series.  This  is  particularly  noticeable  in  Roman 
coins,  or  in  the  series  of  the  semi-Roman  mints  of  Caesarea, 
Alexandria,  and  Antioch. 


§5.  Types. 

The  character  of  the  subjects  used  as  types,  though  a  very 
vague  criterion,  counts  for  something  in  the  dating  of  coins. 
A  glance  at  the  early  plates  in  Mr.  Head's  Guide  to  the  Coins 
of  the  Ancients,  will  show  the  great  predominance  of  animals 
and  monsters  on  the  earliest  coins,  and  the  comparative  rarity 

'  The  weights  are  taken  fi'om  the  coins  in  the  British  Museum,  which 
are  sufficiently  numerous  to  afford  a  basis  for  calculation. 


206  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

of  the  human  figure.  The  early  types  are  also,  as  a  rule, 
simpler  than  the  later  \  Architecture  is  rarely  represented  on 
coins  before  imperial  times  (the  walled  cities  on  coins  of 
Tarsus,  PI.  IV.  •12,  and  Sidon  are  among  the  rare  exceptions 
to  this  rule).  Copies  of  actual  statues  may  be  said  to  become 
frequent  in  the  third  century  b.c,  although  doubtless  they 
occur  earlier.  At  Aenus,  for  instance,  there  appears,  in  the  first 
half  of  the  fourth  century,  a  representation  of  a  little  terminal 
statue  of  Hermes  set  up  on  the  seat  of  a  throne.  And  such  a  figure 
as  the  seated  Athena  on  the  coin  of  the  Lycian  dynast  Kheriga^ 
(about  410  B.C.)  has  every  appearance  of  being  suggested 
by  a  relief.  It  is,  however,  probable  that  very  few  of  the 
copies  of  statues  on  coins  before  the  imperial  period  are  faithful 
copies,  except  where  the  originals  are  archaic  cultus-statues. 
And  these  do  not  appear  in  great  numbers  on  coins  of  the  fine 
period,  for  the  simple  reason  that  the  artist's  sense  forbade  him 
to  reproduce  ugly  idols.  Xoana  such  as  the  Apollo  of  Amyclae 
on  coins  of  Sparta^  are  therefore  uncommon  on  coins  until 
imperial  times.  The  copies  of  fine  statues,  such  as  the  Cnidian 
Aphrodite,  bear  little  resemblance  to  the  originals.  The  head  of 
Aphrodite  on  one  of  the  Cnidian  tetradrachms  of  the  fourth 
century^  has,  however,  distinctly  Praxitelean  qualities,  free  as 
the  copy  is.  So  long  as  the  die-sinker's  art  remained  creative, 
it  could  hardly  be  expected  to  content  itself  with  mere  copies. 
But  under  the  Empire  the  artist's  poverty  of  invention  gave 
him  no  choice.  In  the  same  period  the  personifications  of 
qualities  and  states  such  as  Concord,  Hope,  Peace,  also  became 
more  frequent.  This  is  partly  due  to  Alexandrian  and  Eoman 
influence.  The  artistic  skill  required  for  these  personifications 
was  small,  their  identity  being  established  by  means  of  attri- 
butes. Hardly  greater  was  the  skill  required  for  the  complex 
historical,  mythological,  and  agonistic  subjects  in  which  the 
coinage  of  the  provinces  under  the  Empire  abounds. 

All  these  facts,  however,  are  so  vague  as  to  be  of  little  value 
for  purposes  of  dating  within  close  limits.     They,  and  others 

^  Such  pictorial  types  as  the  *  Satyr  and  Nymph '  or  '  Centaur  and 
Nymph'  in  Macedonia  {Coins  of  the  Ancients,  PI.  4,  1-5)  are  exceptional  in 
the  early  period. 

^  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.,  Lycia,  PI,  vi.  5. 

^  Head,  Coins  of  the  Ancients,  PL  43.  27  ;  Gardner,  Types,  PI.  xv.  28. 

*  Journal  of  HeUenic  Studies,  xvii.  PJ.  II.  15. 


CH.  IX]  THE    DATING    OF    COINS  207 

like  them,  can  only  be  employed  for  making  the  first  rough 
classification  of  a  large  series.  The  case  is  different  when 
a  type  alludes  to  some  historical  event.  We  then  have  a  ter- 
minus post  quern ;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  historical 
types  may  be  used  to  commemorate  events  which  have  long 
since  become  ancient  history.  A  well-known  instance  of  a  fact 
which  enables  us  to  date  the  end  as  well  as  the  beginning  of 
an  issue  is  found  in  the  history  of  Himera.  In  482  b.c.  the 
Agrigentine  Theron  captured  Himera,  which  he  ruled  until  his 
death  in  472  b.c,  when  his  son  Thrasydaeus  was  expelled. 
It  is  to  this  decade  that  the  coins  of  Himera  which  combine  the 
Himerean  type  of  the  cock  with  the  Agrigentine  crab  must  be 
assigned. 

Datings  of  this  kind,  however,  properly  come  under  the  class 
already  described  in  §  i. 


§  6.  Epigraphy. 

The  epigraphic  evidence  of  the  dates  of  coins  is  of  two  kinds. 
In  the  first  place,  the  general  character  of  the  inscription 
may  be  taken  into  accoimt.  Early  inscriptions  are  usually 
short  and  simple  ;  monograms,  and  abbreviations  of  two  or  three 
letters,  precede,  as  a  rule,  the  writing  out  of  words  in  full.  Thus 
most  of  the  coins  of  the  *  new  style '  at  Athena  bearing  mono- 
grams are  earlier  than  those  with  the  magistrate's  names  written 
in  full.  Similarly,  the  city  name,  or  even  a  king's  name  in  early 
times  is  abbreviated.  As  time  goes  on  it  becomes  customaiy  to 
write  the  name  at  length  ;  and  in  the  imperial  age  it  is  most 
uncommon  to  find  the  name  abbreviated.  The  desire  to  get 
as  much  as  possible  on  to  the  coin  (the  heaping  up  of  titles 
is  characteristic  of  the  more  Oriental  monarchies  and  of  such 
fictitious  importance  as  was  enjoyed  by  the  Greek  cities 
under  the  Empire ')  made  it  useful  to  employ  ligatures  in  the 

^  The  style  of  Vologeses  III  (77-138  a.d.)  of  Parthia  is  BaatAfcus 
BaaiXiojv  'ApaaKOv  'Okaydaov  AiKaiov  'Emipavovs  ^LXeWrjvos.  That  of  the 
city  of  Sagalassus  on  a  coin  of  the  third  century  a.  b.  is  'Sayakaaaewv 
UpojTrjs  Uiaidajv  Kal  ^iXrjs  'Xvvfj.dxov.  The  people  of  Smyrna  in  Caracalla's 
reign  call  themselves  'S.p.vpvaiojv  HpuiTwv  'Acrias  7'  HecuKopaiv  twv  ^ePacTTuu 
KaWci  Kal  fiiyedi  (i.e.  the  foremost  in  Asia  in  laeauty  and  greatness,  and 
for  the  third  time  temple-keepers  of  the  Augusti).  The  title  on  a  Perga- 
mene  coin  has  already  been  quoted  (pp.  184,  185). 


2o8  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

legends.  Th(  se  are  indeed  used  at  all  times  under  the  Empire 
but  first  become  really  common  in  the  time  of  Septimius 
Severus.  Occasionally  letters  that  cannot  be  conveniently 
combined  in  ligature  are  made  into  monograms,  as  T  for  ro, 
P"  for  yp,  ^  for  ov. 

Again,  on  Roman  Republican  coins,  the  disposition  of  the 
legends  Ms  to  a  certain  extent  an  indication  of  date.  Thus  the 
word  ROMA  on  the  earliest  denarii  occurs  only  on  the  reverse 
in  a  frame  of  four  lines.  As  these  lines  disappear,  the  word 
occurs  indifferently  on  either  side.  Again,  when  the  names  of 
moneyers  are  written  at  length,  it  is  very  rare  to  find  praenomen, 
gentile  name  and  cognomen  on  the  same  side  of  the  coin  ;  but 
on  the  later  denarii  this  is  fairly  common. 

Secondly,  the  forms  of  the  letters  are  necessarily  valuable 
evidence  for  dates.  Thus  the  form  of  the  letter  B  peculiar  to 
Byzantium  (V)  does  not  occur  later  than  the  period  b.c.  277-270. 
A  detailed  list  of  the  forms  in  use  at  various  times  and  places  in 
the  Greek  world,  of  the  kind  worked  out  for  Sicily  by  Prof. 
Gardner  ^,  would  be  welcome.  To  the  following  notes,  which 
deal  with  only  a  few  of  the  more  important  forms,  there  are, 
needless  to  say,  innumerable  exceptions 

In  the  case  of  the  Greek  letters,  I  have  divided  the  forms 
into  two  classes,  the  first  dating  roughly  before,  the  second 
after  the  general  adoption  of  the  Ionic  alphabet. 


Greek. 
A. 

(i)  The  form  A  (with  the  variety  A)  disappears  as  a  rule 
early  in  the  fifth  century  ;  but  in  Athens  it  was  retained, 
in  accordance  with  the  archaizing  tendency  of  the  coinage, 
until  about  b.c.  430.  P|  is  an  early  form  found  in  Euboea, 
Boeotia,  and  Phocis,  down  to  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century. 
A  at  Agrigentum  and  Catana  about  480-460  b.  c. 

(2)  A  is  common  from  the  closing  years  of  the  third  century^ 
till  Nero's  time  ;  thenceforward,  save  on  the  coins  of  the  kings 
of  Bosporus,  it  is  rare.     A  in  the  first  century  a.  d. 


'■  Mommsen,  ii.  p.  178  f. 

^  *  Sicilian  Studies,'  Num.  Chr.  1876,  pp.  38  ff. 

'■^  An  anticipation  is  found  at  Agyrium  (Sicily)  in  the  fourth  century. 


CH.  IX]  THE    DATING    OF    COINS  209 

B. 

(i)  B  is  common  until  late  in  the  fifth  century,  but  is 
confiped  to  the  Greek  mainland.  In  some  Sicilian  cities 
it  occurs  occasionally  at  the  end  of  the  third  century.  T"  is 
peculiar  to  Byzantium,  whence  it  disappears  between  277  and 
270  B.  c.  C  and  <  are  found  on  coins  of  the  Thraco-Macedonian 
Bisaltae  dating  about  500-480  b.  c.  The  former  at  least  is 
probably  due  to  the  influence  of  the  Thasian  alphabet. 

(2)  B  comes  in  perhaps  as  early  as  100  b.  c,  and  is  common 
in  Asia  Minor  under  the  Empire. 


(i)  C  is  found  until  about  440  in  Sicily,  but  lasts  as  late 
as  the  fourth  century  at  Aegae  in  Achaea.  Another  early 
form  is  f^  (Segesta).  {  is  transitional  at  Gela  and  Segesta, 
in  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century.  Elsewhere  A  is  usual, 
lasting  sometimes  (as  at  Gomphi  in  Thessaly  and  Gortyna 
in  Crete)  down  to  the  end  of  the  fourth  century.  But  as 
a  rule  f  had  superseded  all  the  older  forms  by  the  close  of  the 
fifth  century. 

A. 

(i)  0  is  found  at  Zancle  down  to  490,  and  later  at  Selinus. 
Another  early  form  is  D,  also  found  at  Zancle  (Messana^), 
in  Arcadia,  and  elsewhere. 

E. 

(i)  The  forms  ^  ^  ^  and  the  like  are  of  course  early,  and 
probably  seldom  later  than  about  480  b.c.  E  can,  in  early 
times,  represent  f,  rj  and  in  certain  circumstances,  rare  on 
coins,  ft.  At  Athens  AOE  is  retained  on  the  coins  long  after 
the  Ionic  H  had  been  officially  adopted,  even  on  coins  of  the 
'new  style,'  on  which  the  other  words  are  spelt  in  the  ordinary 
way.  Only  on  the  coins  of  imperial  times  is  the  archaism 
discarded.  Elsewhere,  the  period  of  transition  from  E  to  H, 
towards  the  close  of  the  fifth  century,  is  an  uneasy  one.  The 
same  artist  at  Syracuse  signs  EYMENOY  and  EYMHNOY 
at  times  not  far  removed  from  each  other.  Mr.  Gardner  dates 
the  adoption  of  H  in  the  West  about  425. 

^  For  its  late  occurrence  there  see  Evans,  Num.  Chr.  1896,  p.  116. 


2 TO  GEEEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

(2)  €  is  found  occasionally  before  the  close  of  the  third 
century  in  Sicily,  and  before  100  b.c.  at  ApoUonia  and 
Dyrrhachium  in  Illyria.  Under  the  Empire,  from  about  the 
middle  of  the  first  century  a.d.,  it  becomes  the  commonest 
form.  A  curious  development,  anticipating  our  modern  cursive 
e,  is  the  form  used  on  coins  of  Rhoemetalces  king  of  Bosporus 
(a.d.  132-154,  PI.  XIII.  3).     E  in  the  first  century  a.d. 

Z. 

(i)  1  is  the  usual  early  form,  the  middle  stroke  being 
seldom  if  ever  slanting.  "X-  on  the  earliest  coins  of  Zacynthus 
(before  431  b.c). 

(2)  Z  comes  in  with  the  first  century  b.c.\  but  is  not 
common  until  Roman  times. 

H, 

(i)  The  closed  form  B  is  only  found  in  the  earliest  times  (as 
on  the  electrum  coin,  PL  I.  4).  H  of  course  occurs  early  in  the 
Ionian  district  (as  at  Teos,  b.c  544-400),  and  also  elsewhere, 
as  on  coins  of  Getas  king  of  the  Edonians  (about  500  b.  c).  See 
above  under  E. 

(2)  A  slightly  ornamented  form  is  H,  found  in  the  fourth 
century  in  the  Peloj5onnese. 

Spiritus  as]per.  The  most  peculiar  foim  is  ^  on  the  earliest 
coins  oi"  Haliartus  in  Boeotia  (before  550  b.c),  which  is 
followed  by  ^  H  and  B  (550-480  b.c).  The  aspirate  is  then 
dropped.  B  occurs  at  Himera  in  the  fifth  century.  The 
closed  form  is  followed  by  the  open  H,  which  disappears  in 
Southern  Italy  and  Sicily  about  400  b.c  or  a  little  earlier, 
being  partly  replaced  by  I-,  which  is  occasionally  found  even 
as  late  as  the  third  century. 

0. 

(i)  0  and  similar  forms  may  be  said  to  disappear  about 
the  middle  of  the  fifth  century,  with  a  lew  possible  exceptions 
(S)  at  Baletium  in  the  fourth  century).  Curiously  enough  the 
earliest  coins  of  Athens,  dating  from  early  in  the  sixth  century, 

'  Perhaps  earlier;  see  the  coins  of  Zacynthus,  Brit  Mus.  Catal.  Pelopon- 
nesuSf  p.  1 01. 


CH.  IX]  THE    DATING    OF    COINS  211 

have  O,  the  0  appearing  later  in  the  century,  only  to  disappear 
again  veiy  shortly. 

(2)  A  late  form  is  B  (as  on  a  coin  of  Aegeae  in  Cilicia  of  the 
reign  of  Severus  Alexander). 

I. 

(i)  $  is  common  on  the  earliest  coins  of  Southern  Italy, 
and  elsewhere,  as  at  Gortyna.  Its  use  as  late  as  the  middle 
and  end  of  the  fifth  century  at  Pandosia  and  Poseidonia  is 
probably  an  archaism.  In  some  places  it  takes  the  form  S 
(as  at  the  Cretan  cities  of  Gortyna,  Lyttus,  and  Phaestus, 
in  the  fifth  centui-y). 

A. 

(i)  The  forms  T  and  U  or  V  are  early.  ^  occurs  on  coins 
of  the  Bisaltae  about  500  b.c,  and  elsewhere  later,  as  at 
Phlius  and  Lyttus  down  to  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century. 
U  is  rarely  found  after  b.  c.  420  in  places  where  Greek  influence 
was  strong  ;  but  in  Campania  it  lasts  down  to  the  early  fourth 
century,  when  it  is  found  beside  A.  A  variety  is  L  (as  on  the 
Bisaltian  coins  and  occasionally  at  Leontini).  A  itself  is 
common  at  all  periods,  preceding  V,  for  instance,  at  Leontini. 

M. 

(i)  The  splayed  form  M  is  common  in  early  times,  but 
is  also  found  down  to  the  latest  period  of  Greek  coinage.  It  is 
preceded  by  forms  like  1^,  /^,  but  these  are  exceptional. 

(2)  M  appears  in  the  course  of  the  third  century.  In 
imperial  times,  after  the  period  of  the  Antonines,  we  often 
find  a  form  approaching  the  cursive,  viz.  AA. 

N. 

(i)  The  forms  /^  A/  H  K  and  the  like  all  go  out  of  use 
soon  after  400  b.  c.  Exceptional  forms  are  H,  which  occurs  at 
Agrigentum  about  410  B.C.,  and  A/,  which  is  found  at  Naxos 
(Sicily)  before  480  b  c,  and  occasionally  at  other  Sicilian  cities 
also  in  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century. 

3E. 

(i)  According  to  the  class  of  alphabet,  this  sound  was  in 
early  times  represented  in  various  ways : 

p  2 


212  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bf.  n 

(a)  by  Kor  or  ^o-.  Thus,  at  Axus  in  Crete,  we  find  KM  or  KC 
(on  the  early  fourth-century  coins  formerly '  attributed  to 
'  -Naxos '). 

(b)  by  X,  as  in  the  Achaean  colonies  in  the  West  (Pyxus 
and  Naxos).  Even  at  Naxos  it  disappears  before  the  end  of 
the  fifth  century. 

(c)  by  S  or  (rather  later)  Z.  A  simpler  form,  found  in 
Italy  and  Sicily  as  early  as  the  fifth  century,  is  X. 

(2)  The  middle  bar  of  Z  tends  to  become  shorter,  until 
in  the  third  and  second  centuries  B.C.  it  is  often  reduced  to 
a  dot.  X  or  IE  becomes  common  under  the  Empire,  when 
also  we  find  ornamental  forms  such  as  !Z  Z  Z. 

0. 

(t)  After  the  early  years  of  the  fifth  century  o  is  regularly 
written  somewhat  smaller  than  the  other  letters  of  a  word, 
and  occupies  either  the  middle  or  the  upper  half  of  the  writing- 
space. 

O  occurs  in  Southern  Italy  and  in  Crete  on  coins  which  are 
probably  in  no  case  later  than  450  b  c. 

The  form  O,  which  is  not  uncommon  in  early  times,  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  in  lapidary  inscriptions  the  letter  was 
made  with  a  pair  of  compasses. 

The  use  of  o  for  ov  and  co  is  not  properly  subsequent  to 
the  close  of  the  fifth  century  or  the  beginning  of  the  fourth. 
Apparent  exceptions  are  sometimes  due  to  want  of  space  for 
the  final  v  in  genitives,  sometimes  to  dialectic  peculiarities, 
as  in  the  Doric  /3aotXe'o?  on  coins  of  Syracuse. 

(2)  The  rule  as  to  the  smallness  of  o,  except  in  very  late 
or  careless  inscriptions,  is  fairly  well  observed.  Sometimes 
indeed  it  is  made  so  small  as  to  become  a  dot.  An  early 
instance  of  this  peculiarity  is  afforded  by  the  coins  of  Audoleon, 
king  of  Paeonia  (b.c.  315-286). 

D  is  a  late  form  (second  and  third  centuries  a.d.,  as  on 
a  coin  of  Seleucia  in  Syria  of  a.d.  157^). — Compare  the  form  B 
for^. 

The  form  O  is  as  unusual  in  imperial  times  as  in  the  first 
period,  but  may  be  found,  e.g.,  in  the  somewhat  aifected 
lettering  of  the  obverse  of  a  coin  of  Apamea  (PI.  XIV.  10). 

^  Wroth,  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.  Galatia,  &c.,  p.  272  no.  31,  PI.  32,  10. 


CH.  js]  THE    DATING    OF    COINS  2J3 

n. 

(i)  P  is  the  usual  form  throughout  the  early  period.  C  is 
con^ned  to  Crete. 

(2)  Instances  of  fl  probably  do  not  occur,  except  accidentally, 
before  about  250  b.c.,  nor  of  P  after  about  200  b.c.  TT  appears 
occasionally  in  the  second  century  b.  c,  and  under  the  Empire 
becomes  almost  universal. 

P. 

(i)  The  forms  R  R  D?  it  may  safely  be  said,  do  not  occur 
after  400  b.c,  but  their  general  disappearance  may  be  put 
some  twenty  or  thirty  years  earlier.  Mr.  Gardner  notes  P 
as  late  as  the  middle  of  the  third  century  at  Syracuse  and 
Tauromenium. 

(2)  P  is  a  product  of  the  first  century  b.c.  and  of  early 
imperial  times. 

^. 

(i)  The  early  standing  form  $  is  usual  until  soon  after 
the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  \  At  Syracuse  it  had 
probably  disappeared  by  500  b.c.  The  form  S  is  found  until 
about  476  B.C.,  e.g.,  at  Messana.  The  recumbent  form  M  or  M 
lingers  on  in  exceptional  cases,  as  at  Poseidonia  and  Gortyna, 
to  the  end  of  the  fifth  centuiy.  All  these  forms  are  finally 
superseded  by  ^  or  t,  which  is  in  use  down  to  the  first 
century  B.C.,  and  may  occur  even  later  owing  to  careless 
writing. 

(2)  But  as  early  as  the  fourth  century  the  form  Z  occurs  ^ 
It  prevails  until  the  early  years  of  the  first  century  a.  d.  By 
the  end  of  that  century  it  may  be  said  to  be  generally  displaced 
by  EI  and  C,  although  it  still  occurs  frequently.  Of  the  two  forms, 
C  is  the  less  common.  Early  instances  of  them  are  rare  ;  but  C 
occurs  on  a  coin  of  Cos  which  is  probably  earlier  than  300  b.  c.  ^, 
and  on  others  of  the  same  place  which  are  certainly  earlier 
than  190  B.C.;  on  a  coin  of  the  Illyrian  king  Monunius  about 
300  B.C. ;  on  one  of  Seleucus  II  of  Syria  (246-226  b.c.)*;  at 

^  The  5  in  PAI^TANO  about  300  b.c.  is  Italic,  not  Greek. 
^  For  instance,  at  Sicyon  {Brit.  Mus.  Catal,  Peloponnesus,  PI.  8.  ai). 
'  Brit.  Mus.  Catal.,  Carta,  p.  195,  no.  16. 
*  Imhoof-Blumer,  Monn.  Gr.  p.  427. 


214  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

Salapia,  at  Agrigentum,  and  other  Sicilian  towns  before  the  end 
of  the  third  century.  C  is  later  in  appearing  ;  it  has  been  noted 
on  a  coin  of  Antiochus  IV'  (175-164  b.c).  It  is  fairly  common 
during  the  early  Empire,  and  again  from  the  middle  of  the 
third  century  onwards. 

Y. 

V  and  Y  appear  to  go  side  by  side  through  the  whole 
history  of  Greek  coinage.  The  former,  however,  is  probably 
the  earlier  of  the  two.  The  approximation  of  one  to  the  other 
in  careless  writing,  especially  when  the  lines  are  slightly 
curved  (T),  is  naturally  very  close. 

CD. 

(i)  0  is  not  uncommon  before  the  middle  of  the  fifth 
century.  A  rare  form  is  O,  which  is  only  known  from  two 
coins,  one  of  Phocaea,  dating  about  600  b.c.  (PI.  1.  2),  the 
other  of  Phaselis,  earlier  than  466  b.  c. 

(2)  The  tendency  in  later  times  is  to  lengthen  the  hasta  of  the 
letter,  and  make  the  circle  small.  A  late  form  is  i  ,  of  which 
an  early  instance  is  found  at  Phoenice  in  Epirus  about  200  b.  c.  ; 
but  it  is  commoner  in  imperial  times. 

X. 

(i)  Of  the  unusual  forms  Y  and  +  both  give  way  to  X 
during  the  fifth  century. 

t. 

(i)  The  form  A^  (for  instance,  in  the  name  of  the  river-god 
Hypsas  at  Selinus  in  Sicily)  is  earlier  than  Y,  which  is  used 
regularly  after  the  fifth  century, 

n. 

(i)  In  alphabets  not  belonging  to  the  Ionic  group,  this 
sound  is  represented  by  o.  jQ  comes  in  about  410  b.  c.  in 
Sicily ;  in  Greece  proper  a  few  years  later. 

(2)    About  the  middle   of  the   third   century  H   begins  for 

a  time  to  be  written  smaller  than  the  other  letters,  and  the 

horizontal   lines   are  made  longer  in  proportion.     The   form 

CO  occurs  on  a  coin  of  Antiochus  II  (b.c.  261-246),  and  this  is 

^  Imhoof-Blumer,  Monn.  Gr.  p.  430. 


THE    DATING    OF    COINS 


215 


an  exceptionally  early  instance.  It  is  very  common  in  imperial 
times.  The  form  Q.  is  never  very  common,  but  is  found  as 
early  as  the  first  century  b.  c.  The  horizontal  lines  of  H  begin 
to  degenerate  into  mere  serifs  in  early  imperial  times,  although 
a  well-formed  D.  is  still  often  found.  W  is  late,  hardly  occurring 
before  the  time  of  Septimius  Severus. 

F. 

This  letter,  in  the  form  F,  is  kept  up  as  an  archaism  at 
Elis,  and  not  discarded  until  imperial  times.  At  Axus  in  Crete 
it  lasts  to  the  end  of  the  fourth  century.  The  form  C  is  also 
found  in  Crete,  as  late  as  the  third  century  b.  c.  N  is  another 
rare  form  found  in  the  fourth  century  b.  c.  at  the  Cretan  Axus  ; 
compare  the  Pamphylian  form  \A  at  Perga  in  the  second  or 
first  century  b.  c. 

?•. 

7  is  only  used  as  a  numeral  (=  6),  but  as  such  has  a  great 
variety  of  shapes.  In  imperial  times  it  is  most  commonly  [^ 
or  q  or  C,  sometimes  R  ;  an  earlier  form  is  CK. 

9- 

9  as  the  initial  of  the  name  of  Corinth  is  retained  even  to  the 
days  of  the  Achaean  League.  On  a  few  staters  of  the  early 
fifth  century  it  takes  the  form  Cp.  In  some  other  places  (as  in 
Arcadia  and  at  Syracuse)  it  disappears  early  in  the  fifth  centuiy ; 
at  Croton  it  lasts  till  about  420  b.  c.  As  a  numeral  (=  90)  it 
continues  to  be  used  till  the  latest  times. 

San. 
This  letter   is    represented   on    Greek    coins    by  the  T    of 
Mesembria.     An  analogous  form  seems  to  be  the  Pamphylian 
tp  {=  <ra)  on  coins  of  Perga. 

Roman. 

There  is  much  le.ss  variety  in  the  forms  of  letters  on  Roman 
than  on  Greek  coins.  The  development  of  forms  is  not  there- 
fore of  much  value  for  purposes  of  dating.     A  few  details  ^ 


'  Based  on  the  unpublished  classification  of  the  Roman  coins  in  the 
British  Museum  by  Count  de  Salis.  and  therefore  diflfei'ing  in  many  small 
points  from  the  results  given  by  Mommsen. 


2l6  GKEEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

relating  to  the  period  269-50  b.c.  are  however  sufficiently 
interesting  to  be  noted. 

A  or  A  is  the  earliest  form.  In  the  word  Boma  it  begins  to 
be  replaced  by  A  in  the  period  1 72-151  ;  in  other  words, 
A  began  to  come  in  during  the  period  1 96-1 73  \  The  diphthongs 
A I  and  AE  are  used  indifferently,  but  A I  is  on  the  whole  later 
than  AE. 

C  is  the  regular  form;  but  occasionally,  from  about  90  b  c. 
onwards,  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  between  C  (c)  and  G  (g). 

El  occasionally  represents  a  long  I,  as  also  does  E. 

H  is  not  found  before  91  b.c. 

K  not  before  93  b.c.  on  Eoman  coins  proper.  In  words  it  is 
only  found  before  the  letter  A. 

U  is  the  early  form,  although  an  occasional  L  is  found  as 
early  as  1 72-151  b.c.  About  102,  the  latter  form  becomes 
invariable.  There  is  sometimes  a  tendency  to  make  the  letter 
lean  slightly  to  the  right  (L).  1^  is  confined  to  imperial  times, 
and  even  then  is  not  found  on  coins  of  Rome  itself. 

M  or  AA  is  practically  the  only  form  in  use  ;  but  the  amount 
of  splaying  varies,  being  sometimes,  in  and  after  67  b.  c ,  very 
slight.     AV  is  the  abbreviation  for  Manius. 

N  is  usual  from  the  first  appearance  of  the  letter  (196-173) ; 
but  the  slanting  form  A/  is  also  found,  though  rarely. 

o  is  almost  invariably  written  smaller  than  the  other  letters. 
The  diphthong  OE  occurs  in  61  b.c 

P  is  the  true  form,  but  usually  the  hook  is  rounded,  so  that 
we  get  P.  The  letter  on  Republican  coins  is  never  closed  like 
the  modern  P,  except  owing  to  careless  writing  ^. 

K  does  not  change  its  form,  but  it  should  be  noticed  that  the 
upper  loop  is  made  small  in  proportion  to  the  whole,  and  that 
the  leg  comes  rather  far  out  to  the  right. 

The  sound  x  is  occasionally,  though  not  in  the  earliest  times, 
represented  by  XS  (as  in  73  and  65  b.c). 

^  Although  A  disappeared  from  the  coins,  it  continued  to  be  used  in 
lapidary  inscriptions,  and  from  these  it  won  its  way  back  on  to  the  coins 
of  at  least  one  Eoman  colony  in  the  third  century  a.d.  (^Olbasa  in  Pisidia, 
Brit.Mus.  Catal.,  Lycia,  &c.,  pp.  229,  230,  PI.  36,  14,  15). 

^  The  closed  form  occurs  distinctly  on  coins  of  Tiberius  after  about 
A.D.  25.  But  it  does  not  supplant  the  open  form  until  the  reign  of 
Claudius  I  ;  P  is  even  found  as  lato  as  Galba  (on  an  aureus  with 
Victoria  P.  R.). 


CH.  IX]  THE    DATING    OF    COINS  21 7 

Of  V  there  is  nothing  to  remark  except  that  it  occasionally 
bears  an  accent,  being  then  written  V  or  V  or  V  \ 

Y  first  appears  in  69  b.  c.  In  61  and  58  b.  c.  the  sound  is 
represented  by  V  or  Y  indifferently. 

Numerals.  A  number  of  digits  (I)  combined  may  be  con- 
nected by  a  line  above  them.  When  they  are  preceded  by 
higher  numerals,  this  line  is  as  a  rule  produced  to  the  left  onlj^ 
so  far  as  to  connect  the  first  digit  with  the  number  preceding 
it;  thus  MM,  XVI,  VIII.  On  the  other  hand,  exceptions  such 
as  ±XVII  are  found. 

X  is  the  only  form  for  10. 

For  XVI,  in  the  period  124-103  b.c.  the  form  X  comes  in. 

"^  is  the  early  form  for  50.  J.  appears  in  85  B.C.,  and  thence- 
forward prevails,  although  vl/  reappears  beside  it  in  73  B.C. 
L  does  not  occur  earlier  than  on  a  quinarius  of  M.  Antonius 
struck  at  Lyon. 

Doubling  of  consonants  is  foreign  to  the  early  period  :  we  find, 
e.g.  PILIPVS.    Double  vowels  (FEELIX,  VAALA)are  very  rare. 


§  7.    Finds. 

'The  discovery  of  hoards  is  the  only  evidence  bearing 
directly  on  the  relative  dates  of  Eepublican  coins ;  by  examining 
them  with  care  and  method  we  shall  be  able  to  determine  the 
chronology  of  the  pieces  which  occur  in  them,  and  even  of 
those  which  are  missing.  Before  all,  we  have  to  fix  the  date 
of  the  burial  of  the  hoard,  and  then  try  to  discover  which  are 
the  most  recent  pieces  of  the  known  varieties  which  we  meet 
with,  and  the  oldest  of  those  which  do  not  occur  in  the  find. 
To  attain  this  result,  we  must  try  to  discover  from  local 
history  the  circumstances  which  may  have  caused  the  burial  of 
the  hoard,  as,  for  example,  the  date  and  character  of  a  war  in 
the  locality.  The  larger  the  hoard,  the  easier  it  becomes  to  fix 
with  probability  the  date  of  its  burial,  for  the  greater  the 
number  of  the  coins,  the  more  probable  it  is  that  a  common 
piece,  if  it  is  not  found  there,  was  not  struck  before  the  laying 

^  Note  that  on  coins  of  PomponiusMusa  the  uof  Musa  is  accented,  while 
that  of  Musarum,  on  the  same  coin,  is  not. 


2l8  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

down  of  the  hoard.    As  to  rare  pieces,  it  is  clear  that  their 

presence   is   conclusive,    while   their  absence  proves  nothing. 

For  this  reason  ...  we  have  as  far  as  possible  noted  the  number 

of  coins  of  each  variety  met  with  in  various  hoards.     It  must 

be  remembered  also  that  the  difference  of  standards  and  the 

period  during  which  such  and  such  a  coin  has  been  in  circulation 

exercise  a  certain  influence  on  the  proportion  in  which  each 

variety  occurs  in  combination  with  others  \' 

The  rule  which  Mommsen  has  laid  down  for  the  study  of 

finds  in  Roman  Numismatics,  holds  equally  good  for  the  Greek 

branch  of  the  subject.     But   Greek   coins  were  not  issued  in 

enormous  numbers  like  Roman.     As  many  as  80,000  Roman 

gold  coins,  all  struck  between  46  and   38  B.C.,  and  of  only 

thirty-two  varieties,  are  said  to  have  been  found  in  a  single 

hoard  at  Brescello  ^,  and  hoards  of  more  than  10,000  coins  of 

the  third  and  fourth  centuries  after  Christ  are  not  rare.     Greek 

hoards,    on  the   other   hand,   are  usually  much   smaller,   and 

range  over  much  shorter  periods.     Typical  Greek  hoards  are 

the  'Silversmith's  hoard'  from  Naucratis'^  of  fifteen  coins  ranging 

over  about  one  hundred  years  ;   and  the  Messina  find ''  of  1895 

of  about  185  coins,  buried  about  493  b.  c.  and  containing  coins 

perhaps  as  early  as  550  b.  c.     Although  only  sixty- one  coins 

of  this  last  hoard  were  actually  examined  by  Mr.  Evans,  the 

more  important    facts   seem   to   be   ascertained.      The   coins 

examined  consisted  of:  — 

No.  of 

1.  Coins  of  Zancle.  Specimens, 
(a)  Ohv.  AavK\€  (in  the  local  alphabet)  under  dolphin   con- 
tained within  raised   penannular  band  (the  harbour 

of  Zancle). 
Rev.  The  same  dolphin  and  band  incuse    ....  6 

(&)  Obv.  AavK\€  (sometimes  abbreviated)  under  dolphin  con- 
tained in  raised  penannular  band,  sometimes  with  four 
rectangular  protuberances  on  it. 
Rev.  Incuse  key-pattern  with  scallop-shell   in  relief  in 
centre       ........••  50 

2.  Coins  of  Naxos. 

Obv.  Bearded  head  of  Dionysos. 

Rev.  Ha^iov.     Bunch  of  grapes 8 

The  coins  were  all  drachms  of  the  Aeginetic  standard  (or 

^  Mommsen,  ii.  pp.  120,  121.  '  Ibid.,  iii.  p.  26. 

'  Head,  Num.  Chr.  1886,  p.  4. 

*  A.  J.  Evans,  Num.  Chr.  1896,  pp.  loi  ff. 


CH.  IX]  THE    DATING    OF    COINS  219 

thirds  of  the  tetradrachm  of  the  Attic  standard,  see  p.  36). 
The  Naxian  pieces  were  more  oxydized  than  the  others,  having 
perhaps  been  more  exposed.  This  would  happen  if  they  were 
put  in  at  the  top  of  the  jar.  Most  of  them  were  not  much 
worn,  and  must  therefore  have  been  comparatively  fresh  from 
the  mint  when  withdrawn  from  circulation.  Many  of  the 
Zancle  coins  of  class  (b)  were  also  in  fresh  condition.  Were 
there  no  other  means  of  dating  the  coins  we  should  from  these 
circumstances  place  the  coins  of  the  class  i  (a)  earlier  than 
the  others  which  are  less  worn. 

