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EDITION
HARPER'S ENCYCLOP ÆDIA
of
UNITED STATES HISTORY
FROM 458 A.D. TO 1905
BASED UPON THE PLAN OF
BENSON JOHN LOSSING, LL.D.
SOMETIME EDITOR OF "THE A:\IERICAN HISTORICAL RECORD" AND AUTHOR OF
.. THE PICTORIAL FIELD-BOOK OF THE REVOLUTION" .. THE PICTORIAL FIELD-
BOOK OF THE WAR OF 1812" ETC." ETC., ETC.
WITH SPECIAL CONTRIBUTIONS COVERING EVERY PHASE OF AMERICAN HISTORY AND
DEVELOPMENT BY El\II
ENT AUTHORIrIES, INCLUDING
JOHN FISKE.
THE AlliER/CAN HISTORIA.V
WM. R. HARPER, Ph.D., LL.D., D.D.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, Ph.D.
PROF. OF HIS10RY AT HARVARD
JOHN B. MOORE.
PROF. OF INTERNATIONAL LAW AT COLUillEIA
JOHN FRYER, A.M., LL.D.
PROF. OF LITERATURE AT l',VlV. OF CALIFORNIA
WILLIAM T. HARRIS, Ph.D., LL.D.
u. S. CO.Jf.JflSSIONER OF EDUCATIO.V
WOODROW WILSON, Ph.D., LL.D.
PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
GOLDWIN SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D.
PROF. OF HISTORY UNIV. OF TORONTO
MOSES COlT TYLER, LL.D.
PROF. OF HISTORY AT CORNELL
EDWARD G. BOURNE, Ph.D.
PROF. OF HISTORY AT YALE
R. ]. H. GOTTHEIL, Ph.D.
PROF. OF SE.JflTIC LANGUAGES AT COLl'MBIA
ALFRED T. MAHAN, D.C.L., LL.D.
CAPTAIN U.V/TED STATES NAVY (Retired)
ETC., ETC., ETC., ETC.
WITH A PREFACE ON THE STUDY OF AMERICAN HISTORY BY
WOODROW WILSON, PH.D., LL.D.
PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR OF
.. A HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE" ETC., ETC.
WITH ORIGINAL DOCU.ðfENTS, PORTRAITS, .ðIAPS, PLANS, &c.
COMPLETE IN TEN VOLUMES
VOL. I
HARPER &
NEW YORK
BROTHERS
1905
PUBLISHERS
LONDON
Copyright, I<)OS, by HARPER & BROTHERS.
Copyright, 1<)01, by HARPER & BROTHERS.
All rt&,hts rue. ved.
WRITERS ON SPECIAL SUBJECTS
Hístorlans aná Scholars
LYMAN ABBOTT, D.D., LL.D., AUTHOR, AND EDITOR OF The Outlook, NEW
YORK.
EDWARD GAYLORD BOURNE, PH.D., PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AT YALE UNI-
VERSITY.
RICHARD T. ELY, A.
L, PH.D., LL.D., PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL ECONOMY AT
THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN.
FREDERICK WILLIA:\I FARRAR, DEAN OF \VESTMINSTER ABBEY.
JOHN FISKE, FORMER PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY,
AUTHOR OF II AMERICAN POLITICAL IDEAS," ETC.
jOH
FRYER, A.M., LL.D., PROFESSOR OF LITERATURE AT THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA.
CARDINAL GIBBONS, THE HEAD OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN
AMERICA.
W ASHI
GTON GLADDEN, D.D., LL.D.
EDWIN LAWRENCE GODKIN, A.M., D.C.L., FORMER EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK
Evening Post.
RICHARD j. H. GOTTHEIL, PH.D., PROFESSOR OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES AT
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY.
WILLIAM R. HARPER, PH.D., LL.D., D.D., PRESIDENT O
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CHICAGO.
ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, PH.D., PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AT HARVARD
UNIVERSITY.
JOSIAH GILBERT HOLLAND, EDITOR AND AUTHOR.
THE MOST REVEREND JOHN IRELAND, ARCHBISHOP OF ST. PAUL.
JOHN B. MOORE, LL.D., PROFESSOR OF INTERNATIONAL LAW AND DIPLOMACY
AT COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY.
GOLDWIN Sl\lITH, D.C.L., LL.D., PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AT THE UNIVERSITY
OF TORONTO.
MOSES COlT TYLER, A.M., L.H.D., LL.D., FORMER PROFESSOR OF HISTORY
AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY.
WOODROW WILSON, PH.D., LL.D., PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY.
Statesmen aná Publicists
JAl\lES G. BLAINE, FORMER SECRETARY OF STATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
HENRY SHERl\IAN BOUTELL, A.:\1., l\IEr-.1BER OF CONGRESS FROM ILLINOIS.
WILLIAi\I
I. EVARTS, FORMER UNITED STATES SENATOR FROM i\"EW YORK.
JOHN ,V. FOSTER, LL.D., FORMER SECRETARY OF STATE OF THE UNITED
STATES.
WILLIAl\I E. GLADSTONE, FORMER PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN AND
IRELAND.
BENjA:\II
HARRISON, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR, LL.D, UNITED STATES SENATOR FROM MASSACHU-
SETTS.
HENRY CABOT LODGE, UNITED STATES SENATOR FRO
I 1\IASS-\CHUSETTS.
JOHN TYLER 1\1 ORGA.N, UNITED STATES SENATOR FROM ALABAUA.
JUSTI
S. 1\IOHRILL, FORMER UNITED STATES SENATOR FROM VERMONT.
EDWARD j. PHELPS, LL.D., FORMER UNITED STATES :\IINISTER TO THE COURT
OF ST. JAMES.
THO::\IAS B. REED, FORMER SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WILLIA1\I F. WHARTON, FORr-.fER ASSISTANT SECHETARY OF STATE OF THE
UNITED STATES.
HENRY WHITE, SECRETARY OF THE Ar-.IERICAN EMBASSY TO GREAT BRITAIN.
HIS EXCELLENCY WU TING F A
G, CHINESE MINISTER TO THE UNITED STATES.
Scientists and Specialists
OSCAR P. AUSTIN, CHIEF OF THE UNITED STATES BUREAU OF STATISTICS.
A. E. BOSTWICK, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE CIRCULATING BRANCH OF THE
NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY.
THOl\IAS C. CL_\RKE, PAST PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY OF CIVIL ENGINEERS.
CHARLES H. CR.\:\IP, HEAD OF TIm SHIP-BUILDING FIRM OF WILLIAr-.l CRAMP
AND SONS.
JOHN HANDIBOE, JOURNALIST.
WILLL\1\I T. HARRIS, Pn.D., LL.D., COMMISSIONER OF EDUCATION FOR THE
UNITED STATES.
JOHN P. HOLLAND, THE INVENTOR OF THE HOLLAND SUBMARINE BOAT.
W. H. HOTCHKISS, CIIAIR
lAN EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE INTERNATIONAL
ASSOCIATION OF REFEREES IN BANKRUPTCY.
RAMO
REYES LALA, THE FILIPINO AUTHOR AND LECT'GRER.
SIR HIRAM STEVENS i\IA.XUf, C.E., 1\1.E., THE INVENTOR OF THE MAÀIr-.l
GUN.
HERBERT PUTNAM, LITT.D., LIBRARIAN OF THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED
STATES.
HARRY PERRY ROBINSON, EDITOR OF THE Railway Age.
HA \ILIN RUSSELL, POLITICAL ECONOMIST.
ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, AUTHOR AND ESSAYIST.
ii
FREDERICK W. TAYLOR, SECRETARY OF THE F A Rl\IERS' INSTITUTE l\lANAGERS.
ELIHU THO
IS0N, A.M., PH.D., ELECTRICIAN, CHEVALIER AND OFFICER OF
THE LEGION OF HONOR.
Men of Adíon
LORD CHARLES BERESFORD, C.B., REAR-ADMIRAL R.N., AUTHOR OF " THE
BREAK-UP OF CHINA."
J. H. GIBBONS, LIEUTENANT UNITED STATES NAVY, A WRITER ON l
AVAL SUB-
JECTS.
FRANCIS V. GREEKE, l\IAJOR-GENERAL LATE UNITED STATES VOLUNTEERS.
ALFRED T. MAHAN, D.C.L., LL.D.. CAPTAIN UNITED STATES NAVY (Retired).
ELSON A. l\IILES, LIEUTENANT-GENERAL U.S.A., COMMANDING UNITED
STATES ARMY.
iü
CONTRIBUTIONS BY SPECIALISTS
Historical Essays
AMERICA'S SHARE IN \YEST:\IlNSTER ABBEY, BY DEAN FARRAR.
AN APPRECIATION OF THE LIFE AND CHARACTEI
OF CHARLES SU1U.
l'\ER, BY GEORGE F. HOAR, UNITED STATES SENATOR FRO\I MASSA-
CHUSETTS.
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE IN THE LIGHT OF MODERN CRITICISM,
BY
IOSES COlT TYLER, A.M., L.H.D., LL.D., FOIU.IER PROFESSOR OF AMER-
ICAN HISTORY AT CORNELL.
DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES, BY WOODROW WILSON, PH.D., LL.D.,
PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY.
LIFE AND CHARACTER OF WILLIAM HENRY SEWARD, BY RICHARD GRANT
WHITE.
'MANIFEST DESTINY, BY PROFESSOR JOHN FISKE.
THE BUDDHIST DISCOVERY OF A;\IERICA BY HUI SHEN, BY JOHN FRYER,
A.M., LL.D., PROFESSOR OF LITERATURE AT THE UNI\TERSITY OF CALI-
FORNIA.
THE CAPTURE OF FORT WILLIAl\I A
D MARY, BY BALLARD SMITH.
THE FEDERAL UNION, BY PROFESSOR JOHN FISKE.
THE FUTURE OF THE 1\1ISSISSIPPI VALLEY, BY ALBERT BUSHNELL HART,
PH.D., PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AT HARVARD U
IVERSITY.
THE TOWN MEETING, BY PROFESSOR JOHN FISKE.
Political
A
A
GLO - A:\IERIC.\N UNDERSTANDING, BY REV. LYMAN ABBOTT,
D.D., LL.D.
A
EXED TERRITORY, BY BENJAMIN HARRISON, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES.
CHINA AND THE POWERS, BY LORD CHARLES BERESFORD, REAR-ADMIRAL
ROYAL NAVY OF GREAT BRITAIN.
CHINESE-Al\JERICAN RECIPROCITY, BY HIS EXCELLENCY Wu TING FANG,
CHINESE MINISTER TO THE UNITED STATES.
iv
CONSULAR SERVICE, BY HENRY WHITE, SECRETARY OF THE EMBASSY AT
LONDON, AND BY WILLIAM F. WHARTON, FORMER ASSISTANT SECRETARY
OF STATE.
FREE TRADE, BY THE RT. HON. WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE: FORMER PRIME
MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION, BY JUSTIN SMITH MORRILL, FORMER UNITED
STATES SENATOR FROM VERMONT.
PROTECTION OR FREE TRADE, BY JAl\'l.ES G. BLAINE, FORMER SECRETARY
OF STATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE ALASKAN BOUNDARY QUESTION, BY JOHN B. MOORE, LL.D., PROFESS-
OR OF INTERNATIONAL LAW AND DIPLOMACY AT COLUMBIA UNIVER-
SITY.
THE BERING SEA ARBITRATION, BY JOHN W. FOSTER, FORMER SECRETARY
OF STATE.
THE FEDERAL CONTROL OF ELECTIONS, BY HENRY CABOT LODGE, UNITED
STATES SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS.
THE FEDERAL ELECTION BILL, BY THOMAS BRACKETT REED, FORMER SPEAK-
ER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THE NICARAGUA CANAL, BY JOHN TYLER MORGAN, UNITED STATES SENATOR
FROM ALABAMA.
THE NICARAGUA CANAL, BY THOMAS B. REED, FORMER SPEAKER OF THE
HOUSE OF REPRESENT A TIVES.
THE STATES AND THE POPULAR VOTE IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS, BY
JOHN HANDIBOE, JOURNALIST.
THE SUPREME COURT, BY EDWARD j. PHELPS, LL.D., FORMER MINISTER TO
THE COURT OF ST. JAMES.
UNITED STATES COLONIAL CIVIL SERVICE, BY EDWARD GAYLORD BOURNE,
PH.D., PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN YALE UNIVERSITY.
THE UNITED STATES SENATE, BY EX-SENATOR WILLIAM A. PEFFER
THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE, BY GEN. A. W. GREELY.
HOW THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES DOES BUSINESS, BY THOMAS
BRACKETT REED, EX-SPEAKER.
Eáucatíonal
AMERICAN PUBLIC EDUCATION, BY DOCTOR JOSIAH GILBERT HOLLAND.
ELE:\tENT ARY EDUCATION I
THE UNITED STATES, BY WILLIAM T. HARRIS,
PH.D., LL.D., {TNITED STATES COMMISSIONER OF EDUCATION.
FREE PUBLIC LIBRARIES, BY HERBERT PUTNAM, LITT.D., LIBRARIAN OF
CONGRESS.
NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY, BY A. E. BOSTWICK, OF THE NEW YORK PUB-
LIC LIBRARY.
THE CARE OF DEPENDENT CHILDRE
, BY HENRIETTA CHRISTIAN 'VRIGHT.
U
IVERSITY EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES, BY WILLIAM R. HARPER,
PH.D., LL.D., D.O., PRESIDENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO.
V
Military and Naval
NARRATIVE OF THE BATTLE OF MANILA BAY, BY RAMON RE1'ES LALA.
N \RRA TIVE OF THE NAVAL BATTLE OF SANTIAGO, BY HENRY CABOT
LODGE, UNITED STATES SENATOR FROM l\IASSACHUSETTS.
NA VAL SHIPS, BY ALFRED T. MAHAN, D.C.L., LL.D., CAPTAIN UNITED STATES
NA VY (Retired).
THE BATTLE OF SAN JUAN, BY PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT.
THE BUILDING AND l\IAINTAINING OF WAR-SHIPS ON THE GREAT LAKES,
BY HENRY SHERMAN BOUTELL, MEMBER OF CONGRESS FROM ILLINOIS.
THE GREAT LAKES AND THE NAVY, BY LIEUTENANT j. H. GIBBONS,
U.S.N.
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, BY
IAJOR-GENERAL F. V. GREENE.
THE SPANISH-A.:\lERICAN WAR, BY LIEUTENANT-GENERAL NELSON A. MILES,
U. S. A. COMMANDING.
Scientific
ELECTRICITY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY, BY PROFESSOR ELIHU
THOMSON, A.I\I., Pu.D., CHEVALIER AND OFFICER OF THE LEGION OF
HONOR.
ENGINEEIUNG I
THE UNITED STATES, BY THOMAS C. CLARKE, PAST
PRESIDENT OF THE AMERICAN SOCIETY OF CIVIL ENGINEERS.
EXPLOSIVES FOR LARGE GUNS, BY SIR HIRAM STEVENS I\lA1!..IM, INVENTOR
OF THE MAXIM GUN.
INVENTION OF THE STEAl\IBOA T, BY CHANCELLOR ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON,
WITH LETTERS BY ROBERT FULTON.
THE HOLLAND SUB:\IARI
E BOAT, BY JOHN P. HOLLAND INVENTOR OF THE
HOLLAND SUBMAIUNE BOAT.
Inåustrial and Economic
\ CENTURY OF CO\BIERCE, BY O. P. AUSTIN, CHIEF OF THE UNITED STATES
BUREAU OF STATISTICS.
A:\IERICAN VERSUS FOREIGN l\'EWSP \PERS, BY E. L. GODKIN, A.M., D.C.L.
RANKRUPTCY. BY HON. W. H. HOTCHh.ISS, CHAIRMAN OF THE EXECUTIVE
LO:\IMITTEE OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REFEREES IN BANK-
RUPTCY.
BI:\lETALLISM, BY WILLIAM 1\1. EVARTS, FORMER UNITED STATES SENATOR
FROM l\EW YORK.
FARMERS' Ii\'STITUTES, BY FREDERICK W. TAYLOR, SECRETARY OF THE
FARMERS' INSTITUTE MANAGERS.
PAUPERIS:\1 IN THE UNITED STATES, BY RICHARD T. ELY, A.M., PH.D., LL.D.,
PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL Eco:'-:O:\IY AT TJ-IE UNIVERSITY OF \nSCONSIN.
vi
THE INDIAN PROBLE
I, BY REV. LYMAN ABBOTT, D.D., LL.D.
THE NAVIGATIO
ACTS.-A TREATISE ON THE CAUSES WHICH LED UP TO THE
PASSING OF THESE ACTS AND THE RESULTS, DIRECT AND INDIRECT, WHICH
THEY ACCOMPLISHED, BY CHARLES H. CRAMP.
THE SINGLE TAX, BY HAMLIN RUSSELL.
THE STATE REGULATION OF RAILWAYS, BY H. P. ROBINSON, EDITOR OF
The Railway Age.
Religious
FREE THOUGHT, BY PROFESSOR GOLDWIN SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D., AUTHOR OF
" THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES."
JEWS AND JUDAIS:\i, BY PROF. R. J. H. GOTTHEIL, PH.D.
PROTESTANT CHURCHES, BY REV. WASHINGTON GLADDEN, D.D.
THE RO:\IAN CATHOLIC CHURCH, BY CARDINAL GIBBONS, HEAD OF THE
ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH IN AMERICA.
vü
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, TREATIES, JOURNALS,
PROCLAMATIONS, AND NARRATIVES FROM
ORIGINAL SOURCES
Original Documents
l\L\G
A CHARTA, TEXT OF THE CHARTER BETWEEN KING JOHN AND HIS BAR-
O
S, IN 1215, WHICH IS THE BASIS OF INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS.
TIlE DUTCH DECLARA TIO
OF INDEPENDE
CE O
JULY 26, 1581.
THE PETITIOX OF RIGHTS Al'\D LIBERTIES, 1628.
THE GRAXD RENIO
STRAl\'"CE, 1641. A PROTEST BY THE HOGSE OF COMMONS
AGAII';"ST THE ACTS OF CHARLES I.
THE AGREE:\JE
T OF THE PEOPLE, 1647. AN AGREEMENT SETTLED IN
16 4 8 IN ENGLAND LIMITING POWER OF RULERS AND 1\1EMBERS OF PAR-
LIAMENT.
I
STRUl\IENT OF GOVERNl\lENT, 1653. ACT OF PARLIAMENT MAKING CROM-
"ELL PROTECTOR OF ENGLAND.
THE BILL OF RIGHTS, 1689, DECLARING THE RIGHTS OF INDIVIDUALS AND
DEFINING THE POWER OF THE KING OF ENGLAND.
QUEEN ELIZABETH'S CHARTER TO SIR WALTER RALEIGH FOR DISCOV-
ERY AXD COLONIZATION IN A:\JEHICA.
THE ST A:\JP ACT, 1765.
THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDEH.\ TION, 1775. THE FIRST UNION OF THE COLO-
NIES.
TIlE l\JECKLEXBURG DECL.\RATION. A DECLARATIO:\T OF INDEPENDENCE
OF ENGLAND SAID TO HAVE BEEN l\JADE BY CITIZEI';"S OF NORTH CAROLINA
PRIOR TO THE DECLARATION OF 1776.
THE DECLARATION OF H\'DEPEl\DENCE.
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION, YORKTOWN, 1781.
THE ORDINANCE OF 1787. PASSED BY CONGRESS, FREEING THE NORTHWEST
TERRITORY FRO:\I SLA YERY, ETC.
THE CO
STITUTIO
OF THE UXITED STATES.
THE VIRGINL\ RESOLUTroxs OF 1798.
THE KE
TUCKY RESOLUTIONS OF 1798.
COrçSTITUTION OF THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. COMPLETE TEXT.
viii
THE CUBA
CONSTITUTION OF 1901. THE DECREE OF AUTONOMY AND Doc-
UMENTARY HISTORY OF NEGOTIATIONS PRECEDING THE WAR WITH
SP AIN.
Journals and Narratives
THE NORTHMEN'S VOYAGES TO VINLAND. FIRST NARRATED IN THE
,. HAUSBOK," WRITTEN ABOUT 13 0 5.
Ai\IERICUS VESPUCIUS. THE JOURNAL OF HIS VOYAGES TO AMERICA, WITH
DETAILS OF HIS FIRST SIGHT OF LAND.
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. JOURNAL OF HIS FIRST VOYAGE TO AND DIS-
COVERY OF AMERICA.
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. HIs REPORT TO KING FERDINAND AND QUEEN
ISABELLA OF HIS SECOND VOYAGE, WITH THE REPLIES OF THEIR l\IAJES-
TIES TO HIS REQUESTS.
FERDINAND COLU:\IBUS. NARRATIVE OF HIS FATHER'S VOYAGES TO AMERICA.
VERRAZZANO. HIS NARRATIVE OF A VOYAGE TO NORTH AMERICA, 15 2 4.
CABEZA. JOURNAL OF HIS TRIP THROUGH NEW l\IEXICO DURING THE YEAR 15 2 8.
CORONADO. RELATION OF. HIS JOURNEY IN 1540 THROUGH WHAT IS Now THE
SOUTHWESTERN PART OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILIP Ai\IIDAS. JOURNAL OF HIS VOYAGES TO VIRGINIA IN 1584 AND HIS
ODSERV A TIONS ON THE NEW LAND.
JOURNAL OF HENRY HUDSON'S DISCOVERY OF THE HUDSON RIVER, BY
ROBERT jUET.
CORTEZ'S ACCOUNT SENT TO CHARLES V. OF HIS JOURNEY THROUGH
l\IEXICO.
THE SETTLEMENT OF NEW SWEDEN, BY REV. I. ACRELIUS, 1638.
THE FIRST GERl\IAN SETTLE1\IENTS IN PENNSYL V ANI.-\., BY FRANCIS
DANIEL PASTORIUS, ESQ., 1683.
GOVERNOR HUTCHINSON'S ACCOUNT OF THE BOSTON TEA-PARTY.
LAFAYETTE. HIS NARRATIVE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION COVERING
THE PERIOD WHILE HE WAS IN AMERICA.
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK. NARRATIVE OF Ills CAPTURE OF VINCENNES IN
1779, FROM HIS MEMOIRS.
THOMAS JEFFERSON. ACCOUNT OF 1\lERlWETHER LEWIS'S LIFE AND Ex-
PEDITION. (LEWIS AND CLARK.)
THE ASCENT OF FRÉ1\10NT'S PEAK. 1842, BY JOHN C. FRf-:MONT.
ADl\IIRAL DAVID PORTER'S ACCOUNT OF THE SINKING OF THE" ALBE-
MARLE,"' BY WILLIAM B. CUSHING.
Treaties, Proclamations l "Bíl!SI and Papers
TEXT OF THE ALASKAN BOUNDARY TREATY CONVENTION, 1834. BE-
TWEEN ENGLAND, RUSSIA, AND THE UNITED STATES, AND THE MODUS
VIVENDI OF 1899.
ix
THE CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY. TREATY INVOLVING THE CONTROL OF
AN ISTHMIAN CANAL BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH A
IEIUCA.
THEA TY OF \\ ASHI
GTON IN RELATIUN TO ALABAl\IA CLAIl\IS.
THE TREATY "\\ ITH SPAIN, DECEMBER 10, 1898, ENDING TIlE SPAI\'ISH-
AMERICAN WAR.
SAl\lOA: TREATY OF WASHISGTON A:'>JNEXING THE SA.'lE, DECEMBER
2, 1899. .
TREATY OF THE COURT OF INQUIRY ON INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION,
18 99- 1 901.
THE HAWAIIAN ISLAl\"DS. PRESIDENT HARRISON'S MESSAGE, SENATOR
FOSTER'S LETTERS, AND THE TREATIES OF 1893 AND 1897, TOGETHER
WITH THE RESOLUTIONS OF ANNEXATION IN 1898.
ALIEN A1'.'1) SEDITION LAWS OF 1798-
JOINT RESOLUTION OF CONGHESS .\Nl\'EXIl\'G TEXAS, JULY 4, 18 45.
TEXAS ORDINANCE AXD JOINT RESOLUTIO
, 18 45.
FERN.\NDO ".OOD'S l\IESS.\GE SUGGESTING THE SECESSION OF NEW
YORK CITY, 1861.
TIlE FORCE BILL OF 1871.
THE EDl\IUNDS .\
D THE EDl\IUNDS-TUCKEH .\CTS AGAIl\'ST l\10Rl\10
IS:\I,
1882 AND 1887.
TIlE D.DIIGRATION ACT OF 1891. LIMITING IMMIGHATION BY AN EDUCATIONAL
AND FINANCIAL TEST.
THE DIl\'GLEY T.\IUFF OF 1897.
TIlE GOLD ST.\l\jD.\HD ACT, 1900. ACT OF CONGRESS ESTABLlSIIING GOLD
STANDAHD AFTER THE DEFEAT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SILVER PLAT-
FORM.
NATURALIZATION L\WS IN ALL THE STATES.
THE LAWS OF TIlE STATES REL\TING TO TIlE ELECTIVE FR.\NCHISE.
STATE LAWS ON EXEl\IPTION FRO:\1 TAXATION.
DIVORCE LAWS. LEGISLATION UPON TIllS SUBJECT THROUGHOUT THE STATES
AND TERRITORIES OF THE UNION.
TIlE LETTERS OF JOHN BROWN. GIVING IN Ills OWN WORDS Ihs VIEWS AND
CREED.
JEFFERSON DAVIS'S DOCTHIl\'E OF STATE RIGHTS.
THE GRAl\'T-LEE CORRESPOXDEl\'CE, IN\.OLVING TIlE TERl\IS OF SUR-
REl\'DER OF THE COI\'FEDEHA TE AR:\IY, 186 5.
THE I:\IPEACIIl\lENT PROCEEDINGS AGAIXST PRESIDE:\"T JOHNSON.
JOIIN A. LOGAN ON TIlE CASE OF GE:'\ERAL FITZ-jOHN PORTER.
GE
EHAL GRAi\T ON THE CASE OF GENERAL FITZ-jOIIN PORTER.
GENER.\L l\IcCLELLAN'S ACCEPTANCE OF THE l\O:\n
ATIO
TO THE
PRESIDE
CY.
ADl\IIRAL SAl\IPSON'S AKD AD:\IIRAL SCHLEY'S REPORTS OX THE NA VAL
BATTLE OF SANTIAGO.
GEXERAL MERRITT. REPORT ON THE CAPTURE OF THE CITY OF l\IANILA.
GENERAL MACARTHCR. PROCLAMATION TO THE FILlPI
OS, PROMULGATED
IN 1900.
x
THE LAST PROCLAl\IA TION AND THE UNCONDITIONAL SUBMISSION OF
AGUINALDO.
MAJOR ANDRÉ. POEM, fl COW CHACE." WRITTEN IN RIDICULE OF GENERAL
WAYNE AT EUZABETHTOWN, 1780.
VENEZUELA ARBITRATION AWARD, OCT. 3, 1899.
BILLS VETOED BY THE PRESIDENTS, 179 2 - 18 9 8 .
THE WHEELER COMPROMISE, 1875.
THE FUGITIVE SLA YE LAW, 185 0 .
THE OSTEND MANIFESTO.
FRANCIS HOPKINS. POEM, fl THE BATTLE OF THE KEGS." A MOCK-HEROIC
POEM CALLED FORTH BY AN EPISODE OF THE REVOLUTION.
THE HAY-PAUNCEFOTE TREATY, 1902.
Jet
EPOCH-MAKING ORATIONS AND ADDRESSES
jA;\IES OTIS'S SPEECH AGAIKST WRITS OF ASSISTANCE, 1761.
JOHN HA:'-JCOCK'S ARRAIGNl\IENT OF GREAT BRITAIN IN 1774.
PATRICK HEi\'RY'S "LIBERTY OR DEATH" SPEECH, 1775.
ED
IU
D BURKE'S ORATION ON COi\'CILIATION OF THE COLOKIES IN 1775.
FISHER A:\lES'S SPEECH IN FAVOR OF jA V'S TREA TV, IN CONGRESS,
APRIL 28, 1795.
JOSIAH QUINCY. ADDRESS ON THE Er\'IBARGO, 1808.
JOHN QUINCY ADA:\IS'S EULOG Y OF LAF A VETTE.
GENERAL HENHY LEE. FUNERAL ORATION ON GEORGE WASHINGTON.
ROBERT YOUNG HAYNE'S SPEECH ON FOOTE'S RESOLUTION ON SECES-
SION, 1830.
DANIEL WEBSTER'S REPLY TO H.--\ Yl\'E.
\YE
DELL PHILLIPS'S ADDRESS ON THE FREEDO:\l OF THE PRESS IN 18 37,
AND THE WAR FOR THE Ui\ION, 1861.
JUBILEE OF THE COKSTITUTION, 1839. DELIVERED BY JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
THO:\IAS H.\RT BENTON. SPEECH ON THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS IN 18 44-
THOl\IAS COR\n
. ORATION ON THE WAR WITH ::\IEXICO, AGAINST YOTING
FUNDS TO CARRY IT ON.
CALHOU
'S SPEECH ON THE RIGHT OF SECESSION.
HENRY CLA V'S ORATION O
THE CONSEQUENCES OF SECESSION, 18 5 0 .
LOUIS KOSSUTH. SPEECH IN F ANEUIL HALL'IN 1852, DURING HIS F Al\IOUS
VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES.
CHARLES SU
I;\,ER'S PROTEST AGAI
ST SLAVERY, MAY 25, 1854.
STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS'S SPEECH 01'\ THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA DILL.
PRESTO
SI\IITH BROOKS'S DEFEl\CE OF HIS A TT ACK ON CHARLES
SUM:XER.
CHARLES SUl\lNER, ADDRESS BY. TIlE CRIME AGAINST KANSAS.
THEODORE PARKER, ADDRESS BY. THE DANGERS OF SLAVERY.
JEFFERSON DAVIS. INAUGURAL ADDRESS TO THE CONFEDERATE STATES
IN 1861.
BENJAMIN F. BUTLER. FAREWELL TO THE CITIZENS OF NEW ORLEANS IN
1862.
ALEXANDER H. STEPHEl\'S. ORATION AT SAVANNAH ON SLAVERY AS THE
CORNER-STONE OF THE CO
FEDERACY.
xii
STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS'S SPEECH OPENI
G THE F A:\lOUS LINCOLN-DOUG-
LAS DEBATE.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S REPLY TO STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS.
HENRY WARD BEECHER'S SPEECH AT LIVERPOOL ON SLAVERY, 1863.
EDWARD EVERETT. ORATION ON THE OPENING OF THE NATIONAL CEMETERY
AT GETTYSBURG, 1863.
GEORGE BANCROFT. FAMOUS ORATION ON THE DEATH OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
HORACE GREELEY. ACCEPTANCE OF THE PRESIDENTIAL NOl\IINATION IN 1872.
ROSCOE CONKLING. RENOMINATION OF GENERAL ULYSSES S. GRANT FOR
A THIRD TERM IN THE PRESIDENCY.
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. ORATION ON THE LESSONS OF INDEPENDENCE
DAY, DELIVERED JULY 4, 1876.
L. Q. C. LAMAR'S ADDRESSES O
THE SILVER BILL OF 1878 AND THE RACE
PROBLE:\I OF 1876.
CHARLES FRANCIS ADAl\IS. SPEECH ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF INDEPEN-
DENCE DAY AND OF THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG.
WILLIAl\f l\IAXWELL EVARTS. SPEECH ON BIMETALLISM, AT THE PARIS
CONFERENCE IN I
8 I.
GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS. ORATION ON THE EVILS OF THE SPOILS SYSTEM,
DELIVERED 1881.
JAMES G. BLAINE. ORATION ON JAMES A. GARFIELD, FEBRUARY 27, 1882.
HENRY W. GRADY. ORATION ON THE NEW SOUTH, DELIVERED IN NEW YORK,
1886.
ROBERT G. INGERSOLL. EULOGY ON THOMAS PAINE.
JOHN JA
IES INGALLS. EULOGY ON SENATOR BENJAMIN H. HILL.
HENRY CABOT LODGE. SPEECH ON RESTRICTION OF bIMIGRATION, 1891.
CHAUNCEY MITCHELL DEPEW. W ASIIINGTON CENTENNIAL ORATION.
WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN. ORATION ON H THE CROSS OF GOLD," AT THE
CHICAGO DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1896.
JUSTIN S:\IITH
IORRILL. SPEECH ON THE REMONETIZATION OF SILVER, 1898.
JOHN TYLER MORGAN. SPEECH ON THE NICARAGUA CANAL.
ARCHBISHOP IRELAND. LAFAYETTE AND AMERICA. JULY 4, 1900.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT. ADDRESS IN l\IINNEAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 2, 1901.
WILLIAM McKI
LEY. ADDRESS IN BUFFALO, SEPTEMBER 5, 1901.
JOH
COTTON'S SER:\10N, U GOD'S PROl\IISE TO HIS PLANTATIONS:'
PROTEST AGAI
ST TAXATION, 1764, BY SAMUEL ADAMS.
STEPHE
HOPKINS'S GRIEYANCES OF THE Al\IERIC\N COLONIES, 1765.
RIGHTS OF THE COLONISTS. 1772, BY SAMUEL ADAMS.
BENjA:\UN FRANKLIN'S VINDICATION OF THE COLONIES, 1775.
THE FIRST PRAYER IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. DE-
LIVERED BY DOCTOR DUCHIE.
ALEXANDER HA:\HL TON'S REPORT ON THE COINAGE IN 1791.
EDWARD LIVINGSTON'S PLEA FOR THE ABOLITION OF CAPITAL PUNISH-
ME NT.
THE DEFECTS OF THE UNITED STATES ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION,
BY RICHARD RUSH.
Áui
JOHN GREENLEAF WHITTIER. NARRATIVE OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY CON-
VENTION, 1833.
THE NEWBURG ADDRESS A
D 'V ASHINGTON'S REPLY, 17 8 3.
ROBERT CHARLES WI
THROP. CENTENNIAL ORATION, 18 7 6 .
ALEXANDER STEPHENS. SA V ANNAH ADDRESS, 1861.
JY\IES WILSON. YINDICATION OF THE Al\1ERICAN COLONIES, 1775.
1tiv
PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES AND PROCLAMATIONS
GEORGE WASHI
GTON. FAREWELL ADDRESS, CONTAINING THE GERMS
OF WHAT AFTER\\ARDS BECAME KNOWN AS THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
FIRST AND SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESSES.
SEVERAL ADDRESSES TO THE CHURCHES IN THE UNITED STATES.
LETTERS ON THE CONSTITUTION TO JAY, l\IADISON, KNOX, PATRICK
HENRY, ETC.
JOHN ADAl\JS. MESSAGE ON THE THREATENING ATTITUDE OF FRANCE, !\1-\.Y
16, 1797
THO:\JAS JEFFERSON. FIRST INA"LGURAL .ADDRESS.
J.-\:\JES l\1.-\.DISON. FAMOUS l\IESSAGE ON BRITISH AGGRESSIONS.
-- :\JESSAGE ON THE TREATY OF PEACE, FEBRUARY 15, 1815.
-- PROCLAl\L\TION DECLARING WAR AGAINST ENGLAND.
JX\JES :\JOl\"l
OE. l\JESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DECEMBER 22. 1822, DECLARING
WHAT IS KNOWN AS TilE :\JONROE DOCTRINE.
JOH;\J QUINCY .\D.\:\IS. :\JESS-\GE TO THE SENATE ON A PAN-Al\IERICAN UNION.
- ADDRESS ON THE JUBlLFE OF THE CONSTIrUTION, 1826.
A
DI
EW JACKSON. PROCLAMATION IN RELATION TO THE QUESTION OF NUL-
LIFICATION.
i\L\.RTI
VAN BCREN. l\IESSAGE ON THE PANIC OF 1837.
WILLL\.l\1 HENRY HAH.RISO
. INAUGURAL ADDRESS AT WASHINGTON, 1841.
JOHN TYLER.
IESSAGE TO CONGRESS CONCERNING THE BOUNDARY - LINE
BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA.
l\JESSAGE ON NEGOTIATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN ON THE UNITED STATES
l\"ORTIIFRN DOUND -\lUES.
l\JESSAGE ON TIlE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS, APRIL 22, 18 44.
J .\:\JES K. POLK. SPECIAL l\IESSAGE IN HEGARD TO THE :\IEXICAN \V AR.
-- INAUGURAL ADDRESS DELIVERED AT WASHINGTON, 1845.
Z.\CIL\RY T.\ YLOJ
. l\IESSAGE ON TilE CENTRAL _\l\IERICAN STATES, MARCH
1850. (ON NICARAGUA AND PAN -\1\I-\ C -\NALS.)
-- l\IESS.\GE CONCERNING THE STATUS OF CALIFORNIA, NEW \IEXICO, AND
TEXAS (.JUNE 23. 1850).
:\I1LL.\HO FILL:\IORE. l\IESSAGE ON TIlE TEXAS BOUNDARY CONTIW\ ERSY,
18 5 0 .
F;
.-\.:\KLI;\J PIERCE. SPECIAL l\IESS -\GE ON KANSAS, 1856.
xv
JAMES BUCIL\.iXA
. MESSAGE TO CONGRESS ON THE PROSPECTS OF CIVIL
WAR.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. PROCLAl\1ATION FREEING ALL THE SLAVES IN THE
UNITED STATES.
ABRAHAl\I LIl\COLN. ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, 1860.
_ FIRST AND SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESSES, AND THE SPEECH AT GETTYS-
BURG. 1865.
ANDREW JOH
SON. ANSWER TO THE ARTICLES OF IMPEACHMENT, 1868.
L'"L YSSES S. GR.\
T. DEFENCE OF GENERAL FITZ-JOHN PORTER.
__ FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, 1869. LAST l\IESSAGE TO CONGRESS, 1876.
__ ADDRESS AT THE CENTENNIAL EXHIDITION, 187 6 .
RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. INArGURAL ADDRESS AT WASHINGTON, 1877.
_ MESSAGE ON MILITARY INTERFERENCE IN ELECTIONS.
JA:\IES A. GARFIELD. INAUGURAL ADDRESS AT WASHINGTON, 1881.
_ ADDRESS ON THE WESTERN RESERVE.
CHESTER A. ARTHUR. l\IEsSAGE VETOING THE CHI
ESE IM
lIGRATION BILL
IN 1882.
GROVER CLE\9ELAl\"D. PROCLAMATIO
, SEPTEMBER 27, 1894, OF _\MNESTY
TO THE MORMONS.
__ TARIFF ;\IESSAGE OF 1887, AND l\IESSAGE ON THE VENEZUELAN BOUN-
DARY QUESTION, 1895.
BENJA:\II
HARRISON. INAUGURAL ADDRESS DELIVERED AT WASHINGTON,
1889.
__ WASHINGTON CENTENNIAL ADDRESS, 1889.
WILLIA:\I l\lcKI
LEY. SECOND LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE, 1900, REVIEWING
THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES FRO
l 1896 TO 1900.
_ SECOND I
AUGPRAL ADDRESS AT WASHINGTON, 19 0 1.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT. MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DECEMBER 3, 1901.
XVI
SPECIAL TOPICS
NEW NETHERLA
DS.-THE BEGINNING AND GROWTH OF THE COLONY.
THE AMERICAN INDIAN.-LEGISLATION GOVERNING INDI\.NS.
THE PANfu\IA CANAL.-ATTEMPTS THAT HAVE BEEN MADE TO PIERCE THE
ISTHMUS OF PANAMA.
LABOR ORGANIZATIONS. - THE HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF LABOR
UNIONS AND THEIR WORK.
CONFEDERATE STATES OF AlVIERICA.-GENERAL SKETCH OF THE COMPO-
SITION OF THE CONFEDERACY.
COMMERCE OF THE U
ITED ST A TES.- THE BIRTH, GROWTH, AND PRESENT
STATE OF OUR COMMERCE (WITH TABLES).
ABOLITION A
D THE ABOLITIONISTS.
ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY.
ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS.
THE CABINETS OF THE PRESIDENTS SINCE 1789.
THE CENSUS OF 1900 (WITH COMPARATIVE TABLES).
A:\IERICA'S PAHT I
THE SUGGESTED PARTITION OF CHINA.
DIPLO:\L-\ TIC SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES FROM 1791 TO 1901.
W ASHINGTONIANA.
l\lONETARY REFORM.-THE INDIANAPOLIS CONFERENCE.
RELIGION IN THE UNITED STATES (WITH TABLES).
CHRONOLOGY OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR, 1775-83.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE EYENTS OF THE CIYIL WAR.
THE WAR WITH SP.--\I
-A CO:\fPLETE CHRO
OLOGY. SAMPSON'S AND
SCHLEY'S REPORTS ON THE NAVAL BATTLE OF SANTIAGO.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE PHILIPPINE INSURRECTION.
ARMY.-Ä CHRO
OLOGICALLY CLASSIFIED STATEMENT OF THE BIRTH AND
GROWTH OF THE ARMY OF THE COLONIES AND OF THE UNITED
STATES.
NA VY.-CHRONOLOGICAL SKETCH OF THE AMERICAN NAVY, FROM REVOLU_
TIONARY TIMES TO THE PRESENT DAY, WITH A LIST OF ALL THE VES-
SELS IN THE UNITED STATES NAVY ARRANGED BY CLASSES.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIO
S, 1789-190I.-POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTES.
PRESIDENTIAL ADl\lINISTRA TIONS, 1789-1901.
xvii
POLITICAL PARTIES I
THE U
ITED STATES.
PLA TFOR
IS OF THE l\II
OR POLITICAL PARTIES.
LIST OF THE HIGHER OFFICIALS OF THE UNITED STATES FEDERAL
GOVEH.:'ÜIENT-EXECUTIVE, LEGISL.\TIVE, .\
D JUDICIAL, 1902.
.\
IEHIC\N LE.\R
ED SOCIETIES.-A LIST OF ALL THE
IOST rUPORTANT.
.\
IEHICA:'J LAI30R AHBITHATION (NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION).-A RIS-
TOR Y OF TIlE :\IOVEMENT AND A LIST OF ALL THE l\IE
mERS.
TARIFF LEGISL.-\. TION, 17 8 9- 1 9 00 .
THEATIES OF THE UNITED STATES.
UNITED STATES.-EACH OF THE STATES AND TERRITORIES OF THE UNION IS
TREATED IN A SEP ARA TE ARTICLE, WITH A CHRONOLOGY OF THE CIIIEF
EVENTS FROM ITS FIRST DISCOVERY OR SETTLEUENT IN EACH CASE
TIllS ARTICLE HAS BEEN VERIFIED BY TIlE GOVEHNOn OF THE STATE OR
TERRITORY, HIS REPRESENTATIVE, OR THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
IN ADDITION TO THESE, THERE IS A CHRONOLOGY OF THE UNITED STATES FROM
149 2 TO 1902, AND A PRELIMINARY LIST OF THE EARLY DISCOVERERS AND
EXPLOHERS.
CO
FEDER.\TE STATES OF A
IERICA.-GIVING THE NAMES OF ALL THE
l\IEl\tnEHS OF THE PROVISIONAL CONGRESS, THE SENATOHS OF EACH
STATE, TilE FULL LIST OF GENERALS ABOVE THE RANK OF DlUGADlEn-
GENEIU.LS, AND M.\NY IMPOHTANT LISTS AND SrATISTlCS.
x\'Ïii
LI ST
OF
PLATES
PRESIDENT JOHN ADAMS
PRESIDENT J. Q. ADAMS
Frontispiece
. Facing page 48
THE FLEET OF COLUMBUS ApPROACHING THE NEW
\VORLD u u I12
PRESIDENT C. A. ARTHUR u u 224
THE BOSTON
IASSACRE, l\IARCH 5, 177 0 u " 3 80
PRESIDENT JAMES nUCHANAN " " 43 2
VIEWING THE BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL " " 444
MAPS
UNITED STATES, SHOWING ACQUISITION OF TERRI-
TOHV . . Facing page 16
ALASKA
"
"
7 8
PREFACE
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF AMERICAN HISTORY
By WOODROW WILSON, PH.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Jurisprudence and Politics at Princeton University
THE study of American history has changed its whole tone and aspect
within a generation. Once a plain and simple tale,-though heroic withal,-
of a virgin continent discovered in the "\Yest, new homes for the English
made upon it, a new polity set up, a new np.,tion made of a sudden in the hot
crucible of war, a life and a government apart,-a thing isolated, singular,
original: as if it were the story of a separate precinct and parish of the great
world,-the history of the United States has now been brought at last into
perspective, to be seen as what it is, an integral portion of the general history
of civilization; a free working-out upon a clear field, indeed, of selected
forces generated long ago in England and the old European world, but no
irregul
lr invention, no histrionic vindication of the Rights of l\Ian. It has
not lost its unique significance by the change, but gained,. rather, a hundred-
fold both in interest and in value. It seemed once a school exercise in
puritan theory and cavalier pridc; it seems now a chapter written for grown
men in the natural history of politics and society, a perfect exposition of
what the Europcan civiJization of the !=;eventeenth and eighteenth centuries
was to produce in the nineteenth ccntury. 'Vhat formerly app('ared to be
only a by-proiluct of the creative forces of
ociety i
now clearly enough seen
to be the epitome of a whole age. "\Ye see it all. now that America, having
rome out of her days of adolescence and preparation, has taken hcr place
among the powers of the world, fresh and still in her youth, but no stranger
among the peoples,-a leader, rather, and pace-maker in the wide field of
affairs.
The history of the United States is modern history in broad and open
analysis, stripped of a thousand elements which, upon the European stage,
C"onfuse the eye and lead the judgment astray. It spans a whole age of the
xxi
PREFACE
world's transformation, from the discoveries, the adventure, the romance of
the shteenth century, with its dreams of unbounded wealth in the far Indies
and marvels at the ends of the earth, to the sober commerce and material
might of the twentieth, with its altered dreams, of a world mastered, if not
united, by the power of armed fleets patrolling it from end to end, in the
interests of peace and European and .l\merican trade.
At its outset Am<,rican history discloses a novel picture of men out of an
old world set upon the coasts of a new to do the work of pioneers, without
suitable training pither of thought or hand,-men schooled in an old civiliza-
tion, puzzled, even daunted, by the wilderness in which they found them-
selves as by a strange and alien thing, ignorant of its real character, lacking
all the knowledge and craft of the primitive world, lacking everything but
courag<', 8agacity, and a steadfast will to succeed. As they pushed their
gigantic task they were themselves transformed. The unsuitable habits of
an old world fell away from them. rrheir old hlood bred a new stock, and
the youth of the race to which tlley belonged was renewed. And yet they
did not break with the past, were for long scarcely conscious of their own
transformation, held their thoughts to old channels, were frontiersmen with
traditions not of the frontier, traditions which they cherished and held very
dear, of a world in which there were only ancient kingdoms and a civiliza-
tion set up and perfected time out of mind. rrhcir muscles hardened to the
work of the wilderness, they learned woodcraft and ranged the forests like
men wi th the lJI'<,eding, the quick instincts, the ready resourcc in time of
danger of the Indian himself, and yet thought upon deep problems of re-
ligion, pondered the philosophy of the universities, werc partisan
and fol-
lowers of statesmen and parties over sea, looked to have their fa
hions of
dress sent to them, with every other old-world trapping they could pay for,
by the Europ<,an ships whieh diligently plied to their ports. Nowhere else,
perhaps, is there sO open and legible a record of the stiffnes
of thought amI
the flexibility of action in men, the union of youth and age, the dominion of
habit reconciled with an unspoiled freshness of hold initiative.
And with the tram;plantation of men out of the old world into a wilder-
ness went also the transplantation of in
titutions,-with the same result.
'I'he new way of life and association thrust upon these men reduced the com-
plex things of gm'ernment to their simples. 'Vithin those untouched fore
ts
they resumed again, as if by an unconscious instinct, the simple organization
of vilIage communities familiar to their race long centuries before, or here
anò there put palisades about a group of huts meant to s<,rve for refugf'
and fortress against savage enemies lurking near at haml in th<, coverts, and
lived in their" hundreds" agilin nnder captains, to spread at last slowly into
counties with familiar sheriffs and quarter-sessions. It was as if they had
xIi
PREFACE
brought their old-time polity with them, not in the mature root nor even in
the young cutting, but in the seed merely, to renew its youth and yield itself
to the influrnces of a new soil and a new environment. It was drawn back
to its essential qualities, stripped of its elaborate growth of habits, as they
themselves were. All things were touched, as it were, by the light of an
earlier age returned. The study of American history furnishes, as a conse-
quence, materials such as can be found nowhere else for a discrimination
between what is accidental and what is essential in English political practice.
Principles developed by the long and intricate processes of the history of one
country are here put to experimental test in another, whrre every element of
life is simplified, every problem of government reduced to its fundamental
formulæ. Thrre is here the best possible point of departure, for the student
who can keep his head and who knows his European history as intimately as
he knows his American, for a comparative study of institutions which may
some day yield us a sane philosophy of politics which shall forever put out
of school the thin and sentimental theories of the disciples of Housseau.
This is the new riches which the study of American history is to afford in
the light that now shines upon it: not national pride merely, nor merely an
heroic picture of men wise beyond previous example in building States, and
uniting them under a government at once free and strong, but a real under-
standing of the nature of liberty, of the e!'sential character and detcrmining
circumstances of self-government, the fundamental contrasts of race and
E:ocial development, of trmprr and of opportunity, which of thrmselves make
governments or mar them. It may well yield us, at any rate, a few of the
first principles of the natural history of institutions.
The political history of America was the outcome of a constitutional
struggle which concerned Englishmen in England no less deeply than it
concerned Englishmen in the colonies, a struggle whose motives were com-
pounded both of questions of conscience and of question::; of civil liberty, of
longings to be free to think and of longings to be free to act. ...\nd English-
men on the two sides of thp sea were not wholly divorced in the issue of that
struggle. Not America alone, but the power to rule without principle and
restraint at home as well, was once for aU cut off from the crown of England.
But there was sharp contrast, too, between the effrets wrought in England
and the effects wrought in _\merica. On one side the sea an ancient people
won their final hattle for constitutional govprnmrnt; on the other side a new
pC'ople was created,-a people set free to work out a new experience both in
the liberty of it!' churches anil in its political arrangC'mf'nts, to gain a ne'"
consciousness, take on a distinctive character, transform itself from a hody
of loosely associated English colonies into a great commonwealth, not Eng-
lish nor yet colonial merely, but transmuted, within little more than a
xxiii
PREFACE
generation, into a veritable nation, marked out for an independent and
striking ca reer.
At the Revolution the American States did hardly more than disengage
themselves from the English dominion. Their thoughts, their imagina-
tions, were still held subject to policy and opinion over sea. By the
close of the 'Var of 1812, these last, impalpable bonds were also thrown off.
American statef:men had got their freedom of thought, and, within a genera-
tion, were the leaders of a nation and a people apart. One has only to
contrast the persistent English quality and point of view of the English
colonies of to-day, self-governing communities though most of them are
whieh have led their own lives for generations together under parliaments
and ministers of their own free choosing, with the distinctive character of the
rnited States to realize how much of the history of nations is spiritual, not
material, a thing, not of institutions, but of the heart and the imagination.
This is one of the f:ecrets American history opens to the student, the deepet:;t
of all secrets, the genesis of nationality, the play of spirit in the processes
of history.
Of course the present separateness and distinctive character of the United
States among the nations is due in part 10 the mixture of races in the make-
up of their people. :Men out of every European race, men out of Asia, men
out of Africa have cro
Hled in, to the bewilderment alike of the statesmen
and of the historian. An infinite crossing of strains has made a new race.
And yet there is a mystery here withal. \Vhere, when, in what way, have our
institutions and our life as a people been turned to new forms and into new
channels by this new union and chemistry of bloods? There has been no
break in our constitutional development. Nothing has been done of which
we can confidently say, This would not have been done had we kept the pure
Saxon strain. All peoples have come to dwell among us, but they have
merged their individuality in a national character already formed; have
heen dominated, changed, ahsorbed. 'Ye keep until now some of the char-
acteristic differences of organi7.ation and action transplanted to this conti-
nent when races were separate upon it. \Ye !'ingle out the nutch dement in
the history of Kew York, the French element in the hi!'tory of Loui!'iana,
the Spanish influence in the far \Ye!'t. But these things remain from a time
when Dutch and French and Spanish had their E:eats and their power apart
and were independent rivals for the possession of the continent. Since they
were fused they have given us nothing which we can distinguish as their own.
The French who have come to us sinee that final settlement on the heights
of Quebec have contributed nothing distinctive to our civilization or our
order of government. The Dutch who have been immigrants amongst us
since New Netherlands became Kew York have no doubt strengthened our
xxiv
PREFACE
stock, but they have adopted our character and point of view. No foreign
stock long keeps its identity in our affairs.
The fact should a little daunt those who make much of physical heredity
and speak of the persistence of race characteristics as a thing fixed and inva-
riable, if they are to apply tlwir theory to communities which are dominated
by one and the same national idea, and fused to make a common stock. It
is where races act separately that they act in character and with individual
distinction. In this again the history of the United States demonstrates
the spiritual aspects of political development. Nations grow by spirit, not
by blood; and nowhere can the significant principle of their growth be seen
more clearly, upon a more fair and open page, than in the history of the
United States. It is this principle which throws a light as if of veritable
revelation upon the real nature of liberty, as a thing bred, not of institutions
nor of the benevolent inventions of statesmen, but of the spiritual forces of
which institutions themselves are the oJÌspring and creation. To talk of
giving to one people the liberties of another is to talk of making a gift of
character, a thing built up by the contrivance of no single geneTation, but by
the slow providence which binds generations together by a common training.
From whatever point of view you approach it, American history gives
some old lesson a new plainness, clarification, and breadth. It is an off-
shoot of European history and has all its antecedents on the other side of
the sea, and yet it is so much more than a mere offshoot. Its processes are
so freshened and clarified, its records are so abundant and so accessible,
it is spread upon so wide, so open. so visihle a field of observation, that it
seems like a plain first chapter in the history of a new age. As a stage in the
economic development of modern civilization, the history of America consti-
tutes the natural, and invaluable, subject-matter and book of praxis of the
political economist. Here is industrial development worked out with in-
comparable logical swiftness, simplicity, and precision,-a swiftness, sim-
pJicity, and precision impossible amidst the rigid social order of any ancient
kingdom. It is a stuely, moreover, not merely of the make-up and setting
forth of a new people, but also of its marvellous expansion, of processes of
growth, both spiritual and material, hurried forward from stage to stage
as if under the experimental touch of some social philosopher, some political
scientist making of a nation's history his laboratory and place of demon-
stration.
The twentieth century will show another face. The stage of America
gròws crowded like the stage of Europe. The life of the new world grows
as complex as the life of the old. A nation hitherto whoUy devoted to do-
mestic development now finds its first task roughly finished and turns about
to look curiously into the tasks of the great world at large, seeking its special
xxv
PREFACE
part and place of power. A ncw age has comc which no man may forccast.
But thc past. is thc key to it; and the past of Amcrica lics at thc centre of
modern history.
--
PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY, September Ð, 1901.
The
American School of Historical Writers
By ALBERT BUSHNELL HART.
Professor of American History at Harvard University, and author and editor of
many works on American History
Al\fEJUCAN HISTORY is fortunate not only in the romantic setting of it!'
earlier periods, and in the suece8
ion of great events, mompntous to man-
kind, but quite as much in the interrst of Americans to recorù and to de-
cribe the development of their own country. Before the reader anù the
!'tudent can come into contact with his ancestors, a C'ohort of men must clear
away the obscuring notele
facts, and must leave standing the men and
WOmf'1l of might and influence in the hi!'tory of the United States. Now
hundreds of chroniclers,
cores of zealous invf>
tigators, and a throng of
econdary writers have taken part in the work of making their country known
to itself.
Looking oyer the whole field of American historiography, it is easy to
recognize a sucC'es
ion of literary impulses; first come the narratives of such
discoH'rers and explorers as Champlain, written with many different pur-
pMes, but muC'h alike in the fre
hnf>!'s and life which they put into their
story. A few years later, in the first half of the seventeenth C'entury, arise a
group of writl'rs of whom 'Vinthrop is a type. builders of C'ommonweaHhs,
who have left us a heritage of wisdom on the cOTIflitions of colonization.
About the beginning of the eighteenth century we find con!'cions hi
torians
pieeing togethf'r conditions anù rcconls, and trying to see tlw mPaning amI
Ilfoportions of previous events; they reach from Cotton .:\father to Hutch-
inson. .T ust aftpr the Rpvolntion. a nC'w national self-consciolHHH'8s led to
s<,veral effort!' to it,ll at somc> length the history of that great struggle. The
beginnings of the literary period of Amerimn hi
tory, about lX:W, inchul('tl
new anù amhitious attpmpts to compress tlw whole history of the country
into onp
yst('matie work: in thif; Iwriod {i('orgC' R;1Jlcroft i:-; the mo!'t signifi-
t,lllt namc.
illee tIll' Civil \Yilr a nt'w
thool of hi
torian:-; has arisen, for
c
XXTii
HISTORICAL WRITERS
the most part choosing limited periods and treating them intensively; of
these Henry Adams is a type.
