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UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH

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HARPER'S ENCYCLOPAEDIA

UNITED STATES HISTORY

From 458 a.d. to 1909 l\'l\]

BASED UPON THE PLAN OF ,' ^ '""

BENSON JOHN LOSSINQ, LL.p.- --;

SOMETIME EDITOR OF 'THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL RECORD" AND AUl^I^OR OF ' ' ' '

" THE PICTORIAL FIELD-BOOK OF THE REVOLUTION " ' ' THE PICTORIAL FIELD- - . > j ,

BOOK OF THE WAR OF l8l2" ETC., ETC., ETC. '/ "/ >>j)3

WITH SPECIAL CONTRIBUTIONS COVERING EVERY PHASE OF AMERICAN 1^'l^TORY fJ^D
DEVELOPMENT BY EMINENT AUTHORITIES, INCLUDING \' ' ", ' ,

JOHN FISKE. WOODROW WILSON, Ph.D., LJ.,I>.

THE AMERICAN HlSTORIAl* PRESIDENT OF PRINCETOiV UNII^IiR'^lTV

WM. R. HARPER, Ph.D., LL.D., D.D. GOLDWIN SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D.

PRESIDENT OF THE UNiyERSITY OF CHICAGO PROF. OF HISTORY U'xi^-, OF Tp'R1>NT0

ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, Ph.D. MOSES COIT TYLER, LL:D.

PROF. OF HISTORY AT HARVARD PROF. OF HISTORY AT Cp,RNF/.L

JOHN B. MOORE. EDWARD G. BOURNE, Ph.D.

PROE. or- INTERNATIONAL LAtV AT COLUMhiA PROF. OF HISTORY AT YALE

JOHN FRYER, A.M., LL.D. R. J. H. GOTTHEIL, Ph.D.

PROF. OF LITERATURE AT UNIV. OF CALIFORNIA PROF. OF SEMITIC LANGUAGES AT CCfLyMBIA

WILLIAM T. HARRIS, Ph.D., LL.D. ALFRED T. MAHAN, D.C.L., LL.D.

U. S. COM.MISSIONER OF EDUCATION CAPTAIN UNITED STATES NAVY I Retired)

ETC.. ETC., ETC.. ETC.

WITH A PREFACE ON THE STUDY OF AMERICAN HISTORY BY

WOODROW WILSON, Ph.D., LL.D.

PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY

AUTHOR OF

■'A HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE," ETC., ETC.

WITH ORIGIN' A L DOCUMENTS, PORTRAITS. MAPS, PIANS, <Sr'c.

COMPLETE IN TEN VOLUMES
VOL. V

HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS
NEW YORK . = o LONDON

Copvriffht, 1905, by Harper & Brothers.

W^/ f'iffhts reserved.

LIST OF PLATES

President Abraham Lincoln Frontispiece

President Andrew Jackson Facing page 96

The Burning of Jamestown " "120

President Thomas Jefferson " " 130

President Andrew Johnson " " 160

Lincoln Making His Famous Speech at Gettys-
burg , , . . ** ** 430

;lS5o(4«-^

HARPERS' ENCYCLOPEDIA

UNITED STATES HISTORY

Iberville, Pierre le Moyne, Sieur d',
founder of Louisiana; born in Montreal,
Canada, July 16, 1661; was one of eleven
brothers who figure in some degree in
French colonial history. Entering the
French navy at fourteen, he became dis-
tinguished in the annals of Canada for
his operations against the English in the
north and east of that province. In 1698
he was sent from France to the Gulf of
Mexico with two frigates (Oct. 22), to
occupy the mouth of the Mississippi and
the region neglected after the death of La
Salle. On finding that stream, he re-
ceived from the Indians a letter left
by De Tonty, in 1686, for La Salle. There
he built Fort Biloxi, garrisoned it, and
made his brother Bienville the King's lieu-
tenant. In May, 1699, he returned to
France, but reappeared at Fort Biloxi in
January, 1700. On visiting France and
returning in 1701, he found the colony
reduced by disease, and transferred the
settlement to Mobile, and began the coloni-
zation of Alabama. Disease had im-
paired his health, and the government
called him away from his work as the
founder of Louisiana. He was engaged in
the naval service in the West Indies,
where he was fatally stricken by yellow
fever, dying in Havana, Cuba, July 9,
1706.

Idaho, the thirtieth State admitted to
the American Union, was first explored by
the whites of the Lewis and Clark ex-
pedition. Within its present limit the
Coeur d'Alene mission was established in
1842. The region was visited almost ex-
V. — A

clusively by hunters and trappers till
1852, when gold was discovered on its
present northern boundary. By act of
Congress of March 3, 1863, the Territory
of Idaho was created from a portion of
Oregon Territory, with an area which in-
cluded the whole of the present State oi

STATE SEAL OF IDABO.

Montana and nearly ail of that of Wyo-
ming. In 1864 the Territory lost a part ol
its area to form the Territory of Montana,
and in 1868 another large portion was cut
from it to form the Territory of Wyo-
ming. On July 3, 1890, the Territory was
admitted into the Union as a State, hav-
ing then a gross area of 84,800 square
miles. Between the dates of its creation
as a Territory and a State it became wide-
ly noted as a most promising field for gold

IDAHO— ILLINOIS AND MICHIGAN CANAL

and silver mining, and for several years
later, Idaho was classed politically as a
silver State. Prospecting, however, de-
veloped a large number of- rich paying
gold properties, and during the copper
excitement of 1898-1901 many veins of
that mineral were found. During the
calendar year !899 the gold mines of Idaho
yielded a combined product valued at
$1,889,000; and the silver mines a pro-
duct having a commercial value of $2,311,-
080. The development of the various min-
ing interests was seriously retarded for
many years by the lack of transporta-
tion facilities, but by 1900 railroads
had been extended to a number of im-
portant centres, and wagon-roads had been
constructed connecting direct with the
chief mining properties. Tlie State also
had a natural resource of inestimable
value in its forests, with great variety of
timber. The chief agricultural productions
are wheat, oats, barley, potatoes, and hay,
and the combined values of these ci-ops in
the calendar year 1903 was $13,921,8.55,
the hay crop alone exceeding in value
$6,800,000. For 1903 the equalized valu-
ation of all taxable property was $65,-
964.785, and the total bonded debt was
$692,500, largely incurred for the construc-
tion of wagon-roads. The population in
1890 was 84,385; in 1900, 161,772. See
United States, Idaho, vol. ix.

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Name.

George L. Shoup....

Fred. T Dubo.s

Hfury HeilfeUi

Welden B. Heybiirn.
Fred. T. Dubois

No. of Congress.

51st to

51st " 51th
.iStli " 57th

58th "

59th "

Date.

1890
1890 to 1897

1897 '• lyU3

1903 "

1905 "

TERRITORIAL GOVERNORS.

Name.

Date.

Wm. H. Wallace ,

1863 to 1864

18G4 " 1866

David W. B.iUard

1866 " 1867

Samuel Bard

1870
1870 to 1871

Alexander Connor

1871

Thomas M. Bowen

1871

Thomas W. Bennett

1871 to 1876

Miison Bravman

1876 " 1880

.lohn B.Neil

1880 " 1883

1883

Wm. N. Burn

1884 to 1885

Edwin A. Steyens

1885 " 1889

STATE GOVERNORS.

Name.

Date.

George I,. Shoup

N. B. Willev

1890
1890 to 1893

Wm. J. McConnell

1893 " 1897

Frank Stenaenberg

1897 " 1901

Frank W. Hunt

1901 «< 1903

John T. .M orrison

1903 " 1905

Frank R Gooding

1905 "

Ide, George Barton, clergyman; born
in Coventry, Vt., in 1804; graduated at
Middlebury College in 1830; ordained in
the Baptist Church; pastor of the First
Baptist Church of Philadelphia, Pa., in
1838-52, and afterwards had a charge in
Springfield, Mass., for twenty years. He
published ■ Green Hollow ; Battle Echoes,
or Lessons from the War; etc. He died
in Springfield, Mass., April 16, 1872.

Ide, Henry Clay, jurist; born in Bar-
net, Vt., Sept. 18, 1844; graduated at
Dartmouth College in 1866. He was a
member of the Vermont State Senate in
1882-85; president of the Republican
State Convention in 1884; and a delegate
to the National Republican Convention in
1888. In 1891 he was appointed United
States commissioner to Samoa; in 1893-
97 was chief-justice of the islands under
the appointment of England, Germany,
and the United States; in 1900 became a
member of the Philippine Commission;
and in 1901 Secretary of Finance and
Justice of the Philippines. See Samoa.

Ik Marvel. See Mitchell, Donald
Grant.

Illiers, Count Henry Louis, military
officer; born in Luxembourg in 1750; was
one of the French officers who served in
the Revolutionary War; took part in the
battle of the Brandywine, where he saved
Pulaski. He was the author of De la
guerre d'Amerique, etc. He died in Paris
in 1794.

Illinoia, name proposed by Jefferson
for a State of part of the Northwest Ter-
ritory.

Illinois and Michigan Canal. In
1822 Congress granted a right of way,
and in 1827 a grant of land. Work
was begun in 1836 as a lock canal, and
Avas opened for navigation in 1848. In
1865 the canal was improved so as to
drain Chicago, and in 1871 the canal re-
verted to the State. The canal was com-
pleted during 1892-1900, at a cost of
$45,000,000, and will eventually be made
into ship-canal.

ILLINOIS

Illinois is in the upper Mississippi Val-
ley, lying between the parallels 42° 30'
and 36° 59' N., and lon<;itude 87° 35' and
91° 40' W. Its territory extends on the
Ohio and ]\lississippi rivers and Lake
Michigan. Area 50.000 square miles, or
about 35,500,000 acres, divided into 102
counties.

Physical Characteristics. — The surface is
comparatively level, nowhere over 1,000
feet above the ocean -level, gradually
sloping from the north to the south. The
lowest level is at the junction of the Ohio
and Mississippi rivers, about 300 feet.
There are few forests, most of the surface
being open prairie. The soil is rich and
well watered. The chief river is the
Illinois, formed by the junction of the Des
Plaines, from Wisconsin, and the Kanka-
kee, from Indiana, and emptying into the
Mississippi near Alton. Of its 500 miles
about one-half are navigable. The Kas-
kaskia, 250 miles, the Rock River, and the
Big Muddy are also affluents of the Missis-
sippi. The Big Vermilion, Enibarras, and
Little Wabash empty into the Wabash,
which forms a part of the eastern boun-
dary of the State.

ing, freestone, and marble are among the
many other mineral treasures.

Population. — By the United States
Census, 1870, 2,539,891; 1880, 3,077,871;
1890, 3,82G,.351; 1900, 4.821,550. Twenty-
four cities have (United States Census,
1900) from 10,000 to 50.000 inhabitants,
and Chicago had 1,098,575.

^Manufactures. — Tlie reports of the
twelfth United States Census, for 1900,
show a total of 38,300 establishments in
Illinois, -with 395,110 wage-earners, and
products valued at $1,259,730,108. In the
following comparative reports, 23,980
establishments, with 02,239 wage-earners,
producing $138,801,800 (being an average
product of $5,790 per establishment), have
been omitted for the reason that these
represent " neighborhood industries and
hand trades," whereas the comparative
figures are for establishments under what
is known as the " factory " system.

The Director of the United States
Census, under date of October 18, 1906,
issued the following comparative sum-
mary between 1900 and 1905 omitting
the " neighborhood industries and hand
trades " :

Number of establishments

Capital

Salaried officials, clerks, etc., number

Salaries

Wage-earners, average number

Total wages

Men 16 years and over

Wages

Women 16 years and over

Wages

Children mider 10 j-ears

Wages

Miscellaneous expenses

Cost of materials used .

Value of products, including custom-work and

repairing

1005

1900

Per cent, of
increase.

14,921

S975,844,799

54,.521

$60,.559,67S

379,436

$208,405,468

314,091

S187,.56S,S96

60,399

.$19,893,-360

4,946

S943,212

§172.185,567

SS40,057,316

81,410,342.129

S732

$40,

$159

$143

$13

$11S
$681

14,374
829,771

40,964
.549,245
332,871
104,179
275,006
714,217

47.922
580,271
9,943
809,691
047,771
450,122

$1,120,868,308

3.8
33.2
33.1
49.3
14.0
31.0
14.2
30.5
26.0
46.5
*50.3
*47.9
45.9
23.3

25.8

Geology. — The greater part of tiie State Railroads and Commerce. — Lake Michi-
belongs to the Carboniferous era. The gan gives an outlet to the other States on
coal-field is nearly 400 miles long and 200 the Great Lakes, and by way of the St.
miles wide. The product is almost wholly Lawrence River with the Atlantic Ocean,
bituminous. In the northern part of the The Ohio and Mississippi ri%-ers, with
State lead, zinc, copper, and iron are various tributary streams in Illinois, fur-
found. Limestone, for burning and build- nish an outlet to the Gulf of Mexico.

ILLINOIS

The two systems are connected by the Il-
linois AND Michigan Canal (q. v.).

STATE SEAL OF ILUNOIS.

Owing to the level surface of the land
and the two grand focal points of trade,
Chicago (q. v.) and St. Louis (q. v.),
most of the grand trunk-lines run through
the State. In 1906 there were over 11,-
000 miles of railroad in the State, being
about twenty miles for every 10,000 in-
habitants. (See Chicago.)

Banks. — In 1906 there were nearly 300
National banks, with a capital of about
$50,000,000, and deposits of over $2,50,-
000,000. The private banks, nearly 200 in
number, had deposits of about $90,000,000.
The savings-banks had deposits of over
$80,000,000.

Education. — In 1900 there were 1,588,-
000 persons in the State between the ages
of six and twenty-one, of whom 960,000
were enrolled in the public schools. There
are five Normal schools and over thirty
colleges and universities. (See Chicago.)

Agriculture. — Practically all the soil of
Illinois is exceedingly fertile, and 91.5
per cent, was in farms, of which 85 per-
cent, were improved. The relative impor-
tance of the different crops is shown by
the following figures for 1900: Corn, 10,-
266,335 acres; oats, 4,570,034; wheat,
1,826,144; hay, 3,343,910; rye, 78,869; bar-
ley, 21,375; potatoes, 136,464. The com-
bined value of these crops in 1904 was
nearly $15,000,000. The farm animals
in the same census were: Dairy cows,
1.007,664; other cattle, 2,096,346; horses.

1,350,219; swine, 5,915,468; sheep, 629,-
150; mules, 127,173.

History. — The site of the present State
was first explored by Louis Joliet and
Father Marquette in 1673. They were fol-
lowed by La Salle, who made his way
down the Illinois and the Mississippi to
the Gulf of Mexico by 1682. In 1680 he
built Fort Crevecceur, near Peoria, but this
was abandoned in 1683 for Fort St. Louis,
built up the river near Ottawa. Within
twenty years missions or settlements were
made at Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Peoria.
In 1717 these settlements were definitely
included in the province of Louisiana, but
the entire white population, even in 1750,
was only 1,100. By the treaty of 1763
the " Illinois " passed under the jurisdic-
tion of the English. During the Revolu-
tion, George Eogers Clark (q. v.) was
commissioned by Governor Patrick Henry,
of Virginia, to conquer the territory.
Clark captured Kaskaskia in 1778, and
in 1779 he made the famous winter march
across Illinois and captured Vincennes.
By the treaty of 1783 it was ceded to the
United States, and in 1787 formed a part
of the Northwest Territory.

In 1800 Ohio was made a separate terri-
tory; and in 1805 Michigan Territory, and
in 1809 Indiana Territory, were set off.
This left the present States of Illinois,
Wisconsin, and a part of Minnesota in the
Illinois Territory. In 1818 Illinois, with
its present limits, was admitted into the
Union, with some 35,000 inhabitants.

On Oct. 14, 1812. Gen. Samuel Hopkins,
with 2,000 mounted Kentucky riflemen,
crossed the Wabash on an expedition
against the Kickapoo and Peoria Indian
villages, in the Illinois country, the former
80 miles from his starting-place, the lat-
ter 120 miles. The army was a free-and-
easy, undisciplined mob, that chafed un-
der restraint. Discontent, seen at the
beginning, soon assumed the forms of
complaint and murmuring. The army
was scarcely saved from perishing in the
burning grass of a prairie, supposed to
have been set on fire by the Indians. The
troops would march no farther. Hopkins
called for 500 volunteers to follow him
into Illinois. Not one responded. They
would not submit to his leadership, and
he followed his army back to Fort Har-
rison, where they arrived Oct. 25. This

ILLINOIS— ILLINOIS INDIANS

march of 80 or 90 miles into the Indian
country had greatly alarmed the Indians,
and so did some good. Another expedi-
tion, under Colonel Russell, composed of
two small companies of United States
regulars, with a small body of mounted
militia under Gov. Ninian Edwards (who
assumed the chief command ) , in all 400
men, penetrated deeply into the Indian
country, but, hearing nothing of Hopkins,
did not venture to attempt much. They
fell suddenly upon the principal Kicka-
poo towns, 20 miles from Lake Peoria,
drove the Indians into a swamp, and made
them fly in terror across the Illinois
River. Probably fifty Indians had per-
ished. The expedition returned after an
absence of eighteen days.

General Hopkins discharged the muti-
neers and organized another expedition of
1,250 men. Its object was the destruction
of Prophetstown. The troops were com-
posed of Kentucky militia, some regulars
under Capt. Zachary Taylor, and two
companies of Rangers, scouts, and spies.
They reached Prophetstown Nov. 19th.
Then a detachment fell upon and burned
a Winnebago town of forty houses, 4
miles below Prophetstown. The latter and
a large Kickapoo village near it were also
laid in ashes. The village contained 160
huts, with all the winter provisions, which
were destroyed. On the 21st a part of
the expedition fell into an Indian am-
bush and lost eighteen men, killed,
wounded, and missing. The troops, espe-
cially the Kentuckians, clad in the rem-
nants of their summer clothing, returned
without attempting anything more. They
suffered dreadfully on their return march.

Among the prominent events of the War
of 1812-15 in that region was the massacre
at Chicago (q. v.). After that war the
population rapidly increased. The cen-
sus of 1829 showed a population of more
than 55,000. The Black Hawk War
(7. V.) occurred in Illinois in 1832. There
the Mormons established themselves in
1840, at Nauvoo (see Mot?mons) ; and
their founder was slain by a mob at
Carthage in 1844. A new State con-
stitution was framed in 1847, and in
July, 1870, the present constitution was
adopted. The Illinois Central Railroad,
completed in 1856, has been a source of
great material prosperity for the State.

During the Civil War Illinois furnished
to the national government (to Dec. 1,
1864) 197,304 troops.

In 1903 the equalized valuations of
taxable property aggregated $1,083,672,-
183, with practically no debt. See
United States, Illinois, vol. ix.

TERRITORIAL GOVERNOR.

Ninian Edwards commissioned. ...April 24,

STATE GOVRRNORS.

Shadrach Bond .assumes office

Edward Coles " "

Ninian Edwards " "

.lohn Reynolds " "

Willi,\m L. D. Ewing. . .acting

Joseph Duncan assumes office

Thomas Carlin " "

Thomas Ford " "

Augustus C. French.... " "

Joel A. Matteson " "

William H. Bissell " "

John Wood noting March 18,

Richard Yates assumes office January,

Richard J. Oglesby "

John M. Palmer "

Richard J. Oglesby "

.John L. Beveridge. . . .acting March 4,

.Shelby M. Cullnm assumes office. ... January,

John M. Hamilton acting Feb. 7.

Rii^hard J. Oglesby January,

Jo.seph W. Fifer "

John P. Altgeld "

John R. Tanner "

Richard Yates "

C. S. Deneen

1818
1822
1826
1830
1834

1838
1842
1846
1853
1857
1860
1861
1865
1869
1873

1877
1883
1885
1889
1893
1897
1901
1905

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Name.

Ninian Edwards

Jesse B. Thomas

John McLean

Elias Kent Kane

David J. Raker

John M. Robinson

William L. D. Ewing

Richard M. Young

Samuel McRoberts

Sidney Breese

James Semple

Stephen A. Douglas

Jauies Shields

Lyman Trumbull

Orville H. Browning....
William A. Richardson...

Richard Yates

John A. Logan ,

Richard J. Oglesby

David Davis

John A. Logan

Shelby M. CuUum

Charles B. Farwell ,

John M. Palmer .

William E. Mason

Albert J. Hopkins

No. of Congress.

liith to 18th
15th " 19th
18th " 20th
19th " 23d

21st
21st to 27th

24th
25th to 27th

27th
28th to 31st

2sth
29th to 37th
31st " 33d
34th " 42d

37th
37th to 39th

39th

42d

43d

45th

4t)th

4.sth

.50 th

52d

55th

58th

42d
45th
46tb
47th
49th

51st
551 li
57th

Date.

1818 to

1818 "

1824 "

1826 "

1830

1831 to

1836

1837 to

1841 "

1843 "

1S47 "

1849 "

lSo5 "

1861

1863 to

1865 "

1871 "

1873 "

1877 "

1879 "

18«3 "

18 s7 "

1891 "

1897 "

1903 "

1824
1826
1830
1S35

1841

1843
1843
1849
1846
1861
1855
lb71

1«()5
1871
1877
1878
1883
1886

1891
1897
1903

Illinois Indians, a family of the
Algonquian nation that comprised several

ILLINOIS INDIANS— IMMIGRATION

clans — Peorias, Moing^^enas, Kaskaskias, parties in recent years have made al-
Tamaroas, and Cahokias. At a very early most identical declarations in their na-
period they drove a Dakota tribe west of tional platforms. The Republican JNa-
the Mississippi. There were the Quapaws. tional Convention declared: "For the
In 1640 they almost exterminated the protection of the quality of our Ameri-
Winnebagos; and soon afterwards they can citizenship, and of the wages of our
waged war with the Iroquois and Sioux, working-men against the fatal competi-
Marquette found some of them near Des tion of low - priced labor, we demand
Moines in 1672; also the Peorias and that the immigration laws be thoroughly
Kaskaskias on the Illinois River. The enforced, and so extended as to exclude
Tamaroas and Cahokias were on the Mis- from entrance to the United States those
sissippi. The Jesuits found the chief II- who can neither read nor write. In the
linois town consisting of 8.000 people, in further interest of American Avorkmen we
nearly 400 large cabins. In 1679 they favor a more effective restriction of the
were badly defeated by the Iroquois, immigration of cheap labor from foreign
losing about 1,300, of whom 900 were lands the extension of opportunities of
prisoners ; and they retaliated by assist- education for working children, the rais-
ing the French against the Five Nations, ing of the age limit for child labor, the
The Illinois were converted to Christianity protection of free labor as against con-
by Father Marquette and other mission- tract convict labor, and an effective sys-
aries, and in 1700 Chicago, their gi'eat tem of labor insurance." The Democratic
chief, visited France. When Detroit was National Convention called for the strict
besieged by the Foxes, in 1712, the II- enforcement of the Chinese exclusion act
linois went to its relief. Some were with and its application to the same classes of
the French at Fort Duquesne ; but they all Asiatic races.

refused to join Pontiac in his conspiracy. Immigration Stotistics. — During the

They favored the English in the war of period 1789-1820, when no thorough over-

the Revolution, and joined in the treaty sight was exercised it is estimated that

at Greenville in 1795. They ceded their the number of immigrants into the United

lands and a portion of them went to States aggregated 250.000; and during

Kansas, where they remained until 1867, the period 1820-1900 the aggregate was

when they were removed to a reservation 19.765,155. Since 1900 the yearly totals

of 72.000'acres southwest of the Quapaws. have been 1901, 487,918; 1902. 648.743:

Iloilo, the principal city and capital 1903, 857,046; 1904. 812.870; 1905,

of the island of Panay, and one of the 1.027.421. Of these 275.000 came from

three ports of entry in the Philippine Austria - Hungary. 220.000 from Itah^,

group opened to commerce in 1899. It is 185.000 from Russia. 137.000 from Great

situated 225 miles south of Manila, at Britain. 40.000 from Germany. For 1906

the southeastern extremity of Panay. and the estimate is nearly 1,250,000. These

is built on low, marshy ground. The figures do not take into consideration the

population in 1900 was over 10,000. movement of population between the

Ilpendam, Jan Jaxsex vax. merchant; United States, Canada, and Mexico,

appointed custom-house officer on the Immigralion Act of 1891. — This meas-

Delaware. and put in command of Fort ure " in amendment of the various acts

Nassau in 1640 by the Dutch governor relative to immigration and the importa-

of New York. He tried to keep the Eng- tion of aliens under contract or agree-

lish colony from trading on the Delaware, ment to perform labor," was introduced

He died at IMarcus Hook, Pa., in 1685. in the House by Mr. Owen, of Indiana,

Imlay, Gilbert, author ; born in New and referred to the committee on inimi-
Jersey in 1750; served throughout the gration and naturalization. It was re-
Revolutionary War; was the author of ported back, discussed, and amended, and
A Topographical Description of the West- passed the House Feb. 25, 1891, as fol-
ern Territory of yorth America; The Emi- lows:

grants, or the History of an Exiled "Be it enacted, etc., that the follow-

Family. ine classes of aliens shall be excluded

Immigration. The leading political from admission into the United States,

IMMIGRATION

in accordance with the existing acts regu-
lating immigration, other than those con-
cerning Chinese laborers: All idiots, in-
sane persons, paupers or persons likely
to become a public charge, persons suffer-
ing from a loathsome or dangerous con-
tagious disease, persons who have been
convicted of a felony or other infamous
crime or misdemeanor involving moral
turpitude, polygamists, and also any per-
son whose ticket or passage is paid for
with money of another or who is assisted
by others to come, unless it is affirma-
tively and satisfactorily shown on special
inquiry that such person does not belong
to one of the foregoing excluded classes,
or to the class of contract laborers ex-
cluded by the act of Feb. 9.Q, 1885. But
this section shall not be hold to exclude
persons living in the United States from
sending for a relative or friend who is
not of the excluded classes, under such
regulations as the Secretary of the Treas-
ury may prescribe ; Provided, that noth-
ing in this act shall be construed to
apply to exclude persons convicted of a
political offence, notwithstanding said po-
litical offence may be designated as a
' felony, crime, infamous crime or mis-
demeanor involving moral turpitude ' by
the laws of the land whence he came or
by the court convicting.

" Sec. 2. That no suit or proceeding for
violations of said act of Feb. 26, 1885,
prohibiting the importation and migra-
tion of foreigners under contract or agree-
ment to perform labor, shall be settled,
compromised, or discontinued without the
consent of the court entered of record
with reasons therefor.

" Sec. 3. That it shall be deemed a vio-
lation of said act of Feb. 26, 1885, to
assist or encourage the importation or mi-
gration of any alien by promise of em-
ployment through advertisements printed
and published in any foreign country:
and any alien coming to this country in
consequence of such an advertisement
shall be treated as coming under a con-
tract as contemplated by such act; and
the penalties by said act imposed shall be
applicable in such a case; Provided, this
section shall not apply to States, and im-
migration bureaus of States, advertising
the inducements they offer for immigra-
tion to such States.

" Sec. 4. That no steamship or trans-
portation company or owners of vessels
shall, directly, or through agents, either
by writing, printing, or oral representa-
tions, solicit, invite, or encourage the im-
migration of any alien into the United
States except by ordinary commercial
letters, circulars, advertisements, or oral
representations, stating the sailings of
their vessels and the terms and facilities
of transportation therein; and for a vio-
lation of this provision any such steam-
ship or transportation company, and any
such owners of vessels, and the agents by
them employed, shall be subjected to the
penalties imposed by the third section of
said act of Feb. 26, 1885, for violations
of the provisions of the first section of
said act.

" Sec. 5. That section 5 of said act of
Feb. 26, 1885, shall be, and hereby is,
amended by adding to the second proviso
in said section the words ' nor to minis-
ters of any religious denomination, nor
persons belonging to any recognized pro-
fession, nor professors for colleges and
seminaries,' and by excluding from the
second proviso of said section the words
' or any relative or personal friend.'

" Sec. 6. That any person who shall
bring into or land in the United States
by vessel or otherwise, or who shall aid
to bring into or land in the United
States by vessel or otherwise, any alien
not lawfully entitled to enter the United
States, shall be deemed guilty of a mis-
demeanor, and shall, on conviction, be
punished by a fine not exceeding $1,000,
or by imprisonment for a term not ex-
ceeding one year, or by both such fine and
imprisonment.

" Sec. 7. That the office of superintend-
ent of immigration is hereby created and
established, and the President, by and
with the advice and consent of the Sen-
ate, is authorized and directed to appoint
such officer, whose salary shall be $4,000
per annum, payable monthly. The super-
intendent of immigration shall be an
officer in the Treasury Department, under
the control and supervision of the Secre-
tary of the Treasury, to Avhom he shall
make annual reports in writing of the
transactions of his office, together with such
special reports, in writing, as the Secre-
tary of the Treasury shall require. The

IMMIGRATION

Secretary shall provide the superintendent
with a suitably furnished office in the
city of Washington, and with such books
of record and facilities for the discharge
of the duties of his office as may be
necessary. He shall have a chief clerk,
at a salary of $2,000 per annum, and two
first-class clerks.

" Sec. 8. That upon the arrival by wa-
ter at any place within the United States
of any alien immigrants it shall be the
duty of the commanding officer and the
agent of the steam or sailing vessel by
which they came to report the name, na-
tionality, last residence, and destination
of every such alien, before any of them
are landed, to the proper inspection offi-
cers, who shall thereupon go or send com-
petent assistants on board such vessel
and there inspect all such aliens, or the
inspection officer may order a temporary
removal of such aliens for examination
at a designated time and place, and then
and there detain them until a thorough
inspection is made. But such removal
shall not be considered a landing during
the pendency of such examination.

" The medical examination shall be
made by surgeons of the marine hospital
service. In cases where the services of a
marine hospital surgeon cannot be ob-
tained without causing unreasonable de-
lay, the inspector may cause an alien to
be examined by a civil surgeon, and the
Secretary of the Treasury shall fix the
compensation for such examinations.

" The inspection officers and their as-
sistants shall have power to administer
oaths, and to take and consider testimony
touching the right of any such aliens to
enter the United States, all of which shall
be entered of record. During such inspec-
tion after temporary removal the super-
intendent shall cause such aliens to be
properly housed, fed, and cared for, and
also, in his discretion, such as are delayed
in proceeding to their destination after
inspection.

" All decisions made by the inspection
officers or their assistants touching the
right of any alien to land, when adverse
to such right, shall be final unless appeal
be taken to the superintendent of immi-
gration, whose action shall be subject to
review by the Secretary of the Treasury.
It shall be the duty of the aforesaid offi-

cers and agents of such vessel to adopt
due precautions to prevent the landing
of any alien immigrant at any place or
time other than that designated by the
inspection officers, and any such" officer
or agent or person in charge of such ves-
sel who shall either knowingly or negli-
gently land or permit to land any alien
immigrant at any place or time other
than that designated by the inspection
oflicers, shall be deemed guilty of a mis-
demeanor and punished by a fine not ex-
ceeding $1,000, or by imprisonment for
a term not exceeding one year, or by both
such fine and imprisonment.

" That the Secretary of the Treasury
may prescribe rules for inspection along
the borders of Canada, British Columbia,
and Mexico so as not to obstruct, or un-
necessarily delay, impede, or annoy pas-
sengers in ordinary travel between said
countries: Provided, that not exceeding
one inspector shall be appointed for each
customs district, and whose salary shall
not exceed $1,200 per year.

" All duties imposed and powers con-
ferred by the second section of the act of
Aug. 3, 1882, upon State commissioners,
boards, or officers acting under contract'
with the Secretary of the Treasury shall
be performed and exercised, as occasion
may arise, by the inspection officers of
the United States.

" Sec. 9. That for the preservation of the
peace and in order that arrest may be
made for crimes under the laws of the
Slates where the various United States
immigrant stations are located, the offi-
cials in charge of such stations, as occa-
sion may require, shall admit therein the
proper State and municipal officers charged
with the enforcement of such laws, and
for the purposes of this section the juris-
diction of such officers and of the local
courts shall extend over such stations.

" Sec 10. That all aliens who may un-
lawfully come to the United States shall,
if practicable, be immediately sent back
on the vessel by which they were brought
in. The cost of their maintenance while
on land, as well as the expense of the re-
turn of such aliens, shall be borne by the
owner or owners of the vessel on which
such aliens came; and if any master,
agent, consignee, or owner of such vessel
shall refuse to receive back on board the

IMMIGRATION— IMPERIALISM

vessel such aliens, or shall neglect to de- the United States gives the House ot
tain them thereon, or shall refuse or neg- Representatives sole power to impeach the
lect to return them to the port from President, Vice-President, and all civil
which they came, or to pay the cost of officers of the United States by a numeri-
their maintenance while on land, such cal majority only. It also gives the Sen-
master, agent, consignee, or owner shall ate sole power to try all impeachments,
be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and The Senate then sits as a court, organiz-
shall be punished by a fine not less than ing anew, Senators taking a special oath
$300 for each and every offence; and any or affirmation applicable to the proceed-
such vessel shall not have clearance from ing. From their decision there is no
any port of the United States while any appeal. A vote of two-thirds of the Sen-
such fine is unpaid. ate is necessary to convict. When the

" Sec. 11. That any alien who shall come President is tried the chief-justice pre-
into the United States in violation of law sides. The punishment is limited by the
may be returned, as by law provided, at Constitution (1) to removal from office;
any time within one year thereafter, at (2) to disqualification from holding and
the expense of the person or persons, ves- enjoying any office of honor, trust, or
sel, transportation company or corpora- profit under the United States government,
tion bringing such alien into the United Important cases: (1) William Blount,
States, and if that cannot be done, then United States Senator from Tennessee, for
at the expense of the United States; and conspiring to transfer New Orleans from
any alien who becomes a public charge Spain to Great Britain, 1797-98; ac-
within one year after his arrival in quitted for want of evidence. (2) John
the United States from causes existing Pickering, judge of the district court of
prior to his landing therein shall be New Hampshire, charged with drunken-
deemed to have come in violation of law ness, profanity, etc.; convicted March 12,
and shall be returned as aforesaid. 1803. (3) Judge Samuel Chase, impeach-

" Sec. 12. That nothing contained in this ed March 30, 1804; acquitted March 1,

■act shall be construed to affect any pros- 1805. (4) James H. Peck, district judge

ecution or other proceeding, criminal or of Missouri, impeached Dec. 13, 1830, for

civil, begun under any existing act or arbitrary conduct, etc.; acquitted. (5)

acts hereby amended, but such prosecution West H. Humphreys, district judge of

or other proceeding, criminal or civil, Tennessee, impeached and convicted for

shall proceed as if this act had not been rebellion, Jan. 26, 1862. (6) Andrew

rapped. Johnson, President of the United States,

" Sec. 13. That the circuit and district impeached " of high crimes and misde-
courts of the United States are hereby meanors," Feb. 22, 1868; acquitted. (7)
invested with full and concurrent juris- W. W. Belknap, Secretary of War, im-
diction of all causes, civil and criminal, peached for receiving money of post-
arising under any of the provisions of traders among the Indians, March 2, 1876;
this act; and this act shall go into effect resigned at the same time; acquitted for
on the first day of April, 1891." want of jurisdiction.

The measure passed the Senate Feb. " Impending Crisis," the title of a

27, and was approved by the President book written by Hinton R. Helper, of

March .3, 1801. North Carolina, pointing out the evil ef-

Immigration, Restriction of. See fects of slavery upon the whites, first

I ODGE. Henry Cabot. published in 1857. It had a large sale

Impeachment. The Constitution of ( 140,000 copies) and great influence.

IMPERIALISM

Imperialism. The Hon. William A. The arraignment of the national ad-

Peffer, ex-Senator from Kansas, makes ministration by certain citizens on a

the following important contribution to charge of imperialism, in the execution

the discussion of this question: of its Philippine policy, brings up for

IMPERIALISM

discussion some important questions relat- portation, not exceeding ten dollars for eacb

ing to the powers, duties, and responsibili- P^i'son.

ties of government, among which are three These two provisions were intended to

that I propose to consider briefly, namely: apply and did apply to negro slaves, of

First. Whence comes the right to gov- whom there were in the country at that

ern? What are its sphere and object? time about 500,000, nearly one - sixth

Second. Are we, the people of the United of the entire population; and they, as a

States, a self-governing people? class, together with our Indian neighbors

Third. Is our Philippine policy anti- and the free people of color, were all ex-
American? eluded from the ranks of those who par-
j ticipated in the institution of our new
government. Their consent to anything

As to the right to govern — the right done or contemplated in the administra-

to exercise authority over communities, tion of our public affairs was neither ask-

states, and nations, the right to enact, ed nor desired. Their consent or dissent

construe, and execute laws — whence it is did not enter into the problems of govern-

derived? For what purposes and to what ment. It made no difference what their

extent may it be properly assumed? wishes were, or to what they were op-

In the Declaration of Independence it posed. A majority of such persons as en-
is asserted that: joyed political privileges — they and they

.,„,.,, ^, ^ ^. 4. ,, ,e -A 4- only — formed the new government and or-
" We hold these truths to be self-evident, ■'..., -,, , i . ■!

that all men are created equal ; that they ganized its powers, without regard to the

are endowed by their Creator with certain disfranchised classes, as much so as if

Inalienable rights ; that among these are ^hese classes had not been in existence,
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. . , . j-,-.- , ,■, .-

That to secure these rights, governments are ^nd, m addition to the non-votmg peo-

instituted among men, deriving their just pie, there were many white men in the

powers from the consent of the governed," States who, by reason of their poverty,

^ , . ., , ,, , , . were not permitted to vote, and hence

But is it true that government, even m u . 5 i . • i i j.-

,,. ... i'' . -, • , could not take part m popular elections,

a republic like ours, derives its lust pow- _,. vuii!j.j.i,i fj-i

^ , . , , J. J i.1. J o It IS, probably, safe to say that, of the

ers only from the consent of the governed? , , i i.- £ xi x i t-u

-r .^ . J- . -, . ■ X- • whole population of the country, when the

Is it not a fact that at no time m our _, ,.f f. . • , a? ^ xi

... , -.1 1. J 1 J XI. Constitution was put into eiiect, the nuni-

history have we either had or asked the , xixij x-xi, i<xu

^ , ,, ,, , .,, . . . ber that had no part m the work of estab-

consent of all the people withm our juris- ,.,.,, x- i x -xv,

,. , . X XT. r X 1 • 1 lishmg the national government, either

diction, to the powers of government which . • x -x ixi i xi, u

, ' , * . . ^ XI. o T for or against it, although they were sub-

we have been exeieismg over them? Is ... °, , x-x x j x i x oc

. , , ,, X XT. X V. lect to its rule, constituted at least 25

IT not true, on the contrary, that we have ■'

, . i •,, XI per cent,

been governing many oi them, not only ^ c.,.,, x r xi. ox x

• XI X XI • X 1. X • 1- X Still more. In every one of the States,

without their consent, but m direct oppo- , ,. "^ , t-c j

, .,, and among those persons, too, qualmea

'i/~i 1-xx- r jx -J T.to vote, there was opposition, more or

The Constitution, framed to provide such , , \^ • x- c xJ

, ^ x XT- • £ less, to the inauguration oi the new re-

a form of government as the signers of . ' -.-r .-, ,^ ^■ j-j . x-r xi.

,, T^ T :. 1 J • • J x • XI, gime. North Carolina did not ratity the

the Declaration had m mmd, contains the % ,., ,. , .,, ,i , r

„ „ . . . Constitution till more than two years at-

followmg provision: , ,, ,. ,, , j, j -x i j j

^ ' ter the convention that framed it had ad-

" No person held to service or labor in one journed sine die ; and Rhode Island did
State, under the laws thereof, escaping into ^^^ ^^^^^^ j^^^ ^j^g Union till May of Presi-
another, shall, in consequence of any law or , ,
regulation therein, be discharged from such dent Washington s second year. _
service or labor, but shall be delivered up There is no way of ascertaining exact-
on claim of the party to whom such service ]y .(.j^g number of voters who were opposed
or labor may be due." ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^j^ ^^^^ consent to

And this: it, and who would have defeated it if they

" The migration or importation of such could ; but, if these be added to the dis-

persons as any of the States now existing franchised classes, we have a total of at

shall thViik proper to admit, shall not be least one-third of the inhabitants of the

prohibited by the Congress prior to the year gQ^^try not consenting to the exercise of

one thousand eight hundred and eight, but , •' , . ^ xi. v 4.

a duty or tax may be imposed on such im- these governmental powers over them. Yet

IMPERIALISM

these powers were deemed by the majority
that organized them to be just powers,
and the said majority felt that they were
justified in executing them.

Thomas Jellersou held " the vital prin-
ciple of republics " to be " absolute acqui-
escence in the decisions of the major-
ity." But whence comes the right of a
majority to rule? And may the majority
of to-day determine the course of the
majority of to-morrow? Had two-thirds of
a population of less than 4,000,000 in
1789 the rightful authority to lay down
rules of government for a population of
75,000,000 in 1900— rules which we can-
not change, save by revolution, unless we
do it in accordance with forms prescribed
by our ancestors more than 100 years
ago?

We all believe with Jefferson that the
right of a majority to rule in a republic
is not to be challenged; and that the
answer to these troublesome questions
concerning the source of this undisputed
right to govern can be found only in
the theory that government is one of the
essential agencies provided in the begin-
ning by the Father above for the work of
subduing the earth and bringing all men
to Himself. The thought is tersely ex-
pressed by St. Paul in his letter to the
Romans : " There is no power but of God."
" The powers that be are ordained of
God." The ruler is a " minister of God."

Man's right to life, liberty, and room
to work in is inherent, and government
follows as naturally as the seasons fol-
low each other. As long as the individual
man lives separated from his fellows, he
needs no protection other than he is able
himself to command; but when popu-
lation increases and men gather in com-
munities, governments are instituted
among them in order to make these in-
dividual rights secure; and then new
rights appear, communal rights ; for
communities, as well as individual per-
sons, have rights.

The necessity for government increases
with the density of population, and the
scope of its powers is enlarged with the
extension of its territorial jurisdiction,
the diversity of employments in which the
citizenship are engaged, and the degree
of refinement to which they have attained.
The trapper, with his axe, knife, gun

and sack, pursues his calling alone in the
wilderness; but, with settlement, the
forest disappears, farms are opened up,
towns laid out, neighborhoods formed,
laws become necessary, and government
begins.

It is not necessary, however, that we
should agree on the origin of govern-
ment, for we know that, as a matter of
fact, governments in one form or another
have existed ever since the beginning of
recorded history; and we know, further,
that under the operation of these govern-
ments 90 per cent, of the habitable sur-
face of the globe has been reclaimed from
barbarism. The whole world is to-day
virtually within the jurisdiction of regu-
larly organized powers of government,
international law is recognized and en-
forced as part of the general code of the
nations, and the trend of the world's
civilization is towards free institutions
and popular forms of government.

II.

As to whether we are a self-governing
people, the answer to this question de-
pends upon whether all classes of the
population within our jurisdiction share
in the work of governing, or whether, as
in the ancient republics, only a portion
of the people are to be taken for the whole
for purposes of government.

In any age of the world, the character
of government fairly represents the state
of the world's inhabitants at that partic-
ular period. That a people are not far
enough advanced to form a government
for themselves, and conduct its affairs
in their own way, is not a reason why thej'^
should not have any government at all.
On its lower level, government may ex-
tend no further than the Avill of an
ignorant despot, who holds the tenure
of life and property in his hands ; but
as men advance, they rise to higher levels
and the sphere of government is enlarged.
In the end it will, of necessity, embrace
all human interests which are common.

The members of the Continental Con-
gress, in declaring the cause which im-
pelled the separation of the colonies
from the mother-country, began the con-
cluding paragraph of the Declaration in
these words:

IMPEBIALISM

" We, therefore, the representatives of the submitted to the legislatures of the several

United States of America, in Congress as- states for their action, it was strenuous-

sembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of , , . ... j • ^

the world for the rectitude of our intentions, b' opposed in some of them, and received

do, in the name, and by authority of the unanimous support in only three — Dela-

good people of these colonies, solemnly pub- ware, New Jersey, and Georgia. The ma-

lish and declare," etc. -^^^^^^ -^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^g ^^^^^ j^ C^n-

„, , .. , , ^ ii 1 nectieut and South Carolina, while in

The words good people of these colo- tt- • ■ .1 • -^ 1 j. i.

... . , , , , , ,. J, , Virginia the maiority was only ten votes,

nies included only such of the people as ^^^ .^ ^^^^ York only three. The vote in

at that time participated m the work ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ g^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^j^^^^ Pennsyl-

of local government, excluding those who ^ ^g ^^ ^3. Massachusetts, 187 to

were opposed to separation. The Tones ^^.g. Maryland, 63 to 11; New Hampshire,

-and there were a good many of them- ^^ ^^ _^g. ^^^ York, 30 to 27. North

did not approve anything that the Con- Carolina and Rhode Island were two years

gress did. They were regarded by the .^^ ^^^,,. ^^^.^ ^.^^^ ^^ ^ j^^^^

patriots as public enemies, and were kept .^^ ^j^^ Union

under constant watch by committees of

So we see that a majority of about

inspection and observation in every county, ^wo-thirds (and that may have been in
They were subject to arrest and imprison- ^^^^ j^^^ ^^^^ ^ majority of the whole

ment — even to banishment; and in many
instances their property was confiscated.
The Congress surely did not speak in the
name of the Tories, nor by their au-

people) assumed to speak and act for all.
The people of the United States have all
along acted on that plan. We have gone
even further than that. We have in some

thority. „ ^ , , , . , cases expressly authorized minorities to

The Articles of Confederation, under determine the gravest matters. The Con-
the provisions of which the Congress acted ^^-^^^^-^^ provides that "a majority of

after March 2, 1781, recognized as its
constituency only " the free inhabitants

each (House of Congress) shall consti-
tute a quorum to do business " ; and " each

of each of these States." Slaves, though ^^^^^ determine the rules of its pro-

constituting nearly,_ if not quite, 16 per ^^.^^^ „ tj^^ Senate now consists of

cent, of the population, were not reckoned
among the political forces to be respect
ed. Indians, likewise, were excluded

ninety members; forty-six is a majority,
constituting a quorum. Of this forty-six,

^, V. ..... J .^ XT -J. J oi. i tv^enty-four form a maiority, and al-

The Constitution of the United States ., i -. • ■, .-, 4.xf- a t +1,

+1^ though it is less than one-third of the

opens t us: whole body, may pass any measure that is

. , ^ not required by the Constitution to re-

"We, the people of the United States . ^ . ./ j. ii • j 4.

... do ordain and establish this Constitu- ^eive a majority or a two-thirds vote—

tion for the United States of America." a treaty, for example. And it is the same

in the House of Representatives.

But not more than two-thirds of the And, although a majority of the eleeto-

population were represented in " We, the ral vote is required to choose a President

people," and a majority of the two-thirds of the United States, it has frequently

assumed the responsibilities of govern- happened that the successful candidate

nient — rightfully, as all loyal Americans was opposed by a majority of the voters

believe. The machinery of the republic of the country.

was set in motion in 1789, and the census In the matter of amending the Con-
taken the next year showed the total stitution, a majority of the voters may
population to be 3,929,214, of which total favor any particular amendment proposed,
number 757,208 were colored — mostly per- but it must be ratified by three-fourths
sons of African descent, who were nearly of the legislatures of the several States
all slaves, and these, with the other dis- before it becomes law.
frano-hised classes, as before stated, made We not only have adopted the majority
up about 33 per cent, of the population principle as a rule of government, but we
that were not permitted to take part have uniformly insisted upon acquiescence
in establishing the new government. in minority rule in any and all cases
Furthermore, when the Constitution was where it has been so provided in ad'^ance.

IMTEIIIALISM

We have but to look at our record to
see that, from the beginning, we have ex-
cluded a very large proportion of our own
people from all participation in affairs
of government, and we have never accused
ourselves of exercising unjust powers or
undue authority. This fact strengthens
the belief that there is a source of power
which does not lie in the people at all —
a " higher power," if you please. The
Declaration of Independence conforms to
this view, in affirming that men are " en-
dowed by their Creator with certain in-
alienable rights," and in appealing to
the " Supreme Judge of the World," " with
a firm reliance on the protection of Divine
Providence."

III.

In order to determine whether our Phil-
ippine policy is anti-American, we must
examine the testimony of American his-
tory, and see the record that Americans
have made for themselves in their treat-
ment of subject people in our own coun-
try.

Virginia and New England may fairly
be taken as representative of the colo-
nies up to the time of the Revolution,
in so far as the Indian population is con-
cerned.

Patents to the London Company and to
the Plymouth Company were issued in
1006 by King James I., authorizing them
to " possess and colonize that portion of
North America lying between the thirtj'-
fourth and forty - fifth parallels of north
latitude." Wliat legal rights or privileges
James had in America were based Avholly
on the discoveries made by English navi-
gators. Rights of the native inhabitants
were not considered in the granting of
these patents, nor in the subsequent col-
onization.

The London Company colonized Vir-
ginia and the Plymouth Company and its
successors colonized New England. In
both cases landings were effected and set-
tlements begun witliout consulting the
people that inhabited the country.

As to Virginia, among the early acts
of the Jamestown colony, under the lead
of Captain Smith, was the procuring of
food from the Indians by trading with
them, and at the same time fortifying flie
new settlement against Indian depreda-

tions. Smith strengthened the fort in
1608, trained the watch regularly and
exercised the company every Saturday.
\o organized opposition to the white set-
tlement appeared during the first few
years, though the Indians manifested their
dissatisfaction in the arrest of Smith,
whom they would have summarily put to
death but for the intercession of the
chief's daughter. But in 1622, under
Opechancanough, they attacked the set-
tlers, killed several hundred of them, and
devastated a good many plantations. They
were finally beaten back by the whites,
many of them being unmercifully slaugh-
tered, and the rest driven into the wilder-
ness. Twenty-two years later, under the
lead of the same chief, another war broke
out, lasting two years, causing much loss
of life and property on both sides, and
resulting in the utter defeat of the Ind-
ians and the cession by them of tracts
of land to the colonists. This policy was
pursued to the end of the colonial period.

The Plymouth colony early sent Cap-
tain Standish, with a few men, to confer
with the natives and ascertain, if possible,
the state of their feelings in regard to
the white settlement; but the Indians
eluded him and he learned nothing. The
second year after this reconnoissance Can-
onicus, king or chief of the Narragansets,
by way of showing how he felt about it,
sent to the Plymouth people a bundle of
arrows tied with the skin of a rattle-
snake. As an answer to this challenge,
the skin was stuffed with powder and bul-
lets and returned. These exchanges of
compliments opened the way for a peace
treaty between the settlers and several
tribes ; but some of the chiefs were sus-
picious of the whites and formed a con-
spiracy to kill them off. The scheme com-
ing to the knowledge of che colonists, it
was frustrated by Standish and his com-
pany, who treacherouslj' killed two chiefs.
A treaty of peace with the Narragansets
soon followed this occurrence, and it re-
mained in force until the Wampanoags,
weary of encroachments on their lands
by the whites, made war on them under
the leadership of King Philip, in 1675.

Among the incidents of that Avar, and
as showing tlie temper of the colonists,
may be mentioned the destruction of the
Narraganset fort and the subsequent capt-

IMPERIALISM

ure and treatment of Philip. The fort to this subject race in our new territorial
sheltered about 3,000 Narragansets, most- acquisitions we shall now see.
ly women and children. It was surprised The region bounded on the north by
during a snow-storm, the palisades and the Great Lakes, on the east by the Alle-
wigwams were fired, and the Indians were ghany Mountains, on the south by the
driven forth by the flames to be either Oliio River, on the west by the Missis-
burned, suffocated, frozen, butchered, or sippi, out of which have grown the States
drowned in the surrounding swamp. His- of Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois,
tory says that " 500 wigwams were de- and Indiana, had been claimed under their
stroyed, 600 warriors killed, 1,000 women charters by Virginia, New York, Connecti-
and children massacred, and the winter's cut, and Massachusetts, but they ceded
provisions of the tribe reduced to ashes." their claims to the United States. The
'■ The government set a price of 30s. per country so ceded was our first territorial
head for every Indian killed in battle, and acquisition, and became known as the
many women and children were sold into Northwest Territory. A government was
slavery in South America and the West jirovided for it under the ordinance of
Indies." Towards the last, Captain 1787, and President Washington, in 1789,
Church, tne noted Indian fighter, headed appointed Gen. Arthur St. Clair its gov-
an expedition to find Philip and destroy ernor. The various tribes of Indians in-
the remainder of the Wampanoags. habiting that part of the country object-
Philip was hunted from place to place, and cd to the jurisdiction of the whites, just
at last found in camp on Aug. 12, 1676. as some of the Filipinos have done in the
The renegade Indian who betrayed the Philippine Islands, and they made war
Narraganset camp led Captain Church to on the whites, under Michikiniqua, chief
the camp of Philip. The attack was made of the Miamis, as the Filipinos have done
at night, while the Indians were asleep, under Aguinaldo, chief of the Tagals.
Philip, in attempting to escape, was recog- Under date of Oct. 6, 1789, President
nized by an Indian ally of the whites and Washington forwarded instructions to
shot dead as he stumbled and fell into Governor St. Clair, in which he said:
the mire. His body was dragged forward, " It is highly necessary that I should,
and Church cut off his head, which as soon as possible, possess full informa-
was borne on the point of a spear to tion whether the Wabash and Illinois
Plymouth, where it remained twenty Indians are most inclined for war or
years exposed on a gibbet. According peace. . . . You will, therefore, inform
to the colonial laws, as a traitor, his the said Indians of the disposition
body was drawn and quartered on a of the general government on this sub-
day that was appointed for public thanks- ject, and of their reasonable desire that
giving. there should be a cessation of hostilities
With this policy steadily pursued to as a prelude to a treaty. ... I would
the end, when the time came for Ameri- have it observed forcibly that a war
cans themselves to turn upon their op- with the Wabash Indians ought to be
pressors, there was little left of the avoided by all means consistently with
Indian question in New England and Vir- the security of the frontier inhabitants,
ginia, or in any of the States; but, with the security of the troops, and the na-
the Declaration of Independence, the tional dignity. . . . But if, after manifest-
formation of the federal Union, and the ing clearly to the Indians the disposition
establishment of a national government of the general government for the preser-
for the whole country, our Indian trou- vation of peace and the extension of a just
bles were confined chiefly to territory be- protection to the said Indians, they should
longing to the Union, regions acqiiired continue their incursions, the United
after the Union was formed, and, hence. States will be constrained to punish them
national territories under the sole juris- with severity."

diction of the national government, The Indians were most inclined for

though inhabited by Indians, whose rights war, as the Tagals have been, and a good

to the soil had never been questioned, deal of hard fighting, extending over five

What has been our policy with respect years, was done before they were brought

IMPERIALISM

to terms in a treaty. The battle at
Miami Village, Sept. 30, 1790, between
about 1,800 Americans under General
Harniar, and a somewliat larger body of
Indians under various chiefs, resulted in
a victory for the Indians, with a loss of
120 men killed and 300 wigwams burned.
Another pitched battle was fought near
the same place the next year. The Ind-
ians were again victorious, and the Amer-
ican loss was more than half the army—
G31 killed and 203 wounded. On Aug. 20,
1794, General Wayne, with 900 United
States soldiers, routed the Indians in a
battle near Miami Rapids, and a year
later a treaty of peace was concluded, by
the terms of which nearly the whole of
Ohio was ceded by the Indians to the
United States.

It will be observed that with five years
of war we had got no farther west than
Ohio. And these battles with the Ind-
ians in the Miami Valley were more
bloody than any ever fought by American
armies with white men.

This long and bloody Indian war did
not end our troubles in the Northwest.
The Indians confederated under Tecum-
seh in 1811, and they were routed at the
battle of Tippecanoe by General Har-
rison. This practically terminated Ind-
ian hostilities in the Northwest Territory,
but Tecumseh stirred up resistance
among the Creeks and their allies in our
new acquisitions south of the Ohio, known
as the Southwest Territory. The rebel-
lion there began with the massacre at
Fort Minis, on Aug. 30, 1813, in the
Creek Nation, and ended with the battle
of Tohopeka, on March 27, 1814, where
the Indians were defeated by troops under
General Jackson. About 1,000 Creek
warriors were engaged at Tohopeka, and
more than half of them (550) were killed.
Seven fierce battles were fought during
the continuance of this brief war, with an
aggregate loss to the Indians of 1,300
killed and an unknown number of
wounded.

The Black Hawk War, in 1832, cost the
lives of twenty-five Americans and 150
Indians.

The Florida War began in 1835 and
lasted seven years, ending with the final
defeat of the Indians.

Since the conclusion of the Florida, or

Seminole, War our armed conflicts with
Indians have been mostly in the West, on
territory which we acquired by purchase
from France and by cession from Mexico
in concluding a two years' war with that
country.

Between 1846 and 18G6 there were
some fifteen or twenty Indian wars or
a flairs, in which it is estimated that
1,500 whites and 7,000 Indians were
killed.

In the actions between regular troops
and Indians, from 18G6 to 1891, the num-
ber of whites killed was 1,452; wounded,
1,101. The number of Indians killed was
4,363; wounded, 1,135.

Our Indian wars have been expensive
as well as bloody. It is estimated by the
War Department that, excluding the time
covered by our wars with Great Britain
(1812-14), and with Mexico (1846-48)
and with the Confederate States (1861-
65), three-fourths of the total expense of
the army is chargeable, directly or in-
directly, to the Indians; the aggregate
thus chargeable is put at $807,073,658,
and this does not include cost of fortifica-
tions, posts, and stations; nor does it in-
clude amounts reimbursed to the several
States ($10,000,000) for their expenses
in wars with the Indians. The Indian
war pension account in 1897 stood at
$28,201,632.

Except when engaged in other wars, the
army has been used almost entirely for the
Indian service, and stationed in the Ind-
ian country and along the frontier.

Such in general outline is Americanism
as it has consistently exhibited itself in
the policy followed by this country at the
only junctures which are comparable to
the Philippine situation at the present
day. If it amounts to imperialism, then,
indeed, are we a nation of imperialists
without division.

But let us get closer to the subject. The
case presented by the anti-imperialists
against the administration is almost ex-
actly paralleled in the history of Florida.
Spain's title to the Philippines was as
good as that by which she claimed Florida,
for it had the same basis — the right of
discovery: and her right to cede and con-
vey her title was as perfect in the one case
as in the other. In both instances, the
inhabitants were, by international law.

IMPERIALISM— IMPOST DUTIES

transferred with the land on which they
dwelt.* Filipinos inhabited the Philippine
Islands when Magellan discovered them in
1521, and when Villalobos, a few years
later, " took possession of the group and
named it in honor of King Philip II., of
Spain," and they were there in 1898, when
Spain ceded the archipelago to the United
States in eonsideratioi of closing a war
and the payment of $20,000,000 in money.

The Seminole Indians inhabited Florida
when that region was discovered by the
Spanish navigators, and they were there
in 1819-21, when Spain ceded the country
to the United States in consideration of
removing a just cause of war on our part,
and a stipulation to settle claims against
Spain to the amount of $5,000,000.

The treaty for Florida was concluded in
1819, but was not ratified by Spain till
the second year thereafter; a territorial
government was established on March 30,
1822, the President in the mean time gov-
erning the Territory twenty years, the
State being admitted on March 3, 1845.
During the territorial period the army
was needed there most of the time to sup-
press disorders in which the Indians were
almost always mixed; and in 1835 the
war with the Seminoles began. Andrew
Jackson was President during the first
two years of this war ; it continued all
through Van Buren's term, and extended
a year or more into that of Harrison and
Tyler. To suppress this rebellion of Os-
ceola and his allies, the army, consisting
of regulars, militia, and volunteers, was
employed seven years.

President McKinley is doing in the
Philippines just what was done by Presi-
dent Jackson and his successors in Flor-
ida, and he is doing it more humanely.
Were they imperialists?

♦ American Supreme Court, In the case of
the American Insurance Company vs. Canter,
1 Peters, 511, referring to the territory held
by a conqueror, awaiting the conclusion of
a treaty, says :

" If it be ceded by the treaty, the
acquisition is confirmed, and the ceded ter-
ritory becomes a part of the nation to which
it is annexed. ... On such a transfer
of territory, the relations of the inhabitants
with their former sovereign are dissolved, and
new relations are created between them and
the government which has acquired their
territory. The same act which transfers
their country transfers the allegiance of
those who remain in it."

As to matters of government, American-
ism means American rule in American
territory. Americans govern by major-
ities— majorities of those who, by pre-
vious constitutional and statutory pro-
visions, are authorized to govern, and
whose administration of public affairs has
been, as far as practicable, determined
in advance by properly constituted au-
thorities.

Beginning with the Pilgrims' compact,
we have grown a republic, removing or
surmounting all obstacles in the way of
our development, until now we are in the
forefront of nations. We have liberated
the negro and given him the ballot. The
Indians, of whom there are about as
many in the country as ever, have to their
credit in the national treasury a trust
fund amotmting to about $25,000,000;
they are dissolving their tribal relations;
the adults, under government supervision,
are learning to work at farming and other
useful callings, their children are in gov-
ernment schools, and all are in process
of citizenization. Government Indian
schools now number about 150, with near-
ly as many contract schools. Indian edu-
cation is costing the government about
$2,000,000 a year.

The trouble in the Philippines has been
occasioned by Aguinaldo and his associ-
ates. Americans are there of right, and
they ask nothing of the natives but to be
peaceable, to obey the laws, and to go
ahead with their business; they will not
only be protected in every right, but will
be aided by all the powerful influences
of an advanced and aggressive civilization.
See Acquisition of Territory; Annexed
Territory, Status of; Anti-Expansion-
ists.

Imports. See Commerce.

Impost Duties. The first impost
duties laid on the English-American colo-
nies were in 1672, when the British Par-
liament, regarding colonial commerce as
a proper source of public revenue and
taxation, passed a law imposing a duty
on sugar, tobacco, ginger, cocoanut, in-
digo, logwood, fustic, wool, and cotton,
tmder certain conditions. It was enacted
that the whole business shotild be man-
aged and the imposts levied by officers
appointed by the commissioners of cus-
toms in England, under the authority of

IMPRESSMENT

the lords of the treasury. This was the
first attempt at taxation of the colonies
without their consent.

The first of such duties established by
the United States was for the purpose
of restoring the public credit. On April
18, 1782, the Congress voted " that it be
recommended to the several States as
indispensably necessary to the restoration
of public credit, and to the punctual
and honorable discharge of the public
debts, to invest the United States, in
Congress assembled, with power to levy
for the use of the United States " certain
duties named upon certain goods import-
ed from any foreign port. Under the pro-
visions of the Articles of Confederation,
the unanimous consent of the States was
necessary to confer this power upon the
Congress. This was the first attempt to lay
such duties for revenue. The necessity
was obvious, and all the States except
Ehode Island and Georgia agreed to an
ad valorem duty of 5 per cent, upon all
goods excepting spirituous liquors, wines,
teas, pepper, sugars, molasses, cocoa, and
coffee, on which specific duties were laid.
The Assembly gave, as a reason for its
refusal, the inequality of such a tax, bear-
ing harder on the commercial States, and
the inexpediency and danger of intrust-
ing its collection to federal officers, un-
known and not accountable to the State
governments. A committee of the Con-
gress, with Alexander Hamilton as chair-
man, Avas appointed to lay the proposi-
tion before the several States and to urge
their acquiescence. They sent it forth
with an eloquent address, which appealed
to the patriotism of the people. The
measure was approved by the leading men
of the country, and all the States but
two were willing to give Congress the de-
sired power. "It is money, not power,
that ought to be the object," they said.
" The former will pay our debts, the latter
may destroy our liberties." See Com-
merce ; Internal Re\t:nue.

Impressment. In 1707 the British Par-
liament, by act, forbade the impressment
of seamen in American ports and waters
for privateering service, unless of such
sailors as had previously deserted from
ships-of-war. The custom had been a
source of annoyance and complaint for
several years, and was continued despite
V. — B 1

the action of Parliament. In November,
1747, Commodore Knowles, while in Bos-
ton Harbor, finding himself short of men,
sent a press-gang into the town one morn-
ing, which seized and carried to the ves-
sels several of the citizens. This violence
aroused the populace. Several of the naval
officers on shore were seized by a mob and
held as hostages for their kidnapped coun-
trymen. They also surrounded the town
house, where the legislature was in ses-
sion, and demanded the release of the
impressed men. The governor called out
the militia, who reluctantly obeyed. Then,
alarmed, he withdrew to the castle.
Knowles offered a company of marines to
sustain his authority, and threatened to
bombard the town if his officers were not
released. The populace declared that the
governor's flight was abdication. Matters
became so serious that the influential citi-
zens, who had favored the populace, tried
to suppress the tumult. The Assembly or-
dered the release of the officers, and
Knowles sent back most of the impressed
men. The authorities attributed the out-
break to " negroes and persons of vile con-
dition." This was the first of a series of
impressments of American citizens by
British officers which finally led to the
War of 1812-15.

Proofs of the sufferings of American
seamen from the operations of the British
impress system were continually received,
and so frequent and flagrant were these
outrages, towards the close of 1805, that
Congress took action on the subject. It
was felt that a crisis was reached when
the independence of the United States
must be vindicated, or the national honor
would be imperilled. There was ample
cause not only for retaliatory measures
against Great Britain, but even for war.
A non-importation act was passed. It was
resolved to try negotiations once more.
William Pinkney, of Maryland, was ap-
pointed (May, 1806) minister extraordi-
nary to England, to become associated
with Monroe, the resident minister, in
negotiating a treaty that should settle all
disputes between the two governments.
He sailed for England, and negotiations
were commenced Aug. 7. As the Ameri-
can commissioners were instructed to
make no treaty which did not secure the
vessels of their countrymen on the high
7

IMPRESSMENT

seas against press-gangs, that topic re-
ceived the earliest attention. The Ameri-
cans contended that the right of impress-
ment, existing by municipal law, could
not be exercised out of the jurisdic-
tion of Great Britain, and, consequently,
upon the high seas. The British replied
that no subject of the King could expatri-
ate himself — " once an Englishman, al-
ways an Englishman " — and argued that
to give up that right would make every
American vessel an asylum for British
seamen wishing to evade their country's
service. Finally, the British commission-
ers stated in writing that it was not in-
tended by their government to exercise
this claimed right on board any American
vessel, unless it was known it contained
British deserters. In that shape this por-
tion of a treaty then concluded remained,
and was unsatisfactory because it was
based upon contingencies and provisions,
and not upon positive treaty stipulations.
The American commissioners then, on
their own responsibility, proceeded to treat
upon other points in dispute, and an agree-
ment was made, based principally upon
Jay's treaty of 1794. The British made
some concessions as to the rights of neu-
trals. The treaty was more favorable to
the Americans, on the whole, than Jay's,
and, for the reasons which induced him,
the American commissioners signed it. It
was satisfactory to the merchants and
most of the people; yet the President, con-
sulting only his Secretary of State, and
without referring it to the Senate, re-
jected it.

A Cause of War. — The British govern-
ment claimed the right for commanders of
British ships - of - war to make up any
deficiency in their crews by pressing into
their service British-born seamen found
anywhere not within the immediate juris-
diction of some foreign state. As many
British seamen were employed on board
of American merchant-vessels, the exer-
cise of this claimed right might (and
often did) seriously cripple American ves-
sels at sea. To distinguish between Brit-
ish and American seamen was not an easy
matter, and many British captains, eager
to fill up their crews, frequently impressed
native-born Americans. These were some-
times dragged by violence from on board
their own vessels and condemned to a life

1«

of slavery as seamen in British ships-of-
war. When Jonathan Russell, minister
at the British Court, attempted to ne-
gotiate with that government (August,
1812) for a settlement of disputes be-
tween the Americans and British, and pro-
posed the withdrawal of the claims of
the latter to the right of impressment
and the release of impressed seamen. Lord
Castlereagh, the British minister for for-
eign affairs, refused to listen to such a
proposition. He even expressed surprise
that, " as a condition preliniinary even
to a suspension of hostilities, the govern-
ment of the United States should have
thought fit to demand that the British gov-
ernment should desist from its ancient
and accustomed practice of impressing
British seamen from the merchant-ships
of a foreign state, simply on the assur-
ance that a la^y was hereafter to be passed
to prohibit the employment of British
seamen in the public or commercial ser-
vice of that state." The United States
liad proposed to pass a law making such
a prohibition in case the British govern-
ment should relinquish the practice of
impressment and release all impressed
seamen. Castlereagh acknowledged that
there might have been, at the beginning
of the year 1811, 1,600 bona fide American
citizens serving by compulsion in the
British navy. Several hundreds of them
had been discharged, and all would be,
Castlereagh said, upon proof made of their
American birth ; but the British govern-
ment, he continued, could not consent " to
suspend the exercise of a right upon
which the naval strength of the empire
mainly depended, unless assured that the
object might be attained in some other
way." There were then upward of 6,000
cases of alleged impressm.ent of American
seamen recorded in the Department of
State, and it was estimated that at least
as many more might have occurred, of
which no information had been received.
Castlereagh had admitted on the floor of
the House of Commons that an official
inquiry had revealed the fact that there
were, in 1811, 3,500 men claiming to be
American citizens. Whatever may have
been the various causes combined which
produced the war between the United
States and Great Britain in 1812-15,
when it was declared, the capital question,

IMPBISONMENT FOB DEBT— rNDIAN COBN

and that around which gathered in agree-
ment a larger portion of the people of
the republic, was that of impressment.
The contest was, by this consideration, re-
solved into a noble struggle of a free
people against insolence and oppression,
undertaken on behalf of the poor, the help-
less, and the stranger. It was this con-
ception of the essential nature of the
conflict that gave vigor to every blow of
the American soldier and seamen, and
the watch-words " Free Trade and Sail-
ors' Eights " prevailed on land as well
as on the sea. See Madison, James.

Imprisonment for Debt. See Debtors.

Income-tax. The first income-tax was
enacted by Congress July 1, 18G2, to take
effect in 1863. It taxed all incomes over
$G00 and under $10,000 3 per cent., and
over $10,000 5 per cent. By the act of
March 3, 1865, the rate was increased to
5 and to 10 per cent, on the excess over
$5,000, the exemption of $600 remaining
the same. On March 2, 1867, the ex-
emption was increased to $1,000, and the
rate fixed at 5 per cent, on all excess
above $1,000; the tax to be levied only
until 1870. After a contest in Congress
the tax was renewed for one year only by
act of July 14, 1870, at the reduced rate
of 2% per cent, on the excess of income
above $2,000. A bill to repeal it passed
the Senate Jan. 26, 1871, by 26 to 25. The
House refused to take up the Senate bill
Feb. 9, 1871, by a vote of 104 to 105, but
on March 3, 1871, concurred in the report
of a committee which endorsed the Senate
bill and repealed the tax. The last tax
levied under the law was in 1871. In-
come-taxes assessed and due in 1871 and
for preceding years, however, continued
to be collected, 1872-74, as seen, by the
subjoined table:

AMOUNT OF REVENUE FROM INCOME-TAX EACH
YEAR.

1863 .$ 2.741.857

1864 20.294,733

1865 32.050,017

1866 72.982,160

1867 66.014.429

1868 41.455.599

1869 34.791,857

1 870 37.775.872

1871 19,162.652

1872 14.436.861

1873 5,062,312

1874 140,391

Total $346,908,740

The Wilson tariff bill of 1894 contained
provisions for an income-tax, which the
United States Supreme Court declared un-
constitutional on May 20, 1895.

Independence Day, Lessons of. See
Garrison, William Lloyd.

Independents. See Congregational
' Church.

Indian Corn. When the English
settlers first went to Virginia, they found
the Indians cultivating maize, and the
Europeans called it " Indian corn." It
jiroved to be a great blessing to the immi-
grants to our shores, from Maine to
Florida. Indian corn appears among the
earliest exports from America. As early
as 1748 the two Carolinas exported about
100,000 bushels a year. For several years
previous to the Revolution, Virginia ex-
ported 600,000 bushels annually. The
total amount of this grain exported an-
nually from all the English-American
colonies at the beginning of the Revolu-
tion was between 560,000 and 580,000
bushels. At the beginning of the nine-
teenth century the annual export was
2,000,000 bushels. But its annual product
was not included in the census reports
until 1840, when the aggregate yield was
nearly 400,000,000 bushels. In the calen-
dar year 1903 the aggregate production
was '2,244,176,925 bushels, from 88,091,-
993 acres, and the total value was $952,-
868,801. The banner States, in their order
and with their production, were: Illinois,
204.087,043 bushels. Iowa, 229,218,220
bushels; Missouri, 202,839,584 bushels;
Nebraska, 172,379,532 bushels; Kan-
sas, 171,687,014 bushels; Indiana, 142,-
580,886 bushels; and Texas, 140,750,733
liushels — all other States and Territories
being below the 100,000,000 mark. See
Agkiculturk.

Legend of the Grain. — While Capt.
Miles Standish and others of the Pilgrims
were seeking a place to land, they found
some maize in one of the deserted huts
of the Indians. Afterwards Samoset, the
friendly Indian, and others, taught the
Pilgrims how to cultivate the grain, for
it was unknown in Europe, and this sup-
ply, serving them for seed, saved the lit-
tle colony from starvation the following
year. The grain now first received the
name of " Indian corn." Mr. Schoolcraft
tells us that Indian corn entered into the
19

INDIAN CORN— INDIAN INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS

mythology of the Indians of the region Such is the legend of the origin of Ind-

of the Upper Lakes. In legend the Ind- ian corn, or maize.

ians tell us that a youth, on the verge Indian Industrial Schools. In addi-

of manhood, went into the forest to fast, tion to a large number of day, boarding,

where he built himself a lodge and paint- and other schools maintained by the fed-

ed his face in sombre colors; and then eral government, various religious organ-

he asked the Master of Life for some pre-
cious gift that should benefit his race.
Being weak from fasting, he lay down in
his lodge and gazed through its opening
into the blue depths of the heavens, from
which descended a visible spirit in the

izations, and each of the five civilized
tribes in the Indian Territory, there were
i]i 1900 a total of twenty-four schools for
Indian youth, in which in addition to the
ordinary branches special attention was
paid to industrial education on lines that

form of a beautiful young man dressed in would render the youth self - supporting

gjeen, and having green plumes on his
head. This embodied spirit bade the young
Indian to rise and wrestle with him as
the only way to obtain the coveted bless-
ing. Four days the wrestlings were re-
peated, the youth feeling each time an in-
creasing moral and supernatural energy,
while his bodily strength declined. This
mysterious energy promised him the final
victory. On the third day his celestial vis-
itor said to him : " To-morrow will be
the seventh day of your fast, and the last
time I shall wrestle with you. You
will triumph over me and gain your
wishes. As soon as you have thrown
me down, strip off my clothes and bury
me in the spot of soft, fresh earth.
When you have done this, leave me,
but come occasionally to visit the place
to keep the weeds from growing. Once
or twice cover me with fresh earth."
The spirit then departed, but returned
the next day; and. as he had predict-
ed, the youth threw him on the ground.
The young man obeyed his visitor's in-
structions faithfully, and very soon
was delighted to see the green plumes
of the heavenly stranger shooting up
through the mould. He carefully weed-
ed the ground aroimd them, and kept
it fresh and soft, and in due time
his eyes were charmed at beholding a
full-grown plant bending with fruit
that soon became golden just as the
frost touched it. It gracefully waved
its long leaves and its yellow tassels
in the autumn wind. The young man
called his parents to behold the new
plant. " It is Men-du-min" said his
father; "it is the grain of the
Oreat Spirit." They invited their
friends to a feast on the excellent
grain, and there were great rejoicings.

in the future. These special schools com-
bined had a total of 262 instructors in in-
dustrial work, and 3,076 male and 2,288
female pupils, and the total expenditure
for the school year 1898-99 was $198,-
834. The most noted of these schools is
the United States Indian Industrial
School, established in Carlisle, Pa. It
had in the above year twenty-nine in-
structors and 1,090 pupils, of whom 487
were girls. In addition to the foregoing
schools the federal government was hav-

INPUN APPRKNTICES MAKING HARNESS.

INDIAH J^KOBIjEH, THE

ing Indian youth educated in the Hamp- undertake the experiment of liaving Ind-

ton Normal and Industrial Institute in ian youth educated there also, and such

Virginia, wliich was originally established encouraging results followed that the

for the education of colored youth only, government has since kept a large

The success of the institution in its origi- class of Indian boys and girls in the

nal purpose induced the government to institution.

INDIAN PROBLEM, THE

Indian Problem, The. The following
is a consideration of this subject from the
pen of the Rev. Lyman Abbott:

Helen Jackson has written the history
of 100 years of our nation's dealing with
the Indians, under the title of A Century
of Dishonor. Her specifications seem to
make the indictment of her title good.
Yet I am persuaded that the dishonor
which justly attaches to the history of
our dealings ^yith the North American
Indians is due rather to a lack of pro-
phetic vision, quite pardonable, in the
nation's leaders, and an ignorance and
indifference, not pardonable, in the nation
at large, rather than to any deliberate
policy of injustice adopted by the nation.
Bad as has been our treatment of the
Indians, it is luminous by the side of
Russia's treatment of the Jews, Turkey's
treatment of the Armenians, Spain's treat-
ment of the Moors, and, if we include the
war of Cromwell against the Irish, the
English legislation against Irish industry,
Irish education, and the Church of Ire-
land's choice, it compares favorably with
England's treatment of Ireland.

When thirteen States — a fringe of civ-
ilization on the eastern edge of an un-
k/iown wilderness — constituted the Amer-
ican Republic, there was no prophet to
foresee the time when the republic would
stretch from the Atlantic to the Pacific
and from the Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico,
and would include 70.000,000 people.
If there were any sncn prophet he was as
A voice crying in the wilderness ; no one
heard or heeded. Thp politician is al-
most invariably an opportunist, perhaps
necessarily so, since no great prevision is
granted to the children of men. The in-
fant republic did not know and took little
pains to ascertain the extent of the domain
which stretched to the west, or the num-
ber or character of the people who roamed

o\-er it. Each decade was satisfied to pro-
vide for its necessities and leave the next
decade to take care of itself. As the
boundary-line was pushed steadily west-
ward, new treaties were made, by which
all territory west of a given boundary
was reserved for the Indians forever. I
think it was in 1800 that such a treaty
was made, securing to them for all future
time the land west of the Mississippi
River. All future time is a long while,
and each new treaty was made only to be
broken, as increase of population and in-
coming immigration made new demands on
the continent for support. Thus gradually
grcAV up withovit design the so-called reser-
vation system. Less and less land was
reserved to the Indians ; more and more
was taken up by the whites; until at last
certain relatively small sections were
deeded to separate Indian tribes. In these,
according to the treaties made, the several
tribes were at liberty to remain forever
hunters and trappers, freed from the obli-
gations and without the advantages and
perils of civilization.

These reservations have been practically
prison yards, within which the tribes have
been confined. If any member passed be-
yond the boundaries of the reservation
without leave he was liable to arrest. If
he raised crops or manufactured goods
he could not carry them for sale to the
open market ; if he wished to buy he could
not go to the open market to purchase.
The land was owned by the tribe in com-
mon, and the idle and industrious shared
alike its advantages and disadvantages.
Industry received no reward ; idleness in-
volved no penalty. Money due the tribe
under the treaty was paid with more or
less regularity, generally in rations, some-
times in guns and ammunition to fight
the white man with, or scalping-knives
to take from his head a trophy of the
battle. The forms of industry to which

INDIAN PBOBLEM, THE

SCENE ON AN INDIAN RESERVATION;

the men were accustomed — hunting and
trapping — gradually disappeared; little
or nothing was done to teach new forms
of industry or to inspire the men to
undertake them. From the reservation all
the currents of civilization were excluded
by federal law. The railroad, the tele-
graph, the newspaper, the open market,
free competition — all halted at its walls.
By favor of the government, generally
freely granted, the missionary was al-
lowed to establish a church, or Christian
philanthropy to plant a school. But as
an educated Indian was rather impeded
than aided in the tribal community by
education, neither the church nor the
school could do more than save individuals
from a population shut up by law to the
general conditions of barbarism. No
courts sat in these reservations; no law
was administered by those judicial meth-
ods familiar to the Anglo-Saxon; no war-
rants from local courts outside could be
executed ; no Indian, if wronged, could
appeal to any court for redress. Such law

as existed was administered by an Indian
agent, a person of ill-defined, and to the
Indian mind, of illimitable power. He
was as nearly an absolute despot as can
be conceived existing on American soil.
He was sometimes an intelligent and be-
neficent despot, sometimes an ignorant and
incompetent one; but in either case a
despot.

Thus there has grown up in America,
by no deliberate design but by a natural
though mischievous opportunism which
has rarely looked more than ten years
ahead, a system as inconsistent with
American principles and the American
spirit as covild easily be devised by the
ingenuity or conceived by the imagination
of a man. It has denied to the Indian,
often imder the generous desire to do more
for him than mere justice, those rights
and prerogatives which the Declaration of
Independence truly declares to belong in-
alienably to all men. It has made a
prisoner of him that it might civilize him,
under the illusion that it is possible to

INDIAN PBOBIiEX, TUE

civilize a race without subjecting them to the same disadvantages. The same policy

the perils of civilization. It has en- of political removal and political ap-

deavored to conduct him from the relative pointment has characterized the whole

innocence of barbarism to the larger and Indian administration. Sometimes the

more perilous life of a free and civilized appointments have been made by the com-

community, and to guard him from the missioner of Indian affairs, sometimes by

dangers of temptation and the cons^equences the Secretary of the Interior, sometimes

of his own ignorance en route. The practically by local politicians; but in

reservation system is absolutely, hopeless- all cases alike, not for expert knowledge

jy, incurably bad, " evil and wholly evil of Indians, but for political service ren-

and that continually." It was never dered or to be rendered, or from reasons

framed by any one. It has grown up of personal friendship. The notion that

under the commingled influence of careless there is a continuous and consistent

indifl'erence, popular ignorance, local policy to be pursued towards the Indians,

prejudice, and unthinking sentimentalism. and that this requires continuity of ser-

The Indian problem is, in a sentence, vice and expertness of knowledge in the

how to get rid of it in the easiest and administration, has not entered the head

quickest way possible, and bring the Ind- of our public men; or, if so, has not been

ian and every Indian into the same in- allowed to obtain lodgment there. That

dividual relation to the State and federal so bad a system has secured so many

governments that other men in this coun- good Indian agents and subordinate offi-

try are, with the least possible violence cials is a matter for surprise. It is not

of rupture with the past and the greatest surprising that it has in more than one

possible regard for the right and the instance sent a drunken offleial to keep

welfare of those who ai-e the least re- the Indians sober, an ignorant official to

sponsible for the present conditions — the superintend their education, and a lazy

Indians themselves. official to inspire them with industry.

The reservation system, I say, is wholly One illustration of the result of this

bad. The indictment against it is four- method of administration is to be seen

fold. m the removal of Dr. Hailraan, the

In the first place, the Indian Bureau superintendent of Indian education, an

is, and always has been, a political ma- expert educator, whose retention in his

chine, whose offices are among the spoils office was urged upon the administration

which belong to the victors. In the by substantially all those familiar with

twenty years during which I have had the w^ork which he had done. An even

some familiarity with Indian affairs, not more striking object-lesson is afforded by

a single commissioner of Indian affairs the outbreak among the Pillager Indians,

has been appointed because he was fa- largely due to three successive appraisals

miliar with the Indians, or an expert of their timber lands, two of which ap-

in the Indian problem, and only one who praisals have been set aside as inade-

was an expert in that work of education quate, through the incompetence of the

which is. of course, one of the chief ele- appraisers, the enormous cost of each ap-

ments in the Indian problem. They have praisal having been charged to the

been, I think, all of them, men of excel- Indians.

lent character — honest, able, ambitious to But even if the Indian Bureau could
do the best that could be done for the be taken out of politics and kept out of
Indian. Some of them have made not- politics, the reservation system would
able contributions towards the solution still be incurably bad. It assumed that
of the problem. Biit each one of them the federal executive can administer a
has come into office with little or no paternal government over widely scat-
familiarity with the problem, has had to tered local communities. For such a
acquaint himself with it, and has hardly function it is peculiarly unfitted. The
had more than enough time to do so be- attempt to engraft a Russian bureaucracy
fore his term of office has expired, and on American democracy is a fore-doomed
he has been replaced by a successor who failure. The federal government does ex-
has had to take up the work subject to ercise paternal authority over the Dis-

FBOBLEM, THE

trict of Columbia. But on the decent gov-
ernment of the District the well-being,
the health, and, perhaps, the lives of the
members of Congresa depend; the relation
between the government and the governed
is thus direct, close, intimate. Local
communities in the United States exer-
cise some paternal functions, as in the
case of the insane, the sick, and the
paupers. But here, again, those directly
interested have an opportunity of exer-
cising an immediate supervision over the
work and calling the public officials to
account. But it is in the nature of the
case impossible that a President, a Sec-
retary of the Interior, or even a commis-
sioner of Indian affairs, can personally
supervise the innumerable details involved
in the paternal administration of com-
munities scattered from Minnesota to
New Mexico, and from Michigan to Cali-
fornia.

An aristocratic government, composed
of men who have inherited political ability
from a long line of governing ancestry,
and who have been especially trained for
that work from boyhood, so that both by
inheritance and training they are experts,
may be supposed fitted to take care of peo-
ple weaker, more ignorant, or less compe-
tent than themselves, though the history
of oligarchic governments does not render
that supposition free from doubt. But
there is nothing in either philosophy or
history to justify the surmise that 70,000,-
000 average men and women, most of
whom are busy in attending to their own
affairs, can be expected to take care of a
people scattered through a widely extended
territory — a people of social habits and
social characteristics entirely different
from their care-takers; nor is it much
more rational to expect that public ser-
vants, elected on different issues for a dif-
ferent purpose, can render this service
efficiently. Our government is founded on
the principle of local self-government;
that is, on the principle that each locality
is better able to take care of its own
affairs than any central and paternal au-
thority is to take care of them. The mo-
ment we depart frona this principle we
introduce a method wholly unworkable
by a democratic nation. It may be wide
of the present purpose, yet perhaps not as
an illustration, to sav that if the United

States assumes political responsibility for
Cuba and the Philippines, as I personally
think it is bound to do, it must fulfil
that responsibility not by governing them
as conquered territory from Washington,
but by protecting and guiding, but not
controlling them, while they attempt the
experiment of local self-government for
themselves. We have tried the first method
with our Indians, and it has been a con-
tinuous and unbroken failure. We have
tried the second method with the territory
west of the Mississippi River, ours by con-
quest or by purchase, and it has been an
unexampled success. If the Indian is the
" ward of the nation," the executive should
not be his guardian. How that guardian-
ship should be exercised I shall indicate
presently.