Now  we  know  that  in  493  b.  c.  Anaxilas  of  Ehegium  induced 
the  Samian  and  Milesian  refugees  to  seize  Zancle,  when  the 
name  of  the  place  was  altered  to  Messene  ;  and  just  about  the 
same  time,  perhaps  a  little  earlier,  Hippocrates  of  Gela  laid 
hands  on  Naxos.  As  none  of  the  coins  with  the  name  of  the 
Messenians  occur  in  this  hoard,  we  may  date  its  deposit  about 
498  B.  c.  It  is  of  course  clear  for  other  reasons  that  the  Naxian 
tetradrachms  and  drachms  of  the  Attic  standard,  with  the  fine 
archaic  head  of  Dionysus  and  the  squatting  Silenus  (PI.  VI.  i), 
cannot  be  as  early  as  493  b.  c.  ;  but  did  we  not  know  it  already 
this  find  would  go  far  to  prove  it. 

Another  find  made  in  the  Lipari  islands^  consisted  of  the 
following  coins : — 


Cales  (circa  334-268  b.c.) 



I 

Neapolis  (c.  340-268  b.c.) 

17 

Tarentum 

c  281-272  B.C.  (Period 

*  Evans  VII')  . 

.  22 

c.  272-235  B.  c.  (Period 

'Evans  VIII'). 

.  14- 

-36 

Campano-Tarentine  after  272  b  c.  ?     . 

5 

Velia  before  c.  268  b.  c. 

s 

Rhegium      ... 

I 

Uncertain     . 

I 

63 

The  dates  here  given  are  those  otherwise  ascei-tained  as  the 
dates  of  the  classes  to  which  the  coins  belong.  As  Mr.  Mac- 
donald  points  out,  the  hoard  must  have  been  buried  soon  after 
the  beginning  of  Evans'  Tarentine  Period  VIII,  i.e.  soon  after 
272  B.  c. ;  for  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  Tarentine  didrachms 
belong  to  Period  VII,  and  one  of  the  didrachms  of  Period  VIII 

^  G.  Macdonald  in  Num.  Chr.  1896,  pp.  185  ff. 


220  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [bk.  ii 

was  fresh  from  the  mint  when  it  was  withdrawn  from  circula- 
tion. The  suggestion  that  the  coins  were  hidden  about  the 
beginning  of  the  First  Punic  War  (264  b.c.)  is  extremely 
probable,  since  the  Lipari  islands  were  in  the  centre  of  the 
scene  of  operations. 

The  solitary  coin  of  Rhegium  was  unpublished  and  in  good 
condition.  The  date  of  the  other  coins  in  the  hoard,  combined 
with  its  own  obverse  type  (head  of  Apollo)  and  its  weight 
^•73  §•  {—^  litrae),  enables  us  to  place  this  coin  in  the  period 
which  begins  in  270  b.  c. 

The  two  hoards  just  described  are  taken  at  random,  and  are 
comparatively  insignificant ;  but  they  serve  to  show  what  sort 
of  evidence  can  be  extracted  even  from  small  finds.  In  dealing 
with  this  evidence  one  may  seem  sometimes  to  be  arguing 
in  a  circle.  The  fact  is,  that  the  various  pieces  of  evidence 
support  each  other.  There  is  nothing  in  the  Lipari  hoard  out 
of  keeping  with  the  dates  previously  assigned  to  the  various 
classes  of  coins  concerned  ;  assuming,  therefore,  that  these 
dates  are  correct,  we  proceed  to  deduce  from  them  the  probable 
date  of  the  coin  of  Ehegium.  We  find  that  this  date  fits 
in  with  the  date  assigned  to  other  Ehegine  coins  of  the  same 
type  and  standard,  and  our  whole  system  of  dating  is  thus 
confirmed. 

Of  hoards  of  Eoman  coins,  that  of  Montecodruzzo,  near  San 
Marino  in  the  Romagna,  is  thoroughly  typical  \  It  must  have 
been  buried  about  81  b.c.  4,734  pieces  coming  from  this  hoard 
were  examined.  It  may  be  compared  with  the  Fiesole  hoard, 
which  was  buried  between  88  and  84  b.  c.  The  Montecodruzzo 
hoard  contained  a  few  coins  struck  in  Spain  in  82  and  81  b.c., 
so  that  it  must  have  been  buried  before  these  coins  had  entered 
Italy  in  great  numbers.  Of  Sulla's  coins,  struck  in  Greece 
and  Asia  Minor  in  82  at  the  latest,  it  contained  none.  Now 
in  the  Montecodruzzo  hoard  we  find  coins  of  the  following 
moneyers  who  are  not  represented  in  the  slightly  earlier  Fiesole 
hoard  : — 


(  L.  Censorinus  | 

I  P.  Crepusius    J>  striking  together. 

I  C,  Limetanus  ) 


*  Mommsen,  ii.  p.  135. 


CH.  IX]  THE    DATING    OF    COINS  221 

i  Q.  Ogulnius  Gallus  ) 

2.  <J  Ver(gilius  ?)  >  striking  together. 

I  Gar(vilius  ?)  or  Car(viliiis  ?)  ) 
'^,      Cn.  Lentulus  )     ,,         .      ,  ,     , 

4.  C.  Marcius  Censorinus  [  otherwise  known  to  have  been 

T    t:>  I.  •      r*  triumvirs. 

5.  L.  Kubrius  Dossenus     ' 

6.  C.  Norbanus  1         ^    ^  ^      •,  .  - 

r^  T  '  •   '      T\T         (■  probably  also  were  triumvirs. 

7.  0.  Licinius  Macer  1   ^  -^ 

This  proves  (i)  that  the  Montecodruzzo  hoard  was  at  least 
four  years  later  than  the  Fiesole  hoard,  and  was  probably 
later ;  (2)  that  all  the  pieces  found  at  Montecodruzzo  and 
wanting  at  Fiesole  were  struck  between  the  dates  of  the 
deposits  of  the  two  hoards. 


APPENDIX   I. 

ANCIENT   STANDARDS. 

(Weights  in  grammes.) 

THE   THREE   ORIENTAL   STANDARDS. 

HEAVY  SYSTEM, 
[A].    WEIGHTS  OF  GOLD. 


Tetradrachm 
Didrachm  . 
Drachm  .  . 
Obol    .     .     . 


Norm  I 


32  72  to  32.84 
16.36  to  16.42 

8.18  to  8.21 

1.36  to  1.37 


Norm  II 


34.08  to  34.20 

17.04  to  17-10 

8.52  to  8.55 

1.42  to  1.43 


Horm  III 


34.36  to  34.48 

17.18  to  17-24 

8.59  to  8.62 

1.43  to  1.44 


Norm  IV 


33.60  to  33-64 

16.80  to  16.82 

8.40  to  8.41 

1.40 


[B].    WEIGHTS  OF  SILVER  (BABYLONIAN). 


Tetradrachm 
Didrachm  . 
Drachm  .  . 
Tetrobol  .     . 


43.64  to  43.80 

21.82  to  21-90 

10.91  to  10-95 

7-27  to  7-30 


45.48  to  45.60 

22.74  to  22.80 

11.37  to  11.40 

7.58  to  7 -60 


45.84  to  46  00    44-80  to  44-88 


2292  to  23.00 

11.46  to  11-50 

7-64  to  7-66 


22.40  to  22.44 

11.20  to  11-22 

7.46  to  748 


[C].    WEIGHTS  OF  SILVER  (PHOENICIAN). 


Tetradrachm 

29-08  to  29-20 

30  36  to  3040 

30-56  to  30  68 

29.84  to  29.92 

Didrachm     . 

14.54  to  14.60  1  15.16  to  15.20 

15.28  to  15.34 

14.92  to  14-96 

Drachm  .     . 

7.27  to  7.30 

7.58  to  7-60 

7-64  to  7-67 

7.46  to  7.48 

Tetrobol  .     . 

4-85  to  487 

5.05  to  507 

5.09  to  5.11 

4.97  to  4.99 

ANCIENT    STANDARDS 


223 


LIGHT  SYSTEM. 
[A].    WEIGHTS  OF  GOLD. 


Tetradrachm 
Didrachm  . 
Drachm  .  . 
Obol    .     .     . 


Norm  I 


16.36  to  16.42 

8.18  to  8  21 

4.09  to  4.10 

0.68 


Norm  II 


17.04  to  I7.TO 

8.52  to  855 
4-26  to  4.27 

0.71 


Norm  III 


17-18  to  17-24 
8-59  to  8-62 
4-29  to  4.31 
071  to  0-72 


Norm  IV 


16.80  to  16-82 

8-40  to  8-41 

4.20 

0-70 


[B].    WEIGHTS  OF  SILVER  (BABYLONIAN). 


Tetradrachm 
Didrachm  . 
Drachm  .  . 
Tetrobol  .     . 


21-82  to 

21-90 

10-91 

to 

10-95 

545 

to 

5-47 

363 

to 

3-65 

22-74  to  22.80 

II  37  to  11-40 

5.68  to  5-70 

3.79  to  3.80 


22  92  to  23  00 

11.46  to  11-50 

5-73  to  5.75 

3.82  to  3.83 


22.40  to  22  44 

11.20  to  11-22 

5.60  to  5-6r 

3-73  to  3-74 


[C].    WEIGHTS  OF  SILVER  (PHOENICIAN). 


Tetradrachm 

14.54  to  14-60 

15.16  to  15-20 

15.28  to  15-34 

14.92  to  14  96 

Didrachm     . 

7.27  to  7.30 

7.58  to  7.60 

7  64  to  767 

7-46  to  7-48 

Drachm  .     . 

3.63  to  3.65 

3.79  to  3.80 

3.82  to  3.83 

3-73  to  3.74 

Tetrobol  .     . 

2.42  to  2.43 

2-53 

2-55  to  2.56 

2-49 

GREEK   STANDARDS. 


Aeginetic 

Heavy 
Norm  IV 

Aeginetic 

Light 
Norm  III 

Attic 
Heavy 

Attic 

F^ 

Corinthian 

Italic 

(Solo, 
nian) 

Light 

ill 

Early 

Late) 

Tetradrachm 
Tridrachm    . 
Didrachm     . 
Drachm  .     . 
Obol    .     .     . 

26-88 

13-44 
6-72 
1-12 

25.20 

12-60 
630 
1.05 

3488 

17.44 
8.72 
1-45 

17.44 

8.72 

4-36 

•73 

8-73 
582 
2-91 

8-40 
5.60 
2.80 

8.66 
5-76 
2-88 

8.164 
5-442 
2.721 

- 

Campanian 

Chios 
(silver) 

Tarentine 

?er 

Other 

Cam- 

panian 

Cities 

Rhodes 
(silver) 

Early 

La 

Velia 

Later 

Tetradrachm 
Didrachm     . 
Drachm 

8.16 
408 

7-77 
3-88 

6-61 
3-30 

7-76 
3-88 

7-41 
370 

682 

3-41 

15-94 

7-97 

Tetrobol, 
266 

14.90  to 

15-55 

7-45  to 

7-77 
3-72  to 

3-88 

224 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


Tetradrachm 
Didrachm  . 
Drachm  .  , 
Tetrobol  .  . 
Diobol      .     . 


Miletus  (electrum) 
Norm  I 


[28.36  to  28-48] 
14.18  to  14.24 

7.09  to  7-12 

4-73  to  4-75 
237 


Samos 
(silver) 


13-3 
66 


2-2 
1. 1 


Cistophori 


12.73 
6.36 
3-i8 


SICILIAN  WEIGHTS. 

ROMAN  WEIGHTS. 

•S  S 

.0 

.«  03 

^1 

il 

■II 

*<•  s 

II 

'<t 

-gel* 

II 

.072 

ojKia 

32745 

I 

libra  =12  unciae 

'145 

k^as 

300.16 

H 

deunx  =^  II  unciae 

.217 

rpidt 

272.88 

\% 

dextans  =  10  imciae 

.290 

T€Tpds 

245-59 

tV 

dodraiis  =  9  unciae 

.362 

VfVTOyKlOV 

218-30 

r\ 

bes  =  8  unciae 

•364 

^fUOjPoXiov 

191  02 

tV 

septunx==7  unciae 

•435 

■fjfxiKirpov 

163-73 

t\ 

semis  =  6  unciae 

•73 

ofioXSs 

136.44 

tV 

quincunx  =  5  unciae 

.87 

Xirpa 

T09.15 

^S 

triens  =  4  unciae 

1.09 

\\  Airpai 

TpiTJ/UuPoXlOV 

81.86 

3 

quadrans  -  3  unciae 

1-305 

H       ,, 

54-58 

tV 

sextans  =  2  unciae 

1-45 

SiwPokov 

4093 

-^i 

sescuncia  =  i^  unciae 

1.64 

2        ,, 

27.288 

tV 

uncia  =  4  sicilici 

2.075 

2*       „ 

rpicufioXov 

13.644 

^\ 

semuncia  -  2  sicilici 

2.61 

3       „ 

6.822 

^ 

sicilicus  =  2  drachmae 

3-48 

4       „ 

4-548 

tV 

sextula  =  4  scripula 

4366 

5       „ 

Spaxfnj 

3-41 1 

w 

drachma  =  3  scripu'a 

5-22 

6       „ 

2-274 

Th^ 

dimidia  sextula  =  2  scri- 
pula 
scripulum  =  2  oboli 

5-83 

6ktw0o\ov 

T137 

Trk 

6.96 

8       „ 

0.568 

67  6 

obolus  =  3  siliquae 

8.7 

ScKaXiTpos 
araTTjp 

(TTOT-qp 
Sidpaxfiov 

0.189 

TrVff 

siliqua 

13-05 

15  Xirpai 

12-18 

16      „ 

15.66 

18      „ 

17.4 

20      „ 

TtrpAZpaxiiov 

20-88 

24       „ 

24.36 

32       „ 

26.10 

Tr(VT7]K0VTa.- 
KlTpOV 

dtKaSpaxfiOv 

i]  ANCIENT    STANDARDS  225 

WEIGHTS  OF  SOME  ROMAN  GOLD  AND  SILVER  COINS. 


Weight  in 
grammes 

Proportion  of 
Roman  pound 

Name,  &c. 

10-915 

irV 

Aureus  of  Sulla 

9.09 

irV 

Aurei  of  Sulla  and  Pompeius 

8.18 

tV 

Aureus  of  Caesar 

780 

tV 

Aureus  of  Augustus 

655 

rV 

Aurei  of  Caracalla  and  Diocletian 

5-46 

^v 

Aureus  of  Diocletian 

4.6S 

^ 

Aureus  of  Diocletian 

4-55 

tV 

Solidus  of  Constantino 

6.82 

4B 

Double  Victoriatus 

5.12 

ttV 

Antoninianus 

tV 

J  Denarius  (earliest) 

4-55 

(  Miliarense  of  Constantino 

390 

A 

Denarius  (first  reduction) 
(  Victoriatus 
<  Denarius  (Neronian) 

3-41 

1^ 

(  Denarius  of  Diocletian 

2.27 

rix 

{  Quinarius  (earliest) 
I  Siliqua  of  Julian  II 

1-95 

rir 

Quinarius  (first  reduction) 

Tiir 

^HalfVictoriatua 

1.70 

1  Quinarius  of  Diocletian 

^ 

\  Sestertius  (earliest) 

j  Half-siliqua  of  Julian  II 

1-137 

APPENDIX  II 
TABLE   OF  EQUIVALENTS 

IN    TKOY    GRAINS    OP    THE   WEIGHTS    MENTIONED    IN    THE 
TEXT    UP    TO    20    GRAMMES. 


Grammes. 

0-09 
0.18 
0.233 
0-27 

0-35 

0.36 

0.427 

0-433 

0-437 

0-45 

0-537 

0-54 

0.582 

0-583 

0-72 

0.84 

0.85 

0.87 

0-907 

I'OO 

1-09 
i-i 
i-iS 
I-I37 

1.17 
1.18 
1. 23 1 

1-33 
1.40 
1.42 

1-45 
1.48 
1-50 


Grains. 

1-39 
2.78 

3-59 
4.17 
5-40 
5-55 
6-59 
6-68 
6-74 
6.94 
829 

8-33 
898 
899 

II. IT 
12.96 
13.12 

13-43 
1400 

15-43235 

16.82 

16.97 

17.44 
17-55 

17-75 
18.05 
18.21 
1 9  00 
20.52 
21-60 
21.91 
22.38 
22.84 
23-15 


Grammes. 

Grains. 

Grammes. 

1-65 

25.46 

3.628 

1-75 

27-01 

3-63 

1.85 

28.55 

3-75 

1.90 

29-32 

388 

200 

30-86470 

390 

2073 

31-99 

4.00 

2  12 

32-72 

4-146 

2.138 

32-99 

4-20 

2.15 

33-18 

425 

2  17 

33-49 

4276 

218 

33-64 

4-30 

2.27 

35-03 

4-32 

230 

35-49 

4-35 

2.46 

37-96 

4-36 

2-49 

38-43 

4-45 

2-55 

39-35 

4-55 

2-60 

40.12 

4-6o 

263 

4059 

4-63 

2.72 

41-97 

4-67 

2-73 

42.13 

4-68 

2.77 

42.75 

500 

279 

43.06 

5-12 

282 

4352 

518 

2.85 

43-98 

5378 

2-90 

44-75 

5442 

2.91 

44.91 

5-45 

300 

4629705 

5.461 

3-IO 

47-84 

556 

330 

50-93 

5.60 

3-41 

52.62 

5-68 

350 

54.01 

570 

3-57 

55-09 

5-75 

358 

5525 

5.80 

3-60 

55-56 

5-82 

Grains. 

55-99 
56-02 

57-87 

59-88 

60.19 

61.72940 

6398 

64.81 

65-59 

65-99 

66.36 

66.67 

67.13 

67.28 

68.67 

70.22 

70.99 

71-45 

7207 

72.22 

77.16175 

79-01 

79-94 
82.99 
83-98 
84.11 
84.28 
85.80 
86.42 
87.65 
87.96 
88.73 
89.51 
8982 


^ 


TABLE    OF    EQUIVALENTS 


227 


Grammes. 

Grains. 

Grammes. 

Grains. 

Grammes. 

Grains. 

6.00 

92-59 

8.70 

134-26 

14-20 

219.14 

6.02 

92.90 

8.72 

134-57 

14.24 

219.75 

,630 

97.22 

8.73 

134-72 

14.50 

223.77 

6.40 

98.77 

8-74 

134-88 

14-54 

224-386 

6-55 

101.08 

9-00 

138-89115 

14-55 

224.54 

6.609 

IOI-99 

9.072 

14000 

14-60 

225-31 

6.80 

104.94 

9.10 

140-43 

1490 

229.94 

6.82 

105-25 

9.20 

141-98 

14.92 

230.25 

6.86 

105.86 

1000 

154-32349 

14-96 

230.87 

6.90 

106.48 

10.23 

157-87 

15-00 

231-48524 

7.00 

108.02625 

10.36 

159-88 

15-16 

233-95 

7-IO 

109-57 

10-70 

16513 

15.20 

234-57 

7.128 

1 1000 

10.72 

165-43 

15-28 

235-81 

7.27 

112  19 

10-91 

168-37 

15.29 

235-96 

730 

112.65 

10.95 

168-98 

15-34 

23673 

7.41 

114-35 

11-00 

169.75684 

15-50 

239.20 

7-44 

11482 

11.01 

169.91 

15-55 

23997 

7.46 

11512 

11.172 

172-41 

15-68 

241-98 

7.48 

115-43 

11-20 

172.84 

15-94 

245-99 

7-50 

115-74 

11-22 

173-15 

15.96 

246.30 

758 

11698 

11-339 

174.99 

16.00 

246-91759 

7  60 

117-28 

11-37 

175-46 

16.005 

246.99 

7.64 

117-90 

11.40 

175-93 

16-07 

248-00 

7.67 

118-36 

11. 46 

176.856 

16-33 

252.01 

7.76 

119-75 

11. 50 

17747 

1636 

252-47 

7-77 

11991 

11-534 

178-00 

1637 

252.63 

7.80 

120.37 

11. 60 

179-02 

16.42 

253-40 

7-97 

123.00 

11-70 

180.56 

16-46 

254.01 

8.00 

123.45880 

11.87 

183.18 

16.52 

254.94 

8.164 

125-99 

1200 

185-18819 

1665 

256.95 

8.18 

126-23 

1240 

191-36 

16-77 

258.80 

8-21 

126-70 

12.57 

193.98 

16.80 

259.26 

8.25 

127.31 

12.60 

194-45 

16.82 

259-57 

8.40 

129.63 

12.70 

195-99 

16.93 

261.27 

8.41 

129.78 

12.73 

196.45 

17-00 

262.34974 

8.42 

129-94 

1296 

200.00 

17.002 

262.38 

8.46 

13055 

13-00 

20062054 

17-04 

262.97 

8.47 

130-71 

1308 

201.85 

17.10 

263-89 

8.488 

13099 

13-30 

20525 

17.18 

265. 13 

8.50 

131.17 

13.40 

206.79 

17.24 

266.05 

8.52 

131-48 

13-44 

207.41 

17.40 

268.52 

8-55 

131-95 

13-45 

207.56 

17-42 

268-83 

8-57 

132-25 

1364 

210.50 

17-44 

269.138 

8.59 

132-56 

14-00 

216-05289 

17.46 

269-446 

8.618 

132-99 

1404 

216-67 

18.00 

277  78229 

8.62 

13303 

14.06 

216.98 

19.00 

293.21464 

8.66 

133-64 

14.18 

21883 

20.00 

308-64698 

Q  2 


APPENDIX  III 


MINT-NAMES  ON  ROMAN  COINS 

The  names  of  mints  are  combined  on  tlie  coins  with  various  letters  and 
signs  denoting  the  officinae  of  the  mint  and  the  dififerent  issues.  Among 
these  are : 


written  also  in  full  on  coins  struck  at  Rome  under 
Valentinian  I,  Gratian,  and  Valens. 


P(rima)     ^ 

S(ecunda) 

T(ertia) 

Q(uarta)  , 

A,  B,  r,  A,  €,  &c. 

I,  II,  lll,&c. 

OF  I,  OF  11,  OF  1 1 1  =Officina  I,  &c.  (at  Arelatum). 

To  these  must  be  added  marks  of  value,  such  as  KA,  XXI,  OB,  and 
such  abbreviations  as  P  (  =  pecunia  or  percussa  ?%  M  (  =  moneta),  SM 
(  =  sacra  moneta).     Thus  we  have  such  combinations  as : 

S  M  TR  =  Sacra  Moneta  Trevirensis. 

M  O  ST  B  =  Moneta  Ostiensis,  from  the  second  ofBcina. 

P  T  R  E  =  Pecunia  Trevirensis. 

F  PLC  =^Pecunia  Lugdunensis,  issue  F. 

C  V  Z I  C  r  =  Cyzicus,  third  officina. 

Eliminating  these  accessory  marks,  we  obtain  the  following  list  of  mint- 
names  : — 

A  =  Antiochia  (in  Syria),  Arelatum  (Aries), 

A  L ,  ALE  =  Alexandria  (in  Egypt). 

A  M  B,  A  M  B I  =  Ambianum  {Amiens), 

AN  =  Antiochia  (in  Syria). 

ANB  =  Ambianum  (Amiens), 

A  N  T  =  Antiochia  (in  Syria). 

AQ^,  AQ_VI  L  =  Aquileia. 

AR  =  Arelatum  (Aries). 

ARL  =  Arelatum  (Aries), 

AVG  =  Londinium, 

C  =  Camulodunum  (Colchester),  Constantinopolis,  Cyzicus. 

C  L  =  Camulodunum  (Colchester). 

CON  =  Arelatum  (Aries) j  Constantinopolis. 


MINT-NAMES    ON    ROMAN    COINS  229 

CONS  =  Constantinopolis. 

CONST  =  Arelatum  (Aries). 

CVZ,  CVZIC  =  Cyzicus. 

H,  HER  AC,  HER  ACL  =  Heraclea  (in  Tlirace). 

H,T  =  Heraclea  (in  Thrace). 

K  --=  Carthago,  Cyzicus. 

K  A  =  Arelatum. 

K  ART  =  Carthago. 

K  O  N  S A/  (Konstan.)  =  Arelatum  {Aries). 

KOIVIT  =  Arelatum  (^Wes). 

KV  =  Cyzicus. 

L,  LL  =  Londinium,  Lugdunum  (Lyon), 

LD,  LG  =  Lugdunum  (Lyon). 

LN,  LON  =  Londinium. 

LVG,  LVGD=  Lugdunum  (Lyon). 

MD,  MED  =  Mediolanum  (Milan). 

N,  NIK  =  Nicomedia  (in  Bithynia), 

OST  =  Ostia. 

R,  RM,ROM,  ROMA  =  Koma. 

RV  =  Ravenna. 

S  =  Siscia  (in  Pannonia). 

S  D ,  S  E  R  -^  Serdica  (in  Dacia). 

SIR,  SIR M  =Sirmium. 

SIS,  SI  SC  =  Siscia  (in  Pannonia). 

SM  =  Sirmium. 

T  =  Tai-raco  (Tarragona)^  Thessalonica  ?,  Augusta  Trevirorum  (Trier). 

TE,  TES,  THS,  O  E  S  =  Thessalonica. 

T  R  =  Tarsus,  Augusta  Treviorum  (Trier). 

TRE  =  Augusta  Trevirorum  (Trier). 

TS  =  Thessalonica. 

VRB.  ROM  -Roma. 


APPENDIX  IV 

THE  IMPEKIAL  FAMILIES 

OP   THE    WESTERN    EMPIRE    TO    A.  D.    476. 

[Reference  numbers  and  letters  are  in  iMics.  The  names  of  persons 
represented  or  mentioned  on  coins  are  in  heavy  type.  Ad.  =  adopted. 
Assoc.  Emp.  =  associated  in  the  Empire.  Aug.  =  Augustus,  Augusta.  Ban. 
=  banished.  Caes.  =  Caesar.  D.  =  daughter.  Dep.  =  deposed.  Div.  -- 
divorced.     Fil.  Aug.  =  Filius  Augusti.     M.  =  married.     S.  =  son.] 

Date  of  Death. 
1.    C.  Octavius,  son  of  C.  Octavius  and  Atia  =  C. 
Julius  Caesar  Octavianus.     Augustus  B.  o. 
27  (16  Jan.) ipAug.  A.  D.  14 

a     Wife  (b.  c.  43)  :  Claudia.     Div.  b.  c.  41      . 

h      —     (b.  c.  40)  :  Scribonia.     Div.  b.  c.  39  .        .       .  After  b.  c.  2 

c  —  (B.  c.  38)  :  Livia  Drusilla,  d.  of  M.  Livius 
Drusus  Claudianus,  div.  wife  of  Tib.  Clau- 
dius Nero.  After  death  of  1  called  lulia 
Augusta A.  D.  29 

d  Sister:  Octavia,  m.  C.  Marcellus  (before  B.C. 
54),  M.  Antonius   (b.  c.40)   who  div.   her 

B.C.  32 B.C.  II 

e  Daughter  (b) :  lulia,  m.  Marcellus  (/)  b.  0.  25, 
Agrippa  (g)  B. c.  21,  Tiberius  (2)  B.C.  11, 
div.  and  ban.  B.  c.  2 A.  D.  14 

/    Son-in-Law :   M.  Claudius  Marcellus,  s.  of  dJ, 

m.  e B.  C.  23 

g    —  M.  Vipsanius  Agrippa,  to.,  e         .         .         .  B.  0.  12 

h    Grandson  {e  and  g)  :    C.  (lulius)  Caesar,  ad. 

B.  c.  17,  m.  Livia  (5  A;) 2ireb.  a.d.  4 

i     —  Ii.  (lulius)  Caesar,  ad.  B.  c.  17       .        .        .     20  Aug.  A.D.  2 

j  —  M.  (Vipsanius)  Agrippa  (Postumus),  ad. 
A.  D.  4  (thereafter  called  Agrippa  lulius 
Caesar),  ban.  A.D.  7 Aug.  A.  D.  14 

h    Granddaughter  (e  and  g) :  (Vipsania)  lulia,  m. 

L.  Aemilius  Paulus,  ban.  a.  d.  9 .        .        .  A.  d.  28 

I     —  -  Vipsania  Agrippina  (sen.)  m.  Germanicus 

(P  c)  A.  D.  5  (?),  ban.  A.  D.  29      .        .        .    18  Oct.  A.  d.  33 


THE    IMPERIAL    FAMILIES  23 1 

Date  of  Death. 

2.  Ti.  Claudius  Nero,  son  of  Ti.  Claud.  Nero  and  1  c 

=  Tiberius  (Julius)  Caesar,  ad.  by  1  A.  D.  4. 

Aug.  A.  D.  14  (August)         .        .        .        .16  Mar.  a.d.  37 
a    Brother',   "Nevo  Claudius  Drusus   (sen.)   Ger- 

manicus,  m.  h  about  16  b.  c.        .        .        .  Sep.  b.  c.  9 

h    Brother's  wife:  Antonia  (Minor)  d.  of  M.  Anto- 

nius  and  Id,  m.  a.    Made  Augusta  a.  d.  37  a.  d.  37 

c     Nephew  {a  and  h)  :  Germanicus  lulius  Caesar, 

ad.  A.  r>.  4,  m.  i  ? A.  D.  19 

d    —  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero  Germanicus  =  4 
e     Grand-nephetc  (c,  1 1)  :  Caius  Caesar  =  3 

f    —  Nero  lulius  Caesar,  m.  q  a.  d.  20         .        .  A.D.  31 
g     —  Drusus  lulius  Caesar  (Drusus  lulius  Ger- 
manicus)         A.  D.  33 

h     Grand-niece  (c,  1 1) :  lulia  Agrippina  =  4d 

i     —  lulia  Drusilla  =  3e A.  D.  38 

j     —  lulia  Livilla  =  5/ A.  D.  41 

k    Niece  {a,  b) :    (Claudia)  Livia  (Livilla)  m.  Ih 

and  2  n 
I     Wife:  Vipsania  Agrippina,  daughter  oi  Ig  by 

Pomponia,  div.  b.  c.  11 ;  m.  Asinius  Gallus  A.  D.  20 

m  —  (b. c.  11)  Julia  =  le 

n    Son  {I) :  Drusus  Julius  Caesar  (Jun.),  ra.k,  a.  d.  23 

0     Grandson  (n,  k) :  Germanicus  (lulius)  Caesar)  a.  d.  23 

p    —  Tiberius  (Julius)  Caesar  (Nero  ?)  ^        .         ,  a.  D.  37 

q     Granddaughter  {n,  k) :  Julia,  m.  /  A.  D.  20  .  a.  d.  43 

3.  Caius    (Iiilius)    Caesar    [Caligula]  =  2  e.      Aug. 

i8Mar.  A.  D.  37 24  Jan.  41 

a  Wife  (a.  d.  33) :  lunia  Claudilla  (Claudia)         .  bef.  37 

h  — (38):  Livia  (Cornelia)  Orestilla.  Banished  38 

c  —  (38) :  Lollia  Paulina.     Div.  39      .        .        •  49 

d  —  (39) :  Milonia  Caesonia 

e  Sister :  Julia  Drusilla  —  2i       ,        ,        .        ,  38 

/  —  lulia  Livilla  =  2j        .        .        ,        ,        .  41 

4.  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero  Germanicus  —  2d,    Aug, 

25  Jan.  41    . 12/13  Oct.  54 

a     Wife :  Plautia  TJrgulanilla 

h    —  Aelia  Paetina 

c     —  Valeria  Messalina 48 

d  — (49)-  Julia  Agrippina  (Jun.)  =  5^.  For- 
merly (a.  d.  28)  m.  to  Cn.  Domitius  Aheno- 
barbus.     Aug.  50 19/22  Mar.  59 

e     Son  (a)  :  (Claudius)  Drusus        ....  20 

/    —     (c) :    Ti.     Claudius    Caesar    Germanicus 

Britannicus bef.  13  Feb.  55 

g    Daughter  (a) :  Claudia 

^  Imhoof-Blumer,  Lydische  Stadtmumen,  p.  120. 


232 


GREEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS 


h    daughter  (b) :    fClaudia)   Antonia,  m.  41  Cn. 

Pompeius  Magnus  and  (after  46/47)  Faustus 

Cornelius  Sulla  Felix    . 
i       —  {cj :  Claudia  Octavia  =  5a  . 

5.  nSTero  Claudius  Caesar  Drusus  Germanicus,  s.  of 
Cn.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus  and  4  d.  Ad.  by 
4  in  50.  Aug.  13  Oct.  54  . 
a  Wife  (53) :  Claudia  Octavia  =  4  i.  Div.  62 
h  —  (62) :  Poppaea  Sabina.  Aug.  64 
c  —  (66) :  Statilia  Messalina 
d    Daughter  (b) :  Claudia  Augusta 


[aPP.   IV 

Date  of  Death. 


6.    L.  Clodius  Macer.     68. 


65/68 
62 


.     9  Jun.  68 

.     9  Jun.  62 

endofsummer65 

63 
68 


7.    Servius  Sulpicius  Galba.    Accepts  Empire  6  Apr 
68.    Caes.  circa  16  Jun,  68  . 


8.  M.  Salvius  Otho.     Aug.  15  Jan.  69 

9.  A.  Vitellius  Germanicus.    Aug.  2  Jan.  69 
a    Father:  L.  Vitellius 

b  Brother:  L.  Vitellius  .... 

c  Wife  :  Petronia 

d  —  Galeria  Fundana 

e  Son  ic) :  (Vitellius)  Petronianus 

/  —   (d):  (Vitellius)  Germanicus 

g  Daughter  (d) :  Vitellia 


10.  T.  Flavius  Vespasianus,  s.  of  Flavius  Sabinus  and 

Vespasia  Polla.    Accepts  Emp.  i  Jul.  69. 

Aug.  21  Dec.  69 

a     Wife :  Flavia  Domitilla 

b     Son  :  T.  Flavius  Vespasianus  =  11 

c     —  T.  Flavius  Domitianus  =  12 

d    Daughter:  FlaviaDomitilla, husband  unknown 

e     Granddaughter :  Flavia  Domitilla,  m.  Flavius 

Clemens  (both  banished  95) 
/     Great-grandson :  Flavius  Vespasianus  (jun.) 
g    —  (Flavius)  Domitianuir(jun.) 

11.  Titus  Flavius  Vespasianus  =  10  b.    Assoc.  Emp.  70, 

Aug.  24  Jun.  79 

a    Wife :  Arrecina  Tertulla 

b     —  Marcia  Furnilla 

c     Daughter:  (Flavia)  lulia  m.  T.  Flavius  Sabinus 

12.  T.  Flavius  Domitianus  =  10  c.    Aug.  14  Sep.  81 
a     Wife  (70) :  Domitia  Longina.     Aug.  82 

13.  M.  Cocceius  Nerva.    Aug,  19  Sep.  96  . 


,   15  Jan.  69 

.   17  Apr.  69 

After  18  Dec.  69 

ca.  21  Dec.  69 


24  Jun.  79 


.   31  Sep.  81 
Under  Nero 


18  Sep.  96 
25  Jan.  98 


APP.  iv]  THE    IMPERIAL    FAMILIES  233 

Bode  of  Death. 

14.  M.  Ulpius  (Nerva)  Traianus.    Assoc.  Emp.  27  Oct. 

97.    Aug.  Jan.  98 bef.  Aug.  11,117 

a    Father :  M.  Ulpius  Traianus     ....  bef.  100 

d    Sister :  Marciana  m.  C.  Salonius  Matidius        •  114 

c     Niece  ib)  :  Matidia 119 

d    Grand-niece  (c)  :  ( Vibia)  Sabina  =  15  a 

e     Wife :  Pompeia  Plotina 122 

15.  P.  Aelius  (Traianus)  Hadrianus,  s.  of  P.  Aelius 

Hadrianus  Afer  and  Domitia  Paulina.    Ad. 

by  14  in  117.    Aug.  11  Aug.  117  ...  10  Jul.  138 

a     Wife ica..  100)  (Vibia)  Sabina  =-  14 d.  Aug.  128  136 

J)    Favourite  :  Antinoiis bef.  30  Oct.  130 

16.  L.  Ceionius  Commodus  =  L.  Aelius   Commodus 

Verus,  s.  of  L.  Ceionius  Commodus.    Ad.  by 

15  summer  136 I  Jan.  138 

a     Wife  :  Avidia  Plautia 

h    Son  :  L.  Ceionius  Commodus  =  19 

17.  T.  Aurelius  Fulvus  Boionius  Arrius  Antoninus  =» 

T.  Aelius  Hadrianus  Antoninus  Pius,  s.  of 
Aur.  Fulvus  and  Arria  Fadilla.  Ad.  by  15 
on  25  Feb.  138.    Aug.  same  date        .        .  7  Mar.  161 

a     Wife  (112) :  Annia  Galeria  Faustina  (sen.),  d. 

of  M.  Annius  Verus.    ^w^.  138  .        .         .  Dec.  140/JuL  141 

J)    Son  :  M.  Aurelius  Fulvus  Antoninus 

e     —  M.  Galerius  Aurelius  Antoninus 

d    Daughter  :  Aurelia  Fadilla 

e    —  Annia  Galeria  Faustina  (jun.)  =  18a  -^ 

18.  M.  Annius   Verus  =  M.  Aelius    Aurelius  Verus 

Caesar  =  M.  Aurelius  Antoninus,  s.  of 
Annius  Verus  and  Domitia  Lucilla.  Ad.  by 
17  on  25  Feb.  138.    Aug.  7  Mar.  161  .        .         17  Mar.  180 

a     Wife  (145) :  Annia  Galeria  Faustina  (Jun.)  = 

17e.    Aug.  147 176 

b    Son :  M.  Annius  Verus.     Caes.  12  Oct.  166     ,         autumn  169 

c     —  L.  Aurelius  Commodus  =  20 

d    Daughter :  Annia  Galeria  Aurelia  Faustina 

e     —  Annia  Lucilla  m.  19   (164)    an(i  Claudius 

Pompeianus  Quintianus  (169)      .        .        .  183 

/     Mother :  Domitia  Lucilla         .        .         .        .    bef.  7  Mar.  161 

19.  L.  Ceionius  Commodus  =  L.  Aurelius  Verus  = 

16  b.     Ad.  by  i7on  25  Feb.   138.     Aug. 