\t the outset must be made clear the distinction between the recorders of
events and the ('ritical analytic writers; the first, mcn like Columbus, are al- .
ways a part of the event which they describe; while the second may look back-
ward from a distance of centuries, as did John Fiske; but at both e
tremi-
ties of our national history we find some writers who combine first-hand
and contemporary knowledge with the power to see th(' spirit animatingJhe
body politic;
lI('h were Bradford almo:-:t three centuries ago, ana Hopes and
Yon Hoh
t to-day. rro enumerate all the good servants of ...\merica in either
category is impos
ible; but the best nnd the typical may be f'clected.
rrhe first discoverers and explorers not only laid the foundation on which
later generations of writers have built; they also left us narratives which,
in directnes8. simplicity, and elevation of thought, make them comparable
with Herodotus and the Yenerahle Bede. 'Yhat mny be raIled the first school
of American historians is made up of those who themselves felt the sting
of the salt spray; heard the breakers beating upon l1lj'sterious sllOres; saw the
painted savages come down to view the great white-winged monsters from
\\ hieh came forth a rm.e of white men of inl'alculable wealth and unearthly
powers; smcH the Innd odors from uncleared forests; find brought home
pearls and hpuvers and savnge captives. The letters of Columbus, despitt
some ign(\ule boasting and a certain f:ordidness which ill becnme so great a
man, wpre memorials of n splendid achievement worthy of handing down
to his children's dlildren. So the nflrratives of Gomara and Pizarro on the
conquest of
Ie
il'o and Pf>ru give an -unfading picture of the harsh, con-
quering 1'3Cf>, and of that heroic f:pirit through which a handful overcame
a multitude. The Gentleman of Elvas somehow appf>als to the native Amer-
ican sense of humor when he tells us how D('
oto was hemmed in between
the 1Iis<.::i<.::sippi and his enemies; "and on Loth sides there were many Inù-
ian
, and hi
power was not now so great, but that he had need to help him
elf
rather by flight than by force."
'rhe narratives of the fir:-;t ]
ngli
h explorers have the same quality of
virility, intensity, and unrlaunted spirit. Doubtless Bir Francis Drake was a
gentleman" ho could make a good deal of trouble to-day on a twenty-knot
ship in the midst of an enemy's commerce, and he would hardly understawl
the nicetips of the law of contrabanù of war; but who c.1n hdp enjoying
his roljirking vOY:lge to the Pacific, with its store of unctuous enumerations
of plundf'r: "a f'ilver chalice, two cruets, èwd one altar cloth"; "thirteen
}Jë1l'S of-
iIver, each weighing four }1UIHlred ducats, Sp(lni
h ": " eight llamu:4,
or
hel"p of I\'ru, everyone of \\ hic.ll sh('(T) had on its back two hags of leather,
X1\: \'iii
HISTORICAL WRITERS
each bag containing fifty pound weight of fine silver"; "a chest full of
royales of plat.e and goodly stores of silks and linen cloth".; "great riches
as jewels and precious stones"; "thirteen chests full of royales of plate,
. fourscore pound weight of gold, and six-and-twenty ton of silver." \Vhat
adventurous boy would not to-day be proud to share the life of such a
pirate, and to I'evel in the riches of perfidious Spain?
Kor do the voyagers have all the romance of history to themselves. While
the English language lives will live honest John Smith
who has been
o
painfully misunderstood because his historical novel, although carefully
8tudied on t.he spot and singularly accurate in its setting, came early to }JC
accepted, mid has many times been criticised
as though it were sober history.
. It is fortunate for later generations that so many of the early worthies could
either handle the pen themselves, or had a companion or scrivener to set
down in order the details of whatever was strange in scenery, in inhabitants,
in wild animals, and in products. Nowadays we do not realize the absolute:'
novelty of the new world, for nowadays no part of the world is remote,
except perhaps the Antarctic continent. The sense of discovery was very
'stimulating: men like Champlain could with equal ease explore, fight, founù
communities, and write the most engaging narrative; heroes like Father
J ogues have left us not only a most complete account of the natives of
America, but an imperishable record of the superiority of soul over suc:h
accidents as tomahawks and IJone-breaking gauntlets, and red-hot coals.
In real richness, variety, and romance, American history is full, even whe'n
we c:ompare it with the contemporary accounts of European countries; anù
we know actually more of the conditions, the standards, and the social life
of the American Indians in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries than we
know of the life of the English, French, or German peasantry of that time.
'Vhat wonder if the early writers were a little hampered by the attempt
to describe a Ilew barbarism in terms of an old civilization? \Vhy should
not the early historian make an "emperor:' out of a naked savage who had
at least t.he physical power to sweep the Europeans off the new continent if
he chose? 'Vas it not mltural that" kings" and" princesses" and" noble-
men" should stalk out of lodges that really held unclean and untrust-
worthy savages? To Virginia, to New Amsterdam, to New England, the
Indians were a mighty military power, often superior in battle, and all but
victorious in the great camp3ign which lasted more than a hundreil years.
If the red man had had the musket
and the white man th(' how and arrow,
we should to-day he writing the history of the United States" as the lion
would have painted it." Tn these contemporarv narratives, many of t]wm
interfused with fancy, and few recognizing the real sfJualor. degradation,
and sinfulness of savage life, we haT"e a gTeat cycle of historical material
xxh
HISTORICAL WRITERS
told in the simplest historical fashion; and this is the first school of writers
of American history.
As soon as English colonization actually begins, we find a seconù group
of writers of whom two, Bradford and "ïnthrop, stand pre-eminent; men
who recorded the annals of the time in the full faith that we to-day should
earpfully read them, and should finù disclosed in them the soul of the earliest
éommonwealths. It is of great significance that throughout the colon it's,
and espef'ially in New Englanù, there were highly educated men capable
of leaving a record, reasonably accurate, and phrased in the big, broad,
rugged English of the time. If one of the objects of the historian is to dis-
cover motives, what can be more significant than Bradford's long and ana-
lytic account of the reasons for the foundation of Plymouth plantation? The
opening words of the 1'C Of Plimoth Plantation" seem like the stately gate..
way to an epic. "And first of the occasion and inducements thereunto, the
Wlli(.h that I may truly unfold I must hC'gin at the very root and rise of the
same. The ",hid} I shall entlpayor to manifest in a plain style with sincere
rpgard unto the simple truth in all thingï;;, at least as near as my slendN
jlHlgment ran attain the same." In this manuscrIpt, rovpring- the period
1 G08-1 G45, so carefully written, so long preservpd, used fly PrinC'e, II ubhard,
Cotton 1ratJICr, amI Hutchim;on, to disappear, and to comp to light again
in the palace of the Bishop of London at FuJJlam, almost in our own day-
in this rrecious memflrial, we have the first attempt at a consciously re{}SOIwtl
history of America. Rl':1clforù tells only that part whic.h he knew; he de-
pendell upon his O'WI1 memory and the immf'diate communimtions of his
friends; Lut the book is a remarka}jle accmmt of what we now call the con-
stitutional history of tne community. Indeed, there is much in Bradford
to reward the student of mankind, the sociologist, the economist, the lawyer,
the ecclesiastical historian, and the lover of picturesque narrative. Here
Wl.. nave tIle foundations of an English colony and the growth of its polity,
the slow building of the waJJR of a government Wllich was at the same time a
municipality; here we rpad of Indian warR, stratagems, powwows, and peace-
makings; nere is the record of an important e-xppriment in cornmuniHJIl,
pnding like all 811Ch experimpnts in the final parceling ont to inllivillna Is
of fmeh territory and property as wag ]pft 'VC' IC'tun somdhillg of what
emigrants' food and quarters were on hoard ship, whi}p cro
Ring tJlC Atlantie:
we have an im
ight into fisnC'ries and agric.ulture amI trade, amI interpst awl
profit at " tnf' rate of cpnto ppr cpnto" ; :mcl in the midst of affairs we 11.a,'p
the splendid Rtory of ealm. re
olutp, lln
hrinkin.!r men, slowly pi('í.ing togethc.r
8 political communit.v :mcl prC'parin
the way for the later Unitpd St:ltp
.
The other great historical writer of tllig pprioc1, John Winthrop, is far Ie8s
'\\'\
HISTORICAL WRITERS
systematic and argumentative. An annalist and yet possessed of a keen
sense of selection, in the midst of much that is trivial and some things that
reveal the intense Puritan curiosity about things better left undisturbed,
he still deals in the main with the imposing problems of free government.
The staples of his history are the interplay of man against man, of class
with class, the rivalries of the grave magistracy with the pushing General
Court; the final compromise by which a legislature of two houses was organ-
ized in
fassachusetts. In his story of the period from 1630 to 1648, he
gives us not simply crude materials, but a description of the farthermost
bases of American political ideas, as worked out on American soil.
Bradford and \Vinthrop are hy no means the only men of that period
who deal with events as the warp and woof of a systematic narrative. Cap-
tRin Edward Johnson, in his 1Vonder Working Providence of Sion's
Sav.iour, pubJished in 1654, essays what he calls a History of New Eng-
land, from those beginnings "when England began to decline in religion
like lukewarm Laodicea," till" these soldiers of Christ first stood on this
western end of the world." But Johnson and other writers of similar
worthy purposes had neither the literary skill nor the sense of continuity
for which Bradford and \Vinthrop are remarkable. No others left a well-
founded and wen-knit narrative extending over so many years. No others
felt so clearly that they were both upbuilders and recorders of their own
upbuilding .
For the inner life of most of the New England settlements besides Plym-
outh and
fassachusetts, there is a painful dearth of contemporary narrative.
The histories of Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire have to be
pieced out of scattered and minute references in journals and public records
It is much the same in the middle and southern colonies; except for the
vivacious accounts of the settlers of the Jerseys and Pennsylvania, written
by Gabriel Thomas and others, there is hardly any contemporary history
of the middle colonies, though much material for 'history. On the founda-
tions of Virginia and 1\faryland there are interesting contemporary notices
by Stradley, John Smith, \YingTIcld, "nite, and others; but no man writes
with the feeling that he is drawing out the real meaning of the events which
he describes, for the use of later generations; no man foresees the oak which
is to spring from his acorn. T'he separate history of the Carolinas came
much later and must be conated from many s('attered narratives. When
Georgia WRS founded in the eightC'cnth ('cntury, t'he historical sense was more
developed, and of that colony there are several excellent contemporary ac-
coun ts.
We must leap across more than half a century from the end of Bradford
xxxi
HISTORICAL WRITERS
and 'Vinthrop's histories to reach a third school made up of local historians
Rnd annalists, most of whom have now become simply material for later
writers. Of these the first and the worst is Cotton :\Iather, whose magnum
opus is the lflagnalia Christi Americana, or the Eccles.iasllcal History of
New England, first published in 1702. It would be hard to cap this SlU-
gular production for whimsicality, variety of contents, and treatment; it
is everything except history. To Cotton Mather's mind nothing came amiss:
tratlition, rumor, gossip, memory, experiences, every-day facts, were aU
equally put to his service. So far as a naturally keen and well-practised
memory could go, he sounded and verified these various sources, but it was
not in his mind to reject a statement because he could not show it to be
probably true. The make-up of the book is a monument to the perverted
learning of the time. Anagrams, prefatory poems, attestations, introductory
poems, general introductions, epitaphs, old sermons pitchforked in, little
biographies, contemporary letters, squibs, polemic pamphlets, dialogues,
prophecies, the last dying speeches of criminals, wonderful prodigies, and
"remarkables" of Indian wars-all was fish that ('a me to
rather's net;
and it is one of the tasks of the present-day historian to delve in the many
fonts of type of this ponderous book in order to discover how much is truth,
how much prejudice, and how much downright error.
Contemporary with ltlather is the first really good local history
Beverley's
llisiory of l'ïrginia, published ahout 1705; and it is worth noting that Bev-
erley had in his mind the modern conception that history includes a view
of the social conditions and standards of the time. He makes it his busineR
not only to deF.cribe the foundings of the commonwealth of Virginia, for
which he had to depend on material made by others, but also to tell us of the
products, the social institutions, the education, and the labor system of his
time. Here we have really the first example of an _\merican history, written
not from personal experiences, or from the memory of those who had gone
through such experiences, but from printed and even written records, or at
least from a restatement of such printed narratives as he could find.
Beverley set an example which unfortunately was followcrl by few writers
of his century. To be sure there arc some other agreealJle hooks of the same
kind: Smith's J[istory of New Jersey, pub1iRhed in 176;); \Yilliam Smith's
Hi.sforJI of Jt C1l1 r or7..
, written in the eighteenth century, though not puh-
lished till many years later; Stith's Virginia (to ]()24), puhlished in ]747;
and FeT"eral ecclf'siastical histories of merit. especia lly Neal and Backus.
But thesp writers are lnòepenòpnt of each otller, are local and had but a
Jimited circle of readers. One m
m deserves to be specially noticed becauFie
he made it his task to accumulate
mall detail8, and was the first to estab-
lish many of the accepted conventions of \merican history. Thomas Prince,
xxxii
HISTORICAL WRITERS
in the preparation of his Annals, published from 1736 to 1755, made a
collection of documents which served him as the basis for a chronological
conspectus of the history of New England, which, unluckily, reached only
to 1633. Like his follower, Abiel Holmes, he has long since been forgotten,
except by specialists; the work of both Prince and Holmes was that of
laying rough stones which are hidden out of sight by the finished structure.
The first general historian of America upon the model of the three great
contemporary English writers, Hume, Robertson, and Gibbon, was Thomas
Hutchinson in his History of 1Ilassachusetis Bay. An official, a man of prop-
erty, of high connections, much experiences in town and colonial government,
he began to publish in 1764. His second volume was published three years
later, when the storm-cloud of the Revolution was already gathering. A
third volume, which includes the unhappy history of the pre-revolutionary
controversies, did not appear till long after his death. In Hutchinson as in
]Jrince, we have a study of historical sources, though very Jimited in kind;
he seems scarcely to have known that there were manuscript records of the
lower house of the :Massachusetts legislature, and his history is directly
founded on private papers and the records of the governor and coupcil.
\Yhat is really important in Hutchinson is his attempt to write a history
in a narrative form, covering a century and a half, which should deal with
events in their right proportions, and in which he should also apply the same
methods of judgment and segregation to a period within which he had
himself lived. Nobody now reads Hutchinson for his style, and his account
of early "Massachusetts is long since surpassed, but the experience of the
trained public man gives a permanent value to his conclusions, and his is dis-
tinctly a genuine historian's work.
Among the evidences of a quickened national consciousness was the growth
of a new school of historians immediately after the Revolution. Among
them were several notable historians of a single commonwealth-Proud's
Pennsylvania, Trumbull's Connecticut, Burk's Virginia, and-far the be
t
of them all-Belknap's New IIampshire. At the same time ar08P several
conscientious and hard-working writers, who wrought upon the history of
their country, taking into view not a colony nor a section, but the whole
nation; and they also conceived the modern idea of choosing a limited field
and treating it with thoroughnesR and in detail. Of these the most notable
are Ramsay, }'fercy \Varren, ani! Timothy Pitkin. Dr. Ramsay, whose book,
published in ] 811, describes much of the military side of the Revolution,
and ineludes an invaluable discussion of the effects of that great struggle
on the political and
ocial life of Americans. l\fercy "Tarren was the first
woman to pubJish a narrative history, which, however one-sided, was written
xxxiii
HISTORICAL WRITERS
by an eye-witness, and that eye-witness a woman of high education and great
spirit. It was this able person, called by her friends the Marcia of the
American Revolution, who ventured to attack the great John Adams and
accused him of leaning towards monarchism. Better than all the others
is honest Pitkin, whose history, published in 1828, covers with clearness anù
insight the history of the foundation of the American republic from 1763
to 1791, with a few foot-notes referring to the scanty sources available at that
time. Pitkin had a strong liking for statistics, and his books remained until
up to a few years ago almost the only well-thought discussion of the political
and economic conditions of the colonies, as a background for a discussion of
the causes of the Revolution.
Besides these important studies of material at first-hand, the great libra-
ries contain many so-called histories of the United States, published in the
first third of the nineteenth century. It seems to have been a habit of the
New England country clergy to combine with the country newspapers to
produce a history; the parson furnished scissors, paste, and circumambient
rhetoric, and produced a manuscript chiefly out of extracts from his predp-
cessors; the printer f'et it up on the off days when the week's paper was
printed and copy for the next had not yet appeared. This process, not un-
known in later and wiser generations, adds nothing to American histori-
ography and needs no further description.
Although up to 1830 there had appeared no account of the development
of America which is now read as a classic, and still less any first-hand Amer-
ican history of a foreign country-the foundations were laying upon which
historians might safely build. During the whole time from the beginning
of the Revolution down, materials were being collected and made available,
without which the work of Hildreth and Bancroft would have been impos-
sible. It is the happy fortune of .America that the great men of the revo-
lutionary period either kept copies of their letters or wrote such important
documents that they were preserved by those who received them. In Hw
letters of \Vashington and Franklin, of John Jay, of Jefferson, of Madison,
of Monroe, and a seore of other revolutionary worthies, we find the trne
spirit of their times, and in ] 791. Dr. Jeremy Bclknap, him!,(']f the author
of the excellent history of New Hampshire, founded in Boston the Ma!'Ra-
chusetts Historical Society, the first in time of a long series of public-spirited
organizations, whose aim it has been to collect memorials which would other-
wise perish, and to put them in permanent form for later generations.
Our ancestors have always been rather tenacious of public records, partly
because of the importance of such evidence in settling questions of property,
and partly from an instinctive fecling that what they were doing was worth
remembrancing. It is this sense of doing something worth while which
XAxi v
HISTORICAL WRITERS
finds expression in the famous resolutions of the Cambriàge town meeting
in 1765: "that this vote be rec(lrded in the town book that the children yet
unborn might see the desire their ancestors had for their freeùom and hap-
piness." Accident, neglect, the Revolutionary War, caused the loss of many
precious records, especially in the South, but enough remained to make an
almost inexhaustible mine for the antiquary and investigator. Three dif-
ferent influences were brought to bear side by side with each other to effect
the publication of historical material: the historical societies; the state gov-
ernments, in many cases animated hy the societies; and the strong historical
spirit of a few investigators. Of these latter, the chief is Jared Sparks, who
published his edition of the lVritings of Washington in 1836, followed hy his
Franklin's lVorks, and by his Correspondence of the American Revolution;
he also estahlished a series of brief hiographies, all of them edited and
several written by Mr. Sparks. It is hard to overestimate the influence of
this man, endued as he was with an immpnse capacity to take advantage of
his great opportunities. According to the historical canons of his time
he was a most intelligent editor; he thought it his duty to correct the mis-
takes of grammar or expression in the originals he fore him, so that he might
more clearly bring out the sense; and it wounded him that the Father of his
Country should misspell. Sparks's edition8, therefore, overlay the originals
with literary shellac and varnish, but he does not coneeal the original grain.
Himself a conscientious investigator, a careful historical writer, he combines
within his own achievements three historical triumphs: he opened up great
evidences of truth; he was the first exemplar of the co-operative method of
writing history; and he was himself no mean author.
Upon the foundations thus laid, and infused with that lively national
spirit which hegan to be distinctly felt after the \Yar of 1812, there now
appears a writer who had a comhination, almost unexampled in America
up to that time, of an historian's qualities: ambition, training, wealth, social
connections, political experience, and an intense desire to write a histoiY
of his country from its earliest beginnings down to the end of his own time.
That man was George Bancroft, who, beginning his self-imposed task about
1830, in 1883 was still systematically engaged on it. A whole cycle of
national history had passed by between the beginning and end of his work,
and his fifty years of lahor was enough only to bring him from the discovery
of America down to the adoption of the federal Constitution in 1788.
Here at least was a different conception of history, so different from those
who preceded him that he became the founder of a new schoo1. Besides a
capacity for vast labor, Bancroft created a machinery for the assembling
of material up to that time unknown in America: he sent all over ihe world
xxxv
HISTORICAL WRITERS
for transcripts of documents; he collected a valuable library; as Secretary of
the Navy under Polk, he had opportunities for intimate acquaintance with
the archives of the federal government; he wrote patiently, and repeat-
edly rewrote his own work, which in its most elaborated form includes
twelve good-sized volumes. That Bancroft is to-day rather the companion
of the scholar than of the patriot reader is not strange; he began and
carried on his work in the midst of an atmosphere of what may be
called professional history; his intellectual predecessor was Robertson;
his intellectual compeers were Macaulay and Prescott. He wrote to be read
and chose the style which most attracted readers half a century ago; he
wrote to justify his fathers for the Revolution, and his mind was quicker to
grasp the grievances of the colonies than the difficulties of the English ad-
ministration. A sincere and honest man whose public service has been enor-
mous, Bancroft is now neglected by readers, and his example is avoided by
writers. It is unfortunate for Bancroft's permanent fame that a considerable
part of his work has no foot-notes; his reason was that other people followed
him on his authorities, without giving him credit; he thus cut off not only
a means of checking his conclusions, but also a useful aid to inquirers. Ban-
croft has often been charged with rearranging and docking his quotations.
His habit of referring to many materials available only in his own collection
of transcripts makes it difficult to examine this charge, but where he ref('r
to printed materials he does not seem consciously to have altered the sense of
a quotation by omission or transposition.
Side by side with Bancroft is a writer much less known and much less
appreciated, who nevertheless has deserved well of his countrymen-Richard
Hildreth, who attempted the same task as Bancroft, and in six volumes, the
last of them published in 1856, brought down his history from the earliest
colonial times to ] 820. In many respects Hildreth more nearly approaches
to the modern standard of the historian than anyone who preceded or accom-
panied him. He has such a grasp of facts and so well knows how to assemble
them, and to discriminate among them, that almost any event of large im-
portance that has happened in our history is mentioned in his volumes. lIe,
too, had his thesis to prove; strongly federalist in sympathy, his later vol-
umes are to a considerable degree a justification of the Hamiltonian theory
of government; and like Bancroft, he does not see fit to append those foot-
notes which are a restraint upon a writer, an opportunity to examine his
ground, and a useful equipment for later investigators.
Only one other gçneral history of the United States in the period from
1830 to ]860 need be mentioned here. Tucker's II
stor!1 of the United
States, published in 1857 and coverin
the period from 1774 to 1841, is the
only work of the kind written by a Southern man. Just why most of the
xxxvi
.
HISTORICAL WRITERS
history-writing down to the Civil War was done by New England men is
not easy to discover; traditional interest in history, good libraries, the in-
fluence of a live State historical society, the nearness of a book-buying public,
the close connection between literary and public life-these are some of the
reasons. Tucker aimed to look at our history from a different angle, but he
has little of the method or style of the trained historian, he does not attract
the reader, and is less quoted than his careful work deserves.
So far, most of the interest of American writås had been given to their
own country; it was a mark of a growth in cosmopolitanism when two writers
_ chose for their themes fields of European history, though in both cases there
.was a connection with American history in its wider aspects. Prescott chose
first the Spaniards in America, and then the Spanish monarchy in the six-
teenth century. In his time he was considered one of the safest as well as
one of the most brilliant historical writers. Brilliant he is, and he chose
for his theme the romantic period which connected European civilization
with the earliest phases of American history. His Ferdinand and Isabella,
his Conquest of Peru, his Conquest of :Mexico, his Charles V., his Philip 11..
published during the two decades from 1837 to ] 858, were read with interest
and enthusiasm by scholars, business men, and school-boys, just as l\Iacaulay
was read at the same time both in England and America. In every way he is
a notable figure, this man almost blind, working patiently year after year in
his Boston library and slowly committing to the press his beautifully written
volumes, which are still among our best historical works, although the meth-
ods of the author 8nd his judgment of his sources are no longer accepted as
final.
1Ifotley came a little later, chose a similar theme, but without a direct con-
nection with American history. His Dutch Republic, his United Nether-
lands, his John of Barneveld, have been sources of inspiration to thousands
.of readers; and if the maturer student now searches them in vain for any
insight into the organization of the marvellous military people whom he
described; if he finds little about their colonies and nothing about their gov-
ernment; if he learns not the source of their wealth. nor the secret of their
national persistence, he does get a striking picture of the heroism of the late1'-
day. Athenians contending against the Persians of the sixteenth century.
Motley was really not an historian, but a describer of mighty historic deeds.
:Motley began to publish in 1856, and continued long after the Civil
'Yar, but he belongs to the ante-bellum school, and that school, notwithstand-
ing its great flervices, had as ypt treated history only in partial fflghion.
ra-
terials were col1ected and much learning was expenòed in explaining ana an-
notating them and in brief articles and papers founded upon them. Upon
the other side) several ambitious attempts had been made to give in one con-
XJ:xvii
HISTORICAL WRITERS
spectus an account of what was most noteworthy in the whole history of the
natIOn. A Rchool of biographers had also arisen, some of whom had pub-
lished elaborate works like the painfully minute Rives's JIadison; or history
was grouped about the life of one individual as in Marshall's Washington,
or Irving's Columb'lls. As yet, however, there was little grouping of great
masses of related facts in monographs, and few examples of historians who
took a brief period as their whole field.
For some years after the Civil \Var, :!\Iotley and Bancroft were still the
noted American historians, and the development of a nC'w spirit in history
is due first of all to the achievements of another writer, whose work, though
begun long before, was ended only in ] 885. Francis Parkman is the greatest
of all the writers who have ever made America their theme or have written
as American sdIOlars, and his greatness depends upon three qualities rarely
brought together in one man; he was a matchless investigator, a man of the
most unflinching tenacity, and somehow he knew how to write so that men
loved to read him. His method was that of the special field, long enough in
his case, but narrow in geographical dimensions. He wrote upon what he
himself called" the history of the woods," upon the century and a half of
hostile contact between the French colonists and the English colonists, ac-
centuated by the fierce savages who were between them.
Back of the romance of history was the romance of Parkman's own life.
One of the most una
suming and modest men who ever lived, he went or:. his
way without sepming to know that he was a hero; but in an autobiographical
fragment, drawn up in ] RGR, he has revealed the inner man. At the age of
eighteen he had forul('ù the f1plenùid plan of his history, all of which he
lived to complete, and while
till a young man he made that adventurous
overland trip to Oregon, which is faithfully commemorated in his Oregon
Trail, published in 1851, an account of a journC'y intended to give him an
"inside view of Indian life." He rcturuC'd with a physique naturally feeble,
further weakened by the hardships of the prairie, and resulting in a state
whieh he describes as foJIows: "The conditions were threefold: an extrem{>
weakness of sight, disabling him even from writing his name except with
eyes closed; a condition of the brain prohibiting fixed attention except
at occasional and brief intervals; and an exhaustion and total derange-
ment of the nervous sy
tem
producing of necessity a condition
of mind most unfavorable to effort." After 1851, he says that there
had not been "any waking hour whcn he has not been in some degree
conscious of the presence of the malady"; although later "the con-
dition of the sight has 80 far impro,'ed as to permit reading, not exceeding,
on an average, five minutes at a time. . . . By reading that amount and
xxxviii
HISTORICAL WRITERS
then resting for an equal time, this alternative process could generally be
continued for about half an hour, then, after a sut1icient interval, it would be
repeated, even three or four times in the course of the day." It was thus
that large parts of his literary monument were prepared; and the difficultirs
but enhanced the result, for they make it evident that it is not the fascination
of the subject
nor the pleaE:ure of breaking new ground, nor the careful prep-
aration of material that fix Parkman as the greatest of all American his-
torians, but the soaring spirit, which had its message to tell and could not be
fettered.
Parkman is a kind of bridge between the older and the newer school of his-
torians, for he began with the same traditions as Bancroft and Hildreth,
and he furnished a model and an impetus for Henry Adams, :M:c
Iaster,
\Vinsor, Rhodes, and Roosevelt. Before describing the more recent group of
writers, most of them still living, it is necessary to show what an awakening
came over the country in historical matters during and after the Civil 'Val'.
U it be true that interest in athletic sports and open-air life is to be traced
from the Virginia and Georgia campaigns, it is equally true that, just as in
the post-revolutionary period, the country awoke after 1865 to a new sense
of the dignity and importance of its own history and institutions. This con-
sciousness took form in various directions: first, in the systematic training
of young men to be writers and teachers of history; second. in the appearance
of a new literature of carefully wrought monographs, resembling thongh
usually snperior to the German doctors' dissertations; and third, in the devo-
tion of their lives to historical writing by a new series of historians.
Most of the elder historical schools in America from the days of Bradford
and 'Vinthrop down to Hildreth and Palfrey were made up of college-bred
men; and most of the writers are grouped about one little New England
college. 'Vinthrop was a founder of Harvard; Hutchinson, a graduate, Ban-
croft, Hildreth, Parkman, Belknap, Prescott,
Iotley, were its sons; Jared
Sparks, its president. And yet that college made no effort, and no other
college made effort, to train young men in historical methods, and very little
was done to instruct thrm in historical data. Each successful writer was
his own teacher, and handed down few traditions. Tn several of the colleges
were intelligent and highly eòucated men, who taught history by hearing
formal recitations from a dnll text-book; but the creative and inspiring side
of teaching commonly went into mental and moral philosophy.
Early in the seventies arose two fishers of men, Charles Kendall Adams
in the University of 1\Iichigan, and Henry Adams in Harvard University..
and about the same time began a new system of graduate instruction in Johns
Hopkins University, where for twenty-five years Herbert B. Adams was
xxxix
HISTORICAL WRITERS
the inciter of historical teachers and writers. All these men, and others who
speedily followed them, made it their task, not only to inform their students,
but also to make them searchers for truth. Henry Adams had the habit on
the first day of the term of deliberately frightening out of his course all but
the most eager and undaunted students; and from the residuum he built
up an enthusia
tic company of ahle young men. He edited and published
a volume of essays on
\.nglo-Saxon J...aw, prepared under his guidance by
j::tudents whose names have since been attached to many more formal works;
but he grew tired of enforcing historical truths through other people, and he
withdrew to the ten years' labor of preparation of his masterpiece. Charles
Kendall Adams, at the University of 1\Iichigall, introduced with some useful
modifications the German seminary method, and he also sent out students
imbued with his methods, to be college professors and presidents. This
"as also the method steadily and effedively applied at Johns Hopkins, and
the young men trained there llave been widely distributed throughout the
coun try.
In 1877, Justin 'Vinsor came to Harvard, and 80 long as he lived he was
the greatest force for historical learning in his university. This remarkable
man in many ways resemhled Sparks; he was a great organizer, and as libra-
rian of the Boston Pub1ic Library and of the Harvard College Library fur-
nished models to the world of libraries in which the main purpose was to
have books used. As an editor and historical writer he has left three series
and various independent volumes; but one of his greatest services to learTling
was his untiring interest in the YOlmg men and young women, students of
history, who came under his influence. Himself a man of method and ac-
customed to deal with great masses of material and to draw from them his
conclusions, he infused into all those who came into contact with him the
spirit of scientific historical work. Perhaps 1[1'. 'Vinsor's chief claim to
eminence in his craft was his profound acquaintance with practical bibli-
ography, Dot only a knowledge of hooks, but a consciousness of what books
are important, a power of discrimination; and upon the period of American
history from discovery to the War of 1812, his Narrati1'e and Critical 1/1"..,-
lory is an example of broad scholarship applied with high intelligence to
the service of science. Although he gave but few college courses, :Mr. 'Vin-
SOl' was in effect a teacl1er and a trainer, as well as a librarian and an author,
and he drew into his co-operative labors the most ardent young men.
l\fr. Winsor's labors were to a large degree monographic. lIe secnred
from various other people short studies of episodes and movements, all
founded upon a minute study of
our('eg, and each nnnotated by the author
and supplemented by l\Ir. 'Vinsor's own unfathomaùle learning, with precisc
l
HISTORICAL WRITERS
references to the original material. Similar monographic work has for
twenty years b{'en going on all over the country and particularly in the uni
versities. Following the example of Johns Hopkins, other universities after
1880 founded special graduate schools and developed syst('matic instruction
and preparation looking towards the degree of Ph.D. The fl('dgling doctors
were expected to write theses, and their results, in most cases printed, con-
stituted a new stratum in the historical materials of America. In many
instances they were published in separate volumes, like \Y oodrow \Vilson's
Congressional Government,. others were grouped in various series, of which
the oldest is the J ohns Hopkins Studies, comprising a volume every year
since 1883, and thus has been furnished an opportunity of reaching the world
on a subject which did not stimulate the ordinary publisher, or commend
itself to the magazine editor.
Later, other institutions took up the system: Columbia University, the
University of Pennsylvania, the University of "Michigan, the University of
""Tisconsin, the University of Nebraska, Corn('ll University, Brown Univer-
sity, Harvard Univerf1ity, and other institutions have taken the responsibility
for the publication of single or grouped studies, often representing the well-
directed labor of several years. Here many historical writers who have later
blossomed out into more general literary work have tried their prentice
hands; here young men and young women have the opportunity to put upon
record evidence of their power to deal with historical subj('cts, an evidence
often of much service to them through the effect which it may have upon the
mind of the coUege presidentR and other grandees who have the power to hold
out the golden sceptre. Tn such monographs the residuary results. drawn
from the distilling of great masses of othprwise undig('sted material, are
made available for other writers. The stream of such publications goes on
unceasingly, and their character tends to improve as the opportunities for
study and for direction from older men increase. The better writers out-
grow their doctor's th('s('8, and sometimes wonder that their judgments were
e,.er 80 crude; but the result is an opening up of fields of great importanre
which had long remain{'d untilled.
For example, until a few years ago there was no-where to be found any
account, based upon the sources, of Presidential elections, of the Speakership
of the House of Hepresentatives, or of the Senate, or of the veto power, or of
Congressional committees, or of the actual system for nomination for office:
the student of .American institutions has now the benefit of careful studies in
all these subjects: and it is worth noting that within this field of practical
politics some of the best work of collecting and generalizing from the scat-
ten'd materials has been don(' hy women. Twenty years ago there wa
almost nothing in the way of careful, flrst-lumd studies of tIw slavery que
-
xli
HISTORICAL WRITERS
tion; now we have able monograpns on various individual commonwealths,
on fugitive slaves, on slavery in the District of Columbia, on the slave-trade,
and on the underground railroad-nearly everyone a result of scientific
study under the direction or impetus of college teachers.
The system of monographs has done much to make the conditions and the
merits of historical writing widely known. "There half a century ago one
man knew how to write an acceptable historical narrative, forty persons have
now had some experience. One of the influences which has done much to
stimulate investigation in limited topics has been the American Historical
Association, founded in 1884. Tn its two functions of holding mectings at
which younger men are brought into as::-:ociation with older writers, and of
printing an flllnual report in which shorter or longer paperò may be printed
and distributed to an impatient world, the Association has made the path
of young writers easier; and its list of presidents has included most of the
foremost historic-al writers of the time.
The most widely known and most useful series of monographs, a revival
of Sparks's idea of brief biographies by experts, is the widely read A_merican
Statesman Series, which is edited, and of which several volumes have been
written by John rl\ 1Iorse, Jr. Similar to it in scope are the American },[en
of Letters, }'lakers of America, Beacon Biographips and other like combina-
tiom" all in prinriple an attempt to tell the story of a brief period through
the lives of public men who stood for fl dominant idea.
Under modern conditions one of the measures of the interest in a sc
ence
is the kind of journals which are created to represent it. In many respects
the publications of the various state and local historical societies have for
more than a century been soher periodicals: besides the more special iRsues
of Collections, such societies annually print Transactions, or Records whieh
contain briefer and less imposing matter, and in several cases, as for e
-
ample thp ppnn
ylv:mia Historical Society, this publieation has not only
the character but the form of a magazine. From the founding of Carey's
American },[useum, in 1787, and especially after the c::5tahlishment of the
North American Reriew, in 1815, there has alwa)s been a medium for his-
torical articles, often elahorate enough to be monographs. :Not till 18;)7
was there. a periodical devoted entirely to history; Dawson's lIistorical }'Iag-
azirze, which kept up a re
ppctahle e:xi
tence till 1875. Then followed the
}'Iagazine of American History from 1877 to 1896.
These were both private enterprises, which were able to get very little aitl
and comfort from the cstablishpd historical writers of the time, and they
received little that was significant from the new race of monographists. Tn
1895. a journal was founiled under the title of the American Historical
Review, with the express purpose of uniting scattered historical forces, of
xlii
HISTORICAL WRtTFRS
dealing with all fields and phases of history, and of offering an opportunity
for the publication of the result of the latest scholarships. Through a re
lation established with the
\merican Historical Association in 1898, the
circulation and influence of this review were much increased, and history
remains one of the few great fields of learning in America on which rival
universities have not established rival and struggling journals.
The illustrated magazines of the time, and the political reviews also give
scope for historical articles, often of great excellence, by able hands, and in
many cases drawn out into a series which eventually becomes a book. No
historical writer, young or old, need suffer for a medium through which to
make his conclusions known, provided he really has conclusions worth draw-
ing; and in the pages of the special and general periodicals future writers
of history will find a fund of valuable materials.
The connection of history with universities has had some admirable
effects; among them has been an intimate relation between the profession
of teaching history and the profession of writing history. rrhe American
historians of half a century ago were, with few exceptions, litlérateurs, men
of private station and of private means, who gave up a large part of their
lives to histm'ical writing for the love of scholarly occupation and the hor e
of fame. The collection of materials was a tedious and expensive task; they
were the men who had the time and money to travel afar, in order to get tho
proper horizon, and to m:lke some acquaintance with other countries and
languages. In the Sparks m
nuscripts, in the Parkman manuscripts and
the Bancroft manuscripts, are many extracts copied from records not avail
able in print. A man
at down to write a history as he now sits down to
found a review, with ambition as a frontlet and with money in his pocket.
Sometimes gooù Uncle Sam gave them a diplomatic position in which they
might pUT
ue their investigation
; thus Prescott was made :Minister to Spain,
l\fotley to the Netherlands, Bancroft to Germany.
The growth of scientific instruction in history has developed a new rare
of historical writers who have gone forth to supersede the older type; among
the present beFt-known American writers upon history, :Mc
Iaster is a pro-
fessor in a university,
chouler is a lecturer in a university, Charles Francis
Adams is a most ardent overseer of a college, John Fiske was once an in-
structor in history in a college anù a college librarian, Von Holst was a pro-
fessor, )Ioses Coit Tyler was a professor, and 'Vinsor was a coHege librarian.
This academic connection is the more striking when we remember that in
pure literature the most noted writers to-day have mostly come up outside
university precincts and are little associated with college life.
Some reasons for the taking up of formal history by college men are ob-
vious; sinre the scientific basis of history has become recognized, history is
D xliii
ISTORICAL WRITERS
mor
likely to be undertaken by those who have had a scientific training
and a scientific opportunity. From the other direction, the publication
of an excellent history often leads to a call which for the rest of a man's daYd
connects him with some college; thus )IcMaster's first volume led to his
transference írom an instructorship in mathematics to a professorship in
American history. It has become a tradition that the university professor
of history ought to have part of his time for literary duties, and he often has
the use of superior libraries. Perhaps the best explanation is simply that
preparation for classes and preparation for publication run on all fours with
each other; and the enthusiasms of both pursuits are alike.
All explanations, however, fail to account for the fact that among the
many American teachers of ancient, mediæval, continental, and English
history, hardly a single one is at work on a magnum opus in his own field;
so far, text-books, brief histories, or an account of an episode, are all that
have been exhibited. '\Vhile Doyle and Lecky and Trevelyan place them-
selves among the best writers on American affairs, what American professor
has undertaken a history of England, or of any part of it, as a life-long task?
The few considerable pieces of such work do not come from the universities
at all: Henry C. Lea is a publisher; Hannis rraylor's England, James Breck
Perkins's France, Tom Watson's bizarre France, a kind of etherealized
Georgia, are written by hard-working lawyers or politicians; '\Villiam R.
rrhayer has made Italian history his theme, and Professor Charles :U.
Andrews is author of a history of modern Europe; while Professor Sloane's
best-known work is his Napoleon ,; they alone of American historians of
Europe arc in close touch with universities.
Two remarkable exceptions must be noted to the general rule, that the more
noted living writers of history are given up to American history. Captain
J\fahan has so far chosen. to write chiefly on the naval history of Great
Britain; but aside from the interest of the trained naval officer in that
country which has taught the world most about fighting at sea, he has really
in mind a principle of national polity which he thinks hi
countrymen ought
to keep ill mind
he is nn American writing for the instruction, first of all,
of America, and then of all mankind. Henry C. Lea, in his Ftudi
s of eccle-
siasticism. and especially in his IJislory of the Inquisition, has shown a rare
cosmopolitan spirit.
In general it iF safe to say that the chief interC'st of American historical
writers is in the affairs of their own country, and almost all the living writers
give themFelves up to a distinct and limited area. Perhaps no competent
f'dwlar will ever write a complete history of America from the sources; the
last attempt was ,\Yinsor'B. and he was unable, even by his skilful use of the
co-operative method, to get much be
.ond the beginning of the nineteenth
xliv
mSTORICAL WRITERS
century. Each man now assumes that he may begin on the foundations laid
by somebody el
e. John Fiske has, in his own method, traversed the ground
of Bancroft and Hildreth, to the adoption of the Constitution. Edward
Eggleston has chosen the era of commonwealth building. James Schouler
has written a history in six volumes, extending from the end of the Revolu-
tion to the end of the Civil \Var. Professor
Ic:Master has chosen the same
l,eginning, and appears to look forward to about the same date for his end.
Hhodes has ehm.,en to begin at 1850, long enough before the Civil War, so
that he may make plain the reason for that titanic struggle, and he expects
to bring the work down to a point near the present day. Henry Adams chose
the sixteen years, 1801-]817, from the inauguration of Jefferson to the end
of :Madison's administration, and having finished that period has apparently
abandoned further historical writing.
No attempt has been made in this articJe to enumerate all the good writers
in or on Americ.a, for the aim is to describe tendencies and not men; and
prophecies as to what is to be accomplished by the fledglings would only
cause distrust in the prophet's judgment. It is, however, safe to say that,
through a long process of development, in which the recorders of history and
the critics of historical events have united to bring together a vast body of
materials, we have now reached a point where there is a permanent body
of active, highly trained, ambitious writers of history who, with the aid of
the monographcrs, the patient earth-worms who prepare soil to bear fruit,
constitute what may not unreasonably be called the American School of His-
torical .Writing.
One of the leading spirits in this favored present was the late John Fiske.
Gibbon is like the march of an army; legion after legion, cohort after cohort,
trumpets faniaring at regular intervals, horses cavalcading, all glowing in
shining armor; perhaps Fiske might be compared to a holiday procession,
men singers and women singer
, both young men and maidens, flutes, harps,
and psalteries, and children dancing in the rear. There is a wholesome,
sunny serenity about his yolumes; he does not go very deeply into the 1Velt-
schmerz, but he tells the story so that he who runs may read. His books
are the books of the prosperous man, who likes to see the evidence of hpalthy
growth in hig country.
Pprhaps illu
tration may 1)e clearer than statement on this point.
Five living writers of American history stand out plainly as the present
heads of their craft: Herman von Holst, Henry _\.dams, Henry C. I...Iea, Alfred
T. !\Iahan, and James Pord Rhodes; what they do is the best that is now
being done.
Von Holst has finished his Ianor of thirty years, on what is substantially
a history of the slavery contest from 1828 to 18GO. He fights the Lattle
JiJv
HISTORICAL WRITERS
over again, for he loves intensity. His chief service has been to bring home
to Americans the inevitableness of a contest, after the traditional principles
of free government were so violently contradicted by slavery. A good hater,
a powerful hitter, Von Holst has done much to hreak in pieces the con-
ventional apotheosis of our public men, and to lead us to see the real elements
of the Civil \Var.
H
nry Adams seems to have given up historical writing; a man of in
dependent fortune, he likes to diverge around the world and to give sage
advice to young politicians. He need never put pen to paper again in order
to assure his reputation as one of the world's great historical narrators. It
is his forte to be at the same time scientific, careful, and imaginative, to
penetrate the intricacies of complex characters, to seize the spirit of bygonf'
times; his is the study of motive, the discerning of guiding principles of
national character. He has almost a lordly disregard of his own foot-notes;
he gives a reference, not because he feels the need of a backer, but because
he has
o many reserves that he may give them or withhold them as he
pleases. His style, less absorbing than Parkman's, is equally limpid, almost
equally effective.
Henry C. Lea has chosen a theme apparently remote from our participa-
tion: his three great works are histories of the monastic orders, of torture,
and of the Inquisition. Steady, sane, infinitely painstaking, resolute, and
impartial, he is a model of the careful haùits of the business man applied
to the ascertaining of historical truth; his books are intere8ting, they are just,
they are permanent. In interest of subject, in insight of investigation, in
the power to reach and state conclusions, and in style, he stands among the
best of American historical writers, and exemplifies the value of the study
of other peoples and their civilization.
Captain Mahan is the only American military or naval officer to win dis-
tinction as an historical writer. His theme in all his books is the Sea rower,
the strength of the naval country: to impress that power on the reader h('
masses his argument and illu
trations; and he has carried the world; he has
altered the purposes of mankind.
Rhodes i8 the latest knight to besiege the enchanted castle of literary fame,
and he is the only one of the four who reveals the intellectual forces that lie
outside the colleges; only a short time a college student, never a college
teach('r, brought up to business in a bustling \Vestern cit}" he has wooed both
Lady Fortune and the mlls(' of history, and both have smiled upon him. ITi8
most characteristic mf'rits are his care, his impartiality, his clear and read-
able style, and, ahove all, his aùility to discover the ruling motives of a people
in a time of paf:
ionate stress.
'fhe impression made upon the observer of historical writing is hopeful.
xlvi
HISTORICAL WRITERS
Our greateBt historian, Parkman: lives only in his imperishable books; but
leaving him out, there has never been an American historian equal to the best
living writers in training, in conception of what historical research means,
in discrimination, in insight, or in genuine historical style. Where are the
poets to replace I..owell and Longfellow and Whittier? "'here are the es-
sayists to equall
merson? \Vhere the novelists to measure height with Haw-
thorne? Yet in historical writing the authors of the golden age give way to
the present American School in popularity among readers, and in usefulness
to scholars; and perhaps some day a new generation of authors may arise to
whom the historians of this quartf'r-century will give God-speed.
:
,
I.
HARPERS' ENCYCLOP ÆDIA
OF
UN ITED
ST A TES
HISTORY
A.
AI, a symbol used in the record of reports induced the United States govern-
American and fmeign shipping and in ment to establish a weatl}er bureau. He
Lloyd's Register of British and Forp;gn was appointed meteorologist to the UNITED
Hhipping, in rating vessels for insurance. STATES SIGNAL SERVICE (q. v.) in 1871,
Al is the highest. Hence Al is used of and in 1879 became meteorologist to the
the highest mercantile credit, and, collo- UNITED STATES \VEATIIER BUREAU (q. v.).
quially, Al is first-class, first-rate. Abbett, LEOY, statesman; born in
A. B. Plot. See page 11. Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. 8, 18:
6; removed
Abbadie, 1\1. D', ro
'al governor; born to New Jersey in 1859; member of the
about 1710; came to America in I7G3 to State Assembly 18G9-70, and Senate
take charge of a vat'iety of bURiness inter- 1875-78; elected governor of New Jersey,
e<;ts that King Louis XV. had established 1883 and 1889; appointed judge of the
in New Orleans, and also to exercise the
ew Jersey Supreme Court in 1893. He
authority of military commander of the died in Jersey City, Dec. 4, IS94.
province. Owing to the sale of Louisiana Abbey, EDWIN AUSTIN, painter; born
to Spain, he was directed in 1764 to turn in Philadelphia, April 1, 1852; was edu-
over his command to a Spanish official. cated at the Philadelphia Academy of Fine
He was a man of noble impulses, had pro- Al.ts, and in 1871 entered the publish-
tl'cted the Indians, caused the masters to ing house of Harper & Brothers, for which
treat their slaves more kindly, and in he went to England in lR7S. He became
many ways had endeared himself to the widely noted for his book illustrations,
people of the province. The surrender of and in 1890 exhibited his fit'st painting,
his command to those whom he regardt'd A. .1lay Day JI01'ning. He was elected a
as enemies grieved him so seriously that member of the Royal Aeadf'I11Y in 1898, of
he dif'd Feb. 4, '7t;5. See LOUISIANA; the Royal Water Color Hocif'ty in London,
XI<:W ORLEANS. amI of the National Acadf'my of Design in
Abbe, CLEVELAND, metf'orologist; horn 190
. He was an American juror on
in New York, Dec. 3, 1838. He was grad- painting at the Paris E-xposition of 1900.
uated at the Col1ege of the City of Kew The last of his notable works in the
York in 18;)7; studied astronomy with rnited
tates was the design of a series
Hrunnow at Ann Arbor, Mich., and with of paintings iHustrating the Holy Grail
GouJd at Camhridge, Mass.; and, after for the walls of the new Public Library
sf'rving four years in the Pnitf'd
tates in Roston, [n March. I!IIH. he was eom-
f'oa;;;t and Geodetic
urvev, he hf'eame missionI'd by King Edward Y[I. to paint
director of the Cincinnati Obsernltory Ow s(,f'ne of his coronation in \Vestmin-
in 1868. The value of his local Wf'aUII'r stf'r Abbey.
I.-A 1
ABBOT-ABBOTT
Abbot, BENJAMIN, educator; born,
liü2. He was graduated at Harvard in
1788. Phillips Academy, Exeter, N. H.,
was conducted by him until 1838. Among
his pupils were George Rancroft, Lewis
Cass, Edward Everett, John G. Palfry,
Jared Sparks, and Daniel Webster. He
died in ]
xeter, N. H., Oct. 25, 184H.
Abbot, EZRA, theologian; born in Jack-
son, Me., April 28, 1819. He was gradu-
ated at Bowdoin College in 1840, became
as
ociate librarian at Harvard College in
1836, and from 1872 till his death was
Professor of New Testament Literature
and Interpretation at the Cambridge
Divinity School. He was a member of
the American Committee of New Testa-
ment Revisers, was one of the editors of
the American edition of Smith's Bible Dic-
tionary, and published numerous works in
Biblical criticism. He was especiallydistin-
guished in the line of Greek scholarshi p. He
died in Cambridge, Mass.,
larch 21, 1884.
Abbot, HENRY LARC01>I, military en-
gineer j born in Heverly, Mass., Aug. 13,
1831. He was graduated at the United
States Military Academy in 1854, entered
the Corps of Engineers, in which he
I'cac'hed the rank of colonel, and was re-
tired in 18
)5. In the Civil War he com-
manded the siege artillery of the armies
operating against Richmond, designed the
systems of submarine mine defences and
of mortar batteries for the government,
and was brevetted major-general of volun-
teers and brigadier-general U. S. A. After
Jli<J retirement he de'5igned the new harbor
at :Manitowoc, 'Vis., and was a member of
the Technical Committee of the New
Panama Canal Co. His publications in-
clude Siege Artillery in the Campaign
Against Richmond; Experiments to De-
vc10p a System of SubmU1'ine Mines; and
Ph.ysics and Hydraulics of the Missi.<Jsippi,
the last in co-operation with General
Humphreys. He received the degree of
J.L.D. from Harvard, and became a mem-
ber of many scientific societies.
Abbot, JOEL, naval officer; born in
Westford, Mass.. Jan. 18, 1793; entered
the navy as midshipman at the beginning
of the 'Val' of 1812; served first on the
frigate President, and next on Lake Cham-
})Iain with Commodore Macdonough, who
when he asked Abbot if he were ready to
die for his country received the repl,y:
2
"Certainly, sir; that is what I came into
the service for." He was then ordered to
enter the British lines as a spy and de-
stroy a number of spars which had been
stored at Sorel. For his success in this
dangerous exploit and for his bmvery in
the engagement at Cumberland Head on
Sept. 11, 1814, he received a sword of
honor Í1"om Congress and was commis-
sioned a lieutenant. lIe was given charge
of the pimte ship Mariana in 1818; pro-
moted commander in 1838; and in the
following year was given command of the
Hoston navy-yard. Dul"ing Commodore
Perry's e},.pedition to Japan in 18,")2 Abbot
commanded the M acedonian, and later was
appointE'd flag-officer of the squadron. lIe
died in Hong-Kong, China, Dec. 14, 1853.
Abbott, 13ENJA
nN VAUGIIA
, legal
writer; born in Boston, :Mass., June 4,
1830. He was graduated at the New York
'Lniversity in 1850; was admitted to the
bar two years afterwards; and, after en-
gaging in general practice with his broth-
er Austin for several Jpears, applied him-
self to a compilation of works on legal
subjects. Alone, or in conjunction with
his brother, he compiled nearly 100
volumes of digests, reports, legal treatises,
and other a1Iied works, including Dic-
tionary of Terms in American and Eng-
!ish. J urisprlldcnce, National Digest, and
a revison of the United States Statutes.
He died in Brooklyn, N. Y., Feb. 17, 1890.
Abbott, CHARLES CONRAD, natum1Ïst;
born in Trenton, N. J., June 4, 1843.
He was graduated at the ::\fedical De-
partment of the University of Pennsyl-
vania in 18G5; spent 8everal years in mak-
ing a valuable coJ1ection of archæological
specimens, which he presented to the Pea-
body Museum at Cambridge. Mass.; and
was an assistant in that institution in
1876-89. Among his publications are The
Stone Age in l\Tew Jersey; A Xaturalist's
Rambles About Home; several volumes on
bird life, and a number of novels.
Abbott, EDWARD, fourth son of Jacob
Abbott, was born July 15, 1841; was grad-
uated at the L'"niversity of the City of
New York in 1860. During 1862 and
1663 he was connected with the Sanitary
Commission of the Army of the Potomac.
He was a Congregational minister from
IfHì
to 1878, when he entered thf' Protf's-
t:mt Episcopal Church. Among his 1mb.
ABBOTT
University of the City of New York in
1853; was admitted to the bar there, and
for a time practised in partnership with
his brothers Benjamin Vaughan and Aus-
tin. Subsequently he studied theology
with his uncle, John Stevens Cabot, and
was ordained as a Congregational minister
in 1860. He was secretary of the Freed-
men's Commission in 1865-68; became edi-
tor of the" Literary Record" in Harper's
Magazine, and conductor of the Illus-
trated Christian Weekly; and for a time
was associated with HENRY \V ARD
BEECHER (q. v.) in the editorship of The
Christian Union. In 1888 he succeeded
1\11'. Beecher as pastor of Plymouth
Church, Brooklyn. In 1898 he resigned
and took full editorial charge of The
Outlook, formel'ly The Christian Union.
Among his publications is A Dictionary of
Religious Knou;ledge. See INDIAN PROB-
LE
[, THE.
A.n Anglo-American Understanding.-
Dr. Abbott in 1898 suggested the follow-
ing as the basis of an Anglo-American un-
derstanding:
li8hed writings are Paragraph Histories
01 the Rcvol'ution; Revolutionary Times;
United States, etc.
Abbott, HORACE, manufacturer; born
ill Sudbury, Mass., July 29, 1806. He
built the first rolling-mill in the U.nited
States, and supplied the armor plates for
the Monitor, Roanoke, Agamen.ticus, Mo-
nadnock, etc. He died Aug. 8, 1887.
Abbott, JACOB, writer for youth; born
in Hallowell, Me., Nov. 14, 1803. He was
graduated at Bowdoin College in 1820, and
at. Andover Theological Seminary in 1823.
From 1825 to IS29 he was Professor of
:Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in
Amherst College. He chose the pursuit
of literature in the attractive and useful
field of affording instruction to the young.