This political and undemocratic pater-
nalism is thoroughly bad for the Indian,
whose interests it is supposed to serve.
It assumes that civilization can be taught
by a primer in a school, and Christianity
by a sermon in a church. This is not
true. Free competition teaches the need
of industry, free commerce the value of
honesty ; a savings - bank the value of
thrift; a railroad the importance of punc-
tuality, better than either preacher or
pedagogue can teach them. To those, and
there are still some, who think we must
keep the Indian on the reservation until
he is prepared for liberty, I reply that he
will never be prepared for liberty on a
reservation. When a boy can learn to
ride without getting on a horse's back, oi
to swim without going into the water, or
lo skate without going on the ice — then,
and not before, can man learn to live with-
out living. The Indian must take his
chance with the rest of us. His rights
must be protected by law; his welfare
looked after by philanthropy; but pro-
tected by law and befriended by philan-
thropy, he must plunge into the current
of modern life and learn to live by living.
The tepee will never fit him for the house,
nor the canoe for the steamboat, nor the
trail for highways and railroads, nor
trapping and hunting for manufactures
and husbandry. Imagine — the illustration
is Edward Everett Hale's, not mine —
imagine that Ave had pursued towards our
immigrants the policy we have pursued
towards the Indians ; had shut the Polos,

TTmiATX PHOBLEM, THE

the Hungarians, the Italians, the Germans,
the Scandinavians, each in a reservation
allotted to them, and forbidden them to
go out into the free life of America until
tliey had Americanized themselves — how
long would the process have taken?

But the capital objection to the reser-
vation system is that it is one impossible
to maintain; and it is impossible to main-
tain because it ought not to be main-
tained. The tide of civilization, surging
westward, comes some day to a fair and
wealthy but unused and idle territory.
There are forests which no woodman's axe
has ever touched; rivers where water-falls
turn no mill-wheels; mountains whose
treasures of gold and silver, iron or cop-
per or coal no pickaxe has uncovered;
prairies whose fertile soil is prolific only
in weeds. " Come," cries the pioneer,
eager to develop this useless territory,
" let us go in and make those acres rich
by our industry." "No!" replies the law;
'•'you cannot." "Why not?" "It be-
longs to the Indians." " Where are
they?" "Hunting, trapping, sleeping,
idling, and fed on rations." " When are
they going to use this land ; to convert
this timber into boards; these rivers into
mill-streams; when are they going to ex-
cavate these minerals, and turn these
weedy prairies into fruitful farms?"
"Never! This land in the heart of a
civilized community is forever consecrated
to barbarism." The pioneer's impatience
with such a policy is fully justified,
though his manner of manifesting it is
not. Barbarism has no rights which civil-
ization is bound to respect. The ques-
tion on what basis the right to land rests
is one of the most difficult which political
economy has to answer. Many scholars
who do not accept Henry George's con-
clusions accept his premise, that the soil
belongs to the community, and that in-
dividual ownership rests not on any
indefeasible right, but on the express or
implied agreement of the community.
Certain it is that the 500,000, more or
less, of Indians who roamed over this con-
tinent in the seventeenth century, had no
right by reason of that fact to exclude from
it the several hundred million industri-
ous men and women whom eventually it
will support. As little have a tribe of a
few hundred Indians a right to keep in

unproductive idleness a territory which,
if cultivated, would provide homes for as
many thousands of industrious workers.
No treaty can give them that right. It is
not in the power of the federal government
to consecrate any portion of its territory
thus to ignorance and idleness. It has
tried, again and again, to do so; it has
always failed; it always ought to fail; it
always will fail. English parks kept un-
filled, yet ministering to taste and refine-
ment, have always been regarded by po-
litical economists as difficult to justify;
nothing can be said to justify American
reservations, kept unfilled only that they
may minister to idleness and barbarism.

The editor, in asking me to write this
article, indicated his desire that I should
write " on the probable future of the Ind-
ians in their relation with the govern-
ment, and the reforms necessary in the
administration of their affairs." It may
seem that I have been a long time coming
to any definite answer to this question ;
but in order to set forth succinctly a re-
form it is first necessary to set forth as
clearly and forcibly as possible the evil
to be reformed. That evil, I believe, is
the reservation system. The reform is all
summed up in the words, abolish it.
Cease to treat the Indian as a red man
and treat him as a man. Treat him as
we have treated the Poles, Hungarians,
Italians, Scandinavians. Many of them
are no better able to take care of them-
selves than the Indians; but we have
thrown on them the responsibility of
their own custody, and they have learned
to live by living. Treat them as we have
treated the negro. As a race the Afri-
can is less competent than the Indian :
but we do not shut the negroes up in
reservations and put them in charge of
politically appointed parents called
agents. The lazy grow hungry; the
criminal are punished ; the industrious
get on. And though sporadic cases of in-
justice are frequent and often tragic, they
are the gradually disappearing relics of a
slavery that is past, and the negro is find-
ing his place in American life gradually,
both as a race and as an individual. The
reform necessary in the administration of
Indian affairs is: Let the Indian admin-
ister his own affairs a.nd take his chances.
The future relations of the Indians with

INDIAN PBOBIiEM, THE

the government should be precisely the such cases should be dismissed. If the
same as the relations of any other indi- Indian still needs a guardian, if there
vidual, the readers of this article or the is danger that his land will be taxed away
writer of it, for example. This should from him, or that he will be induced to
be the objective point, and the sooner we sell it for a song, the courts, not the ex-
can get there the better. But this will ecutive, should be his guardian. Guardian-
bring hardship and even injustice on ship is a function the courts are accus-
some individuals! Doubtless. The tomed to exercise. It ought not to be
world has not yet found any way in which difficult to frame a law such that an
all hardship and all injustice to individ- Indian could always appeal to a. federal
uals can be avoided. Turn the Indian judge to have his tax appraisal revised,
loose on the continent and the race will and always be required to submit to a
disappear! Certainly. The sooner the federal judge any pi'oposed sale of real
better. There is no more reason why we estate.

should endeavor to preserve intact the 3. The Indian and every Indian should
Indian race than the Hungarians, the be amenable to the law and entitled to its
Poles, or the Italians. Americans all, protection. I believe that, despite occa-
from ocean to ocean, should be the aim of sional injustice from local prejudice, it
all American statesmanship. Let us would be quite safe to leave their inter-
understand once for all that an inferior ests to be protected by the courts of any
race must either adapt and conform itself State or Territory in which they live;
to the higher civilization, wherever the for I believe that the American people,
two come in conflict, or else die. This is and certainly the American judiciary, can
the law of God, from which there is no be trusted. The policy of distrust has
appeal. Let Christian philanthropy do intensified the local prejudice against the
all it can to help the Indian to conform Indian. But it would be easy, if it be
to American civilization ; but let not sen- necessary, to provide that any Indian
timentalism fondly imagine that it can might sue in a United States court, or .
save any race or any community from this if sued or prosecuted might transfer the
inexorable law. suit to a United States court. I assume
This general and radical reform in- there is no constitutional provision against
volves certain specific cures. For ex- such a law.
ample: 4. All reservations in which the land

1. The Indian Bureau ought to be taken is capable of allotment in severalty should
at once and forever out of politics. The be allotted as rapidly as the work of sur-
government should find the man most ex- veying and making out the warrants can
pert in dealing with the Indians— he may bo carried on. The unallotted land should
be the present commissioner of Indian be sold and the proceeds held by the
aff'airs — and instruct him to bring the United States in trust for the Indians.
Indian Bureau to a close at the earliest How to be expended is a difficult question,
possible moment. Once appointed to Not in food and clothing, which only pau-
office for that purpose he should stay perize. The first lesson to be taught the
there till the work is completed. I be- Indian is, if he will not work, neither
lieve that in one respect an army officer shall he eat. Perhaps in agricultural im-
would be the best fitted for such a post, plements; perhaps in schools; perhaps in
because he would be eager to bring the public improvements; perhaps in all three,
work to a close, while the civilian would When the land is of a kind that cannot
see 100 reasons why it should be con- be allotted in severalty, as in the case
tinned from year to year. His subor- of extended grazing lands, for example,
dinates should be Indian experts and re- it would seem as though a skilful la'\\'yer
moved only for cause, never for political should be able to devise some way in
reasons. which the tribe could be incorporated and

2. There are, it is said, ten or a dozen the land given to the corporation in fee
reservations in which the land has al- simple; in which case Ihe shares of stock
ready been allotted in severalty and the possibly for a time should be inalienable,
reservations broken up. The agents in except by approval '^f the court; or pos-

INDIAN RESERVATIONS— INDIAN TERRITORY

sibly the property might even be adminis-
tered for a time by a receiver appointed
by and answeiable to the court.

5. Every Indian should be at once free
to come and go as he pleases, subject as
every other man is to the law of the local-
ity and the processes of the courts where
he is, and under their protection. The
Indian with his blanket should have the
privilege of travelling where he will, as
imich as the Indian with her shawl.

G. Finally, as fast and as far as the
tribal organization is dissolved and the
reservation is broken up, the Indian
should have a ballot, on the same terms
as other citizens; not so much because his
vote will add to the aggregate wisdom of
the comnnmity as because the ballot is
the American's protection from injustice.

The reform is very simple, if it is very
radical. It is: Apply to the solution of
the Indian problem the American method ;
treat the Indian as other men are treated;
set him free from his trammels; cease to
coddle him ; in a word, in lieu of paternal
protection, which does not protect, and
free rations, which keep him in beggary,
give him justice and liberty and let him
take care of himself.

Indian Reservations. See Reserva-
tions, Indian.

Indian Territory. By act of Congress,
Jime 30, 1834, "all that part of the United
States west of the Mississippi River, and
not within the States of Missouri and
Louisiana, or the Territory [now the
State] of Arkansas, shall be considered
the Indian country" (about 200,000
square miles). It was reduced in area
by the successive formation of States and
Territories imtil it contained an area
of only 31,000 square miles. The popula-
tion in ISOOAvas 180,182; in 1900,391,900.
Estimated population, 1906, 600,000.
This aggregate population, however, is
only partially Indian, as many " squaw-
men," other whites, and negroes are in-
cluded therein. In 1900 there were seven
reservations in the Territory, and five civ-
ilized nations, the Cherokees, Chickasaws,
Choctaws. Creeks, and Seminoles. Over
97 per cent, of the entire population was
in the first four nations. It was estimated
that the population of the five nations in-
cluded 84,750 Indians. The reservation
Indians include Quapaws, Peorias, Kas-

kaskias, Ottawas, Wyandottes, Miamis,
Shawnees, Modocs, Senecas, Cayugas, Sacs
and Foxes, Pottawattomies, Osages, Kaws,
Kiowas, Comanches, Apaches, Arapahoes,
Cheyennes, Piankeshaws, and Weas, and
the affiliated bands of Wichitas, Keechies,
Wacoes, Tawacanies, Caddoes, loneis, Del-
awares, and Penetethka Comanches. In
the latter part of 1873 the Modocs and
about 400 Kickapoos and Pottawattomies,
from the borders of Texas and Mexico,
were removed to the Indian Territory.

Previous to the Civil War the five civ-
ilized tribes were well-to-do, even wealthy,
possessing large farms and many slaves,
and having an extensive trade with the
Southern cities. Many of them enlisted
with the Confederates, and at the close
of the war the United States government
declared that by their hostility the grants
and patents by which the tribes held
extensive domains had become invalid,
and a readjustment of the treaty acts
was ordered. The tribes were permitted
to sell to the United States a vast tract
for the purpose of making a place of set-
tlement for other Indian tribes and other
purposes.

In 1889 the government bought the
Oklahoma strip of 2,000,000 acres a sec-
ond time from the Creeks, paying a much
higher price, but obtaining it without any
restrictive conditions. For ten years com-
panies of adventurers, called " boomers,''
under the lead of Capt. David L. Payne,
had been hovering on the outskirts of the
territory, and now and then stealing
across the bonrder for the purpose of
making settlements on the forbidden
lands. As often as they had thus tres-
passed, however, they were promptly
driven out again by the United States
troops. A proclamation was issued by
the President, April 22, 1889, opening
1,900,000 acres of land for settlement.
There was immediately a grand rush into
the territory by the " boomers," and by
thousands of home-seekers and specula-
tors. In a single day the city of Guthrie,
with a population of 10,000, sprang into
existence, and all the valuable land was
taken up. By subsequent proclamations
other lands were opened, and the bounds
of the territory were extended until, in
1891, it embraced 39,030 square miles.
A large portion of Oklahoma, however.

INDIAN TEimiTORY— INDIANA

remained under the occupancy of Indian of New France, and afterwards of the
tribes, who were under the control of the Northwest Territory. In 1702 some
Indian bureau, and received regular sup- French Canadians discovered the Wabash,
plies of clothing and food from the gov- and established several trading-posts on
ernnient. Among these tribes were about its banks, among others, Vincennes. Lit-
500 Sacs and Foxes, 400 Kickapoos, 2,000 tie is known of the early settlers until
Cheyennes, and 1,200 Arapahoes. the country was ceded to the English, in

Oklahoma when settled was a richly 1763. The treaty of 1783 included Indi-
wooded country, except in the west, where ana in the United States. A distressing-
there were extensive prairies. The climate Indian war broke out in 1788, but by vic-
is delightful, and the soil fertile and well tories by General Wilkinson (1791) and
adapted to agriculture. The first territo- General Wayne (1794) a dangerous con-
rial governor was appointed by the Pres-
ident in 1890. The name Oklahoma means
•■ Beautiful Country." The Cherokee Strip
or Outlet towards Kansas was acquired
from the Cherokee Nation, and on Sept.
16, 1893, it was opened to settlers. The
scenes attending the opening resembled
those in 1889 and 1891. Ninety thou-
sand intending settlers registered, and
20,000, it was estimated, encamped on the
site selected for the chief town. The
Strip contains about 6,000,000 acres, part
of Avhich is good farming land. On May
23, 1S9G, another great section of terri-
tory, called the Kickapoo Strip, was
thrown open to settlers, and again there
was a wild rush of home-seekers; in July,
1901, the same scenes were enacted in the
Kiowa and Comanche country. See
Oklahoma, in vol. vii. ; and United

States — Oklahoma and Indian Terri- federaey of the tribes was broken up.
TORY, in vol. ix. Another was afterwards attempted by

In 1893 Congress entered into negotia- Tecumseh, but was defeated by the result
tions with the several nations for the of the battle of Tippecanoe,
allotment of land in severalty or to In 1800 the " Connecticut Reserve," in
procure the cession to the United States the northwestern portion of Ohio, having
of all lands, it being the express de- been sold to a company of speculators,
termination of Congress to bring about measures were taken to extinguish cer-
clianges with the view to the admission tain claims on the part of the United
of the same as a State of the Union. States and the State of Connecticut.

Each of the five nations constitutes a The speculators found their bargain to
separate organism, independent of any be pecuniarily unprofitable, and likely to
central authority save Congress and the prove a serious embarrassment. Fully
Department of the Interior, having its 1,000 settlers were already on the " Re-
own executive and legislative officers. serve." Hitherto a confirmation of the

In the treaty with the five civilized Connecticut title to these lands by the
tribes it was provided that all tribal United States had been inferentially ac-
government should pass out of existence knowledged, and Connecticut had given
on March 4, 1906, and that the lands no quit-claim deeds; therefore, it was to
would be allotted in severalty. the interest of the speculators to obtain

Indiana, State of, was first explored from the United States a direct confirma-
by French missionaries and traders, and tion. On tlie other hand, it was an ob-
Vincennea was a missionary station as ject for the United States to extinguish
early as 1700. Indiana constituted a part Connecticut's claim of jurisdiction. Con-

STATE SEAL OP INDIANA.

INDIANA— INDIANS

gress passed an act (April 28, 1800)
authorizing the issue of letters - patent
conveying the title of these lands to the
governor of Connecticut, for the benefit
of those claiming under her, and similar
letters-patent were used by Connecticut,
relinquishing all claim to jurisdiction.
So the " Reserve " was annexed to the
Northwest Territory, which was presently
divided, by act of Congress (May 7), into
two separate jurisdictions, the western
one being called the Territory of Indiana,
after one of the old ante-Revolutionary
land companies. St. Vincent, or Vin-
cennes, was made the capital, and Will-
iam Henry Harrison was appointed gov-
ernor of the Territory. It then included
Michigan and Illinois.

In 1803 a movement was made in Con-
gress for suspending for a limited term,
in the case of Indiana Territory, the pro-
vision of the Ordinance of 1787 (q. v.)
prohibiting slavery northward of the Ohio
River. A committee, of which John
Randolph, of Virginia, was chairman, re-
ported strongly against the proposition,
believing that " in the salutary operation
of this salutary and sagacious restraint
the inhabitants of Indiana would, at no
distant da}*, find ample remuneration for
a temporary privation of labor and immi-
gration." At the next session (1804) it
was pioposed to admit, for ten years, the
introduction of slaves born within the
United States, their descendants to be
free, masculine at the age of twenty-five
years, and feminine at twenty-one years.
No action was ever taken.

When war with Great Britain broke
out, in 1812, a fresh impulse was given to
Indian depredations, which had never
fairly ceased, but the hostiles were beaten,
and were quiet after the close of that con-
test. On June 29, 1816, a convention
adopted a State constitution for Indiana,
and on Dec. 11 it was admitted into
the Union. Rapid and continued immigra-
tion ensued. This was greatly increased
by the opening of the Erie Canal. Dur-
ing the Civil War Indiana furnished to
the National army 195,147 soldiers. In
189!) the assessed vahuition of taxable
property was $1,342,831,101; total tax
rate, $2.9G per .$1,000; and total debt,
$5,004,615. The population in 1890 was
2,192,404; in 1900, 2,516,462. See Clark,

George Rogers ;
ANA, in vol. ix.

United States — Indi-

GOVERNORS OF TERRITORY.

William H. Harrison 1800 to 1812

John Gibson acting 1800 " 1801

Thomas I'osey appointed March 3, 1813

GOVERNORS OF STATE.

Jonathan Jennings. . . .elected to Congress 1816

Ralliff Boon iicting Sept. 12 to Dec. n, 1822

William Hendricks. . . .elected U. S. Senator 1822

James B, Hay acting. . .Feb. 12 to Dec. 11, 1825

" " '■ 182.5

Noah Noble 1831

David Wallace 1837

Samuel Bigger 1840

James Wliitcoiub elected U. S. Senator 1843

Paris C. Dunning acting 1848 to 1849

Joseph A. Wright 1849

Ashbel P. Willard (died Oct. 4, 1860) 1857

Abram A. Hammond, .acting 1860 to 1861

Henry S. I.ane elected U. S. Senator 1861

Oliver P. Morton acting 1861 to 1865

'■ " " ek-cted U. S. Senator 1865

Conrad Baker acting 1867 to 1869

1869

Thomas A. Hendricks 1873

Jcimes D. Williams (died Nov. 20, 1880) 1877

Isiiac P. Gray acting 18S0 to 1881

Albert G. Porter 1881

Isaac P. Gray 1885

Alvin P. Hovey (died Nov. 23, 1891) 1«89

Ira J. Chase acting 1891 to 1893

Claude Matthews 1893

James A. Mount 1897

VVinfleld T. Durbin ,. 1901

J. Frank Hanly 1909

UNITED STATES SENATORS

James Noble

Waller Taylor

William Hendricks...

Robert Hanna. ..

John Tij^ton

Oliver H. Smith

Albert S. While. ...
Edvvnrd A. Hanncgan.

Jesse D. Bright

James Whitcomb

Charles Vf. Cathcart. .

John Petit

Gniham N. Fitch

Henry S. I.ane

Josejih A. Wright

David Tiirpie

Thomas A. Hendricks.

Oliver P. .Morton

Dan el D. Pratt

Joseph E. McDonald..
Daniel W. Voorhees. .
Benjnmin Harrison...

David Turpie ,

Chiirles W. Fairbanks.

Albert J. Bevcridgc

James A. Hemenwiiy.

No. of

Concress.

Date

14th

to ■:ii\

1816 to

1831

14th

'■ liiih

1816 "

1825

19 th

" 24 th

1825 "

1S37

2Cd

1831 "

1832

22d

to 25lh

1832 "

1837

2.nth

" 27lh

1837 •'

1843

26th

" 28lh

1839 "

1844

2«th

" 30th

1843 "

1N49

29th

" 37th

1845 "

1861

31st

" 32d

1849 "

18.52

32d

18.52 "

1H53

■Sid

to 33d

1853 •'

1856

34 th

'■ 30th

1857 "

1860

37th

" 39th

]861 ''

1867

7th

1861 "
186C

1862

38th

to 40th

1863 to

1869

40lh

" 4.-th

1867 "

1877

41st

" 43d

1869 "

1875

44 th

" 46th

1875 "

1881

45 th

" 55th

1877 "

1897

47th

" 49th

1881 "

1888

50th

" 56th

1888 "

1899

55th

" 58th

1897 "

1905

.56th

1899 "

.59 th

•'

1905 "

Indians, the name commonly applied
to the people found by Columbus in
America; by many authorities believed to
have been the aboriginal inhabitants. The

INDIANS

following remarks and tables refer to
Indians within the present area of the
United States. In manners, customs, and
general features the difference between the
Indians of the Gulf States and those of the
shores of the Northern Lakes is scarcely
perceptible; it is only by languages that
they can be grouped into great families.
East of the Mississippi there were not
more than eight radically distinct lan-
guages, four of which are still in existence,
while the others have disappeared.

NAMES AND LOCATION OF THE PRINCIPAL TRIBES
OF THE EIGHT GREAT FAMILIES AT THE TIME
OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENTS.

I. Algonquian tribes :

Micraacs

Etcliemins or Ca-)

noe men.
Abenakis. .

Location.

Narragansets
Pokanokets
Warn pan oags

Pequots . . ,
Mohegans .

orv
s..j

Delawares or Len-
ni Lenape

Nanticokes

Powhatan Confed-
eracy

Corees

Shawnees

Mianiis

Illinois

Kickapoos

Pottawattomies . . .

Ottawas

Sacs and Foxes . . .

Menomonees

ChippewasorOjib-'l
ways f

IT, Wyandotte or Huron

Iroquois tribes :

Fries (Huron or
Wyandotte -Iro-
quois)

Andastes (Huron
or Wyandotte-
Iroquois)

Wyandottes (Hu-
ron or Wyan- ',
dotte- Iroquois) )

Senecas (Iroquois i
proper) /

Cayugas (Iroquois)
proper) /

Onondagas (Iro-f_
quois proper) . . f

Oneidas (Iroquois)
proper) f

Mohawks (Iro- I
quois proper). . J

Tuscaroras (Iro- )
quois proper) . . )

(Southern shore of Lake
\ Erie.

Headwaters of the Ohio.

(Territory north of Lakes
( Erie and Ontario.

Western New York.

Central New York.

Eastern New York.

fS. W. Virginia and North

Carolina. Joined the Iro-

( quois of New York, 1713.

NAMES AND LOCATION OF THE PRINCIPAL TRIBES
OF THE EIGHT GREAT FAMILIES AT THE TIME
OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENTS— Contowed

East ofthe State of Maine.

Maine.

(New Hampshire and
(Maine.

( Eastern Massachusetts
[ and Rhode Island.

■ Central Massachusetts and
Rhode Island.
Western JIassachusetts
and Connecticut.

New Jersey, the valley
of the Delaware and
, Schuylkill,
j Eastern shores of Chesa-
( peake Bay.

E. Virginia and Maryland.

E. North Carolina.
(.South ofthe Ohio, W. Ken-
( tucky, and Tennessee.
I S. Michigan, N. Indiana,
( and N. \V. Ohio.

S. Illinois and Indiana.

N. and central Illinois.

Northern Illinois.

.Michigan.

Northern Wisconsin.
/Southern shore of Lake
( Superior.

(Southern shore of Lake
\ Superior.

Name.

Location.

Chowans (Huron i

or Wyandotte- [

Southern Virginia.

Iroquois) )

Meherrins (Huron j

or Wyandotte- [

11 11

Iroquois) )

Nottaways(Huron )

or Wyandotte- 5

(I II

Iroquois) )

TTT

fW. North and South Caro-
\ lina.

f Mountainous regions oi

Cherokees

1 Tennessee. Georgia,

"l North and South Caro-
[ lina.

Vchees

About Augusta, Ga.

N. W. Mississippi.

VIL

Mobilian or Musco-

gees :

Chickasaws

( Western Tennessee and
\ Northern Mississippi.

j Eastern Mississippi and

( Western Alabama.

Alabama and Georgia.
Florida

VITT

About Green Bay, Wis.

PRINCIPAL TRIBES WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI IN

iaoo-30.

Locution.

Dakotas (Sioux)
Arapahoes

Cheyennes

Kansas

Poncas

Oraahas

Mandans

Assiniboins

Minnetaries (Gros Ventres)

Missouris

lowas

Osages ,

Crows

Kaws ,

Pawnees . . . .

Caddos ,

Shoshones or Snakes

Kiowas

Utes

Comanches

Apaches

Navajos and Moquis

Yunias

Pueblos

Piraas

Bannocks

Modocs

Nez Percys

Flatheads

Klamaths

(Wisconsin, west to Rocky
\ Mountains.
( Wyoming, head- waters ol
( Platte.

Wyoming and Nebraska.

Kansas, v.'est.

Dakotas.

Nebraska.

Montana.

Montana and Dakotas.

Montana.

Lower Missouri.

Iowa.

Kansas, west.

Dakotas.

Kansas.

Kansas and Nebraska.

Red River and Arkansas.

Kansas to Oregon.

Kansas, west.

Utah and Colorado.

Texas and New Mexico.

New Mexico and Arizona.

Arizona.

Arizona and California.

Nevada and New Mexico.

Arizona.

Idaho and Oregon.

Nevada and Oregon.

(California, Oregon, and
\ Nevada.
Oregon and N. California

For other details concerning the various
tribes, see their respective titles ; also Res-
ervations, Indian.

Indians, American. Believing the
earth to be a globe, Columbus expected to
find India or Eastern Asia by sailing
westward from Spain. The first land dis-
covered by him — one of the Bahama

INDIANS, AMERICAN

I&Iands — lie supposed to be a part of
India, and he called the inhabitants
Indians. This name was afterwards ap-
plied to all the nations of the adjacent
islands and the continent.

Origin. — There is no positive knowl-
edge concerning the origin of the
aborigines of America ; their o\\ti tradi-
tions widely vary, and conjecture is un-

satisfj'ing. Recent investigations favor a
theory that, if they be not indigenous,
they came from two great Asiatic fami-
lies: the more northern tribes of our
continent from the lighter Mongolians,
who crossed at Bering Strait, and the
more southerly ones, in California, Cen-
tral and South America, from the darker
Malays, who first peopled Polynesia, in

INDIANS, AMERICAN

INDIAN WAR-CLUBS.

the southern Pacific Ocean and finally colony said to have been lost in the wilds
made their way to our continent, grad- of North America 700 years ago.
ually spreading over it from the Pacific Unity. — There seems to be a physical
to the Atlantic. Language fails to con- identity of race throughout most of the
nect any of them with the Asiatic continent. Their skin is generally of a
families, but their traditions, imple- dark reddish-brown, or cinnamon, color;
ments, and modes of life point to such they have long, black, and straight hair,
a relationship. It has been suggested prominent cheek-bones, and broad faces;

eyes deep- set, full and rounded lips,
broad and prominent noses, scanty beard ;
their heads are generally square, arid
their stature about the same as that of
other races of the same latitude. Their
muscular development is not great, and
their hands and feet are small; their skin
is thinner, softer, and smoother than that
of Europeans ; the expression of the men
is often noble, and many of the women
are handsome. Haughty in deportment,
taciturn, stoical, cunning, persevering, re-
vengeful, brave and ferocious in war;
cruel towards enemies and faithful
towards friends; grateful for favors, hos-
pitable and kind, the Indians of North
America are undoubtedly capable of great
and rapid development under the genial
influence of civilization. Their mental
temperament is poetic and imaginative
in a high degree, and it is often expressed
in great beauty and eloquence of lan-
guage; but in their present social con-
dition their animal propensities greatly
preponderate over the intellectual. The
tribes south of California have always
been noted for mental development much
superior to those of more northern lati-
that the Mandans and Chinooks, who are tudes.

almost white, are descendants of a Welsh Pursuits. — War, hunting, and fishing

INDIAN GRAVE-POST.

INDIANS, AMERICAN

ave the chief pursuits of the men of the Those official honors were gained some
more barbarous tribes; agriculture of the times by inheritance, but more frequently
semi-civilized. Among the savages found by personal merit. Such was the simple
in North America by Europeans, the
women performed almost all the manual
labor and burden-bearing. They carried
on their limited agriculture, which con-
sisted in the production of maize or Ind-
ian corn, beans, squashes, potatoes, and
tobacco. They manufactured the im-
plements of war, and for hunting and fish-
ing; made mats, and skin and feather
clothing, canoes, ornaments of the teeth
and claws of beasts, and of shells and
porcupine-quills; performed all domestic
drudgery, and constructed the lodges of
the bark of trees or the hides of beasts.
Rude figures of animate and inanimate
objects carved in wood or stone, or
moulded in clay, and picture-writing on
the inner bark of trees or the skins of
beasts, or cut upon rocks, with rude or-
namented pottery, were the extent of
their accomplishments in the arts of de-
sign and of literature. The picture-writ-
ing was sometimes used in musical nota-
tion, and contained the burden of their
songs.

Religion. — They believed in a good and
Supreme Being, and in an Evil Spirit, and
recognized the existence of inferior good
and evil spirits. They believed in a fut-
ure state of existence, and there were
no infidels among them. Superstition
swayed them powerfully, and charlatans,
called " medicine-men," were their phy-
sicians, priests, and prophets, who, on all
occasions, used incantations. Christian
missioiiaries have labored among them in trolled about 1,000,000 dusky inhabi-
niany places, from the time the Spaniards tants of the present domain of the United
and Frenchmen settled in America until States, which extends over nearly twenty-
now, and have done much to enlighten five degrees of latitude and about sixty
them. , degrees of longitude.

Government. — There was not a sem- Geographical Distribution. — There seem
blance of a national government among the to have been only eight radically distinct
aborigines when the Europeans came, ex- nations known to the earlier settlers —
cept that of the Iroquois Confederacy namely, the Algonquian, Huron - Iroquois,
(q. v.). Their language was varied by Cherokee, Catawba, Uchee, Natchez, Mo-
more than a hundred dialects, and they bilian or Floridian, and Dakota or Sioux.
were divided into many distinct families More recently, other distinct nations have
or tribes, under a kind of patriarchal been discovered— namely, the Athabascas,
rule. Each family had its armorial sign, Sahaptins. Chinooks, Shoshones. and Atta-
called a totem, such as an eagle, a bear, kapas. Others will doTibtless be found.
or a deer, by which it was designated. The Algonquians were a large family oc-
The civil head of a tribe was called a cupying all Canada. New England, a part
sachem, and the military leader a .'^hief. of New York and Pennsylvania; all New
V. — c 33

INDIA.N ARKOWUKADS.

government, seldom disobeyed, that con-

INDIANS, AMERICAN

Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia;
eastern North Carolina above Cape Fear,
a large part of Kentucky and Tennessee,
and all north and west of those States
east of the Mississippi. Within the folds
of this nation were the Huron-Iroquois,
occupying a greater portion of Canada
south of the Ottawa River, and the region
between Lake Ontario and Lakes Erie and
Huron, nearly all of the State of New
York, and a part of Pennsylvania and
Ohio along the southern shores of Lake
Erie. Detached from the main body were
the Tuscaroras and a few smaller families
dwelling in southern Virginia and the up-
per part of North Carolina. Five families
of the Huron-Iroquois, dwelling within
the limits of the State of New York,
formed the famous Iroquois Confederacy of
Five Nations. The Cherokees inhabited the

small family in the pleasant land along
the Oconee and the head-waters of tho
Ogeechee and Chattahoochee, in Georgia,
and touched the Cherokees. They were
only a remnant of a once powerful tribe,
when the Europeans came, and they
claimed to be more ancient than the sur-
rounding people. The Natchez occupied
a territory on the eastern side of the
Mississippi, extending northeastward
from the site of the city of Natchez along
the Pearl River to the head-waters of the
Chickasaw. They claimed to be older
than the Uchees, and, like others of the
Gulf region, they worshipped the sun and
fire, and made sacrifices to the source of
terrestrial light. The Mobil ians or Flo-
ridians occupied a domain next in ex-
tent to that of the Algonquians. It
stretched along the Atlantic coast from

fertile and
p i c t u resque
region where
the moun-
tain - ranges
that form
the water-
shed between
the Atlantic and Mississippi melt in the
lowlands that border the Gulf of Mexico.

The Catawbas were their neighbors on
the east; and dwelt upon the borders of
the Yadkin and Catawba rivers, on both
sides of the boundary-line between North
and South Carolina. The Uchees were a

the mouth of the Capo Fear River to the
extremity of the Florida peninsula, and
westward along the Gulf of Mexico about
600 miles to the Mississippi River. They
also held jurisdiction up that stream as
far as the mouth of the Ohio. The do-
main included parts of South Carolina,
the whole of Florida, Alabama, and Mis-
sissippi, all of Georgia not occupied by
the Cherokees and Uchees, and portions
of Tennessee and Kentucky. The nation
was divided into three confederacies, each
powerful and independent, like our sepa-
rate States. They were known respective-
Iv as the Muscogee or Creek (the most

INDIANS, AMERICAN

INDIAN PAPPOOSE AMD CEADLB.

powerful), the Choitaii, and the Chicka-
saw. The heart of the Creek family was

large number of tribes west
of the Great Lakes and Mis-
sissippi, with whom the
earlier French explorers
came in contact. These,
speaking dialects of the
same language, apparently,
were regarded as parts of
one nation. They inhabited
the domain stretching
northward from the Arkan-
sas River to the western
tributary of Lake Winnipeg,
and westward along all that
line to the eastern slope of
the Rocky Mountains. They
have been arranged into
four classes: 1. The Win-
nebagoes, situated between
Lake Michigan and the Mis-
sissippi, within the domain
the Algonquians. 2. The Assiniboins,
Sioux proper, who formed the more

INDIAN PICTURE WRITING.

in Alabama. Under the general title of northerly part of the nation. 3. The
Dakotas or Sioux have been grouped a Southern Sioux, who were seated in the

.35

INDIANS, AMERICAN

country between tlie Platte and Arkansas
rivers. The Sahaptins include the Nez
Perc§s and Walla Wallas, extending from
the Eocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean,
in Oregon and Washington. Beyond
these are the more powerful Chinooks,
now rapidly melting away. They em-
braced numerous tribes, from the mouth
of the Columbia River to the Grand
Dalles. The Shoshones comprise tribes
inhabiting the territory around the head-
waters of the Columbia and Missouri
rivers: the Comanches, extending from

government. There were 180,000 Indians
on reservations, or at schools under control
of the Indian Bureau, leaving about 90,000
in the five civilized tribes of Indian Terri-
tory and in New York State, the former
numbering about 84,500, and the lat-
ter, 5,232. Besides these, there were
32,567 taxable and self - sustaining Ind-
ians who had become citi-jens of the
United States. The expensive and com-
plicated machinery for the management of
Indian affairs has been much in the way
of the elevation of the race in the scale of

A GROUP OP EDUCATED INDIANS.

the head-waters of the Brazos to those
of the Arkansas; families in Utah and
Texas, and several tribes in California.
The Attakapas and Chitemachas, in
Texas, have languages that enter into no
known group.

Condition of Ihc Indians. — According to
ollicial reports, the Indian population in
1904 was, approximately, about 270,000,
nearly all of whom M-i>re partially or abso-
lutely under the control of the national

civilization, and has produced much evil by
creating irritation, jealousy, and universal
lack of faith in the white race. These
irritations for a long time kept a large
portion of the Indians in a state of chronic
hostility, and whole tribes utterh'^ refused
all overtures of the government to accept
its protection and fostering care. In 1880
it was estimated that the number of po-
tentially hostile Indians was fully 60,000.
In 1891 the condition of affairs had been
36

INDIRECT CLAIMS— INFLATION LEGISLATION

much improved. Among many tribes the at any time within three years, bearing

introduction of agriculture, schools, and interest not to exceed 6 per cent., and

churches had been attended with the hap- issued in denominations of not less than

piest results. There were 24,357 pupils ten dollars, which should be legal tender

enrolled in the reservation, non-resevva- for their face value, the same as the

tion, and day schools, besides 3,506 in in- United States notes. Under the author-

etitutes and public schools, and these ity of this latter clause, there were is-

Sf'liools were supported at an expense of sued of one-year notes, bearing interest

$3,522,950. There is a tendency in most at 5 per cent., $44,520,000, and of two-

nf the tribes to engage in settled pursuits year notes, bearing interest at 6 per cent.,

and accept citizenship. See also names $106,480,000. Authority was given on

of various tribes. the same day for the issue of enough

Indirect Claims. See Alabama fractional currency to bring the amount

Claims. of circulation up to $50,000,000.

Industrial Education. See Tech- Authority having been given by law

NOLOGY, School? of. to reissue indefinitely any of the United

Industrial Exhibitions. See Exposi- States notes, no care was taken, in re-

TIONS. issuing them, to maintain any distinc-

Inflation Legislation. In order to tion in the character of the notes. The
fully comprehend the financial situation amount outstanding at one time, how-
of the United States which led up to ever, never exceeded the aggregate
the inflation legislation, it is necessary amount authorized to be issued by the
to go back to the State and national three acts, and its highest amount was
finances just after the Civil War opened, reached Jan. 30, 1864, when it was
The demand - note issue of July 17, $449,338,902. The total amount of legal-
ISO 1, was the first attempt to use the tender paper issued by the government,
government notes as currency. These were exclusive of fractional currency, having
redeemable at sight in coin, and were a limited legal-tender quality, may be
used in the payment of salaries due em- thus summed up:
ployes in the departments. The. act

of Feb. 25, 1S62, authorized the issue of United States notes $449,338,90?

$150,000,000 in legal-tender United States One year 5 per cent, notes.. 44,520,000

notes, $50,000,000 of which were to take ^wo year 6 per cent, notes.... 166,480,000

up the issue of demand notes. July 11, tq^^i $660,338,902

1802, an additional issue of $150,000,000

in legal-tender notes was authorized by In July, 1865, the government had out-
Congress, $35,000,000 of this to be in standing $433,000,000 of United States
sums of less than five dollars. July lY, notes, $43,000,000 of one and two year
1862, an act authorized the issue of notes notes, and $25,000,000 of fractional notes,
of the fractional part of one dollar, re- In his report at the opening of Congress
c(<ivable in payment of all dues, except in that year Secretary McOulloch advo-
customs, less than five dollars, and ex- eated a contraction of the currency, and
■changeable for United States notes in to carry out this policy Congress, by an
sums not less than five dollars. The act approved April 12, 1860, directed
amount of this issue was not specified. " that of United States notes not more
On Jan. 17, 1803, a resolution authorized than $10,000,000 may be retired and can-
the issue of $100,000,000 in United States celled within six months of the pas-
notes for the immediate payment of sage of this act, and thereafter not more
the army and navy. The amount of this than $4,000,000 per month." Under this
issue was subsequently included in the act the notes were retired and cancelled
act of March 3, 1863, which authorized as provided by law, and reduced to ashes,
an issue of legal-tender United States as provided by treasury regulations, until
notes, in all respects similar to those al- threatened stringency in the money mar-
ready issued, to the amount of $150,000,- ket made Congress eager to ward oflf, if
000, and also an amount, not to exceed possible, the inevitable result of contrac-
$400,000,000, of treasury notes, payable tion.

INFLATION LEGISLATION

By an act of Feb. 4, 1868, the authority would give the expected relief. This
to further retire United States notes was theory, in my belief, is a departure from
suspended, then leaving outstanding true principles of finance, national in-
$3.56,000,000. Now the maximum limit of terest, national obligations to creditors,
United States notes had been fixed, by the congressional promises, party pledges on
act of June 30, 1864, as $400,000,000, and the part of both political parties, and of
during the year 1870 some financial ge- personal views and promises made by me
nius discovered that this was meant to in every annual message sent to Congress,
indicate the minimum also, and that $44,- and in each inaugural address." After
000,000 in notes, though they had been quoting passages to verify this last
burned according to regulations, still re- assertion, the President said : " I am
mained as a reserve, which the Secretary not a believer in any artificial method
of the Treasury could issue or retire at of making paper money equal to coin,
his discretion. By virtue of this newly when the coin is not owned or held ready
discovered discretionary power. Secretary to redeem the promises to pay, for paper
Boutwell, in October, 1871, issued $1,- money is nothing more than promises to
500,000 of this to relieve a stringency on pay, and is valuable exactly in proportion
Wall Street. By the following year he to the amount of coin that it can be con-
had issued $4,637,256 of this reserve, but verted into. While coin is not used as
the outcry against his policy was so a circulating medium, or the currency of
strong that he retired nearly all of it, the country is not convertible into it at
and early in 1873 Secretary Richardson par, it becomes an article of commerce as
retired the rest. In the latter part of the much as any other product. The surplus
year, however, on the occasion of the will seek a foreign market, as will any
panic. Secretary Richardson reissued other surplus. The balance of trade has
$25,000,000 of it to relieve the embar- nothing to do with the question. Duties
rassed banks. on exports being required in coin creates

A bill fixing the legal - tender United a limited demand for gold. About enough
States currency at $400,000,000, and mak- to satisfy that demand remains in the
ing some important stipulations about country. To increase this supply I see
bank issues, was passed by both Houses no way open but by the government hoard-
early in 1874, but was vetoed by the Presi- ing, through the means above given, and
dent. A part of the veto message is here possibly by requiring the national banks
given to show the grounds of his ac- to aid. It is claimed by the advocates
tion: of the measure herewith returned that

" Practically it is a question whether there is an unequal distribution of the
the measure under discussion would give banking capital of the country. I was
an additional dollar to the irredeemable disposed to give great weight to this view
paper currency of the country or not, and of the question at first, but on reflection
whether, by requiring three-fourths of the it will be remembered that there still re-
reserve to be returned by the banks and mains $4,000,000 of authorized bank-note
prohibiting interest to be received on the circulation, assigned to States having less
balance, it might not prove a contraction, than their quota, not yet taken. In ad-
r.ut the fact cannot be concealed that dition to this the States having less than
theoretically the bill increases the paper their quota of bank circulation have the
circulation $100,000,000, less only the option of $25,000,000 more to be taken
amount of reserves restrained from circu- from those States having more than their
lation by the provision of the second sec- proportion. When this is all taken up,
tion. The measure has been supported or when specie payments are fully re-
on the theory that it would give increased stored, or are in rapid process of
circulation. It is a fair inference, there- restoration, will be the time to consider
fore, that if in practice the measures the question of more currency."
should fail to create the abundance of cir- An act fixing the issue of United States
culation expected of it, the friends of the notes at $383,000,000, the amount then
measure — particularly those out of Con- outstanding, was approved June 20, 1874.
gress — would clamor for such inflation as Between 1868 and 1874 the amount of

INGALLS

fractional notes had also been increased of the Farmers' Alliance, which he had

from $25,000,000 to $46,000,000. In Janu- severely criticised. On retiring from the

ary, 1875, the resumption act was passed. Senate he engaged in journalism and lec-

und under its provisions the retirement of turing till his death, in Las Vegas, N. M.,

United States notes was again begun. Aug. 16, 1900.

The redemption of the fractional currency Eulogy on Senator Hill. — On Jan. 23,

with silver was also begun, and went on 1882, he delivered the following eulogy

so rapidly that by the end of 1877 only on the occasion of the death of Senator

$16,000,000 of it remained. Congress Benjamin Harvey Hill, of Georgia:

passed an act. May 31, 1878, forbidding

the further retirement of United States Mr. President, — Ben. Hill has gone to

rotes under the resumption act. But the the undiscovered country. Whether his

increase in the commerce of the country journey thither was but one step across

had by this time so far readjusted credits an imperceptible frontier, or whether an

that the value of legal tender and coin interminable ocean, black, unfluctuating,

had become nearly equal. On Jan. 1, and voiceless, stretches between these

1879, therefore, resumption took place earthly coasts and those invisible shores

according to law, without any serious — we do not know.

derangement of the business of the Whether on that August morning af-

country. ter death, he saw a more glorious sun rise

Ingalls, James Monroe, military offi- ^yith imimaginable splendor above a celes-

cer; born in Sutton, Vt., Jan. 25, 1837; tial horizon, or whether his apathetic and

was educated at Evansville (Wis.) Semi- unconscious ashes still sleep in cold ob-

nary; graduated at the United States gtruction and insensible oblivion — we do

Artillery School in 1872; entered the regu- not know.

lar army, Jan. 2, 1864; promoted 1st Whether his strong and subtle ener-

lieutenant, May 3, 1863; captain, July 1, gigs found instant exercise in another

1880; major, June 1, 1897; lieutenant- forum, whether his dexterous and undis-

colonel, Oct. 5, 1900; and was retired, ciplined faculties are now contending in

Jan. 25. 1901. He founded the depart- a higher Senate than ours for supremacy,

ment of ballistics in the United States or whether his powers were dissipated and

Artillery School in 1882, and was the prin- dispersed with his parting breath — we do

cipal instructor there till the outbreak of not know.

the war with Spain, when the school sus- Whether his passions, ambitions, and

pended operations. He was the author affections still sway, attract, and impel,

of Exterior Ballistics; Ballistic Machines; whether he yet remembers us as we re-

BalUstic Tables; Ballistics for the In- member him — we do not know.

structioi of Artillery Gunners ; etc. These are the unsolved, the insolvable

Ing'alls, John James, lawyer; born in problems of mortal life and human des-

Middleton, Mass., Dec. 29, 1833; grad- tiny, which prompted the troubled patri-

uated at Williams College in 1855, and arch to ask that momentous question,

was admitted to the bar in 1857. He went for which the centuries have given no

to Atchison, Kan., in 1858, and became a answer: "If a man die, shall he live

member of the ^Vyandotte Convention in again?"

1859, secretary of the territorial council Every man is the centre of a circle,
in 1869. and secretary of the State Sen- whose fatal circumference he cannot pass,
ate in 1861. He was State Senator in Within its narrow confines he is potential.
1862, and in the same year was defeated beyond it he perishes; and if immortality
as Eepublican candidate for lieutenant- is a splendid, but delusive dream, if the
go\ernor. In 1863-65 he was editor of incompleteness of every career, even the
the Atchison Champion; in 1864 was again longest and most fortunate, be not sup-
defeated for lieutenant-governor ; in 1873- plemented and perfected after its termi-
91 was a United States Senator, and in nation here, then he who dreads to die
1887-01 was president pro ten,, of the should fear to live, for life is a tragedy
Senate. He was forced to retire to private more desolate and inexplicable than
life in 1891 bv the ascendancy in Kansas death.

INGALLS— INGERSOLL

Of all the dead whose obsequies we commanding presence, his sinewy diction,

have paused to solemnize in this chamber, his confidence, and imperturbable self-

I recall no one whose untimely fate seems control.

so lamentable, and yet so rich in prophecy. But in the maturity of his powers
as that of Senator Hill. He had reached and his fame, with unmeasured oppor-
the meridian of his years. He stood upon tunities for achievement apparently ba-
the high plateau of middle life, in that fore him, with great designs unaccom-
serene atmosphere where temptation no plished, surrounded by the proud and af-
longer assails, where the clamorous pas- fectionate solicitude of a great constitu-
sions and contention, such as infrequently ency, the pallid messenger with the in-
fall to the lot of men, no longer find ex- verted torch beckoned him to depart,
ercise. Though not without the ten- There are few scenes in history more
dency to meditation, reverie, and introspec- tragic than that protracted combat with
tion which accompanies genius, his tem- death. No man had greater inducements
perament was palestric. He was competi- to live. But in the long struggle against
tive and unpeaceful. He was born a po- the inexorable advances of an insidious
lemic and controversialist, intellectually and mortal malady, he did not falter or
pugnacious and combative, so that he was repine. He retreated with the aspect of
impelled to defend any position that might a victor, and though he succumbed, he
be assailed, or to attack any position that seemed to conquer. His sun went down
might be intrenched, not because the de- at noon, but it sank amid the prophetic
fence or assault was essential, but be- splendors of an eternal dawn,
cause the positions were maintained, and With more than a hero's courage,
those who held them became, by that with more than a martyr's fortitude, he
fact alone, his adversaries. This tendency waited the approach of the inevitable
of his nature made his orbit erratic. He hour, and went to the undiscovered coun-
was meteoric, rather than planetary, and try.

flashed with irregular splendor, rather Ingalls, RuFUS, military officer; born
than shone with steady and penetrating in Denmark, Me., Aug. 23, 1820; grad-
rays. His advocacy of any cause was fear- uated at West Point in 1843, enter-
less to the verge of temerity. He appeared ing the rifles, but was transferred to the
to be indifferent to applause or censure, dragoons in 1845. He served in the war
for their own sake. He accepted intrep- with Mexico, and was on the staff" of Gen-
idly any conclusion that he reached, with- eral Harney on the Pacific coast. In
out inquiring whether it was politic or April, 1861, he went with Colonel Brown
expedient. to reinforce Fort Pickens; and in July

To such a spirit partisanship was un- was ordered to the Army of the Potomac,
avoidable, but with Senator Hill it did where he was upon the staff of General
not degenerate into bigotry. He was McClellan, with the rank of lieutenant-
capable of broad generosity, and extended colonel. He was chief quartermaster of
to his opponents the same unreserved that army from 1862 to 1865; was made
candor which he demanded for himself, brigadier-general of volunteers in May,
His oratory was impetuous, and devoid of 1863, and was brevetted major-general,
artifice. He was not a posturer or U. S. A. and U. S. V., INIarch 13, 1865.
phrase-monger. He was too intense, too He was in most of the battles of the Army
earnest, to employ the cheap and paltry of the Potomac from that of South IMoun-
decorations of discourse. He never re- tain to the surrender of Lee at Apponiat-
oonnoitred a hostile position, nor ap- tox. He died in New York City, Jan. 16,
proached it by stealthy parallels. He 1803.

could not lay siege to an enemy, nor be- Ingersoll, Charles Jared, statesman;

leaguer him, nor open trenches, and sap born in Philadelphia, Oct. 3. 1782: became

and mine. His method was the charge a lawyer, and was attached to the legation

and the onset. He was the Murat of of Rufus King when he was minister to

senatorial debate. Not many men of this France. After travelling in Europe, he

generation have been better equipped for returned, and published a poem in 1800,

parliamentary warfare than he, with his and a tragedy in 1801. In 1810 he pxib-

INGEKSOLL

lished a political satire, called Inchiquin
the Jesuit's Letters. In 1813 he was in
Congress, and from 1815 to 1829 he was
United States district-attorney. He was
again in Congress from 1841 to 1847, when
he was a Democratic leader. President
Polk nominated him minister to France,
but the Senate did not confirm the nomina-
tion. He wrote a history of the second
war between the United States and Great
Britain. He died in Philadelphia, Jan.
14, 1862.

Ingersoll, Edward, author; born in
Philadelphia, Pa., April 2, 1817; son of
Charles Jared Ingersoll ; graduated at the
University of Pennsylvania in 1835. His
publications include History and Law of
Habeas Corpus and Grand Juries; and
Personal Liberty and Martial Law. He
was also the editor of Hale's Pleas of the
Croicn; Addison on Contracts; and Saun-
ders on Uses and Trusts. He died in Ger-
mantown, Pa., Feb. 19, 1893.

Ingersoll, Erj^^est, naturalist; born in
Monroe, Mich., March 13, 1852; was edu-
cated at Oberlin College and the Harvard
Museum of Comparative Zoology. He be-
came connected with the Hayden Survey
in 1873, and later was made a member of
the United States Fish Commission. In
1880 he was a special agent of the census
to report on the oyster industry. He went
to California in 1883 to write special arti-
cles for Harper's Magazine. Later he was
editor of the Canadian Pacific Railway
Company's publications in Montreal. He
is author of Nests and Eggs of Ameri-

can Birds; the Oyster Industries of the
United States; Friends Worth Knowing;
Knocking Round the Rockies; The
Crest of the Continent ; Western Canada;
The Book of the Ocean, etc. He is also
editor and part author of a series of
guide-books to the Eastern States and
cities.

Ingersoll, Jared ; born in Milford,
Conn., in 1722; graduated at Yale in
1742; was stamp agent in 1765. He was
obliged to reship the stamps he had
received and to resign his office. He is
the author of The Stamp Act. H(
died in New Haven, Conn., in August
1781.

Ingersoll, Jared, jurist; born in Con-
necticut in 1749; graduated at Yale in
1766; studied law in London; returned to
Philadelphia in 1771; was a delegate to
the Continental Congress in 1780; a mem-
ber of the Constitutional convention in
1787; and was the Federal candidate
for the Vice - Presidency in 1812, but
was defeated, receiving 86 electoral
votes. He died in Philadelphia, Oct. 31,
1822.

Ingersoll, Joseph Reed, legislator;
born in Philadelphia, Pa., June 14, 1786;
graduated in Princeton in 1804; practised
law in Philadelphia; served in Congress
as Whig in 1835-37 and 1842-49; and was
an ardent supporter of Henry Clay; and
was United States minister to Great Brit-
ain in 1852. He published Secession, a
Folly and a Crime; Life of Samuel Breck,
etc.

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

Ingersoll, Robert Green, lawyer ; born
in Dresden. N. Y.. Aug. 11, 1833; began
the study of law when eighteen years old,
and three years later was admitted to the
bar. His gift of oratory soon made him
a distinguished man, both in the courts
and in Democratic politics. In 1857 he
removed from Shawneetown. 111., to Peoria,
and in 1800 was an unsuccessful candidate
for Congress. In 1862 he organized the
11th Illinois Cavalry and went to the
front as its colonel. He spent most of his
military career in raiding and scouting.
On Nov. 28, 1S62. while endeavoring to in-
tercept a Confederate raiding body with

600 men, he was attacked by a force of
10,000, and captured. He was almost im-
mediately paroled, and placed in command
of a camp at St. Louis. After a few
months in this capacity, fearing that he
would not be returned to active service,
he resigned his commission. Returning
home, he became a strong Republican, and
in 1866 was appointed attorney-general of
Illinois. In 1876, at the Republican Na-
tional Convention, he nominated James G.
Blaine for the Presidency in a speech
v/hich contained the following memorable
sentence: "Like an armed warrior, like a
plumed knight. James G. Blaine marched

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

down the halls of the American Congress
and threw his shining lances full and fair
against the brazen forehead of every de-
famer of his country and maligner of its
honor." He was conspicuously active in
the Presidential campaigns of 1876 and
1880, and had it not been for his pro-

ROBERT GREEN" INGERSOLL.

nounced agnostic views he would have
been honored with high official preferment.
In 1882 he settled in New York City, and
engaged in law practice till his death,
July 21, 1899. He was a man of rare per-
sonal attractions; an orator of excep-
tional brilliancy. His generosity was un-
bounded. Among his lectures, which had
gained him wide popularity, the most char-
acteristic were: Some Mistakes of Moses;
The Family; The Liberty of Man, Woman,
and Child; The Gods; and Ghosts. His
publications included: Lectures Complete;
and Great Speeches.

Thomas Paine. — The following is Colo-
nel Ingersoll's noted review of the life
and works of Thomas Paine (q. v.) :

Eighty-three years ago Thomas Paine
ceased to defend himself. The moment
he became dumb all his enemies found a
tongue. He was attacked on every hand.
The Tories of England had been waiting
for their revenge. The believers in kings,
in hereditary government, the nobility of
every land, execrated his memory. Their
greatest enemy was dead. The believers
in human slavery, and all who clamored
for the rights of the States as against
the sovereignty of a nation, joined in the

chorus of denunciation. In addition to
this, the believers in the inspiration of
the Scriptures, the occupants of ortho-
dox pulpits, the professors in Christian
colleges, and the religious historians, v/ere
his sworn and implacable foes.

This man had gratified no ambition at
the expense of his fellow - men ; he had
desolated no country with the flame and
sword of war; he had not wrung millions
from the poor and unfortunate ; he had
betrayed no trust, and yet he was al-
most universally despised. He gave his
life for the benefit of mankind. Day and
night, for many, many weary years, he
labored for the good of others, and gave
himself body and soul to the great cause
of human liberty. And yet he won the
hatred of the people for whose benefi't,
for whose emancipation, for whose civili-
zation, for whose exaltation he gave his
life.

Against him every slander that malig-
nity could coin and hypocrisy pass was
gladly and joyously taken as genuine,
and every truth with regard to his career
was believed to be counterfeit. He was
attacked by thousands where he was de-
fended by one, and the one who defended
him was instantly attacked, silenced, or
destroyed.

At last his life has been written by
Moncure D. Conway, and the real history
of Thomas Paine, of what he attempted
and accomplished, of what he taught and
suffered, has been intelligently, truth-
fully, and candidly given to the world.
Henceforth the slanderer will be without
excuse.

He who reads Mr. Conway's pages will
find that Thomas Paine was more than a
patriot ; that he was a philanthropist —
a lover not only of his country, but of
all mankind. He will find that his sym-
pathies were with those who suffered,
without regard to religion or race, coun-
try or complexion. He will find that this
great man did not hesitate to attack the
governing class of his native land, to
commit what was called treason against
the King, that he might do battle for the
rights of men : that, in spite of the preju-
dices of birth, he took the side of the
American colonies; that he gladly at-
tacked the political abuses and absurdi-
ties that had been fostered by altars and

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

thrones for many centuries; that he was He was the first to suggest a union of
for the people against nobles and kings; the colonies. Before the Declaration of
and that he put his life in pawn for the Independence was issued, Paine had writ-
good of others. ten of and about the Free and Independent

In the winter of 1774 Thomas Paine i^tates of America. He had also spoken

come to America. After a time he was of the United States colonies as the " Glo-

employed as one of the writers on The lious Union," and he was the first to write

Pennsylvania Magazine. these words: "The United States of

Let us see what he did, calculated to ex- America."

cite the hatred of his fellow-men. In May, 1775, Washington said: "If

The first article he ever wrote in Amer- you ever hear of me joining in any such

ica, and the first ever published by him any- measure (as separation from Great Brit-

where, appeared in that magazine on March ain ) you have my leave to set me down

8, 1775. It was an attack on American for everything wicked." He had also

slavery — a plea for the rights of the said: "It is not the wish or interest

negro. In that article will be found sub- of the government (meaning Massachu-

stantially all the arguments that can be setts), or of any other upon this conti-

urged against that most infamous of all nent, separately or collectively, to set up

institutions. Every line is full of human- for independence." And in the same year

ity, pity, tenderness, and love of justice. Benjamin Franklin assured Chatham that

Five days after this article appeared the no one in America was in favor of separa-

American Anti-Slavery Society was form- tion. As a matter of fact, the people of

ed. Certainly this should not excite our the colonies wanted a redress of their

hatred. To-day the civilized world agrees grievances — they were not dreaming of

with the essay written by Thomas Paine separation, of independence,

in 1775. • In 1775 Paine wrote the pamphlet

At that time great interests were known as Common Sense. This was pub-

against him. The owners of slaves be- lished on Jan. 10, 1776. It was the first

came his enemies, and the pulpits, sup- appeal for independence, the first cry for

ported by slave - labor, denounced this national life, for absolute separation. No

abolitionist. pamphlet, no book, ever kindled such a

The next article published by Thomas sudden conflagration — a purifying flame,
Paine, in the same magazine, and for the in which the prejudices and fears of mill-
next month, was an attack on the prac- ions were consumed. To read it now,
tice of duelling, showing that it was bar- after the lapse of more than 100 years,
barous, that it did not even tend to set- hastens the blood. It is but the meagre
tie the right or wrong of a dispute, that truth to say that Thomas Paine did more
it could not be defended on any just for the cause of separation, to sow the
grounds, and that its influence was de- seeds of independence, than any other man
grading and cruel. The civilized world of his time. Certainly we should not
now agrees with the opinions of Thomas despise him for this. The Declaration of
Paine upon that barbarous practice. Independence followed, and in that decla-

In May, 1775. appeared in the same ration will be found not only the thoughts,

magazine another article written by but some of the expressions, of Thomas

Thomas Paine, a Protest Against Cruelty Paine.

to Animals. He began the work that was During the war, and in the very darkest

so successfully and gloriously carried out hours, Paine wrote what is called The

by Henry Bergh, one of the noblest, one Crisis, a series of pamphlets giving from

of the grandest, men that this continent time to time his opinion of events, and his

has produced. prophecies. These marvellous publica-

The good people of this world agree tions produced an effect nearly as great

with Thomas Paine. as the pamphlet Common Sense. These

In August of the same year he wrote strophes, written by the bivouac fires, had

a plea for the Rights of Woman, the first in them the soul of battle,

ever published in the New World. Cer- In all he \vrote. Paine was direct and

tainly he should not be hated for that. natural. He touched the very heart of

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN"

^V*

the subject. He was not awed by names
or titles, by place or power. He never
lost his regard for truth, for principle —
never wavered in his allegiance to reason,
to wha.; he believed to be right. His argu-
ments were so lucid, so unanswerable, his
comparisons and analogies so apt, so un-
expected, that they excited the passionate
admiration of friends and the unquench-
able hatred of enemies. So g>-eat were
these appeals to patriotism, to the love
of liberty, the pride of independence,
the glory of success, that it was said by

Chancellor Livingston, secretary of for-
eign affairs; Robert Morris, minister of
finance, and his assistant, urging the ne-
cessity of adding a continental legislat-
ure to Congress, to be elected by the
several States. Robert Morris invited
the chancellor and a number of eminent
men to meet Paine at dingier, where his
plea for a stronger Union was discussed
and approved. This was probably the
earliest of a series of consultations pre-
liminary to the constitutional convention.
On April 19, 1783, it being the eighth

some of the best and greatest of that time anniversary of the battle of Lexington,

that the American cause owed as much Paine printed a little pamphlet entitled,

to the pen of Paine as to the sword of Thoughts on Peace and the Probable Ad-

Washintrton. vantages Thereof. In this pamphlet he

On Nov. 2, 1779, there was introduced pleads for " a supreme nationality absorb-

into the Assembly of Pennsylvania an act ing all cherished sovereignties." Mr. Con-

way calls this pamphlet Paine's Farewell
Address, and gives the following extract:

" It was the cause of America that made
me an author. The force with which it

for the abolition of slavery. The pre-
amble was written by Thomas Paine. To
him belongs the honor and glory of hav-
ing written the first proclamation of

emancipation in America^ — Paine tne first, struck my mind, and the dangerous condition

which the country was in, by courting an
impossible and an unnatural reconciliation
with those who were determined to reduce
her, instead of striking out into the only line
that could save her — a Declaration of In-
dependence— made it impossible for me, feel-
ing as I did, to be silent ; and if, in the
course of more than seven years, I have
rendered her any service, I have likewise
added something "to the reputation of litera-
ture, by freely and disinterestedly employing
it in the great cause of mankind. . . .
But as the scenes of war are closed, and
every man preparing for home and happier
times, I therefore take leave of the subject.
I have most sincerely followed it from be-
ginning to end, and through all its turns
and windings ; and whatever country I may

l/jncoln the last.

Paine, of all others, succeeded in getting
aid for the struggling colonies from
France. "According to Lamartine, the
King, Louis XVI., loaded Paine with
favors, and a gift of six millions was con-
fided into the hands of Franklin and
Paine. On Aug. 25, 1781, Paine reached
Boston, bringing 2,500,000 livres in silver,
and in convoy a ship laden with clothing
and military stores."

In November, 1779, Paine was elected
clerk to the General Assembly of Pennsyl-
vania. In 1780, the Assembly received __ ^

a letter from General Washington in the hereafter be" in, I shall always feel an honest

for putting it in my power to be of some use

in the army would lead to mutiny in the
ranks. This letter was read by Paine to
the Assembly. He immediately wrote to
Blair McClenaghan, a Philadelphia mer-
chant, explaining the urgency, and enclos

to mankind.'

Paine had made some enemies, first, by
attackincr African slavery, and, second, by
ing .$500, the amount of salary due him insisting upon the sovereignty of the na-
as clerk, as his contribution towards a re- tion.

lief fund. The merchant called a meet- During the Revolution our forefathers,
ino' the next day, and read Paine's letter, in order to justify making war on Great
A subscription list was immediately cir- Britain, were compelled to take the
ciliated, and in a short time about $1,- ground that all men are entitled to life,
,^00.000 was raised. With this capital liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. In
the Pennsylvania Bank — afterwards the no other way could they justify their ac-
Bank of North America — was established tion. After the war, the meaner instincts
for the relief of the army. began to take possession of the mind, and

In 1783 Paine wrote a memorial to those who had fought for their own lib-

"^m INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

erty were perfectly willing to enslave with love and reverence. Every English-
others. We must also remember that the man who has sought to destroy abuses,
Revolution was begun and carried on by to lessen or limit the prerogatives of the
a noble minority — that the majority were crown, to extend the suffrage, to do away
really in favor of Great Britain and did with " rotten boroughs," to take taxes from
what they dared to prevent the success knowledge, to increase and protect the
of the American cause. The minority, freedom of speech and the press, to do
however, had control of affairs. They were away with bribes under the name of
active, energetic, enthusiastic, and coura- pensions, and to make England a govern-
geous, and the majority were overawed, ment of principles rather than of persons,
shamed, and suppressed. But when peace has been compelled to adopt the creed and
came, the majority asserted themselves use the arguments of Thomas Paine. In
and the interests of trade and commerce England every step towards freedom has
were consulted. Enthusiasm slowly died, been a triumph of Paine over Burke and
and patriotism was mingled with the self- Pitt. No man ever rendered a greater
ishness of traffic. service to his native land.

But, after all, the enemies of Paine were The book called the Rights of Man was

few, the friends were many. He had the the greatest contribution that literature

respect and admiration of the greatest had given to liberty. It rests on the bed-

and the best, and was enjoying the fruits rock. No attention is paid to precedents

of his labor. except to show that they are wrong.

The Eevohition was ended, the colonies Paine was not misled- by the proverbs
were free. They had been united, they that wolves had written for sheep. He
formed a nation, and the United States had the intelligence to examine for him-
of America had a place on the map of the self, and the courage to publish his con-
world, elusions. As soon as the Rights of Man

Paine was not a politician. He had not was published the government was alarm-
labored for seven years to get an office, ed. Every effort was made to suppress
His services were no longer needed in it. The author was indicted; those who
America. He concluded to educate the published, and those who sold, were ar-
English people, to inform them of their rested and imprisoned. But the new gos-
rights, to expose the pretences, follies and pel had -been preached — a great man had
fallacies, the crimes and cruelties of shed light — a new force had been born,
nobles, kings, and parliaments. In the and it was beyond the power of nobles
brain and heart of this man were the and kings to undo what the author-hero
dream and hope of the universal republic, had done.

He had confidence in the people. He hated To avoid arrest and probable death,

tyranny and war, despised the senseless Paine left England. He had sown with

pomp and vain show of crowned robbers, brave hand the seeds of thought, and he

laughed at titles, and the " honorable " knew that he had lighted a fire that noth-

badges worn by the obsequious and servile, ing could extinguish until England should

by fawners and followers; loved liberty be free.

with all his heart, and bravely fought The fame of Thomas Paine had reach-

against those who could give the rewards ed France in many ways — principally

of place and gold, and for those who through Lafayette. His services in Amer-

could pay only with thanks. ica were well known. The pamphlet

Hoping to hasten the day of freedom, he Common Sense had been published in
wrote the Rights of Man — a book that French, and its effect had been immense,
laid the foundation for all the real liberty The Rights of Man that had created, and
that the English now enjoy — a book that was then creating, such a stir in Eng-
made known to Englishmen the Decla- land was also known to the French. The
ration of Nature, and convinced millions lovers of liberty everywhere were the
that all are children of the same mother, friends and admirers of Thomas Paine,
entitled to share equally in her gifts. In America. England, Scotland. Ireland,
Every Englishman who has outgrown the and France he was known as the de-
ideas of 1688 should remember Paine fender of popular rights. He had preach-

INGEBSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

ed a new gospel. He had given a new
Magna Charta to the people.

So popular was Paine in France that
he was elected by three constituencies
to the national convention. He chose to
represent Calais. From the moment he
entered French territory he was received
with almost royal honors. He at once
stood with the foremost, and was wel-
comed by all enlightened patriots. As in
America, so in France, he knew no idle-
ness— he was an organizer and worker.
The first thing he did was to found the
first republican society, and the next to
write its Manifesto, in which the ground
was taken that France did not need a
king; that the people should govern them-
selves. In this Manifesto was this argu-
ment:

" What kind of office must that be in a
government which requires neither experience
nor ability to execute ; that may be abandon-
ed to the desperate chance of birth ; that may
be filled with an idiot, a madman, a tyrant,
with equal effect as with the good, the
virtuous, the wise? An office of this nature
is a mere nonentity ; it is a place of show,
not of use."

He said:

" I am not the personal enemy of kings.
Quite the contrary. No man wishes more
heartily than myself to see them all in the
happy and honorable state of private in-
dividuals ; but I am the avowed, open and
intrepid enemy of what is called monarchy ;
and I am such by principles which nothing
can either alter or corrupt, by my attach-
ment to humanity, by the anxiety which I
feel within myself for the dignity and honor
of the human race."

One of the grandest things done by
Thomas Paine was his effort to save the
life of Louis XVI. The convention was
in favor of death. Paine was a foreigner.
His career had caused some jealousies.
He knew the danger he was in; that the
tiger was already crouching for a spring;
but he was true to his principles. He was
opposed to the death penalty. He re-
membered that Louis XVI. had been the
friend of America, and he very cheerfully
risked his life, not only for the good of
France, not only to save the King, but
to pay a debt of gratitude. He asked
the convention to exile the King to the
United States. He asked this as a mem-
ber of the convention and as a citizen of
the United States. As an American he

felt grateful not only to the King, but
to every Frenchman. He, the adversary
of all kings, asked the convention to re-
member that kings were men, and subject
to human frailties. He took still another
step, and said : " As France has been the
first of European nations to abolish
royalty, let us also be the first to aboiish
the punishment of death."

Even after the death of Louis had been
voted, Paine made another appeal. With
a courage born of the highest possible
sense of duty, he said:

" France has but one ally — the United
States of America. That is the only nation
that can furnish France with naval pro-
visions, for the kingdoms of northern Europe
are, or soon will be, at war with her. It
happens that the person now under dis-
cussion is regarded in America as a deliverer
of their country. I can assure you that his
execution will there spread universal sorrow,
and it is in your power not thus to wound
the feelings of your ally. Could I speak the
French language I would descend to your
bar, and in their name become your petitioner
to respite the execution of your sentence
on Louis. . . . Ah, citizens, give not the tyrant
of England the triumph of seeing the man
perish on the scaffold who helped my dear
brothers of America to break his chains."

This was worthy of the man who said:
" Where liberty is not, there is my
country."

Paine was second on the committee to
prepare the draft of a constitution for
France to be submitted to the convention.
He was the real author, not only of the
draft of the constitution, but of the
Declaration of Rights.

In France, as in America, he took the
lead. His first thoughts seemed to be
first principles. He was clear because he
was profound. People without ideas ex-
perience great difficulty in finding words
to express them.

From the moment that Paine cast his
vote in favor of mercy, in favor of life,
the shadow of the guillotine was upon
him. He knew that when he voted for
the King's life he voted for his own
death. Paine remembered that the King
had been the friend of America, and to
him ingratitude seemed the worst of
crimes. He worked to destroy the mon-
arch, not the man ; the King, not the
friend. He discharged his duty and ac-
cepted death. This was the heroism of
goodness, the sublimity of devotion.

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

Believing that his life was near its
close, he made up his mind to give to
the world his thoughts concerning " re-
vealed religion." This he had for some
time intended to do, but other matters
had claimed his attention. Feeling that
there was no time to be lost, he wrote
the first part of the Age of Reason, and
gave the manuscript to Joel Barlow. Six
hours after, he was arrested. The second
part was written in prison while he was
waiting for death.

Paine clearly saw that men could not
be really free, or defend the freedom
they had, unless they were free to think
and speak. He knew that the Church was
the enemy of liberty; that the altar and
throne were in partnership; that they
helped each other and divided the spoils.

He felt that, being a man, he had the
right to examine the creeds and the Script-
ures for himself, and that, being an honest
man, it was his duty and his privilege to
tell his fellow-men the conclusions at
which he arrived.

He found that the creeds of all ortho-
dox churches were absurd and cruel, and
that the Bible was no better. Of course
he found that there were some good
things in the creeds and in the Bible.
These he defended, but the infamous, the
inhuman, he attacked.

In matters of religion he pursued the
same course that he had in things politi-
cal. He depended upon experience, and
above all on reason. He refused to ex-
tinguish the light in his own soul. He
was true to himself, and gave to others
his honest thoughts. He did not seek
wealth, or place, or fame. He sought the
truth.

He had felt it to be his duty to attack
the institution of slavery in America,
to raise his voice against duelling, to plead
for the rights of woman, to excite pity
for the sufferings of domestic animals, the
speechless friends of man ; to plead the
cause of separation, of independence, of
American nationality, to attack the abuses
and crimes of monarchs, to do what he
could to give freedom to the world.

He thought it his duty to take another
step. Kings asserted that they derived
their power, their right to govern, from
God. To this assertion Paine replied with
the Rights of Man. Priests pretended

that they were the authorized agents of
God. Paine replied with the Age of Rea-
son.

This book is still a power, and will be
as long as the absurdities and cruelties of
the creeds and the Bible have defenders.
The Age of Reason affected the priests just
as the Rights of Man affected nobles and
kings. The kings answered the arguments
of Paine with laws, the priests with lies.
Kings appealed to force, priests to fraud.
Mr. Conway has written in regard to the
Age of Reason the most impressive and
the most interesting chapter in his book.
Paine contended for the rights of the in-
dividual, for the jurisdiction of the soul.
Above all religions he placed Reason,
above all kings. Men, and above all
men. Law.

The first part of the Age of Reason was
written in the shadow of a prison, the
second part in the gloom of death. From
that shadow, from that gloom, came a
flood of light. This testament, by which
the wealth of a marvellous brain, the love
of a great and heroic heart were given to
the world, was written in the presence of
the scaffold, when the writer believed he
was giving his last message to his fellow-
men.

The Age of Reason was his crime.

Franklin, Jefferson, Sumner and Lin-
coln, the four greatest statesmen that
America has produced, were believers in
the creed of Thomas Paine.

The Ilnivcrsalists and Unitarians have
found their best weapons, their best ar-
guments, in the Age of Reason.

Slowly, but surely, the churches are
adopting not only the arguments, but the
opinions, of the great Reformer. Theodore
Parker attacked the Old Testament and
Calvinistic theology with the same weap-
ons and with a bitterness excelled by no
man who has expressed his thoughts in
our language.

Paine was a century in advance of his
time. If he were living now his sym-
pathy would be with Savage, Chadwick,
Professor Briggs and the " advanced theo-
logians." He, too, would talk about the
'* higher criticism " and the latest defini-
tion of " inspiration." These advanced
thinkers substantially are repeating the
Age of Reason. They still wear the old
uniform — clinging to the toggery of the-

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

ology — but inside of their religious rags
tliey agree with Thomas Paine.

Not one argument that Paine urged
against the inspiration of the Bible,
against the truth of miracles, against the
barbarities and infamies of the Old Testa-
ment, against the pretensions of priests
and the claims of kings, has ever been
answered.

His arguments in favor of the existence
of what he was pleased to call the God
of Nature were as weak as those of all
theists have been. But in all the affairs
of this world, his clearness of vision, lu-
cidity of expression, cogency of argument,
aptness of comparison, power of state-
ment and comprehension of the subject
in hand, with all its bearings and con-
sequences, have rarely, if ever, been ex-
celled.

He had no reverence for mistakes be-
cause they were old. He did not admire
the castles of feudalism even when they
were covered with ivy. He not only said
that the Bible was not inspired, but he
demonstrated that it could not all be
true. This was " brutal." He presented
arguments so strong, so clear, so convin-
cing, that they could not be answered.
This was " vulgar."

He stood for liberty against kings, for
humanity against creeds and gods. This
was " cowardly and low." He gave his
life to free and civilize his fellow-men.
This was " infamous."

Paine was arrested and imprisoned in
December, 1793. He was, to say the least,
neglected by Gouverneur Morris and
Washington. He was released through
the efforts of James Monroe in November,
1794. He was called back to the conven-
tion, but too late to be of use. As most
of the actors had suffered death, the
tragedy was about over and the curtain
was falling. Paine remained in Paris
until the " reign of terror " was ended and
that of the Corsican tyrant had com-
menced.

Paine came back to America hoping to
spend the remainder of his life surrounded
by those for whose happiness and freedom
he had labored so jiiany years. He expected
to be rewarded with the love and rever-
ence of the American people.

In 1794 James Monroe had written to
Paine these words:

" It is unnecessary for me to tell you how
much all your countrymen — I speak of the
great mass of the people — are interested in
your welfare. They have not forgot the
history of their own Kevolution and the
difficult scenes through which they passed ;
nor do they review its several stages without
reviving in their bosoms a due sensibility
of the merits of those who served them in
that great and arduous conflict. The crime
of ingratitude has not yet stained, and I
hope never will stain, our national character.
You are considered by them as not only hav-
ing rendered important services in our own
Revolution, but as being on a more ex-
tensive scale the friend of human rights
and a distinguished and able advocate of
public liberty. To the welfare of Thomas
Paine we are not and cannot be indifferent."

In the same year Mr. Monroe wrote a
letter to the committee of general safety,
asking for the release of Mr. Paine, in
which, among other things, he said:

" The services Thomas Paine rendered to
his country in its struggle for freedom have
implanted in the hearts of his countrymen
a sense of gratitude never to be effaced as
long as they shall deserve the title of a just
and generous people."

On reaching America Paine found that
the sense of gratitude had been effaced.
He found that the Federalists hated him
with all their hearts because he believed
in the rights of the people and was still
true to the splendid principle advocated
during the darkest days of the Revolution.
In almost every pulpit he found a malig-
nant and implacable foe, and the pews
were filled with his enemies. The slave-
holders hated him. He was held responsi-
ble even for the crimes of the French
Revolution. He was regarded as a blas-
phemer, an atheist, an enemy of God and
man. The ignorant citizens of Borden-
town, as cowardly as orthodox, longed to
mob the author of Common Sense and
The Crisis. They thought he had sold
himself to the devil because he had de-
fended God against the slanderous charges
that he had inspired the writers of the
Bible — because he had said that a being
of infinite goodness and purity did not es-
tablish slavery and polygamy.

Paine had insisted that men had the
right to think for themselves. This so
enraged the average American citizen that
he longed for revenge.

In 1802 the people of the United States
bad exceedingly crude ideas about the

INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN

liberty of thought and expression.
Neither had they any conception of re-
ligious freedom. Their highest thought
on that subject was expressed by the
word " toleration," and even this tolera-
tion extended only to the various Chris-
tian sects. Even the vaunted religious
liberty of colonial Maryland was only to
the effect that one kind of Christian
should not fine, imprison and kill an-
other kind of Christian, but all kinds of
Christians had the right, and it was their
duty, to brand, imprison and kill infidels
of every kind.

Paine had been guilty of thinking for
himself and giving his conclusions to the
world without having asked the consent
of a priest — just as he had published his
political opinions without leave of the
king. He had published his thoughts on
religion and had appealed to reason — to
the light in every mind, to the humanity,
the pity, the goodness which he believed
to be in every heart. He denied the right
of kings to make laws and of priests to
make creeds. He insisted that the people
should make laws, and that every human
being should think for himself. While
some believed in the freedom of religion,
he believed in the religion of freedom.

If Paine had been a hypocrite, if he
had concealed his opinions, if he had de-
fended slavery with quotations from the
" sacred scriptures " — if he had cared
nothing for the liberties of men in other
lands — if he had said that the state could
not live without the Church — if he had
sought for place instead of truth, he
would have won wealth and power, and
his brow would have been crowned with
the laurel of fame.

He made what the pious call the " mis-
take " of being true to himself — of living
with an unstained soul. He had lived
and labored for the people. The people
were untrue to him. They returned evil
for good, hatred for benefits received, and
yet this great chivalric soul remembered
their ignorance and loved them with all
his heart, and fought their oppressors
with all his strength.

We must remember what the churches
and creeds were in that day, what the
theologians really taught, and what the
people believed. To save a few in spite
of their vices, and to damn the many

without regard to their virtues, and all
for the glory of the Damner — this was
Calvinism. *' He that hath ears to hear,
let him hear," but he that hath a brain
to think must not think. He that be-
iieveth without evidence is good, and he
that believeth in spite of evidence is a
saint. Only the wicked doubt, only the
blasphemer denies. This teas orthodox
Christianity.

Thomas Paine had the courage, the
sense, the heart, to denounce these hor-
rors, these absurdities, these infinite in-
famies. He did what he could to drive
these theological vipers, these Calvinistic
cobras, these fanged and hissing serpents
of superstition from the heart of man.

A few civilized men agreed with him
then, and the world has progressed since
1809. Intellectual wealth has accumu-
lated ; vast mental estates have been left
to the world. Geologists have forced
secrets from the rocks, astronomers from
the stars, historians from old records and
lost languages. In every direction the
thinker and the investigator have vent-
ured and explored, and even the pews
have begun to ask questions of the pui'-'
pits. Humboldt has lived, and Darwirt '
and Haeckel and Huxley, and the armiea* ^
led by them, have changed the thoughifc,'.
of the world. • • .

The churches of 1809 could not be the,<
friends of Thomas Paine. No church ay,-;
serting that belief is necessary to salvaj-
tion ever was, or ever will be, the chanjC; ,
pion of true liberty. A church founded
on slavery — that is to say, on blind obedi-^ ^
ence, worshipping irresponsible and arbi-
trary power — must of necessity be the
enemy of human freedom. ' ■■ «

The orthodox churches are now anxious
to save the little that Paine left of their-"
creed. If one now believes in God, and-
lends a little financial aid, he is considered^;
a good and desirable member. He need
not define God after the manner of the
catechism. He may talk about a " Power
that works for righteousness"; or the
tortoise Truth that beats the rabbit Lie
in the long run; or the "Unknowable";
or the " Unconditioned " ; or the " Cosmic
Force " ; or the " Ultimate Atom " ; or
" Protoplasm," or the " What " — provided
he begins this word with a capital.

We must also remember that there is a

INGERSOLL— INGLIS

difference between independence and lib-
erty. Millions have fought for independ-
ence— to throw off some foreign yoke —
and yet were at heart the enemies of true
liberty. A man in jail, sighing to be free,
may be said to be in favor of liberty, but
not from principle; but a man who, being
free, risks or gives his life to free the en-
slaved, is a true soldier of liberty.

Thomas Paine had passed the legendary
limit of life. One by one most of his old
friends and acquaintances had deserted
him. Maligned on every side, execrated,
shunned, and abhorred — his virtues de-
nounced as vices — his services forgotten —
his character blackened, he preserved the
poise and balance of his soul. He was
a victim of the people, but his convictions
remained unshaken. He was still a soldier
in the army of freedom, and still tried to
enlighten and civilize those who were im-
patiently waiting for his death. Even
those who loved their enemies hated him,
their friend — the friend of the whole
world — with all their hearts.

On June 8, 1809, death came — death, al-
most his only friend.

I r , At his funeral no pomp, no pageantry,

'1^0 civic procession, no military display.
In a carriage, a woman and her son who
fiad lived on the bounty of the dead — on
horseback, a Quaker, the humanity of

, yv'hose heart dominated the creed of his
h^ad — and, following on foot, two negroes,
fiiled with gratitude — constituted the

^faneral cortege of Thomas Paine.

' . "He who had received the gratitude of
Irfany millions, the thanks of generals and
statesmen — he who had been the friend
and companion of the wisest and best —
he who had taught a people to be free,
and whose words had inspired armies and
ej'.lightened nations, was thus given back
to Nature, the mother of us all.

*If the people of the great republic knew
the life of this generous, this chivalric
man, the real story of his services, his
sufferings and his triumphs — of what he
did to compel the robed and crowned, the
priests and kings, to give back to the
people liberty, the jewel of the soul; if
they knew that he was the first to write
The Religion of Humanity ; if they knew
that he, above all others, planted and
watered the seeds of independence, of
union, of nationality, in the hearts of our

forefathers — that his words were gladly
repeated by the best and bravest in many
lands; if they knew that he attempted,
by the purest means, to attain the noblest
and loftiest ends — that he was original,
sincere, intrepid, and that he could truth-
fully say: "The world is my country, to
do good my religion " — if the people only
knew all this — the truth — they would re-
peat the words of Andrew Jackson:
" Thomas Paine needs no monument made
with hands; he has erected a monument
in the hearts of all lovers of liberty."

Ingham, Samuel Delucenna, legisla-
tor; born in Pennsylvania, Sept. 16, 1779;
served several years in the Pennsylvania
legislature; served in Congress in 1813-18
and 1822-29. President Jackson appoint-
ed him Secretary of the Treasury, but he
resigned on account of the Kitchen Cabi-
net. He died in Trenton, N. J., June 5,
1860.

Ingle, Edwaed, author; born in Balti-
more, Md., May 17, 1861 ; graduated at
Johns Hopkins University in 1882.
Among his publications are Local Institu-
tions of Virginia; Local Institutions of
Maryland; Southern Sidelights; The Ne-
gro in the District of Columbia, etc.