7  Mar.  161 Jan.  169 

a     Wife  (164) :  Annia  Lucilla  =  18e 

20.  M.  Aurelius  =  L.  Aelius  Aurelius  =  L.  Aurelius 

Commodus  Antoninus  =  18  c.  Caes.  12  Oct. 
166.    Assoc.  Emp.  176.    Aug.  177      .        .         31  Dec.  192 
a     Wife  (178) :  Bruttia  Crispina.     Ban.  182 


234 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


[aPP.   IV 


21.  P.  Helvius  Pertinax.    Aug.  i  Jan.  193} 
a     Wife  :  Flavia  Titiana 

&    Son  :  P.  Helvius  Pertinax         .... 

22.  M.  Didius  lulianus.    Aug.  28  Mar.  193       ,        , 
a     Wife  :  Manlia  Scantilla 

h    Daughter ;  IDiAia,  Cl&xeL 

23.  C.  Pescennius  Niger.    Aug.  May  193. 

24.  D.  Clodius  Septimius  Albinus.     Caes.  Jun.  196. 

Aug.  196 

25.  L.  Septimius  Severus  Pertinax.     Aug.  Apr.  or 

May  193 

a     Wife  :  lulia  Domna  ..... 

h    Son  :  M.  Aurelius  Antoninus  =  26 
c     —  P.  Septimius  Geta  =  27 

26.  M.  Aurelius   Severus  Antoninus   [Caracalla]  = 

25  b.     Caes.  aut.  196.     Aug.  bef.  3  May  198 

Wife  (202)  :  Fulvia  Plautilla,  d.  of  Plautianus. 

Ban.  205 

27.  P.  (or  L.)  Septimius  Geta  =  25  c.     Caes.  2  Jun.  198. 

Aug.  211 

28.  M.  Opellius  Severus  Macrinus.    Aug.  11  Apr.  217 
a    Son :  M.  Opellius  Antoninus  Diadumenianus. 

Caes.  II  Apr.  217.    Aug.  Apr.  218 

29.  Varius  Avitus  =  M.  Aurelius  Antoninus  [Elaga- 

balus  or  Heliogabalus].    Aug.  16  May  218 
a    Grandmother :   lulia  Maesa,  sister  of  25  a,  m. 

Julius  Avitus , 

b    Mother :  lulia  Soaemias  Bassiana    .        .        • 
.  c     Wife  :  lulia  Cornelia  Paula 
d    —  (220/221)  :  Julia  Aquilia  Severa 
e    —  (221) :  Annia  Faustina,  granddaughter  of 

18  d 


Date  of  Death. 
28  Mar.  193 

under  Caracalla 

I  Jun. 

193 

Nov. 

194 

19  Feb. 

197 

4  Feb.  21 1 
217 

8  Apr. 

217 

212 

27  Feb. 

212 

Jul.  218 

Jul.  218 

II  Mar. 

222 

II  Mar. 

223 
222 

30.  M.  Aurelius  Severus  Alexander.     Ad.  as  Caes. 

by  29  on  10  Jul.  221.     Assoc.  Emp.  222. 

Succeeded  11  Mar.  222        .... 
a    Mother:   lulia   Avita    Mamaea,    m.    Gessius 

Marcianus.    Aug.  222  .... 

b     Wife :  Memmia 
c    —  Gnaea     Seia     Herennia    Sallustia    Barbia 

Orbiana 


18/19  ^^^-  235 
18/19  Mar.  235 


APP.  rv] 


THE    IMPERIAL    FAMILIES 


31.  C.  lulius  Yerus  Maximinus.    Aug.  bef.  25  Mar. 

235       •. 

a     Wife :  Caecilia  Paulina 

b    Son  :  C.  lulius  Verus  Maximus.     Caes.  236 

32.  M.  Antonius  Gordianus  (1)  Sempronius  Romanus 

Africanus,     Aug.  Feb.  (?j  238   . 

a  Son  :  M.  Antonius  Gordianus  (II)  Sempronius 
Romanus  Africanus.  Assoc.  Emp.  Feb.  (?) 
238       ...     .    

h    Daughter :  Maecia  Faustina  m.  Junius  Balbus 

33.  D.  Caelius  Calvinus  Balbinus.    Aug.  Mar.  (?)  238 

34.  M.  Clodius  Pupienus  Maximus.    Aug.  Mar.  (?)  238 

35.  M.  Antonius  Gordianus  (III)  Pius,  s.  of  32  b. 

Caes.  Mar.  238.     Aug.  Jun.  238  . 
a     Wife  (241) :  Furia  Sabinia  Tranquillina 

36.  M.  lulius  Philippus  (sen.).    Aug.  Feb.  244  . 
a     Wife  (bef.  238) :  Marcia  Otacilia  Severa 

b    Son:  M.  lulius  Severus  Philippus  (jun.).    Caes. 

244.    Aug.  247 

e      Father?:  Marinus 

37.  Marinus  in  Moesia  and  Pannonia,  248 ;  prob.  =  38 

38.  Tiberius    Cl(audius)   Mar(inus)    Pacatianus    in 

Moesia  or  Pannonia  ;  prob.  =  37 

39.  M.  P  . . .  Ru  . . .  lotapianus  in  the  East,  248 

40.  C.  Messius  Quintus  Traianus  Decius.     Aug.  end 

of  248 

a     Wife :  Herennia  Cupressenia  Etruseilla 

b    Son :  Q.  ;^erennius  Etruscus  Messius  Traianus 

Decius.     Caes.  250.    Aug.  251     . 
e      —  C.  Valens  Hostilianus   Messius   Quintus. 

Caes.  250.    Aug.  Nov,  251    .... 

41.  C.  Vibius  Trebonianus  Gallus.     Aug.  summ.  251 
a     Wife  :  Afinia  Gemina  Baebiana 

b  Son:  C.  Vibius  Afinius  Gallus  Veldumnianus 
Volusianus.   Caes.  Nov.  251.  Aug.  Jul.  252 

42.  L.  lulius  Aurelius  Sulpicius  Uranius  Antoninus 

253/4  in  the  East 

43.  M.  Aemilius  Aemilianus.    Aug.  May/Jun.  253  . 
a     Wife  :  C.  Cornelia  Super  a 


235 

Date  0/ Death. 

17  Jun.  238 
17  Jun.  238 

Mar.  (?)  238 

Mar.  (?)  238 

Jun.  (?)  238 
Jun.  (?)  238 

Feb.  244 

249 

249 

249 

249 

248 

summ.  251 

summ.  251 

Dec.  251 

253 

253 


29  Aug./22  Oct. 

[253 


236  GREEK    AND    KOMAN    COINS  [app.  iv 

Date  of  Death. 

44.  P.  Licinius  Valerianus  (sen.).    Aug.  Aug.  253. 

Captured  by  Persians  261 
a     Wife  ? :  Mariniana  .        .        .        .        .        .     bef.  253  ? 

h    Son :  (Licinius)  Valerianus 268 

c     —  ?  Marinianus 

d    —  P.  Licinius  Egnatius  Gallienus  =  45 

45.  P.  Licinius  Egnatius  Gallienus  =  44  d.  Aug.  253  ?  4  Mar.  268 
a     Wife  :  Cornelia  Salonina 

fe    Son :    P.   Licinius   Cornelius    (or    Corn.    Lie.) 

Valerianus.     Caes.  255 259 

c    —  P.  Licinius  Cornelius  (or  Corn.  Lie.)  Saloni- 

nus  (or  Salon.  Valerianus) 268 

d    —  ?  Q.  lulius  Gallienus 

e     Cousin :  (Licinia)  Galliena 

46.  Cyriades  (Mareades)  in  the  East.    258  ....  258 

47.  D.  Laelius  Ingenuus  in  Moesia.    258    ....  258 

45.  P.  C  .  . .  Regalianus  in  Illyricum.    258 
a    Wife :  Sulpicia  Dryantilla 

49.  M.  Fulvius  Macrianus  (sen.).    Aug.  261      .        .       bef.  Aug.  262 
a    Son :    T.  (or  M.)   Fulvius   Junius  Macrianus 

(jun.).    Aug.  261 bef.  Aug.  262 

h    —  T.  Fulvius  Junius  Quietus.    Aug.  261  .        .        .  262 

50.  Ballista,  contemporary  with  49 

51.  (Calpurnius  ?)  Piso  Frugi  in  Thessaly.    261 .        .        .  261 

52.  P.  Valerius  Valens  in  Macedon.    261    .        •        .        .  261 

53.  Tib.  Cestius  Alexander  Aemilianus  in  Egypt.  262        .  263 

54.  Satuminus.  263 

55.  Celsus  in  Africa.    264-5 

56.  C.  Annius  Trebellianus  in  Isauria.    265 

57.  M.  Cassianius  Latinius  Postumus  (sen.)  in  the 

West.    ^w^.  259(?)     .        .  .        .        .         269(?) 

a    Son  :  Postumus  (jun.) 

55.Ulp(ius)  Corn(elius)  Laelianusin  Gaul.    268      .        .  268 

59.  Lollianus  =  58? 

60.  M.  Piavonius  Victorinus  (sen.)  in  Gaul.     ca.  265        .  268 

a     Wife:  Victori(n)a 268 

b    Son :  (Piavonius)  Victorinus  (jun.) 

61.  M.  Aurelius  Marius  in  Gaul.    268       .        .        .        .  268 


App.  ly] 


THE    IMPERIAL    FAMILIES 


62.  C.  Pius  Esuvius  Tetrieus  (sen.)  in  Gaul.    268. 

Dep.  273 

a    Son :   C.  Pius  Esuvius  Tetrieus  (jun.).     Caes. 
268 

63.  M'.  Acilius  Aureolus  in  Rhaetia.     267  . 


237 

Date  0/ Death. 

275 
268 


64.  M.  Aurelius  Claudius  (II)  Gothicus.    Aug.  268  .  bef.  29  Aug.  270 
a    Brother:    M.    Aurelius    Claudius    Quintillus. 
Aug.  Apr./May  270      .... 


65.  L.  Domitius  Aurelianus.     Aug.  Apr./May  270     , 
a     Wife :  Ulpia  Severina 

66.  Septimius  Odenathus  in  Palmyra.     Aug.  265 

a     Wife  :    Septimia    Zenobia  :    ruled     with     c. 

Aug.  270 
b    Sbw  (mother unknown) :  HerodesorHerodianus 
c     —  (a)  :  I(ulius)  A(urelius)  Septimius  Vaballa- 

thus  Athenodorus,  succ.  betw.  29  Aug.  266 

and  28  Aug.  267 ;  recogn.  by  Aurelian  270 ; 

captured  with  b  not  later  than  29  Aug.  271 
d    —  (a) :  Herennianus  (Haeranes) 
e     —  Timolaus 
/    Cousin :  Maeonius 

67.  Antiochus  in  Palmyra.     273 

68.  Firmus  in  Egypt.     273 

69.  M.  Claudius  Taeitus.     Aug.  25  Sept.  275     . 
a      Brother:  M^AimmsFloiiaiius.  Aug.  sj^ring  2']6 

70.  M.  Aurelius  Probus.    Aug.  spring  276 

71.  lulius  Saturninus  in  the  East.    280    . 
75.  Proculus  in  Gaul.    280  (?)     .... 
73.  Bonosus  in  Gaul.    280  (?)    . 


74.  M.  Aurelius  Carus.    Aug.  Oct.  282 
a      Son  :  M.  Aurelius  Carinus  =  75 

b      —  M.  Aurelius  Numerius  Numerianus.     Caes. 
Oct.  282.     Aug.  summ.  283 . 

75.  M.  Aurelius  Carinus  =  74  a.     Caes.  282.     Aug. 

summ.  283  

a       Wife  :  Magnia  Urbica 

b      Son  ?  ;  (M.  Aurelius)  Nigrinianus 

76.  M.  Aurelius  lulianus  in  Transpadana,  &c.      ca. 

283-285 


Apr./May  270 
275 

Aug.  266/Aug. 
[267 

Aug.  266/Aug. 
[267 


273 

spring  276 
summ.  276 

aut.  281 

280 

280? 

280? 

summ.  283 


spring  285 


238 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


Aug.    284.     Abd. 


77.  C.    Valerius    Diocletian  us. 

I  May  305    . 

a     Wife:  Prisca 

b    Daughter :  Galeria  Valeria  =  85  a 

78.  M.  Aurelius  Valerius  Maximianus    Herculeus. 

Caes.  285.     Aug.  286.     Abd.   i  May  305. 

Rest.  306.    Flies  from  Rome  307.    Rest.  308. 

Dep.  308 

a     Wife:  Eutropia 

h    Son :  M.  Aurelius  Valerius  Maxentius  =  88 

c     Daughter :  Fausta  =  93  b 

d    Step- daughter :  Theodora  --^  84  b 

79.  Amandus    )    •     r*     i        o       o^ 
6aAelianus     \  ^^  ^^^^^    ^^4-286 

81.  M.  Aurelius  Maus  .  .  .  Carausius  in  Britain.    286 

82.  AUectus  in  Britain.     293 

83.  Achilleus  =  L.  Domitius  Domitianus  in  Egypt 

296 

84.  Flavins  Valerius  Constantius  (I)  {Chlorus]  ad 

by  78  in  292.    Aug.  1  May  305    . 
a     Wife  (274):    Flavia  lulia  Helena.     Div.  292. 

Aug.  306 

b    —  (292) :  Flavia  Maximiana  Theodora  =  78d 

c     Son  (a) :  Flavius  Valerius  Constantinus  =  93 

d    —  (&) :  lulius  Constantius,  m.  Galla  and  Basilina 

e     —  (b) :  Delmatius  =  97 

/    Daughter  (b) :  Flavia  Constantia  =  90  a 

g    —  (b):  Eutropia 

85.  Galerius  Valerius  Maximianus  ad.  by  77  in  292 

Aug.  I  May  305   . 
a     Wife  (292) :  Galeria  Valeria  ^  77b 

86.  Flavius  Valerius  Severus  (II).     Caes.  1  May  305 

Aug.  306  (after  25  Jul.) 

67.  C.  Galerius  Valerius  Maximinus  (II)  Daza,  neph 
of  85.  Caes.  i  May  305.  Fil.  Aug.  307, 
-^ug.  308 

88.  M.  Aurelius  Valerius  Maxentius  =  78  b.     Aug 

27  Oct.  306 

a    Son:  Romulus 

89.  L.  Domitius  Alexander  in  Africa.    308 

90.  C.  Flavius  Valerius  Licinianus   Lieinius  (sen.) 

Aug.  II  Nov.  307  .... 

a  Wife  (313) :  Flavia  Constantia  =  84  f  . 
b    Son  :  Flavius  Valerius  Constantinus  Licinianus 

Lieinius  (jun.).     Caes.  317 


[aPP.    IV 

Date  of  Death. 

314 
314 


310 


293 
296 

297 

25  Jul.  306 
328 


.  5J^ay3ii 
314 

.  2  Apr.  307 


313 

Oct.  312 
bef.  312 

311 


324 
330 

326 


APP.    IV] 


THE    IMPERIAL    FAMILIES 


239 


91.  Aurelius  Valerius  Valens.     Caes.  314  . 

92.  Sex.  Marcius  (?)  Martinianus.     Caes.  323   . 

93.  Flavius  Valerius  Constantinus  Magnus  =  Si  c. 

Caes.  306.    Fil.  Aug.  307.    Aug.  307  . 
a     Wife :  Minervina 

h    —  (307) :  Flavia  Maxima  Fausta  =  78  c  . 
c     Son  (a) :  Flavius  Julius  Crispus.     Caes.  317 
d    —  (b) :    Flavius  Claudius   Julius  Constantinus 

=  94 
e    —  (&)  :    Flavius    lulius    Valerius    Constantius 

=  95 
f    —  (b):  Flavius  lulius  Constans  =  96 
g    Daughter:  Constantina  m.  97a  and  iOi     . 
h    —  Flavia  Julia  Helena  =  103  a 

94.  Flavius  Claudius  lulius  Constantinus  (I J)  =  93  d. 

Caes.  317.    Aug.  337 

95.  Flavius  Julius  Valerius  Constantius  (JJ)  =  93  e. 

Caes.  323.     Aug.  337 

a     Wife  (361)  ;  Faustina 

b    Daughter  (a) :  Constantia  =  108  a 


96.  Flavius  Julius  Constans  (J) 
^'^9-  337      • 


93 f     Caes.  333. 


101.  Flavius  Claudius  lulius  Constantius  Gallus,  s. 

oi  84d.     Caes.  S5^'     Assoc.  Emp.  351 
a     JT^/e  (351) :  Constantina=  55p        .        .        • 

102.  Flavius  Silvanus  in  Gaul.     355    .... 

103.  Flavius  Claudius  lulianus  (Fhilosoplius  or  Apo- 

stata)  son  of  84  d  and  Basilina.    Caes.  355. 

Aug.  360 

a     Wife  (355) :  Flavia  Julia  Helena  =  93h 

104.  Flavius  loyianus.     Aug.  363      .        .        .        , 


Date  of  Death. 
314 

323 


22  May  337 


97.  Flavius  lulius  Delmatius,  s.  of  84  e.     Caes.  335    . 
a    Brother:  Flavius  Hanniballianus,  m.  55 ^r 

98.  Flavius  Julius  Popilius  Nepotianus  Constantinus 

s.oi84g.    Aug.  ^50.    Dep.  350 

99.  Vetranio  at  Sirmium.  Aug.  1  Mar.  350.    Dep.  350 

100.  Flavius  Magnus  Magnentius.     Aug.  350   . 

a     Wife:  Justina.     See  105b         .         .         .         . 

b    Brother:  Magnus  Decentius.     Caes.  351 

c    —  Desiderius.     Caes.  351         .... 


326 
326 


354 

340 
361 

350 

337 
337 


353 
383 

353 
353 


354 
354 

355 


363 
360 

364 


240 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


105.  Flavius  Valentinianus  (I)  s.  of  Gratianus.  Aug. 

364 

a  Wife  :  Valeria  Severa  Marina.     Div.  368 

h  —  (368) :  lustina  ^  100  a 

c  Son  (a)  :  Flavius  Gratianus  =  108 

d  —  ( 6) :  Valentinianus  =  109 

e  Daughter  (b) :  lusta 

/  —ib):  GBl\B.  =  110b 

g  —  ib) :  Grata 

106.  Flavius  Valens,  brother  of  105.    Assoc.  Emp. 

and  Aug.  364 

a    Wife :  Albia  Dominica 

b    Son :  Valentinianus  Galatus 

c     Daughter:  Carausa 

107.  Procopius    Aug.  365 

108.  Flavius  Gratianus  =  105  c.   Aug.  367.  Succ.  375 
a     Wife :  Constantia  =  95b 

109.  Valentinianus  (II)  =  105  d.    Aug.  375 

110.  Flavius  Theodosius.    Aug.  379  .... 
a     Wife  (376)  :  Aelia  Flaccilla     .... 

b    —  (386) :  Galla  =  105  f^ 

c    Son  {a) :  Flavius  Arcadius.     Aug.  383.     [Em- 
peror of  the  East] 

d    —  Honorius  =  113 
e     Daughter  [a)  :  Pulcheria 
/    —  (6) :  Aelia  Galla  Placidia,  m.  Ataulph  (414) 
and  lU 

111.  Magnus  Maximus.    Aug.  383  .... 
a    Son ;  Flavius  Victor.    Aug.  383    . 

112.  Eugenius.    Aug.  392 

113.  Flavius  Honorius  =  110  d.    Aug.  393.   Succ.  395 

Hi.  Constantius  (III).    Assoc.  Emp.  421 

a    Wife  (417) :  Aelia  Galla  Placidia  =  110 f 

b    Son  :  Valentinianus  =  120 

c    Daughter :  lusta  Grata  Honoria  =  120  a  . 

115.  Flavius  Claudius  Constantinus  (III).    Aug.  407. 

Recogn.  by  113  in  409         .... 
a    Son :  Constans.    Aug.  408     .... 

116.  Maximus,  in  Spain.     409.    Dep.  411 

117.  lovinus.    Aug.  411 

a    Brother:  Sebastianus.     Assoc.  Emp.  412 


[a  pp.   IV 

Date  of  Death. 

375 
388 


378 


366 
383 

392 

39  "^ 
385 
394 

408 


388 
388 

394 
423 

421 
450 


after  454 


411 
411 


413 
413 


APP.  IV]  THE    IMPERIAL    FAMILIES  24 1 

Date  0/  Death, 
lis.  Priscus    Attains.      Aug.   409-410  ;   again  414  . 
Dep.  415 

119.  lohannes.     Aug.  423 425 

120.  Placidius  Valentinianus   (III)  =  114  b.      Caes. 

424.     Aug.  425 455 

a     Sister :  lusta  Grata  Honoria  =  114  c.  Aug.  433  after  454 

h     Wife  (437)  :  Licinia  Eudoxia.     See  121  a 
c     Daughter:  Aelia  Placidia  =  126a 

121.  Petronius  Maximus.     Aug.  455        ....  455 
a     Wife  (455) :  Licinia  Eudoxia  =  120  b 

122.  Eparchius  Avitus.     Aug.     455.     Abd.  456 

123.  lulius  Maiorianus.     Aug.  457 461 

124.  Libius  Severus  (III).     Aug.  461  ....  465 

125.  Procopius  Anthemius.     Aug.  467       ....  472 
a     Wife  :  Aelia  Marcia  Eufemia 

126.  Anicius  Olybrius.     Aug.  472 472 

a     Wife  :  Aelia  Placidia  =  120  c 

127.  Glycerius.     Aug.  473.     Dep.  474 

128.  Julius  Nepos.     Aug.  474.     Dep.  475  .        ,        .  480 

129.  BomuluB  Augustulus.     Aug.  475.     Dep.  476 


APPENDIX  V 

SELECT   BIBLIOGRAPHY 
A.    WoKKS  OF  A  General  Character. 

E.  Babelon  :  Monnaies  de  la  R4publique  romaine.     2  vols.      Paris, 

1885,  6. 
Melanges  numismatiques .     2  vols.     Paris,  1892,  3. 
Recentes  acquisitions  du  Cabinet  des  Medailles.     Rev,  Num.  1893. 
Les  Origines  de  la  Monnaie.     Paris,  1897. 
Inventaire  de  la  Collection  Waddington.     Eev.  Num.  1898. 
M.  Bahrfeldt  :  Nachtrdge   und  BericJitigungen  zur  Munzkunde   der 

romischen  Republik  (im  Anschluss  "an  Babelon's  Verzeichniss  der 

Consular-miinzen).     Vienna,  1897. 
Berlin,   K6nigliche  Museen,  Beschreibung  der   antiken  MUnzen,  by 

J.  Friedliinder,  A.  von  Sallet,  H.  Dressel.     See  §  B  4,  6,  7. 
BiBLiOTHiiQUE  Nationale,  Paris :  Catalogue  des  Monnaies  grecqiies, 

by  E.  Babelon.     See  §  B  2,  19,  21,  22,  23,  26. 
J,  Brandis  :  Miinz;  Mass-  und  Gewichtswesen  in  Vorderasien.    Berlin, 

1866. 
British  Museum  :  Catalogue  of  Greek  Coins.     By  R.  S.  Poole,  B.  V. 

Head,  P.  Gardner,  W.  W.  Wroth,  G.  F.  Hill.     See  §  B  passim. 
Guide  to  the  principal  Gold  and  Silver  Coins  of  the  Ancients.     By 

B.  V.  Head.     2nd  ed.  (with  70  plates).    London,  1881.     [Also 

issued  with  7  plates  only.] 
Catalogue  of  Roman  Coins.     See  §  B  30, 
H.  Cohen  :  Monnaies  f rappees  sous  V Empire  romain.     2nd  ed.     Paris, 

1880-1892.     8  vols. 
C.  Combe:    Nummorum  vet.  populorum  et  urbium  qui  in  Mus.  Gul. 

Hunter  asservantur  descnptio.     London,  1782. 
E.  CURTIUS  :    Ueber    den    religiosen    Character    d.    griech.    Munzen, 

{Gesamm.  Abh.  Vol.  II.)     Translated  by  B.  V.  Head.     Num.  Chr. 

1870. 
T.  L,  Donaldson  :  Architectura  Numismatica.     London,  1859. 
H.   Dressel  :    Erwerlungen     des    Kon,    MUnzcabinets.      1890-1897. 

Z.f.N.  XXL 


SELECT    BIBLIOGKAPHY 


243 


J  Eckhel:  Doctrina  Numonim  Veterum.    Vienna,  1792  1798.    8  vols. 
C.  R.  Fox:    Engravings  of  unedited  or  rare  Greek  Coins.     London, 

1856,  62. 
J.  Friedlander  :  Die  Enoerhiingen  des  Icon.  Miinzkabinets.     Z.  f.  N. 
.    '    I-XII,  1874- 1885. 

Repertorium  zur  untiken  Numismatik.      Ed.    R.    Weil.     Berlin, 
1885. 
J.  Friedlander  u.  a.  von  Sallet  :  Das  kon.  Munzkabinet.     2nd  ed. 

Berlin,  1877. 
P.  Gardner  :  The  Types  of  Greek  Coins.     Cambridge,  1882. 
Greek  Eiver-uorsh^p.     Proc.  of  Roy.  Soc.  of  Lit.  1876. 
Pollux'  Account  of  Ancient  Coins.     Num.  Chr.  1881. 
W.  Green  well  :  Rare  p-reek  Coins.     Num.  Chr.  1880,  85,  90,  93. 

On  a  Find  of  Archaic  Greek  Coins  in  Egypt.     Num.  Chr.  1890. . 
B.  V.  Head  :  Historia  Numorum.     Oxford,  1887. 

The   same  in  Modern    Greek,  by  J.  N.   Svoronos.     Vols.  1,  IL 

Athens,  1898.     [Supplement  in  preparation.] 
Metrological  Notes  on  ancient  Electrum  Coins.     Num.  Chr.  1875. 
Coins  discovered  on  the  site  of  Naucratis.     Num.  Chr.  1886, 
Electrum  Coins  and  their  Specific  Gravity.     Num.  Chr.  1887. 
F.  HuLTSCH  :  Griechische  und  Romische  Metrologie.     Berlin,  1882. 
Metrologicorum  Scriptorum  Reliquiae.     2  vols.     Lipsiae,  1864,  66. 
Die  Gewichte  des  Alterthums  nach  ihrem  Zusammenhange  dargestelU. 
Abhandl.    d.    K.    Sachsischen    Gesellsch.    d.    Wiss.    xviii.    ii. 
Leipzig,  1898. 
F.   Imhoof-Blumer  :    Choix  de  Monnaies  grecques.     [Plates   only.] 
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Beitrage  zur  Milnzkunde  u.    Geographic  von  Altgrlechenland  u. 

Kleinasien.    Ti.  f.  N.  1873. 
Griechische  Munzen  in  dem  kdn.  Miinzkahinet  im  Haag.     Z.  f.  N. 

1876. 
Griech.  Munzen  in  der  Sammlung  in  Karlsruhe.     Z.  f  N.  1880. 
Monnaies  grecques.     Paris  and  Leipzig.  1883. 
Griech.  Miinzen  aus  dem  Museum  in  Klagenfurt.     N.  Z.  1884. 
Beitrage  zur  griechischen  Milnzkunde.     Z.  f.  N.  1885. 
Portratk'opfe  aufantiken  Miinzen  hellenischer  u.  hellenisierter  Volker, 

mit  Zeiitafeln,  &c.     Leipzig,  1885. 
Griechische  Miinzen.    Abh.  d.  kon.  bayer.  Akad.  XVIH.    Miinchen, 

1890. 
Portratkopfe  aufromischen  Miinzen.     2nd  ed.  Leipzig,  1892. 
Griechische  Miinzen.     Num.  Chron.  1895. 

Zur  griechischen  Milnzkunde.      (Asia  Minor  and  Syria.)     Rev.  Su. 
1898. 
F.  Imhoof-Blumer  and  P.  Gardner  :  Numismatic  Commentary  on 

Pausanias.     Journ.  Hellen.  Stud.  1885,  1886. 
F,  Imhoof-Blumer    u.   O.  Keller  :    Tier-  u.   Pflanzenbilder   auf 

Miinzen  und  Gemmen  des  Mass.  Altertums.     Leipzig,  1889. 
W.  M.  Leake  :  Numismata  HeUenica.     London,  1854  ;  Suppl.  1859. 

B   2 


244  GREEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [app.  v 

C.  F.  Lehmann  :  AU-hdbijlon'sches  Maas  u.  Gewicht.     Verhandlungen 

der  Berl.  Ges.  f.  Anthrop.  &c.,  1889. 
Zur  'Adrjvaicav  UoXiTeia  (Cap.  X).     Hermes,  1892. 
Das  alt-habylonische  Maass-  upd  Gewichts-system  als  Grundlage  d. 

antiken  GewicJits-,  Mum-  u.  Maass-systeme.     Leyden,  1893. 

F.  Lenormant  :  La  Monnaie  dans  V Antiquite.  Paris,  1878,  9.  3  vols. 
A.  LoBBECKE  :  Griech.  Milnzen  aus  memer  Sammlung.  Ti.f.  N.  X-XXI. 
H.  DE  LUYNES  :   Choix  de  Medailles  gr.     [Plates  only.]     Paris,  1840. 

G.  Macdonald  :  Catalogue  of  Greek  Coins  in  the  Hunterian  Collection, 

University  of  Glasgow.     Vol.  I  (Italy,  Sicily,  Macedon,  Thrace, 

and  Thessaly).     Glasgow,  1899. 
T.  E,  MiONNET  :  Description  de  Medailles  antiques  grecques  et  romaines. 

Paris,  1807-1837.     15  vols. 
T.  MoMMSEN  :  Histoire  de  la  Monnaie  romai^ie,  trans,  by  Blacas  and 

de  Witte.     Paris,  1865-1875.     4  vols. 
H.  Montagu  :   Unpuhlished  and  Rare  Greek  Coins.     Num.  Chr.  1892. 
A.  Oreschnikow  :  Descrijjtion  of  ancient  Greek  Coins  in  the  Imperial 

Museum,  Moscow.     [Russian.]     Moscow,  1891. 
M.  Pinder  :   Ueber  die  Cistophoren.     Berlin,  1856. 
M.  Pinder  u.  J.  Friedlander  :    Beitrage  zur  alteren  Milnzkunde. 

Berlin,  1851. 
A.   POSTOLAKAS :     Karakoyos  Toiv  dpxciiav   vopicrfMaTCDV  .   .   .  rou  iOviKOv 

voixicryniTiKov  Movaeiov.    I.     Athens,  1872. 
A.  VON  Prokesch-Osten  :  Inedita  meiner  Sammlung  autonom.  altgriech. 

:    Milnzen.     [Wien.  Kais.  Akad.  Denkschr.  V.]     Vienna,  1854. 
J.  C.  Rasche  :    Lexicon    universae    rei   numariae    veterum.     6  vols. 

(11  parts).     Leipzig,  1 785- 1804;  Suppl.  2  vols.  1802-1804. 
Tii.  Reinach  :  De  la  valeur  proportwnnelle  de  Vor  et  de  I  argent  dans 

V antiquite  grecque.     Rev,  Num.  1893. 
W.  RiDGEWAY  :  The  Origin  of  Metallic  Currency  and  Weight  Standat'ds. 

Cambridge,  1892. 
J.  Sabatier  :  Monnaies  hyzantines.     Paris,  1862.     2  vols. 
A.  VON  Sallet:  Zu    den    Kilnstler-inschriften    auf  griech.    Milnzen. 

Z.  f.  N.  II  (1875). 
Die  Erwerhungen   des  kon.   Milnzcahinets.     Z.  f.   N.  XIII-XVIII 

(1885-1891). 
J.  P.  Six  :  Monnaies  grecques  inedites  ou  rares.     Num.  Chr.  1888  fF. 
S.  W.  Stevenson,  C.  Roach  Smith,  F.  W.  Madden  :  Dictionary  of 

Roman  Coins.     London,  1889. 
W.  H.  Waddington  :  Voyage  en  Asie  Mineure  au  point  de  vue  numis- 

matique.     [Rev.  Num.]     Paris,  1853. 
Melanges  de  Numismatique.     [Rev.  Num.]     Paris,  1861-1867. 
J.  L.  Warren  :  Greek  Federal  Coinage.    London,  1863. 
W,  W.  Wroth  :  Greek  Coins  acqu  'red  by  the  British  Museum.     [Annual 

Articles  since  1888  in  the  Num.  Chron.]     London,  1888  f. 


SELECT    BIBLIOGRAPHY  245 


Periodicals. 

Annuaire  de  la  Societe  franca ise  de  Niimismatique.     Paris,  1866-1896. 
BerUner  Blatter  fi'ir  Miinz-,  Siegel-  u.  Wappenkimde.     Berlin,  1863- 

1873. 
Journal  International  d'Archeologie  Niimismatique.     Athens,  1898  ff. 
Melanges  de  Niimismatique.     Paris,  1875-1882. 
Numismatic  Chronicle.     London,  1838  IF. 
Numismatische  Zeitschrift.     Vienna,  1870  ff. 
Revue  helge  de  Niimismatique.     Brussels,  1880  ff. 
Bevue  Numismatiquefrangaise.     Paris,  1836  ff. 
Revue  Suisse  de  Numismat  que.     Geneva,  1891  ff. 
Rivista  Italiana  di  Numismatica.     Milan,  1888  ff. 
Zeitschrift fiir  Numismatik.     Berlin,  1874  ff. 


B.    Books  and  Articles  dealing  with  the  Numismatics 
OF  Distinct  Parts  op  the  Greek  and  Roman  World. 

1.  Spain. 

A.  Heiss  :  Monnaies  antiques  de  VEspagne.     Paris,  1870. 
A.  Delgado  :  Medallas  autonomas  de  Espana.     Seville,  1871-1876. 
J.  Zobel  de  Zangroniz  :    Estudio  historico  de   la  Moneda  antigua 
espanola.     Madrid,  1878-80. 

2.  Gaul. 

Saussaye  :  Niimismatique  de  la  Gaule  Narhonnaise.     Paris,  1842. 

Duchalais  :  Description  des  Medailles  gaiiloises.     Paris,  1846. 

Hucher  :  VArt  gaulois.     Paris,  1868. 

Robert  :  Monnaies  gauloises.    Paris,  i£8o. 

E.  MuRET  et  M.  A.  Chabouillet  :    Catalogue  des  Monnaies  gauloises 

de  la  Bihliotheque  Nationale.     Paris,  1889. 
H.  DE  la  Tour  :  Atlas  de  Monnaies  gauloises.     Paris,  1892. 

3.  Britain. 
J.  Evans  :  Aticient  British  Coins.    London,  1864  ;  Suppl.  1890. 

4.  Italy. 

[In  addition  to  the  v^orks  on  Roman  Coins,  for  which  see  §  A  and 

§  B  30.] 
r.  Carelli  :  Numorum  Italiae  veteris  Tabulae  CCII,   ed.  Cavedoni. 
Leipzig,  1850. 


246  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [app.  v 

J.  Friedlander  :  Die  oskischen  Munzen.     Leipzig,  1850. 

L.  Sambon  :  Monnaies  de  la  Presqu'Ue  italique.     Naples,  1870. 

R.  S.  Poole,  B.  V.  Head,  P.  Gardner  :    British  Museum  Catalogue. 

London,  1873. 
W,  Deecke  :  Etruskische  Forschungen,  11.     Stuttgart,  1876, 
W.  CoRSSEN  :  Die  etruskischen  Milnzaufschriften.     Z.  f.  N.  1876. 
R.  Garrucci  :  Le  Monete  delV  Italia  antiqua.     Rome,  1885. 
A.  J.  Evans  :  The  *  Horsemen  '  of  Tarentum.     Num.  Chr.  1889. 
L.  A.  MiLANi :  Aes  rude,  signatum  e  grave  rinvenuto  alia  Bruna  presso 

Spoleto.     Riv.  ItaL  IV.  (1891). 
H.  Dressel  :  Berlin  Museum  Catalogue,  III.  part  i.     (Aes  rude,  aes 

signatum,  aes  grave ;  die  gepriigten  Munzen  von  Etrurien  bis 

Calabrien.)     Berlin,  1894. 