One of the earliest of his almost 200
volumes printed was The Young Chris-
tian, issued the year of his gradu-
tion at Anrlover. His books are remark-
able for their wealth of information, their
absolute purity of tone and expression,
and for their wonderful attractiveness for
the young of both sexes. Few men have
done so much for the intellectual and
moral training of the young for lives of The American people wisely attach great
usefulness as Jacob Abbott. His interest importance to \Vashington's "Farewell
in young people never abated through a Address," and give deserved weight to his
long and laborious life. His later years counsels. Not one of those counsels has
were spent upon the old homestead at been more influential anrl more safe-guard-
}'armington, Me., significantly called" Few ing than his admonition to his country-
Acres," for its area of land was small and men to avoid entangling alliances with
it was cultivated and adorned by the hands :European nations. Yet Americans must
of its owner. Here he died, Oct. 31, 1879. not forget that changes wrought by human
Abbott, JOHN STEVE
S CABOT, histo- progress make inapplicable in one century
I.jan; born in Brunswick, Me., Sept. 18, advice which was wise in the preceding
1805; brother of Jacob; was graduated at century; that if there be peril to a nation
Bowdoin College in 1825, and at Andovel' in recklessly advancing along strange
Seminary: was ordained as a Congrega- paths to an unknown future, there is also
tional minister in 18
0, and held several danger to a nation in fastening itself too
pastorates in Massachusetts till 1844, firmly to its past traditions, and refusing
after which he applied himself wholly to to itself permission to recognize changes
literature. Among his notable works are of conditions which necessitate changes of
'l'he French Revolution of 1789
. The His- policy. It is because Spain adheres to the
tory of Yapoleon Bonaparte; Napoleon at traditions of the sixteenth century, and
St. Helena; The History of Napoleon Ill.; England has from time to time departed
'l'he History of the Civil1Var in Am('rica
' from those traditions, using them as a
A Romance of Spanish History; anrl The guide towards the future, not as a prohibi-
History of Frederick II.. callrd Frederick tion to progress, that Spain has sunk from
thp Great. He died in Fair Haven. ('onn., a first-class to a fourth-class power, while
1t1ne ] 7, ISi7. England still remains a leader among the
Abbott, I,YMAN, clergyman and editor; nations of the world.
born in Roxbury, Mass., Dec. 18. 1835; \Yhpn \Vashington iSHued his" Farewe1t
third son of .J acob; was graduated at the Addres8," the United States was a feeble
3
ABBOTT, LYMAN
nation, composed of thirteen colonies, just prices in our produce e:xchanges. Com-
emancipated from foreign domination. It llI
rce, though unfortunately under foreign
took as many weeks to go fwm the north- flags, is carrying the produce of our coun-
ern to the southern border of this nation try into all the markets of the world.
as it now takes days. The States had not Our manufacturers compete with those of
yet been welded into a united nation, and the oldest civilizations. The question
were separated from one another not only whether we can establish a currency of
by time and distance, but by jealousy and our own, disregardful of the financial
rivahy. The union of the States had not standards of the civilized world, has been
passed beyond the experimental stage. The raised and answered emphatieally in the
Constitution of the United States was still negative. Our territory has e:\.tended un-
on tria.l. All west of the Alleghanies was tn it nearly equals in dimensions that of
an untrodden, and for the most part un- the old Roman Empire in its palmiest
known, wilderness. The population, even days. Our population has not only in-
along the seaboard, was scanty; the cities creased in numbers, but become hetero-
were few and small; there was no com- geneous in character. \Ve are no longer
merce and little manufactures. In I80!) an Anglo-Saxon colony, emerging into
Jefferson presented to the country his statehood. \Ye are Scandinavian, Ger-
ideal on the subject of manufactures and ma.n, Hungarian, Pole, Austrian, Italian,
commerce: ":\Ianufactures sufficient for French, and Spanish; all the nations of
our consumption, of what we raise the raw the earth are represented, not only in our
material (and no more); commerce suffi- population, but in our suffrages. \Vhat-
cient to carry the surplus produce of agri- e,-er interests Norway and Sweden, Hol-
culture beyond our own consumption, to a land and Belgium, Germany, Italy, Franee,
market for exchanging it for articles we or England, interests our people, becauhe
cannot raise (and no morc)." A vast and from these countries respectively multi-
little - known and little - travelled ocean tudes of our people have come. Meau-
scparated us from Europe. "['"nder these while. our growth, and still more the test
circumstances to engage in European to which we have been subjected by foreign
strifes, to aid France against Great Brit- war and by civil war, have done much to
ain, to concern ourselves with the balance demonstrate the stability of instit:Jtions
of power, to undertake, directly or indi- which, a hundred years ago, were purely
r('ctly, to promote the battles of democracy experimpntal and largely theoretical.
in the old world, to assume to judge that Other lands have caught inspiration from
our as yet unpwved institutions were the our life; the whole prog-ress of Europe has
best for countries other than our own, and b{.en progress towards democracy-whether
to rush into the hazard of a foreign war in England, Spain, Italy, Austria-Hungary,
b)' the unrestrained expression of our sym- Germany, France, or Scandinavia. Thp
pathies with democratic uprisings would difference in the history of these national-
have been foolish indeed. These were the ities, during the nineteenth centur)', has
entangling alliances against which 'Vash- Lfen a difference not in the direction in
ÍJ1gton admonished his countrymen, and which their life ha.s tended, but in the
we may say that his admonition against rapidity with which it has moved. The
such entangling alliances it were wen for yoke of Rourbonism is broken fore\'er; the
us to heed, if necessity shouhI arise, even Holy Alliance will never he reformed.
now. . Politically, socially, industrially. and ('\"en
Rut since \Yashington's "Farewell Ad- physically, the Unit('d 8tat(,8 and Europe
dress" the world has mO\"ed. and America have been drawn tog-ether by the irresist-
has moved most rapidly of all the world. iblc course of e\"ent
.
It takes us little, if any, longer to cross \\?e are identified with the civilized
from our eastern seaboard to Europe's world, interested in its prohlems, con-
western seaboard than from our eastern to ccrned in its progress, injured in its dis-
our western boundary. The cable enables asters, helped by its prosperi ties. The
us to converse with Liverpool as readily time has therefore passed when the United
as with Chicago or San Francisco. The Rtates can say, "\Ve are sufficient unto
prices of wheat in I
iverpool determine the ourselves; we will go our wa)"; the rest of
4
ABBOTT, LYMAN
the world may go its way." The question of a good understanding between the
Ü, not, "Shall we avoid entangling al. United States and England, in the hope
liances Y" \Y e are entangled with all the that in time it will grow to a more formal
nations of the globe; by commerce, by alJiance-civic, commercial, and industrial,
manufactures, by race and religious affilia- rather than naval or military-and yet an
tions, by popular and political sympathies. alliance that will make us, for the pur-
The question for us to determine is not poses of our international life, one people.
whether we shall live and work in fellow- though not politicalJy one nation. There
ship with European nations, but whether are three reasons which suggest the wis-
we shall choose our fellowship with wise dom of the establishment and maintenance
judgment and definite purpose, or whether of such good understanding and the hope
we shall allow ourselves to drift into such of such possibly more formal alliance with
fellowships as political accident or the our kin be,yond the sea.
changing incidents of human history may 1. Though our commercial interests are
direct. not identical with those of Great Britain,
I am glad of the opportunity to urge on our commercial principles are. England
American citizens the former course. I and the United States are competitors and
believe that the time has come when we rivals in the markets of the world; but
ought, as a nation, to recognize the fact commerce is full of demonstration of the
that we are not merely an American na. fact tha.1 men may be competitors and
tion, but a world nation; when we ought rivals and yet friends and allies. What is
to take our place, with clear and definite true of men is true of nations. All that
understanding that we are doing so, among the people, either of England or the United
the nations of the world; when we ought States, ask, is a free field and no favors.
to form clearly to ourselves our national \Ve have proved ourselves quite competent
purpose, and seek such affiliations as will to compete with any nation, if only the
promote that purpose. It is for this rea- chance for competition is offered us.
son that, though I am, on principle and The great amorphous, ill-organized empire
after mu('h consideration, a bimetallist, I of China is dropping to pieces; Germany,
believe that the nation did wisely in reo France, England, and Japan, are all seek-
jecting the free coinage of silver, and is ing ports of entry through which to push,
doing wisely in attempting to conform its by commercial enterprises, the products of
currency to the currency of the other com- their industry upon people hitherto so lit-
mercial nations of the globe. It is for this tle civiJized as to want but little. In this
reason that I think l\Ir. Blaine proved competition between foreign nations, Eng-
himself statesmanlike in his organization land and Japan have stood, apparently
of a Pan-American Congress, although its alone, for a free and untrammelled com-
immediate results appear to have been merce. If the official statements in Par-
comparatively insignificant. It is for this liament may be trusted, England has won
reason I think the nation should foster by by diplomacy this commercial freedom,
appropriate mea.sures every attempt to which perhaps Germany, and almost cer-
unite the New \Vodd with the Old, tainly Russia, would have been disinclineù .
whether by cable, for the transmission of to grant. It is impossible that there is
intelligence, or by commercial Jines for no need for us to join formally in a com-
the transmission of the products of our mercial alliance with Japan and Great
industry and our mails. It is for this Britain to insist upon this principle of un-
Ieason I think we ought to seize the op- trammelled commerce; but if we npeù not
portunity offered to us to constitute a per- do so, it is only because there is force
manent tribUl13.1 to which intprnational enough in England to secure it without
questions might be referred, as of course, our aid. In the endeavor to secure it, Eng-
for settlement, and especially ought to land is entitled not only to our sympathy,
have seized the opportunity for the 01'- but to the expression of our sympathy.
gani;.ration of such a tribunal for the de- f'he is entitled not only to our good wishes,
termination of national quc>stions between but to our moral support. The United
Great TIritain and the United States. It States is quite as much interested as Eng-
is for this reason I urge the establishment 12nd in the opening of trade with China,
5
ABBOTT, LYMAN
if not even .plore interested. Our western
sea-coast is as yet undeveloped; our eastern
trade is yet in its infancy. When the un-
numbered millions of China shall wake up,
when they shall begin to feel the vivifying
influence of civilization, when they begin
to demand railroads and telegraphs, bicy-
cles and buggies, elevators and electric
lights, cars for their streets, mills for their
water-courses, agricultural implements for
their farms, carpets for their floors, pianos
and cabinet organs for their boys and girls,
-in short, the conveniences and comforts
of modern civilization for their awakening
population, it will be alike our interest,
our right, and our duty to have a free op-
portunity to share in the work of provid-
ing them with this equipment of a higher
life. What is so evident respecting China
that the dullest of vision may see it, is
equally, though as yet less evidently, true
of other great unreached populations. The
United States is only less interested than
Great Britain in the larger life of India;
and in the civilization of Africa, which
still seems remote, but not so remote as
it did before the travels of Livingstone
and Stanley, and which, when it comes,
will add a new incentive to the fruitful
industry of our mills, as well as of English
mills, if we are wise in our statesmanship
to forecast the future and to provide for
it. If England and America join hands
in a generous rivalry, they can lead the
world commercialJy. On that road lies
our highway to national prosperity.
2. PolitiC"al advantages as well as ('om-
mercial advantages call on us to establish
and maintain a good understanding with
Great Britain, and to be ready to formu-
late that good understanding in a more
definite alliance whenever the occasion
shall arise which necessitates it. The
Cuban revolution and the consequent em-
broglio with Spain, threatening as I write
to break out any hour into war, illustrate
thE' difficulty of avoiding altogether col-
lisions with foreign powers. This is the
most pressing and immediate illustration.
but not the onlv one. \Ve have interests
in Turkey which have been strangely dis-
regarded, though not overlooked. Ameri-
can property has been destroyed, the peací'
of American citizens disturbed and their
lives threatened. Turkey is far away, and
it has been difficult, perhaps impossible.
6
so to press our claims upon the Porte as to
secure satisfaction for the outrages per-
petrated with its connivance, if not by its
authority. The injuries to our commerce
inflicted by Algel'ine pirates, our long en-
durance of those injuries, and our final
naval warfare against the marine ma-raud-
ers, are matters of familiar American
ldstory. With Americans not only travel-
ling everywhere on the globe, but settling
and engaging in business wherever there is
business to be done, no one can foresee
when an international complication may
arise, involving strained relations between
ourselves and some other nationality. It
would be no small ad vantage under such
circumstances to have established such re-
13tions with Great Britain that she would
be our natural friend, would give to us
her moral support, and would, perhaps, in
case of exigency, lend support that would
be more than moral. I am not considering
in this article the practicability of such a
relationship. I do not stop to discuss the
question whether Great Britain would be
likely to enter into it with us, or whether
we should be likely to enter into it with
Great Britain. \Vriting for American, not
for English, readers, I do not attempt to
point out the advantages to Great Britain
as well as to ourselves. :My object is
simply to show that there would be a real,
a tangible, a practical advantage, one that
can be measured in dollars and cents, in
the establishment of such relationship be-
tween these two great Anglo-Saxon com-
munities, that they would be recognized
by the civilized world as standing together
in amity, making a common cause, not
against the rest of the world, but in favor
of one principle to which they are alike
committed, and in which they are alike
interested-the principle expressed by the
one word, liberty.
It may be assumed that the United
States will never desire to encroach upon
the territory of any European power; that,
if it comes into the peril of war, it will
be 110t through its desire to colonize on
uncivilized territory. nor its desire to seize
upon some fragment of civilized territory
belonging to another nation, but from its
passion for liberty; a passion sometimes
exhibited in strong national sympathy for
a struggling people such as the Cubans,
sometimes in the strong determination to
ABBOTT, LYMAN
preserve the liberty of our own people, as
in our war against the Algerine pirates.
If England and America were thus to
stand together for liberty it would be diffi-
cult to form a combination which could
withstand them so long as they were
moderate, just, and rational in their de-
mands.
3. Both the commercial and the political
advantages of such a good understanding,
growing into a formal alliance a.s is here
suggested, are dependent upon the moral
advantage to the world which would grow
out of it. It is true that in a sense the
United States is neither a Christian nor
an Anglo-Saxon nation. It is not officially
Christian, if thereby is meant a nation
which ghes political or financial advan-
tage to one religion or another. It is not
Anglo-Saxon, if thereby is meant a nation
which sets itself to confer political power
upon one race over another. But though
it is officiaJIy neither Christian nor Anglo-
Saxon, it is practicaHy both. Its ethical
standards are not those of Mohammedan-
ism or Confucianism, but those of Chris-
tianity. Its ruling force in the country,
educational, political, and, on the whole,
commercial, is not Celtic, nor Sclavic, nor
Semitic, nor African, nor Mongolian, but
Anglo-Saxon. Thus in its religious spirit,
though not altogether in its religious in-
stitutions, in its pra.ctical leadership,
though not in the constituent elements of
its population. and in its national history
and the gc>nesis of its political institu-
tions, the United States is of kin to Great
Britain. The two represent the same es-
sential political ideals; they are both
democratic; they both represent the same
et hical ideals; they are Christian; and
they both represent the same race leader-
f'hip; they are Anglo-Saxon. In so far as
their conjoint influence dominates the
world, it wiII carry with it a tendency
towards libertyin the political institutions
organi7ed, a tendency towards Christianity
in the ethical spirit of the society created,
and a tendency towards that energy, that
intelligence, and that thrift which are the
characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon race in
the ]ife promoted. It is from the combina-
tion of these three elements in society-
pelitical liberty, Christian ethics, Anglo-
Sa"'Con energ-y-that what we call civiliza-
tion proceeds. And it is out of thif'; civ-
ilization thus inspired by Anglo-Saxon
energy, thus controlled by Christian ethics,
and thus given opportunity for growth by
political liberty that industrial prosper-
ity, commercial wealth, and human earthly
well-being are founded. Thus the moral ad-
vantages of such a good understanding be-
tween Great Britain and the United States
as is here suggested are more important
than the commercial and political advan-
tages. because the commercial and politi-
cal advantages are dependent upon the
moral. It is indeed impossible to separate
them, except in statements and for the
convenience of clear thinking. Great
Britain and the United States cannot com-
bine to promote the commercial prosperity
of either nation, or the political protection
of the citizens of either in communities
less free than their own, except as they
combine to promote that world civilization
which is founded on political liberty,
Christian ethics, and Anglo-Saxon energy.
Let Great Britain and the United States
work together for the world's civilization,
and, on the one hand, no reactionary forces
can withstand their combined influence;
and on the other, no imagination can esti-
mate the pecuniary and the political ad-
vantages, first to these two nations, and
next to the whole world, which would
come from such a combination. \Vhoever
in either country sows discord between
the two is, whether he knows it or not,
the political and commercial enemy of
both countries, and the enemy of the
world's civilization.
Thus far I have suggested only" a good
uJlderstanding," because this is immedi-
ately practicable, yet I have in my imagi-
nation an ideal towards which such a good
understanding might tend, but which
would far transcend anything suggested
by that somewhat vague phrase. Let us
suppose, then, that Great Britain and the
United States Were to enter into an alli-
ance involving these three elements: first.
absolute reciprocity of trade; second, a
tribunal to which should be referred for
settlement, as a matter of course, all
questions arising between the two na-
tions, as now all questions arising
between the various States of this
Union are referred to the Supreme
Court of the United States; third, a
mutual pledge that an assault on one
7
ABENAKES-ABERT
sllOuld be regarded as an assault on both, army; was made major-general in 1756,
so that as towards other nations these iwo lieutenant-general in 1759, and general in
would be united as the various States of 1772. He came to America in 17.36, where
this Union stand united towards an other he held the chief militarv command until
States. Such an alliance would include the arrival of Lord Loudoun. After the
not only our own country and the British departure of that officer, Abercrombie re-
Isles, but all the colonies and dependencies sumed tIle command. In July, 1758, he
of Great Britain-Canada, Australasia, attacked TICO
DEROGA (q. v.) with a large
nd in time such provinces in Asia and force, but was repulsed with a loss of
Africa as are under British domination about 2,000 men. He was succl'eded by
and administration. It would unite in the General Amherst in Septemher following;
furtherance of a Christian civilization all returned to England in 1759, and became
the Anglo-Saxon peoples, and all the peo- a member of Parliament, wherein he ad-
pIes acting under the guidance and con- ,ocated the obnoxious measures that led
troJJing influence of Anglo-Saxon leaders. to the War of the Revolution in 1775.
It would gradual1y draw into itself other He died April 28, 1781, while Governor of
peoples of like minds though of foreign Stirling Castle.
race, such as, in the far East, the people Abercrombie, JAMES, military officer;
of .Tapan. It would create a new con- son of Gen. James Abercrombie. He
federation based on principles and ideas, }.ad served on the statT of General Am-
not on tradition, and bounded by the pos- herst, in America, and was commissioned
sibilities of human development, not by a lieutenant in the British army in :;\[arch,
eographical lines. It would give a new li70. While leading the British Grena-
significance to the motto "E Plurihus diers in the battle of Dunker (Breed) Hill,
LTnum," and \\ould Cloeate a new United June 17, 1775, he was mortally woundpd,
States of the World. of which the Lnited dying in Boston on the 24th. See BUNKER
States of America would be a component HILL.
part. \\"ho can meaFure the advantage to Abercrombie, JOlIN JOSEI'll, military
liberty, to democracy, to popular rights officer; born in Tennessee in 1802; was
and popular intellig(>nce, to human graduated at the United States Mili-
progress, to a frpe and practical Christian- tary Academy in 1822. Entering the 1st
ity, which Sllch an aJJiance would bring Infantry, he was its adjutant from 1825
with it! Invincihle against enemies. il- to 1833. Serving in Florida and Mexi-
limitahle in influence, at once inspirinq co, he was promoted to brevet lieu-
and restraining each other, these two na- tenant-colonel for gallantry in the battle
tions, embodying the energy, the enter- of l\lonterey, where he was severely wound-
prise, and the conscience of the Anglo- edo He was commissioned lieutenant-
Sa
on race, would by the mere fact of colonel in May, 18.32, and colonel in Feb-
their co-operation produce a result in ruary, IR61, and was brevetted brigadiu-
human history which would suppress all g'pneral, U. S. A., March 13, 1865. In
that present imagination can conceive or June following he retired. He was a brig-
present hope anticipate. See ANGLO- adier-general of volunteers in the Civil
AMERICAN LEAGUE. \Var, and commanded a hrigade in Patter-
Abenakes, or Abnakis (" Men of the son's division on the Upper Potomac in
Eastern T-and"), a group of ALGONQPIAN IR61. He was transferred to Dank's divi-
(q. v.) tribes of Indians, orig-inally occu- sion in July. }
arly in 1862 he joined the
pying the territory now included within Army of the Potomac, and was slightly
the State of Maine. They included the wounded in the ba ttle of FAIR OAKS (q. v.).
Penobscot, Norridgewock, and Arosgunta- He died in Rosl
'n, N. Y., .Tan. 3, 187ï.
cook families, and in the disturbances of Abert, JOliN JAMES, military engi-
the day adherpd to the French, whose mis- neeI'; horn in Shepherdstown, Va., Sept.
sionaries converted most of them to 27, I ì78: was graduat(>d at the Unit(>d
Christianity. States
[ilitary Academy in lRll; f100n
Abercrombie, JAMES, military officer; afterwards refligned; studied law, and was
born at Glassaugh, Scotland, in 1706. In admitted to the bar; served as a private
1746 he became a colonel in the British soldier in the defence of the national capi-
S
ABINGDON-ABOLITIONISTS
tal in the War of 1812, and in 1814 was of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wis-
re-appointed to the army as a topographi- consin, and part of Minnesota, was secured
cal engineer, becoming chief of the corps by the Ordinance of 1787. In 1807, Con-
in 1838. He was associated with the con- gress passed an act for the abolition of the
struction of many of the early national slave-trade on Jan. 1, 1808. Slavery in
works of engineering, and was one of the part of the Louisiana Purchase, including
organizers of the National Institute of the present States of Iowa, Oregon, Kan-
Science, which was merged into the sas, Nebraska, part of Colorado, and part
S
nTIISOXIA '" I
STITUTION (q. v.). He of :Minnesota, was abolished by the Mls-
died in \Y ashington, D. C., Dec. 27, 1863. SOURI CmlPRoMISE (q. v.), whose validity
Abingdon, a town in 'Vashington was rejected by the Supreme Court (see
county, Ya., 315 miles' southwest of Rich- DRED SCOTT DECISION) ; but the provision
mond. It has valuable deposits of salt, for abolition was embodied in the consti
iron, and gypsum, and is noted as being tutions of these States as they were
the place from which the greater part of severally admitted. In course of time
the salt used in the Southern States and gradual abolition took effect in the States
the Confederate army during the Civil which had adopted it by statute, and in
"'ar was obtained. Burbridge's division 1850 slavery as an institution had practi-
of F;toncman's cavalry defeated the Con- cally disappeared from them. Slavery was
federates under Echols, and captured the finally abolished from all the territory of
town. Dec. 15, 1864. the United States by the Emancipation
Abolition. During the early Jears of Proclamation of Prpsident Lincoln and the
our national history, abolition was a de- adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment to
sire rather than a purpose, and mo!'t the national Constitution, in 1863-65.
humane and thinking men, Korth and See CONSTITUTION, NATIONAL; E1.IANCIPA-
South, were abolitionists. Previous to TION PROCLAMATIONS.
the meeting of the first Continental Con- Abolitionists. The first society estab-
gress, in 1774, many of the colonies had liE,hed for promoting public sentiment in
made protests against the further impor- favor of the abolition of slavery was
tation of slaves, and at least two of them, formed in Philadelphia on April 14, 1775,
Virginia and Massachusetts, had passed with Benjamin Franklin as president and
l"csolutions abolishing the traffic. The Benjamin Rush as secretary. John Jay
Quakers, or Society of Friends, had, since was the first president of a society for
1760, made ",lave-holding and slave-trading the same purpose formed in New York,
a matter of church discipline. The 'Var Jan. 25, 1785, and called the" New York
for Independence, and the adoption of the Manumission Society." The Society of
Constitution, in 1787, which included the Friends, or Quakers, always opposed sla-
compromise resolution that provided for very, and were a perpetual and active aho-
the continuation of the slave-trade, by per- liUon sodety, presenting to the national
mission, until 1808, caused very little Congress the first petition on the subject.
cnange in the sentiment of the people, and OtJwr abolition societies followed-in
all hoped that in some way, not yet Rhode J sland in 1786, in MarJland in 178!),
imagined, the gradual and peaceful aboli- in Connecticut in 1790, in Virginia in 1791,
tion of slavery would be accomplished. and in N"ew Jersey in 1792. These societies
In 1777, Vermont, not yet admitted to held annual conventions, and their opera-
the Union, formed a State constitution tions were viewed by the more humane
abolishing slavery. Like constitutions slave-holders with fjome favor, 8ince they
were adopted by Massachusetts, including aimed at nothing practical or troublesome,
Maine, in 1780. and by Xew Hampshire in except petitions to Congress, and sprved as
1783. Gradual abolition was secllrpd bv a moral palliative to the continuance of
statute in Pennsylvania in 1780, in Rhod'e the practice. The aholition of the African
Island and Connecticut in 1784, in Kew slave-trad(" by Great Britain in 1807, and
York in 17!)!}, and in New Jersey in 1804. by the United States in 1808, came as a
Aholition of slavery in the Northwest Ter- great relief to the abolition societies,
ritory, north of the Ohio and east of the whi{'h had grown discouraged by the evi-
Mississippi, including the present States dent impossibility of effecting anything in
fI
ABOLITIONISTS
the South, and were now ready to accept from Wilberforce, Zachary ::-.racaulay, Dan-
this success as the Hmit of possibility for iel O'Connell, and other English abolition-
the present. In 1801, Thomas Jefferson ists,a condemnation of the colonizationists.
and Gov. James Monroe, of Virginia, In December, 1833, the American Anti-Sla-
had considerable correspondence on the very Society was organized, in Philadel-
subject of colonizing free blacks outside phia, by an abolition convention of which
of the country. In the autumn of 1816, a l3eriah Green was president and Lewis
society for this purpose was organized in Tappan and John G. Whittier secretaries.
Princeton, N. J. The Yirginia Legislat- I.'rom this time the question became of
ure commended the matter to the govern- national importance. Ablt." and earnt."st
n-.ent, and in December, 1816, the "Ka- men, such as \Veld, J\Iay, and Phillips,
tional Colonization Society" met in \Vash- journeyed through the Korthern States
ington. Its object was to encourage eman- as the agents of the Kational Society,
clpation by procuring a place outside of founding Rtate branches and everywhere
the United States, preferably in Africa, to lecturing on aboHtion, and were often met
which free negroes could be aided in em i- b
' mob violence. In Connecticut, in 1833,
grating. Its indirect object was to rid the Miss Prudence Crandall, of Canterbury,
South of the free black population, which opened her school for negro girls. The
had already become a nuisance. Its Legislature, by act of May 24, 1833, for-
branches spread into almost every State, bade the establishment of such schools,
and for fourteen years its organization and imprisoned Miss Crandall. Being set
\\ as warmly furthered by every phil an- at liberty, she was ostracized by her neigh-
thropist in the
outh as well as in the bors and her school broken up. For a
Korth. It is noteworthy that, though the year George Thomson, who had done much
sûcit."ty made no real attack upon slavery, to secure British emancipation in the
a
an institution, nearly every person, "-est Indips, lectured throughout the
noted after 1831 as an abolitionist, was be- North. H(' was mobbed in Boston, and
fore that year a colonizationist. At first escaped from the country in disguise, in
free negroes were sent to the British col- November, IS35. On Nov. 7, IS37, ELIJAH
ony of Sierra Leone. In 1820, the society P. LOVEJOY (q. v.), a Presbyterian minis-
hied and became dissatisfied with Sher- tel', who had estahlished an abolition news-
brook bland, and on Dec. 15, IS21, a per- paper in AIton, Ill., was mobbed and shot
manent location was purchased at Cape to death. These occurrences did not cease
Uesurado. In IS.!7. the colony declared it- entirely until the beginning of the Civil
s
If an independent republic under the \Var, in 1861. In the South rewards were
name of IjIBERIA (g. v.), its capital being otlered for the capture of prominent abo-
Monrovia. litionists, and a suspension of commercial
It was in IS30 that the abolitionist move- intHcourse was threatened. The Southern
ment proper bpgan. In 1829-30, William States objected to the use of the mails
Ijloyd Garrison engaged with Benjamin for the circulation of anti-slavery litera-
Lundy in publishing The Genius of Uni- ture. A bill forbidding such use was
rcrsal Emancipation, in Baltimore. Gar- voted on in Congress, but lost, and in its
rison's first efforts were directed against stead the care of abolition documents was
the Colonization Society and graùual abo- Ipft, with final success, to the postmasters
lition. He insisted on the use of every and the States. 'l'he Garrisonian abo/i-
means at all times towards abolition with- tionists were always radical. They criti-
<,ut rt."gard to the wisht."s of slave-owners. cised the Church, condemned the Consti-
The effects were almost immediately ap- tution, refused to vote, and woman's
parent. Abolition. with its new elements rights, free lo\'e, community of property,
of effort and intention, was no longer a and all sorts of noyel social ideas were
doctrine to be quietly and beni
antly dis- espoused by them. In 1838J.he political
cussed by slave-owners. On Jan. I, IS31, abolitionists. including Birney, the Tap-
Garrison began publishing The Liberator, pans, Gerrit Smith. Whittier, Judge Jay,
in Boston; the New England Anti-Slavery F.dward Beecher, Thomas Morris, and
Society was formed Jan. I, IS
2; in 1833 others seceded, and in IR40 organi2:ed
Garrison vi!'ited F.ngland, and secured thc American and Foreign Anti-Slavery
10
ABOVILLE-ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
Society, and under this name prosecuted ford. After the committee had exonerated
their work with more success than the t.he Secretary, "Ir. Edwards was recalled
original society. In 1839-40 the LIBERTY to substantiate his charges, but failed to
PARTY (q. v.) was formed, and in the do so. This episode became known as the
Presidential election of 1844 Birney and A. B. Plot.
Morris received 62,300 votes, most of which Abraham, HEIGHTS OR PLAINS OF, near
would have gone to Clay, and thus made Quebec, named from Abraham )Ia.rtin,
possible the election of Polk, the annexation who owned a piece of land there in the
of Texas, and the addition of an immense early times of the colony. On this plateau
amount of slave territory to the United was fought a battle between French and
States. In the next two Presidential elec- English, Sept. 13, ] 759, gaining Canada
tions the abolitionists voted with the FREE- for the English. Both commanders, Mont-
SOIL PARTY (q. v.), and after 1856 with the calm and Wolfe, were killed, the latter at
Eepublicans, though rather as a.n auxiliary the moment of victory. See CANADA;
than as an integral part of the party. MONTCAJ.l\I DE ST. VÊRAN; 'VOLFE, JAMES.
During the period 1850-60 the most active Academy of Arts and Sciences,
exertions of the abolitionists were cen- AMERICAN, an organization founded in
tred in a!<sisting fugitive slaves to reach JJoston in 1778 for the encouragement of
places of safety in Canada (see FUGITIVE arts and sciences; has published JJ1 e-
SLAVE LAW and U
DERGROUND RAILWAY). m.oirs since 1785, and P1'oceedings sincè
The result of the Civil War (1861-65) 1846.
was the total abolition of slavery in all Academy of Design, NATIONAL, an art
the States. Soon after the adoption of the institution founded in New York City in
Thirteenth Amendment, the publication of 1826; originally occupying a building on
'l'he Liberator ceased and the Anti-Slavery the corner of Fourth Avenue and Twenty-
Society dissolved. as natural results. third Street, which was sold in 189.3, and
Aboville, FRANCOIS MARIE, COUNT D', a. new structure was begun on Amsterdam
military officer; bo'rn in Brest, France, in Avenue and One Hundred and Kinth
January, 1730; came to America with the Street. The academy conducts schools in
rank of colonel during the Revolutionary ,arious branches of the fine arts, and
'Var, and at the siege of Yorktown com- holds semi-annual exhibitions at which a
manded Rochambeau's artillery. In 1788 number of valuable prizes are awarded.
he was commissioned a brigadier-general; The members consist of academicians and
in 1792 was commander of the French a!'tsociates, each of whom must be an artist
Army of the Korth; and in 1807 became of recognized merit. The associates, who
governor of Brest with the rank of lieu- are entitled to use the letters A.N.A. after
tenant-general. He supported the cause their names, are chO!:;en from the general
of the Bourbons and after the Restoration body of the artists, and the academicians,
was made a peer. He died Kov. I, 1817. who may use N.A., are elected from the
A. B. Plot. On April 19, 1824, Ninian associates. Approved laymen may beconlP
Edwards, a former United States Senator fellows on payment of a fee. The schools
from Illinois, presented an address to the fire open to both sexes, are free, and open
Congress, preferring charges against 'Vill- fwm the first Monday in October in ea.ch
ium H. Crawford, then Secretary of the :rear till the 1st of .June following.
Treasury and a candidate for the Presi- Academy of Natural Sciences, an in-
dency. The address was accompanied by stitution in Philadelphia, Pa.; founded in
letters, reflecting on the integri ty of Sec- 1812; has published Journals since 1817.
retary Crawford, signed A. B. The House and P.roceedings since 1841; and is noted
appointpd a committee of seven to inves- for its very large collection of specimens
tigate the charges, and on May 25 the in natural history.
committee submitteù a report exonerating Academy of Sciences, NATIONAL, an
F:ecretary Crawford. \Yhile on his way to institution incorporated by act of Con-
Mexico, to which he had been sent on a gress March 3, 1863; comprising active
public mi
sion, Mr. Edwards acknowledged and honorary members and foreign asso-
the authorship of the letters and also made cÏates. Under the act of incorporation it
new accusations against Secretary Craw- is the duty of the academy to investigate,
11
ACADEMY-ACADIA
examine, experiment, and report upon any Great Britain. "Better," said the Jesuits,
subject of science or art submitted to it .. surrender your meadows to the sea and
by any department of the national gov- ;your treasures to the flames than, at the
ernment, the expense of such investigations peril of your souls, to take the oath of al-
being paid from appropriations for the legiance to the British government." So
purpose. the priests, with which Canada furnished
Academy, UNITED STATES MILITARY. them, and on whom they implicitly relied,
See MILITARY ACADE}IY. disturbed the peace and led them on to
Academy, UNITED STATES KA\'AL. See their ruinous troubles. At one time they
NAVAL ACADEMY. would resolve to flee to Canada; at another
Acadia, or Acadié, the ancient name of the love of their homes would make them
:KovA SCOTIA (q. v.) and adjacent regions. resolve to remain. The haughtiness of
It is supposed to have been visited by Se- Rritish officers aided the priests in foment-
bastian Cabot in 14Ð8, but the first at- ing- disaffection. The English despised the
t<:>mpt to plant a settlement there was by Acadians because they were helpless in
De :Monts, in 1604, who obtained a charter their lack of knowledge of English laws,
from the King of France for making set- and they were continually robhpd of their
tJements and carrying on trade. In that rig-hts and property by English officials.
dlarter it is called Cadié, and by the early Wa
any of their prop<"rty demanded for
s(.ttlers it was known as L'Acadié. A set- the public service, they were "not to be
tJement was made at a place named Port hargained with for payment"; so the
Hoyal (now Annapolis), by Poutrincourt, orders ran. Under various pretences they
a bosom friend of De Monts, but it was "ere continually shorn, yet they meekly
broken up in 1613, by Argall, from Vir- submitted to the tyranny of their masters.
ginia. These French emigrants built cot- The English offic('rs were authorized to
tages sixteen years before the Pilgrims punish Acadians for what they might deem
landed on the shores of New England. misbehavior, at their discretion. and, if
When English people came, antagonisms nritish troops should be annoycd by them,
arising from difference of religion and they might inflict vengean('e on the nearest
nationality appeared, and. after repeated Acadians" whether guilty or not." Final-
struggles between the English and French ly, pprsuaded by the Frpnch government
for the possession of Acadia, it was ceded and their priests, the A('adians ahandoned
to Great Britain by the treaty of Utrecht nearly all the peninsula, amI settled them-
in 1713. But for many years not a dozen selves in a fertile region on the isthmus be-
}:nglish families were seen there. The de- tween the northern extremity of the nay of
scendants of the early French settlers oc- Fundy and Northumberland Strait. The
cupied the land, and were a peaceable, o"ject of the movement was to make them
pastoral people, who never engaged in the form a barrier againi"t the enproa('hmpnts
forays of the French and Indians along of the English. Thpr<" the French huilt
the New England frontiers. They were two forts, the principal of wl1ich was Reau
attaphed to their fatherland and their Rf.jour, on the Hay of Fundy, wl]('re the
religion, and they refused to fight against isthmus is only 15 milps wide. In .TtIllP,
the former or abjure the latter. This at- 171):"j. a land and naval armament came
titude was accorded to them by solemn from Roo;;ton. landed at the head of the
agreements, and they were known as nay of Fundy, captured the forts. and
"French Keutrals." They were happy in took military possession of the country of
thpir neutrality, and in their isolation the Fren('h Nputrals. The Frpnch solðiers
Uley formed one great and 100'ing family. w('re spnt to Louishurg, and the Acadian
I'ure in morals, pious without bigotry, who had been forcpd into the French ser-
honpst, industrious, and frugal, th('y pre- vice were g-rantpd an amnesty. They read-
s<,nted an outline picture of Utopia. ily took an oath of allegiance, exppcted
\Vhen New-Englanders began to coloniz<" forbparance, and went on quietly cultivat-
Nova Scotia vigorously, their priests. fired ing their land. Hut the exasppration of
with zeal for the Church, disturbed their the people of New England. hecause of the
repose hy dread of "heretics" and warn- horrible forays of the Frpnph amI T ndian!õl
ings not to take the oath of allegiance to on their frontiers, had to he apppaspd, and
12
ACADIA
nngeance was inflicted upon these in no- ing hymns, while on each side of the sad
cent people. It was resolved to banish the procession was a row of women and chil-
}'ren(h Neutrals from their country. dren on their knees, imploring blessings
Governor Shirley had proposed it years upon the heads of dear ones. They were
before, in order to supply their place with all finally distributed in the various Eng-
Protestants; and the British government ]ish colonies. Many families, separated
had promoted emigration thither, that a at the outset by the cruel arrangements
strong admixture of Protestants might for their transportation, were never re-
neutralize the efforts of the priests to united; and for a long time the colonial
make the Acadians disloyal. Now Shir- newspapers contained advertisements seek-
ley's scheme was adopted, and General ing information about fragments of dis-
\Yinslow, who commanded the invaders, membered families. They were dropped
was made the encutor of it. along the shores of the English colonies,
It was beliend by the English that if from the Penobscot to the Savannah, with-
the Acadians were permitted to go to out resources, and ignorant of the lan-
Canada or Cape Breton, they would thus guage of the people among whom they were
strengthen the enemies of the English; thrust, excepting in South Carolina, where
to distrihute them would destroy their the Huguenot families treated them with
strength and prevent attempts to return. great kindness. They abhorred the alms-
To accompJi
h this, a disgraceful artifice house and dreaded service in English
was employed. The EngJi
h authorities families. They yearned intensely for their
i
sued a proclamation, ordering" both old native land and kindred in language and
and young men. as wen as an the lads of religion. Many wandered through the
ten years of age," to as'ìemble on Rppt. 5, forests to Canada and Louisiana-men,
1755, at def'ig71ated places. They obeyed. women, and children-sheltered in bush-
The proceedings at one place afford a fair camps and kindly cared for by the Indians,
picture of those at all others. At Grand- that they might rest under French do-
J'r(i, 418 unarmed men and youths were minion. Some families went to sea in
s
emhled. and marched into the church. open boats, to find their way back to
There General \Yinslow told them they Acadia; and, coasting along the shores of
had been caned together to hear the de- New England, were there met by orders
cision of the King of England in regard to from Nova Scotia to stop all returning
the .French inhahitants of the province. fugitives. Many touching stories of par
"Your lanrls and tenpments," he said. ents seeking their children. hushamls their
"cattle of all kinds. and live-stoC'k of all wives, and lo\'ers their aflbnccd han been
sorts. are forfeited to the crown, and
'ou. related. It is a sad, sad story of man's
yourselves. are to be remo\-pd from this inhumanity to man.
11Ïs provin('e. I am. through his
Iajest.r's Even in their bitter exile the Acadians
goodness. directed to allow you liberty to were subjected to the hatred and cruelty
carry off
-our money and household goods, of English officials. 'Yhen LORD LOUDOUN
as many as you can. without discommod- (q. t'.) was commander-in-chief in Amer-
ing thp ypssel
you (!o in. You are now ita. some of the Acadians settled in Penn-
the ](irlfl'!OI prisorrers." sylvania ventured to address a respectful
Evpry h01Is(>hold in Gnmrl-Prt'> was fillpd pptition to him. ÜffemlC'd hC'cause the
with c
nstermltion. At G1"anrl.Pr
alone docnment was in the French language, the
1.!)2
mpn, WOIll(>n. find f'hilòrcn were driv- Earl seized five of the leading men who
en on board British "NIseI!' at the point signed the pptition. and who had heen per-
of the bayonet. Fully 2.000 werp thus sons of wealth and distinction in Acadia,
expelled from U\('ir homes in AC'adia. The and sent them to England. with a request
mf>n and boys a
semhled at the church that, to pre\-ent their being troublesome
wpnt first;' the sisters. wives. and in the future, they should be consigned to
daughters had to wait for ot1lpr trans- hard service as common sailors in the
ports. They marched from the church to royal na\"y. The King seems to have ap-
the water's edge. some in sullen despair, prond the measure: and the Lords of
others with hanòs clasppd and eyeR uplift- Trade, when the desolation of Acadia "as
ed, pra
-ing and weeping, and others sing- made complete, congratulated the profligate
13
ACCAULT-ACLAND
monarch that the zeal of the governor of
Kova Scotia, who had driven them away,
had been "crowned with entire success."
Exquisitely cruel was the treatment these
poor people received at the hands of their
conquerors. The method employed to le-
gally dispossess the Acadians of their cov-
eted lands was most disgraceful. They had
taken the oath of allegiance, but refused to
take an oath that they would bear arms
against the French if required, and prac-
tically abjure their religion. Exemption
from this had been solemnly promised
them. The governor of Nova Scotia re-
ferred the matter to the chief-justice of
the province as a technical question in
law, whether one who refuses to take all
required oaths could hold lands in the
British dominions. The chief-justice de-
cided against the Acadians, and it was
determined to take their lands away from
them and distribute them among the Eng-
lish colonists. The French government
asked Ipave for tIle Acadians to take with
them their effects and to settle where they
chose. "1\"0," replied their masters, " they
are too useful subjects to be lost; we must
enrich our colonies with them." Unfort-
unately for the poor people, some of their
best men presented a petition to the gov-
ernor at Halifax. He would not receive
it, and demand(>d that they should imme-
diately take the oaths required before the
council. "'Ye wilJ do as Our people may
determine," they meekly replied, and asked
permission to return home and consult
them. The next day, perceiving the peril-
ous position of their people, they offered
to take the 03 ths. "By a law of the
r('alm," said the governor, "Roman Cath-
oJics who have once refused to take the
oaths cannot be permitted to do so after-
wards, and are considered Popish recu-
sants!' Thcy were cast into prison. and
the chief-justice dpddpd that alJ the
Frpnch inhahihmts-hundreds of inno('('nt
iamiJies who were ignorant of all th('
e
pro('eedings-were "rebels and Popish re-
cusants," and stood in the way of " Eng-
]i
h interests" in the country, amI that
they had forfeitf'd all th(>ir p
ssessions to
tJle crown. So thpir doom was s<,aJed.
See Longfellow's Et"angdine.
Accault, MICHAEL. explorer; was with
I,a SalJe when the latter discovered the was with Burgoyne in his invasion of
Mississippi River. Later, with l.ons JlorU)('rn Kew York in 1777, and at the
14
HENNEPIN (q. v.), in the summer of !Gi9,
he was sent by La Salle to explore the
sources of the .Mississippi. They went
up the river as far the Fans of St.
Anthony, where they were captured by
Indians, but were rescued by Daniel
Duluth, a French officer. In a few months
they succe('ded in reaching the trading-
Etation at Green Bay.
Acerraderos, a to\\'n in the province of
Santiago, Cuba, on the Cariblw3n 8<'3, a
few miles west of the entrance to the har-
bor of Santiago. It was here that Gen(>ral
Oarcia, the commander of the Cuban
army, established his camp just before
the opening of the Santiago campai:-.rn in
ums. The United States fleet arrived off
Santiago on June 21, and as soon as pos-
sible General Rhafter and Admiral Samp-
son went ashore and arranged with Gen-
eral Garcia for the co-operation of the
Cu bans under his command. The land-
ing of the United States troops and the
operations of the American army from
that time till tl\(> surrender of Santiago
were greatly facilitated by General Garcia
and his army. See DAIQrIRI.
Acland, JOliN DYKE, military officer;
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MAJ. JOHN DYKE ACLAND.
ACQUIA CREEK-ACQUISITION OF T
RRITORY
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CHKISTIYA HARRIET ACLA:\IJ.
Eame time he was a member of Parlia-
ment. In the battle of Saratoga (Oct. 7,
1777) he was seyerely wounded-shot
through the legs-and made a prisoner.
Taken to the American headquarters on
Bemis's Heights, his devoted wife, Lady
Harriet, was pennitted to }Jass through
the lines and attend him. She was kindly
}"(
ceived and treated by the American
officers, and their bcaring towards their
woundcd prisoners excited the major's
gratitude and warm esteem. After his
return to England he was provoked to
give the lie direct to Lieutenant Lloyd, at
a dinner-party, because the latter cast as-
persions upon the Americans. A duel en-
sued on Bampton Downs. The major was
unhurt, but a se\'ere cold. which he con-
tracted at the time of the duel, culmi-
nated in a fe\'er which caused his death
at his seat at Pixton, Somersetshire, Oct.
31, 1778. His wife, Christina Harriet
Caroline Fox, was a daughter of the first
Earl of II chester ; was born in 1730; mar-
ried John D
'ke Acland in 1770; and
died near Taunton, England, July 21,
1815.
Acquia Creek. See AQUIA CREEK.
ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY
Acquisition of Territory. The origi- a great part of Alabama and Mississippi.
nal territory of the United States as ac- Vermont was admitted as a separate State
knowledged by the treaty with Great in 1791; Kentucky, then a part of Vir-
Rritain, in 1783, consisted of the follow- ginia, in 1792; and Maine, till that time
ing thirteen States: New Hampshire, Mas- claimed by Massachusetts, in 1820.
s3.chusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Provi- Louisiana Pm'chase.-Spain's restric-
dence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, tion of the navigation of the Mississippi,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, the great natural commercial artery of
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South the American continent, was a great an-
Carolina, and Georgia. The boundaries noyance to the settlers on the western
of many of these States, as constituted by slopes of the Alleghanies. It was not un-
their charters, extended to the Pacific til Oct. 17, 17!H1, and aftcr many attempts,
Ocpan; but in practice they ceased at the that Thomas Pinckney succeeded in nego-
Mississippi. Beyond that 1"Ïver the tiating a trcaty of friendship. boundal"ies,
territory belonged, by discovery and and navigation. On Oct. 1, 1800, by the
settlement, to thc King of Spain. treaty of St. Ildefonso, Spain retroceded
All the territory west of the prp\,>pnt to France the vast province of Louisiana.
boundaries of the States was ceded by Bonaparte's design to revÎ\Te. in New 01'-
them to the United States in the order If'ans, the former colonial glories of the
named: Virginia, 1784; Massachusetts, French monarchy more and more menaced
1785; Connecticut, 1786 and 1800; South the United States; navigation was again
Carolina, 1787; North Carolina, 1790; closed; and in Congress, James Ross, Sen-
Georgia, 1802. This ceded territory com- ator from Pennsylvania, introduced reso-
prised part of Minnesota, all of 'Viscon- lutions authorizing the President to call
sin, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio (see out 50,000 militia and to take possession
NORTIIWEST TERRITORY), Tennessee, and oi :New Orleans. Instead of this, Con-
15
ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY
gress appropriated $
,OOO.OOO for the pur- by acts passed in set:ret, in January
chase of the city, and sent James Monroe, and March, 1811, had authorized the
a" minister extraordinary, to co-operate l'rf'sident to take temporary pOððession.
with Livingston, minister to France, in In 1818, during the
cminole \Var, be-
the propospd purchase. April 11, 1803, ing annoyed by Spanish assistance given
Livingston, who had already begun nego- to the Indians, Jackson raidcd east
tiations for the purchase of New Orleans, Florida, captured 81.
Iarks and Pen-
was suddenly invited by Napoleon to sacola, and hanged Arbuthnot and Am.
make an offer for the whole of Louisiana. brister, two British subjects who lUlIl gi\'t'n
On the following day Monroe arrived in aid and comfort to the Indians. 'Ih;!'
Paris, and the two ministers decided to demonstrated so completely that Florida
offer $10.000,000. The price was finally was at the mercy of the rnitpd
t:ltes
fixed at $15,000,000, one-fourth of it to that the Spanish minister at \Vashington
consist in the assumption by the United signed a treat)'. on }'eb. 22, ISH), by which
States of $3,750,000 worth of claims of Spain ceded Florida, in return for the
American citizens against France. The payment of claims of Amnican citizens
trmty was in three conventions-to se- against Spain, amounting to $5,000,000.
cure the ccssion, to ascertain the price, to The ratification by Spain was not securcd
stipulate for the assumption of the claims till 1821, Spain attempting to obtain the
-all sig-ned the same day, April 30, 1803, I.pfusal of the United States. to recognize
by Living:õ;ton and Monroe on one part, the independence of the revolted Spanish-
and Bal'bé-
farbois on the other. This American colonies. The territory pur-
vast purchase added 1,171,931 square chased comprised 59,2ÜS square miles.
milps to the territory of tIle Lnited Oregon.-The trpaty with
pain in
btatcs, including Alabama and Mississippi 1821 settled the western boundary of the
south of the parallel of 310; all of Lou- Louisiana purchase as follows: " Begin-
isiana, Arkansas, Oklahoma, Indian Terri- lIing at the mouth of the Sabine, in the
tory, Missouri, Nebraska, Iowa, North Gulf of
rf'"Xico: up the west bank of the
Dakota, South Dakota, and Montana; f:a bine to the thirty-second degrce of north
1\1innesota, west of the 1\1ississippi; Colo- latitude; tllence north to the Red River;
rado and "'yoming, east of the Rocky along the south hank of the Rpd River to
Mountains; and Kansas, with the excep- the one-hundredth degree of longitude east
Uon of thc southwestern corner. The from Greenwieh: thence north to the Ar-
western houndary was not finally settled kansas; thence along the south bank of the
until after the purchase of Florida, in Arkansas to its source: thence south or
181 fl. north. as the case may he. to tlle forty-
Plorida Purchuse.-The boundary be- second deg-ree north latitmlf'. and along
tween Louisiana and Florida had been that parallel to the Pacific OC"ean." This
long in dispute, Spain claiming all that put out of disputp the territory ('omprising
territory south of the parallel of 31 0 and the prcsent States of \Vashington. Oregon,
C"ast of the
Iississippi River, and the Iòaho, and the westC"rn part of Wyoming,
lTnitpd Statf's fixing it at the Perdido claimed hy the United Rtatps on the
l
iyf'r, the prcs(>nt houndary hptween Flor- grounds of discoyery (1 ï92), e"Xploration
ida and Alabama. In 1810, the people of (1805), and settlf'mC"nt (1811). Thp
west Florida met at Raton Rouge and de- boundary hptwepn the f'tatps of \Yashing-
clared themsch'es independent, and Gov- ton and' Ic1allO, on onp siòe. and Canada.
eruor ClaiboTnP, of the TC"rritor;\' of 01'- 011 the other, was finally dptermined in
leans, was sent by the Presidmt to take 184ft
l'()!-spssion; in 1812 the Pparl Rinr was Tr.l'ns.-In 18
. Tpxas. tlwn a part of
maciC" thp eastern boundary of I
ouisiana. the ],fpxi('an Rppuhlic, refm:pd to rpmain
and tIle remainder of west Florida was a part of Coahuila. and on .\ pril 1
flnne"Xed to
lissis;;;ippi Tprritory; in 1R1:i formed a
lp"Xican Rtatp ('on
titution of
the fort and city of
lobi1e were taken by its own. Thc greatpr part of its popula-
GenEral \\ïlkinson. During this p(>riod t ion had pmigrated from thp sOllthwC"c:tprn
a detprmination of gaining east Florida part of the nnited f'tatpo;. and. on tllP
had been growing rapidly, and Congress, aho1i!'hment of the State constitutions, in
16
92'
ke
nnipeg
ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY
1835, and the appointment of a dictator,
declared itself inùependent of Mexico,
March 2, 1!:!36. After a brief war, dis-
tinguished by two brutal massacres on the
part of the Mexicans at Goliad and the
ALAMO (q. v.), Houston, the Texan com-
mander, with 700 men, met Santa Ana, the
Mcxican President, with 5,000 men, at San
.f ncinto, and totally defeated him. Santa
Ana, to gain his libcrty, signed a treaty
rC'cognizing the independence of the Repub-
lic of Texas. This treaty was never rati-
fied by Mexico; but the United States, and
afterwards England, France, and Belgium,
recognizing the new republic, its indepen-
dence was practically secured. From this
time the annexation of Texas to the
rnited States became a great political
issue, both by the Southern politicians,
who were anxious to add more slave terri-
tory to the enited States, and by Texas
herself, whose finances had fallen into
fearful disorder through careless and
extravagant c
penditurcs. This was not
made possible until the election of Polk
to the Presidency, when the campaign cry
of the South was, "Texas or Disunion."
'fhe fin,t rcsolutions were introduced into
Congress in the Housc, Jan. 25, 1845;
11,\' joint resolution, in the Honse, Dec.
I (i; and in the Senate, Dec. 22. Texas
was admitted as a State without the for-
mality of a treaty. It added 376,133
squarf" miles to the territory of the United
Statcs.
Mcæico and California.-This terri-
tory, comprising 54.),783 square miles,
and including the present States of Cali-
fornia, Nenlda, and Utah, and a large
part of Arizona and New Mexico, and part
of Colonllio. mme to the United States as
a rf"sult of the MEXICAN \V AR (q. v.),
through conquest and purchase. The
treaty, known as the treaty of Guada-
loupe Hidalgo, was signe>d Ff'b. 2, 1848,
and was ratifie>d hy the> Spnate March 10,
the United States pa
'ing $15.000,000 in
acldition to assuming the paynwnt of
claims of American citizens against Mex-
ico amounting to $3,250,000.
fJad.<id('n P1trcha8e.-In 1853 thf" United
f:;tatf'S bonght from
[f'xico a strip of
l:md. now forming that part of Ari70na
and Nf"w l\[pxÏco lying south of the Gila
TIi"e>r and extpmling from the Rio Grande,
nmr EI Paso. on the cast, to the Colorado
I.-B 17
Hiver on the west. GEN. JA1IES GADS-
DEN (q. v.) was at that time minister to
Mexico and negotiated the transfcr, and
this territory, 4.),53:> square miles in ex-
tent, has always borne his name.
Alaska.-This valuable fur and mineral
producing country was first claimed by
Bussia by right of discovcry. By treaty
of March 30, 1867, ratified by the Senate
in special session, June 20, 1867, Russia
ccded the whole of the territory, 557.390
square miles in extent, to the United
States for $7,200,000. See ALASKA.
Hawaii.-In January. 1896, a joint
resolution was introduced into the Lower
House of the United States Congress pro-
viding for the annexation of the Hawaiian
Islands, and was referred to the commit-
tee on foreign affairs. On June 16, 1897,
a treaty was signed in \Vashington by
representath es of both governments and
transmitted to the Senate. The commit-
tee on foreign relations reported favor-
ably upon it, but the Senate adjourned
without action. In Hawaii, the treaty was
ratified by both Houses of the Congress by
Imanimous vote, Sept. 10. Many attempts
were made in latcr sessions of Congress,
but it was not till June 6, 1898, when the
United States Senate adopted a direct an-
nexation resolution, that anything was
accomplished towards the acquisition of
the islands. The President signed the
resolution on the following day, and or-
dered the cruiser Philadelphia to proceed
to HonoluJu and raise the American flag.
Commissioners were appointed to prepare
a plan for the future government of the
islands, and formal possession was taken
on Aug. 12, 1898. See BLOUNT, JAMES H.;
HAWAII.
lVake [sland.-This Jow-Iyin
atoH in
the midst of the Pacific Ocean, half-way
be>tween the Hawaiian Islands and th"e
Philippines, was taken possession of, in
the name of the United States, by a lanù-
ing.party under the command of Com-
mander Edward D. Taussig, of the U. S. S.
B('nnington, Jan. 17, 18!)!). \Vake Island
is said to have been by rights already
American territory. since, in 1831, Ad-
miral \Yilkes surnypd the place and as-
serted title. As a cable station. in view
of the Jaying of a Pacific cable, it will be
inyalua ble. See \" AKE ISLAND.
Porto Rico.-This large and fertile isl-
ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY-ACRELIUS
and, together with its outlying smaller stored negotiations were entered into
islands, came into the possession of the which resulted in the partitioning of the
United States at the close of the Spanish- islands and the surrendering by Germany
Amcrican War, by the ratification of the and Great Britain of all rights to the
treaty of peace (IS!}!}). At the time of island of Tutuila, containing the magnif-
thE' suspension of hostilities General )Iiles icent harbor of Pago Pago, and all other
was conducting a campaign in the island. islands of the Samoan group east of long.
He had met with very little resistance, Iil O \Y. of Greenwich. The treaty was
and had bcen treated by the natives on ratified in the Senate, Jan. 16, 11.100, and
every hand more as a liberator than a con- formal possession of the islands was taken
queror. The island has valuable natural by the President on
Iarch lß. See
resources and possesses a delightful cli- SAMOA; Tun;ILA.
inate. See PORTO RICO. Cibitu and Cagayan.-The Peace CoUl-
Philippine I slands.-After his great missioners in Paris (1899) who nego-
victory in Manila Bay, !\Iay 1, 1898, Dew- tiated the transfer of the Philippine Isl-
ey refrained from attacking the city until ands froUl Spain to the United States
he could receive co-operation from the drew a geographical boundary-line fixed
land forces. General Merritt, as first mil- by meridians of longitude and parallels
itary governor of the Philippines, was of latitude. The lines described a paraI-
despatched immediately with a large mil- lelogram with the exception that there
itary force, which was landed during the was an inset in the southwestern corner
months of June and July. The first land to exclude some islands off the coast of
engagement took place on Aug. 9, near Borneo. A year after the signing of the
Malate, and the city was stormed and capt- treaty of Paris (1899), the fact was dis-
ured on Aug. 13, one day after the sign- conred that in laying down these boun-
ing of the protocol, a fact of which the daries the commissioners had excluded
American gencrals were in ignorance. The the islands of Cibitu and Cagayan of
final treaty of peace (1899) ceded the en- the Philippine group. After negotiations
tire group of islands to the United States lasting for several months, in which Spain
upon the consideration of a payment of refused to recede from her position of
$
O.OOO,OOO. See PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. ownership, the Cnited States, in July.