Ingle, EiCHARD, mariner; born in Lon-
don, England, about 1610. During the
civil war in England the royalist governor
of Maryland seized Ingle's ship. On 'his
return to England, Ingle applied to Par-
liament for redress, and received a com-
mission authorizing him to act against the
royalists. Ingle returned to America in
1645, and, taking advantage of local
troubles, expelled Leonard Calvert, and
himself took charge of the government
for six months, at the end of which period
Calvert regained control.

Inglis, Charles, clergyman; born in
Ireland, in 1734. From 1764 to the Revo-
lution he was assistant rector of Trinity
Church, New York ; and was rector from
1777 to 1783. He adhered to the royal
cause, and departed for Nova Scotia with
the loyalists who fled from New York
City in 1783. His letters evinced consid-
erable harsh feeling towards the Ameri-
can patriots as " fomenters of rebellion."
Dr. Inglis was consecrated bishop of Nova
Scotia in 1788, and in 1809 became a
member of the governor's council. He
published an answer to Paine's Common

r-q

INGLIS— INMAN

Sense, which made him obnoxious to the or imperative initiative is allowed. Any

patriots, and they confiscated his estate, petition containing a certain numbtr of

He died in Halifax, N. S., Feb. 24, 1816. signatures (generally from 5,000 to 6,000),

His son John was made bishop of Nova demanding action upon any matter what-

Scotia in 1825, and died in 1850; and his ever, must be given attention by the coun-

grandson. Gen. Sir John Eardley Wilmot cil, which, after passing upon it, must

Inglis, born in Halifax in 1814, was the submit it to the popular vote. This course

brave defender of Lucknow. must be taken even if a proposed measure

Inglis, Mary, pioneer; born in 1729. is unfavorable to the council. Again, in

She, with her two children, was captured a number of the cantons, the people have

by the Shawnee Indians, who had made a the right of veto power. In about a

successful attack upon the small settle- month's time after any measure has been

ment. The Indians carried their captives adopted by the cantonal council it may

down the Kanawha River to the Scioto, he brought before the people by a petition,

She was thus the first white woman in and according to their vote made to stand

Kentucky. She made her escape in com- or fall. This veto power, however, may

pany with another white woman, and sue- be said to be included in the referendum,

ceeded in reaching a settlement on the In all the cantons, except Freiburg, the

Kanawha. She died in 1813. right of the people to have every important

Ingraham, Duncan N. See Naturai.- act of legislation referred back to them

IZATION {Koszta Case). for adoption or rejection is now estab-

Ingraham, Joseph Holt, author; born lished by law.
in Portland, Me., 1809; became a pro- In recent years the principle of the ini-
fessor in Jeflferson College, Miss.; subse- tiative and referendum has met with much
quently took orders in the Protestant favor in the United States, and in several
Episcopal Church. He wrote many novels. States there has been an influential move-
some of which were very popular, but he ment to bring about its adoption,
is best known through his three books. Injunction, an order of a court, which
entitled The Prince of the House of David ; commands the party or parties against
The Pillar of Fire; and The Throne of whom it is issued (1) not to commit a
David. He died in Holly Springs, Miss., certain act; or (2) to desist from the
in December, 1866. commission of a certain act; or (3) to

Ingram, David. See Hortop, Job. restore to its former condition something

Ingulf, Rudolf, traveller; born in which has been altered or interfered with

Cologne in 1727; emigrated to Mexico in by the person or persons to whom the

1751, where he became a merchant. After injunction is directed.

securing a competence he travelled through Inman, George, military officer ; born

Central America, Mexico, and California, in Boston, Mass., Dec. 3, 1755; graduated

He published, in the German language, at Harvard College in 1772. During the

Travels in Neic Spain; The Geologic For- Revolutionary War he was a royalist,

mation of California, in which he proved entering the army as a private, but soon

that California was a rich gold-field; receiving a commission; took part in the

Cosmographi/ of America, etc. He died in battles of Princeton, Brandywine, Ger-

Vienna in 1785. mantown. and Monmouth, in the first of

Initiative and Referendum, a politi- which he was wounded. He was the au-

cal system which originated in Switzer- thor of Narrative of the Revolutionary

land, designed to test the feeling of the War, 1776-1779. He died in the West

people concerning proposed legislation. Indies in 1789.

In the several cantons of the Swiss Con- Inman, Henry, painter ; born in Utica.

federation the councils merely formulate N. Y., Oct. 20, 1801 ; was a pupil of John

the laws, while the people pass them. Wesley Jarvis, the portrait - painter, to

Similar to the law of all other nations whom he was apprenticed for seven years,

that of Switzerland concedes the people a He painted landscapes and historical pict-

certain right of initiative in the way of ures, but portraits were his chief subjects,

petition; but in many of the cantons this and he introduced lithography into the

right goes much further and an additional United States. In 1844 he went to Eng-

INMAN— INSPECTION

land, where, becoming the guest of Words-
worth, the poet, he painted his portrait.
He also painted the portraits of other dis-
tinguished men while in England. He had
begun painting an historical picture for
the national Capitol, representing Daniel
Boone in the wilds of Kentucky, at the
time of his death, in New York City, Jan.
17, 1846.

Inman, Henry, author; born in New
York, July 30, 1837; educated at the
Brooklyn public schools and Athenian
Academy, and is the author of The Old
Santa Fe Trail; Great Salt Lake Trail;
Tales of the Trail; The Ranch on the
Oxhide; Pioneer from Kentucky, etc. He
died in Topeka, Kan., Nov. 13, 1899.

Inman, William, naval officer; born in
Utica, N. Y., in 1 707 ; appointed midship-
man. United States navy, in 1812; pro-
moted to lieutenant, April 1, 1818; com-
mander in 1838; and captain in 1850.
In 1859-61 he commanded the West
African squadron, during which time he
succeeded in recapturing and liberating
nearly 4,000 slaves; and was promoted
commodore, and was retired, April 4, 1867.
He died in Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. 23, 1874.

Inness, Geoege, artist; born in Ne\\-
burg, N. Y., May 1, 1825; removed to New
York in 1845; studied art; and was
chosen a member of the National Acad-
emy in 1868. He was one of the greatest
landscape-painters America has produced.
His pictures include American Sunset;
Delatcare Water -Gap; View near Med-
field, Mass.; An Old Roadway, Long Isl-
and; and Under the Green Wood. He
died in Scotland Aug. 3, 1894.

Inness, Harry, jurist; born in Caro-
line county, Va., in 1752; was an ardent
patriot during the Revolutionary War;
superintendent of the mines from which
the Americans obtained their lead; ap-
pointed judge of the Supreme Court of
Virginia in 1783, and United States dis-
trict judge for Kentucky in 1787. His
enemies caused charges to be brought
against him in Congress in 1808, but
that body refused to take any action look-
ing to his impeachment. He died in
Frankfort, Ky., Sept. 20, 1816.

Insanity. Until 1840 the insane poor
in the United States were cared for al-
most exclusively by the township and
county authorities. It was estimated that

in 1833 there were 2,500 lunatics in jails
and other prisons, besides Lvmdreds in
the county poor-houses and private fam-
ilies. One of the very earliest asylums
for the insane was , that opened in 1797
at Bloomingdale, in the suburbs of New
York City, by the New York Hospital So-
ciety. To the labors of Miss Dorothea
L. Dix (q. V.) is largely due the establish-
ment of State asylums. Miss Dix de-
voted herself after 1837 to the investi-
gation of the subject, and visited every
State east of the Rocky Mountains, ap-
pealing to the State legislatures to pro-
vide for the care of the insane. In April,
1854, a bill appropriating 10,000,000 acres
of public lands to the several States for
the relief of the pauper insane, passed
by Congress under her appeals, was vetoed
by President Pierce. Her efforts, however,
led to the establishment of State insane
asylums, and it is now recognized as the
duty of each State to care for its insane.
New York State alone has fifteen corporate
institutions of this class. The following
statistics show the number of insane, etc.,
in the United States. Until 1850 there
were no reliable statistics:

Year.

Population of
U.S.

No. of Insane.

To each million of
inhabitants.

1850

21,191,876
31,443,321

38,558,371
50,155,783
62.622,250
70,303,387

15,610
24,642
37,432
91.997
105,252
106,485

673

1860

783

1870

18S0

1890

971
1,834
1,697
1 396

1900

Insolvency. See Bankruptcy Laws.

Inspection, Committees of. In many
of the present American States the class
known as Tories, or adherents of the
crown, were in a minority at the beginning
of the Revolutionary War, and in many
places suffered indignities, such as, if |
ofl'ensively active, receiving a covering of
tar and feathers, being carted around as
a public spectacle, and other abuses which
personal and political malignity could in-
flict. To prevent such disgraceful scenes,
which would lead to retaliation and the
rule of mob law, the Continental Congress
S]>ecially conunitted the oversight of Tories
and suspected persons to regularly ap-
pointed connnittees of inspection and ob-
servation for the several counties and dis-
tricts. The Tories were also exposed to
the dangers from the law, for the Whigs

INSTRUMENT OF GOVERNMENT— INSURANCE

had taken all power into their hands, and
required allegiance to State governments
from all the inhabitants. The consequence
was that many left the States and became
refugees in Great Britain or in its Ameri-
can provinces.

Instrument oi Government. See Gov-
ernment, Instrument of.

Insurance. The following is a brief
summary of the insurance business in the
United States in its principal forms: The
first fire insurance in the colonies was
written in Boston by the Sun Company
(English) in 1728. Some insurance was
done in Philadelphia in 1752. The first
fire insurance policy issued in the United
States was in Hartford, Conn., in 1794, un-
der the unofficial title of " Hartford Fire
Insurance Co." Sixteen years after, in
1810, the Hartford Fire Insurance Com-
pany was organized. From 1801-10 there
were 60 charters issued; 1811-20, 43;
1821-30, 149; 1831-40, 467; 1841-50, 401;
1851-60, 896; 1861-70, 1,041.

From Jan. 1, 1880, to Dec. 31, 1889,
property of the citizens of the United
States was insured against fire and ac-
cident on ocean, lake, and river, and by
tornado, to the amount of over $120,000,-
000,000, for premiums of $1,150,675,391,
and losses were paid of $647,726,051, being
56 per cent, of the premiums.

The condition and transactions of fire
companies doing business in the United
States on Jan. 1, 1903, were as follows:

between twelve and forty - five years
of age. In 1734 it guaranteed a divi-
dend for each deceased member not less
than £100. This was the first insurance
for a definite sum at death, whenever
that might occur. In 1762 the Equit-
able Assurance Society of London began
to rate members according to age. At the
close of the eighteenth century there were
eight companies transacting, in a more or
less complete form, the business of life in-
surance in Great Britain and Ireland. The
Presbyterian Annuity and Life Insurance
Company of Philadelphia, the first life in-
surance company in the United States, re-
ceived its charter from Thomas Penn in
1759. The Penn Company for Insurance
on Lives was chartered in 1812, and the
Massachusetts Hospital Life Insurance
Company, Boston, in 1818.

The assessment system of life insurance
is based on the plan of collecting assess-
ments on living members to pay death
losses as they occur. In this plan the as-
sessments during early years are less than
the premiums of regular companies; but
they increase rapidly, and often become
impossible to collect in later years. Since
its appearance (about 1865) as an in-
surance business, aside from fraternal
organizations, this system has rapidly ex-
tended.

The first accident insurance company
established in the United States was the
Traveler's, of Hartford, Conn., in 1863;

Number of Companies.

Cai'ital.

Assets Exclusive of
Premium Notes.

Net Surplus.

r:ish Premiums Re
ceived during Year.

Total Cash Income
during Year.

313 Stock 1

178 Mutual f

$70,537,743

$451,010,545

$171,390,162

$224,076,129

$242,819,167

Number of CoDipanies.

Paid for Losses
during: Year.

Paid for Diviilends
during Year.

Expenses other tIkli
Losses and Divi-
dends during Year-

313 Stock..
178 Mutiiiil.

J I $113,147,727 I $17,737,444 I $74,499,597

•il Disburse
Mits during
Year.

$205,384,768

Rislis Written
during Year

* $26,000,000,000

* Apprnximatinn Tho stntiptios of fire insiinnce l)nf=inpss in the Unitpd Ptntes are. W'th tlie excpptinn of the
e.<;tim;ito of lisk?; writtpii dur ng tlie vear, compilect from T'l'' Tnxurani')' V^-ar Bnnk. piil.lislii'il by The S|ioctator
roinpany Tlioy do not inrlmle the returns of a few slock companies ami some 600 mutualsand town and tounty
muluals" whose tran.SLCtions are purely local and individually of small volume.

In 1903 the aggregate property loss by
fires was estimated at $135,000,000, and the
aggregate insurance loss at $75,000,000.

i^ifc insurance was not known before
the sixteenth century. The first life in-
surance company, " The Amicable," was
established in London, England, in 1706,
and insured at uniform rates persons

the first steam-boiler insurance company,
Hartford. Conn., was chartered in 1866;
and plate-2flass was first insured in 1870.
]\Iost of the States have established de-
partments or bureaus of insurance, for the
supervision of the companies and the en-
forcement of the laws requiring their
solvency to be maintained. The mainten-

INSURRECTIONS— INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS

THt JONuiTION OF THE REGULAR I,EVEr, PREMIUM COMPANIES ON JAN. 1, 1903 AND THE BUSINESS
OF THE PRECEDING YEAR WERE AS FOLLOWS*:

No.
of

Assets.

Premiums
Received.

Total
Income.

Payments to
Policy-hulders
(Losses, Divi
dends. Surren-
ders, etc.)

Total Expen-
ditures.

New Policies Issued,

Policies in Force.

No. 1 Atnoont.

No. 1 Amount.

$2,091,832,851 |406,946,697 | *.iW.!,-.i.l>i:. | $lS»,bS3,1Jl | t.>n,vot,,^TJ

5,-iOV,-A>i 1 t2.338,734.4fi:i

i;.rtvil.43.i ijin.S05.3i)'?.. 18!

* Including industrial policies
I'HE FOLLOWING SHOWS THE CONDITION AND BUSINESS OF ASSESSMENT COMPANIES AND ORDERS*:

Assets.

Assessruents
Collected.

Total
Income.

Payments to
Policy-holders.

Total Expen-
ditures

Membership.

Insurai

ce in Force.

ol
Cos.

Admitted Dur-
ing the Year.

No. of
Members.

Amount.

770

$45,591,473

$90,040,589

$97,114,065

$72,793,886

$83,193,861

706,200

5,270,207

$6,530,360,368

* These figures are from the Illinois Life Insurance Report for 1900, and represent the combined business of the
assessment companies and fraternal orders. The assessment business having declined since 1896, these aggreg^ites
are nearly half those of that year.

The returns of life insurance in the first and third tables are from The Insurance Vear-Book, published by The
Spectator Company.

LIFE INSURANCE TABLE OF MORTALITY

AMERICAN

EXPERIENCE.

■So

5 £

-=•

□ •

■<J

Is.

■5>'

§•3

•<

•£>"

s 1,

(d._

U<g

100,000

749

7.49

48.72

78,862

756

9.59

28.90

43,133

2,243

52.00

9.47

99.251

746

7.52

48.08

78,106

765

9.79

28.18

40,890

2,321

56.76

8.97

1'2

98,.'J05

V43

7.54

47.45

77,341

774

10.01

27.45

38,569

2,391

61.99

8.48

97,762

740

7.57

46.80

76,567

785

10.25

26.72

36,178

2.448

67.67

8.00

97,022

V3V

7.60

46.16

75,782

797

10.52

26.00

33,730

2,487

73.73

7.55

96,285

735

7.63

45.50

74,985

812

10.83

25.27

31,243

2,505

80.18

7.11

95,550

732

7.66

44.85

74,173

828

11.16

24.. 54

28,738

2,501

87.03

6.68

94,818

729

7.69

44.19

73,345

848

11.56

23.81

26,237

2,476

94.37

6.27

94,089

V2V

7.73

43.53

72,497

870

12.00

23.08

23,761

2,431

102.31

5.88

93,362

725

7.77

42.87

71,627

896

12.51

22.36

21. .330

2,369

111.06

5.49

92,637

723

7.81

42.20

70,731

927

13.11

21.63

18,961

2,291

120.83

5.11

91,914

722

7.86

41.. 53

69,804

962

13.78

20.91

16,670

2,196

131.73

4.74

91,192

721

7.91

40.85

68,842

1,001

14.54

20.20

14,474

2,091

144.47

4.39

90.471

V2C

7.96

40.17

67,841

1,044

15.39

19.49

12,383

1,964

158.61

4.05

89,751

719

8.01

39.49

66,797

1,091

16.33

18.79

10,419

1,816

174.30

3.71

89,032

718

8.07

38.81

65,706

1,143

17.40

18.09

8,603

1,648

191.56

3.39

88,314

718

8.13

38.12

64,563

1,199

18.57

17.40

8,955

1,470

211.36

3.08

87,569

V18

8.20

37.43

63,364

1,260

19.89

16.72

5,485

1,292

235.55

2.77

86,878

718

8.26

36.73

62,104

1,325

21.34

16.05

4,193

1,114

265.68

2.47

86,160

719

8.35

36.03

60,779

1,394

22.94

15.39

3,079

933

303.02

2.18

8,5,441

'('20

8.43

35.33

,59,385

1,468

24.72

14.74

2,146

744

346.69

1.91

84,721

721

8.51

.34.63

57,917

1,546

26.69

14.10

1,402

555

395.86

1.66

84,000

723

8.61

33.92

56,371

1,628

28.88

13.47

847

385

454.55

1.42

83,277

726

8.72

33.21

54,743

1,713

31.29

12.86

462

246

532.47

1.19

82,551

729

8.83

32.. 50

53,030

1,800

33.94

12.26

216

137

634.26

.98

■db

81,822

TSI

8.95

31.78

51,230

1,889

36.87

11.67

734.18

.80

81,090

737

9.09

31.07

49,341

1,980

40.13

11.10

857.14

.64

80,353

742

9 23

30.35

47,361

2,070

43.71

10.54

1,000.00

.50

79,611

749

9.41

29.62

45,291

2,158

47.05

10.00

anee of these departments, and all ex-
penses of supervision are charged to the
companies. The New York Letrislature,
in 190.5, appointed a committee (Ann-
stronof, chairman; Hiijihes, counsel),
which made a thorough investijjation of
the life-insurance companies, eventuating
in much-needed remedial legislation in
1900.

Insurrections. See Rebellions ; Riots.

Interest. The table on opposite page
shows interest laws and statutes of limita-
tions of the various States in the Union.

Interior, Department of the. See
Cabinet, President's.

Internal Improvements. Millions of
acres of the public lands of the United
States have been granted to aid in the
construction of roads, canals, and rail-
ways ; and also for educational and other
purposes. The first acts of Congress for
the purpose of internal improvements
were two for the new State of Ohio, which
became laws on April 30, 1802, and March
.'5, 1803, respectively. Previous to that
there had been donations of land in favor

INTEREST LAWS— INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS

TABLE

SHOWING

INTEREST

LAWS AND STATUTES

OF LIMITATIONS.

Interest Laws.

statutes of
Limitations.

States and
Territories.

Luterest Laws.

Statutes of
Limitations.

Territories.

Legal
Rale.

Per ct.
8
6
T
7
8
6
6
6
8
7
7
5
6
6
6
6
5
6
6
6
5
6
6

Rate Allowed
by Contract.

JudK-
meats,
Years.

Notes,
Years

Open
Ac-
counts,
Years.

Legal Rate Allowed
Rate. 1 by Contract.

Judg-
ments,
Years.

Notes,
Years.

Open
Ac-
counts
Years

Alabama

Arkiinsas

Per ct.

Any rate.

20
10

5
lOtt

t
20
12
20

6
20
20
20(d)

5
15
10
20
12
20

6*
10

7
10
10(6)

6
{«)

611

5
10
10
10

5
15

611

6
10

3
3
3
2
6
6
3
3
2
4

5
6
5
3

6(a)

6§§

Nebraska

Per ct.
7
7
6
6
6
6
6
7
6
7
6
6
6g
7
7
6
6'
8
6
6
7
6
6
8

Per ct.
10

Any rate.

6
12

6tt

6
12

8
12
10

6
Any rate.

Any rate.

10
Any rate.

6
12

6
10
12

5t1:

6
20
20

7
20(t)
10
10

5tt

5(/)
20
10
10(1)
10
10«

8
20

6
10
10{i)

5(A.-)

6
15

6il

6
10

New Hampshire.

New Jersey

New Me.xico

New York

North Carolina..
North Dakota...
Ohio. .

Caliloruia

Colorado

Connecticut

Delaware

Dist. of Columbia.
Florida

6§§

211

Oklahoma

Idaho

Pennsylvania . ..
Rhode Island. . . .
South Carolina..
South Dakota...

Tennessee

Texas

Indiana

Kentucky

Louisiana

Maine

Utah .

Maryland

Massachusetts . . .

Michigan

Minnesota

Mississippi

Vermont

Virginia

Washington.

West Virginia. ..

Wisconsin

Wyoming

Montana

* Under seal. 10 years, t If made in State; if outside, 2 years, t No law and no decision regardingjudgments.
§ Unless adilTerent rate is expressly stipulated. II Under seal, 20 years.. H Store accounts; other accounts, 3
years, tt Xew York has by a recent law legalized any rate of interest on call loans of $5,000 or upward, on col-
lateral security, tt Becomes dormant, but may be revived. §§ Six years from last item, (a) Accounts between
merchants, 2 years. (6) In courts not of record, 5 years, [d) Twenty years in courts of record; in justice's
court, 10 years, (e) Negotiable notes, 6 years; non-negotiable, 17 years. (/) Ceases to be a lien after that period.
(h) On foreign judgments, 1 year, (i) Is a lien on real estate for only 10 years, {j) Any rate, but only 6 per cent,
can be collected at law. (^•) And indefinitely by having execution issue every 5 years. (/) Ten years foreign, 20
years domestic.

of various deserving persons. The grants to repay the government. On the same
to the inhabitants of Ohio were for the day (March, 1827) there was granted to
purpose of laying out public I'oads lead- Indiana a certain strip of land formerly
ing to the Ohio Eiver. Other grants were held by the Pottawattomie Indians, the
made from time to time for improvements proceeds of the sale thereof to be applied
in the Northvrest until 1824, when (May to building a road from Lake Michigan,
26) Congress authorized the State of Indi- via Indianapolis, to some convenient
ana to construct a canal, giving the right point on the Ohio River. March 3, 1827,
of way, with 90 feet of land on each a grant was made to Ohio of two sec-
side thereof. Nothing was done under tions of land along the entire line of a
the act; but in 1827 (March 2) two acts road to be constructed from Sandusky to
were passed, giving to Indiana and II- Columbus.

^inois, respectively, certain lands in aid May 23, 1828, a grant of 400,000 acres

of the construction of canals, the first of the "relinquished lands" in certain

to connect the navigation of the Wabash counties in Alabama was made in aid of

River with the waters of Lake Erie, and the improvement of the Tennessee and

the second to connect the waters of the other rivers in that State. In this grant

Illinois River with those of Lake Michi- was the first provision for indemnity in

gan. A quantity of land equal to one- case the grant was not full by reason of

half of five sections in width, on each prior sales or disposals by the govern-

side of the canals, was granted, reserv- ment. Similar grants were made from

ing to the United States each alternate time to time for like purposes. March 2,

section. It was not an absolute grant 1833, the State of Illinois was authorized

of land in fee, for. under certain restric- to apply the lands granted by the act of

tions, the States had a right to sell the March 2, 1827, for canal purposes to the

awards, and from the proceeds they were construction of a railway instead. This

INTEBNAL IMPROVEMENTS

was the first act looking to the con-
struction of a railway through the assist-
ance of land donations. The railroad sys-
tem was then in its infancy. The State
did not avail itself of the privilege, but
subsequently built a canal. March 2,
1835, a grant was made to aid the con-
struction of a railway in Florida. Suffi-
cient was given for the way — 30 feet of
land on each side — and the right to take

right of way through such portions of the
public lands as remained unsold — not to
exceed 80 feet in width — to the New
Orleans and Nashville Railroad Company.
This road was never completed. Next
came a grant to East Florida and other
railroads which were never constructed.
March 3, 1837, a grant was made to the
Atchafalaya Railroad and Banking Com-
pany, in Louisiana, similar to that to

GOVERNMFNT TOIL-GATE OV THF CUMBER
LAND ROAD.

and use the timber for 100 yards
on each side for the construction

and repairs of the road. This was the the New Orleans and Nashville Rail'oad.

first grant of the right of way for a rail- Aug. 8, 1846, an act granted lands in aid

road, the previous grant having been for of improvements of the Des Moines River,

a canal, July 2, 1830, an act granted the in Iowa, and the Fox and Wisconsin

INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS

rivers, in Wisconsin. These rivers, when to that given to Missouri in 1852. July
improved, were to remain highways for 1, 1862, the Union Pacific Kailroad Com-
the United States government forever, pany was created for the purpose of
free from toll. constructing and maintaining a railroad

The grant to the then Territory of Iowa and telegraph line from the Missouri
for the improvement of the Des Moines Eiver to the Pacific Ocean. They were
River led to long discussions as to the granted the right of way through the
extent of the grant, and to many legal public lands to the extent of 200 feet in
decisions. Finally, on March 22, 1858, width on each side of the line of the road,
the consent of Congress was given to ap- together with the necessary ground for
ply a portion of the grant to the con- stations, buildings, etc. They were also
struction of a railway. The rivers were granted in aid of the construction of the
not improved, but the railway was con- road every alternate section of public land
slructed — the Keokuk, Fort Des Moines, to the amount of five alternate sections a
and Minnesota Railroad. Sept. 20, 1850, mile on each side of the road, excepting
a grant was made to the State of Illinois mineral lands and all lands already dis-
of every alternate section of land, desig- posed of or reserved. Several other roads
nated by even numbers, for six sections were provided for on the same conditions,
in width, on each side of a railroad and which became known as the Central
branches thereof. This road, which was Pacific, Central Branch of the Union Pa-
built, is kno\\'n as the Illinois Central, cific, Kansas Pacific, and Sioux City and
Although this was not the first concession Pacific. It was a grant of 10 miles of
of land to a railway corporation, it land on each side of the road. By an act
granted specific sections instead of one- approved July 2, 1864, instead of five,
half of a certain number of sections, and ten sections were granted, making the
may be considered the initiatory measure area 20 miles on each side of these
of the system since adopted in making roads. The term mineral land was con-
grants in favor of railways. On June 10, strued not to mean coal or iron. By the
1852, a donation was made to the State same act a grant of 20 miles of land
of Missouri for the construction of certain was made to the Burlington and Missouri
railroads therein, afterwards known as River Railroad Company for the construc-
the Hannibal and St. Joseph, and the tion of a road from the Missouri River to
Misouri Pacific, south branch. This grant some point not farther west than the one
was similar in character and extent to hundredth meridian west longitude, to
that of the Illinois Central. In this, as connect with the Union Pacific road,
in the case of the Illinois Central, there March 3, 1864, a grant of land was made
was a provision for the reimbursement of to the State of Kansas to assist in con-
the United States for all the land sold, structing railroads within its borders, af-
Feb. 9, 1853, an act made a similar grant terwards known as the Atchison, Topeka,
to Arkansas. June 29, 1854, an act and Santa Fe; Leavenworth, Lawrence,
granted aid to Minnesota for construct- and Galveston ; and Missouri, Kansas, and
ing a railroad from the southern line of Texas railroads. In May, 1864, similar
that then Territory, via St. Paul, to its grants were made to the States of Minne-
eastern line, in the direction of Lake Su- sota, Wisconsin, and Iowa, and others soon
perior. For this purpose there were given followed to Arkansas, Missouri, Alabama,
each alternate section of land, designated Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, and Kansas,
by odd numbers, for six sections in width The North Pacific Railroad Company was
on each side of said road. This act was created July 1, 1864, with grants similar
repealed in August following. to those of the Union Pacific, excepting

At various times in 1856 grants of double the extent of land, through the Ter-
land for similar purposes were made to ritories. July 27, 1866, grants were made
the States of Iowa, Florida, Alabama, to the Atlantic and Pacific, and the South-
Louisiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and crn Pacific, on terms similar to those of
Mississippi. On March 3, 1856, a grant the Union Pacific. March 3, 1869, land
was made to Minnesota. All of these grants were made to the Denver Pacific
grants made in 1856 and 1857 were similar Railway; and bv act of March 3, 187 1,

INTERNAL REVENUE— INTERNATIONAL LAW

similar grants were made to the Southern
Pacific (branch line) and Texas and Pa-
cific. Many of the grants made in the
earlier years of the system were enlarged.
The aggregate amount of land granted is
more than 215,000,000 acres, but the
amount made available is not more than
187,000,000 acres. By the aid of these
grants over 15,000 miles of railroad have
been built. Their benefits have extended
to all parts of the country, and cannot
be estimated by values. See Canals;
Public Domain; Railroads.

Internal Revenue. The following table
shows the total collections of internal
revenue in the United States in the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1903, by States and
Territories:

States and Territories.

Alabama

Arkansas

California and Nevada. . . .

Colorado and Wyoming. . . .

Connecticut and Rhode Isl-
and

Florida

Georgia

Hawaii

Illinois

Indiana

Iowa

Kansas, Indian Territory,
and Oklahoma

Kentucky

Louisiana and Mississippi. .

Maryland, Delaware, Dis
trict of Columbia, and two
Virginia districts

Massachusetts

Michigan

Minnesota

Missouri

Montana, Idaho, and Utah..

Nebraska, and North and
South Dakota

New Hampshire, Maine, and
Vermont

New Jersey

New Mexico and Arizona. . .

New York

North Carolina

Ohio

Oregon, Washington, and
Alaska ■

Pennsylvania

South Carolina

Tennessee

Texas

Virginia

West Virginia

Wisconsin

Aggregate
Collections.

Total

1323,135.62

109,322.32

3,069,990.31

568,713.37

1,865,550.10

719,400.39

425,591.16

40,090.52

50,562,455.25

28,183,610.08

835,487.90

311,403.23

21,115,626.21

2,890,648.17

5,612,791.16
3,567,075.54
4,044,317.94
1,465,570.62
8,948.547.13
436,378.93

2,471,381.68

591,025.13

5,998,058.98

78,971.41

26,749,648.18

4,248,341.07

20,979,333.19

812,766.75
18,890,389.88

616.800.33
1,661,300.15

667,670.22
3,433,249.51
1,114,230.78
7,332,052.01

$230,740,925.22

The table on opposite page gives a sum-

mary of such receipts in the period 1880-
1903, both inclusive, with principal
sources.

The re-imposition of adhesive stamps in
1898 was provided for in the War Reve-
nue Act of that year. The war revenue
and the receipts of the national treasury
from other sources having been much
larger than was anticipated, and having
produced a surplus largely in excess of
the actual financial needs of the country.
Congress adopted a conference report on
a bill to reduce the war revenue on Feb.
28, 1901, to go into effect on July 1
next ensuing. The revenue reduction was
expected to amount to $42,165,000 per an-
num, the repeal of various stamp taxes
and a few changes in the existing law
concerning specified articles being esti-
mated to make the following itemized re-
ductions:

Commercial brokers, $138,000; certifi-
cates of deposits, $200,000; promissory
notes, $3,500,000; bills of lading for ex-
port, $100,000; telegraphic despatches,
$800,000; telephone messages, $315,000;
bonds other than indemnity, $25,000; cer-
tificates not otherwise specified, $200,000;
charter party, $100,000; conveyances,
$1,750,000: insurance, $3,000,000; leases,
$200,000; mortgages, $500,000; passage
tickets, $100,000; power of attorney, $100,-
000; protests, $25,000; warehouse re-
ceipts, $250,000; express receipts, $800,-
000 ; proprietary medicines, cosmetics, and
chewing-gum, $3,950,000; legacies, $500,-
000; cigars, $3,100,000; tobacco, $7,000,-
000; small cigars and cigarettes, $500,-
000; beer, $9,800,000; bank checks, $7,-
000,000; foreign bills of exchange, $50,-
000 ; money orders, $602,000 ; manifest for
Custom House, $60,000.

International Arbitration. See Arbt-
TijATioN, International.

International Law, the name now
given to what was formerly known as the
Law of Nations. It is believed to have
originated in the Middle Ages, and to
have been first applied for the purpose
of regulating commercial transactions.
From this fact it took the name of " com-
mercial law," and subsequently was ex-
tended to transactions other than com-
mercial of an international character. To-
day the aim of international law is to
prevent war. The distinctive features of

INTERNAL REVENUE RECEIPTS— INTREPID

SUMMARV OF INTERNAL BKVENUE RECEIPTS IN 1880-1908

Biscal Y8IU8.

Spirits.

Tobacco.

Ferinonled
Liquors.

Banks and
Banlsers.

Miscellaneous.

Adhesire
Stamps.

Collectious

Under Repealed

Laws

1880

$01,185,509
67,153,975
09,873,408
74,308,775
70,905,385
67,511,209
09,092,200
65,760,076
69,287,431
74,302,887
81,682,970
83,335,964
91,309,984
94,712,938
85,259,252
79,862,627
80,670,071
82,008,643
92,547,000
99,283,534
109,868,817
131.953,472

$38,870,149
42,854,991
47,391,989
42,104,250
26,062,400
26,407,088
27,907,363
30,083,710
30,636,076
31,862,195
33,949,998
3:^,796,271
31,000,493
31,843,556
28,617,899
29,707,908
30,711,629
30,710,297
30,230,522
52,493,208
59,356,084
43.. '514,810

$12,829,803
13,700,241
10,153,920
16,900,616
18,084,954
18,230,782
19,076,731
21,918,213
23,324,218
23,723,835
26,008,535
28,565,130
30,037,453
32,527,424
31,414,788
31,640,618
33,784,235
32,472,162
39,516,421
68,644,658
73,650,764
47,547,856

$3,350,985
3,762,208
5,253,458
3,748,995

' 4,288

4,203

6,179

""135

1,180

.'M61

P.99

$383,755

231,078

199,830

305,803

289,144

222,681

194,422

219,058

154,970

83,893

135,555

256,214

239,532

166,915

1,876,609

1,960,794

1,664,545

1,426,500

2,572,696

9,226,453

11,575,626

6.827,303

$7,068,394
7,924,708
7,570,109
7,053,053

'"'

79*4',418
43,837,819
40,904,365

ia8i

$152,163

IS82

7 8,. 569

1883

71,852

I8a4

205,008

1885

49,361

1880

32,087

1887

29,283

1888

9,548

1889

1890

1891

1892

1893

1894

1895

1897

1899

1903

Of the receipts in 1900 classed as " Miscellaneous,'' $2,884,492 was from legacies : $4..'il5,041 from special taxes
on bankers, billiarU-rooms, brokers, and e.xhibitious ; and $1,079,405 from exrise ta.x on gross receipts, under the
War Revenue law of I8'.)8 ; $2,543,785 from oleomargarine ; $331,011 from playing cards ; $193,721 from penalties;
and $17,064 from filled cheese.

See Bimetallism; Evarts, William
Maxwell.

International Order of the King's
Daughters and Sons, a religious order
consisting of small circles of men, women,
and children. It is non-sectarian, and
its members may be found in nearly all
churches and in nearly every country. It
was established in New York City in 1886
by a circle of ten women. Its aim is to
help the needy and suffering, to consider
the poor, and to engage in all good works.
Ihe members wear a small silver badge in
the shape of a cross, bearing the letters
I. H. N. on one side, and the date 1880
on the other. In 1900 it was estimated
that the society numbered more than
500,000 members. It ranks among the
strongest and most useful societies in the
world. The headquarters are at 156 Fifth
Avenue, New York. In 1900 the officers
were: President, Mrs. F. Bottome; vice-
president, Miss Kate Bond; general sec-
retary, Mrs. Mary L. Dickinson; treas-
urer, Mrs. J. C. Davis; recording secre-
tary, Mrs. Robert Sturgis ; and correspond-
ing secretary, Mrs. Isabella Charles Davis.

Interoceanic Ship Canal. See Nica-
ragua Caxal; Paxama Canal.

Intrepid, The. The ketch Intrepid,
used in the destruction of the Philadel-
phia {q. v.), had been converted into a
floating mine for the purpose of destroy-
ing the piratical cruisers in the harbor

international law may be summarized in
brief as follows: First, that every nation
possesses an exclusive sovereignty and
jurisdiction in its own territory; second,
that no State or nation can by its law di-
rectly affect or bind property out of its
own territory, or persons not resident
therein, natural born subjects or others;
third, that whatever force the laws of
one country have in another depends sole-
ly on the municipal laws of the latter.

There have been numerous congresses
of international law experts for the pur-
pose of simplifying and making more def-
inite the obligations which one country
owes to another, and in these congresses
the United States has occupied a con-
spicuous place. The Association for the
Reform and Codification of the Law of
Nations held its first session in Brussels,
Oct. 10, 1873, and subsequent ones were
held in Geneva, The Hague, Bremen,
Antwerp, Frankfort. London, Berne,
Cologne, Turin, and Milan. An Institute
of International Law was organized in
Ghent in 1873, and has since held numer-
ous sessions in various cities of Europe,
The most conspicuous action of the nations
concerning the abolition of international
hostilities was taken in the Peace Con-
ference at The Hague, in 1899, to which
the United States was also a party. See
Codes; Field, Davtd Dudley.

International Monetary Conference.

INTREPID— INUNDATIONS

of Tripoli. In a room below deck 100 company engaged in the perilous enter-
barrels of gunpowder were' placed, and prise. The Intrepid entered the harbor
immediately above them a large quantity at nine o'clock in the evening. The night
of shot, shell, and irregular pieces of was very dark. Many eager eyes were
iron were deposited. Combustibles were turned towards the spot where her shad-
placed in other parts of the vessel. On o\vj form was last seen. Suddenly a
the night of Sept. 3, 1804, the Intrepid fierce and lurid light streamed up from

the dark waters like
volcanic fires and il-
luminated the sur-
rounding objects with
its lurid glare — rocks,
flotilla, castle, town,
and the broad bosom
of the harbor. This
was followed by an
instant explosion,

and for a few mo-
ments flaming masts
and sails and fiery
bomb - shells rained
upon the waters,
when suddenly all was
again dark. Anxious-
ly the companions of
the intrepid men
who went into the
harbor awaited their
return. They never
came back. What
was the cause of the
premature explosion
that destroyed vessels
and men will never be
known. The belief
was that the ketch
was captured by the
Tripolitans on the
M-atch, and that Som-
ors, preferring death
to miserable captiv-
ity, had himself ap-
plied a lighted match
to the powder. A
fine monument, erect
ed to the memory of
the slain men and the
event, formerly stood
was lowed into the harbor by two boats, at the western front of the national
the whole under the command of Captain Capitol, but is now in front of the Naval
Somers, attended by Lieutenant Wads- Academy at Annapolis,
worth, of the Constitution, and Mr. Israel, Inundations. For a long period of
an ardent young man who got on board time the principal inundations in the
the Intrepid by stealth. These, with a United States were caused by the over-
few men to work the torpedo- vessel, and flowing of the banks of the Mississippi
the crews of the boats, constituted the River. The record of these disasters, al-

INTREPID MEMKNTO AT AN'VAPOLIS.

INUNDATIONS

DEVASTATION CAUSED BY FLOOD IN JOHNSTOWN, PA.

though not containing many individual
cases, is a distressing one because of the
vast amount of property destroyed and
the large number of lives lost. The fol-
lowing briefly summarizes the most nota-
ble inundations in the United States:

1816. — The White Mountain region in
New Hampshire was flooded by a deluge
of rain after a drought of two years.
Several valleys were completely under
water, and large tracts of forests were
torn from the ground and washed down
the mountain sides.

IS/fO, May J2. — A flood in New Orleans
spread over 160 squares and submerged
1,600 buildings.

187Ji, May 16. — The bursting of a reser-
voir on Mill River, near Northampton,
]\Iass., caused the destruction of several
villages in the valley and the loss of 144
lives.

187ft, July 2). — A waterspout burst in
Eureka, Nev., and with the attendant
heavy rains caiised a loss of between twen-
ty and thirty lives.

ISlIf, July 26. — An unusual fall of rain

caused the overflow of the rivers in west-
ern Pennsylvania and the loss of 220
lives.

1881, June 12. — Disastrous floods be-
gan in Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, and Mis-
souri, lasting several days, and causing
the destruction of much property.

1882, Feb. 22.— The valleys of" the Ohio
and Mississippi rivers were flooded, and
the loss of life and property was so great
that the governor of Mississippi made a
public appeal for help.

1883, Fehruary. — Portions of Pennsyl-
vania, Ohio, and Kentucky were visited by
a disastrous flood, which was most severe
at Cincinnati, lasting several days.

188li, Fehruary. — The Ohio River over-
flowed its banks, causing the loss of fif-
teen lives and rendering 5,000 people
homeless.

1886, Jan. 5. — Pennsylvania. New York,
and several of the New England States
were visited by floods, and great damage
was done to property.

1886, Aug. 20. — A storm in Texas was
followed by a flood, which was particular-

INUNDATIONS— IOWA

ly disastrous in Galveston, where twenty-
eight lives were lost and property dam-
aged to the extent of more than $5,000,-
000.

1889, May SI.— The rising of the Cone-
maugh River, in Pennsylvania, under in-
cessant rain, caused the breaking of the
dam about 18 miles above Johnstown. The
great mass of water rushed down to the
city in seven minutes, and at the Pennsyl-
vania Eailroad bridge, near the city, it
became dammed up, greatly increasing the
loss of life and collecting a large mass of
debris, which afterwards took fire and
added further to the destruction. Official
reports after the disaster placed the total
number of lives lost at ^;142, and the
value of property destroyed at $9,674,105.
Nearly $3,000,000 was raised for the re-
lief of the sufferers, contributions being
sent from nearly every State and large
city in the United States, and from sev-
eral cities in Europe. In the distribution
of the relief, the sum of $1,500 was given
to each of 124 women made widows, and
$50 annually till they should reach the
age of sixteen was assigned to each of
965 children made orphans or half-
orphans.

1890, March and April. — The levees of
the Mississippi River gave way in many
places and the waters flooded large areas
of land in Mississippi and Louisiana. The
worst crevasse was caused by the giving
way of the Morgansea, near Bayou Sara,
v/hich had been built by the federal and
State governments at a cost of about
$250,000.

1900, Sept. 6-9. — A tropical hurricane
visiting the Southern coast spent its fury
at and near Galveston, Tex., on Sept. 9.
The loss of life and property here was the
largest ever reported in the history of the
United States from this cause, the loss
of life being officially estimated at about
7,000, and the value of property destroyed
about $30,000,000. The latter included
the United States military post. The re-
lief contributions from various sources in
the United States and Europe amounted
to over $1,500,000.

1901, June 22. — A cloudburst occurred
near the headwaters of the Elkhorn and
Dry Fork rivers, whose confluence form
the main Tug River in the Flat Top coal
region of West Virginia. A disastrous

flood ensued, causing the loss of many lives
and the destruction of a large amount of
property. The consequent distress was
such that Governor White appealed to the
citizens of the State for relief for the
sufferers.

Investigating Committees. The first
investigating committee appointed by
Congress was in the case of the defeat of
Gen. Abthub St. Claik (q. v.). It was
a special committee, empowered to send
for persons and papers. Their call upon
the War Department for all papers relating
to the affair first raised the question of
the extent of the authority of the House
in such matters. The cabinet unanimous-
ly agreed that the House had no power
to call on the head of any department for
any public paper except through the Presi-
dent, in whose discretion it rested to fur-
nish such papers as the public good might
seem to require and admit, and that all
such calls must be made by a special
resolution of the House, the power to
make them being an authority which
could not be delegated to any committee.
This decision of the cabinet estab-
lished the method ever since practised
of calling upon the President for public
papers.

Iowa was originally a part of the vast
Territory of Louisiana, ceded to the United
States in 1803. The first settlement by
PJuropeans was made by Julian Du Buque,
who, in 1788, obtained a grant of a large
tract, including the site of the city of
Dubuque and the mineral lands around
it. There he built a fort, and manufact-
ured lead and traded with Indians until
his death, in 1810. The Territory was
placed under the jurisdiction of Michigan
in 1834, and in 1836 under that of Wis-
consin. It was erected into a separate
Territory June 12, 1838, and included all
the country north of Missouri between the
Mississippi and the Missouri and the
British line. This comprised a greater
part of Minnesota and the whole of the
present Dakotas, with an area of 94.000
square miles. The government was estab-
lished at Iowa City, in 1839. In 1844 a
State constitution was formed, but an ap-
plication for admission into the Union
was denied. The admission was effected
Dec. 28, 1846, and in 1857 the capital was
established at Des Moines. This State,

IOWA— IREDELL

lying westward of the Mississippi River,
with a population of nearly 700,000 and a
loyal governor ( Samuel J. Kirkwood ) ,
was quick to perceive the needs of the na-
tional government in its struggle with its
enemies, and was lavish in its aid. When
the President called for troops (April,
1861) the governor said, "In this emer-
gency Iowa must not and does not occupy

The population in 1890 was 1,911.890,
in 1900, 2,231,853. See U. S., Iowa, vol. ix.

GOVERNORS— TERRITORIAL.

Robert Lucas assumes office July, 1838

John Chambers " " ik41

James Clark " " ia45

GOVERNORS— STATE.

Ansel Briggs assumes

Stephen Hempstead.
Jiimes W. Grimes... ''

office

Dec

184fi

, 18.00
1854

Ralph P. Lowe

Samuel J. Kirkwood "
William M. Stone... "

Samuel Merrill "

C. C. Carpenter "

:: ••• •

Jan.

1860
1864
1868

1872

SamuelJ. Kirkwood "

1876

Joshua G. Newbold.actin<'. . .

John H. Gear assumes

1878

Buren R. Sherman.. "

1882

William Larrabee. .. "

1886

Frank D. Jackson... "

1894

Francis M. Drake. .. "
Leslie M. Shaw "

il ••• *

1896
1898

Albert B. Cummins.. "

190?,

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Name.

STATE SEAL OP IOWA.

^0. of Congress

Date.

1859

1K65
18(59
18(;7
187a
1871
1877

1881
1883
1895
1900

Augustus C. Dodge 30lh to Xid 1848 to 1855

George W. Jones 30th " 3(iih 1848

James Harlan 34th " 38lh 18.55

James W. Grimes 3Gtli " 40th 1859

Samuel J. Kirkwood 8'.)th 18ti5

James Harlan 40th to 43d 18e;7

James B. Howell 41st 18(i9

George G. Wright 4'.;d to 44th 1871

J ,,j, , ... TT, .1 TT • William B. Alli.sou 43d 1873

a doubtful position. For the Union as samuel J. Kirkwood 45th to 4(;th 1877

our fathers formed it, and for the govern- James W. McDill 47th I88i

, ,, „ J . , 1 ,, James F. Wilson 4Sth to 54th 1883

ment they framed so wisely and so well, johnH.Gear 53d ■• 56th 1895

the people of Iowa are ready to pledge Jonathan p. DoUiver 56th" 1900

every fighting-man in the State and every '

dollar of her money and credit." That Iredell, James, jurist ; born in Lewes,
pledge Avas redeemed by sending over 75,- England, Oct. 5, 1750; emigrated to North
000 men to the front. The present con- Carolina in 1767; admitted to the bar in
stitution of Iowa was framed by a con- 1775; was elected judge of the Superior
vention at Iowa City early in 1857, and Court in 1777; appointed attorney-general
was ratified Aug. 3. The clause confining in 1779; and judge of the Supreme Court
the privilege of the elective franchise to in 1790. He died in Edenton, N. C, Oct.
white citizens was stricken out by act of 20, 1799.

the legislature, and was ratified by the Iredell, James, lawyer ; born in Eden-
people in 1868. ton, N. C, Nov. 2, 1788; son of James Ire-
111 1903 Iowa ranked as the second corn- dell; graduated at Princeton College in
producing State in the country, with an 1806; served in the War of 1812; aided
output of 229,218,220 bushels, valued at in the defence of Craney Island; elected
$87,102,924; the second in hay; and the governor of North Carolina in 1827, and
second in oats. The equalized valuation served out an unexpired term in the
of all taxable property was $637,937,386; United States Senate in 1828-31. His
and the State had no bonded debt. In publications include a Treatise on the Law
1900 the State had 14,819 manufacturing of Executors and Administrators ; and a
establishments, with $102,733,103 capital; Difjest of all the Reported Cases in the
58,553 wage-earners; paying $23,931,680 Courts of North Carolina, 1778 to 1845.
for wages, $101,170,357 for materials, He died in Edenton, N. C, April IS,
products valued at $164,617,877. 18o3.

<53

IRELAND

Ireland. The bold stand taken by the a resolution which made the country
Americans early in 1775 made the British virtually free.

ministry afraid of like movements in Ireland, which had been more oppressed
Ireland, where the Protestant minority by British rule than the American colo-
had hitherto been employed to keep the nies, had, at the beginning of the contest
majority, who were Roman Catholics, in between the latter and Great Britain,
subjection. That majority, amounting to shown peculiar subserviency to its polit-
seven-eighths of the entire population, ical master. When news of the affairs
were not only deprived of all political at Lexington and Bunker Hill reached
privileges, but were subjected to a great that country, the Irish Parliament voted
many rigorous and cruel restraints, de- that they " heard of the rebellion with
signed to keep them ignorant, poor, and abhorrence, and were ready to show to
helpless. Even the Protestants in Ireland the world their attachment to the sacred
were not allowed an equality with their person of the King." Taking advantage
fellow-subjects in England. Their Parlia- of this expressed loyalty. Lord North
ment did not possess the rights enjoyed obtained leave to send 4,000 able-bodied
by the American colonial assemblies; and men to America as a part of the British
Ireland, in matters of trade, was treated army. The strongest and best of the Irish
very much like a foreign country. The army were selected, and eight regiments
idea of political liberty aroused in the were shipped for America. This left Ire-
colonies was already sowing the seeds of land almost defenceless. Its Parliament
revolution in Ireland, and it was judged offered to organize a national militia,
expedient to conciliate the Irish by just which Lord North refused to accept, and,
legislation that should relax the harsh instead of a militia, organized and con-
commercial restrictions. This, however, trolled by the British government, self-
was done so sparingly that it fell far formed bands of volunteers sprang up
short of accomplishing permanent good, all over Ireland. North saw his blunder.
Indeed, it was regarded as a delusive, and had a militia bill enacted. But it
temporizing policy, and the attitude of was too late; the Irish Parliament pre-
the Irish people, encouraged by that of ferred the volunteers, supported by the
the Americans, even became more threat- Irish themselves. Meanwhile the eloquent,
ening than ever. The Catholic Relief Bill patriotic, and incorruptible Henry Grat-
of 1778 had made the Irish, for the first tan had become a member of the Irish Par-
time in their history, one people; "all liament, and he was principally the agent
sects, all ranks, all races — the nobleman that kindled the fire of patriotic zeal in
and the merchant, the Catholic and the Ireland that was burning so brightly in
Protestant, the Churchman and the Dis- America. In 1779, though only thirty-
senter, he who boasted of his pure native three years of age, he led the Irish Parlia-
lineage and he who was as proud of the ment in demanding reforms. He moved an
Saxon or Norman blood that flowed in amendment to the address to the King
his veins — rushed together to the vindi- that the nation could be saved only by
cation of the liberties of their common free-trade, and it was adopted by unani-
country;" and, at the beginning of the mous vote. New taxes were refused. The
year, beheld them embodied to the num- ordinary supplies usually granted for two
ber of 80,000 volunteers. The British years were granted for six months,
government dared not refuse the arms Throughout the little kingdom an inex-
which they demanded to repel a threat- tinguishable sentiment of nationality was
ened invasion from France. The fiery aroused. Alarmed by the threatening at-
Grattan was then leader in the Irish titude, the British Parliament, in 1781,
Parliament. " I never will be satisfied," conceded to the dependent kingdom its
he exclaimed in debate, " so long as the claims to commercial equality,
meanest cottager- in Ireland has a link The volunteer army of Ireland, com-
of the British chain clanking to h's rags: manded by officers of their own choice,
he may be naked— he shall not be in amounted to about 50.000 at the close of
irons." The Irish Parliament acted in the war with America (1782). They
accordance with this spirit, and adopted were united under one general-in-chiof.

IRELAND

Feeling strong in the right and in its ma-
terial and moral vitality at the moment,
and encouraged by the success of the
Americans, Ireland demanded reforms for
herself. The viceroy reported that unless
it was determined that the knot which
bound the two countries should be severed
forever, the points required by the Irish
Parliament must be conceded. It was a
critical moment. Eden, who was secre-
tary for Ireland, proposed the repeal of
the act of George I. which asserted the
right of the Parliament of Great Britain
to make laws to bind the people and the
kingdom of Ireland — the right claimed for
I'arliament which drove the Americans to
war — and the Eockingham ministry adopt-
ed and carried the important measure.
Appeals from the courts of Ireland to the
British House of Peers were abolished ;
the restraints on independent legislation
were done away with, and Ireland, still
owing allegiance to Great Britain, ob-
tained the independence of its Parliament.
This was the fruit of the war for inde-
pendence in America. The people of Ire-
land owed the vindication of their rights
to the patriots of the United States ; but
their gratitude took the direction of their
complained-of oppressor, and their legis-
lature voted $500,000 for the levy of 20,000
seamen to strengthen the royal navy,
whose ships had not yet been withdrawn
from American waters, and which, with
an army, were still menacing the liberties
of the Americans.

Ireland, John, clergyman; born in
Burnchurch, County Kilkenny, Ireland,
Sept. 11, 18.38. When nine years old he
came to the United States and received
a primary education in the Catholic
schools of St. Paul, Minn. In 1853 he
went to France and took a preparatory
course in the Meximieux Seminary, after
which he received his theological train-
ing in the seminary of Hyeres. On Dec.
21, 1861, he was ordained a priest, and
for a while served in the Civil War as
chaplain of the 5th Minnesota Regiment.
Later he was made rector of the St. Paul
Cathedral. In 1870-71 he represented
Bishop Grace of St. Paul in the Vatican
Council in Rome. Subsequently the Pope
named him Bishop of Maronea and coad-
jutor to Bishop Grace, and he was con-
Rfcrated Dec. 21, 1875. He succeeded to

the see of St. Paul on July 31, 1884, and
was made archbishop on May 15, 1888.
From early youth he was a strong advo-
cate of temperance. In 1869 he estab-
lished the first total abstinence society in
Minnesota. He also became active in col-
onizing the Northwest with Roman Catho-
lics. In 1887 he went to Rome with Bish-
op Keane, of Richmond, for the purpose of
placing before the Pope the need of a
Roman Catholic University at Washing-
ton, D. C, which has since been estab-
lished under the name of the Catholic

ARCHBISHOP JOHX IRELAND.

University of America. In 1891 a mem-
orable controversy arose over the action
of a Roman Catholic priest in Faribault,
Minn., in transferring the parochial school
to the control of the public school board.
The transfer and the conditions were ap-
proved by Archbishop Ireland, and the
experiment became known as the " Fari-
bault Plan." The conditions in brief were
that the city should bear all the expenses
of the school ; that the text-books and
general management should be the same
as in the public schools; that the priest
sl'.ould have the right of nominating

IRELAND, JOHN

teachers for the school of his own religious
denomination, who would be subject to
the required examination; and that no
religious exercises, instruction, nor em-
blems should be permitted in the school.
This plan was also adopted in Stillwater,
Minn. Soon, however, bishops in other
parts of the country, who disapproved of
the scheme, complained at Rome that
Archbishop Ireland was disregarding the
ecclesiastical law as expressed by the
plenary councils of Baltimore. Archbishop
Corrigan, of New York, was one of the
leaders of this opposition. Archbishop
Ireland was summoned to Rome, and
after a long examination of the plan it
was approved by the Congregation of
the Propaganda in its decree of April
30, 1892.

Lafayette and America. — On July 4,
1900, a statue of Lafayette, the cost of
which had been raised by the school chil-
dren of the United States, was unveiled
in Paris and formally presented to the
French people. Archbishop Ireland was
selected to deliver the oration on the occa-
sion, and on being informed of this Presi-
dent McKinley addressed him the follow-
ing letter:

" Executive Mansion,
" Washington, June 11.

" Dear Sir, — Within a few clays I have ap-
proved a resolution of Congress which voices
in fitting terms the profound sympathy with
which our people regard the presentation to
France by the youth of America of a statue
of General Lafayette. It has given me much
pleasure to learn that you have been selected
to deliver the address on this most interest-
ing occasion.

" No more eminent representative of Amer-
ican eloquence and patriotism could have been
chosen, and none who could better give ap-
propriate expi-ession to the sentiments of
gratitude and affection which bind our peo-
ple to France.

" I will be grateful if you will say how
we honor in our national capital the statue
of Lafayette erected by the French people,
and convey my hope that the presentation of
a similar memorial of that knightly soldier,
whom both republics are proud to claim, may
serve as a new Ilnl< of friendship between the
two countries, and a new incentive to gener-
ous rivalry in striving for the good of man-
liind. Vei'y sincerely yours.

" William McKinley.
" Most Rev. .Tolin Ireland, Archbishop of Si.
I*aul, St. Paul, Minn."

The following is the principal part of
the oration :

To-day a nation speaks her gratitude
to a nation; America proclaims her re-
membrance of priceless favors .conferred
upon her by France. We speak to France
in the name of America, under commis-
sion from her chief magistrate, William
McKinley, from her Senate and House
of Representatives, from her youths who
throng her schools, and from the tens
of millions of her people who rejoice in the
rich inheritance won in years past by the
allied armies of France and America.
We are bidden by America to give in the
hearing of the world testimony of her
gratitude to France.

Once weak and poor, in sore need of
sympathy and succor, to-day the peer of
the mightiest, self-sufficing, asking for
naught save the respect and friendship
to which her merits may entitle her, the
republic of the United States of America
holds in loving remembrance the nation
from which in the days of her dire ne-
cessity there came to her powerful and
chivalrous support. Noble men and noble
nations forgive injuries ; they never for-
get favors.

There is a land which is above all other
lands the land of chivalry, of noble im-
pulse and generous sacrifice, the land of
devotion to ideals. At the call of a high-
born principle her sons, with souls at-
tuned by nature to the harmonies of the
true and the beautiful, leap instinctive-
ly into the arena, resolved at any cost
to render such principle a reality in the
life-current of humanity. The pages of
its history are glistening with the names
of heroes and martyrs, of knightly sol-
diers and saintly missionaries. It is of
I'rance I speak.

At the close of the last century France
■was, more than ever, ready to hearken
io an appeal made in the name of hu-
man rights. The spirit of liberty was
I'.overing over the land, never again to
depart from it, even if for a time baf-
fled in its aspirations by the excesses of
friends or the oppression of foes. To
I-'rance America turned and spoke her
hopes and fears ; her messengers plead-
ed her cause in Paris : quick and generous
^vas the response which France gave to
the appeal.

Gilbert du Molier, IMarquis de Lafay-
ette! Oh, that words of mine could ex-

IRELAND, JOHN

press the full burning love which our
IJevolutionary sires did bear to this il-
lustrious son of old Auvergne! Oh, that
I could pronounce his name with the rev-
erence with which my countrymen across
the sea wish me to pronounce it before
the people of France! In America two
names are the idols of our national wor-
ship, the burden of fireside tale, the in-
spiration of the poet's song, the theme
of the orator's discourse: the name of him
who was the Father of his Country —
George Washington ; and the name of him
who was the true and trusty friend of
\>'ashington, Gilbert du Motier, Marquis
de Lafayette.

Strange were it if America did not
cherish the name of Lafayette. He loved
America. " From the moment that I
heard the name of America," said he,
" I loved her ; from the moment I learned
of her struggles for liberty, I was inflamed
with the desire of shedding my blood for
her." He understood, above most men of
his time, the full significance of America's
contest. " Never," said he, " had so noble
a purpose offered itself to the judgment of
men; it was the last struggle for liberty,
and its defeat would have left freedom
without a home and without hopes." His
devotion to America was as unselfish as
it was intense. " I offer myself," he
wrote, " to serve the United States with
all possible zeal without pension or allow-
ance."

Wealth and rank, the favors of court
and king, high distinction in the service
of his own country, the endearments of
wife and child — all that ambition could
covet or opportunity promise, the youth
of nineteen simuners piit resolutely aside
to cast his lot with a far-off people bat-
tling against fearful odds — and that at a
moment when their fortunes were at their
lowest ebb, and hope had wellnigh aban-
doned their standard. When the agent of
America in France sadly confessed that
he was even unable to furnish a ship to
carry him and other volunteers, Lafayette
said: "I will buy a ship and take your
men with me."

By his magnanimity of soul, and by his
grace of manner, not less than by his mili-
tary prowess, he won all hearts and be-
came the idol of the American army. He
proved himself to the inmost fibre of his

soul an American, as proud of America
as the proudest of her patriots, the
champion before all contestants of her
honor and her fair name. More cheerfully
even than his American companions in
arms he bore the terrible hardships of the
war; again and again he pledged his per-
sonal fortune to buy food and clothing for
his men, who knew him by the familiar
appellation of " The Marquis, the soldiers'
friend." In camp and in battle his in-
fluence was boundless; a word of cheer
from his lips roused the drooping spirits
of his soldiers ; a word of command sent
them headlong against the enemy. A
visitor to the American camp, the Marquis
de Chastellux, could not help remarking
that Lafayette was never spoken of with-
out manifest tokens of attachment and
aiTection.

But much as Lafayette deserves and re-
ceives our love and honor in return for
his personal services in the cause of Amer-
ica, his chief title to the gratitude of our
people is that his heroic figure ever looms
up before their entranced fancy as the
symbol of the magnanimity which France
as a nation displayed towards our country
in her laborious struggle for life and lib-
erty. The value of the aid given to us
by France in our war for independence is
inestimable. The joy which the memory
of it awakens in our souls is that which
comes to us through the consciousness of
our national life itself. France stood
first sponsor for our nationhood. We
entered into the great family of nations
leaning on her arm, radiant with the re-
flection of her histrionic splendor, and
strong in the protection of her titanic
stature. When Franklin stood in the
palace of Versailles, the acknowledged en-
voy of America, and Gerard de Rayneval,
as the minister of France, saluted the
Congress of America at Philadelphia, the
young republic thrilled with new life and
leaped at once into a full sense of security
and a true consciousness of her dignity.

Let historians relate as they will that
the King and minister of France saw in
the revolt of the American colonies, and
in the assistance that might be given
them, an opportunity for France to
avenge the humiliation of the tveaty of
1763. It is not for us to demand that
statesmen become for our sake oblivious

IRELAND, JOHN

of the interests of their own country.
What America knows, what she will never
fail to know, is that King and ministers
of France gave us the aid through which
we won our independence, that they gave
it to us in warmest friendliness and with
most chivalrous generosity, and that in
giving to ds such aid they were applauded
by the /loble-hearted people of France, who
loved America, and encouraged the alli-
ance of their country with her, because
of the great principles which were linked
with the triumph or the defeat of the new
republic of the West.

The war of America was waged for a
mighty principle of deepest import to the
welfare of humanity. It rose thereby im-
mensely above other wars in solemn grand-
eur of meaning. The principle at stake
was that of civil and political liberty, the
triumph of which in America would be
the presage of its triumph in the world.
It was this principle that shed singular
glory upon the battle-fields of America.
America rose in rebellion against arbi-
trary and absolute government ; she un-
sheathed the sword in the name of the
rights of man and of the citizen.

There is but one who in His own right
has power to rule over men — Almighty
God — and from Him is derived whatever
authority is exercised in human society.
That authority is not, however, directly
given to the one or the few; it is com-
municated by him to the people to be
exercised in the form which they choose.
by those whom they designate. And the
men in whom this authority is invested
by delegations of the people are to use it
not for the benefit of the one or the few,
but for the good of the people. All this
is the plain teaching of reason and re-
ligion, and yet not seldom were such sim-
ple truths forgotten, not seldom in prac-
tice was power held as if it belonged to
dynasties and classes, and exercised as if
" the human race lived for the few." The
rebellion of a people on so large a scale
as was the uprising of the American colo-
nies could not but challenge universal at-
tention, and the triumph of such a rebel-
lion could not but stir other peoples to a
sense of their rights and to a stern resolve
to maintain them.

It will not, assuredly, be said that the
republican form of government is vital to

a well-ordered State, nor that without it
the rights of the people cannot be safe-
guarded, nor that it is the best and proper
policy for every people. The form of a
government is a question that must rest
with the people of each nation, to be de-
termined solely by them according to their
special needs and their dispositions of
character. It is, nevertheless, true that
the republican form of government is of
itself peculiarly expressive of the limita-
tions and responsibilities of power, and
consequently the founding of a republic
such as that of the United States was a
momentous event for liberty throughout
the entire world. In every commonwealth
the people's sense of their rights and
power was quickened, and there sprang
up in the consciences of the rulers of na-
tions a new conception of their responsi-
bilities towards the people. Whatever to-
day in any country the particular form of
government, democracy is there in some
degree; and it is there because of its
plenary triumph in America, whence went
forth the charmed spell that reached, were
it but in weakened waves, the uttermost
bounds of civilized humanity.

The creation of the republic of the
United States was the inauguration of a
new era in the life of the human race —
the era of the rights of manhood and of
citizenship and of the rights of the peo-
ple. Such is the true meaning of the
American Revolution, the full signifi-
cance of the work done in America by
Lafayette and France.

This is the age of the people. Every
decade will mark an advance in the tri-
umphant march of democracy. Political
movements do not go backward : the peo-
ple do not abandon, except under duress,
and then only for a time, rights of which
they were once possessed, or the power
which they have once wielded to maintain
and enlarge those rights. To seek for ar-
guments against democracy in its appar-
ent perils is a waste of time. The part
of true statesmanship is to study the
])erils such as they may be and take meas
ures to avert them. The progress of de-
mocracy cannot be stayed. He who would
rule must rule through the people, through
the individual men who constitute the
people. To obtain results in the civil and
political world he must go to the Individ-

IRON— IRON AND STEEL

Zone of
Limestone
Decompgsinon

ual, enlighten his mind, form his con- of the United States in 18D8 and 1899
science and thus enlist his sympathies and was the output of Great Britain in 1880,
win his intelligent co-operation. He who which reached 18,026,049 long tons. The
does this will succeed; he who uses other output of the United States in 1899 aggre-
methods will fail. The task for those who gated in value $34,999,077. The chief
would rule men is made more difficult, ore-producing States were: Michigan, 9,-
The time is long gone by when men can 140,157 long tons; Minnesota, 8,161,289
be swayed by sword or proclamation. But long tons; Alabama, 2,662,943 long tons;
manhood in men has meanwhile gro\vii, and Pennsylvania, 1,009,327 long tons,
and they who love manhood in men should Virginia and West Virginia combined
rejoice. ranked next with 986,476 long tons. The

Why should we be asked to regret the production in the calendar year 1902 was
coming of democracy? What is it in its the largest in the history of the country,
ultimate analysis but the practical asser- 35,554,135 long tons, valued at $65,412,-
tion of the dignity of man, indelibly im-
pressed upon him when he was fashioned
to the image of the Creator? What is it
but trust in the power of truth and right-
eousness, and in the readiness of the hu-
man soul to respond to such influences?
The growth of mind and will in the in-
dividual is what all must hail who be-
lieve in human progress, or in the
strength of Christian civilization. And
as mind and will grow in men, so grow in
him the consciousness of his rights and
power, and the resolve to uphold rights,
to put power into act, and to resist all
irrational or unnecessary restraint upon
either rights or power — and thus is be-
gotten democracy. The new age has
dawned for all humanity ; but, where men
have the more quickly and the more thor-
oughly understood their dignity, there its
golden rays have risen higher above the
horizon and shed more richly their light
upon human thought and action.

Iron, Martin, labor leader; born in
Scotland, Oct. 7, 1832; emigrated to the
United States in 1846; and later settled
in Lexington, Mo. ; joined the Knights of
Labor and organized and led the famous
Missouri Pacific Railroad strike of 1886.
He died in Bunceville, Tex., Nov. 17, 1900.

Iron and Steel. The remarkable ad-
vance in material prosperity of the
United States within a few years is
sho\\Ti in most striking detail in the pro-
duction and manufactures of iron and
steel. The calendar year 1899 was a 950; and in 1903 it was 35,019,308 long
record-breaker in the production of iron- tons.

ore throughout the world. In the United The amount of pig-iron manufactured
States the total output was 24.683,173 in the United States in 1903 was 18,009,-
long tons, an increase of 5.249,457 long 252 long tons. In the fifteen years 1889-
tcns over the aggregate of the preceding 1903 the total production of ore in the
year. The nearest approach to the total United States was 305,521,317 long tons,

Boshes

Tuyeres'
Hearth

Tapping-hole

DIAGRAM OF A MODERN BLAST-FURNACE.

IRON AND STEEL

THE GREAT ORE DOCKS AT MARQUETTE.

an average annual output of 20,368,088
long tons. In the production of 1903 the
red hematite constituted the most promi-
nent general class of iron-ore, yielding
30,328,654 long tons, or 86.6 per cent, of
the total. Brown hematite yielded 3,080,-
399 long tons ; magnetite, 575,422 long
tons; and carbonate, 34,833 long tons.
Minnesota produced the largest amount
of red hematite, Alabama the largest of
brown hematite. New Jersey the largest
of magnetite, and Ohio the largest of
carbonate.

In 1890 the United States for the first
time gained the lead among the pig-iron
producing countries of the world, but lost
it to Great Britain in 1894. The follow-
ing year, however, the United States
again outranked Great Britain, and has
since kept ahead of that country. In
1901 the five great pig-iron producers of
the world stood in tlie following order of
importance: United States. 15.878.000
long tons; Great Britain, 7.929,000; Ger-
many, 7,867.000; Russia. 2,821,000; and
France, 2.389,000. It is also a matter of
record that in 1901 the United States pro-
duced over 33 per cent, of the total ore
output of the world, or 28.887.000 long
ions out of an estimated total of 87.000,-
000 long tons. It is further interesting to
note that the capitalization of the groups

of operating companies aggregated $1,455,-
696,000.

The total output of the steel -producing
countries for 1901 was approximately
27,240.000 long tons, divided as follows:
United States, 13,474,000 tons; Germany.
6,394,000; Great 'Britain, 4,904,000;
France, 1,425,000; Belgium, 653.000. The
output in the United States included
8.713,302 long tons of Bessemer steel and
4,656,309 long tons of open-hearth steel.

For 1905 the production was: United
States, 22.992,380 tons of pig-iron, 19,912.-
751 steel; Germany, 10,987.623 iron, 10,-
000,000 steel (estimated) ; Great Britain.
9.592,737 iron; 5,889.450 steel; France
(1904), 2,999,787 iron. 2.080,354 steel;
Russia. 2,901,000 iron, 2.400,000 steel.
The total production of all other countries
for 1895 is estimated at 4,600,000 tons
iron, 3.500,000 steel.

In the iron and
foreign countries, in
preceding 1900. the
United States was exactly reversed. In
1880 five times as much was imported as
exported. At the close of this period
the country exported six times the value
of its imports. These exports, in the
fiscal year 1899-1900, aggregated $121.-
858.341, thus ranking next to bread-
stulTs. coUon, and provisions, the three
"0

steel trade with
the twenty years
position

of the

IRON AND STEEL

higher in value. There were in the iron other articles entering the daily require-

and steel exports twenty-one classes ments of man.

valued at from $1,000,000 to $9,000,000 If any further evidence was required
each. In the calendar year 1904 the ex- to indicate the supremacy of the United
port trade in iron and steel manufactures States in the allied iron and steel in-
aggregated $111,948,586. The marvellous dustries, the gigantic United States Steel
development of the iron and steel trade Corporation, organized in February, 1901,
above indicated contributed to make the by a pooling of the interests of more than

A MODERN BLASTFURNACE.

United States, in the opening of the a dozen great operating companies, known
twentieth century, the world's greatest on the " street " as the " billion-dollar
producer of iron, steel, coal, copper, cot- steel combine," would probably be suffi-
ton, breadstuffs, provisions, and many cient to satisfy any doubt. Each of the

IBON AND STEEL— IROQUOIS CONEEDERACY

corporations in the new concern was 000,000 in bonds, and with a cash account

widely known for the large capital it of $200,000,000.

commanded and the vast amount of work Ironclad Oath. See Oaths.

it had already accomplished, and the pos- Ironsides, Old. See Constitution,

sibilities open to consummation by a Iroquois Confederacy, The, was

combination of these great concerns be- originally composed of five related fami-

came a matter entirely beyond the range lies or nations of Indians, in the present

of human calculation. The leading figures State of New York, These were called,

KOLLIXG SHEKT-IRON.

in this consolidation of extraordinary
interests were Andrew Carnegie, the
rittsburg iron and steel king, and J.
Pierpont Morgan, the New York banker,
who financiered the combination. The
combination began operations with a total
capital of .$l,ir)4,000,000, divided into
$850,000,000 in cnpilal stock, imd $304,-

respectively, Mohawks, Oneidas, Onon-
dagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. Tradition
says the confederacy was founded by Hia-
watha, the incarnation of wisdom, at about
the beginning of the fifteenth century.
Ife came from his celestial home and dwelt
with the Onondagas. where he taught the
related tril)es the knowledge of good liv-

IROQUOIS CONFEDERACY

ing. Fierce warriors approached from the
north, slaying everything human in their
path. Hiawatha advised a council. It
was held on the bank
of Onondaga Lake.
Representatives
of each nation were
there. Under his di-
rection a league was
formed, and each can-
ton was assigned its
appropriate place in
it. They gave it a
name signifying
" they form a cabin,"
and they fancifully
called the league
" The Long Hovise."
The eastern door was
kept by the Mohawks,
and the western by
the Senecas, and the
council-fire was with
the Onondagas, at
their metropolis, a
few miles south of
the site of the city of
Syracuse. By common
consent, a chief of
the Onondagas, called
Atatarho, was niacin'
the first president of
the league. The Mo-
hawks, on the east,
were called "the
door." The confeder-
acy embraced within
its territory the pres-
ent State of New
York north and west
of the Kaatzbergs and

south of the Adirondack group of moun-
tains. The several nations were subdi-
vided into tribes, each having a heraldic
insignia, or totem. Through the totemic
system they maintained a tribal union,
and exhibited a remarkable example of an
almost pure democracy in government.

Each canton or nation was a distinct
republic, independent of all others in re-
lation to its domestic affairs, but each
was bound to the others of the league by
ties of honor and general interest. Each
liad an equal voice in the general council
or congress, and possessed a sort of veto
power, which was a guarantee against

despotism. After the Europeans came, the
sachem, or civil head of a tribe, affixed
his totem — such as the rude outlines of a

ATATARHO*

wolf, a bear, a tortoise, or an eagle — to
every public paper he was required to
sign. It was like a monarch affixing his

* Atatarho, the first president of the
Iroquois Confederacy, is represented by the
Indians as living, at the time he was chosen,
in grim seclusion in a swamp, where his
dishes and drinlving-vessels, lilie those of half-
barbarian Caucasians, were made of the
skulls of his enemies slain in battle. When a
delegation went to him to offer him the
symbol of supreme power, they found him
sitting smoking his pipe, but unapproachable,
because he was entirely clothed with hissing
snakes. Here is the old story of Medusa s
snaky tresses unveiled in the forests of the
new-found world

IROQUOIS CONFEDERACY

NO. 1.

seal. Each of the original Five Nations
was divided into three tribes, those of the
Mohawks being designated as the Tortoise
or Turtle, the Bear, and the Wolf. These
totems consisted of representations of
those animals. These were sometimes ex-
ceedingly rude, but were sufficient to de-
note the tribe of the signer; as. No. 1,
appended to the
signature of Little
Hendrick, a Mo-
hawk chief, repre-
sents his totem — a
turtle; No. 2, ap-
pended to the signa-
ture of Kanadagea, a chief of the Bear
tribe, represents a bear lying on his
back; and No. 3 is the signature of
Great Hendrick, of the Wolf tribe, the
rude representation of that animal ap-
pearing at the end of his signature.

As each confederated union was di-
vided into tribes, there were thirty or
forty sachems in the
league. These had in-
ferior officers under
them, and the civil
power was widely
distributed. Office
NO- 2- was the reward of

merit alone; mal-
feasance in it brought dismissal and pub-
lic scorn. All public services were com-
pensated only by public esteem. The
powers and duties of the president of
the league were similar to those con-
ferred and imposed upon the chief mag-
istrate of our republic. He had au-
thority to assemble a congress of rep-
resentatives; had a cabinet of six ad-
visers, and in the council he was a
moderator. There was no coercive
power, excepting public opinion,
lodged anywhere. The military dom-
inated the civil power in the league.
The chiefs derived their authority
from the people, and they sometimes,
like the Romans, deposed civil offi-
cers. The army was composed wholly
of volunteers, and conscription was im-
possible. Every able-bodied man was
bound to do military duty, and he who
shirked it incurred everlasting disgrace.
The ranks were always full. The re-
cruiting-stations were the war-dances.
Whatever was done in civil councils

was subjected to review by the soldiery,
who had the right to call councils when
they pleased, and approve or disapprove
public measures. The matrons formed
a third and powerful party in the legis-
lature of the league. They had a right
to sit in the councils, and there exercise
the A'eto power on the subject of a dec-
laration of war, and to propose and
demand a cessation of hostilities. They
were pre-eminently peace-makers. It was
no reflection ujion the courage of warriors
if, at the call of the matrons, they with-
diew from the war-path. These women
wielded great influence in the councils, but
they modestly delegated the duties of
speech-making to some masculine orator.
With these Indians, woman was man's co-
worker in legislation — a thing unheard of
among civilized people. So much did the
Iroquois reverence the " inalienable rights
of man," that they never made slaves of
their fellow-men, not even of captives
taken in war. By unity they w^ere made
powerful; and to prevent degeneracy,
members of a tribe were not allowed to
intermarry with each other.

Like the Romans, they caused their
commonwealth to expand by annexation
a,nd conquest. Had they remained undis-
covered by the Europeans a century longer
the Confederacy might have embraced the
whole continent, for the Five Nations had
already extended their conquests from
the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico,
and were the terror of the other tribes
east and west. For a long time the
French in Canada, who taught them the
use of fire-arms, maintained a. doubtful
struggle against them. Champlain found

NO. 3.

them at war against the Canada Indian?
from Lake Huron to the Gulf of St. Law-
rence. He fought them on liake Cham-
plain in 1009; and from that time until
the middle of that century their ■wars
against the Canada Indians and their
French allies were fierce and dis-

IROQUOIS CONFEDERACY

CHAMPLilX'S FIRST FIGHT WITH THE IROQOOIS.

tressing. They made friends of the
Dutch, from whom they obtained fire-
arms; and they were alternately at
war and peace with the French for
about sixtj^ years. The latter invaded the
cantons of the league, especially after the
Five Nations became allied with the Eng-
lish, who, as masters of New York, used
their dusky neighbors to carry out their
designs. The Iroquois, meanwhile, car-
ried their conquests almost to Nova Sco-
tia on the east, and far towards the
Mississippi on the west, and subdued the
Susquehannas in Pennsylvania. In 1649
they subdued and dispersed tlie Wyandottes
in the Huron country. Some of the fugi-
tives took refuge among the Chippewas ;
others fled to Quebec, and a few were in-
corporated in the Iroquois ConfederacJ^
The Wyandottes were not positively sub-
dued, and claimed and exercised sover-
eignty over the Ohio country down to the
close of the eighteenth century. Then the
Five Nations made successful wars on
their eastern and western neighbors, and
in 1655 they penetrated to the land of the
Catawbas and Cherokees. They conquered
the Miamis and Ottawas in 1057. and in
1701 made incursions as far as the Roan-

oke and Cape Fear rivers, to the land of
their kindred, the Tuscaroras. So deter-
mined were they to subdue the Southern
tribes that when, in 1744, they ceded a
part of their lands to Virginia, they re-
served a perpetual privilege of a war-path
through the territory.

A French invasion in 1693, and again in
1696, was disastrous to the league, which
lost one-half of its warriors. Then they
swept victoriously southward early in the
eighteenth century, and took in their kin-
dred, the Tuscaroras, in North Carolina,
when the Confederacy became known as
the Six Nations. In 1713 the French gave
up all claim to the Iroquois, and after
that the Confederacy was generally neu-
tral in the wars between France and Eng-
land that extended to the American colo-
nies. Under the influence of William
Johnson, the English Indian agent, they
went against the French in 1755, and some
of them joined Pontiac in his conspiracy
in 1763. When the Revolution broke out,
in 1775, the Iroquois, influenced by the
Johnson family, adhered to the crown,
excepting the Oneidas. Led by Brant and
savage Tories, they desolated the Mohawk,
Cherrv. and Wvoming vallevs. The coun-

IROQUOIS CONFEDERACY— IRRIGATION

try of the Western Iroquois, in turn, was
desolated by General Sullivan in 1779, and
Brant retaliated fearfully on the frontier
settlements. At the close of the war the
hostile Iroquois, dreading the vengeance
of the exasperated Americans, took refuge
in Canada, excepting the Oneidas and Tus-
caroras.

By treaties, all the lands of the Six
Nations in New York passed into the pos-
session of the white people, excepting some
reservations on which their descendants
still reside. In the plenitude of their

ished them in human form as fiercely ss
Henry VIII., or the rulers and the Gospel
ministers at Salem in later times. Their
'■ medicine men " and " prophets " were
as expert deceivers as the priests, oracles,
and jugglers of civilized men. They tor-
tured their enemies in retaliation for kin-
dred slain with almost as refined cruelty
as did the ministers of the Holy Inquisi-
tion the enemies of their opinions; and
they lighted fires around their more emi-
nent prisoners of war, in token of their
power, as bright and hot as those kindled

ATTACK ON AN IROQUOIS FORT (Froiii an olcl print).

power the Confederacy numbered about
15,000; they now number about 13,000,
distributed at various points in Canada
and the United States. In 1899 there
were 2,767 Senecas, 549 Onondagas, 161
Cayugas, 270 Oneidas, and .388 Tuscaroras
in New York State; 1,945 Oneidas in Wis-
consin; and 323 Senecas in Indian Terri-
tory. Like the other Indians of the con-
tinent, the Iroquois were superstitious and
cruel. They believed in witches as firmly
as did Cotton Mather and his Puritan
brethren in New England, and they jmn-

by enlightened Englishmen around -loan
of Arc as a sorceress, or Bishops Latimer
and Ridley as believers in what they
thought to be an absurdity.

Irrigation, artificial watering of land
in arid regions for the purpose of utiliza-
tion. This subject has claimed much at-
tention in the United States since 1890
on the part of the general and State gov-
ernments, of large corporations, and of
private individuals. Associations de-
signed to promote investigations into the
water and forest resources of the country

IimiGATIOM'

have been formed in various localities.
These bodies have raised large sums of
money with which they have co-operated
with various bureaus, chiefly the Geologi-
cal Survey. The surprise is that there
has not been much greater interest mani-

A CALIFORNIA ORAXGE GROVE, SHOWING RKSULTS OF IRRIGATION,

fested in this subject, since one-third of and extending westward to the foot of the
the United States territory is officially Sierra Nevada Mountains and the Cas-
included in what is known as the great cade ^Mountains in Oregon and Washing-
" arid region," which needs only the ton. It comprises an immense territory,
magic touch of
water to change it
into fertile fields.

This vast area
falls topographical-
ly into the follow-
ing divisions:

1. The Great
Plains, stretching
from the 100th
meridian west to
the Rocky Moun-
tains, a distance of
250 miles, and hav-
ing an extent of
about 700 miles
from Manitoba on
the north to Texas
on the south. g,

2. A region be- |
ginning at the east- fc,,
ern foothills of the
l.\pcky Mountain^ reBioATio.v bt pipe system.

mRIGATION

In 1900 these
divisions taken as
a whole contained
a population of
9,000,000 people,
and over 50;000,-
000 acres of land
under some form
of cultivation.
Abcut 9,000,000
acres of this land
have been made
available through
irrigation, by
means of artesian
wells in a few
cases, but for the
most part by the
construction of
canals and ditches.
At a number of
irrigation con-

which includes the park system of the gresses held in the West the national
Eockies, culminating in Wyoming, Colo- government was strongly urged to under-
i-ado. New Mexico, and northeast Arizona, take an active part in the reclamation of
The section contains many mountain sys- the large arid areas susceptible of a high
tems, the Great Basin of Salt Lake, the state of agricultural development imder
great cafion system and plateau of the such liberal conditions as the national

IRRIGATION BT ARTESIAN-WELL SYSTEM.

-it:

^^1k^\

i|iijp ^

Coloiado, the meadow-lands of
"Nevada, the noitln\est Columbia
Basin, and the National Park.

3. A region including about one-
fourth of the territory of Cali-
fornia, and divided into two parts
■ — the foothills of the Sierras and
the broad, level valley lying be-
tween the Sierras and the Coast
Range.

SWEETWATER DAM, SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA, USED IN IRRIGATION.

IRVINE— IRVING

government alone could afToid. The cen-
fsns of lUOO, tmiong ireneral inif^ation sta-
tistics of the United States, reported the
following: Number of irrigators, 108,218;
acres irrigated, 7,53!), 545; area in crops,
5.944,412 acres, and in pasture and un-
matured crops, 1,595,133 acres; value of
irrigated crops, $80,860,491; and cost of
irrigation systems, $67,770,942. In 1902
a bill was approved by the President,
June 17, providing for the appropria-
tion, as a special fund to be used in
the construction of irrigation works, of
all moneys received from the sale of public
lands in Arizona, California, Colorado,
Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nebraska, Ne-
vada, New Mexico, North Dakota, Okla-
homa, Oregon, South Dakota, Utah,
Washington, and Wyoming, beginning
with the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901.
Under this law the fund amounted in
1901 to $3,144,821, and in 1902 to $4,585,-
516. This total, $7,730,337, was appor-
tioned among the States and Territories
in 1903 as follows: Arizona, $81,773;
California, $503,270; Colorado, $628,995;
Idaho, $507,448; Kansas, $49,135; Mon-
tana, $772,377; Nebraska, $235,194; Ne-
vada, $23,414; New Mexico, $147,237;
North Dakota, $1,227,496; Oklahoma,
$1,008,795; Oregon, $910,061; South Da-
kota, $307,562; Utah, $146,824; Washing-
ton, $794,088; Wyoming, $385,762. On
June 30, 1904, the auditor of the Depart-
ment of the Interior reported that the ac-
cumulations of the reclamation fund then
amounted to approximately $25,000,000.