5.  Sicily. 

G.  L,  Castelli  :  Siciliae  nummi  veteres.     Palermo,  1781. 

A.  Salinas  :  Le  monete  delle  anticlie  citta  di  Sicilia.     Palermo,  1871. 

B.  V.  Head  :  Coinage  of  Syracuse.     Num.  Chr.  1874. 

R.  S.  Poole,  B.  V.  Head,  P.  Gardner  :    British  Museum  Catalogue, 

London,  1876. 
P.  Gardner  :  Sicilian  Studies.     Num.  Chr.  1876. 
R.  Weil  :  Die  Kiinstlerinschriften  der  sicilischen  Munzen.     (Winekel- 

mannsfest-Progr.  xliv.)     Berlin,  1884. 
A.  J.  Evans  :  Syracusan  Medallions  and  their  Engravers.     Num.  Chr. 

1890,  1891. 
Some  New  Artists'  Signatures  on  Sicilian  Coins.     Num.  Chr.  1890. 
Contributions  to  Sicilian  Numismatics.     Num.  Chr.  1894. 
E,  Gabrici  :   Topografia  e  Numismatica  delV  antica  Imera.     Riv.  Ital. 

1894. 
Th.  Reinach  :  Sur  la  Valeur  relative  des  Metaux  monetaires  dans  la 

Sicile  grecque.     Rev.  Num.  1895. 

A.  Holm  :   Geschichte  des  sicilischen  Milnzwesens  his  zur  Zeit  des  Augus- 

tus [in  vol.  ili  of  his  Gesch.  Siciliens  im  Alterthum].     Leipzig, 
1898. 
Du  Chastel  de  la  Howardries  (Comte  Alberic)  :   Syracuse,  ses 
Monnaies  d'argent  et  d'or  au  point  de  vue  artistique.     London, 
1898. 

6.  Thrace,  &c. 

[See  also  under  Bosporus,  §  15.] 

B.  KoEiiNE  :  Description  du  Musee  Kotschoubey.   2  vols.    St.  Petersburg, 

1857- 
L.  MtJLLER  :  Die  Milnzen  des  thrakischen  K'onigs  Lysimachus.     Copen- 
hagen, 1858. 


App.  v]  SELECT    BIBLIOGRAPHY  247 

B.  V.  Head,  P.  Gardner  :  British  Museum  Catalogue.    London,  1877. 

A.  M.  PoDSCHiWALOW  :  Beschreibung  derunedirten  u.  wenig  heJcannten 

Miinzen  von  Sarmatia  Europaea,  Chetsonestis  Taurica,  u.  Bosporus 
Cimmerius  aus  d.  Sammlung  A.  M.  P.'s.     Moscow,  1882. 
,  Catalogue  of  Coins  in  the  Public    and  Rumjantzov  Museum  at 
Moscow.    1.     (Sarmatia,  Chersonesus  Taurica,  Bosporus  Cimme- 
rius, &c.)    [Russian.]     Moscow,  1884. 

P.  BuRACHKOV  :  Catalogue  of  Coins  belonging  to  the  Greek  Colonies  on 
the  Coast  of  Southern  Russia,  &c.    [Russian]     Odessa,  1884. 

J.  Friedlander,  a.  von  Sallet  :  Berlin  Museum  Catalogue,  I. 
(Taurische  Chersonesus,  Sarmatien,  Dacien,  Pannonien,  Moe- 
sien,  Thracieu,  Thracische  Konige.)     Berlin,  1888. 

B.  DOBRUSKY  :  La  Numismatique  des  Rois  thraces.     [Bulgarian,  with 

summary  in  French.]     Sofia.  1897. 
B.  Pick  :  Die  Personen-  u.  Gotter-Namen  auf  Kaisermunzen  von  Byzan- 
tion.     Num.  Zeit.  xxvii  (1895). 
Thrakische  Miinzbilder.     Jahrb.  d.  k.  deutsch.  Arch.  Inst.  1898. 
Die  antiken  Miinzen  Nord-Griechenlands,  unter  Leitung  von  F. 
Imhoof-Blumer,  herausg.  v.  d.  kgl.  Akad.  d.  Wiss.     Band  I. 
Dacien  u.  Moesien.     i*^"^  Halbband.     Berlin,  1898. 

7.  Macedon. 

L.  MuLLER :  Numismat'que  d' Alexandre  le  Grand,  suivi  dhin  App. 
contenant  les  Monnaies  de  Philippe  II  et  III.  2  vols.  Copenhagen, 
1855- 

E.  H.  BuNBURY  :  Some  unpublished  Tetradrachms  of  Alexander.   Num. 

Chr.  1868. 
Additional  Tetradrachms  of  Alexander.      Num.  Chr.  1883. 
Von  Prokesch-Osten  :  Liste  des  Alexandres  de  ma  Coll.  qui  ne  se 

trouvent  pas  dans  le  Catal  de  M.  Miiller.     Num.  Zeit.  I.  (1869). 
Suite  des  Monnaies  ined.  dor  et  d'arg.dAlexandre  le  Grand.    Num. 

Zeit.  III.  (1871). 

F.  BoMPOis  :  Examen  chronologique  des  Monnaies  frappees par  la  Com- 

munaute  des  Macedoniens.     Paris,  1876. 

B.  V.  Head  :  British  Museum  Catalogue :  Macedon  (Paeonia,  Macedo- 
nia, Thraco-Macedonian  tribes,  Kings  of  Macedon  to  Per- 
diccas  III).     London,  1879. 

J.  Friedlander,  A.  von  Sallet  :  Berlin  Museum  Catalogue,  II. 
(Paeonien,  Macedonien,  die  macedonischen  Konige  bis  Per- 
diccas  III).     Berlin,  1889. 

H.  Gabbler  :  Zur  MUnzkunde  Makedoniens.    Z  f.  N.  XX.  (1897). 

8.  Thessaly  to  Aetolia. 

A.  POSTOLAKAS  :    KaraXoyo?  T<t>v  apx-   voixiafiaTav  Ta>v  VTjcrcov  KepKiipas, 

Afu/cadof,  K.T.X.  .  .  .  a-vW^xd.  vtto  n.  Aafinpov.     Athens,  1868. 
F.  Imhoof-Blumer  :  Die  Miinzen  Akamaniens.    Num.  Zeit.  X.  (1878). 


248  GREEK    AND    EOMAN    COINS  [app.  v 


R.  Weil  :  Die  akamanisch^n  Bundesmunzen.     Z.  f,  N.  VIT.  {li 

A.  J.  Evans  :  On  some  recent  discoveries  of  Illyrian  Coins.    Num.  Chr. 

1880. 
P.  Gardner  :    British    Museum    Catalogue,    Thessaly    to     Aetolia. 

(Thessaly,     Illyria,     Epirus,     Corcyra,     Acarnania,    Aetolia.) 

London,  1883. 
J.  Brunsmid  :  Die  Inschriften  u.  Milnzen  d.  griechischen  Stadte  Dalma- 

tiens.     (Abhandl.  des  arch-epigr.  Seminares  d.  Univ.  Wien.) 

Vienna,  1898. 

9.  Central  Greece  and  Euboea. 

E.  Imhoof-Blumer  :   Zur  MUnzkunde   Boeotiens.     Num.   Zeit.  III. 
(1871)  and  IX.  (1877). 
Die  euhoische  Silberwdhrung.      Monatsber.  d.  k.  Akad.  d.  Wiss. 
Berlin,  1881. 

B.  V.  Head  :  History  of  the  Coinage  of  Boeotia.     Num.  Chr.  1881. 

British  Museum  Catalogue,  Central  Greece.     London,  1884. 
J.  N.  SvoRONOS:  l^ofiiafjLariKr]  tcov  AeXfpuiif.    Bull.  Corr.  Hellen.  1896. 

10.  Attica,  Megaris,  Aegina. 
E.  Beule  :  Monnaies  d'Athenes.     Paris,  1858. 
G.  Rathgeber  :  Silberne  Milnzen  d  Athenaier.     Weissensee,  1858. 

C.  L.  Grotefend  :    Chronolog.  Anordnung  d.   athen.    Silbermiinzen. 

Hanover,  1872. 
J.  G.  Droysen  :  Zum  MUnzwesen  Athens  (Sitzungsber.  d.  k.  Akad.  d. 

Wiss.).     Berlin,  1882. 
B.  V.  Head  :    British  Museum   Catalogue :    Attica,  Megaris,  Aegina. 

London,  1888. 
E.  Babelon  :  Les  Monnaies  d'or  d'Athenes.     Rev.  des  Et,  gr.  1889. 
H.  VON  Fritze  :  Die  Miinztgpen  von  Athen  im  6.  Jahrh.  v.  Chr.     Z.  f.  N. 

XX.  (1895-7)- 
G.  Gilbert  :  Die  dlteste  Miinze  Athens.    Neue  Jahrbiicher  f.  Philologie. 

1896. 
U.  koHLER  :  Die  attische  Goldpragung.     Z.  f.  N.  XXL  (1898). 
J.  E.  KiRCHNER :  Zur  Datirung  d.  athen.  Silbermiinzen  d.  beiden  letzten 

vorchristl.  Jahrh.    Z.  f.  N.  XXL  (1898). 

11.  Corinth  and  Colonies. 

E.  CuRTius  :  Studien  zur  Gesch.  von  Corinth.     Hermes  X.  (1876). 
B.  V.  Head  :    British    Museum    Catalogue :    Corinth    and    Colonies. 
London,  1889. 

12.  Peloponnesus. 

J.  Leicester  Warren  :  Greek  Federal  Coinage.     London,  1863. 


APP.  V]  SELECT    BIBLIOGRAPHY  249 

A.  POSTOLAKAS  :    KnT(iXoyos  Ta>v   apx-  vofiKTyLaraiv  twv   vtjo-cou  KfpKvpai, 
AevKados,    Ke<f>(i\'Kr)vins,    ZaKvvdov    ku\   Kv6r]p(i)v    avWex^-   viro   II. 
Aannpou.     Athens,  1868. 
A.  VON  Sallet  :  Arkadische  Milnzen.     Z.  f.  N.  11.  (1875). 
J.  Friedlander  :    Veher    die  fur    arkadisch    gehaltene    Miinze    des 

achaeisch  Bimdes.     Z.  f.  N.  II.  (1875). 
P.  Gardner:  The  Coins  of  Elis.     Num.  Chr.  1879. 
Zacynthus.     Num  Chr.  1835. 

British  Museum   Catalogue:   Peloponnesus  (excluding  Corinth). 
London,  1887. 
U.  KoHLER  :  Peloponnesisches  Eisengeld     Athen.  Mitth.  18B2. 
R.  Weil  :  Das  Mihizwesen  des  achaeischen  Bundes.     Z.  f.  N.  IX.  (1882). 

Arkadische  Milnzen.     Z.  f.  N.  IX.  (1882). 
J.  P.  LamBROS  :    ^ Avaypn(f)ri  tS)V  i/o/itcr/xarcoj/  Tr,s  KvpicDS    EXXdBos.      IleXo- 

TTovvrjaos.    Athens,  1891. 
M.  G.  Clerk  :   Catalogue  of  the  Coins  of  the  Achaean  League.    London, 
1895. 

13.  Crete. 

W.  W.  Wroth  :  Cretan  Coins.    Num.  Chr.  1884. 

British  Museum  Catalogue  :  Crete,  &c.     London,  1886. 
J.  N.  SvoRONOS  :  Monnaies  cretoises  inedites.     Rev.  Num.  1888. 

Etudes  sur  la  Numismatique  cretoise.     Rev.  Num.  1889. 

Hpna-drjKai  ds  to  ^i^Xiov  Numismatique  de  la  Crete  ancienne.   ^E<f)r}fi. 
apx-  1889. 

Numismatique  de  la  Crete  ancienne.     Macon,  1890. 

14.  Cyclades  and  Sporades. 

P.  LambROS  :   '^op.icrp.aTn  rrjs  vrjaov  'A/Liopyov.     Athens,  1870. 
W.  W.  Wroth  :  The  Santorin  Find  0/1821.     Num.  Chr.  1884. 

British  Museum  Catalogue :  Crete  and  Aegean  Islands.     London, 

1886. 
W.  Green  WELL  :   On  a  Find  of  archaic  Greek  Coins,  principalli/  of  the 

Islands  of  the  Aegean  Sea.     Num.  Chr.  1890. 
J.  N.  SvORONOS  :    No/i'a/xartK/)   Koi  l(TTopia  Tr,s  apxaias  Mvkovov.      Bull. 

Corr.  Hellen.  1893. 
D.  P.  PaschALIS  :    No/xio-/>iariA:()  Tr}s  apxaias  "Av8p(w.     Journ.  Intern. 

1898. 

15.  Bosporus,  Pontus,  Paphlagonia,  Eithynia. 

[See  also  under  Thrace,  §  6.] 

B.Koehne:  Description  du  Musee  Kotschouhey.  2  vols,   St.  Petersburg, 

1857. 
A.  VON  Sallet  :    Numismatik  der  Kofiige  des  Bosporus  und  Pontus. 

Berlin,  1866. 


250  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [app.  v 

A.  Oreschnikow  :    Zur    Munzlcunde    des    cimmerischen    Bosporus. 

Moscow,  1883. 
J.  P.  Six  :  Smope.     Num.  Chr.  1885. 
W.  W.  Wroth  :  British  Museum   Catalogue:   Pontus,    Paphlagonia, 

Bithynia,  and  the  Kingdom  of  Bosporus.     London,  1889. 
Th.  Reinach  :   Trois  Boijaumes  d'Asie  Mineure,  Cappadoce,  Bithynie^ 
Pont.     Paris,  1888  ;  Suppl.,  Rev.  Num   1891. 
Un  nouveau  roi  de  Paphlagonie.     Rev.  Num.  1894. 
Un  nouveau  roi  de  Bithynie.     Rev,  Num.  1897. 
F.  Imhoof-Blumer  :    Zur  Milnzkunde  des  Pontos,  von  Paphlagonien, 
&c.     Z.  f.  N.  XX.  (1897). 
Bithynische  Milnzen.     Journ.  Intern.  189S. 

16.  Mysia,  Troas,  Aeolis,  Lesbos. 

W.  W.  Wroth  :  Asklepios  and  the   Coins  of  Pergamon.     Num.  Chr. 

1882. 
F.  Imhoof-Blumer:  Die  Milnzen  der  Dynastie  von  Pergamon.  Abhandl. 

d.  k.  Akad.  d-  Wiss.     Berlin,  1884. 
Zur  Milnzkunde  des  Pontus,  von  Paphlagonien,  Tenedos,  Aiolis, 

und  Lesbos.     Z.  f.  N.  XX.  (1897). 
W.  Greenwell  :  The  Electrum  Coinage  of  Cyzicus.     Num.  Chr.  1887. 
W.  W.  Wroth  :  British  Museum  Catalogue  :   Mysia.     London,  1892. 
British  Museum  Catalogue:  Troas,  Aeolis,  and  Lesbos.     London, 

1894. 

17.  Ionia,  Caria,  and  Islands. 

B.  V.  Head  :  History  of  the  Coinage  of  Ephesus.     Num.  Chr.  1880,  1881. 

British  Museum    Catalogue  :    Ionia,    Satrapal    Coinage    of    the 

West  Coast  of  Asia  Minor,  Islands  of  Ionia.     London,  1892. 
British  Museum  Catalogue  :  Caria,  Cos,  Rhodes,  &c      London,  1897. 
P.  Gardiner:  Samos  and  Samian  Coins.    Num.  Chr.  1882. 


18.  Iiydia  and  Phrygia. 

F.  Kenner  :  Phrygische  Milnzen.     Num.  Zeit.  IV.  (1872). 
F.  Lenormant  :  Monnaies  royales  de  Lydie.    Ann.  de  Num.  IV.  (1873). 
B.  V.  Head  :  The  Coinage  of  Lydia  and  Persia.     London,  1877. 
F.  Imhoof-Blumer:    Lydische  Stadtmiinzen.     Geneva  and  Leipzig, 
1897. 

19.  Lycia,  Pamphylia,  Pisidia. 

Ch.  Fellows  :  Coins  of  Ancient  Lycia.  London,  1855. 

J.  L.  Warren:   Gr-eek  Federal  Coinage.  London,  1863. 

J.   Friedlander  :    Die    pamphylischen  Aufschriften     auf    Milnzen. 

Z.  f.  N.I  V.(  1877). 


APP.  v]  SELECT    BIBLIOGRAPHY  25I 

J.  P.  Six  :  Munzhunde  Pisidiens  u.  angrenzender  Ldnder.     Z.  f.  N.  VI. 
(1878). 

Monnaies  lyciennes.     Rev  Num.  1886,  1887. 
Tn.  Bergk  :  Zur  Geschichte  des  griechischen  Alphabets  in  Pamphylien. 

'    Z.  f.  N.  XL  (1884). 

E.  Babelon  :  Bihllotheqm  Natiotmle,  Catalogue  :    Les  Perses  Acheme- 

nides,  les  Satrapes,  &c.     Paris,  1893. 
G.F.Hill:  British  Museum   Catalogue:    Lycia,  Pamphylia,  Pisidia, 
London,  1897. 

23,  Lycaonia,  Isauria,  Cilicia. 

W.  H.  Waddington  :    Numismatique  de  VIsaurie  et  de  la  Lycaonie. 

Rev.  Num.  1883. 
W.  W.  Wroth  :  Coins  of  Isauria  and  Lycaonia.     Num.  Chr.  1883. 

F.  Imhoof-Blumer  :  Mallos,  Megarsos,  &c.     Ann.  de  Num.  1833. 

Zur  Milnzkunde  Kilikiens.     Z.  f.  N.  X.  (1883). 

Coin-types  of  some  Kilikian  Cities.     Journ.  Hellen.  Studies,  1898. 

[See  also  §  26.] 

21.  Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Armenia. 

V.  Langlois  :  Numismatique  de  TArminie.     Paris,  1859. 
E.  Thomas  :  Armenian  Coins.     Num.  Chr.  1867,  186 3,  187 1. 
0.  Blau  :  Die  Herren  von  Sophetie  u.  ihre  Munzen.     Num.  Zeit.  IX. 
(1877). 
Ztvei  Mithradate  von  Armenien.     Z.  f.  N.  VII  (1880). 
Th.  Reinach  :  Trots  Royaumes  dAsie  Mineure.     Paris,  1888  ;  Suppl., 
Rev.  Num.  1891. 

E.  Babelon:  Bibliotheque  Nationale,   Catalogue:  Les  Rois  de  Syrie, 

d'Armenie  et  de  Commagene.     Paris,  1890. 

F.  Imhoof-Blumer:  Zur  griech.  MUnzhunde—Eusebeia  Kaisareia, 

&c.     Rev.  vSu.  1898. 
W.  W.  Wroth  :    British  Museum  Catalogue :    Galatia,  Cappadocia, 
Armenia,  and  Syria.     London,  1899. 

22.  Syria, 

M.  Duane:  Coins  of  the  Seleucidae.    London,  1803. 
A.  von  Sallet  :  Die  Fursten  von  Palmyra.     Berlin,  1866. 
F.  DE  Saulcy  :  Memoire  sur  les  Monnaies  datees  des  Seleucides.    Paris, 
1871. 
Numismatique  pahnyrenienne.     Rev.  Arch.  1872. 
Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte.     Paris,  1874. 
P.  Gardner  :  British  Museum  Catalogue :  Seleucid  Kings  of  Syria. 
London,  1878. 


252  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [app.  v 

E.  H.  BuNBURY  :   TJnpuWshed  Coins  of  the  Kings  of  Syria.     Num  Chr. 
1883. 

E.  Babelon  :  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Catalogue  :  Les  Rois  de  Syrie, 

d'Armenie  et  de  Commagene.     Paris,  1890. 
W.  W.  Wroth  :   British    Museum    Catalogue :    Galatia,    Cappadocia, 
Armenia,  Syria   (Koinon,  Commagene,  Cyrrhestica,  Chalcidico, 
Palmyra,  Seleucis  and  Pieria^  Coele -Syria,  Trachonitis,  Deca- 
polis).     London,  1899. 

23.  Cj'prus  and  Phoenicia. 

H.  DE  LuYNES  :  Numismatique  et  Inscriptions  Cypriotes.      Paris,  1852. 
J.  P.  Six  :   Ohsercations  sur  les  Monnaies pheniciennes.     Num.  Chr.  1877. 

Du  Classement  des  Series  Cypriotes.     Rev.  Num.  1883. 
E  Babelon  :  Marathus.    Rev.  Num.  1888. 
Aradus.     Rev.  Num.  1891. 
Les  Monnaies  et  la  Chronologic  des  Rois  de  Sidon.      Bull.  Corr. 

Hellen.XV.  (i  91). 
Bibliotheque  Nationale,   Catalogue :   Les  Perses  Achemenides  . .  . 
Cypre  et  Phenicie.     Paris,  1893. 

24.  Galilea,  Samaria,  Judaea. 

F.  DE  Saulcy  :  Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte.     Paris,  1874. 

E.  Merzbacher  :  Judische  Aufstandsmiinzen.     Z.  f.  N.  1874. 

Untersuchungen  iiber  alt-hehrdische  Miinzen.     Z.  f.  N.  III-V.  (1876- 
1878). 

F.  W,  Madden  :  Coins  of  the  Jetvs.    London,  1881. 
Th.  Reinach  :  Les  Monnaies  juives.     Paris,  1888. 

L.  Hamburger  :  Die  Silher-Milnzpragungen  wahrend  des  letzten  Auf- 
standes  der  Israeliten.    Z.  f.  N.  XVIIL  (1891). 

25.  Arabia. 

H.  de  Luynes  :  Monnaies  des  Nabateens.    Rev.  Num.  1858. 

M.  DE  VoGiJE  :  Monnaies  des  rois  de  Nabatene.     Rev.  Num.  1868. 

F.  DE  Saulcy  :  Lettre  .  .  .  sur  la  Numismatique  des  Rois  nadatheens  de 

Petra.     Ann  de  Num.  1873. 
Numismatique  de  la  Terre  Sainte.     Paris,  1874. 
B.  V.  Head  :  On  Himyarite  and  other  Arabian  Imitations  of  Coins  of 

Athens.     Num.  Chr.  1878. 
On  a  Himyaritic  tetradrachm  and  the  Tresor  de  San'd.     Num.  Chr. 

1880. 

G.  Schlumbergee  :  Le  Tresor  de  Sand.     Paris,  1880. 

J.  H.  MoRDTMANN  :  Ncue  himjarische  Miinzen.     Num.  Zeit.  XIL  (1880). 
A.  Erman  :  Neue  arabische  Nachahmungen  griechischer  Miinzen.  Z.  f.  N. 
1882. 


APP.  V]  SELECT    BIBLIOGRAPHY  253 

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1887. 
E  Babelon:  Monnaies  nahateennes  inedites.     Rev.  Num.  1887. 


26.  Mesopotamia,  Babylonia,  Farthia,  Persia,  and  Satraps. 

H.  DE  LuYNES  :  Niimismatiqiie  des  Satrapies  et  de  la  Phenicie,     Paris, 

1846. 
A.  DE  LONGPERIER  :  Eois  PaHhes  Arsacides.     Paris^  1853-1882. 

A.  D.  MORDTMANN  :  Erkldrung  d.  Milnzen  mit  Pehlvi-Legenden.  Abtli.  I. 

Sasaniden.     Zeit.  d.  deutsch.  morgenland.  Gesellsch.  1854. 
W.   H.  Waddington  :    Niunismatique  et   Chronologie  des  Eois  de  la 

Characene.     Rev.  Num.  1866. 
P.  Gardner  :  The  Parthian  Coinage.     London,  1877. 

B.  V.  Head  :  The  Coinage  of  Lydia  and  Persia.     London,  1877. 

A.  VON  Sallet  :  Die  Milnzen  d.  Konige  v.  Characene.     Z.  f.  N.  VIIL 

(1881). 
J.  P.  Six  :  Le  Satrape  Mazaios.     Num.  Chr.  1884. 
E.  Drouin  :  Monnaies  a  Legendes  arameennes  de  Characene.   Rev.  Num. 

1889. 
E.  Babelon  :    Numismatiqiie  d  Edesse  en  Mesopoiamie.     Rev.  Beige, 
1892. 
Les  Monnaies  des  Satrapes.     Rev.  Num.  1892. 
Bibliotheque  Nationale,   Catalogue :   Les  Perses  Achemenides,  les 

Satrapes,  &c.     Paris,  1893. 
La  Numismatique  et  la  Chronologie  des  Dynastes  de  la  Characene. 
Journ.  Intern.  1898. 

E.  J.  Rapson  :   Marhoff's  unpublished  Coins  of  the  Arsacidae.     Num. 

Chr.  1893. 

F.  Imhoof-Blumer  :  Die  Miinzstiitte  Babylon.     Num.  Zeit.  1896. 

27.  Bactria  and  India. 

A.  Cunningham  :  Coins  of  Alexander  s  Successors  in  the  East.     Num. 

Chr.  1868-70. 
A.  VON  Sallet  :    Nachfolger  Alexanders  d.  Gr.  in  Bactrien  u.  Indien. 

Z.  f.  N.  VI-X.  (1879-83). 
P.  Gardner  :  British  Museum  Catalogue :  Greek  and  Scythic  Kings 

of  Bactria  and  India.     London,  1886. 
E.  J.  Rapson  :    Indian  Coins.     [Buhler's  Grundriss  d.  indo-arischen 

Philol.  u.  Altertumskunde.]     Strassburg,  1898. 

28.  Egypt. 

A.  VON  Sallet  :  Die  Daten  d.  alexandrinischen  KaisermUnzen.   Berlin, 
1870. 


254  GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS  [app.  v 

F.  Feu  ARDENT  :  Numismatigue— l^gypte  ancienne.     Paris,  1870-1873. 
J.  DE  Rouge  :  Monnaies  des  Nomes  d'Egypte.     Rev.  Num.  1874,  and 

Ann.  de  Num.  VI.  (1882). 
R.  S.  Poole  :    British  Museum  Catalogue :  the  Ptolemies,  Kings  of 

Egypt.     London,  1883. 
British  Museum  Catalogue :  Alexandria  and  the  Nomes.     London, 

1892. 
F.  Lenormant  :    Lettre  .  .  .  sur  les  Monnaies  egyptiennes.     Ann.  de 

Num.  VIIL  (1884). 

E.  Revillout  :    Lettres  .  .  .  sur  les  Monnaies  egyptiennes.     Ann.  de 

Num.  VIII-XIX.  (1884-1895). 
B.  P.  Grenfell  :    The  Silver  and  Copper  Coinage  of  the  Ptolemies. 

[Revenue    Laws    of  Ptolemy    Philadelphus,    Appendix    IlL] 

Oxford,  1896. 
L.  ScHWABE  :    Die  kaiserlichen  Decennalien  u.  die  alexandrinischen 

Milnzen.     Tubingen,  1896. 

29.  Africa  (excluding  Egypt). 

L.  Muller:  Monnaies  de  Tancienne  Afrique.     4  vols.     Copenhagen, 
1 860- 1 874. 

F.  BoMPOis :  Medailles  grecques  autonomes  f rappees  dans  la  Cyrenatque. 

Paris,  1869. 
ZOBEL  DE  Zangroniz  :  Estudio  historico  de  la  Moneda  antigua  espanola 

(Hispano-Carthaginian  coins).     Madrid,  1879. 
E.  Drouin  :  Les  Listes  royales  4thiopiennes  et  leur  Autorite  historique. 

Rev.  Arch.  1882. 
R.  S.  Poole  :    British  Museum  Catalogue  :  the  Ptolemies  (Cyrenaica 

under  the  Ptolemies).     London,  1883. 
W.  F.  Prideaux  :   Coins  of  the  Axumite  Dynasty.     Num.  Chr.  1884. 
E.  Babelon  :  Monnaies  de  la  Cyrenaique.     Rev.  Num.  1885. 
A.  Mayr  :  Die  antiken  Milmen  der  Inseln  Malta,  Gozo,  u.  Pantelleria, 

Munich,  1894. 

30.  Roman  and  Byzantine. 

[See  also  §  A.] 

Baron  d'Ailly  :  Recherches  sur  la  Monnaie  romaine  depuis  son  Origine 

jusqua  la  Mort  d'Augusie.     Lyon,  1863. 
A.  MisSONG :    Zur  Milnzreform   unter  d.  rom.   Kaisern  Aurelian  u. 

Diocletian.    Num.  Zeit.  L  (1869). 
H.  A.  Grueber  :    British  Museum  Catalogue  of  Roman  Coins  :  Roman 

Medallions.    London,  1874. 
Th.  Mommsen  :  Romische  Denarschatze.     Z.  f.  N.  IL  (1875). 
P.  Brock:  Numismatische  TJntersuchungeniiber  die  spdtere  rom.  Kaiser- 

zeit  mit  hesonderer  Beziehung  auf  die  Milnzmarken.     Z.  f.  N.  II, 

III.  (1875,  76). 


App.  vj  SELECT    BIBLIOGRAPHY  255 

F.  Lenoemant  :  Etudes  sur  les  Ateliers  monetaires  et  leurs  Marques  dans 

la  Num.  romaine.     Ann.  de  Num.  V.  (1877). 
W.  Froehner  :  Les  Medallions  de  VEmpire  romain.     Paris,  1878. 
M.  Bahrfeldt  :    Ueher  die  altesten  Denare  Boms.    Z.  f.  N.  V.  (1878). 
A.  MlssoNG  :  Die  VorJdufer  der  Werthzahl  OB  auf  rom.  Goldmiinzen. 

Z.  f.  N.  Vn.  (1880). 
A.  DE  Belfort  :  Recherche  des  Monnaies  imperlales  romaines  non  decrites 

dans  r Outrage  de  H.  Cohen.     Ann.  de  Num.  VI.  (1882)— XIV, 

(1890). 
M.  Bahrfeldt  u.   K.  Samwer:    Geschichte   des  alteren  r^mischen 

MUnzwesens.    Vienna,  1883. 
M.  Bahrfeldt  :    Die  gefutterten  Miinzen  aus  d.  Zeit  der  romischen 

Bepuhlik.     Num.  Zeit.  XVI.  (1884). 

A.  Markl  :  Die  Reichs-Miinzstdtten  unter  der  Regierung  Claudius  II. 

Gothicus  u.  ihre  Emissionen.     Num.  Zeit.  XVI.  (1884). 

B.  Pick  :  Zur  Titulatur  der  Flarier.    Z,  f.  N.  XTII.  (1885) ;  XIV.  (1887). 
F.  Kenner  :  Moneta  Augusti.     Num.  Zeit.  XVIII.  (1886). 

F.  Kenner  :  Der  romische  MedaiUon.     Num.  Zeit.  XIX.  (1887). 

Th.  Mommsen  :  Die  filnfzehn  Munzsidtten  der filnfzehn  diocletianischen 

Diocesen.     Z.  f.  N.  XV.  (1887). 
F.  Gnecchi  :  Appimti  di  Niimismatica  romana.     Rivista  Italiana  di 

Numismatica,  I  ff.  (1888  if.). 
F.  Kenner  :    Romische  Goldharren  mit  Stempeln.     Arch.-epigr.  Mitt. 

aus  Oest.,  XlI.  =  Num.  Zeit.  XX.  (1888). 
A.  Markl  :  Die  Reichsmiinzstdtten  under  der  Regierung  des  Quintillus 

u.  ihre  Emissionen.     Num.  Zeit.  XXII.  (1890). 
0.  Seeck  :  Die  MUnzpolitik  Diocletians  u.  seiner  Nachfclger.     Z.  f.  N. 

XVII.  (1890). 
0.  VoETTER  :  Erste  christliche  Zeichen  auf  7'omischen  Miin  en.     Num. 

Zeit.  XXIV.  (1892). 
M.  Bahrfeldt  :    Ueberprdgte  Miinzen  aus  d.  Zeit  d.  rom.  Repiihlik. 

Z.  f.  N.  XIX.  (1895). 
R,  MowAT :  Les  Ateliers  monetaires  imperiaux  en  Gaule.     Rev.  Num. 

1895. 
R.  MowAT  :  Comhinaisons  secretes  de  Lettres  dans  les  Marques  tnonetaires 

de  VEmpire  romain.     Rev.  Num.  1897. 
J.  W.  Kubitschek  :    Beitrdge  zur  fmhhyzantinischen  Numismatik. 

Num.  Zeit.  XXIX.  (1897). 
0.  Seeck  :  Sesterz  und  Follis.     N.  Z.  XXVIII.  (1897). 
H.  Willers  :    Romische  Silherharren  mit  Stempeln.     Num.  Zeit.  xxx. 

1898. 


KEY  TO   THE  PLATES 


No. 

I 


Metal 

Weight  in 
Grammes 

EL 

1081 

A/ 

16.516 

EL 

1633 

EL 

14.01 

EL 

16.04 

EL 

14.22 

EL 

13.92 

A/ 

8.03 

/R 

10.30 

/R 

5-44 

A/ 

8.36 

PLATE  I 


Page 


Eev.   Oblong  incuse  be- 
Babylonic  Slater.     Early 


Lydia?  Striations. 
tween  two  squares. 
VIIc.  B.C 

Phocaea.  Seal  r.  Below,  O.  Rev.  Two 
incuse  squares  of  unequal  sizes.  Phocaic 
Stater.     Early  VI  c.  B.  c.  .         .         8,  33,  176,  214 

Cyzicus,  Tunny-fish  bound  with  fillets.  Rev. 
Two  incuse  squares  ;  in  smaller,  scorpion. 
Cyzicene  Stater.     Early  VI  c.  B.C.    . 

Ephesus?  AM^c^lM^^OW^AO.  Stag 
grazing  r.  [Rev.  Oblong  incuse  between 
two  squares.]  Phoenician  Stater.  Early 
VI  c.  B.C.      .         .         .         79,  160,  168,  181, 

Cyzicus.  Winged  female  figure  running  1., 
raising  hem  of  chiton  with  1.  ;  in  ex- 
tended r.  tunny.  Rev.  Incuse  square  of 
mill-sail  pattern.  Cyzicene  Stater,  b.  c.  500- 
450 ii9i  152,  158 

Uncertain  of  Ionia.  Two  lions'  scalps  com- 
bined inversely.  \_Rev.  Oblong  incuse  be- 
tween two  squares.  ]    Phoenician  Stater.    VII  c. 

B.C 


177 


167 


210, 


179 


Miletus.  Lion  with  head  reverted,  couch  ant 
r.,  within  frame.  Rev.  Three  incuses  ;  in 
first,  square,  stag's  head  r.  ;  in  second, 
oblong,  fox  running  1.  and  three  pellets ;  in 
third,  quatrefoil,  five  pellets  arranged  on 
two  lines  in  saltire.  Milesian^?)  Stater.  VII  c. 

B.  C.  .  . 

Sardes  (Croesus  ?).  Foreparts  of  lion  and  bull 

confronted.    Rev.  Two  incuse  squares.    Croe- 

sean  Gold  Stater,  b.  c.  568-554 
Sardes    (Croesus?).      Similar   to   preceding. 

Bahylonic  Stater.  B  c.  568  -554 
Persia.    The  Great  King  running  r.  with  bow 

and  spear.      \_Rev.  Incuse  square.]      Siglos. 

V  C.  B.  C 30, 

Persia  (Darius  I).  Similar  to  preceding. 
Baric.     B.C.  521-486    ....         30, 


58 


172 


172 


KEY    TO    THE    PLATES 


257 


No. 

Meial 

"Weigut  in 
Gbahhes 

la 

EL 

1 4  06 

la 

BUIon 

14-37 

14 

/R 

lO-Il 

(pierced) 

15 

M 

17-22 

16 

/R 

7-94 

Plate  I   {continued). 

Page 

Samos?  Forepart  of  bull  r.,  head  reverted. 
[iJer.  Quadripartite  incuse  square.]  Mile- 
sian (?)  Stater.     Late  VI  c.  b.  c.      .         .        39,  158 

Lesbos.     Gorgoneion.      Rev.  Incuse  square. 

Phoenician  Stater,     ca.  B.  c.  500       ...       70 

Calymna.  [Rudely  rcpiesented  archaic 
bearded  head  1.,  in  crested  helmet.]  Rev. 
Chelys,  in  incuse  impression  adapted  to  its 
shape.    Babylonic  Stater.    Early  VI  c.  B.  c.      .  i^Sn 

Cyrene.  Silphium,  silphium-seed,  and  lion's 
head  1.  Rev.  Eagle's  head  r.  with  serpent 
in  beak  ;  in  field,  floral  ornament ;  the  whole 
in  dotted  incuse  square.  Euboic  Tetradrachm. 
LateVIc.  B.c 114 

Chios.  Sphinx  seated  1.  ;  in  front,  amphora. 
Rev.  Quadripartite  incuse  square.  Chian 
didrach7n.     Early  V  c  b.  c.     .        .         .         .       39 


1     /R 

12.44 

/R 

17.16 

/R 

12.12 

/R 

16.48 

/R 

8.51 

JR 

2-75 

/R 

11-32 

/R 

2-93 

/R 

27.70 

PLATE   II. 