Guam.-The principal island of the lr.OO, in order to remo\'e cause of possible
Ladrone group, in the Pacific Ocean, was irritation as well as to protect hen,eJf
seized by the Unitetl States naval author i- from their future purchase by other Eu-
ties on June 21, 1898, and was ceded by roppan powers, bought the islands from
Spain to the enited States by the treaty Spain for $100,000. The islands are small
of peace following the Spanish-American Hnd thinly populated. but aTf" valuahle
\Var. Formal American possession was for their pearl and shell fÌsIH'rips. Rati-
taken Feb. 1, 189
. On Oct. 4, 1900, by fÌcations of the treaty of cession were
order of the Navy Department, Guam was exchanged in \Yashington on )[arch 23,
made a s('parate naval and government IDOL
station. The harbor of San Luis d'Apra Sec also A
XEXED TERRITORY, RTAT{TR
is said to be one of the finest in the OF; AXTI.ExPAKSIOXISTS; ATKIXSO
, ED-
world. See AOANA; GUA
1. WARD; BRYA
, 'VILLIA
I .TEXXIXGS; hl-
Samoa.-The independcnce and neutral- PF.RIAT.lS1\1.
ity of the Samoan Islands were guaran- Acre, one of the principal land meas-
teed in 1890 by tripartite agreement be- ures in the United States. The Eng1ish
tween Great Britain, Germany, and the imperial or standard acre, hy sbtutc
United States. The political situation re- (George IV.. 18
4) contains 4.840 square
mained very peaceable until 18!)!), when yard
. anrl this is the accepted standard
some of the followers of ::\Iataafa. the for- in thf" rnited States.
mer king. then in exile. instigated a revo- Acrelius, ISnAEL, clergyman: horn in
lution. This was quickly suppressed by Ostpraker, Swedm, Dpc. 25, 1714-; was
the interference of the above powers. who ordained in I 74
: came to \merica to
landed marines and put the insurgents to presid(' ovpr the S\ndish congregation'! in
flight. Soon after quiet had been re- Kew Sweden in 1749. His work was
]8
ACROPOLIS-ADAIR
marked with success, but after seven of this )'oU shall one day have proof, for
years' toil he was forced to resign by ill- J have sworn to maintain an unsparing
health, and returned to Sweden. His pub- conflict while one white man remains in
lications include The Swedish Colonies in my borders; not openly in the battle-field,
America (1759, translated into English in though even thus we fear not to meet you,
1874), and articles on America. He died but by stratagem, ambush, and midnight
in FelIingsbro, April 25, 1800. See NEW surprisal." De Soto then demanded that
bWEDE:S, FOUXDING OF. Acuera should yield obedience to the Span-
Acropolis, a citadel, usually on the h:h monarch. "I am a king in my own
summit of a rock or hill. The most cele- land," said the cacique, "and will never
brated was the one at Athens. b('come the vassal of a mortal like my-
Acta Diurna, the Roman gazette con- self. Vile and pusillanimous is he who
taining an authorized account of daily submits to the yoke of another when he
transactions. This was exposed daily in lHay be free! As for me and my people,
the Forum. we prefer death to the loss of liberty and
Acuera, a Creek Indian cacique, the the subjugation of our country." De Soto
territory of whose peuple in Florida was could never pacify Acuera, and during
early invaded by De Soto. The cruel- the twenty days that he remained in
ties of Nanaez and De Soto in Florida the cacique's dominions his command suf-
aroused among the native tribes feel- fered dreadfully. A Spaniard could not
ings of the bitterest hatred. Narvaez go 100 paces from his camp without be-
caused a captive cacique, or chief, to be ing slain and his severed head carried in
mutilated after the first engagement with triumph to Acuera. Fourteen Castilians
the hostile Indians. His nose was cut EO perished, and many were severely
otl, and he was otherwise disfigured; and wounded. "Keep on! robbers and trai-
the invadcr caused fierce blood-hounds to tors!" said the cacique. "In my province
tear the chief's mother in pieces in the and in Apalacha you wiII be treated as
presence of her children. Narvaez sup- )'ou deserve. 'Ve will quarter and hang
posed this would strike terror, and make e,-ery captive on the highest tree." And
conquest easy; but he was mistaken. De they did so. See DE SOTO and NARVAEZ.
Soto had hlood-hounds, iron neck-collars, Adair, JA
IES, author; lived among the
handcuffs, chains, and instruments of tort- Chickasaw and Cherokee Indians in Ù35-
me. wherewith to subdue the barbarians, 75. He held the opinion and attempted to
who Wf're really less barharous than he. :;,how that the American Indians were de-
He loaded his captives with cJlains, and scended from the Jews. He was the author
made beasts of burden of them, regardless of a Hi,c;ffJr11 of the American lndian,c; (in
of age or sex. After some acts of this which he elaboratf"d his opinion), and of
kind, he sought to conciliate Acuera, whose vocahularies of Indian dialects.
tcrritory he had invaded, for he was pow- Adair, .JOHN. military officer; born in
edul, and commanded many warriors. De Chester county, S. C., in 1759, He served
Soto invited the dusky
overeign to a in the Continental army during the
friendly interview. when he received from Rf'volution, and in the wars against the
Aeucra thIs haughty r('ply: "Others of frontier Indians in 179}-93. lIe was
your accur!"ed race [Xarvaez and his United States Senator in Con
ress in
men] have, in years past, distnrb('d our 1805-{); and as volunteer aide to Gen-
]'('aceful !'\hores. They have taught me eral Shelby at the battle of the Thames,
what you are. '''hat i!'\ your employment 1 in 1813, he showed much bravery
'}'p wander about like vagahonds from land and skill. He distinguished himself as
to land; to roh the poor and weak: to be- <'Ommander of the Kentucky troops in
tray the confiding; to murder the defence- the batt If" of New Orleans, in January,
l('ss in cold blood. No! with such a peo- 1815. From 1820 to 1824 he was govern-
p1e I want neithpr peace nor frif"ndship. or of IÜntucky, having served in the legis-
War-never-pnding. exterminating war- lature of that State; and from 1831 to
is all I a!'\k. You boast yourself to be 1833 was a Representative in Congress.
,,'aliant-and so you may be; but my He died in Harrodsburg, Ky., May 19,
faithful warriors are not less brave, and 1840.
19
ADAIR-ADAMS
Adair, WILLIAM P., born in 18
8. He
was one of the chiefs of the Cherokee na-
tion. and commanded a brigade of Indians
organized by Gen. Albert Pike on behalf
of the Confederacy. This brigade took
part in the battle of Pea Ridge, Ark., in
18ß2. He died in 1880.
Adams and Liberty. See PAI
E, R. T.
Adams,ABIGAIL (SMITH), wife of Pres-
ident John Adams; born in \Yeymouth,
!\Iass., Nov. 23, 1744; daughter of the Rev.
William Smith; was married Aug. 25, 1 i64,
when 1\Ir. Adams was a rising young law-
'er in Boston. In li81 she joined her hus-
band in France, and in the following year
went with him to London, where neither
her husband nor herself received the cour-
tesies due their position. In li89-181O
she resided at the seat of the national
government, and passcd the remainder of
her life in the Quincy part of Braintree,
d,ring Oct. 28, 1818. Her correspondence,
preserved in Pamiliar Letters of Johl
Adams and His Wife, Abigail Adams, dllr-
1l1g the Revolution, throws important light
upon the life of the times which it
covers.
Adams, BROOKS, author; born in Quin-
cy, 1\Iass., June 21, 1848; son of Charles
llrancÏs; was graduated at Harvard Col-
}('ge in 18iO; spent a year in the law
school there; was secretary to his father
while the latter was serving as an arbi-
trator on the .4.1abama Claims, under the
Treaty of \Yashington; and after his re-
turn from Geneva he was admitted to the
bar and practised till 1881, when he be-
gan applying himself chiefly to literature.
BeElides numerous articles in magazines
and other periodicals, he has published The
Emancipation of Jlassachusetts, The Law
of CïvilizatiOfI and Decay, etc.
Adams, CHARLES, lawyer; born in Ar-
lington Vt., :\[arch 12, 178;;; educated
himself for collf"ge, and was graduated at
the Pniversity of Vermont in 1804. Dur-
ing the Canadian difficulties of 183R he
was the friend and legal adviser of Gen-
eral \Yool, and subsequently wrote a his-
tory of the events of that uprising under
the title of The Patriot War. He attain-
ed a large practice in his profession. and
was a voluminous contributor to period-
ical literature on the public events of his
day. He died in Burlington, Vt., Feb. 13,
1861.
Adams, CHARLES FOLLEN, humorous
writer; born in Dorchester, 1\Iass., April
21, 1842; received a common-school edu-
cation; and was wounded and taken pris-
oner at Gettysburg while serving in the
Union army. Since 18i2 he has become
widely known by his humorous poems in
German dialect, of which Leedle rawcob
Strauss and other Poems and Dialect
Ballads are the most popular.
Adams, CHARLES FRANCIS, statesman;
born in Boston, Mass., Aug. 18, 1807;
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CIIAHLES FRANCIS ADA)I8.
son of John (Juincy
\dams; was gradu-
ated at Harmrd College in IS
;;. He ac-
companied his father to Rt. Petersburg
and England, where he passed much of his
childhood until the return of his family
to America. in 1817. ::\Ir. Adams studied
13 w in the office of Daniel \Y ebster, and
was admitted to the bar in 18
8, but neyer
practised it as a vocation. In 18
!) he
married a daughter of Peter C. Brooks, of
Boston. For five ;years he was a member
of the legislature of )I.lssachusetts. Hav-
ing left the Whig Party, he was a candi-
date of the FUEE-HOIL PARTY (q. 1".) in
1848 for the Yice-Presidency of the (Tnitc>d
States, 1\Ir. Van Buren being the candidate
for the Presirlency. They were defeated.
In 1850-56 Mr. Adams published the Life
mid Works of John Adams (his grand-
father), in 10 yolumes. In 18!}9 he was
elected to Con
ress from the district which
his father long represented. He was then
a Rc>publican in politics. In )Iarch, 1861,
he was appointed ministpr to Great Brit-
ain, where he managed his diplomatic
20
ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS
you and our whole country-were drawing
bl'eath after the struggle of Gettysburg.
For three long days we had stood the
strain of conflict, and now, at last, when
the nation's birthday dawned, the shat-
tered rebel columns had sullenly with-
drawn from our front, and we drew that
long breath of deep relief which none have
ever drawn who have not passed in safety
through tlle shock of doubtful battle. Nor
was our country gladdened then by news
from Gettysburg alone. The army that
day twined noble laurel garlands round
the proud brow of the mother-land. Vicks-
burg was, therea.fter, to be forever asso-
ciated with the Declaration of Indepen-
dence, and the glad anniversary rejoicings,
as they rose from every town and village
and city of the loyal North, mingled with
the last sullen echoes that died awa.y from
our cannon over the Cemetery Ridge, and
were answered by glad shouts of victory
flom the far Southwest. To all of us
of this generation-and especially to sucll
of us as were ourselves part of those great
events-this celebration, therefore, now
lIaS and must ever retain a special signif-
icance. It belongs to us, as well as to
our fathers. As upon this day, ninety-
three years ago, this nation was brought
into existence through the efforts of oth-
ers, so, upon this day, six years ago, I am
disposed to believe through our own ef-
forts, it dramatically touched the clima:x
of its great argument.
The time that has since elapsed ('nables
us now to look back and to Rce things in
tJleir true proportions. Wp begin to real-
ize that the years we have so recently
paf:sed through, though we did not a.ppre-
ciate it at the time, were the heroic years
of American hi!'\tory. Now that their pas-
sionate excitement is over, it is pleasant
to dw('ll upon them-to recall the rising
of a gl'eat people-the can to al'ms as it
boomed from our hill-tops and c1aslwd
from our st("eples-the eager patriotislll
of that fierce April which kindled new
sympathies in every bosom, which caus("d
the miser to give fr("ely of his wealth. the
wife with pager hands to pack the knap-
sack of 11('1' husband, and mothers, with
eye\'! glist('ning with tears of pride, to
Six years ago, on this anniversary, we look out upon the glistening bayonets of
-and not only we who stood upon the tlwir boys; then came the frenzy of impa-
scarred and furrowed field of battle, but tien('e and the defeat entailed upon ns by
21
duties with much skill during one of the
most trying times in our history-that of
the Civil 'Val'. He remained as American
minister in London until 18GS, when, in
February, he resigned. In 1872 Mr. Adams
was first a Liberal Republican, and then
a Democrat, in politics. His labors in the
fielù of literature were various. From
1845 to 18-18 he edited a daily newspaper
in Boston, and was long either a regular
or an occasional contributor to the North
Ame?'wan Rel'iew. His principal task was
the preparation of the Life and Wor1.:s of
John Adams, and a Life of John A.dams,
in 2 volumes. He also issued the Life
a'l1.d 'Works of John Quincy Adams, in
12 volumes. He died in Boston, Nov.
21, 188G. When the spirit of secession
was rampant in Congress late in Decem-
ber, 18GO, he tried to soothe the passions
of the South('rn politicians by offering in
the House Committee of Thirty-three a res-
olution, "That it is expedient to propose
an amendment to the Constitution, to the
efrect that no future amendments of it in
r('gard to slavery shall be made unless pro-
posed by a slave State and ratified by an
the States." It was passed by only three
dissenting voices in the committee.
Adams, Cn.\RLES FRANCIS, lawyer and
historian; horn in Boston, Mass., May 27,
1835; second son of Charles Francis, 1st;
was graduated at Hal'vard College in
185G, and admitted to the bar two years
afterwal'ds. During the Civil War he
served in the Union army, attaining the
rank of brevet brigadier-general.
Hc was appointed a member of the
Hoard of Railway Commissioners of Mas-
sachusetts in 18(jD; and was presiùent of
the Union Pacific Railway Company in
1884-91. [n 1895 he was elected presi-
dpnt of the Massachusetts Historical So-
ci(.ty. His publications include, Railroads,
their Origin and Problems ; Massachusetts,
its Historians and its History
' Three
Episodes of .11 assachusetts History; [.life
of Ollarl('s Francis Adams; Richard Hen?"!!
Dana, a Rio[lraphy, etc.
'J'lIe Double .4.nniversary, '76 and '63.-
On July 4, lAG!), lle delivered the follow-
ing historical address at Quincy, l\Iass.:
ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS
rashness and ine
perience, before our na-
tion settled down, solidly and patiently,
to its work, determined to save itself from
destruction; and then followed the long,
weary ,years of fear and hope, until at
last that day came six ,years ago which we
now celebrate-the day which saw the
flood-tide of rebellion reach high-water
mark, whence it never after ceased to re-
cede. At the moment, probably, nOne of
us, either at home or at the seat of war,
realized the grandeur of the situation-the
d.amatic power of the incidents, or the
Titanic nature of the conflict. To you
who were at home-mothers, fatllPrs, wives,
sisters, brothers. citizens of the common
country, if nothing else-the agony of sus-
ppnse, the anxiety, the joy, and, too often,
the grief which was to know no end,
which marked the pa.ssage of those days,
left little either of time or inclination to
c1well upon aught sa\"e the horrid reality
of the drama. To others, who more im-
nwdiately participated in those great
events, the daily vexations and annoy-
ances-the hot and dusty day-the sleep-
less, anxious night-the rain upon the
unsheltered bivouac--the deep lassitude
which succeeded the excitement of action
-the cruel orders which recognized no
fatigue and m3.de no allowance for labors
undergone-all these small trials of the
soldier's life made it possible to but few
to realize the grandeur of the drama in
which they were playing a part. Yet we
were not wholly oblivious of it. Kow and
then I come across strange evidences of
this in turning over the leaves of the few
wpather-stainpd. dog-eared volumes which
were the companions of my life in camp.
Tlw title-page of one beal's witne
s to the
fact that it was my companion at Gettys-
burg, and in it I recently found some lines
of Browning's nohle poem of Saul marked
and altered to express m,y sense of our
situation, and b('aring date upon this very
5th of .July. The poet had described in
them the fall of snow in the spring-time
from a mountain, under which npsUed a
valley; tIle altering of a fcw words made
them well describe the approach of our
a rmy to Gettysburg.
"
'old on fold, all at once. we crowd thun-
drously down to your feet,
And there fronts you. stark. black but
alive yet. your army of old,
With Its rents, the successive bequeathing
of conflicts untold;
Yea I-each harm got In fighting your bat-
tles, each furrow and scar
Of Its head thrust 'twlxt you and the tem-
pest-ail hall! here we are!"
And there we were. indped, and then
and there was enacted such a celehration
R<; I hope may never again be witn('ssed
there or elsewhere on another 4th of July.
:Even as I stand here befOl'e you, through
the lapse of years and the shifting expe-
riences of the ncent past visions and
memories of those days rise thick and fast
before me. \Ve did, indeed. C'1'owd thun-
drously down to their feet! Of the events
of those three terrible days 1 may speak
with feeling and yet with modesty, for
small indeed was the part which those
with whom I served were called upon to
play. When those great bodies of infan-
try drove together in the crash of battle,
the clouds of cavalry which had hitherto
eovered up their movements were swept
aside to the flanks. Our work for that
time was done, nor had it been an easy or
a pleasant work. The road to Gettysburg
had been paved with our bodies and water-
ed with our blood. Three w('eks bpfore,
in the middle days of June, I, a captain
of cavalry, had taken the field at the head
of 100 mountcd men, thp joy and pride of
my life. Through twenty days of almost
incessant conflict the hand of death had
heen heavy upon us, and now, upon the
eve of G('ttyshurg. thirty-four of th(" hun-
drNI only remain('d. ami our comradcs were
dead upon the tield of battIf>, or languish-
ing in hospitals, or prisoners in the hands
of the enem
v.
ix brave young fp1lows
we had buried in one grave where they
fEll on the heights of Aldie. It was late
on the evening of the If't of July that
there came to us rumors of heavy fighting
at Gett,ysburg, near 40 mih'M awa;\'. The
regiment happenrd then to he detached,
and its ordprs for the 2d were to 1I10\"e
in the rear of Sedgwick's Corps and spe
that no man left the column. All that
day we marched to the sound of the can-
non; Sedgwick. very grim and stern. was
pI ('ssing forward his tired men, and we
soon saw that for once there "ould be no
stragglers from the ranks. As the day
g'rpw old, and as we passed rapidly up
from the rear to the head of the col-
22
ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS
umn, the roar of battle grew more dis- go abroad for examples of endurance and
tinct, until at last we crowned a hill, and soldierly beaÚng. The achievement of
the contest broke upon us. Across the Sedgwick and the brave 6th Corps, as they
deep valley, some 2 miles away, we could marched upon the field of Gettysburg on
see the white smoke of the bursting that second day of July, far excels the
shells, while below the sharp, incessant vaunted efforts of the French Zouans.
rattle of the musketry told of the fierce Twentý-four hours later we stood upon
struggle that was going on. Before us ran tImt same ground; many dear friends had
the straight, white, dusty road, choked yielded up their ,young lives during the
with artillery, ambulances, cai
sons, am- hours which had elapsed, but, though
munition trains, all pressing forward to 20,000 fellow-creatures were wounded or
the field of battIe, while mixed among dead around us, though the flood-gates of
them, their bayonets gleaming through the heayen seemed open and the torrents fell
dustlike waveleb, on a river of steel, tired, upon the quick and tIle dead, yet the ele-
footsore hungry, thirsty. begrimed with ments seemed electrified with a certain
sweat and dust, the gallant infantry of magt\etic influence of victory, and, as the
S..ùgwick's Corps hurried to the sound great army sank down overwearied in its
of the cannon as men might have flocked tracks, it felt that the crisis and danger
to a feast. Moving rapidly forward, we was passed-that Gettysburg was im-
crossed the brook which I'uns so promi- mortal.
nl.ntly across the map of the field of bat- May I not, then, wen express the hope
tJe. and halted on its farther side to await that ne,Ter again may we or oms be called
our orders. Hardly had I dismounted upon so to celebrate this anniversary?
from my horse when, looking back, I saw And yet now that the passionate hopes
that the head of the column had reached and fears of those days are all over-now
the brook and deployed and halted on its that the distracting doubts and untold anx-
other bank, and already the stream was ieties are buried and almost forgotten,
filled with nak('d mcn shouting with pleas- we love to remember the gathering of the
urc as they washed off the swmt of their hosts, to hear again in memory the shock
long day's march. Enn as I looked, the of the battle, and to wonder at the mag-
noise of the battle grew louder, and soon nificence of the drama. The passion and
the symptoms of movement were evident. the e
citement is gone, and we can look
The Tap pel was heard, the bathers hur- at the work we have done and pronounce
riedly clad themselves, the ranks were upon it. I do not fear the sober second
formed. and the sharp, quick snap of the judgment. Our work was a good work; it
percussion-caps told us the men were pre- was well done, and it was done thoroughly.
paring their weapons for action. Almost Some one has said, 'Happy is the people
immediately a, general officer rode rapidly which has no history.' Not so! As it is
to the front of the line, addressed to it a better to have loved and lost than never
few brief, energetic words, the short, sharp to have loved at all, so it is better to have
order to move by the flank was given, lived greatly,even though we have suffered
followed immediately bJT the 'double greatly, than to have passed a long life of
quick,' the officer placed himself at the inglorious ease. Our generation-yes. we
head of the column, and that brave in fan- ourselves-have bpen a part of great things.
try, which llad marched almost 40 miles \Ve have suffered grpatly and greatly re-
since the setting of yesterday's sun-which joiced; we have drunk deep of the cup
during that day had hardly known either of joy and of sorrow; we have tasted tIle
sleep or food or re!>t or shelter from the agony of defeat; and we have supped full
July heat-now, as the shadows grew with the pleasures of victor,y. \Ve have
long, hurried forward on tIle run to take prond our!"elves equal to great deeds. and
its place in tIle frent of battle, and to bear have learned what qualities were in us,
up the reeling fortunes of the day. which, in more peaceful times, we our-
It is said tImt, at the crisis of Solfe- selvps did not suspect.
I'ino, Marshal l\Iac
lahon appeared with And. indeed, I would here, in closing.
his corps upon the field of battle, his men fain address a few words to SUell of vou.
ha ving run for 7 miles. We need not if any such are here, "ho, like Il1
'
elf,
23
ADAMS
may have l)(>('n soldiers during the 'Var country and not to the exigencies of party
of the Rebellion. We should never more polities; it is for us ever to bear in mind
be partisans. \Ve IJave been a part of the higher allegiance we have sworn, and
[;reat events in the service of the common to remember that he who has once been a
country, we have worn her uniforms, we soldier of the mother-land degrades him-
have received her pay, and devoted our- self forever when he hecomes the slave of
I"('lves, to the death if need be, in her ser- faction. Then, at last, if through Hfe we
yiee. 'Yhen we were blackened by the ever b('ar these lessons freshly in mind,
E>moke of Antietam, we did not ask or will it be well for us, will it be well for
('arc whet]wr those who stood shoulder our country, will it be well for tllOse
te, shoulder beside us, whether he who led whose name we bear, that our bones also
us, whether those who sustain('d us, were do not moulder with those of our brave
J>emocmts or Republicans, Conservatives comrades beneath the sods of Gettysburg,
or Radicals; we a::;ked only that they or that our gravcs do not look down on
might prove as true as was the steel we the swift - flowing Mississippi from the
grasped, and as bmve as we ourselws historic heights of Vickshurg.
would fain have been. \Vhen we stood Adams, CHARLES KEXDALL, educator
like a wan of stone vomiting fire from the and historian; born in Derby, Vt., Jan.
heights of Gettysburg, nailed to our po- 24, 183;); was graduatcd at the University
Eition through three long days of mortal of :Michigan, Rnd continued his studies in
heU, did we ask each other whether that Gf'nnany, France, and Italy. In 186i-R5
brave officer who fell while gallantly lead- he was Prof('ssor of History in the rni-
ing the countcr-charge, whether that cool ,ersity of Michigan; in 1885-92 was pres-
gnnner steadily serving his piece hefore ident of Cornell rninrsity; in 1892-1901
us midst the storm of shot and shell, was pr('sid('nt of the University of \\'is-
whether the poor, wounded, mangled, gasp- consin; and from 1892 till 18D5 was
iug comrades, crushed and torn, and dying editor-in-chief of the revised edition of
in agony around us, had voted for Lin- Johnson's f]ni,'crsal Cydopædia. lIe was
coIn or Douglas, for Breckenridge or Bell? author of LJcmocracy and Jlonarchy in
We then wet'e full of other thoughts. We l'ranccj IInnual of Historical Litcmfurcj
Iii'ized mpn for what they were worth to British Vrations
' Christopher Columbu8,
the common country of us all, and reeked his Life and Work, etc. He dicd in Hed-
lIût of empty words. \Vas the man true, Jands, Cal., July 26, ID02.
was he brave, was hp earnest, was all we Adams, CYims CORXELIUS, geog-rapller;
thought of then, not did he vote or think born in Naperville, Ill.
Jan. 7, 1840;
with us, or label himself with our party was educated at the Pniversity of Chi-
name. This lesson let us try to remember. cago, in lR76. On the founding of the
\Ve cannot give to party all that we onCe Brookl,yn Institute of Arts and
ciences,
offered to country, but our duty is not yet was chosen president of its dppartment
done. \Ye are no longer, what we have of geography. He i
widely known as a
been, the young guard of the republic; writer and lecturpr on geogr:lphical
we have earned an exemption from the topics; has travelled e"XtC'nRÏ\'e1y; and
dangen'! of the field and camp, and the old was a delpgate to the Intprnational
musket or the crossed sabres hang harm. Geograpllical Congrpss, in London, Eng-
less over our winter fires, never more to be land, in 18!)5, and 11 sp('aker at the Afri-
grasped in these hands henceforth devoted ('aU Congress, in Atlanta, Ga., the same
to more peaceful labors; but the duties of
C'ar. He has made a special study of
the citizen, and of the citizen who has re- the geograpllY of Africa, and has cO])f>ctp{1
c'eived his baptism in fire, are still incum- for the Brook1yn InRtitute over 2.fiOO
bc'nt upon us. Though young in years. we slwcimens of appliances used in the ten
should rcmemlwr that hpncpforth, and a!'l prindpal countrips of the world in gC'o-
long as we live in HI(' land. we arf> tlw graphical education.
nnciC'nts, the yptprans of the repuhlic. As Adams, FORT, one of the largC'st and
snch, it is for lIS to protect in peaee what strongest defl"nsiye works in the L'nitpll
we prespn-ed in war; it is for us to 100k f'tat('s; near Brenton Cove, 3
milp...
at all things with a view to the common from the city of Newport, R. I. For
24
ADAMS
e.everal years the War Department has was published in 1832. 1\Iiss Adams was
been engaged in providing for the most !'mall in stature, very deaf in her old age,
thorough fortification of Kewport Har- fond of strong tea, and an inveterate
Lor. In 18!).! preliminary plans were snuff-taker. She derived very little pe-
completed calling for batteries of six- cuniary gains from her writings; but her
teen mortars each, to be grouped in sec- friends established a comfortable annuity
bons of four mortars, and provided with for her. She was one of the pioneer
a casemate for the gunners, and a wall literary women of the United States, pos-
of sufficient strength to resist hostile at- sessing rare modesty and great purity of
tack. Two of these hatteries were planned character. She died in Brookline, Mass.,
to be erecteù at Dutch Island and Fort Kov. 15, 1831. Her remains were the
Adams. At both of these points there first interred in Mount Auburn Cemetery.
were already torpedo casements. The new Adams, HENRY, historian; born in
lattery at Fort Adams was designed to Boston, Mass., I"eb. If), 1838; third son
a
sist in fortifying the main entrance to of Charles Francis, ] st; was graduated at
Narraganset Day, while the one at Harvard College in 1858; acted as pri-
Dutch Island would aid in resisting the vate secretary to his father while the
approach of an enemy through what is latter was American minister to Great
called West Passage. Fort Adams Britain, in 18GI-68; was Associate Pro-
mounts 460 guns, and besides being a fessor of History at Harvarù in 1870-77;
work of protection for the city and har- and editor of the Xorth American Review
bur of Npwport. it also protects the in 1870-76. His principal works are,
United States torpedo station on Goat Histo'rical Essays; Documents Relating
Island. and the training station for naval to New England Pedemli.<uII'- History of
apprentices and the Naval War College, the United Statcs from 1801 to 1811 (9
both on Coasters Harbor Island. volumes).
Adams, GEORGE BURTON, educator and Adams, HENRY A., JR.; horn in Penn-
historian; born in Vermont in 1851; Pro- sylvania in 1833. Graduated at Annapo-
fessor of History in Yale UnÎ\'ersity. His lis in 1851. Took part in the engagement
late works include: Civilization during with the forts at the mouth of Canton
the Middle rlges
' 1f"hy Americans Dislike niver, China, in 1854. Was on the
England
' The Grou;th of the French Na- Brooklyn at the passage of Forts St.
tion
' and Europcan History, an Outline Philip and Jackson in 186
, and also
of its Dcvelopment. participated in the attack on Fort Fisher.
Adams, HANNAH, historian; born in Was highly praised by Admiral Porter
1\Iedfield, 1\Iass., in 1755. By an early in his official despatche
.
fondness for study, which was promoted Adams, HENRY C.; born in Davenport,
b.y her father, a man of literary tastes. she Ia., 1861. Graduated from Iowa Col-
obtained a knowledge of Latin and Greek I ('ge, 1874. Professor of Political Econo-
from some divinity students broading at my in the Unin>l'!'ity of
lichigan since
h(>r father's house before she had arrived lR87. Director of the division of trans-
at full womanhood. lIeI' father, a shop- portation of the eleventh census; statis-
keeper, failed in business when she was tician to Interstate Comnwrce CommiRsion
seventeen years of age, and his children since 18R7; president American Economic
were compelled to help themselves. Dur- Association from 18!J5-97. Ill' has writ-
ing the war for independence she sup- ten Lf'cturcs on Political Economy; Rtafe
rorted herself by teaching and lace-mak- in Relation to Indusf1-ial .4ction; Public
in;!. Miss Adams wrote a History of thp. D"ht.
: The ,C;;:"icnce of Finance.
Jpu;s, in which she was assisted by the Adams, HERBERT BAXTER, historian
AbM Grðgoire, wito whom she corr
- and editor; born in Shut(>sbur
v, Mass.,
sronded. She also wrote a History of April 16, 1850; was graduated at Am-
New Enrlland, puhlisIled in 17f)!J. She Ilerst College in 1872 and at Heidelherg
also wrote books on religious suhjects; University in 1876: and in 187R-81 was
and, in 1814. published a Cont1"oversy 1l"Íth successively A!"sociate Professor and Pro-
Dr. lIlorse (TIpv. Jedidiah). Her auto- fesRor of History in Johns Hopkins rni.
biography, continued by :Mrs. G. G. Lee, versity; also in 1878-81 lecturer in Smith
25
ADAMS
College, Xorthampton, Mass. He had
been for many ;years secretary of the
American Historical Association and edi-
tor of its Reports, editor of the Johns
Hopkins /Studies in Historical and Politi-
cal Science, and editor of Contributions
to A 1Ilcricon Educational History, pub-
lished by the Vnih"d States board of edu-
cation. He wrote a large number of edu-
(.ational and historical monograplls. He
died in Amherst, .Mass., July 30, 1901.
Adams, ISAAC, inventor; born In
Rochester, N. H., in 1803; learned the
cabinet-maker's hade; in 1824 settled in
Boston and worked in a machine shop.
He invented the printing-press to which
his name was given in 182R, and two
yearjJ later it was perfected and soon
came to be generally used. In 1840 he
Wa.s elccted to the Massachusetts Senate.
He died in Sandwich, N. H., July 19,
1883.
ADAMS, JOHN
Adams, JOHN. second President of the speaker and most useful committee-man
United States; from 1797 to 1801; Fed- in the Continental Congress until he was
eralist; born in Braintree (near appointed commissioner to France late
Quincy), Mass., Oct. 30, 1735. He was in 1777, to supersede Deane. Ill' advo-
graduated at Harvard College in 1755, cated, helped to frame, voted for, and
and immediately afterwards taught school signed the Declaration of Independence,
at "
orcester, where he began the study of and he was a most efficient member of
law. His father was in moderate cir- the Board of \\'ar from June, 17iG.
cumstances-a selectman and a farmer. until December, 1777. He reached
Beginning the profession of law in Brain- Paris April 8, 1778. where he founù a
tree in 1758, he soon acquired a good feud between Franklin and Lee, two
practice; and, when he was twenty-nine other commissioners. He advised in-
'ears of age. he married Abigail Smith, trusting that mission to one commis-
an accomplished woman possessed of great sioner, and Franklin was made sole
common-sense. His first appearance in ambassador. He was appointed minister
the political arena was as author of In- (I7i!)) to treat with Great Britain for
6trurNons of the Town of Braintree to peace, and sailed for France in Novemher.
it.
Repre.
entatil'es on the Subject of the He did not serve as commissioner there,
Stamp .4.ct, which was adopted by over but, in July, 1780, he went to Holland to
forty towns. Associated with Gridley negotiate a loan. He was also received
and Otis in supporting a memorial ad- by the States-General as enited States
dressed to the governor and council, pray- minister, April 19, 1iR2. He obtained a
ing that the courts might proceed with- loan for Congress of $2,000.000, and maùe
out the use of stamps, Adams opened the a treaty of amity and commerce. He re-
case by declaring that the Stamp Act turned to Paris in October, and assisted
was void, as Parliament had no right to in negotiating the preliminary treaty of
make such a law. He hegan early to peace. \yith Franklin and Ja)'. he nego-
write political essays for the newspapers; tiat('d a treaty of commerce with Great
and. in liG8, he went to Boston. when the Britain; and, in the following winter, he
town was greatly excited by political dis- ncp-otiated for another Dutch loan.
tllrbances. There he was counsel for ('ap- In 178.) Adams went as ministpr to the
tain Preston in the case of thp "Boston English Court. and thpre he prppared his
Massacre" (see BOSTON), and in the same Dfjence of the A. merican ("on8titll tion.
'par (1770) he was elected to a seat in Bping coldly received. he returned home.........
the General Court. From that time John and. in 17R8. was elect('d Yice-President of
Adams was a leader among the patriots the L"nited
tates under the national Con-
in Massachusetts. He was a delegate to stitution. He fmstained the poliey of
the first Continental Congress (1774), Washington through tile pight years of hi
where he took a leading part. Return- administration, opposed tIle French Revo-
ing, he was elected a member of the Pro- lution. and was a f'trong advocate for the
vineial Congress. He was an efficient neutrality of the United States. In 1796
26
ADAMS, JOHN
he was chosen President by a small ma- Spain, and the Papal States, whose rulers
jority O\-er Jefferson, and his administra- were enemies of republican government.
tion was vehemently opposed by the new Lord Kanes uttered a similar prophecy in
party known as Republicans, led by the 1765.
latter, its real founùer. He had much On June 1, 1785, he was introduced by
trouble with the French Directory the Marquis of Carmarthen to the King
t.hroughout his entire administration, and of Great Britain as ambassador extraor-
drew upon himself great blame for favor- dinary from the United States of America
icg the Alien and Sedition Law. In his to the Court of London. The inexecution
eagerness for re-election Adams offended a of the treaty of peace on the part of Great
powerful faction of his party, and was Britain had threatened an open rupture
beaten by Jefferson at the election in between the two nations. Adams was sent
1800. Then he retired to private life, with full powers to arrange all matters in
where he watched the course of events dispute. His mission was almost fruit-
\vith great interest for twenty-five years less. He found the temper of the British
longer, dying July 4, 182G. His death oc- people, from the peasant up to the mon-
curred on the same day, and at almost the arch, very unfriendly to the United States.
same hour, as that of Jefferson, his co 1- He was never insulted, but the chilliness
lcague on the drafting committee and in of the social atmosphere and the studied
signing of the Declaration of Indepen- neglect of his official representations often
dence, fifty :rears before. His biography, excited hot indignation in his bosom. But
diary, pssays, and correspondence were his government, under the old confedera-
('dited and publiRhed, in 10 octavo vol- tion, was so weak and powerless that he
umes, by his grandson, Charles Francis was compelled to endure the hauteur of
Adams. Though courteous in his manner British officials in silence. They gave him
usually, he was, at times, irritable and to understand that they would make no
imperious. See CADINET, PRESIDENT'S. arrangements about commercial relations
'YhiIe he was teaching school at \Yorces- between the two governments; and when
tel', in 175;'. he wrote a letter to Nathan he proposed to his own government to pass
"'ehb, in which he remarked: "Mighty countervailing navigation laws for the
states and kingdoms are not exempted benefit of American commerce, he was met
from change. . . . Soon after the Reforma- by the stern fact that it possessed no pow-
Hon, a few people came over into this newer to do so. At length, belie,'ing his mis-
world for conscience' sake. This appar- sion to be useless, and the British govern-
ently trivial incident may transfer the ment sturdily refusing to send a minister
great seat of pmpire to America. . . . If to the Cnited States, Mr. Adams asked
we can remove the turbulent Gallics, our and obtained permission to return home.
people, according to the exactest calcula- Mr. Adams saw with alarm the con-
tions, will, in another century, become tagion of revolution that went out from
more numerous than in England itself. Paris, in 1 i8!), affecting England, and. in
The unitpd force of Europe wiIJ not be a degree, his own country. It was differ-
able to subdue us. The only way to keep ent, in form and substance, from that
us from Ret ting up for ourselves is to dis- which had made his own people free. 'Yith
unite us," Less than thirty years after- a view to avert its evil tendencies, he
wards tlle prophet stood before the mon- wrote a series of articles for a newspaper.
urch of "England as the rppresentative of entitled Discourses on Davila. These
an American republic, where, only ten contained an analysis of Davila's History
years before, were flourishing English col- of the Civil lrar in France, in the six-
onies. And just a century after that teenth century. In tllOse essa.ys he main-
rrophecy was utterpd the number and tained that, as self.esteem was the great
strength of the people here eweedpd the spring of human activity, it was impor-
calculation of young Adams. The popula- tant in a popular government to provide
tion tllen was more than double that of for the moderate gratification of a desire
England; and, while his country was for distinction, applause, and admiration.
fiercely torn by civil war, its government He therefore advocated a liberal use of
defied the power of Great Britain, France, titles and ceremonial honors for those in
21
ADAMS, JOHN
oflìce, and an aristocratic Senate. He pro-
posed a popular Assembly on the broadest
democratic basis to counteract any undue
influence; and to keep in check encroach-
ments upon each other, he recommended
a powerful executive. The publication of
these essa;ys at that time was unfortunate,
when jealousy was rife in the public mind
concerning the national Constitution. His
ideas were so cloudily e
pressed that his
meaning was misunderstood b,y many and
misinterpreted by a few. He was charged
with advocating a monarchy and a hered-
itary Senate. The essays disgusted Jeffer-
son, who for a time cherished the idea that
Hamilton, Adams, Jay, and others were
at the head of a conspiracy to overthrow the
republican iW'Ititutions of the L'"nited States.
The Threatening A ttitude of France.-
On May 16, 1797, President Adams com-
municated the following message to the
Congress on the serious rplations which
had sprung up between the United States
and France:
<.l.aily in their attachment to a s;ystern of
government in proportion to their e
peri-
ence of its utility, ;yielding a ready and
general obedi('uce to laws flowing from the
l't'ason and resting on the only solid foun-
dation-the affections of tIle people.
It is with extreme regret that I shall
he obliged to turn your thoughts to other
circumstances, which admonish us that
some of theRe felicities lllay not b(' lasting,
nut if the tide of our pros}writy is full and
a reflux commencing. a vigilant circumspec-
tion becomes us. that we may meet our re-
verses with fortitmll" and e
tricah' ourselves
from thpir consequ('ncl's with all the skill
we pO<;SPRS and all th(' efforts in our power.
In giving to Congress information of the
state of the Union and rpcOlnmending to
tlleir consideration such nwasures as ap-
pear to me to bc n('cessary or f'xpf'dient.
a('cording to my constitutional dut,y, tlU"
causes ilnd the objects of the present ex-
traorùinary spssion will be explain('d.
After the President of the "Cnited States
received information that the French gov-
Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen Hnment had expresspd serious discontents
of the House of Representatives,-The per- at some proceedings of the gmof'rument of
sonal inconveniences to the members of thesc States said to aff('ct thp intprp!';ts
the :;;enate and of the House of Rep- of France, he thought it f'xppdipnt to s('nd
resentatives in leaving their families and to that country a new minist('r, fuHy
private affairs at this season of the year instructed to enter on such amicable dis-
are so obvious that I the more regret the cussions and to give such candiJ
xplana-
extraordinary occasion which has rendered tions as might happily rpmove the dis-
the convention of Congress inJiRpensable. contents and fHI..picions of thf' Fr('nch
It would have afforded me the highest gowrnment and vindicate the conduct of
satisfaction to have been able to con- the rnited States. For this purposp lw
gratulate you on the restoration of pf'ace splpC'Ípd from among his fellow-citiz('ns a
to the nation!" of Europe whose animosities charapt('r whose integrity. talpnts, exppri-
have endangered our tranquillity; but we ('nee. and sprvices had placpd him in tlw
have still abundant cause of gratitude rank of tIle most (,Rtef'merl amI rpsp('dpd
t.) tIle Supreme Dispenser of national in the nation. Tlw dirpC'Í ohj('('t of his
blessings for general health and prom- mission was exprpsspd in his Ipftp1" of cre-
i!'ing seasons, for domestic and social hap- dence to the FT(,IWll nppuh1ic, heing "to
pi ness, for the rapid progress and ample maintain that good und('rstanding whiC'h
ac-quisitions of industry through extensive from the ('ommpnC('IllPnt of the a11iance }md
t('rritori('s, for civil, political, and religious f;uh
istpd hetwppn tIle two nations, and to
liberty. ',"hile other states are desolated efface unfavorable impressions, hanisll
with foreign war or convulsed with intes- snspicions, and restore that cordiality
tine divisions, the United :;;tates prespnt ",hi('h was at On('(' tlw evidence and plpdge
thE: pleasing prospect of a nation gowrnpd of a fripndly union." And his ino;;trl1C'-
by mild !1nd equal laws. generally satisfi('d tions werp to the same effect, "faithfulIv
with the possession of tlleir rights, neithpr to represpnt tIle disposition of the gO\:-
envying the advantages nor fearing the ('rument aUfI people of the Pnitpd Rtatps
power of other nations, solicitous only for (thpir dispoRltion b('ing one). to remov
the maintenance of order and justice and .Í<'alol1s1Ps and obviatp complaintq by show-
the preservation of liberty, inc1"pasing ing that they were grounò '''!'!s. to Testorp that
28
ADAMS, JOHN
mutual confidence which had been so unfort- date and terminate differences, and as they
unately and injuriously impaired, and to can treat only by ministers, the right of
explain the relative interests of both coun- embassy is well known and established
tries and the real sentiments of his own." by the law and usage of nations. The re-
A minister thus specially commissioned fusal on the part of France to receive our
it was expected would have proved the in- minister is, then, the denial of a right;
strument of restoring mutual confidence but the refusal to receive him until we
between the two republics. The first step have acceded to their demands without dis-
of the French government corresponded cnssion and without investigation is to
with that expectation. A few days before treat us neither as allies nor as friends,
his arrival at Paris the French minister nor as a sovereign state.
of foreign relations informed the Amer- \Vith this conduct of the French gov-
ican minister then resident at Paris of ernment it will be proper to take into
the formalities to be observed by himself view the public audience given to the
in taking l('ave, and by his successor pre- late minister of the United States on his
paratory to his reccption. These formalities taking leave of the Executive Directory.
they observed, and on December 9 presented The speech of the I}resident discloses senti-
officially to the minister of foreign relations, ments more alarming than the refusal of
the one a copy of his letters of recall, the a minister, because more danp-erous to our
other a copy of his letters of credence. independence and union, and at the same
These were laid before the Executive time studiously marked with indignities
Directory. Two days afterwards the min- towards the government of the United
i
ter of foreign relations informed the re- States. It evinces a disposition to sepa-
calJed American minister that the Execu- rate the people of the lJnited States from
tive Directory had determined not to re- the government, to persuade them that
ceive another minister plenipotentiary they have different affections, principles,
from the "Cnited States until after the re- and interests from those of their felIow-
dress of grievances demanded of the Amer- citizens whom they themselves have chosen
iean government, and which the French to manage their common concerns, and
Hepuhlic had a right to expect from it. tIms to produce divisions fatal to our
The American minister immediately en- peace. Such attempts ought to be repeJIed
deavored to ascprtain whether by refusin
with a decision which shaH convince
to receive him it was intended that he Fmnce and tlle world that we are not a
hould retire from the territories of the degraded people, humiliated under a colo-
French Repuhlic, and verbal answers were nial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority,
given that such was the intention of the fitted to be the miserabl(' instruments of
Directory. For his own justification he foreign influence, and regardless of na-
d('
ired a written answer, but obtained tional honor, character, and interest.
nOne until towards the last of January, I should have been happy to bave thrown
when, receiving notice in writing- to quit a veil over these transactions if it had
the territories of the republic, he pro- been possible to conceal them; but they
('eederl to Amsterdam, where he proposed have passed on the great theatre of the
to wait for instruction from this g'Ov- world, in the face of an Europe and
f'rnmpnt. During his residence at Paris America, and with such cÍ1"cumstances of
cards of ho!"pitality ","pre rpfuspd him, and publicity and solpmnity that they cannot
lw was threatpned with being
ubjeeted to be disguised and will not soon hp forgotten.
the jurisòiction of the minister of po1icp; They have inflicted a wound in the Ameri-
h11t with b{>cominq firmness he insisted on can breast. Tt is my sincere desire, how-
tIle protection of t'he law of nation!': òue e,'er. that it mav be healed.
to him as the known ministpr of a forpign It is my !':inc;'re dpsire. and in this I
power. Yon will derive further informa- prp!"l1mp I concur with :vou and with your
tion from his de!"patches, which \ViII be constituent!". to preserve ppaf>e and friend-
laid before you. snip with an nations: and believing that
As it is often n(>cessarv t'hat nation
TIPit'hpr 1'he honor nor the intprest of the
S'hOl1]d trpat for the ml1hI
1 advantage of Vnited Rtatps absolutelv forbid tlw repe-
their affairs, and especially to accommo- tition of advances for
ecuring these de-
29
ADAMS, JOHN
sirable objects with France, I shall in- ascribed to the omission of duties demand-
stitute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and able, considering the neutral situation of
shall not fail to promote and accelerate our country, they are to be attributed to
an accommodation on terms compatible the hope of impunity arising from a sup-
with the rights, duties, interests, and posed inability on our part to afford pro-
honor of the nation. If we have com- tection. To resist the consequences of
mitted errors, and these can be demon- such impressions on the minds of foreign
strated, we shall be willing to correct nations and to guard against the degrada-
them; if we have done injuries, we shaIl tion and servility which they must finally
be willing on conviction to redress them; stamp on the American character is an im-
and equal measures of justice we have a portant duty of government.
right to
xpect from :France and every A naval power, next to the militia, is
other nation. the natural defence of the United States.
The diplomatic intercourse between the The experience of the last war would be
United Stab"s and France being at present sufficient to show that a moderate naval
suspendecl, the government has no means foree, such as would easily be within the
oi obtaining oflicial information from that present abilities of the "Cnion, would have
country. Newrtheless, there is reason to heen sufficient to have baffled many for-
believe that the Executive Directory midable transportations of troops from
passed a decree on the 2d of March last one State to another, which were then
contravening in part the treaty of amity practised. Our sca-coasts, from their
aud commprce of 1778, injurious to our grpat extent, are more easily annoyed and
lawful commerce and endangering the lives 1l1ore easily defended by a na,"al force
of our citizf'ßs. A copy of this decree will than any other. With all the materials
be laid before you. our country abounds; in skill our naval
\Yhile we are endeavoring to adjust all architects and navigators are equal to
our differences with France by amicable any; and commanders and seamen will
negotiation, the progress of the war in 1I0t be wanting.
J.'urope, the depredations on our com- But although the establishmpnt of a
merce, the personal injuries to our dti- permanent system of naval defence appears
zens, and the general complexion of affairs to be requisite, I am sensible it cannot be
render it my indispensable duty to recom- formed 80 speedily and extensively as the
mend to your consideration effectual meas- present crisis demands. Hitherto I haw
ures of defence. thought proper to prevent the sailing of
The commerce of the United States has armed vessels except on voyages to the
become an interesting object of attention, ]
ast Indies, where gen
ral usage and the
wllether we consider it in relation to the danger from pirates appparPfl to rpnòer
wealth and finances or the strength and the permission proper. Yet the restriction
rpsources of the nation. \Vith a sea-coast has originated solely from a wish to pre-
of near 2,000 miles in extent, opening a vent co11isions with the powers at war.
field for fisheries, navigation, and com- contravening the act of Conp'ress of Jun
merce, a great portion of our citizens 1794, and not from any doubt entertainpd
naturally apply their industry and enter- by me of the policy and propriety of ppr-
prise to these objects. Any serious and mitting our vess("ls to employ nlPans of
permanent injury to commerce would not defence while engaged in a lawful foreign
fail to produce the most embanassing dis- commerce. It remains for Congrpss to
orders. To prevent it from being under- prescribe fluch regulations as will ('nahle
mined and destroyed it is essential that our seafaring citizens to defpnd them-
it receive an adequat(" protection. E>eh"es against violations of the law of
The naval establisllment must occur to nations, and at the flame time restrain
eyery man who eonsirlprs the injuries tl)pm from committing acts of hostility
committed on our commerce, the insults against the powprs at war. In addition
offered to our citizens. and the description to this voluntary pro\'ision for defPllce by
of vessels by whicb these abuses have been individual citizens. it appears to me necps-
practised. As the sufferings of our mer- sary to equip the frigates. and prm'ide
cantile and seafaring citizens cannot be other vesspls of inferior force, to take Ull-
30
ADAMS, JOHN
del' convoy such merchant vessels as shall political projects in contemplation is no
remain unarmed. less necessary than if we were directly
The greater part of the cruisers whose concerned in them. It is necessary, in
G{:predations have been most injurious order to the discovery of the efforts made
have been built and some of them partially to draw us into the vortex, in season to
Equipped in the enited States. Although make preparations against them. Row-
an effectual remedy may be attended with ever we may consider ourselves, the mari-
difficulty, yet I have thought it my duty time and commercial powers of the world
to present the subject generally to your will consider the Vnited States of Amer-
onsideration. If a mode can be devised ica as forming a weight in that balance of
by the wisdom of Congress to prevent the power in Europe which never can be for-
resources of the United States from being gotten or neglected. It would not only
converted into the means of annoying our be against our interest, but it would be
trade, a great evil will be prevented. With doing wrong to one-half of Europe, at
the same view, I think it proper to men- least, if we should voluntarily throw our-
tion that some of our citizens resident selves into either scale. It is a natural
ahroad have fitted out privateers, and policy for a nation that studies to be neu-
others have vohmtarily taken the com- tral to consult with other nations en-
mand, or entered on board of them, and gaged in the same studies and pursuits.
committed spo1iations on the commerce At the same time that measures might be
of the United States. Such unnatural and pursued with this view, our treaties with
iniquitous practices can be restrained only Prussia and Sweden, one of which is ex-
by severe punishment. pired and the other near expiring, might
But besides a protection of our com- be renewed.
merce on the seas, I think it highly neces- Gentlemen of the House of Representa-
sary to protect it at home, where it is tives,-It is particularly your province to
collected in our most important ports. consider the state of the public finances, and
The distance of the United States from to adopt such measures respecting them as
Europe, and the well-known promptitude. exigencies shaH be found to require. The
ardor, and courage of the people in de- preservation of public credit, the regular
fence of their country, happily diminish extinguishment of the public debt, and a
Ole probability of invasion. Nevertheless, provision of funds to defray any extraor-
to guard against sudden and predatory in- dinary expenses will, of course, call for
('ursions the situation of some of our prin-
'our serious attention. Although the im-
cipal seaports demands your consideration. position of new burthens cannot be in
And as our country is vulnerable in oUIPr itse1f agreeable, yet there is no ground to
interPliits besides thosc of its commerce, doubt that the American people will ex-
you will seriously deliherate wbether the pect from
'ou such measures as their
mpans of general defence ougbt not to be actual engagements, their present security,
increased by an addition to the regular and future interests demand.
artillery and cavalry, and by arrange- Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen
ments for forming a provisional army. of the House of Representatives,-The
\Vith the same view, and as a measure present situation of our country imposes
which. eyen in a time of universal peace. an obligation on all the departments
ought not to be neglected, I recommend to of government to adopt an explicit and
vour consideration a revision of the laws dC"cided conduct. In my situation an ex-
for organizing, arming, and disciplining position of the principles by which my
tIle militia, to render that natural and administration will be governed ought not
safe defence of the country efficacious. to be omitted.
Although it is very true that we ought It is impossible to conceal from our-
not to involve ourselves in the po1itical selves or the world what has been before
system of Europe, but to keep ourselves ohsC"rvpd. that endeavors have been em-
always òistinct and separate from it if we plo
'ed to foster and establish a division
ean. ypt to effect this separation early. between the government and people of the
punctual. and continual information of rnited States. To investigate the causes
the current chain of events and of thp which have encouraged this attempt is not
31
ADAMS, JOHN
affairs in Canada; but, if I could write
with freedom, I could easily e011\ illl'p you
that it would. anù explain to you the man-
ner how. Many gentlemen in high sta-
tions and of great influcnee ha\'e been
duped, by the ministerial bubble of com-
missioners, to treat; and in real, sinc('re
expectation of this e\'ent, which Uwy so
fondly wislwd, they ha\'e bC"f'n slow amI
languid in promoting mC"asures for the re-
duction of that province. OtIlI'rs there
are in the colonies who really wishcd that
our enterprise in Canada would be defeat-
ed; that the colonies mig
t be brought
into danger and distress between two fires,
and be thus induced to submit. Others
really wished to defcat the expedition to
Canada, lest the conquest of it should ele-
vate the minds of the people too much to
harken to those terms of reconciliation
which they bclieved would be offered us.
These jarring views, wishes, and designs
oceasionC"d an opposition to many salutary
mcasurf'S which were proposed for the sup-
port of that expedition, and eausl'd ob-
structions, embarras<;ments, and btmlied
delays, which have finally lost us the
province.
All these causes, however, in conjunc-
tion. would not han disappointed us, if it
had not been for a misfortunC" which could
not have been forC"s('('II. and p('rhaps could
not have been prevpnted-I nwan the prev-
alence of the small. pox among our troops.
This fatal pestilf'J1ce completed our de-
struction. It is a frown of Providence
upon us, which we ought to lay to heart.
Rut, on the other hand, the delay of
this declaration to this time has many
j:Teat advantages attending it. The hopes
of reconciliation which wC"re fondl
' enter-
tainpd by muItitud('s of honC"st and \\'C"ll-
m('aning, though short-sightl'd ana mis.
taken. people ha\'e b('en gradually, fina at
last totally, extingui<;Iwd. TitJ1l' llas ))('en
ginn for the whole people matur(']y to
consider the gr('at qlwstioll of indpp('n-
Had a declaration of independence been dr-nce. amI to ripen tlwir judgment, dis-
made seven months ago, it would have },ppn sipate thC"ir fC"ar
, fiß(l allurp tlwir 11Opes,
attended with many great and glorious by discussing it in npwspapers ana pam-
C"frects. \Ve might. he fore this hour, have phlC"ts. by debating it in assemhlies. con-
formed alliance with foreign states. \Ve nntions, committeC"s of safety and insppc-
should have mastered Quebec and bc('n tion. in town and county me('tings, as well
in possession of Canada. as in private conversations, so tlwt the
You win, pprhap8, wonder how much wholp pC"oplp, in every colony, have now
a declaration would have influenced our adopted it as their own act. This will
32
necessaQ', but to repel, by decided and
united councils, insinuations so derogatory
to the honor and aggressions so dangerous
to the Constitution, Union, and even inde-
pendence of the nation is an indispensable
duty.
It must not be permitted to be doubted
whether the people of the United States
wiH support the gonrnment established
hy their voluntary consent and ap-
pointed by their free choice, or whether,
by surrendering themselves to the direc-
tion of foreign find domestic factions, in
opposition to their own government, they
will forfeit the honorable station they
have hitherto maintained.
For myself, having never been indiffer-
ent to what concerned the interests of my
country, devoted the best part of my life
to obtain and support its independence, and
constantly witnessed the patriotism, fidel-
ity, and persevera.nce of my fellow-citizens
on the most trying occasions, it is not for
me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which
my heart has been so long engaged.
Convinced that the conduct of the gov-
ernment has been just and impartial to
foreign nations, that those intprnal regula-
tions which have been estahlisl)ed by law
for the preservation of peace are in their
nature proper, and that they have been
fairly executed, nothing will ever be done
by me to impair the national engage-
ments, to innovate upon principles which
have been so deliberately and uprightly
established, or to surrender in any manner
the rights of the government. To enable
me to maintain this declaration I rely,
under God, with entire confidence on the
firm and enlightpned support of tlw na-
tional legislature and upon the virtue and
patriotism of my fellow-citizens.
JOHN AnA'ls.
The Fourth of ,Tuly.-In a letter to his
wif<>, datpd l)hiladelphia, .July 3. 1 iiG,
Mr. Adams made the following predictions:
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
cement the union, and avoid those heats,
and perhaps convulsions, which might
have been occasioned by such a declara-
tion six months ago.
But the day is past. The second day
of July, 1776, will be a memorable epoch
in the history of America. I am apt to
helien that it will be celebrated by suc-
('eeding generations as the great Anni-
\'er!'ary }'estival. It ought to be com-
memorated, as the day of deliverance, by
!Oolemn acts of devotion to God Almighty.
It ought to be solemnized with pomp,
shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires,
and illuminations, from one end of the
continent to the other, from this time for-
ward forever.
You may think me transported with
enthusiasm; but I am not. I am well
aware of the toil and blood and treasure
that it will cost us to maintain this dec-
laration and support and defend these
States. Yet, through all the gloom, I can
see the raJ"s of light and glory; I can see
that the end is more than worth all the
means. and that posterity will triumph,
although you ami I may rue, which I
hope we shall not.