Irvine, James, military ofhcer; born in
Philadelphia, Pa., Aug. 4, 1735; took part
in Colonel Bouquet's expedition as cap-
tain in a Pennsylvania regiment. During
the Revolutionary War he was captain
and later lieutenant-colonel of the 1st
Pennsylvania; and was commissioned
colonel of the 9th Pennsylvania Regiment,
Oct. 25. 1776. He was taken prisoner
during the action at Chestnut Hill, Dee.
5, 1777, carried to New York, and remain-
ed there till he was exchanged in 1781.
After the close of the war he was a mem-
ber of the General As-embly of Pennsyl-
vania m 1785-86, and of the State Senate
in 1795-99. He died in Philadelphia, Pa.,
April 28, 1819.

Irvine, William, military officer; born
in Fermanagh, Ireland, Nov. 3, 1741;

was surgeon of a ship-of-war; came to
the United States after the peace of
1763, and practised medicine at Carlisle,
Pa. He was an active patriot, and raised
and commanded the 6th Pennsylvania
Regiment in 1776; was captured in the
battle at Three Rivers, Canada; ex-
changed in May, 1778; served under
Wayne, and in 1781 was stationed at Fort
Pitt, charged with the defence of the
Northwestern frontier. He was a mem-
ber of Congress in 1786-88, and took a
civil and military part in the task of
quelling the Whiskey Insurrection. He was
again a member of Congress in 1793-95.
He died in Philadelphia, July 29, 1804.

Irving, Sir Henry, actor; born in
Keinton, near Glastonbury, England, Feb.
6, 1838. His real name was John Henry
Brodribb, but he preferred the name of
" Irving," and in 1887 was permitted by
royal license to continue the use of it.
He was educated in a private school in
London, and began his dramatic career
in 1856, when he took the minor part of
Orleans in Richelieu. In 1866 he estab-
lished his reputation as an actor of merit
at the St. James Theatre, in London, as
Doricourt in The Belle's Stratagem. In
1870 he appeared as Digby Grant in the
Two Roses, which v/as played for 300
nights; and in 1871, after playing the
part of Mathias in The Bells at the
Lyceum Theatre, he came to be regarded
as the greatest actor in England. He as-
sumed the management of the Lyceum
Theatre in 1878, and raised that house to
an international reputation. In May,
1881, he opened a memorable engagement
with Edwin Booth, producing Othello, in
which the two actors alternated the parts
of Othello and lago. He has made sev-
eral successful tours of the United States
in company with Ellen Terry, on one of
which (1884) he delivered an address on
The Art of Acting before the students of
Harvard University. In a lecture on
Amusements, before the Church of Eng-
land Temperance Society, he made a
strong defence of the morality of the
stage. He published Impressions of
America (1884). In 1895 he received the
honor of knighthood.

Irving, Wasiiincton, author; born in
New York City, April 3, 1783. His father
was a Scotchman, his mother an English-
79

IRVING, WASHINGTON

WASHINGTON IRVING.

woman. He engaged in literature while
yet a youth, and was in Europe for his
health in 1804-06. In 1807 he published,

1808, his Knickerbocker's History of Neto
York. After editing a magazine during
the War of 1812-15, he went to Europe,
where he resided seventeen years; when,
after the failure of a mercantile house
in New York with which he was connected,
he was left to rely on his literary labors
for support. He spent his time partly
in England, France, Germany, and Spain,
and published his Life of Columbus in
1828, which was followed by the Con-
quest of Granada and the Alhambra.
From 1829 to 1831 he was secretary of
the American legation in London, and re-
ceived from George IV. the fifty-guinea
gold medal awarded for eminence in his-
torical composition. He returned to New
York in 1832, and prepared and published
several works; and from 1839 to 1841
contributed to the Knickerbocker Maga-
zine. From 1842 to 1846 he was minister
to Spain, and on his return to New York

TlIK OLD CIIL'iiCU AT SLKICl'Y HOLLOW.

in connection with his brother Peter and lie published a revised edition of all his
James K. Paulding, Salmagundi, and in works in 15 volumes, which had a

IRVING— ISABELLA

\ery large sale. His last work was a
Life of Washington, in 5 volumes, com-
pleted a few months before his death.
Mr. Irving never married. The honorary
degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him
by Harvard College, Oxford University,
in England, and Columbia College, in New
York. His remains rest near the sum-
mit of a gentle slope in the cemetery at-
tached to the ancient Dutch church at
the entrance to " Sleepy Hollow," near

built in 10G9, and is the oldest church
edifice in the State of New York. Over
the Sleepy Hollow brook, near it, is the
bridge where Brom Bones, the supposed
" headless horseman," hurled the pump-
kin at the frightened Ichabod, and drove
him from the neighborhood and Ka-
trina van Tassell forever. Mr. Irving
died in Irvington, N. Y., Nov. 28,
1859.

Irwin, Jared, legislator; born in

Tarrytown, N. Y. They lie by the side
of those of his mother. In a row lie the
remains of his father, mother, brothers,
and sisters. The old church, which he
made famous by the story of Ichabod
Crane (a leader in the psalm-singing there
on Sundays) in his Legend of Sleepy Hol-
low, remains the same as when it was
v.— F 8

Mecklenburg county, N. C, in 1750; re-
moved to Georgia, and served throughout
the Revolutionary War ; was a member of
the State constitutional conventions of
1789, 1795, and 1798; and was elected
governor of the State in 1796 and 1806.
iie died in Union, Ga., March 1. 1818.

Isabella, Queen of Castile and Leon :
born in Madrigal, Old Castile. April 2.3,
1451; lived in retirement with her mother,
a daughter of John II., of Portugal, until
her twelfth year. At the age of eleven
years she was betrothed to Carlos, brother
of Ferdinand (whom she afterwards mar

ISABELLA

ried), then forty-six years old. His death
prevented the union. Other candidates
for her hand were proposed, but, being a

ISABELLA OF CASTILE.

young woman of spirit, she rejected them.
Her half-brother Henry, on the throne,
contracted a marriage for her, for state
purposes, with the profligate Don Pedro
Giron, grand-master of the Order of Cala-
trava. "I will plunge a dagger in Don
Pedro's heart," said the maiden, " before I
will submit to the dishonor." The grand-
master died as suddenly as Carlos, while
on his way to the nuptials, probably from
the effects of poison. Henry now made
an arrangement by which Isabella was
recognized as heir to Castile and Leon,
with the right to choose her own husband,
subject to the King's approval. She chose
Ferdinand, Prince of Aragon, who signed
the marriage contract at Cervera, Jan. 7,
1469, guaranteeing to his betrothed all
the essential rights of sovereignty in Cas-
tile and Leon. King Henry, offended be-
cause his sister would not marry the
King of Portugal, sent a force to seize
her person. She escaped to Valladolid,
whither Ferdinand hastened in disguise,
and they were married, Oct. 19, 1409,
in the cathedral there. Civil war ensued.
The King died late in 1474, and Isabella
was declared Queen of Castile and Leon ;
but her authority was not fully recog-
nized until after a war with the King

of Portugal, who was affianced to Juana,
the rival of Isabella for the throne. After
that her career was brilliant. She ap-
peared in arms at the head of her troops
in her wars with the ]\Ioors.

From a conviction that it was for the
safety of the Roman Catholic religion,
she reluctantly, it is said, gave her con-
sent to the establishment of the Inquisi-
tion; and for this act, and her fiery zeal
for the Church, amounting at times to
fanatical cruelty, she is known in history
as Isabella, " the Catholic." Ferdinand
was now King of Aragon, and their king-
doms were united and formed a strong
empire, and the consolidated Christian
power of the Spanish peninsula was ef-
fected. The two monarchs w^ere one in
love, respect, and interest. They ruled as
separate sovereigns, each having an inde-
pendent council, and sometimes holding
their courts at points distant from each
other at the same time; but they were a
unit in the general administration of the
consolidated kingdoms, all acts of sover-
eignty being executed in the name of
both, all documents signed by both, and
their profiles stamped together on the na-
tional coins, while the royal seal dis-
played the united arms of Castile and

VALLADOLIU CATHEDRAL.

Aragon. The religious zeal of Isabella
was inflamed when Columbus, in his ap-
plication for aid, declared that one great

ISABELLA— ISLAND NUMBER TEN

DEATH-BED OF QUEEN ISABELLA.

object of his ambition was to carry the
Gospel to the heathen of undiscovered
lands. But public affairs at first so en-
grossed the attention of the monarchs
that the suit of the navigator did not pre-
vail for a long time. Finally he was sum-
moned before the monarchs, and pleaded
his cause in person. The Queen's zeal was
so increased that she resolved to give him
aid. " Our treasury," said Ferdinand,
'■ has been too much drained by the war
to warrant us in the undertaking." The
Queen said, " I will undertake the enter-
prise for my own crown of Castile; and,
if necessary, will pledge my jewels for the
money." Then she fitted out the expedi-
tion that sailed from Palos in the autumn
of 1492. Afterwards she opposed the en-
slaving of the natives of the western con-
tinent; and when Columbus sent a cargo
of captives to Spain, she ordered them to
be carried back to their own country.
With Cardinal Ximenes she eff'ected a
radical reform in the Church, as she had
in the State; and criminals, high or low,
the clergy and common oflfenders, felt the

sword of justice fall with equal severity.
Masculine in intellect, feminine in her
moral qualities, pious and loving, Isa-
bella's virtues — as virtues were estimated
then and there — made a favorite theme
for the praise of Spanish writers. In
person she was beautiful — well formed,
with clear complexion, light blue eyes,
and auburn hair. She had one son and
four daughters. Her youngest daughter,
Catharine, became the wife of Henry VIII.,
of England. See Columbus, Christo-
pher.

Island Number Ten. This island lies
in a sharp bend of the Mississippi River,
about 40 miles below Columbus, and with-
in the limits of Kentucky. At the begin-
ning of the Civil War it was considered
the key to the navigation of the lower
Mississippi. To this island some of the
troops and munitions of war were trans-
ferred when General Polk evacuated
Columbus, and all the troops there were
in charge of Beauregard. On March 8,
1S62, he sent forth a proclamation in
which he called for bells with which to

ISLAND NUMBER TEN

make cannon, and tliere was a liberal re-
sponse. " In some cities," wrote a Con-
federate soldier, " every church gave up
its bells. Court-houses, public institu-
tions, and plantations sent them. And
the people furnished large quantities of
old brass — andirons, candlesticks, gas-
fixtures, and even door-knobs." These
were all sent to New Orleans to be used
in cannon foundries. There they were
found by General Butler, sent to Boston,
and sold at auction. Beauregard had
thoroughly fortified the island, and, after
the capture of New Madrid, it became
an object of great interest to both par-
ties, for it was besieged by the Nationals.
i'oY this purpose Commodore Foote left
Cairo, March 14, 1862, with a powerful
fleet of gun and mortar-boats. There
were seven of the former iron-clad and
one not armored, and ten of the latter.
On the night of the 15th Foote was at
Island Number Ten, and the next morn-
ing (Sunday) he began the siege with a
bombardment by the rifled cannon of his
flag-ship, the Boston. This was followed
by the mortar-boats, moored at proper
points along the river shore, from which
tons of iron were hurled upon the island
and the batteries on the Kentucky bank
opposite. All day long the artillery duel
was kept up without much injury to
either party. Meanwhile a battery of
Illlinois artillery had been landed on the
Missouri shore, in a position to assail
the Confederate flotilla near the island.
The next day a tremendous attack on the
Confederate works was made by a float-
ing battery of ten guns, formed of three

gunboats lashed together, side by side,
followed by three others separately. The
day's work was barren of any decisive re-
sult. The island shores were lined with

A MOKTAR-BOAT.

batteries. So the siege went on, with
varying fortunes, until the first week in
April, when Beauregard telegraphed to
Richmond that the " Federal guns " had
" thrown 3,000 shells and burned 50 tons
of gunpowder " without damaging his
batteries or killing one of his men.

The public began to be impatient; but
victory was near. General Pope was
chafing with impatience at New Madrid.
He wished to cross the river to the
peninsula and attack the island in the
rear, a movement that would insure its
capture. The opposite shore was lined
with Confederate batteries, and it would
be madness to attempt a crossing until
these were silenced. Gen. Schuyler Ham-

ISLAND NUMBER TE^,

ISLAND NUMBER TEN

MAP OP ISLAKD NUMBER TBN.

ilton proposed the construction of a dangerous voyage. Perceiving the peril-
canal across the neck of a swampy penin- ous fate that awaited them after the
siila of sufficient capacity to allow the completion of the canal, thf Confederates
passage of gunboats and transports, so as sank steamboats in the channel of the
to effectually flank Island Number Ten and river to prevent the gunboats descend-
insure its capture. It was undertaken ing it, and they unsuccessfully attempted
under the supervision of Colonel Bissell, to escape from the island. After the
and was successfully performed. In the Carondelet had passed the batteries,
mean time daring feats against the shore Beauregard was satisfied that the siege
batteries had been performed; and dur- must speedily end in disaster to his com-
ing a terrible thunder-storm on the night mand; so, after turning over the com-
of April 3, Captain Walke ran by the mand on the island to General McCall,
Confederate batteries with the gunboat and lea\'ing the troops on the Kentucky
Carondelet, assailed by all of them, her and Tennessee shores in charge of Gen-
position being revealed by the flashes of eral McCown, he, with a considerable
lightning. It w^as the first vessel that number of his best soldiers, departed for
ran by Confederate batteries on the Mis- Corinth to check a formidable movement
sissippi River. She had not fired a gun of National troops through middle Ten-
during her passage, but the discharge of nessee towards Northern Alabama,
three assured anxious Commodore Foote The vigorous operations of Pope after
of the safety of the Carondelet after the he passed through the wonderful canal

ISLAND NUMBER TEN

tiastened the crisis. McCall and his
troops, in their efforts to escape from
the island, were intercepted by Pope's
forces under Generals Stanley, Hamilton,
and Paine; and on April 8, 18G2, Island

THE CARONDELET.

Number Ten, with the troops, batteries,
and supports on the main, was surren-
dered. Over 7,000 men became prisoners
of war; and the spoils of victory were 123
cannon and mortars, 7,000 small-arms,
many hundred horses and mules, four
steamboats afloat, and a very large
amount of animunibion. The fall of Isl-
and Niimber Ten was a calamity to the

Confederates which they never retrieved.
It caused widespread alarm in the Mis-
sissippi Valley, for it appeared probable
that Memphis, one of the strongholds of
the Confederates, where they had immense
work-shops and armories,
would soon share the fate
of Columbus, and that Na-
tional gunboats would
speedily patrol the great
river from Cairo to New
Orleans. Martial law was
jjroclaimed at Memphis,
and only by the wisdom
and firmness of the mayor
were the troops and panic-
stricken citizens prevented
from laying the town in
ashes. Preparations for
flight were made at Vicks-
burg, and intense alarm
prevailed at New Orleans
among the disloyal population. It seem-
ed as if the plan devised by Fremont,
and now partially executed, was about to
be successfully carried out. Curtis had
already broken the military power of the
Confederates west of the Mississippi, and
a heavy National force, pressing on tow-
ards Alabama and Mississippi, had just
achieved a triumph on the banks of the

BOMBAUDMENT Ol' 1^1 ANL' NUMBER TEN,
80

ISLES— lUKA SPEINGS

Tennessee, a score of miles from Corinth. IturlDide, Augustin de, Emperor of
See Fremont, John Charles. Mexico; born in Valladolid, Mexico, Sept.

Isles, Andre des, military officer; born 27, 1783. Leading in a scheme for over-
in Dieppe, France, in 1530 ; sent to Amer- throwing the Spanish power in Mexico in
ica in 1560 by Coligni for the purpose of 1821, he took possession of the capital
erecting a society for the settlement of with troops in September in the name of
French Huguenots. He landed on the the nation, and established a regency.
Florida coast near Cape San Juan, and He was declared Emperor, INIay 18, 1822,
erected a wooden fort, which he left in but rivals and public distrust caused him
charge of twenty men. Coligni sent 600 to abdicate, and he went to Europe in
Huguenots and three ships, under com- 1823. An insurrection in his favor in
mand of Captain Ribaut, with Des Isles Mexico induced him to return in 1824,
as lieutenant. In 1563 Des Isles returned when he was seized and shot, in Padilla,
with 300 additional emigrants, but owing July 19, 1824. After his execution Mexico
to eternal strife between the leaders, granted his family a pension of $8,000
Ribaut and Des Isles, on the one hand, per year. Angel, the eldest son of
and Laudonniere, on the other, the colony the Emperor, married Miss Alice Green,
was greatly reduced, and in this condition of Georgetown, D. C, and their son
was attacked by the Spaniard Menendez, Augustin was adopted by the Emperor
who massacred all the French. Maximilian as his heir. In April, 1890,

Italy. The relations of the United Augustin Iturbide, who had entered the
States with Italy, as with other Conti- Mexican army, published an attack on
nental countries, have usually been har- the IMexican government, for which he
nionious. In 1891, however, an incident was court-martialled.

occurred which temporarily strained the luka Springs, Battle near. After
mutual good feelings. Several murders the evacuation of Corinth (q. v.), Gen-
had been committed in New Orleans, which eral Rosecrans was placed in command
had been attributed by many to the influ- of the forces under Pope, who had gone
ence of a secret Italian society— the Mafia, to Virginia, to occupy northern Missis-
A number of Italians had been arrested, sippi and Alabama, in the vicinity of Co-
but the normal procedure seemed to nu- rinth, and eastward to Tuscumbia. His
merous inhabitants of New Orleans en- forces were known as the Army of the
tirely inadequate. On March 14, 1891, Mississippi, with headquarters at Corinth,
eleven Italian prisoners were lynched in There were no more stirring events in
the city prison by an assemblage largely the region of General Grant's command
composed, so it was stated, of the " lead- (under whom was Rosecrans) than
ing citizens " of New Orleans. This event guerilla operations, from June until Sep-
created intense excitement. The Italians tember. At the beginning of September
in this country and Italy were greatly the Confederates under Price and Van
aroused. The comments^ of Americans Dorn moved towards the Tennessee River,
varied from downright condemnation of and, when Bragg moved into Tennessee,
the proceedings to partial praise. The Price attempted to cut off communica-
Italian government recalled its minister, tions between Grant and Buell. General
Baron Fava. Eventually, April 12, 1892, Armstrong (Confederate), with over
'the United States government appropri- 5,000 cavalry, struck the Nationals, Aug.
ated $25,000 for the families of the vie- 30, 1862, at Bolivar, with the intention
tims. and diplomatic relations were re- of severing the railway there. He was
sumed. repulsed by less than 1,000 men, under

Itata, Chilean cruiser. She put in at Colonel Leggett. He was repulsed at
San Diego. Cal., April 25, 1891, for arms Jackson the next day, and again, on Sept.
and ammunition, and was seized by the 1, at Britton's Lane, after a battle of four
United States government for violation of hours with Indiana troops, under Colonel
neutrality laws. She escaped, and was Dennis. At the latter place Armstrong
pursued by the United States ship left 179 men. dead and wounded, on the
riuirlrsfon.^ On J\ine 4. 1891. the Itafa field. Informed of this raid, at Tuscum-
survcndered to the Charleston at Iquique. bia, Rosecrans hastened to luka, a little

lUKA SPRINGS, BATTLE NEAR

village celebrated for its fine mineral
springs, about 15 miles east of Corinth,
where a large amount of stores had been
gathered. There, with Stanley's division,
he encamped at Clear Creek, 7 miles east
of Corinth, and, at the same time, Price
moved northward from Tupelo with about

listening for the sound of Ord's guns, and
skirmishing briskly by the way, had
reached a point within 2 miles of luka, on
densely wooded heights. There he formed
a line of battle. He sent forward his skir-
mishers, who were driven back, and a
severe battle immediately followed. The

J^-t f cfei: JLL^ =^-- -^^ -^^ni^x^^ — "-^

lUKA SPRINGS, 1862.

12,000 Confederate troops. Price struck
luka, Sept. 10, and captured the National
property there.

Grant at once put two columns in mo-
tion to crush Price — one, under Rosecrans,
to attack his flank and rear, and another,
under General Ord, to confront him. These
movements began on the morning of Sept.
18. Ord, with 5,000 men, advanced to
Burnsville, followed by General Ross with
more, while Rosecrans moved with the
separated divisions of Stanley and C. S.
Hamilton, about 9,000 strong, during a
drenching rain, to San Jacinto, 20 miles
southward of luka. On the next morning,
Sept. 19, they pushed on towards luka,
Mizner's cavalry driving a Confederate
guard. Early in the afternoon Hamilton,

11th Ohio Battery was, after a severp
struggle, placed in position on the crest of
the hill. With this battery, a few regi-
ments of Iowa, Missouri, Minnesota, and
Indiana troops fought more than three
times their number of Confederates, led
by Price in person. Finally, when Colonel
Eddy, of an Indiana regiment, was mor-
tally wounded, the remainder of his regi-
ment was hurled back in disorder, leaving
the almost disabled battery to be seized
by the Confederates. For the possession
of these guns desperate charges and coun-
tercharges were made, until at length the
Confederate soldiers dragged the guns off
the field. All of the horses and seventy-two
of the artillerymen had been killed. The
battle raged warmly elsewhere, when the

IVES— IZARD

Confederates were driven to the shelter of
the hollows near the village. Darkness end-
ed the battle of luka. The National loss was
nearly 800, killed, wound-
ed, and missing ; that of the
Confederates was nearly
1,400. Ord, meanwhile,
whom Grant had sent co
assist Rosecrans, had been
watching the movements
of Confederates who were
making feints on Corinth.
Expecting to renew the
battle at luka in the
morning, Stanley pressed
forward for the purpose,
but found that Price had
fled southward under cov-
er of the darkness, leaving
behind the captured guns
of the 11th Ohio Battery.
Price was pursued all day,
but escaped.

Ives, Halsey Cooley, artist; born in
Montour Falls, K Y., Oct. 27, 1846;
studied art; was chief of the art depart-
ment of the World's Columbian Exposi-
tion; and Professor of Drawing and De-

Izard, George, military officer ; born in
South Carolina in 1777; son of Ralph
Izard. Having finished his education and

'^^^'^)lu "<"i,'^;"-

GEORGE IZARO.

sign, and Director of the Museum and
School of Fine Arts in Washington Uni-
versity.

GRAVES OF THE llTH OHIO BATTERY-MEN.

made a tour in Europe, he entered the
United States army, in 1794, as lieuten-
ant of artillery. He was appointed aide
to General Hamilton in 17D9; resigned in
1803; commissioned colonel of artillery in
the spring of 1812; and promoted
to brigadier - general in March,
1813. He was in command on
Lake Champlain and on the Niag-
ara frontier, in 1814, with the
rank of major-general. From 1825
until his death he was governor
of Arkansas Territory. Early in
September, 1814, he moved tow-
ards Sackett's Harbor, under the
direction of the Secretary of War.
with about 4,000 troops, where he
received a despatch from General
Brown at Fort Erie, Sept. 10,
urging him to move on to his sup-
port, as he had not more than
2,000 effective men. The first
division of Izard's troops arrived
at Lewiston on Oct. 5. He moved
up to Black Rock, crossed the Ni-
agara River, Oct. 10-11, and en-
camped 2 miles north of Fort
Erie. Ranking General Brown, he
took the chief command of the
combined forces, then numbering,
with volunteers and militia, about 8,000
men. He prepared to march against
Drummond, who, after the sortie at Fort
S9

IZARD

Erie, had moved down to Queenston. Izard
moved towards Chippewa, and vainly en-
deavored to draw Drummond out. He had
some skirmishing in an attempt to destroy
a quantity of grain belonging to the Brit-
ish, in which he lost twelve men killed and
fifty-four wounded; the British lost many
more. Drummond fell back to Fort
George and Burlington Heights. Perceiv-
ing further operations in that region to
be useless, and perhaps perilous, Izard
crossed the river and abandoned Canada.
Knowing Fort Erie to be of little service,
ha caused it to be mined and blown up,
Nov. 5. He died in Little Rock, Ark.,
Nov. 22, 1828.

Izard, Ralph, statesman; born near
Charleston, S. C, in 1742; was educated
at Cambridge, England, and in 1767 mar-

ried a daughter of Peter De Lancey,of New
York. They spent some time in Europe,
and Mr. Izard was appointed by Congress
commissioner to the Court of the Grand
Duke of Tuscany, and resided in Paris,
where he took sides with Arthur Lee
against Silas Deane and Franklin (see
Deane, Silas). He returned home in
1780; procured for General Greene the
command of the Southern army, and
pledged his large estates for the purchase
of ships-of-war in Euroj^e. He was in
Congress in 1781-83, and in the United
States Senate in 1789-95. Two years
afterwards he was prostrated by paral-
ysis. His intellect was spared, and he
lived in comparative comfort about eight
years, without pain, when a second shock
ended his life, May 30, 1804.

Jackson, city and capital of tlie State opposition, and began tearing up the rail-

of Mississippi; on tlie Pearl River and way between that town and the capital,

several important railroads; is a large Sherman was also marching on Jackson,

cotton-shipping centre and has extensive while McClernand was at a point near

manufactories; population in 1890, 5,920; Raymond. The night was tempestuous.

in 1900, 7,816. In the morning, Sherman and McPherson

In 1863, while the troops of General pushed forward, and 5 miles from Jack-

SENATE CHAMBER AT JACKSOJJ, MUSS.

Grant were skirmishing at Raymond, he son they encountered and drove in the

learned that Gen. Joseph E. Johnston was Confederate pickets. Two and a half

hourly expected at Jackson. To make miles from the city they were confronted

sure of that place, and to leave no enemy by a heavy Confederate force, chiefly

in his rear. Grant pushed on towards Georgia and South Carolina troops, under

Jackson. McPherson entered Clinton ear- General Walker. General Crocker's di-

iy in the afternoon of May 13, without vision led the van of the Nationals, and

JACKSON

a battle began at eleven o'clock, while a back. Grant sent Sherman reinforce-

sbower of rain was falling. The Confed- ments, giving that leader an army 50,000

erate infantry were in a hollow, with strong. With these he crossed the Big

their artillery on the crest of a hill be- Black River, during a great drought. In

yond them. Crocker pressed the Confed- dust and great heat the thirsty men

erates out of the hollow and up the slopes and animals went on to Jackson, John-

to their artillery. Still onward the Na- ston retiring before them and taking

^^>.«i.— ^ ^^.- --

GOVLRNOR'S MAV<!ION AT JACKSON M!SS

tionals pressed in the face of a severe fire,
when the Confederates broke and fled tow-
ards the city, closely pursued for a mile
and a half to their earthworks. Under a
heavy storm of grape and canister shot
poured upon their works, the Nationals
reformed for the purpose of making an
assault; but there was no occasion, for
the garrison had evacuated the fort. They
left behind them seventeen cannon, and
tents enough to shelter a whole division.
The commissary and quartermaster's
stores were in flames. The city was taken
possession of by the Nationals, and the
stars and stripes were unfurled over the
State House by the 50th Indiana Regiment.
Entering Jackson that night, Grant
learned that Johnston had arrived, taken
charge of the department, and had or-
dered Gen, J. C. Pemberton to march im-
mediately out of Vicksburg and attack
the National rear.

After the fall of Vicksburg, Johnston
hovered menacingly in Grant's rear.
Sherman had pushed out to press him

position behind his breastworks there.
Sherman invested Jackson, July 10, each
flank resting on the Pearl River. He
planted 100 cannon on a hill, and open-
ed on the city, July 12; but his trains
being behind, his scanty ammunition was
soon exhausted. In the assault. General
Lauman pushed his troops too near the
Confederate works, and in the course of
a few minutes 500 of his men were killed
or wounded by sharp - shooters and the
grape and canister from twelve cannon.
Two hundred of his men were made prison-
ers. Under cover of a fog, Johnston made
a sortie, July 13, but with no beneficial
result, and on the night of July 16-17
he withdrew with his 25,000 men, hur-
ried across the Pearl River, burned the
bridges behind him, and retreated to Mor-
ton, Sherman did not pursue far, his
object being to drive Johnston away and
make Vicksburg secure. For this purpose
he broke up the railways for many miles,
and destroyed everything in Jackson that
might be useful to the Confederates.

JACKSON, ANDREW

Jackson, Andrew, seventh President of from the North of Ireland, in 1765, and
the United States: born in the Waxhaw were of the Scotch-Irish, At fourteen
Settlement, Mecklenburg eo., N. C, March years of age, Andrew joined the Revolu-
15, 1767. His parents had emigrated tionary forces in South Carolina. In

JACKSON, ANDREW

that service he had two brothers killed, with a blue gauze veil, with a silver star
He was with Sumter in the battle of on her brow. These personated the several
Hanging Rock (q. v.), and in 1781 was States and Territories of the Union. Each
made a prisoner. He was admitted to carried a basket filled with flowers, and
the practice of the law in western North behind each was a lance stuck in the
Carolina in 1786; removed to Nashville ground, and bearing a shield on which
in 1788: was United States attorney for v»'as inscribed the name and legend of the
that district in 1790; member of the con- State or Territory which she represented,
vention that framed the State constitu- These were linked by festoons of ever-
tion of Tennessee in 1796; member of the greens that extended from the arch to the
United States Senate in 1797; and judge door of the cathedral. At the appointed
of the Tennessee Supreme Court from 1798 time, Jackson, accompanied by the oSicers
to 1804. From 1798 until 1814 he was of his stafl", passed into the square, and,
major-general of the Tennessee militia, and amid the roar of artillery, was conducted
conducted the principal campaign against to the raised floor of the arch. As he
the Creek Indians, which resulted in the stepped upon it, the two little girls leaned
complete subjugation of that nation in the gently forward and placed the laurel
spring of 1814. On May 31, 1814, he was crowns upon his head. At the same mo-
appointed a major-general in the regular nient, a charming Creole maiden (Miss
army and given command of the Depart- Kerr), as the representative of Louisiana,
ment of the South. His victory at New stepped forward, and, with modesty in
Orleans, Jan. 8, 1815, gave him great re- voice and manner, addressed a few con-
nown. gratulatory words to the general, eloquent

On Jan. 21, with the main body of his with expressions of the most profound
army, he entered the city. He was met in gratitude. To these words Jackson made
the suburbs by almost the entire popula- a brief reply, and then passed on towards
tion, who greeted the victors as their the church, the pathway strewn with flow-
saviors. Two days afterwards there was ers by the gentle representatives of the
an imposing spectacle in the city. At States. At the cathedral entrance he was
Jackson's request, the apos-
tolic prefect of Louisiana ap-
pointed Jan. 23 a day for the
public offering of thanks to
God for the victory just won.
It was a beautiful winter
morning on the verge of the
tropics. The religious cere-
monies were to be held in
the old Spanish cathedral,
which was decorated with
evergreens for the occasion.
In the centre of the public
square in front of the cathe-
dral, a temporary triumphal
arch was erected, supported
by six Corinthian columns,
and festooned by flowers and
evergreens. Beneath this arch
stood two beautiful little
girls, each upon a pedestal,

and holding in her hand a civic crown received by the apostolic prefect (Abbe du
of laurel. Near them stood two dam- Bourg) in his pontifical robes, supported
sels, one personifying Liberty, the other by a college of priests in their sacerdotal
Justice. From the arch to the church, garments. The abbe addressed the general
arranged in two rows, stood beautiful with eloquent and patriotic discourse, af-
girls dressed in white, each covered ter which the latter was seated conspicu-

BIRTHPLACE OF ANDREW JACKSOX

JACKSON, ANDREW

ously near the great altar, while the Tc
Deum Laudamus was chanted by the choir
and the people. When the pageant was
over, the general retired to his quarters
to resume the stern duties of a soldier;
and that night the city of Xew Orleans
blazed with a general illumination. On
the spot where the arch was erected, in
the centre of the public square in front
of the cathedral, has been erected a bronze
equestrian statue of Jackson, by Clark
Mills.

Jackson, like a true soldier, did not
relax his vigilance after the victory that
saved Louisiana from British conquest.
He maintained martial law in New Or-
leans rigorously, even after rumors of a

Jackson's headqcartiirs, xkw oklkaxs.

proclamation of peace reached that city.
When an official announcement of peace
was received from Washington he was
involved in a contention with the civil
authorities, who had opposed martial law
as unnecessary. In the legislature of
Louisiana was a powerful faction opposed
to him personally, and when the officers
and troops were thanked by that body
(Feb. 2, 181.5), the name of Jackson was
omitted. The people were very indignant.
A seditious publication soon appeared,
which increased their indignation, and as
this was a public matter, calculated to
produce disaflfection in the army, Jackson
caused the arrest of the author and his

trial by martial law. Judge Dominic A.
Hall, of the Supreme Court of the United
States, issued a writ of habeas corpus in
favor of the offender. Jackson considered
this a violation of martial law, and or-
dered the arrest of the judge and his ex-
pulsion beyond the limits of the city. The
judge, in turn, when the military law was
revoked (March 13, 1815) in consequence
oi the proclamation of peace, required
Jackson to appear before him and show
cause why he should not be punished for
contempt of court. He cheerfully obeyed
the summons, and entered the' crowded
court-room in the old Spanish-built court-
house in citizen's dress. He had almost
reached the bar before he was recognized,
when he was greeted with huzzas by a
thousand voices. The judge was alarmed,
and hesitated. Jackson stepped upon a
bench, procured silence, and then, turning
to the trembling judge, said, " There is
no danger here — there shall be none. The
same hand that protected this city from
outrage against the invaders of the coun-
try will shield and protect this court, or
perish in the effort. Proceed with your
sentence." The agitated judge pronounced
him guilty of contempt of court, and fined
him $1,000. This act was greeted by a
storm of hisses. The general immediately
drew a check for the amount, handed it to
the marshal, and then made his way for
the coiirt-house door. The people were in-
tensely excited. They lifted the hero upoiv
their shoulders, bore him to the street, and
there an immense crowd sent up a shout
that blanched the cheek of Judge Hall.
He was placed in a carriage, from which
the people took the horses and dragged it
themselves to his lodgings, Avhere he ad-
dressed them, urging them to show their
appreciation of the blessings of liberty and
a free government by a willing submission
to the authorities of their country. Mean-
time, $1,000 had been collected by volun-
tary subscriptions and placed to his credit
in a bank. The general politely refused to
accept it, and begged his friends to dis-
tribute it among the relatives of those
who had fallen in the late battles. Nearly
thirty years afterwards (1843), Congress
refunded the sum with interest, amounting
in all to $2,700.

In 1817 he successfully prosecuted the
war against the Seminoles. In 1819 he

JACKSON, ANDBEW

JACKSON'S RECIiPTION BY THE CITIZENS OF NEW ORLEANS.

resigned his military commission, and was
governor of newly acquired Florida in
1821-22. He was again United States
Senator in 1823-24; a"nd in 1828, and also
in 1832, he was elected President of the
United States (see Cabinet, Presi-
dent's). His warfare on the United
States Bank during his Presidency re-
sulted in its final destruction.

President Jackson possessed great firm-
ness and decision of character; was

honest and true; not always correct in
judgment; often rash in expressions and
actions ; misled sometimes by his hot anger
into acts injurious to his reputation; of
unflinching personal courage; possessed
of a tender, sympathizing nature, although
sometimes appearing fiercely leonine ; and
a patriot of purest stamp. He retired
from public life forever in the spring of
1837. His administration of eight years
was marked by great energy, and never

JACKSON, ANDREW

were the affairs of the republic in its
domestic and foreign relations more pros-
perous than at the close of his term of
office. He died in " The Hermitage," near
ISiashville, Tenn., June 8, 1845. In 1852

THE OLD CODRT-HOUSE WHERE JACKSON WAS FINED FOR CONTEMPT OF COURT.

an equestrian statue of Jackson, in bronze,
by Clark Mills, was erected at Washing-
ton, at the expense of the nation.

Nullification.— On Sept. 19, 1832, Presi-
dent Jackson issued the following procla-
mation against nullification:

Whereas, a convention assembled in the
State of South Carolina have passed an
ordinance, by which they declare " that
the several acts and parts of acts of the
Congress of the United States, purport-
ing to be laws for the imposing of duties
and imposts on the importation of for-
eign commodities, and now having actual
operation and effect within the United
States, and more especially " two acts
for the same purposes passed on May 29,
1828, and on July 14, 1832, "are un-
authorized by the Constitution of the
l.nited States, and violate the true mean-
ing and intent thereof, and are null and
void, and no law," nor binding on the
citizens of that State or its officers; and
by said ordinance it is further declared
to be unlawful for any of the constituted

authorities of the State or of the United
States to enforce the payment of the
duties imposed by the said acts within
the same State, and that it is the duty
of the legislature to pass such laws as
may be neces-
sary to give
full effect to
the said ordi-
nance;

And whereas,
by the said
ordinance, it is
further ordain-
ed that in no
case of law or
equity decided
in the courts
of said State,
wherein shall
be drawn in
question the
validity of the
said ordinance
or of the actc
of the legislat-
ure that may
be passed to
give it effect, or
of the said laws
of the United States, no appeal shall be
allowed to the Supreme Court of the
United States, nor shall any copy of the
record be permitted or allowed for that
purpose, and that any person attempting
to take such appeal shall be punished as
for a contempt of court ;

And, finally, the said ordinance declares
that the people of South Carolina will
maintain the said ordinance at every
hazard; and that they will consider the
passage of any act by Congress abolish-
ing or closing the ports of the said State,
or otherwise obstructing the free ingress
or egress of vessels to and from the said
ports, or any other act of the federal gov-
ernment to coerce the State, shut up her
ports, destroy or harass her commerce,
or to enforce the said acts otherwise
than through the civil tribunals of the
country, as inconsistent with the longer
continuance of South Carolina in the
Union; and that the people of the said
Svate will thenceforth hold themselves
absolved from all further obligation to
maintain or preserve their political con-

i)^^;>^v.

JACKSON, ANDREW

nection with the people of the other
States, and will forthwith proceed to
organize a separate government, and do
all other acts and things which sovereign
and independent States may of right do.
And, whereas, the said ordinance pre-
scribes to the people of South Carolina a
course of conduct in direct violation of
their duty as citizens of the United

must inevitably result from an observ-
ance of the dictates of the convention.

Strict duty will require of me nothing
more than the exercise of these powers
with which I am now, or may hereafter
be, invested, for preserving the peace of
the Union, and for the execution of the
laws. But the imposing aspect which
opposition has assumed in this case, by

States, contrary to the laws of their clothing itself with State authority, and
country, subversive of its Constitution, the deep interest which the people of the
and having for its object the destruction United States must feel in preventing a
of the Union : that Union which, coeval resort to stronger measures, while there
with our political existence, led our is a hope that anything will be yielded
fathers, without any other ties to unite to reasoning and remonstrance, perhaps
them than those of patriotism and a com- demand, and will certainly justify, a full
mon cause, through a sanguinary struggle exposition to South Carolina and the na-
tion of the views I entertain of this im-
portant question, as well as a distinct
enunciation of the course which my sense
of duty will require me to pursue.

The ordinance is founded, not on the
indefeasible right of resisting acts which
are plainly unconstitutional, and too op-

to a glorious independence; that sacred
Union, hitherto inviolate, which, perfect-
ed by our happy Constitution, has
brought us, by the favor of heaven, to
a state of prosperity at home, and high
consideration abroad, rarely, if ever,
equalled in the history of nations. To

preserve this bond of our political exist- pressive to be endured, but on the strange
ence from de-
struction, to
maintain invio-
late this state
of national
honor and pros-
perity, and to
justify the con-
fidence my fel-
low - citizens
have reposed in
me, I, Andrew
Jackson, Presi-
dent of the
United States,
have thought
proper to issue
this my procla-
mation, stating
my views of the
Constitution
and laws ap-
plicable to the
measures adopt-
ed by the con-
vention of South Carolina, and to the rea- position that any one State may not only
sons they have put forth to sustain them, declare an act of Congress void, but pro-
declaring the course which duty will re- hibit its execution; that they may do this
quire me to pursue, and. appealing to the consistently with the Constitution; that
understanding and patriotism of the peo- the true construction of that instrument
pie, warn them of the consequences which permits a State to retain its place in the
v. — a 97

THE HERMITAGE IN 1861.

JACKSON, ANDREW

Union, and yet be bound by no other of decision in theory, and the practical illus-
its laws than those it may choose to con- tration shows that the courts are closea
sider as constitutional. It is true, they against an application to review it, botli
add, that to justify this abrogation of a judges and jurors being sworn to decide
law, it must be palpably contrary to the in its favor. But reasoning on this sub-
Constitution; but it is evident that, to jeet is superfluous, when our social corn-
give the right of resisting laws of that pact, in express terms, declares that the
description, coupled with the uncontrolled laws of the United States, its Constitu-
right to decide what laws deserve that tion, and treaties made under it, are the
character, is to give the power of resisting supreme law of the land; and for greater
all laws. For as, by the theory, there is caution adds " that the judges in every
no appeal, the reasons alleged by the State shall be bound thereby, anything
State, good or bad, must prevail. If it in the Constitution or laws of any State

to the contrary not-
withstanding." And
it may be assert-
ed, without fear of
refutation, that no
federal government
could exist without
a similar provision.
Look for a moment
to the consequences.
If South Carolina
considers the reve-
nue laws unconsti-
tutional, and has a
right to prevent
their execution in
the port of Charles-
ton, there would be
a clear constitu-
tional objection to
their collection in
every other port,
and no revenue
could be collected
anywhere, for all
imposts must bQ
equal. It is no an-
swer to repeat that
an unconstitutional
law is no law, so
should be said that public opinion is a long as the question of its legality is to be
sufficient check against the abuse of this decided In' the State itself; for every law
power, it may be asked why it is not operating injuriously upon any local in-

JACKSON S TOMB.

deemed a sufficient guard against the pas-
sage of an unconstitutional act by Con-
gress? There is, however, a restraint in
this last case, which makes the assumed
power of a State more indefensible, and
which does not exist in the other. There
are two appeals from an unconstitutional
act passed by Congress — one to the ju-
diciary, the other to the people and the non-intercourse law in the Eastern States,
States. There is no appeal from the State the carriage tax in Virginia, were all

tcrest will be perhaps thouglit, and cer-
tainly represented, ns unconstitutional,
and, as has been shown, there is no ap-
peal.

If this doctrine had been established at
an earlier day the Union would have
been dissolved in its infancy. Tho excise
law in Pennsvlvania, the embarsro and

JACKSON, ANDBEW

JACKSON AS PRKSIDENT RKCBIVING DELKGATES.

deemed unconstitutional, and were more of victory and honor, if the States who
unequal in their operation than any of supposed it a ruinous and unconstitutional
the laws now complained of; but fortu- measure had thought they possessed the
r.ately none of those States discovered right of nullifying the act by which it
that they had the right now claimed by was declared, and denying supplies for
South Carolina. The war into which we its prosecution. Hardly and unequally
were forced to support the dignity of the as those measures bore upon several mem-
nation and the rights of our citizens might bers of the Union, to the legislatures of
have ended in defeat and disgrace instead none did this efficient and peaceful remedy,

JACKSON, ANDREW

as it is called, suggest itself. The dis- proposed to form a feature in our govern-
covery of this important feature in our ment.

Constitution was reserved to the present In our colonial state, although depend-
day. To the statesmen of South Caro- ing on another power, we very early con-
lina belongs the invention, and upon sidered ourselves as connected by common
the citizens of the State will unfortu- interest with each other. Leagues were
nately fall the evils of reducing it to formed for common defence, and before
practice. the Declaration of Independence we were

If the doctrine of a State veto upon the known in our aggregate character as the
laws of the Union carries with it internal l^nited Colonies of America. That deci-
evidence of its impracticable absurdity, sive and important step was taken jointly.

We declared ourselves a nation by a joint,
not by several acts, and when the terms
of our confederation were reduced to form,
it was in that of a solemn league of sev-
eral States, by which they agreed that
they would collectively form one nation
for the purpose of conducting some cer-
tain domestic concerns and all foreign re-
lations. In the instrument forming that
Union is found an article which de-
clares " that every State shall abide by
the determinations of Congress on all
questions which, by that confederation,
should be submitted to them."

Under the confederation, then, no State
could legally annul a decision
of the Congress or refuse to
submit to its execution; but
no provision was made to en-
force these decisions. Con-
gress made requisitions, but
they were not complied with.
The government could not op-
erate on individuals. They
had no judiciary, no means of
collecting revenue.

But the defects of the con-
federation need not be detailed.
Under its operation we could scarcely
be called a nation. We had neither
prosperity at home nor consideration
abroad. This state of things could
not be endured, and our present happy
Constitution was formed, but foi-med
in vain, if this fatal doctrine prevails.
It was formed for important objects
that are announced in the preamble
made in the name and by the authority
of the people of the United States,
whose delegates framed and whose con-
ventions approved it. The most im-
portant among these objects, that
our constitutional history will also afford which is placed first in rank, on
abundant proof that it would have been which all the others rest, is " to form
repudiated with indignation had it been a more perfect Union." Now, is it pos-

100

ANDREW JACKSON IN 1814.

JACKSON, ANDREW

sible that even if there were no express
provision giving supremacy to the Con-
stitution and laws of the United States
over those of the States, can it be con-
ceived that an instrument made for the
purpose of " forming a more perfect
Union " than that of the confederation,
could be so constructed by the assembled
wisdom of our country as to substitute
for that confederation a form of govern-
ment dependent for its existence on the
local interest, the party spirit of a State,
or of a prevailing faction in a State?
Every man of plain, unsophisticated un-
derstanding, who hears the question, will
give siich an answer as will preserve the
Union. Metaphysical subtlety, in pursuit
of an impracticable theory, could alone
have devised one that is calculated to de-
stroy it.

I consider, then, the power to annul a
law of the United States assumed by one
State, incompatible with the existence of
the Union, contradicted expressly by the
letter of the Constitution, unauthorized
by its spirit, inconsistent with every prin-
ciple on which it was founded, and de-
structive of the great object for which
it was formed.

After this general view of the leading
principle, we must examine the particular
application of it which is made in the
ordinance.

The preamble rests its justification on
these grounds: It assumes as a fact that
the obnoxious laws, although they purport
to be laws for raising revenue, were in
reality intended for the protection of man-
ufactures, which purpose it asserts to be
unconstitutional ; that the operation of
these laws is unequal; that the amount
raised by them is greater than is required
by the wants of the government ; and,
finally, that the proceeds are to be applied
to objects unauthorized by the Constitu-
tion. These are the only causes alleged
to justify an open opposition to the laws
of the country, and a threat of seceding
from the Union if any attempt should be
made to enforce them. The first virtually
acknowledges that the law in question was
passed under a power expressly given by
the Constitution to lay and collect im-
posts; but its constitutionality is drawn
in question from the motives of those
who passed it. However apparent this

purpose may be in the present case, noth-
ing can be more dangerous than to admit
the position that an unconstitutional pur-
pose, entertained by the members who as-
sent to a law enacted under a constitu-
tional power, shall make that law void;
foi how is that purpose to be ascertained?
Who is to make the scrutiny? How often
may bad purposes be falsely imputed? In
how many cases are they concealed by
false professions? In how many is no
declaration of motive made? Admit this
doctrine, and you give to the States an
uncontrolled right to decide, and every
law may be annulled imder this pretext.
If, therefore, the absurd and dangerous
doctrine should be admitted that a State
may annul an unconstitutional law, or
one that it deems such, it will not apply
to the present case.

The next objection is that the laws
in question operate unequally. This objec-
tion may be made with truth to every law
that has been or can be passed. The wis-
dom of man never yet contrived a system
of taxation that would operate with per-
fect equality. If the unequal operation of
a law makes it unconstitutional, and if all
laws of that description may be abrogated
by any State for that cause, then indeed is
the federal Constitution unworthy of the
slightest elTort for its preservation. We
have hitherto relied on it as the perpetual
bond of our Union. We have received it
as the work of the assembled wisdom of
the nation. We have trusted to it as to
the sheet-anchor of our safety in the
stormy times of conflict with a foreign
or domestic foe. We have looked to it
with sacred awe as the palladium of our
liberties, and with all the solemnities of
religion have pledged to each other our
lives and fortunes here and our hopes of
happiness hereafter, in its defence and
support. W^ere we mistaken, my country-
men, in attaching this importance to the
Constitution of our country? Was our
devotion paid to the wretched, inefficient,
clumsy contrivance which this new doc-
trine would make it? Did we pledge our-
selves to the support of an airy nothing —
a bubble that must be blo\ATi away by the
first breath of disaffection? Was this
self-destroying, visionary theory the work
of the profound statesmen, the exalted
patriotism to whom the task of constitu-
01

JACKSON, ANDREW

tional reform was intrusted? Did the who abuse it, and thus procure redress
name of Washington sanction — did the Congress may, undoubtedly, abuse this
States deliberately ratify such an anomaly discretionary power, but the same may be
in the history of fundamental legislation? said of others with which they are vested.
No. We were not .mistaken. The letter of Yet the discretion must exist somewhere,
this great instrument is free from this The Constitution has given it to the rep-
radical fault; its language directly con- resentative of all the people, checked by
tradicts the imiJutation ; its spirit, its evi- the representatives of the States and by
dent intent, contradicts it. No, we do not the executive power. The South Carolina
err. Our Constitution does not contain the construction gives it to the legislature or
absurdity of giving power to make laws, the convention of a single State, where
and another power to resist them. The neither the people of the dilTerent States,
sages, whose memory will always be rev- nor the States in their separate capacity,
eneed, have given us a practical and, as nor the chief magistrate, elected by the
they hoped, a permanent constitutional com- people, have any representation. Which
pact. The Father of this country did not is the most discreet disposition of the
affix his revered name to so palpable an power? I do not ask you, fellow-citizens,
absurdity. Nor did the States, when they which is the constitutional disposition;
severally ratified it, do so under the im- that instrument speaks a language not
pression that a veto on the laws of the to be misunderstood. But if you were
United States was reserved to them, or assembled in general convention, which
that they could exercise it by implica- would you think the safest depository of
tion. Search the debates in all their con- this discretionary power in the last re-
ventions; examine the speeches of the most sort? Would you add a clause giving it
zealous opposers of federal authority; look to each of the States, or would you sane-
at the amendments that were proposed, tion the wise provisions already made
They are all silent; not a syllable uttered, by your Constitution? If this should be
not a vote given, not a motion made to the result of your deliberation when pro-
correct the explicit supremacy given to viding for the future, are you, can you
the laws of the Union over those of the be ready to risk all that we hold dear
States, or to show that implication, as is to establish, for a temporary and a local
now contended, could defeat it. No, we purpose, that which you must acknowledge
have not erred. The Constitution is still to be destructive, and even absurd, as a
the object of our reAerence, the bond of general provision? Carry out the conse-
our Union, our defence in danger, the quenees of this right vested in the different
source of our prosperity in peace; it shall States, and you must perceive that the
descend as we have received it, uncor- crisis your conduct presents at this day
rupted by sophistical construction, to our would recur whenever any law of the
posterity; and the sacrifices of local in- United States displeased any of the States,
terest, of State prejudices, of personal and that we should soon cease to be a na-
animosities, that were made to bring it tion.

into existence, will again be patriotically The ordinance, with the same knowledge

offered for its support. of the future that characterized a former

The two remaining objections made by objection, tells you that the proceeds of

the ordinance to these laws are that the the tax will be imconstitutionally applied,

sums intended to be raised by them are If this could be ascertained with certainty,

greater than are required, and that the the objection would, with more propriety,

proceeds will be unconstitutionally em- be reserved for the law so applying the

ployed. proceeds, but surely cannot be urged

The Constitution has given expressly against the laws levying the duty.
to Congress the right of raising revenue. These are the allegations contained in

and of determining the sum the public the ordinance. Examine them seriously,

exigencies will require. The States have my fellow-citizens — judge for yourselves,

no control over the exercise of this right I appeal to you to determine whether

other than that which results from the they are so clear, so convincing, as to

power of changing the representatives leave no doubt of their correctness; and

102

JACKSON, ANDREW

even if you should come to this conclu- these questions according to its sound

sion, how far they justify the reckless, discretion. Congress is composed of the

destructive course which you are directed representatives of all the States, and of

to pursue. Review these objections, and all the people of all the States; but we,

the conclusions drawn from them, once part of the people of one State, to whom

more. What are they? Every law, then, the Constitution has given no power on

for raising revenue, according to the the subject, from whom it has expressly

South Carolina ordinance, may be right- taken it away; we, who have solemnly

fully annulled, unless it be so framed agreed that this Constitution shall be

as no law ever will or can be framed, our law; we, most of whom have sworn

Congress has a right to pass laws for to support it, we now abrogate this law,

raising revenue, and each State has a right and swear, and force others to swear, that

to oppose their execution — two rights di- it shall not be obeyed. And we do this

rectly opposed to each other; and yet, is not because Congress has no right to pass

this absurdity supposed to be contained such laws — this we do not allege — but

in an instrument drawn for the express because they have passed them with im-

purpose of avoiding collisions between the proper views. They are unconstitutional

States and the general government by an from the motives of those who passed

assembly of the most enlightened states- them, which we can never with certainty

men and purest patriots ever embodied know; from their unequal operation, al-

for a similar purpose? though it is impossible, from the nature

In vain have these sages declared that of things, that they should be equal;
Congress shall have power to lay and col- and from the disposition which we pre-
lect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; sume may be made of their proceeds, al-
in vain have they provided that they though that disposition has not been
shall have power to pass laws which declared. This is the plain meaning of
shall be necessary and proper to carry the ordinance in relation to laws which
those powers into execution; that those it abrogates for alleged unconstitutional-
laws and the Constitution shall be the ity. But it does not stop there. It re-
" supreme law of the land, and that the peals, in express terms, an important part
judges in every State shall be bound of the Constitution itself, and of laws
tliereby, anything in the constitution or passed to give it effect, which have never
laws of any State to the contrary not- been alleged to be unconstitutional. The
withstanding." In vain have the people Constitution declares that the judicial
of the several States solemnly sanctioned powers of the United States extend to
these provisions, made them their para- cases arising under tlie laws of the Unit-
mount law, and individually sworn to ed States, and that such laws, the Con-
support them whenever they were called stitution and the treaties, shall be para-
on to execute any office. Vain provisions! mount to the State constitution and
ineffectual restrictions! vile profanation laws. The judiciary act prescribes the
of oaths! miserable mockery of legisla- mode by which the case may be brought
tion! if a bare majority of the voters in before a court of the United States, by
any one State may, on a real or sup- appeal, when a State tribunal shall decide
posed knowledge of the intent with which against this provision of the Constitu-
a law has been passed, declare themselves tion. The ordinance declares there shall
free from its operation — say here it gives be no appeal; makes the State law
too little, there too much, and operates paramount to the Constitution and laws
luicqually; here it suffers articles to be of the United States; forces judges and
free that ought to be taxed ; there it taxe^ jurors to swear that they will disregard
those that ought to be free; in this case their provisions; and even makes it penal
the proceeds are intended to be applied in a suitor to attempt relief by appeal,
to purposes which we do not approve; It further declares that it shall not be
in that the amount raised is more than lawful for the authorities of the United
is wanted. States, or of that State, to enforce the

Congress, it is true, is invested by the payment of duties imposed by the revenue

Constitution with the right of deciding laws within its limits.

103

JACKSON, ANDREW

Here is a law of the United States, not
even pretended to be unconstitutional, re-
pealed by the authority of a small ma-
jority of the voters of a single State.
Here is a provision of the Constitution
which is solemnly abrogated by the same
authority.

On such expositions and reasonings the
ordinance grounds not only an assertion
of the right to annul the laws of which it
complains, but to enforce it by a threat
of seceding from the Union if any at-
tempt is made to execute them.

This right to secede is deduced from thr
nature of the Constitution, which, the^
say, is a compact between sovereign
States, who have preserved their whole
sovereignty, and therefore are subject to
no superior; that, because they made the
compact, they cannot break it, when, in
their opinion, it has been departed from
by the other States. Fallacious as this
course of reasoning is, it enlists State
pride, and finds advocates in the honest
prejudices of those who have not studied
the nature of our government sufficiently
to see the radical error on which it rests.

The people of the United States form-
ed the Constitution, acting through the
State legislatures in making the compact,
to meet and discuss its provisions, and
acting in separate conventions when they
ratified these provisions, but the terms
used in its construction show it to be a
government in which the people of the
States collectively are represented. We
are one people in the choice of the Presi-
dent and Vice-President. Here the States
have no other agency than to direct the
mode in which the votes shall be given.
The candidates having the majority of all
the votes are chosen. The electors of a
majority of States may have given their
votes for one candidate, and yet another
may be chosen. The people then, and not
the States, are represented in the execu-
tive branch.

In the House of Representatives there
is this difference, that the people of one
State do not, as in the case of President
and Vice-President, all vote for the same
officers. The people of all the States do
not vote for all the members, each State
electing only its o\vn representatives.
But this creates no material distinction.
When chosen, they are all representa-

tives of the United States, not repre-
sentatives of the particular State from
which they come. They are paid by the
United States, not by the State, nor are
they accountable to it for any act done
in the performance of their legislative
functions; and however they may in prac-
tice, as it is their duty to do, consult and
prefer the interests of their particular
constituents when they come in conflict
with any other partial or local interest,
yet it is their first and highest duty, as
representatives of the United States, to
romote the general good.

The Constitution of the United States,
then, forms a government, not a league,
and whether it be formed by compact be-
tween the States or in any other manner,
its character is the same. It is a govern-
ment in which all the people are repre-
sented, which operates directly on the
people individually, not upon the States —
they retained all the power they did not
grant. But each State having expressly
parted with so many powers as to con-
stitute, jointly with the other States, a
single nation, cannot from that period
possess any right to secede, because such
secession does not break a league, but
destroys the unity of a nation, and any
injury to that unity is not only a breach
which would result from the contraven-
tion of a compact, but it is an offence
against the whole Union. To say that any
State may at pleasure secede from the
Union is to say that the United States are
not a nation, because it would be a sole-
cism to contend that any part of a nation
might dissolve its connection Avith the
other parts, to their injury or ruin, with-
out committing any offence. Secession,
like any other revolutionary act. may be
morally justified by the extremity of op-
pression, but to call it a constitutional
right is confounding the meaning of terms,
and can only be done through gross error,
or to deceive those who are willing to as-
sert a right, but would pause before they
made a revolution, or incur the penalties
consequent on a failure.

Because the Union was formed by com-
pact, it is said the parties to that com-
pact may, when they feel themselves
aggrieved, depart from it; but it is
precisely because it is a compact that they
cannot. A compact is an agreement or

104

JACKSON, ANDREW

binding obligation. It may by its terms
have a sanction or penalty for its breach,
or it may not. If it contains no sanction,
it may be broken with no other conse-
quence than moral guilt; if it have a
sanction, then the breach insures the
designated or implied penalty. A league
between independent nations generally has
no sanction other than a moral one, or if
it should contain a penalty, as there is
no common superior, it cannot be en-
forced. A government, on the contrary,
always has a sanction, express or implied,
and in our case it is both necessarily im-
plied and expressly given. An attempt,
by force of arms, to destroy a government
is an offence by whatever means the con-
stitutional compact may have been formed,
and such government has the right, by
the law of self-defence, to pass acts for
punishing the offender, unless that right
is modified, restrained, or resumed by the
constitutional act. In our system, al-
though it is modified in the case of trea-
son, yet authority is expressly given to
pass all laws necessary to carry its powers
into effect, and under this grant provi-
sion has been made for punishing acts
which obstruct the due administration of
the laws.

It would seem superfluous to add any-
thing to show the nature of that union
which connects us; but as erroneous opin-
ions on this subject are the foundation of
doctrines the most destructive to our
peace, I must give some further develop-
ment to my views on this subject. No
one, fellow-citizens, has a higher reverence
for the reserved rights of the States than
the magistrate who now addresses you.
No one would make greater personal sac-
rifices or official exertions to defend them
from violation, but equal care must be
taken to prevent on their part an improper
interference with our resumption of the
rights they have vested in the nation.
The line has not been so distinctly drawn
as to avoid doubts in some cases of the
exercise of power. Men of the best in-
tentions and soundest views may differ
in their construction of some parts of the
Constitution, but there are others on
which dispassionate reflections can leave
no doubt. Of this nature appears to be
the assumed right of secession. It treats,
as we haA'e seen, on the alleged undivided

sovereignty of the States, and on their
having formed, in this sovereign capacity,
a compact which is called the Constitu-
tion, from which, because they made it,
they have the right to secede. Both of
these positions are erroneous, and some
of the arguments to prove them so have
been anticipated.

The States severally have not retained
their entire sovereignty. It has been
shown that in becoming parts of a nation,
not members of a league, they surrendered
many of their essential parts of sovereign-
ty. The right to make treaties, declare
war, levy taxes, exercise exclusive judicial
and legislative powers, were all of them
functions of sovereign power. The States,
then, for all these purposes were no longer
sovereign. The allegiance of their citi-
zens was transferred in the first instance
to the government of the United States.
They became American citizens, and owed
obedience to the Constitution of the
United States, and to laws inade in con-
formity with the powers it vested in Con-
gress. This last position has not been
and cannot be denied. How, then, can
that State be said to be sovereign and
independent whose citizens own obedience
to laws not made by it, and whose
magistrates are sworn to disregard those
laws when they come in conflict with
those passed by another? What shows
conclusively that the States cannot be
said to have reserved an undivided sov-
ereignty is that they expressly ceded
the right to punish treason, not treason
against their separate powers, but treason
against the United States. Treason is an
offence against sovereignty, and sovereign-
ty must reside with the powers to punish
it. But the reserved rights of the State
are not less sacred because they have,
for their common interest, made the gen-
eral government the depository of these
powers.

The unity of our political character (as
has been shown for another purpose) com-
menced with its very existence. Under
the royal government we had no separate
character ; our opposition to its oppres-
sion began as united colonies. We were
the United States under the confederation,
and the name was perpetuated, and the
Union rendered more perfect, by the federal
Constitution. In none of these stages did
0.5

JACKSON, ANDREW

we consider ourselves in any other light
than as forming one nation. Treaties
and alliances were made in the name of
all. Troops were made for the joint de-
fence. How, then, with all these proofs
that, under all changes of our position, we
had, for designated purposes and defined
powers, created national governments —
how is it that the most perfect of these
several modes of union should now be
considered as a mere league that may be
dissolved at pleasure? It is from an
abuse of terms. Compact is used as sy-
nonymous with league, although the true
term is not employed, because it would
at once show the fallacy of the reason-
ing. It would not do to say that our
Constitution was only a league, but it is
fabored to prove it a compact (which in
one sense it is ) , and then to argue that
as a league is a compact, every compact
between nations must, of course, be a
league, and that from such an engage-
ment every sovereign power has a right
to recede. But it has been shown that, in
this sense, the States are not sovereign,
and that even if they were, and the na-
tional Constitution had been formed by
compact, there would be no right in any
one State to exonerate itself from its ob-
ligations.

So o]bvious are the reasons which forbid
this secession, that it is necessary only
to allude to them. The Union was formed
for the benefit of all. It was produced
by natural sacrifices of interest and
opinions. Can these sacrifices be recalled?
Can the States, who magnanimously sur-
rendered their title to the territories of
the West, recall the grant? Will the in-
habitants of the inland States agree to
pay the duties that may be imposed with-
out their assent by those on the Atlantic
or the Gulf, for their own benefit? Shall
there be a free port in one State and
onerous duties in another? No one be-
lieves that any right exists in a single
State to involve all the others in these
and countless other evils contrary to
the engagements solemnly made. Every
one must see that the other States, in
self - defence, must oppose it at all haz-
ards.

These are the alternatives that are pre-
sented by the convention: a repeal of all
the acts for raising revenue, leaving the

106

government without the means of sup-
port, or an acquiescence in the dissolution
of our Union by the secession of one of
its members. When the first was pro-
posed, it was known that it could not
be listened to for a moment. It was
known, if force was applied to oppose the
execution of the laws, that it must be re-
pelled by force; that Congress could not,
without involving itself in disgrace and
the country in ruin, accede to the propo-
sition ; and yet if this is not done in
a given day, or if any attempt is made to
execute the laws, the State is, by the or-
dinance, declared to be out of the Union.
The majority of a convention assembled
for the purpose have dictated these terms,
or rather this rejecting of all terms, in
the name of the people of South Caro-
lina. It is true that the governor of
the State speaks of the submission of their
grievances to the convention of all the
States, which, he says, they " sincerely and
anxiously seek and desire." Yet this ob-
vious and constitutional mode of obtain-
ing the sense of the other States on the
construction of the federal compact, and
amending it, if necessary, has never been
attempted by those who have urged the
State on to this destructive measure. Tlie
State might have proposed the call for a
general convention to the other States,
and Congress, if a sufficient number of
them concurred, must have called it. But
the first magistrate of South Carolina,
Avhen he expressed hope that, " on a re-
view by Congres's and the functionaries
of the general government of the merits
of the controversy," such a convention
will be accorded to them, must have known
that neither Congress nor any function-
ary of the general government has au-
thority to call such a convention, unless
it be demanded by two-thirds of the
States. This suggestion, then, is another
instance of the reckless inattention to
the provisions of the Constitution with
which this crisis has been madly hurried
on, or of the attempt to persuade the
people that a constitutional remedy had
Ibeen sought and refused. If the legislat-
ure of South Carolina " anxiously de-
sire " a general convention to consider
their complaints, why have they not made
application for it in the way the Consti-
tution points out? The assertion that

JACKSON, ANDREW

tliey " earnestly seek it " is completely
negatived by the omission.

This, then, is the position in which we
stand. A small majority of the citizens
of one State in the Union have elected
delegates to a State convention; that con-
vention has ordained that all the revenue
laws of the United States must be re-
pealed, or that they are no longer a mem-
ber of the Union. The governor of that
State has recommended to the legislature
the raising of an army to carry the seces-
sion into eii'ect, and that he may be em-
powered to give clearances to vessels in
the name of the State. No act of violent
opposition to the laws has yet been com-
mitted, but such a state of things is
hourly apprehended, and it is the intent
of this instrument to proclaim, not only
that the duty imposed on me by the Con-
stitution " to take care that the laws be
faithfully executed," shall be performed
to the extent of the powers already in-
\ ested in me by law, or of such others as
the wisdom of Congress shall devise and
intrust to me for that purpose, but to
warn the citizens of South Carolina who
have been deluded into an opposition to
the laws, of the danger they will incur by
obedience to the illegal and disorganizing
ordinance of the convention ; to exhort
those who have refused to support it to
persevere in their determination to iip-
hold the Constitution and laws of their
country, and to point out to all the peril-
ous situation into which the good people
of that State ha^'e been led, and that the
course they have been urged to pursue is
one of ruin and disgrace to the very State
whose rights they affect to support.

Fellow-citizens of my native State, let
me not only admonish you, as the first
magistrate of our common country, not
to incur the penalty of its laws, but use
the influence that a father would over his
children whom he saw rushing to certain
ruin. In that paternal language, with
that paternal feeling, let me tell you, my
countrymen, that you are deluded by men
who are either deceived themselves or wish
to deceive you. Mark under what pre-
tences you have been led on to the brink
of insurrection and treason on which you
stand ! First, a diminution of the value
of your staple commodity, lowered by over-
production in other quarters, and the con-

sequent diminution in the value of your
lands, were the sole effect of the tariff
laws.

The effect of those laws was confess-
edly injurious, but the evil was greatly
exaggerated by the unfounded theory you
were taught to believe, that its burdens
were in proportion to your exports, not to
your consumption of imported articles.
Your pride was roused by the assertion
that a submission to those laws was a
state of vassalage, and that resistance to
them was equal, in patriotic merit, to the
opposition our fathers offered to the op-
pressive laws of Great Britain. You
were told that this opposition might be
peaceably, might be constitutionally
made; that you might enjoy all the ad-
vantages of the Union, and bear none of
its burdens. Eloquent appeals to your
passions, to your State pride, to your
native courage, to your sense of real in-
jury, were used to prepare you for the
period when the mask which concealed the
hideous features of disunion should be
taken off. It fell, and you were made to
look with complacency on objects which,
not long since, you would have regarded
with horror. Look back to the arts
which have brought you to this state ;
look forward to the consequences to
which it must inevitably lead! Look
back to what was first told you as an in-
ducement to enter into this dangerous
course! The great political truth was re-
peated to you, that you had the revolu-
tionary right of resisting all laws that
were palpably unconstitutional and in-
tolerably oppressive; it was added that
the right to nullify a law rested on the
same principle, but that it was a peace-
able remedy. This character which was
given to it made you receive, with too
nuich confidence, the assertions that were
made of the unconstitutionality of the
law and its oppressive effects. Mark, my
fellow-citizens, that, by the admission of
your leaders, the unconstitutionality
must be palpable, or it will not justify
either resistance or nullification! What
is the meaning of the word palpable in
the sense in which it is here used? That
which is apparent to every one; that
which no man of ordinary intellect will
fail to perceive. Is the unconstitution-
ality of these laws of that description?

107

JACKSON, ANDREW

Let those among your leaders, who once tection so many different States — giving

approved and advocated the principle of to all their inhabitants the proud title ot

protective duties, answer the question, American citizens, protecting their com-

and let them choose whether they will be merce, securing their literature and their

considered as incapable then of perceiv- arts; facilitating their intercommunica-

ing that which must have been apparent tion; defending their frontiers; and mak-

to every man of common understanding, ing their name respected in the remotest

or as imposing upon your confidence, and parts of the earth. Consider the extent

endeavoring to mislead you now. In of its territory; its increasing and happy

either case they are unsafe guides in the population; its advance in arts which ren-

perilous path they urge you to tread, der life agreeable; and the sciences which

I'onder well on this circumstance, and elevate the mind! See education spread-

you will know how to appreciate the ex- ing the lights of religion, morality, and

aggerated language they address to you. general information into every cottage in

They are not champions of liberty emu- this wide extent of our Territories and

lating the fame of our Revolutionary States! Behold it as the asylum where

fathers ; nor are you an oppressed peo- the wretched and the oppressed find a

pie contending, as they repeat to you, refuge and support! Look on this pict-

against worse than colonial vassalage. ure of happiness and honor, and say, we.

You are free members of a flourishing too, are citizens of America! Carolina is
and happy Union. There is no settled de- one of these proud States; her arms have
sign to oppress you. You have, indeed, defended, her best blood has cemented, this
felt the unequal operation of laws which happy L^nion ! And then add, if you
may have been unwisely, not unconstitu- can, without horror and remorse, this hap-
tionally, passed; but that inequality must py Union we will dissolve; this picture of
necessarily be removed. At the very mo- peace and prosperity we will deface; this
ment when you were madly urged on to free intercourse we will interrupt; these
the unfortunate course you have begun, fertile fields we will deluge with blood ;
a change in public opinion had com- the protection of that glorious flag we
menced. The nearly approaching pay- renounce; the very name of Americans
m.ent of the public debt, and the conse- we discard. And for what, mistaken men ;
quent necessity of a diminution of duties, for w^hat do you throw away these ines-
had already produced a considerable re- timable blessings? For what would you
duction, and that, too, on some articles exchange your share in the advantages
of general consumption in your State, and honor of the U^nion? For the dream
The importance of this change was under- of separate independence — a dream inter-
rated, and you were authoritatively told rupted by bloody conflicts with your neigh-
that no further alleviation of your bur- bors, and a vile dependence on a foreign
dens Avas to be expected at the very time power. If your leaders could succeed in
when the condition of the country im- establishing a separation, what would be
periously demanded fuch a modification your situation? Are you united at home ;
of the duties as should reduce them to a are you free from the apprehension of civil
just and equitable scale. But, as if ap- discord, with all its fearful consequences?
prehensive of the efl'ect of this change in Do your neighboring republics, every day
allaying your discontents, you were pre- suffering some new revolution, or contend-
cipitated into the fearful state in which ing with some new insurrection — do they
you now find yourselves. excite your envy? But the dictates of a

I have urged you to look back to the high duty oblige me solemnly to announce

means that were used to hurry you on tliat you cannot succeed. The laws of the

to the position j^ou have now assumed, and LTnited States must be executed. I have

forward to the consequences it will pro- no discretionary power on the subject;

duce. Something more is necessary. Con- my duty is emphatically pronounced in

template the condition of that country the Constitution. Those who told you

of which you still form an important part, that you might peaceably prevent their

Consider its government uniting in one execution deceived you ; they could net

bond of common interest and general pro- have been deceived themselves. They know

ins

JACKSON, ANDREW

that a forcible opposition could alone pre-
vent the execution of the laws, and they
know that such opposition must be re-
pelled. Their object is disunion; but be
not deceived by names: disunion, by armed
force, is treason. Are you really ready to
incur its guilt? If you are, on the heads
of the instigators of the act be the dread-
ful consequences; on their heads be the
dishonor, but on yours may fall the pun-
ishment. On your unhappy State will
inevitably fall all the evils of the con-
flict you force upon the government of
your country. It cannot accede to the
mad project of disunion, of which you
would be the first victims; its first magis-
trate cannot, if he would, avoid the per-
formance of his duty. The consequence
must be fearful for you, distressing to
your fellow-citizens here, and to the
friends of good government throughout
the world. Its enemies have beheld our
prosperity with a vexation they could not
conceal ; it was a standing refutation of
their slavish doctrines, and they will point
to our discord with the triumph of malig-
nant joy. It is yet in your power to dis-
appoint them. There is yet time to show
that the descendants of the Pinckneys,
the Sumters, the Rutledges, and of the
thousand other names which adorn the
pages of your Revolutionary history, will
not abandon that Union, to support which
so many of them fought, and bled, and
died.

I adjure you, as you honor their mem-
ory, as you love the cause of freedom, to
which they dedicated their lives, as you
prize the peace of your country, the lives
of its best citizens, and your own fair
fame, to retrace your steps. Snatch from
the archives of your State the disorgan-
izing edict of its convention ; bid its
members to reassemble, and promulgate
the decided expressions of your will to
remain in the path which alone can con-
duct you to safety, prosperity, and honor.
Tell them that, compared to disunion, all
other evils are light, because that brings
with it an accumulation of all. Declare
that you will never take the field irnless
the star-spangled banner of your country
shall float over you ; that yoii will not
be stigmatized when dead, and dishonored
and scorned while you live, as the au-
thors of the first attack on the Constitu-

109

tion of your country. Its destroyers you
cannot be. You may disturb its peace;
you may interrupt the course of its pros-
perity; you may cloud its reputation for
stability, but its tranquillity will be re-
stored, its prosperity will return, and
the stain upon its national character will
be transferred and remain an eternal blot
on the memory of those who caused the
disorder.

Fellow-citizens of the United States,
the threat of unhallowed disunion — the
names of those once respected, by whom
it is uttered — the array of military force
to support it — denote the approach of a
crisis in our affairs on which the con-
tinuance of our unexampled prosperity,
our political existence, and, perhaps, that
of all free governments, may depend.
The conjuncture demanded a free, a full,
and explicit enunciation, not only of my
intentions, but of my principles of action;
and, as the claim was asserted of a right
by a State to annul the laws of the Union,
and even to secede from it at pleasure, a
frank exposition of my opinions in rela-
tion to the origin and form of our gov-
ernment, and the construction I give to
the instrument by which it was created,
seemed to be proper. Having the fullest
confidence in the justness of the legal
and constitutional opinion of my duties,
which has been expressed, I rely, with
equal confidence, on your undivided sup-
port in my determination to execute the
laws, to preserve the Union by all con-
stitutional means, to arrest, if possible,
by moderate but firm measures, the neces-
sity of a recourse to force; and, if it be
the will of Heaven, that the recurrence
of its primeval curse on man for the
shedding of a brother's blood should fall
upon our land, that it be not called down
by an offensive act on the part of the
United States.

Fellow - citizens, the momentous case
is before you. On your undivided sup-
port of your government depends the de-
cision of the great question it involves,
whether your sacred Union will be pre-
served, and the blessings it secures to us
as one people shall be perpetuated. No
one can doubt that the unanimity with
which that decision will be expressed wili
be such as to inspire neAV confidence in
republican institutions, and that the pru-

JACKSON

dence, the wisdom, and the courage which camped around Lawrence, Kan., where he

it will bring to their defence will trans- took measures to prevent a legal polling

mit them unimpaired and invigorated to of votes at an election for members of

our children. the territorial legislature, late in March.

May the Great Ruler of nations grant His followers threatened to hang a judge

that the signal blessings with which He who attempted to secure an honest vote,

has favored ours may not, by the madness and by threats compelled another to re-

of party or personal ambition, be disre- ceive every vote offered by a Missourian.

garded and lost; and may His wise Provi- When the Civil War broke out, Jackson

dence bring those who have produced this made strenuous efforts to place Missouri

crisis to see their folly before they feel on the side of secession, but was foiled

the misery of civil strife, and inspire a re- chiefly through the efforts of Gen. Na-

turning veneration for that Union which, thaniel Lyon. He was deposed by the

if we may dare to penetrate His designs, Missouri State convention, in July, 1861,

He has chosen as the only means of attain- when he entered the Confederate military

ing the high destinies to which we may service as a brigadier-general. He died

reasonably aspire. in Little Rock. Ark., Dec. 6, 18G2.

In testimony whereof, I have caused the Jackson, Francis, social reformer;

seal of the United States to be hereunto born in Newton, Mass., March 7, 1789;

affixed, having signed the same with my president of the Anti-Slavery Society in

hand. Boston for many years. He published a

Done at the city of Washington, this IJistory of Newton, and died there Nov.

10th day of December, in the year of our 14, 1861.

Lord one thousand eight hundred and Jackson, Fraxcis James, British min-

thirty-two, and of the independence of the ister to the United States, who succeeded

United States the fifty-seventh. David M. Erskine in 1809. An experi-

Jackson, Charles Thomas, geologist; enced diplomatist, he had lately figured

born in Plymoiith, Mass., June 21, 1805; discreditably in the affair of the seizure

graduated at Harvard in 1829, and after- of the Danish fleet by British men-of-war

wards studied in Paris. He Avas appoint- at Copenhagen. He had become known as

ed State geologist of Maine and surveyor " Copenhagen Jackson," whose conduct did

of public lands in 1836, and of Rhode Isl- not commend him to the good-will of the

and in 1839; and subsequently was engaged people of the United States. The impres-

on the geological survey of New Hamp- sion was that he had come with explana-

shire; explored the southern shore of Lake tions of the cause of the rejection of

Superior in 1844; and was appointed to Erskine's arrangement. The Secretary of

survey the mineral lands of Michigan in State, finding he had nothing to offer, ad-

1847. He is author of a large number of dressed Jackson in a letter in which a tone

reports on the geology of Maine, New of discontent was conspicuous, declaring

Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, the surprise and regret of the President

etc. He claimed to be the discoverer of that he had no explanations to offer as to

etherization, and received the Montyon the non-ratification of the Erskine ar-

prize from the French Academy of rangement, or authority to substitute any

Sciences. He died in Somerville, Mass., new arrangement for it. The object of the

Aug. 28, 1880. letter, probably, was to draw out from

Jackson, Claiborne Fox, statesman ; Jackson an explicit admission, as a basis

born in Fleming county, Ky., April 4, for an appeal to the nation, that he had

1807; became conspicuovis as a leader no authority to treat except upon the

in the efforts of pro-slavery men to make ground of Canning's three conditions —

Kansas a slave-labor State. In 1822 he namely, 1. The repealing as to Great

went to Missouri; was a captain in the Britain, but the keeping in force as to

Black Hawk War; served several years in France, and all countries adopting her

the State legislature; and was elected gov- decrees, so long as these decrees were con-

ornor of Missouri by the Democrats in tinned, all American non-importation and

1860. In 1855 he led a band of lawless non-intercourse acts; 2. The renunciation

men from Missouri, who, fully armed, en- by the United States, during the present

JACKSON

war, of any pretensions to carry on any
trade with the colonies of belligerents not
allowed in time of peace; and 3. The allow-
ing British ships-of-war to enforce, by
caj ture, the American non-intercourse acts
wi\.h France and her allies. Jackson de-
clared that the rejection of that part of
the arrangement of Erskine relating to
the affair of the Chesapeake and Leopard
was owing partly to the offensive terms
employed in the American note to Erskine
concerning it. This note had offended the
old monarch, with whom Admiral Berkeley
was a favorite. In it Secretary Smith
said, April 17, 1809: " I have it in express
charge from the President to state that,
while he forbears to insist on a further
punishment of the offending officer, he is
not the less sensible of the justice and
utility of such an example, nor the less
persuaded that it would best comport with
what is due from his Britannic Majesty
to his own honor." Jackson's manner was
offensive. He had an unbounded admira-
tion for the government he represented,
and a pj'ofound contempt for the Ameri-
cans as an inferior people. He treated the
officers of the United States government
with the same haughty bearing that he did
those of weak and bleeding Denmark, and,
after one or two personal interviews. Sec-
retary Smith refused to have any further
intercourse with him except in writing.
The insolent diplomat was offended, and
wrote an impudent letter to the Secretary.
He was informed that no more communi-
cations would be received from him, when
Jackson, disappointed and angry, left
Washington with every member of the
diplomatic family, and retired to New
York. The United States government re-
quested his recall, and early in 1810 he
was summoned to England. No other
minister was sent to the United States for
about a year.

Jackson, Helen Maria Fiske, author;
born in Amherst, Mass., Oct. 18, 1831;
daughter of Prof. Nathan W. Fiske; was
educated in the Ipswich Female Semi-
nary; married Capt. Edward B. Hunt in
18.52. She first became known as an au-
thor under the letters " H. H." in 1875,
when she married William S. Jackson.
In 1879 she became deeply interested in
the condition of the American Indians and
their treatment by the United States

government. In 1883, while a special
commissioner to inquire into the circum-
stances of the Mission Indians of Cali-
fornia, she studied the history of the early
Spanish missions, and a short time prior
to her death she wrote the President a
letter pathetically asking for the " right-
ing of the wrongs of the Indian race."
Her works include Verses; Bits of Travel;
Nelly's Silver-Mine; The Story of Boone;
A Century of Dishonor; Mammy Little-
hack and her Family ; Ramona; Glimpses
of Three Coasts; Hetty's Strange History,
and others. She died in San Francisco,
Cal., Aug. 12, 1885.

Jackson, Henry Bootes, military offi-
cer; born in Athens, Ga., June 24, 1820;
graduated at Yale College in 1839, and
admitted to the bar in 1840, when he
settled in Savannah. He was appointed
United States district attorney for
Georgia in 1843. During the Mexican
War he was colonel of the 1st Georgia
Volunteers. At the close of the war he
became part proprietor of The Georgian,
in Savannah. In 1853 he was sent to the
Court of Austria as the United States
charge d'affaires. In 1854-58 he was
minister to Austria. Returning to the
United States he was commissioned a
special United States district attorney for
Georgia, to aid in trying notorious slave-
trading cases. When the Civil War broke
out he entered the Confederate army with
the rank of brigadier-general. During the
battle of Nashville, in December, 1864, he
was taken prisoner, and was held till the
close of the war. Returning to Savannah
he resumed law practice. In 1875-88 he
was a trustee of the Peabody Educational
Fund. In 1885 he was appointed minister
to Mexico, but served only a few months,
owing to his opposition to the govern-
ment in seizing the American ship Re-
hecca. He published Tallulah, and other
Poems. He died in Savannah, Ga., May
23, 1898.

Jackson, Howell Edmunds, jurist;
born in Paris, Tenn.. April 8, 1832; grad-
uated at the West Tennessee College in
1848; admitted to the bar in 1856; elected
United States Senator from Tennessee in
1881, but resigned in 1880, when he was
appointed United States district judge by
President Cleveland ; appointed justice of
the United States Supreme Court in 1893.
11

JACKSON

He died in West Meade, Tenn., Aug. 8,
1895.

Jackson, James, military officer; born
in Devonshire, England, Sept. 21, 1757;
removed to Savannah, Ga., in 1772; stud-
ied law; entered the military service;
and was brigade-major of the Georgia
militia in 1778. He took part in the
defence of Savannah; and, when the Brit-
ish seized it at the close of 1778, he fled
to South Carolina, where he joined Gen-
eral Moultrie. His appearance was so
wretched while in his flight, that he was
arrested, tried, and condemned as a spy,
and was about to be executed, when a
reputable citizen of Georgia, who knew
him, saved him. Jackson fought a duel

JAMES JACKSON.

in March, 1780, with Lieutenant-Governor
Wells, killing his antagonist, and being
severely wounded himself. He joined Col.
Elijah Clarke, and became aide to Sum-
ter. With Pickens he shared in the vic-
tory at the Cowpens. He afterwards did
good service as commander of a legionary
corps, and was presented with a dwelling
in Savannah by the Georgia legislature.
In 1786 he was made brigadier-general,
and in 1788 was elected governor of
Georgia, but the latter office he declined.
From 1789 to 1791 he was a member of
Congress, and from 1793 to 1795, and
from 1801 to 1806, United States Senator.
From 1798 to 1801 he was governor of
the State. He died in Washington, D. C,
March 12, 1806.

Jackson, Jonathan, patriot; born in
Boston, Mass., June 4, 1743; graduated at

Harvard College in 1761 ; held a seat in
the Provincial Congress in 1775; was
United States marshal in 1789-91. He
wrote Thoughts upon the Political Situa-
tion of the United States. He died in
Boston, Mass., March 5, 1810.

Jackson, Sheldon, clergyman; born
in Minaville, N. Y., May 18, 1834; gradu-
ated at Union College in 1855, and at
Princeton Theological Seminary in 1858,
and was ordained a minister in the
Presbyterian Church on May 5 of the lat-
ter year. The same year he went as a
missionary to the Choctaw Indians. In
1859-69 he was engaged in missionary
work in western Wisconsin and southern
Minnesota; in 1869-70 was superintend-
ent of the Presbyterian missions in
western Iowa, Nebraska, and the Rocky
Mountain Territories; and in 1877 became
superintendent of the Presbyterian mis-
sions in Alaska. In 1885 he was ap-
pointed United States general agent of
education for the Territory of Alaska.
In 1887 he organized at Sitka the Alaskan
Society of Natural History and Ethnol-
ogy; in 1884 induced Congress to grant
a district organization to Alaska; in 1891
introduced reindeer into that region; and
in 1898 was authorized to secure a colony
of Laplanders for Alaska. He was sev-
eral times a commissioner to the general
assembly of the Presbyterian Church,
and moderator in 1897. He gave $50,000
to establish a Christian college in Utah
in 1896. He is a member of the National
Geographical Society, and many other
similar organizations. His publications
include Alaska and Missions on the
North Pacific Coast; Education in
Alaska, and elaborate reports on Alaska
in the annual reports of the United States
Commissioner of Education.