Aegina.     Sea-tortoise.     Rev.  Incuse  square, 

divided  into  eight  triangles.  Aeginetic  Stater. 

Early  VII  c.  b.c 8 

Athens.     Head  of  Athena  r.    iJer.  [A]0^. 

Owl    and    olive-spray    in    incuse    square. 

Attic  Stater,  ca.  560  B.C.  .  .  8,  161,  169 
ITaxos.     Cantharus  decorated  with  ivy  and 

grapes.     Rev.    Quadripartite  incuse  square, 

Aeginetic  Stater.     VI  c.  B.  c.     .  .         .         8,  167 

IBuboea.      Gorgoneion.      Rec.    Bull's     head 

facing,  in  incuse  square.     Euboic  Tetradrachm. 

LateVIc.  B.C 8 

Corinth.     Pegasus    bridled,    wing    curved, 

walking    1. ;    below     0.      Rev.    Incuse    of 

swastika  form.     CorintJiian  Stater,     b.  c.  625- 

585 41 

Corinth.  Similar  to  preceding,  but  Pegasus 
flies.     Corinthian  Drachm.     B.C.  625-585         .       41 

Corcyra.  Cow  1.  suckling  calf.  Rev.  Two 
oblong  incuses,  each  containing  floral  de- 
vice.  Corcyraean Stater.  B.C.  585-500.  9,40,117,177 

Arcadia.  Zeus  Aphesius  seated  1.  with 
sceptre  and  eagle.  Rev.  V\o>|[|]AA>l[5lA]. 
Head  of  Artemis  r.  in  incuse  square. 
Aeginetic  Triohol.     480-417  B.  c.  .         .         81,  107 

Edoni  (Getas  .  Man  r.,  wearing  causia,  be- 
tween two  oxen.  Rev.  rETABA^IAEH- 
^HAH/VAA^  within  an  incuse  square 
and  enclosing  raised  quadripartite  square. 
Phoenician  Octudrachm.    ca.  b.c.  500  .      24)65,  i8ir% 


258 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


No. 

Mbtal 

I 

/R 

2 

/R 

3 

/R 

4 

/R 

5 

/R 

6 

/R 

7 

>R 

8 

;r 

9 

/R 

TO 

/R 

Weight  in 
Grammes 

8-39 
7.48 

829 

5-55 
17.08 

44-43 

17.17 
0-85 

17-37 
3-95 


PLATE  III. 


Page 


Populonia  (Etruria).  Gorgoneion;  beneath, 
X.  Rev.  plain.  Euboic-Syracusan  piece  of  10 
units,     ca.  480  b.  c.        .         .         .         .         .    56  n 

Poseidonia.  MOP  (  =  no<r)  Poseidon  r. 
wielding  trident.  Rev.  MOT  (in  raised 
letters).  Similar  type  1.,  incuse,  and  seen 
from  behind.  Campanian  Stater.  550- 
480  B.C.  .         .         .         104,152,158,161,169 

Caulonia.  Kft  Vh  Apollo  r.  with  branch 
in  raised  r.,  on  extended  1.  winged  figure 
running  r. ;  in  field  r.  stag.  [Rev.  Similar 
type  1.  incuse,  but  winged  figure  absent,  no 
inscr.]     Italic  Stater.     550-480  B.C.      103,161,171 

Zancle.  >ANKkE  Dolphin  1.  within 
harbour  of  Zancle.  Rev.  Incuse  square 
divided  into  many  compartments  ;  in  cen- 
tral square,  shell.  Aeginetic  (?)  Di-achm. 
Before  B.  c.  493 174,181 

Syracuse.  Quadriga  r.,  above  which  Nike 
laying  hand  on  head  of  one  of  the  horses. 
Rev.  ^YRApO^IO/V  Female  head  r. 
(Arethusa  ?)  surrounded  by  four  dolphins. 
Incuse  circle.  Attic  Tetradrachm.  b.  c.  485- 
478 159,  161,  17a 

Syracuse.  Quadriga  r.,  horses  crowned  by 
flying  Nike.  In  exergue,  lion  r.  Rev. 
^Yi^AKoCloA^  Laureate  head  r.  (Nike) 
surrounded  by  dolphins.  Incuse  circle. 
Bemareteion  {Attic  Lecadrackm).    b.c.  480 

65,  159,  161,  172,  200 

Gala.  [Quadriga  r. ,  horses  crowned  by  flying 
Nike.]  Rev.  <EAA^  Forepart  of  human- 
headed  bull  r.  Incuse  circle.  Attic  Tetra- 
drachm.    ca.  B.C.  485 .         .         .         .         161,171 

Sybaris  and  Poseidonia.  VM  (  =  2u) 
Poseidon  r.  wielding  trident.  Rev.  M  O  T 
Bull  standing  r.  Concave  field.  Italic 
Litra.     ca.  B.C.  453-448 115 

Agrigentum.  AKPAF  Two  eagles  r.  on 
hare.  Rev.  AKP AT  AN[TI]A^O A^  Crab  ; 
below,  Scylla  1.  [Formerly  in  Ashburnham 
Collection.]   Attic  Tetradrachm.  Late  Vc.  B.C.     163 

Velia.  Female  head  r  Rev.  VEAH  Owl  on 
olive-branch ;  in  field  r.,  A.  Campanian 
Drachm.     500-450  b.c 6i 


KEY    TO    THE    PLATES 


259 


Metal 

JR 


/R 
/R 
/R 

/E 

M 

/R 
EL 
EL 
/R 
JR 
/R 

/R 


Weight  in 
Grammes 


856 


[7-18 


11.67 


8-55 


570 


255 


252 


11-54 


11.08 


"•55 


PLATE  IV. 


Fags 


71  n 


162 


204 


81 


169 


Magnesia  ad  Maeandrum.  OEAAI^- 
TOKAEO^  Apollo  standing  r,,  holding 
long  laurel-branch.  Rev.  M  A  Eagle  flying, 
in  dotted  incuse  square.  [Bibliotheque 
Nationale,  Paris.]  Attic  Didrachm.  ca.  460B.C. 

Gortyna.  Goddess  seated  in  tree.  Rev.  Traces 
of  inscription  V\OlV\VTSOA.  Bull  1. 
Incuse  circle.  Aeginetic  Stater,  ca.  431-400   163, 204 

Athens.  Head  of  Athena  r.  Rev.  AOE  Owl 
and  olive-branch,  in  incuse  square.  Attic 
Tetradrachm.     Mid.  V  c.  b.  c 

Gortyna.  Goddess  seated  in  tree.  Rev.  Bull 
r.,  licking  r.  hind-leg.  Concave  field. 
Aeginetic  Stater.    Early  IV  c.  b  c.  . 

£jleusis.  Triptolemos  1.  in  winged  car  drawn 
by  serpents.  Rev.  [E]AEY^[I]  Pig  r. 
standing  on  *  bacchos.'  In  exergue,  pig's 
head  r.  and  ivy-leaf.     Mid.  IV  c.  B.C.    . 

Corinth.  Pegasus  1.  Below,  O.  Rev.  Hel- 
meted  head  of  Athena  1.  ;  behind,  palmette. 
Concave  field.  Corinthian  Stater,  ca.  400- 
338  B.c 

Trapezus.  [Male  head  1.,  wearing  wreath.] 
Rev.  TPA  Table,  on  which  bunch  of 
grapes  (?).     Babylonic  Drachm.     IV  c.  B.C.     .     176 

Phocaea.  Female  head  1.,  hair  in  kerchief ; 
beneath,  seal.  \_Rev.  Mill-sail  incuse  square.] 
Phocaean  Sixth,     ca.  400 B.C.   .         .         15,65,119 

Lesbos.  Female  head  three  quarters  r. 
iRev.  Bull's  head  1 ,  in  incuse  square.] 
Lesbian  Sixth.     Early  IV  c.  B.C.     .         15,  105,  120 

Thebes.  Boeotian  shield.  Rev.  EPAMI 
(altered  in  the  die  from  E  P  P  A)  above,  rose. 
Aeginetic  Stater,     ca.  378-362  b.  c.        .         108,  124 

Phaestlis.  T  A  A  n[  N  ]  Tales  hurling  stones. 
[Rev.  0AI^TinN  Bull  butting  r.]  Aegi- 
netic Stater.     IVc.  b.  c. .         .        ,         .         .170 

Tarsus,  Satrap  Mazaeus.  Ba altars  seated 
1. ;  his  name  in  Aramaic  (nnbra).  Rev.  Lion 
devouring  bull ;  beneath,  walls  of  Tarsus. 
In  Aramaic,  -]bm  Nirriiaj?  W  "•t  nto,  Mazaeus, 
who  is  over  Eber-nahara  and  Cilicia.  Baby- 
Ionic  Stater,     ca.  362-328  B.C.         .        97,169,206 

Samos.  ^YN  Infant  Heracles  strangling 
serpents.  [Rev.  ^  A  Lion's  scalp,  in  incuse 
circle.]  Rhodian Tridrachm.  ca.  394  365  b.c.  112, 173 


S   2 


26o 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


No. 

Metal 

"Wbioht  in 
Grammes 

X 

/R 

14.29 

a 

/R 

11.87 

3 

/R 

13.21 

4 

A/ 

9-10 

5 

/R 

15-18 

6 

/R 

14-63 

7 

fR 

12.14 

8 

EL 

15-95 

9 

/R 

15-31 

lO 

A/ 

8-37 

II 

^ 

14.44 

12 

/R 

12.03 

PLATE  V. 


PAOI 


Amphipolis.  Head  of  Apollo,  three-quar- 
ters r.  Eev.  AM0inoAITEnN  in 
square  frame,  within  which  are  a  race- 
torch  and  A.  Incuse  square.  Phoenician 
Stater,     ca.  400  b  c.     .         .         .         160,  163,  172 

Elis.  [Eagle  to  r.,  tearing  a  hare.  (Counter- 
mark, double-axe.)]  Rev.  F  A  Nike  seated 
1.  on  basis,  holding  palm-branch ;  in  exergue, 
olive-spray.  Incuse  circle.  Aeginetic  Stater. 
ca.  400  B.c 163 

Cyrene.  Head  of  Zeus  Ammon,  three-quar- 
ters 1.,  in  wieath.  Eev.  V>|  Silphium 
plant.  PA 

Al/1 
Phoenician  Slater,     ca.  400  b.c.       .         .         .     173 

Panticapaeum.  Head  of  Satyr,  three- 
quarters  1.  Rev.  PAN  Griffin  holding  spear 
in  mouth ;  he  stands  1.  on  an  ear  of  corn. 
Crimean  Gold  Stater,     ca.  350  b.c.       .         18,33,40 

Rhodes.  Head  of  Helios,  three-quarters  r. 
Rev.  [P]OAIO[N]  Rose  with  bud.  Infield, 
sphinx  1.  The  whole  in  incuse  square.  Rho- 
dian  Tetradrachm.     Early  IV  c.  b.  c.    10, 39, 1 69, 176 

Cyzieus,  Satrap  Pharnabazus.  <t)AP- 
[N]ABA  Head  of  Pharnabazus  r.  in  Per- 
sian head-dress.  [Rev.  Prow  1.  ;  below, 
tunny.  Incuse  circle.]  Phoenician  Stater. 
ca.  410  b.c 96 

Delphi.  Head  of  Demeter  1.,  veiled  and 
wreathed  with  corn.  Rev.  A  M  <t)  I K T I O- 
|slHN  Apollo  with  lyre  and  laurel-branch 
seated  1,  on  omphalos ;  in  front,  tripod. 
Concave  field.  Aeginetic  Stater,  ca.  346  b.c.   1x8,169 

Cyzieus.  Bearded  head  1.  in  laureate  pileus 
(Cabeiros?)  ;  below,  tunny.  [Rev.  Mill-sail 
incuse  square.]     Cyzicene  Stater    .         .         14, 119 

lasus?  Satrap  Tissaphernes  ?  Head  of 
Satrap  r.  in  Persian  head-dress.  [Rev. 
B  A  ^  I A  Lyre.]    Phoenician  Stater,     ca.  412- 

408  B.C 164 

Xiampsacus.  Bearded  head  1.  as  on  no.  8. 
[Rev.  Forepart  of  winged  horse  r.  in  incuse 
square.]     Lampsacene  Gold  Stater,     ca.  394- 

350  B-C 120,   164 

Chalcidice.  Head  of  Apollo  1.  Rev.  X[A]A- 
l<  I  A  E  H  M  Lyre ;  above,  tripod.  Phoenician 
Stater.     Early  IV  c.  b.c.         ....     108 

Pheneus.  [Head  of  Demeter  1. ;  behind, 
no.]  Rev.  <t>E|vlEnN  Hermes,  caducous 
in  r.,  carrying  infant  Areas  ;  between  legs 
of  Hermes,  O .  Aeginetic  Stater,  ca.  350  b  .  c.  1 69, 1 70 


KEY    TO    THE    PLATES 


261 


No. 

I 


JlETAL 

JR 


/R 


;r 

/R 


JR 
JR 

JR 
/R 


Weight  in 

Q&AHUSS 


17.44 


1743 


^7-15 


4283 


[5.00 


43-36 


17-26 


7-74 


PLATE  VI. 


Pagb 


173 


1 6a 


Naxos  (Sicily).  Head  of  Dionysus  r.  wearing 
ivy- wreath.  Eev.  /V  AX  I O  /V  Silenus seated 
on  ground,  raising  cantharos  to  his  lips. 
Incuse   circle.      Attic  Tetradrachm.     ca.   460 

B.C 159,  162,  219 

Seliniis  (Sicily).  River-god  CEAIl^O^  1. 
sacrificing  with  patera  at  altar,  before  which 
a  cock  ;  in  his  1.  a  laurel-branch ;  behind 
him,  selinon-leaf  and  bull  on  basis.  [Rev. 
V\0|TV\0V\|A3^  Apollo  and  Artemis 
in  quadriga  1.,  Apollo  shooting  with  his 
bow.]     Attic  Tetradrachm.     ca.  460B.C.  . 

I^axos  (Sicily).  Types  similar  to  no.  i,  but 
on  rev.  ivy  grows  beside  Silenus,  who  holds 
thyrsus.     Attic  Tetradrachm.     ca.  415  B.C. 

Syracuse.  ^YPAKo^mN  Head  of  Per- 
sephone  1 ,  wearing  wreath  of  corn ;  around, 
four  dolphins  ;  in  field  A  ;  below,  traces  of 
signature  EYAlNE.  [Rev.  Quadriga  1.; 
above,  Nike  crowning  charioteer  ;  below,  on 
steps,  shield,  greaves,  cuirass  and  helmet ; 
below  which  AO[A]A.]  Attic  Decadrachm. 
ca.  400  B.  c.    .         .      \         .         65,  159,  163, 

Thurium.  Head  of  Athena  r.  J?eu.  ©OY- 
PI-TLhJ  H  Bull  butting  r.  Incuse  square. 
Italic  Distater.     ca.  440  B.C.         .         .         117, 

Syracuse.  CYPAhCO^inN  Head  of  Are- 
thusa  1.  ;  around,  four  dolphins,  on  lowest 
of  which  Kl  M.QN.  Rev.  Similar  to  no.  4. 
Attic  Decadrachm.  ca.  400  b.  c.    65, 159, 163, 172, 193 

Syracuse.  APEOO^A  Head  of  Arethusa 
facing,  dolphins  amid  her  hair.  On  diadem, 
KlMQN.  J2e«.  ^YPAKO ^ I nN  Quad- 
riga 1.,  Nike  above  advancing  towards 
charioteer ;  meta  overturned  beneath  horses' 
feet  ;  in  exergue,  ear  of  corn.  Attic  Tetra- 
drachm  '       163,  172 

Terina.  Head  of  Nike  r.  in  laurel- wreath  ; 
behind  head,  0.  Rev.  TEPlNAIO|sJ 
Nike,  holding  caduceus  and  bird,  seated  r. 
onhydria,  KalicStaier.  ca.420B.  c,    ,         158,163 


193 


163 


M 


14-39 


PLATE  VIL 

Philip  II  of  Macedon.  Head  of  Zeus  L 
Rev.  <t)IAinPoY  Youth  on  horseback  to 
r.  carrying  palm-branch  ;  in  field,  bee. 
Phoenician  Stater.     359-336  b.  c.      .         .         9,171 


262 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


.    Metal 

"Weight  in 
Grammes 

A/ 

8.62 

A/ 

8.62 

JR 

17-26 

A/ 

8.62 

/R 

17.21 

/R 

i7.1t 

A/ 

27.77 

/R 

14.79 

/R 

T7.24 

JR 

16.85 

Plate  VII   (continued). 

Pagb 

Philip  II  of  Macedon.  Youthful  male  head 
r.  Bev.  <|)  I A I  P  P  O  Y  Biga  to  r.  In  field, 
thunderbolt.    Philippeiis.    358-336 B.C.  9,  164,  177 

Philippi.  Head  of  Heracles  r.  in  lion's  skin. 
Rev.  4>IAIPPnisl  Tripod;  above,  palm- 
branch  ;  to  r.,  Phrygian  cap.  Gold  Stater. 
358  336  B.C 20,  83 

Alexander  III  of  Macedon.  Head  _of 
Heracles  r.  in  lion's  skin.  Rev.  AAE.^- 
ANAPoY  Zeus  seated  L,  with  eagle 
and  sceptre.  In  field  1.,  prow.  Attic  Tetra- 
drachm.     336-323  B.C.  .         .         10,  171,  172,  178 

Aradus,  imitation  of  Alexander  III.  Head 
of  Athena  r.  ;  on  helmet,  coiled  serpent. 
22ev.  A  A  E  i  A  N  A  P  O  Y  Nike  1.  with  wreath 
and  trophy-stand.  In  field  1.  Phoenician 
inscription  nd  (of  A[radus]),  r.  AP  in 
monogram.     Gold  Stater,     ca.  310  B.C.    .         9>  171 

Lysimachus  of  Thrace.  Head  of  Alexander 
the  Great  r.,  with  ram's  horn.  Rev.  BA^I- 
AE-n-[^]  AY^IMAXO[Y]  Athena 
seated  1.  holding  Nike.  In  field,  cornuco- 
piae  and  lyre.     Attic  Tetradrachm.     306-281 

B.C 10 

Demetrius  Poliorcetes.  Head  of  Deme- 
trius r.,  diademed,  with  bull's  horn  (as 
Bacchus).  [Rev.  BASIAE-^lS  AHMH- 
TPloY  Poseidon  1.  leaning  on  trident. 
Two  monograms.]  Attic  Tetradrachm.  306- 
286  B.  c 10 

Ptolemy  II  of  Egypt,  and  family.  O  E  H  M 
Busts  jugate  r.  of  Ptolemy  I  and  Berenice  I, 
diademed.  Rev.  AAEAc^flN  Busts  juga!e 
r.  of  Ptolemy  II  and  Arsino6  II,  diademed. 
Behind,  shield.  Phoenician  Octadrachm. 
277  B.C.  or  later 65,185 

Ptolemy  I  of  Egypt.  Head  of  Ptolemy  I 
r.,  diademed.  [Rev.  PToAEMAloY 
BASIAEjQZ  Eagle  1.  on  thunderbolt. 
In  field  1.  2  A  in  monogram  (Sapamis]  in 
Cyprus).]     Phoenician  Stater.     305-284  B.C.  .       10 

Demetrius  Poliorcetes.  Nike  blowing 
trumpet  on  prow  1.  Rev.  AHMHTPlOY 
B  A  2 1 A  E  -^  E  Poseidon  1.  wielding  trident. 
Two  monograms.  Attic  Tetradrachm,  306- 
286  B  c 10,  175 

Seleucus  I  of  Syria.  Head  of  Seleucus  r., 
wearing  helmet  made  of  skin  of  bull's  hend, 
and  lion's  skin  round  neck.  [Rev.  BAZI- 
AE-^S  ZEAEYKOY  Nike  r.  placing 
wreath  on  trophy.]    Attic  Tetradrachm.    306- 

280  B.  C. 10 


KEY    TO    THE    PLATES 


263 


fo. 

Metal 

I 

A/ 

2 

JR 

3 

JR 

4 

JR 

5 

IR 

6 

JR 

7 

JR 

8 

A/ 

Weight  in 
Grammes 


JR 


JR 


8.31 


17-16 


10.71 


17.00 


16-64 


16.82 


16.87 


863 


16-69 


16.45 


PLATE   VIII. 


Page 


Diodotus  of  Bactria.  Head  of  Diodotus  r., 
diademed.  Rev.  BAZIAE-^^Z  AloAO- 
ToY  Zeus  1.  hurling  thunderbolt,  aegis  on 
his  arm  ;  in  field  1.,  wreath  and  eagle.  Gold 
Stater,     ca.  250  b.c 

Mithradates  II  of  Pontus.  Head  of  Mithra- 
dat^s  II  r.,  diademed.  [Rev.  BASIAEHE 
MIOPAAATOY  Zeus  seated  1.  with 
eagle  and  sceptre;  in  field  1.,  star  and  cresc- 
ent; three  monograms.]  Attic  Tetradrachm. 
240-190?  B.C.        . 

Alexander  of  Epirus.  Head  of  Zeus  r., 
wreathed  wi  til  oak.  Rev.  AAEIANAPoY 
[TO]Y  NEOPTOAEMOY  Thunderbolt. 
In  field,  eagle  r.  Corcyrean  Stater.  342-3263.  c. 

Antimachus  of  Bactria.  Head  of  Anti- 
machus    r.,  wearing    diadem    and    causia. 

[Rev.  BAZIAEnS  OEoY  ANTIMA- 

XoY  Poseidon  standing  to  front,  with 
trident  and  palm-branch.  Monogram  in 
field.]     Attic  Tetradrachm.     ca.  200B.  c. 

Side.  Head  of  Athena  r.  (Countermark, 
E4>E  and  bow  in  bow-case).  [Rev.  Nike  1. 
carrying  wieath  ;  in  field  1.  pomegranate 
and  AH.]     Attic  Tetradrachm.     ca.  100 B.C.   . 

Aetolia.  [Head  of  Heracles  r.  in  lion's  skin.  ] 
Rev.  [A]ITnAn[N]  Aetolia  seated  r.  on 
pile  of  shields,  r.  resting  on  spear  ;  in  field, 
letters  and  monogram.  Attic  Tetradrachm. 
279-168  B.C. 108 

Philip  V  of  Macedon.  On  a  Macedonian 
shield,  head  of  the  hero  Perseus  1.  in  winged 
bonnet,  harpa  over  shoulder,  with  features 
of  Prince  Pereus.  \Rev.  BASIAEHS 
0 1 A I  r^'n  O  Y  Club,  three  monograms.  The 
whole  in  oak-wreath,  outside  which,  sword.] 
Attic  Tetradrachm.     220-178  B.C.  .         i59>  171 

Alexander  II  of  Syria.  Head  of  Alexander  r. , 
diademed.      iSev.  [B]  ASI AEHZ  AAE_L- 

ANAPoY  OEOY  EHlOANoYZ 
NIKHOOPOY  Zeus  seated  1.  with  Nike 
and  sceptre.     Gold  Stater.     128-123  B.C.        .       12 

Perga.  Head  of  Artemis  r.,  laureate,  quiver 
at  shoulder.  [Rev.  APTEMIAoZflEP- 
r  A I A  Z  Artemis  1.  with  wreath  and 
sceptre,  accompanied  by  hind ;  in  field, 
sphinx  r.]     Attic  Tetradrachm.    lie.  B.C.   164,169 

Smyrna.  Head  of  Cybele  r.,  turreted.  Rev. 
ICMYPNAI-^N  and  monogram  in  oak- 
wreath.  Attic  Tetradrachm.    lie.  B.C.     11,164,169 


164 


164 


164 


39 


264 


GKEEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


Metal 

/R 


JR 


/R 


/R 


/R 


/R 


N 


IR 


Weight  m 
Grammes 


[6.82 


13-41 


13-97 


1.81 


3-4 


8.23 


1665 


PLATE   IX. 

Epidaurus  (Achaean  League).  Head  of  Zeus 
r.,  laureate.  Kev.  In  laurel-wreath  AX  in 
monogram.  Above  monogram,  serpent ;  in 
field  2!  Q.     Aeginetic  Triobol.     Ill  c.  B.  c.      10, 

Byzantium  (imitation  of  Lysimachus\  Head 
of  Alexander  the  Great  r.  with  ram's  horn 
and  diadem.  Rev.  BASIAEHZ  AYSI- 
MAXOY  Athena  seated  1.  holding  Nike. 
In  field,  monogram  ;  on  seat  BY;  in  exergue, 
trident.    Attic  Tetradrachm.    lie.  B.C.    11,154, 

Byzantium.  Head  of  Demeter  r.  veiled  and 
wreathed  with  corn.  i?ei'.  [E]PI  OAYM- 
nioAnP[OY]^  Poseidon  seated  r.  In 
field  1.  P^  r.  monogram.  Phoenician  Stater. 
ca.  280-270  B  c.    . 

Chalcedon.  Head  of  Demetor  r.  veiled  and 
wreathed  with  corn.  Rev.  KAAX  Apollo, 
with  bow  and  arrow,  seated  r.  on  omphalos. 
In  field,  monogram  and  A  I.  Phoenician 
Stater,     ca.  280-270  b.c 

Masicytes  (Lycian  League).  Head  of  Apollo 
r.laureate,  bow  at  shoulder.  Rev.  AYKI  Q|sJ 
MAZ  Lyre  in  incuse  square.  Rhodian  {?) 
Ih-achm.     i68-ca.  81  b. c.         .         .         88,111, 

Dyrrhaehium.  MO|s|oYNloZ  Cow  r. 
suckling  calf ;  to  r.,  ear  of  corn  ;  in  exergue, 
grapes  Rev.  AYP  AAMHNoZ  Double 
floral  pattern  within  square.     229-100  b.  c.  . 

Athens.  Head  of  Athena  Parthenos  r.  Rev. 
AOE.  BAIIAE.  MIOPAAATHZ 
API  ZT I  nN  Owl  on  amphora;  in  field, 
star  between  two  crescents.  The  whole  in 
olive-wreath.     87-6  b  c.      .         .         .         87, 

Athens.  Head  of  Athena  r.  Rev.  AOE. 
ANTIOXOS  KAPAIXOS  MENAN. 

Owl  on  amphora ;   in  field,  elephant  ;   on 
amphora  I  ;  below  ZCJ).  The  whole  in  olive- 


Pac.k 


178 


106 


106 


153 


wreath.   Shortly  before  175  b.c. 


II,  130 


m 


14.97 


PLATE  X. 

Tiridates  II  of  Parthia.  Head  of  king  L, 
diademed.  Rev.  BACIAEHC  BACI- 
AEnisI  APCAKCC  EVEPTET.V 
AlKAiaV  Eni-I-ANDVC  [-l-JIAEA- 
AHNDC  King  seated  1.,  holding  Nike. 
Debased  Attic  Tetradrachm.     33-32  B.C.. 


160 


1  An  Olympiodorus  was  prostates  of  Byzantium  in  221  b.c.,  but  this  coin  is  probably  to 
be  connected  with  another  person  of  that  name. 


KEY    TO    THE    PLATES 


265 


Metal 

Weight  in 
Grammes 

JR 

12.47 

JR 

16.93 

JE 

— 

JR 

16.76 

JR 

II-5I 

/R 

16.  8 

JR 

T3.04 

JR 

3-76 

Plate   X   (contimied). 


Page 


Pergamum.  Cista  mystica  with  serpent 
issuing  from  it ;  the  whole  in  ivy-wreath. 
Rev.  nEP  in  monogram.  Bow  in  bow- 
case  between  two  serpents.  In  field  r.,  race- 
torch.     CistopJiorus.     ca.  200-133  B.C.     .         .       39 

Perseus  of  Macedon.  Head  of  Perseus  r., 
diademed.  [Rev.  BAZIAEHS  TTEP- 
ZEUS  Eagle  on  thunderbolt;  in  field, 
three  monograms,  one  of  HI  jQtA.os;  the  whole 
in  oak-wreath,  below  which,  plough.]  Attic 
Tetradrachm.     178-168  b.c 164 

Antiochus  VI  of  Syria.  Head  of  Antiochus 
r.  radiate.     [Rev. ,  B  A  Z I  A[E  HZ]  A  N  T I  - 

oXo[V]    EniCpANoV[Z]     AloNV- 

S[OV]  Panther  1.  holding  palm-branch. 
In  field  ZTA.]  Serrated  edge.  145-142 
B.c 150,  154 

Macedon.  Head  of  Artemis  r.  on  Mace- 
donian shield.  Rev.  MAKEAONHN 
Club  ;  above  LEG  and  hand  holding  olive- 
branch.  The  whole  in  oak-wreath.  Attic 
Tetradrachm.    After  146  b.c.    .         .         11,88,159 

Apamea  (Phvygia).  [In  ivy- wreath,  cista 
mystica,  from  which  issues  serpent.)  Rev. 
LENTVLVS  IMPERAToR  KAZ- 
ToPO[Z  -  -  -]  Bow-case  between  two 
serpents.  In  field  1.  bow  and  [AlTTA,  r. 
double  flute.     Cistophorus.     56-53  b.  c.  .         .       88 

Mithradates  VI  the  Great  of  Pontus. 
Head  of  Mithradates  r.,  diademed.  Rev. 
BA^IAEHC  MI0PAAATOV  EV- 
riATOPO^  stag  1.  browsing.  In  field, 
star  and  crescent,  two  monograms,  and 
BKZ  (222^1  ;  below  0.  The  whole  in  ivy- 
wreath.     Attic  Tetradrachm.     76-75  b.  c.         .     165 

Ascalon.  Head  of  Cleopatra  r.,  diademed. 
[Rev.  AZKAAnislUnN  lEPAZ  AZY- 

A  O  Y  Eagle  1.  with  palm-branch  on  thunder- 
bolt ;  in  field,  monogram  and  L  N  6  (year 

55).]     50-49  B.c 165 

Archelaus  of  Cappadocia.  Head  of  Arche- 
laus   r.,    diademed.      Rev.     BAZIAEHZ 

APXEAAoV+IAonATPIAoZToY 
KTIZToVClub.    Date  KB.    15-14B.0.   .     165 


266 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


.    Metal 

Weight  in 

Grammes 

M 

7.82 

A/ 

8-59 

A/ 

4.67 

;r 

4.11 

/R 

17.11 

JR 

27.77 

A/ 

3-41 

/R 

4-32 

A/ 

3-37 

JR 

1-07 

JR 

2.24 

Pagb 


181 


PLATE   XI. 

Tarentum.  Boy  on  horseback  r.  placing 
wreath  on  head  of  horse ;  another  boy- 
examining  horse's  hoof.  In  field  0.  Eev. 
TAP A^,  with  shield  and  trident  to  1.  on 
dolphin ;  below,  E  and  waves.  Concave 
field.    344-334  B.O.       .        .         62,172,175, 

Tarentum.  Veiled  head  of  Demeter  r.  In 
front  TAP  A  and  dolphin,  behind  E.  Rev. 
TAPANTlNnN  Taras  supplicating  Po- 
seidon. In  field  r.  T  and  star  ;  below  seat, 
K ;  on  an  incision,  X.  Concave  field. 
344-334  B.c 60,  175  n 

Etruria.  XX  Young  male  head  1,  wreathed. 
Eev.  Bull  1.,  above  which,  bird  flying  with 
wreath  in  beak  ;  in  field  1.,  star  ;  in  exergue 
in  Etruscan  characters  F  E  L  Z  P  A  P I  (retro- 
grade).    Concave  field.     Mid. IV c.  B.C. 

Syracuse.  ^YPAKo^inN  Head  of 
Athena  three  quarter  face  1.  ;  around,  four 
dolphins.  Rev.  ^YPAKoeinN  AEY- 
KA^[PI^]  Leukaspis,  with  shield,  hel- 
met,  and  sword,  fighting  to  r.  with  spear; 
behind  him,  altar;  in  front,  ram  lying  on 
its  back.     Attic  Drachm.     Early  IV  c.  B.C.    . 

Carthage.  Head  of  Persephone  1.  wreathed 
with  corn ;  around,  dolphins.  Rev.  Horse's 
head  1. ;  behind,  palm-tree  ;  below,  Phoeni- 
cian letter  ([n:n]n  =  the  camp).  Concave 
field.     Attic  Tetradrachm.     Mid.  IV  c.  b.c.      .  9,  97 

Hiero  II  of  Syracuse.  Head  of  Hiero  1., 
diademed.  [Rev.  BACIAEoe  lEPH- 
N  ^  Z  Nike  driving  quadriga  r. ;  above, 
star;  in  field  r.  K.]  Piece  of  32  Litrae. 
270-216  B.c 10, 

Capua.  Janiform  head.  Rev.  RoMA  Two 
soldiers  taking  oath  over  a  slain  pig  held 
by  a  third  kneeling  between  them.  Cani' 
panian  drachm.     End  of  IV  c.  B.C. 

Rome.  Head  ofEoma  r. ;  behind,  X.  Rev. 
RoM/X.  The  Dioscuri  on  horseback 
charging  to  r.  Denarius,  Shortly  after 
268  B.C ^7,  53,  170, 

Rome.  Head  of  Mars  r. ;  behind,  >4/X.  Rev. 
R  O  M  A  Eagle  r.  on  thunderbolt.  60  Ses- 
terces.     ca.  217  b.c  ....         54, 

Rome.  Types  as  on  no.  8  ;  behind  head,  1 1  S 
Sestertius.     Shortly  after  268  b.  c.  .        47,170,187 

Rome.  Types  as  on  no.  8  ;  behind  head,  V. 
Quinarius.     Shortly  after  268  b.c.  47,  170,  187 


55 


187 


64 


60 


187 


99 


KEY   TO    THE    PLATES 


267 


No, 

12 


13 


14 


Metal 

JR 
JR 
JR 


Weight  in 
Grammes 

2.88 


3-95 


405 


Plate   XI  (continued). 


Paqk 


Rome.  Head  of  Jupiter  r.  laureate.  Eev. 
RoMA  Victory  r.  crowning  trophy;  at 
her  feet,  a  sow  (mon  oyer's  symbol),  Vic- 
toriatus  .         .         .         .         .  .         .  .47 

Italian  Allies.  ITALIA  Head  of  Italia  r. 
Rev.  The  Dioscuri  riding  r.  and  1.  In 
exergue,  in  Oscan  characters,  C.  PAPI(ws) 
C.  (Jilitts).     Denarius.     90-89  B.C.         .         99,113 

Italian  Allies.  Head  of  Italia  1. ;  inscrip- 
tion in  Oscan,  MVTIL(t«)  EMBRATVR 
Rev.  Two  soldiers  taking  oath  over  a  pig 
held  by  a  kneeling  man.  In  exergue,  in- 
scription as  ou  no.  13.  Denarius.  90-89  b.c.  99,113 


/R 

3-95 

N 

10.72 

JR 

3-87 

JR 

392 

JR 

4.08 

JR 

4.02 

JR 

3-64 

PLATE   XII. 

Rome.  RoMA  Bust  of  Eoma  1.  In  field 
1.  X.  ^ev.  P.  I^RVA  Three  citizens  en- 
gaged in  voting;  on  a  tablet  in  the  back- 
ground, P.     Denarius.    99-94  b.c.        .         .132 

Rome.  L.  SVLL  A  Head  of  Venus  r.  and 
Cupid  1.  with  palm.  Rev.  IMPER  ITE- 
RVM  Two  trophies,  lituus  and  ewer. 
Aureus.     87  B.C..         .         .         54,100,171/1,173 

Rome.  FAVSTVS  Head  of  Diana  r. ; 
behind,  lituus.  Rev.  FELIX  Sulla  seated 
1.  ;  before  him,  Bocchus  kneeling,  holding 
up   olive-branch ;    behind    him,   Jugurtha, 

^ hands  bound,  kneeling.     Denarius.     62  b.c.     176 

Ilome.  L.  Rose  Head  of  Juno  Lanuvina 
r.  in  goat-skin  head-dress.  Behind,  helmet. 
Rev.  FAB  AT  Girl  bringing  food  to  the 
dragon  of  Lanuvium.  Behind,  club.  Ser- 
rated edge.     Denarius.     70  b.c.      .         .         .     154 

Rome.  [M  SiCAVR  AED  CVR  [E]X 
SCREXARETAS  Aretas,kingofNaba- 
thaeans,    kneeling  r.    beside   camel.      Rev. 