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
Adams, JOHN QFINCY, sixth President 1802, and he occupied one in that of the
of the United States; from 1825 to 1829; United States from 1803 until 1808, when
Republican; born in Braintree, Mass., disagreeing with the legislature of Massa-
July 11, JiG7; was a son of President chusetts on the embargo question, he re-
John Adams; and was graduated at Har- signed. From 1806 to 1809 he was Pro-
yard ColJege in 1787. In February, lii8, fessor of Rhetoric in Harvard ColJege.
he aCl'ompanied his father to France, In the latter year he was appointed by
where he studied the French and Latin Presid('ut Madison minister to Russia;
languages for nearly two years. After and in 1814, while serving in that office,
an interval, he returned to France and he was chosen one of the Pnited States
resumed his studies, which were subse- commi!'sioners to negotiate a treaty of
quentIy pursued at Amsterdam and at peace at Ghent. After that, he find Henry
the University of Leyden. At the age of Clay and Albert Gallatin negotiated a
fourteen years, he accompanied Mr. Dana commercial treaty with Great Britain,
to Russia as his private secretary. The which was signed July 13, 1815. 1\11'.
nf-'Ct year he spent some time at Stock- Adams remained in London as minister
1101m, Copenhagen, and Hamburg. He until 1817, when he was recalled to take
afterwards a('companied his father (who the office of Secretary of State. This was
was American minister) to England and at the beginning of what was popula.rly
France and returned home with him early known as the" era of good feeling," the
in 1785. After his graduation at Har- settlement of qu('stions growing out of the
\ard, he studied law with the eminent war with Great Britain (1812-15) having
Theophilus Parsons, practised at Boston, freed the government from foreign polit-
and soon h!'came distinguished as a po- iC'al embarrassments and enabled it to
liti('al writer. give fuller attention to domestic ('on('erns.
In 1791 he published a series of articles During his occupation of this ofIice
[r.
in favor of neutrality with France over Adams was identified with the negotia-
tl1e signature of "Pu'blius." He was en- tion of the treaty with Spain by which
gaged in the diplomatic service of his Florida was ceded to the -enited States
country as minister, successively, to Hol- for $5,000,000, and by which also the
land, England, and Prussia from 1794 to b()undary between Louisiana and Mexico
1801. Hf> received a commission, in 1798, was established. He is credited with hav-
to negotiate a treaty with Sweden. At ing been the author of the declaration
TIprIin he wrote a series of Letters from known as the "Monroe Do('trine" (see
Sile.<;in. Mr. Adams married Louisa, MONROE, JAMES). The closing part of
daughter of Joshua Johnson, American his term as Secretary was marked by the
consul at London. in 1797. He took a legislation of the" Missouri Compromise"
seat in the Senate of Massachusetts in (
ee MIHSOlTRI). 'Yhen Presidpnt Monroe
I.-C 33
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
submitted to his cabinet the two ques- to he represented at the congress of Am('r-
tions concel'ning the interpretation of the iean nation
to be nf;sembled at Panama.
act as passed by the Congress, :Mr. Adams to deliberate upon objects of peculiar
stood alone in the opinion that the word concernment to this hemisphere, and that
" forever" meant forever. this im"itation had been accepted.
\Vhen Monroe's administration \\as Although this measure was deemed to
drawing to a close, several prominent he within the constitutional compctenc
'
Hwn were spoken of as candidates for the of the executive, I have not thought
Prpsidency-William H. Crawford. John proper to take any step in it beforp as-
Quincy Adams. Henry Clay. John C. Cal- cC"rtaining that my upinion of its expe-
houn, and
\ndrew .Jackson. The votes in diency will cOllcur with that of both
the autumn of 1824 showed that the people branches of the legislatme, first, by the
had nut elected either of the candidates; decision of the Spnate upon the nomina-
and when the votes of the Electoral Col- tions to be laid before them, and, second-
Ipge were counted, it was found that the ly, by the sanction of both Houses to the
choice of Presidpnt devolYCd upon the fI ppropriations, without which it cannot
House of Rcprp<;enta tives, in accordancp b<, carried into effect.
with the 12th Amemlment. In February, A report from the Recretary of State,
] R
;), that body chose John Quincy Adams nnd copies of the correspondence with
Prf'sident. :Mr. Adams receivpd the votes the South American
overnments OIl thif<
of 13 States on the first ballot, Gen- subject since the invitation given by th('1I1,
(,fal Jackson 7 States, and l\Ir. CI'3.w- are IlPrewith transmittpd to the S<,nat('.
ford 4 States. 1\11'. Calhoun received They will disclose thp objects of impor-
the votes of 182 of the electors, against 78 tance whid1 are expectpd to form a suh.
for aII others. The Electoral ColIe.Q'e had ject of discussion at this ntPeting, in
ginn Jackson the largest vote of any can- which interests of high importance to
didate--99-and Adams 84. See CABINET, this Union are invoh'ed. It will be s('('n
PUERIDr;xT's. that the United States neither intend nor
In 1831 1\11'. Adams was {>leded to Con- are expected to take part in any delibera-
gress, and was continued in it by succes- tions of a belligerent character; that the
sive election!"! until his death, whieh occur- motive of their attendance is neither to
red suddenly in the Capitol, on Feb. 23, contract alliances nor to engage in any
1848. His last words were, "Thi
is the undertaking or project importing hostility
last of earth; I am content." 1\11'. Adams to any other nation.
was a ripe scholar, an able diplomatist. a But the Southern American nations, in
life-long opponent of human slavery, a bold the infancy of their independence, often
anù unflinching advocate for its abolition. find themselves in positions with refer-
When he was eighty years of age he ence to other countries with the prin-
was called "The old man eloquent." He ciples applicable to which, derivable from
\\ rote prose and poetry with almost equal the state of independence itself, they have
facility and purity of diction. See LA- not been familiarized by experience. The
j"AYETTE. result of this has been that sonwtinws in
Pun-American Union.-On Dec. 2G, their intercourse with the United States,
IS
5, President Adams sent the following they have manifested ùiRpositions to 1'('-
message to the Senate, in which he aJr.ï,li- Herve a right of granting special fa\ors
fi<,ù the views concerning a Pan - Ameri- and privileges to the Spanish nation as
can union which he had expl"t:.
:;s('(l in a the price of their recognition. At otherp
previous message: they have actually established dutil's and
impositions operating unfavoraLly to the
To the Senate of the Cniteù :;;tates,- United States, to the advantage of other
In the messages to ùoth Houses of Con- European powers, and sometimes they
gress at the commencement of the session, have appeared to consider that they wight
it was mentioned that the governments interchange among themselves mutual
of the republics of Colombia, of :\fexico, concessions of exclusive favor, to which
and of Central America had severa]]y in- neithpr Europf'an powers nor the United
\ ited the go\'erllluellt of the Cnited States States should be adruitted. In ruOl:lt of
34
ADAMS, .JOHN QUINCY
of a minister to anyone of the separate
governments.
The indirect influence which the United
States may exercise upon any projects or
purposes originating in the war in which
the southern republics are still engaged,
which might seriously atrect the interests
of this Union, and the good offices by
which the United States ma:r ultimately
contribute to brin
that war to a speedier
t{'rmination, though among the motives
which have convinced me of the propriety
of complying with this invitation, are so
far contingcnt and eventual that it would
be improper to dwell upon them more at
la rge.
In fine, a decisive induccment with me
for acceding to the measure is to show
by this token of respect to the southern
republics the interest that we take in their
welfare and Our disposition to comply
with their wi!'hes. Having been the first
to recognize their independence, and sym-
pathize with them so far as was compat-
ihle with our natural duties in all their
struggles and sufferings to acquire it, we
have laid the foundation of our future
intercourse with them in the broadest prin-
ciples of reciprocity and the most cordial
feelin,gs of fraternal friendship. To ex-
t<:nd those principles to all our commercial
rf-Iations with them and to hand down
that friendship to future ages is congenial
to the highest policy of the Union, as it
will be to that of all those nations and
their posterity. In the confidence that
these sentiments will meet the approba-
tion of the Spnate, I nominate Richard C.
Anderson, of Kentucky, and .Tohn Ser-
geant, of Pennsylvania. to he envoys ex-
traordinary and ministcrs plpnipotentiary
to the asspmhly of Amcrican nations at
Panama. and "'illiam B. Ro<,hef'.ter. of
N"fW York, to be secretary to the mission.
JOIIX Qnxcy Ao,\1\1 S.
On
rarch 15. lR
t). hp sC'nt the follow-
ing reply to a House resolution:
these cases their J"egulations unfavorable
to us have yielded to friendly expostula-
tion and remonstrance. But it is believed
to be of infinite moment that the prin-
<'iples of a liberal commercial intercourse
should be exhibited to them, and urged
with disinterested and friendly persua-
sion upon them when all a!5sembled for
the a,'owed purpose of consulting together
"I'on the establishment of such prin-
ciples as may have an important bearing
upon their future welfare.
The consentaneous adoption of princi-
ples of maritime neutrality, and favorable
to the navigation of peace, and commerce
in time of war, will also form a subjcct
of considera tion to this congress. The
doctrine that free ships make free goods
and the restrictions of reason upon the
extcnt of blockades may be established by
general agreement with far more ease, and
perhaps with less danger, by the general
engagement to adhere to them concerted at
such a meeting, than by partial treaties or
conventions with each of the nations
òeparately. An agreement between all the
parties reprC'scnted at the meeting that
each will guard by its own means against
thp establishment of any future European
colony within its borders may be found
advisable. This was more than two years
since announced by my predpcessor to the
world as a principle resulting from the
emancipation of both the American COn-
tÍlwnts. It may be so developed to th("
n('w southprn nations that they will all
feel it as an essential appendage to their
imlppendenee.
Tltpre is yet another subject upon which,
without entering into any treaty, the
moral influpnC'p of the United Rtatps may
}1('rhaps be ewrted with beneficial conse-
qu('nc('s at such a meeting-the ad,"ance-
nwnt of reli
iou8 liberty. Some of the
!'outhprn nations are evpn so far und('r the
dominion of prejudice that tlwy hß.Ye in-
corporated with their political constitu-
tions an exclusive church, without tolera-
tion of any oHler than thp clominant spct. To the House of RpI)l"(':,;entatives of the
The abandonment of this last bad
e of rp- United :-:itates,-In compliance with the
lig-ious bigotry and oppression may he re!'olution of thp House of the fith
p)"es
pd morp pffectual1y by tIle unitpd px- ultimo. rpqlwsting- me to cause to he
prtions of those who concur in the prin- laid hefnrp the Housp so mud, of the
ciples of frpedom of conscience upon those C'orrespond(>1Ice hetween the government
who arp yet to be C'on\'inced of their jus- of the Vnited States and the npW
tice and wisdom than by the soJitaryefforts states of America, or thcir ministcrs,
35
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
rebpecting the proposed congress Or nH'et- had of late found it neccs,..ary in a great
ing of diplomatic agents at Panama, and measure to discard, he despatdu.d these
such information respecting the general ministers to Colombia, BuenU8
\yres, and
character of that e
peeted eongress as may Chile without exacting from thuse repub-
Le in my pos::.ession and as may. in my lics, as by the ancient principles of politi-
opinion, be communicated without preju- cal primogeniture he might have donë.
dice to the puhlic interest, and also to in- tlmt the compliment of a plenipotentiary
form the House, so far as in my opinion mission should ha,-e been paid first by
the puhlic intcrcst may allow, in regard them to the "Cnited Dtates. The instruc-
to what ohjects the agents of the rnited tions, prepared uuder his direction, to
tates are e
pected to take part in the
lr. Ander80n, the first of our mini8ters
deliberations of that congress, I now trans- to the Southl'rn continent, contain at
mit to the House a report from the Secre- much length the general principles upon
tary of State, with the correspondence which he thought it desirable that our
flUd information rl'que!"ted by the resolu- I.elations, political and commercial, with
Uon. th("se our new neighb01's should be ("stah-
With regard to the objects in which the lishcd for their bpncfit and ours and that
agents of the rnited fo;tates are expectell of the future ages of our posterity. A
tn take part in the deliberations of that copy of so much of these instructions as
congress, I decm it proper to premise that relates to these general subjccts i8 among
thesp objects did not form the only, nor the papers now transmitted to the House.
(','en the prineipal. moti,-e for my accept-
imilar instructions were furnished to the
anee of the invitation. :!\fy first and great- ministers appointed to ntH'nOS
\yr('s.
est inducement was to meet in the spirit Chile, and
Ic
ico, and tlte system of social
of kindness and friendship an overture intercourse "hich it was thc purpose of
made in that spÌI'it by three sister rcpub- those missions to estabJi:;h from the first
lics of this hemisphere. opening of our diplomatic relations with
The great revolution in human affairs those rising nations is the most effective
which has brought into existence. ncady exposition of the principl("s upon which
at the same time, eight sovereign and in- the invitation to the congress at }>anama
dependent nations in our own quarter of has been accepted by me, as we]] as of the
the globe has placed the United States in objects of negotiation at that meeting. in
a situation not less novel and scarcely less which it was e
pe(.ted that our plenipo-
intcresting than that in which they had tmtiaries should take part.
found thc
lselvcs by their own transition The House will perceive that e\'en at the
from a cluster of colonies to a nation of date of these instructions the first treaties
sO\'ereign States. The deliverance of the hetween some of the Southern repuhlics
fo;outh American republics from the op- Imd been conc1urlpd by which they had
pression under which they had been so stipulated among themselves this diplo-
long afflictcd was hailed with great una- matic assembly at Panama. .\n<1 it will
nimity by the people of this rnion as be seen with what caution, so far as it
among the most auspicious events of the might concern the policy of the rnitprl
age. On the 4th of
ray, 1822, an act of States, and at the sanw time with w}J:\t
Congress made an appropriation of $100,- frankness and good will towa1'l1s those na-
(100 " for sl1ch missions to the independent tions, he gave countenance to tlwir rle!-.ign
nations on the American continent as the of im iting the United Statps to this high
Presidcnt of the United States might deem assembly for consultation upon Amn-ic(!1J,
proper." In exereising the authority it/terests. It was not considercd a con-
recognized by this act my predecessor, by elusive reason for declining this invitation
and with the advice and consent of the that the proposal for assembling such a
Sf'nate, appointed successively ministers congress had not first heen mad(" hy onr-
plenipotentiary to the republics of Colom- sclyes. It had sprung from the urgf'ut,
hia. Duenos Ayres, Chile, and Mexico. "'Gn- immediatp, and momentou
commOn in-
willing to raise among the fraternity of terests of the grpat communitips !':trug-
freedom questions of precedency and eti- gling for independence, and, a" it \\ prp.
quette, which eyen the European monarchs quickening into life. From them thc
36
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
proposition to us appeared respectful and talent. Nothing wa
ever lost by kind
fril'ndly; from us to them it could scarce- treatment. Nothing can be gained by
ly have l)(>en lUì.lde without exposing our- sullen repulses and aspiring pretensions.
selves to suspicions of purposes of am- But objects of the highest importance,
bition, if not of domination, more suited not only to the future welfare of the
to rouse resistance and excite distrust whole human race, but bearing directly
than to conciliate favor and friendship. upon the special interests of this Union,
The first and paramount principle upon u:ill engage the deliberations of the con-
which it was deemed wise and just to lay gress at Panama, whether we are repre-
the corner-stone of all our future rela- sented there or not. Others, if we are
tions with them was disinterestedness
' the represented, may be offered by our pleni-
next was cordial good will to them; the potentiaries for consideration having in
third was a cIa-im of fair and equal rec- dew both these great results-our own
iprocity. "Cuder these impressions when interests and the improvement of the
the invitation was formally and earnestly condition of man upon eal.th. It may
given, had it even been doubtful whether bé that, in the lapse of many centuries,
allY of the objects proposed fOl' consider- no other opportunity so favorable will
ation and discussion at the congress were be presented to the government of the
such as that immediate and important in- Fnited States to suhserve the benevolent
terests of the rllited States would he af- purposes of divine Provid
nce; to dis-
fected hy the issue, I SllOU]d, nevertheless, pense the promised blessings of the Re-
have determined, so far as it depended upon deemer of 1\Iankind; to promote the
me, to have accepted the invitation and to þrevalence in future ages of peace on
have appointed ministers to attend the earth and good - will to man, as will
meeting. The proposal itself implied that now be placed in their power by partici-
the republics by whom it was made bc- pating in the deliberations of this con-
lic1Jcd that important interests of ours or gress.
of theirs rendered our attendance there de- Among the topics enumerated in offi-
sirable. They had given us notice that in ('ial papers published by the republic of
the novelty of their situation and in the Colombia, and adverted to in the corre-
!'.pirit of deference to our experience they spondence now communicated to the
would be pleased to have the benefit of our House, as intended to be presented for
hiendly counsel. To meet the temper with discussion at Panama, there is scarcely
which this proposal was made with a cold one in which the result of the meeting
repulse was not thought congenial to that wiJI not deeply affect the interests of the
warm interest in their welfare with which United States. Even those in which the
the people and government of the Union beI1igel'ent states alone will take an active
had hitherto gone hand in hand through part will have a powerful effect upon the
the whole progress of their revolution. To state of our relations with the American,
immlt tlwm hy a l'efusal of their overture, and prohably with the principal Euro-
and thpn invite thpm to
similar assembly pean, states. \Vere it merely that we
to bp called by ourselves, was an expe- might be correctly and speedily informed
dient which never presented itself to the of the proceedings of the congress, and
mind. I would have sent ministers to the the progress amI issue of their nego-
mcC'ting had it been merely to give them tiations, I should hold it advisable that
sUf'h a(h-ice as they might haye de!'!ired, we should have an accredited agency with
even with reference to thcir own interests, them, placed in such confidential rela-
not involving ours. I would have sent tions with the other members as would
them had it been merely to explain and iW"lire the authenticity and the safe and
set forth to Uwm our reasons for declining early transmission of its reports. Of the
any proposal of specific measures to which same enumerated topics are the prepara-
they might desire our concurrence, but tion of a manifesto setting forth to the
whiC'h we might deem incompatihle with world the justice of their cause and the
our inti'rests or our duties. In the inter- relations they desire to hold with other
('onrsp Lí'twec'n nationH temper is a mis- Christian powers, and to form a conven-
s
onary perhaps more powerful than tion of navigation and commerce appli-
37
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
(,11,le hoth to tll(" ('onff'(lf'rated states and has gone onr three-fourths of tlH" CI\')'
to their allie8. lized portions of the earth. the ell'snla-
It will be within the recol1edion of the tion of \\ hich it may with confidence be
House that, immediately after the cl08c exped('d i
pa
sinp' away, lea, ing at least
of the war of our indepcndence, a mens- the American atmosphere puritil'd and
ure cloHely analogous to this congr
,.,
of refreshed. And now at this propitious
]'anama was adopted by the ('onp"re
of moment the new-born nations of this hemi-
flur Confcderation, and for purposes of I'phere, assembling hy their rcprcsenta-
]>l"eci
ely the same character. Three com- tÏves at the isthmus between its two ('on-
missioners, with plenipotentiary powers, tinents to settle the principles of Uwir
were appointed to negotiate treaties of future international intercourse with other
amity, navigation, and commerce with all nations and with us. ask in this great ex-
the principal powers of Europe. They igenC"y for our advice upon those ,ery
met and resided, for that purpose, about fundamental maxims which we from our
one year at Paris, and the only result of cradle at first proclaimed and partially
their negotiations at that time was the succeeded to introduce into the code of
first treat)' between the "Cnited States national law.
and Prussia-memorable in the diplomatic 'Yithout recurring to that total pros-
flnnals of the world. and precious as a tration of all neutral and commercial
monument of the principles, in relation rights which marked the progress of the
to COmnlt'rce ancl maritime warfare, with late European wars. and which finally in-
which our country entered upon her volved the rnited
tates in them. and ad-
career as a member of the great family wrting onl
' to our political relations
of independent nations. This treat
', pre- with these American nations. it is ob-
pared in conformity with the instructions servable that while in all other re!';pc('ts
of the America.n plenipotentiaries, conse- those relations have been uniformly and
c!"ated three fundamental principles of without ex('pption of the mo!';t fricndly
the foreign inter('ourse which the Con- and mutually satisfa('torv chara('ter, the
gress of that period were desirous of es- onl
' causes' of dilrerenc
and di!-'s<,nsioll
tablishillg: first, equal reciproeity and behwen us and them which eyer han
the mutual stipulation of the privileges nrÍ!';C"n originated in those neyer.failing
of the most favorpd nation in the com- fountaill
of discord ancI irritation-c.lis-
mereia] e
changes of peaee: s<,eondly, the C'riminations of commercia] favor to
n1tolition of private war upon the ocean; other nations. li('entious prh'ateprH, and
and, thirdly, re!;trictions fa,'orahle to paper hlockades. I mnnot without doing-
peutral commerce upon belligerl-'nt prac. in iustiee to the repuhlics of Rupnos A
Tl-'''
tices with regard to contraband of war '1nd Colombia forbear to aekno\\ leclgl-' the
and blockadeR. A painful, it ma,}' be said eandid and coneiliatorr spirit with whieh
a calamitous, experien('e of more than the
' IUl\'e r<,peateelly
'i<,lcl("(l to our friend-
forty ;rears ])as demonstrated tlw d<'<'11 1.\" reprps<,ntations amI r<,monsÌ)'alll'ps on
importance of these same principl<,
to th('sc subje('ts-in rep<,aling llisC"rin'ina-
the peace and prosperity of this nation. tin laws whi('h op<,rated to our disatlnm-
and to the welfare of all maritime states. tagp and in revoking the commissions
and has illustrated the profound wisclotn of thcir prh-ateers, to whidl CnlOlllhia
with which they were assumed as car- has added the magnanimity of making
<linal points of the policy of the Union. reparation for unlawful captures by some
At that time in the infancy of their of I1Pr cruisprs and of assenting in the
political existence, under the i
f1u('nc(' of mielst of war to treaty f;tipulations fayor-
those principles of liherty and of right so ahle to neutral navigation. But th(' re.
cong-enial to the cause in which they had ('urrence of these occasionH of complaint
just fought and triumphed. they were able has rendcred the rPIlPwal of the cliseus",ion
hut to obtain the sanction of one great which resulted in the remoyal of them
and philosophical, though absolute. ROY- necessary, while in the mean time in,iuriC",
erpign in Europe to their liheral and pn- are sustained by m('rchants and otll<'r in-
lightened prineiples. Tlwy could obtain diyiduals of the United Statps whiC'h ('an.
no more. Since then a political hurricane not be repaired, and the remedy lingers
38
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
in overtaking the pernicious operation of se\-eral sovereign and independent nations,
the mischief. The settlement of general whose territories covered their whole sur-
principles pervading with equal efficacy face. By this their independent condition
all the American states can a.lone put the United States enjo;yed the rigbt of
an end to these e,-ils, and can alone be commercial intercourse with every part
accomplished at tbe proposed assembly. of their possessions. To attempt the es-
If it be true that the noblest treaty of tablishment of a. cololl
' in those posses-
peace ever mentioned in history is that sions would be to usurp to the exclusion of
by which the Carthagenians were bound others a commercial intercourse which
to abolish the practice of sacrificing their was the common possession of all. It
own children because it tms stipulated -ilt cCould not be done without encroaching
fal"ot' of human nature, I cannot exagger- upon existing rights of the United States.
ate to myself the unfading glory with The government of Russia has never dis-
which thpse United States will go forth in puted these positions nor manifested the
the memory of future ages if, by their slightest dissatisfaction at their having
friendly counsel, by their moral influence, been taken. Most of the new American
by the power of argument and persuasion republics have declared their entire assent
alone, they can prevail upon the American to them, and the
' now propose, among the
nations at Panp_ma to stipulate by general subjects of consultation at Panama, to
agreement among themselves, and so far take into consideration the means of mak-
a8 any of them may be concerned, the per- iug effectual the assertion of that principle
petual abolition of prh"ate war upon the as \\'Pll as the means of resisting inter-
oc'ean. And if we cannot ;yet flatter our- ference from abroad with the domestic con-
scl\-es that this may be accomplished, as cerns of the American governments.
advances towards it the establishment of In alluding to these means it would
the principle that the friendly flag shall obviously be premature at this time to
('(,wer the cargo, the curtailment of con- anticipate that which is offered merely as
traband of war, and the proscription of matter for consultation, or to pronounce
fictitious paper blockades-engagements upon those measures which have been or
which we may reasonably hope will not may be suggested. The purpose of this
prove impracticable-will, if successfully government is to concur in none which
inculcated, redound proportionally to our would import hostility to Europe or justly
honor and drain the fountain of many a exeite resentment in any of her states.
future sanguinary war. Should it be deemed advisable to contract
The late President of the Vnited States, any conventional engagement on this
in his message to Congress of Dec. 2, topic, our views would extend no further
1
23, while announcing the negotiation than to a mutual pledge of the parties to
thm pending with Russia, relating to the the compact to maintain the principle in
northwest coast of this continent, ob- application to its own territory, and to
!'wrn>d that the occasion of the discus- permit no colonial lodgments or establish-
sions to which that incident had given ment of European jurisdiction upon its
rise had been taken for asserting as a own soil; and with respect to the obtru-
}'rinciple in which the rights and inter- sin interference from abroad-if its fut-
ests of thp L'nited States were involved ure character may be inferred from that
that tlw American continents. bv the free which has been and perhaps still is exer-
and independent condition which they had cised in more than one of the new states-
m.sumed and maintained, were thencefor- a joint declaration of its chamcter and
ward not to be considercd as subjects for exposure of it to the world may be proba-
future colonin\tion by any European bly all that the occasion would require.
power. The principle had first bepn as- Whether the United States should or
sumed in that negotiation with Russia. should not be parties to such a declaration
It rested upon a course of reasoning may justly form a part of the deliberation.
equally simple and conclusin. With the That there is an evil to be remedied needs
exception of the existing European colo- little insight into the secret history of late
l1ies, which it wa" in nO wise intended to years to know, and that this remedy may
l\isturb, the two continents consisted of best be concerted at the Panama meeting
3B
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
deserYes at least the experiment of con- has engaged the attention of this govern-
sideration. A concert of measures having ment. The im-asion of both those islands
reference to the more effectual abolition of by the unitcd forces of l\1c"ico and Co-
the African slave-trade and the consider- lombia is avowedly among the objccts to
ation of the lig-ht in which the political be matured by the belligercnt states at
condition of the island of Hayti is to be Panama. The convulsions to which, from
regarded are also a.mong the subjects men- the peculiar composition of thcir popula-
tioned by the minister from the republiè tion, they would be liable in the e\'Cnt of
of Colombia as believed to be suitable for such an invasion, and the dan
er there-
deliberation at the congress. The failure from resulting of their falling ultimatcl)
of the negotiations with that republic into the hands of some Europcan power
undertaken during the late administration other than Spain, will not alhnit of our
for the suppression of that trade, in com- looking at the consequences to which the
pliance with a resolution of the House of congress at Panama may lead with indif-
Rcpresentatives, indicates the expediency ference. It is unnecessary to enlarge upon
of listening with respectful attention to this topic or to say more than that all our
propositions which may contribute to the efforts in reference to this interest will
accomplishment of the great end which be to preserve the existing state of things,
was the purpose of that resolution, while the tranquillity of the islands, and the
the result of those negotiations will serve peace and security of their inhabitants.
as admonition to abstain from pledging And, lastly, the congress of !)anama is
this government to any arrangement believed to present a fair occasion for
which might be expected to fail of obtain- urging upon all the new nations of the
ing the advice and consent of the Senate South the just and liberal principles of
by a constitutional majority to its ratifi- rf'ligious liberty; not by any interference
cation. whatever in their internal concerns, but
""hether the political condition of the hy claiming for our citizens whose OCCUPil-
island of Hayti shall be brought at all tions or interests may call them to occa-
into discussion at the meeting may be f\ional residence in their territories the
a question for preliminary advisement. inestimable privilege of worshipping their
There are in the political constitution of Creator according to the dictates of their
government of that people circumstances own consciences. This privilege, sanc-
which have hitherto forbidden the ac- tioned by the customary law of nations
knowledgment of them by the government and secured by treaty stipulations in
of the 'Cnited States as sovereign and in- numerous national compacts-secured even
dependent. Additional reasons for with- to our own citizens in the treaties with
holding that acknowledgment have recent- Colombia and with the Federation of Cen-
Iy been seen in their acceptance of a nom i- tral America-is
'et to be obtained in the
nal sovereignty by the grant of a foreign other South American states and
\[e"ico.
prince under conditions equivalent to the L:\.isting prejudiccs are still struggling
concession by them of exclusive commer- against it, which may, perhaps, be more
cial advantages to one nation, adapted al- successfully combated at this general meet-
together to the state of colonial vassalage ing than at the separate seats of gOYern-
and retaining little of independence but ment of each republic.
the name. Our plenipotentiaries will be I can scarcely deem it otherwise than
instructed to present these views to the superfluous to observe that the assemhly
a
sembly at Panama, and, should they not will be in its nature diplomatic and not
he concurred in. to decline acceding to any IC"gislati\'C; that nothing can be transacted
arrangement which may be proposed upon there ohligatory upon anyone of the
different principles. states to be represented at the meeting,
The condition of the islands of Cuba nnless with the e
press concurrence of its
and Porto Rico is of deeper import anrl own represcntative
, nor en'n then,
more immediate hearing upon the present hut subject to the ratification of its con-
interests and future prospects of our stitutional authority at hOIllP. The faith
ruion. The corresponrlence herewith of the United States to foreign powere
transmitted will show how earnestly it cannot otherwise be pledged. I slmll, in-
40
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
deed, in the first instance, consider the upon the circumstances in which our coun-
a:,.sembly as merely consultative
' and al- try and the world around us 'were situ-
though the plenipotentiaries of the United ated at the time when it was given; that
::::tates will be empowered to receive and the reasons assigned by him for his ad-
refer to the consideration of their govern- vice were that Europe had a set of pri-
ment any proposition from the other par- mary interests which to us had none or a
ties to the meeting, they wilJ be author- very remote relation; that hence she must
ized to conclude nothing unless subject to be engaged in frequent controversies, the
the definitive sanction of this government causes of which were essentiaHy foreign
in all its constitutional forms. It has to our concern, that our dctachc(l and
therefore seemed to me unnecessary to distant situation im ited and enabled us
insist that every object to be discussed at to pursue a different course; that by our
the meeting should be specified with the union and rapid growth, with an efficient
precision of a judicial sentence, or enumer- government, the period was no
far distant
ated with the exactness of a mathematical when we might defy material injury from
demonstration. The purpose of the meet- external annoyance, when we might take
ing itself is to deliberate upon the great such an attitude as would cause our neu-
and common intercsts of several new trality to be respected, and, with refer-
and neighboring nations. If the measure ence to belligerent nations, might choose
is new and without precedent, so is the peace or war, as our interests, guided by
situation of the parties to it. That the judice, should counsel.
purposes of the meeting are somewhat in- Compare our situation and the circum-
definite, far from being an objection to it, stances of that time with those of the
is among the cogent reasons for its adop- present day, and what, fwm the very
tion. It is not the establishment of prin- words of Washington then, would be his
ciples of intercourse with one, but with counsels to his countrymen now? Europe
seven or eight nations at once. That be- has still her set of primary interests with
fore they have had the means of exchang- which we have little or a remote relation.
ing ideas and communicating with one Our distant and detached situation with
another in common upon these topics reference to Europe remains the same.
they should have definitely settled and ar- nut we were then the only independent
ranged thcm in concert is to require that IJation of this hemisphere, and we were
the effect should precede the cause; it is surrounded by European colonies, with the
to exact as a preliminary to the meeting greater part of which we had no more
t.hat for the accomplishment of which the intercourse than with the inhabitants of
meeting itself is designed. another planet. Those colonies have now
Among the inquiries which were thought been transformed into eight independent
entitled to consideration before the de- nations, extending to our very borders,
termination was taken to accept the in- seven of tllem republics like ourselves,
vitation was that whether the measure with whom we have an immensely growing
might not have a tendency to change the commercial, and must have and have al-
policy, hitherto invariably pursued by the ready important political, connections.
t.:nited States, of avoiding all entangling with reference to whom our situation is
aHiances and all unnecessary foreign con- neither distant nor detached; whose po-
nedions. litical principle!'; and systems of govern-
Mindful of the advice given by the ment, congenial with our own, must and
}'ather of our Country in his Farewell will have an action and counteraction
Address, that the great rule of conduct upon us and ours to which we cannot be
for us in regard to foreign nations is, in indifferent if we would.
extending- our commercial relations. to The rapidity of our growth, and the con-
have with them as little political con nec- sEquent increase of our strength, has more
tion as possible, and, faithfully adhering than rpalized the anticipations of this
to the spirit of that admonition. I can- admirable political legacy. Thirty years
not overlook the reflection that the coun- have nearly elapsed since it was written,
sel of Washington in that instance, like and in the interval our population, our
all the counsels of wisdom, was founded wealth, our territorial extension, our
41
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
power-ph;rsical and moral-have ncarl
. voted. 'Ve owe it, therefore, to candor
trebled. Reasoning upon this state of and to the amicable relations tiubstitut-
things from the sound and judicious prin- ing between the enited States and those
dples of 'Yashington, must we not say powers to decJare that we should consider
that the period which he predicted as then any attempt on their part to extend their
not far off has arrived, that America has system to any portion of this hemisphere
a set of primary interests which have none as dan
erous to our peace and saft,t
..
or a remote relation to Europe; that the With the existing- colonies or dq)('ndeneies
interff'renl'e of Europe, therefore, in those of any European power we ha'"e not in-
('úm'erns I"hould be spontaneously withheld terfeITed and shall not intf'rfere; but with
bJ" hf'r upon the same prineiples that we the ßo,"ernments' who IUl\"e deeJared their
have never interfpr('('} with hers, and that indepcndenl'e and maintained it, ami
if she !:'hould il1terfpre, as she may, by whose independence we ha,op on great
Jl:easure!'! whieh may have a great and ennsideration and on just prineiplf's ac-
dangerous recoil upon ourl"plves, we might knowledged. we could not view an,\" int('r-
be caJled in dpfence of our own altars and position for the purposf'S of opprf'ssing
tlrpsides to take an attitude which would thpm or controlling in an,\" other mamlPr
cause our neutraIit)" to be respccted and thpir destiny by any J:urop('an power in
ehoose peace or war, as our intercst, any other light than al" the manifel"tation
guided by justicp, should counsel. of an unfriendlJ" dispositon towards the
The acceptanee of this im'itation, th('re- rnited States. In the war hptw(,f'n
fore, far from conflicting- with the couu- those new governments and Spain we dp-
I"cl or the po]jcy of "-ashington. is di- dared our neutrality at the time of
r('ctlv dcducible from and conformablf' to thcir recognition, and to this we have
it. Kor is it less conformablc to tI\P views adhcred, and shall continue to adhere,
of my immediate predecessors as dpelared provid('d no change shall oecur which in
in his annual message to Congress of Dec. the judgment of the competent authorities
. 1823, to whieh I have already ad,'erted. of this go,'ernmcnt shall make a con-c-
and to an important passage of which I !:'ponding change on the part of the L'nitcd
invite the attention of the House: Statcs indispensahle to thcir security."
"The citizens of the rnited States," To the quel"tion which may he asked,
said he, "cherish sentiments the most whether thi,., mceting and the principles
friendly in famr of the lib('rty and happi- which may he adjusted and settled hy
I1('SS of their fellow-men on that [the Euro- it as rules of intercourse bctwcen the
pean 1 side of the Atlantic. In the wars of American nations may not give umbrage
the European powers in matters relating to the holy league of European powers
to thems('l\"es we have never taken any or offence to Rpain, it is deem('d a suffi-
part, nor doe!'! it eomport with our policy cient answer that our attpndance at T)ana-
80 to do. It is onlv when our rights are ma can give no just CalU-le of umbrage
invaded or scriouslÿ menaced that we rc- (II' offence to either, and that the Cnited
sent injuries or make preparation for our
tatps will stipulate nothing there which
defence. "ïth the movements in tllis can give such cause. Here the right of
hemisphere wp are of nec('ssity more im- inqllir.r into our purposps and mea<;un's
mediately f'Onnected, and by causes which nlust stop. The holy league of Europe
must be olJ\"ious to all enHghtened and itf'.eIf was formed without inquirin!! of
impartial obsernrs. The political systf'm tIle rnited States whether it would or
of the allied powers is essentially differ- ,,"ouM not give umhrage to tll('m, The
ent in this respect from that of Ampriea. fear of gidng umbrage to thp holy Ipague
Thil'i differencp proceeds from that which of Europc was urged as a motivc for de-
exil'its in their respective go,"ernmpnts. nying to the American nations the ac-
.\nd to the dpff>nec of our own, which knowlpdgmpnt of thpir indcpcndf'nce.
has hepn achieYed by the loss of so much That it would be vipwed by Spain as hos-
blood and treasure, and matured by the tility to her was not only urged, but
wisdom of their most enlightened citizens. directly declared by herself. The Con-
and under whiC'h Wf> have enjo
"ed unf''\':- gress and administration of that da;r ('on-
ampled felicit
", this whole nation is de- suIted thcir rights and dutics, and not
42
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
their fear!'!. Fully determined to give no
needless displeåsure to any foreign power,
the "Cnited States can estimate the proba-
bility of their giving it only by the right
which any foreign btate could have to
take it from their measures. Xeither the
l'eprespntation of the United States at
j'anama nor any measure to which their
as
ent may be J'ielded there will give to
the holJ' league or any of its members,
nor to Spain, the right to take offence;
for the rest, the L"nited States must still,
as heretofore, take counsel from their
dutie.. rather than their fears.
Such are the objf'cts in which it is ex-
pected that the plenipotentiaries of the
Cnited States, when commissioned to at-
tend the meeting at the Isthmus, will
take part, and such are the motives and
purposes with which the invitation of the
]'('puhlici'l W,lS accepted. It was, how-
e,-er. as the House will perceive froIll the
cOJTP"'pondC'ncc. accepted only upon condi-
tion that the nomination of commissioners
for the mission should I'eceive the advice
amI consent of the Senate.
The concurrence of the House to the
measure, by the appropriations necessary
for carr,ring it into effeet, is alike subject
to its free detC'rmination and indispen-
sable to the fulfilment of the intention.
That the congres8 at Panama wi1l ac-
complish all, or eyen any, of the tran-
scendent benefits to the human race which
warmed the concpption of its first pro-
pm,er, it were, perhaps, indulging too
s:mguine a forecast of pvents to promise.
It is in its nature a measure speeulative
and experimental. The blessing of Hpayen
may turn it to the account of human
improyement; accidents unforC'seen and
llIischances not to he anticipated may
baffle all its high pmposes and disap-
point its fairest e
pC'ctations. But tIle de-
sign is great. i", benevolent, is humane.
It looks to the melioration of the con-
dition of man. It is congenial with that
spirit which prompted the declaration of
onr independence, which inspired the pre-
mnble of our first treaty with France,
whiC'h dictated our first treaty with Prus-
sia, and the instruction!'! under whiC'h it
was negotiated, which filled the h<>arts
and fired the souls of the immortal found-
ers of our Reyolution.
\Yith this unrestricted exposition
the motives by which I have been goy-
enlCd in this transaction, as well as of
the objects to be discussed and of the
ends, if possible, to be attained by our
rppreselltation at the proposed congress,
I submit the propriety of an appropria-
tion to the candid consideration and en-
lightened patriotism of the legislature.
JOlIN Qnxcy ADAMS.
Jubilf'e of the Constitution.-The follow-
ing is the address of
fr. Adams before the
New York Historical Society, April 30,
1830:
\Vould it be an unlicensed trespass of
the imagination to conceive that, on the
night preceding the day of which you
ncw commemorate the fiftieth anniversary
-on the night preceding the 30th df
April. 1 iS9, when fl'OlU the balcony of vour
city hal1 the Cllancellor of the' State of
New York administered to George 'Vash-
ington the solemn oath faithfullv to exe-
cute the office of President of the United
States, and to the best of his ability to
presen"e. protect. and defend the Con",titu-
tion of the rnited States-that in the
visions of the night the guardian angel of
the Father of our Country had appeared
b(>fore him. in tlw venerated form of his
mother. and. to cheer and encourage him
in the performance of the momentous and
solemn duties that he was about to assume,
had delivered to him a suit of celestial
armor-a helmet, cunsisting of the prin-
ciples of piety. of justice, of honor, of
bene,-olence, with which from his earliest
infancy he had hitherto walked through
life, in the pre",ence of all his brethren-a
spear, stnddC'd with the self.evidpnt truths
of the Declaration of Indcpendence--a
sword, the same with which he had led
the armies of his country through the Will'
of freedom. to the summit of the tri-
umphal arch of independence-a corslet
and cuishes of long experience and Im-
hi.tual intercourse in peace and war with
the world of mankind, his contemporaries
of the human race, in all tlwir stages of
ci,i1ization-and. last of all, the Consti-
tution of the United States. a !'!hipld. em-
bo",sed by heavenly hands with the future
hi!'òtory of his conntr:r.
Ye!'!. gentlemen! on that shield, the
Constitution of the United States. \\ as
of sculptured (by forms unseen, and in char-
43
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
acters thpn invisible to mortal eye), the
predestined and prophetic history of the
one confederated people of the North
American Union.
They have been the settlers of thirteen
separate and distinct English colonies,
along the margin of the shore of the Korth
American continpnt; contiguously situ-
ated, but chartered by adventurers of char-
acters variously diversified, including sec-
tarians, religious and political, of all the
classes which for the two preceding cen-
turies had agitated and divided the people
of the British islands, and with them
were intermingled the descendants of Hol-
landers, Swedes, Germans, and French
fugitives from the persecution of the re-
voker of the Edict of Nantes.
In the bosoms of this people, thus het-
erogeneously composed, there was burn-
ing, kindled at different furnaces, but all
furnaces of affliction, one clear, steady
flame of liberty. Bold and daring enter-
prise, stubborn endurance of privation, un-
flinching intrepidity in facing danger, and
inflexible adherence to conscientious prin-
ciple had steeled to energetic and unyield-
ing hardihood the characters of the primi-
tIve settlers of all these colonies. Since
that time two or three generations of men
had passed away, but they have increased
and multiplied with unexampled rapidity;
and the land itself had been the recent
theatre of a ferocious and bloody seven
years' war between the two most powerful
and most civilized nations of Europe, con-
tending for the possession of this conti-
npnt.
Of that strife the victorious comba-
tant had bem Britain. She had con-
ql1Prerl the provincps of France. She had
e:\ pelled her rival totally from the conti-
nPnt, over which, bounding herself by the
Mississippi, !'!he was thenceforth to hold
dh-ided empire only with Spain. She had
acqllirpd undisputed control over the Ind-
ian tribes, still tenanting the forests unex-
plored by the European man. She had
established an uncontesh'd monopoly of
the commerce of all her colonies. Hut for-
getting all the warnings of preceding agps
-forgetting the lessons written in the
hlood of her own children. through cen-
turie!'! of departed tinw, she undertook to
tax the people of the eolonies without their
consent.
Resistance, instantaneous, unconcerted,
sympathetic, inflexible resistance, like an
electric shock startled and roused the peo-
ple of all the English colonies on this con-
tinent.
This was the first signal for the North
American Union. The struggle was for
chartered rights, for English liberties,
for the cause of Algernon Sidney and
John Hampden, for trial by jury, the
habeas corpus and Magna Charta.
But the English law)'ers had decided
that Parliament was omnipotent; and
Parliament, in their omnipotence, instead
of trial by jury and the habeas corpus,
enacted admiralty courts in England to try
Americans for offences charged against
them as committed in America; instead
of the privileges of
Iagna Charta, num-
fied the charter itself of
Ia8sachusptts
Bay, shut up the port of Boston, sent
armies and navies to keep the peace and
teach the colonies that John Hampden
,,,as a rebel and Algernon Sidney a
traitor.
English liberties had failed them. From
the omnipotence of Parliament the colo-
nists appealed to the rights of man and
the omnipotence of the god of battles.
Union! Union! was the instinctiye and
simultaneous cry throughout the land.
Their Congress, assembled at Philadelphia,
once-twice-had petitioned the King. had
remonstrated to Parliament, had ad-
dressed the people of Britain for the
rights of Englishmen-in vain. FlepÌ!'1
and armies, the blood of Lp:xington, and
the fires of Charlestown and Falmouth,
had been the answer to petition, re-
monstrance, and address.
Independence was declared. The eolo-
nies were transformed into Statps. Their
inhabitants were proclaimed to be onp
people, renouncing- all allegiance to the
British crown, all co. patriotism with UIP
British nation, all claims to chartprl'd
rights as Englishmcn. Thenceforth their
charter was the Declaration of Imlppen-
dellce. Their rights, the natural rights of
mankind. Their government. !'!uch a!'!
should bp instituted by themselv('s. llndpr
the solemn mutual pledges of pl'rpptllal
union. founded on the sclf.e\"Ìdent truth'!
proclaimed in the Declaration.
The Declaration of Independence was
issued, in the excruciating agonies of a
44
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
civil war, and by that war independence abroad, domestic insurrection at borne,
was to be maintained. Six long years it were on the point of hearing to a disbon-
raged with unabated fury, and the Union Ol"able grave the proclamation of a govern-
was yet no more than a mutual pledge of ment founded on the rights of man-when
faith and a mutual participation of com- a convention of delegates from eleven of
mon sutferings and common dangers. the thirteen States, with George \Yashing-
The omnipotence of the British Parlia- ton at their head, sent forth to the people
ment was vanquished. The independence an act to be made their own, speaking in
of the United States of America was not their name and in the first person. thus:
granted, but recognized. The nation had "\Ve, the people of the Lnited States, in
.. assumed among the powers of the earth order to form a more perfpct union, estab-
the separate and equal station to which liEh justice. insure domestic tranquillity,
the laws of nature and of nature's God provide for the common defence, promote
entitlpd it "-but the one, united people the general welfare, and secure the bless-
had yet no government. ings of liberty to ourselves and our pos-
In the enthusiasm of their first spon- tel ity, do ordain and establish this Con-
taneous, unstirulated, unpremeditated stitution for the Cnited
tates of Amer-
union, they have flattered themselves that ica."
no general go\"ernlllent would be required. This act was the complement to the
As spparate States they were all agreed Declaration of Independence, founded
that they should constitute and govern upon the same principles, carrying them
themseh-es. The revolution under which out into practical execution, and forming
they were gasping for life, the war which with it one, entire system of national gov-
was carrying desolation into all their ernmf'nt. The Declaration was a mani-
dwellings, and mournin
into every fam- festo to the world of mankind, to justify
iIy, had been kindled by the abuse of the one, confederated people for the vio-
power-the power of go\"Crmnent. An in- lent and voluntary severance Qf the ties
vincible repugnance to the delegation of of their allegiance, for the renunciation
power had thus been generated by the of their country, and for assuming a sta-
very course of events which had rendered tion thpmselves among the potentates of
it necessary; and the more indispensable the world-a self-constituted sovereign,
it hecame. the more awakened was the jeal- a self-eonstihltpd country.
ousy and the more intense was the distrust In the history of the human race this
bJ' which it was to be circumscribed. had never been done before. Monarchs
They relaxed their union into a l('ague had been dethroned for tyranny, king-
of friendship between sovcreign and inde- doms converted into republics, and revolt-
pendent Stat('s. They constitutpd a Con- ed prO\-inces had assumed the attributes of
gress, with powers co-extensive with the sovereign power. In the history of Eng-
nation. but so hedged and hemmed in with land itself, within one century and a half
restrictions that the limitation seemed to before the day of the Declaration of Inde-
be the general rule and the grant the oc- pendence, one lawful king had been
casional e
ception. The Articles of Confed- brought to the block, and another expelled,
pration, sllhject('d to philosophical analy- with all his posterity, from his king-
sis, se('m to he little more than an emnner- dom. and a collateral dynasty had ascend-
ation of the functions of a national gov- ed his throne. But the former of thcse
ernment which the Con
ress constitutpd r('\-olutions had. by the dpliberate and
by the instrument was not authorized to final spntence of the nation itself, been
perform. There was avowedly no execu- pronounced a rebellion. and the rightful
tive power. heir of the executed king had been re-
The nation fell into an atrophy. The stored to the crown. In the latter, at the
Union languished to the point of dpath. first onset, the royal recreant had fled-he
A torpid numbness seized upon all its was held to have abdicatpd the crown, and
faculties. A chilling, cold indifference it was placed upon the heads of his daugh-
crept from its extremities to the centre. ter and of her husband. the prime leader
The system was about to dissolve in its of the conspiracy against him. In these
own imbecility-impotence in negotiation ('vcnts there had been much controvers,
45
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
upon the platform of English Iiberties- abolish it, and to institute a new govern-
upon the customs of the ancient Britons, ment-to throw off a government degen-
the laws of Alfred, the witenagemote of erating into despotism, and to provide
the Anglo-Sa:xons, and the Great Charter new guards for their future security.
of Runn,ymede with all its numberl('ss con- They proceed then to say that sueh was
firmations. But the actors of those times then the situation of the colon if's, anll
had ne\'er ascended to the first foundation such the necessity which constrained thelU
of civil society among men, nor had any to alter their former s,ystems of govern-
rE'volutionary system of go\'ernment been ment.
rested upon them. Then follows the enumeration of the
The motive for the Declaration of In- acts of tyranny by which the King. Parlia-
dependence was on its face avowed to be ment, and people of Great Britain had per-
.. a decent respcct fOI' the opinions of man- verted the powers to the destruction of the
kind"; its purpose, to declare the causes ends of government over the coloniC's. and
which impel1ed the people of the English the conscquent necessity constraining the
colonies on the continent of North Amer- colonies to the sf'paration.
iea to separate themð"h"cs from the politi- In conclusion, the Representatives of
eal community of the British nation. They the Cnited States of Americ,t, in gl'nC'l"a1
declare only the causes of their sf'l>ara- Congress assembled, appealing to the :-;u-
tion, but they announce at the same time preme Judge of the world for the rectittllle
their as!Oumption of the separate and equal of their intentions, do, in the name and by
station to which the laws of nature and the authority of the good people of these
of nature's God entitle them among the colonies. solemnly publish and declare that
powers of the earth. these United Colonies are, and of right
Thus th('ir first movement is to recog- ought to be, free and imlepemlent States;
nize and appeal to the laws of nature and that they are absolved from all alIegianee
to nature's God, for their right to assume to the British crown; and that al1 pol it-
the attributes of sovereign power as an in- ical connection between them and the State
dependent nation. of Great Britain is, and ought to be, total-
The causes of their necessary separa- ly dissolved; and that, as free and inde-
tion, for they begin and end by declaring pendent States. H\('y have ful1 power to
it neccssary, alleged in the Declaration, levy war, conclude peace, contract alli-
are all founded on the same laws of nature ances, establish commerc<" and to do all
and of nature's God; and hence. as prelim- other act!'! and things which in<lepenllC'nt
inary to the enumeration of the causC's of Rtatf's may of right do. TIt(> appeal to
separation, they set forth as self-e,"ident the SuprE'me Judge of the world, and the
truths the rights of indi,'idual man, by rule of right and wTOng as paramount
the laws of nature and of nature's God, to events to the power of indC')}('Jl(lent States,
life, to liberty. to the pursuit of happiness; are here again rE'peated in the very act
that all men are created equal; that to of constituting a new sovereign commu-
secure the rights of life, liberty, and the nity. It is not immaterial to remark that
pursuit of happiness, goycrnments are in- the Fiigners of the Declaration, thongh
stitute<1 among men, derh'ing their ju
t qualifying thpmselnR as the Reprpsenta-
powers from the consent of the governed. tives of the rnited State!'; of America,
All this i!'! by the laws of nature and of in general Congre!'!s aEsembled, yet is''IIQ
nature'!,! nod. amI of course presupposes the Dec1aration- in the name and hy tIll!
the exi
tence of a God, the moral ruler of authority of the good pC'Opl(> of the eolo.
the universe, and a rule of right and nieR. and that they d(>c1are. not ('ach of th.
wrong, of ju
t and unjust. hinding upon
eparate colonie!'l, but the Pnited Colo.
man, precf'ding all in'ltitution!'! of human nie!'!, free and indepenl1ent States. Tlu
r;ociety and of government. It awr!'!. al!'lo, whole people declared the colonies in thpil
that go\'ernmC"nt!'! are institntC"ù to !'!eC"urp unit(>d mnllition. of right, free and iude.
these right
of natur(> amI of nature's noù, pt'lHlent Stah's.
and that \\ heneycr any form of goW'rn- The dissolution of aHegiance to th.
ment become!'! destructive of those end!'! Rritish crown, the !'!e\'eranee of the colo.
it is the right of the people to alter or to nics from the British empire, and theÏl
4ü
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
actual existence as independent States, tween the colonies. This draft was pre-
thus declared of right, were definitely es- pared by John Dickinson, then a delegate
tablished in fact, by war and peace. The from Pennsylvania, who voted againo:t
independence of each separate State had the Declaration of Independence, and never
nevel' been declared of right. It never ex- signed it, having been superseded by a
isted in fact. Upon the principles of the new election of delegates from the State
Declaration of Independence, the dissolu- eight days after this draught was re-
tion of the ties of allegiance, the assump- ported.
tion of sovereign power, and the institu- There was thus no congeniality of
tion of civil government are all acts of principle between the Declaration of In-
transcendent authority, which the people dependence and the Articles of Con feder-
alone are competent to perform; and, ac- ation. The foundation of the former were
cordingly, it is in the name and by the au- a supel'intending Providence, the rights
thority of the people that two of these of man and the constituent revolutionary
acts-the dissolution of allegiance, with power of the people; that of the latter
the severance from the British empire, and was the sovereignty of organized power
the declaration of the "Cnited Colonies, as and the independence of the separate or
free and independent States-were per- dis-united States. The fabric of the Dec-
formed by that instrument. laration and that of the Confederation
But there still remained the last and were each consistent with its own founda-
crowning act, which the people of the !ion, but they could not form one con-
rnion alone were competent to perform- sistent symmetrical edifice. They were
the institution of civil government for the productions of different minds and of
that compound nation, the United States adverse passions--Qne, ascending for the
of America. foundation of human government to the
At this day it cannot but strike us as laws of nature and of God, written upon
extraordinary that it does not appear to the heart of man; the other, resting upon
have occurred to anyone member of that the basis of human institutions and pre-
assembly, which had laid down in terms so Rcriptive law and colonial charter. The
dear, so explicit, so unequivocal, the foun- corner-stone of the one was right, that of
dation of all just government, in the im- the other was power.
prescriptible rights of man and the trans- The work of the founders of our inde-
cendent sovereignty of the people, and who pendence was thus but half done. Absorb-
in those principles had set forth their only ed in that more than herculean task of
personal vindication from the charges of maintaining that independence and its
rebellion against their King and of treason principles by one of the most cruel wars
to their country, that their last crowning that ever glutted the furies with human
act was still to be performed upon the woe, they marched undaunted and stead-
same principles-that is, the institution, fast through that fiery ordeal, and, con-
by the people of the United States, of a sístent in their principles to the end,
ci\'il government to guard and protect and conduded, as an acknowledged 80vel'-
defend them alL On the contrary, that eignty of the United States, proclaiml'd
same assembly which issued the Dedara- by their people in 1776, a peace with
tion of Independence, instead of continu- that same monarch whose sovereignty
ing to act in the name and by the author- o\'er them they had abjured in obedi-
it,y of the good people of the United States, enCJe to the laws of nature and of nature's
had, immediately after the appointment of God.
the committee to prepare the Declaration, But for these Unih'd States they had
appointed another committee, of one IUpm- fornlt.d no Constitution. Instead of re-
ber from each colony, to prepare and digest sorting to U\P !;ource of all constituted
the form of confederation to be entered power, they had wasted their time, their
into between the colonies. talents, and their persevering, untiring
That committee reported on the 12th toils in erecting and roofing and buttress-
of July, eight days after the Declaration ing a frail and temporary shed to shelter
of Independence had been issued, a the nation from the storm, or rather a
draft of Articles of Confederation be- mere baseless scaffolding on which to
47
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
stand when they should raise the marble by agreement between the legislatures of
palace of the people, to stand the test of the several States and their delegates in
time. Congress, without authority from or con-
:Five years were consumed by Congress sultation of the people at all.
and the State legislaturcs in debating and [n the Declaration of Independence
altering and adjusting these Articles of the enacting and constituent party dis-
Confederation, the first of which was: pensing and delegating sovereign power
"Each State retains its sovereignty, is the whole people of the United Colonies.
freedom. and independence, and every pow- The recipient party, invested with po\\er,
er, jurisdiction. and right which is not by is the United Colonies, declared United
this confederation expressly delegated to States.
the United States in Congress assem- In the Articles of Confederation this
LIed." order of agency is averted. Each State is
Observe the departure from the lan- the constituent and enacting party, and
guage, and the consequent contrast of the United States in Congress asscmbled
principles, with those of the Declaration of the recipient of delegated power, and that
Independence. power delegated with such a penurious
"Each State retains its sovereignty," and carking hand that it had more the
etc. Where did each State get the sovereign- aspect of a revocation of the Declaration
ty which it retains? In the Declaration of ot Independence than an insb ument to
Independence the delegates of the colonies carry it into effect.
in Congress assemblcd, in the name and by None of these indispensably necessary
the authority of the good people of the powers were ever conferred by the State
colonies, declare, not each colony, but tlw legislatures upon the Congress of the con-
{,;nited Colonies, in fact, and of right, not federation; and well was it that they
sovereign, but free and independent States. never were. The system itself was radi-
And why did they make this declaration cally defective. Its incurable disease was
in the name and by the authority of the an apostasy from the principles of the
one people of all the colonies f Because by Veclaration of Independence - a substi-
the principles before laid down in the tution of separate State sovereignties, in
Declaration, the people, and the people the place of the constituent sovereignty of
alone, as the rightful source of all le- the people as the basis of the confederate
gitimate government, were competent to Union.
dissolve the bands of subjection of all the In the Congress of the confederation
colonies to the nation of Great Britain, the master minds of James Madison and
and to constitute them free and indepen- Alexander Hamilton were constantly en-
dent States. Now the people of the colo- gaged through the closing years of the
nies, speaking by their delegates in Con- Revolutionary War and those of peace
gress, had not declared each colony a which immediately succeeded. That of
sovereign, free, and independent State, John Jay was associated with them short-
cor had the people of each colony so de- ly after the peace, in the capacity of Sec-
clan'd the colony itself, nor could they so retary to the Congress for Foreign
\ff.tirs.
declare it, hecau!'le each was already bound The incompetency of the Articles of Con-
in union with all the rest-a union formed federation for the management of the
dr facto, by the spontaneous revolutionary affairs of the Lnion at home and abroad
movement of the whole people, and organ- was demonstrated to them by the painful
ized by the meeting of the first Congress, and mortifying experience of every day.
in 1774, a ;year and ten months before the 'Washington, though in retiremmt. was
Declaration of Independence. brooding over the cruel injustice suITered
\Vhere, then, did each State get the by his as!'!ociates in arms, the warrior!'! of
sovereignty, freedom. and indppendence the Revolution; over the prostration of the
which the Articles of Confpderation de- public credit and the faith of the nation
dare it retains f Not from the whole peo- in the neglect to provide for the payment
pIe of the whole Lnion; not from the even of the interest upon the public deht;
Declaration of Independence--not from the over the disappointed hopes of the fripnds
people of the State it!'!elf. It was assumed of freedom; in the language of the addreSH
48
'"
...