Jackson, Thouas Jonathan, military
officer; born in Clarksburg, Va., Jan. 21,
1824; graduated at West Point in 1840,
entering the 2d Artillery; served in
the war with Mexico ; was brevetted
captain and major; and resigned in 1852
with health impaired, becoming profess-
or in the Military Institute at Lexing-
ton, Va. He entered the Confederate ser-
vice, as colonel, in April, 1861, and com-
manded the " Army of Observation " at
Harper's Ferry. His first engagement was
at Falling Waters. Jackson commanded
12

JACKSON J..CKSON AND ST.

THOMAS J. ("stonewall") JACKSON.

a brigade in the battle of Bull Run, where orphan, at an early age; At the breaking
he received the name of " Stonewall." A out of the Revolutionary War he entered
furious clvirge, made by a New York regi- the military service. He finally became

aide to General Lincoln, and was made a
prisoner at Charleston in 1780. He was
secretary to Col. John Laurens, special
minister to France, and was in Washing-
ton's military family as aide, with the
rank of major. Jackson was assistant
Secretary of War under Washington, and
was secretary to the convention that
framed the national Constitution in 1787.
From 1789 to 1792 he was aide and private
secretary to President Washington ; from
1796 to 1801 was surveyor of the port of
Philadelphia, and was secretary to the
General Society of the Cincinnati. He
died in Philadelphia, Dec. 17, 1828.

Jackson and St. Philip, Forts, two
fortifications on the Mississippi River,
57 miles southeast of New Orleans, which
command the lower approach to that
city. Both were strongly fortified by the
ment, under Col. Henry W. Slocum, had Confederates in the early part of the
shattered the Confederate line, and the Civil War, and were passed by the fleet
troops had fled to a plateau whereon Gen- under Farragut, April 24, 1862.
eral Jackson had just arrived
with reserves. " They are
beating us back ! " exclaimed
Gen. Bernard E. Bee. "Well,
sir," replied Jackson, " we will
give them the bayonet." Bee
was encouraged. " Form !

form!" he cried to the fugi-
tives; "there stands Jackson
like a stone wall." The effect
of these words was wonderful.
The flight was checked, order
was brought out of confusion,
and ever afterwards the calm
general was called " Stone-
wall." He attained the rank
of lieutenant-general, and was
accidentally shot by his own
men, while reconnoitring dur-
ing the battle of Chancel-
lorsville; and, from his
wounds, and a sudden at- < .•
tack of pneumonia, he

military officer; born in
Cumberland, England,
March 9. 1759; was taken
to Charleston, S. C, an
V — H

died in Guinea Station. vAx'H\-^lvi) r'A, i' '' > ■'['
Va.. May 10, 1863. " ^l^^W^ '^-■

Jackson, William, V^H.^M-i'^' jf^'-M''

.^i-i

z^'

II, T

GRAVE OV THOMAS J JACKSON.

113

JACOB— JACOBI

Although Farragut had passed these
forts, and the Confederate flotilla had
been destroyed, the fortifications were still
lirmly held. The mortar-fleet under Por-
ter was below them. General Butler, who
had accompanied the gunboats on their
perilous passage on the Saxon, had re-
turned to his transports, and in small
boats his troops, under the general pilot-
age of Gen. Godfrey Weitzel, passed
through bayous to the rear of Fort St.
Philip. When he was prepared to assail
it, the garrison was surrendered without

cer; born in Oldham county, Ky., in 1825;
went to California in 1846, where he aided
Gen. John C. Fremont in conquering that
section. In 1862 he recruited a regiment
of 1,244 cavalry at Eminence, Ky. ; in
1863 became lieutenant-governor of Ken-
tucky. He was strongly opposed to Presi-
dent Lincoln's emancipation proclamation,
holding that it not only deprived those
loyal citizens who owned slaves of their
property, but it was unjust to the friends
of the Union.

Jacobi, Mary Putnam, physician; born

'^ississ^^

FORTS JACKSON AND ST. PHILIP AND ENVIRONS.

resistance (April 28), for they had heard
of the destruction of the Confederate flo-
tilla. The commander of Fort Jackson,
fearing that all was lost, accepted gener-
ous terms of surrender from Commodore
Porter. 'The prisoners taken in the forts
and at the quarantine numbered about
1 ,000. The entire loss of the Nationals
from the beginning of the contest until
New Orleans was taken was forty killed
and 177 wounded. See New Orleans.
Jacob, Piic'iiARD Taylor, military offi-

in London, England, Aug. 31, 1842;
daughter of George P. Putnam, of New
York. She studied in the Philadelphia
Medical College for Women, and grad-
uated at the New York College of Phar-
macy. She was the first woman ma-
triculated at the Ecole de Medecine, in
Paris, France, where she graduated in
1871. For twelve years she was the dis-
pensary physician at the Mount Sinai
Hospital, and for ten years was professor
in the Woman's Medical College, both in

JACOBS— JAMES I.

New York. Her essay, The Question of
Rest for Women during Menstruation,
won the Boylston prize. She is the au-
thor of The Value of Life; Cold Pack and
Massage in Ancemia; Hysteria; Brain
Tumor, and other Essays; Studies in Pri-
inary Education ; Common-Sense Applied
to Woman Suffrage; and numerous articles
in medical periodicals.

Jacobs, Benjamin Franklin, philan-
tiiropist; born in Paterson, N. J., Sept.
18, 1834; received a liberal education;
and engaged in business in Chicago in
1854. At an early age he became deep-
ly interested in Sunday-school work. In
1856 he was superintendent of the First
Baptist Mission Sunday-school of Chi-
cago, and in 1864 director of the First
Baptist Sunday Choir. During the Civil
War he was secretary of the northwestern
branch of the United States Christian
Commission. He founded the Waif's
Mission in Chicago, and with others or-
ganized the Immanuel Baptist Church
there in 1881, becoming superintendent of
its Sunday-school. He originated the
International Sunday-school Lessons which
are used now by all evangelical denom-
inations. In 1872 he became a member
of the international lesson committee.
For seA'eral years he has been chairman
of the executive committee of the Inter-
national Sunday-school Association.

Jacobs, Henry Eyster, theologian ;
born in Gettysburg, Pa., Nov. 10, 1844;
graduated at Pennsylvania College in 1862,
and at the Lutheran Theological Seminary.
Gettysburg, in 1865; became Professor of
Systematic Theology at the Lutheran
Theological Seminary in 1888. He is the
author of History of the Lutheran Church
in America; The German Emigration to
America, 1709-.'i0, etc.

Jamaica, Conquest of. When Crom-
well had made peace with the Dutch
(1654) he declared war against Spain,
and sent a fleet under Admiral Penn and
an army imder General Venables to attack
the Spanish West Indies. Edward Winslow
went with the fleet as one of Cromwell's
commissioners to superintend the con-
quered covuitries. By volunteers from
Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands the
army was increased to 10,000. Santo Do-
mingo was first attacked. The English
>vere repulsed, and then proceeded to Ja-

maica, which they easily took possession
of, for it was inhabited by only a few of
the enervated descendants of old Spanish
colonists and some negro slaves. Winslow
died at sea soon after the repulse at Santo
Domingo, and Sedgwick, of Massachu-
setts, was put in his place. He framed an
instrument of government for Jamaica,
liaving a supreme executive council, of
which he was the head. Cromwell, anx-
ious to retain and people the island with
subjects of Great Britain, ordered the en-
listment in Ireland of 1,000 girls and
young men, and sent them over. " Idle,
masterless robbers and vagabonds, male
and female," were arrested and sent to
Jamaica; and to have a due admixture of
good morals and religion in the new col-
ony, Cromwell sent agents to New Eng-
land for emigrants. Many at New Haven,
not prospering at home, were disposed to
go, but, the magistrates opposing, few
went. The island was of great commercial
importance when the outbreak between the
English- American colonies and the mother
country occurred. In December its legis-
lature interposed. They affirmed the rights
of the colonies, enumerated their griev-
ances, and, enforcing their claims to re-
dress, implored the King to become the
mediator for peace, and to recognize the
title of the Americans to the benefits of
the English constitution. They disclaimed
any intention of joining the American con-
federated colonies, for they were too weak,
leing only a small colony of white inhab-
itants, with more than 200.000 slaves.
Their petition was received by the King,
but no heed was given to it.

James I., King of England, etc.;
born in Edinburgh Castle, June 19, 1566;
son of Mary Queen of Scots and Henry
Lord Darnley. Of him Charles Dickens
writes: "He was ugly, awkward, and
shuffling, both in mind and person. His
tongue was much too large for his mouth,
his legs were much too weak for his body,
and his dull google-eyes stared and rolled
like an idiot's. He was cunning, covet-
ous, wasteful, idle, drunken, greedy, dirty,
cowardly, a great swearer, and the most
conceited man on earth. His figure — what
was commonly called rickety from his
birth — presented the most ridiculous ap-
pearance that can be imagined, dressed
in thick - padded clothes, as a safeguard
15

JAMES I.

against being stabbed (of which he lived land, after experiencing many vicissitudes,
in constant fear), of a grass-green color March 24, 1603.

from head to foot, with a hunting horn
dangling at his side instead of a sword,
and his hat and feather sticking over one
eye or hanging on the back of his head,
as he happened to toss it on. He used to

loll on the necks of his favorite courtiers,

He was regarded as a " Presbyterian
king," and the Puritans expected not only
the blessings of toleration and protection
for themselves, but even hope for suprem-
acy among the religionists of the realm.
Soon after his accession, James called a
conference of divines at Hampton Court.
He was chief actor at that conference, in
the rSle of " brute and mountebank."
Some of the Puritan divines ranked
among the brightest scholars in the land.
They were greatly annoyed by the coarse
browbeating of the bishop of London and
the coarser jests of the King. The ven-
erable Archbishop Whitgift was present,
and bent the supple knee of the courtier
in the presence of royalty. When the
vulgar King said to the Puritan ministers,
"You want to strip Christ again; away
with your snivelling," and much more to
that effect, Whitgift, the primate, ex-
claimed, " Your Majesty speaks by the
special assistance of God's spirit." And
the bishop of London fell upon his knees
and said, "I protest my heart melts
within me for joy that Almighty God, of
His singular mercy, has given us such a
King as, since Christ's time, has not been."
This was the beginning of those royal and

and slobber their faces, and kiss and pinch prelatical revilings and persecutions of the

Puritans by the Stuarts and the hier-
archy which drove the Puritans, in large
numbers, to seek asylum in the wilds of
North America.

The King's gross, ill manners and bad

their cheeks; and the greatest favorite he
ever had used to sign himself, in his let-
ters to his royal master, ' his Majest/s
dog and slave.' He was the worst rider
CA-er seen, and thought himself the best.

He was one of the most impertinent talkers personal appearance made an unfavor-

(of the broadest Scotch) ever heard, and
boasted of being unanswerable in all man-
ner of argument. He wrote some of the
most turgid and most wearisome treaties
ever read — among others, a book upon
witchcraft, in which he was a devout be-
liever— and thought himself a prodigy of
authorship. He thought, and said, that a
king had a right to make and unmake
what laws he pleased, and ought to be ac-
countable to nobody on earth. This is the
plain, true character of the personage
whom the greatest men about the Court
praised and flattered to that degree that I
doubt if there be anythino- more shameful
in the annals of human nature!" James
was the sixth King of Scotland of that
name, and came to the throne of Eng-

able impression on the English people.
He had trouble with Parliament and
with the religionists of his realm from
the beginning of his reign. Glad to
get rid of troublesome subjects, he read-
ily granted charters for settlements in
America; and in 1612 two "heretics"
were burned in England, the last exe-
cution of that kind that occurred in
that country. His son Henry, Prince of
Wales, died the same year, and his daugh-
ter Elizabeth was married to the Elector
Palatine in 1613. His treatment of Sir
Walter Raleigh, whom he caused to be
beheaded (October. 1618). was disgrace-
ful to human nature: his foreign policy,
also, was disgraceful to the English name.
Fickle, treacherous, conceited, and arbi-

116

JAMES II.— JAMES

trary, his whole life was an example to be
avoided by the good. Dickens's portrayal
of his personal character is a fair picture
of his reign so far as the King was con-
cerned. It was during that reign that a
new translation of the Bible was author-
ized (1604) — the English version yet in
use. The Duke of Buckingham was
James's special favorite for a long time;
and he and the Queen were suspected of
causing the King's last illness, by poison.
James II., King of England; born in
St. James's Palace, London, Oct. 14, 1G33;
son of Charles I. and Henrietta Maria.
During the civil war, in which his father
lost his head, James and his brother
Gloucester and sister Elizabeth were un-
der the guardianship of the Duke of
Northumberland, and lived in the palace.
When the overthrow of monarchy ap-
peared inevitable, in 1648, he fled to
the Netherlands, with his mother
and family, and he was in Paris
when Charles I. was beheaded. He
entered the French service (1651),
and then the Spanish (1655), and
was treated with much consideration
by the Spaniards. His brother as-
cended the British throne in 1660 as
Charles 11., and the same year James
married Anne Hyde, daughter of the
Earl of Clarendon. She died in
1671, and two years afterwards,
James married Maria Beatrice Elea-
nor, a princess of the House of Este.
of INIodena, twenty-five years yoimger
than himself. While in exile James
had become a Roman Catholic, but
did not acknowledge it until 1671.
He had become a commander in the
British navy, but the test - act of
1673 caused him to leave all public
emploj'ments. Being sent to Scot-
land as head of the administration
there, he treated the Covenanters
with great cruelty. WHien Charles
died, James became King (Feb. 6,
1685). The prime object of his ad-
ministration was to overthrow the
constitution of England and give the
control of the nation to Roman
Catholics. His rule was vigorous — often-
times tyrannous — and in less than three
years almost the whole of his subjects
detested him. The foreign policy of
the government was made subservient to

that of France. Finally, the announce-
ment that the Queen had given birth
to a son brought on a political crisis.
The people had been restrained from revo-
lution by the belief that the government
would soon fall into the hands of his eld-
est daughter, who had married the Prot-
estant Prince William of Orange. Now
that event seemed remote, and William
was invited by leading men of the realm
to invade England. He did so in Novem-
ber, 1688, when the King was abandoned
by every one but the Roman Catholics —
even by his daughter Anne, who was after-
wards Queen of England. James fled to
France, where he was received by Louis
XIV. with open arms. He made efforts to
regain his kingdom, but failed, and died
in St. Germain, France, Sept. 6, 1701.

ii:

James, Bexjamin, lawyer; born in
Stafford county, Va., April 22. 1768; be-
came a lawyer and practised in Charles-
ton, S. C.,"^ till 1796. Removed to his
native place and followed his profession

JAMES

till 1808, when he settled permanently in
Laurens district, S. C. He published
Digest of the Statute and Common Law
of Carolina. He died in Laurens district,
S. C, Nov. 15, 1825.

James, Edmund Janes, educator; born
in Jacksonville, 111., May 21, 1855; was
educated at the Illinois State Normal
School and at the Northwestern and Har-
vard universities. In 1878-79 he was
principal of the High School at Evanston,
111.; in 1879-82 principal of the Model
High School at Normal, 111.; and in 1883-
95 Professor of Public Finance and Ad-
ministration in the Wharton School of
Finance and Economy of the University of
Pennsylvania. He was also Professor of
Political and Social Science in the Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania in 1884-95, and
editor of Political Economy and Public
Economy and Public Law Series, publish-
ed by the University of Pennsylvania, in
1886-95. He became president of the
American Academy of Political and Social
Science in 1889, and from 1890 to 1895
edited its Annals. In the latter year he
was made associate editor. In 1895 he
was chosen Professor of Public Adminis-
tration and director of the Extension
Division in the L^niversity of Chicago. In
1891-95 he was president of the American
Society for the Extension of University
Teaching. He is the author of Our Legal-
Tender Decisions ; The Education of Busi-
ness Men; The Relation of the Modern
Municipality to the Gas Supply; and also
numerous papers and addresses on polit-
ical and educational topics.

James, Edwin, geologist; born in Wey-
bridge, Vt., Aug. 27, 1797; graduated at
Middlebury College in 1816; and after-
wards studied medicine, botany, and geol-
ogy in Boston. He is the author of a
Report of the Expedition to the Rocky
Mountains, 1818-19; Narrative of John
Tanner, etc. He died in Burlington, la.,
Oct, 28, 1861.

James, Henry, author ; born in New
York City, April 15, 1843; was educated in
France, Switzerland, and in the Harvard
Law School. His literary career opened
in 186)>. A year or two later he began
writing serial stories, but produced no ex-
tended novel till 1875. He has since been
a prolific writer, not only of novels but
also of contributions to the periodical

press on engrossing questions of the day.
Since 1869 he has lived chiefly in England.
His publications include Trans- Atlantic
Sketches (1875); A Passionate Pilgrim;
The American; The Europeans; An Inter-
national Episode; The Siege of London;
The Bostonians; Poor Richard; Watch
and Ward; Life of Eaiothorne ; A Little
Tour in France; A London Life; The
Tragic Muse; The Lesson of the Master;
Embarrassments ; Tales of Three Cities;
Essays in London and Elsewhere ; The
Wheel of Time; What Maisie Kneio, etc.

Jam.es, Henry Ammon, lawyer; born in
Baltimore, Md., April 24, 1854; graduated
at Yale College in 1874, and at its law
school in 1878; began practice in New
York City in 1880. He is the author of
Communism in America.

Jam.es, Lewis George, historian; born
in Providence, R. L, Feb. 19, 1844; grad-
uated at Providence High School ; instruc-
tor in history in the Adelphia Academy,
Brooklyn, in 1894-95. He is the author
of Samuel Gorton, a Forgotten Founder
of our Liberties, etc.

James, Thomas, clergyman ; born in
England in 1592; graduated at Cambridge
in 1614; emigrated to the United States
in 1632, where he became the first pastor
of the church in Charlestown, Mass. In
consequence of dissension he removed to
New Haven and subsequently to Virginia,
but was obliged to leave Virginia as he
refused to conform to the English Church.
He returned to New England in 1643, but
went back to England, where he became
pastor of a church in Needham till 1662,
when he was removed for non- conformity
after the accession of Charles II. He died
in England in 1678.

James, Thomas, navigator; born in
England about 1590. In 1631 he was
sent out by an association at Bristol to
search for a northwest passage. With
twenty-one men, in the ship Henrietta
Maria (named in honor of the Queen),
he sailed May 3. On June 29 he spoke
the ship of Capt. Luke Fox. who had been
sent on the same errand by the King, and
furnished with a letter to the Em{)eror
of Japan, if he should find that country.
Neither James nor Fox discovered the cov-
eted " passage," but the former made valu-
able discoveries in Hudson Bay. James
was a man of science, and in his Journal
IS

JAMES— JAMESTOWN

he recorded his observations on rarities he History at the University of Chicago. He

had discovered, " both philosophical! and is the author of William Usselinx, Found-

mathematical!." James and his crew suf- er of the Dutch and Swedish West India

fered terribly, for they passed a winter in Companies ; History of Historical Writing

those high latitudes, and returned in in America; Dictionary of United States

1632. In the following year he published History, etc. He is also the editor of Es-

The Strange and Dangerons Voyage of says on Constitutional History of the

Capt. Thomas James for the Discovery %f
a Northicest Passage to the South Sea.
James, Thomas Lemuel, journalist;
born in Utica, N. Y., March 29, 1831;
proprietor of the Madison County Jour-
nal, published at Hamilton, N. Y., 1851-
61 ; toolc an active interest in polities,
serving the State and nation in various
capacities; was appointed postmaster of
New York City in 1873; Postmaster-Gen-
eral, March 6, 1881; and resigned in 1882,

United States; and The Correspondence of
John C. Calhoun.

Jamestown. On May 13, 1607, more
than 100 Englishmen landed on a sliglitly
elevated peninsula on the left bank of
the " River of Powhatan," Virginia, 40
or 50 miles from its mouth; chose the
spot for the capital of a new colony;
cleared the trees from the ground; and
began the building of a village, which, in
compliment to their King (James I.),

when he organized and became president they named Jamestown. They also gave

of the Lincoln National Bank, New York his name to the river. The spot is more

City. of an island than a peninsula, for the

James, William, psychologist; born in marshy isthmus that connects it with the

New York City, Jan. 11, 1842; was edu-
cated in private schools and at the Law-
rence Scientific School. In 1872 he became
Professor of Philosophy at Harvard Uni-
versity. He is the author of Principles

mainland is often covered with water. The
Rev. Robert Hunt, the pastor of the col-
ony, preached a sermon and invoked the
blessings of God upon their undertaking.
Then, in the warm sunsliine, and among

of Psychology; Psychology: Briefer the shadowy woods and the delicious per-

Course; The Will to Believe, and other fume of flowers, the sound of the metal

Essays in Popular

Philosophy. He

was appointed Gif-

ford lecturer on

natural religion

in the University

of Edinburgh for

1899-1901.

Jameson, John
Franklin, educa-
tor; born in Bos-
ton, Sept. 19,
1859; graduated
at Amherst in
1879. In 1895,
when the American
Historical Review
was founded, he
became its man-
aging editor. In
the same year,

when the Historical Manuscript Commis-
sion was instituted, he was made its
chairman, and served as such till 1899.
He was Professor of History at Brown
University in 1888-1900. In the latter
year he accepted a call to the chair of

THE ARRIVAL AT JAMK.STOWX.

- axe was first heard in Virginia. Th<-
first tree was felled for a dwelling on the
spot first settled, permanently, by English-
men in America. The Indians were at
first hostile, and the settlement built a
stockade. Their first church edifice there

119

JAMESTOWN

was very simple. " When I first went
to Virginia," says Captain Smith, " I
well remember we did hang an awning
(which was an old sail) to three or four

MAP OF JAMESTOWN SETTLEMENT.
(From Capt. John Smith's Historie ot Virginia.)

trees to shadow us from the sun ; our
walls were rails of wood, our seats un-
liewed trees, till we cut planks; our pul-
pit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbor-
ing trees; in foul weather we shifted
into an old, rotten tent, for we had few
better. . . . This was our church till
we built a homely thing, like a barn, set
upon crotchets, covered with rafts, sedge,
and earth; so were also the walls. The
best of our houses were of the like curios-
ity, but, for the most part, of far worse
workmanship, that could neither well de-
fend wind nor rain. Yet we had daily
common prayer morning and evening,
every Sunday two sermons, and every
ihree months comnumion till our minister
died." The church — " the homely thing,

like a barn " — was burned while Captain
Smith was a prisoner among the Indians,
and he found the settlers building a house
for the president of the council. When,
not long after, he was installed in
that office, he ordered the " building
of the palace to be stayed, as a thing
needless," and the church to be re-
built at once.

Commissioners under the new
charter arrived at Jamestown in
the spring of 1610. Of the 490
persons left there by Smith the
previous autumn, only sixty remain-
ed alive. They had refused to fol-
low the admonitions of Smith to
provide food for the winter, but
relied upon the neighboring Indians
to supply them. When Smith de-
parted, the Indians showed hostility
and withheld corn and game. They
matured a plan for the destruction
of the settlers at Jamestown, when
Pocahontas {q. v.), like an angel of
mercy, hastened to the settlement un-
der cover of darkness, warned them
of their danger, put them on their
guard, and saved them. Terrible had
been the sufferings of the colonists
through the winter. More than 400
had perished by famine and sickness
in the space of six months. It was
long after referred to by the sur-
vivors as " the starving time." The
settlers were in the depths of despair
when the commissioners arrived. Sir
Thomas Gates, who was acting gov-
ernor, saw no other way to save the
lives of the starving men than to abandon
the settlement, sail to Newfoundland, and
distribute them among the fishermen
there. They were embarked in four pin-
naces, but, at dawn, they met Lord Dela-
ware, with ships, supplies, and emigrants,
at the mouth of the river. All turned
back and, landed at deserted Jamestown,
they stood in silent prayer and thanks-
giving on the shore, and then followed
Rev. Mr. Buckle (who had succeeded ]\Ir.
Hunt) to the church, where he preached
a sermon in the evening twilight. The
congregation sang anthems of praise, and
were listened to by crouching savages in
the adjacent woods. In that little chapel
at Jamestown Pocahontas was baptized
and married a few years later. The fire

120

THE BURNING OF JAMESTOWN

JAMESTOWN

that consumed the first church also de-
stroyed a large portion of the town
and surrounding palisades. There seems
to have been another destructive fire
there afterwards, for Smith, speaking
of the arrival of Governor Argall, in
1617, says: "In Jamestown he found
but five or six houses, the church down,
the palisades broken, the bridge [across
the marsh] in pieces, the well of fresh
water spoiled, and the storehouse used

colony was 4,000 strong and shipped tG
England 40,000 pounds of toba<;co. This
was raised with the aid of many bound
apjjrentices — boys and girls picked up in
the streets of London and sent out — and
of many " disorderly persons " sent by
order of the King."

Suddenly a great calamity overtook the
colony. Powhatan was dead, and his suc-
cessor, Opechancanough (q. V.) , always
hostile, planned a blow for the extermina-

ARRIVAL OF THS YOUNG WOSfEN AT JAMESTOWJI.

for a church." In the same year Smith's
Genevan Historic recalls a statement by
John Rolfe : " About the last of August
came a Dutch man-of-war and sold us
20 Negars." A more desirable acces-
sion came in 1621 through the ship-
ment by the company of " respectable
young women for wives of those colonists
who would pay the cost of transporta-
tion"— at first 120 lbs. of tobacco, af-
terwards 150 lbs. In July. 1620, the

tion of the white people. It fell with
terrible force late in March, 1622, and
eighty plantations were reduced to eight.
The settlers at Jamestown escaped the
calamity throvigh the good offices of
Chanco, a friendly Indian, who gave them
timely warning of the plot, and they were
prepared for defence. Jamesto\\Ti became
a refuge from the storm for the western
settlements. Sickness and famine en-
sued, and the colony was greatly reduced
21

JAMESTOWN— J ANNBY

N <*-

uy^^

JAMESTOWN IN 1622.

in number, for many left through fear, having reached Bacon that the royalist

It soon recovered, and increased in tioops were coming upon him. The torch

strength. A new and substantial church v.'as applied just at twilight, and the Vir-

was built, with a heavy brick tower, prob- gmia capital was laid in ashes. Nothing

ably between 1620 and 1625. During Ba- remained the next morning but the brick

JAMKSTOWN IX 19i 2.

con's Uobellion, in 1676, Jamestown — "the tower of the church and a few solitary
only village in all Virginia" — was entered chimneys.

by that leader, after driving away the Janney, Sami'El jMacPherson, author;
governor, and, in a council of war it was born in Loudon county, Ya., Jan. 11, 1801;
determined to burn the town, a rumor became a Quaker preacher; was appointed

122

JANVIER— J ARBOE

a superintendent of Indian affairs in 1869.
His publications include An Historical
Sketch of the Christian Church during the
Middle Ages; Life of William Penn; His-
tory of the Religious Society of Friends
from Its Rise to the Year 1828, etc. He
died in Loudon county, Va., April 30,
1880.

Janvier, Thomas Allibone, author;
born in Philadelphia, Pa., July 16, 1849.
He is the author of The Aztec Treasure-
House; In Old New York; Stories of Old
New Spain, etc.

Japan and the United States. Japan,
like China, had always been a sort of seal-
ed kingdom to the commerce of the world.
The foundation of the States of California
and Oregon, on the Pacific coast, suggest-
ed the .great importance of commercial
intercourse with Japan, because of the
intimate relations which must soon exist
between that coast and the East Indies.
This consideration caused an expedition
to be fitted out by the United States gov-
ernment in the summer of 1852 to carry
a letter from the President (Mr. Fill-
more) to the Emperor of Japan soliciting
the negotiation of a treaty of friendship
and commerce between the two nations,
by which the ports of the latter should be
thrown open to American vessels for pur-
poses of trade. For this expedition seven
ships-of-war were employed. They were
placed under the command of Commodore
M. C. Perry, a brother of the victor on
Lake Erie. The diplomatic portion of the
mission was also intrusted to Commodore
Perry. He did not sail until November,
1852". The letter which he bore to the Em-
peror was drafted by Mr. Webster before
his decease, but countersigned by Edward
Everett, his successor in office. Perry
carried out many useful implements and
inventions as presents to "the Japanese
government, including a small railway
and equipments, telegraph, etc. He was
instructed to approach the Emperor in the
most friendly manner; to use no violence
unless attacked ; but if attacked, to let
the Japanese feel the full weight of his
power. Perry delivered his letter of cre-
dence, and waited some months for an
answer, without being permitted to land
on the shores of the empire. Meanwhile
he visited and surveyed the Loo Choo Isl-
ands.

In February, 1854, he returned to the
Uay of Jeddo, and finally effected a land-
ing and commenced negotiations, which
were happily successful. The treaty then
made stipulated that ports should be
thrown open to American commerce, to a
limited extent, in different Japanese isl-
ands; that steamers from California to
China should be furnished with supplies
of coal ; and that American sailors ship-
wrecked on the Japanese coasts should re-
ceive hospitable treatment. So Japan was
first opened to friendly relations with the
Americans. Before this treaty the Dutch
had monopolized the trade of Japan. Sub-
sequently a peculiar construction of the
treaty on the part of the Japanese au-
thorities, in relation to the permanent
residence of Americans there, threatened
a disturbance of the amicable relations
which had been established. The matter
was adjusted, and in 1860 the first em-
bassy from Japan visited the United
States. It was an imposing array of Jap-
anese officials. There was great opposi-
tion in the empire to this intercourse with
" the barbarians." Civil war ensued. A
rapid change now marked public opinion
in Japan in regard to foreigners; and
from that time the intimate relations, so-
cial and commercial, between the United
States and Japan have constantly in-
creased, with results wonderfully bene-
ficial to both countries. Early in 1872 the
government of Japan sent another embas-
sy to the United States, this one charged
to inquire about the renewal of former
treaties. It consisted of twenty-one per-
sons, composed of the heads of the several
departments of the Japanese government
and their secretaries. Among them was
an imperial prince — Mori — who came to
represent Japan at Washington as charge
d'affaires, and also twelve students. The
mission arrived at Washington at the be-
ginning of March, and Mori had the honor .
of being the first minister ever sent by
his government to reside in a foreign
"ountry.

Jarboe, John W., inventor; born in
1830. He served through the Civil War
in the 71st New York Regiment, and was
later influential in securing the display
of the American flag over the public
school-houses of the country. He was the
inventor of a process of making house-

123

JARNAC— JASPER

hold utensils from papier-raaclie and sev-
eral articles employed in the manufacture
of sugar. He died in New York City,
June 30, 1901.

Jarnac, Gaston Louis de, military offi-
cer; born in Angoiileme, France, in 1758;
served in the French army during the
Revolutionary War; emigrated to the
United States in 1795; returned to France
in 1805, but, being obliged to leave the
country on account of his criticisms of
Napoleon, he again came to the United
States, where he took service under Jean
Lafitte, the Louisiana buccaneer. Jarnac
was killed by the Indians in Texas, in
1818.

Jarves, James Jackson, author; born
in Boston, Mass., Aug. 20, 1820; estab-
lished the first newspaper printed in the
Hawaiian Islands, in 1840. In 1850 he
was appointed b\' King Kamehameha III.
commissioner to the United States, Great
Britain, and France, for the purpose of
negotiating treaties, and in 1879 United
States vice-consul in Florence, Italy.
Among his works are History of Haioaii;
Parisian Sights and French Principles
seen through American Spectacles; Italian
Sights, etc. He died in Terasp, Switzer-
land, June 28, 1888.

Jasper, William, military hero; born
in South Carolina, about 1750; became a

sergeant in the 2d South Carolina Regi-
ment; and greatly distinguished himself
in the attack on Fort Sullivan, June 28,
1776, by the British fleet. During the
hottest of the attack the South Carolina
flag that waved over the fort fell to the
ground outside the fort, its staff having
been cut in two by a cannon-ball. Ser-
geant Jasper, seeing the flag fall, leaped
down from one of the embrasures, seized
the ensign, climbed back, fixed the colors
to a sponge-staff, mounted the parapet,
stuck the improvised flag-staff in the
sand of one of the bastions, and returned
to his place in the fort. A few days after- .
wards Governor Rutledge took his own
sword from his side and presented it to
Jasper. He also offered him a lieuten-
ant's commission, which the young man
modestly declined, because he could
neither read nor write, saying, "I am not
fit to keep officers' company; I am but a
sergeant." He was given a sort of roving
commission by Colonel Moultrie, and,
with five or six men, he often brought in
prisoners before his commander was
aware of his absence. An earnest Whig
lady of Charleston, Mrs. Susannah El-
liot, presented Jasper's regiment with
a stand of colors wrought with her own
hands. They were shot down at the as-
sault on Savannah (1779), and in trying

SKRGKANT JASFl'.R ItHPLAClNG THE COLORS.

124

JAY

to replace them on the parapet of a re-
doubt, Jasper was mortally wounded, but
brought them off. He died Oct. 9, 1779.
Jay, John, diplomatist; born in New
York City. June 23, 1817; graduated at
Columbia College in 183G; admitted to the
bar in 1839; appointed minister to Austria
in 18G9; chairman of the committee to
investigate the New York custom-house
in 1877; and member of the State civil
service in 1883. Mr. Jay was a prominent
abolitionist and author of a number of
pamphlets, among them are The Dignity of
the Abolition Cause; The American Church
and the American Slave-Trade; The Great
Conspiracy and England's Neutrality;
Caste and Slavery in the American
Church; America Free, or America Slave,
etc. He died in New York City, May 5,
1894.

Jay, John, statesman ; born in New
York City, Dec. 12, 1745; was of Hugue-
not descent. Graduated at King's College
(now Columbia University) in 1764, he
was admitted to the bar in 1768, and
formed a partnership with Robert R. Liv-
ingston. In 1774 he was a delegate in the
first Continental Congress, and the same
year he married a daughter of William
Livingston, of New Jersey. In that Con-
gress, though the youngest member but
one, he took a conspicuous part, being the
author of the Address to the People of
Great Britain. His facile pen was often
employed in framing documents in the
Congress of 1775. Early in 1776 he left
Congress and engaged in the public affairs
of his own State, being a leading member
of the Provincial Congress in 1776. He
wrote the able address of the convention
at Fishkill in December, 1776; reported a
bill of rights to the New York constitu-
tional conA-ention in March, 1777; and
was the chief author of the first consti-
tution of the State of New York. After
assisting in putting in motion the ma-
chinery of his State government, and be-
ing made a judge he entered Congress
again late in 177S and became presi-
dent of that body. In September, 1779,
he was sent to Spain to negotiate a loan.
^Ir. Jay was one of the commissioners for
negotiating a treaty of peace with Great
Lritain. He returned to New York in
1784, and was secretary for foreign
affairs from that year until the organ-

ization of the government under the
national Constitution. Mr. Jay was as-
sociated with Hamilton and Madison in
writing the series of articles in support
of the Constitution known collectively as
The Federalist. Washington appointed
Jay the first chief-justice of the Supreme
Court of the United States.

On April 7, 1794, a motion was made
in the House of Representatives that all
commercial intercourse with Great Brit-
ain and her subjects be suspended, so far
as respected all articles of the growth or
manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland,
until the surrender of the Western posts
and due compensation for all losses and
damages growing out of British aggres-
sions on our neutral rights should be
made. This motion, if adopted, would
lead directly to war. Its adoption seemed
piobable, and Washington, to avert the
calamitous consequences, proposed to send
a special minister to England to negotiate
an amicable settlement of the existing
disputes. There were grave charges of
violations of the treaty of 1783 made by
the two parties against each other. Wash-
ington desired to send Hamilton on the
mission. Violent opposition to this was
made by his political enemies, whose ha-
tred and jealousy were intense. Fearing
Hamilton might not have the confirmation
of the Senate, Washington nominated Mr.
Jay (April 16), which nomination was
confirmed April 19. The special minister
arrived in England in June, where he was
received with great courtesy by the Brit-
ish government. He negotiated a treaty
which was not wholly satisfactory to his
countrymen, closing his labors on Nov. 19;
and from 1795 to 1801 he was governor
of New York, under whose administration
slavery was abolished. This was his last
public office. He died in Bedford, N. Y.,
May 17, 1829. See Ames, Fisher.

Jay's Treaty. — After Mr. Jay's formal
reception in London, Lord Grenville, then
at the head of foreign affairs, expressed
great anxiety to bring the negotiations
to a successful issue. There was a wide
difference of views concerning matters
in dispute. The Americans complained
that, contrary to the provisions of the
ixef'^ of peace (1783), a large number
of negroes had been carried off by the
evacuatinff armies; and for this loss com-

125

JAY, JOHN

pensation was demanded for the owners, dered on June 1, 1796, the present resi-
They complained, also, of the detention dents to have the option of removing or
of the Western posts, which was the main of becoming American citizens. There
cause of the hostility of the Northwestern vv'as to be a mutual reciprocity of inland
tribes. They also alleged numerous viola- trade and intercourse between the North

American territories of the two na-
tions, including the navigation of the
Mississippi; but it did not extend to
the Hudson Bay Company, nor to the
admission of American vessels into
the harbors of the British North
American colonies, nor to the naviga-
tion of the rivers of those colonies
below the highest port of entry. These
were the principal features of the
first ten articles of the treaty, which
were to be perpetual. Eighteen oth-
ers, of the nature of a treaty of com-
merce, were limited to two years.
They provided for the admission of
American vessels into British ports
in Evirope and the East Indies on
teVms of equality with British ves-
sels; but no terms were made con-
cerning the East India coasting trade,
or the trade between Europe and the
British West Indies. There were re-
strictions upon the American trade to
the British West Indies; and British
vessels were to be admitted to Ameri-
joHN JAY. can ports on terms of the most fa-

vored nations. Privateers were to
tions of their neutral rights, especially give bonds to respond to any dam-
on the high seas, such as the impressment ages they might commit against neu-
of seamen and the exclusion of American trals, and other regulations of that ser-
shipping from the trade of the British vice were made. The list of contraband
West Indies. There were other complaints articles was clearly defined. No vessel
on the part of the Americans ; but the attempting to enter a blockaded port was
matters more immediately provocative to be captured unless she had first been
of war were the disputed questions of notified and turned away. Neither nation
neutral rights and the detention of the was to allow enlistments within its ter-
Western posts. Deeming it wise to adjust ritory by any third nation at war with
these two important difficulties. Jay the other; nor were the citizens or sub-
thought it best to yield, temporarily, other jects of either to be allowed to accept
considerations, or leave them for future commissions from such third nation, or
adjustment, and he was induced to sign to enlist in its service, on penalty of
a treaty, Nov. 19, 1794, defective in some being treated as pirates. Ships-of-war
respects and objectionable in others. It of the contracting parties were to be
provided for the collection of British debts nuitually admitted in a friendly man-
in the United States contracted before the ner into the ports of each other, such
Revolution, but it did not secure indem- vessels to be free from any claim of
nity to those who lost slaves. It secured search, but were to depart as speedily
indemnity for imlawful captures on the as might be. Other and stringent regu-
high seas, and the evacuation of the lations were made concerning privateers,
military posts on the frontiers yet held In case of rupture or war, the citizens
by thg British. These were to be surren- or subjects of either nation resident in

126

^"^^

JAY, JOHN

the territories of the other were to be der of American rights. In order to pre-
allowed to remain and to continue their vent misrepresentations, and to elicit the
trade so long as they behaved peaceably, expressions of the people, Washington
They might be ordered off, in case of caused the whole treaty to be published,
suspicion, on twelve months' notice, or A* mad, seditious cry went over the land
without any notice, if detected in viola- from the opposition. In several cities
tions of the laws. No reprisals were to mobs threatened personal violence to the
be ordered by either party till satisfaction supporters of the treaty. Hamilton was
had first been demanded. Fugitives from stoned at a public meeting in New York,
justice charged with murder or forgery while speaking in the open air. The Brit-
were to be mutually given up. ish minister at Philadelphia was insulted;
Early Opposition. — The treaty was con- and in Charleston the British flag was
eluded at London on Nov. 19, 1794. It trailed in the dust of the streets. Jay
reached the President in March, 1795, was denounced as a traitor; and in Vir-
after the adjournment of Congress. The ginia disunion was recommended as a cure
Senate was convened, in special session, for political evils. The Democratic socie-
to consider it, early in June, 1795. After ties and orators put forth claims for
a debate for a fortnight, in secret session, sympathy for France. " She has a govern-
a vote of 20 to 10 — precisely a constitu- ment congenial to our own. Citizens, your
tional majority — advised (June 24) the security depends on France. Let us unite
ratification of the treaty, excepting the with her and stand or fall together!"
article which related to the renunciation shouted opposition orators throughout the
by the Americans of the privilege of trans- country. The Democrats adorned their
portation of sugar, molasses, coffee, co- hats with the French cockade. Jay was
coa, and cotton in the West India trade, burned in effigy in many places, and long-
Cotton was then just promising to be ings for the guillotine were freely express-
of vast importance in the carrying-trade, ed in public assemblies.
and such an article was wholly inadmissi- When the President had proclaimed the
ble. The President had determined, before treaty as the law of the land, he, accord-
the meeting of the Senate, to ratify the ing to promise, sent a copy of it, March
treaty; and when it was laid before the 2, 1796, to the House. Its appearance was
cabinet all agreed with him excepting the beginning of a violent debate in that
the Secretary of State (Edmund Ran- body, which turned upon the question
dolph, of Virginia), who raised the point whether the House possessed discretionary
that by the ratification, before an ob- power to carry the treaty into execution
noxious British Order in Council concern- or not at its pleasure. The debate arose
ing neutrals should be repealed, the Brit- on a motion of Edward Livingston, of
ish claim to the right, of search and im- New York, calling upon the President for
pressment would be conceded by the his instructions to Jay and other papers
Americans. Hamilton, who had been relating to the treaty. After about thirty
consulted, advised the ratification, but speeches, in a debate of three weeks, which
to withhold the exchange of ratifications grew warmer and warmer the longer it
imtil that order should be repealed. The lasted, the resolution was adopted, March
Senate had removed the seal of secrecy 24, by a vote of 62 to 37. The President
from their proceedings, but had forbidden consulted his cabinet, and they unanimous-
any publication of the treaty itself. State- ly decided that the House had no right
ments concerning the provisions of the to make such a call, as they were not a
treaty soon appeared. The Democratic part of the treaty-making power. They
societies and newspapers had resolved to also decided that it was not expedient
oppose and attack the treaty whatever for the President to furnish the papers,
might be its provisions. They had opposed for the call should be considered as an
the mission to negotiate it. After it was unfounded claim of power on the part
received Randolph revealed enough of its of the House to interfere with the privi-
character lo give a foundation for many leges of the President and Senate. The
attacks upon it in the newspapers. It President, therefore, declined to comply
was denounced as a pusillanimous surren- with the request of the House, giving

]9.7

JAY— JAYHAWKERS

his reasons in a special message. Reso-
lutions asserting the majesty of the House
were introduced ( April 6 ) , and were sup-
ported by Madison. These resolutions were
adopted bj' a vote of 57 to 35, and the
subject of the " British treaty " was a
staple topic of debate for some time after-
wards. Finally, April 30, the House pass-
ed a resolution — 51 to 48 — that it was
expedient to pass laws for carrying the
treaty into effect.

The discussions of the treaty were soon
transferred from public meetings and the
newspapers to the arena of State legisla-
tures. Governor Shelby, in his speech to
the Kentucky legislature, attacked the
treaty. The House seemed to agree with
him (Nov. 4, 1794), but the Senate evaded
any decided committal. The house of
delegates of Virginia adopted, by a vote
of 100 to 50, a resolution appi'oving the
conduct of their Senators in voting (Nov.
20) against the treaty. A counter-resolu-
tion declaring their undiminished confi-
dence in the President was lost — 59 to
79 ; but another resolution disclaiming
any imputation of the President's motives
was passed — 78 to 62. The legislature of
Marvland resolved that they felt a deep
concern at efforts to detach from the
President the " well-earned confidence of
his fellow-citizens," and declared their
" unabated reliance in his judgment, integ-
rity, and patriotism." The Senate of Penn-
sylvania made a similar declaration. The
legislature of New Hampshire "expressed,
Dec. 5, 1795, their "abhorrence of those
disturbers of the peace " who had endeav-
ored to render abortive measures so well
calculated to advance the happiness of the
country. The North Carolina legislature,
by a decided majority, adopted a series of
resolutions, Dec. 8, reprobating the treaty
and thanking their Senators for having
opposed it. In the legislature of . South
Carolina resolutions were introduced de-
claring the treaty " highly injurious to
the general interests of the United
States " ; when the friends of the treaty,
finding themselves in a minority, declared
the legislature had no business to interfere
with the duties of the President and Sen-
ate of the United States, and refused
to vote, the resolutions were adopted unan-
imously. The House did not venture to
send up these resolutions to the Senate.

128

A resolution declaring the treaty uncon-
stitutional was defeated. The legislature
of Delaware passed, Jan. 14, 1796, a reso-
lution of approval. Gov. Samuel Adams,
of Massachusetts, spoke of the treaty
as " pregnant with evil," suggested a con-
flict of authority between the President
and Senate and the House of Representa-
tives, and transmitted to the general
court the resolutions of Virginia on the
subject of amendments to the Constitu-
tion. The Massachusetts Senate declared
their concurrence in the belief of the
governor that the national government
was in " honest hands," and the house sug-
gested " a respectful submission on the
part of the people to the constituted au-
thorities as the surest means of enjoying
and perpetuating the invaluable blessings
of our free and representative govern-
ment." The general court of Rhode Island
expressed their confidence in the genera^
government. So, also, did the legislature
of New York.

Jay, John, diplomatist; born in New
York City, June 23, 1817; son of William
Jay; became manager of the New York
Young Men's Anti-slavery Society in 1834;
was graduated at Columbia College in
1836; admitted to the bar in 1839; acted
as counsel without pay for many fugitive
slaves; minister to Austria in 1869-75;
chairman of the committee to investigate
the system of the New York Custom-
House in 1877; and president of the New
York State Civil Service Commission in
1883-88. He died in New York City, May
5, 1894.

Jay, William, jurist ; born in New
York City, June 16, 1789; son of John
Jay; graduated at Yale in 1807; appoint-
ed judge of the Court of Common Pleas in
1818; reappointed under the new consti-
tution in 1822; served till 1843, when he
was superseded on account of his anti-
slavery views. He was the author of Life
of Johti Jay; The Action of the Federal
Government in Behalf of Slai^erij ; War
and Peace, in which he suggested that
international disputes should be settled
by arbitration; The Mexican War; etc.
He died in Bedford, N. Y.. Oct. 14, 1858.

Jayhawkers and Red Legs, names ap-
plied to Free-State men who, during the
Kansas conflict in 1854-59, began a series
of reprisals for outrages committed by

JAYNE— JEFFERSON

pro-slavery men, but ultimately practical- Adelphi Theatre, London, and, although

ly became bandits. he has since played in many of the most

Jayne, Horace, biologist; born in Phila- popular comedies of the day, and in vari-

delphia, March 5, 1859; graduated at ous parts of the world, he will be remem-

the University of Pennsylvania in 1879, bered longest for his presentations of that

and at its medical school in 1882; studied character. Mr. Jefferson has also distin-

biology at Leipzig and Jena in 1883-84; guished himself as an orator and a paint-

and, returning to the United States, was er, and in 1899 he made an exhibition

first appointed lecturer in biology in the of sixteen of his landscape - paintings

University of Pennsylvania, and subse- in oil in the national capital. He pub-

quently Professor of Vertebrate Morphol- lished an autobiography in 1890. He

ogy there. For a number of years he was died, April 23, 1905, at West Palm Beach,

dean of the faculty. In 1900 he was di- Florida.

rector of the Wistar Institute of the Uni- As the representative of the dramatic

versify of Pennsylvania. He is the author profession, Mr. Jefferson was invited by

of Mammalian Anatomy; Revision of the the faculty of Yale University to deliver

Dermestidce of North America; Abnormi- a lecture on Dramatic Art, which was

ties Observed in North American Coleop- given on April 27, 1892, in tlie course of

tera, etc. which he says:

Jeannette, Voyage of the. See De

Long. If I am asked to reason from my knowl-

Jeffers, William Nicholson, naval edge and engraft it on the history of
officer ; born in Gloucester county, N. J., the past, I would unhesitatingly declare
Oct. 6, 1824; joined the navy in 1840; that the stage is in a much better con-
served in the war with Mexico, and also dition now than it ever was before. The
through the Civil War; was promoted social and moral status of the whole
commodore in February, 1878. His pub- world has undoubtedly improved, and gone
lications include Short Methods in Navi- hand in hand with scientific and material
gation; Theory and Practice of Naval progress; and permit me to assure you
Gunnery; Inspection and Proof of Can- that the stage in this respect has not been
non; Marine Surveying ; Ordnance In- idle, but that, to my knowledge, it has
structions for United States Navy, etc. in the march of improvement kept pace
He died in Washington, D. C, July 23, foot by foot with every social advance.
1883. Even the coarse dramas of the olden

Jefferson, the name proposed to be time were in keeping with the conditions

given to what is now the State of Colo- of the social and literary society tJiat sur-

rado, in 1858, when an attempt was made rounded it. Those plays that appealed

to establish a provisional government, to the lowest tastes were not only welcome

The scheme failed in consequence of con- but demanded bj^ the court of Charles,

flicting claims on the part of the surround- Old Pepys, who lived during this time,

ing Territories. When, however. Congress says in his diary: "I went last night

created the new Territory in 1861, the to see A Midsummer Night's Dream; it

name Colorado was given to it. was a great waste of time, and I hope I

Jefferson, Joseph, actor ; born in Phila- shall never again be condemned to see

delphia. Pa., Feb. 20, 1829; is descended such a poor play. Ah, give me a com-

from several generations of actors ; made edy of Ethelridge, and let us have no more

his first appearance on the stage when of this dull, vague Shakespeare." It was

three years old; played in the old Span- not, therefore, that there were no good

ish theatre in Matamoras, Mexico, two plays, but that the vicious public wanted

days after that city was taken by the bad ones, and while rakes and unprin-

Americans; and in 1857 established his cipled gallants and vile women were the

reputation as a comedian by his perform- heroes and heroines of the stage, the

ance as Asa Trenchard in Our American plays of Shakespeare had been written for

Cousin, in New York City. In 1865 he a hundred years. Such lovely creatures

appeared for the first time in his inimi- as Rosalind, Desdemoiia. Beatrice, Ophelia,

table role of Rip Van Winkle, in the Imogene, Portia, and Juliet, together with
v.— I 129

JEFFERSON

their noble mates, Orlando, Benedict, Ham- And so the people insisted that the actors

let, Eomeo, and a host of pure and mar- should give them an exhibition of the

vellous creations, were moulding on the licentious times rather than the splendid

shelves, because the managers had suffered lessons of Shakespeare. As the social

bankruptcy for daring to produce them, world improved in its tastes the drama

Shakespeare says that the actors are " the followed it — nay, in some instances has

abstract and brief chronicles of the times." led it.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS

Jefferson, Thomas, third President of
the United States; born in Shadwell, Va.,
April 2, 1743; was educated at the Col-
lege of William and Mary; studied law
under George Wythe; and was admitted
to the bar in 1767. From 1769 to 1775
he was an active member of the Virginia
House of Burgesses. In that body he
introduced a bill empowering masters to
manumit their slaves. On Jan. 1, 1771,

STATUE OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.

he married Martha Skelton, a rich and
beautiful young widow of twenty-three.
He was a member of the committee of
correspondence of Virginia, which he as-
sisted in forming, and was engaged in
active public life until his retirement
from the Presidency of the United States.
In 1774 he wrote his famous Summary

View of the Rights of British America,
which, it is believed, procured for him
a place in the list of American traitors
denounced by the British Parliament. He
had taken an active part against the
Boston port bill. Mr. Jefferson took his
seat in the Continental Congress in June,
1775, when he was thirty-two years of
age. In that body he served on the most
important committees, and in drawing up
state papers. On the committee to draft
the Declaration of Independence, to Mr.
Jefferson was assigned the duty of writ-
ing that important paper, which he ad-
vocated and signed. True to the proclivi-
ties of his nature in favor of human
liberty, he introduced a clause censuring
slavery, which was stricken out. In Oc-
tober, 1776, he retired from Congress to
take part in his o\vn State affairs, and
for two years and a half was employed
in revising the laws of Virginia and pro-
curing some wise enactments, such as
abolishing the laws of primogeniture, giv-
ing freedom to convicts, etc. During the
entire Revolutionary War Jefferson was
very active in his own State, serving as
its governor from June, 1779, to 1781.
At the time of his retirement from the
chair, Cornwallis, invading Virginia, des-
olated Jefferson's estate at Elk Hill, and
he and his family narrowly escaped capt-
ure. Mr. Jefferson was again in Con-
gress in 1783, and, as chairman of a
committee, reported to that body the
definite treaty of peace with Great Brit-
ain. Assisting the suggestions of Gouver-
neur Morris, he proposed and carried a
bill establishing the decimal system of
currency. In 1785 he succeeded Dr.
Franklin as minister at the French Court,
where he remained until 1789, when he
returned and took a seat in Washing-
ton's cabinet as Secretary of State.
In France he had published his Notes
30

JEFFEliSON, THOMAS

on Virginia, and he had there become ed men of his own country and of Europe.
thoroughly imbued with the spirit of In person he was tall and slender, with
the French revolutionists previous to sandy hair, llorid complexion in his youth,
the bloody era of 1793. Not finding at and brilliant gray eyes, a little inclining
home the same enthusiastic admiration to brown. He was buried in a family
of the French people in
their struggle against " the
conspiracy of the kings,"
he became morbidly sus-
picious of a monarchical
party in the United States
that might overthrow the
government. He formed
and led an active party
called " Republican " or
" Democratic," and there
was much acrimonious
feeling soon engendered
between that and the
Federal party, of which
Alexander Hamilton was
the active leader. Mr. Jef-
ferson was an able leader
of the Democratic party,
and secured so large a fol-
lowing that in 1800 he was
elected President, and
served eight years, retir-
ing in March, 1809, when
he withdrew from public
life and retired to his seat
at Monticello, near Char-
lottesville, Va. Among the
important events of his
administration were the
purchase of Louisiana, an
exploration of the conti-
nent from the Mississippi
Eiver to the Pacific Ocean,

and difficulties with France and Great cemetery near his house at Monticello
Britain on account of their violation of and over his grave is a granite monument,
the rights of neutrals. Mr. Jefferson was bearing the inscription, written by him-
the founder of the University of Virginia self, and found among his papers after his
(1819) at Charlottesville, Va., and was death, "Here lies buried Thomas Jeffer-
its rector until his death, which occurred son, author of the Declaration of Inde-
on the same day, and almost at the same pendence, of the Statute of Virginia for
hour, as that on which John Adams died, religious freedom, and father of the Uni-
who was his associate in drafting the versity of Virginia." Mr. Jefferson ^-e-
Declaration of Independence, and sign- garded slavery as a moral and political
ing it, just fifty years befoi-e (July 4, evil, and did much to alleviate its hard-
1826). ships. His correspondence with men of

Jeff'erson was a keen politician, though all classes was voluminous, for he was a
no speaker ; a man of great learning and fluent writer and had a very wide ac-
fine scholarly as well as scientific attain- quaintance. Few men have exerted as
ments, and in conversation extremely at- much influence in establishing the free
tractive. His house was the resort of learn- institutions of the United States as

131

CJIKICATUUK OF JEFFERSON.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS

rhomas Jefferson. He adopted for the
motto of his private seal that of Oliver
Cromwell — " Rebellion to tyrants is
obedience to God." See Lewis, Meri-
wether.

When, in the early summer of 1781,
Cornwallis was overrunning a portion of
Virginia, he sent Tarleton with his cav-
alry to capture the Virginia Assembly
siting at Charlottesville, and also Gov-
ernor Jefferson, who lived 2 miles from
that place. On the way Tarleton destroyed
twelve wagon-loads of clothing intended
for Greene's army in North Carolina.
Within 10 miles of Charlottesville Tarle-
ton detached Captain McLeod, with a
party of horsemen, to capture Governor
Jefferson at Monticello, while he pressed
forward. On his way he captured some
members of the legislature, but when he
arrived at Charlottesville the remainder,
forewarned, had fled and escaped. Mc-
Leod's expedition to Monticello was quite
as unsuccessful. Jefferson was entertain-
ing several members of the legislature, in-
cluding the presiding officers of both
houses, when the British cavalry were
seen coming up the winding road towards
the mansion. Jefferson immediately sent
his family away, while he and the others
escaped on horseback. Jefferson had not
been gone ten minutes when McLeod rode
up and found the house deserted.

The leaders of the two great parties

Laws with powerful effect against him.
The Federalists were defeated. Jefferson
and Burr had each seventy-three votes in
the electoral college, and, according to
the provisions of the Constitution, the
election was carried into the House of
Representatives. There exciting scenes
occurred. Two or three members, too

JEFFERSON'S SEAL.

Motto: "Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God.'"

sick to appear otherwise, were brought to
the House on beds. For seven days the
balloting went on. After it was ascer-
tained that a Democrat was elected, the
Federalists all voted for Burr, as being
less objectionable than Jefferson; but the
friends of the latter were stronger than
all opposition, and he was elected. The
whole Federal party were mortified
and humiliated by the triumph of Jef-
ferson, their arch - enemy. He was in-
augurated March 4, 1801. See Cabinet,
President's; Louisiana; Mazzei, Philip.
Inaugural Address. — The following is
the principal part of the inaugural ad-
dress, delivered on March 4, 1801:

PART OF JF.FFKRSON'S GIO.

nominated their respective candidates for
the Presidency in 1800, the Federalists
choosing to be voted for John Adams and
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney; the Demo-
crats, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr.
There was a breach in the Federal party,
owing to extended dislike of Adams, and
the Democrats used the Alien and Sedition

Friends and Fellow - citizens, — Called
upon to undertake the duties of the first
executive officer of our country, I avail
myself of the presence of that portion of
my fellow-citizens which is here assembled,
to express my grateful thanks for the
favor with which they have been pleased
to look towards me. to declare a sincere
consciousness that the task is above my
talents, and that I approacli it with those
anxious and awful presentiments which
the greatness of the charge and the weak-
ness of my powers so justly inspire. A
rising nation, spread over a wide and
.32

JEFFERSON, THOMAS

fruitful land, traversing all the seas with
the rich productions of their industry,
engaged in commerce with nations who
feel power and forget right, advancing
rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of
mortal eye; when I contemplate these
transcendent objects, and see the honor,
the happiness, and the hopes of this be-
loved country committed to the issue and
the auspices of this day, I shrink from
the contemplation, and humble myself be-
fore the magnitude of the undertaking.
Utterly, indeed, should I despair, did
not the presence of many whom I see

which we have passed, the animation of
discussions and of exertions has sometimes
worn an aspect which might impose on
strangers unused to think freely, and to
speak and to w'rite what they think; but
this being now decided by the voice of the
nation, announced according to the rules
of the Constitution, all will of course ar-
range themselves under the will of the law,
and unite in common efforts for the com-
mon good. All, too, will bear in mind
this sacred principle, that though the will
of the majority is in all cases to prevail,
that will, to be rightful, must be reason-

BEDROOM IN WHICH JKFFERSON DIED.

here remind me that, in the other high
authorities provided by our Constitu-
tion, I shall find resources of wisdom,
of virtue, and of zeal, on which to
rely under all difficulties. To you, then,
gentlemen, who are charged with the sov-
ereign functions of legislation, and to
those associated with you, I look with en-
couragement for that guidance and sup-
port which may enable us to steer with
safety the vessel in which we are all em-
barked, amid the conflicting elements of
a troubled world.

During the contest of opinion through

able; that the minority possess their
equal rights, which equal laws must pro-
tect, and to violate wiiich would be op-
pression. Let us then,- fellow-citizens,
unite with one heart and one mind, let us
restore to social intercourse that harmony
and affection without which liberty and
even life itself are but dreary things. And
let us reflect that, having banished from
our land that religious intolerance under
which mankind so long bled and suffered,
we have yet gained little, if we counte-
nance a political intolerance as despotic,
as wicked, and as capable of bitter and
3.3

JEFFERSON, THOMAS

bloody persecutions. During the throes that this government, the world's best
and convulsions of the ancient world, dur- hope, may, by possibility, want energy to
ing the agonizing spasms of infuriated preserve itself ? I trust not. I believe this,
man, seeking through blood and slaughter on the contrary, the strongest government
his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful on earth. I believe it is the only one
that the agitation of the billows should where every man, at the call of the law,
reach even this distant and peaceful shore; would fly to the standard of the law, and
that this should be more felt and feared would meet invasions of the public order
by some, and less by others, and should as his own personal concern. Sometimes
divide opinions as to measures of safety; it is said that man cannot be trusted with
but every difference of opinion is not a the government of himself. Can he then
difference of principle. We have called be trusted with the government of others?
by different names brethren of the same Or have we found angels, in the form of
principle. We are all republicans; we kings, to govern him? Let history answer
are all federalists. If there be any this question.

among us who wish to dissolve this Let ns, then, with courage and confl-
Union, or to change its republican form, dence, pursue our own federal and repub-
let them stand undisturbed as monu- lican principles; our attachment to union
ments of the safety with which error and representative government. Kindly
of opinion may be tolerated, where reason separated by nature and a wide ocean
is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, from the exterminating havoc of one quar-
that some honest men fear that a republi- ter of the globe; too high-minded to en-
can government cannot be strong; that dure the degradation of the others; pos-
this government is not strong enough. But sessing a chosen country, with room
would the honest patriot, in the full tide enough for our descendants to the thou-
of successful experiment, abandon a gov- sandth generation; entertaining a due
ernment which has so far kept lis free and sense of our equal right to the use of
firm, on the theoretic and visionary fear our own faculties, to the acquisition of

our own industry,
to honor and con-
fidence from our fel-
low-citizens, result-
ing not from birth,
but from our actions
and their sense of
them; enlightened
by a benign religion,
professed indeed and
practised in various
forms, yet all of
them inculcating
honesty, truth, tern
perance, gratitude,
and the love of
man ; acknowledging
and adoring an over-
ruling Providence,
which, by all its dis-
pensations, proves
that it delights in
the happiness of
man here, and his
greater happiness
hereafter ; with all
these blessings, what
more is necessary to

ySn"'^

MONTICBLLO, JEFFERSON'S HOME.

134

JEFFERSON, THOMAS

make us a happy and prosperous people? the general government in its whole con-
Still one thing more, fellow-citizens — a stitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of
wise and frugal government, which shall our peace at home and safety abroad; a
restrain men from injuring one another, jealous care of the right of election by
^liall leave them otherwise free to regu- the people, a mild and safe corrective of

abuses which are lopped by the sword of
revolution where peaceable remedies are
unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the
decisions of the majority, the vital princi-
ple of republics, from Avhich there is no
appeal but to force, the vital principle
and immediate parent of despotism; a
well-disciplined militia, our best reliance
in peace, and for the first moments of
war, till regulars may relieve them ; the
supremacy of the civil over the military
authority; economy in the public expense,
that labor may be lightly burdened; the
honest payment of our debts, and sacred
preservation of the public faith; encour-
agement of agriculture, and of commerce
as its handmaid; the diffusion of informa-
tion, and arraignment of all abuses at the
bar of the public reason ; freedom of re-
ligion, freedom of the press, and freedom
of person, under the protection of the
habeas corpus; and trial by juries impar-
tially selected. These principles form the
bright constellation which has gone before
us, and guided our steps through an age
of revolution and reformation. The wis-
late their own pursuits of industry and dom of our sages, and blood of our heroes,
improvement, and shall not take from the have been devoted to their attainment;

THOMAS JEFFERSON'S GRAVE.

mouth of labor the bread it has earned.
This is the sum of good government; and
this is necessary to close the circle of our
felicities.

About to enter, fellow-citizens, upon the
exercise of duties which comprehend every-
thing dear and valuable to you, it is

they should be the creed of our political
faith, the text of civic instruction, the
touchstone by which to try the services of
those we trust; and should we wander
from them in moments of error or of
alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps,
and to regain the road which leads alone

proper you should understand what I deem to peace, liberty, and safety. . . ,
the essential principles of our government, The Jeffersonian Policy. — Soon after

and, consequently, those which ought to his inauguration, Jefferson indicated his

shape its administration. I will compress policy in a letter to Nathaniel Macon,

them within the narrowest compass they in Congress, as follows: "1. Levees are

will bear, stating the general principle, done away with. 2. The first communi-

but not all its limitations. Equal and ex- cation to the next Congress will be, like

act justice to all men, of whatever state all subsequent ones, by message, to which

or persuasion, religious or political ; peace, no answer will be expected. 3. Diplo-

commerce, and honest friendship with all matic establishments in Europe will be

nations, entangling alliances with none; reduced to three ministers. 4. The com-

the support of the State governments in pensation of collectors depends on you

all their rights, as the most competent [Congress], and not on me. 5. The army

administrations for our domestic concerns, is undergoing a chaste reformation. 6.

and the surest bulwarks against anti-re- The navy will be reduced to the legal

publican tendencies; the preservation of establishment by the last of this month

135

JEIFERSON

FORT JEFFERSON, GARDEN KET.

[May, 1801]. 7. Agencies in every de- he had to abandon the undertaking. Jef-
partment will be revived. 8. We shall ferson, then governor of Virginia, gave
push you to the uttermost in economiz- instructions for the occupation of a sta-
ing. 9. A very early recommendation tion on the Mississippi River between the

mouth of the Ohio
and the parallel of
36° 30'; and in
the spring of 1780
Clarke chose a
strong position 5
miles below the
mouth of the Ohio,
whereon he built
Fort Jefferson.
Here the Ameri-
cans planted their
first sentinel to
watch over the
freedom of the
navigation of
the " Father of
Waters."

Jefferson and
Taylor, Forts. At
has been given to the Postmaster-General the Garden Key, one of the Tortugas
to employ no traitor, foreigner, or Revo- Islands, off the extremity of the Florida
lutionary Tory in any of his offices." Peninsula, was Fort Jefferson; and at
Three days after his inauguration he Key West was Fort Taylor. Neither of
wrote to Monroe: "I have firmly refused these forts was quite finished at the be-
to follow the counsels of those who have ginning of 1861. The Confederates early
desired the giving of offices to some of the contemplated their seizure, but the
Federalist leaders in order to reconcile laborers employed on them by the United
them. I have given,
and will give, only
to Republicans un-
der existing cir-
cumstances." The
doctrine, " To the
victor belong the
spoils," which has
been accepted as
orthodox in the
politics of our re-
public ever since,
was then first pro-
mulgated.

Jefferson, Fort,
a fortification built
by Col. George
Rogers Clark
{q. V.) , on the west
side of the Missis-
sippi. He had designed to extend his in- States government were chiefly slaves,
vasion to Detroit, but troops to reinforce and their masters wished to reap the
him had been added to the force of an- fruit of their labor as long as possible,
other bold leader (see Shelby, Evan), and It was believed these forts might be

136

FOKT TAYLOR, KEY WEST.

JEFFBEYS— JENKINS

seized at any time by the Floridians. Cap- make laws to that end; and when, in 1689,
tain Brannan, with a company of artil- the Stuarts were driven from the throne
lery, occupied barracks about half a mile of England, these people were pardoned,
from Fort Taylor. Some of the military and the Virginians received them with
and civil officers there were Confederates, open arms as brethren. Sir George died
and they determined to oppose Captain in London, April 18, 1689.
Brannan if he should attempt to take Jenckes, Joseph, colonial governor;
possession of that fort. Finally Captain born on the site of the city of Pawtucket,
Brannan succeeded by a stratagem in R. I., in 1656; held a seat in the General
gaining possession. The steamer Wyan- Assembly of Rhode Island in 1679-93;
dotte lay near the fort, and her guns com- was appointed to arrange the boundary
manded the bridge that connected it disputes with Connecticut and Massachu-
with the island. One Sunday morning, setts, and afterwards those which had
while the inhabitants were at church, arisen between Massachusetts and New
Captain Brannan marched his men by a Hampshire and Maine. He was also
back road, crossed the bridge, and entered made commissioner to answer a letter
the fort. Supplies had already been for- of the King regarding the " condition
warded by water. Both forts were of affairs in Rhode Island," and to re-
strengthened and were lost to the Con- ply to a number of questions proposed
federates. by the lords of the privy council. He
Jeffreys, Sir George, jurist; born in was governor of Rhode Island in 1727-
Acton, Denbighshire, in 1648; was called 32. He died June 15, 1740.
to the bar in 1668; became chief -justice Jenckes, Thomas Allen, legislator
of England in 1683; and was elevated to born in Cumberland, R. I., Nov. 2, 1818
the post of lord chancellor in 1685. He graduated at Brown University in 1838
was of a blood-thirsty and cruel dispo- admitted to the bar in 1840; served in
sition, delighting in the severe punishment Congress in 1862-71. He was the author
of the enemies of the King. After the re- of the United States bankruptcy law, which
bellion of the Duke of Monmouth (1685) was passed in 1867; and was also one of
was crushed he held courts in the insur- the earliest and most prominent advocates
gent districts which are known in history of civil service reform. His bill in ad-
as the " Bloody Assizes." The partisans vocacy of the same was passed in 1868.
of Monmouth in arms were fully 6,000 in He died in Cumberland, R. I., Nov. 4,
number, many of them persons of great re- 1875.

spectability. They were brought before Jenkins, Charles Jones, jurist; born

the court of the chief-justice by scores, in Beaufort district, S. C, Jan. 6, 1805;

He seemed to delight in convicting and settled in Jefferson county, Ga., in 1816;

punishing them. He caused 320 to be graduated at Union College in 1824; held

hanged or beheaded, and more than 800 a seat in the Georgia legislature in 1836-

to be sold as slaves in the West Indies and 50. He was a Union delegate to the Geor-

Virginia. Many of the latter were given to gia convention in 1850, and as chairman

court favorites that they might sell them of that body drafted the resolutions known

on speculation or extort money for their as " The Platform of 1850," in which it

pardon from those who had any to give. In was resolved " that the State of Georgia,

this nefarious business Lord Effingham, even to the disruption of every tie which

governor of Virginia, engaged ; and many binds her to the Union, resist any act

men of culture, as well as good mechanics, of Congress abolishing slavery." He was

were sent to Virginia to be sold as slaves, a judge of the Supreme Court of Geor-

and so added excellent social materials for gia in 1859 - 65, and governor in 1865-

society in that colony. " Take care," 68. Mr. Jenkins received two votes for

wrote King Charles to Effingham, " that President of the United States in the

they continue to serve for ten years at electoral college of 1872. He died in

least, and that they be not permitted in Summerville, Ga., June 13, 1883.
any manner to redeem themselves by Jenkins, James G., jurist; born in

money or otherwise until that term be Saratoga Springs, N. Y., July 18, 1834;

fully expired." The Assembly refused to was liberallv educated in New York State;

137

JENKINS— JENKINSON'S FERRY

and was admitted to the bar in New York 1869-71; and has since done much work

City in 1855. Two years later he removed in bridge-building. He was in charge of

to Milwaukee, Wis., where he practised the construction of the Randolph bridge

till 1888, when he was appointed United over the Missouri River, at Kansas, Mo.,

States judge for the district of Wiscon- and was employed on the Mississippi

sin. In 1893 he was promoted to the levees. He has been chief engineer of

bench of the United States Circuit Court railroads in the South and Southwest,

of the 7th Judicial Circuit. In December, and was also chief engineer of the Ar-

1893, he issued an injunction forbidding ansas Pass harbor and jetty works in

all employes of the Northern Pacific Rail- Texas. In 1898-99 he was major of the

road (which at that time was in the Volunteer Engineer Corps, and chief

hands of receivers appointed by the court) engineer officer of the 1st Division of the

from joining or conspiring with others in 2d Army Corps. In 1887 he became a

striking against reduced wages. The Cir- member of the American Society of Civil

cuit Court of Appeals sustained this in- Engineers.

junction in a modified form. Upon this Jenkinson, Charles, English politi-

action the labor leaders endeavored to cian; was private secretary to Lord Bute

have Judge Jenkins impeached, but with- when he was the English premier, and,

out result. when he resigned, Jenkinson became the

Jenkins, John, military officer; born principal secretary of the treasury. He

in New London, Conn., Nov. 27, 1751; was an Oxford scholar, and, becoming per-

served throughout the Revolutionary War sonally acquainted with George III., when

as a lieutenant; and during the Wyoming he was Prince of Wales, became devoted

massacre commanded Forty Fort. He died to his service. He had great tact in

in Wyoming, Pa., March 19, 1827. dealing with delicate personal matters,

Jenkins, John Stilwell, author ; born and so was fitted to please all ; or, rather,

in Albany, N. Y., Feb. 15, 1818; edu- not to oflfend any. He was chiefly instru-

cated at Hamilton College, and began the mental in pushing forward the English

practice of law in Weedsport, N. Y. His ministry in their schemes for taxing the

publications include Generals of the Last English - American colonists, and was

War with Great Britain; a condensation really the author of Townshend's obnox-

of Hammond's History of Neio York; Life ious bills and Grenville's Stamp Act. He

of Silas Wright; History of the Mexican held a place with Lord North at the

War; Lives of the Governors of Neio Treasury board, in 1768, and was the

York; Lives of Jackson, Polk, and Gal- chief instigator of that minister's bills

houn, etc. He died in Weedsport, N. Y., for asserting the absolute authority of

Sept. 20, 1852. the Parliament over the American colo-

Jenkins, Thornton Alexander, naval nies.
officer; born in Orange county, Va., Dec. Jenkinson's Ferry, Battle at. In
11, 1811; appointed midshipman in 1828; 1864, General Steele, at Little Rock, Ark.,
commissioned lieutenant in 1839; pro- tried to co-operate with the Red River
moted captain in 1862; and rear-admiral expedition, but was unable to do so effect-
in 1870. In 1834 to 1860 he was employed ually, for he was confronted by a heavy
on the coast survey, and in the light- body of Confederates. He started south-
house board. He was fleet captain, and ward, March 23, with 8,000 troops,
commanded the Hartford when Farragut cavalry and infantry. He was to be
passed Forts Jackson and St. Philip be- joined by General Thayer at Arkadelphia,
low New Orleans, April 24, 1862; com- with 5,000 men, but this was not then
manded the Richmond when Farragut accomplished. Steele pushed on for the
captured Mobile in 1864. He died in purpose of flanking Camden and draw-
Washington, D. C, Aug. 9, 1893. ing out Price from his fortifications there.

Jenkins, William Dunbar, civil engi- Early in April Steele was joined by
neer; born in Adams county, Miss., Sept. Thayer, and on the evening of the 15th
19, 1849; was educated at military they entered Camden as victors. Serious-
schools in France and Belgium; studied ly menaced by gathering Confederates,
civil engineering in Lexington, Va., in Steele, who, hy the retreat of Banks, had

138

JENKS— JERSEY PRISON-SHIP

been released from duty elsewhere, moved Jenney, William Le Baron, architect;
towards Little Rock. He crossed the born in Fairhaven, Mass., Sept. 25, 1832;
Washita on the night of April 26. At was educated at Phillips Academy, An-
Jenkinson's Ferry, on the Sabine River, dover, Mass.; graduated at the Ecole
he was attacked by an overwhelming Centrale des Arts et Metiers, Paris, in
force, led by Gen. Kirby Smith in person. 1856. He also studied art and archi-
Steele's troops, though nearly famished, tecture in Paris studios in 1858-59. On
fought desperately during a most sangui- his return he was commissioned a cap-
nary battle that ensued. Three times the tain in the United States army; was as-
Confederates charged heavily, and were signed to engineer duty ; and served on
repulsed. The battle was fought by in- the stafl" of Gen. U. S. Grant from the
fantry alone, and the Nationals finally battle of Cairo to Corinth, and then on
drove their adversaries and gained a com- that of Gen. W. T. Sherman until 1866,
plete victory. Then they crossed the receiving the brevet of major in 1864;
river and moved on towards Little Rock, he settled in Chicago as an architect in
In the struggle at Jenkinson's Ferry the 1868; was landscape engineer for the West
Confederates lost over 3,000 men, includ- Chicago parks in 1870-71; invented the
ing more than 300 officers. The Nationals skeleton construction (now generally used
lost 700 killed and wounded. Steele's in tall buildings) in 1883; and was the
broken army reached Little Rock on architect for the Union League Club and
May 2. the Siegel & Cooper Building, in New

Jenks, Jeremiah Whipple, educator; York City; The Fair, and the Horti-

born in St. Clair, Mich., Sept. 2, 1856; cultural Building at the World's Colum-

graduated at the University of Michi- bian Exposition, in Chicago, and other

gan in 1878; and was admitted to the notable structures.

bar of that State. Later he taught Ger- Jersey Prison-ship, one of the prisons

luan, Latin, and Greek at Mount Morris used by the British at New York during

(111.) College, In 1886-89 he was Pro- a part of the Revolutionary War. Noth-

fessor of Political Science and English ing could exceed the horrors of these

Literature at Knox College, Galesburg, crowded prisons. ^ The sugar-houses of

TIL; in 1889-91 was Professor of Political New York being large, were used for the

Economy and Social Science in the Indiana purpose, and therein scores suffered and

University; and in 1891 became Professor died. But the most terrible scenes oc-

of Political Science in Cornell University, curred on board several old hulks, which
He is the author of Henry C. Carey als
Nationalokonom; Road Legislation for the
American State, and contributions on
monopolies, political methods, etc., to
reviews, magazines, and encyclopsedias
in the United States, Germany, and Eng-
land.

Jenks, Joseph, inventor; born near
London; came to America in 1645, and

is supposed to have been the first brass- the jkrset prison-ship.
founder on this continent. On May 6,

1648, he secured a patent from the Massa- were anchored in the waters around New
chusetts legislature for a water-mill and York, and used for prisoners. Of them
for a saw-mill. In 1652 he made the dies, the Jersey was the most notorious for the
it is said, for the silver coinage — the sufferings it contained, and the brutality
" pine-tree " money of that province. In of its officers. From these vessels, anchor-
1654 he made a fire-engine for Boston, and ed near the present na^y-yard at Brook-
in 1655 he received a patent for an im- lyn, almost 11,000 victims were carried
proved method of manufacturing scythes, ashore during the war, and buried in
In 1667 he had an appropriation for the shallow graves in the sand. Their re-
encouragement of wire-drawing. He died mains were gathered in 1808 and put
in Lynn, Mass., in 1683. in a vault situated near the termination

139

JEBSEYS— JESUIT MISSIONS

of PVoiit Street and Hudson Avenue, to promote the power and dominion ot
Brooklyn. Prance in America. Within three yeara

Jerseys, The. Collective name for the after the restoration of Canada to the
colonies of East and West New Jersey. French there were fifteen Jesuit priests

Jervis, John Bloomfield, engineer; in the province (1636). The first most
born in Huntington, N. Y., Dec. 14, 1795; noted of these missionaries were Brebeuf
assisted in the construction of the Erie and Daniel, who were bold, aggressive,
and the Delaware and Hudson canals. He and self-sacrificing to the last degree,
was connected with railroads from their Then came the more gentle Lallemande,
first introduction, and made many im- who, with others, traversed the dark
provements in locomotives; and was chief wilderness with a party of Hurons who
engineer of the Croton aqueduct in 1836. lived far to the westward, on the borders
He is the author of A Description of the of one of the Great Lakes. They sufi'ered
Croton Aqueduct ; A Report of the Hud- incredible hardships and privations — eat-
son River Railroad; Railway, Property; ing the coarsest food, sleeping on the bare
Labor and Capital, etc. He died in Eome. earth, and assisting their red companions
N. Y., Jan. 12, 1885. in dragging their canoes at rough port-

Jessup, Henry Harris, clergyman; ages. On a bay of Lake Huron they
born in Montrose, Pa., April 19, 1832; erected the first house of the society
graduated at Yale University in 1851, among the North American Indians. That
and at Union Theological Seminary little chapel, which they called the cradle
in 1855; and after ordination went to a of the Church, was dedicated to St. Jo-
missionary to Tripoli, where he served in seph, the husband of the Blessed Virgin.
1856-60. In the latter year he went to They told to the wild children of the
Beirut. In 1879 he was moderator of the forest the story of the love of Christ and
General Assembly. He is the author of his crucifixion, and awed them with the
Mohammedan Missionary Problem; The terrors of perdition. For fifteen years
Women of the Arabs; The Greek Church Brebeuf carried on his missionary labors
and Protestant Missions; Syrian Eome among the Hurons, scourging his flesh
Life; Ka7nil, Moslem Convert, etc. twice a day with thongs; wearing an iron

Jesuit Missions. In 1539 the Society girdle armed at all points with sharp pro-
of Jesus, or Jesuit's, was established by jections, and over this a bristly hair-
Ignatius Loyola. Its members were, by shirt, which continually . " mortified the
its rules, never to become prelates. Their flesh"; fasted frequently and long: kept
vows were to be poor, chaste, and obe- his pious vigils late into the night, and
dient, and in constant readiness to go on by penitential acts resisted every tempta-
missions against heresy and heathenism, tion of the flesh.

Their grand maxim was the widest diff'u- As missionary stations multiplied in
sion of influence, and the closest internal the western wilderness, the central spot
unity. Their missions soon spread to was called St. Mary. It was upon the
every part of the habitable globe then outlet of Lake Superior into Lake Huron,
known. They planted the cross in Europe, There, in one year, 3,000 Indians received
Asia, Africa, and America, and on the a welcome at the hands of the priest,
islands of the sea; and when Chaniplain This mission awakened great sympathy
had opened the way for the establishment in France. Everywhere prayers were ut-
of French dominion in America, to the tered for its protection and prosperity.
Jesuits was assigned the task of bearing The King sent magnificently embroidered
the Christian religion to the dusky in- garments for the Indian converts. The
habitants in North America. More per- Pope expressed his approbation, and to
severing and more eff"ective than the vo- confirm and strengthen these missions a
taries of commerce and trade, the Jesuits college in New France was projected. The
became the pioneers of discovery and set- pious young Marquis de Gaenache, with
tlement in North America. Their para- the assent of his parents, entered the So-
mount object was the conversion of the ciety of Jesus, and with a portion of their
heathen and an extension of the Church; ample fortune he endowed a seminary for
their secondary, yet powerful, object was education at Quebec. Its foundation was

140

JESUIT MISSIONS

laid in 1635, just before the death of and adventures of missionary life. On
Champlain. That college was founded his way from Quebec to the Hurons he
two years before the first high seminary was captured by a roving band of Mo-
of learning was established in the Protes- hawks, and he who was one of the first to
tant colonies in America by John Har-
vard (see Harvard Uni\'ersity). At
Ihe same time the Duchess d'Acquillon,
aided by her uncle, Cardinal Richelieu,
endowed a public hospital at Quebec,
open to the afflicted, whether white or
red men, Christians or pagans. It was
placed in charge of three young nuns,
the youngest twenty-two, and the oldest
twenty-nine years of age, who came
from Paris for the purpose. In 1640,
Hochelaga ( Montreal ) was taken pos-
session of as a missionary station, with
solemn religious ceremonies, and the
Queen of Angels was petitioned to take
the island of Montreal under her protec-
tion. Within thirteen years the remote
wilderness was visited by forty-two
Jesuit missionaries, besides eighteen other
devoted men. These assembled two or
three times a year at St. Mary's; the re-
mainder of the time they Avere scattered
through the forests in their sacred work.

A plan was conceived in 1G38 of estab-
lishing missions among the Algon-
quians, not only on the north, but .on
the south of the Gi'eat Lakes, and at
Green Bay. The field of labor opened
to the view of the missionaries a vast
expanse of wilderness, peopled by many
tribes, and they prayed earnestly for re-
cruits. Very soon Indians from very re-
mote points appeared at the mission
stations. The hostilities of the Five
Nations had kept the French from
navigating Lakes Ontario and Erie;
finally, in 1640, Brebeuf was sent to
the Neutral Nation {q. v.), on the
Niagara RiA'er. The further penetra-
tion of the country south of the Lakes
was then denied, but a glimpse of the
marvellous field soon to be entered upon
was obtained. In September and October,
1641, Charles Raymbault and Isaac Jogues the first to bear it to the villages of the
penetrated to the Falls of St. Mary, in the Five Nations. At the villages on the way
strait that forms the outlet of Lake from the St. Lawrence to the Mohawk
Superior, where they heard of the Sioux, domain Father Jogues was compelled to
They yearned to penetrate the country of submit to the horrors of running the
this famous people. This favor was denied gantlet, yet he never repined, but re-
the missionaries. Father Raymbault re- joiced in his tribulations, and was made
turned to Quebec and died, but Father happy by the conversion, here and there.
Jogues was destined to endure many trials of one of the savages, whom, on one occa-

141

A JESUIT TRAVELLING THROL'GH THK WILDBKXESS.

carry the cross 'uto Michigan was now

JESUIT MISSIONS

sion, he baptized with drops of dew. As
he roamed through the forests of the Mo-
hawk Valley he carved the name of Jesus
and the figure of a cross on the trees, and
with a chant took possession of the coun-
try in the name of Christ. He was ran-
somed by the Dutch at Albany, sailed for
J^rance, but soon returned to Canada.