[P]    HVP(S)AEVS      AED     CVR     C 
HVPSAE  COS  PREIVER  [CA]PTV 

Jupiter  in  Quadriga  1.     Denarius.     58  b.c.    .     190 
Rome.     MoHETA     Head    of   Moneta    r. 
Rev.    T.    CARISIVS    Moneyer's     instru- 
ments and  cap  of  Vulcan.     The  whole  in 

wreath.     Denarius.     45  b.  c 145 

Rome.  CAESAR.  DICT  PERPETVo 
Head  of  Julius  Caesar  r.  wreathed.  Rev. 
L'  BVC  A  Caducous,  fasces,  axe,  globe,  and 
clasped  hands.     Denarius.     44  b.c.       .        .     100 


268 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


No. 
8 


Mbtal 


Weight  in 
Grammes 

1 1-92 


A/ 


7-97 


Plate   XII    (continued). 


Pagb 


AsiaProvincia.  [I  MP-IX-TRPO-V  Head 
ofAu£;ustusr.]    Bev.  COM  ASIA  E  Hexa- 
style  temple  of  ROM-  ET  AVG VST-  at   40, 
Pergamum.  'Cistophoric  Medallion.'  igB.G.    89,  189 

Rome.  [NERO  CLAVD. CAESAR  AVG. 
GER.  P.M.  TR.  P.  IMP.  il.  Head  of 
Neror.]  J^et.  SEC VRITAS  AVG VSTI. 
S.  C.  Securitas  seated  r.  before  an  altar, 
beside  which  is  a  torch.  In  exergue  1 1 . 
Dupondius.     54-68  a.  d 15 

Rome.  CAESAR  Head  of  Augustus  r. 
Rev.  AVGVSTVSBulll.  ^ttre?/s.  27B.C.  54,165 

Rome.  NERO  CLAVD.  CAESAR  AVG. 
GER.  P.M.  TR  P.  P.  P.  Head  of  Nero  1. 
laureate.  Rev.  DECVRSIO.  S.  C  The 
Emperor  armed  with  a  spear  on  horseback 
to  r.,  accompanied  by  a  mounted  soldier 
carrying  a  vexilluni.     Sestertius.     54-68  a.d.      15 


A/ 


7.84 


PLATE   XIII. 

Sardes.  MHTPonoAIC  •  CAPAIC  • 
ACIAC  .  AVAIAC  •  CAAAAoC  •  A 

Veiled  and  turreted  bust  of  the  city  r.  iRev. 
eni  CovA.ePMO(t)|Aov.  A.APX. 
CAPAIANDN    .    B   .   NCnKopriM 

Hades  in  quadriga  r.  crfirying  off  Perse- 
phone; above  horses,  Eros.]     238-244  A.D.  . 
Cyzicus.  A  WroKpdTOjp  K  A I  (rap  AovKios  A I  Atos 

AWpr,\cos  KoMMoAoc  AVrou^rro? 
CEBacrd,  eVOBfis  eVJvxv^  PHM- 
AlOC  HPAKAHC  Bust  of  Commodus  1. 
laureate,  wearing  lion's  skin.  [Rev.  j<  VII- 
KHNON  NEnKopnN  Cyzicus  stand- 
ing, placing  hand  on  head  of  horse.]  191- 
193  A.D.  .  .  .  , 

Rhoemetalees  of  Bosporus.  Head  of 
Hadrian    r.      Below,    0KY    (429).      Rev. 

BACIAeCOCPojMHTAAkoYBustof 
Rhoemetalees  r.,  diademed;  in  front,  club. 

132-133  A.D 18,  86, 

Bithynia.  A  V  JoKparoip  K  A I  Cap  T  P  A I  avbs 
AAPIANOC  CeSaorSs  Head  of  Hadrian 
r.  Rev.  KOINON  BeiOYNlAC  Octa- 
style  temple  of  the  Bithynian  Koivov ;  in 
exergue,  prow.     117-138A.  d. 


91 


118 


KEY    TO    THE    PLATES 


269 


Metal 


/E 


Weight  in 
Grammes 


Plate   XIII   {continued). 

Pack 
Abydus.       [A  VroapaTcup     KAI(7a/)      \oi5kios 

cenTiMioc  ceovHPoc  nePTi- 

Naf    Bust  of  Sept.     Severus  r.]    Rev.   €111 

APXo^ros(|)ABA.nPoKAOVABVAH- 

vojv  Leander  swimming  towards  lighthouse 
of  Sestus,  in  which  stands  Hero  with  lighted 
lamp.     193-21 1  A.D 176 

Pergamum.  OEAN  PnMHN  Bust  of 
Eoma  r.,  wearing  turreted  crown.  Bev. 
eeoN  CVNKAHTON  Bust  of  the 
Roman  Senate  r.     Ic.  a.d.  .       .         .         91,  188 

Conana  (Pisidia).  [AYTo/fpctrcw/)  [Kaiffap 
UOitKios      Mkivuios       rAAAIHNoC 

CEBaaroy  Head  of  Gallienus  r.  |  Rev. 
KorslANeOON  Zeus  with  sceptre;  in 
field,  0.    253-268  A.D 151 

Samos.  [MdpKos  AWP-qXios  KOM/ioSos  AN- 
T D-veivos  Bust  of  Commodus  r.]  Rev. 
C  A  M I  n  N  Cultus  statue  of  Samian  Hera, 
wearing  polos,  round  which  serpent  twines, 
and  holding  patera  with  pendent  fillet  in 
each  hand ;  beside  her.  Nemesis,  with  r. 
hand  on  her  breast.     180-192  a.d.       .         .     169 

Ephesus.  [AAPIANOC  KAICAP 
OAYMfTlOC  Bust  of  Hadrian  r.]  Rev. 
€Cp6CinN  Temple  of  Artemis,  contain- 
ing statue  of  the  goddess,  and  showing 
reliefs  in  the  pediment  ;md  on  the  lower 
drums  of  the  columns.  [Bibl.  Nat.,  Paris.  1 
129-138  A.  D ,         169,  174 


PLATE  XIV. 


/E 

— 

/R 

6.73 

Elis.     [AYTOKPATCOP    AAPIAMOC 

Bare  head  of  Hadrian  r.]    Rev.  H  A  €  I  [  CO  N  ] 
Head  of  Zeus  Olympius  of  Pheidias  r.  lau- 
reate.      [Bibliotheque    Nationale,    Paris.] 
117-138  A.D.  .         .         .        .         .         .175 

Caesarea     (Cappadocia).       [AAPIAMOC 
CeBACTOC  Head  of  Hadrian  r.l      Rev. 

vnAToc  r.nATHPnATp/soj.  Figure 

of  the  Emperor  on  Mt.  Argaeus ;  in  field, 

sun  and  crescent.    119-138  a.d.    .         12,89,174 


270 


GREEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


No. 
3 


Metal 

Weight  in 
Grammes 

/E 

/E 

— 

Billon 

— 

/E 

— 

/E 

14.87 

Billon 

/E 

— 

Plate   XIV  {continued). 


Page 


Antioehia  (Pisidia).  [I  M  Perator  C  A E  Sar 
Lucius  SEPtimius  SEVERVS  PERtinax 
A  V Gustus.  Head  of  S.  Severus  r.  laureate.] 
Rev.  C O  Lonia  C  A E  Sarea  A  |sl  T I O C Hia. 
Senatus  Romanus  (?).  Men,  wearing  Phry- 
gian cap,  crescent  at  shoulders,  stands  to 
front ;  in  1.  Nike  carrying  trophy ;  r.  rests 
on  sceptre ;  1.  foot  on  bull's  head  ;  beside 
him,  cock.     193-211  a.d.      .         .         .         -95 

Myra      (Lycia).       [AYTo/fparcu/)      |<Aloa/> 

MVosANTwrtosroPAlAlsloC  CeBa- 

aros  Bust  of  Gordian  III  r.  laureate.]  Eev. 
M  V  P  6  CO  N  Simulacrum  of  Artemis  Eleu- 
thera  in  a  tree  which  is  attacked  by  two 
men  with  axes  and  defended  by  tw^o  snakes. 
238-244  A.D.  .         .         •  .     •      ,  -      L^  .     •     ^70 

Alexandria  (Egypt).  [^vTOKparcop  Kaicap 
TloirXios  Wkivvios  0\ aXepiavos  FAAAIH- 
NOC  eVaejS^s  eVrvx^?  O^aaros  Bust  of 
Gallienus  r.  laureate.]  Rev.  L  A  (year  4  . 
Bust  of  Sarapis  1.,  wearing  modius  ;  behind, 
sceptre.     256  257  a.  d 12,90 

Laodicea  (Phrygia).  [loVAIA  AoMlsiA 
C  €/3acrT77  Bust  of  Domna  r.  In  a  counter- 
mark, head  of  an  Emperor.  ]  Rev.  A  A  O  A I  - 
KenN  MenKoPnisI  Tyche  holding 
patera  and  statue  of  Zeus  stands  between 
wolf  and  boar;  in  field,  TfH  (=88). 
211  A.D 171,  187 

Antioehia  (Syria).  [KAIZAPoZ  SEBA- 
ZTOY  Head  of  Augustus  r.]  Rev.  EToYZ 
A  Nll^HE  Tyche  of  Antioch  seated  r.  on 
rock,  holding  palm-branch  ;  at  her  feet, 
river-god  swimming  r.  In  field,  Yfl  A  (in 
monogram)     I F    and    another    monogram 

(ANTIOX?^  2-1  B.C.  .  .  .  12,89 
Alexandria  (Egypt).  [NEPHi'  KAAYSios 
KAlIa/)  ZEBaaT^y  rEPfiavi^bs  AYTO- 
KpaTwp  Head  of  Nero  r.  laureate.]  Rev. 
NEO.  ATAG.  AAIM.  Serpent  Agatho- 
daemon  r.,  wearing  skhent,  enfolding  ears 
of  corn  and  poppy-heads.  In  front,  LP 
(years).  5^-57  a.d.  .  .  .  .  12,90 
Cotiaeum  (Phrygia).  AHMOC  KoJI- 
A  E  n  N  Beardless  head  of  Demos  r.     \Rev. 

Eni  n.  kWiov  AHMHTPIANoY  lO- 

niKou  APXovTos  KoTIAEflNl  (77^7;  and 
ojv  in  ligature).   Helios  in  quadriga  to  front.] 

253-260  A.D 91,    188 


KEY    TO    THE    PLATES 


271 


Metal 


/E 


Wbight  in 
Grammes 


Page 


Plate   XIV  {continued), 

Apamea  (Phrygia).  AHMOS  Bearded 
bust  of  Demos  r.     Eev.   TT.  176  A  A  TO  N- 

TOC  nANHrVPIApxou  AHAMenN 

Tyche  standing  to  1.,  in  r.  rudder,  in  1. 
cornucopiae.    244-249  a.  d..        .         91,188,212 

Docimeum  (Phrygia).  IBPA  •  BoVAH 
BustoftheBouler.  [Eew.  M  AKeAO|sl  n|sl 
[A]oKlMe[nN]  Fa9ade  of  hexastyle 
temple.]     He.  a.d 188 

Dionysopolis  (Phrygia).  XEVC  TTO- 
THoC  AloNVConoAeiTDN.  Head 

of  Zeus  Poteos  r.,  -wearing  taenia.     Rev. 

CTPATHroVNToC      [C]n[C]TPA- 

TOVB.  MBANAPoC  Personification  of 
R.  Maeander  reclining  1.,  in  r.  reed,  1.  rests 
on  overturned  urn  from  which  water  flows. 
lie.  A.D 91,126,171,187 


PLATE  XV. 


/E 

25-83 

A/ 

7-33 

/E 

24.07 

/R 

6-54 

A/ 

7-23 

Rome.  IMP.  CAES.  VESPASIAN. 
AVG.  P.  M.TR.  P.P.P.  COS.  Ill  Head 
of  Vespasian  r.  laureate.  Rev.  I  V  D  A  E  A 
CAPTA.  S.  C.  Judaea  seated  at  foot  of 
palm-tree,  guarded  by  soldier.  Sestertius. 
71  A.D.         .         .         .         .         .         165,  176,  189 

Rome.  IMP.  TRAIANVS  AVG.  GER. 
DAG.  P.  M.  TR.  P.  COS.  VI.  P.  P.  Bust 
of  Trajan  r.  laureate.  Rev.  FORVM 
TRAIAN  Arch  of  the  forum  of  Trajan. 
Aureus.     117  a.d.        .         .         .         165,  174,  189 

Rome.  ANTONINVSAVG.PIVS  p.p. 
TR.  P.  COS.  1 1 1  Head  of  Antoninus  Pius 
r.  laureate.  Rev.  ROMA  AETERNA 
S.  C  Roma  seated  1.,  holding  Palladium. 
Sestertius.     140-144  a.  d.      .         .         .         165,  187 

Rome.  ANTOjsllNVS  PIVS  AVG. 
GERM.  Bust  of  Caracalla  r.  radiate.  [^Rev. 
P.M.  TR.  P.  XVIII.  COS.  MM.  P.  P. 
Jupiter  standing  r.  with  sceptre  and  thunder- 
bolt.]    Arg&nteus  Antoninianus.     217  a.d. 

Rome.  DIVA  FAVSTINA  Bust  of  Faus- 
tina Senior  r.  Rev.  AETERlsllTAS 
Aeternitas  standing  1.  holding  globe  and 
rudder.     Aureus.     In  or  after  141  a.d.       165 


51 


88 


272 


GKEEK    AND    ROMAN    COINS 


II 


13 


Metal 

Weight  in 
Grammes 

/R 

3-15 

A/ 

5-II 

M 

309 

/E 

— 

A/ 

4.22 

A/ 

4-45 

A/ 

4-39 

/R 

2  09 

Plate   XV   (continued). 


Page 


Roman.  [ANTONl MVS  PI  VS  FELIX 
AVG.  Head  of  Elagabalus  r.  laureate.] 
Eev.    SANCT.   DEO    SOLI    ELAGA- 

BAL.  Car  drawn  by  four  horses,  contain- 
ing stone  of  Elagabalus  shaded  by  four 
parasols.  [Struck  at  Antioch.]  Denarius. 
218-222  A.D 186 

Roman.  [DIOCLETI AN VS  AVGVS- 
T  V  S  Bust  of  Diocletian  r.,  laureate.]  JRev. 
lOVI  COISISERVATORI  Jupiter  with 
sceptre  and  thunderbolt  standing  to  1.,  eagle 
at  his  feet ;  in  field  S  (60),  in  exergue 
SM  A.  [Struck  at  Antioch.]    Aureus.    303- 

305  A.  D.  .  .  .  .  .  .  .55 

Roman.    DIOCLETI  AN  VS  AVG.  Head 

of  Diocletian  r.,  laureate.  Rev.  VICTORIA 
S  AR  M  AT.  Four  soldiers  sacrificing  before 
the  gate  of  a  camp.  [Struck  at  Trier.] 
Mfliarense.     286-305  a.d 53 

Roman.  [IMP.  C  DIOCLETIANVS 
P.  F.  AVG.  Head  of  Diocletian  r.  lau- 
reate.] Rev.  GENio  PoPVM  RoMANi 
Genius  standing  to  1.  with  cornucopiae  and 
patera  ;  in  field,  XX  I  B  ;  in  exergue,  A  UE. 
[Struck  at  Alexandria.]  i^oWis.    296-305  a.d.       51 

Roman.  CONSTANTINVS  P.F.  AVG. 
Head  of  Constantine  I  r.  laureate.  Rev. 
VOTIS  .  V  .  MVLTIS  •  X  •  Victory 
writing  on  shield,  supported  on  column, 
VICTORIA  AVG.  In  exergue,  P  TR. 
[Struck  at  Trier.]     Solidus.     306-337  a.d.    .       55 

Roman.  Dominus  Noster  HONORIVS 
P.  F.  AVG.  Bust  of  Honorius  facing, 
wearing  diadem,  and  holding  in  r.  mappa, 
in  1.  sceptre  surmounted  by  eagle.  Rev. 
VOT.  XXX.  MVLT.  XXXX  Seated 
figure  of  the  Emperor,  holding  mappa  and 
sceptre  with  eagle ;  in  field,  R  V  ;  in 
exergue,  CO  MOB.  [Struck  at  Kavenna.] 
Solidus.     395-423  A.D 165 

Constantinople,  dominus  Noster  h  ERA- 
Cl^lHS  Perpetuus  AVI  (Augustus).  Bust 
of  Heraclius  I  facing,  wearing  helmet,  and 
holding  cross  in  r.  Rev.  VICTORIA 
AVC^Hsta  €  and  in  exergue  CoNoB 
Cross  potent  on  three  steps.  Solidus.  610- 
641  A.D. 165,  171 

Roman.  D.N.  FL.CL.  I VLI  AN  VS  P.  F. 
AV.  Bust  of  Julian  II  r.,  diademed.  Rev. 
VOT.  X.  MVLT.  XX.  in  wreath;  below 
which,  C  O  N  S.  [Struck  at  Constantinople.] 
Siliqua.    361-363  A.D 54 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS. 


Abbrevtations  in  inscriptions,  197. 

Abdera,  standard,  34 ;  in  alliance 
with  Amphipolis,  116;  type  of 
griffin,  117;  punning  types,  120. 

Abydos,  Hero  and  Leander,  176. 
PI.  XIII.  5. 

Acanthus  (Macedon),  change  in 
standard,  205  ;  lion  and  bull, 
174. 

Acarnania,  federal  coinage,  108. 

Accent  in  Koman  inscriptions,  217. 

Accusative,  names  of  deities  in,  186. 

Achaean  league,  coinage  of,  10,  112. 
PI.  IX.  I. 

Acragas  :  see  Agrigentum. 

Acropolis  of  Athens  as  type,  174. 

Aetian  era,  201. 

Adada  (Pisidia),  198. 

Adjectives  naming  issuing  au- 
thority, 180. 

Adranum  (Sicily),  43. 

Adulteration  of  coinage,  31,  68,  71 ; 
penalty  for,  105. 

Aediles,  coins  signed  by,  138. 

Aegae  (Achaea),  form  of  7,  209. 

Aegeae  (Cilicia),  era,  201 ;  form  of  0, 
211. 

Aegean  Islands,  standard,  36. 

Aegina,  early  coinage,  6, 8 ;  quality, 
13  ;  electrum  of  (?),  14  ;  Aeginetic 
standard,  34  f.,  223.     PI.  II,  i. 

Aegium  (Achaea),  rjfiio^fKiv,  196. 

Aemilius  Scaurus,  190.     PI.  XII.  5. 

Aeneas  at  New  Ilium,  176. 

Aenus  (Thrace),  standard,  38 ;  type 
of  Hermes,  169,  206. 

Aetna,  coins  of,  200 ;  Aetna-Inessa, 


Aetolia,  federal  coinage,  108  ;  per- 
sonified, ih.     PL  VIII.  6. 

Africa,  alliances  in,  118. 

Agathocles  of  Syracuse,  10 ;  titu- 
lature,  181. 

Agonistic  inscriptions,  192  f. ;  table, 

193- 

Agrigentum  (Acragas),  gold  coinage, 
42  ;  decadrachms,  65  ;  eagles  and 
hare,  163 ;  artists'  signatures, 
195;  forms  of  a,  208;  r,  211; 
(T,  214.     PI.  III.  9. 

Agyrium  (Sicily),  43. 

Ajax,  son  of  Oileus,  187. 

Alabanda  (Caria),  200. 

Alaesa  (Sicily),  113. 

Alba  Fucentis,  59. 

Alcaeus  at  Mytilene,  186. 

Alexander  of  Epirus,  style  of  coins, 
164.     PI.  VIII.  3. 

Alexander  of  Pherae,  81,  180, 

Alexander  III  of  Macedon,  the 
Great,  coinage,  81,  82 ;  standard, 
38  ;  decadrachms,  65  ;  quality, 
13;  types,  171:  represented  as 
Heracles,  172';  at  Sagalassus,  175  ; 
imitations  of  his  coins,  10,  11,  38, 
177.     P1.VII.  4,  5. 

Alexander  II  of  Syria,  Zebina,  gold 
coin,  II.     PI.  VIII.  8. 

Alexandria  (Egypt),  12,  14,  89 ; 
cessation  of  Greek  coinage,  92 ; 
inscriptions,  190 ;  personifica- 
tions, 188  ;  Koman  mint-marks, 
140.     PI.  XIV.  5,  8  ;  XV.  9. 

Alexandria  Troas,  gold,  87  n. 

Alliances,  102  f. ;  within  the  union 
of  S.  Italy,  104. 


274 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


Alloys,  13,  16  ;  testing  of,  24.      See 

also  Adulteration. 
Altar  as  type,  171. 
Amasia  (Pontus),  altar  of,  171. 
Ambianum     (Gaul),     mint-marks, 

228. 
Amblada  (Pisidia),  title,  184. 
Amenanus,  river,  187. 
Amphaxitis,  109. 
Amphictiones  of  Delphi,   81,    T17. 

PI.  V.  7. 
Amphipolis    (Macedon),    standard, 

34 ;    a    Macedonian    mint,    109 ; 

mint-mark,     178 ;    facing    head, 

163;  race-torch,  172,    PI.  V.  i. 
Amyntas  of  Galatia,   gold  pieces, 

87  n. 
Anastasius  I,  bron/e  coinage,  53. 
Anaxilas   of  Ehegium,    types   con- 
nected with,  175. 
Anazarbus(Cilicia),r.B.,r.r.,  191  n.; 

yvfivacTLapxto,  193  n. 
Ancyra  (Galatia),  172. 
Animal  types,  161,  173. 
Anthius,  river,  187. 
Antimachus   of   Bactria,    portrait, 

164.     PI.  VIII.  4. 
Antiochia — Alabanda,  200. 
Antiochia     (Caria),     bridge     over 

Maeander,  174  ;  cvvapxia,  193  n. 
Antiochia  (Pisidia),  type  of  Men, 

95  ;  Victoriae  DDD.  NNN.,  198.    PI. 

XIV.  3. 

Antiochia  (Syria\  dpyvpofeo-neia  at, 
131  n. ;  coinage  dSeXcpwv  Z-qp-cuv, 
113  ;  silver  under  the  Empire,  12, 
14, 89 ;  standard,  34  ;tetradrachms 
=  3  denarii,  74 ;  coins  with  S.  C,  94 ; 
titles  of  Trajan  at,  182  n. ;  crovy 
viov  Upov,  196  ;  Roman  mint- 
marks,  228.  PI.  XIV.  7  ;  XV.  6,  7. 

Antiochus  II  of  Syria,  form  of  cy, 
214. 

Antioclius  III  of  Syria,  defeat  at 
Magnesia,  11. 

Antiochus  IV  of  Syria,  Epiphanes, 
andthedp7vpoA:o7r€ra,  131  n. ;  titles, 
185  ;  Athenian  coin,  122 ;  form 
of  a,  214.     PI.  IX.  8. 

Antiochus  VI  of  Syria.     PI.  X.  4. 

Antiochus  VII  of  Syria  and  Simon 
Maccabaeus,  85. 

Antoninianus,  51,  53. 

Antoninus  Pius,   titles,    182.      PI. 

XV.  3. 


Antonius  (M.),  quality  of  coins,  14. 

Apamea  (Phrygia),  Noah's  Ark,  170 ; 
form  of  o,  212.    PI.  X.  6 ;  XIV.  10. 

Apamea  (Syria),  113. 

Aphrodite  as  type,  169  ;  temple  at 
Paphos,  174. 

Apollo  as  type  of  Lacedaemon,  169, 
206 ;  'A/)xa7€Taj,  113;  at  Amphi- 
polis, 163 ;  slaying  Python  at 
Croton,  170 ;  with  wind-god,  at 
Caulonia,  171. 

Apollonia  (Illyria),  standard,  40  ; 
magistrates'  names,  121  ;  form  of 

6,   210. 

Aptera   (Crete),  artist's   signature, 

T95. 

Apulia,  Tarentine  standard  in,  63. 

Aquileia,  mint-marks,  228. 

Arabia,  standard,  33. 

Aradus  (Phoenicia),  standard,  33, 
PI.  VII.  5. 

Arcadia,  federal  coinage,  81,  107  ; 
full-face  coins,  164  n. ;  artists'  sig- 
natures (?),  195;  6S(€\6s),  196  ;form 
of  S,  209;  use  of  koppa,  215.  PI. 
11.8. 

Areas  and  Hermes  at  Pheneus,  170. 

Archaisms  on  coins,  153,  162,  203. 

Archelaus  I  of  Cappadocia,  165. 
PI.  X.  9. 

Architectural  types,  206. 

Ai'chons  in  Asia  Minor,  128. 

Arelatum  (Gaul),  mint-marks,  228. 

Aretas  of  Nabathaea,  190. 

Areus  of  Sparta,  82. 

Argaeus,  Mount,  at  Caesarea,  89, 
174. 

Argo,  representation  of,  189. 

Argos,  iron  coin,  17,  18. 

Ariminum,  standard  of,  49  n. 

Aristotle's  conception  of  money,  67. 

Armenia,  representation  of,  187. 

Arsaces  I  of  Parthia,  10. 

Artemis  as  type,  169  ;  coin  of  Sicyon 
dedicated  to,  197 ;  temple  at 
Ephesus,  174;  (XcvOtpa,  170, 
i84n. ;  the  stag  her  symbol, 79  n., 
168.     PI.  I.  4. 

Artists  :  see  Coin-engravers. 

Aryandes,  84  n. 

As  of  Central  and  Northern  Italy, 
59  ;  of  Luceria  and  Venusia,  63  ; 
of  Eome,  45 ;  fall  in  weight,  46  f. ; 
Roman  imperial,  50 ;  of  pure 
copper,  16. 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


275 


Ascalon  (Judaea),  portrait  of  Cleo- 
patra, 165.     PI.  X.  8. 

Asia  Minor,  local  standards,  38 ; 
restrictions  of  coinage  under 
Rome,  12,  87.  Asia  Provincia, 
PI.  XII.  8. 

Asiarch,  office  of,  129. 

Aspendus  (Pamphylia),  types,  172  ; 
convention  with  Selge,  106. 

Asylum,  right  of,  184. 

Athena  as  type,  169,  17 t. 

Athens,earliest  coinage,  8, 151  n. ;  its 
quality,  13,  68 ;  gold,  9  ;  weight 
of  gold  drachm,  31  ;  electrum  (?), 
14  ;  denominations  of  silver,  64  ; 
archaism,  162,  203,  209 ;  type  of 
Athena,  169  ;  treatment  of  head, 
161  ;  olive-spray,  168  ;  coinage  of 
'new  style,'  11  ;  mint-marks, 
130 ;  monetary  officials,  121  f.  ; 
'A9e.  6  defios,  181  ;  gold  of  Mith- 
radates,  87,  200  ;  forms  of  a,  208  ; 
0,210 ;  type  of  Acropolis,  174 ;  rela- 
tion of  Athens  to  subject-allies,  83 ; 
Attic  standard,  38,  223.  See  also 
Euboic- Attic.  Attic  tetradrachms 
tariffed  disadvantageously,  73. 
PI.  II.  2 ;  IV.  3  ;  IX.  7,  8. 

Athletic  types,  172. 

Attributes  of  deities  as  symbols, 
178. 

Audoleon  of  Paeonia,  form  of  o,  212. 

Augusta  Trevirorum,  mint-marks, 
229. 

Augusti,  cult  of,  183. 

Augustus,  restores  tresviri  monetcdes, 
134  ;  coin  with  his  portrait,  165  ; 
with  qiiod  viae  mun.  sunt,  190.  PI. 
XII.  8,  10  ;  XIV.  7. 

Aurei,  Roman,  54. 

Authority  indicated  by  types,  171  ; 
by  inscriptions,  180. 

Baal-Tars  as  type,  169. 

Babylonian  weight-system,  27 ; 
standard,  32,  222,  223 ;  dis- 
tribution, 33. 

Bactria,  coinage  of,  10.  See  also  An- 
timachus,  Diodotus,  Eucratides. 
Nickel  coins,  16. 

Baletium  (Calabria),  form  of  6,  210. 

Bankers,  supposed  private  issues, 

79- 
Barbarous  imitations  of  Greek  coins, 


9,  203,  204. 


Bai-s  of  metal  as  currency,  5  ;  of 
gold  from  mint  at  Sirmio,  136, 

137. 

Barter,  i. 

Basin  for  oil,  193. 

Berenice  and  Ptolemy  I,  185. 

Billon,  16. 

Bisaltae,  standard  of,  34 ;  form  of 
j8,  209  ;  of  A,  211. 

Bithynia, /fotvoi/of,  118.   PI.  XIII  4. 

Blanks,  preparation  of,  143  f.,  148, 

Boards  of  magistrates,  129. 

Boats,  names  of,  193.  See  also 
Galley. 

Boeotia,  shield  of,  168 ;  federal 
coinage,  107  ;  form  of  a,  208. 

Borders,  158  ;  of  dots  in  imperial 
times,  204. 

Bosporus  Cimmerius  (Crimean 
district),  gold  coinage,  13.  33,  86  ; 
T€(yat  PaaiKioos,  189  ;  form  of  a, 
208. 

Bottiaea  (Macedon),  109. 

Boule  personified,  91,  188. 

Brasidas  in  Thrace,  205. 

Brass,  Roman,  15,  50. 

Brescello,  hoard  of,  218. 

Britain,  restriction  of  coinage,  87. 

Bronze,  as  a  medium  of  exchange, 
41  ;  first  used  for  coinage,  9 ;  its 
unpopularity  in  Crete,  69 ;  quality 
of,  15  ;  use  in  Sicily,  43  ;  Italy 
and  Rome,  41,  44  f. ;  South  Italy, 
63;  Etruria,57;  cessation  in  Roman 
Republic,  49  ;  coinage  of  Roman 
colonies,  93  ;  of  provinces  under 
Empire,  91.     See  also  Copper. 

Brundisium,  standard,  49  n. 

Bruttians,  coinage  of,  61,  109. 

Brutus,  coins  with  KOSflN,  86;  with 
portrait  of  L.  Junius  Brutus,  186. 

Bull,  human-headed,  161,  Sardes, 
PI.  I.  8,  9  ;  Samos  (?;,     PI.  I.  12. 

Buthrotum,  138. 

Byzantium,  iron  coinage,  9,  17; 
standard  of  silver,  34  ;  convention 
with  Chalcedon,  106 ;  mint-marks, 
178,  194;  form  of  iS,  208,  209; 
abbreviation,  for  Kataap,  198  ;  im- 
perial silver,  90,     PI.  IX.  2,  3. 

Caecilius  Metellus  (M.),  type,  176. 
Caepio  :  see  Ser villus. 
*  Caeretan     right,'    colonies    with, 
92. 


T   2 


276 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


Caesar,  coinage,  100 ;  increases 
moneyers  to  four,  134.    Pl.XII.  7. 

Caesarea  (Cappadocia),  coinage 
under  the  Empire,  12,  14.  89  ; 
inscriptions  on,  190,  196  ;  Mount 
Argaeus,  174.     PI.  XIV.  2. 

Calpurnius  Piso  Caesoninus,  191. 

Calymna,  form  of  incuse,  158  n. 
PI.  I.  14. 

Camarina  (Sicily)  gold,  42  ;  artists' 
signatures,  194. 

Camirus  (Rhodes),  electrum,  14. 

Camp  coinage  of  Carthage,  98. 

Campania,  Roman  electrum  in,  70 ; 
Campanian  standard,  34,  60,  61, 
223,     See  also  Capua. 

Camulodunum,  mint-marks,  228. 

Canting  or  punning  types  and 
symbols,  120,  176. 

Capricorn  of  Augustus,  172. 

Capros,  river,  171. 

Capua,  gold,  60  ;  electrum,  15,  61. 
PI.  XI.  7. 

Caracalla,  gold,  87  ;  antoninianus, 
51,53.     PI.  XV.  4. 

Caria,  silver  in  imperial  times,  90. 

Carisius  (P.),  ico. 

Carisius  (T.),  145.     PL  XII.  6. 

Carteia  (Spain),  138. 

Carthage,  begins  to  coin,  9 ;  military 
coinage,  97 ;  electrum,  15,  71 ; 
standard,  34 ;  heavy  denomina- 
tions, 65  ;  Roman  colony,  136  n.  ; 
Roman  mint-marks,  229.  PL 
XI.  5. 

Carthago  Nova,  138. 

Cast  coins,  73,  155  ;  casting  of 
blanks,  143. 

Castor  and  Pollux  on  Roman  silver, 
170. 

Catana  (Sicily)  gold,  42 ;  artists' 
signatures,  J94,  195  ;  form  of  a, 
208 ;  in  alliance  with  Leontini, 
115  ;  coins  with  name  of  Aetna, 
200. 

Caulonia  (Bnittium),  a  member  of 
South  Italian  union,  103  ;  type  of 
Apollo  with  wind-god,  171  ; 
treatment  of  human  figure,  161, 
PL  III.  3. 

Celenderis  (Cilicia),  standard,  36. 

Centenionalis,  52. 

Chalcedon,  convention  with  By- 
zantium, 106  ;  abbreviation  for 
Kaiffap,  198.     PI.  IX.  4. 


Chalcidice,  standard,  34,  38;  federal 

coinage,  108.     PI.  V.  11. 
Chalcis  and  the  Euboic  standard, 

37  ;      standard    '  of     Chalcidian 

colonies,  36. 
Chalcus.  37,  64. 
Chariot-types  at  Syracuse,  172,  193 ; 

to  front,  164  n. 
Chersonesus  Taurica,  kKevOepas,  184. 
Chios,  standard,  39,  223 ;  names  of 

denominations,  196.     PL  I.  16. 
Chrysopolis,  the  plant,  24. 
Cilicia,   spread  of    coinage  to,   9 ; 

under  Persia,  84  ;   under  Seleu- 

cidae,  85. 
Cimon,  coin- engravers  of  this  name, 

193,  195- 
Circular  incuse,  153. 
Cistophori,  12,  39,  87,  88,  224. 
Cities   personified,    187 ;    titles    of, 

183. 
Cius  (Bithynia),  190. 
Clay  moulds  for  casting  coins,  157. 
Clazomenae    (Ionia),     iron    coins, 

72  n.  ;     artist's    signature,    195 ; 

X{a\Kovs),  196. 
Cleopatra,  portrait  at  Ascalon.  165  ; 

at  Patrae,  85.     PL  X.  8. 
Clodius  Macer,  loi  n. 
Cnidus,   coinage  of  394  b.c,  112; 

head  of  Aphrodite,  206. 
Coin,  definition  of,  2. 
Coin-engravers,  status  of,  131 ;  sig- 
natures, 194. 
Coining,  processes  of,  143  f. 
Cologne,  94. 
Colonies,  Greek,   116;    Roman,  92; 

monetary  officials,  136. 
Colophon    (Ionia),    ^fxio06\iov   and 

T^rapTqixopiov,  196. 
Colybrassus  (Cilicia),  yvfivamapxia, 

193  n. 
Commemorative  inscriptions,  189. 
Commercial       alliances,       102  f. ; 

theory  of  coin-types,  166. 
Commodus  as  Roman  Hercules,  91, 

PL  XIII.  2.  8. 
Common    manah,  29 ;    norm,    30, 

32. 
Complimentary    issues,     189 ;     in- 
scriptions, 190 ;  alliances,  102. 
Conana  (Pisidia),  PL  XIII.  7. 
Concave  fabric,  154,  155. 
Constantino  the  Great,  coinage,  52, 

55.     PL  XV.  10. 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


277 


Constantinopolis,  mint-marks,  194, 
228,  229.     PI.  XV.  12,  13. 

Consul,  authority  over  coinage,  132  ; 
title,  182  ;  abbreviated  cos,  198. 

Copia'=  Lugdunum,  93. 

Coponius  (C),  praetor,  100. 

Copper,  15,  16  ;  sources,  22  ;  im- 
portance in  Italy  and  Egypt,  22  n.  ; 
relation  to  silver,  37.  See  also 
Bronze. 

Cora  (Latium),  59. 

Coresia  (Ceos),  sepia-type,  173. 

Corcyra,  begins  to  coin,  8,  9  ;  types, 
117,  177  ;  magistrates'  names, 
121  n. ;  names  of  boats,  193,  194  ; 
Corcyraean  standard,  40,  56,  117. 
PI.  II.  7. 

Corfinium,  113. 

Corinth,  early  coinage,  8  ;  quality, 
13 ;  type  of  Athena,  169  ;  use  of 
koppa,  215  ;  a  Roman  colony,  93, 
94  n.  Corinthian  standard,  41, 
223  ;  origin  of  South  Italian  stan- 
dards, 61.     PI.  II.  5,  6;  IV.  6. 

Cornelius  Sulla  :  see  Sulla. 

Corporations,  coins  issued  by,  129. 

Cos,  discobolus  of,  162,  172  ;  form 
of  ff,  213. 

Cotiaeum  (Phrygia\  PL  XIV.  9. 

Cotys  of  Thrace,  Kotvos  x^P^'^'^Wi 
180  n. 

Countries  personified,  187. 

Cragus  (Lycia),  iii. 

Crenides  (Macedon),  gold  of,  9,  20. 

Crete,  standard,  36  ;  cistophori,  39  ; 
silver  in  imperial  times,  90. 

Crimea  :  see  Bosporus  Cimmerius. 