3,
. Jll
ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY
from Congress to the States of the 18th of that situation, with a government degen-
April, 1783, "The pride and boast of erated into tyranny, and called upon by
America, that the rights for which she the laws of nature and of nature's God to
contended were the rights of human dissolve that government and institute
nature." another. Then, in the name and by the
At his residence in Mount Vernon, in authority of the good people of the colo-
March, 1785, the first idea wa.s started of nil's, they pronounced the dissolution of
a revisal of the Articles of Confederation their allegiance to the King and their
by an organization of means differing eternal separation from the nation of
from that of a compact between the State Great Britain, and declared the United
legislatures and their own delegates in Colonies independent States. And here, as
Congress. A convention of delegates from the representatives of the one people, they
the State legislatures, independent of the had stopped. They did not require the
Congress itself, was the expedient which confirmation of this act, for the power
presented itself for effecting the purpose, to make the declaration had already been
and an Rugmentation of the powers of conferred upon them by the people; dele-
Congress for the regulation of commerce gating the power, indeed, separately in
as the object for which this assembly was the separate colonies, not by colonial au-
to be convened. In January, 1786, the thority, but by the spontaneous revolu-
proposal was made and adopted in the tionary movement of the people in them
legislature of Virginia and communicated all.
to the other State legislatures. From the day of that declaration the
The convention was held at Annapolis constituent power of the people had never
in September of that year. It was attend- been called into action. A confederacy
ed hy delegates from only five of the cen- had been substituted in the place of a
hal States, who, on comparing their re- government, and State sovereignty had
stricted powers with the glaring and uni- usurped the constituent sovereignty of the
versally acknowledged defects of the con- people.
federation, reported only a recommenda- The convention assembled at Ph il a-
tion for the assemblage of another con- delphia had themselves no direct authority
vention of delegates to meet at Philadel- from the people. Their authority was all
phia in May, 1787, from all the States derived from the State legislatures. But
and with enlarged powers. they had the Articles of Confederation be-
The Constitution of the United States fore them, and they saw and felt the
was the work of this convention. But in wretched condition into which they had
its construction the convention immediate- brought the whole people, and that the
ly perceived that they must retrace their Union itself was in the agonies of death.
steps, and fall back from a league of They soon perceived that the indispensa-
friendship between sovereign States to the bly needed powers were such a.s no State
onstituent sovereignty of the people; from government, no combination of them, was
power to right-from the irresponsible by the principles of the Declaration of In-
despotism of State sovereignty to the self- dependence competent to bestow. They
evident truths of the Declaration of Inde- could emanate only from the people. A
pendence. In that instrument the right highly respectab
e portion of the assembly,
to institute and to alter governments stiU clinging to the confederacy of States,
among men was ascribed exclusively to proposed as a substitute for the Consti-
the people; the ends of government were tl1tion a mere revival of the Articles of
declared to be to secure the natural rights Confederation, with a grant of additional
of man; and that when the government de- powers to the Congress. Their plan was
generates from the promotion to the de- respectfully and thoroughly discussed, but
struction of that end, the right and the the want of a government and of the sanc-
duty accrued to the people to dissolve this tion of the people to the delegation of
degenerate government and to institute powers happily prevailed. A Constitu-
flDother. The signers of the Declaration tion for the people, with the distribution
further averred that the one people of the of legislative, executive, and judicial
United Colonies were then precisely in powers, was prepa.red. It announced itself
I.-D 49
ADAMS
fi
the work of the people themselves j and people. and distort'" the Constitution of the
as this '\a8 unqu{'
tionably a power as- Cnited States into a leag-lIl' of fril'ml...ltip
sumed hy the cum en tion, llot dcll'ga ted to bet ween confederate corpora tions. I speak
them hy the people, they religiouslJ' eon- to matters of fact. There is thp Dpclara-
Jined it to a simple power to propos(', and tion of Independence, and t11f)re ifol the
carefully provided that it should be no Constitution of the l'"nited States-let
more than a proposal until sanctioned by them speak for themseh"es. The gross-
the confederation Congress, by the State ly immoral and dishonest doctrine of
l('gislatures, and by the people of the sev- desputic State sO\'ereignty. the exdusin.
f'ral States. in conventions specially as- judge of its own obligations, amI rcspon-
sC'mbled, by authority of their legislatures, sible to no power on earth or in hean'n
for the single purpose of examining and for the violation of them, is not there.
p:lssing upon it. The Declaration says, "It is not in me."
And thus was consummated the work The Constitution saJ"s, "It is not in me."
commenced by the Declaration of Inde- Adams, JOIIK QUI
CY (son of Charlp;:I
pendence, a work in which the people F.); born in Boston, Mass" Sept. 2
.
of tIle North American Union, acting 1833; graduated at HalTard in IR.):J; WflS
under the deepest sense of responsibility the unsuccessful candidate for the l'Il\"-
to the Supreme Rulcr of the universe. had ernorship in 18ü8-(jf)-iO. and for t1w {:-nit.
achip,"('d the most trans('('ßdpnt act of ed States Vice-Presidencv on thp til'kl't
p.)wer that social man in his mortal con- with Charles O'Conor in Ì8ï2. He died in
clition can pprform, enn that of dis- Quincy, Mass., Aug. 14, 1894.
o;;oh'ing the ties of ane
iallce by which he Adams, JULIUS \Y ALKER, engineer; born
i;:l hound to his country, of renouncing in Boston, Mass., Oct. 18. 1812. IIp was
tJ,at country itself, of dcmolislling its the piOJH'er engineer of the East River
governnH'nt, of instituting another gov- Hridge. He died in Brooklyn, N. Y., Dec.
el nment, and of making for himself an- 1:3, IS!)f).
of her country in its stead. Adams, ROßERT, JR., legi..lator; horn in
The Revolution itsclf was a work of Philadelphia. Pa., Ft'L. 2ti, I8-1-!I; was
thirteen years, aud had ne, PI' been com- graduated at the University of rennsyl-
pleted until that day. The Declaration v:mia in 1St;!). He entered Congrf':-Os in
of Indepemlence and the Cono;;titution of IR93 as representative from the 2d Pt'nn-
the l-nited
tat('s are parts of one con- syh'ania District, and in 1808 was actin
sistent whole, founded upon one and the cI-.airman of the committ('e on foreign
same theorJ' of government, then new, not afrairs which reported the Cuban resoln-
as a theory, for it had been working itself lions and the declaration of war against
into the mind of man for manJ' agf's, and Spain.
he en especially e'\.pounded in the writ- Adams, RuruEL. patriot; born in Bos-
ings of Locke, but had ne\"pr before heen ton, RC'pt. 27, Iï22; was gmduatf'd at
adopted by a great nation in practice. Harmrd College in 1 ï42, and was honOl'f'd
There are yet, even at this day, many with the degree of LL,D. by it in lin
.
speculati\'e ohjC'ctions to this theory. The tendenc'y of his mind was Rhown whpn,
Even in our own country there are f'til1 at the age of twenty-one, receh'ing the de-
philosoph('rs who denJ' the prineiples as- gree of A.l\I., he proposed, and took thp
t'rtf'd in tllP Dpclaration as f.;C'lf-e\'ident affirmath-e on, the question" Whether it
truths, who df'ny the natural f'(}1Jality and he lawful to Tf"sist the flupreme magis-
inalipnaLle rights of man, who deny that trnte if tIle commonwpalth <,annot othpr-
the Jwople are the onl.,' l('gitimatt' source wise he presCTnd?" HI' puLlif.;l)('d a pam.
of power, who deny that all just powers J.lhlet at ahout the flame timp entitlf'11
of government are derived from the con- ElIg1i.
hmrll'.
Rights. He bpcamp nn un-
f.;pnt of the gO\'C'l"IIPd. Xeither YO\1t. time successful merchant, hut a sIH'C'C'sf.;ful
nor, perhaps, the cheerful nature of this writer; and gained great popularity hy
of'casion permit me here to enter upon hi
political essays against t1w adminis-
the p'\amination of this anti-re\'olutionary tration of Gm'prnor Shirley. Rtern in
thpory, whieh arrays State sonrl'igllty morals. n horn republican. and with C01Il'-
against the con!'otituent flo'"erpigllt
of thp age equal to his convictions, Samupl
50
ADAMS, SAMUEL
than 1,000 slaves; and let him propagate
his like, and transmit to them what he has
so nobly preserved." 1\11'. Adams assisted
in drafting the State constitution of Mas-
sachusetts (1779), was president of his
State Senate (1781), member of his State
Convention that ratified the national Con-
stitution, lieutenant-governor (1789-1)4).
Rnd governor (1794-97). He sympathized
with the French Revolutionists, and was
a Jeffersonian Democrat in politics in his
latter days. The purity of his life amI
his inflexible integrity were attested by
friends and foes. Hutchinson, in a letter
to his government, said he was of "such
an obstinate and inflexible disposition that
110 gift nor office would ever coneil i.Üe
him." His piety was sincere, and he was
a thoroughbred Puritan. Without fort-
une, without a profession, he depended
on moderate salaries and emoluments of
office; and for almost fift.r J'cars a daily
maintenance, frugal in the extreme, was
eked out by the industry and prudence of
his second wife, whom he married in 1757.
He died in Boston, Oct. 2, 1803.
Samuel Adams and John Hancock were
regarded as arch-rebels by General Gage,
and he resolved to arrest them and send
them to England to be tried for treason.
the Stamp Act Congress, and was a con- A capital part of his scheme, in sending out
tinual object of dread and hatred to the the expedition to Lexington and Concord
colonial governors. He proposed the first (April IS-H), li75), was the seizure of
Committee of Correspondence in Massa- tllese patriots, who, members of the Pro-
chusetts in I i72; and. when General Gage vincial Congress, had tarried at Lexing-
besought him to make his peace with the ton on being infornwd of Gage's intention
King, he replied, "I trust I have made to arrest them on their return to Boston.
my pea.ce with the King of kings. No per- They were at the house of Rev. Jonas
sonal considerations shall induce me to Clarke, a.nd Gage thought to surprise and
ahandon the righteous cause of my coun- capture them at midnight. The vigilant
try." \Yarren, learning the secret of the expe-
In 1 i7 4 he was the chief in maturing dition, sent Paul Revere to warn the pa-
the plan for a Continental Congress; was triots of their danger. Revere waited at
a member of it; and served in that hody Charlestown for a signal-light from the
most efficiently from that time until 1781. sexton of thf" Korth Church, to warn him
l\S early as liG!) -:\11'. Adams advocated the of the forward movement of the troops.
In,lp!wnd('nee of the colonies, and was one It was given, and on Deacon Larl...in's
of Ute wa nuest supporters of it in the swift horse Revere sped to Lexington. At
C'ongress. WI}(>n dC'hating on the Dec1ara- a little past midnight he }'ode up to
tion of TndepC'ndencf", Adams said: "I Clarke's house. which he found guarded
sh(lulcl all\"Ïsf" Iwrsisting in our sÌl'ugglp hy
prgpant Monroe amI ltis mpn. In llUr-
for liùerty thongh it werí' reypalpr] from riell wOl'll
he asked e(lr llanl'ol'k. "1'IIP
heaven that fl!l!) were to perish, and onl' family ha,'e retired:' said thp serg-pant.
of 1.000 wel'e to sl1r\"iyf" and rptain his ,. and 1 am direetf"d not to allow thplJl to
lihprty. Onp sneh freeman must posspss he disturbed by any noise." "Xoise!" e'(-
more virtuc, and enjoy more happiness. claimed Revere; .. you'll ha.ve noise enough
51
Adams was a natural leader of the op-
posers of the Stamp Act and kindred meas-
ures of Parliament, and from that period
( 1765) until the independence of the
colonies was achieved he was a foremost
leader of the patriot host. He suggested
, '.
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4 /
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\...
-ff'ø < , /
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.
.
'\'
A
/ I'
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:;'-j;fí</ I
*
SAMUEL ADAMS.
ADAld:S. SAMUEL
Joseph \Varren, Joshua Henshaw, and
Samuel Pemberton, to call on Lieutenant-
Governor Hutchinson amI demand the re-
moval of the British troops from BOf'ton,
by presenting resolutions to that effect
adopted by the meeting. Adams submit-
ted the resolutions. The lieutenant - gov-
(lrnor and Colonel Dalr
'mpl(: were dis-
posed to temporize. Hutchinson saiJ he
had no power to remove all the troop
.
Adams proved that he had, by the tenn
of the charter. Still the crown offieers
hesitated. Adams resolveJ that there
should be no more trilling with the will
of the people. Stretching forth his hand
towarJs II utchinson, RnJ in a voiee not
loud but clear, he said: "If you have
power to remove one regiment,
'ou have
power to remove both. It is at J'our peril
if you do not. The meeting is compo!'eJ
of 3,000 people. They are become very im-
patient. A thousand men are alreadJ' ar-
rived from the neighborhood, and the coun-
try is in general motion. :Kight is a-p-
proaching; an immediate answer is ex-
pected." This was the voice of the
province--of the continent. Hutchinson
grew pale; his knees trembled; and Adams
afterwards said, "I enjoyed the sight."
After conferring together in a whisper,
Hutchinson and Dalrymple promiseJ to
sEnd all the troops to Castle William, in
Roston Harbor.
Mr. Adams was early marked as an in-
flpxible patriot and most earnest promoter
of the cause of freedom, "
hen Governor
Gage sought to bribe him to desist from
his opposition to the acts of Parliament
concerning taxation in America. he sent
Colonel Fenton on this errand. The latter
said to Adams that he was authorized by
Gage to assure him that he (the governor)
had been empowered to confer upon him
such benefits as would be 8atiRfactory.
upon the condition that he would pngage
to cease his opposition to the measures 01
gOYernment. He alRo observed that it
was the advice of Governor Gage to him
not to incur the further diRpleasure of his
:l\Iajesty; that his conduct had been such
as made him liable to the penalties of the
Act of Henry VIII., by which persons
was held in the Old South )[eeting- could be scnt to England for trial for trea-
house, and appointed a committee. consist- son or misprision of treason, at the dis-
ing of Samuel Adams. .fohn Haneock, cretion of the governor of a province; but
William Molineaux, William Phillips, by changing his political course he woul(l
52
before long; the regulars are coming out!"
Ill' was then allowed to knock at the door.
.Mr. Clarke appeared at a window, when
Revere said, " 1 wish to see Mr. Hancock."
., I do not like to admit strangers into my
house so late at night," answered Mr.
Clarke. Hancock, who was not asleep,
I (:clJ1!nized Re,'ere's voice, and called out,
"Come in, llf'vere, we are not afraid of
you." The warning was given; the whole
h(JUR('hold was soon astir, and the two
patriots awaited the coming of the enemy.
'''hen they approached, the" arch-rebels"
were persuaded to retire to a more secure
retreat, foI1owed by Dorothy Quincy, to
whom Hancock was affianccd (and whom
he married in Septpmber foJIowing), who
was on a ,-isit at
Ir. Clarke's. "
hen
AJams, from a wooded hill near Clarke's
honse, saw the beginning of the 8kirmish
at Le-xington, he exclaimed, with prollhetic
prescience, " 'Vha t a glorious morning for
America is this!" In a proclamation
(.June 12) in which he denounced those in
arms and their abettors to be " rebels and
parrieidcs of the Constitution," and offered
a free pardon to alJ who should forthwith
return to their alJegi-
ance, General Gage ex-
cepted Adams and Han-
cock, who were out-
lawed, and for whom he
offered a reward as
" arch-traitors."
In1rnediately after
...-' the "Boston Massa-
cre " a monster
meeting of citi-
zens of Boston
:
1 I
e
"
,f
/f.: \,
..4-t
iI. J.
(
,.
1 __
....J)!
OLD 801. TR IIKETI:SO-HOUSB.
ADAMS, SAMUEL
not only receive great personal advantages,
but would thereby make his peace with his
King. Adams listened attentively, and at
the conclusion of the colonel's remarks he
asked him if he would deliver a reply
exactly as it should be given. He assent-
ed, when Adams, rising from his chair and
assuming a determined manner, said,
after repeating the historical words al-
ready quoted, "No personal considera-
tion shall induce me to abandon the right-
eous cause of my country. Tell Governor
Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams to
him no longer to insult the feelings of an
exasperated people."
Protest against Taxation.-On :May 24,
17G4, Samuel Adams addressed the fol-
lowing protest to Royal Tyler, James
Otis, Thomas Cushing, and Oxenbridge
Thacher:
Gentlemen,- Your being chosen by the
freeholders and inhabitants of the town
of Boston to represent them in the General
Assembly the ensuing year affords you
the strongest testimony of that confidence
which they place in your integrity and
capacity. By this choice they have dele-
ga ted to you the power of acting in their
public concerns in general as your own
prudence shall direct you. always reserv-
ing to themselves the constitutional right
of expressing their mind and giving you
such instructions upon particular matters
as they at any time shall judge proper.
\Ve therefore, your constituents, take
this opportunity to declare our just ex-
pectations from you, that you will con-
stantly use your power and influence in
maintainin
the valuable rights and privi-
Jt'ges of the province, of which this town
is !'ìO great a part, as well thO!'le rights
which are derived to us by the royal
charter as those which, being prior to and
independent of it, Wf" hold essentially as
free-born sub,j<>cts of Great Britain.
That you will endeavor, as far as you
shaH be able, to preserve that indepen-
d('nce in the House of Representa-
tiY<
s which characteri7es a free people,
and tlle want of wIlÌch may in a great
measure prevent the happy efforts of a free
government. cultivating as you shall have
opportunity that harmony and union tl\pre
which is ever desirable to good men, which
is founded on principles of virtue ann
53
public spirit, and guarding against any
undue weight which may tend to disad-
just that critical balance upon which our
Constitution and the blessings of it do de-
pend. And for this purpose we particu-
larly recommend it to you to use your en-
deavors to have a law passed whereby
the scats of such gentlemen as shall ac-
cept of posts of profit from the crown or
the governor, while they are members of
the House, shall be vacated agTeeably to
an act of the British Parliament, till their
constituents shall have the opportunity of
re-eleding them, if they please, or of re-
turning others in their room.
Being members of the legislative body,
you will have a special regard to the mor-
als of this people, which are the basis of
public happiness, and endeavor to have
such laws made, if any are still wanting,
as shall be best adapted to secure them;
and we particularly desire you carefully
to look into the laws of excise, that if the
virtue of the people is endangered by the
multiplicity of oaths therein enjoined, or
their trade and business is unreasonably
impeded or embarrassed thereby, the grie;-
ance may be redressed.
As the preservation of morals, as well
as of property and right, so much depends
upon the impartial distribution of justice,
agreeable to good and wholesome law;
and as the judges of the lanl! do depend
upon the free grants of the General As-
sembly for support, it is incumbent upon
you at all times to give your voice for
their honorable maintenance, so long as
they, having in their minds an indiffer-
ence to all other affairs, shall devote
themselves wholly to the duties of their
own department and the further study of
the law, by which their customs, prece-
dents, proceedings, and determinations are
adjusted and limited.
You will remember that this province
hath been at a very great expense in carry-
ing on the war, and that it still lies under
a very grievous burden of debt; you will
therefore use your utmost endeavor to
promote public frugality as one means to
lessen the public dpbt.
You will join in any proposals which
may be made for the better cultivating
t}}e lands and improving the husbandry
of the province; and as you represent a
town which lives by its trade, we expect
ADAMS, SAMUEL
eeedings may be preparatory to new ta:\.-
ations upon us; for if our trade Illay be
taxed, \\ hy not our lands? Why not the
produce of our lands and everything we
po!'sess or make use of? Thiswe apprehend
annihilates our charter right to P'o'"ern
and tax ourselves. It strikes at our British
privileges, which, a
we ha\'e npwr for-
feited them, we hold in Common with nur
fellow-subjects who are natives of Britain.
If taxes are laid upon us in any shape
without our having a legal representation
where theJ' are laid, are we not reduced
from the character of free subjects to the
miserable state of tributary slaves?
\\' e therefore earnestly recommem! it
to you to use your utmost endca,.ors to
obtain in thf" General .\ssembly all neces-
ar
' mstruction and ad\ ice to our agent
at this critical juncture; that while he is
E'cHing forth the unshaken loyalty of this
provincc and thi.., town-its unrivalled ex-
ertion in supporting his :\lajesty's go\'-
prnment ami rights in this part of hi
dominions-its acknowledged dependenee
upon and subordination to Great Britain.
Hnt! the ready suhmission of its merchant
to all just and necessary regulations of
trade, he may he ahle in the most humhle
ami pressini mannt'r to remonstrate for
us all those rights and privileges which
justly hclong to us either by charter or
hirth.
As his Majesty's othpr Korthf"l"ll Amer-
Í<'an colonif"s are embarked with us in this
most important bottom. we further desire
you to use your endeavor
that their
\\ eight Ulay be added to that of this prov-
ince, that by the unitc.t! applieation of all
who are aggrie, ed. all may happil
' obtain
redress.
Nights of the Colollisfs.-Un XO\".
U,
Iii'!., he made the following report:
in a very particular manner, though you
make it the object of your attention to
!""upport our eommprce in all its just
rights. to vindicate it from all unreasona-
ble impositions and promote its prosperity.
Our trade has for a long time labored
under great dicouragements,and it is with
the dpepest eonccrn that we see such fur-
ther dil1ieulties coming upon it as will re-
duce it to the low ebb. if not totally ob-
struct and ruin it. \Ye cannot help ex-
pressing our surprise that whpn so early
notice was given by the agent of the inten-
tions of the ministry to burden us with
new ta:\.es. so little regard was had to this
most interesting matter that the Court
was not e"en called together to consult
about it till the latter end of the year; the
consequencc of which was that instruc-
tions could not be sent to the agent, though
solieit<.d by him, till the Hil had gone be-
yond an ea"y remedy.
There is no room for further dela
': we
tlwrpfme e'\.l)('ct that you will use
'our
parliest emleavors in the Gp]H'ral As"em-
itly t ha t such methods may he taken as
will t'Írl'ctualJ
' pre,"ent thl':'õe proepedings
against us. B
' a proper )"t'Jn"cM'ntation
we apprehend it may easily be maJe to
appear that such sen-rities will pl"O\e det-
rimental to Great Britain itself; upon
which account we han rea!,un to hope that
an applil'ation. even for a repl'al of the
act, should it he already passed, will b('
suece:-::;;ful. It is the trade of the eolonie
t hat renders UIf'IIl lll'nefieia 1 to the mother
country; our trad(', as it is now and al-
ways has 1)('en conducted, centres in Great
Britain. and. in return for lwr manufact-
un's. al1"onls her more ready cash bpyond
an.'" eomparison than can possihly be ex-
pected b
" the most sanguinary promoter
of tJlf'se e:\.traordinar." methods. \Ye are.
in short, ultimately yielding- large supplies
to the revenues of the mother country, AS
IE
.
while we are lahoring for a yery moderate Among the natural rights of the colo-
!Hlh"istence for 011l'spIHs. But if our trade nists are tllese: First. a right to life.
is to be curtaih.d in its most profitahle Reeond, to lilwrt.". Thirdly, to property:
ùranc}ws. and bunlplls bercmd all pnssihlp togpther with the right to support and de-
bearing laid upon that which is suffen,J ff'nd them in the bpst mannpr they can.
to remain, we slmll be so far from h('ing Tlwse are eviJent branches of. rather than
able to take off the manufactun's of Grpat deductions from. the duty of splf-preser-
Britain. though it will bf" scarce possi- yation, commonly calleJ the first la\\ of
hIe for us to earn our brpad. nature.
Rut what still iwightens our appre- All Il\pn have a right to remain in a
hensiolls is that these unexpected pro- state of nature as long as theJ" plt.ase, ami
.34
ADAMS, SAMUEL
in ('ase of intolerable oppression, ci,'il or
religious, to leave the society they belong
to and enter into another.
When men enter into society it is by
voluntary consent, and they have a right
to demand and insist upon the perform-
ance of such conditions and previous lim-
itations as form an equitable original com-
pact.
Every natural right not expressly giv-
en up, or from the nature of a social com-
pact necel"saril
y ceded, remains.
All positÍ\'e and civil laws should con-
form, as far al" possible, to the law of nat-
ural reason and equity.
As neither reason require!'. nor religion
permits the contrar:r, every man living in
or out of a state of eivil !'.ociety has a
right peae('ahly and quietly to wor
hip
God aceording to the dictates of his con-
seÏenee.
".Just and true liberty. equal and im-
partial liberty." in matters spiritual and
tpmporal is a thing that all men are clear-
ly entitled to b
y the eternal and immuta-
ble laws of God and nature, as well as b
y
the laws of nations and all well-grounded
and municipal laws, which must have
their foundation in the former.
In regard to reli
ion, mutual toleration
in the different professions thereof is what
all good and candid minds in all ages
have ever practised, and both by precept
and example inculcated on mankind. It
iR now generally agreed among Christians
that this spirit of toleration. in the fullest
e'(tent consistent with the being of civil
!'.ociety, is the chief charaeteri!'.tical mark
of the true Church. In 80 much that ::\11'.
Locke has asserted and proved, beyond the
po!"sibility of contradiction on any solid
ground, that sueh toleration ought to be
extended to all whose doctrines are not
subnrsive of I"ociety. The only sects
which he thinks oUg'ht to be. and which by
all wise laws are, excluded from such tol-
eration are tJlOse who teach doctrines sub-
ver!'.ive of tlH' ei,'il go\'ernment under
whieh they livc. The Roman Catholics. or
Papists, are excluded by reason of such
doctrines as these: That prince!'! excom-
municated may be deposed, and those that
they call heretics may be destroyed with-
out mercy; be<>ides their recognizing the
Pope in so absolute a manner, in sub-
version on government, by introducing, as
55
far as possible into the states under whose
protection they enjoy life, liberty, and
property, that solecism in politics, impe-
rilt/It in imperio, leading directly to the
worst anarchy and eonfusion, civil dis-
cord, war, and bloodshed.
The natural liberty of man by entering
into society is abridg'ed or restrained, so
far only as is necessary for the gl'eat end
of society-the best good of the whole.
In the state of nature evcry man is,
under God. judge and sole judge of his
own rights and of the injuries done him.
By entering into !'ocif't
y II(" agrees to an
arbiter or indifferent judge between him
and his r1Pighbors; hut he no more re-
nounees his original right, thereby taking
a cause out of the ordinary eourse of law,
and leaving the decision to referees or in-
differf'nt arbitrators. In the last ease. he
must pay the referee for time and trouble.
He should also be willing to pay his just
quota for the support of the gonnnnent,
the law, and the Constitution, the end
of ",hieh is to furnish indifferent and im-
partial judges in aU cases that may hap-
pen, whether civil, ecclesiastical, marine,
or military.
The natural liberty of Ulan is to be
tref' from any superior power on earth,
aud not to be undH the will or leg-isla-
ti'-e. authorit:r of man. but only to have
the law of nature for his rule.
In the state of nature men ma
', as the
patriarchs did. employ hiretl senants for
the defenee of their 1in
s, libprties, and
property, and they shall pay them reason-
ahle wages. Government "as instituted
for the purpose of common defence, and
those who hold the reins of government
have an equitable, natural right to an hon-
orable support from the same principle that
.< the laborer is worthy of his hire." But
then the same community which they
serve ought to be the assessors of their
pay. GO\'erllors haye a right to seek and
take what they please: by this. instead of
being content with the station assignC'd
them, that of honorable !'.ervants of the
society, they would soon become absolute
mastf'r
, despots. and t
'rants. Hence, as
a private man has a right to say what
wages he will give in his private affairs.
sO has a community to determine what
they will give and grant of their substance
for the administration of public affairs.
ADAMS, SAMUEL
And in both cases more are ready to offer
their service at the proposed and stipu-
lated price than are able and willing to
perform their duty.
In short, it is the greatest absurdity to
suppose it in the power of one, or of any
number of men, at the pntering into so-
ciety to renounce their essential natural
rights, or the means of preserving those
rights, when the grand end of civil govern-
mcnt, from the very nature of its institu-
tion, is for the support, protection, and
defpnce of those very rights; the principal
of which, as is before observed, are life,
libe.tty, and property. If men, through
fea
, fraud, or mistake, should in terms re-
nounce or give up any essential natural
right, the eternal law of reason and the
grand end of socipty would absolutely va-
cate such renunciation. The right of free-
dom being the gift of God Almighty, it is
not in the power of man to alienate this
gift and voluntarily become a slave.
AS CHRISTIANS.
These may be best understood by read-
ing and carefully studying the institutes
of the great Law-giver and head of the
Christian Church, which are to be found
clearly writtcn and promulgated in the
New Testament.
By an act of the British Parliament
commonly called the Toleration Act, every
fmbject in England, except Papists, etc.,
were restored to. and re-established in, his
natural right to worship God according
to the dictates of his own conscience. And
by the chartcr of this province it is grant-
ed, ordained, and established (that is, de-
elan
d as an odginal right) that there
shall be liberty of conseience allowed in
the worship of nod to all Christians, ex-
cept Papists, inhabiting, or which shall
inhabit or be rei;ident within, such prov-
ince or territory. Magna Charta itself is
in substance but a constrained declaration
or proclamation and promulgation in the
name of King, Lords. and Commons, of the
sense the latter had their original, inhpr-
ent, indefeasible, natural rights, as !jllso
those of free citizens pqual1y perdurable
with the other. That great author, that
great jurist, and even that court writer.
Mr. .rustice Blackstone, holds that this
recognition was justly obtained of King
John, sword in hand. And peradventure
it must be one day, 8word in hand, again of
5G
rescued and preserved from total destruc-
tion and obIi vion.
AS SUßJECTS.
A commonwcalth or state is a body
politic, or civil society of men united to-
gether to promote their mutual safety and
prosperity by means of their union.
The absolute right of Englishmen and
all freemen, in or out of civil society,
are principally personal security, personal
liberty, and private property.
All persons born in the British Ameri-
can Colonies are by the laws of God and
nature, and by the common law of Eng-
land, exclusive of all charters from the
Crown, well entitled, and by acts of the
British l>arliament are declared to be en-
titled, to all the natural, essential, in-
herent, and inseparable rights, liberties,
and privileges of subjects born in Great
Britain or within the realm. Among these
rights are the following, which no man,
or body of men, consistently with their
own rights as men and citizens, or mem-
bers of society. can for themselves give up
or take away from others:
First. The first fundamental positive
law of all commonwealths or states is
the establishing the legislatin power. As
the fil'st fundamental natural law, also,
which is to govern eYen the legislative
power itself is the preservation of the so-
ciety.
Recondly. The legislative has no right
to absolute arbitrary power over the lives
fI nd fortunes of the people; nor can mor-
tals assume a prerogative not only too
high for men, but for angpls. and there-
fore reserved for the Deity alone.
The legislative cannot justly assume to
itself a power to rule by extempore arbi-
trary decrees; but it is bound to see that
justice is dispensed. and that the rights of
the subjects be decided b.v promulgated
standing. and known laws. and authorized
indppendent judges; that is. indpppndent.
aH far as possible, of prince and people.
Thpre should be one rule of justice for
rich and poor, for the favorite at court,
and the countryman at the plough.
Thirdly. The supreme power cannot
justly take from an
' man any part of his
property without his consent in person
or by his representativp.
These are some of the first principles
natural law and justice, and the great
ADAMS-ADEE
barriers of all free states, and of the Brit- Ireland together; yet it is absurdly ex-
iEh consti tution in particular. It is ut- pected by the promoters of the present
tHly irreconcilable to these principles, and measure that these, with their posterity
to any other fundamental maxims of the to all generations, should be easy while
common law, COIlnnon-sense, and reason, tlleir property shall be disposed of by a
that a British House of Commons should House of Commons at 3,000 miles dis-
have a right at pleasure to give and grant tant from them, and who cannot be
the property of the colonists. (That the supposed to have the least care or con-
colonists are well entitled to all the es- ct'rn for their real interest, but must
s('ntial rights, liberties, and privileges of lie in effect bribed against it, as every
men and freemen born in Britain is mani- l'urden thf"Y lay on the colonists is so
f('st not only from the colony charters in much saved or gained to themseh'es.
general, but acts of the British Parlia- Hitherto many of the colonists have been
ment.) The statute of the 13th of Geo. free from quit rents; but if the breath
11., c. 7, naturalizes every foreigner after of a British House of Commons can
s('ven years' residence. The words of the originate an act for taking away all our
Massachusetts charter are these: "And money, our lands will go next, or be sub-
further, our will and pleasure is, and we .lect to rack rents from haughty and re-
do hereby, for us, our heirs and successors, lpntless landlords, who will ride at ease
grant, establish, and ordain that all and while we are trodden in the dirt. The
every of the subjects of us, our heirs and colonists lJave been branded with the
successors, which shall go to and inhabit odious names of traitors and rebels only
within our said Province or Territory, and for complaining of their grievances. HO\
every of their children which shall happen long such treatment will or ought to be
to be born there or on the seas in going borne is submitted.
thither or returning from thence, shall Addams, JANE, social reformer; born in
have and enjoy all liberties and immunities Cedanille, III., Sept. 6, 18GO; was gradu-
vf free and natural subjects within any of ated at Rockford College in 1881, and,
the dominions of us, our heirs and suc- after spending some time in study in
cessors, to all intents, constructions, and :Europe, established the Social Settlement
purposes whatsoever, as if they and every of Hull House in Chicago, of ,\hich she be-
one of thcm were born within this, our came head resident. She is widely es-
realm of England." teemed for her writings and lectures on
Now what liberty can there be where Social Settlement work.
property is taken away without consent'l Addicks, JOlIN EDWARD, capitalist;
Can it be said with any color of truth born in Philadelphia, Xov. 21, 18.n. In-
and justice that this continent of 3,000 terested in gas companies. Be was a can-
u;i1es in length, and of a breadth as didate for United States Senator from
yet unexplored, in which, however, it is Delaware for se,'eral years, but failed of
supposed there are 5,000,000 of people, election. His adher
nts prevcnted the
has the least voice, vote, or influence in clection of anyone, and as a consequence
the British Parliament! Have they alto- Delaware was unrepresented in the United
gether any more weight or power to return
tates Senate for several years.
a single member to that House of Com- Adee, AIXEY AUGUSTUS, diplomatist:
mons who have not inadvertently, but de- born in Astoria, N. Y., Nov. 27, 1842; was
liberately, assumed a power to dispose of educated privately. On Sept. 9, 1870, he
their lives. liberties, and properties, than was appointed secretary of the American
to choose an emperor of China? Had the legation in Madrid, where he also served
colonists a right to return members to at different times RS chargé d'affaires;
the British Parliament, it would only be July 9, 18ï7, was transff'rrcd to the De-
lmrtful, as, from their local situation and partment of Stat{> in \Yashington, D. C.;
circumstances it is impossible they should June II, 1878, hecame chief of the Diplo-
ever be truly and property represented matic ßureau; .July 18, 1882. third assist-
there. The inhabitants of this country. in ant Secretary of State; and Aug. 3, 1886.
all probability, in a few years, will be more sf"cond assistant Secretary of State. He
numerous than those of Great Britain and was present when the peace protocols were
57
ADET-ADLER
signctl bl'tween the United States antl ment, in this resped, "iolated the ob1iga-
::'pain, in \\'ashington. tions of treaties." This was foHowed bv
Adet, PIERRE AUGt:íSTUS, French diplo- a summary of these aHeged "iolations. i;-
matist; born in Ke\-ers in 1763. He was cluding the circular of 17U3. restraining
amba
sador to the l:nited States in 1795- the fitting-out of pri"atcers in _-\merican
H7. Hcre he interfered too much in local waters; the law of 179-1. prohihiting hos-
politics, and became unpopular. with the t;le enterprises or preparations against
gO\'l'rnment party. He issued an in flam- Jlations with whom the {Jnited f'tate
were
ma tor
address to the American people, in at peace; the cognizance of these matters
which he accused the administration of taken b;v the
\merican courts of law: and
Washington with violations of the friend- the admission of armed British ves,.:els
hip which once e"Xisted between the L'nit- into American waters. He complained of
ed States and France. On Xov. .'5, 1796, the "British treaty" as inimical to tlH"
he issued the famous" cockade" procla- interests of Francc. This papPI', published
mation, or order, calling upon all French- in the Aurora, was intcnded more for the
men in the l7nited f'tates, in the name of American people than for the American
the French Directory, to mount and wear government. "'hill' in the L'nited
tat('s
the tricolored cockade, "the symbol of a h
was a busy partisan of the Rcpllh-
liberty the fruit of eight years' toil and hcans. In 17!)6 he presented to ('on-
five years' victories." Adet declared in grcss. in behalf of the French nation, tlw
his proclamation that any Frenchman who tricolored flag of France; and just beforl'
might hesitatc to gi\-e this indication of he lcft, in 1797. he spnt to tlH" Recrc-
adherence to the republic should not be. tary of
tatp the famous notf> in which the
allowed the aid of the French consular DirectoQ-, contrary to the spirit of the
chanceries or the national protcction. The treaty of 1778, declared that the flag of
tricolored cockade was at once mounted, the republic would treat all neutral flags
not only by the French residents, but by ;'.S they pcrmitted themsel\'Ps to be treated
many American citizens who wislwd to hy the :EngJish.
oon aftprwards .Add
signify in this marked manner their at- suspended his diplomatic functions and
tachment to the French Repub1ie. This returned to France, where he died in IR32.
"cockade proclamation," as the Federal- Adirondack Park, a tract in the
ists called it in derision, was the origin Adirondack Mountain region covering
of the practice, for se\'eral Jears, of Hamilton county and parts of Essex.
wearing a cockade as a badge of party Franklin, Herkin1f"r, and st. Lawrence
di
tinction. c(Junties; containing numerous mountains.
Ten days after the issuance of this peaks, lakps, and woodlands. It was Sl't
proclamation he sent a note simultaneous- llpart by the State of New York in IS!):!
Iy to the State Department and to the for the protection of thp watershed of th("
A.urora-the opposition newspaper-de- Hudson and othpr rÌ\-er
. for tllP practical
mantling. .. in the name of the faith of study of forcstry. and for public 1'('('rm-
treaties and of American honor, the exe- tion. The tract has an area of 4,
R7
cution of that contract [treaty of H78] "quare miles. The stud,\' of forC'stry is
which assured to the L'nited States their hl're carriC'd on under the dir("ction of
('"Xistence. and whiC'h France regarded as a the newly established State School of
pledge of the most sacred union bet\\'C'en Forestry, a department of CORXELL r
I'
two people, thp freest upon earth." He YER
ITY (q. v.).
a 1 mounced, at the same timp, .. the resolu- Adler, FELIX. C'ducator; born in Al:7C'r.
tion of a government tf>rribl(' to its ene- Germany, An,!!. 1
. 18:11: was graduatf'd
mil's, but gcnerous to its allies." 'Yith Rt Columbia Cniwrsity in IR70 and thm
grandiloquent sentences he portrayed the studied in Germany. In 1874-76 he was
disappointment of the French nation in Professor of Hebrew and Oriental Litf>ra-
not finding a warm friend in the American tere at Cornell University; and in 1876
p'overnment. "So far from offering the he founded the New York Society of
French the succor which friendship might Ethical Culture, before which he haf' since
DtlVe gh'en." he said, "without com- l("etured on Sundays. On :May 5, 1901. at
Ill'omitting itself, the American govern- its twenty-fifth anniversary, in recognition
58
ADMINISTRATIONS-AGAMENTICUS
of Dr. Adler's services, the society pre- Adventists were divided into six bodies:
sented him with $10,000 as a nudeus of a Evangelical, Advent Christians, Seventh-
larger fund the income of which is to Day, Church of God, I..ife and Advent
be employed in developing the natural gifts Union, and Churches of Goà in Jesus
of worthy young men and women. Dr. Christ, and together reported 1,491 min-
Adler is a member of the editorial board i!'>ters, 2,2G7 churches, and 89,482 com-
(-,f the International Journal of Ethics. municants. See :\IILLER, \VILUAM.
His publications include Creed and Deed; African Methodist Episcopal Church,
'l'he 110rol Tn.<;truction of Children, etc. a religious sect estahlished in Philadel-
Administrations. See PRESIDENTIAL phia in 18] 6, by colored members of the
ADMINISTRATIONS; CABINET, PRESIDENT'S; Methodist Episcopal Church. The first.
also the titles of the several Presidents. bishop chosen by the convention that
Admiral, several times the title of the founded the Church was the Rev. Richa.rd
hiahest rank in the "Cnited States naval .r\llen. In 1704, under his direction, the
sC';vice. Prior to the Civil War the high- first church for colored Methodists in the
est Tank was that of commodore. In 1862 United Stat
s was built in Philadelphia.
Congress e
tablished the rank of rear-ad- The government and doctrine of the Church
miral: in 1864 that of vice-admiral; and is substantially the same as that of the
in 18nô that of admiral, in each case the body from which it withdrew. Its terri-
office being bestowed on David G. Farra- tory is divided into two annual confer-
gut. On the death of Dayid D. Porter C'nces, and it has a general conference
( 189]). who by law had succeeded to the which meets once eVel"y four years. In
titles of vice-admiral and admiral, both 1900 it reported as follows: Ministers,
these grad('s were abolished, anò the grade f).659; churches, 5,775; and members,
of rear-admiral remained the highest till 673.504.
1899. when that of admiral was again African Methodist Episcopal Church,
created by Congress and conferred on ZION, a religious seet, founded in New
({('orge Dewey. Further legislation by York City in 17!Hì. This organization
Congress in that year increased the num- sprang from a desire of colored memhers
lIeI' of rear-admirals from six, to which it of the :Methodist Episcopal Church to have
11:1d heen reduced in 1882, to eighteen, and a separate spiritual fellowsllip that they
divided these officers into two e1asses of might be more heJpful to each other: The
mnp each. the first nine corresponding in first annual conference, however, was not
rnnk to major-generals in the army, and held until 1821. James Varich was elect-
the second to brigadier-generals. The I'd bishop in the following ;year. Until
same act abolished the grade of commo- 1880 bishops held office for four years
110re. and admnced the holders of that only, but in that year an act was passed
rJ'àde to real'-admirals. In 1902 the nUIn- making the bishopric a life office. 'fhe
Ler of rear-admirals was 22; in 1903, 24. territory of this Church is dh"ided into
Admiralty Courts. The governor of seven districts. over each of which there
each colony was vice-admiral, with the is a bi!"hop. In 1900 it reported as foI-
l ight of deciding maritime cases person- lows: Ministers. 3.155; churches, 2,D06;
ally, or by a judge appointed by him. By and members, 53ß,271.
tll(' Coni::>titution this jurisdiction is now Agamenticus, the name given in lß3ß
\"('
ted in the fedewl courts, with original to the region lying between the mountain
juri!"diction in the district COlutS. and th(' sea, now comprising York county.
Adventists, also known as ßhLLERITES, l\Ie. It was within the grant given to
n 8P("t in fhe PnitPfl Rtates founded hy Gorges and Mason. There a city was
WilJiam l\IiJler. who hplieyed that the
f'c- formed, and incorporated in 1641, in imi-
ond coming of Christ would occur in Oc- tation of English municipalities, with a
tober. 18-t-
. As the cxpecte(l event did not ",avor and aldermen. The citv wa
caUed
0\'("111' on the firo;t nor succeeding days set Go
geana. The occupants of' the land in
for it. the numhf'r of believers decrca!"pd Agamenticus were tenants at will of the
very largely. The .\dventists of to-day pI:oprieto)", There En.glish apple-seeds
st ill look for the coming of Christ. but do ",pre planted and thrived. and one of the
not fix a definite time for it. In 1900 the trees that sprang up Jived and bore fruit
59
AGANA-AGASSIZ
annually so tate as 1875, when it was cut
down. See MAINE ; YORK.
Agana, the principal town and district
of the island of Guam, the largest of the
'Ladrone Islands, in the Pacific Ocean,
ahout 1,500 miles east of Luzon, in the
l'hilippines. As a result of the war
hetween the L'nited States and Spain, the
formcr took possession of this island, and
in the following year established a seat of
government in this town with Capt. Rich-
ard P. Leary, U. S. N., as the first gov-
ernor. The population of the island is
between eight and nine thousand; three-
fourths of the people live in the district of
.Agana, and four-fifths of this number, or
5,249, in the town. Under American con-
trol the town and its vicinity speedBy took
the appearance of greater activity and
prosperity than was ever before seen there;
and the process of Americanizing con-
tinued with excellent results till Nov.
13, 1900, when both the town and the
i!'.land were swept by a typhoon, in which
the United States auxiliary cruiser Yo-
semite was wrecked on a coral reef, after
drifting 60 miles from her anchorage.
The navy department promptly sent relief
in the form of food, clothing, and building
materials to the people, who had become
greatly attached to their new national
connection. See GUA1>r.
Agassiz, ALEXANDER, naturalist; born
in Keuchfitel, Switzerland, Dec. 17, 183.");
son of Prof. I...ouis Agassiz; came to the
United States in 1849; and was graduated
at Harvard College in 1855, and at Law-
rence Scientific School in 1857. He was
curator of the Natural History Muse- on the Animal Kingdom and on Glaciprs
mil, in Cambridge, in 1874-85; has since hI the summer of 1847 the snperintendpnt
h{'C"n engaged in important zoological in. of the Coast Survey tendered him the fa-
n
tigations; and became widely known by dlities of that service for a continuanC"e
llis connection with the famous Calumet of his scientific investigations. Professor
(IDd Hecla copper-mines. The University Agassiz settled in Cambridge, and was
of St. Andrews conferred the honorary made Professor of Zoology and Geology of
èpgree of LL.D. upon him, April 2, 1901. the Lawrence Scipntific School at ib; foun-
Agassiz, ELIZABETH CABOT, naturalist dation in 1848. That year he made, with
and educator; born in Boston, 1\Iass., in some of his pupils, a scientific exploration
lSi23; daughter of Thomas G. Cary; was of the shores of Lake Superior. He aftpr-
married to Prof. Louis Agassiz in 1850. wards explored the southern coasts of the
In 18ß5 she accompanied her husband on United States, of Brazil, and the waters
his expedition to Brazil, and in 1871-72 of the Pacific Ocean. An account of his
was on the Hassler expedition. She explorations on the Brazilian coast was
greatly aided her huo;band in his studies given in A Journey to Brazil, by Mrs.
and writings; was joint author with her Agassiz, in 1867. He received the Copley
son of Seaside Studies in l\
atural His-
{edal from the Royal Society of London;
GO
tory j published Louis Agassiz: His Life
and Correspondence j and was president
of the Harvard "Annex," now Radcliffe
College, from its organization till 1899,
when she resigned.
Agassiz, Loms JOHN RUDOLPH, nat-
uralist; born in Motier parish, near
Keuchâtel, Switzerland, May 28, 1807. He
was of Huguenot descent, was thorough-
ly educated at Heidelberg and :Munich,
and received the honorary degree of Ph.D.
He prosecuted his studies in natural his-
tory in Paris, where Cuvier offered him
his collection for the purpose. The liber-
ality of Humboldt enabled him to publish
his great work (1834-44) on Fossil Fish-
cs, in 5 volumes, with an atlas. He ar-
rived in Boston in 1846, and lectured there
Ii.
, \
.
\.
\\ ! I
.
, \ ..
" ". ." ,
\ ! - '1"
\ ,
...\'9'
ì ' .
.\ ' .,' '#
.. .. I
'\
'. \\.\
:.
'f"
f
1.O['IS AGASSJZ.
AGAWAM-AGRARIAN PARTY
from the Academy of Sciences of Paris, known as a daring and succes::öful operator
the Monthyon Prize and the Cuvier Prize; in cases of gunshot wounds. After the
the \Vollaston Medal from the Geological war he was elected Professor of Operative
Society of London; and the Medal of Surgery and of the Principles and Practice
Merit from the King of Prussia. He was of Surgery at the University of Pennsyl-
a member of many scientific societies, and '\'ania. Dr. Agnew was the consulting and
the universities of Dublin and Edinburgh operating surgeon in the case of President
conferred on him the honorary degree of Garfield in 1881. Among his nUmel"OUS
LL.D. Professor Agassiz published valu- publications are Practical Anatomy;
able scientific works in Europe and in the A natomy and Its Relation to ]J[ edicine and
Fnited States. He died in Cambridge J Surgery; and The Principles and Practice
lass" Dec. 14, 1873. of Surgery. He died in Philadelphia,
Agawam, the Indian Dame of Ipswich, March 22, 1892.
::\Iass.; settled in 1633; incorporated under Agnew, JAMES, a British general; came
the present name in 1634. See BOSTON; to America late in 1775; participated in
::\lASSACHUSETTS. the military movements in and about Bos-
Age of Reason, the title of a work ton; and was engaged in the battle of
written by THOMAS PAINE (q. v.) J and Long Island, where, and in subsequent
noted in its day for its extreme freedom campaigns, he commanded the 4th Brigade
of thought. See INGERSOLL, ROBERT of the royal army. He accompanied ex-
GREEN. Governor Tryon in his marauding expedi-
Agnew, CORNELIUS REA, physician and tion to Danbury, Conn., in the spring of
surgeon; born in New York City,
\ug. 1777. He was slightly wounded in the bat-
8, 1830; was graduated at Columbia Col- tIe of Brandywine (Sept. 11), and in the
lege in 1849, and at the College of Phy- battle of Germantown (Oct. 4 J 1777) he
sicians and Surgeons in 1852, subsequently was killed.
continuing his studies in Europe. He be- Agnus, FELIX J journa1ist; born in
came surgeon-general of the State of New Lyons, France, ,July 4, 1839; was edu-
York in 18.38, and at the beginning of the cated in the College of Jolie Clair, near
Civil War was appointed medical director Paris; came to the United States in 18GO,
of the New York State Volunteer Hospital. and in the fonowing year entered the
During the war he was also one of the Union army in Duryea's Zouaves (5th
most influential members of the UNITED New York Volunteers). At Big Bethel he
STATES SANITARY CO)IMISSION (q. v.). savf'd thf' life of Gen. Judson Kilpatrick
Dr. Agnew was one of the founders of the He aided in recruiting the 165th New
Columbia College fo;chool of Mines. He York Volunteers, of which he was made
died in New York, AI)l'il 8, 1888. captain; in 1862 he participated in the
Agnew, Daniel, jurist; born in Tren- Biege of Port Hudson, La.; afterwards
ton J N. J'J Jan. 5 J 1809; removed to Pitts- was promoted major and lieutenant-colo-
hurg, Pa.; district judge in 1851; Su- ne1. He next served in the 19th Corps
I'reme (',ourt judge in 1863; and chief- under Sheridan and in the Department
jmtice of the State in 1873; resigned in of the South. On March 13, lfW5. he was
18ï9. He wrote Our National COl1stitu- brevetted brigadier-general of volunteers,
tion, History of Pennsylwnia, etc. He and in August of the same year was
died in Beaver, Pa., )larch 9, 1902. mustered out of the service. After the
Agnew, DAVID HAYES, anatomist and war he became the editor and publisher
author: born in Lanefister county, Pa., Nov. of the Baltimore A. merican.
24. lRlR; was graduated at the
ledical Agrarian Party, a political organiza-
Department of the Univf'rsity of Penn- tion in Germany inspired in 186!), and
yJyania in 18
R: became professor in the practically founded in 18ï6. The mem-
Philadelphia School of Anatomy; demon- bel's in recent years have become widely
strator of anatomy in the :Medical Depart- noted for their opposition to German com-
ment of the University of Pennsylvania, mereial relations with the United States.
and surgeon at the Pennsylvania and the e8pecially in the matters of all kinds of
Orthopædic hospitals, all in Philadelphia. food-stuffs. In 1898 and 18f)f) this oppo-
During the Civil 'Var he became widely sition assumed a phase that was exceed-
61
AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE
ingly annoying to the German govern- direct influence of high German officials,
me nt, and the defeat of many Agrarians who feared a disturbance of commercial
for the Reichstag was attributed to the relations with the United States.
AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE
Agreement of the People, a document
drawn up in Octoher, 1647, and presented
in the British House of CommoRs on
Tan.
20, ltì48. The document, which follows,
should be read in connection with the
Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, the
Articlcs of Confederation, and the Decla-
ration of Indcpcndence, all of which are
reflected in our national Constitution.
Having, by our late lahours and haz-
ards, made it pppear to the wor1d at how
l.ïgh a rate we value our just freedom, and
God having so far owned our cause as to
delinr the enemies thereof into our hands,
we do now hold ourselves botUld, in mu-
tual duty to each other, to take the best
care we can for the future, to avoid hoth
t.he danger of returnin
into a slavish
condition and the chargeable remedy of
another war: for as it cannot be imagined
t.hat so many of our countrymen would
have opposed us in this quarrel if they
had understood their own good, so may we
hopefully promise to ourseh-es, that when
our common rights and liberties shall be
clpared, their endeavours will be disap-
pointed that seek to make themselves
our masters. Since therefore our former
oppressions and not-yet-ended troubles.
havc been occasioned either by want of
frequent national meetings in council, or
by the undue or unequal constitution
thereof, or by rendering those meetings
ineffectual, we are fully agreed and re-
solved, God willing. to provide, that here-
&fter our Representatives be neither left
to an ullcf'rtainty for times nor be un-
equally constituted, nor made useless to
the ends for which they aTf' intf'nded.
In order whereunto wc declare and
agree,
}
irst, that, to pr(>vent th(> many incon-
,'eniences apparently arisin
from the
long continm1l1(,(> of the same persons in
suprcme authority, this present Parlia-
nwnt end and dissoh'e upon, or beforf',
the last day of
-\ pril, 1(j..Ht.
Secondly, that the people of England
(being at this day very unequally dis-
(j
tribnted by counties, cities, and boroughs,
for the election of their Representatiws)
be indifferently proportioned; and, to this
end. that the Representatives of the whole
nation shall consist of 400 persons, or
not above; and in each county, and the
places thereto subjoined. there shall he
chosen, t.o make up the said ]{C"presenta-
tives at all times, the several numbers
here mentioned, viz.:
KF.
T, with the Boroughs, Towns. and Pal"ish-
es thel'f'ln, except such as aloe bel'cundt'r
particularly named. 10: Cantcrbur.l/, with
the Huburhs adjoining and Liberti!'s there-
of, 2; Rochest(',., with the l'arislws of
Chatham and Stroud, 1; '],lIe Cill(jllr Purts
In Kent and SUbSCX, viz,. Dover, Homne)",
Hythe, Sandwich, Hastings, with tbe
Towns of Hye and \Yinchelsea, 3.
SrssEx, with the Borougbs. Towns, and Par-
Ishes therein, except Chichester, 8: {'II i-
chester, with the Suburbs and Liberties
thereof, 1.
SOL'THA
IPTON COU
TY, with the HOl'oughs,
Towns, and Parishes therein, except such
as are hf'reunder namf'd. 8; U.inc1lrRfCJ',
with the Suburbs and Llbertif's thereof, 1 ;
SouthalllptOl
Town and the County there-
of, 1.
DORSETSHIRE, with the RorouglHI. Towns. and
Parishes therein, except Dorchf'ster, 7;
Ðm'chcster. 1.
DF.\'OXSHIRE: with the noroughs. Towns, and
Parishes therein. eXCf'l)t f'u('h as aloe here-
under particularly naml'd. I:!; E.rctcr, 2;
P1J/1nollth, 2: Bm"1lstaplf'. 1.
CORXW ALL, with the Boroughs, Towns. and
Parishes therein. R.
SO:lIEUSETSlIIRFJ, with the no roughs, Towns.
and Parishf'S thf'reln, excf'pt sucb as al'e
hereunder named, 8; B.'isto1, 3; Taunton-
/)('(111. 1.
"'U.TSIIIRE, with the Boroughs. Towns. and
Parishes therl'ln, e"{cept
nJishury, ï; Sol-
iRlmrll. 1.
n.:UKSJlIRE, with th(' Doroughs. Towns. nnd
Parishes thl'l'eìn, ('xcppt TIpadlng, 5; Read-
inf!o 1.
SeRUm". with thl' noroughs. Towns. and
Parishes therein, CX('('pt Routhwal'k. ii;
F:outhwm'k. 2.
)IIlòDI.ESEX, with thf' noroughs. Towns. and
Pal"lshes therf'ln. ('''{cept 81]('h as arf' hf'r('-
um]f'r namN'!. 4: London, S; lr"lItminstrr
and thf' nuch\'. 2.
IJF.RTPORDSHIRE: with thf' Boroughs. Towns.
and Parishes ther('ln. G.
n"CKl
GHA
{SIImE. with th(' noroughs,
Towns, and Parishcs therein, G.
AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE
ÜXI"ORDSHIRE, with the Boroughs, Towns,
and Parishes therein, except such as are
hereunder named, 4; Oxford City, 2; Ox-
ford Unit'ersity, 2.
GLOUCESTERSHIRE, with the BOJ:oughs, Towns,
and Parishes therein, except Gloucester, 7;
Glouccster, 2.
HEREFORDS HIRE, with the Boroughs, Towns,
and Parlshes therein, except Hereford, 4;
Het'eford, 1.
'YORCESTERSHIRE, with the Boroughs, Towns,
and Parishes therein, except Worcester, 4;
.W orcester, 2.
WARWICKSHIRE, with the Boroughs, Towns,
and Parishes therein, except Coventry, 5;
Coventry, 2.
N"ORTHA:lIPTOXSHIRE, with the Boroughs,
Towns, and Parishes therein, except North-
ampton, 5; Northampton, 1.
BEDFORDSHIRE, with the Boroughs, Towns,
and Parishes therein, 4.
C A 'IBRIDGESHIRE, with the Boroughs, Towns,
and Parishes therein. except such as are
hereunder particularly named, 4; Cum-
fJridge Univet'sity, :!: CUlIlln'idge TOIf:n, 2.
FSSEX, with the Boroughs. Towns. and Par-
Ishes theI'ein, except Colchester, 11; Col-
chester, 2.
HUFFOLK, with the Boroughs, Towns, and
Parishes therein, except such as are here-
after named, 10; lpsu:ich, 2; St. Edmund's
lJUI'Y, 1.
NORI-'OLK, with the Boroughs. Towns, and
Parishes therein, except such as are here-
unller named. !); Nm'/ciclI, 3; Lynn, 1;
}'armouth, 1.
J.IXCOLNSHIRE, with the Boroughs, Towns,
and Parishes therein, except the City of
Lincoln and tbe Town of Boston, 11 ; L'n-
coln, 1 : BostOlt, 1.
RUTLAXnSIIIRE, with the Borougbs, Towns,
and Parishes thel'eln, 1.
HIJN'l'IXGDOXSHIRE. with the
Towns. and Parishes therein. 3.
LEICES'l'I-:USHIRE, witb the Boroughs, Towns,
and Parishes therein, except Leicester, 5;
I.e ices tcr, 1.
N"oTTINGHA:\ISUIRE. with the Boroughs,
Towns. and Parishes therein, except Not-
tingham. 4; KottingllU1n, 1.
DI-:UBYSHIRE, with the Roroughs. Towns, and
Pal"Íshes therein, except Derby, 5; Dcr-
flY, 1.
HT.H'I-'ORDSHIRE, with the City of Lichfield,
the Boroughs, 'I'owns, and Parishes there-
In, G.
HlIltOl"SHIRE, with the no roughs, Towns, and
Pal'ishes therein, except Hhrews.bury, 6;
'-:hrc/l'slmrl/. t.
('1I
:SlIIIn:, with the Boroughs. Towns. and
Parishes theI'ein, except Chester, 5; Cltcs-
tn', 2.
IJANcAsHnm, with the ßOl"Oughs. '1'owns. and
Parishes therein. e"{cel,t
Ianchester, G;
MIlIU'I/(.,
t(J' {filii t1/c Parish. 1.
YORKHHIUl-:. with the Boroughs, Towns. and
Parishes. tlwrpln. ex{'ept such as are here-
aftpr nnnlPd. Vi: }"m'k City and the County
iI".,., (J f. :
: 1\ j /I fI.<1t on tlfJOn Hull (l It d ill e
('f/1111ty thcreof, 1: Lceds Town and Pat'-
i
lI. t.
IJUP.U.\:lI l'OLNTY PALATINE, with the
oughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except
Dnrham and Gateside, 3: Durham City, 1.
NORTHU],IBERLAND, with the Boroughs, Towns,
and Parishes therein, except such as are
hereunder named, 3; Newcastle UpOlt Tyne
and the Coullty thereof, with Gateside, 2;
Ber1cick, 1.
CUMBERLAND, with the Boroughs, Towns, and
Parishes therein, 3.
WEST:\IORELAND, with the Boroughs, Towns,
and ParIshes therein, 2.
WALES
AXGLESEA, with the Parishes therein. . . . .
BRECKNOCK, with the Boroughs and Par-
ishes therein........................
CARDIGAN, with the Boroughs and Par-
ishes therein............,...........
CARl\IARTHE
, with the Boroughs and Par-
Ishes therein,.......................
CARXARVON, with the Boroughs and Par-
Ishes therein.....,.................
DEXBlGH, with the Boroughs and Par-
ishes therein.............,.". - - - . .
F'LlXT, with the no roughs and Parishes
therein ............. - . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
l\!moIOuTH, with the Boroughs and Par-
ishes therein.............. . . . . . . . . . .
GLA:lIORGA
, with the Boroughs and Par-
ishes therein.......................
l\1ERIONETH, with the Boroughs and Par-
Ishes therein........................
l\IO
TGOMERY, with the Boroughs and
Parishes therein....................
RADNOR, with the Boroughs and Parishes
therein ............................
PEMBROKE, with the Boroughs, Towns,
and Parishes therein................
2
3
3
3
2
2
1
4
4
2
3
2
4
Pwvided, that the fhst or second Rep-
resentati\'e may, if they see cause, assign
Doroughs, the remainder of the 400 representers, not
hereby assigned, or so many of them as
they shall see cause for, unto such counties
as shall appear in this present distribu-
tion to have less than their due propor-
tion. Provided also, that where any city
or borough, to which one representer or
more is assigned, shall be found in a due
proportion, not competent alone to eleet a
reprpsenter, or the number of representers
assigned thereto, it is left to future Rep-
l'psentatives to assign such a number of
parishes or villages near adjoining- to sueh
city or borough, to be joined therewith in
the elections, or Illay make the same pro-
portionable.
Thirdly. That the people do. of course,
('hoo:;e themselves a Representative onee in
two years, and shan meet for that purpose
upon the first Thm'sday in every second
),[ay, by eleven in the morning; and the
Representatives so chosen to meet upon
the second Thursday in the June follow-
Bor- ing, at the usual place in \Vestminster, or
63
AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE
such other place as, by the foregoing Rep- not capable of electing until the end of
resentative, or the Council of State in the seven years, shall not be capable to be
interval, shall be, from time to time, ap- elected until the end of fourtcpn years
pointed and published to the people, at the next ensuing. And we desire and reCOIn-
least hnnty days before the time of elec- mend it to all men, that, in all times, the
tion: and to continue their sessions there, persons to be chosen for this great trust
or elsewhere, until the second Thursday in may be men of courage, fearing God and
December following, unless they shall ad- hating covetousness; and that our Rep-
journ or dissolve themselves sooner; but resentatives would make the best provi-
not to continue longer. The election of sions for that end. 3. That whoever, by
the first Representative to be on the first the rules in the two preceding Articles,
Thursday in
Iay, 1649; and that, and all are incapable of electing. or to be elected,
future elections, to be according to the shall presume to vote in, or be present at,
rules prescribed for the same purpose in such election for the first or second Rep-
this Agreement, viz. 1. That the electors in resentative; or, being elected, shall pre-
every division shall be natives or denizens sume to sit or vote in either of the said
of England; not persons receiving alms, Representatives, shall incur the pain of
but such as are assessed ordinarily tow- confiscation of the moiety of his estate, to
ards the relief of the poor; no servants the use of the public, in case he have any
to, and receiving wages from, any partie- visible e.tate to the value of !50, and if
ular person; and in all elections, except he has not such an estate, then shall in-
for the Universities, they shall be men of cur the pain of imprisonment for three
twenty-one years of age, or upwards, and months. And if any person shall forcibly
housekeepers, dwelling within the division oppose, molest or hinder the people, capa-
for which the election is: provided, that ble of electing as aforesaid, in their quiet
(until the end of seven years next ensuing and free election of representers, for the
the time herein limited for the end of this first Representath-e, then each person so
present Parliament) no person shall be ad- offending shall incur the penalty of confis-
mitted to, or have any hand or voice in, cation of his whole estate, both real and
such elections, who hath adhered unto or p<,rsonal; and, if he has not an estate to
assisted the Kin
against the Parliament the value of !50, shall suffer imurison-
in any of the late wars or insurrections; ment during one whole year witho
t bail
or who shall make or join in, or abet, any or mainprize. Provided, that the offender
forcible opposition against this Agree- in each case be convicted within three
ment. 2. That such persons, and such months next after the committing of his
only, may be elected to be of the Repre- offpnce, and the first Representative is to
sentative, who, by the rule aforesaid, are make further provision for the avoiding
to have voice in elections in one place or of these evils in future elections. 4. That
other. Provided, that of those none shall to the end all officers of state may be cer-
be eJigible for the first or second Repre- tainly accountable, and no faction made to
spntative, who have not voluntarily assist- maintain corrupt interests, no member of
pd the Parliament against the King, either a Council of State, nor any officer of any
in person before the 14th of June, 1645, salary-forces in army or garrison, nor any
or else in money, plate, horse, or arms, treasurer or receiver of public money,
lent upon the Propositions, before the end shaH, while such, be elected to be of a
of May, 1643; or who have joined in, or Representative; and in case any such
8 bbetted, the treasonahle engagement in election shall be. the same to be void.
lJÛndon, in 1647; or who decl&.red or en- And in case any lawyer shall be chosen
gaged themselves for a ces
ation of arms into any Rpprespntath'e or Council of
with the Scots that invaded this nation State, then he shall be incapahle of pmc-
the last summer; or for compliance with tice as a lawyer during that trust. 5. For
the actors in any insurrections of the the more convenient election of Hcpresent-
8ame summer; or with the Prince of atives, each county, wherein more than
'Vales, or his accomplices, in the revolted three representers are to be chosen, with
fleet. Provided a]so, that such persons as, the town corporate and cities, if there he
by the ru]es in the preceding Article, are any, lying within the compass thereof, to
64
AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE
which no representers are herein assigned, so many, and such parts as are afore-
shall be divided by a due proportion into mentioned, and shall set forth the bounds
so many, and such parts, as each part may of such divisions; and shall, in every
elect two, and no part above three rep- county, city and borough, where any rep-
rescnters. For the setting forth of which resenters are to be chosen, and in every
divisions, and the ascertaining of other such division as aforesaid within the City
circumstances hereafter expI"essed, so as to of London, and within the several coun-
make the elections less subject to confu- ties so divided, respectively, appoint one
sion or mistake, in order to the next Rep- place certain wherein the people shall
resentative, Thomas Lord Grey of Groby, meet for the choice of the representers;
Sir John Danvers, Sir Henry Holcroft, and some one fit person, or more, inhabit-
knights; Moses Wall, gentleman; Samuel ing within each borough, city, county or
Moyer, John Langley, \Vm. Hawkins, division, respectively, to be present at the
Abraham B:.tbington, Daniel Taylor, Mark time and place of election, in the nature
Hilsley, Rd. Price, and Col. John White, of Sheriffs, to regulate the elections; and
citizens of London, or any five or more of by poll, or otherwise, clearly to distin-
them, are intrusted to nominate and ap- guish and judge thereof, and to make re-
point, under their hands and seals, three turn of the person or persons elected, as is
or more fit persons in each county, and in hereafter expressed; and shall likewise, in
each city and borough, to which one rep- writing under their hands and seals, make
res enter or more is assigned, to be as certificates of the several divisions, with
Commissioners for the ends aforesaid, in the bounds thereof, by them set forth, and of
the respective counties, cities and bor- the certain places of meeting, and persons,
oughs; and, by like writing under their in the nature of Sheriff, appointed in them
hands and seals, shaU certify into the Par- respectively as aforesaid; and cause such
liament Records, before the 11th of Feb- certificates to be returned into the Parlia-
ruary next, the names of the Commission- ment Records before the end of April next;
ers so appointed for the respective coun- and before that time shall also cause the
ties, cities and boroughs, which Com mis- same to be published in every parish
sioners, or any three or more of them, for within the counties, cities and boroughs
the respective counties, cities and bor- respectively; and shall in every such
oughs, shall before the end of February parish likewise nominate and appoint, by
next, by writing under their hands and warrant under their hands and seals, one
seals, appoint two fit and faithful persons, trusty person, or more, inhabiting there-
or more, in each hundred, lathe or wapen- in, to make a true list of all the persons
take, within the respective counties, and within their respective parishes, who, ac-
in each ward within the City of London, cording to the rules aforegoing, are to
to take care for the orderly taking of aU have voice in the elections; and expressing
voluntary subscriptions to this Agreement, who amongst them are, by the same rules,
by fit persons to be employed for that pur- capable of being elected; and such list,
pose in every parish; who are to return with the said warrant, to bring in and re-
the subscription so taken to the persons turn, at the time and place of election.
that employed tIwm, kecping a transcript unto the person appointed in the nature of
thereof to themselves; and those persons, Sheriff, as aforesaid, for that borough,
kf'epin
like tramcripts, to return the city, county or division respectively;
original subscriptions to the respective which person so appointed as Sheriff, be-
Commissioners by whom they were ap- ing present at the time and place of el(>c-
pointed, at, or before, the 14th day of tion; or, in case of his ab<;f'ncf', by the
April next, to be registered and kept in space of one hour after the time limitf'fl
the chief court within the respective cities for the peoples' meeting, then any pf'rson
and boroughs. And the said Commission- present that is eligible, as aforesaid. whom
en;, or any three or more of th(>m, for the the people then and thf're ass(>mbled shall
several counties. f'itie!'l and boroughs. 1'(>- choose for that end. shall receive and keep
spectively, shall, where more than thref' the said lists and admit the persons there-
l"f'presenters are to be chosen. divide such in contained, or so many of them as are
counties, as also the City of T
ondon, into present, unto a free vote in the said elcc-
l.-E G5
AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE
tion; and, having first caused this Agree- ahove eighty days; and so as it dissolve
ment to be publidy read in the audience at least fifty da
's before the appointf'tl
of the people, shall proceed unto, and reg- time for the ne
t hiennial l{f'pre!.enta-
ulate and keep peace and order in the elec- tive; and upon the fifticth day so preced-
tions; and, by poll or otherwise, openly ing it shall dissolve of course, if not oth-
distinguish and judge of the same; and erwise dissolved sooner.
thereof, by certificate or writing under Seventhly. That no member of any Rep-
the hands and seals of himself, and six resentative be made either receiver, treas-
or more of the electors, nominating the urer, or other officer during that employ-
person or persons duly elected, shall make ment, saving to be a member of the Coun-
a true return into the Parliament Records cn of State.
within twenty-one days after the election, Eighthly. That the Representatives
under pain for default thereof, or, for have, and shall be understood to have, the
making any false return, to forfeit noo supreme trust in order to the preservation
to the public use; and also cause indent- and government of the whole; and that
ures to be made, and unchangeably sealed their power extend, without the consent or
and delivered, between himself and six or concurrence of any other person or per-
more of the said electors, on the one part, sons, to the erecting and abolishing of
and the persons, or each person, elected Courts of Justice and public offices, and
severally, on the other part, expressing to the enacting, altering, repealing and
their election of him as a representer of ùeclaring of laws, and the highest and
them according to this Agreement, and final judgment, concerning all natural or
his acceptance of that trust, and his prom- civil things, but not concerning things
ise accordingly to perform the same with spiritual or evangelical. 1'rovidpd that,
faithfulness, to the best of his understand- even in things natural and civil, thf'se six
ing and ability, for the glory of God and particulars next following are, and shall
good of the people. This course is to be, understood to be excepted and resenyed
bold for the first Representative, which is from our Representatives, viz. 1. We do
to provide for the ascertaining of these not empower them to impress or constrain
circumstances in order to future Repre- any person to serve in foreign war, either
sentatives. by sea or land, nor for any military ser-
Fourthly. That 150 members at least vice within the kingdom; save that they
be always present in each sitting of the may take order for the forming, training,
Representative, at the passing of any law and exercising of the people in a military
or doing of any act whereby the people way, to be in readiness for resisting of
are to be bound; saving, that the num- foreign invasions, suppressing of sudden
bel' of sixty may take a House for debates insurrections, or for assisting in execu-
or resolutions that are preparatory there- tion of the la\\ s; and may take order for
unto. the employing and conducting of them for
Fifthly. That the Representative shall, those ends; provided, that, even in such
within twenty days after their first meet- cases, none be compellable to go out of
ing, appoint a Council of State for the the county he lins in, if he procure an-
managing of public affairs, until the tenth other to serve in his room. 2. That, aftpr
day after the meeting of the next Rppre- the time IlPrein limit('d for the commence-
sentative, unless that next Represpntative ment of the first R('pr('s('ntative, none of
think fit to put an end to that trust soon- the people may he at any time questioned
er. And the same Council to act and pro- for anything said or done in relation to
('('ed therein, according to such instruc- the late wars or public differencf's, other-
tions and limitations aR the Reprpsf'nta- wise than in execution or pursuancf' of the
tive shall give, and not otherwiRe. df'terminations of the pr('spnt House of
Sixthly. That in paC"h interval betwPf'n ('ommons, against such as have adhel"pd to
biennial Represf'ntati\'es, the Council of the King, or his interest, againRt the peo-
State, in ca!'!e of imminent danger or ex- pIe; and saving that accomptants for pub-
treme npcessity, may summon a Represent- lie moneys received, shall remain account-
ative to be forthwith chosen, and to meet; able for the same. 3. That no Sf'curities
so as the Session thereof continue not gh en, or to be given. b,y the public fait.h
66
AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE
of the nation, nor any engagements of the conversation. 3. That such as profess faith
public faith for satisfaction of debts and in God by Jesus Christ, however differing
damages, shall be made void or invalid by in judgment from the doctrine, worship or
the next or any future Representative; discipline publicly held forth, as afore-
e
cept to such creditors as have, or shall said, shall not be restrained from, but
have, justly fol"fcited the same: and sa v- shall be protected in, the profession of
ing, that the next Representative may con- their faith and exercise of religion, ac-
finn or make null, in part or in whole, all cording to their consciences, in any place
gifts of lands, moneys, offices, or other- except such as shall be set apart for the
wise, made by the present Parliament to public worship; where we provide not for
any member or attendant of either House. them, unless they have leave, so as they
4. That, in any laws hereafter to be made, abuse not this liberty to the civil in-
no person, by virtuc of any tenure, grant, jury of others, or to actual disturbance of
charter, patent, degl"ee or birth, shall be the public peace on their parts. Neverthe-
privileged from subjection thereto, or from less, it is not intended to be hereby pro-
being bound thereby, as well as others. 5. vided, that this liberty shall necessarily
That the Representative may not give f'xtend to Popery or Prelacy. 4. That aU
judgment upon any man's person or estate, laws, ordinances, statutes, and clauses in
where no law hath before provided; some any law, statute, or ordinance to the con-
only in calling to account and punishing trary of the liberty herein p1"Ovided for, in
public ofJicers for abusing or failing in the two particulars next preceding con-
their trust. G. That no Representative cerning religion, be, and are hereby, re-
may in any wise render up, or give, or pealed and made void.
take away, any of the foundations of com- Tenthly. It is agreed that whosoever
mon right, liberty, and safety contained shall, by force of arms, resist the orders
in this Agreement, nor level men's estates, of the next or any future Representa-
destroy property, or make all things com- tive (except in case where such Repre-
mon; and that, in all mattèrs of such sentative shall evidently render up, or
fundamental concernment, there shall be give, or take away the foundations of com-
a liberty to particular members of the said mon right, liberty, and safety, contained
Representatives to enter their dissents in this Agreement), he shall forthwith,
from the major vote. after his or their such resistance, lose the
Ninthly. Concerning religion, we agree benefit and protection of the laws, and
as followeth :-1. It is intended that the shall be punishable with death, as an ene-
Christian Religion be held forth and rec- my and traitor to the nation. Of the
ommended as the public profession in things expressed in this Agreement: the
this nation, which we desire may, by the certain ending of this Parliament, as in
grace of God, be reformed to the greatest the first Article; the equal or proportion-
purity in doctrine, worship and discipline, able distribution of the number of the rep-
according to the Word of God; the in- resenters to be elected, as in the second;
structing the people thereunto in a public the certainty of the people's meeting to
way, so it be not compulsive; as also the elect for Representatives biennial, and
maintaining of able teachers for that end, their freedom in elections; with the cpr-
and fOl' the confutation or discovering tainty of meeting, sitting and ending of
of heresy, error, and whatsoever is con- Represpntatives 80 elected. whiC'h are pro-
trary to sound doctrine, is allowed to be vidE:'d for in the third Article; as also the
provided for by our Representatives; the qualifications of persons to elect 01' be
maintenance of which teachers may be out elected, as in the first and second particu-
of a public treasury, and. we desire. not lars under the third Article; also the
by tithes: provided. that Popery or Prel- certainty of a number for passing a law
aey be not held. forth as thE:' public way or or preparatory debates, provided for in the
profession in this nation. 2. That. to the fourth Article; the matter of the fifth
public profession so held forth none bf' Article, concerning the Council of Statf',
compelled by penalties or otherwise; but and of the si
th, concerning the calling,
only may be endf'avoured to be won by sitting- and ending of Repres<,ntatives ex-
sound doctrine, and the e:xample of a good traordinary; also the power of Represent-
67
AGRICULTURAL COLLEGES-AGRICULTURAL IMPLEJIENTS
atives to be, as in the eighth Article, and e:,tablished one or more of these industrial
limited, as in the six reserves ne
.t follow- colleges, with ample equipmcnts, in which
ing the 8ame: likewise the second and persons of both sexes may equally enjoy
third Particulars under the ninth Article the benefits of the institution. Each
concerning religion, and the whole matter student is paid a stipulated SUIll of money
of the tenth Article; all these we do ac- for every hour of labor given to the in-
count and declare to be fundamental to stitution; and by this means students
our common right, liberty, and safety: and are materially aided in defraying the ex-
therefore do both agree thereunto, and re- penscs of their education.
solve to maintain the same, as God shall At the close of the school year 18!)8-9!1,
enable us. The rest of the matters in this thcre were in the several Statps and Terri.
Agreement we account to be useful and tories a total of fifty agricultural and nH"-
good for the public; and the particular chanical colleges for white students, and
circumstances of numbers, times, and fourteen for the colored race. The receipts
places, expressed in the several Articles, of the
'ear were: From the federal gov-
we account not fundamental; but we find ernment under the original and suhsc-
them necessary to be here determined, for quent acts of Congress, $1 ,7Ii!l.7 16, from
the making the Agreement certain and State and Territorial trea!'mrips, $2,570,-
practicable, and do hold these most con- 427; and from other I';ourc..s, $1,8.32,873-
venient that are here set down; and there- a total of $6,l!l3.0W. There were 2,G55
fore do positively agree thereunto. By men and 312 women teachers, 2G,1
1 men
the appointment of his Excellency the and 9,337 women students, 4,390 students
Lord-General and his General Council of in the purely agricultural course, and
Officers. 6,nO students in the four enO'ineerin...
Agricultural Colleges. In 1857, the courscs. The expenditures were'=' $4,544
late Justin S. l\Iorrill, then Chairman of 376.
the Committee on Agriculture of the na- Agricultural Experiment Stations.
tional House of Representatives, intro- The "Cnited States appl'Opriates about
duced a bill appropriating to the several $15,000 yearly to each of the States and
States a portion of the public lands for Territories ,,:hich have estahlished such
the purpose of encouraging institutions for stations. The first was that of :\Iiddlc-
the advancement of agriculture and the tcwn, Conn., in 187;;. There are now si
ty
mecl)anic arts. The bill lingered in Con- such stations, of whieh fifty-four rece\ve
,rress (having been vetoed by President financial aid from the l:nited States.
Buchanan) until July, 1862, when it be- Agricultural Implements. The United
came a law. The act provided that each States for lllany years has led the world in
State should receive a quantity of land the invention and use of appliances for
equal in value to $30,000 for each of its tilling the soil. The e
tension of farming
Senators and Representatives in Congress to large areas, as in Minnesota, Nehraska,
under the census of 1860, to establish at and the Dakotas, where farms of 50.000
least one college in each State where" all acres are not unusual, has called for quick-
the needful sciences for the practical avo- er means of ploughing, sowing, and reaping
cations of life" should be taught, and than is possible by hand. Hence inventive
"where agriculture, the foundation of all genius has recognized the new conditions
present and future prosperity, may look and provided ploughs, seeding-machinC"s,
for troops of earnest friends studying its cultivators, reapers, binders, and other ap-
familiar and recondite economies." It pro- paratus operated by horse and steam-pow-
vided that all expenses of location, man- er. The invcntion of the mowing-ma-
agement, taxation, etc., ",houlrl be paid by chine is coeval, in our country, with the
the respective State treasurers. that the reaping-machine. The" Manning" mower
entire proceeds of the sales of the land Wf\S invented in 1831. That and the
may forever remain undiminished, and "Ketcham" (1844) held the place of su-
that evcry State receiving the grant must perior excellence until about 1850, when
provide an institution within five years other inventors had made improvements.
from the date of filing its acceptance of In 1850 less than 5,000 mowing-machines
the grant. Every State in the l:nion has had been made in our country. Within
G8
AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS
a quarter of a century afterwards a mow- "olved on a pivot. It did not prove very
ing-machine was considered indispensable successful. Two or three other like ma-
to every farm. The American machines chines were patented in the following twen-
are the best in the world., and are sold all ty-five years. In 1831 the :\Ianney mower
over Europe and South America. was patented, which was the first success-
The plough used in this country during ful machine of the kind.
the colonial period was made of wood, In 1833, :Mr. Obed Hussey, of Cincinnati,
covered with sheet-iron, the share being of 0., patented a reaper, with saw-toothed.
wrought-iron. In 1793, Thomas Jefferson, cutters and guards, which was immediate-
who had been experimenting on his Vir- ly put into practical operation, and proved
ginia farm, invented an improved mould- thoroughly satisfactory. In 1834, Cyrus
board, which would turn a furrow with- H. McCormick, then of Virginia, and late
out breaking it. In 1797, Charles New- of Chicago, took out the first patent on
bold, of Burlington, N. J., invented a cast- his reaper, which has since come into such
iron plough, and spent about $30,000 in general use. This reaper, with improve-
perfecting it. It proved a great loss and ments patented in 1845 and 1847, received
failure to him, however, for the report the first prize at the 'Vorl d's Fair of 1851,
spread among the farmers that the new where American reapers were first intro-
plough" poisoned the soil, ruined the crops, duced to the notice of Europeans. At the
and promoted the growth of rocks"; and, International Exhibition at Paris, in 1835,
as they refused to use it, the manufacture American reapers were brought into com-
of the new invention ceased. About 1804: petition with others, each machine being
Daniel Peacock patented a plough having allowed to cut an aere of standing oats
its mould-board and landside of cast-iron near Paris. The American reaper did its
and separate, while its share was of work in twenty-two minutes, the English
wrought-iron, edged with steel. Jethro in sixty, and an Algerian in seventy-two.
\Vood, of Scipio, N. Y., patented improve- It used a cutter similar to that of Hus-
ments on this in 1819, and the prejudice sey's machine, its main features being the
against new inventions among farmers reel, the divider, the receiving platform
having somewhat abated, he did a very for the grain, and the stand for the raker.
successful business as a maker of these American reaping-machines are now used
implements, and his plans have been the all over Europe where cereals abound.
basis of most all those of modern construc- The automatic rake was patented by a
tion. The first steam-plough in the Unit- Mr. Seymour, of Brockport, N. Y., in 1851,
et1 States was patented by E. C. Bellin- and in 1856 Mr. Dorsey, of Maryland,
g('r, of South Carolina, in 1833, but did patented the revolving rake, which was
not come into practical use until much improved upon by Samuel Johnston, of
later. Brockport, in 1865. The first self-binder
Perhaps the "Great Plough," invented by was patented by C. 'V. and 'V. \V. Marsh
Daniel Webster, which was twelve feet in 1858.
long, drawn by four yoke of oxen, and The first threshing-machine used here
turned a furrow two feet wide and one was largely modelled after the invention of
foot deep, may be regarded as the un- Andrew :Meikle, a Scotchman. patented in .
wieldy precursor of the admirable and Great Britain in 1788, but this has since
efficient sulky ploughs of later times. The been changed in detail, till scarcely more
value of inventive genius to the farmer, than the outline of the original plan is
however, is not shown as much in the im- left. The fanning-machine was originaIly
provements of the plough as in the mowers invented in Holland, though largely im-
and reaping-machines which to-day take proved and altered by American invcn-
the places of sickle, scythe, and cradle, tions. An agricultural implement of great
laboriously wielded by our forefathers. importance to one part of the country, at
The first reaping-machine in America was least, is the cotton-gin. The first machine
patented in 1803 by Richard French and of this kind was invented by 1\1. De-
John J. Hankins. One wheel of the ma- breuiI, a French planter of I
ouisiana, but
chine ran in the grain, and the cutting rlid not prove successful. 'Vhitney's cot-
was done by a number of scythes which re- ton-gin, which did succeed, and increased
69
AGRICULTURAL SOCIETIES-AGRICULTURE
the production of cotton tenfold in two mind that they rcpresent the surplus of
ear8, was inycntcd in 17H:J. proùuction over donH'stic }"('quirements.
The census of H)OO rcpurted 715 es- Th{' total dumc
tic ðpOl'ts aggregated in
tablishments cngag{'d in the manufacture yalue. in 1!)0:J, $1.:m
,
:Jl,311
; in 1!)(I-t,
of agricultural implements. These had a $1,435.171.231; and of thcse totals
capital investment of $157.707,951, em- the share of agricultural products was
ployed 46,582 persons, paid $
2,450,880 for *873,322,882 in If)Ü3 and $853,685,367
wages, and $43,944,G
8 for materials used in IfJ04, Or 62.73 and 59.48 per cent. of
in construction, and turned out imple- the entire value. In the fiscal vear 18f19-
ments valued at $101,207,428. In the fiscal 1900 the exports aggregated in'value $1,-
year ending June 30, 1900, the export a- 370,476.158. and of this total the share of
tion of American-made agricultural imple- agricuJtural products was $S:1,").
n2,n.")2. or
ments aggregated in yalue $16.094,886. 60.n9 per cent. of the entire yalue. In the
Agricultural Societies. The first so- preceding year the percentage was 65.19;
ciety in the United States was formed by but in 1899-1900 the exports of domestic
planters of South Carolina in 1784, and it manufactures increased to an un precedent-
is yet in existenC'e. The next year the ed extent, and caused a lowering of the
u Philadelphia Society for Promoting Ag- agricultural percentage. In the fisml
riculture" was formed. and in 17!H citi- year }f103-o4 the export of agricultural
7ens of New York organized a similar so- implements rose in value to $2
,7 49.U35.
ciety. Tn 17n2 the" Massachusetts RocÏ- . The fol1owing- details. covering the cal-
ety for Promoting Agriculture" was or- ('ndar year If)o3, -;how still more striking-
ganized. These were city institutions. and Iy the great value of this industr.r and its
not compO!
ed of practiml farmers. They most produC'th"e crops: "'heat. acreage
ùealt with facts and theories. The ma- tmder cultivation. 4f1.-tG4.fl6.; production,
jority of husbandmen then diù not hear in bushels. (j37.8
1.8:15: value. $443,024,-
nor heed their appeals for improvements. 826-corn. acrpage, 88,mn.Ufl3; produc-
But final1y the more intelligent of that Hon, 2.2-t4,176.!l2G; value, $9.")2.868.801-
('lass of citizens hecame interested. and a oats. acrcage. 27.G38.l2G; production, ,84.-
com"ention of practical fanners in the 094.199; value. $2G7 .fi6 I.GG;)-r:ve. acreag-e,
District of Columhia, held in 180!), result- 1.90G.S!)4; produC't ion. 29.3G3.4lG; vf'lue,
ed in the formation of the "Columbian $1;).fl93:871-buckwheat. acreage. 804.:19:1:
Agricultural Society for the Promotion of prodm.tion. 14.
4:1.G44; vahIP, $R,G;J().i:1:J
Rural and Domestic F.conomv." Thev of- -harley. acreage. 4.9f13.1:Jì; production,
fered premiums; and their 'fair, heid in 131,861,391; value. $60.lGG.313-potatoe
,
:!\lay, 1810, is believed to be the first aC'reage, 2.916.8;);;; production, 247,127,-
exhibition of its kind in this countrv. 880; value. $1;)1.638.09-1:-hay. acn"age,
ELKA
AH ",'" ATSO
(q. t..) foundeù the 39.!:I:13,7;)9: prodllC'tion. in tons. 6UW;,).fl40;
.. Berkshire Olass.) Agricultural Socicty" value,
.");)6.:J.G.880 - cotton ( 1902-(3).
in 1810, and there was a grand ".\gri- prodllC'tion. in hales. IO.G30.fl4.); value,
cultural Fair and Cattle Show" at Pitts- !I:.:ïO 1.897. 1:J,J. Xine branches of this in-
field in September, 1811. It was the first dustry yieldetl $2.9,")8.2i8.318.
of the county fairs held in this country. The e
tent of agricultural operations is
From that tï"me until now there has bee
,
hown by the census of 1900. The nnmlwr
at first a gradual. and then a rapid. in- of farms e
C'e('ding three :!C'res in e
t('nt
crease in such institutions; and now tlH"v was 5.i:1ì.:Jì2. aggregating 8:18.,,)fH.77-1:
exist in every State and Territory of th
acreR. of ",hid1 414,4mUHi acr('!'1 were
Union. improv('d; and the numh('r of farms cuIti-
Agriculture. Kothing ean morp ad('- vated hv owners was 3.712,4()S. Farm
quately demonstrate the remarkahle denl- ,"aluatio
Is indud('d land. fence!'!, and
opment of the ag-ricuItural industQ' in the huildings. $16.614.G47.491. and implements
l!nited States than the statement of the and machinery. $74f1.7i5.!:IiO. Thp e
ti-
value of the e'"<ports of the products of matf'd value of all fa rm products in the
agriculture during the fiscal years ending preceding year was $.f,717.069.973.
June 30. 1903 and 1904. Impressive as In the matter of farm and ranch ani-
th
se figures are, it Rhould be borne in mals it is difficult to distinguish dcarly
70
AGRICULTURE-AGUINALDO
between those used in strict farming op-
eratiOns and those that would more nat-
urally be included under stock-raising. In
its ufficial reports the Department of Agri-
culture aggregates all such stock. On
.Jan. 1, 1904, the number and value of
these animals were as follows: Horses,
16,73fì,O,'j9; value, $1.136.940,298-mules,
2,757,9Iß; value, $217,.332,832-milch
cows, 17.419.817; value, $.308.841,489-
other cattle, 90,638,86.3; value, $1,001,402,-
ï61-and sheep, 51,630,144; value, $133,-
530,099-a total value of $2,998,247,479.
It is curious to note here that for several
'ears past the values of the chief crop pro-
ductions and of the farm and ranch ani-
mals have closely approximated each other.
Agriculture, DEPARTblE!\T OF. See
CABl!\ET, PRESIDEXT'S.
Aguadilla, the name of a district and
of its principal town and port in the ex-
treme northwestern part of the island of
Porto Rico. The district is bounded on
the north and west by the Atlantic Ocean,
on the east by the district of Arecibo, and
on the south by the district of J\Ia,yaguez.
The town is on a bay of the same name,
and has a population of about 5,000.
Industries in the town and vicinity ron-
sist of the cultivation of sugar-cane, cof-
fee, tobacco, and cocoa-nuts, and the dis-
tillation of rum from molasses. Three
establishments in the town prepare coffee
for exportation. The climate is hot but
healthful, and ,yellow fever rarely occurs. the English, French. and Chinese lan-
Aguadores, a port in the province of guages, and through his reputation for
Santiago, Cuba, a few miles east of the ability, shrewdness, and diplomacy, and
entrance to Santiago harbor. On June 6, his personal magnetism. gained great in-
1898, the defences at this place, as well as fiuence with his countrymen. In the re-
the shore batteries off Santiago, were bom- bellion of 1896 he was a commanding fig-
barded by Admiral Sampson, ten vessels of ure, and was at the head of the diplomatic
all grades being engaged and operating in party, which suC'ceeded in making terms
a double line. This movement was exe- with the Spanish government, the latter
cuted for the purpose of concentrating the paying a large sum to the Philippine
attention of the Spaniards to this point leaders. In Hong-Kong he quarrelled
in ordcr t9 spcure the success of operations with his associates over the division of
at Caimanera, in the Ray of Guantanamo, this money, and went to Singapore, where
40 miles east of Santiago, which were he remained until the outbreak of the
carried out on the following day. Spanish-American 'Val'.
Aguinaldo, EMILIO, leader of the Phil- Aguinaldo presented himself to Admiral
ippine insurgents in their insurrection Dewey at Cavité shortly after the battle
against Spanish authority, in 18fW, and of l\Ianila Ray, and was given an oppor-
organizer and president of the so-called tl1nity to organize the Fi1ipinos against
Fi1ipino Republic; was born in Imus, in the Spanish authority; but no promises
the provinC'e of ('a\'it?, in Luzon. in 1870. were made to him. and the insurgents w('re
He is ß C\line::;e mestizo (of Chinese allil never officially recognized by the Ameri-
71
Tagalog parentage), and received his early
education at the College of St. Jean de
Lateran and the University of St. Tomas,
in Manila. Later he became the protégé
of a Jesuit priest, and was for a time a
student in the medical department of the
Pontifical University of Manila. In 1883
he went to Hong-Kong, became interested
in military affairs, learned something of
. I
., I' /
Ii
EMILIO AGI:INALDO.
cans. The cruel treatment of the Spanish
prisoners by the Filipinos, and their claim
to the right of sacking the city, after the
capture of Manila, soon caused serious
relations between the nath'es and the
United States officers. On June 12, 18U8,
Aguinaldo organized his so-called Filipino
Republic, with himself as president, and
soon proclaimed himself dictator. He or-
ganized an extensive conspiracy among the
nati,'e population of :Manila, with the in-
tention of massacring the entire Amcrican
and foreign population of the city; but
the plot was discovered and failed. He
protested against the Spanish-American
treaty of peace, which ceded the Philippine
Islands to the United States, and on the
evening of Feb. 4, 18!)!), his troops at-
tacked the American lines in the suburbs
of Manila.
This caused the immediate ratification
of the treaty by the United States Senate.
The Filipinos, under Aguinaldo, made a
strong resistance to the Americans, and it
was not till after the close of the rainy
season that they could be followed up in
the open field. Early in 1900 the organ-
ized insurrection, which was chiefly COn-
fined to the Tagalog nationality, was
broken up. Aguinaldo waR dri,'en into
hiding, and reports of his death had
persistent circulation. I_ater in the
rcar,
the insurgents, encouraged hy the possible
change of administration in the United
States, actively renewed hostilitics; hut,
discouraged by their rppeatí'd failurps in
their attacks on the American trOOpR. and
the news of the re-election of Presidí'nt
:\fcKinley, they began gh-ing up the strug-
gle and surrendering in large bodies to the
-\ merican officers. Aguinaldo himRelf was
captured by GEN. FREDERICK Fp
STON
('I. v.) on March 23, IDOl, at his hiding-
place in Palanan. Is.tbella Provinee. Luzon,
and was imnwdiate'ly taken to :\{ani1a.
He had b<:,pn located by means of the
capture of his secret cipher code in a
drug-store in ){anila. from which the in-
surgents had been furnished with medical
supplies. As soon as his hiding-place was
known, General Funston planned the
scheme for his eapture. He chose a num-
l'er of native troops, informing them that
they were to pass themselves off as Agui-
naldo's expeeted reinforcements. Four
Tagalogs who had been officers in the in-
AGUINALDO
surgent army were first selected, and then
seventy - eight trustworthy ::\laccabebe
8('outs were picked out. Besides Gení'ral
Funston this expedition was accompanied
hy Captain Hazzard, of the 1st United
States Cavalry, and Lieutenant Mitchell
and Captain NewLOn, of the 34th Infantry.
On March ß, at 4 P.l\I., the expedition em-
barked on the gunboat ricksburg at Ca-
vité. At 2 A.M. on the 14th General Fun-
ston and his party were landed within a
short distance of Baler, about 20 miles
south of Casiguran, the place nearcst the
reported headquarters of Aguinaldo, suit-
able for a base of operations. As the
1ïcksburg had displayed no lights and had
uscd extreme precaution, not the slightest
E>uspicion was excited by the landing. An
ex-colonel of the insurgent army w
s the
nominal commander of the expedition.
Ahout twenty Maccahelws were dres
ed in
the insurgent uniform, the rest being at-
tired in the ordinary dress of the country.
The American oflicers, who were dresspd
as privates, posed as prisoncrs. \Yhcn the
party arrin
d at Casiguran a message was
forwarded to Auginaldo that the re-en-
forcements he had ordered were on tlwir
way to Palanan, and a further statement
was enclosed that there had been an en-
gagement with Americans, five of whom,
with Krag ritles, had becn captured. In
six days thc expedition marched !)O
mile's O\"er a most diflicult country. "Then
within 8 miles of Aguinaldo's camp
the fact that he sent provisions proved the
],1I
e had thus far worked admirably. On
March
3 the party reached the camp,
where Aguinaldo received the E'upposcd of-
ficers at his house, located on the Palanal1
Rin>r. Afte'r a brief com-crsation with
him the party quietly excused themselves,
and at once orders were given to fire upon
Aguinaldo's body-guard, who flcd in con-
stcrnation. Two of thcm, howcver, were
killed and eighteen wound('d. During this
<:,ngagement the
<\n)('riean offieers rushí'd
into Aguinaldo's house, and succeeded in
taking him, Colonel YiIla, }Iis chid of
staff, and
antiago Barcplona, the insur-
gent treasurer. After remaining two days
in the camp the party returned to the
coast. where the Tïcksbur,q, which was in
waiting, received them, and conveyed the
entir<:' party to ){anila.
On April 2 he subc;;cribed and swore to
72
AGUINALDO
the following declaration which had been
prepared by the American military au-
thorities for use in the Philippines:
.. I, -, hereby renounce all allegi-
ance to any and all so-called revolutionary
goyernments in the Philippine Islands,
and recognize and accept the supreme au-
thority of the United States of America
therein; I do solemnly swear that I will
bear true faith and allegiance to that
government; that I will at all times con-
duct myself as a faithful and law-abiding
citizen of the said islands, and will not,
either directly or indirectly, hold corre-
spondence with or give intelligence to an
cnemy of the United States, nor will I
abet, harbor, or protect such enemy; that
1 impose upon myself these voluntary ob.
ligations without any mental reservations
or purpose of evasion, so help me God."
His Last Proclamation.-Copies of what
was probably the full text of the last
proclamation issued by Aguinaldo previ-
ous to his capture by General Funston
were received at the ,Var Department in
Washington in :March, 1901. The procla-
mation was contained in the Filipinos'
Anti-Europa. the organ of the Filipino in-
surgents, published at Madrid, Spain, and
appears in the issue of that paper of
MarC'h 10, 1901. A translation of the
article is here given: The following proc-
lamation has been recently received by
this pappr, which will probably satisfy
the clamor of all Filipinos:
Don I
milio Aguinaldo y Famy, President of
the Philippine Republic, Captain-General,
and General-In-Chief of her army:
Heart-broken groans of the oppressed and
of their unfortunate families, and energetic
protests from the entire people of the Philip-
pines, come to my far-off camp on account of
t he unheard-of cI'uelties and scornful vlo-
latio"s of the most elementary laws of war
('omrnitted by the Imperialists who, under pre-
tf'xt of some Amf'rlcan having been killed,
hang their prisoners of war by means which
al'e both repugnant and inhuman, the agony
lasting about fiftpen minutes. according to
the press of
Ianlla. or otherwise submitting
thf'm to unheard-of tortures, ac('ordlng to the
official communications from my various com-
manding genel als: and If this were not
sufficient, the military governor of the In-
vading army has proclaimed martial law,
placing beyond the protection of law not
only 1.'i1iplnos under arms. but also all peace-
ful residents, whom they arrest and deport
without giving them a hearing. almost al-
ways for no othf'r purpose than to loot their
houses and treasures. or to await a ransom or
bribe for their liberty.
According to the censored press of
Ianlla
during the month of October only thirty-six
Filipinos in various provinces were hanged;
the totals for the month of November and
December were the same, and during the first
ten days of this month the rnlted States
courts-martial have condemned to the same
inhuman death the following:
Fifteen In San Isidro (Doroteo Xoul and
his fellow-martyrs), nine in Tayabas, one in
Daler, one in llolinao, one in Pangasinan,
one In Donsol, and three in Tayaba, a total
of twenty-eight death sentences in ten days,
according to information given the l\Ianila
press by the staff of the enemy.
In addition to all this the invaders have
committed another violation of the Geneva
International treaty by employing against us
our own countrymen, who have sold them-
selves to them, sowing by this atrocious meas-
ure the seeds of a civil war, which could
very well occur after this war, which is
desolating this pOOl' country, if those now
counted as traitors should form a regular
group, thus making more and more remote
the coming of the long-sought-for peace.
I protest, therefore, before God and the
honorable men of the whole world. in the
name of the Philippine people, against such
Iniquitous measures, and for our own de-
fence:
I order and command-
Article I. All guerilla chiefs as soon as
they capture any armed American citizen,
shall take him Into the interior at once, and
shall communicate with the chief of the near-
est American detachment, urgently request-
Ing the exchange of prisoners at the rate of
one American for every three Filipinos of the
many who are condemned to death by thf'm,
and who expect to be led to execution at any
moment. and Informing him that he would be
responsible for the repl'lsals which we would
see ourselves obliged to take In our just de-
fence. If said American chief should refuse
to make the exchange requested, the Amed-
can prisoners shall be shot, whatever be their
number, which punishment Is fixed In the
Spanish penal code, which we have adopted
for those who attack our national Integrity.
If In four days after the exchange requested
the execution of some Filipino sentenced by
the Amerl('ans should be announ('el'J.
Artkle II. PI'eference should also be givf'n
In ex('hange of prlsonprs to deportf'd Fl1iplnos.
and to thosf' who have renderpI'J signal sel'vl('e
to the cal1!'If' of our Independen('e.
Artif'le TI I. The promoters of the so-('a lied
Ff'deral party shall be submitted as traitors
to a most summary court-martial, and thosf'
who stimulate the Invaders to pursue anI'J
prosecute our fellow-countrymen who do not
wish to Identify themselves therewith shall
be punished with special severity, ami aftf'r
those who are guilty have been sentencc>d.
thf'Y shall be captured and punished whf'revf'r
they may bp, and by any means which may be
possible,
- Article IV. The commanding generals and
all guerilla chiefs In their respectl ve dis-
tricts are entrusted with and responslhle for
a speedy execution of this general order.
73
Giv('n In the capita] of the r<'public on
Jan. 17, HIOl. E. AGLl
ALDO.
AGUINALDO-ALABAMA
There is a seal in purple ink, consisting
of a sun and three sta rs, and. the words,
.. Philippine Republic, UlHce of the Presi-
dent."
.Lddres.'? of Sllbmission.-.-\fter his capt-
ure .\guinaldo was fully informed of the
aetual situation in all parts of the an'hi-
pelago, not onl.r by the 17nited
tatcs mili-
tar,}', naval, and cÏ\ il authorities, but by
many of his fornH'r generals and support-
cr:o, who llêld surrcndcrcd. lIe was thus
lcd to issue th(' following addre8s to the
l-ïlipin08. which "as published in :\lanila
on .\pril ] t):
.. I b<,lip.<, 1 am not In error In pr('sumlng
that thp unhappy fate to whit'h my ad\"er
e
fm.tune haH leu me i
not a surpl"Í8e to those
who have bef'n familiar with Ule Iu'ogt'ess of
th(' war. The I('ssons taught with a full
mpaning. and which ban' recently come to
Ill
' knowledge. suggpst with irr('sistible force
tbat a complete termination of hostilities
and lasting peaee are not only dpsirable. bllt
absolutely e
spntial to the welfare of the
l'hilippine Islands.
.. The Filipinos ha.e ne.er b('en òisnuu'ed
at thf'lr wpakneRs. nor ha.e th('y faltered in
following the path pointed out by their fm'tI-
tml(> and couragf'. The tim(' haH come, how-
f'.er, In which th('y find thpir aò'"ance along
this pa th to hp Impedpd by an Irresistible
for('(' whlc'h. whilp It restrains them. yet en-
li
htens thf'ir mind!! and opens to them an.
othpr coursp pr('sentlng them the cause of
T,('ac(', ThiA canse has hf'en joyfully em-
hracf'd hy thf' majority of my f('lIow-('onn-
tt'.mpn. who have alrpadv unltpd around the
gl"orious sovereign banñer of the rnlted
ta tf'H.
.. In this banner thpy repose their trust,
find b('lie.e that undf'r itH protection thf'
Filipino pf'ople will attain all those promlsf'd
IIbertlf'!\ which they ar(' heglnnlng to f'njoy.
The conntrv has cleclar'f'd unmlstakahlv In
fa.or of p
a('f"
o be It. There has 'bp('n
f'nough blooò. enough tear's. and enough
df'
olatlon. This wish cannot he Ignorf'ò by
the men still In arms If they arf' animated hy
a deslrf' to serve our noble people, which has
thuH rlPRrly manlfpstf'd Its will.
o do I
respf'rt this will. now that It Is known to mf'.
.. Aftf'r matm'e df'lIhpratlon, I r('RoTutplv
Tlrol"lalm to th(' worIrl that I cannot refuRe
to hp('cl thE' vokf' of a ppople 10n,:!ln
for
)wal'f' nor the lamentation!'! of thousands of
families yearnln,:! to see thf'lr df'ar onf'S pn-
joyln
thE' libf'rty and tllf' promlHPd gen-
E'roHlty of the gTf'at Amerkan nation,
.. By arknowlf'flglng flUll ar('p/ltlng tllp
o.erf'l.!!ntv of thE' rnltpcI Stat(''1 througbollt
thp Philippine Arrhlpo>lago. as I now do, and
without anv r"ser"a tlon whatsopver. I hp-
]lpvp that '1 am sprvln,:! thf'e. my b(>lov('cI
country.
Iay happiness be tblne."
Sce ATKI
::;O:V, EDWARD; I..uzo:'i; MA.
l'iJLA; !")HlLIPPINE ISLANDS.
Ainsworth, :Fl{EDERlCK CRAYTOX, mili-
tIny officer; born in Woodstock, Yt., Sept.
11. 18.32: was appointed. a first lieutenant
Hnd assistant surg-eon in the United States
anny in IS74; promoted major and !mr-
geon in IS!H; colonel and chid of the Rec-
onl amI Pension Ofliee in the \\'ar Depart-
ment in 18U
; and brigadier-general in
H;!In. lIe invented and introduced th('
ind.ex-rccord card. s
.stem. by the use of
which the full militaQ' history of any sol-
dier may he immediat('ly traced. .-\bout
50.noo,ooo of OIC'SC cardo; ha,'e been placed
on file, and. their introduction has resu1t('d
in a yearly sa\-ing of more than $400,000.
In I
t)8 he succeeded Gen. George 'V.
n
\\-is as supen-isor of the puhlieation of
the ol1icial records of the Cidl War.
Aitken, ROBERT, publisher: born in
Scotland in lï:
-!; alTi,-ed in l}hiladelphia
in lin!); was a practical printer, and pub-
lished the Pellll.<ly[rallia J/r1!l'1::illc,or .-lmer-
ican 11uIlthly JIllscum, lïï,'j-jn. lIe was
a warm \,"hi;.!. and was thnm n into prison
by the British in 1 jiï. He issued 01(" first
.\nH'rican edition of tll(' Bible in 1 ï8
.
lIe died in Philad('lphia in Jul
'. IRO
.
Aix-la-Chapelle Treaty.
ee l.oL"IS-
nrRO.
Akerman, A
ros TAPPAX. stat('sman:
born in Xc\\" Hampshire in IS
3.
en-ed
in the Confpderate armv. He was rnited
f'tates district a ttornpr
for Geor1!ia. 1866-
iO: A ttOrllP,\'-GpnC'ra] of tl)(> l'nited States
lRiO-i2. J[(' dipd D('c, 21. IRRO.
Alabama. The soil of this State was
first trodden by Europeans in 1540. These
were the followers of DE SOTO (q. v.). In
1,02. ßienville, the French go,'ernor of
Louisiana, enter-
ed
[ohile Bay,
and built a fort
and t r a din g-
house at the
mouth of Dog
]{ive
In lil1
the French
fourdpd Mohile,
and tl1('re a col-
ony prospered
for a while.
e.
gro slaves were
fìJ'
t hrought into thi"l colony 11,\' three
French ships of war in 1721. fly the
H
STATE SEAL O. ALABAMA.
ALABAMA
treaty of 17G3 this r{'gion was transferred the State was represented. William
by France to Great Britain. Alabama Brooks was cho:o,{'n prcsidcnt. There was
formed a portion of the f::)tate of Georgia, a powerful infusion of lTnion sentiment
llUt in 17!J8 the country now included in in the conn'ntion, which endea,-ored to
the f::)tat{'s of Alahama ànd :Mississippi IJo!-'tpone a decision, under the pIca of the
was organized as a Territory called Mis- desirableness of co-operation. A commit-
sissippi. After the Creeks disappeared tee of thirteen was appointed to report. an
(see CREEK INDIANS) the region of Ala- Ordinance of Secession. It was submitted
bama was rapidly settled by white people, on the 10th. It was longer than any oth-
and in 181D it entered the "Lnion as a er already adopted, but similar in tenor.
State. The slave population increased They assumed that the commonwealth,
more rapidly than the white. In the Dem- which had been created by the national
ocratic National Convention that was held government first a Territory, and then a
at Charleston in 18GO the delegates of Ala- State (1819), had "delegated sovereign
bama took the lead in seceding from the powers" to that government, which were
convention. now" resumed and vested in the people of
In October of that year, Herschell V. the State of Alabama." The convention
Johnson, the candidate for Vice-President favored the formation of a confederacy
on thc Douglas ticket, declared, in a speech of slave-labor States, and formally invited
at the Cooper Institute, Kew York, that the others to send delegat{'s to meet those
Alabama was ripe for revolt in case Mr. of Alabama, in general eonvention, on
l.incoln should be eleeted; that it was }.'{'b. 4, at l\rontgomel-Y, for consulta-
pledged to withdraw from the enion, and tion on the subject. The con\'('ntion was
had appropriaÌí'd $
OO,OOO for military not harmonious. Lnion men were not to
contingencies. The governor suggested se- b(" put down without a struggle. There
cession at the beginning of November: and was a minority report on Seeession; and
in Decembpr, ISGO, the conference of the some were for postponing the act until
Methodist Chureh, South, sitting at l\font- March 4, with a hope of presening
gomery, declared "Afriean slavery as it tàe rnion. Kicholas Davis, from north-
('
istpd in the
outhprn
tates of the nn _\labama, dpe]ar{'d his belief that the
repuhlie. a wise, heneficent, humane, amI people of his section would not suhmit to
rightr-ou8 institution, approwd of God, any disunion schpme, when YAXCF.Y
and calculated to promote. to thp highest (q. 1'.) dpnounced him and his fellow-eiti-
possible degrep. the welfare of the slave; 7cns of that region as "torips. traitors.
that the election of a sectional President and rebels." and said they" O1IO'ht to be
of the United States was evidenee of the coereed into suhmission." . DaYi; was not
hostility of the majority to the people of ]11oved by tllese menaees, hut assured the
the South. and whieh in fact, if not in Conf{'dpratps that the people of his seetion
form, dissoh-es the eompact of union be- would he rpacJv to meet their enemies on
tween the States." Northern Alabama tl](' line and d
eide the issue at the point
was opposed to the movement. of the ha
'onet. The final vote on thp
Elpetions for members of a State con- Ordinance of S('cession was taken at
,'('ntion in Alabama were llPM Dee. 2-t. 2 P.M. on .Jan. 11. and result('d in Ri"'ì:ty-
18GO, and as in f;ome of thp other Rtates, (tnp
T('aR to thirty - nine nays. An i
l-
the politicians w{'re didded into "R('{'ps- nwns(' ma
s-me('tin{J' wag immediately held
sionists" and "C'o-operationis:ts." Th(' in front of the sta t(' - houRe. and' timid
latter were also diyidpd; one party wish- "po-opprationists" assured the multitude
ing- the co-oppration of an the slave-labor that tl1Pir eonstittwnts would support the
Rtates. and the other caring- only for thp or<1inauee. A
('{'ession flag-. whieh the
<'O-operation of the cotton-producing- ,,"o]]]('n of 1\[ont.!!ompr
T had pres('nt('d to
Rtate!'l. The votp for an but tpn counties tllP eonnntion. was raispd ovpr tIle ('api-
was, for s:ee('ssion. 2.f.4-t:>: and for co-op('r- tal. Tn 1\[ohile. wlwn the npws rpa{'hed
ation, 33.GS;;. In the tpn eountips. somp that cit
.. 101 guns w('re fired in honor of
were for seeession and somp for <,o-opera- .\lahama. and fift('pn for Florida. At
tion. In tIle eonwntion assemhlpd at ui.!:!ht the ('ity hlazp(l with firpworks. the
Montgomery, .Jan. 7, IRGI, every eounty in favorite pieces being the Southern Cross
,5
and the Lone Star. The convention had
voted against the reopening of the slave-
trade, and adjourned on Jan. 30, 18tH.
A week before the Hecession Ordinance
was adopted., volunteer troops, in accord-
ance with an arrangement made with the
overnors of Louisiana and Georgia, and
by order of the gonrnor of Alabama, had
seized the arsenal at Mount Vernon, about
30 miles above l\[obile, and Fort )Ior-
gan, at the entrance to
fobile Har-
bor, about 30 miles below the city. The
Mount Vernon ar
enal was captured by
{pur Confederate companies commanded by
Captain Leadbetter, of the L"nited States
F.ngineer Corps, and a native of Maine.