Another missionary (Bressani), who
suffered horribly, was also ransomed by
the Dutch. In the summer of 1646 the
Jesuits established a mission among the
Indians of Maine, and so French out-
posts were established on the Kennebec
and the upper Lakes fourteen years after
these missionary labors were begun.
There was then a lull in hostilities be-
tween the French and the Five Nations,
and Father Jogues went to the Mohawks
as ambassador for Canada. His report
caused an effort to establish a mission

cast his body into the Mohawk River.
In 1648, warriors from the Mohawk Valley
feil upon the Hurons, and the Jesuit mis-
sions among them were destroyed, and
priests and converts were murdered after
horrible tortures. Finally, in 1654, when
peace between the French and the Five
Nations had been restored. Father Le
Moyne was sent as ambassador to the
Onondagas, when he was cheered by the
sight of many Hurons holding on to their
faith. Le Moyne was allowed to establish
a mission in the Mohawk Valley. Very
soon the Onondagas received Father Da-
blon and his companions kindly, and
chiefs and followers gathered around the
Jesuits with songs of welcome. A chapel
was built in a day. " For marbles and
precious metals," Dablon wrote, " we em-
ployed only bark; but the path to
heaven is as open through a roof of bark

A JKSCIT MISSIONARY PREACHING TO THR INDIANS.

among them, and he alone understand- as through arched ceilings of silver and
ing their language, was sent, but lost his gold." Fifty French people settled near
life among the Mohawks, who hung his the missionary station, and very soon
liead upon the palisades of a village, and there were Christian laborers among the

142

JESUIT MISSIONS

Cayugas and Oneidas. A change came. Aug. 28, 1657, but was recalled to Mon-
War was again kindled, and Jesuits and treal. Rene Menard was with Le Mercier
settlers were obliged to flee from the at Onondaga from 1656 to 1658, and after-
bosom of the Five Nations. After that, wards among the Cayugas. Julien Gar-
the self-sacri/icing Jesuits penetrated the nier, sent to the Mohawks in May, 1668,
western wilderness to the Mississippi passed to Onondaga, and thence to the
River, carrying the cross as the emblem Senecas, and was engaged in this mission
of their religion, and the lilies of France until 1683. Claude Dablon, at Onondaga
as tokens of political dominion. In these a few years after 1655, and was after-
labors they were assisted by the votaries wards among the tribes of the Upper
of commerce. Seeds of civilization were Lakes. Jacques Freniin, at Onondaga
planted here and there, until harvests from 1656 to 1658; was sent to the Mo-
were beginning to blossom all along the hawks in July, 1667; left there for the
Lakes and the Mississippi to the Gulf of Senecas in October, 1668, where he re-
Mexico. The discoveries of these priests niained a few years. Pierre Rafeix, at
and traders gave to France a claim to Onondaga from 1656 to 1658; chaplain in
that magnificent domain of millions of Coureelle's expedition in 1665; sent to
square miles, extending from Acadia the Cayugas in 1671, thence to Seneca,
along the St. Lawrence and the Lakes, where he was in 1679. Jacques Bruyas,
and the establishment of French domin- sent to the Mohawks, July, 1667, and to
ion in Louisiana, on the borders of the the Oneidas in September, where he spent
Gulf of Mexico. It has been truthfully four years, and thence returned to the
said, "The history of these [Jesuit] Mohawks in 1672; was at Onondaga in
labors is connected with the origin of 1679, 1700, and 1701. Etienne de Car-
every celebrated town in the annals of heil, sent to Cayuga in 1668, and was ab-
French America; not a cape was turned or sent in 1671-72; returned, and remained
a river entered but a Jesuit led the way." until 1684. Pierre Milet was sent with
There were twenty-four different Jesuit De Carheil to the Cayugas in 1668, and
missionaries among the Six Nations be- left in 1684; was at Niagara in 1688,
tween 1657 and 1769. Their names and and was taken prisoner at Cataraqua in
places of service were as follows: Paul 1689. Jean Pierron was sent to the Mo-
Ragneneau, at Onondaga, from July, 1657, hawks in July, 1667; went among the
to March, 1658. Isaac Jogues, prisoner Cayugas in October, 1668, and was with
among the Mohawks from August, 1642, the Senecas after 1672, where he was in
to August, 1643; a missionary to the same 1679. Jean de Lamberville was at Onon-
nation in 1646, and killed in October of daga in 1671-72; was sent to Niagara in
the same year. Francis Joseph Le Mer- 1687. Francis Boniface was sent to the
cier, at Onondaga, from May 17, 1656, to Mohawks in 1668, and was there after
March 20, 1658. Francis Duperon, at 1673. Francis Vaillant de Gueslis sue-
Onondaga, from 1657 to 1658. Simon Le ceeded Boniface among the Mohawks about
Moyne, at Onondaga, July, 1654; with 1674: accompanied the expedition against
the Mohawks from Sept. 16, 1655, until the Senecas in 1687 ; was sent to New York
Nov. 9 of the same year; then again in in December, 1687. and to the Senecas in
1656, until Nov. 5; again there (third 1703. Pierre de Mareuil was at Onon-
time) from Aug. 26, 1657, until May, daga in June, 1709, where he surrendered
1658; at Onondaga, from July, 1661. until himself to the English in consequence of
September, 1662; ordered to the Senecas war breaking out between the latter and
in July. 1663, but remained at Montreal, the French, and was courteously treated
He died in Canada in 1665. Francis Jo- at Albany. Jacques d'Heu was among
seph Bressani, a prisoner among the Mo- the Onondagas in 1708. and the Senecas
hawks from April 30 to Aug. 19, 1644. in 1709.' Anthony Gordon founded St. Re-
Pierre Joseph Mary Chaumont, at Onon- gis in 1769, with a colony from St. Louis,
daga from September, 1655. until March There were two " Sulpieians " as mission-
20, 1658. Joseph Anthony Poncet was a aries in northern New York, Francis
prisoner among the Iroquois from Aug. Piquet, who founded Oswegatchie (Ogdens-
20 to Oct. 3, 1652; started for Onondaga burg) in 1748, and his successor at Oswe-

143

JESUP— JEWS

gatchie, Pierre Paul Francis de la Garde.
For Jesuit missions in California, see
JUNIPEKO.

Jesup, MoKRis Ketchum, philanthro-
pist; born in Westport, Conn., June 21,

for his services in the battle of Lundy'a
Lane, or Niagara, in which he was severe-
ly wounded. After the war, he was pro-
moted to adjutant-general and quarter-
master-general of the armyin 1818, with the

1830; removed to New York City; was a rank of brigadier-general, and was brevet-
clerk in a manufacturing house till 1852, ted major-general in 1828. In 1836 he was in
and thence till 1884 was engaged in command of the army in the Creek nation,
banking business. He was elected presi- and at the close of the year he commanded
dent of the Five Points House of Industry the army in Florida. He was wounded
in 1872, and the same year became a by the Seminoles in January, 1838. He
founder and president of the Young Men's died in Washington, D. C, June 10, 1860.
Christian Association of New York City. Jewell, Marshall, diplomatist; born
In 1881 he was elected president of the in Winchester, N. H., Oct. 20, 1825; learn-
New York City Mission and Tract Society, ed the tanner's trade; and established a
for which he built the DeWitt Memorial leather business. He was elected governor

Church, in memory of his father-in-law,
and also president of the Museum of
Natural History, to which he presented
a collection of native woods valued at
$100,000. He was elected president of
the New York Chamber of Commerce in
1899. Besides the above institutions, he
has been an officer in the leading benevo-
lent and educational institutions in New
York City and elsewhere. Mr. Jesup has
been exceedingly liberal in his benefac-

of Connecticut in 1869, re-elected in 1871
and 1872; appointed minister to Russia
in 1873; and became Postmaster-General
in 1874. He died in Hartford, Conn., Feb.
10, 1883.

Jewett, Sarah Orne, author; born in
South Berwick, Me., Sept. 3, 1849; was
educated at the Berwick Academy. She
has travelled extensively in the United
States, Canada, and Europe; and is
widely known as a short-story writer.

tions, and has extended his aid to a large Her works include Decphaven; Play
variety of interests. In 1897 he assumed Days; Old Friends and New; A White
the expense, estimated at from $50,000 Heron; A Marsh Island; Betty Leicester;
to $75,000, of a series of expeditions to Country By-icays; The Mate of the Day-
secure anthropological material for the light, and Friends Ashore; A Country
Museum of Natural History, with special Doctor; The Story of the Xormatis; The
reference to the origin of the ancient King of Folly Island, and other People;

population of this continent and its re-
lation to the ancient inhabitants of the
Old World. This project involves the
thorough exploration of the coast of the
north Pacific Ocean. In 1891 he gave to
Yale Divinity School $51,000, and the
Women's Hospital, in New York City,
$100,000; in 1899 he erected Jesup Hall
for Williams College, at a cost of $35,000;
and in 1900 he presented to Yale Univer-
sity the collection of Arabic manuscripts
made by Count Landberg, a distinguished
Swedish collector and traveller, for which

Strangers and Wayfarers ; A Native of Win-
by, and Other Talcs; The Life of Nancy;
The Country of the Pointed Firs, etc.

Jews. The Jewish citizenship of the
United States is one of the most substan-
tial of all foreign constituents of our com-
plex population. The Jews are an exceed-
ingly law-abiding people, and in their
charities are unsurpassed by any race
among us. Their homes, asylums, hospi-
tals, and educational establishments are
among the best endowed and most pro-
gressive institutions in the country, and

he paid $20,000. He also erected, for the the benevolent acts of prosperous Hebrew

Union Theological Seminary, a building
known as Jesup Hall.

Jesup, Thomas Sidney, military offi-
cer; born in Virginia, in 1788; entered
the army in 1808, and was Hull's adju-
tant-general in 1813. For his good con-

men towards objects and institutions other
than those of their own people have re-
ceived a high and a deserved recognition.

At the fifteenth annual meeting of the
Association of Jewish Immigrants, in
Philadelphia, in 1899. President Levy's re-

duct at the battle of Chippewa, he was port treated especially of the general in-
brevetted lieutenant-colonel; also colonel crease in immigration. Of the 312,000 im-

144

JEWS

migrants to this country, representing an " In 1818 Mordecai M. Noah estimated
increase of 3G per cent, over the figures the Jewish population at 3,000. In 182(1
of the preceding year, the Jewish con- Isaac C. Harby placed the figures at G,000,
tingent was 37,000, an increase of 32.1 and in 1840 these were further increased
per cent. A large proportion of the Jew- by the estimate published in the American
ish immigrants came from Russia, where. Almanac to 15,000. In 1848 M. A. Berk
however, the persecutions to which the made their number 50,000. In 1880 Will-
Jews were subjected were being less rigor- iam B. Hackenburg put the figures at
ously enforced than formerly. The fer- 230,257; in 1888 Isaac Markens put them
nient infused into the European social at 400,000, and in 1897 David Sulzbero-er
body by the Dreyfus affair appeared to estimated the total at 937,800."
have had a clarifying effect, even the Pro- The following figures are then given:

curator of the Russian Holy Synod hav-
ing in a recent interview disavowed anti-
Semitic sentiments. The actual storm
centre of Slavic anti-Semitism had moved
o\'er the border from Russia to Austria
and Rumania, and in Bohemia the condi-
tion of affairs was described as gravely
foreboding. In Vienna the fever of anti-
Semitism had passed its critical stage.
This had been, in part, due to the disclos-
ure of colossal frauds in the administra-
tion of the city finances by numerous
leaders of the anti-Semite majority. In
Germany and France the conditions were
still more favorable.

Turning to the subject of Jewish colo-
nization. President Levy said that the
movement to colonize Jews in Palestine
had been stemmed by the interference of
the Turkish government. Jewish colonies
had been established in Cyprus, and the
De Hirsch colonies in Argentine wei'e
showing unmistakable signs of progress.
Of the New Jersey colonies, the one at

JEWISH IMMIGRATION INTO THE UNITED STATES,
1885-99.

Year.

New York.

Philadelphia.

Baltimore.

1885

18,535
27,348
25,788
29,602
22,674
32,321
62,574
52,134
25,678
16,381
27,065
23,802
17,278
22,921
12,909

1,076
2,310
1,680
1,761
1,288
1,982
4,984
3,039
6,324
3,825
2,791
2,499
1,752
2,079

1886

1887

1888

1889

1890

1891

1,581
5,152
1.941
1,902
2,221
1,817
l,r,61
2,409
1,463

1892

1893

1894

1895

1896

1897

1898

To July, 1899...

Total

417,010

36,390

20,140

Immigration for 1881-84 74,310

New York, 1885-99 417,010

Philadelphia, 1885-99 36,390

Baltimore, 1885-99 20,140

Total 547,850

" If we add this immigration to the
estimate of Mr. Hackenburg made in
Woodbine, under the fostering care of the 1880," says Mr. Adler, "we can secure a
American De Hirsch Fund trustees, was total of 778,107, without making any al-
growing in importance, and left no doubt as lowance for the natural increase in twenty
to its ultimately successful establishment, years, nor for the immigration through
The other colonies at Alliance, Norma, Car- Canada and other ports of the United
mel, and Rosenhayn had passed the prob- States than New York, Philadelphia, and
lematic stage and gave promise of success. Baltimore."

In the American-Jewish Year-Boole for P'arly in 1904 Professor Haman, of
1899-1900 (Hebrew year, 5660), Cyrus Basel, Switzerland, calculated that there
Adler, the editor, considering the number were about 19.000.000 Jews in the world,
of Jews in the United States, said: "As of whom nearly 11.000,000 were in Europe
the census of the United States has, in and 8,000,000 outside of Europe, including
accordance with the spirit of American 1,000,000 in the United States. Accord-
institutions, taken no heed of the religious ing to his estimates Russia had 5,500,000;
convictions of American citizens, whether Austria-IIuncrary. 1,860,000: Germany,

native-born or naturalized, all statements
concerning the number of Jews living in
this country are based upon estimate,
though several of the estimates have been
most conscientiously made.

V. — K

145

568.000 ; Rumania, 300,000 : Great Britain,
22,000; Turkey, 120,000; Holland. 97,000;
France, 77,000: Italy, 50.000: Bulgaria,
31,000; Switzcrl.and. 12,000; Greece, 6.000;
Servia, 5,000; Denmark, 4,000; Sweden,

JEWS AND JUDAISM

3,500; Belgium, 3,000; Spain, 2,500; and
Portugal, 300.

The Arnerican Jewish Year-Boole for
1903-04 stated the Jewish population of
the United States at 1,127,268, which
would make the United States rank third
among the nations of the world in respect
to Jewish citizens. The Year-Book esti-
mated that fully 500,000 Jews were resi-
dents of New York State, the greater
part being on Manhattan Island. The
following States were credited with hav-
ing 10,000 or more Jews among their
people: California, 28,000; Illinois, 75,000;
Indiana, 25,000; Kentucky, 12,000; Loui-
siana, 12,000; Maryland, 26,500; Massa-

chusetts, 60,000; Minnesota, 10,000; Mis-
souri. 50,000; New Jersey, 23,000; New
York, 500,000; Ohio, 50,000; Pennsylvania,
05,000; Tennessee, 10,000; Texas, 15,000;
Virginia, 15,000; Wisconsin, 15,000. The
immigration figures for 1903 show that
in 1902-03, 58,079 Jews entered the port
of New York, of whom 30,536 were Rus-
sians, 18,113 Austrians, 8,314 Rumanians,
527 Germans, 271 Turks, 233 English, 35
Dutch, 28 French, 12 Swedes, 5 Scotch,
and 5 South Americans. From Aug. 27,
1902, to Aug. 25, 1903, 24 synagogues were
dedicated in fourteen of the United States,
16 hospitals and many other institutions
were opened.

JEWS AND JUDAISM

Jews and Judaism. Professor Richard dependent upon the political conditions of

these countries. More than seventy years
ot the century had passed before this
struggle had been fought out.

The cause of Jewish emancipation in

England sufTered no such sudden changes

as it did on the continent. It proceeded

For the Jew the Middle Ages did not by regular stages through the abrogation

end with the Reformation and the Renais- of the Act of Test in 1828, the admission

sance; but only disappeared in the trans- of Jews as citizens of London in 1830, as

formation brought about gradually by the sheriffs in 1835, as magistrates in 1845,

French Revolution. During this period and in 1858 as members of Parliament by

J. H. Gottheil, the scholarly writer on
Jewish questions, and son of the well-
known Rabbi Gottheil, of New York,
writes as follows regarding Hebraism in
America.

the Jew has passed through more up-
heavals than many nations have during
three or four times the number of years.
The modern European and American world

the removal of the words " upon the faith
of a Christian " in the oath taken by the
members.

There are between 10,000.000 and 11,-

has had a hard fight to find its way into 000,000 Jews to-day in the world ; of these,

its present changed condition; but much about 9,000.000 live in Europe; 1,000.000

harder by far was the task laid upon the in the United States and Canada; 350.000

Jew; and, whether he has succeeded or in Africa: 350,000 in Asia; and 16,000

not, he has made an honest fight. The in Australasia.

tale of the Jew of the nineteenth century In England and America no organiza-

is a record of his endeavor to do justice tion of the Jews has been effected, as the

to the two demands which were made upon stat* does not there take cognizance of the

him: the one from the outside world — -to religioiis belief of the people. In both

fit himself to take his place worthily and these countries attempts have been made

do his work side by side with the other by the Jews themselves to organize imder

citizens of the state in which he lived; the one head upon a purely religious basis,

otlier from within his own ranks to har- but without nuich success. The congrega-

monize his religious belief with his new
point of view and to adapt his religious
exercises to modern social conditions. The
struggle of the Jews in the various Euro-
pean countries for civil rights and for
equality before the law was long drawn

tional system has been carried to its ut-
most limits in the United States, where
each congregation is a law unto itself and
absolutely rejects any interference on the
part of any larger body. From time to
time a desire has been manifested to super-

out, and was marked by varying fortunes sede this purelv congregational system by

146

JEWS AND JUDAISM

some form of union. The late Dr. Isaac of the French language and of French cult-

M. Wise, of Cincinnati, had at various ure in the East. This one-sidedness of

times attempted to bring the Jews of the its work is best seen in the fact that by its

United States "together with an authorita- side similar organizations have been cre-

tive synod at their head. Out of this and ated in other countries, " The Board of

other attempts have come the Central Con- Delegates of American Israelites " in the

ference of American Rabbis and The Union United States, " The Anglo-Jewish Associa-

of American Congregations ( founded in tion " in England, the " Israelitische Al-

1873), which now comprises about ninety- liance " in Austria, and the " Deutsche Ge-

one congregations. These organizations, meindebund " in Germany. At one point

however, do not by any means represent it was hoped that the B'nai B'rith, estab-

either all of the Jewish ministers or all lished in this country in 1843, by Isidor

of the Jewish congregations, and the
Union itself is merely a deliberative body
having no power to do anything in the in-
ternal affairs of one of its constituent
synagogues. Since the union of American
Jewish congregations comprises only such

Busch, Julius Bien, and others, would
form such a union of Jews, where the
theological differences would be eliminated.
But though this order, which has 315
lodges in the United States and Canada,
has established itself in such countries

as stand upon a Reform platform, a union as Germany, Rumania, Austria, Algeria,

of Orthodox congregations was formed in Bulgaria, and Egypt, and despite the good

New York two or three years ago, and it work it has so far done, the mere fact

is hoped that this organization will do that it is a secret organization prevents it

much towards binding together the very from standing forth as the representative

many congregations of those who adhere of international Jewry. Where, then, and in

strictly to traditional Judaism. what manner is such a body to be found?

But"^ the organization of Jews as a It is a mistake to suppose that the Jews

church has not been found sufficient. It as a people are rich. The proletariat

was early felt that some more secular
bond must be found which should unite
the Jews of various porsuasiojis for com-
mon and concerted action. The first at-
tempt in this direction was nobly made
by Narcisse Leven, Eugene Emanuel,
Charles Netter, and a few others, in found-
ing (1880) the "Alliance Israelite Uni-
verselle " in Paris, whose object it was to
aid in removing Jewish disabilities wher-
ever they might exist, and to raise the

among them is proportionately much
larger than it is among other people; and
thus it came about that the Jewish quar-
ters in all the large cities were already
well filled when they were (almost at a
moment's notice) called upon to receive
double or triple the number they already
held. The actual number of the Jewish
poor was thereby greatly increased; for
many a family that had been wealthy or
in easv circumstances in Russia, Galicia,

spiritual" condition of their coreligionists or Rumania, had been reduced to want
in northern Africa, eastern Europe, and and been compelled to take its place
western Asia by the founding of schools, among those who needed the help of their
From these small beginnings the Alliance brethren. This help was freely and cheer-
has grown to be an important factor in fully given all the world over. Great
the conservation of Jewish interests, sacrifices were made by the richer Jews
Faithful to its programme, it has estab- to meet the pressing needs of the hour,
lished a large number of elementary and and, with no help from the outside world,
technical schools, and has intervened ac- excepting the London Mansion House
tively in Algeria, Morocco, the Turkish Fund in 1882, the thousands and tens of
Empire, and Persia whenever Jews or Jew- thousands of immigrants were cared for.
ish interests were in any way threatened. The Jewish charitable organizations, the
Its attempt, however, to represent the development of which has been during the
whole Jewish people has not been success- bitter half of the nineteenth century the
ful; for the reason that it has been allied brightest spot in Jewish communal life,
too closely with French national interests; rose to the demands of the occasion, and
and side by side with the " Alliance Fran- the more than princely munificence of
caise " it has been an active propagandist Baron and Baroness Maurice de Hirsch,

147

JEWS AND JUDAISM

in regard to the Russian Jews, may justly of Jews there must be stopped, and the

be looked upon with pride. crowding into certain distinct fields of

New Ghettos, however, were formed in work must be brought to an end. A deter-
nearly all the cities to which these immi- mined effort has already been made to
grants came; and this name for the habi- force the new immigrants into less crowded
tat of the poorer Jews became again famil- parts of the land to which they come. In
iar, aided by the popularity which some this country this is being done by the
modern novelists had given to it. In the United Hebrew Charities, and notably by
Middle Ages and down to our own time the B'nai B'rith. A distinct clannish feel-
the Jews had been forced by the state ing has, however, to be overcome, and a
to live apart in such Ghettos; sometimes fear of venturing into an unknown coun-
for their own protection, sometimes to try where the immigrant will be surround-
preserve the outside world from contact ed by people who do not understand his
with them. The modern Ghetto is a volun- peculiar social and religious customs,
tary gathering of the Jews for the purpose That the Jew has taken by preference
of mutual help and from a feeling of re- to certain branches of trade and work is
ciprocal obligations. To the outside ob- due to the fact that anti-Jewish legisla-
server it presents an unsightly appear- tion has for centuries closed many walks
ance; it is the abode of poor people, and of life to him, and the guild organization
its population is usually strange in dress, excluded him rigorously from many
manners, and speech. The sweating sys- spheres of activity. Then, too, his richly
tem (which in one form or another is to developed home life has induced a certain
be found in all these Ghettos) has been a distaste for occupations which take the
dreadful incentive towards grinding the wage-earner out of his home and away
face of the poor; and the results of too from his family. That, however, these
great a hoarding are often quite apparent; inherited instincts can easily be overcome
so that the general morality of the Jews is clearly seen whenever the occasion
in these Ghettos has suffered in conse- offers. Even in Amsterdam, where three-
quence. A people ignorant of the Ian- fourths of the diamond inditstry is in the
guage of their new home are a prey to the hands of Jews, there are to be found Jew-
evil - intended, who make use of their ish cobblers, cigar-makers, plumbers, car-
ignorance for their own commercial and pet - weavers, mattress - makers, watch-
political advancement. This has been makers, etc. In the East End of London
notably seen in the city of New York, there are, it is true, 10,000 Jews who
where a lax city government has permitted are engaged in the clothes - making
the vampires of society to fasten their trades, but the rest of 40,000 Jewish
fangs upon the Ghetto and to produce con- wage - earners of this quarter are scat-
ditions which call for the active interfer- tered over all possible branches of
ence of all those forces which seek to work — masonry, metal-working, textile
stamp out crime and vice. But, on the industries, furniture-making, cap-making,
other hand, to one who is acquainted with and the like. The same is true of New
the inner life of the Ghetto the virtues York, where, although the number of Jews
which have hitherto characterized the employed in the tailoring indvistries is
Jews — industry and sobriety — are still to disproportionately large, the following
be found there; much more frequently list of Hebrew unions shows how far
than in those parts where the richer afield the Jewish workman has gone:
classes congregate, and whose wealth Cap-Makers, Cap-Blockers, Shirt-Makers,
enables them to withdraw their doings Mattress-Makers, Purse-Makers, Liberty
from the public gaze. Its members are as Musical Union, Jewish Chorus Union,
industrious as bees in a hive ; and though Jewellers' Union, Tin-Smithers' Union,
axtremely litigations, drunkenness is un- Bill-Posters, Waiters' Alliance, Architect-
known and actual crime is comparatively ural Ironworkers, Hebrew Typographical
rare. L'^nion, Tobacco Cutters, Paper - Makers,

In order to correct the abuses of the Bookbinders. The same is relatively true

(ghetto, two things are absolutely neces- of all other countries where Jews live in

sary — the increase of the actual number large numbers.

148

JEWS AND JUDAISM

It is a popular misconception that the
Jew has an innate distaste for agricult-
tir«. His continued commercial life, forced
upon him for many centuries, has, it
is true, disaccustomed the Jew to the
life of a tiller of the soil. But the Jewish
state was largely an agricultural one; the
legislation of the Bible and the later Law
Books was clearly intended for an agri-
cultural people; and Jews have never
shown an unwillingness to return again
to the soil. In Southern Russia there are
to-day 225 Jewish colonies with a popula-
tion of 100,000. In Palestine there are
now more than twenty colonies with a
population of more than 5,000, and similar
agricultural colonies have been established
at various times in the United States,
Canada, and the Argentine Republic. In
many cases, it is true, these colonies have
not yet become self-supporting, but this
has been due in a large measure to mal-
administration and to the popular con-
ditions under which the colonies were
founded.

It cannot be denied that a goodly part
of the Jewish proletariat belongs to the
Socialist party. The whole Biblical sys-
tem is in itself not Avithout a Socialist
tinge; and the two great founders of the
iiiodern system, Lasalle and Marx, were
Jews. But the Jew is by nature peace-
loving; and under more favorable circum-
stances, and with the opportunity of a
greater development of his faculties,
Socialism in his midst has no very active
life ; the Jew very soon becoming an ar-
dent partisan of the existing state of
affairs.

The facility with which the Jews attach
themselves to changed circumstances
stands out characteristically through their
whole history. It might, indeed, be said
with some show of truth that this pli-
ability is the weak side in the Jewish
character. The readiness of the Jew to be
almost anything and not simply his own
self has been one of the factors producing
a certain ill Avill against him. Disraeli
was the most jingo of all imperialists in
England ; Lasker, the most ardent advo-
cate of the newly constituted German Em-
pire. This pliability is the result of the
v.'andering life he has led and the various
cixnlizations of which he has been a part.
He has to find his way into Hellenism in

Alexandria, into Moorish culture in Spain,
into Slavism in E,ussia and Poland. When
the first wave of the modern spirit com-
menced to break from France eastward
over the whole of Eiirope, it reached the
Jew also. While in France the new spirit
was largely political in Germany it was
more spiritual. In its political form as
well as in its spiritual form it reacted
not only upon the political condition of
the Jew, but especially upon his mental
attitude. The new spirit was intensely
modern, intensely cosmopolitan, intensely
Occidental, and intensely inductive. The
Jew had preserved to a great degree his
deductive, Oriental, particularistic, and
ancient mode of thought and aspect of
life. The two forces were bound to meet.
As a great oak is met by the storm, so was
Israel set upon by the fury of this terrible
onslaught. It is of interest to see in what
manner he emerged from this storm —
whether he has been able to bend to its
fury, to lose perhaps some of his leaves
and even some of his branches, but to
change only in such a way as to be able
10 stand upright again when the storm
is past.

It was in the United States that the
Reform movement developed its full ca-
pacity and bore its most perfect fruit.
In a new land, which was untrammelled
by traditions of the past, and where the
congregational system became the basis of
Jewish communal life, the ideas which the
Gei-man Reformers had sown had a most
fruitful ground in which to grow. It can-
not be said that the Reform movement
here was actually started by the Ger-
mans, for already, in 1825, one of the
congregations in Charleston, S. C, made
up almost entirely of Sefardic Jews,
had developed " The Reformed Society of
Israelites"; and the formation of the
society seems to ha^e been due, not only
to the demand for an a?sthetic service, but
to an attempt to formulate a creed which
should omit all reference to the coming of
the Messiah, the return to Palestine, and
the bodily resurrection. This attempt at
formulating a Theistic Church, however,
v/as unsuccessful ; and it was not until the
advent from Germany in the 50's and 60's
of rabbis who had been influenced hv the
moA'ement in Germanv that reform com-
menced to make itself felt -here. Merz-

149

JEWS AND JUDAISM

bacher in New York, Isaac M. Wise in Al-
bany and Cincinnati, S. Hirsch in Phila-
delphia, David PJinhorn in Baltimore, are
only a few of the names of those who
fought in the thick of the fight. About the
year 1843 the first real Reform congrega-
tions were established, the Temple Emanu-
el in New York and Har Sinai in Balti-
more. It cannot be my purpose here
to trace the history of the movement in
this country; suffice it to say that the un-
trammelled freedom which existed here
very soon played havoc with most of the
institutions of the Jewish religion. Each
congregation and each minister, being a
law to itself, shortened the service, excised
prayers, and did away with observances
a8 it thought best. Not that the leaders
did not try, from time to time, to regulate
the measure of reform to be introduced,
and to evolve a platform upon which the
movement should stand. Rabbinical con-
ferences were held for that purpose in
Cleveland (1856), Philadelphia (1869),
Cincinnati (1871), and Pittsburg (1885).
While in the earlier conferences the at-
tempt was made to find some authoritative
statement upon which all parties could
agree, in the subsequent ones the attempt
was given up. They became more and
more meeting-places simply for the ad-
vanced Reform wing of the Jewish Church.
The position of this wing of the Reformed
synagogue may best be seen in the declara-
tion of principles which was published by
the Pittsburg conference. It declared
that Judaism presents the highest con-
ception of the God idea; that the Bible
contains the record cf the consecration of
the Jewish people; that it is a potent in-
strument of religious and moral instruc-
tion; that it reveals, however, the primi-
tive ideas of its own age; that its moral
laws only are binding; and that all cere-
monies therein ordained which are not
ndapted to the views and habits of modern
civilization are to be rejected; that all
Mosaic and rabbinical laws regulating
diet, priestly functions, and dress, are for-
eign to our present mental state ; that the
Jews are no longer a nation, and therefore
do not expect a return to Palestine ; that
Judaism is a progressive religion, always
striving to be in accord with the postulates
of reason ; that the belief in bodily resur-
rection. W *he existence of a hell and a

150

paradise, are to be rejected ; and that it is
the duty of Jews to participate in the
great task of modern times to solve on the
basis of justice and righteousness the
problems presented by the transitions and
evils of the present organization of soci-
ety. Such a platform as this could not
fail to arouse intense opposition on the
part of the Orthodox Jews, and to lose for
the conference even some of its more con-
servative adherents. As in Charleston, in
1825, a platform of Theism was here postu-
lated, which was bereft of all distinctively
Jewish characteristics, and which practi-
cally meant a breaking away from historic
Judaism. This position of the advanced
Reformers is also manifested in the stand
which they have taken in regard to the
necessity of the Abrahamic covenant. At
a meeting of the Central Conference of
American (Reformed) Rabbis, held at
Baltimore in 1881, a resolution was passed
to the effect that no initiatory rite or cere-
mony was necessary in the ease of one de-
siring to enter the Covenant of Israel, and
that such a one had merely to declare his
or her intention to worship the one sole
and eternal God, to be conscientiously gov-
erned in life by God's laws, and to adhere
to the sacred cause and mission of Israel
as marked out in Holy Writ.

The service in Reform synagogues in the
United States has kept pace with this de-
velopment of doctrine, or rather with this
sloughing-off of so much that is distinctive-
ly Jewish. The observance of the second-day
festivals has been entirely abolished, as
well as the separation of the sexes and the
covering of the head in prayer. The ritual
has been gradually shortened, the ancient
language of prayer (Hebrew) has been
pushed further and further into the back-
ground, so that in some congregations the
service is altogether English ; and in a
few congregations an additional service
on Sunday, intended for those who cannot
attend upon the regular Sabbath-day, has
been introduced. Only one congregation,
Sinai in Chicago, has followed the old Ber-
lin Reform sjmagogue and has entirely
abolished the service on Friday night and
Saturday morning. But whatever criti-
cism one might like to offer on the Reform
movement in the United States, it deserves
great praise for the serious attempt it
has made to understand its own position

JEWS AND JUDAISM

ENTRANOK TO TNMI'LE BETH-EI,, A JEWISH SYNAGOGUE IN NKW YORK CITY.

uiid to square its observance with that
position. It has also been most active in
its modern institutional development. It
lias certainly beautified and spiritualized
the synagogue service: it has founded a
Union of American Hebrew Congregations,
and a seminary (Hebrew Union College in

151

Cincinnati). It has published a Union
Praj'er-book and a Union Hymn-book, and
has given great care to the development of
the Confirmation and the bettering of the
Sunday-school. It has tried to make the
synagogue a centre for the religious and
spiritual development of its members;

JEWS AND JUDAISM

and it cannot be denied that the very
large mass of educated Jews in this coun-
try, in so far as they have any affiliation
with the synagogue, belong to the Re-
form wing. But at the same time
it must not be forgotten that there is
a very large body of Orthodox and
conservative Jews, whose number has
been greatly increased during the last
twenty years through the influx of Rus-
sian, Galician, and Rumanian Jews.

Reform Judaism without some centrif-
ugal force is bound to continue on the
road it has once taken. The logical out-
come of the principles formulated at the
Pittsburg conference is a gradual develop-
ment into an ethical Theism without any
distinctive Jewish coloring. The leader of
advanced Reform Judaism in this country
has recently said that Judaism must be
recast along the lines of a universal ethi-
cal religion ; that then all distinctive Jew-
ish elements of the synagogue symbolism
will pass away, and that such a denation-
alized Jewish temple will seek a closer al-
liance with Unitarianism and Theism, and
with them, perhaps in a few decades, will
form a new church and a new religion for
united humanity. That such a tendency
is inherent in Reform Judaism is seen also
in the formation of the Society of Ethical
Culture in New York. The leader of this
movement is the son of a former promi-
nent rabbi of the leading Reform congre-
gation in this country. In seeking to
bring out the underlying ethical prin-
ciples of Judaism, he has gone entirely
outside the pale of the ancient faith ; and
the movement would not concern us here
were it not that nearly all the members
(at least of the parent society in New
York) are Jews, whose evident desire it
is not to be recognized as such, at least
so far as religious ceremonies and social
affiliations are concerned. The society
does not even bear the name Jewish, but
with a certain leaning towards liberal
Christianity tries to find a basis for the
morality and ethics of the old synagogue
outside the sphere of supernatural re-
ligion. While the Ethical Culture Society
has been quite a power in certain lines of
charitable and educational work, it may
reasonably be questioned whether it has
any future as a form of church organiza-
tion. The inborn longing of man for some

hold upon things which are supernatural
will lead many of its members to seek
satisfaction elsewhere. That they will
seek it in the Jewish synagogue is hardly
probable, seeing how the racial and other
ties have been broken or at least greatly
loosened. They or their children will
glide rather into some form of the domi-
nant church, possibly, in the swinging of
the pendulum, into some orthodox form
of that church. I cannot help quoting the
words of an intelligent outside observer
of the Jewish question, the Right Hon.
James Bryce, M. P. : " If Judaism be-
comes merely Theism, there will be little
to distinguish its professors from the per-
sons, now pretty numerous, who, while
Christian in name, sit loose to Christian
doctrine. The children of Jewish theists
will be almost as apt as the children of
other theists to be caught up by the move-
ment wiiich carries the sons and daughters
of evangelical Anglicans and of Noncon-
formists towards, or all the way to, the
Church of Rome."

Where, then, is this centrifugal force to
be found, which will hold together the
various elements in Israel, no matter what
their theological opinions may be? Before
attempting to answer this question, a word
mast be said in regard to the anti-Semitic
movement, the recrudescence of which has
so profoundly affected the Jewish people
during the last twenty years of the nine-
teenth century. A word only, because the
facts are of too recent date to need a de-
tailed statement here. The great master-
mind, Zunz, writing in Germany in 1832,
believed that persecution for religious be-
lief could not withstand the onslaughts of
the new era. Theodore Reinach, some
fifty years later, asserted that anti-Semi-
tism was impossible in France. How
sadly has a dementi been given to the
hopes thus expressed, especially in these
two coimtries!

I pass over the outbreaks against the
Jews during the early years of the nine-
teenth century, even the Damascus blood-
accusation in 1840, and the forcible bap-
tism of little Edgar Mortara in 1S58 ; they
were believed to belong to the old order of
things, with which the new, at least in
that direction, bad nothing in common.
Starting in Germany, perhaps as a po-
litical move on the part of Bismarck, it
52 ^-

JEWS AND JUDAISM— JOHN ADAMS

spread into Russia, Galicia, Austria, Ru-
mania, and France. In most of these coun-
tries it not only found expression in the
exclusion of the Jews from all social inter-
course with tlicir fellows, but in Russia
produced the riots of 1881 and 1882; in
Austria and Bohemia the turbulent scene
in the Reichstag, and even the pillaging of
Jewish houses and Jewish synagogues; in
Rumania it received the active support
of the government and reduced the Jews
there to practical penury; while in France
it showed itself in accusations against the
Jews which for barbarity could match any
that were brought against them in the
Middle Ages. The charges against the
Jews are varied in their character. In
Germany they have been blamed for ex-
ploiting the agricultural class and for
serving the interests of the Liberal party,
forgetting that Leo and Stahl, the found-
ers of the Orthodox party in Prussia,
were themselves Jews, and that Disraeli
iu England 'U'as born of the same race.
The most foolish accusations on almost
CA'ery conceivable subject have been lodged
against them by such men as Ahlwart,
Stocker, Lueger, and Drumont; and in
late years the old and foolish charge that
the Jews use the blood of Christian chil-
dren in the making of Passover bread has
been revived, in order to infuriate the
populace ; despite the fact that popes,
ecclesiastics, and hosts of Christian pro-
fessors have declared the accusation to be
purely imaginary and malignant. The
false charge that a Jewish officer in France

Among the few bright spots on the
^vorld's chart are those countries inhabited
by the Anglo-Saxon race. Anti-Semitism
is unknown in England (though the at-
tempt has been made to fix the blame for
the Boer war on the Jews) ; and the in-
stitutions of the United States have up
til] now prevented the entrance here of
the disease, though in the mild form of
social anti-Semitism which debars Jewish
children from private schools and Jewish
people from clubs and summer hotels, it
has insinuated itself into some of the
Eastern cities, notably into New York.

Jogues, Isaac, missionary; born at
Orleans, France, Jan. 10, 1607; became a
Jesuit at Rouen in 1624; was ordained in
1636; and, at his own request, was imme-
diately sent to Canada. He was a most
earnest missionary among the Indians on
both sides of the Lakes. Caught, tortured,
and made a slave by the Mohawks, he re-
mained with them until 1643, when he es-
caped to Albany, and was taken to Man-
hattan. Returning to Europe, he was
shipwrecked on the English coast. He
returned to Canada in 1646, where he con-
cluded a treaty between the French and
the Mohawks. Visiting Lake George, he
named it St. Sacrament, and, descending
the Hudson River to Albany, he went
among the Mohawks as a missionary, who
seized and put him to death as a sorcerer,
at Caughnawaga, N. Y., Oct. 18, 1646.

John Adams, The. The naval opera-
tions on the sea in 1814, though not so
important as in the two preceding years

PLACK WHERK THK JOHN ADAMa WAS DESTROYER.

kad betrayed secrets of his goveruTnent was in some respects, fully sustained the char-
sufficient to unloosen the most savage at- acter of the American navy. The John
lacks upon the Jews which the modern Adams frigate had been cut down to a
world has seen. corvette of twenty-eight guns in 1813, and

153

JOHN DOE— JOHNSON

was the first that figured after the open-
ing of 1814. She started on a cruise from
Washington in January, and on the niglit
of the 18th passed the British blockading
squadron in Lynn Haven Bay, put to sea,
and ran to the northeast to cross the track
of the West India merchantmen. She
made a few prizes, and on March 25 she
captured the Indiaman Woodbridge. While
taking possession of her the commander
of the Adams (Capt. Charles Morris) ob-
served twenty-five merchant vessels, with
two ships-of-war, bearing down upon her
with a fair wind. Morris abandoned his
prize, and gave the Adams wings for flight
from danger. In April she entered the
harbor of Savannah for supplies, and on
May 5 sailed for the Manila Reef to watch
for the Jamaica convoy, but the fleet pass-
ed her in the night. She gave chase in the
morning, but was kept at bay by two ves-
sels of war. She crossed the Atlantic, and
on July 3 was off the Irish coast, where
she was chased by British vessels, but al-
ways escaped. For nearly two months the
weather was foggy, cold, and damp, be-
cause the ocean was dotted with icebergs.
Her crew sickened, and Captain Morris de-
termined to go into port. He entered
Penobscot Bay, and was nearly disabled
by striking a rock, Aug. 17, 1814, and
made his way up the Penobscot River to
Hampden. British vessels followed, and
to prevent her falling into the hands of
his enemy, Morris burned her.

John Doe and Richard Roe, names
used in legal fictions, especially as stand-
ing pledges for the prosecution of suits.
In early times real and substantial persons
were required to pledge themselves to
answer to the crown for an amercement,
or fine, set upon the plaintiff, for raising
a false accusation, if he brought action
without cause, or failed in it; and in 1285,
13 Edward I., sheriffs and bailiffs were,
before deliverance of a distress, to receive
pledges for pursuing a suit, and for the
return of the property, if awarded. But

this becoming a matter of form, the ficti-
tious names of Doe and Roe were used
until the form was abolished by the com-
mon-law procedure act, 1852.

In the United States these names are
used in place of the unknown real names
of parties against whom legal proceedings
have been undertaken ; and the form Jane
Doe is similarly applied in cases of women.

Joh.nes, Edward Rodolph, lawyer; born
in Whitesboro, N. Y., Sept. 8, 1852; grad-
uated at Yale College in 1873 and at
Columbia Law School in 1876. He was the
Venezuelan representative in the boundary
dispute of that country and also counsel
in the Nicaragua and Costa Rica boun-
dary case. His publications include The
Monroe Doctrine as Applied to Venezuelan
Boundary Question ; English and American
Bankruptcy and Insolvency Laws, History
of Southampton, R. I., etc.

Johns Hopkins University, a non-
sectarian institution in Baltimore, Md. ;
organized in 1876 with funds provided by
Johns Hopkins {q. v.) ; coeducational in
its medical department. At the close of
1900 the university had 131 professors and
instructors; 645 students in all depart-
ments; 04,000 volumes in the library;
1,204 graduates; and an endowment of
$3,000,000. Under the presidency of
Daniel C. Oilman the institution achieved
a large measure of success and influence,
a distinctive feature being the original re-
search conducted by the students. Presi-
dent Oilman resigned his charge in 1901,
and was succeeded by Ira Remsen, LL.D.,
who had been Professor of Chemistry in
the university since its opening.

Johnson, Alexander Bryan, banker;
born in Oosport, England, May 29. 1786:
came to the United States in 1801 and
settled in Utica, N. Y. ; was in the banking
business over forty-five years. His pub-
lications include The Nature of Value,
Capital, etc. ; Guide to Right Understand-
ing of our American Union, etc. He died
in' Utica, N. Y., Sept. 9, 1867.

JOHNSON, ANDREW

Johnson, Andrew, seventeenth Presi-
dent of the United States ; born in Ra-
leigh, N. C, Dec. 29, 1808. He learned

to read. After working as a journeyman
in South Carolina, he went to Orecnville.
Tcnn., taking with him his mother, who

the trade of a tailor, and taught himself was dependent on him. There he worked

154

JOHNSON, ANDREW

at his trade, married, and was taught by Congress as an illegal body, deserving of

his wife to write; became alderman and no respect. The tour, made wholly for

mayor; a member of the legislature political effect, extended to St. Louis.

(1832-33 and 183'J) ; presidential elector His conduct at Cleveland and St. Louis

(1840) ; State Senator in 1841; and mem- was so offensive that the common coun-

ber of Congress from 1843 to 1853. From cils of Cincinnati and Pittsburg refused

1853 to 1857 he was governor of Tennes- to accord him a public reception. The at-

see, and from 1857 to 1863 United States tempt to establish a new party with

Senator. In 18G2 he was appointed mill- President Johnson as a leader was a fail-

tary governor of Tennessee, and in 1864 ure.

was elected Vice-President of the United When the cabinet of President John-
States. On the death of President Lin- son resigned, the friends of Mr. Stanton,
coin he succeeded to the office, in accord- Secretary of War, uiged him to retain
ancb with the provisions of the Constitu- the office, for it was believed the chief
tion, On the morning of the death of Mr. magistrate was contemplating some revo-
Lincoin, April 15, 1865, the cabinet offi- lutionary movement. The tenure of office
cers, excepting Mr. Seward, who was suf- act seemed to guarantee Mr. Stanton
fering from a murderous assault, ad- against removal, ^^he Fortieth Congress
dressea a note to the Vice-President, offi- met immediately after the adjournment
cially notifying him of the decease of the of the Thirty-ninth, and adjourned March
President, and that the emergency of the 31, 1867, to rneet on the first Wednesday
government demanded that he should im- in July following, for the express pur-
mediately enter upon the duties of the pose of preventing the President from
Presidency. Mr. Johnson appointed ten doing serious mischief. After removing
o'clock that morning, when he would be obstructions cast in the way of reor-
ready to take the oath of office. That ganization by the President, Congress
oath was administered by Chief-Justice adjourned, July 20, to meet Nov. 21,
Chase, in the presence of the cabinet offi- hoping the President would no longer
cers and several members of Congress, disturb the public peace by his conduct.
Then the President delivered a brief They were mistaken. As soon as Con-
speech to the gentlemen present. There, gress adjourned, in violation of the ten-
in the midst of universal and unparalleled ure of office act he proceeded to remove
excitement, the authority of the nation Mr. Stanton from office. He first asked
was quietly transferred to other hands a him, Aug. 5, to resign. " Grave public
few hours after the death of President considerations," he said, " constrain me
Lincoln. Mr. Johnson requested Mr. Lin- to request your resignation as Secretary
coin's cabinet to remain, and the govern- of War." Stanton replied, " Grave public
ment went on without a shock to its considerations constrain me to continue
steady movement. See Cabinet, Presi- in the office of Secretary of War until the
dent's. next meeting of Congress." He shared
On Aug. 14, 1866, a convention was held in the general suspicion that Johnson
in Philadelphia, composed largely of Con- was contemplating a revolutionary move-
federate leaders and their sympathizers ment in favor of the Confederates. A
in the North, for the purpose of organ- week later the President directed Gen-
izing a new political party, with Presi- oral Grant to assume the position and
dent Johnson as its standard - bearer, duties of Secretary of War. As a duti-
Whereupon Johnson and a part of his ful soldier, he obeyed his commander-in-
cabinet made a circuitous journey to Chi- chief. Stanton, knowing the firmness
cago, ostensibly for the purpose of being and incorruptible patriotism of Grant,
present at the dedication of a monument withdrew imder protest. This change
to Senator Douglas. He harangued the was followed by such arbitrary acts on
people on the way in language so un- the part of the President that the country
becoming the dignity of a chief magis- Avas thoroughly alarmed. Even the Presi-
trate of the republic that the nation felt dent's private friends were amazed anu
a relief from mortification after his re- mortified by his conduct. He gave un-
turn )i- September. He had denounced satisfactory reasons for dismissing Stan-

155

JOHNSON, ANDREW

ton. On Jan. 13, 1868, the Senate rein-
stated Stanton, when Grant quietly with-
drew. The enraged President reproached
the latter for yielding to the Senate,
charged him with having broken his
promises, and tried to injure his reputa-
tion as a citizen and a soldier. A ques-
tion of veracity between them arose, when
the general-in-chief felt compelled to say,
in a letter to the President : " When my
honor as a soldier and my integrity as a
man have been so violently assailed, par-
don me for saying that I can but regard
this whole matter, from beginning to end,
as an attempt to involve me in the resist-
ance of law for which you have hesitated
to assume the responsibility in orders,
and thus to destroy my character before
the country." The President's condvict
concerning Stanton led immediately to
his impeachment.

On Feb. 22, 1868, the House of Repre-
sentatives, by a vote of 126 to 47, "Re-
solved, that Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, be impeached of
high crimes and misdemeanors." A com-
mittee presented nine articles of impeach-
ment ( see below ) . Managers were ap-
pointed, and on March 3 they presented
two other charges. The Senate organized
as a high court of impeachment, with
Chief -Justice Chase presiding, on the 5th;
the President was summoned to the bar
on the 7th, and appeared by counsel on
the 13th; and the trial was begun on the
30th. The examination of -witnesses
ended April 22; the arguments of counsel
were concluded May 6; and twenty days
were consumed in debates in the Senate.
The votes of fifty-four Senators present
were taken on the verdict on May 26,
when thirty-five were for conviction, and
nineteen for acquittal. As two-thirds of
the votes were necessary for conviction,
the President was acquitted by one vote.

Soon after the expiration of his term
as President, he was an unsuccessful can-
didate for the United States Senate; in
1872 he was defeated for Congressman-
at-Large; and in January, 187.5, he was
elected a United States Senator. He died
near Carter's Station, Tcnn., July 31,
1875.

Impeachment Proceedinqn. — Articles
exhibited by the House of Representa-
tives of the United States, in the name

of themselves and all the people of tha
United States, against Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, in main-
tenance and support of their impeachment
against him for high erimes and misde-
meanors.

ARTICLE I.

That said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, on the 21st day of
February, in the year of our Lord 1868,
at Washington, in the District of Colum-
bia, unmindful of the high duties of his
office, of his oath of office, and of the re-
quirement of the Constitution that he
should take care that the laws be faith-
fully executed, did unlawfully, and in
violation of the Constitution and laws of
the United States, issue an order in writ-
ing for the removal of Edwin M. Stan-
ton from the office of Secretary for the
Department of War, said Edwin M. Stan-
ton having been theretofore duly appoint-
ed and commissioned, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate of the
United States, as such Secretary, and said
Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, on the 12th day of August, in the
year of our Lord 1SG7, and during the
recess of said Senate, having suspended
by his order Edwin M. Stanton from said
office; and within twenty days after the
first day of the next meeting of said
Senate — that is to say, on the 12th day of
December, in the year last aforesaid —
having reported to said Senate such sus-
pension, with the evidence tind reasons
for his action in the case, and the name
of the person designated to perform the
duties of such office temporarily until
the next meeting of the Senate, and said
Senate thcreafterward, on the 13th day
of January, in the year of our Lord
1868, having duly considered the evi-
dence and reasons reported by said
Andrew Johnson for said suspension and
having refused to concur in said suspen-
sion, whereby, and by force of the pro-
visions of an act entitled " An act regu-
lating the tenure of certain civil offices."
passed March 2, 1867, said Edwin M.
Stanton did forthwith resume the func-
tions of his office, whereof the said An-
drew Johnson had then and there due
notice, and said Edwin M. Stanton, by
reason of the premises, on said 21st day
of February, being lawfully entitled to

156

JOHNSON, ANDREW

bold said office as Secretary for the De-
partment of War, which said order for
the removal of said Edwin M. Stanton is,
in substance, as follows — that is to say:

" Executive Mansion,
" Washington, D. C, Feb. 21, 1868.
" Sir, — By virtue of the power aud au-
thority vested iu me as President by the
C'oiiStitutiou and laws of the United States,
you are hereby removed from office as Secre-
tary for the Department of AYar, and your
function as such will terminate upon re-
ceipt of this communication.

" You will transfer to Brevet Maj.-Gen.
Lorenzo Thomas, adjutant-general of the
army, who has this day been authorized and
empowered to act as Secretary of War, ad
interim, all records, books, papers, and other
public property now In your custody and
charge.

" Respectfully yours,

" Andrew Johnson.
" Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Washington, D. C."

WTiich order was unlawfully issued,
with intent then and there to violate the
act entitled " An act regulating the tenure
of certain civil offices," passed March 2,
1SG7; and, with the further intent, con-
trary to the pi'ovisions of said act, in
violation thereof, and contrary to the pro-
visions of the Constitution of the United
States, and without the advice and con-
sent of the Senate of the United States,
the said Senate then and there being in
session, to remove said Edwin M. Stanton
from the office of Secretary of the Depart-
ment of War, the said Edwin M. Stanton
being then and there Secretary of War,
and being then and there in due and law-
ful execution and discharge of the duties
of said office, whereby said Andrew John-
son, President of the United States, did
then and there commit and was guilty
of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE II.

That on the said 21st day of February,
in the year of our Lord 1868, at Wash-
ington, in the District of Columbia, said
Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, unmindful of the high duties of
his office, of his oath of office, and in vio-
lation of the Constitution of the United
States, and contrary to the provisions of
an act entitled " An act regulating the
tenure of certain civil offices," passed
March 2, 18G7, without the advice and
consent of the Senate of the United States,
said Senate then and there being in

session, and without authority of law,
did, with intent to violate the Constitu-
tion of the United States and the act
aforesaid, issue and deliver to one Lorenzo
Thomas a letter of authority, in substance
as follows, that is to say:

" Executive Mansion,
" AVashington, D. C, Feb. 21, 18GS.
" Sir, — Hon. Edwin M. Stanton having
this day been removed from office as Secre-
tary for the Department of War, you are
hereby authorized and empowered to act as
Secretary of War, ad interim, and will im-
mediately enter upon the discharge of the
duties pertaining to that office.

" Mr. Stanton has been instructed to trans-
fer to you all the records, books, papers, and
other public property now in his custody
and charge.

" Respectfully yours,

" Andrew Johnson.
•* To Brevet MaJ.-Gen. Lorenzo Thomas,
Adjutant-General United States Army,
Washington, D. C."

then and there being no vacancy in said
office of Secretary for the Department of
War; whereby said Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, did then
and there commit and was guilty of a
high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE in.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of
the United States, on the 21st day of Feb-
ruary, in the year of our Lord 1868, at
Washington, in the District of Columbia,
did commit and was guilty of a high
misdemeanor in office, in this, that, Avith-
out authority of law, while the Senate of
the United States was then and there in
session, he did appoint one Lorenzo
Tliomas to be Secretary for the Depart-
ment of War, ad interim, without the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate, and with
intent to violate the Constitution of the
United States, no vacancy having hap-
pened in said office of Secretary for the
Department of War during the recess of
the Senate, and no vacancy existing in
said office at the time, and which said ap-
pointment, so made by said Andrew John-
son, of said Lorenzo Thomas, is in sub-
stance as follows, that is to say:

(Same as in Article IL)

ARTICLE IV.

That said Andrew Johnson. President
of the United States, unmindful of the

lo7

JOHNSON, ANDREW

high duties of his office, and of his oath
of office, in violation of the Constitution
and laws of the United States, on the 21st
day of February, in the year of our Lord
1868, at Washington, in the District of
Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with
one Lorenzo Thomas, and with other per-
sons, to the House of Representatives un-
known, with intent by intimidation and
threats unlawfully to hinder and prevent
Edwin M. Stanton, then and there the
Secretary for the Department of War,
duly appointed under the laws of the Unit-
ed States, from holding said office of Sec-
retary for the Department of War, con-
trary to and in violation of the Constitu-
tion of the United States, and of the pro-
visions of an act entitled " An act to de-
fine and pimish certain conspiracies," ap-
proved July 31, 1861, whereby said An-
drew Johnson, President of the United
States, did then and there commit and
was guilty of a high crime in office.

ARTICLE V.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of
the United States, unmindful of the high
duties of his office, and of his oath of office,
on the 21st day of February, in the year
of our Lord 1868, and on divers other days
and times in said year, before the 2d day
of March, a.d. 1868, at Washington, in
the District of Columbia, did unlawfully
conspire with one Lorenzo Thomas, and
with other persons to the House of Rep-
resentatives unknown, to prevent and hin-
der the execution of an act entitled " An
act regulating the tenure of certain civil
offices," passed March 2, 1867, and in pur-
suance of said conspiracy did unlawfully
attempt to prevent Edwin M. Stanton,
then and there being Secretary for the De-
partment of War, duly appointed and com-
missioned under the laws of the United
States, from holding said office, whereby
the said Andrew Johnson, President of the
United States, did then and there commit
and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in
office.

ARTICLE VI.

That said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, unmindful of the
high duties of his office and of his oath of
office, on the 21st day of February, in the
year of our Lord 1868, at Washington, in

the District of Columbia, did unlawfully
conspire with one Lorenzo Thomas by
force to seize, take, and possess the prop-
erty of the United States in the Depart-
ment of War, then and there in the cus-
tody and charge of Edwin M. Stanton,
Secretary for said Department, contrary
to the provisions of an act entitled " An
act to define and punish certain conspir-
acies," approved July 31, 1861, and with
intent to violate and disregard an act en-
titled " An act regulating the tenure of
certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867,
whereby said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, did then and there
commit a high crime in office.

ARTICLE VII.

That said Andrew Johnson, Presi-
dent of the United States, unmindful of
the high duties of his office and of his
oath of office, on the 21st day of February,
in the year of our Lord 1868, at Washing-
ton, in the District of Columbia, did
unlawfully conspire with one Lorenzo
Thomas with intent unlawfully to seize,
take, and possess the property of the
United States in the Department of War,
in the custody and charge of Edwin M.
Stanton, Secretary of said department,
with intent to violate and disregard the
act entitled " An act regulating the tenure
of certain civil offices," passed March 2,
1867, whereby said Andrew Johnson, Pres-
ident of the United States, did then and
there commit a high misdemeanor in
office.

ARTICLE \^II.

That said Andrew Johnson, Presi-
dent of the United States, unmindful of
the high duties of his office and of his
oath of office, with intent unlawfully to
control the disbursement of the moneys
appropriated for the military service and
for the Department of War, on the 21st day
of February, in the year of our Lord 1868,
at Washington, in the District of Colum-
bia, did unlawfully and contrary to the
provisions of an act entitled "An act reg-
ulating the tenure of certain civil offices,"
passed March 2, 1867, and in violation of
Ihe Constitution of the United States, and
without the advice and consent of the Sen-
ate of the United States, and while the
Senate was then and there in session,

158

JOHNSON, ANDREW

there being no vacancy in the office of Sec-
retary for the Department of War, with
intent to violate and disregard the act
aforesaid, then and there issue and deliver
to one Lorenzo Thomas a letter of author-
ity in writing, in substance as follows,
that is to say:

(Same as in Article II.)

Whereby said Andrew Johnson, Presi-
dent of the United States, did then and
there commit and was guilty of a high
misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE IX.

That said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, on the 22d day of
February, in the year of our Lord 1868,
at Washington, in the District of Colum-
bia, in disregard of the Constitution and
the laws of the United States, duly en-
acted, as commander-in-chief of the army
of the United States, did bring before
himself then and there William H. Emory,
a major-general by brevet in the army of
the United States, actually in command of
the Department of Washington and the
military forces thereof, and did then and
there, as such commander-in-chief, declare
to and instruct said Emory that part of a
law of the United States, passed March 2,
1867, entitled " An act making appropria-
tions for the support of the army for the
year ending June 30, 1868, and for other
purposes," especially the second section
thereof, which provides, among other
things, that " all orders and instructions,
relating to military operations, issued by
the President or Secretary of War, shall
be issued through the general of the army,
and. in case of his inability, through the
next in rank,"'fvas unconstitutional, and in
contravention of the commission of said
Emory, and which said provisions of law
had been theretofore duly and legally pro-
mulgated by general order for the govern-
ment and direction of the army of the
United States, as the said Andrew John-
son then and there well knew, with intent
thereby to induce said Emory, in his offi-
cial capacity as commander of the Depart-
ment of Washington, to violate the pro-
visions of said act, and to take and re-
ceive, act upon, and obey such orders as
he, the said Andrew Johnson, might make
and give, and which should not be issued
through the general of the armv of the

United States, according to the provisions
of said act, and with the further intent
thereby to enable him, the said Andrew
Johnson, to prevent the execution of an
act entitled " An act regulating the tenure
of certain civil offices," passed March 2,
1867, and to unlawfully prevent Edwin
M. Stanton, then being Secretary for the
Department of War, from holding said
office and discharging the duties thereof,
whereby said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, did then and there
commit and was guilty of a high misde-
meanor in office.

ARTICLE X.

That said Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, unmindful of the
high duties of his office and the dignity and
proprieties thereof, and of the harmony
and courtesies which ought to exist and
be maintained between the executive and
legislative branches of the government of
the United States, designing and intend-
ing to set aside the rightful authority and
powers of Congress, did attempt to bring
into disgrace, ridicule, hatred, contempt,
and reproach the Congress of the United
States and the several branches thereof,
to impair and destroy the regard and re-
spect of all the good people of the United
States for the Congress and legislative
power thereof (which all officers of the
government ovight inviolably to preserve
and maintain), and to excite the odium
and resentment of all the good people of
the United States against Congress and
the laws by it duly and constitutionally
enacted ; and, in pursuance of said de-
sign and intent, openly and publicly, and
before divers assemblages of the citizens
of the United States convened in divers
parts thereof to meet and receive said
Andrew Johnson, as the chief magistrate
of the United States, did, on the 18th day
of August, in the year of our Lord 1866,
and on divers other days and times, as
well before as afterwards, make and de-
liver, with a loud voice, certain intemper-
ate, inflammatory, and scandalous ha-
rangues, and did therein utter loud threats
and bitter menaces as well against Con-
gress as the laws of the United States
duly enacted thereby, amid the cries,
jeers, and laughter of the multitudes then
assembled and within hearing, which aie
59

JOHNSON, ANDREW

set forth in the several specifications lating the tenure of certain civil offices,"

liereinafter written, in substance and passed March 2, 1867, by vnilawfully devis-

effect, that is to say: ing and contriving, and attempting to

[Here are set out three specifications, devise and contrive, means by which he

quoting parts of speeches alleged to have should prevent Edwin M. Stanton from

been made by the President, Aug. 15, forthwith resuming the functions of the

Sept. 3, and Sept. 8, 1866.] office of Secretary for the Department of

Which said utterances, declarations. War, notwithstanding the refusal of the
threats, and harangues, highly censurable Senate to concur in the suspension there-
in any, are peculiarly indecent and un- tofore made by Andrew Johnson of said
becoming to the chief magistrate of the Edwin M. Stanton from said office of
United States, by means whereof said An- Secretary for the Department of War, and
drew Johnson has brought the high office also by further unlawfully devising and
of the President of the United States into contriving, and attempting to devise and
contempt, ridicule, and disgrace, to the contrive, means then and there to pre-
great scandal of all good citizens, whereby vent the execution of an act entitled " An
said Andrew Johnson, President of the act making appropriations for the sup-
United States, did commit and was then port of the army for the fiscal year end-
and there guilty of a high misdemeanor in ing June 30, 1868, and for other pur-
office, poses," approved March 2, 1867, and also
ARTICLE XI ^^ prevent the execution of an act en-
titled " An act to provide for the more

That said Andrew Johnson, President efficient government of the rebel States,"
of the United States, unmindful of the passed March 2, 1867 ; weherby the said
high duties of his office and of his oath Andrew Johnson, President of the United
of office, and in disregard of the Consti- States, did then, to wit: on the 21st day
tution and laws of the United States, of February, 1868, at the city of Washing-
did heretofore, to wit: on the 18th day of ton, commit and was guilty of a high mis-
August, 1866, at the city of Washington, demeanor in office.

in the District of Columbia, by public And the House of Eepresentatives by

speech, declare and affirm in substance that protestation, saving to themselves the

the Thirty-ninth Congress of the United liberty of exhibiting at any time here-

States was not a Congress of the United after any further articles or other accu-

States authorized by the Constitution to sation, or impeachment against the said

exercise legislative power under the same, Andrew Johnson, President of the United

but, on the contrary, was a Congress of States, and also of replying to his an-

only part of the States, thereby denying swers which he shall make imto the arti-

and intending to deny that the legisla- cles herein preferred against him, and of

tion of said Congress Avas valid or obli- offering proof to the same and every

gatory upon him, the said Andrew Johnson, part thereof, and to all and every other

except in so far as he saw fit to approve article, accusation, or impeachment which

the same, and also thereby denying shall be exhibited by them, as the case

and intending to deny the power of said shall require, do demand that the said

Thirty-ninth Congress to propose amend- Andrew Johnson may be put to answer

nients to the Constitution of the United the high crimes and misdemeanors in of-

States; and, in pursuance of said decla- fice herein charged against him, and that

ration, the said Andrew Johnson, Presi- such proceedings, examinations, trials,

dent of the United States, afterwards, and judgments may be thereupon had and

to wit: on the 21st day of February, given as may be agreeable to law and

1868, at the city of Washington, in justice.

the District of Columbia, did unlawful- Senate of the United States, sitting as

ly and in disregard of the requirements a court of impeachment for the trial of

of the Constitution, that he should take Andrew Johnson, President of the United

care that the laws be faithfully exe- States.

cuted, attempt to prevent the execu- The answer of the said Andrew John-

tion of an act entitled " An act regu- son. President of the United States, to

160

JOHNSON, ANDREW

the articles of impeachment exhibited touching the department aforesaid, and

against hira by the House of Representa- for whose conduct in such capacity, sub-

tives of the United States. ordinate to the President, the President

is, by the Constitution and laws of the

ANS^VER TO ARTICLE I. United states, made responsible. And

For answer to the first article he says: this respondent, further answering, says
that Edwin M. Stanton was appointed he succeeded to the office of President of
Secretary for the Department of War on the United States upon, and by reason
the loth day of January, a.d. 18G2, of, the death of Abraham Lincoln, then
by Abraham Lincoln, then President of President of the United States, on the
the United States, during the first term 15th day of April, 1865, and the said
of his Presidency, and was commission- Stanton was then holding the said office
ed, according to the Constitution and of Secretary for the Department of War,
laws of the United States, to hold the said under and by reason of the appointment
office during the pleasure of the President; and commission aforesaid; and, not hav-
that the office of Secretary for the De- ing been removed from the said office by
partment of War was created by an act this respondent, the said Stanton con-
of the First Congress, in its first session, tinned to hold the same under the ap-
passed on the 7th day of August, a.d. pointment and commission aforesaid, at
1789, and in and by that act it was the pleasure of the President, until the
provided and enacted that the said Sec- time hereinafter particularly mentioned;
retary for the Department of War shall and at no time received any appointment
perform and execute such duties as shall or commission save as above detailed,
from time to time be enjoined on and in- And this respondent, further answering,
trusted to him by the President of the says that on and prior to the 5th day
United States, agreeably to the Constitu- of August, a.d. 1867, this respondent,
tion, relative to the subjects within the the President of the United States, re-
scope of the said department; and fur- sponsible for the conduct of the Secre-
thermore, that the said Secretary shall tary for the Department of War, and
conduct the business of the said depart- having the constitutional right to resort
ment in such a manner as the President to and rely upon the person holding that
of the LTnited States shall, from time to office for advice concerning the great and
time, order and instruct. difficult public duties enjoined on the

And this respondent, further answer- President by the Constitution and laws
ing, says that, by force of the act afore- of the United States, became satisfied
said, and by reason of his appointment that he could not allow the said Stanton
aforesaid, the said Stanton became the to continue to hold the office of Secretary
principal officer in one of the executive for the Department of War, without
departments of the government within hazard of the public interest; that the
the true intent and meaning of the sec- relations between the said Stanton and
ond section of the second article of the the President no longer permitted the
Constitution of the United States, and President to resort to him for advice, or
according to the true intent and meaning to be, in the judgment of the President,
of that provision of the Constitution of safely responsible for his conduct of the
the United States; and in accordance affairs of the Department of War, as by
with the settled and uniform practice of law required, in accordance with the
each and every President of the United orders and instructions of the President;
States, the said Stanton then became, and thereupon, by force of the Constitu-
and, so long as he should continue to tion and laws of the United States, which
hold the said office of Secretary for the devolve on the President the power and
Department of War, must continue to be, the duty to control the conduct of the
one of the advisers of the President of business of that executive department of
the United States, as well as the person the government, and by reason of the con-
intrusted to act for and represent the stitutional duty of the President to take
President in matters enjoined upon him care that the laws be faithfully exe-
or intrusted to him by the President, cuted, this respondent did necessarily
v.— L 161

JOHNSON, ANDREW

consider, and did determine, that the said
Stanton ought no longer to hold the said
office of Secretary for the Department of
War. And this respondent, by virtue of
the power and authority vested in him
as President of the United States, by the
Constitution and laws of the United
States, to give effect to such his decision
and determination, did, on the 5th day
of August, A.D. 1867, address to the said
Stanton a note, of which the following is
a true copy:

" SiRj — Public considerations of a liigh
character constrain me to say that your
resignation as Secretary of War will be
accepted."

To which note the said Stanton made
the following reply:

" War Department,
" Washington, Aug. 5, 1867.
" Sir, — Your note of this day has been
received, stating that ' public considerations
of a high character constrain you ' to say
' that my resignation as Secretary of War
will be accepted.'

" In reply I have the honor to say, that
public considerations of a high character,
which alone have induced me to continue at
the head of this Department, constrain me
not to resign the office of Secretary of War
before the next meeting of Congress.
" Very respectfully yours,

" Edwin M. Stanton."

This respondent, as President of the
United States, was thereon of opinion that,
having regard to the necessary official re-
lations and duties of the Secretary for the
Department of War to the President of the
United States, according to the Constitu-
tion and laws of the United States, and
having regard to the responsibility of the
President for the conduct of the said Sec-
retary, and having regard to the para-
mount executive authority of the office
which the respondent holds under the Con-
stitution and laws of the United States,
it was impossible, consistently with the
public interests, to allow the said Stanton
to continue to hold the said office of Secre-
tary for the Department of War ; and it
then became the official duty of the re-
spondent, as President of the United
States, to consider and decide what act
or acts should and might lawftilly be done
by him, as President of the United States,
to cause the said Stanton to sui'render
the said office.

This respondent was informed and verily

believed that it was practically settled
by the First Congress of the United States,
and had been so considered and, uniform-
ly and in great numbers of instances, act-
ed on by each Congress and President of
the United States, in succession, from
President Washington to and including
President Lincoln, and from the First
Congress to the Thirty - ninth Congress,
that the Constitution of the United States
conferred on the President, as part of the
executive power, and as one of the neces-
sary means and instruments of perform-
ing the executive duty expressly imposed
on him by the Constitution, of taking care
that the laws be faithfully executed, the
power at any and all times of removing
from office all executive officers, for cause,
to be judged by the President alone. This
lespondent had, in pursuance of the Con-
stitution, required the opinion of each
principal officer of the executive depart-
ments, upon this question of constitutional
executive power and duty, and had been
advised by each of them, including the
said Stanton, Secretary for the Depart-
ment of War, that under the Constitution
of the United States this power was
lodged by the Constitution in the Presi-
dent of the United States, and that, con-
sequently, it could be lawfully exercised
by him, and the Congress could not de-
piive him thereof; and this respondent,
in his capacity of President of the United
States, and because in that capacity he
was both enabled and bound to use his
best judgment upon this question, did, in
good faith, and with an earnest desire to
arrive at the truth, come to the conclusion
and opinion, and did make the same known
to the honorable the Senate of the United
States, by a message dated on the 2d day
of March, 18G7 (a true copy whereof is
hereunto annexed and marked A), that
the power last mentioned was conferred
and the duty of exercising it, in fit cases,
was imposed on the President by the Con-
stitution of the United States, and that
the President could not be deprived of
this power or relieved of this duty, nor
could the same be vested by law in the
President and the Senate jointly, either
in part or whole; and this has ever since
remained, and Avas the opinion of this re-
spondent at the time when he was forced,
as aforesaid, to consider and decide what
62

JOHNSON, ANDREW

act or acts should and might lawfully be
done by this respondent, as President of
the United States, to cause the said Stan-
ton to surrender the said office.

This respondent was also then aware
that by the first section of " An act regu-
lating the tenure of certain civil offices "
passed March 2, 1807, by a constitutional
majority of both Houses of Congress, it
was enacted as follows:

That every person holding any civil of-
fice to which he has been appointed by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate,
and every person who shall hereafter be
appointed to any such office, and shall
become duly qualified to act therein, is
and shall be entitled to hold such office
until a successor shall have been in like
manner appointed and duly qualified, ex-
cept as herein otherwise provided; Pro-
vided, that the Secretaries of State, of the
Treasury, of War, of the Navy, and of
the Interior, the Postmaster-General, and
the Attorney-General, shall hold their
offices respectively for and during the term
of the President by whom they may have
been appointed, and one month thereafter,
subject to removal by and with the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate.

This respondent was also aware that
this act was understood and intended to
be an expression of the opinion of the
Congress by which that act was passed,
that the power to remove executive officers
for cause might, by law, be taken from the
President and vested in him and the Sen-
ate jointly; and although this respondent
had arrived at and still retained the
opinion above expressed and verilybelieved,
as he still believes, that the said first
section of the last-mentioned act was and
is wholly inoperative and void by reason
of its conflict with the Constitution of
the United States, yet, inasmuch as the
same had been enacted by the constitu-
tional majority in each of the two Houses
of that Congress, this respondent consid-
ered it to be proper to examine and decide
whether the particular case of the said
Stanton, on which it was this respondent's
duty to act. was Avithin or without the
terms of that first section of the act; or.
if within it, wh'jther the President ha^
not the power, according to the terms of
the act, to remove the said Stanton from
the office of Secretary for the Department

of War, and having, in his capacity of
President of the United States, so ex-
amined and considered, did form the
opinion that the case of said Stanton and
his tenure of office were not affected by
the section of the last-named act.

And this respondent, further answer-
ing, says that, although a case thus ex-
isted which, in his judgment as President
of the United States, called for the exer-
cise of the executive power to remove the
said Stanton from the office of Secretary
for the Department of War, and although
this respondent was of opinion, as is
above shown, that under the Constitution
of the United States the power to remove
the said Stanton from the said office was
vested in the President of the United
States; and although this respondent was
also of the same opinion, as is above
shown, that the case of the said Stanton
was not aflTected by the first section of the
last-named act; and although each of the
said opinions had been formed by this re-
spondent upon an actual case, requiring
him, in his capacity of President of the
United States, to come to some judgment
and determination thereon, yet this re-
spondent, as President of the United
States, desired and determined to avoid,
if possible, any question of the construc-
tion and effect of the said first section of
the last-named act, and also the broader
question of the executive power conferred
on the President of the United States by
the Constitution of the United States to
remove one of the principal officers of one
of the executive departments for cause
seeming to him sufficient ; and this re-
spondent also desired and determined that
if, from causes over which he could exert
no control, it should become absolutely
necessary to raise and have in some way
determined either or both of the said last-
named questions, it was in accordance
with the Constitution of the United
States, and was required of the President
thereby, that questions of so much gravity
and importance, upon which the legisla-
tive and executive departments of the
government had disagreed, which involved
powers considered by all branches of the
government, during its entire history
Ao\\n to the year 1867, to have been con-
fided by the Constitution of the United
States to the President and to be neces-

163

JOHNSON, ANDREW

sary for the complete and proper execu- States, I am suspended from office as Secre-

tion of his constitutional duties, should ^^^^ ^^ "^^r, and will cease to exercise any

be in some proper way submitted to that ^^ a^'L'SZg ^^^i^^^o^nc? t^trSr

judicial department of the government in- to Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, who has this day

trusted by the Constitution with the been authorized and empowered to act as

power, and subjected by it to the duty, Secretary of War, ad interim, all records,

, ,„ f J ^ • • £ 11 xi books, papers, and other public property now

not only of determining finally the con- jq ^jy custody and charge. Under a sense

struction and efi"ect of all acts of Con- of public duty, I am compelled to deny your

gress, but of comparing them with the right, under the Constitution and laws of

Constitution of the United States, and ^^Li;l°'*^^ f^f ^1' r.'I^°o^*''^-.f ''V'^^''*I
... • , ^ 1 consent of the Senate, and without legal
pronouncing them inoperative when found cause, to suspend me from office as Secre-
in conflict with that fundamental law tary of War, or the exercise of any or all
which the people have enacted for the functions pertaining to the same, or without
iriiii,- i. Ajj. such advice and consent to compel me to
government of all their servants. And to transfer to any person the recoMs, books,
these ends, first, that, through the action papers, and public property in my custody
of the Senate of the United States, the as Secretary. But, inasmuch as the general
absolute duty of the President to substi- commanding the armies of the United States
"' . J. -,r oii bas been appointed, ad tntertm, and has
tute some fit person m place of Mr. Stan- notified me that he has accepted the ap-
ton as one of his advisers, and as a pointment, I have no alternative but to sub-
principal subordinate officer whose official ^^^' ^^^^^ protest, to superior force.
„„ J i 1- -ui j: J 1, J " To the President."
conduct he was responsible for, and had

lawful right to control, might, if possible, And this respondent, further answering,
be accomplished Avithout the necessity of gays, that it is provided, in and by the
raising any one of the questions afore- second section of "An act to regulate
said; and, second, if this duty could not the tenure of certain civil offices," that
be so performed, then that these questions, the President may suspend an officer from
or such of them as might necessarily the performance of the duties of the office
arise, should be judicially determined in held by him, for certain causes therein
manner aforesaid, and for no other end designated, until the next meeting of the
or purpose, this respondent, as President Senate, and until the case shall be acted
of the United States, on the 12th day of on by the Senate; that this respondent, as
August, 1867, seven days after the recep- President of the United States, was ad-
tion of the letter of the said Stanton, of y^^ed, and he verily believed and still be-
the 5th of August, hereinbefore stated, ]jeves, that the executive power of removal
did issue to the said Stanton the order from office, confided to him by the Consti-
following, namely: tution aforesaid, includes the power of

" Executive Mansion suspension from office at the pleasure of the

"Washington, Avg. 12. 1867. President, and this respondent, by the or-

" Sir,— By virtue of the power and author- der aforesaid, did suspend the said Stan-
ity vested in me, as President, by the Consti- j. ^ a- a j.-i ii j. a-

tution and laws of the United States, you *"" ^^'^^ o^^'^^'' ""^ ""^il the next meeting
are hereby suspended from office as Secre- of the Senate, or until the Senate should
tary of War, and will cease to exercise any have acted upon the case, but bv force of
and all functions pertaining to the same. ^he power and authority vested in him

"You will at once transfer to Gen. , , ' „ ,., ,. , / . ,, tt -j. j

Ulysses S. Grant, who has this day been ^Y the Constitution and laws of the United
authorized and empowered to act as Secre- States, indefinitely, and at the pleasure
tary of War, ad interim, all records, books, of the President, and the order, in form
.Zr" custody IT ch^a?S '""''''' '^'^^ '° aforesaid, was made known to the Senate
" Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War." of the United States on the 12th day of

_, , . . December, a.d. 1867, as will be moi-e

To which said order the said Stanton f^^^iy hereinafter stated,
made the following reply: ^-^^^ ^,^;g respondent, further answer-

" War Department, i".^' ^'^ys that, in and by the act of Feb.

"Washington City. Ann. 12, 1867. 13, 1795, it was, among other things, pro-

" Sir.— Your note of this date has been yided and enacted that, in case of vacancy
received, informing me that by virtue of ■ .i „ai„„ „f o„«,.„+.,,.„ f^^ +i,« r»«,^o^f
the powers vested In you as President, bv '" ^^^ ^^""^ of Secretary for the Depart-
the Constitution and laws of the United ment of War, it shall be lawful for the

164

JOHNSON, ANDREW

President, in case he shall think it neces- a copy whereof is hereunto annexed and
sary, to authorize any person to perform marked B, wherein he made kno^\'n the
the duties of that office until a successor orders aforesaid, and the reasons which
be appointed or such vacancy filled, but had induced the same, so far as this re-
not exceeding the term of six months; spondent then considered it material and
and this respondent, being advised and necessary that the same should be set
believing that such law was in full force forth, and reiterated his views concern-
and not repealed, by an order dated Aug. ing the constitutional power of removal
12, 1867, did authorize and empower vested in the President, and also ex-
Uij'sses S. Grant, general of the armies pressed his views concerning the con-
of the United States, to act as Secretary struction of the said first section of the
for the Department of War, ad interim, in last-mentioned act, as respected the power
the form in which similar authority had of the President to remove the said Stan-
theretofore been given, not until the next ton from the said office of Secretary for
meeting of the Senate, and until the Sen- the Department of War, well hoping that
ate should act on the case, but at the this respondent could thus perform what
pleasure of the President, subject only to he then believed, and still believes, to be
the limitation of six months, in the said his imperative duty in reference to the
last-mentioned act contained; and a copy said Stanton, without derogating from the
of the last-named order was made known powers which this respondent believed
to the Senate of the United States, on the were confided to the President, by the
12th day of December, a.d. 1867, as will Constitution and laws, and without the
be hereinafter more fully stated ; and, in necessity of raising, judicially, any ques-
pursuance of the design and intention tion concerning the same,
aforesaid, if it should become necessary. And this respondent, further answering,
to submit the said questions to a judicial says that, this hope not having been real-
determination, this respondent, at or near ized, the President was compelled either
the date of the last-mentioned order, did to allow the said Stanton to resume the
make known such his purpose to obtain a said office and remain therein contrary
judicial decision of the said questions, or to the settled convictions of the Presi-
such of them as might be necessary. dent, formed as aforesaid, respecting the
And this respondent, further answering, powers confided to him. and the duties re-
says that, in further pursuance of his in- quired of him by the Constitution of the
tentions and design, if possible, to per- United States, and contrary to the opinion
form what he judged to be his imperative formed as aforesaid, that the first sec-
duty, to prevent the said Stanton from tion of the last - mentioned act did not
longer holding the office of Secretary for affect the case of the said Stanton, and
the Department of War, and at the same contrary to the fixed belief of the Presi-
time avoiding, if possible, any question re- dent that he could no longer advise with
specting the extent of the power of re- or trust or be responsible for the said
moval from executive office confided to Stanton, in the said office of Secretary for
the President, by the Constitution of the the Department of War, or else he was
United States, and any question respect- compelled to take such steps as might,
ing the construction and effect of the first in the judgment of the President, be law-
section of the said " act regulating the ful and necessary to raise, for a judicial
tenure of certain civil offices," while he decison. the questions affecting the lawful
should not. by any act of his, abandon right of the said Stanton to resume the
and relinquish, either a power which he said office, or the power of the said Stanton
believed the Constitution had conferred to persist in refusing to quit the said
on the President of the United States, to office, if he should persist in actually re-
enable him to perform the duties of his fusing to quit the same: and to this end,
office, or a power designedly left to him and to this end only, this respondent did.
by the first section of the act of Congress on the 21st day of February. 1868, issue
last aforesaid, this respondent did. on the the order for the removal of the said Stan-
12th day of December. 1867, transmit to ton. in the said first article mentioned
the Senate of the United States a message, and set forth, and the order authorizing

165

JOHNSON, ANDEEW

the said Lorenzo Thomas to act as Secre-
tary of War, ad interim, in the said second
article set forth.

And this respondent, proceeding to an-
swer specifically each substantial allega-
tion in the said first article, says: He
denies that the said Stanton, on the 21st
day of February, 1868, was lawfully in
possession of the said office of Secretary
for the Department of War. He denies
that the said Stanton, on the day last
mentioned, was lawfully entitled to hold
the said office against the will of the
President of the United States. He
denies that the said order for the re-
moval of the said Stanton was unlaw-
fully issued. He denies that said order
was issued with intent to violate the act
entitled, " An act to regulate the tenure
of certain civil offices." He denies that
the said order was a violation of the last-
mentioned act. He denies that the said
order was a violation of the Constitution
of the United States, or of any law there-
of, or of his oath of office. He denies that
the said order was issued with an intent
to violate the Constitution of the United
States, or any law thereof, or this re-
spondent's oath of office; and he respect-
fully, but earnestly, insists that not only
was it issued by him in the performance
of what he believed to be an imperative
official duty, but in the performance of
what this honorable court will consider
was, in point of fact, an imperative offi-
cial duty. And he denies that any and
all substantive matters, in the said first
article contained, in manner and form
as the same are therein stated and set
forth, do, by law, constitute a high mis-
demeanor in office, within the true intent
and meaning of the Constitution of the
United States.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE II.

And for answer to the second article,
this respondent says that he admits he
did issue and deliver to said Lorenzo
Thomas the said writing set forth in
said second article, bearing date at Wash-
ington, District of Columbia, Feb. 21,
1868, addressed to Brevet Maj.-Gen.
Lorenzo Thomas, adjutant-general Unit-
ed States army, Washington, District of
Columbia; and he further admits that
the same was so issued without the ad-

vice and consent of the Senate of the
United States, then in session ; but he
denies that he thereby violated the Con-
stitution of the United States, or any
law thereof, or that he did thereby in-
tend to violate the Constitution of the
United States, or the provisions of any
act of Congress; and this respondent re-
fers to his answer to said first article
for a full statement of the purposes and
intentions with which said order was
issued, and adopts the same as part of
his answer to this article-/ and he further
denies that there was then and there no
vacancy in the said office of Secretary
for the Department of War, or that
he did then and there commit, or was
guilty of, a high misdemeanor in office ;
and this respondent maintains and will
insist:

1. That at the date and delivery of said
writing there was a vacancy existing in
the said office of Secretary for the Depart-
ment of War.

2. That, notwithstanding the Senate of
the United States was then in session, it
was lawful and according to long and well-
established usage to empower and author-
ize the said Thomas to act as Secretary
of War, ad interim.

3. That, if the said act regulating the
tenure of civil offices be held to be a valid
law, no provision of the same was violated
by the issuing of said order, or by the
designation of said Thomas to act as Sec-
retary of War, ad interim.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE III.

And for answer to said third article,
this respondent says that he abides by his
answer to said first and second articles,
in so far as the same are responsive to
the allegations contained in the said third
article, and, without here again repeating
the same answer, prays the same be taken
as an answer to this third article as fully
as if here again set out at length ; and as
to the new allegation contained in said
third article, that this respondent did ap-
point the said Thomas to be Secretary for
the Department of War, ad interim, this
respondent denies that he gave any other
authority to said Thomas than such as
appears in said written authority, set out
in said article, by which he authorized
and empowered said Thomas to act as

166

JOHNSON, ANDREW

tary for the Department of War exist-
ing at the date of said written au-
thority.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE IV.