Croesus,  coins  ascribed  to,  7.    PI.  I. 

8,9. 

Cross  as  type,  171. 

Croton  (Bruttium),  a  member  of 
South  Italian  union,  103  ;  in  alli- 
ance with  other  towns,  104,  115; 
shares  die withMetapontum,  151  ; 
tripod- type,  171  ;  Apollo  and 
Python,  170  ;  use  of  koppa,  215. 

Cumae  (Campania),  gold,  60  ;  type 
of  mussel,  173  ;  form  of  inscrip- 
tion, 181. 

Cybele  as  type,  169. 

Cydon  at  Cydonia,  170. 

Cydonia  (Crete),  Cydon  as  type, 
170  ;  artist's  signature,  195. 

Cyprus,  spread  of  coinage  to,  9 ; 
standard,  33,  36 ;  gold,  84. 


Cyrenaica,  adopts  coinage,  8  ;  elec- 
trum,  14 ;  standard,  34 ;  Cyre- 
nians  in  alliance  with  Samians 
and  lalysians,  114;  coinage  under 
the  Ptolemies,  85  ;  federal  coins, 
113;  silphium  type,  173.  PI.  I. 
15 ;  V.  3. 

Cyzicus,  electrum  coinage,  14 ; 
standard,  33  ;  divisional  system, 
65  ;  discount  on  electrum,  70 : 
tunny-type,  166  f.  ;  monstrous 
types,  161  ;  birth  of  Erichthonius, 
170  ;  Heracles  and  serpents,  112  ; 
coin  of  Pharnabazus,  96 ;  relation 
of  symbol  to  type,  119!,  179; 
archaistic  retention  of  incuse 
square,  153,  203  ;  Eoman  mint- 
marks,  228,  229.  PI.  I,  3,  5 ;  V. 
6,  8 ;  XIII.  I. 


Damastium  (Epirus),  mining  im- 
plements on  coins,  21  n. 

Daric,  13 ;  weight  of,  30. 

Datames,  satrap,  96. 

Dates,  how  indicated,  201 ;  inscrip- 
tions relating  to,  196. 

Dating  of  coins,  199  f. 

Dative,  names  of  deities  in,  186; 
Greek  dative -Latin  ablative  (?;, 
139  n. 

Debasement  of  coinage  under  the 
Empire,  13,  14.  See  also  Adul- 
teration, Degradation. 

Decadrachms,  64  f. 

Decargyrus,  54. 

Decennalia,  190. 

Decorative  types,  177, 

Decussis,  Eoman,  49. 

Dedicatory  formulae,  127 ;  graffiti, 
197. 

Deduction  from  weights  by  mint, 

30,  31- 
Degradation  of  standards,  26,  31, 

156  ;  in  size,  156;  in  quality,  205  ; 

a  sign  of  date,  205. 
Deification  of  rulers,  185. 
Deities  as  types,  169 ;  named  on 

coins,  186. 
Delphi,   coinage  of  Amphictiones, 

81,   117,   169;    in  alliance  with 

Side,  102.    PI.  V.  7. 
Demareteion,    style    of,    159,    161 ; 

date  of,  200. 
Demetrias  (Thessaly),  109. 


278 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


Demetrius  Poliorcetes,  10,  175.  PL 
VII.  7,  10. 

Demetrius  I,  of  Syria,  Soter,  11. 

Demos  personified,  91,  188. 

Denarius,  histoiy  of,  47,  48,  53  ; 
basis  of  Western  coinage,  86 ; 
made  universal  money  of  account, 
73,  89  ;  double  denarius  of  Dio- 
cletian, 51. 

Denominations,  64  ;  how  far  in- 
dicated by  types,  168;  named  on 
coins,  196. 

Dextans  of  Teate  and  Venusia,  62. 

Didrachm,  64,  69. 

Didyma,  80,  191. 

Dies,  145,  149  f.  ;  hinged  together, 
204  n.  ;  differences  in,  130  ;  com- 
munity of,  150. 

Diobol,  64. 

Diocletian,  monetary  reforms,  51, 
53,  54  ;  mint-marks  on  coins,  140. 
PI.  XV.  7-9. 

Diodotus  of  Bactria,  10.  PI.  VIII.  i. 

Dione  as  type,  169. 

Dionysius  of  Syracuse,  debased 
coinage,  17,  70. 

Dionysopolis  (Phrygia),  91,  PI. 
XIV.  12. 

Dionysus,  head  of,  type  of  Naxos, 
162  ;  KThrrjs,  186. 

Discobolus  of  Cos,  162,  172. 

Discount  on  silver  of  Asia  Minor, 
87  ;  on  electrum,  70. 

Divisional  system  of  Asiatic  stan- 
dards, 64  ;  of  Corinthian,  51.  See 
also  Denominations. 

Docimeum  (Phrygia),  PI.  XIV.  11. 

Domna,  Julia,  PI.  XIV.  6. 

Drachm,  origin  of  name,  5  n. ;  of 
Athens,  64  ;  Didyma,  191  n. 

Dupondius,  15,  49,  50. 

Duumviri  in  Roman  colonies,  136, 
138. 

Dyrrhachium  (Illyria),  standard, 
40 ;  magistrates'  names,  121  ; 
form  of  €,210.     PI.  IX,  6. 

Eagles  and  hare,  type  of  Agrigen- 

tum,  163.     PI.  I.  15. 
Ecclesia  personified,  188. 
Edessa     (Mesopotamia),     imperial 

silver,  90. 
Edoni,  Getas  king  of,  81,    181  n.  ; 

use  of  77,  210.     PI.  II.  9. 
Egypt?     system    of    weights,    27 ; 


standard  of  coinage,  34.  See  also 
Ptolemies,  Alexandria. 

Elagabalus.     PI.  XV.  6. 

Electrum,  composition  of,  14  ;  dis- 
tribution, 14,  15  ;  early  coinage, 
8  ;  supposed  private  issues,  79  ; 
divisional  system  of  Asiatic  elec- 
trum, 65  ;  debased  character,  70  ; 
at  Syracuse,  43 ;  in  Campania, 
61,  70 ;  at  Carthage,  71  ;  at 
Cimmerian  Bosporus,  86. 

Eleusis,  sanctuary  coinage,  8r. 
PI.  IV.  5. 

Elis,  type  of  Victory  on  basis,  163  ; 
of  Zeus,  169 ;  archaistic  use  of  f, 
125;  artists'  signatures  (?),  194, 
195.  PI.  V.  2  ;  XIV.  I. 

Emesa,  silver  under  Rome,  89. 

Emperors,  cultus  of,  118;  titulature 
of,  182 ;  identified  with  deities, 
91  ;  their  families,  230  f. 

Epaminonda?,  coin  of,  124. 

Ephesus,  electrum,  79  n.  ;  gold  of 
87  84  B.C.,  39,  87  ;  cistophori,  39  ; 
coinage  with  Heracles  and  ser- 
pents, 112  ;  imperial  silver,  90  ; 
TO  dyaOov  personified,  188 ;  type 
of  Artemis,  169 ;  temples,  189  ; 
temple  of  Artemis,  174  ;  tepairfjfxr], 
189 ;  neocorates,  183 ; o  veoj.  'Ecfyc. drj. 
cTTcxap.,  127  ;  5i?paxi^ov,  196  ;  mint- 
mark,  178.  PI.  I.  4  ;  VIII.  5  ; 
XIII.  9. 

Epidaurus,  PI.  IX.  i. 

Epimeletes,  127. 

Epirus,  type  of  Zeus  and  Dione, 
169 ;  federal  coinage,  108.  See 
also  Alexander  of  Epirus. 

Eras,  2oif. 

Eretria,  107. 

Erichthonius,  birth  of,  170. 

Eryx  (Sicily),  in  alliance  with 
Segesta,  115. 

Etruria,  spread  of  coinage  to,  9  ; 
standards,  38,  55.  PI.  III.  i  ; 
XI.  3. 

Euboea,  electrum,  14  ;  early  silver, 
8;  standard,  38;  cow-type,  173; 
types  indicating  denominations, 
66  ;  federal  coinage,  107  ;  form  of 
a,  208.     PI.  II.  4. 

Euboic- Attic  standard,  38,  223  ; 
discarded  in  Chalcidice,  205  ; 
combined  with  Sicel  system,  42  ; 
in  Etruria,  56. 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


279 


Eucratides  of  Bactria,  'medallion,' 

65. 
Evaenetus,  coin- engraver,  193,  194. 
Exchange,    stages   in  development 

of, 'I. 

Fabric,  143 ;  an  indication  of  date, 

203. 
Facing  head  on  coins,  163  ;   quad- 
riga and  riders,  66. 
False   moneying,    72,    73 ;    moulds 

used  by  false  moneyers  [2),  157. 
Familia  monetalis,  135. 
Faustina  I,  PI.  XV.  5. 
Faustina  II,  die  of,  149,  150. 
Federal   coinages,  10,   103  ;    under 

Rome,  88. 
Festival  coinages,  91,   n8,   191  f. ; 

inscriptions,  192. 
Fiesole  hoard,  220. 
Finds  as  evidence  for  dating  coins, 

217. 
Fish-shaped  coins,  3,  156. 
Flaminian  Way  restored,  190. 
Flamininus,  T.  Quinctius,  gold  coin, 

99. 
Flan :  see  Blank. 
Follis,  5 If. 

Forgery  :  see  Fake  moneying. 
Forum  of  Trajan,  189. 
Founders  named  on  coins,  187. 

Gades  (Spain),  93,  95. 

Galley,  as  type,  173  ;  racing-galleys, 

193- 

Gallienus,  PI.  XIII.  7  ;  XIV.  5. 

Games :  see  Festival. 

Gaulish  coinage,  origin,  9, 10 ;  imita- 
tions of  coins  of  Philip  II,  177  ; 
of  Rhoda,  178 ;  leaden  and  tin 
coins,  16 ;  coinage  restricted  by 
Rome,  87. 

Gela  (Sicily),  gold  coinage,  42 ; 
human-headed  bull,  161 ;  form 
of  7,  209.     PI.  III.  7. 

Genitive,  magistrates'  names  in,  121, 
127  ;  deities'  names  in,  186. 

Gerousia,  personified,  91,  188. 

Getas,  king  of  Edoni,  81,  181  n. ;  use 
of  77,  210.     PI.  II.  9. 

Glass  coin-weights,  18. 

Gold,  sources  of,  19 ;  quality  in 
coinage,  13  ;  gold-unit  equated  to 
ox,  27  ;  gold- standard,  33,  222, 
223  ;   relation  of  gold  to  silver, 


42,  75 ;  becomes  important  in 
coinage,  9 ;  in  Etruria,  55 ;  at 
Rome,  54  ;  in  South  Italy,  60  ;  in 
Sicily,  42  ;  issued  by  subjects  of 
Macedon  and  Persia,  84 ;  dis- 
appearance from  Greek  coinage, 
II ;  regulation  of,  under  Rome,  86. 

Gomphi  (Thessaly),  form  of  7,  209. 

Gordian  III,  PI.  XIV.  4. 

Gortyna  (Crete),  goddess  in  tree, 
163 ;  foreshortening  of  figures, 
164  n. ;  barbarous  imitations,  204 ; 
introduction  of  bronze,  69  ;  form 
of  7,  209 ;  of  t,  211 ;  of  <r,  213.  PI. 
IV.  2,  4. 

Graffiti,  197. 

Grains  of  corn  used  to  determine 
weight-unit,  27. 

Grants  of  right  of  coinage,  85,  88. 

Graeco- Asiatic  standard.  32. 

Graving-tool  used  for  coin-dies,  149. 

Gyges  of  Lydia,  coins  ascribed  to,  7. 

Gymnasiarch,  193. 


Hadrian,  travels  of,  176.    PI.  XIII. 

3,  4,  9 ;  XIV.  I,  2. 

Haliartus  (Boeotia),  form  of  spiritus 
asper,  210. 

Halicarnassus,  Phanes  of,  79  n. 

Harbours  of  Zancle  and  Side,  173, 
174. 

Hare  at  Rhegium  and  Messana, 
175;  torn  by  eagles  at  Agrigentum, 
163. 

Hatria,  standard,  59. 

Head,  human,  treatment  on  coins, 
161  f. 

Heliopolis  (Syria),  silver  coinage 
under  Rome,  89. 

Helios  as  type,  169. 

Hemiobol,  64. 

Hemitetartemorion,  64. 

Hera  as  type,  169. 

Heraclea  (Lucania),  gold,  60  ;  stan- 
dard of  silver,  63 ;  artist's  sig- 
nature, 195. 

Heraclea  (Thrace),  Roman  mint- 
marks,  229. 

Heracles,  typo  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  171,  172  ;  fighting  hydra, 
170;  strangling  serpents,  112, 
173 ;  Commodus  as  'HpaKKrji 
'Pojficuos,  91. 

Heraclius  I,  PI.  XV.  12. 


28o 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


Heraea  (Arcadia),  iron  coin,    i8  ; 

mint  of  federal  coinage,  107. 
Heraldic  schemes,  158. 
Herbessus  (Sicily),  43. 
Hermes  as  type,  169,  170. 
Hero  and  Leander,  175. 
Hicetas  of  Syracuse,  10. 
Hiero  I  of  Syracuse,  founds  Aetna, 

200. 
Hiero  II  of  Syracuse,  10  ;  'XiK^XiooTav 

coins,    113;    portrait,    164.      PI. 

XI.  6. 
Hieronymus  of  Syracuse,  10. 
Hieropolis  (Phrygia),  127. 
Himera  (Sicily),  warm  springs  at, 

173  ;  destruction  of  the  city,  199  ; 

coins  with  Agrigentine  type,  115, 

207  ;     standard,    36  n.  ;    artists' 

signatures,   195  j  form  of  sjpiritus 

asper,  210. 
Hippias  and  the  Athenian  coinage, 

41,  69. 
Historical   allusions  in  types,   175, 

207 ;  dating  by  historical  evidence, 

199. 
Hoards,  as  evidence  for  dating  coins, 

217. 
Holmi  (Cilicia),  union  with  Side, 

105. 
Homer  represented  on  coins,  176, 

185. 
Homonoia,  115. 
Honorius,  PL  XV.  11. 
Horse,  Thessalian  type,  172  ;  symbol 

of  Liberty,  173. 
Horseman,  type  of  Tarentum,  172  ; 

seen  to  front,  164  n. 
Hot-striking,  148. 
Household  of  Emperor  in  charge  of 

coinage,  135. 
Hyporon  (Bruttium)  and  Mystia, 

115. 
Hypsaeus :  see  Plautius. 
Hyrgalean  koivov,  107. 

lalysus  (Rhodes),  allies  of  Cyrenians 

from,  114. 
lasus  (Caria),  coinage  of  394  b.c, 

112.     PL  V.  9. 
Iceni,  type  of,  177  n. 
Ilium,  New,  type  of  Aeneas,  176  ; 

types  and  inscriptions,  186. 
Imitative  types,  177. 
Imperator,  right  of  coinage,  98. 
Incuse  impression,  origin  of,  148, 


149;  varieties  of,  152,  153  ;  'mill- 
sail  '  square,  203 ;  revival  of  in- 
cuse square,  153,  203  ;  incuse 
types  of  South  Italy,  152  ;  of  Les- 
bos, 153. 

Inscriptions,  artistic  treatment  of, 
160  ;  classification  of,  180  f. ;  in- 
dications of  date  drawn  from,  207, 
208. 

Ionian  theory  of  origin  of  coinage, 
7  ;  early  coins,  PL  I.  6,  &c. 

Iron,  sources  of,  23  ;  coins,  5  n.,  6  n., 
9  n.,  17;  at  Clazomenae,  72n. ; 
core  of  plated  coins,  72. 

Island-coins,  8. 

Isthmian  games,  192. 

Italia,  name  of  Corfinium,  113. 

Italian  Allies,  federal  issues,  86 ; 
113.     PLXI,  13,  14. 

Italic  standard,  61,  223. 

Italy,  bronze  in,  44  f.  ;  Northern 
and  Central,  standards,  59  ; 
Southern,  begins  to  coin,  9 ;  stan- 
dards, 60  ;  quality  of  coins,  13  ; 
incuse  types,  152 ;  monetary 
union,  103;  alliance  coins,  114. 

Judaea,  coinage  of  procurators,  91  ; 
of  First  Revolt,  34,  85  n.  ;  coins 
referring  to  its  subjection,  176, 
189. 

Jugurtha,  surrender  of,  176. 

Julia  Procla,  186. 

Julian  II,  PL  XV.  13. 

Junius  Brutus  (L.),  portrait  of,  186. 

Juno  Moneta,  temple  of,  141. 

Kheriga  of  Lycia,  type  of  Athena 
seated,  206. 

Kikkar,  28. 

Kings,  coinage  of,  10 ;  represen- 
tation of,  172,  PL  I.  10,  11; 
titulature,  181. 

'Kneeling'  figures  on  coins,  158. 

Koina,  issues  of,  113,  118,  189,  192. 

Kupfernickel,  16. 

L,  numeral  sign,  90,  203. 

Lacedaemon,  iron  coinage,  9,  17 ; 
type  of  Apollo,  169,  206. 

Lampsacus,  electrum  coinage,  14, 
70  ;  style  of  staters,  164  ;  types 
and  symbols,  120 ;  Heracles  and 
serpents,  112.     PL  V.  lo. 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


281 


Laodicea  (Phrygia),  rivers  of,  171, 

187  ;  coins  with  Ao7/uaTt2w«Ai7roi/, 

91  n.,  191.     PI.  XIV.  6. 
Laodicea   (Syria),   coinage  dde\(pSiv 

Srf/jwv,  113  ;  boars  at,  174. 
Larissa(Thessaly),  Thessalian  mint, 

109;  horse  type,  172. 
Latin  language  in  Eoman  colonies, 

94  ;  colonies  with  'Latin  right,* 

92. 
Laurium,  mines  of,  21. 
Laiis  (Lucania),  103. 
Lead,   in   bronze  coins,  15 ;    coins 

of,  16. 
Leather  money,  18. 
Legend :  see  Inscriptions. 
Legionary  coins,  loi. 
Leontini  (Sicily  ■,  canting  type,  176  ; 

in  alliance  with    Catana,    115 ; 

artist's  signature  (?;,  194 ;   form 

of  A,  211. 
Lesbos,  standard,  33 ;  debased  gold, 

70  ;  billou,  70  ;  divisional  system 

of  electrum,  65  ;  symbol  displaces 

type,     120 :     see    also    Mytilene. 

PI.  I.  13 ;  IV.  9. 
Lete  (Macedon),  treatment  of  hum  an 

figure,  i6i. 
Letters,  forms  of,  208  f.  ;  A — N  on 

Athenian  coins,  122. 
Leucas  (Acarnania),  108. 
Leucaspis,  187. 
Lex  Cornelia,  73  n. 
Lex  Flaminia,  48. 
Lex  lulia  peculatus,  73. 
Lex  Papiria,  49. 
Libral  coinage,  4 1  f. 
Ligatures,  207,  208. 
Lindus   (Rhodes),   Cyrenian  allies 

from  (?J,  114. 
Lion,  type  of  Sardes,  172 ;  head  of 

lion   at  Leontini,    176 ;    tearing 

bull,  Acanthus,  174. 
Lipari  islands,  find  from,  219. 
Litra,  coinage  based  on,  41  f.,  56, 

57,  62. 
Local  features  as  types,  173. 
Locri  (Bruttium)   in  alliance  with 

Messana,  115. 
liOcri  (Opuntii),  type  ot  Ajax,  187. 
Londinium,  mint-marks,  228,  229. 
Luceria  (Apulia),  standard,  47. 
*  Lucullan  '  coins,  100. 
Lugdunum  =  Copia,      93  ;       mint- 
marks,  229. 


Lycia  begins  to  coin,  9 ;  federal 
coinage,  88,  1 10  ;  silver  under  the 
Empire,  90  ;  type  of  Apollo,  169 ; 
of  boar,  168,  174.     PI.  IX.  5. 

Lycos,  river,  171. 

Lydia  and  the  invention  of  coinage, 
6,  7  ;  electrum,  14  ;  standard,  32. 
PI.  L  I. 

Lydian  stone,  24. 

Lyre,  PI.  I.  14. 

Lysimachus  of  Thrace,  10 ;  imita- 
tions of  his  coins,  11,  38.  PI. 
VII.  6  ;  IX.  2. 

Lyttus,  form  of  t  and  A,  211. 

Macedon  begins  to  coin,  8 ;  standard, 
34 ;  regal  coinage,  81  {see  also 
Alexander  III,  Philip  II,  Philip 
V,  Perseus)  ;  under  Philip  V, 
109,  123  n.  ;  under  Perseus,  109  ; 
coins  of  Zoilus,  125  ;  coinage  of 
the  Regions,  12,  88  ;  under  Rome, 
88,  109.     PI.  X.  5. 

Maeander,  river,  187. 

Magistrates,  monetary,  119  f. 

Magna  Graecia,  see  Italy,  Southern. 

Magnesia  ad  Maeandrum  (Ionia;, 
coinage  of  Themistocles,  71  n., 
85  ;  monument  of  Themistocles, 
189  ;  representation  of  the  Argo, 
189  ;  title  kfiSofj-r]  TTjs  'AaiaSf  183. 
PI.  IV.  I. 

Magnetos  (Thessaly),  108. 

Mallus  (Cilicia),  standard,  36  ;  Sa- 
cra (I)  Senatus,  188. 

Manah,  28. 

Marks  of  value  in  Sicily,  43  ;  Rome, 
46  f.  ;  Etruria,  55  f. ;  Northern 
and  Central  Italy,  60 ;  South 
Italy,  60  n.,  62,  63. 

Maroueia  (Thrace),  Dionysiac  types, 

173. 

Marsyas  of  Roman  Forum,  95. 

Masicytes,  (Lycia),  iii.     PI.  IX.  5. 

Massae,  156. 

Massalia,  bronze  coins,  15  ;  stand- 
ard, 34. 

Maximian,  mint-marks  of,  140. 

Mazaeus,  satrap,  97.     PI.  IV.  12. 

Measures,  Plieidonian,  6. 

Medal,  distinction  from  coin,  2  n, 

*  Medallions '  of  Asia  Minor,  40,  89. 

Mediolanum,  mint-marks,  229. 

Medium  of  exchange,  i,  26. 

Melos,  canting  type,  176. 


282 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


Memphis,  leaden  coins,  i6. 

M§n,  the  God,  95. 

Mende  (Thrace),   Dionysiac   types, 

173  ;  change  in  standard,  205. 
Mesembria    (Thrace\    use    of   san, 

215  ;  mint-mark,  178. 
Messana  (Sicily),  type  of  hare,  175  ; 

in    alliance    with    Locri,     115; 

artists*     signatures,     194,     195  ; 

form  of  (T,  213 ;  see  also  Messina, 

Zancle. 
Messene    (Peloponnesus),    type    of 

Zeus.  169. 
Messina,    find   of    1895,    218.     See 

Messana. 
Metals,  sources  of,    18  ;  quality  of, 

13  ;  testing,  23. 
Metapontum  (Lucania),  a  member 

of  South  Italian  union,  103  ;  gold, 

60  ;  type  of  corn-ear,  173  ;  shares 

die  with   Croton,    151  ;     artists' 

signatures,  194,  195. 
Metellus,  M.  Caecilius,  176. 
Miletus,  standard,  38,  224  ;  temple- 
coinage,  81,  191.     PI.  I.  7. 
Miliarense,  52,  53. 
Military   issues,  96  ;  in  the  West, 

97  ;  of  Eome,  98  f. 
'Mill-sail'    incuse,    152,     203.     PI. 

1.5- 

Mina,  28  ;  weight-mina  and  money- 
mina,  31. 

Mines  in  antiquity,  19  f. 

Mints.  Organization,  at  Athens, 
129 ;  at  Rome,  139.  Building 
seen  on  coins  of  Paestum,  146, 
Mints  closed  in  Italy,  12  ;  estab- 
lished in  provinces,  12  ;  issuing 
silver  under  the  Empire,  88  f. 

Mint-marks,  178,  194;  on  Athenian 
coins,  130  ;  on  Roman,  139,  228. 

Mithradates  II  of  Pontus,  portrait, 
164.     PI.  VIII.  2. 

Mithradates  of  Pontus,  the  Great, 
portrait,  165  ;  gold  coin  struck 
at  Athens,    87,    122,    200.      PI. 

IX.  7 ;  X.  7. 

Monarchs,  coinage  of,  8r. 
Money,  ancient  theory  of,  67. 
Moneyer,  office  of,  124  ff. 
Monograms,  207,  208. 
Monsters  as  types,  i6r. 
Montecodruzzo  hoard,  220. 
Monuments  as  types,  174 ;  named, 
IBS. 


Monunius  of  Illyria,  form  of  <t,  213, 
Moulds  for  casting  coins,  156,  157. 
Mountain-types,  174. 
Mule-car  at  Rhegium  and  Messana, 

175. 
Municipia,  coinage  of,  93. 
Mylasa  (Caria\  type  of  Zeus,  169. 
Myra  (Lycia),  type  of  Artemis,  170. 
Mystia  (Bruttium),  in  alliance  with 

Hyporon,  115. 
Mytilene   (Lesbos),    electrum,    15 ; 

union    with    Phocaea,     103    f . ; 

portraits,     186  ;     alliance    with 

Pergamum,    &c.,    102.     See    also 

Lesbos. 


Nabis  of  Lacedaemon,  82  n.,  182. 

Names  of  coins,  196. 

Naucratis,  '  Silversmith's  Hoard,' 
218. 

Naxos  (Cyclades),  wine-cup,  167. 
PI.  II.  3. 

Naxos  (Sicily),  standard,  36  n.  ; 
retains  cult  of  its  mother-city, 
117  ;  types  connected  with  wine, 
1 73 ;  style  of  head  of  Dionysus, 
159,  162 ;  of  Silenus,  159,  162, 
164  n. ;  artist's  signature,  195 ; 
coins  in  Messina  find,  218  ;  form 
of  J/,  211;  of^,  212.     PI.  VI.  I,  3. 

Neapolis  (Campania),  artist's  signa- 
ture, 195. 

Neapolis  (Macedon),  standard,  34. 

Nemausus  (Gaul),  ham- shaped 
coins,  3,  4. 

Nemean  games,  192. 

Neocorates,  183,  185. 

Neoi,  coins  issued  by,  129. 

Nero,  reduces  denarius,  53.  PI. 
XIL  9,  11;  XIV.  7. 

Nicaea  (Bithynia),  190. 

Nickel,  16, 

Nicomedia  (Bithynia),  coin  with 
StoAos,  188  ;  Roman  mint-mark, 
229. 

Nicopolis  (Epirus),  silver,  90 ;  in- 
scription to  Nero,  190. 

Nike,  personified  at  Terina,  187 ; 
seated  on  basis,  Elis,  163  ;  stand- 
ing on  prow,  Demetrius  Polior- 
cetes,  175  ;  type  of  sovereignty, 
172  ;  name  of  boat(?),  194. 

Noah's  Ark  at  Apamea,  170. 

Nominative,  names  of  cities  in,  181 ; 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


283 


of  deities,  186 ;    of  magistrates, 

121,  126. 
Numerals  on  Koman  coins,  217  ;  as 

indication  of  value,  196. 
Nunridia,  leaden  coins,  16. 
Nummus,  42  ;  of  Central  Italy,  59  ; 

of  Tarentum,  62. 

Obol,  64.      See   also   Greek   Index, 

o/SoXos. 
Obverse  and  reverse,  151. 
Oecumenical  games,  192,  193. 
OflRcinae  of  Koman  and  Alexandrian 

mints,  140. 
OfRcinatores,  141,  142. 
Olbasa  (Pisidia),  form  of  A,  216  n. 
Olbia  (Sarmati a), fish-shaped  pieces, 

3,  156 ;  cast  coins,  156. 
OloOsson  (Thessaly),  109. 
Olympian  games,  192,  193. 
Olynthus,  head  of  league  of  Chal- 

cidice,  108  ;  artist's  signature  (?), 

195- 
Optio,  141  n. ,  142,  146. 
Ornamental  types,  177. 
Ostia,  mint-mark,  229. 
Owl  with  crook  and  flail,  172.     PI. 

11.  2. 
Oxide,  25. 
Ox-unit  and  gold-unit,  27. 


Paestum,  mint  of,  93 ;  coin  repre- 
presenting  striking  of  money, 
145-148.     See  also  Poseidonia. 

Pale(Cephallenia  ,  tritetartemorion 
of,  196. 

Pamphylia,  spread  of  coinage  to,  9. 

Pandosia  (Bruttium),  in  alliance 
with  Croton,  115;  artist's  signa- 
ture, 195  ;  form  of  t,  211. 

Pannonia,  ball-shaped  coins,  3. 

Panticapaeum  (Chersonesus  Tau- 
rica),  gold,  18,  40.     PI.  V.  4. 

Paphos  (Cyprus),  Aphrodite  of,  169; 
temple  of,  174. 

Papius  (C.)  Mutilus,  coinage,  100, 

113. 
Parlais  (Lycaonia\  95  n. 
Parthia,  beginning  of  coinage,   10. 

See  also  Vologeses  III,  Phraates  II, 

Tiridates  II. 
Patina,  25. 
Pautalia  (Thrace),  personifications 

at,  188. 


'Pegasi'  in  Corinthian  colonies, 
117. 

Pentobol,  64. 

Perdiccas,  base  coinage  of,  16  n. 

Perga  (Pamphylia),  type  of  Arte- 
mis, 169  ;  style  of  head,  164  ; 
sphinx,  178;  form  of  f,  215;  of 
san,  215.     PL  VIII.  9. 

Pergamum  (Mysia),  coins  struck  by 
prytaneis,  125;  gold,  87;  cisto- 
phori,  39;  titles  of  city,  184;  coin 
with  "Sefiaardv  Kc(pa\iajv  ypafxfia- 
T€VQ}u,  127.     PI.  X.  2  ;  XIII.  6. 

Perrhaebi  (Thessaly),  108. 

Perseus  as  type,  171. 

Perseus  of  Macedon,  portrait.  164 ; 
Macedon  under,  109.  PI.  VIII. 
7  ;  X.  3. 

Persia,  introduction  of  coinage,  8 ; 
representation  of  the  Great  King, 
172  ;  coinage  of  subject  dynasts, 
84  ;  of  satraps,  95  f.  ;  quality  of 
darics,  13.     PI.  I.  10,  11. 

Persic  standard  ;  see  Babylonian, 

Persis,  fire-altar,  171. 

Personifications  as  types,  173,  187, 
206. 

Persons,  historical,  named  on  coins, 

185. 
Phaestus  (Crete),  types,   170;   ^ai- 

(TTicuv  TO  naifxa,  180  n,  ;   form  of  i, 

211.     PI.  IV.  II. 
Phaino- Artemis,  79  n. 
'  Phanes,'  supposed  coin  of,  79,  168. 

PI.  I.  4. 
Pharnabazus,  satrap,  96.     PI.  V.  6. 
Phaselis   (Lycia),  galley-type,  172 ; 

form  of  </),  214. 
Pheidon  of  Argos,  5  n.,  6  ;  Pheido- 

nian  standard,  40. 
Pheneus  (Arcadia),  type  of  Hermes, 

169,  170.     PI.  V.  12. 
Pherae  (Thessaly),  Alexander  and 

Teisiphonus,  81,  82,  180. 
Philip    II    of    Macedon,   gold,    9 ; 

quality   of,    13 ;    style  of   silver 

staters,    164 ;     types,    171,    177 ; 

imitations    of,     177;     grant     of 

coinage     to     Philippi,    83.      PI. 

VII.  I,  2. 
Philip  V  of  Macedon,  portrait,  164  ; 

type  of  Perseus,  171 ;    Macedon 

under,  109,  123  n.     PI.  VIII.  7. 
Philippi  (Macedon),  83.    PI.  VII.  3. 
Phlius  (Phliasia),  form  of  A,  211. 


284 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


Phocaea  (Ionia),  standard,  33 ;  gold, 
8  ;  debased  gold,  70 ;  electrum, 
15;  divisional  system,  65;  union 
with  Mytilene,  103  f. ;  canting 
type,  176;  relation  of  symbol 
and  type,  119;  form  of  f,  214. 
PI.  I.  2  ;  IV.  8. 

Phocis,  names  of  strategi  on  coins, 
124  ;  form  of  a,  208. 

Phoenice  (Epirus),  form  of  ^,  214. 

Phoenician  standard,  32,  33,  222, 
223  ;  origin  of  Campanian,  61. 

Phraates  II  of  Parthia,  97. 

Pietas,  Livia  as,  91. 

Piso,  see  Calpurnius. 

Pittacus  at  Mytilene,  186. 

Plated  coins,  71. 

Plautius  Hypsaeus  (C),  190.  PI. 
XII.  5. 

Political  alliances,  102,  106. 

Polycrates  of  Samos,  16  n. 

Polyrhenium  (Crete),  artist's  signa- 
ture, 195. 

Pompeius  Magnus,  100. 

Pontus,  see  Mithradates  II,  Mithra- 
dates  the  Great. 

Populonia  (Etruria),  PI.  III.  i. 

Portraiture,  10,  164  f. ;  disguised, 
172 ;  idealized,  164 ;  on  Roman 
coins,  100. 

Poseidon  as  type,  169,  175. 

Poseidonia  (Lucania),  fabric,  104, 
152;  typeof  Poseidon,  169;  treat- 
ment of  human  figure,  161 ;  in 
alliance  with  Sybaris,  115 ;  a  mem- 
ber of  the  South  Italian  union, 
104;  form  of  *,  211 ;  of  a,  213.  See 
also  Paestum.     PI.  III.  2,  8. 

Potidaea  (Macedon),  169. 

Potin,  16. 

Prepositions  in  magistrates'  signa- 
tures, 127. 

Prerogative  of  coinage,  78. 

Priest  ploughing,  95. 

Private  coinage,  78. 

Privernum,  capture  of,  190. 

Provinces  under  Rome,  88  f. 

Proconsuls,  names  on  cistophori,  88. 

Procurators,  monetary,  135,  136. 

Prostanna  (Pisidia),  Mount  Viaros, 
174. 

Prymnessus  (Phrygia)  and  Synnada 
share  one  die,  151. 

Prytaneis  of  Smyrna,  124  j  of  Per- 
gamum,  125. 


Ptolemaic  drachm,  weight  of,   30, 

31. 
Ptolemy  I,    Soter,    10,    85 ;    called 

Oeos,  185  ;  coin  with  'AXf^avZptiov, 

181.     PI.  VII.  9. 
Ptolemy  II,  Philadelphus,  gold  oc- 

tadrachms,  65.     PI.  VII.  8. 
Ptolemy  V,  Epiphanes,  gold,  11. 
Ptolemy  VI,  Philometor,  6^6$,  185. 
Ptolemy  XIII,  Auletes,  14. 
Punning,  see  Canting  types. 
Pythian  games,  192,  193. 
Pyxus(Lucania)  in  the  South  Italian 

union,  103,  104  ;  form  of  £,  212. 

Quadrans,  Roman  imperial,  50. 
Quaestors,  coins  signed  by,  138. 
Quality  of  ancient  money,  68. 
Quatuorvirs,  134. 
Quinarius,  history  of,  47,  48. 

Race-horse,  type  of  Philip  II,  177. 

Race-torch,  type  of  Amphipolis, 
172. 

Rates  of  exchange,  74. 

Kationalis,  135. 

Eavenna,  mint-mark,  229.  PI.  XV. 
II. 

Reduction  of  Roman  coinage,  47  f. ; 
of  Etruscan  bronze,  57. 

Eegions  of  Macedon,  88,  109. 

Regnal  dates,  203. 

Relief,  treatment  of,  160. 

Religious  alliances,  117;  theory  of 
coin-types,  166;  types  of  religious 
import,  169. 

Reverse- types,  introduction  of,  151. 

Rhegium  (Bruttium),  standard,  36 
n. ;  lion's  scalp,  117;  hare,  175; 
coinfromLipari  find,  220;  artists' 
signatures,  195. 

Rhoda  (Spain),  canting  type,  176; 
Gaulish  imitations,  178. 

Rhodes,  importance  of  coinage,  10  ; 
standard,  39,  223 ;  weights  as  a 
test  of  date,  205  ;  gold  coinage, 
9 ;  drachms  current  under  the 
Empire,  74,  89  n. ;  canting  type, 
176;  Helios,  169;  Heracles  and 
serpents,  112,  173;  revival  of  in- 
cuse square,  153,  203  ;  didpaxfJtov, 
196 ;   mint-mark,  rose,  178.     PI. 

V.5. 
Rhoemetalces  of  Bosporus,  form  of 
(,  210.    PI.  XIII.  3. 


INDEX    OP    SUBJECTS 


285 


Rings  as  currency,  3,  5. 

River-gods,  171,  187. 