At dawn (Jan. 4, 1861) they surprised
Captain Reno, who was in command of GOVERNORS OF THE MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY.
tl)e arsenal, and the Alabama Confederates
thus obtained 15,000 stands of arms, 150,-
000 pounds of gunpowder, SOme cannon.
and a I
rge quantity of munitions of
war.
The Alabama Senators and Representa-
th-es withdrew from Congress Jan. 21,
1861. On l\Iarch 13, a State connntion GOYERNOR OF THE TERRITORY OF ALABA'rA.
ratified the constitution adopted by the Wm, Wyatt Bibb ..........\ Arar, 1H17 to
ov. 1819
Confederate Congress. The authoritief' of
the State seized the national property
within its borders, and sent troops to Flor-
ida to assist in capturing Fort Piekens
and other public works there. Alabama
sent a commissioner to Washington as an
ambassador, but he was not received. Dur-
ing the war that ensued, Alabama bore her
share of the burden, and her cities and
plantations suffered from the ravages of
the conflict. Wilson's cavalry raid through
the State caused great destruction of
property. During the war Alabama fur-
nished 122,000 troops to the Confederate
army, of whom 3;>,000 were killed or
wounded. Montgomery, in the interior of
the State, was the Confederate capital un-
til July, 1861, when the seat of govern-
ment was removed to Richmond. At the
close of the war a provisional governor
for Alabama was appointed (June 21,
18(5), and in September a convention re-
ordained the civil and criminal laws, ex-
cf'pting such as related to slavery: de-
clared the Ordinance of Secession and the
f;tate war-debt null; passed an ordinance
against slavery; and provided for an elee-
tion of State officers, who were chosen in
Kovember. The gm'ernment thus con<;ti-
iG
ALABAMA
tuted remained in force until superseded
by military rule in 1867. In Novemher of
that year a con\ention formed a new con-
stitution for the f::)tate, which was ratified.
!<'eb. 4, 18G8. State officers and memhers
of Congress having been duly chosen, and
all requirements complied with, _\labama
became entitled to representation in Con-
gress; and on Jul
' 14, ISGS, the militarr
relinquished to the civil authorities all
legal control. The Fourteenth and Fif-
teenth Amendments to the national Con-
stitution were ratified by Alabama, the
latter Kov. IG, 1870. Population in 1890,
1,;;OS,073; in HWO, 1,828,G!l7. See UNITED
STATES-ALABAMA, in vol. ix.
Including the present States of Alabama and I\[laalaalpp'.
N.&Mtll.
Tltl.., o. Onte..
\, JJJthrop Rargent. .. .... . ..
Wm. C, C, Claiborne.......
Robt, Williams .... .. . ... ..
David Holmes...... .......
1799 to l
Ol
1801 " 18ö.3
1805 " 180!!
1809 " 1817
GOVERNORS OF THE STATE OF ALABA
[A,
Wm. Wyatt Bibb..........
ov" 1819 to July, lS20
Thomas Bibb.......__..... July, 1820 " Nov,,1821
Israel I'ickens............. Nov., ]821 " .. 1825
John Murphy.............. "1825" 1829
Gabriel Moore............. 11-129 " )far., lS31
Saml. B. A[oore............ Mar., 1831 " XU,'., 1831
John Gayle.....,.......... Nov,.1831 " 1835
Clement C. Clay.... ...... 18'35 " July, 1837
Hugh
[c\'ay.............. July, 1837 "
ov., 1837
Arthur P. ß/lgby.... _......
ov., 1837 " 1841
Benj. Fitzpatrick,......... 18n" 1845
Joshua L. 'rartin.......... 1845 " 1847
Reuben Chapman, ........ 1HH .. 1849
Henry Watkins Collier..... 18-19 " 1H53
John A, Winston........... 1853 " 1857
Andrew B. 1roore.......... 1857 " 18ta
John (;iII Shorter.......... 1861" 1863
Thomus H. WaUs,.... .... 1863 .. Apr., 1865
Interregnum of two months
Le" is E, Par"'uns.......... June, 1865 to (lec., 181;5
Rout. M. Patton ........... Dec,,1865" July, ]1'68
Wm. H, Smith............. July, 18G8 "
ov" 1870
Robt. H. Lmdsay . ... . . . .. . Nov., 1870 " ." 1872
David R. Lewis............ 1h12 " 1874
Geo, S. Houston............ 1874 " 1878
Rufus W, Cobb............ 1878 " 1882
Edward N,O'Nea!........, 18H2 .. 1886
Thomas Seay........ . .. . .. 18t;ô " 1890
Thoma" G. Jones..,....... 11ì90 .. IB94
William C. Oates... ....... 1894 " 1896
Joseph F. Johnston........ 1896 " 1900
W. J. Samford............. 1900 ,. June, 1901
W. D. Jelks............... June, 1901 .. Jan.. 1907
· W. J. Samford dIed June 12, 1
1.
UNITED STATES SENATORS FRO
I THE STATE OF
ALABA
IA,
ALABAMA-ALABAMA CLAIMS
NAME".
No, of Congreea,
Date,
William R. King. .... .. 16th to 28th 1819 to 18U
John W, Walker....... llitb" 17th 1819" 1822
William Kelley........ I 7th " 1!Jth 1823" 1825
Henry Chambers,..... 19th 1825 " 1826
Israel Pickens. . ." ... Wth to 20th 1826
.John lIIcKinley........ l!Jtb" 22d 1826 to 1831
Gauriel
Ioore......... 22d "25th 1831" I
37
Clement C. ('lay,...... 2l>th" 27th 1837" lAU
Arthur p, Baguy....... 27th" 30th 1841" 11'48
Dixon H. Lewis,...... 2Hth" 30th 1844 " 18-18
William R. King ...... 30th" 32d 18-18 .. 1
52
Benj. Fitzpatrick....., 30th" 3mh 18-18" 1861
Jeremiah Clemens. '" 31st" :l3d 18-19 " 1853
Clement C. Clay, Jr.. .. 33d .. 36th 1853 " IB61
37th, 38th, and 3\1th Congresses vacant.
George E. Rpencer..... 40th to 4fith 1868 to 1879
Williard Warner,...... 40th" 42d 1868 .. lA71
George Goldthwaite.... 42d "45th 1872 " 1877
John T. Morgan.... .. 45th" - 1877" -
James I.. I'ugh........ 47th" 55th 1880 .. lA!J7
Fdmund W. l'ettus.... 5.3th" - 1897" -
Alabama, THE, Confederate man-of-
war; a British vessel, manned chiefly by
Hritish subjects at a British port; armed
with British cannon, and provided with
coal and o
her supplies from British soil.
She had no acknowledged flag, nor recog-
nized nationality, nor any accessible port
to whieh she might send her prizes, nor
any legal tribunal to adjudge her captures.
She was commanded by Raphael Semmes,
a native of Maryland, and roamed the seas,
plundering and destroying vessels belong-
ing to Ameriean citizens. Her command-
er avoided contact with American armed
vessels, but finally encountered the Kear-
L_
/__--<1
--- --
þ'
....
__
._
;'C
....y. - ",'
..,,
- I\
", I . tJ
t. ",
....
I
I
.....-.......--
\I'ff
-.
, ?-c
-;-
-+..-
--....-... -"'-""""
-
-
TilE ALARA3!A.
sar!7c, Capt. John A. Winslow, off Cher-
bourg, France, in the summer of 1864. On
.Tune If) Semmes went out of the harbor
of Chcrbourg to fight the Kearsargc. The
77
Alabama was accompanied by a French
frigate to a point beyond the territorial
waters of France. At a distance of 7
miles from the Cherbourg breakwater, the
Kearsargc turned and made for the Con-
federate cruiser, 'when, within 1,200 yards
of her) the latter opened fire. After re-
ceiving two or three broadsides, the Kear-
sarge responded with telling effect. They
fought for an hour, the steamers moving
in a eircle. At the end of the hour the
Alabama was at the mere
T of her antag-
onist, her flag down, and a white flag
displa
'ed Over her stern. Respecting this,
\\ïnslow ceased firing. Two minutes af-
terwards the .Alabama fired two guns
at the Krarsarge, and attemptpd to run
to the protection of the French nputral
waters, not more than 3 miles distant.
\Vinslow opened fire again, and very soon
a boat came to his vessel from the Ala-
bmna, saying she had surrendered and was
fast sinking. Just then the Dcerhouud
pa
sed by, when \Vinslow humanely asked
her owner to assist him in saving the erew
of the Alabama, which, in twenty minutes,
went to the bottom of the sea. The Kear-
.c:arge rescued sixty-five of the crew; the
Deerhound picked up Semmes, his officers,
and a few mariners, and carried them
away from the lawful custody of \Yinslow,
to England. There Spmmes was reeeived
with great honor. The Kearsarge had
tllTee men badly wounded-one of them
mortally. The .llabama had nine men
killed and twenty-one wounded. See AR-
BITRATION, TRIBrNAL OF; JOINT HIGH
Co
nlIssTON.
Alabama Claims, TIlE. a series of
claims agaill!
t Great Britain for losses
sustained bv the United States through
depredation; on her commerce by C
n-
federate vessels fitted out or supplied in
English ports. As finally presented they
\\"('re as follows:
No. of V.....,I8
De.tro
ed,
Alabama........... .... 58 ............ $6,547.609.1'6
Bo,
t()ft . . . . . .. . . .. _ . . . . .. 1. . . . . . .. . . .. 400.00
Chickamauga............ 3".......... 95,ß54 1'5
Florida.............,... 38 ............ 3,ß98.ß09':
4
(;f'orgia. .. . . . . . . .. .. . . . . 5.. .. . .. . , . .. 3R3.97ß. 50
'''-ashville, . .,. . . . . . . . . . _ . 1. ... . . , . .. . . ß9,53ß.7O
Rf'tribution.. . . .. , . .. .. .. 2....... ... 20.3:U..52
Sallie. ... .. .. .., . .. .. ... 1. .., . .... ... 5,540.00
Shf'nflndoah..... ........ 40 ....". .... 6,488,3'20.31
Sumter............,.".. 3............ 10.ß95.83
Tallahassee ...........,. 17 ..... ...... 579.955.55
For losses from increased war premiums.. 1,120,7!J!;.lá
Loea.
$1!J,02I,428.61
ALABAMA LETTER-ALASKA
See ARßITRATION, TmßV
AL 0"'; JOINT
I11GJI C'Ol\1l\UIS!'o:ION.
Alabama Letter, TilE. Henry Clay,
\'-hig candidate for I'rcsident in 1844,
had a fair prospect for election whcn his
letter to a friend in Alabama, on the an-
n('
ation of Te
as, appeared in the "Korth
.tlabamian, on
\ug. Hi. It was repre-
E-ent{'d by his adversaries as a complete
('hang(> of poJicy OIl his part. The \\'hig
campaign ùec'ame "dcfen
i\ e" from this
time, and resulted in defeat. See CLAY,
11 EXRY.
Alamo, FOl
T, a E:tructure in San An-
tonio, Tl'\:.; erect('d for a mission build-
ill
in Ii 44; usecJ for religious purposes
till 17H3, wheu, on account of the great
I'trength of its walJs, it was converted
into a fort. In the struggle by Texas for
iucl('peml{'nce, the most sanguinary and
hnoic conflict of the border warfare,
which merI-{ed into the :\Ie
ican \Var, oc-
cnrrecJ th('rc--a conllict which for years
was familiar to Americans as the 1'her-
lOopJ'læ of Texas. The fort was about an
acre in e},.tent, oblong, and surrounded
by a wall 8 or 10 feet in height by
3 fcet in thickness. A body of Tex-
ans, under the command of CoI. William
Barrett Travis, retired into the fort early
in 1836, upon the dismantling of San An-
tonio by Sam Houston, and thcn Santa
...:\na, with a larg-e force, invested the fort
Feb. 23. The Texans numbered only 140
men, whi1e the :Mexican army was 4,000
sf rong. The enemy took possession of the
town. then erected batteries on both sides
of the river. and for twenty-four bOllI's
hombarded the fort. during which, it is
stated, over 200 she1ls were discharged
into it, but without injuring a man. The
3ttacking forc(>s made se\'eral vigorous
a:,>
aults on the fort, but were repulscd
in each case. The commander of the be-
leaguer('d garrison sent many couriers to
San Felipe for assistance, but only a hand-
ful of men succeeded in rcaehing the fort.
As the siege progressed provisions grew
scarce, and the dcfenders of Alamo, worn
by the labors of the defcnce and broken
in he<llth, although not in spirits, were
hourly becoming less ahle to hold th{'ir
posts. :March 6 a combin('cJ attaek was
Imtde by the entire forces of the bcsiegers;
twice they assaulted the posts, and w(>re
as often cJrivcn back with heavy loss bv
the Texan troops. A hand-to:hand el;-
counter cnsued, which the Tcxans, few
Illd feeble, were unable to sm;tain, and
but six of their devoted band remained.
Among this number was the famous Davy
Crockett, who, with the others, surren-
dered, under promise .of protection; hut
when they were taken before Santa .Ana
were, upon his command, instantly ('ut to
l'ièecs, Crock(>U having hcen stahhed by a
dozen swords. Other barbarities were
committecJ, such as col1ecting the hodies
of the slain in the centre of the Alamo,
fincJ, after horribly mutilating the re-
mains, burning them. Only three persons,
a woman, a child, and a servant, were
spared. A few weeks after Santa Ana
was routed with immense loss, and him-
E,elf captured in the battle of San Jacinto,
where the Texans raised the war cry,
., Remember the Alamo!" It is estimat(>d
that during the foiiege of Fort Alamo the
:\le},.ican lossc!i aggregated over 1,600
men. For many years, indeed until the
dose of the .:\Iexican War, the Tð8ns
only needed to he roused to deeds of valor
by the reco1lection of thc ma!'sacre at the
Alamo, and d(>al'ly did the neighboring
repuhlie pay for the butchcry by
aIlta
Ana and his forces.
ALASKA
Alaska, an unorgani7ed Territory of population, acronling to re\'i
{'d l'('nsll
re-
f he United StateR, foruwrly known as port of 11'!IO, :32,0.)
; population, according
" RlI!':sian America": occlIpJ'ing the region to lUOO census, 6:1,5!12; 8eat of admin-
of the e
treme northwpst{'rn portion of ishation,
itka. The Russians acquirpd
North Auwrica: I:,oing- north of the paral- pos,..(>!':!-.ioll of this Territory hy rig-ht of
1(>1 of lat. 50 0 40' N.,and w(>st of the merid- disconry hy Yitlls Bering. in 1741. lIe
ian of long. 140 0 \V.; also including many discover(>cl the crowning peak of the Alas-
islands lying off the coa!':t; area. land and ka mountains, :\Jonnt St. Elias, on .July
watcr surface, IHOO, 5!:JO,884 square miles; 18. That mountain rifles to a height of
78
1<0
17/\
72
11i'i
"
6J
I
11,1>
16
160.
"t"!'t't'rnl'br(lon 0." I
\ 1.F.rTI.\X IS.
Same Sc
le as 'lam 'h.p
11
o X
IS\.
c
l:
h
1)l
128
12
\
1'."
1I
J t
s
G IT L F
(I F
l LAS
3GNAk I.
RM T I.
..c\ T-eI.i\.SI(.L\'
.u1
r.w.ll.
100
Scale of
liIes
ro
ro
()
c
/;-
.1
--
\
X
\ \
\
\ 13
136
140
l .
176
\ 't,
... D
"
!' f,
:"'-
-dO':. ,,"',t< .,'"
;.
.,.'
5
c\. -
5.
7';(Ì<<:&(O
,'ô- I
,.. _0 1 I-() lJ
II.
OT
.'f' T'" . ....., "t<'JR
" r ! I
Ç) ., ---1
176
A "!fN
... "'
. "'ð--,
1<':', '.'Qo
,LANDS '\\
MEHITt<A I
ISO
ALASKA
18.0
4 feet above the sea. Other notable able discoveries of gold in the neighbor-
altitudes, as ascertained by the L'nited hoo<l of the Klondike and Yukon dvers,
States .l\Ieteorological Survey and an- in 1807, attracted thousands of miners to
nounced in 10UO, are: Blackburn )Ioun- those regions, and 800n made nece8sary
tain, 12,500 feet; Black .l\Iountain, 12,300 larger means of communication. A llUlll-
feet; Cook Mountain, 13,750 feet; Crillon bel' of bills were introduced into Congress
Mountain, 15,900 feet; Drum .l\Iountain, for the purpose of providing the Territory
13,300 feet; Fairweather Mountain, 15,292 with the form of government pI'escribed
feet; Hayes Mountain, 14,500 feet; Iliam- for the other Territories; but up to the
na T>eak, 12,OG6 feet; Kimball l\Iountain, time of writing the only movements in this
10,000 feet; Laperouse :Mountain, 10,750 direction were the extension of a number
feet; Lituva :Mountain, 1l,852 feet; Mount .of laws of Oregon to the Territory; a
!\IcKinley,
20,464 feet; Sanford .l\Iountain, gradual increase in the numb.:r of execu-
14,000 feet; Seattle Mountain, 10,000 feet; tive officers; and the cI'eation by the Pres i-
Tillman Mountain, 13,300 feet; Vancouver dent, in IUOO, of a new military depart-
Mountain, 15,666 feet; and ""rangel :\Ioun- ment comprising the entire Territory.
tain, 17,500 feet. While it was long believed that the Ter-
The entire coast -line measures over ritory possessed vast riches in minerals,
4,000 miles, taking into account the the chief industries were those connected
smaller indentations. The climate in some with sealing and salmon-fisheries till
parts is most agrpeable. In the interior are about 1805. In that year the United
numerous Jakes. Its valleys are fertile; States government organired the first ex-
its streams abound with fish and its for- proition to make a thorough investigation
ests with game; and its islands have af- of the mineral properties. The geological
forded the most extensive and richest fur- survey has since been continued with most
seal fishing in the wodd. Sitka, or "S"ew fruitful results, and early in 1900 the
Archangel, the capital of Alaska, is the old- Director of the Survey completed plans for
est settlement. It was founded by Hussian thorough surn',}"s and explorations by both
fur-traders in the nineteenth century. The geological and topographical experts, es.
country was a sort of independent prov- pf'cially to supplement the impOl'tant work
ince, under the rule of the Hussian-Amer- of his bureau in lROS, and to acquire a
ican Fur Company, to whom it wa!'! grant- fuller knowledge of the remarkable Cape
ed by the Emperor Paul in lï!HI. It was Xome district and 'its extension in the
invested with the exclusive right of hunt- Seward Peninsula. This work was expect-
ing and fishing in the American waters ('d to occupy several years.
of the Czar. The charter of the company As a result of e
plorations prior to
expired in 18û7, when the government de- 1900, mining operations on a large scale
elined to renew it. In 1865-G7 the coun- were umlertaken, first in the neighhor1lOod
try was explored by a scientific corps sent of the boundary-line betwf'en the United
out hy the Unitf'd Htatf's to seJect a route States amI the British possessions, and
for the Ru!'.so-American telegl'al)h lim'-a then, as other fields werE' disclosed, along
projeet whieh wa!'! ahandoned in conse- the coast spction and on some of the nf'ar-
queni'e of the !'.uC'cessful laying of the
\t- hy islands. During the season of IS!}!}
lautic cablf'. E:uly in 1867 negotiations the last-mentionf'cl region gave indications
were bf'gun for tllf' purchase of the T('lTi- of outrhoalJing the famous Klomlike and
tory. and a treaty to that effect was com- Yukon fields. The rush of min('rs to the
pl('ted by the exchange of ratifications at interior fields, and the indiscriminate
Washington, D. C., on June 20, 1867. !'.taking of claims, soon led to a conflict
The price paid was $;,200,000. Tn Octohf'r bE'tween the .American ancl Canadian min-
Gf'n. I..ov('ll II. ltousseau, a commissioner erR concerning HIP boundary-line. Both
for the purpose, formally took POss('Hsion rarti('s (.]aimed t(,lTitorial rights to the
of the region. The Territory remained riehf>st fields then known, and to avoic1 a
untler militm'y government till 1884:, w}lf'n state of anarf'hy that sf>enlf'cl innuinC'ut.
a district gonrnment was established and the Cnited States anù the Canadian au-
a Jand office opened. This form of admin- thorities undE'rtook, first, a sf'parate. and
istration proved adequate till the remark- then a joint, sliney of the region in dis-
79
pute. Each party naturally claimed more
terri tory than the other \" as willing to
concede, and, as a result, the delimitation
of the boundary was made one of the sub-
jects for determination by the Al'\GLO-
A
[ERI(,AN CmnfISSIO:'i (q. v.) appointed
in IM98 for the purpose of negotiating a
plan for the settlement of all matters
in controversy between the United States
alld Canada. The commission, after sev-
eral ses8ions in Canada and the United
States, failed to reach an agreement on
the matters submitted to it, and in 1899
a modus vivendi was signed by the
representati,'es of both go,-ernments.
This agreement fixed the boundary provi-
sionally, and went into operation on Oct.
20 Under the agreement no part of its
territory was ßurrendered by the United
States, and none of the rights of either
government were prejudiced by it.
Modus Vivendi of 1899.-The following
is the text of the agreement:
ALASKA
lations for the protection of the revenup
as the Canadian government may pre.
scribe, to carry with them oYer such part
or parts of the trail between the said
points as may lie On the Canadian side
of the temporary line such goods and
artides as they desire, without being
required to pay any customs duties on
such goods and articles; and from said
junction to the summit of the peak ea!'.t
of Lhe Chilkat River, marked on the afore-
Aaid map Ko. 10 of the enited States
Commission with the number 5,410 and
on the ma p No. 17 of the aforesaid Bri t-
ish Commission with the number 5.490.
On the DJ'ea and Skagway trails. the
summits of the Chilkoot and White
passes.
It is understood, as formerly !'.et forth
in communication,.; of the Dt'partment of
State of tIle United States, that the citi-
zens or subjects of either power found by
this arrangement within the t('mporary
jurisdiction of the other shaH suffer no
It is hereby agreed between the gov- diminution of the rights and privil('ges
ernments of the United States and Great which they now enjoy.
Rritain that the boundary-line bctween The govermnent of the United Rtates
Canada and the Territory of Alaska, in will at once appoint an oftil'pr or officers,
the region about the head of Lynn Canal, in conjunction with an officer or officers to
shaH be provisionaHy fi-..::ed, without preju- be named by the government of her Rri-
dice to the claims of either party in the tannic Majesty, to mark the temporary
pprmanent adjustment of the interna- Ene agreed upon by erection of posts,
tional boundary, as follows: stakes, or other appropriate temporary
In the region of the Dalton Trail, a marks.
Ene beginning at the peak west of Porcu- Alaska in Tnl11sition.-After the United
pine Creek, marked on the map No. 10 of States obtained posses:"ion of the Terri-
the United States Commission, Dec. 31, tory the sealing industry was for several
]895, and on sheet No. 18 of the British years prosecuted with a vigor that led to
Commission, Dec. 31, 1805, with the num- such a decrease in the number of seal"
l)('r G,;;OO; thence running to the Klehini that the government was obliged to enact
(or Klaheela) River in the direction of stringent laws for the cons('rvation of the
the pcak north of that river, marked 5,020 seals, in order to ch('ck the illiliscrilllinate
on the aforesaid United States map and slaughter and prennt the total dpstruc-
5.02:> on the aforesaid British map; tion of the industry. Thpse laws, how-
thence following the high Or right bank ever, have been constantly violated, with
of the said Klehini River to the junction the result that the fur - seal has been
thereof with the Chilkat River, a mile nearly exterminated in these waters.
and a half, more or less, north of Klu- Some compensation for this loss has hppn
kwan-providcd that persons proceeding found in a remarkable increase in the
to or from I
orcupine Creek shan be freely supply of food fis]ws.
permitted to follow the trail between J arge as was the knowl('dge of Alaska
the said creek and the said junction of nnd its manifold interpsts and resources
the rivers. into and across the Territory that had been acquired up to IDOO, mueh
on the Canadian side of the temporary of its vast expanse remained practieal1y
]ine wherever the trail crosses to such an unknown region, depending upon the
side, and subject to such reasonable regu- govcrnmpnt !mrveys then in progres
aUlI
80
ALASKA-ALASKAN BOUNDARY
the resistless pushing forward of gold-
lmnters for the disclosure of new wonders
and material attractions. The entire
region on both sides of the boundary-Ene
was in a transition state, and both the
rnited States and the Canadian govern-
lIIEnts, aided by commercial and religious
organizations, were pushing forward, as
rapidly as the face of the country would
permit, the advantage.. of civili7ation
hitherto unknown in that 'bleak region.
Early in 1898 an aërial railway was con-
structed over the Chilkoot Pass to Lake
Linderman, a unique enterprise that short-
ened the time between tidewater and the
headwaters of the Yukon River from a
month to a day, and removed the perils
and hardships of former travels. At the
end of that year the first section of the
first railroad built in Alaska was com-
pleted. This was the White Pass and
Yukon R.tilroad, projected to extend from
ßkagway to Fort Selkirk. The section
ended at Summit, the highest point of the
divide. The road was completed through
to Lake Bennett in 1899. At the same
time the Canadian government had se-,
leded five routes for railways in the
Yukon region, which it was thought might
be prm'ided with sea-coast outlets in the
territory of the United States.
After the failure of the A
GLO-AM:ER-
I(,A
CmBnssIO
(q. v.) to settle the
boundary contention, a special commis-
!"ion was appointed under a tr?aty signed
in Washington, D. C., Jan. 24, In03. This
hody assembled in London on Sept. 3, fol-
lowing', heard final arguments on October
\1, reached a decision on Oct. 17. and made
its award Oct. 20, granting to the United
8tates all of its contentions e
cepting that
for the Portland Canal, which was giwn
to Canada. The award deprived Canada
of access to tlw sea over a long stretch of
coast-line, and of a free passage up the
Lynn Canal to the Yukon. See UNITED
STATES-ALASKA, in vol. ix.
Alaskan Boundary, TIlE. PROF. J.
R. )TOORE (q. v.) contributes the follow-
ing discussion of the conflicting claims
of the United States and Canada in re-
lation to the boundary-line.
In his mesc::age of Dec. 2. 1872, Presi-
dent Grant, referring to the settlement of
the San Juan 'Vat
r Boundan', remarked
that this award left us, .. f
r the fir!'.t
time in the history of the rnitf'd Statf's
as a nation, without a question of dis-
puted boundary between our territory
and the possessions of Great Britain on
this continent." In making this state-
ment, President Grant was not unmindful
of the fact that the boundary between the
British possessions and Alaska, as defined
in the treaty between Great Britain and
Russia of 1825, had not been surveyed and
marked. No dispute in regard to this
line had then arisen; and, with a view to
prevent the occurrenf'e of any, he made
the foUowing recommendation:
"Experience of the difficulties attend-
ing the determination of Our admitted line
of boundary, after the occupation of the
Territory and its settlement by those owing
a]]egiance to the respecti\'e governments,
points to the importance of establishing,
by natural objects or other monuments,
the actual line between the territory ac-
quired by purchase from Russia and the
adjoining possessions of her Britannic
Majesty. The region is now so sparsely
occupied that no conftiC'ting interests of
individuals or of jurisdiction are likely to
interfere to the delay or embarrassment
of the actual locatio; of the line. If de-
ferred until population shall enter and
occupy the Territory, some trivial contest
ûf neighbors may again array the two
governments in antagonism. I therefore
recommend the appointment of a commis-
sion, to act jointly with one that may be
appointed on the part of Great Britain.
to determine the line between our Terri-
tory of Alaska and the coterminous pos-
MILITARY GOVERNOR. Ressions of Great Britain."
Gen. Lovell H. Rousseau,......... .18G7 - By correspondence published in the
CI\'IL GOVERNOR!'!. Canadian Sessional Papers, this recom-
John H. Kinkead.,............... ,1884-85 mf'ndation appears to have been inspired
Alfred P. Swim.ford,............. .188;;-89 hy representations, originating with th
Lyman Eo Knapp...........,...... 188f1-H3 f d . d
James Sbf'akley .............. ... . 1893-fl7 government 0 Cana a, and commußIcatf'
John G. Brady.................. 1897-1904 through the British minister at \Yash-
I.-.F 81
GOVERXOns OF THB TERRITORY.
ALASKAN :ÐOUNDAR"'L
ington, as to the desirableness of definitely but no recommendations as to the boun-
marking the boundar
'. Ko action upon dary.
the recommendation was taken; but an By the protocol of May, lSfl8, it was
estimate then mad!' by United
tates om- agreed that the joint international com-
dais as to the probahle cost and duration mission to be organized thereunder should
of the task of surve
'ing and marking the endeavor to adopt" provisions for the de-
line as laid down in the treaty placed the limitation and establishment of the
cost at about $1,500,000 and the time at Alaska-Canadian boundary by legal and
nine
Tears for field operations and at least scientific experts if the commission shall
an additional ;year for oflice work. so decide, or otherwise." Under this
In January, 188G, the minister of the clause, it is understood that the commis-
rnitecl States in London, a.cting under sion has failed to reach an at'reement and
instructions, proposed the appointment of the question still remains op
n. It i
our
a joint commission, which should designate purpose to disclose, in general outlines,
and establish the boundary-line, or else in what the dispute consists.
report such data as might afford a basis By a ukase dated July 8, 1 jOg, the Em-
for its establishment by a new treaty. The peror Paul I. of Russia, having in view
Dominion government, to whom this pro- the benefits resulting to his empire from
posal was rf'ferred, expressed the opinion the hunting and trading carried on by
that a preHminary surye:r was" preferahle Russian suhjects "in the northeaRtern
to a formally constihItpd joint commis- seas and along the coaRts of America,"
sion," and suggested that such a survey conceded to the Hussian-American ('om-
"would enahle the two governments to pany the rigl!t to "have the use of all
ehtahHsh a Ratisfaetory basis for the de- hunting-g!'Ounds and establishments now
limitation of the boundary, and demon- [thcn] c:\.isting on the northeastern (,
ic)
Rtmte whC'thpr the conditions of the con- eoast of America, f!'Om the 53th
wntion of 182.3 are applicable to the now dC'gree [of north latitude] to Bering
more or les!'! known features of the COun- Strait," as well as the right "to make
try." new discoveries not only north of the fift
T-
Early in 1888 several informal con- fifth degree," but farther to the south. and
ferenceR were held in 'Vashington between "to occupy the new lands discovered, as
Prof. 'V. II. Dall, of the United States Russian possessions." if tlu'y were not
Geological Survey, and Dr. George l\L previously occupied by or dependent upon
Dawson, of Canada, for the purpose of dis- another nation.
cussing the boundary and elucidating, so Still further prÏ\TiJeges were granted to
far as the information then in existence the Russian-Ameriean Company by the
enabled thf'm to do, the questions which famous ukase issued by the Emperor
might be involved in it. TIle result of Alexander, Sept. 7, 18
1, by which the pm-
tllese conferences was communicated to suit of commercf', whaling anù fishing-, and
Congress. of all other industry, on all islands, ports,
A further step was taken in the con- and gulfs, "including the whole of the
wntion hC'tween the Pnited Statf's and northwest coast of America, b(oginning
Great Britain of .Tuly 2
, 18f)
. by which fl"Om I3pring
tmit to the 51st deg,"f'C
it was agn,pd that a coincidC'nt or joint of northern latitu(le." was exclusiv{'lv
f:urvC'y I<houJd be made .. with a viC'w to granted to Russian subjects. and fon'ig
ascertainment of the facts and data I1c(,ps- vessels. except in case of distn.ss, wpre
Rury to the permanf'nt delimitation of tho forbidden" not on I.\' to land on the l:UJlsts
fifiid boundary-Hne in accordance with the and islands belonging to Hussia, as stah.a
Rl'irit and intent of the existing treatips nho\'e. hut also to npproach U}{'m within
in rpgard to it betw('en Great Britain and If:-s than 100 Italian miles."
Ru"sia and hetwC'C'n thf' Pnited States and This extension hy Rus!';Ïa of }}('r claim
Russia." The time for the report of the of dominion on the northwest coa.st of
commissionprs und!'r this stipulation was America from the 55th parall('1 of
e"tended by the supplemental convention r.orth latitude down to the 51st, couplpd
of F
b. 3, 1804, to Dec. 31, 18!)5.
Toint with the new claim of exclusive ma-
snrve
's and a joint report were made, rine jurisdiction of 100 Italian miles
82
ALASKAN BOUNDARY
along the coafo>t, callcd forth protests both
from the Unitcd States and from Great
Britain. Both these powers claimed ter-
}"itory nmth of the 51st parallel, as
weB as the right freely to navigate the
oeean and to fish and trade with the
natives on unoccupied coasts. Russia met
their protC'sts with an offer of negotiation.
This ofi'er was accC'pted. In the ne;:rotia-
tions which ensuC'd, Hussia was represent-
(>d hy Count Kcs!'\elrode, ministcr for for-
eign affairs, and 1\1. Poletica. Great Brit-
ain was rcpresented first by Sir Charles
Bagot, and then by Stratford Canning;
the United States by Henry Middleton.
The United States and Great Britain at
one time entertained tIle intention of act-
ing jointly, but, finding that their terri-
torial claims were to some extent conflict-
ing. theJT carried on their negotiations with
I<ussia sC'parately.
The negotiations hetween the United
States and Russia endcd in a convention,
signed at St. Petersburg, April 17, 1824,
which wiII hereafter be referred to as the
convention of 1824. As to the territorial
question, it was agreed that no establish-
ment should be formed by the United
States on the northwest coast north of
lat. 5-!0 40' N., nor by Russia south of that
paralIeI. As to navigation, fishing. and
trading. the right of navigation and of
fishing in the Pacific Ocean was acknowl-
edged unqualifiedly and in perpetuity; and
it was agreed that during a term of ten
years the ships of both powers might fre-
quent .. the interior Sea!'!, Gulfs, Harhors,
and {'reeks upon tIle coast" in question,
for the purpose of fishing and trading with
the natives. Ko resort, however, was to
be made by citi7ens of the Unitcd States
to any point where there was a Russian
el'tablishment, without the permission of
the governor; and a n'f'iprocal rule was
to be observed by Russian subjects as to
PnitE'd States establisllments. From the
commerce pf'rmitted by the convention,
fh"e-arms and liquon were excluded.
Ro far as dominion was conf'prned. the
practiC'al effect of this trpatv was to lean
it to (;rPat Britain and RI;ssia to di\'icle
the tprritory north of lat. 54 0 40' N.,
and to the Lnit(>d States and Great Brit-
ain to divide that to the south.
Great Britain and Russia sett1E'd their
maritime and tf'rritorial differences by a
convention signed at St. Petersburg on
},'eb. 28, 18
.J, whieh will hereafter be re-
fured to as the conventIon of 1825. This
convention defines, in Articles III. and IV.,
the boundary between Alaska and the
British possessions as it exists to-day. The
treaty of 18Gï, ceding Alaska to the
Unitcd States, describes the eastern limits
of the cession by incorporating the defini.
tion given in the convention of 182.'). This
convention was signed only in French,
which is therefore the official text; but
there accompanies it, in the British pub-
lications, an English" translation," which
in the main fairly reproduces the original.
These texts, 80 far as they relate to the
boundary, are as follows:
<<III. La ligne de
d6nareation entre le8
P08session8 dcs H autes
Partics ContraetantC8
8ur la Côte du Conti-
nell t et lcs Ile8 de
l'AmériqueNord Ouest,
8era t,'aeée ains;, qu'il
8uit:-
.. A partir du Point
Ie plus méridional de
I'lle dite Prill('e of
lVale8, lcquel Point 8e
tro1tt"e 80US 1a pal'al-
We du 54111e de-
gré 40 111 inute8 de
latitude },. OJ'd, et en-
tre 1e 131me et Ie
13:lme dC!Jré de
101lqitude Oue8t (][é-
rillien de Green ll"ich),
1a dite 1igne rcrnon-
tera au Nord Ie long
de la passe dite Port-
land Channel,jusqu'a11
Point de la terre
ferme Of} clle aUrint
Ie 56me degré de lati-
t1tde Xord: de ce d('r-
71icr point 1a 1i(lne de
df
mareation 81th"l"a la
crête de8 montagncs
sitllrr8 1Iora11il ('m ('n t
à 1a CMp. jusqu'uu
1Ioin t d'intrrscction
du 141mc degré de
10l1(litllc1e QUeEn (mi'me
lJ/for-if1i('n): ct finulr-
111('/1 t c11l c1it 1Ioint 11'il1-
trl"'1('('fjon. 1n lIli'm('
lirme 111 Í'ril1ienne Iht
141111e dr!lré {flrm('l"fl.
(lnll.'1 80n prolonyc-
fII('nt jllsqll'à la mer
G1neialc, 1a limite
enire le8 Possession8
Russes et BritGn-
83
.. III. The line of
demarcation between
the Possessions of the
High Contracting
rarties upon the
Coast of the Conti-
nent and the Islands
of America to the
North-West, shall be
drawn in the follow-
Ing manner:
"Commencing from
the southernmost
point of the Island
called Prince of
Wales Island, which
point lies In the par-
allel of 54 degrees
40 minutes, North
Latitude. and between
the 131st and 133d
Degree of ""est Longi-
tude (:\[eridian of
Greenwich), the said
line shall ascend to
the Korth along the
Channel called Port-
)and Channe), as far
as the Point of the
Continent where It
strikes the 5Gth D{'-
gree of Korth Lati-
tude: from this la:;;t
mentioned Point the
Hne of demarcation
shall follow the sum-
mit of the mountainI'!
situated parallel to
the coast, as far as
the pnlnt of Intersec-
tion of the 141st De-
grpe of "-el't Longl-
tlHle (of the I'amp :\fp-
ri(!ian): and. finally.
from the said point of
Intersection, the said
[erldlan Line of the
141 s t Degree, In Its
prolongation as far as
ALASKAN BOUNDARY
niqucs slur Ie ('onU- the Frozen Ocean,
7/ent dr 1'4.mérique shall form the Ilmit
Nord Oucst. between the Russian
and British Posses-
sions on the ConU-
nent of America to
the
orth-West.
"IV. With refer-
ence to the Ilne of
demarcation laid down
In the preceding Arti-
cle, it Is understood:
tained from the governor. Trade with the
natiyes in fire-arms and liquors was pro-
hibited. Besides these stipulations, it was
agreed (Art. VI.) that British subjects,
whether arriving from the ocean or from
the interior of the continent, should U for-
ever enjoy the right of navigating freely
all the rivers and streams which,
in their course towards the Pacific Ocean,
may cross the line of demarcation upon the
line of coast described in Article III. of
the present convention"; and that, for the
space of ten years, the port of Sitka, or
Novo Arehangelsk, should be U open to the
Commerce and Vessels of British sub-
jects."
An e"Xamination of the boundary defined
in Articles III. and IV. of the convention
of 1825 shows that it is scientifically di-
visible into two distinct sections, first, the
line from the southernmost point of Prince
of Wales Island, through l}ortland Chan-
nel and along the summit of the moun-
tains paraHel to the coast, to the point of
intersection of the 141st meridian of longi-
tude; and, second, the line from this point
to the Arctic Ocean. With the latter sec-
tion, which is merely a meridian line, and
as to \\ hich the L'nited States and Cana-
dian suryeJ's exhibit no considerable dif-
ference, we are not now concerned. The
section as to which material differences
have arisen is tIle first.
The principal differences in this quarter
are two in number, first, as to what chan-
nel is meant by Portland Channel (some-
It was further provided (Art. V.) that times called Portland Canal); and, sec-
neither party should form estahlishments ond, as to what is the extent of the line or
within the limits thus assigned to the strip of coast (le lisière de cóte) which
other, and. specifically, that British sub- was assigned to Russia. The latter differ-
jects should not form any establishment, ence, since it is the more complicated, we
U either upon the coast, or upon the border will consider first.
of the continent (soit sur la côfe, soit sur As has been seen, the eastf>rly limit of
la lisii:re de terre fer me) comprisf"d with- the lisière. from the point where the line
in the limits of the Ru
sian possf>s"ions." strikes the fifty-sixth degree of north lati-
.\s to navigation, fishing. and trading, tude, was to foHow U the summit of the
the convention of 1825 included sub- mountains situated parallel to the mast."
f;tantially the same prm-isions as that of except t1Iat, wherí' this Immmit Rhould
1824. The right of navigation and fishing prove to be mOre than ten marine leagues,
in the Pacific Ocean was aeknowledged. or thirty miles, from the ocean, the limit
For the space of ten years the f;hips of was to 'be formed U by a line paraJJel to
the two powers were to be at liberty to the windings of the coast, and which shaH
frequent "the inland Seas, the Gulfs, never exceed the distance of ten marine
Havens. and Creeks on the Coast" in ques- leagues therefrom." On the part of
tion. Permission to Jand at points where Canada two theories as to this Jine have
there were establishments was to be ob- been admnced: (I) that it should foHow,
84
.. IV. Il est en-
tendu, par rapport à
la ligne de démarca-
tion détcr71linée dans
l'A,'ticle lu'écédent:
.. 1. Que l'Ile dite
Prince of Wales ap-
partiendra toute en-
tUre à la Russie:
":2. Que partout at}
la crête dcs montagncs
qui s'ctcndcnt dans
1me direction paral-
lèle à eôte dcpuis
Ie 56me dcgré de
latitude Kord au
point d'intcrsectirm du
141711e degré de longi-
tude Ouest, se trout'e-
mit à la distance de
pills de di.r 1icues ma-
1'incs de l'Océan, la
limite entre les POIt-
sessions Britanniqucs
et la lisière de eMe
mentfonnée ci-dessus
c()mme dCl'ant appar-
t( nir à la Rus8Íp,
sera formée par une
Hane parallèle au.!'
simtOsités de la eôte,
et qui ne pourra ja-
mais en ttre éloignée
que de db: lieues ma-
rines."
II 1st. That the Isl-
and called Prince or
Wales Island shall be-
long wholly to Rus-
sia,
" :2d. That wherever
the summit or the
mountains which ex-
tend In a direction
parallel to the Coast,
from the 56th degree
of Korth Latitude to
the point of Intersec-
tion of the 141st de-
gree of West Longi-
tude, shall prove to
be at the distance of
more than ten marine
leagues from the
Ocean, the limit be-
tween the British
Possessions and the
line of Coast which
Is to belong to Rus-
sia, as above men-
tioned, shall be form-
ed by a line parallel
to the windings of the
Coast, and which
shall never exceed the
distance of ten ma-
rine leagues there-
from."
ALASKAN BOUNDARY
not the actual windings (sinuosites) but
t he general trend of the coast, so as to
iutersect or cross the headlands of some
of the bays and inlets, especially in the
Lynn Canal, and give Great Britain one
or more ports on tide-water; and (2) that
the coast whose windings are to be fol-
lowed is not the shore of the mainland,
but that of the adjacent islands, border-
ing on the ocean.* The United States, on
the oth('r hand, has mailltaiuf'd that the
coast whose windings were to be followed
was the coast of the mainland, the design
of the connntion being to give to Russia
the control of the whole of the sìlOre of the
mainland, and of the islands, bays, gulfs,
and inlets adjacent thereto. In other
· On the sketch-map accompanying this ar-
ticle. the Canadian claim is given as shown
on the .. )Iap of the Province of ßritlsh Co-
lumbia, compiled by direction of lIon, G. B.
)Iartln. Chief Commi
sloner of Lands and
Works, Ylctoria. R. C., l
a:;." This claim
would g!ve Vyea,
kagway, 1'yramid Harbor,
and val'lOUS other points, and a long stretch
of tide-water, to C'anada. Canada offered to
give up her claims on Dyea and Skagwa v
If the Cnlted States would give P.rramid
I1al'bor to her. The United States refused
tu consider the question.
words, Russia was to have exclusive do-
minion of tide-water and of a continuous
strip of territory bordering upon it, while
Great Britain was to have the interior
country, with a right of free navigation of
streams crossing the Russian territory on
their way to the sea.
That this was the design of the conven--
tion may be shown, first, by the record of
its negotiation.
The principal object on the part of
Great Britain was to obtain the withdraw-
al by Russia of the claim made in the
ukase of 1828 to exclusive jurisdiction
over the Pacific Ocean-a claim which in-
volved the right to navigate a vast extent
of ocean and, incidentally, the right of
passage from the Pacific to the Arctic
Ocean through Bering Straits. "It is not
on our part," declared George Canning,
British Recretary of State for Foreign Af-
fairs, "essentially a negotiation of limits.
It is a demand of the repeal of an offen-
sive and unjustifiable arrogation of ex-
clusive jurisdiction over an ocean of un-
measured extent." 'Vith a view to facili-
tate the withdrawal of this pretension,
Great nritain proposed a settlement of
limits.* The actual geographical features
of the territory were to a great extent
unknown. Vancouver had navigated and
charted the coast, but the interior was un-
explored. Back from the shore high moun-
tains were visible, and, after the manner
of the early geographers, he drew artistic
ranges which follow the windings of the
coast, making a continuous barrier be-
tween the coast of the mainland and the
interior country. It is well known, how-
ever, to the negotiatOl's of the convention
of 1825 that the mountain ranges might
be broken, or that, instead of following
closely the windings of the coast, they
might extend far inland. Instead, there-
fore, of attending to geographical details,
they adopted general rules, which should
be applied whenever the line came to be
actually marked.
In settling the limits along the coast
the two governments were largely guided
by the interests and the representations
of certain commercial companies-on the
part of Russia, the Russian - American
Company, and, on the part of Great Brit-
· G. Canning to Stratford Canning, Dec. 8,
18
4.
85
ALASKAN BOUNDARY
ain. thp Xorthwest and Hudson's nay
companies-which hunted and traded with
nati\es for furs. The fur trade was then
the principal ohjcet of value in the esti-
mation of the worth of the rC'gions in
question. The Jh'itish companies, how-
ever, had no e"tablibhment on the coast
now under considcration. Their opera-
tions in that quarter were conducted in
the intcrior, and their furs were sent to
England through their own territories,
and not across the coast involvcd in the
neg-otia tion.
The fhst definite proposition as to lim-
its was made by Great Britain to Russia
in the autumn of I8
3. Sir Charles Ragot,
then Briti:-.h ambassador at St. PeÌ('rs-
burg. was instructed to propose a line
drawn east and west along the 57th
paraJJel of north latitude. He W('IIt
somewhat further, and suggested that
Great Britain would" be satisfied to take
Cross Sound. lying about the latitude of 57 0
30', as the boundary betweC'n the two pow-
ers on the coast: and a meridian line
drawn from the head of Lynn Canal, as
it is laid down in _-\rrowslUith's last map,
. . . as the boundary in the interior of the
continent." This suggC'stion was not ac-
cepted. and subsC'quentJy, acting under in-
structions. he proposed "a line drawn
through Chatham Straits to the hmd of
I
ynn Canal, thence northwest to the l-tOth
degrC'e of longitude west of Greenwich, and
thence along that degree of longitude to
the l'olar SC'a."
The Russian plenipotentiaries rejected
this proposal and submitted a counter-
project. ny the ukase of I7f)!), the Rus-
sian dominion was a!'sumed to extend to
the southward as far as the 53th de-
g-r('e of north latitude. The Rus
ian plen-
ipotentiariC's therefore offered to adhere to
this limit, with a deflcction at the south-
ern extremitv of Prince of "'ales Island
so as to avoid. a division of territory. and.
for the rest. proposed that the line should
" follow Portland Channel up to the moun-
tains which border the coast," thence" as-
cend along these mountains. parallel to the
sinuosities of the coast, as far as the I:
!)th
dC'gree of longitude (meridian of J
O))-
don) ," and then pursue that mcridian in-
definitely to the north.
The reasons of the two govprnmpnfs for
their respective proposals were full)' ex-
plained by them. In the early stages of
the IlC'gotiation the Hn
!"iau plenipot<.u-
tia,rÎ<'s iutimated that tlJ('Y would l'l'(luire
the ;;;)th dl'gn'e of JatitUllc as their
sout hcrn bounJary. In hi
instrlldions
to :-;ir C. nagot, of Jan. 15, I8
-l,
lr.
George Canning, advcrtillg to the fact that
no limit was suggested by the Rus!',ian
plenipotcntiaries to the eastern extension
of the parallel, declarcd that it was C'8-
sential to guard against the" unfonndf'd
prl'tensious" of nussia in that direction,
and for that purpose, wlulÌever the degrce
of latitude assumed, to as:òigll a de1ìnite
meridian of Jongitude as a Jimit. The
I33th mcridian northward from the head
of "Lynn's Harbor" Illight suffice. As to
" the mainland SOltfhtw,.ù of that point,"
it wouM be e
pedient to a!'sign "a limit,
8ay of 50 or Ion miks from the
coast, beyond which the Ihls!'ian posts
"hould not he ext(>ndl'<l to the ('[1 st \\'a rd.
"'e must not:' he continued. .. on anv ac-
count. admit the Hussian tl'rritory t
P'\:-
t{'ßd at any point to the nOCh
' :\lountainR.
B
' sueh an admission wc shoultl e!o<tah-
li",h a direct and cumplete interruption
bl.twccn our territol"Y to thc southward
of that point and that of wllidl we are
in possC'ssion to the eastward. of long.
1
;;0 along the course of the l\Ia('kC'nzi,..
River."
The Russian plenipotentiariC's e
p18inC'd
their ohject with el}ua-l clearness. In a
memorandum accompanying their counter-
pruposal thC'y 8aid: "The principal motive
which constrains UU8:'oia to insist upon
sovereignty o\'er the noon-indicated strip
of territory (lisière) upon the mainland
(tcrre {('rmc) from the Portland ChallIl('l
to the point of intersC'ctioIl of the tiOt h
dC'g1"ee (latitmle) with the l
nth degree
of longitude. is that, dC'priwd of this tC'rri-
tOQ", the Russian - American Company
"ould have no means of sUl'taining its ('s-
tablishments, which wouM then he with-
out any support (TJOillt d'(lppui) , mIll
could have no solidity." If Great Britain
would ac('C'pt the line proposC'd by them.
the Russian plC'nipotentiaries declared
that their govf"l"nment would grant to
British subjcC'ts "the free navi).!ation of
aU the l'inr8 whiC'h C'mpty into the ocean
fJlToug-h fhe said lisih'r." and open the
port of :!\ovo .\rc1mngchk to thcir trad.e
and \"C's,;els.
8G
ALASKAN BOUNDARY
She will make no others.... It cannot be
reiterated with sufficient positiveness that,
according to the most recent charts, Eng-
land possesses no establishment either up
to the latitude of Portland Channel or on
the shore of the ocean itself; and Russia,
when she insists on preserving a moderate
expanse of the mainland (terrc fcrme)
only insists in reality upon the means of
utilizing-we might better say of not los-
ing-the surrounding islands."
The British cabinet, with the concur-
rence of the Hudson Bay Company, de-
cided to accept the Russian proposal, with
a limitation of the distance from the coast
at which the line along the mountains
should run, and the selection of a me-
ridian of longitude north of :\Iount St.
Elias farther to the west than the UOth.
In this way Russia would securc her strip
of territory on the mainland and Great
Rritain prevent the intersection of her in-
terior possessions and communications.
Great Britain accordingly proposed that
the line should ascend northerly along
Porthtnd Channel" till it strikes the coast
of the continent lying in the 56th
degree of north latitude," and that it
fo'hould thence be carried" along the coast,
in a direction parallel to its windings,
and at or within the seaward base of the
mountains by which it is hounded," pro-
vided that it should not e:l..tend more than
a certain number of marine leagues in-
land, whatenr the distance of the moun-
tains might be. Experience had shown,
said the British gm'ernment, that moun-
tains which were assumed as lines of
boundary were sometimes incorrectly laid
down, and that it was "therefore neces-
sary that some other security should be
taken tlmt the line of demarcation to be
drawn parallel with the coast. as far as
Mount St. Elias. is not mrried too far in-
land." It might be limited to 10 leagues
or less. *
To this counter-proposal Sir C. Hagot
objected that it "would deprive his Bri-
tannic Majest,r of sovereignty over all the
inlets and small bays lying between lat.
56 0 and 54 0 45', whereof several (as there
is every reason to belie\Oe) communicated
directly with the establishments of the
Hudson Bay Company, and are conse-
quently of essential importance to its com-
merce." He offered, however, to accept a
line traced from the west towards the east
"along the middle of the channel which
sepêuates Prince of 'Yales and Duke of
York islands from all the islands situated
to the north of the said islands until it
touches the mainland." Subsequently he
modified this offer by proposing that the
line be drawn "from the southern ex-
tremity of the strait called 'Duke of
Clarencc's Souml.' through the middle of
this strait to the middle of the strait
which separates Prince of 'Vales and Duke
of York islands" from the islands to the
north, and thence eastwardly to the main-
land. thus giving Prince of 'Yales Island
to Russia.
Thcsc proposals the Russian plenipo-
tentiaries declined. They declared that
" the posse
;;ion of Prince of "'ales Island
without a slice (portion) of territory
upon the coast situated in front of that
island could be of no utili tv whatever to
Russia," since any establisl;ment founded
upon it would then" find itself, as it were,
tlanhd by the English estabIi",hments on
the mainland und completely at the mercy
of the latter." They adhered to Portland
Channel; but, as to thc eastern boundary
of the lisière, they offered to extend it
"along the mountains which follow the
sinuosities of the coast as far as )Iount
Elias:' and then to run the line along
the 1.1Oth meridian of longitude instead of
the 13!)th. Said Count Nessel rode, in an
instruction to Count Lieven. Russian am-
bassador at London,
\pril 17, 1824:
"This proposal will assurc to us merely
t' f t . t (1 ' . è ) · G. ('annln
to
Ir C. Ba
ot. July 1
,
a narrow s np 0 ern ory 1.<11 re upon ]R24. ""ere there room for rloubt as to wbat
the coast itself, and win If>ave the English the!';(' propo!';als and counter-propo!';als meant,
f'stablishmf'nts all nf>f'dful ronm for in- It mi
ht he worth while specially to note the
crpase and extpnsion.. . . 'Ve limit onr dp- phra$e" seaward ba!';(' of the mountains." 1\8
m:mùs to a nwre stri p of the continent . weB ns the su
gestion made by the Brttl!';h
overnment tbnt no forts should be estab-
ud . . . we guarantee the free navigation Ii!';hed or fortifications erectf'd by either
of the rivf>rs and announce the opening of p31.ty" on thp !';ummit or In the pa!';ses of thf'
the port of 1\ovo Archangelsk. Ru!'tsia mountains" In casf' the houndarv !';holllrl fol-
low their summit amI not their s
award ha!';e.
cannot stretch her concessions farther. (G. Canning to Sir C. Eagot, July 24, 18
4,)
87
ALASKAN BOUNDARY
The Russian government, in response to
the last British proposition. proposed that
the lisii:re, instead of being bounded by
the summit of the mountains, except
where it excpeded a certain distance from
the coast, should "not be wider on the
continent than 10 marine leagues from
the shore of the sea." In other words,
nussia wanted either the crest of the
mountains, or else a line 10 leagues from
the coast, as the boundary all the way.
Great Britain objected to this as a with-
drawal of the limits of the lisière which
the Russians were themselves the first to
propose, viz., "the summit of the moun-
tains, which run parallel to the coast, and
which appear, according to the map, to
fono\\' all its sinuosities, and to substi-
tute generally that which we only sug-
gcsted as a connection of their first prop-
osition."* Accordingly, Mr. Stratford
Canning, who had lately. been appointed
a plenipotcntiary to conclude the conven-
tion, proposed that the line should fol-
low "the crest of the mountains in a
direction parallel to the coast," but that,
if the crest should be found anywhere to
be more than 10 leagues from the sea,
the boundary should there be " a line par-
allel to the sinuo!'lities of the coast. so
that the line of demarcation !'Ihall not be
anywhere more than 10 leagues from the
coast."
This proposal was accepted as a compro-
mise, and the treaty was drawn up and
signed in conformity with it. "Cntil a re-
cent period the line, as it was then under-
stood by both governments, remained un-
questioned. It appeared on all the maps,
including those published in England, as
the 'Cnih"d States now maintains it, fol-
10winO' the sinuosities of the coast and
rnnni
g' along the heads of the inlets. in-
cluding the T
ynn Canal, and giving to
Russia an unbroken strip of the mainland
up to ::\fount St. Elias.
But more significant, perhaps, than any
map, is the fact that the greater portion
of the strip of mainland in question was
for many years after 1839 leased, at an
annual rental, by the Hudson Bay Com-
pany. The lease embraced the coast (ex-
lusive of i!;:lands) and the interior coun-
try belonging to Russia, situated between
Cape Spencer, on Cro
s f'ound. and lat.
54 0 40', or thereabout, including "the
whole mainland coast and interior coun-
try belonging to Russia," eastward and
southward of an imaginary line drawn
from Cape Spencer to :\Iount Fairweather.
By an agreement between the Hudson
Bay and Russian-American companies,
which received the sanction of both gov-
ernments, this strip of territory was ex-
empted from molestation during the Cri-
mean 'Var.*
As to the southern limit of the strip in
question, a line through Portland Channel,
as now maintained by the United States,
continued to be the uncontested boundary
till about ISi3, when Canadian writers be-
gan to suggest that the line should run
through Behm Canal, or by some othcr
way than Portland Channel, (I) bec;lus<"
while the line is required by the treaty to
" ascend to the north" from the southern-
most point of Prince of Wales Island, it
must first run to the cast in order to cnter
Portland Channel, and ( 2) because the
head of Portlanù Channel does not reach
the 56th degree of north latitude. These
suggec;tions, besiùes disregarding the IJis-
torical and geographical evidence, in-