And for answer to said fourth article

Secretary for the Department of War, ad the question could be brought before that

interim; and he denies that the same tribunal.

amounts to an appointment, and insists This respondent did not conspire or

that it is only a designation of an officer agree with the said Thomas or any other

of that department to act temporarily as person or persons, to use intimidation or

Secretary for the Department of War, ad threats to hinder or prevent the said Stan-

intcrim, imtil an appointment should be ton from holding the said office of Secre-

madc. But, whether the said written au- tary for the Department of War, nor did

thority amounts to an appointment, or this respondent at any time command or

to a temporary authority or designation, advise the said Thomas or any other per-

this respondent denies that in any sense son or persons to resort to or use either

lie did thereby intend to violate the Con- threats or intimidation for that purpose,

stitution of tlie United States, or that he The only means in the contemplation of

thereby intended to give the said order purpose of respondent to be used are set

the character or effect of an appointment forth fully in the said orders of Feb.

in the constitutional or legal sense of 21, the first addressed to Mr. Stanton,

that term. He further denies that there and the second to the said Thomas. By

was no vacancy in said office of Secre- the first order the respondent notified

Mr. Stanton that he was removed from
the said office^ and that his functions as
Secretary for the Department of War
were to terminate upon the receipt of that
order, and he also thereby notified the
said Stanton that the said Thomas had
this respondent denies that on the said been authorized to act as Secretary for
21st day of February, 18G8, at Washington the Department of War ad interim, and
aforesaid, or at any other time or place, ordered the said Stanton to transfer to
he did unlawfully conspire with the said him all the records, books, papers, and
Lorenzo Thomas, or with the said Thomas other public property in his custody and
and any other person or persons, with in- charge; and by the second order this re-
tent by intimidations and threats unlaw- spondent notified the said Thomas of the
fully to hinder and prevent the said Stan- removal from office of the said Stanton,
ton from holding said office of Secretary and authorized him to act as Secretary
for the Department of War, in violation for the department, ad interim, and di-
of the Constitution of the United States rected him to immediately enter upon the
or of the provisions of the said act of discharge of the duties pertaining to that
Congress in said article mentioned, or that office, and to receive the transfer of all
he did then and there commit or was guilty the records, books, papers, and other pub-
of a high crime in office. On the con- lie property from Mr. Stanton, then in
trary thereof, protesting that the said his custody and charge.
Stanton was not then and there lawfully Eespondent gave no instructions to the
the Secretary for the Department of War, said Thomas to use intimidation or
this respondent states that his sole pur- threats to enforce obedience to these
puse in authorizing the said Thomas to act orders. He gave him no authority to
as Secretary for the Department of War, call in the aid of the military, or any
ad interim was. as is fully stated in his other force to enable him to obtain pos-
answer to the said first article, to bring session of the office, or of the books,
the question of the right of the said Stan- papers, records, or property thereof. The
ton to hold said office, notwithstanding only agency resorted to or intended to be
his said suspension, and notwithstanding resorted to was by means of the said ex-
the said order of removal, and" notwith- ecutive orders requiring obedience. But
standing the said authority of the said the Secretary for the Department of War
Thomas to act as Secretary of War. ad refused to obey these orders, and still
interim, to the test of a final decision by holds undisturbed possession and custody
the Supreme Court of the United State^ of that department, and of the records,
Jn the earliest practicable mode by which books, papers, and other public property

167

JOHNSON, ANDREW

therein. Respondent further states that,
in execution of the orders so by this re-
spondent given to the said Thomas, he,
the said Thomas, proceeded in a peace-
ful manner to demand of the said Stan-
ton a surrender to him of the public
property in the said department, and to
vacate the possession of the same, and to
allow him, the said Thomas, peaceably to
exercise the duties devolved upon him
by authority of the President. That, as
this respondent has been informed and
believes, the said Stanton peremptorily
refused obedience to the orders so issued.
Upon each refusal no force or threat of
force was used by the said Thomas, on
authority of the President, or otherwise,
to enforce obedience, either then or at any
subsequent time.

This respondent doth here except to
the sufficiency of the allegations contained
in said fourth article, and states for
ground of exception that it was not
stated that there was any agreement be-
tween this respondent and the said
Thomas, or any other person or persons,
to use intimidation and threats, nor is
there any allegation as to the nature of
said intimidation and threats, or that
tliere was any agreement to carry them
into execution, or that any step was taken
or agreed to be taken to carry them into
execution, and that the allegation in said
article that the intent of said conspiracy
was to use intimidation and threats is
wholly insufficient, inasmuch as it is not
alleged that the said intent formed the
basis or became a part of any agreement
between the said alleged conspirators,
and, furthermore, that there is no allega-
tion of any conspiracy or agreement to
wse intimidation or threats.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE V.

And for answer to said fifth article,
this respondent denies that on said 21st
day of February, 1868, or at any other
time or times, in the same year, before
the said 2d day of March, 1868, or at any
prior or subsequent time, at Washington
aforesaid, or at any other place, this re-
sjjondent did unlawfully conspire with the
said Thomas, or with any other person or
persons, to prevent or hinder the execution
of the said act entitled " An act regulat-
ing the tenure of certain civil offices," or

that, in pursuance of said alleged con-
spiracy, he did unlawfully attempt to pre-
vent the said Edwin M. Stanton from
holding said office of Secretary for the
Department of War, or that he was there-
by guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.
Respondent, protesting that said Stanton
was not then and there Secretary for the
Department of War, begs leave to refer to
his answer given to the fourth article and
to his answer given to the first article as
to his intent and purpose in issuing the
orders for the removal of Mr. Stanton,
and the authority given to the said Thomas,
and prays equal benefit therefrom as if
the same were here again repeated and
fully set forth.

And this respondent excepts to the suf-
ficiency of the said fifth article, and
states his ground for such exception, that
it is not alleged to what means or by what
agreement the said alleged conspiracy was
formed or agreed to be carried out, or in
what way the same was attempted to be
carried out, or what were the acts done in
pursuance thereof.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE VI.

And for answer to the said sixth article,
this respondent denies that on the said
21st day of February, 1868, at Washing-
ton aforesaid, or at any other time or
place, he did unlawfully conspire with
the said Thomas by force to seize, take,
or possess, the property of the United
States in the Department of War, con-
trary to the provisions of the said acts
referred to in the said article, or either
of them, or with intent to violate either
of them. Respondent, protesting that
said Stanton was not then and there Sec-
retary for the Department of War, not
only denies the said conspiracy as charged,
but also denies unlawful intent in refer-
ence to the custody and charge of the
property of the United States in the said
Department of War, and again refers to
his former answers for a full statement
of his intent and purpose in the premises.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE VIT.

And for answer to the said seventh ar-
ticle, respondent denies that on the said
21st day of February, 1868. at Washing-
ton aforesaid, or at any other time and
place, he did unlawfully conspire with the

JOHNSON, ANDREW

said Thomas with intent unlawfully to 22d day of February, 1868, the following

seize, take, or possess the property of the note was addressed to the said Emory by

United States in the Department of War, the private secretary of the respondent:

with intent to violate or disregard the

said act in the said seventh article re- ., ^ " Executive Mansion,

< , . 4^1 X u jj i^u J xu "Washington, D. C, Feb. 22, 1868.

ferred to, or that he did then and there « general,— The President directs me to

commit a high misdemeanor in office. Re- say that he will be pleased to have you call

spondent, protesting that the said Stan-- "Po° ^'^^ as early as practicable.

ton was not then and there Secretary for " ^^'^^^ w''^ f"'^ ^'•"'y y°"Jf.

., T^ , i. ir T-,7 • f X William G. Mooke, U. S. A."

the Department of War, again refers to

his former answers, in so far as they are General Emory called at the Executive
applicable, to show the intent with which Mansion according to this request. Th«
he proceeded in the premises, and prays object of respondent was to be advised by
equal benefit therefrom as if the same General Emory, as commander of the De-
were here again fully repeated. Respon- partment of Washington, what changes
dent further takes exception to the suf- had been made in the military affairs of
ficiency of the allegations of this article as the department. Respondent had been in-
to the conspiracy alleged, upon the same formed that various changes had been
ground as stated in the exceptions set made which in nowise had been brought
forth in his answer to said article fourth, to his notice or reported to him from the

Department of War, or from any other

quarter, and desired to ascertain the facts.

And for answer to said eighth article, After the said Emory had explained in

this respondent denies that on the 21st detail the changes which had taken place,

day of February, 1808, at Washington said Emory called the attention of re-

ANSWEB TO ARTICLE VIII.

aforesaid, or at any other time or place
he did issue and deliver to the said
Thomas the said letter of authority set
forth in the said eighth article, with the
intent unlawfully to control the disburse-
ments of the money appropriated for the
military service and for the Department
of War. This respondent, protesting that
there was a vacancy in the office of Secre-
tary for the Department of War, admits of all concerned :
that he did issue the said letter of author-
ity, and he denies that the same was with
any unlawful intent whatever, either to
violate the Constitution of the United
States or any act of Congress. On the
contrary, this respondent again affirms
that his sole intent was to vindicate his
authority as President of the United
States, and by peaceful means to bring
the question of the right of the said Stan-
ton to continue to hold the office of Secre-
tary of War to a final decision before the
Supreme Court of the United States, as
has been hereinbefore set forth : and he
prays the same benefit from his answer
in the premises as if the same were here
again repeated at length.

spondent to a general order which he re-
ferred to and which this respondent then
sent for, when it was produced. It is as
follows:

" (General Orders, No. 17.)
" War Department, Adjutant-General's
Office.
" Washington, March 14, 1867.
" The following acts of Congress are pub-
lished for the information and government

" 11-PuBLic-No. 85.
" An act making appropriations for sup-
port of the army for the year ending June
30, 1868, and for other purposes.

ANSWER TO ARTICLE IX.

And for answer to the said ninth arti-

" Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, that
the headquarters of the general of the
army of the United States shall be at the
city of Washington, and all orders and in-
structions relating to military operations,
issued by the President or Secretary of War,
shall be issued throuorh the general of the
army, and, in case of his inability, through
the next in ranlc. The general of the army
shall not be removed, suspended, or relieved
from command or assigned to duty else-
where than at said headquarters, except at
his own request, without the previous ap-
proval of the Senate : and any orders or
instructions relating to military operations
issued contrary to the requirements of this
section shall be null and void ; and any
officer, who shall issue orders or instructions
contrary to the provisions of this section.

shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor in
cle, the respondent states that on the said office: and anv officer of the army who shall

IfiO

JOHNSON, ANDREW

transmit, convey, or obey any orders or In- obey any law or any order issued in con-

!*f!!fni°''^f ?H- '^^"^^- ^°°t''^^"y to the pro- formity with any law, or intend to offer
visions of this section, knowing that such • ■■ t. j. A ■ a -c x

orders were so issued, shall be liable to im- ^P^ inducement to the said Emory to

prisonment for not less than two or more violate any law. What this respondent

than twenty years, upon conviction thereof then said to General Emory was simply

in any court of competent jurisdiction. ^ ^j^^ expression of an opinion which he

"Approved March 2, 1867.' * ' then fully believed to be sound, and which

he yet believes to be so, and that is that,

"By order of the Secretary of War by the express provisions of the Consti-

"E. D. TowNSEND, Assistant Adjutant- ,,. .-.i jj. t^-jx-

General tution,, this respondent, as President, is

"Official : made the commander - in - chief of the

" , Assistant Adjutant-General." armies of the United States, and as such

General Emory not only called the at- he is to be respected, and that his or-

tention of respondent to this order, but <lers, whether issued through the War De-

to the fact that it was in conformity partment or through the general-in-chief,

with a section contained in an appropri- or by other channels of communication,

ation act passed by Congress. Respondent, are entitled to respect and obedience, and

after reading the order, observed, "This that such constitutional power cannot bef

is not in accordance with the Constitu- taken from him by virtue of any act of

tion of the United States, which makes Congress. Respondent doth therefore

me Commander-in-Chief of the Army and deny that by the expression of such

Navy, nor with the language of the com- opinion he did commit or was guilty of a

mission which you hold." General Em- high misdemeanor in office; and this re-

ory then stated that this order had met spondent doth further say that the said

respondent's approval. Respondent then article nine lays no foundations whatever

said in reply, in substance, "Am I to for the conclusion stated in the said

understand that the President of the article, that the respondent, by reason of

United States cannot give an order but the allegations therein contained, was

through the general-in-chief?" General guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.
Emory again reiterated the statement In reference to the statement made by

that it had met respondent's approval. General Emory, that this respondent had

and that it was the opinion of some of approved of said act of Congress contain-

the leading lawyers of the country that ing the section referred to, the respondent

this order was constitutional. With admits that his forma) approval was given

some further conversation, respondent to said act, but accompanied the same

then required the names of the lawyers by the following message, addressed and

who had given the opinion, and he men- sent with the act to the House of Rep-

tioned the names of two. Respondent resentatives, in which House the said act

then said that the object of the law was originated, and from which it came to

very evident, referring to the clause in respondent:

the appropriation act upon which the or- "To the House of Representatives, —
der purported to be based. This, accord- The act entitled 'An act making ap-
ing to respondent's recollection, was the propriations for the support of the army
substance of the conversation held with for the year ending June 30, 1868, and
General Emory. for other purposes,' contains provisions

Respondent denies that any allegations to which I must call attention. These
in the said article of any instructions or provisions are contained in the second sec-
declarations given to the said Emory, tion, which, in certain cases, virtually de-
then or at any other time, contrary to or prives the President of his constitutional
in addition to what is hereinbefore set functions as commander - in - chief of the
forth, are true. Respondent denies that, army, and in the sixth section, which de-
in said conversation with said Emory, he nied to ten States in the Union their con-
had any other intent than to express the stitutional right to protect themselves, in
opinions then given to the said Emory, any emergency, by means of their own
nor did he then nor at any other time militia. These provisions are out of
request or order the said Emory to dis- place in an appropriation act, but I anj

170

JOHNSON, ANDREW

compelled to defeat these necessary ap- lieves substantially a correct report) is
propriations if I withhold my signature hereto annexed as part of this answer,
from the act. Pressed by these consider- and marked Exhibit C.
ations, I feel constrained to return the That, thereupon, and in reply to the
bill with my signature, but to accompany address of said committee by their chair-
it with my earnest protest against the man, this respondent addressed the 'said
sections which I have indicated. committee so waiting upon him in one

"Washington, D. C, March 2, 18G7." of the rooms of the Executive Mansion;

Respondent, therefore, did no more than and this respondent believes that this,

to express to said Emory the same his address to said committee, is the

opinion which he had so expressed to the occasion referred to in the first specifica-

Ilouse of Representatives. tion of the tenth article; but this re-
spondent does not admit that the pas-

ANSWER TO ARTICLE X. . „ xi • ^ t t-u -t t x /

sage therein set forth, as if extracts from
And in answer to the tenth article and a speech or address of this respondent
specifications thereof, the respondent upon said occasion, correctly or justly pre-
says that, on the 14th and 15th days of sent his speech or address upon said
August, in the year 186G, a political con- occasion; but, on the contrary, this re-
vcntion of delegates from all, or most, of spondent demands and insists that if
the States and Territories of the Union this honorable court shall deem the
was held in the city of Philadelphia, said article and the said first specifica-
under the name and style of the National tion thereof to contain allegation of
Union Convention, for the purpose of matter cognizable by this honorable
maintaining and advancing certain polit- court as a high misdemeanor in office,
ical views and opinions before the peo- within the intent and meaning of the
pie of the United States, and for their Constitution of the United States, and
support and adoption in the exercise of shall receive or allow proof in support of
the constitutional suffrage in the elec- the same, that proof shall be required to
tion of representatives and delegates in be made of the actual speech and address
Congress, which were soon to occur in of this respondent on said occasion,
many of the States and Territories of which this respondent denies that said
the Union; which said convention, in article and specification contain or cor-/^
the course of its proceedings, and in rectly or justly represent,
furtherance of the objects of the same. And this respondent, further answer-
adopted a " declaration of principles " ing the tenth article and specifications
and " an address to the people of the thereof, says that at Cleveland, in the
United States," and appointed a com- State of Ohio, and on the 3d day of Sep-
mittee of two of its members from each teinber, in the year 1866, he was attended
State, and of one from each Territory, by a large assembly of his fellow-citizens,
and one from the District of Columbia, to and, in deference and obedience to their
wait upon the President of the United call and demand, he addressed them upon
States and present to him a copy of the matters of public and political consid-
proceedings of the convention; that, on eration; and this respondent believes that
the 18th day of the said month of August, said occasion and address are referred to
this committee waited upon the Presi- in the second specification of the tenth
dent of the United States, at the Exec- article; but this respondent docs not ad-
utive Mansion, and was received by him mit that the passages therein set forth
in one of the rooms thereof, and by their as if extracts from a speech of this re-
vhairman, Hon. Reverdy Johnson, then spondent on said occasion, correctly or
and now a Senator of the United States, justly present his speech or address upon
acting and speaking in their behalf, pre- said occasion; but, on the contrary, this
sented a copy of the proceedings of the respondent demands and insists that, if
convention, and addressed the President this honorable court shall deem the said
of the United States in a speech, of which article and the said second specification
a copy (according to a published report thereof to contain allegation of matter
of the same, and as the respondent be- cognizable by this honorable court as a

171

JOHNSON, ANDREW

high misdemeanor in office, within the
intent and meaning of the Constitution
of the United States, and shall recei^ :
01- allow proof in support of the same,
that proof shall be required to be made
of the actual speech and address of this
respondent on said occasion, which this
respondent denies that said article and
specification contain or correctly or justly
represent.

And this respondent, further answering
the tenth article and the specifications
thereof, says that at St. Louis, in the
State of Missouri, and on the 8th day of
September, in the year 18G6, he was at-
tended by a numerous assemblage of his
fellow-citizens, and in deference and obedi-
ence to their call and demand he addressed
them upon matters of public and political
consideration ; and this respondent be-
lieves that said occasion and address are
referred to in the third specification of
the tenth article; but this respondent does
not admit that the passages therein set
forth, as if extracts from a speech of this
respondent on said occasion, correctly or
justly present his speech or address upon
said occasion; but, on the contrary, this
respondent demands and insists that if
this honorable court shall deem the said
article and the said third specification
thereof to contain allegation of matter
cognizable by this honorable court as a
high misdemeanor in office, within the in-
tent and meaning of the Constitution of
the United States, and shall receive or
allow proof in support of the same, that
proof shall be required to be made of the
actual speech and address of this respon-
dent on said occasion, which this respon-
dent denies that the said article and speci-
fication contain or correctly or justly rep-
resent.

And this respondent, further answering
the tenth article, protesting that he has
not been unmindful of the high duties of
his office, or of the harmony or courtesies
which ought to exist and be maintained
between the executive and legislative
branches of the government of the United
States, denies that he has ever intended or
designed to set aside the rightful authority
or powers of Congress, or attempted to
bring into disgrace, rdicule, hatred, con-
tempt, or reproach, the Congress of the
United States, ir either branch thereof,

or to impair or destroy the regard or re-
spect of all or any of the good people of
the United States for the Congress or the
rightful legislative power thereof, or to
excite the odium or resentment of all or
any of the good people of the United
States, against Congress, and the laws by
it duly and constitutionally enacted. This
respondent further says that at all times
he has, in his official acts as President, rec-
ognized the authority of the several Con-
gresses of the United States, as constituted
and organized during his administration of
the office of President of the United States^

And this respondent, further answering,
says that he has, from time to time, un-
der his constitutional right and duty as
President of the United States, communi-
cated to Congress his views and opinions
in regard to such acts or resolutions there-
of, as, being submitted to him as Presi-
dent of the United States, in pursuance
of the Constitution, seemed to this re-
spondent to require such communications:
and he has, from time to time, in the ex-
ercise of that freedom of speech which be-
longs to him as a citizen of the United
States, and, in his political relations as
President of the United States, to the
people of the United States, is upon fit
occasions a duty of the highest obligation,
expressed to his fellow-citizens his views
and opinions respecting the measures and
proceedings of Congress; and that in such
addresses to his fellow-citizens, and in
such his communications to Congress, he
has expressed his views, opinions, and
judgment of and concerning the actual
constitution of the two Houses of Congress
without representation therein of certain
States of the Union, and of the eff"ect that
in wisdom and justice, in the opinion and
judgment of this respondent. Congress in
its legislation and proceedings shall give
to this political circumstance ; and what-
soever he has thus communicated to Con-
gress or addressed to his fellow-citizens or
any assemblage thereof, this respondent
says was and is within and according tq^
his right and privilege as an American'''
citizen, and his right and duty as Presi-
dent of the United States.

And this respondent not waiving or at
all disparaging his right of freedom of
opinion and of freedom of speech, as
hereinbefore or hereinafter more particu-

JOHNSON, ANDBEW

larly set forth, but claiming and insist-
ing upon the same, further answering the
said tenth article, says that the views and
opinions expressed by this respondent in
his said addresses to the assemblages of
his fellow-citizens, as in said article or in
this answer thereto mentioned, are not
and were not intended to be other or dif-
/ferent from those expressed by him in his
communications to Congress — that the
eleven States lately in insurrection never
had ceased to be States of the Union, and
that they were then entitled to representa-
tion in Congress by local Representatives
and Senators as fully as the other States
of the Union, and that, consequently, the
Congress, as then constituted, was not, in
fact, a Congress of all the States, but a
Congress of only a part of the States.
This respondent always protesting against
the unauthorized exclusion therefrom of
the said eleven States, nevertheless gave
his assent to all laws passed by said Con-
gress, which did not, in his opinion and
judgment, violate the Constitution, exer-
cising his constitutional authority of re-
turning bills to said Congress with his ob-
jections when they appeared to him to be
unconstitutional or inexpedient.

And, further, this respondent has also
expressed the opinion, both in his com-
munications to Congress, and in his ad-
dresses to the people, that the policy
adopted by Congress in reference to the
States lately in insurrection did not tend
to peace, harmony, and union, but, on the
contrary, did tend to disunion and the
permanent disruption of the States, and
that, in following its said policy, laws had
been passed by Congress in violation of
the fundamental principles of the govern-
ment, and which tended to consolidation
and despotism ; and, such being his de-
liberate opinions, he would have felt him-
self unmindful of the high duties of his
office if he had failed to express them in
his communications to Congress or in his
addresses to the people when called upon
by them to express his opinions on mat-
ters of public and political consideration.

And this respondent, further answering
the tenth article, says that he has always
claimed and insisted, and now claims and
insists, that both in his personal and pri-
vate capacity of a citizen of the United
States, and in the political relations o£

the President of the United States, to the
j)eople of the United States, whose ser-
vant, under the duties and responsibilities
of the Constitution of the United States,
the President of the United States is and
should always remain, this respondent had
and has the full right, and in his office
of President of the United States is held
to the high duty, of forming, and on fit
occasions expressing, opinions of and con-
cerning the legislation of Congress, pro-
posed or completed, in respect of its
wisdom, expediency, justice, worthiness,
objects, purposes, and public and political
motives and tendencies; and within and
as a part of such right and duty to form,
and on tit occasions to express, opinions
of and concerning the public character
and conduct, views, purposes, objects, mo-
tives, and tendencies of all men engaged
in the public service, as well in Congress
as otherwise, and under no other rules or
limits upon this right of freedom of opin-
ion and of freedom of speech, or of re-
sponsibility and amenability for the act-
ual exercise of such freedom of opinion
and freedom of speech than attend upon
such rights and their exercise on the
part of all other citizens of the United
States and on the part of all their public
servants.

And this respondent, further answering
said tenth article, says that the several
occasions on which, as is alleged in the
several specifications of said article, this
respondent addressed his fellow-citizens
on subjects of public and political consid-
erations were not, nor was any one of
them, sought or planned by this respon-
dent ; but, on the contrary, each of said
occasions arose upon the exercise of a
lawful and accustomed right of the peo-
ple of the United States to call upon their
public servants, and express to them their
opinions, wishes, and feelings upon mat-
ters of public and political consideration,
and to invite from such, their public ser-
vants, an expression of their opinions,
views, and feelings on matters of public
and political consideration; and this re-
spondent claims and insists before this
honorable court, and before all the people
of the United States, that of or concern-
ing this his right of freedom of opinion,
and of freedom of speech, and this his ex-
ercise of such right on all matters of
■3

JOHNSON, ANDREW

public and political consideration, and in
respect of all public servants, or persons
whatsoever engaged in or connected there-
with, this respondent, as a citizen, or as
President of the United States, is not
subject to question, inquisition, impeach-
ment, or inculpation, in any form or man-
ner whatsoever.

And this respondent says that neither
the said tenth article, nor any specification
thereof, nor any allegation therein con-
tained, touches or relates to any official
act or doing of this respondent in the
office of President of the United States,
or in the discharge of any of its constitu-
tional or legal duties or responsibilities;
but said article and the specifications and
allegations thereof, wholly and in every
part thereof, question only the discretion
oi propriety of freedom of opinion or free-
dom of speech, as exercised by this re-
spondent as a citizen of the United States
in his personal right and capacity, and
without allegation or imputation against
this respondent of the violation of any
law of the United States, touching or re-
lating to freedom of speech or its exer-
cise by the citizens of the United States,
or by this respondent as one of the said
citizens or otherwise; and he denies that,
by reason of any matter in said article
or its specifications alleged, he has said
or done anything indecent or unbecoming
in the chief magistrate of the United
States, or that he has brought the high
office of the President of the United States
into contempt, ridicule, or disgrace, or
that he has committed or has been guilty
of a high misdemeanor in office.

ANS^VER TO ARTICLE XI.

And in answer to the eleventh article
this respondent denies that on the ISth
day of August, in the year 1866, at the
city of Washington, in the District of
Columbia, he did, by public speech or
otherwise, declare or affirm, in substance
or at all, that the Thirty-ninth Congress
of the United States was not a Congress
of the United States authorized by the
Constitution to exercise legislative power
under the same, or that he did then and
there declare or affirm that the said
Thirty-ninth Congress was a Congress
of only part of the States in any sense
or meaning other than that ten States

of the Union were denied representation
therein; or that he made any or either
of the declarations or affirmations in this
behalf, in the said article alleged, as de-
nying or intending to deny that the legis-
lation of said Thirty-ninth Congress was
valid or obligatory upon this respondent,
except so far as this respondent saw fit
to approve the same; and as to the alle-
gation in said article, that he did thereby
intend or mean to be understood that the
said Congress had not power to propose
amendments to the Constitution, this re-
spondent says that in said address he
said nothing in reference to the subject
of amendments of the Constitution, nor
was the question of the competency of
the said Congress to propose such amend-
ments, without the participation of said
excluded States, at the time of said ad-
dress, in any way mentioned or con-
sidered or referred to by this respon-
dent, nor in what he did say had he any
intent regarding the same, and he denies
the allegation so made to the contrary
thereof. But this respondent, in further
answer to, and in respect of the said alle-
gations of the said eleventh article here-
inbefore traversed and denied, claims and
insists upon his personal and official right
of freedom of opinion and freedom of
speech, and his duty in his political re-
lations as President of the United States,
to the people of the United States, in
the exercise of such freedom of opinion
and freedom of speech, in the same man-
ner, form, and eflfect as he has in his
behalf stated the same in his answer to
the said tenth article, and with the same
effect as if he here repeated the same;
and he further claims and insists, as in
said answer to said tenth article he has
claimed and insisted, that he is not sub-
ject to question, inquisition, impeachment,
or inculpation, in any form or manner,
of or concerning such rights of freedom
of opinion or freedom of speech, or his
said alleged exercise thereof.

And this respondent further denies that,
on the 21st day of February, in the year
1868. or at any other time, at the city
of Washington, in the District of Co-
lumbia, in pursuance of any such decla-
ration as is in that behalf in said eleventh
article alleged, or otherwise, he did un-
lawfully, and in disregard of the require-

174

JOHNSON

luent of the Constitution that he should
lake care that the laws should be faith-
fully executed, attempt to prevent the exe-
cution of an act entitled " An act regu-
lating the tenure of certain civil offices,"
passed March 2, 1867, by unlawfully de-
vising or contriving, or attempting to
devise or contrive, means by which he
should prevent Edwin M. Stanton from
forthwith resuming the functions of Sec-
retary for the Department of War ; or
by unlawfully devising or contriving, or
attempting to devise or contrive, means
to prevent the execution of an act en-
titled, " An act making appropriations
for the support of the army for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 18G8, and for other
purposes," approved March 2, 1867, or to
prevent the execution of an act entitled,
" An act to provide for the more efficient
government of the rebel States," passed
March 2, 1867.

And this respondent, further answer-
ing the said eleventh article, says that he
has, in answer to the first article, set
forth in detail the acts, steps, and pro-
ceedings done and taken by this respon-
dent to and towards or in the matter of
the suspension or removal of the said Ed-
win M. Stanton in or from the office of
Secretary for the Department of War,
with the times, modes, circumstances, in-
tents, views, purposes, and opinions of
official obligation and duty under and with
which such acts, steps, and proceedings
were done and taken ; and he makes an-
swer to this eleventh article, of the mat-
ters in his answer to the first article,
pertaining to the suspension or removal
of said Edwin M. Stanton, to the same
intent and effect as if they were here re-
peated and set forth.

And this respondent further answering
the said eleventh article denies that by
means or reason of anything in said
article alleged this respondent, as Presi-
dent of the United States, did on the
21st day of February, 1868, or at any
other day or time, commit or that he
was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

And this respondent, further answering
the said eleventh article, says that the
same and the matters therein contained
do not charge or allege the commission
of any act whatever by this respondent,
in his office of President of the United

States, nor the omission by this respon-
dent of any act of official obligation or
duty in his oflice of President of the
United States; nor does the said article
nor the matters therein contained name,
designate, describe, or define any act or
mode or form of attempt, device, con-
trivance, or means, or of attempt at
device, contrivance, or means, whereby
this respondent can know or understand
what act or mode or form of attempt, de-
vice, contrivance, or means, or of at-
tempt at device, contrivance, or means,
are imputed to or charged against this
respondent in his office of President of
the United States, or intended so to be,
or whereby this respondent can more fully
or definitely make answer unto the said
article than he hereby does.

And this respondent, in submitting to
this honorable court this his answer to
the articles of impeachment exhibited
against him, respectfully reserves leave
to amend and add to the same from time
to time, as may become necessary or
proper, and when and as such necessity
and propriety shall appear.

Andrew Johnson.

Henry Stanbery,

B. R. Curtis,

Thomas A. R. Nelson,

William M. Evarts,

W. S. Groesbeck,
Of Counsel.

Johnson, Bradley Tyler, lawyer;
born in Frederick, Md., Sept. 29, 1829;
graduated at Princeton in 1849; studied
law at the Harvard Law School in 1850-
51, and began practice in Frederick. In
1851 he was State attorney of Frederick
county. In 1860 he was a delegate
to the National Democratic Conventions
in Charleston and Baltimore; voted for
the States' Rights platform; and, with
most of the Maryland delegates, with-
drew from the convention, and gave his
support to the Breckinridge and Lane
ticket. During the Civil War he served
in the Confederate army, rising from the
rank of captain to that of brigadier-gen-
eral. After the war he practised law in
Richmond, Va., till 1879, and then in
Baltimore till 1890. He wa? a member
of the State Senate in 187.5-7t) His pub-
lications include Chase's Decxr-.ions ; The
Foundation of Maryland; Life of General
75

JOHNSON

Washington ; Memoirs of Joseph E. John- published in 1G54 under the title of Won-
ston; Confederate History of Mary- der-working Providence of Zion's Saviour

land; etc. in Neio England. He died in Woburn,

Jolmson, BusHKOD Rust, military ofS- Mass., April 23, 1672.

cer; born in Belmont county, 0., Sept. Johnson, Fort, a former protective

6, 1817; graduated at West Point in work on the Cape Fear River, near Wil-

1840; he served in the Florida and Mexi- mington, N. C. On June 14, 1775, the

can wars ; and was Professor of Mathe- royal governor, Joseph Martin, took refuge

matics in military academies in Kentucky in the fort, as the indignant people had

and Tennessee. He joined the Confed- begun to rise in rebellion against royal

erate army in 1861; was made a briga- rule. From that stronghold he sent forth

dier-general early in 1862 ; was captured a menacing proclamation, and soon after-

at Fort Donelson, but soon afterwards wards preparations for a servile insur-

escaped; was wounded in the battle of rection were discovered. The nlmor went

Shiloh; and was made major-general in abroad that Martin had incited the slaves.

1864. He was in command of a division The exasperated people determined to drive

in Lee's army at the time of the sur- him from the fort and demolish it. A

render at Appomattox Court-house, and body of 500 men, led by John Ashe and

after the war was chancellor of the Uni- Cornelius Harnett, marched to the fort,

versity of Xashville. He died in Brigh- Martin had fled on board a British vessel

ton. 111., Sept. 11, 1880. of war in the river. The munitions of

Johnson, Cave, jurist; born in Robert- war had all been removed on board of a

son county, Tenn., Jan. 11, 1793; elected transport, and the garrison also had fled,

circuit judge in 1820; served in Congress, The people burned the barracks and demol-

1829-37; and appointed Postmaster-Gen- ished the walls.

eral in 1845. He died in Clarksville, Tenn., Johnson, Franklin, educator; born

Nov. 23, 1866. in Frankfort, 0., Nov. 2, 1836; grad-

Johnson, Clifton, author; born in uated at Colgate Theological Seminary

Hadley, Mass., Jan. 25, 1865; received a in 1861. He held pastorates in Michigan

common-school education. He is the au- and New Jersey in 1862-73, and in Cam-

thor of The Neio England Country; What bridge, Mass., in 1874-88. In 1890 he

They Say in Neto England; Studies of Nciv became president of the Ottawa Univer-

England Life and Nature, etc. sity, Kansas, and remained there two

Johnson, Eastman, artist; born in years, when he was called to the chair

Lovell, Me., July 29, 1824; was educated of History and Homiletics in the Uni-

in the public schools of Augusta, Me.; versity of Chicago.

studied in the Royal Academy of Diissel- Johnson, Guy, military officer; born in
dorf for two years, and was elected an Ireland in 1740; married a daughter of
academician of the National Academy of Sir William Johnson {q. v.), and in
Design in 1860. He has painted many 1774 succeeded him as Indian agent. He
notable pictures, including The Kentucky served- against the French from 1757 to
Home; Husking Bee; The Stage Coach; 1760. At the outbreak of the Revolution
Pension Agent; Prisoner of State, etc. he fled to Canada, and thence went with
His portraits include Tico Men, ex-Presi- the British troops who took possession of
dents Arthur, Cleveland, and Harrison, New York City in September, 1776; he re-
Commodore Vanderbilt, W. H. Vander- mained there some time, and became man-
bilt, Daniel ^^'ebster, John Quincy Adams, ager of a theatre. He joined Brant, and
John D. Rockefeller, Mrs. Dolly Madison, participated in some of the bloody out-
Mrs. August Belmont, Mrs. Hamilton rages in the Mohawk Valley. In 1779 he
Fish, and many others. fought with the Indians against Sullivan.

Johnson, Edward, author; born in He died in London, March 5, 1788.

Heme Hill, England, in 1599; emigrated Johnson, Hale, lawyer; born in

to the United States in 1630; elected Montgomery county, Ind., Aug. 21, 1847;

speaker of the Massachusetts House of admitted to the bar of Illinois in 1875;

Representatives in 1655. He is the author has been actively identified with the

of a history of New England which was Prohibition party for twenty years, and

176

JOHNSON

has been its candidate for governor of the
State of Illinois and for Vice-President in
1896.

Johnson, Helen Kendrick, author;
born in Hamilton, N. Y., Jan. 4, 1843;
daughter of Asahel C. Kendrick, the
Greek scholar and author; was educated
at the Oread Institute, Worcester, Mass.
She has edited Our J'amiliar 8oiigs, and
Those Who Made Them; The American
Woman's Journal, etc. Her original woiks
are The Roddy Books: Raleigh Westgate;
and Woman and the Republic. She has
contributed many articles to periodicals,
and is specially known as an opponent of
woman suffrage.

Johnson, Henry Phelps, historian;
born in 1842; became Professor of History
in the College of the City of New York.
He is the author of Loyalist History of the
Revolution; The Campaign of 1776 Around
New York; The Yorktown Campaign;
Yale and the Honor Roll in the American
Revohition, etc.

Johnson, Herschel Vespasian, legis-
lator; born in Burke county, Ga., Sept.
18, 1812; graduated at the University of
Georgia in 1834; appointed for an unex-
pired term to the United States Senate in
1848; elected judge of the Superior Court
of Georgia in 1849; governor in 1853 and
185.5. In the Civil War he was a member
of the Confederate Senate; was elected
to the United States Senate during the
reconstruction period, but was not al-
lowed to take his seat, and was appointed
judge of the circuit court in 1873. In
1860 Mr. Johnson was the candidate for
the Vice - Presidency on the ticket with
Stephen A. Douglas. He died in Jefferson
county, Ga., Aug. 16, 1880.

Johnson, John, educator; born in
Bristol, Me., Aug. 23, 1806; graduated at
Bowdoin College in 1832; Professor of
Natural Sciences at Wesleyan University
in 1837-73, when he was made professor
emeritus. He was the author of A His-
tory of the Towns of Bristol and Bremen
in the State of Maine, etc. He died in
^ Clifton, S. I., Dec. 2, 1879.
ft Johnson, John, Indian agent; born in

- Ballyshannon, Ireland, in March, 1775;
came to the United States in 1786 and
settled in Cumberland county, Pa. He par-
ticipated in the campaign against the
Indians in Ohio in 1792-93; was agent of
V. — M 1 7

Indian affairs for thirty-one years; served
in the War of 1812, becoming quarter-
master. In 1841-42 he was commissioner
to arrange with the Indians of Ohio for
their emigration from that district. He
was the author of an Account of the Ind-
ian Tribes of Ohio. He died in Wash-
ington, D. C, April 19, 1801.

Johnson, Sir John, military officer;
born in Mount Johnson, N. Y., Nov. 5,
1742; son of Sir William Johnson; was
a stanch loyalist, and in 1776 the Whigs
tried to get possession of his person. He
fled to Canada with about 700 followers,
where he was commissioned a colonel, and
raised a corps chiefly among the loyalists
of New York, known as the Royal Greens.
He was among the most active and bitter
foes of the patriots. While investing Fort
Stanwix in 1777, he defeated General
Herkimer at Oriskany, but was defeated
himself by General Van Rensselaer in
1780. After the war Sir John went to
England, but returned to Canada, where
he resided as superintendent of Indian
affairs until his death, in Montreal, Jan.
4, 1830. He married a daughter of John
Watts, a New York loyalist.

Johnson, John Butler, educator; born
in Marlboro, 0., June 11, 1850; grad-
uated at the University of Michigan in
1878, and became a civil engineer in the
United States Lake and Mississippi River
surveys. In 1883-98 he was Professor of
Civil Engineering in Washington Univer-
sity, St. Louis. Later he was made dean
of the College of Mechanics and Engineer-
ing in the University of Wisconsin. He
was director of a testing laboratory in St.
Louis, where all the United States timber
tests were made. He also had charge of
the index department of the journal pub-
lished by the Association of Engineering
Societies, and compiled two volumes of
Iy\dex Notes to Engineering Literature.
He is author of Theory and Practice of
Surveying ; Modern Framed Structures;
Engineering Contracts and Specifications;
itaterials of Construction, etc.

Johnson, Josiah Stoddard, author ;
born in New Orleans, Feb. 10, 1833; grad-
uated at Yale College in 1853 and at the
University Law School in 1854. He joined
the Confederate army in 1863, and served
till the close of the war. Later he en-
gaged in the practice of law and in jour-

JOHNSON-

RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON.

nalism. He is the author of Memorial
History of Louisville; First Explorations
of Kentucky; Confederate History of Ken-
tucky, etc.

Johnson, Sir Nathaniel, colonial gov-
ernor of South Carolina in 1703-9. Dur-
ing his administration he defeated the
French who had attacked the colony in
1706. He died in Charleston in 1713.

Johnson, Oliver, journalist; born in
Peacham, Vt., Dec. 27, 1809; was man-
aging editor of The Independent in 1865-
70; and later was editor of the Christian
Union. He was the author of William
Lloyd Garrison and His Times, or Sketches
of the Anti-Slavery Movement in Amer-
ica. He died in Brooklyn, N. Y., Dec. 10,
1889.

Johnson, Reverdy, statesman ; born in
Annapolis, Md., May 21, 1796; was ad-
mitted to the bar in 1815. After serving
two terms in his State Senate, he was
United States Senator from 1845 to 1849,
when he became United States Attorney-
General under President Taylor. Mr.
Johnson was a delegate to the Peace Con-
vention; United States Senator from 1863 dent Grant in 1869; supported Horace
to 1868; and minister to Great Britain in Greeley in the Presidential campaign of
1868-69, negotiating a treaty for the set- 1872. He died in Annapolis, Md., Feb. 10,
tlement of the Alabama Claims {q. v.) 1876.

Johnson, Richard Mentor, Vice-Presi-
dent of the United States ; born in
Bryant's Station, Ky., Oct. 17, 1781;
graduated at Transylvania University;
- . became a lawyer and State legislator, and

raised a regiment of cavalry in 1812.
^ With them he served under Harrison, and

was in the battle of the Thames in 1813,
where he was dangerously wounded. From
1807 to 1819 and 1829 to 1837 he was a
member of Congress. He was United
States Senator from 1819 to 1829, and
Vice-President of the United States from
1837 to 1841. He died in Frankfort, Ky.,
Nov. 19, 1850.

Johnson, Richard W., military officer;
born in Livingston county, Ky., Feb. 7,
1827; graduated at West Point in 1849.
He was a captain of cavalry in the
Civil War until August, 1861, when he
was made lieutenant-colonel of a Ken-
tucky cavalry regiment. In October he
was commissioned a brigadier-general of
volunteers, and served under Buell. In
question, which was rejected by the United the summer of 1862 he commanded a divi-
States Senate. He was recalled by Presi- sion of the Army of the Tennessee, and

178

RKVERDY JOnNSOX.

JOHITSON

afterwards had the same command in the
Army of the Cumberland. In the battles
at Stone River and near Chickamauga,
and in the Atlanta campaign, he was a
most useful officer. He was severely
wounded at New Hope Church, and com-
manded a division of cavalry in the battle
of Nashville, in December, 1864. He was
brevetted major-general, U. S. V. and U. S.
A., for gallant services during the war ;
was retired in 1867; and was Professor
of Military Science in the Missouri State
University in 1868-G9, and in the Univer-
sity of Minnesota in 1869-71. He died in
St. Paul, Minn., April 21, 1897.

Johnson, Robert, colonial governor;
born in England in 1682; was appointed
governor of South Carolina in 1717; and
royal governor in 1731. He died in
Charleston, S. C, May 3, 1755.

Johnson, Robert Underwood, editor;
born in Washington, D. C, Jan. 12,
1853; graduated at Earlham College, Indi-
ana, in 1871. He became connected with
the editorial staff of the Century in 1873 ;
edited the Century War Series (with
Clarence Clough Buel), and subsequently
extended the work by 4 volumes, covering
the battles and leaders of the Civil War.
It was he who induced General Grant to
write his Memoirs, the first part of which
was published in the Century War Se7-ies.
He originated the movement which re-
sulted in the establishment of the Yosem-
ite National Park ; and was secretary of
the American Copyright League. His
works include The Winter Hour; Songs
of Liberty, etc.

Johnson, Rossiter, author and editor;
born in Rochester, N. Y., Jan. 27, 1840;
graduated at the University of Roch-
ester in 1863. In 1864-68 he was an as-
sociate editor of the Rochester Democrat ;
in 1869-72 was editor of the Concord
(N. H.) Statesman : and in 1873-77 was
an associate editor of the American Cyclo-
poedia. In 1870-80 he assisted Sydney
Howard Gay in preparing the last two
volumes of the Bryant and Gay History
of the United States. Since 1883 he has
been the sole editor of Appleton^s Annual
Cyclopadia. He edited The .Authorized
History of the World's Cohimhian E.rposi-
tion (4 vols.. 1898) ; and The World's
Great Boohs (1898-1901). He is also an
associate editor of the Standard Diction-

ary. His original books are A History
of the War Bettoeen the United States
and Great Britain, lS]:i-15; A History
of the French War, Ending in the Con-
quest of Canada; A History of the War
of Secession (1888; enlarged and illus-
trated, under the title Camp-fire and Bat-
tle-field, 1894); The Hero of Manila, etc.
He has been president of the Quill Club,
the Society of the Genesee, the New
York Association of Phi Beta Kappa, and
of the People's University Extension So-
ciety. He received the degree of Ph.D.
in 1888, and that of LL.D. in 1893.

Johnson, Samuel, jurist; born in Dun-
dee, Scotland, Dec. 15, 1733; was taken to
North Carolina by his father when he was
three years of age, and was in civil office
there under the crown until he espoused
the cause of the patriots. In 1773 he
was one of the North Carolina committee
of correspondence and an active mem-
ber of the Provincial Congress. He was
chairman of the provincial council in
1775, and during 1781-82 was in the Con-
tinental Congress. In 1788 he was govern-
or of the State, and presided over the
convention that adopted the national Con-
stitution. From 1789 to 1793 he was
United States Senator, and from 1800
to 1803 was judge of the Supreme Court.
He died near Edenton, N. C, Aug. 18,
1816.

Johnson, Thomas, jurist; born in St.
Leonards, Calvert co., Md., Nov. 4, 1732;
was an eminent lawyer, and was chosen a
delegate to the second Continental Con-
gress in 1775. He had the honor of nomi-,
nating George Washington for the post of
commander-in-chief of the Continental
armies. He was chosen governor of the
new State of Maryland in 1777, and was
associate-justice of the Supreme Court of
the United States from 1791 to 1793,
when he resigned. He was offered the post
of chief-justice of the District of Colum-
bia in 1801, but declined it. He died at
Rose Hill, near Frederickton, Oct. 26. 1819.

Johnson, Thomas Cary, clergyman ;
born in Fishbok Hill. Va.. July 19,' 1859;
graduated at Hampden-Sidney College in
1881 and at Union Theological Seminary,
Va.. in 1887; was ordained in the Pres-
byterian Church : became Professor of
Ecclesiastical History and Polity at Union
Theological Seminary, Va., in 1892. He

179

JOHNSON

is the author of A History of the Southern
Presbyterian Church; A Brief Sketch of the
United Synod of the Presbyterian Church
in the United States of America, etc.

Johnson, William, jurist; born in
Charleston, S. C, Dec. 27, 1771; grad-
uated at Princeton in 1790; admitted to
the bar in 1793; elected to the State legis-
lature in 1794; appointed an associate
justice of the United States Supreme
Court in 1804; served until his death,
in Brooklyn, N. Y., Aug. 11, 1834. He
is the author of the Life and Corre-
spondence of Maj.-Oen. Nathanael Greene.

Johnson, William, lawyer; born in
Middletown, Conn., about 1770; graduated
at Yale College in 1788; reporter of the
Supreme Court of New York in 1806-23,
and of the New York Court of Chancery
in 1814-23. He was the author of Neio
York Supreme Court Reports, 1799-1803;
Xew York Chancery Reports 18H-22; and
Digest of Cases in the Supreme Court of
Neiii York. He died in New York City in
July, 1848.

Johnson, Sir William, military offi-
cer; born in Smithtown, County Meath,
Ireland, in 1715; was educated for a mer-
chant, but an unfortunate love affair
changed the tenor of his life. He came to

SIR WII.LrAM JOHNSON.

America in 1738 to take charge of landed
property of his uncle, Admiral Sir Peter
Warren, in the region of the Mohawk
Valley, and seated himself the e, about 24
miles west of Schenectady, ( igaging in

the Indian trade. Dealing honestly with
the Indians and learning their language,
he became a great favorite with them.
He conformed to their manners, and, in
time, took Mary, a sister of Brant, the
famous Mohawk chief, to his home as his
wife. When the French and Indian War
broke out Johnson was made sole super-
intendent of Indian affairs, and his great
influence kept the Six Nations steadily
from any favoring of the French. He
kept the frontier from injury until the
treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748).

In 1750 he was a member of the pro-
vincial council. He withdrew from his
post of superintendent of Indian affairs
in 1753, and was a member of the con-
vention at Albany in 1754. He also at-
tended grand councils of the Indians, and
was adopted into the Mohawk tribe and
made a sachem. At the council of gov-
ernors, convened by Eraddock at Alex-
andria in 1755, Johnson was appointed
sole superintendent of the Six Nations,
created a major-general, and afterwards
led an expedition intended for the capture
of Crown Point. The following year he
was knighted, and the King gave him the
appointment of superintendent of Indian
affairs in the North; he was also made a
colonial agent. He continued in the
militaiy service during the remainder of
the war, and was rewarded by his King
with the gift of 100,000 acres of land
north of the Mohawk River, which was
known as " Kingsland," or the " Eoyal
Grant." Sir William first introduced
sheep and blooded horses into the Mohawk
Valley. He married a German girl, by
whom he had a son and two daughters ;
also eight children by Mary (or Mollie)
Brant, who lived with him until his death.
Sir William lived in baronial style and
exercised great hospitality. He died in
Johnstown, N. Y., July 11, 1774.

Johnson, William Samuel, jurist;
born in Stratford, Conn., Oct. 7, 1727;
graduated at Yale College in 1744;
became a la^vyer ; and was distinguished
for his eloquence. He was a delegate to
the Stamp Act Coxgress (7. v.), and for
five years (from 1766 to 1771) was agent
for Connecticut in England. He cor-
responded with the eminent Dr. Johnson
several years. He was a judge of the
Supreme Court of Connecticut and a com-

180

JOHNSON-CLARENDON CONVENTION— JOHNSTON

missioner for adjusting the con-
troversy between the proprie-
tors of Pennsylvania and the
Susquehanna Company. Judge
Johnson was in Congress (1784
to 1787), and was also a mem-
ber of the convention that
framed the national Constitu-
tion, in which he was the first
to propose the organization of
the Senate as a distinct branch
of the national legislature. He
was United States Senator from
1789 to 1791, and, with his col-
league, Oliver Ellsworth, drew
up the bill for establishing the
judiciary system of the United
States. He was president of
Columbia College from 1787 to
1800. He died in Stratford,
Nov. 14, 1819.

Johnson - Clarendon Con-
vention, the treaty negotiated
by Reverdy Johnson, while
minister to England, dated Jan.
14, 1869. This treaty proposed
a mixed commission for the
consideration of all claims,
including the Alabama claims.
The treaty, which was the foun-
dation of the subsequent successful one,
was rejected by the United States Senate,
as the provision made in it for national
losses was not satisfactory. See JoiiNsox,
Ee\^rdy.

Johnston, Albert Sidney, military
officer; born in Washington, Mason co.,
Ky., Feb. 3, 1803; graduated at West
Point in 1826; served in the Black Hawk
War, and resigned in 1834. He entered
the Texan army as a private in 1836 and
v.^as soon made a brigadier-general, and
in 1838 became commander-in-chief of the
army and Secretary of War. He retired
to private life in Texas. He served in
the war with Mexico, and became pay-
master in the United States army in 1849.
In 1860-01 he commanded the Pacific De-
partment, and. sympathizing with the
Confederates, was superseded by General
Sumner and entered the Confederate ser-
vice, in command of the Division of the
West. At his death, in the battle of
Shiloh. April 6, 1862, General Beauregard
succeeded him.

Johnston, Alexander, historian ; born

WILLIAM SAMDBL JOHNSON.

in Brooklyn, N. Y., April 2, 1849;
graduated at Rutgers College, studied law.
and became a few years later Professor
of Jurisprudence and Political Economy
in Princeton University. His contribu-
tions to American history were valuable.
They include a Ilisionj of American Poli-
iics, histories of Connecticut and the
United States, the political articles in
T.alor's Ci/clopcedin of PolUical Science,
and the political sketch under the article
'■' United States " in the Encyclopaedia
Britannica. He died in Princeton, N. J.,
July 20, 1889.

Johnston, Joseph Eggleston, mili-
tary officer; born in Longwood. Va.. Feb.
3, 1809; graduated at West Point in
1829, and entered the artillery. He
served in the wars with the Florida Ind-
ians, and with Mexico, in which he was
twice wounded. He became lieutenant-
colonel of cavalry in IS.").), and quarter-
master-general, with the rank of briga-
dier-creneral, in June. 1800. He joined
the Confederates in the spring of 1861,
and Avas commissioned a major-general in
81

JOHNSTON, JOSEPH EGGLESTON

the Army of Virginia. He was in com- severe struggle. The Confederates ral-
mand at the battle of Bull Run, and lied, and, returning with an overwhelm-
fought gallantly on the Virginia penin- ing force, retook the hill. Palmer, find-
sula, until wounded at the battle of Fair ing his adversaries gathering in force
Oaks, or Seven Pines (1862), when he larger than his own, and learning that
was succeeded by Lee. He afterwards the object of his expedition had been ac-
opposed Grant and Sherman in the Mis- complished, in the calling back of Hardee
sissippi Valley. He was in command dur- by Johnston, fell back and took post
ing the Atlanta campaign in 1864 until (March 10) at Ringgold. In this short
July, when he was superseded by General campaign the Nationals lost 350 killed
Hood. and wounded; the Confederates about

When Johnston heard of Sherman's raid, 200.
and perceived that Polk could not resist With the surrender of Lee, the Civil
him, he sent two divisions of Hardee's War was virtually ended. Although he
corps, under Generals Stewart and Ander- was general-in-chief, his capitulation in-
son, to assist Polk. Grant, in command eiuded only the Army of Northern Vir-
at Chattanooga (February, 1864), sent ginia. That of Johnston, in North Caro-
General Palmer with a force to counter- Una, and smaller bodies, were yet in the
act this movement. Palmer moved with field. When Sherman, who confronted
his corps directly upon Dalton (Feb. 22), Johnston, heard of the victory at Five

Forks and the evacuation
of Petersburg and Rich-
mond, he moved on John-
ston (April 10, 18 65), with
his whole army. The lat-
ter was at Smithfield, on
the Neuse River, with ful-
ly 30,000 men. Jefferson
Davis and the Confeder-
ate cabinet were then at
Danville, on the southern
border of Virginia, and had
just proposed to Johnston
a plan whereby they might
secure their own personal
safety and the treasures
they had brought with
them from Richmond. It
was to disperse his army,
excepting two or three bat-
teries of artillery, the cav-
alry, and as many infan-
try as he could mount,
with which he should form
a giiard for the " govern-
ment," and strike for the
Mississippi and beyond,
with Mexico as their final
objective. Johnston spurn-
where Johnston was encamped. The Con- ed the proposition, and, deprecating the bad
federates were constantly pushed back and example of Lee in continuing what he
there was almost continual heavy skirmish- knew to be a hopeless war, had the moral
ing. In the centre of Rocky Face Valley, courage to do his duty according to the
on a rocky eminence, the Confederates dictates of his conscience and his nice
made a stand, but were soon driven from sense of honor. He refused to fight
the crest by General Turchin, after a any more, or to basely desert his

182

JOSEPH EGGLESTON JOHNSTON.

JOHNSTON

army far away from their home, as forty-eight hours. This notification was
the " government " proposed, and stated accompanied by a demand for the sur-
frankly to the people of North and render of Johnston's army, on the terms
South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, in- granted to Lee. The capitulation was
eluded within his military department, agreed upon at the house of James Ben-
that " war could not be longer contin- nett, near Durham's Station, April 26.
ucd by them, except as robbers," and About 25,000 troops were surrendered,
that he should take measures to stop The capitulation included all the troops
it and save the army and people from in Johnston's military department. Gen-
further evil, and " avoid the crime of eral Taylor surrendered at Citronelle,
waging a hopeless war." Sherman was Ala., to General Canby, on the same
pushing Johnston with great vigor, when terms, and the Confederate navy on the
the former received a note from the lat- 1'ombigbee River was surrendered by
ter (April 14, 1865), asking if a tern- Commander Farrand to Rear - Admiral
porary suspension of
active hostilities might be
arranged to allow the
" civil authorities to enter
into the needful arrange-
ments to terminate the
existing war." Sherman
promptly replied that he
would do so, and was will-
ing to hold a conference.
He said that, as a basis
of action, he would under-
take to abide by the terms
made by Grant and Lee at
Appomattox Court-house.
Sherman and Johnston
met at Durham's Station,
half-way between Raleigh
and Hillsboro, at ten
o'clock, April 17. John-
ston said he regarded the
Confederate cause as lost,

and admitted that Grant's terms were Thatcher. After the war he mgaged in
magnanimous; but he insisted upon con- the fire insurance business; was a Demo-
ditions involving political guarantees, cratic member of Congress in 1876-78;
which Sherman had no authority to grant, and United States commissioner of rail-
At a second conference the next day, roads in 188.5-89. He died in Washington,
Sherman consented to a memorandum of D. C, March 21, 1891.

agreement as a basis for the considera- Johnston, Richard Malcolm, author;
tion of the government, which, if carried born in Powelton, Ga., March 8, 1822;
out, would have instantly restored to all graduated at Mercer University, Geor-
persons engaged in the rebellion every gia, in 1841, and a year later was
right and privilege, social and political, admitted to the bar. In 1857-61 he
which they had enjoyed before the war, was Professor of Literature in the Uni-
without any liability of punishment. It versify of Georgia. He was an officer in
was adroitly draAvn up by Breckinridge, the Confederate army throughout the
and was signed by the respective com- Civil War. In 1867 he moved to Balti-
manding generals. The national govern- more, and engaged in authorship. His
ment instantly rejected it. and General works include Qeorpia Sketches; Dukes-
Grant was sent to Raleigh to declare that horoufjh Tales; Historical Sketch of
rejection, which he did April 24, and English Literature (with W. H.
proclaimed that the truce would end in Bro^vne) ; Old Mark Langston; Ttco Grai)

183

PLACE OF JOHNSTON'S SURRENDER TO SHERMAN.

JOHNSTON

Tourists; Mr. Absalom Billingslea, and
Other Georgia Folk; Ogeechee Gross Fir-
i7i,gs; Widoio Guthrie; The Primes and
Their Neighbors; Studies: Literary and
Social; Old Times in Middle Georgia;
Pearse Amerson's Will, etc. He died in
Baltimore, Md., Sept. 23, 1898.

Johnston, William, revolutionist ; born
in Canada, in 1780; was an American spy
on the Canada frontier during the War
of 1812-15. He was living at Clayton,
N. Y., on the bank of the St. Lawrence,
when the " patriot " war in Canada broke
out in 1837. Being a bold and adventur-
ous man, and cordially hating the British,
Johnston was easily persuaded by the
American sympathizers in the movement
to join in the strife. The leaders regarded
him as a valuable assistant, for he was
thoroughly acquainted with the whole re-
gion of the Thousand Islands, in the St.
Lawrence, from Kingston to Ogdensburg.
He was employed to capture the steam-
boat Robert Peel, that carried passengers
and the mail between Prescott and To-
ronto, and also to seize the Great Britain,
another steamer, for the use of the " pa-
triots." With a desperate band, Johnston
rushed on board of the Peel at Wells's

WILLIAM JOHNSTON.

Island, not far below Clayton, on the
night of May 29, 1838. They were armed
with muskets and bayonets and painted
like Indians, and appeared with a shout,

"Remember the Carolina!" — a vessel
which some persons from Canada had cut
loose at Schlosser (on Niagara River), set
on fire, and sent blazing over Niagara

JOHNSTON'S COMMISSION.

I'alls. The passengers and baggage of the
Peel were put on shore and the vessel was
burned, because her captors could not
manage her. Governor Marcy, of New
York, declared Johnston an outlaw, and
offered a reward of $500 for his person.
The governor of Canada (Earl of Dur-
ham) offered $5,000 for the conviction of
any person concerned in the " infamous
outrage." Johnston, in a proclamation
issued from " Fort Watson," declared him-
self the leader of the band ; that his com-
panions were nearly all Englishmen ; and
that his headquarters were on an island
within the jurisdiction of the United
States. Fort Watson was a myth. It
was wherever Johnston was seated among
the Thousand Islands, where for a long
time he was concealed, going from one
island to another to avoid arrest. His
daughter, a handsome maiden of eighteen
years, who was an expert rower, went to
his retreat at night with food. At length
he was arrested, tried at Syracuse on a
charge of violating the neutrality laws,
and acquitted. Again arrested and put in
jail, he managed to escape, when a reward
of $200 was offered for him. He gave him-
self up at Albany, was tried, convicted,
and sentenced to one year's imprisonment
in the jail there and to pay a fine of $250.
His faithful daughter, who had acquired
the title of " The Heroine of the Thousand
84

JOHNSTON— JOHN THE PAINTER

Islands," hastened to Albany and shared
the prison with her father. He procured
a key that would unlock his prison-door.
His daughter departed and waited for him
at Rome. He left the jail, walked 40
miles the first night, and soon joined her.
They went home, and Johnston was not
molested afterwards. The " patriots "
urged him to engage in the struggle again.
He had had enough of it. They sent him
the commission of a commodore, dated at
" Windsor, U. C, Sept. 5, 1839," and
signed " H. S. Hand, Commander-in-Chief
of the Northwestern Army, on Patriot
Service in Upper Canada." On that com-
mission was the device seen in the engrav-
ing— the American eagle carrying off the
British lion. The maple-leaf is an emblem
of Canada. He refused to serve, and re-
mained quietly at home. President Pierce
appointed him light-house keeper on Rock
Island, in the St. Lawrence, in sight of
the place where the Peel was burned.

Johnston, William Preston, educator ;
born in Louisville, Ky., Jan. 5, 1831 ; son
of Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston. He grad-
uated at Yale University in 18.52, and
at the Louisville Law School in the fol-
lowing year, and began practice in Louis-
ville. When the Civil War broke out, he
ei'tered the Confederate army as major of
the 1st Kentucky Regiment. In 1862 he
was appointed by President Davis his
aide-de-camp with the rank of colonel.
When Lee surrendered Colonel Johnston
remained Avith the President, and was
captured with him. After his release he
lived a year in Canada and then resumed
law practice in Louisville. In 1867, when
General Lee was made president of Wash-
ington and Lee University, Colonel John-
ston was appointed Professor of English
History and Literature there, where he
remained till 1877. During 1880-83 he
was president of the Louisiana State Uni-
versity and the Agricultural and ISIechani-
oal College at Baton Rouge. In 1883, when
Tiilane University, in New Orleans, was
founded, he was elected its president, and
served as such till his death, in Lexing-
ton. Va.. July 16. 1899. His publications
include Life of Albert Sidney Johnston:
The Prototype of Hamlet; The Johnstons
of Salisbury : also the poems. My Garden
Walk; Pictures of the Patriarchs; and
Seekers After God.

Johnstone, George, diplomatist; bom
in Dumfries, Scotland; entered the British
navy; became post-captain 1762, and gov-
ernor of West Florida in 1763; and was
one of the commissioners sent to the Unit-
ed States to treat with Congress in 1778.
He had been an advocate of the Americans
in the House of Commons, and brought
letters of introduction to Robert Morris,
Joseph Reed, and other leading patriots.
Finding the commissioners could do noth-
ing, officially, with Congress, Johnstone
attempted to gain by bribery what could
not be acquired by diplomacy. To Morris
and others he wrote letters, urging the ex-
pediency of making arrangements with the
government, and suggesting, in some of his
letters, that those persons who should be
instrumental in bringing it about would
not fail of high honors and rewards from
the government. An American lady in
Philadelphia, whose husband was in the
British service, and who was a relative of
Ferguson, the secretary of the commission,
was induced by Johnstone to approach
Joseph Reed with a proposition. Mrs. Fer-
guson was a daughter of Dr. Graeme, of
Pennsylvania, a bright woman, in whose
prudence and patriotism the Whigs had
such confidence that the interchange of
visits among them and the Tories never
led to a suspicion that she would betray
the cause of her country. Johnstone made
her believe he was a warm friend of the
Americans, and he entreated her to go to
General Reed and say to him that if he
could, conscientiously, exert his influence
in bringing about a reconciliation, he
might command $50,000 and the highest
post in the government. " That," said
Mrs. Ferguso/i, " General Reed would con-
sider the offi?r of a bribe." Johnstone dis-
claimed any such intention, and Mrs. Fer-
guson carried the message to Reed as soon
as the British left Philadelphia. Reed in-
dignantly replied, " I am not worth pur-
chasing, but, such as I am, the King of Eng-
land is not rich enough to do it." These
facts being made known to Congress, reso-
lutions were passed, Aug. 11, 1778, accus-
ing the commissioner of an attempt at
bribery and corruption, and declining to
hold any further communication with him.
He died Jan. 8, 1787.

Johnstown Flood. See Inundations.

John the Painter. While Silas

185

JOHN THE PAINTEBr-JOIN-T HIGH COMMISSION

Deane (q. v.), commissioner of the Conti-
nental Congress, was in Paris (1777), a
stranger, advanced in years, called upon
him one day, and requested a strictly pri-
vate interview. It was granted, when the
stranger told Deane that he was a native
of Scotland, but was an American citizen,
and had lived at Amboy, N. J., where he
had a comfortable house. The British
troops stationed there, suspecting him of
being a Whig, had greatly abused him,
and finally burned his house to ashes.
He told Deane he had resolved on revenge;
that he had determined to kill King
George, and had come to Europe for the
purpose. He had been to England, had
laid his plans, and was ready to execute
them. He thought it right to acquaint
Deane, the United States minister, with
his scheme. He said he passed by the
name of " John the Painter." Mr. Deane
Disposed the assassination of the King as
cowardly and unjust. He was innocent
of wrong in the matter. If he must have
revenge, he should take it in a manly,
generous way; he should go into the
American army, and meet his enemy as a
soldier, and not as a vulgar assassin;
and if he could so meet King George, at
the head of his army, he could kill him
with propriety. It would be lawful to
so kill his generals. The man was finally
persuaded by Deane to abandon his regi-
cidal plan, and left. He soon returned,
thanked Deane for persuading him not to
lay violent hands on " the Lord's
Anointed," and said he was determined to
seek revenge by burning the naval stores
at Portsmouth, England. Deane said that
would tend to weaken the enemy in carry-
ing on the war, and was legitimate busi-
ness. He was astonished at the wisdom
of the man's plans. He warned him, how-
ever, that if he should be caught his life
would pay the penalty of his crime. " I
am an old man," was the reply, " and it
matters little whether I die now or five
years hence." He borrowed a guinea from
Deane, and crossed the channel.

At Portsmouth he took lodgings at the
house of a very poor woman on the out-
skirts of the town. While he was ab-
sent, she had the curiosity to examine a
bimdle which he had brought with him.
It contained some clothing and a tin box,
with some sort of a machine inside. John

wanted a top to it, and had one made by
a tinman. The same evening the naval
storehouses were fired by this " infernal
machine," and $500,000 worth of property
was destroyed. Strict search was made
for the incendiary in the morning at every
house in the town. The old woman told
them of John the Painter and his mys-
terious tin box. The tinman reported
making a top for it. John was fixed upon
as the incendiary. Not doubting he had
been sent by the enemy for the purpose,
and that relays of horses had been fur-
nished for his escape, horsemen were sent
out on every road, with orders to pur-
sue any person they should find riding
very fast. John, meanwhile, was trudg-
ing on foot towards London. Men came
up to him and asked him if he had seen
any person riding post-haste. " Why do
you inquire?" asked John. He was prop-
erly answered, when John told the pur-
suers they were mistaken, for he — " John
the Painter "—was the incendiary, and
gave them his reasons for the act. They
took him back to Portsmouth, where he
was recognized by the old woman and the
tinman. He candidly told them that he
should certainly have killed the King had
not Mr. Deane dissuaded him, and that
he was revenged, and was ready to die.
He was tried, condemned, and hung. A
false and unfair accovmt of his trial was
published, and no mention was made of
Mr. Deane's having saved the life of the
King. The Gentleman's Magazine for
1777 contains the English account of the
afi'air, Avith a portrait. The above is
compiled from manuscript notes made
from the lips of Deane by Elias Boudi-
not.

Joint High Commission. The gov-
ernment of the United States, in behalf
of its citizens, claimed from Great Britain
damages inflicted on the American ship-
ping interests by the depredations of
the Alabama (q. v.) and other Anglo-
Confederate cruisers. To effect a peace-
ful solution of the difficulty, Eea^rdt
Johnson {q. v.), of Maryland, was sent
to England, in 1868, to negotiate a treaty
for that purpose. His mission was not
satisfactory. The treaty which he nego-
tiated was almost imiversally condemned
by his countrymen, and was rejected by
the Senate. His successor, John Lo-

186

JOINT HIGH COMMISSION— JOLIET

THROP Motley {q. v.), appointed minister federate cruisers; (6) claims of British
at the British Court, was charged with subjects against the United States for
the same mission, but failed in that par- losses and injuries arising out of acts
ticular, and was recalled in 1870. The committed during the Civil War. A
matter was finally settled by arbitration, treaty was agreed to, and was signed
Much correspondence succeeded the efforts May 8, 1871, which provided for the
to settle by treaty. Finally, in January, settlement, by arbitration, by a mixed
1S71. the British minister at Washing- commission-, of all claims on both sides
ton, Sir Edward Thornton, in a letter to for injuries by either government to the
Secretary Fish, proposed, under instvue- citizens of the other, during the Civil
tions from his government, a Joint High War, and for the permanent settlement of
Commission, to be appointed by the two all questions in dispute between the two
governments, respectively, to settle dis- nations (see Washington, Treaty of).
putes of every kind between the United Arbitrators were appointed, who, at
States and Great Britain, and so estab- Geneva, Switzerland, formed w^hat was
lish a permanent friendship between the known as the Tribunal of Arbitration,
two nations. Mr. Fish proposed that the and reached a decision in which both par-
commission should embrace in its in- ties acquiesced. See Arbitration, Tri-
quiries the matter of the " Alabama binal of.

Claims," so that nothing should remain Joliet, Louis, discoverer ; born in Que-
to disturb amicable relations. The sug- bee, Canada, Sept. 21, 1645; was edu-
gcstion was approved, and each govern- cated at the Jesuit college in his native
ment appointed commissioners. The city, and afterwards engaged in the fur-
President appointed, for the United trade in the Western wilderness. In 1673
States, Hamilton Fish, Secretary of Intendant Talon, at Quebec, with the
State; Samuel Nelson, associate-justice sanction of Governor Frontenac, selected
of the United States Supreme Court; Joliet to find and ascertain the direc-
Robert C. Schenck, minister to England ; tion of the course of the Mississippi and
Ebenezer Rockwood Hoar, late United its mouth. Starting from Mackinaw, in
States Attorney-General; and George H. IMay, 1673, with Father Marquette and
Williams, United States Senator from five other Frenchmen, they reached the
Oregon. Queen Victoria appointed Mississippi June 17. They studied the
George Frederick Samuel, Earl de Gray country on their route, made maps, and
and Earl of Ripon ; Sir Stratford Henry gained much information. After inter-
Northcote; Sir Edward Thornton, her course with Indians on the lower Missis-
minister at Washington; Sir Alexander sippi, near the mouth of the Arkansas,
McDonald, of the pri^y council of Can- who had trafficked -with Europeans, they
ada, and attorney - general of that prov- were satisfied that the Mississippi
ince ; and Montague Bernard, Profess- emptied into the Gulf of Mexico, and
or of International Law in Oxford Uni- made their way back to Green Bay, where
versity. The commissioners first met in Joliet started alone for Quebec to report
\V'ashington, Feb. 27, 1871. Lord Tenter- to his superiors. His canoe was upset
den, secretary of the British commission, in Lachine Rapids, above Montreal, and
and J. C. Bancroft Davis, assistant Secre- his journals and charts were lost, but
tary of State of the United States, were he wrote out his narrative from memory,
chosen clerks of the Joint High Commis- which agreed, in essentials, with that of
sion. The commissioners of the United Marquette, Joliet afterwards went on an
States were instructed to consider: (1) expedition to Hudson Bay, in the service
the fisheries; (2) the navigation of the of his King, and was rewarded by his
St, Lawrence River; (3) reciprocal trade sovereign with the appointment of hydrog-
between the LTnited States and the Do- rapher to his Majesty, and was favored
minion of Canada; (4) the Northwest with the seigniory of the island of Anti-
water boundary and the island of San costi in 1680, La Salle's pretensions de-
Juan; (5) the claims of the United nicd him the privilege of making explo-
States against Great Britain for com- rations in the West. He dJ°'' in Canada
pensation for injuries committed by Con- in May, 1700.

187

JONATHAN— JONES

Jonathan, Brother, the name popular-
ly applied to the United States, as John
Bull is to Great Britain; originated
in Washington's humorous allusion to
Jonathan Trumbull (q. v.) , governor of
Connecticut, the only colonial governor
who favored independence.

Joncaire, or Jonquiere, Jacques
Pierre de Taffanel, Marquis de la,
naval officer; born in La Jonquiere,
France, in 1686; entered the navy in
1G98, and in 1703 was adjutant in the
French army. He was a brave and skil-
ful officer, and was in many battles. He
became captain in the navy in 1736, and
accompanied D'Anville in his expedition
against Louisburg in 1745. In 1747 he
was appointed governor of Canada, but,
being captured by the British, he did not
arrive until 1749. He died in Quebec,
May 17, 1752.

Jones, Charles Colcock, clergyman;
born in Liberty county, Ga., Dec. 20, 1804 ;
received his theological training at An-
dover and Princeton Theological Semi-
naries; was ordained in the Presbyterian
Church, and became active in the work
of educating the negro race. His publi-
cations include Religious Instruction for
Negroes in the Southern States; Sugges-
tions on the Instruction of Negroes in
the South; and a History of the Church
of God. He died in Liberty county, Ga.,
March 16, 1863.

Jones, Charles Colcock, lawyer; born
in Savannah, Ga., Oct. 28, 1831 ; grad-
uated at Princeton in 1852; admitted to
the bar of Georgia in 1856; during the
Civil War he served as colonel of artillery.
Among his historical works are Monumen-
tal Remains of Georgia; Historical Sketch
of the Chatham Artillery; Life of Gen.
Henry Lee; Commodore Josiah Tatnall;
Jean Pierre Purry; Richard Henry Wilde;
Siege of Savannah in 1119 ; De Soto and
His March through Georgia, etc.

Jones, Horatio Gates, lawyer; born
in Philadelphia, Pa., Jan. 9, 1822; gradu-
ated at the University of Pennsylvania in
1841 ; was admitted to the bar in 1847 ;
became connected with many historical
societies. His publications include History
of Roxborough and Manayunk; Report of
the Committee of the Historical Society
of Pennsylvania on the Bradford Bicen-
tenary; Andrew Bradford, Founder of the

]

Newspaper Press in the Middle States of
America, etc.

Jones, Jacob, naval officer; born near
Smyrna, Del., in March, 1768; gradu-
ated at the University of Pennsylvania,

JACOB JONES.

and entered the navy as a midshipman in
1799. He was an officer of the Phila-
delphia when she was captured at Trip-
oli. In 1810 he was made commander,
and when the War of 1812-15 broke out
he was in charge of the sloop-of-war
Wasp, in which he gained a victory. He
commanded the Macedonian, in Decatur's
squadron, as post-captain. After the war
he commanded the Mediterranean squad-
ron; was a commissioner of the navy
board ; and governor of the naval asylum
at Philadelphia. Congress voted him
thanks and a gold medal and several
States presented him with swords. He
died in Philadelphia. Aug. 3, 1850.

Jones, James Athearn, author; born
in Tisbury, Mass., June 4, 1790; received
a common - school education, and engaged
in journalism in Philadelphia in 1826;
later was editor in Baltimore, Md., and
in Buffalo, N. Y. His publications in-
clude Traditions of the North American
Indians, or Tales of an Indian Camp;
Letter to an English Gentleman on Eng-
88

JONES

GOLD ITEDAL AWARDKD BY CONGKESS TO JACOB JONES.

lish Libels of America; and Haverhill, commander the first salute ever given to
or Memoirs of an Officer in the Army of the Ameiican flag by a foreign man-of-war.
Wolfe. He died in Brooklyn, N. Y., in In April he scaled the walls of White-
August, 1853. haven, in England, on the borders of the

Jones, John Mather, journalist; born Irish Sea, and spiked thirty-eight can-
in Bangor, North Wales, June 9, 1826; non.

came to the United States in 1849; was In 1779, while cruising up and down
the founder of the Welsh town of New the east coast of Scotland, between the
Cambria, ]\ro., and also of Avonia, in Kan- Solway and the Clyde, he tried to capture
sas. In 1805-74 he was the owner and the Earl of Selkirk, in order to secure a
publisher of The Mirror, the first Welsh notable prisoner for exchange. He had
newspaper established in the United been an early friend of Jones's father.
States. He was the author of a History His seat was at the mouth of the Dee.
of the Rebellion (in Welsh). He died
in Utica. N. Y., Dec. 21, 1874.

Jones, John Paul, naval officer; born
in Kirkbean, Scotland, July 6, 1747. Be-
fore he was eighteen years old he com-
manded a vessel that traded with the
West Indies. Jones came to Virginia in
1773, inheriting the estate of his brother,
who died there. Offering his services
to Congress, he was made first lieutenant
in the navj'^ in December, 1775, when,
out of gratitude to General Jones, of
North Carolina, he assumed his name.
Before that he was John Paul. He was
a bold and skilful sea - rover, gathering
up many prizes. Made captain in the
fall of 1776, he raised the first flag ever
displayed on a Unite<l States ship-of-war
the Alfred. He destroyed the Port Royal
(N. S. ) fisheries, capturing all the vessels

and freight. In the summer of 1777 he Jones anchored his vessel, the Ran-
sailed in the Ranger to Europe, and in f/er, in the Solway at noon, and with
February, 1778, received from a French a few men, in a single boat, he went to a.

189

'H*\%v

JOHK PACI, JON-ES,

JONES, JOHN PAUL

wooded promontory on which the earl's
tine estate lay, where he learned that his
lordship was not at home. Disappointed,
he ordered his men back to the boat, when
his lieutenant, a large and fiery man, pro-
posed to go to the mansion and plunder
it of the family plate. Jones would not
listen to the proposition, for the memory
of old associations made his heart tender
towards Lady Selkirk, who had been very
kind to him. Again he ordered his men
back, but they and the lieutenant, eager
for prize-money, in defiance of his ex-
postulations, went to the hovise and de-
manded the plate. The frightened Lady
Selkirk surrendered it with her own
hands. When the prizes of the Ranger

tember, while Jones's squadron lay a few
leagues north of the mouth of the Hum-
ber, he discovered the Baltic fleet of forty
merchantmen (convoyed by the Serapis,
a 44 - gun ship, and the Countess of
Scarborough, of twenty - two guns ) ,
stretching out from Flamborough Head.
Jones signalled for a chase, and all but
the Alliance, Captain Landais, obeyed.
While the opposing war-ships were ma-
noeuvring for advantage, night fell upon
the scene. At seven o'clock in the even-
ing of Sept. 23, 1779, one of the niost des-
perate of recorded sea-fights began. The
Bon Homme Richard and Serapis, Captain
Pearson, came so close to each other that
their spars and rigging became entangled,

GOLU MEDAL PRESENTED TO JOHN PAUL JONES.

were sold Jones bought this plate, and
sent it back to Lady Selkirk with a letter
in which he expressed his regret because
of the annoyance she had suffered.

During the spring and summer of 1779,
American cruisers were very active, both
in American and European waters. At
the middle of August Jones was sent out
from the French port of L'Orient, with
five vessels, to the coast of Scotland. His
flag-ship was the Bon Homme Richard. As
he was about to strike some armed Brit-
ish vessels in the harbor of Leitli a storm
arose, which drove him into the North
Sea. When it ceased, he cruised along
the Scottish coast, capturing many prizes
and producing great alarm. Late in Sep-

and Jones attempted to board his antago-
nist. A short contest with pike, pistol,
and cutlass ensued, and Jones was re-
pulsed. The vessels separated, and were
soon placed broadside to broadside, so
close that the muzzles of their gims
touched each other. Both vessels were
dreadfully shattered ; • and, at one time,
the Serapis was on fire in a dozen places.
Just as the moon rose, at half-past nine
o'clock, the Richard, too, caught fire. A
terrific hand - to - hand fight now ensued.
Jones's ship, terribly damaged, could not
fioat much longer. The flames were
creeping up the rigging of the Serapis,
and by their light Jones saw that his
double-headed shot had cut the mainmast

190

JONES, JOHN PAUL

THE HAND-TO-HAND FIGHT ON THE DECK OF THE SKRAPIS.

of the Serapis almost in two. He hurled to Jones he said, in a surly tone, " It is
another, and the tall mast fell. Pearson painful to deliver up my sword to a man
saw his great peril, hauled down his flac, who has fought with a rope around his
and surrendered. As he handed hie sword neck!'' (Jones had been declared a

191

JONES

pirate by the British government.) The
battle ceased, after raging three hours.
The vessels were disengaged, and the Rich-
ard soon went to the bottom of the North
Sea. For this victory Congress gave
Jones the thanks of the nation, a gold
medal and a commission as commander of

JONES RAISING THE FIRST FLAG EVER DISPLAYED ON A
UNITED STATES SHIP-OF-WAR.

the America, which ship was soon pre-
sented to France. The King of France
made Jones a knight of the Order of
Merit, and presented him with a gold
sword. Jones entered the service of Rus-
sia as rear-admiral in 1787, and, in conse-
quence of a victory over the Turks, was

made vice - admiral and knighted. He
resigned from the Russian service,
and was appointed consul of the United
States at Algiers in 1792, but he died
before the commission reached him.
He died in Paris, July 18, 1792. His
body was brought back to the United
States by a squadron of war-ships in July,
1905, for interment at Annapolis.

Jones, John Percival, United States
Senator; born in Hay, Wales, in 1830;
came to the United States while a child;
removed to California in 1849; served
several terms in the State legislature.
Mr. Jones removed to Nevada in 1867,
and was elected to the United States
Senate for the term beginning March 4,
1873, and several times re-elected. Origi-
nally a Republican, he was one of the
founders of the " Silver " Republican
party, which acted with the Democratic
party in the campaigns of 1896 and 1900.

Jones, John Winston; born in
Chesterfield, Va., Nov. 22, 1791; grad-
?iated at William and Mary College in
1803; elected to Congress in 1835; served
until March, 1845; during his last term
he was speaker of the House. He died
Jan. 29, 1848.

Jones, Joseph, jurist; born in Vir-
ginia in 1727; elected a member of the
House of Burgesses; to the Continental
Congress in 1778; also to the convention
of 1778; in 1778 he was appointed judge
of the general court of Virginia ; resigned
in 1779, but accepted a reappointment
the same year. He died at his home in
Virginia, Oct. 28, 1805.

Jones, Leonard Augustus, author;
born in Templeton, Mass., Jan. 13, 1832;
graduated at Harvard College in 1855, and
at its Law School in 1858; began practice
in Boston. His publications include A
Treatise on the Law of Mortgages of
Real Property; A Treatise on the Law
of Railroads and Other Corporate Securi-
ties; Pledges, including Collateral Securi-
ties; An Index to Legal Periodical Liter-
ature, etc.

Jones, Marcus Eugene, scientist; born
in JeflFerson, 0., April 25, 1852; grad-
uated at Iowa College, in 1875; instructor
there in 1876-77; Professor of Natural
Science in Colorado College in 1879-80;
the same in Salt Lake City in 1880-81.
He was appointed a special expert in thf
92

JONES

United States Treasury Department in
1889, and was geologist for the Rio
Grande Valley Railroad in 1890-93. Sub-
sequently lie established himself as an
expert in botany, geology, and mining.
He is author of Excursion Botanique ; Salt
Lake City; Ferns of the West; Some
Phases of Mining in Utah; Botany of the
Great Plateau; and Geology of Utah.
Jones, Samuel Porter, clergyman;

born in Chambers county, Ala., Oct. 16,
1847; was admitted to the Georgia bar in
1SG9; but after beginning practice under
bright prospects his health failed; and in
1872 he was ordained to the ministry of
the Methodist Episcopal Church, South.
For eight years he served in various pas-
torates in the North Georgia Conference,
and for twelve years was agent of the
North Georgia Orphanage. Popularly

V. — N

JONES l.NVBSTKD WITB THK OKUER OF MILITAKY USRIT.
193

JONES— JORDAN

known as " Sam Jones," he has engaged Atlanta {q. v.) , on the night of Aug. 25,

extensively in evangelistic work and in
lecturing, in all parts of the United
States. His publications include Sermons
and Sayings by Sam Jones; Music Hall
Sermons; Quit Your Meanness; St. Louis
Series; Sam Jones's Oivn Book; and
Thunderbolts.

Jones, ThomAvS, lawyer; born in Fort
Neck, L. I., April 30, 1731; graduated
at Yale in 1750; admitted to the bar of
New York in 1755, and practised in New
York; was recorder of New York City
in 1769-73, when he was appointed judge
of the Supreme Court. He was arrested
a number of times as a loyalist, and was
exchanged for General Silliman in 1780;
went to England in 1781; was included
in the New York State act of attainder
in 1782. His estate on Long Island,
Tryon Hall, descended to his daughter,
who had married Richard Floyd, upon
condition that the name Jones be added
to that of Floyd. The estate is, still in the
Floyd-Jones family. Judge Jones wrote
a History of Neto York During the Revolu-
tionary War, a valuable contribution to
history, as it is the only one from the
view-point of a loyalist who participated
in the events of that time. He died in
England, July 25, 1792.

Jones, Thomas Ap Catesby, naval of-
ficer; born in Virginia, in 1789; entered
the navy in 1805. From 1808 to 1812 he
was engaged in the Gulf of Mexico in the
suppression of piracy, smuggling, and the
slave-trade. He fought the British flotilla
on Lake Borgne late in 1814, when he was
wounded and made captive. He command-
ed the Pacific squadron in 1842. He died
in Georgetown, D. C, May 30, 1858.

Jones, William; born in Philadelphia,
Pa., in 1760; served throughout the Revolu-
tionary War, at first in the army and later
in the navy; elected to Congress in 1801;
appointed Secretary of the Navy in 1813.
He died in Bethlehem, Pa., Sept. 5, 1831.

Jones, William Alfred; born in New
York City, June 26, 1817; graduated at
Columbia College in 1836; appointed li-
brarian of Columbia College in 1851. He
is the author of The Library of Columbia
College; The First Century of Columbia
College, etc.