Rome,  interference  with  Greece,  11 ; 
regulation  of  coinage  of  subjects, 
85 ;  military  coinage,  98  f. ;  made 
a  colony,  94 ;  Roman  provincial 
governors,  139  ;  monetary  magis- 
trates, 131 ;  colonies,  92  ;  earliest 
coinage,  9 ;  Roman  pound,  41  ; 
standards  of  bronze,  44  f.  ;  of  sil- 
ver, 47,  53  ;  of  gold,  54  ;  weight- 
systems,  224,  225  ;  reduction  in 
size  of  bronze,  156 ;  quality  of 
bronze,  15,  16 ;  electrum,  15 ; 
plated  coins,  71 ;  adulteration 
of  imperial  coinage,  71 ;  mint- 
marks,  229  ;  art  of  coins,  165  ; 
personifications,  187  ;  Roma  per- 
sonified, 91, 187 ;  forms  of  letters, 
215  f.  PI.  XI.  8-12  ;  XII.  1-7, 
9-1 1 ;  XV.  1-5. 

Royal  manah,  29,  and  norm,  30, 
32  ;  types,  172. 


Sacrificial  instniments,  173. 
Sagalassus  (Pisidia),  Alexander  at, 

175  ;  titles  of,  207  n. 
Salamis  (Cyprus),  PI.  VII.  9. 
Salapia  (Apulia),  form  of  <r,  214. 
Samos,  standard,  33,  39,  224  ;  early 

electrum,  38 ;  Samians  at  Cyrene, 

114  ;   coinage  with  Heracles  and 

serpents,  112,  173  ;  type  of  Hera, 

169.     PI.  I.  12 ;  IV.  13 ;  XIII.  8. 
San,  forms  of,  215. 
Sappho  at  Mytilene,  186. 
Sardes,  personified,  91  ;    lion-type, 

172.     PI.  I.  8,  9 ;  XIII.  I. 
Satraps,  coinage  of,  84,  95  i  portrait 

of  satrap,  164. 
Scalptores,  141. 
Scaurus:  seeAemilius. 
Scripulum,  scruple,  42. 
Scyphate  fabric,  155. 
Secret  mint-marks,  140. 
Segesta  (Sicily),  hunter-god,    163 ; 

in  alliance  with  Eryx,  1 15  ;  |£ay, 

196  ;  form  of  7,  209. 
Seleucia  (Cilicia),  silver  coins,  89. 
Seleucia  (Syria\  coins  dd€\<pa>v5rjfi(uvj 

113;  form  of  o,  212. 
Seleucid  coinage,  10.    See  also  Antio- 

chus,  Seleucus,  Syria.     Seleucid 

era,  201. 


Seleucus  I,  Nicator,  of  Syi-ia,  10. 
PI.  VII.  II. 

Seleucus  II  of  Syria,  form  of  <t, 
213. 

Selge  (Pisidia),  convention  with 
Aspendus,  106. 

Selinus  (Sicily),  wild  celery  of,  173  ; 
a  canting  type,  176 ;  form  of  S, 
209  ;  of  ^,  214.     PI.  VI.  2. 

Semis,  Roman  imperial,  50. 

Semuncial  standard,  49. 

Senate,  Roman,  bronze  coinage,  50, 
i34>  135  ;  personified,  91,  188. 

Serdica,  mint-mark,  229. 

Serrate  fabric,  154. 

Servilius  Caepio  {Q.),  191. 

Sesterce,  silver,  introduction,  47 ; 
cessation,  48  ;  bronze  and  brass, 
15,  50  ;  as  mcney  of  account,  48. 

Sestos  (Thrace),  Hero  and  Leander, 
176  ;  inscription  relating  to  coin- 
age, 125. 

Seuthes  of  Thrace,  inscriptions  on 
coins,  180  n. 

Severus,  Septimius,  PI.  XIII.  5 ; 
XIV.  3. 

Sextantal  system,  47  n. 

Shekel,  28. 

Shield  on  Boeotian  coins,  168 ; 
shield-types,  159. 

Shrinkage  in  casting  coins,  156. 

Sicily,  spread  of  coinage  to,  9 ; 
weight-system,  224;  standards, 
36,  38;  federal  coinage  of  Timo- 
leon,  113,  191  ;  alliance-coins, 
114;  Carthaginian  coinage,  97; 
Sicily  personified,  113. 

Sicinius  Illvir,  100. 

Sicyon,  form  of  c,  213  ;  punctured 
inscription  on  stater,  197. 

Side  (Pamphylia),  union  with 
Holmi,  105  ;  '  alliance '  with 
Delphi,  102;  canting- type,  176; 
tariffing  and  countermarking  of 
tetradrachms,  39,  87  ;  harbour, 
173,174.     PI.  VIII.  5. 

Sidon,  earliest  coinage,  9  ;  king  in 
car,  172  ;  walled  city,  206. 

Siglos,  31. 

Signatores,  141,  142. 

Signatures  of  magistrates,  119, 
132  f. 

Signia,  59. 

Silenus,  type  of  Naxos,  162. 

Siliqua,  54. 


286 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


Sillyum    (Pamphylia),    cast    coin, 

157- 
Silphium,  173.     PI.  I.  15. 
Silver,    sources,    20 ;    quality,    13 ; 

relation  to  other  metals,  75-77  ; 

at  Kome,  71,  73  ;   in  Etruria,  55  ; 

in  South   Italy,  61  ;    of  Roman 

colonies,  93 ;    restrictions  under 

Rome.  88  f. 
Simon  Maccabaeus,  right  of  coinage, 

85. 

Sinope  (Paphlagonia),satrapal  coins, 
96. 

Siris  (Lucania),  103,  104. 

Sirmium,  gold  bars  from,  136 ; 
mint-marks,  229. 

Siscia,  mint-marks,  194.  229. 

Sixths  of  staters,  65. 

Slaves  in  Greek  mints,  130. 

Sloping  edges,  cause  of,  144. 

Smyrna,  head  of  Cybele  (city-god- 
dess), 164,  169  ;  coins  struck  by 
prytaneis,  124  ;  Ba  vj,  197  ;  titles 
of  city,  207  n. ;  dedication  for- 
mula, 127.     PI.  VIII.  10. 

Social    War,    coinage    of,    86,    99, 

113- 

Soldiers'  pay,  48  n. 

Solidus  of  Constantino,  55. 

Solon  reforms  the  standard,  40 ; 
Solonian  weights,  223. 

Sovereignty,  coinage  an  attrib\ite 
of,  82. 

Sparta :  see  Lacedaemon. 

Sphinx  of  Artemis,  178 ;  of  Au- 
gustus, 172.     PI.  I.  16. 

Spiritus  asper,  representation  of, 
210. 

'  Spread '  tetradrachms,  154. 

Square  coins,  154. 

Stag  on  electrum  stater,  79  n.,  168. 
PL  I.  4. 

Standards,  military,  as  type,  95. 

Standards  of  weight,  26  f. ;  at  Di- 
dyma,  191  n. ;  changes  in,  205  ; 
tables  of,  222. 

Statues  represented  on  coins,  174, 
206. 

Stellar  types,  177. 

Stephanephoros,  130. 

Stratus  (Acarnania),  108. 

Striking  of  coins,  143, 

Strymon,  river,  188. 

Style,  development  of,  160 ;  an  in- 
dication of  date,  203. 


Sulla,  Faustus  Cornelius,  176.  PL 
XII.  3. 

Sulla,  L.  Cornelius,  military  coin- 
age, 100;  type  of  Venus,  171. 
PI.  XII.  2. 

Suppostores,  141,  142. 

Sybaris  (Lucania),  a  member  of 
South  Italian  union,  103 ;  in 
alliance  with  Poseidonia,  115; 
fall  of,   199.     PL  III.  8. 

Syedra  (Cilicia),  yvfjLvaaiapxia,  193  n. 

Symbols,  classification  of,  178 ;  of 
magistrates,  119 ;  of  deities,  170  f. ; 
on  Roman  coins,  131  ;  artistic 
treatment  of,  159. 

Synnada  (Phrygia)  and  Prymnessus 
share  one  die,  151. 

Syracuse,  gold  and  silver,  42 ;  bronze, 
43  ;  electrum,  15  ;  decadrachms, 
65  ;  denominations  indicated  by 
types,  66  ;  coinage  of  the  tyrants, 
10 ;  the  Demareteion,  200 ;  chariot- 
types,  172 ;  ad\a,  193  ;  style  of 
head,  161,  163;  Corinthian  stater, 
205  ;  artists'  signatures,  194,  195  ; 
form  PaffiXeos,  212  ;  forms  of  p 
and  0",  213  ;  E  and  H,  209  ;  use  of 
koppa,  215.  See  also  under  the 
various  tyrants.  PL  III.  5,  6; 
VI.  4,  6,  7  ;  XL  4,  6. 

Syria,  Attic  standard  in,  38  ;  heavy 
denominations,  65;  under  Seleucid 
kings,  85.  See  also  Seleucid  coin- 
age. 

Table,  agonistic,  193  ;  of  Trapezus, 
176. 

Talent,  28. 

Tales  at  Phaestus,  170. 

Taras,  hero  of  Tarentum,  175,  181  ; 
name  of  the  city,  181. 

Tarentum  (Calabria),  standards,  61, 
62,  223  ;  in  the  South  Italian 
union,  104  ;  gold,  60  ;  Taras,  175, 
181 ;  horsemen,  172.     PL  XL  i,  2. 

Tarifl&ng  of  coins,  73. 

Tarraco  (Spain),  mint-mark,  229. 

Tarsus  (Cilicia),  Baal-Tars,  169  ; 
walled  city,  206  ;  loyal  inscrip- 
tion, 190 ;  titles,  184 ;  r.  B.  and 
r.  r.,  191  n.     PL  IV.  12. 

Tauromenium  (Sicily),  form  of  p, 
213. 

Taxation,  raising  of  weights  for,  30. 

Tegea  (Arcadia),  iron  coin  of,  18. 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


287 


Teisiphonus  of  Pherae,  81. 
Temenothyiae  vPhrygia),  127. 
Temesa  (Biuttium)  in  alliance  with 

Croton,  104,  115. 
Temple   coinages,  80,    191  ;    types, 

174,  180. 
Teos  (Ionia),  form  of  77,  210. 
Terina  (Bruttium),  type   of  Nike, 

187  ;  style  of  coins,  163  ;  artists' 

signatures,  194,  195.     PI.  VI.  8. 
Termera  (Caria),  8r. 
Termessus  Major  (Pisidia),  type  of 

free  horse,  173;  dating  of  coins, 

200. 
Terracotta  money,  18. 
Tetartemorion,  64. 
Tetradrachm     and     didrachra     at 

Athens,  64,  69. 
Tetrobol,  64. 
Thasos,  standard,  34. 
Thebes   (Boeotia),   coinage   of,  315 

to  288  B.C.,   108;    Heracles  and 

serpents,    112,   173;    shield   and 

half-shield,  168 ;   names  of  Boe- 

otarchs  on   coins,   124,     PL  IV. 

10. 
Themistocles,     satrapal     coin,     71, 

85  ;  plated,  71  n.  ;  monument  at 

Magnesia,  188,  189.     Pi.  IV.  i. 
Thessaly,  horse-types,  172  ;  federal 

coinage,  108. 
Thessalonica     (Macedon),     Eoman 

mint-marks,  229. 
Thibronian  money,  97. 
Thrace,  early  coinage,  8 ;  coins  of 

Lysimachus,  10  ;  imitations,  11  ; 

standard  of  south  coast,  33 ;  heavy 

denominations,  65. 
Thuriiim,  head  of  Athena,  117,  163 ; 

artists'   signatures    (?),    195.    PI. 

VI.  5. 

Thyrrheum  (Acarnania),  108. 
Timarchus  of  Babylon,  gold,  II. 
Timoleon  in  Sicily,  113,  191,  205.  ' 
Tin,    sources,   23;    coins,    16,    17; 

proportion  of,  in  bronze,  15,  16. 
Tiridates  II  of  Parthia,  Pi.  X.  i. 
Tissaphernes  (?),  PL  V.  9. 
Titles  of  magistrates,  128 ;  on  Roman 

coins,    132 

cities,  183. 
Tmolus,  electrum  of,  7. 
Token,  nature  of,  i,  2. 
Toi'ch,  type  of  Amphipolis,  172. 
Touch-stone,  use  of,  24. 


Trade,  various  stages  of,  i  ;  colonies 
and,  1x6. 

Trajan,  organizes  system  of  coinage, 
135  ;  his  Forum,  174 ;  titles,  182. 
Pi.  XV.  2. 

Trapezus  (_Pontus),  canting  type, 
176.     PL  IV.  7. 

Tremissis,  55. 

Tressis,  49. 

Tresviri,  monetary,  132, 

Trevirorurh,  Augusta,  mint-marks, 
194,  229. 

Tribal  unions,  106. 

Triens,  55  ;  triental  standard,  49  n. 

Trier,  mint-marks,  194,  229.  PL 
XV.  8,  10. 

Trihemiobol,  64. 

Trihemitetartemorion,  64. 

Triobol,  64. 

Tripod,  type  of  Croton,  171. 

Triskeles  symbol,  no. 

Triumvirs,  monetary,  132, 

Tunny  at  Cyzicus,  166  f. 

Tymnes  of  Termera,  81. 

Types,  reason  for  use  of,  67  ;  rela- 
tive positions  on  flan^  204  ;  type 
and  symbol,  119  f . ;  composition 
of,  158 ;  meaning  and  classifica- 
tion, 166 ;  inscriptions  naming 
types,  185 ;  character  of,  as  a 
sign  of  date,  205  f. ;  distinguishing 
denominations,  65  f.  ;  personal, 
at  Rome,  132 ;  of  Roman  colonies, 
95  ;  of  Greek  colonies,  117. 

Tyrants,  debased  coinage,  70. 

Tyre,  earliest  coinage,  9 ;  type  of 
owl,  172  ;  gold  decadrachm,  87  ; 
silver  under  Rome,  89,  90. 

Uncial  standard,  48. 

Val  ues  of  the  metals,  relative,  74  ; 

of  coins,   how  indicated,   65  f. , 

67,  196. 
Vases  given  as  prizes,  193. 
Vassal  rulers,  treatment  by  Rome, 

92. 
Velia  (Lucania),  standard,  34,  61, 

63,  223  ;  artists'  signatures,  195. 

PL  in.  10. 
Venus,  type  of  Sulla,  171. 
Vespasian,  PL  XV.  i. 
Vettii,  wall-painting  in  house  of, 

144  f. 
Viaros,  Mount,  174. 


288 


INDEX    OF    SUBJECTS 


Victoriatus,  standard  of,  40  ;  intro- 
duction of,  47  ;  cessation,  48. 
Victory ;  see  Nike. 
Vigintivirate  established,  135, 
Vologeses  III  of  Parthia,  207  n. 

Wave-pattern,  158. 
Weighing  of  precious  metal,  5. 
Weights      and      weight-standards, 

26  f.,  222  f. ;  weights  as  a  sign  of 

date,  204. 
Wheel,  engraving,  149. 
Wind-god  at  Caiilonia,  171. 
Wine-cup  at  Naxos  (Cyclades),  167. 
Winged  running  figure,  PI.  I.  5. 
Wolf  and  Twins,  95. 


Wooden  money,  18. 
Wreath,  use  of,  158. 

Zacynthus,  form  of  ^,  210. 

Zancle  (Sicily),  belongs  to  South 
Italian  union,  103,  104  ;  standard, 
36  n.;  harbour,  173,  174;  in  alli- 
ance with  Croton,  115  ;  coins  in 
Messina  find,  218  ;  form  of  5,  209. 
See  also  Messana.     PI.  III.  4. 

Zeus  as  type,  169,  171 ;  attributes 
of,  178;  Eleutherios,  113;  Poteos, 
91. 

Zinc,  proportion  of,  in  bronze,  15, 
16. 

Zoilus,  coins  of,  125. 


II.  GREEK 


'f^-^aOov,  TO,  188. 

^Ay(uvo9ioia,  193. 

'AdeXcpojv  b-^fxcvVj  114. 

'Aeroifxlpos,  178  n. 

'A9€.  6  5(fios,  181. 

^AOKa,  193. 

Atas,  187. 

Aiyrj,  187. 

AiTrjaa/xfvov,  T28. 

'Akovij,  24  n. 

'A/cpdyavTos,  180. 

'A/CTta,  192. 

'A\€£di'5p€ta,  192. 

'AXf^avdpeia,  'A\€^ai'5/)etoj,  180. 

'AA.6£aj/5/)os,  175. 

'AAefai/S/wi;,  180. 

'AA/foTos,  186. 

'A/tevayos,  187. 

'Aj/a0  .  .  .,  197. 

'AviOijKC,  127. 

'Av9vTra.T<v,  139. 

'AmjfiT]  Upa,  189. 

'Apyvpiov,  180. 

'ApyvpoKOiriToy,  129  t 

''Apyvpos,  188. 

'Apyoj,  189. 

"ApiOTO,  192,  193. 

'Apto'T(>^6(j'os),  194. 

'ApKadiKov,  81,  180. 

'Ap/ievia,  187. 

'  ApTCLfUTos  rds  €\Kt8fiovi,  197. 

'Apxiarpos,  129. 

"Apxcuv,  128. 

'  AoKXrjTTula,  192. 

'Affffapia  Tpia,  196. 

'Aaaapiov  ripvav,  196. 

'AcuAos,  184. 

'ArraAT/a,  192. 

Au7oi;oT€ta  "Apicra  'OKvfinia,  193. 


AxiTKpa,,  198. 

AvTOKpoLTOjp  Kaiaap  K.r.X.f  182. 

AvTOvofiOs,  184. 

Ba  (A60;  NdiStos,  82  n. 

Ba<rai'tT7;s  At^oj,  24. 

BaatAfw,    181  ;     B.    Pa<Ti\i<uv  /f.T.A., 

207  n.  ;  ^aai\(0Sf  212. 
Ba  vj,  197. 
B.  Nfou/fo'pajv,  183. 
BoTpuj,  188. 
Boi/A?;,  188. 

r.  B.,  191  n. 

r.  r.  191  n. 

rfpovcta,  188. 

re'ras  'HScuj/fcwi'  Ba<rtAcvy,  181  n. 
r.  Ncoj/copcuj',  183. 
ropStavTya,  192. 

Tvixvaaiapxidj     193 ;     yvfivaciapxos  ?, 
191 11. 

Aaj/«Af,  181. 

AoTOi'  dya^o;!',  20. 

A(Ka€Tr}pls  Kvpiov,  190. 

Ae\(pis,  3. 

AfppojvaioSf  187. 

AfppojviKov,  180. 

A^/xos,  188. 

A(d,  127. 

Ata  'iSaroi',  186. 

Atax«>,  155  n. 

AidpaxfJ-ov,  9011.,  196. 

Aidvfiojv  iky)  teprj,  80. 

Atos  'EA€t;0€/)(ov,  186. 

AixctA/foj',  64. 

A.  Ncw/copoji',  183. 

AoypuxTi  ^wK\rjTov,  91  n.,  191. 


290 


INDEX 


'E0S6fJLrj  TTJs  'Aaias,  183. 

'E7  AiSv/xoDV  leprj,  191. 

Els  alofva  tovs  Kvpiovs,  190. 

El<ravyei\avTos,  128. 

Ei<Te\a(fTiKa,  192. 

Els  kSiva  TOVS  Kvpiovs,  190. 

'EKKXrjcria,  188. 

'EKevOepOj  184. 

'EKetOepos  S^fxosy  188 

'EfiiropiKfj  /xvd,  129  n. 

'E^aKCffTiSas,  194. 

'E£as,  196. 

'ETTt,  127. 

'Einfie\r]9ivTos,  empieX^ffavToSf   imjxi- 

XriTrjS,  127. 
'EmTpSnoVj  139, 
*Eirt^.  Karcap,  18311. 
'ETTtxapaTTeiJ',  127,  143  n. 
^En6(i,  195. 
''Etovs,  90,  203  ;  erovs  S(k.  lepov,  erovs 

Upov,  €Tovs  viov  lepov,  196. 
Evaiviroiy),  194. 
EvapxiSas,  194. 
Eu/fA€t5a,  194. 
Eiffirjvov,  194, 
EvCfjSjJy,  183. 
EuTvxi??,  183. 
'E^eatcyj'  oi/Tot  rao/,  189. 

Z(i7«Xoj/,  17411. 
Z«i/s  'E\(vdepi05,  113. 

''KKeKTpoVf  ijkeKTpos,  14. 
"HXta,  192. 

'KfiioffeKiv,  ■^fuo06\ioVf  196. 
'HpaaKfiSas,  195. 
'Hpa/fX^s  'Fctifiaios,  91. 
'HpKovXif  140. 

©cai'  AtoX^i/  'AypiirrrivaVj  186. 

06^1'  'Fttjfirjv,  186. 

©fdi'  "XvvKXrjTov,  188. 

©fd  'Poj fxrj,  91. 

©ed  ^avCTCH'a,  90. 

QefxiSeSj  192. 

&eiJii(TTOKXrjs,  189. 

HedSoTos  «7ro€i,  195. 

©€^1/  XvvKXrjTov,  186,  188. 

0€O5  2w/fA7;TOj,  188. 

06cDj',    185. 

057/)a,  194. 

&i^pdjv(iov  vofjua/M,  9711. 

©i;.,  3. 

Qvydrrjp  rov  SrjpioVf  129. 


'Icpa  (city),  184  ;  (contest),  19a. 

'Itpd  Povkri,  ffpovaiof  ffvvKhrjTos,  188. 

'lfpairr)tir},  189. 

'Ifpevs  Srjfxov,  129. 

*If/)oi  d7a)i'€?,  192. 

'lep^y    'ArraAeW    'OXvfima    Ot/cou/if- 

w/coj,  193. 
'Ifpos  S^/xos,  188. 
*Io)3i,  140. 

'louSatas  kakaKvias,  189. 
*Iov(Ata»')  UpoKXav  fjpmda,  186. 
'ItTiroKpaTTjs,  195. 
''iffOfiia,  192. 
'ICOTTv^m,  192. 
'Is.  Xs.,  198. 

KaPeipia,  192. 

KaiJ'oi',  113. 

Kafaap,  182. 

KaTTCTwAta,  192. 

Ka  .  .  .  p  =^  Kifcrap,  198. 

KaTaarpaTeia,  97. 

KfpaTiOi',  54. 

KtAi/f£OJ/,  84,  96. 

KA€u5a;pov,  195. 

Koivov,  113,  118. 

Kotvoj/  'Aaias,  189,  192. 

Koti'^i/  MrjTponoXeiTwv  ruiv  ev  'luvia, 

192. 
Koivos  TMv  TpiS)v  'EirapxiSii',  192. 
KoAAvjSo?,  64. 
Kofxpia,  14311.,  180. 
Ko/xoSov  ^affiXevovTos  6  KdapLosevrvx^i) 

190. 
KoTTxetj/,  14311. 
Koffojv,  86. 
'Kparria'nfno[v),  195. 
KriaTrjs,  187. 
Kvjue,  181. 

Kvpai/arot  IlToAe/uata;?,  19111. 
Kutfios,  194. 

A  =  AiTpa,  196. 

AaK€baipLoviwv,  'A^ujSAaScW,  184. 

Aapiffaia,  180. 

AevKaams,  187. 

Aeu/fos  xpi'0'<^5)  14- 

AirpOf  41  f. 

MaKapioi  Kiavoi,  190. 
MiavSpos,  187. 
M67aAo,  192. 
Mei/co-^fi/s  KTi(TTT]s,  187. 
M^Aor,  176. 


II.      GREEK 


291 


MrjTpo.  KoX<uvia,  94. 
MrjTpoTTokis,  91,  183,  185. 
Mea,  28,  129  n. 

Nf'a  Bed.  "Hpa,  91. 

Hfixea,  192. 

Neot,  129. 

NfOtfopos,  183. 

NeoTT^s,  194. 

tiepavi  drjfxoffiq)  irarpon/i  'EAAaSos,  19c. 

Nfvaj/Tos  In-oci,  195. 

"SecuKopoSj  183,  185. 

N(«a,  187,  194. 

HiKT)(p6pos,  17811. 

"Soixiff/xa,  2n.,  180. 

No/xos,  2  n.,  62. 

Novyit/io?,  62. 

OB,  55,  196. 

'OPeKiaKoi,  511.,  6  n.,  17. 

'OjSfXot,  17. 

'O/SoAoy,  5  n.,  63  n.,  196. 

'05  (fXds),  196. 

OiKovfieviKo.,  -Kos,  192,  193. 

'O  KoapLos  evTvxii,  190. 

'OKvpima,  192,  193. 

'OkvptiriKov,  81. 

'OfxrjpoVj  186. 

'O/iovota,  102,  189. 

'O  vea;.  'E(/)6.  5^.  ktnxap.,  127, 

'Opiixo-^Kos,  15. 

OiiaKepiava,  igz, 

naipa  (?),  180. 

ria/ja,  127. 

nap;i€  .  .  .,  195. 

nei/Te'xaX/fOJ',  64. 

n6»'ro7/ftov,  196. 

IleptoSos  Z^KaTT)  k.t.X.,  190, 

noAts,  91,  187. 

no/)Tts  /caA.,  197. 

Ilpo/fAa :  see  'lovXia. 

npoKXrjSf  195. 

Tlpvrdvds  ZpvpvaioJVy  124. 

IlpttiTa,  192. 

npMTT],  183  ;  TT.  TTJs  'Affias,  183,  184. 

TlpdjTTjs  UiaiSoov  k.t.A.,  207  n. 

npojTtuv  'Aaias  k.t.A.,  207  n. 

UvOia,  192,  193. 

ni;0oS(u/)os,  195. 

'Friytvos,  180. 
'P6S0J',  176. 


'Pw/xj;,   91  n. :    see  aZso  ©edi'  'PupLtjVf 
@(d  'Fwpii]. 

2)3  =  "Xi&aaros,  198. 

2«)3a(rT05,  182. 

^ePaffToJv,  veoJKopos  rwv,  185. 

2ei8^  =  ^(fiaaroi,  198. 

SeAtfov,  176. 

'^(vqpeia,  192. 

^evrjpiavrj  MaKpuviavi)  Mr)Tp6iro\is  Top- 

(70$,  184. 
^evqpov  fiaaiKevovTos  6  Koffpios  (vrvx^h 

190, 
^ripLavTTjptov,  130. 
^rfpLaoia,  188. 
2t7Aos,  28. 
2t577,  176. 

^iSrjTOJV  A(\(pa>v  ofiovota,  102. 
St/ceAta,  113. 
Si/fAos,  28. 
2oAj«oj',  180. 
^0(picrTT]s,  129. 
Sraxi^s,  188. 

'ST€(pavr)(p6pov  Spaxp^ai,  129  n. 
2t(5Aos,  188. 
:SvpLpiaxiK6v,  113,  191. 
Xvfxpaxos  {'Fupaicav),  184. 
Suv  =  ^vvpLaxiKov,  112,  191. 
^vvapxta,  129,  193  n. 
1,vvKXr)Tos,  91,  188. 
'S.vpaKOGLOJV,  1 80. 
SoJCtTToAts,  187. 
SwCTcui',  195. 
2a)T6tpa,  187. 

TaKiTios,  192. 

TdAai'TOi',  28. 

Tapas,  181,  187. 

Tas  'AprdpuTos  rds  €\Kc5piovij  197. 

Idpial  ^aciXius,  180. 

TcppLfpiKov,  81. 

lepffiKov,  84. 

liaaapaKooTT}  Xia,  3911. 

IcTapTtjpiopiov,  196. 

Terpaaffapiov,  50. 

TeT pdxakKOV.  196. 

TpaTTC^a,  176. 

TpiT€TapTr}pi6piovj  196. 

Tv/ivo(i;),  81. 

'TSapioTcpov ,  105. 

Tt^s  'Aaidpxov,  'AcppoSnaiiojVj  irS^fcos, 

129. 
'TTrarevorTOS,  139. 
'Tjtc/)  vt/f???  'Pcy^tatW  k.t.X.,  90. 


TJ   2 


292 


INDEX 


^aivovs  dfjil  afjfxa,  7911.,  181. 
^iXiariuv,  195. 
^ivrepa,  197. 
^ITTaKOS,   186. 

^pvyiWos,  195. 
^ooKaidfs,  70  n. 
^ixiKr}j  176. 
^ojacpopoSf  194. 

X  =  xa^foOs,  196. 


XaKKOKparov  HacaiTtpovy  \  7  n. 
XaA.«oG?,  37. 
XapaKTrjp,  14311.,  180. 
XapaTTfiv,  126,  14311. 
XoipiojVy  195. 
Xpuffoj,  188. 
XtwJ'cyfii',  15511. 

"Vatrcpw,  186. 
'^ij(}>iffa}iiVOV,  127. 


III.  LATIN 


A.  A.  A.  F,  F. :  see  Tresviri. 

Achaia  restitute,  176. 

Ad  fru.  emu.  ex  S.  C,  191. 

Aequatores,  141. 

Aes  argento  miscere,  72  n. 

Aes  grave,  45 ;  rude,  44,  156  ;  sig- 

natum,  45,  156. 
Anthius,  187. 
Antoninianus,  51. 
A.  Plautius,  Aed.  Cur.  S.  C,  133. 
Argentum  Oscense,  21. 
As,  41  f,  57f. 
Auggg.,  198. 
Augusto  ob  c.  s.,  190. 
Augustus,  182. 
Aureus,  54. 
Aurichalcum,  16. 

Caesar,  182. 
Capitolina,  193. 
C.  Cassius  L.  Salina.,  134. 
C.  Coponius  Pr.,  100. 
Centenionalis,  52. 

Certamina  Sacra  Capitolina  Oecu- 
menica  Iselastica  Heliopolitana, 

193- 
Ces  =  Censor,  138. 
C.  Hypsae.  Cos.,  190. 
Civitas  foederata.  184  ;  sine  foedere 

immunis  et  libera,  ib. 
Cn.  Corn.  M.  Tuc.  Patr.,  95. 
Col.  C.  A.  A.,  94. 
Col.  CI.  Agrip.,  94. 
Col.  L.  Ant.  Com.,  94. 
Col.  Nem.,  4. 
Com.  Asiae,  189. 
Concordia  Militum,  lor. 
Conductores  flaturae,  141. 
Conflare,  155  n. 


Copia,  93. 
Coticula,  24  n. 

C.  Pulclier,  133. 
Cudere,  143  n. 
Cuneus,  2  n. 
Cur.  )^  Fl.,  155  n. 

D.  D.,  136,  138. 
DDD.  NNN..  136,  198. 
Decargyrus,  54. 
Becennalia,  190. 
Decussis,  49. 
Denarius,  47. 
Dextans,  62. 
Digma,  136. 
Dispensatores,  135. 
Divi  R,  182. 

Divus,  Diva,  182. 

D.  N.,  183. 

D.  S.  S.,  133,  i3t. 

Dupondius,  49,  50,  58,  60, 

Duumviri  quinquennales,  138. 

Empor.  Munic,  93  n. 

Equester  Ordo  Frincipi  luventutis, 

190. 
Ex  A.  P.,  133. 
Ex  D.  D.,  136. 
Ex  S.  C  ,  133,  134. 

Familia  monetalis,  135. 

F.  C,  138. 

Feelix,  217. 

Felix,  183. 

Felix  Aug.   lib.   Optio   et   Exactor 

auri  argenti  et  aeris,  142. 
Ferire,  143  n. 

Ferrum  argento  miscere,  72  n. 
Fides  Militum,  loi. 


294 


i 

INDEX 


Flare,  155  n. 

Flaturarius,  141,  145. 

Fl.  Flavianus  Pro.  sig.  ad  digma,  136. 

Follis,  51  f. 

Forum  Traian.,  189. 

Graecinus  Quin.  Tert.  Buthi*.,  138. 

Heliopolitana,  193. 
Hibero  Praef.,  138. 

Imp,  Caes.  Quin.  L.  Ben.  Prae.,  138. 
Imperator,  132,  182. 
Imper.  iterum,  100. 
Indulgentiae   Aug.    moneta   impe- 

trata,  93. 
Inficere,  72  n. 
Iselastica,  193. 
Italia,  113. 
ludaea  Capta,  176,  189. 

L  Bennio  Praef.,  138. 

L.  Cestius  C.  Norba.  Pr.  S.  C,  134. 

Leg.,  88. 

Leg.  XIII.  Gem.  M.  V.,  loi. 

L,    Flaminius   Cliilo    Illlvir    pri. 

fla.,  134,  155  n. 
Libra,  41,  45  f. 
Libralis,  as,  41. 
L.  P.  D.  A.  P.,  133. 
L.  Regulus  Illlvir  A.  P.  F.,  134. 
L.  Sulla,  100. 

L.  Torqua.  Q.  Ex  S.  C,  133. 
Lucianus  obr.  I  sig.,  136. 

M.  Agrip.  Quin.  Hibero  Praef.,  138. 

Malliator,  141,  142,  145,  146. 

M.  Aquil.  M.  F.  M.  N.  Illvir,  132. 

Massae,  156. 

M.  Calid.  Q.  Met.  Cn.  Fl.,  132. 

M.  Fan.  L.  Grit.  P.  A.  Aed.  PL,  133. 

Miliarense,  52,  53. 

Miscere  monetam,  72  n. 

M.  Lucili.  Ruf.,  133. 

M.  Scaur.  Aed.  Cur.  Ex  S.  C.,  190. 

Municipi  Patronus  et  Parens,  95. 

M.  Volteius.  M.  F.,  134. 

Nob.  Caes.,  183. 
Numisma,  2  n. 
Nummus,  42,  59. 

Obryzum,  136. 
Oecumenica,  193. 
Officinatores,  141,  143. 


Orichalcum,  16. 
Oscense  argentum,  21. 

Pater  Patriae,  182. 

Patronus  et  Parens,  Municipi,  95. 

Pecunia  maiorina,  52. 

Percutere,  143  n. 

Periodicum,  192. 

Permissu    Augusti,    Caesaris,    93 ; 

proconsulis,  94. 
P.  E.  S.  C,  133. 
P.  F.,  183. 

P.  Hypsaeus  Aed.  Cur.,  190. 
Pletas,  91. 
Pilipus,  217. 
Piso  Caepio  Q.  ad  fru.  emu.  ex  S.  C, 

191. 
Pius,  183. 

Pontifex  Maximus,  182. 
PP.  Aug.,  183. 
P.P.D.D.,  94. 

Praefecti  pro  duumviris,  138. 
Preiver.  Captu.,  190. 
Procurator  monetae,  135,  136. 
P.  Servili  M.  F.  P.,  133. 
Pu(blice),  133. 

Q  =  Quaestor,  132,  138. 

Q.  Anto.  Balb.  Pr.  S.  C,  133. 

Quadrans,  46,  50,  57  f.,  63. 

Quatuorviri  monetales,  134. 

Quinarius,  47,  48. 

Quincunx,  60,  63. 

Quincussis,  58. 

Quirilluset  Dionisus  Sirm.  sig.,  136. 

Quod  viae  mun.  sunt,  190. 

Rationalis,  135. 
Eex  Aretas,  190. 
Roma,  99,  181,  187,  208. 
Romano(m),  180. 
Rom.  et  August.,  189. 
Rulli,  133. 

S  =  semis,  64,  196. 

Sac.  Mon.  Urb.  Augg.  et  Caess.  NN., 

140. 
Sacra  (certamina),  193. 
Sacra  (!)  Senatus,  188. 
Saeculares  Augg.,  192. 
Saeculum  novum,  190. 
Sanct.  Deo  Soli  Elagabal.,  186. 
S.  C,  50,  94,  95  n.,  100, 133, 134,  191. 
Scalptores,  141. 
S.  C.  D.  T.,  134. 


INDEX.      III.    LATIN 


295 


Scripulum,  42. 

Semis,  46,  50,  57  f.,  64,  196. 

Semuncia,  49,  60. 

Senatus  sacra  (!),  188. 

Serrati,  154. 

Sescuncia,  60,  63. 

Sestertius,  15,  47,  48. 

Sextans,  46,  57  f. 

Sicinius  Illvir,  100. 

Signare,  143  n. 

Signatores,  141,  142. 

Siliqua,  54. 

Sirm.,  136. 

Solidus,  55. 

S.  R.,  95. 

Superpositus,    141  ;    auri    monetai 

nummulariorum,  135. 
Suppostores,  141,  142,  145. 

Tingere,  72  n. 
T.  Quincti,  99. 


Tremissis,  55. 

Tressis,  49,  60. 

Tresviri  auro  argento  aere  flando 

feriundo  (monetales),  132. 
Tribunicia  potestate,  182. 
Triens,  46,  55,  57  f. 


Vaala,  217. 
Victoriatus,  47,  48. 
Uncia,  46,  48,  57  f.,  63  f. 
Vota  suscepta,  votis  decennalibus, 
&c.,  190. 


Illvir,  132,  133. 
HILL  D.  D.  D.,  13611. 
IIIIvirD.  D.,  138. 
Illlvir  pri.  fla.,  134,  155  n. 


THE  END 


OXFORD:   HORACE    HART 
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