Jonesboro, Battle at. Sherman began
his flanking when he raised the siege of

1864. General Slocum, with the 20th
Corps, proceeded to the protection of the
sick, wounded, and stores near the Chatta-
hoochee, and Howard and the rest of the
army moved for the West Point Railway.
General Stanley's corps was on the ex-
treme left, and the armies of Ho^tard,
Thomas, and Schofield pressed forward so
secretly that Hood was not informed of
the movement until the Nationals were de-
stroying that road. This was done, Aug.
28, for 12 miles, and the next day they
struck the Macon road. Schofield reached
the road at Rough-and-Ready Station, 10
miles from Atlanta. Thomas struck it at
Couch's ; and Howard, crossing the Flint
River half a mile from Jonesboro, ap-
proached it at that point. There he was
met by one-half of Hood's army, under
Hardee. With the remainder Hood was
holding the defences of Atlanta, but he
was too weak to attempt to strike Scho-
field. There was a severe fight at the
passage of the Flint River, on the morn-
ing of Aug. 31, between the forces of How-
ard and Hardee. Howard's army was dis-
posed with Blair's corps in the centre, and
rude breastworks were cast up. The con-
test was renewed very soon, when Hardee
attempted to crush Howard before he
could receive reinforcements. He failed.
The Nationals thus attacked were veterans.
For two hours there was a desperate strife
for victory, which was won by Howard.
Hardee recoiled, and in his hasty retreat
left 400 of his dead on the field and 300
of his badly wounded at Jonesboro. His
loss was estimated at 2,500 men. How-
ard's loss was abovit 500. Meanwhile
Sherman had sent relief to Howard. Kil-
patrick and Garrard were very active, and
General Davis's corps soon touched How-
ard's left. At four o'clock in the after-
noon Davis charged and carried the Con-
federate works covering Jonesboro on the
north, and captured General Govan and a
greater part of his brigade. In the morn-
ing Hardee had fled, pursued by the Na-
tionals to Lovejoy's.

Jordan, David Starr, educator; born
in Gainesville, N. Y., Jan. 19. 1851;
graduated at Cornell University in 1872;
and at the Indiana Medical College in
1875. He was Professor of Biology in But-
ler University, Indiana, in 1875-79; held

194

JORDAN— JUDAISM

the same chair in Indiana University in
1879-85; and was president there in 1885-
91. In the latter year he was elected presi-
dent of the Leland Stanford,. Jr., Uni-
versity. Since 1877 he has held several
appointments under the United States
government in connection with the fisheries
and the fur-seal industry. He is author of
A Manual of Vertebrate Animals of North-
ern United States; Science Sketches; Fish-
eries of North and Middle America; Fac-
tors of Organic Evolution; Matka and
Kotik; Care and Cidture of Men; The In-
numerahle Company; and many papers on
ichthyologj^

Jordan, John Woolf, antiquarian;
born in Philadelphia, Pa., Sept. 14, 1840;
graduated at Nazareth Hall in 1856; be-
came editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine
of History and Biography. He is the au-
thor of Friedensthal and Its Stockaded
Mill; A Moravian Chronicle, 111^9-61;
Bethlehem During the Revolution; The
Military Hospitals at Bethlehem and Li-
titz During the Revolution ; Occupation of
New York by the British, 1775-83, etc.

Jordan, Thomas, military officer ; born
in Luray, Va., Sept. 30, 1819; graduated
at West Point in 1840; took part in the
Seminole War, and in the war with
Mexico; he entered the Confederate army
in 1861 as lieutenant - colonel, but was
made adjutant - general ; served on the
staff of General Beauregard, and on that
of General Bragg. In 1869 he joined the
Cuban insurgents, but resigned the next
year and returned to the United States.

Josselyn, John, author; born in Eng-
land early in the seventeenth century;
travelled in America in 1638-39 and 1663-
71. He is the author of New England's
Rarities Discovered; An Account of Two
Voyages to New England, etc.

Jouett, James Edward, naval officer;
born in Lexington, Ky.. Feb. 27, 1828. He
Pilfered the navy as midshipman in 1841 ;
fought in the war with Mexico, and
graduated at the United States Naval
Academy in 1847. He went with the ex-
pedition to Paraguay and served in the
Berriby war. Later he was promoted
passed midshipman and in 1855 became
master and lieutenant. In 1861 he de-
stroyed the Confederate war vessel Royal
Yacht, in Galveston Harbor, while in
command of the frigate Santee. For this

19,

exploit he was given command of the
Montgomery. On July 16, 1862, he was
promoted to lieutenant-commander. In
1864 when the entrance to Mobile Bay was
forced he took a conspicuous part. In
1866 he was promoted commander; in
1874, captain; in 1883, commodore; in
1886, rear-admiral; and in 1890 was re-
tired. He had charge of the operations on
the Isthmus of Panama in 1885 and suc-
ceeded in obtaining a free transit across
the isthmus and in restoring peace between
the rebels and the government of Colom-
bia, for which he was thanked by the Pres-
ident of that country. Congress voted him
full pay for life.

Journal of Congress, the official name
of the authorized record of the proceed-
ings of the Congress of the United States;
has regularly been kept and published
from the first meeting of the Continental
Congress at Philadelphia, September, 1774.

Joutel, Henry, explorer ; born in Rouen,
France, in the seventeenth century; took
part in La Salle's expedition ; built Fort
St. Louis, and was made its commander;
escaped assassination at the time La Salle
was killed; and later returned to France
by way of the Great Lakes and the St.
Lawrence River. He wrote a History of
the La Salle Expedition, which was pub-
lished in Paris in 1713.

Juarez, Benito Pablo, statesman; born
in San Pablo Guelatao, Oaxaca, Mexico,
March 21, 1806; was descended from the
ancient Indian race. Well educated, he
gained distinction as a la\\'yer. He was a
legislator, and was governor of his na-
tive state from 1848 to 1852. Banished
by Santa Ana in 1853, he lived in New
Orleans until 1855, when he returned, and
became minister of justice. Experiencing
the vicissitudes of public life in that
country, he was elected President of
Mexico in June, 1861. Then came the
French usurpation and the short-lived
empire of Maximilian {q. v.). He de-
feated the imperial forces in 1867 and
caused the Emperor to be shot. In Oc-
tober Juarez was re-elected President, and
for five years Mexico was distracted by
revolutions. Peace was restored in 1872.
but Juarez, then President, worn down
with perplexities, died of apoplexy in the
city of ^Nlexico. July 18 of that year.

Judaism. See Jews.

JUDD— JUDICIARY OF THE UNITED STATES

Jndd, Albert Francis, jurist; born in
the Hawaiian Islands, Jan. 7, 1838; grad-
uated at Yale University in 1862; elect-
ed to the Hawaiian legislature in 1868;
appointed attorney - general of the Ha-
waiian Islands in 1873; a justice of the
Supreme Court of the islands in 1874;
chief-justice in 1881. He died in Hono-
lulu, May 20, 1900.

Judd, David Wright, journalist; born
in Lockport, N. Y., Sept. 1, 1838; gradu-
ated at Williams College in 1860; later
became proprietor and editor of Hearth
and Home. He served in the National
army during a part of the Civil War.

ate was busy in organizing a judiciary. A
bill drafted by Oliver Ellsworth, of Con-
necticut, Avhich embodied a plan of a judi-
ciary, was, after several amendments, adopt-
ed by both Houses and became a law.
It provided for a Supreme Court, having
one chief - justice and five associate jus-
tices, who were to hold two sessions annu-
ally at the seat of the national capital.
Circuit and district courts were also es-
tablished, which had jurisdiction over
certain specified cases. Each State was
made a district, as were also the Terri-
tories of Kentucky and Maine. The dis-
tricts, excepting Kentucky and Maine,
v/ere grouped together into three circuits.
An appeal from these lower courts to the
Supieme Court of the United States was
allowed, as to points of law,
in all civil cases where the

He published Txco years'
Campaigning in Virginia and
Maryland, and edited The
Life and Writings of Frank
Forester, and The Education-
al Cyclopcfdia. He died in
New York City, Feb. 6, 1888. supreme court in session, Washington.

Judd, Sylvester, author;
born in Westhampton, Mass., April 23,

1789; was a member of the State legislat- matter in dispute amounted to $2,000.
ure in 1817, and owner of the Hampshire A marshal for each was to be appointed
Gazette in 1822-34. He is the author of by the President, having the general pow-
Histortj of Hadley, and Thomas Judd and ers of a sheriff; and a district attorney.
His Descendants. He died in Northamp- to act for the United States in all cases
ton. Mass., April 18, 1800. in which the national government might

Judiciary, First National. Wliile be interested, was also appointed. John
the House of Representatives of the first Jay was made the first chief-justice of
Congress was employed (1789) in provid- the United States.

ing raeanp for a sufficient reveiiue, the Sen- Judiciary of the United States. Su-

196

JUDICIARY or THE UNITED STATES— JUDSON

preme Court. Under the confederation lished and organized by Congress, consists

thei'e was no national judicial department, of one chief-justice and four associate

The Supreme Court was organized in 1789, judges; salary, $6,000 per annum. Su-

with one chief-justice and five associate preme Court of the District of Columbia,

judges. There are now eight associate established and organized by Congress,

justices. It holds one term annually at consists of one chief-justice and four as-

the seat of government, commencing on sociate judges; salary of chief-justice,

the second Monday in October. The United .$0,.500; associate judges, $6,000. Terri-

Rtates are divided for judicial purposes lorial courts, established and organized

into nine circuits, and these circuits are by Congress. Arizona, one chief-justice

subdivided into two or more districts, and three associate judges; Indian Terri-

The 1st circuit consists of the States tory, one judge; New Mexico, one judge

of Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and four associate judges ; Oklahoma, one

and Rhode Island; 2d, Connecticut, New chief -justice and two associate judges;

York, and Vermont; 3d, Delaware, New salary, $4,000 per annum. When any

Jersey, and Pennsylvania; 4th, Maryland, judge o.f any court of the United States

North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, resigns his office, after having held his

and West Virginia ; 5th, Alabama, Flor- commission as such at least ten years,

ida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and and having i-eached seventy years of age

Texas ; 6th, Kentucky, Michigan, Ohio, during Ids service, he shall receive during

and Tennessee; 7th, Illinois, Indiana, and life the same salary as at the time of

Wisconsin; Sth, Arkansas, Colorado. Iowa, his resignation. This right is given to

Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebi'aska, no other class of civil officers under the

North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wyo- government of the United States. The

ming; 9th, California, Idaho, Nevada, Ore- Attorney-General appears in the Supreme

gon, Montana, and Washington. Each Court of the United States in behalf of

judge of the Supreme Court is allotted a the government. There is also a United

circuit, and is required to attend that States district attorney appointed for each

circuit at least one term every two years, district in which circuit and district courts

Salary of chief - justice, $1.3.000; each are held, to look after the interest of the

justice, $12,500 a year. Circuit courts, government in all cases that concern it.

established and organized by Congi-ess. Women were admitted to practise in the

Each of the circuits has allotted to it one Supreme Court of the United States by

of the judges of the Supreme Court, and act of Congress, approved Feb. 15, 1879.

has a local judge appointed, termed cir- In addition to the above, there are

cuit judge. There are twenty-seven circuit special courts created from time to time

judges, all excepting two circuits hav- for specific purposes, as the court on

ing three judges each ; salary, $7,000 a Spanish War claims.

year. Circuit court of appeals, establish- In 1900 Congress established a district

ed and organized by Congress, 1891, for court for Alaska, with judges residing

the relief of the Supreme Court. The jus- in Juneau, St. Michael's, and Eagle City,

tice of the Supreme Court presiding over and also provided a civil code for the

the circuit, the circuit judge, and a jiidge Territory. In cases where constitutional

appointed for this special court constitute questions are involved, appeals and writs

it; salary, $7,000 a year. District courts, of error from this court may be taken

established and organized by Congress. Of to the United States Supreme Court;

these districts there are eighty-five, each where other questions are involved they

presided over by a judge, termed district may be taken to the United States Cir-

judge; salary, $6,000 a year. Court of cuit Court of the 9th District,

claims, established and organized by Con- For a full list of the judges of the Su-

gress, 1855, to hear and determine claims preme Court, Circuit Courts, District

against the United States. It consists of Courts, Court of Claims, etc., see Federal

one chief-justice and four associate judges. Go^*ER^'AIENT.

The solicitor-general appears before this Judson, AnoxiRAjr, missionary; born

court; salary of judges, $6,000 per an- in ^Maiden, IMass.. Aug. 9. 1788; grad-

nura. Court of private land claims, estab- uated at Brown University in 1807,

197

JUDSON— JULIEN

and Andover Theological Seminary in
1810. He was ordained on Feb. 6, 1812,
and with his wife, Anne Hasseltine, sailed
for Calcutta on the 19th. In Rangoon,
Burma, he toiled nearly forty years,
gathering around him thousands of con-
verts and many assistants, Americans and
Burmese. He translated the Bible into
the Burmese language, and had nearly
completed a dictionary of that language
at the time of his death. His wife dying
in 1826, he married (April, 1834) the
widow of a missionary (Mrs. Sarah H.
Boardman), who died in September, 1845.
While on a visit to the United States in
1846, he married Miss Emily Chubbuck
("Fanny Forester," the poet), who ac-
companied him back to Burma. His first
wife, Anne Hasseltine, was the first Amer-
ican woman missionary in the East Indies.
He died at sea, April 12, 18.50.

Judson, Edward, clergyman; born in
Maulmain, Burma, Dec. 27, 1844; son of
Adoniram Judson. He was brought to
the United States in 1850; studied in
Hamilton and Madison (now Colgate)
universities; graduated at Brown Uni-
versity in 1865. In 1867-74 he was Pro-
fessor of Latin and Modern Languages in
Madison University; in 1874-75 travelled
in foreign countries; and, returning to the
United States, was ])astor of the North
Baptist Church in Orange, N. J., till 1881,
when he resigned to take up mission work
in New York. He became pastor of the
Berean Baptist Church, and afterwards
built the Judson Memorial on Washington
Square. In 1897 he was appointed in-
structor in pastoral theology at Colgate
Theological Seminary, and in 1903 was
called to the University of Chicago. He
has published a Life of Adoniram Judson.

Judson, Harry Pratt, educator; born
in Jamestown, N. Y., Dec. 20, 1849;
graduated at Williams College in 1870;
called to the chair of History at the Uni-
(rersity of Minnesota in 1885; and was
made head Professor of Political Science,
and dean of the faculties of Arts, Litera-
ture, and Science at the University of
Chicago in 1892. He is the author of
Eifitory of the Troy Citizens' Corps;
Casar's Army; Europe in the 'Nineteenth
Century; The Growth of the Amerienn
Nation; The Eic/her Education as a Train-
ing for Business; The Latin in English;

The Mississippi Valley (in the United
States of Ameriea, by Shaler) ; and The
Young American, etc.

Julian, George Washington, legis-
lator; born near Centreville, Ind., May
5, 1817. He was self-educated; and was
admitted to the bar in 1840. After prac-
tising for five years, he was elected to
the legislature, and in 1849-51 repre-
sented the Free-soil party in Congress,
and in 1852 was the candidate for the
Vice-Presidency on the Free-soil ticket.
He also received five votes for Vice-Presi-
dent in the electoral college of 1872. He
was a strong ojjponent of slavery, and
a stanch supporter of the homestead
policy. He was again a member of Con-
gress in 1861-71. During the last period
be was a member of the committees on
conduct of the war, on reconstruction,
and on the preparation of articles of im-
peachment against President Johnson.
In 1872 he joined the Liberal Republican
party. In 1885-89 he was surveyor-gen-
eral of New Mexico. His publications
include Speeches on Political Questions ;
Political Recollections ; Later Speeches;
and Life of Joshua, E. Giddings. He died
in Irvington, Ind., July 7, 1899.

Julian, Isaac Hoover; born in Centre-
ville, Ind., June 19, 1823; editor and pro-
prietor of The True Repuhlican at Rich-
mond, Ind., and subsequently of the Peo-
ple's Era at San Marco, Texas; he is the
avithor of the early history of the White
Water Valley.

Julien, Alexis Anastay, geologist;
born in New York, Feb. 13, 1840; grad-
uated at Union College in 1859, and
the following year went as chemist to
the guano island of Sombrero, where he
studied geology and natural history.
While there he also collected birds and
shells and made meteorological observa-
tions for the Smithsonian Institution. Re-
tixrning to New York in 1864, he soon
after became assistant in charge of the
quantitative laboratory in the newly
founded Columbia School of Mines. In
1885-97 he had charge of the department
of biology in the same institution, and irt
the latter year became instructor in geol-
ogy. In 1875-78 he was connected with
the North Carolina Geological Survey.
He is a fellow of the American Geologi-
cal Society, the Geological Society of

198

JULIO— JURIES

America, the American Society of Nat- California missions. He founded the fol-

uralists, and other organizations, and lowing missions: San Diego, Cal., July 16,

a past vice-president of the New York 1769; San Carlos, at Monterey, June 3,

Academy of Sciences. 1770; San Antonio, July 14, 1771; San

Julio, E. B. D. Fabrino, artist; born Gabriel, near Los Angeles, Sept. 8, 1771;

on the island of St. Helena in 1843; edu- San Luis Obispo, Sept. 1, 1772; San Fran-

cated in Paris; came to the United States cisco, June 27, 1776; San Juan Capis-

about 1861, and after living in the North trano, Nov. 1, 1776; Santa Clara, Jan.

a number of years settled in New Or- 18, 1777; San Buenaventura, March 31,

leans, where he engaged in portrait-paint- 1782. He died in Monterey, Cal., Aug.

ing. He is principally known through 28, 1784.

his painting. The Last Meeting of Lee Junius, Letters of. During the

and Jackson. He died in Georgia, Sept. quarrel between Great Britain and her

15, 1879. colonies (1765-75), a series of letters ad-
Jumel, Eliza Bowen, society leader; dressed to King George III., his ministers,

born at sea in 1769. She married Col. and other distinguished public men in

Peter Croix in 1786, and, after his death, England, were published in the Public

Stephen Jumel, a wealthy merchant in Advertiser, and were generally signed

New York City, in 1801. Upon Jumel's " Junius " or " Philo-Junius." In the first

death she married Aaron Burr in 1830, authorized collection of these letters there

whom she sued for a divorce, which was were forty-four by " Junius " and fifteen

not granted. She died in New York, July by " Philo-Junius." They treated of

16, 1865. public men and public measures of
Juneau, Laurent Solomon, pioneer; that day in a style that produced a pro-
born near Montreal. Canada, Aug. 9, 1793; found impression and interest in the
was the first white settler in Milwaukee, public mind, and excited the hottest in-
where he traded in furs. He was the dignation of those who felt the lash. The
first postmaster and mayor of Milwaukee, style was condensed but lucid; full of
He died in Shawano, Wis., Nov. 14, 1856. studied epigrammatic sarcasm, brilliant
His remains were removed to Milwaukee, metaphor, and fierce personal attack.
Wis., in 1887, and a statue of heroic size The government and those interested in
erected in honor of his memory. the matter tried in vain to ascertain the

Jungman, Jonx George, clergyman; name of the author. It was evident
born in Hockheimer, Germany, April 19, that he was a man of wealth and refine-
1720; became a lay evangelist to the Ind- ment, and possessing access to minute in-
ians in 1742; ordained a deacon in the formation respecting ministerial measures
Moravian Church in 1770. Jungman was and intrigues. The most eminent legal
one of the earliest pioneers in the terri- advisers of the crown tried in vain to
lory of the Ohio. In 1781 Jungman was get a clew to the secret of his identity;
taken prisoner by the Hurons and con- and the mystery which has ever since
fined in the fort at Detroit. At the close enveloped the name of the author of the
of the war of the Revolution Jungman letters of " Junius "' has kept up an in-
continued his missions among the Ind- terest in them, which, because of the re-
ians in ]\Iichigan, but, broken in health, nioteness of their topics, could not other-
he was obliged to give up his labors in wise have been kept alive. Some after-
1785. He died in Bethlehem, Pa., July wards claimed their authorship, but with-

17, 1808. out a particle of proof in favor of the
Junipero, Miguel Jose Serra, mission- claim. The names of more than fifty per-

ary; born in the ishmd of Majorca, Nov. sons have been mentioned as the sus-
24, 1713; entered the order of St. Francis pected authors. An array of facts, cir-
in 1729; was sent to Mexico in 1750, where cumstances. and fair inferences has satis-
he was assigned to labor among the Ind- fied the most careful inquirers that Sir
ians of Sierra Gorda. When the Jesuits Philip Francis was "Junius." The let-
were expelled from Lower California in ters were chiefly written between 1769
1707, the Franciscans, under Junipero, and 1772.

were appointed to take charge of all the Juries. Trial by jury was introduced

199

JUBIES— JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT

into England during the Saxon heptarchy, cases by jury, but not of civil cases. This

six Welsh and six Anglo-Saxon freemen caused dissatisfaction, people claiming

being appointed to try causes between that the omission was intended to abolish

Englishmen and Welshmen of property, trial by jury in civil cases, hence the

and made responsible with their whole Seventh Amendment was adopted at an

estates, real and personal, for false ver- early day, securing the rights of trial by

diets. By most authorities the institu- jury in suits at common-law where the

tion is ascribed to Alfred about 886. In value in controversy exceeds $20. Grand

Magna Charta, juries are insisted on as juries (of not less than twelve or more

a bulwark of the people's liberty. An act than twenty-three persons) decide whether

for trial by jury in civil cases in Scot- sufficient evidence is adduced to put the

land was passed in 1815. The constitu- accused on trial. In the United States,

tion of 1791 established trial by jury in owing to many striking instances of the

France. An imperial decree abolished miscarriage of justice, there has been in

trial by jury throughout the Austrian recent years an influential sentiment in

Empire Jan. 15, 1852. Trial by jury be- favor of having verdicts of juries rendered

gan in Russia Aug. 8, 1866; in Spain, on the majority vote of the jurors.

188J). In Scotland, Guernsey, Jersey, and Justice, Department of. See Cabinet,

France juries decide by a majority; in President's.

France, since 1831, a majority of two- Justices of the Supreme Court. A

thirds is required. Under the original complete list of all the justices will be

Constitution of the United States pro- found in the article on the Supreme

vision is made for the trial of criminal Court.

200

Kalb, JouANN, Baron de, military offi-
cer; born in Hiittendorf, Bavaria, June 29,
1721 ; entered the French military service
in 1743, and in 1747 rose to the rank of
brigadier-general under Marshal Broglie,
and obtained the order of military merit
in 1761. The next year he visited the
English-American colonies as a secret
agent of the French government, to ascer-
tain their political temper. He was a
brigadier-general in the French army when
{November, 1776) he was engaged by
Franklin and Deane to serve in the Con-
tinental army. He accompanied Lafayette
to America in 1777, and was appointed
major-general, Sept. 15, 1777, by the Con-
tinental Congress. He served under the
immediate command of Washington until
after the evacuation of Philadelphia, June,
1778; then in New Jersey and Maryland
until April, 1780, when he was sent to as-
sist Lincoln, besieged in Charleston. He
arrived too late. De Kalb became chief
commander in the South after the fall of

bAROK OE RAI.B

Cliarleston, but was soon succeeded oy
General Gates, when he became that offi-
cer's second in command. In the disas-

trous battle at Sander's Creek, near Cam-
den, S. C, he was mortally wounded, and
died three days afterwards, Aug. 19, 1780.

DE KALB S MONrSIKNT.

His body was pierced with eleven wounds.
It was buried at Camden. A marble mon-
ument was erected to his memory in front
of the Presbyterian Church " at Camden,
the corner-stone of which was laid by
Lafayette in 1825.

Kanakas. See Hawaii.

Kanawha, the name which was pro-
posed for the State consisting of the
western portion of Virginia, which had
refused to ratify the State ordinance of
secession. See West Virginia.

Kanawha, Battle of the Great. See
DuNiioRE, John ]Murray.

Kane, Elisiia Kent, explorer; born in
I'hiladelphia. Feb. 20, 1820; was educated
at the universities of Virginia and Penn-
sylvania, taking his medical degree in
1843. Ill-health led to his entering the
navy, and he sailed as physician to the
embassy to China in 1843. He travelled
extensively in Asia and Europe, traversed
Greece on foot, explored western Africa
to some extent, was in the war with Mex-

201

KANSAS

EUSHA KENT KANE.

ico, and in May, 1850, sailed as surgeon
and naturalist under Lieut. Edwin J. De
Haven, in search of Sir John Franklin.
Sir John, an English navigator, had
sailed on a voyage of discovery and ex-
ploration with two vessels, in May, 1845.
Years passed by, and no tidings of him or
his companions came.
Expeditions were sent
from England in
search of him. Pub-
lic interest in the fate
of Sir John was ex-
cited in Europe and
the United States, and
in May, 1850, Henry
Grinnell, a merchant
of New York, fitted
out two ships, the Ad-
vance and Rescue, and
placed them in charge
of Lieutenant De Ha-
ven, to assist in the
effort. These vessels
returned, after re-
markable adventures
in the polar seas, in
the autumn of 1851,
without success. In
connection with the

United States government, Mr. Grinnell
fitted out another expedition for the same
purpose in 1853. Two vessels, under the
command of Dr. Kane, sailed from New
York in May. Kane and his party made
valuable discoveries, among others, of an
" open polar sea," long suspected and
sought for by scientific men and navi-
gators. But they failed to find Sir John
Franklin. The companies of these two
vessels suft'ered much, and were finally
compelled to abandon the ships and make
their way in open boats to a Danish set-
tlement in Greenland. Their long absence
created fears for their safety, and a relief
expedition was sent in search of them.
They returned home in the vessels of the
latter in the autumn of 1855. Gold med-
als were awarded Dr. Kane by Congress,
the legislature of New York, and the Royal
Geographical Society of London; but his
own life and those of most of his compan-
ions were sacrificed. His health failed, and
he went first to London and then to Ha-
vana, Cuba, where he died, Feb. 16, 1857.

THE ADVANCE IN THE ICE.

KANSAS, STATE OF

Kansas, State of, was part of the Lou- repealed the Missouri Compromise act.
isiana purchase in 1803. The Territories This produced great agitation through-
of Kansas and Nebraska were established out the country, and great commotion
in 1854 by act of Congress, which really among the settlers in Kansas. On Jan.

202

KANSAS, STATE OF

29, 1861, Kansas was admitted into
the Union as a State. During the war
Kansas furnished to the National army
more than 20,000 soldiers. It is very rap-
idly increasing in population and wealth.
Its population in 1890 was 1,427,090; in SL^^^uX.n.;
1900, 1,470,495. Much of the Stale is a George T. Amijony
fine grazing country, well supplied with
rivers and watered by numerous creeks.

STATK GOVERNORS.

Charles Robinson.
Thomas Carney. ..
S. J. Crawford...

John f. St. John.
George W. t;l;ok.

John A. llartin

Lyman U. Humphreys.

L. D. Jewelling

E. N. Morrill

.Inbii \V. I.eeilv

William E. Stanley

Willis .T BaiU'v

Edward W. Ho'ch

1861
1862
1H64
1HG8
1H73
1876
1879
1883
1885
1887
1893
1895
1897
1899
1903
1905

to 18G2

" 1804

" 18C,8

" 1872

" 1875

" 1878

" 1883

" 1885

" 1887

" 1893

" 1895

" 1897

" 1899

" 1903

" 1905

" 1909

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Name.

STATE SEAL OF KANSAS.

On its eastern border the navigable Mis-
souri River presents a waterfront of al-
most 150 miles. It has a coal - bear-
ing region which occupies the whole of
the eastern part of the State, and em-
braces about 17,000 square miles. The
climate of Kansas is beautiful and healthy,
and probably no other Western State
of the Union has so many bright, sun-
ny days. The raising of cattle is a
prominent industry. Kansas is a very
attractive State for enterprising set-
tlers, and promises to be one of the
finest portions of the Union. In 1903
the aggregate assessed valuation cl tax-
able property was $388,724,480, the
State tax rate was 6.40 per $1,000; and
the bonded debt (July 1) was $632,000,
all held in State funds. See United
States, Kansas, vol. ix.

TERRITORIAL GOVERNORS.

James H. Lane

Samuel C. Toineroy

Kdmuud G. lioss

Ale.\ander Caldwell

Kol)ert Crozicr

James M. Harvey

John J. Ingalls

I'reston B. Plumb

William A. I'efler

Bishop \V. Perkins

John Martin

Liicien Baker

William A. Harris

Jospph Ralph Burton

Chester I. l.ong

No. o." Congress.

37th to
37th "
39th "
42d
4:M
43d to
43d "
45th "
52d "
52d
53d
54th to
5oth
57th
5fith

39th
4;id
41st

44th
51st
52d
55th

56th
57th

58th

Alfred W. Benson 59th

1861
1861
1866
1871
1873
1874
1873
1877
1891
1892

1893
1895 to
1897 •>
1901 "
1903 "
1905 "

1806
1873
1871
1873
1874
1877
1891
1891
1897
1893

1901
1903
1905

The Kansas-Xebrasla Act. — The com-
promise of 1850 (see Omnibus Bill) did
not stop the agitation of the slavery ques-
tion. The following resolution was intro-
duced in Congress in 1852: "That the
series of acts passed during the first ses-
sion of the Thirty-first Congress, known as
compromises, are regarded as a final ad-
justment and a permanent settlement of
the questions therein embraced, and should
be maintained and executed as such." In
January, 1854, Senator Stephen A. Doug-
las, of Illinois, presented a bill in the
Senate for the erection of two vast Terri-
tories in mid-continent, to be called, re-
spectively, Kansas and Nebraska.

The following are some of the principal
provisions of this act:

Niune.

Andrew H. Reoder, Pa. .

Wilson Shannon, O

.lohn W. Gpnrv. Pa

Robert T Walker, Miss.

J W. Denver

Samuel Medary

George M. Bebee .

Term.

The executive power is vested in a gov-
ernor appointed by the President and
Senate.

A secretary of the Territory, appointed
for five years.

The legislative power to be vested in the

1854 to 1855
18.55 " 18.56
1856 " 18.57

18.57 " 1858
1858

18.58 to 1861 governor and a legislative Assembly, con-
^^''^ sisting of a council and a House of Rep-

203

KANSAS, STATE OF

resentatives; the council to consist of
thirteen members, and the House of
twenty-six. The latter may be increased,
but may not exceed thirty-nine.

The first election of members of the

one years of age and upward, actual resi-
dents of the Territory and citizens of the
United States, or having declared on oath
their intention to become citizens, were
entitled to vote at the first election; the

i,'M ij

OIK .j 1 fll^'ili fg a

» > 'Up

THE CAPITOL, TOPEKA.

legislature was to be held at such time
and place, and was to be conducted in
such manner, as the governor should pre-
scribe, lie was also to appoint the in-
spectors of election, and to direct the man-
ner of making the returns.

All free white male inhabitants, twenty-

qualifications of voters at subsequent
elections to be prescribed by the legisla-
tive Assembly.

Bills passed by the legislature were to
be submitted to the governor, but might
be passed against the veto by two-thirds
majorities.

204

KANSAS, STATE OP

The judicial power was to be vested in
a supreme court, district courts, probate
courts, and in justices of the peace. The
supreme court to consist of three judges,
one in each judicial district, and one of
them to be chief- justice. They were to be
appointed by the President and Senate.

The first election of delegates to Con-
jiress, and the time and places of election,
were subject to the appointment and direc-
tion of the governor.

The act also provided that the acts of
Congress for the reclamation of fugitive
slaves should extend to the Territories.
Not the least important was the follow-
ing:

" That the Constitution and all the laws
of the United States which are not locally
inapplicable, shall have the same force
and effect within the said Territory as
elsewhere within the United States, ex-
cept the eighth section of the act pre-

1S20, either protecting, establishing pro-
hibiting, or abolishing slavery."

After long and bitter discussions in
both Houses of Congress, the bill was
])assed, and became a law by receiving
the signature of the President, May 31,
1354. From that day the question of
slavery was a subject of discussion and
sectional irritation, until it was abolished
in 1863.

Civil War in Kansas. — The Kansas-
Nebraska act left all the Territories of
the United States open to the establish-

KANSAS AVENTR, ToPKKA, .SHOWING POST-OFFICK.

paratory to the admission of jMissouri ment in them of the social institutions of

into the Union, approved ]\Iarch 6, 1820, every State in the Union, that of slavery

which, being inconsistent with the prin- among others. It was a virtual repeal

ciple of non-intervention by Congress of the Missouri Compromise (q.v.).

with slavery in the States and Terri- The question immediately arose. Shall the

turies, as recognized by the legislation of domain of the repviblic be the theatre of

1850, commonly called the compromise all free or all slave labor, with the corrc-

measures, is hereby declared inoperative spending civilization of each condition as

and void; it being the true intent and a consequence? This question was suc-

meaning of this act, not to legislate ceeded by positive action by the friends of

slavery into any Territory or State, nor each labor system. Those in favor of the

to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the slave system, viewing the willingness of

people thereof perfectly free to form and those in the free-labor States to accede to

regulate their doinestic institutions in the wishes of the Southern politicians so

their own way. subject only to the Con- ns to secure -Southern trade, felt confident

stitution of the United States; Provided, that their supremacy was secure. That

that nothing herein contained shall be party sounded the trumpet for battle, and

construed to revive or put in force any the Territory of Kansas was the chosen

law or regulation which may have existed battle-field. The fugitive slave law had

prior to the act of the 6th of March, created an intense and wide-spread fed'

205

KANSAS, STATE OF

ing of hostility to slavery in the free-labor
States, and when the advocates of slavery
began to assert their exclusive right to
the government of Kansas, and thus cast
down the gauntlet before their opponents,
the latter gladly took it up. They re-
solved to carry on the contest with the
peaceful weapons of the ballot-box. Sud-
denly, emigration began to flow in a
steady, copious, and ever-increasing
stream from the free-labor States, espe-
cially from New England, into the new
Territory. It soon became evident that the
settlers from those States in Kansas
would soon outnTimber and outvote those
from the slave-labor States.

The dominant power in politics was
pro-slavery in its proclivities. Alarmed
by this emigration, it proceeded to organ-
ize physical force in Missouri to counter-
act the moral force of its opponents if
necessary. Combinations were formed
under various names — " Social Band,"
" Friends' Society," " Blue Lodge," " The
Sons of the South," etc. A powerful or-
ganization imder the title of the " Emi-
grant Aid Society " had been formed in
Boston under the sanction of the legislat-
ure of Massachusetts immediately after
the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill

(May, 1854) ; and the Southern societies
just mentioned were organized to oppose
this " Emigrant Aid Society." At a meet-
ing at Westport, Mo., early in July, 1854,
it was resolved that Missourians who
formed the associations represented there
should be ready at all times to assist,
when called upon by pro-slavery citizens
of Kansas, in removing from the Territory
by force every person who should attempt
to settle under the auspices of the Emi-
grant Aid Society. Both parties planted
the seeds of their respective systems in
Kansas. They founded towns: those from
the free-labor States founded Lawrence,
Topeka, Boston, Grasshopper Falls, Paw-
nee, and one or two others. Those from
the slave-labor States founded Kickapoo,
Doniphan, Atchison, and others on or near
the Missouri River. Immediately after
the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill,
hundreds of Missourians went to Kansas
and selected a tract of land, and put a
mark upon it for the purpose of estab-
lishing a sort of pre-emption title to it,
and at a public meeting resolved, " That
we will afford protection to no abolition-
ist as a settler of this Territory; that we
recognize the institution of slavery as al-
ready existing in this Territory, and ad-

'-'i^T*^'^

STREET SCENP, WICHITA.

206

KANSAS, STATE OF

vise slave-holders to introduce their prop-
erty as soon as possible."

The national government appointed A.
H. Reeder governor of the new Territory.
He arrived in October, 1854, and took
measures for the election of a territorial
legislature. With the close of this elec-
tion (March, 1855), the struggle for su-
premacy in Kansas between the friends
and opponents of the slave system began
in dead earnest. The pro-slavery men
had an overwhelming majority in the
legislature, for Missourians had gone over
the border by hundreds and voted. When,
in November, 1854, a delegate to Congress
for Kansas was elected, of nearly 2,900
votes cast, over 1,700 were pvit in by
Missourians who had no right there. At
the election of the legislature, there were
only 1,410 legal votes in the Territory of
Kansas: but there were 6,218 votes polled,
mostly illegal ones by Missourians. Fully
1,000 men came from Missouri, armed with
deadly weapons, two cannon, tents, and
other paraphernalia of war, led by Clai-
borne F. Jackson, and encamped around
the little town of Lawrence, and in like
manner such intruders controlled every
poll in the Territory. Then a reign of
terror was begun in Kansas. All classes
of men carried deadly weapons. The il-
legally chosen legislature met at a point
on the border of Missouri, and proceeded
to enact barbarous laws for upholding
slavery in the Territory. These Governor
Reeder vetoed, and they were instantly
passed over his veto. He was so ob-
noxious to the pro-slavery party that, at
the request of the latter. President Pierce
removed him. and sent Wilson Shannon,
of Ohio, to fill his place.

The actiial settlers in Kansas, who were
chiefly anti-slavery men. held a convention,
Sept. 5, 1855, when they resolved not to
recognize the laws of the illegal legislat-
ure as binding upon them. They refused
to vote for a delegate to Congress at an
election appointed by the legislature, and
they called a delegate convention at
Topeka on Oct. 19. At that convention
Governor Reeder was elected delegate to
Congress by the legal votes of the Ter-
ritory. On the 23d another convention
of legal voters assembled at Topeka and
framed a State constitution. It was ap-
proved by the legal vote of the Territory.

It made Kansas a free-labor State, and
under this constitution they asked for
admission into the Union, as such. The
strife between freedom and slavery was
then transferred to the national capital.
Reeder made a contest for a seat in Con-
gress with the delegate chosen by the
illegal votes. Meanwhile, elections had
been held (Jan. 17, 1856) in Kansas under
the legally adopted new State constitu-
tion, and matters seemed very dark for
the pro-slavery party in Kansas, when
President Pierce, in a message to Con-
gress (Jan. 24, 185G), represented the ac-
tion of the legal voters in the Territory
in framing a State constitution as re-
bellion. All through the ensuing spring
violence and bloodshed prevailed in the
unhappy Territory.

Seeing the determination of the actual
settlers to maintain their rights, armed
men flocked into the Territory from the
slave-labor States and attempted to coerce
the inhabitants into submission to the
laws of the illegally chosen legislature.
Finally Congress sent thither a com-
mittee of investigation. The majority re-
ported, July 1, 1856, that every election
had been controlled by citizens from Mis-
souri; that the action of the legal voters
of Kansas was valid, and that the State
constitution was the choice of the major-
ity of the people. The canvass for a new
President was now in operation, and so
absorbed public attention that Kansas had
rest for a while. James Buchanan was
elected by the Democratic party. At the
beginning of his administration the Dred
Scott case greatly intensified the strife
between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery
men, especially in Kansas. Mr. Buchanan
favored the views of the pro-slavery men,
and his strong support gaA'e them, in Kan-
sas, renewed courage. Then the opposing
parties were working with energy for the
admission of Kansas as a State, with op-
posing ends in view. The pro-slavery
party, in convention at Lecompton early
in September, 1857, framed a constitu-
tion in which was a clause providing that
the " rights of property in slaves now in
the Territory shall in no manner be inter-
fered with," and forbade any amendments
of the instrument until 1864. It was sub-
mitted to the votes of the people on Dec.
21, but bv the terms of the election law

207

KANSAS, STATE OF

passed by the illegal legislature no one up their arms to the sheriff. The in-

might vote against that constitution, vaders immediately entered the town,

The vote was taken^ " For the constitu- blew up and burned the hotel, destroyed

tion mth slavery," or " For the constitu- two printing-offices, and plundered stores

tion without slavery"; so in either and houses. The free-labor party were

case a constitution that protected and furnished with arms from the free-labor

perpetuated slavery would be voted for. States. Collisions occurred, and on May

Meanwhile, at an election for a territorial 2(j a fight took place at Ossawatomie, in

iegislature, the friends of free labor sue- which the anti-slavery men were led by

ceeded in electing a delegate to Con- John Brown {q. v.), where five men

gress. were killed. There was another skirmish

The legally elected legislature ordered at Black Jack (June 2), which resulted
the Lecompton constitution to be sub- in the capture of Captain Pots and thirty
mitted to the people for adoption or re- of his men. Emigrants from the free-
jection. It was rejected by over 10,000 labor States, on their way through Mis-
majority. Notwithstanding this strong souri, were turned back by armed parties,
popular condemnation of the Lecompton On Aug. 14, anti - slavery men captured
constitution. President Buchanan sent it a fort near Lecompton, occupied by Colo-
in to Congress (Feb. 2, 1858), wherein nel Titus with a party of pro - slavery
was a large Democratic majority, with a men, and made prisoners the commander
message in which he recommended its ac- and twenty of his men. On Aug. 25
ceptance and ratification. In that mes- the acting-governor (Woodin) declared
sage, referring to the opinion of Chief- the Territory in a state of rebellion. He
Justice Taney, the President said: "It and David E. Atchison, late United
has been solemnly adjudged, by the high- States Senator from Missouri, gathered a
est judicial tribunal known to our laws, considerable force, and, on Aug. 29, a
that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of detachment sent by the latter attacked
the Constitution of the United States; Ossawatomie, which was defended by a
Kansas is, therefore, at this moment, as small band under John Bro^vn. The lat-
much a slave State as Georgia or South ter was defeated, with the loss of two
Carolina." The constitution was ac- killed, five wounded, and seven made
eepted by the Senate by a vote of 32 prisoners. The assailants lost five killed,
against 25, but in the House a substitute and thirty buildings were burned. At
was adopted, which provided for the re- the annual election at Leavenworth, a
submission of the Lecompton constitution, party from Missouri killed and wounded
It was done, and that instrument was several of the anti-slavery men, burned
again rejected by 10.000 majority, Aug. their houses, and forced about 150 to em-
2, 1858. A convention at Wyandotte bark for St. Louis. John W. Geary, who
adopted a new constitution, which was had been appointed governor, arrived in
framed by the opponents of slavery. This Kansas early in September, and ordered
was accepted, Oct. 4, 1859, by a vote of all armed men to lay down their weap-
10,421 against 5,530, under which, Jan. ens; but Missouri men, in number about
21, 1861, Kansas was admitted into the 2,000, and forming three regiments of
Union as a free-labor State. artillery, marched to attack Lawrence.

During the political excitement in Kan- Geary, with United States troops, prevail-
sas there was actual civil war, and some ed upon them to desist, and near the close
blood was shed. Early in April, 1856, of the year (1856) he was enabled to re-
armed men from Southern States, under port that peace and order prevailed in
Colonel Buford, arrived in Kansas. The Kansas.

United States marshal there took Bu- The Auihor on His Bill. — The follow-
ford's men into the pay of the govern- ing is the substance of the speech of
ment. and armed them with goveriiment Senator Stephen A. Douglas on the Kan-
muskets. Lawrence was again besieged sas-Nebraska bill, delivered in the Sen-
(May 5), and on the 21st the inhabi- ate on March 3, 1854:

tants, under a promise of safety to per-

ions and property, were induced to give The principle which we propose to

208

KANSAS, STATE OF

carry into effect by the bill is this:
That Congress shall neither legislate
slavery into any Territories or State,
nor out of the same; but the people shall
be left free to regulate their domes-
tic concerns in their own way, subject
only to the Constitution of the United
States.

In order to carry this principle into
practical operation, it becomes necessary
to remove whatever legal obstructions
might be found in the way of its free ex-
ercise. It is only for the purpose of carry-
ing out this great fundamental principle
of self-government that the bill renders
the eighth section of the Missouri act in-
operative and void.

Now, let me ask, will these Senators
who have arraigned me, or any one of
them, have the assurance to rise in his
place and declare that this great principle
was never thought of or advocated as ap-
plicable to territorial bills, in 1850; that
from that session until the present, no-
body ever thought of incorporating this
principle in all new territorial organiza-
tions ; that the committee on Territories
did not recommend it in their report; and
that it required the amendment of the
Senator from Kentucky to bring us up to
that point? Will any one of my accusers
dare to make the issue, and let it be tried
by the record? I will begin with the com-
promises of 1850. Any Senator who will
take the trouble to examine our journals,
will find that on March 25 of that year I
reported from the committee on Territories
two bills including the following measures:
the admission of California, a territorial
government for New Mexico, and the ad-
justment of the Texas boundary. These
bills proposed to leave the people of Utah
and New ^Mexico free to decide the slavery
question for themselves, in the precise lan-
guage of the Nebraska bill now imder dis-
cussion. A few weeks afterwards the com-
mittee of thirteen took these two bills and
put a wafer between them, and reported
them back to the Senate as one bill with
some slight amendments. One of these
amendments was that the territorial legis-
latures should not legislate upon the sub-
ject of African slavery. I objected to
that provision on the ground that it siib-
verted the great principle of self-gov-
ernment iipon which the bill had been

originally framed by the territorial com-
mittee. On the first trial, the Senate re-
fused to strike it out, but subsequently did
so, after full debate, in order to establish
that principle as the rule of action in ter-
ritorial organizations. . . . But my ac-
cusers attempt to raise up a false issue,
and thereby divert public attention from
the real one, by the cry that the Missouii
Compromise is to be repealed or violated
by the passage of this bill. Well, if the
eighth section of the Missouri act, which
attempted to fix the destinies of future
generations in those Territories for all time
to come, in utter disregard of the rights
and wishes of the people when they shall
be received into the Union as States, be
inconsistent with the great principler of
self-government and the Constitution of
the United States, it ought to be abrogated.
The legislation of 1850 abrogated the Mis-
souri compromise, so far as the country
embraced within the limits of Utah and
New INIexico was covered by the slavery re-
striction. It is true that those acts did
not in terms and by name repeal the act
of 1820, as originally adopted, or as ex-
tended by the resolutions annexing Texas
in 1845, any more than the report of the
committee on Territories proposed to re-
peal the same acts this session. But the
acts of 1850 did authorize the people of
those Territories to exercise " all right-
ful powers of legislation consistent with
the Constitution," not excepting the ques-
tion of slavery; and did provide that,
when those Territories should be admitted
into the Union, they should be received
with or without slavery as the people
thereof might determine at the date of
their admission. These provisions were in
direct conflict with a clause in the former
enactment, declaring that slavery should
be forever prohibited in any portion of said
Territories, and hence rendered such clause
inoperative and void to the extent of such
conflict. This was an inevitable conse-
quence, resulting from the provisions in
those acts, which gave the people the right
to decide the slavery question for them-
selves, in conformity with the Constitu-
tion. It was not necessary to go further
and declare that certain previous enact-
m.ents, which were incompatible with the
exercise of the powers conferred in
the bills, are hereby repealed. The

209

KANSAS, STATE OF

very act of granting those powers
and rights has the legal effect of re-
moving all obstructions to the exercise
of them by the people, as prescribed
in those territorial bills. Following
that example, the committee on Terri-
tories did not consider it necessary to
declare the eighth section of the Missouri
act repealed. We were content to or-
ganize Nebraska in the precise language
of the Utah and New Mexico bills. Our
object was to leave the people entirely free
to form and regulate their domestic insti-
tutions and internal concerns in their own
way, under the Constitution ; and we
deemed it wise to accomplish that object
in the exact terms in which the same thing
had been done in Utah and New Mexico
by the acts of 1850. This was the princi-
ple upon which the committee voted; and
our bill was supposed, and is now believed,
to have been in accordance with it. When
doubts were raised whether the bill did
fully carry out the principle laid down in
the report, amendments were made from
time to time, in order to avoid all mis-
construction, and make the true intent of
the act more explicit. The last of these
amendments was adopted yesterday, on
the motion of the distinguished Senator
from North Carolina (Mr. Badger), in
regard to the revival of any laws or regu-
lations which may have existed prior to
1820. This amendment was not intended
to change the legal effect of the bill. Its
object was to repel the slander which had
been propagated by the enemies of the
measure in the North — that the Southern
supporters of the bill desired to legislate
slavery into these Territories. The South
denies the right of Congress either to
legislate slavery into any Territory or
State, or out of any Territory or State.
Non-intervention by Congress with slavery
in the States or Territories is the doctrine
of the bill, and all the amendments which
have been agreed to have been made with
the view of removing all doubt and cavil
as to the true meaning and object of the
measure. . . .

Well, sir, what is this Missouri Compro-
mise, of which we have heard so much of
late? It has been read so often that it is
not necessar,y to occupy the time of the
Senate in reading it again. It was an
act of Congress, passed on the 6th of

March, 1820, to authorize the people of
Missouri to form a constitution and a
State government, preparatory to the ad-
mission of such State into the Union. The
first section provided that slavery should
be " forever prohibited " in all the terri-
tory which had been acquired from France
north of 36° 30', and not included within
the limits of the State of Missouri. There
is nothing in the terms of the law that
purports to be a compact, or indicates
that it was anything more than an ordi-
nary act of legislation. To prove that it
was more than it purports to be on its
face, gentlemen must produce other evi-
dence, and prove that there was such an
understanding as to create a moral obli-
gation in the nature of a compact. Have
they shown it?

NoAV, if this was a compact, let us
see how it was entered into. The bill
originated in the House of Representa-
tives, and passed that body without a
Southern vote in its favor. It is proper
to remark, however, that it did not at
that time contain the eighth section, pro-
hibiting slavery in the Territories; but,
in lieu of it, contained a provision pro-
hibiting slavery in the proposed State of
Missouri. In the Senate, the clause pro-
hibiting slavery in the State was stricken
out, and the eighth section added to the
end of the bill, by the terms of which
slavery was to be forever prohibited in
the territory not embraced in the State
of Missouri north oi 36° 30'. The vote
on adding this section stood, in the Sen-
ate, 34 in the affirmative, and 10 in the
negative. Of the Northern Senators, 20
voted for it, and 2 against it. On the
question of ordering the bill to a third
reading, as amended, which was the test
vote on its passage, the vote stood 24
yeas and 20 nays. Of the Northern Sen-
ators, 4 only voted in the affirmative, and
18 in the negative. Thus it will be seen
that if it was intended to be a compact,
the North never agreed to it. The North-
ern Senators voted to insert the prohi-
bition of slavery in the Territories; and
then, in the proportion of more than four
to one. voted against the passage of the
bill. The North, therefore, never signed
the compact, never consented to it, never
agreed to be bound by it. This fact be-
comes very important in vindicating the
10

KANSAS, STATE OF

character of the North for repudiating tories, Missouri was to be admitted into
this alleged compromise a few months the Union, in conformity with the act
afterwards. The act was approved and of 1820, that compact was repudiated by
became a law on the 6th of March, 1820. the North, and rescinded by the joint
In the summer of that year, the people action of the two parties within twelve
of Missouri formed a constitution and months from its date. Missouri was
State government preparatory to admis- never admitted under the act of the
sion into the Union, in conformity with 6th of March, 1820. She was refused
the act. At the next session of Congress, admission under that act. She was voted
the Senate passed a joint resolution de- out of the Union by Northern votes, not-
claring Missouri to be one of the States withstanding the stipulation that she
of the Union, on an equal footing with should be received; and, in consequence
the original States. This resolution was of these facts, a new compromise was
sent to the House of Representatives, rendered necessary, by the terms of which
where it was rejected by Northern votes, Missouri was to be admitted into the
and thus Missouri was voted out of the Union conditionally — admitted on a con-
Union, instead of being received into the dition not embraced in the act of 1820,
Union imder the act of the 6th of March, and in addition to a full compliance
1820, now known as the Missouri COm- with all the provisions of said act. If,
promise. Now, sir, what becomes of our then, the act of 1820, by the eighth sec-
plighted faith, if the act of the 6th of tion of which slavery was prohibited in
March, 1820, was a solemn compact, as Missouri, was a compact, it is clear to
we are now told? They have all rung the comprehension of every fair-minded
the changes upon it, that it was a sacred man that the refusal of the North to
and irrevocable compact, binding in admit Missouri, in compliance with its
honor, in conscience, and morals, which stipulations, and without further condi-
could not be violated or repudiated with- tions, imposes upon us a high moral obli-
out perfidy and dishonor! , . . Sir, gation to remove the prohibition of
if this was a compact, what must be slavery in the Territories, since it has
thought of those who violated it almost been shown to have been procured upon
inmiediately after it was formed? I say a condition never performed. . . .
it is a calumny upon the North to say The Declaration of Independence had
tliat it was a compact. I should feel a its origin in the violation of that great
flush of shame upon my cheek, as a fundamental principle which secured to
Northern man, if I were to say that it the colonies the right to regulate their
was a compact, and that the section of own domestic affairs in their own way;
the country to which I belong received and the Revolution resulted in the tri-
the consideration and then repudiated umph of that principle and the recogni-
the obligation in eleven months after it tion of the right asserted by it. Abo-
was entered into. I deny that it was a litionism proposes to destroy the right
compact, in any sense of the term. But and extinguish the principle for which
if it was, the record proves that faith our forefathers waged a seven years'
was not observed; that the contract was bloody war, and upon which our whole
never carried into effect; that after the system of free government is founded.
North had procured the passage of the They not only deny the application of this
act prohibiting slavery in the Territories, principle to the Territories, but insist
with a majority in the House large upon fastening the prohibition upon the
enough to prevent its repeal, Missouri abolitionists; the doctrine of the oppo-
was refused admission into the Union as nents of the Nebraska and Kansas bill,
a slave-holding State, in conformity with and the advocates of the Missouri restric-
the act of March 6, 1820. If the propo- tion demands congressional interference
sit ion be correct, as contended for by the with slavery not only in the Territories,
opponents of this bill — that there was a but in all the new States to be formed
solemn compact between the North and therefrom. It is the same doctrine, when
the South that, in the consideration of applied to the Territories and new States
the prohibition of slavery in the Terri- of this Union, which the British govern

211

KANSAS, STATE OF

ment attempted to enforce by the sword
upon the American colonies. It is this
fundamental principle of self-government
which constitutes the distinguishing feat-
ure of the Nebraska bill. The opponents
of the principle are consistent in oppos-
ing the bill. I do not blame them for
their opposition. I only ask them to meet
the issue fairly and openly by acknowl-
edging that they are opposed to the prin-

until the swelling tide of emigration
should burst through and accomplish by
violence what it is the part of wisdom and
statesmanship to direct and regulate by
law. How long could you have postponed
action with safety? How long could you
maintain that Indian barrier and restrain
the onward march of civilization, Chris-
tianity, and free government by a bar-
barian wall? Do you suppose that you

ciple which it is the object of the bill to could keep that vast country a howling

carry into operation. It seems that there
is no power on earth, no intellectual
power, no mechanical power, that can
bring them to a fair discussion of the
true issue. If they hope to delude the
people and escape detection for any con-
siderable length of time under the catch-
words, " Missouri Compromise " and
" faith of compacts," they wnll find that
the people of this country have more pene-
tration and intelligence than they have
given them credit for.

Mr. President, there is an important
fact connected with this slavery regula-
tion which should never be lost sight of.

wilderness in all times to come, roamed
over by hostile savages, cutting off all
safe communication between our Atlantic
and Pacific possessions? I tell you that
the time for action has come and cannot
be postponed. It is a case in which the
" let-alone " policy would precipitate a
crisis which must inevitably result in vio-
lence, anarchy, and strife.

You cannot fix bounds to the onward
inarch of this great and growing country.
You cannot fetter the limbs of the young
giant. He will burst all your chains. He
will expand, and grow, and increase, and
extend civilization, Christianitv. and lib-

It has always arisen from one and the eral principles. Then, sir, if you cannot

same cause. Whenever that cause has
been removed, the agitation has ceased ;
and whenever the cause has been renewed,
the agitation has sprung into existence.
That cause is, and ever has been, the at-

check the growth of the country in that
direction, is it not the part of wisdom to
look the danger in the face, and provide
for an event which you cannot avoid ? I tell
you, sir, you must provide for lines of

tempt on the part of Congress to interfere continuous settlement from the Mississippi

with the question of slavery in the Terri- Valley to the Pacific Ocean. And in mak-

tories and new States formed therefrom, ing this provision, you must decide upon

Is it not wise, then, to confine our action what principles the Territories shall be

within the sphere of our legitimate duties organized ; in other words, whether the

and leave this vexed question to take care
of itself in each State and Territory, ac-
cording to the wishes of the people thereof,
in conformity to the forms and in sub-
jection to the pi'ovisions of the Constitu-
tion?

The opponents of the bill tell us that
agitation is no part of their policy; that
their great desire is peace and harmony;
and they complain bitterly that I should

people shall be allowed to regulate their
domestic institutions in their own way,
according to the provisions of this bill, or
whether the opposite doctrine of congres-
sional interference is to prevail. Post-
pone it, if you will ; but whenever you do
act, this question must be met and de-
cided. . . .

There is another reason why I desire tt
see this principle recognized as a rule ol

have disturbed the repose of the country action in all time to come. It will have

by the introduction of this measure. Let
me ask these professed friends of peace,
and avowed enemies of agitation, how the
issue could have been avoided? They tell
me that I should have let the question
alone; that is, that I should have left

the effect to destroy all sectional parties
and sectional agitations. If, in the lan-
guage of the report of the committee, you
withdraw the slavery question from the
halls of Congress and the political arena,
and commit it to the arbitrament of those

Nebraska unorganized, the people unpro- who are immediately interested in and
tected, and the Indian barrier in existence alone responsible for its consequences,

218

KANSAS, STATE OF

there is nothing left out of which sectional The Crime Against Kansas. — On May
parties can be organized. It never was 19-20, 185G, Charles Sumner delivered the
done, and never can be done, on the bank, following speech in the United States Sen-
tariff, distribution, or any party issue ate on what he declared to be a crime
which has existed or may exist, after this against Kansas:
slavery question is drawn from politics.

On every other political question these Mr. President, you are now called to
have always supporters and opponents in redress a great transgression. Seldom in
every portion of the Union — in each State, the history of nations has such a question
county, village, and neighborhood — resid- been presented. Tariffs, army bills, navy
ing together in harmonj^ and good-fellow- bills, land bills, are important, and justly
ship, and combating each other's opinions occupy your care; but these all belong
and correcting each other's errors in a to the course of ordinary legislation. As
spirit of kindness and friendship. These means and instruments only, they are nec-
differences of opinion between neighbors essarily subordinate to the conservation
and friends, and the discussions that grow of government itself. Grant them or deny
out of them, and the sympathy which each them, in greater or less degree, and you
feels with the advocates of his own opin- will inflict no shock. The machinery of
ions in every portion of this widespread government will continue to move. The
republic, add an overwhelming and irre- state will not cease to exist. Far other-
sistible moral weight to the strength of wise is it with the eminent question now
the confederacy. Affection for the Union before you, involving, as it does, liberty
can never be alienated or diminished by in a broad territory, and also involving
any other party issues than those which the peace of the whole country, with our
are joined upon sectional or geographical good name in history forevermore.
lines. When the people of the North shall Take down your map, sir, and you will
be rallied under one banner, and the whole find that the Territory of Kansas, more
South marshalled under another banner, than any other region, occupies the mid-
and each section excited to frenzy and die spot of North America, equally dis-
madness by hostility to the institutions tant from the Atlantic on the east, and
of the other, then the patriot may well the Pacific on the west; from the frozen
tremble for the perpetuity of the Union, waters of Hudson Bay on the north, and
Withdraw the slavery question from the the tepid Gulf Stream on the south, eon-
political arena, and remove it to the States stituting the precise territorial centre of
and Territories, each to decide for itself, the whole vast continent. To such ad-
and such a catastrophe can never happen, vantages of situation, on the very high-
Then you will never be able to tell, by any waj-- between two oceans, are added a
Senator's vote for or against any meas- soil of unsurpassed richness, and a fas-
ure, from Avhat State or section of the cinating, undulating beauty of surface.
Union he comes. with a health-giving climate, calculated to
Why, then, can we not withdraw this nurture a powerful and generous people,
vexed question from politics? Why can worthy to be a central pivot of American
we not adopt the principle of this bill institutions. A few short months only
OS a rule of action in all new territorial have passed since this spacious and medi-
organizations? Why can we not deprive terranean country was open only to the
these agitators of their vocation and ren- savage who ran wild in its woods and
der it impossible for Senators to come prairies, and now it has already drawn
here upon bargains on the slavery ques- to its bosom a population of freemen
tion? I believe that the peace, the har- larger than Athens crowded within her
mony, and perpetuity of the Union require historic gates, when her sons, under
us to go back to the doctrines of the Miltiades. won liberty for mankind on the
Eevolution, to the principles of the Com- field of Marathon; more than Sparta con-
promise of 1850. and leave the people, tained when she ruled Greece, and sent
under the Constitution, to do as they may forth her devoted children, quickened by a
see proper in respect to their own in- mother's benediction, to return with their
ternal affairs. shields, or on them : more than Rome

213

KANSAS, STATE OF

gathered on her seven hills, when, under of popular institutions, more sacred than

her kings, she commenced that sovereign any heathen altar, have been desecrated;

sway, which afterwards embraced the where the ballot-box, more precious than

whole earth; more than London held when, any work, in ivory or marble, from the

on the fields of Crecy and Agincourt, the cunning hand of art, has been plundered;

English banner was carried victoriously and where the cry, " I am an American

over the chivalrous hosts of France. citizen," has been interposed in vain

Against this Territory, thus fortunate against outrage of every kind, even upon

in position and population, a crime has life itself. Are you against sacrilege?

been committed, which is without example I present it for your execration. Are

in the records of the past. Not in plun- you against robbery? I hold it up to

dered provinces or in the cruelties of self- your scorn. Are you for the protection of

ish governors will you find its parallel; American citizens? I show you how their

and yet there is an ancient instance, dearest rights have been cloven down,

which may show at least the path of jus- while a tyrannical usurpation has sought

tice. In the terrible impeachment by to install itself on their very necks !

which the great Roman orator has blasted But the wickedness which I now begin

through all time the name of Verres, to expose is immeasurably aggravated by

amid charges of robbery and sacrilege, the motive which prompted it. Not in

the enormity which most aroused the any common lust for power did this un-

indignant voice of his accuser, and which common tragedy have its origin. It is

still stands forth with strongest distinct- the rape of a virgin Territory, compelling

ness, arresting the sympathetic indigna- it to the hateful embrace of slavery; and

tion of all who read the story, is that it may be clearly traced to a depraved

away in Sicily he had scourged a citi- longing for a new slave State, the hide-

zen of Rome — that the cry, " I am a ous offspring of such a crime, in the hope

Roman citizen," had been interposed in of adding to the power of slavery in the

vain against the lash of the tyrant gov- national government. Yes, sir; when the

ernor. Other charges were that he had whole world alike. Christian and Tui-k,

carried away productions of art, and that is rising up to condemn this Avrong, and

he had violated the sacred shrines. It to make it a hissing to the nations, here

was in the presence of the Roman senate in our republic, force — ay, sir, force —

that this arraignment proceeded; in a has been openly employed in compelling

temple of the Forum; amidst crowds — Kansas to this pollution, and all for the

such as no orator had ever before drawn sake of political power. There is the

together — thronging the porticoes and simple fact, which you will in vain at-

colonnades, even clinging to the house- tempt to deny, but which in itself pre-

tops and neighboring slopes — and under sents an essential wickedness that makes

the anxious gaze of witnesses summoned other public crimes seem like public

from the scene of crime. But an audi- virtues.

ence grander far — of higher dignity — of But this enormity, vast beyond corn-
more various people, and of wider intelli- parison, swells to dimensions of wicked-
gence — the countless multitude of sue- ness which the imagination toils in vain
ceeding generations, in every land, where to grasp, when it is understood that for
eloquence has been studied, or where the this purpose are hazarded the horrors
Roman name has been recognized, has of intestine feud not only in this distant
listened to the accusation, and throbbed Territory, but every^vhere throughout the
with condemnation of the criminal. Sir, country. Already the muster has begun,
speaking in an age of light, and a land The strife is no longer local, but na-
of constitutional liberty, where the safe- tional. Even now, while I speak, portents
guards of elections are justly placed hang on all the arches of the horizon
among the highest triumphs of civiliza- threatening to darken the broad land,
tion, I fearlessly assert that the wrongs which already yawns with the mutterings
of much-abused Sicily, thns memorable of civil war. The fury of the propagan-
in history, were small by the side of the dists of slavery, and the calm determina-
wrongs of Kansas, where the very shrines tion of their opponents, are now diffused

214

KANSAS, STATE OF

from the distant territory over widespread
communities, and the whole country, in all
its extent — marshalling hostile divisions,
and foreshadowing a strife which, unless
happily averted by the triumph of free-
dom, will become war — fratricidal, parri-
cidal war — with an accumulated wicked-
ness bej'ond the wickedness of any war
in human annals; justly provoking the
avenging judgment of Providence and the
avenging pen of history, and constituting
a strife, in the language of the ancient
writer, more than foreign, more than
social, more than civil; but something
compounded of all these strifes, and in
itself more than war; sed j}otius commune
quoddam ex omnibus, et plus quam helium.
Such is the crime which you are to
judge. But the criminal also must be
dragged into day, that you may see and
measure the power by which all this wrong
is sustained. From no common source
could it proceed. In its perpetration was
needed a spirit of vaulting ambition which
would hesitate at nothing; a hardihood
of purpose which was insensible to the
judgment of mankind; a madness for
slavery which would disregard the Consti-
tution, the laws, and all the great exam-
ples of our history; also a consciousness
of power such as comes from the habit
of power; a combination of energies found
only in a hundred ai-ms directed by a hun-
dred eyes; a control of public opinion
through venal pens and a prostituted
press ; an ability to subsidize crowds in
every vocation of life — the politician with
his local importance, the laA^'j'er with his
subtle tongue, and even the authority of
the judge on the bench ; and a familiar
use of men in places high and low, so that
none, from the President to the lowest
border postmaster, should decline to be its
tool ; all these things and more were need-
ed, and they were found in the slave-power
of our republic. There, sir, stands the
criminal, all unmasked before you — heart-
less, grasping, and tyrannical — with an
audacity beyond that of Verres, a subtlety
beyond that of ^fachiavelli. a meanness be-
yond thnt of Bacon, and an ability beyond
that of Hastings. Justice to Kansas can
be secured only by the prostration of this
influence: for this is the power behind —
greater than any President — which succors
and sustains the crime. Nay, the proceed-

ings I now arraign derive their fearful
consequences only from this connection.

In now opening this great matter, I
am not insensible to the austere demands
of the occasion ; but the dependence of the
crime against Kansas upon the slave-
power is so peculiar and important that I
trust to be pardoned while I impress it
with an illustration, which to some may
seem trivial. It is related in Northern
mythology that the god of Force, visiting
an enchanted region, was challenged by
his royal entertainer to what seemed an
humble feat of strength — merely, sir, to
lift a cat from the ground. The god
smiled at the challenge, and calmly plac-
ing his hand under the belly of the animal,
with superb ilman strength strove while
the back of the feline monster arched far
upward, even beyond reach, and one paw
actually forsook the e^rth, until at last
the discomfited divinity desisted; but he
was little surprised at his defeat when
he learned that this creature, which
seemed to be a cat, and nothing more,
was not merely a cat, but that it belonged
to and was a part of the great terrestrial
serpent, which, in its innumerable folds, en-
circled the whole globe. Even so the
creature, whose paws are now fastened
upon Kansas, whatever it may seem to be,
constitutes in reality a part of the slave-
power, which, in its loathsome folds, is
now coiled about the whole land. Thus
do I expose the extent of the present con-
test, where we encounter not merely local
resistance, but also the unconquered sus-
taining arm behind. But out of the vast-
ness of the crime attempted, with all its
woe and shame, I derive a well-foimded as-
surance of a commensurate vastness of
effort against it by the aroused masses of
the country, determined not only to vindi-
cate right against wrong, but to redeem
the republic from the thraldom of thai
oligarchy which prompts, directs, and
concentrates the distant wrong. . . .

But, before entering upon the argu-
ment, I must say something of a general
character, particularly in response to
what has fallen from Senators who have
raised themselves to eminence on this floor
in championship of human wrongs. I
mean the Senator from South Carolina
(Mr. Butler) and the Senator from
Illinois (Mr. Douglas), who, though un-

215

KANSAS, STATE OF

like as Don Quixote and Sancho Panza, over the republic, and yet, with a ludicrous
yet, like this couple, sally forth together ignorance of his own position — unable to
in the same adventure. I regret much to see himself as others see him — or with an
miss the elder Senator from his seat; but effrontery which even his white head
the cause, against which he has run atilt ought not to protect from rebuke, he ap-
with such activity of animosity, demands plies to those here who resist his section-
that the opportunity of exposing him alisra the very epithet which designates
should not be lost; and it is for the cause himself. The men who strive to bring
that I speak. The Senator from South back the government to its original policy,
Carolina has read many books of chivalry, when freedom and not slavery was sec-
and believes himself a chivalrous knight, tional, he arraigns as sectional. This will
with sentiments of honor and courage, not do. It involves too great a perversion
Of course, he has chosen a mistress to of terms. I tell that Senator that it is to
whom he has made his vows, and who, himself, and to the " organization " of
though ugly to others, is always lovely which he is the " committed advocate,"
to him; though polluted in the sight of the that this epithet belongs. I now fasten it
world, is chaste in his sight — I mean the upon them. For myself, I care little for
harlot. Slavery. For her, his tongue is names; but since the question has been
always profuse in words. Let her be im- raised here, I affirm that the Republican
peached in character, or any proposition party of the Union is in no just sense
made to shut her out from the extension sectional, but, more than any other party,
of her wantonness, and no extravagance national; and that it now goes forth to
of manner or hardihood of assertion is dislodge from the high places of the gov-
then too great for this Senator. The ernment the tyrannical sectionalism of
frenzy of Don Quixote, in behalf of his which the Senator from South Carolina
wench, Dulcinea del Toboso, is all sur- is one of the maddest zealots. . . .
passed. The asserted rights of slavery, As the Senator from South Carolina is
which shock equality of all kinds, are the Don Quixote, the Senator from Illinois
cloaked by a fantastic claim of equality. (Mr. Douglas) is the squire of slavery.
If the slave States cannot enjoy what, in its very Sancho Panza, ready to do all its
mockery of the great fathers of the re- humiliating offices. This Senator, in his
public, he misnames equality under the labored address, vindicating his labored
Constitution — in other words, the full report — piling one mass of elaborate error
power in the national Territories to com- upon another mass — ^constrained himself,
pel fellow-men to unpaid toil, to separate as you will remember, to unfamiliar de-
husband and wife, and to sell little chil- ceiicies of speech. Of that address I have
dren at the auction block — then, sir, the nothing to say at this moment, though be-
chivalric Senator will conduct the State of fore I sit down I shall show something of
South Carolina out of the Union! Heroic its fallacies. But I go back now to an
knight! Exalted Senator! A second Moses earlier occasion, when, true to his native
come for a second exodus! impulses, he threw into this discussion.
But not content with this poor menace, " for a charm of powerful trouble," per-
which we have been twice told was " meas- sonalities most discreditable to this body,
ured," the Senator, in the unrestrained I will not stop to repel the imputations
chivalry of his nature, has undertaken to which he cast upon myself: but I mention
apply opprobrious words to those ■who them to remind you of the " sweltered
differ from him on this floor. He calls venom sleeping not," which, with other
them " sectional and fanatical "; and oppo- poisoned ingredients, he cast into the
sition to the usurpation in Kansas he de- caldron of this debate. Of other things I
nounces as " an uncalculating fanaticism." speak. Standing on this floor, the Sen-
To be sure, these charges lack all grace of ntor issued his rescript, requiring sub-
originality, and all sentiment of truth; mission to the usurped power of Kansas;
but the adventurous Senator does not hesi- and this was accompanied by a manner —
tate. He is the uncompromising, unblush- all his own — such as befits the tyrannical
ing representative on this floor of a fla- threat. Very well. Let the Senator try.
grant sectionalism, which now domineers I tell him now that he cannot force any

219

KANSAS, STATE OF

such submission. The Senator, with the miliar with the life of Franklin; and yet

slave-power at his back, is strong; but he he referred to this household character,

is not strong enough for this purpose. He while acting agent of our fathers in Eng«

is bold. He shrinks from nothing. Like land, as above suspicion; and this was

Danton, he may cry, " L'audacel Vaudace! done thsvt he might give a point to a false

toujours Vaudace.'" but even his audacity contrast with the agent of Kansas — not

cannot compass this work. The Senator knowing that, however they may differ in

copies the British officer who, with boast- genius and fame, in this experience they

ful swagger, said that with the hilt of are alike: that Franklin, when intrusted

his sword he would cram the "stamps" with the petitions of Massachusetts Bay,

down the throats of the American people, was assaulted by a foul-mouthed speaker,

and he will meet with a similar failure, where he could not be heard in defence,

He may convulse this country with a and denounced as a " thief," even as the

civil feud. Like the ancient madman, he agent of Kansas has been assaulted on

may set lire to this temple of constitu- this floor, and denounced as a " forger."

tional liberty, grander than the Ephesian And let not the vanity of the Senator be

dome; bvit he cannot enforce obedience to inspired by the parallel with the British

that tyrannical usurpation. statesman of that day; for it is only in

The Senator dreams that he can subdue hostility to freedom that any parallel can

the North. He disclaims the open threat, be recognized.

but his conduct still implies it. How lit- But it is against the people of Kansas

tie that Senator knows himself or the that the sensibilities of the Senator are

strength of the cause which he persecutes! particularly aroused. Coming, as he an-

He is but a mortal man ; against him is nounees, " from a State " — ay, sir, from

an immortal principle. With finite power South Carolina' — he turns with lordly dis-

he wrestles with the infinite, and he must gust from this newly formed community,

fall. Against him are stronger battalions which he will not recognize even as a

than any marshalled by mortal arm — the " body politic." Pray, sir, by what title

inborn, ineradicable, invincible sentiments does he indulge in this egotism? Has he

of the human heart ; against him is nature read the history of " the State " which he

in all her subtle forces; against him is represents? He cannot surely have for-

God. Let him try to subdue these. gotten its shameful imbecility from sla-

With regret, I come again upon the very, confessed thi'oughout the Revolution,
Senator from South Carolina (Mr. But- followed by its more shameful assump-
ler), who, omnipresent in this debate, over- tions for slavery since. He cannot have
flowed with rage at the simple suggestion forgotten its wretched persistence in the
that Kansas had applied for admission as slave-trade as the very apple of its eye,
a State ; and, with incoherent phrases, dis- and the condition of its participation in
charged the loose expectoration of his the Union. He cannot have forgotten its
speech, now upon her representative, and constitution, which is republican only in
then upon her people. There was no ex- name, confirming power only in the hands
travagance of the ancient parliamentary of the few, and founding the qualifications
debate which he did not repeat; nor was of its legislators on a "settled free-
there any possible deviation from truth hold estate and ten negroes." And yet
which he did not make, with so much of the Senator, to whom that " State " has
passion, I am glad to add, as to save him in part committed the guardianship of its
from the suspicion of intentional aberra- good name, instead of moving, with back-
tion. But the Senator touches nothing ward treading steps, to cover its naked-
which he does not disguise with error, ness, rushes forward in the very ecstasy
sometimes of principle, sometimes of fact, of madness, to expose it by provoking a
He shows an incapacity of accuracy, comparison with Kansas. South Carolina
whether in stating the Constitution, or in is old; Kansas is young. South Carolina
stating the law, whether in the details of counts by eentiiries where Kansas counts
statistics or the diversions of scholarship, by years. But a beneficent example may
He cannot open his mouth, but out there be born in a day: and I venture to say
flies a blunder. Surely he ought to be fa- that, against the two centuries of the olde?

217

KANSAS-NEBEASKA BILL— KATIPUISTAN LEAGUE

* State," may be already set the two years Frederick the Great and the United States,

of trial, evolving corresponding virtue, in He died in Berlin, Germany, Oct. 27,

the younger community. In the one is 1884.

the long wail of slavery; in the other, Kaskaskia. The Illinois country under
the hymns of freedom. And if we glance the rule of the French contained six dis-
at special achievements, it will be difficult tinct settlements, one of which was Kas-
to find anything in the history of South kaskia, situated upon the Kaskaskia
Carolina which presents so much of heroic River, 5 miles above its mouth, and with-
spirit in an heroic cause as appears in in 2 miles of the Mississppi River. Kas-
tliat repulse of the Missouri invaders by kaskia, under the French regime, was,
the beleaguered town of Lawrence, where comparatively speaking, a large town, con-
even the women gave their effective efforts taining from 2,000 to 3,000 inhabitants,
to freedom. . . . When the French were expelled from this

Already in Lawrence alone there are region by the British and Americans, the

newspapers and schools, including a high population rapidly decreased. On July

school, and throughout this infant Terri- 5, 1778, the town was captured by the

tory there is more mature scholarship Americans under George Rogers Clarke

far, in proportion to its inhabitants, than (g. v.), who was acting under authoriza-

in all South Carolina. Ah, sir, I tell the tion of Patrick Henry, at that time gov-

Senator that Kansas, welcomed as a free ernor of Virginia.

State, will be a "ministering angel" to Kasson, John Adam, diplomatist;

the republic when South Carolina, in the born in Charlotte, Vt., Jan. 11, 1822;

cloak of darkness which she hugs, " lies graduated at the University of Vermont

howling." ... in 1842; and was admitted to the bar in

To overthrow this usurpation is now Massachusetts. Removing to St. Louis,
the special, importunate duty of Congress, Mo., he practised till 1857, when he set-
admitting of no hesitation or postpone- tied in Des Moines, la. In 1861-62 he
ment. To this end it must lift itself from was first assistant Postmaster-General ; in
the cabals of candidates, the machinations 1863-67 was a member of Congress, and
of party, and the low level of vulgar in 1863 and 1867 the United States
strife. It must turn from that slave commissioner to the international postal
oligarchy and refuse to be its tool. Let the Congress. He again served in Congress
power be stretched forth towards this in 1873-77, and in the latter year was ap-
distant Territory, not to bind, but to un- pointed United States minister to Aus-
bind ; not for the oppression of the weak, tria, where he remained till 1881, when he
but for the subversion of the tyrannical; was again elected to Congress. In 1884-
not for the prop and maintenance of a re- 85 he was minister to Germany, and in
vol ting visurpation, but for the confirma- 1893 envoy to the Samoan international
tion of liberty. . . . conference. President McKinley ap-

Kansas-Nebraska Bill. See Kansas, pointed him United States special com-

Kapp, Friedrich, author; born in missioner plenipotentiary to negotiate rec-

Hamm, Prussia, April 13, 1824; educated iprocity treaties in 1897, imder the Ding-

at the University of Heidelberg, and be- ley tariff act; and in 1898 he became a

came a lawyer; came to the United States member of the Anglo-American Joint

in 1850, and practised in New York till High Commission. He resigned the office

1870, when he returned to Germany. His of reciprocity commissioner in March,

publications include The Slave Question 1901, owing to the failure of the Fifty-

in the United States; Life of the Ameri- sixth Congress to act on several commer-

can General Friedrich Wilhelm von Steu- cial treaties he had negotiated.

ben; History of Slavery in the United Katipiman League, a revolutionary

States of America; The Tradiufi in Sol- organization in the Pliilippine Islands.

diers of the German Princes irith Amer- The aim of the society was to expel the

ica; A History of the German Migration Spaniards and the monastic orders from

into America; On Immigration and the the islands. The most inhuman atrocities

Commission of Emigration; Life of the were committed by both the Spanish troops

American General Joh^nn de Kalb; and and the Katipunan insurgents. The re-

218

KAUFMAN— KAITTZ

volt was brought to an end by a compact this meeting he issued a proclamation

made Dec. 14, 1897, between Aguinaldo in which he declared that the so-called

and thirty-four other leaders, who agreed provisional government under Mataafa

to quit the Philippine Islands, not to re- was without legal status, according to

turn until authorized by the Spanish gov- the terms of the Berlin treaty. He,

ernment; the Spanish government agree- therefore, ordered Mataafa and his fol-

ing to pay $1,700,000 in instalments, lowers to lay down their arms and return

provided the rebellion was not renewed to their homes. The German consul,

within a certain time. A first instalment however, would not agree to this procla-

of $400,000 was paid, but the promised mation, and issued a counter one, which

reform was not carried out and the was translated into the Samoan language,

families of the former leaders were per- and circulated among the supporters of

secuted by the Spanish authorities. Mataafa. This proclamation was as fol-

Kaufman, Theodore, artist; born in lows:
Nelsen, Hanover, Dee. 18, 1814; studied

painting in Munich and Hamburg; came "Notice to all Savwans:

to the United States in 1855, and served ,u''f/;^^^\r°.''^^T}^TJ^ the admiral of

J . ,1 y-,. .1 TTT • ^1 -KT i- 1 the United States, dated March 11, was made

during the Civil War m the National known that the three consuls of the signa-

army. Later he settled in Boston. His tory powers of the Berlin treaty, as well as

works include General Sherman near the ^^^ ^^^'^^ commanders of men-of-war, had

-n7„j 7 ^ /^ -. r -I, J A n -^ r> 1 been unanimous to no more recognize the

Watchfire; On to Liberty; A Pacific Rail- provisional government, composed of Mataafa

way Train attacked by Indians; Slaves and the thirteen chiefs.

seeking Shelter under the Flag of the " I. therefore, make known to you that this

Union; Admiral Farragut entering Ear- Proclamation is quite false I, the German

, /. y m 7 ■, T^ consul-general, continue to recognize the

bor through Torpedoes; and Farragut provisional government of Samoa until I

in the Rigging. receive contrary instructions from my govern-

Kautz, Albert, naval officer; born in ment.

r- J. r\ T on. loon J. J "Rose, German Consul-General.

Georgetown, 0., Jan. 29, 1839; entered « Apia, MarcTi 13, 1S99."
the navy as acting midshipman in 1854;

graduated at the Naval Academy in This notice resulted in hostilities which

1859; promoted to passed midshipman, lasted for several days. About 175 sailors

master, and lieutenant, in 1861; and was were landed from the American and Brit-

a prisoner of war in North Carolina, and ish war-ships. Before order was restored,

at Richmond, Va., in June-October, 1861. several American and British officers and

In 1862 he was flag-lieutenant to Farra- sailors were killed, and others wounded,

gut, on the Hartford, and, after the sur- The loss of the natives was supposed to

render of New Orleans, he entered the have been very heavy (see Samoa).

city, removed the " Lone Star " flag from Admiral Kautz was retired in January,

the city hall, and raised the stars and 1901.

stripes over the custom-house. He was Kautz, August Valentine, military
also on the Hartford when that ship took officer; born in Ispringen, Germany, Jan.
part in the engagement with the batteries 5, 1828; brother of Admiral Kautz. His
of Vicksburg. He was promoted to lieu- parents came to the United States the
tonant-commander in 1865; commander year of his birth, and in 1832 settled in
in 1872; captain in 1885; commodore in Ohio. He graduated at the United States
1897: and rear-admiral in 1898; and in Military Academy in 1852; commis-
the latter year was placed in command of sioned second lieutenant in the 4th In-
the Pacific station. In 1899 Admiral fantry in 1853; promoted first lieuten-
Kautz figured prominently in settling the ant in 1855; captain in the 6th Cavalry
troubles at Samoa. In March of that in 1861; colonel 8th Infantry in 1874;
year, after he arrived at the scene of the brigadier-general in 1891; and was re-
trouble, on board the Philadelphia, he tired Jan. 5, 1892. In the volunteer ser-
spent two days in making inquiries, and vice he was commissioned colonel of the
then called a meeting of all the consuls 2d Ohio Cavalry, Sept. 2, 1862; promoted
and the senior officers of the English and to brigadier - general, May 7, 1864; and
German war-ships in the harbor. After brevetted major - general, Oct. 28, follow-

219

KEAN— KEARNY

ing. During the CiA'il War he distinguish- from the Chinese authorities the recogni-
ed himself at Monticello, Ky. ; at Peters- tion of the right of Americans to trade
burg, Va. ; in the action on the Darby- there, and the same protection and facili-
to\vn road in Virginia ; in the pursuit and ties to our merchants as were about being
capture of John Morgan, the Confederate granted by treaty to Great Britain. He
raider; and in the final Richmond cam- died in Perth Amboy, Nov. 29, 1868.
paign. After the war he served in Ari- Kearny, Philip, military officer; born
zona, California, and Nebraska. General in New York City, June 2, 1815; studied
Kautz published The Company Clerk; law, but, preferring the military pro-
Customs of Service for Non-commissioned fession, entered the army at twenty-
Officers and Soldiers; and Customs of two years of age as lieutenant of
Service for Officers. He died in Seattle, dragoons. Soon afterwards the govern-
Wash., Sept. 4, 1895. ment sent him to Europe to study and

Kean, John, legislator; born in Ursino, report upon French cavalry tactics.
N. J., Dec. 4, 1852; was educated at Yale While there he fought in the French
College; graduated at the Law School of
Columbia College in 1875; admitted to
the New Jersey bar in 1877, but never
practised; was a member of Congress in
188,3-85 and 1887-89; and a Eepublican
United States Senator in 1889-1905.

Keaue, John Joseph, clergyman; born
in Ballyshannon, Ireland, Sept. 12, 1839;
came to the United States in 1846; was
educated in St. Charles's College and St.
Mary's Seminary, Baltimore; ordained a
priest of the Boman Catholic Church in
186G, and assigned to St. Patrick's
Church, Washington. He remained there
till Aug. 25, 1878, when he was conse-
crated Bishop of Bichmond, Va. He was
rector of the Catholic University of Amer-
ica, Washington, D. C, in 1886-97, when
he resigned and went to Eome. In 1900
he was appointed Archbishop of Dubuque.

Kearns, Thomas, legislator; born near
Woodstock, Ontario, Canada, April 11,
1862; removed to Utah, where he worked
in a mine, later becoming owner of two
mines. He was a delegate to the Republi-
e'an National Convention in 1896 and 1900;
and a Republican United States Senator
in 1901-05.

PHILIP KEARNY.

army in Africa as a volunteer, and re-
turned in 1840 with the cross of the Le-
gion of Honor. Aide to General Scott
(1841-44), he was made captain in the
LTnited States army, and served on the
staff of Scott in the war with Mexico, re-
ceiving great applause. Near the city of
Kearny, Lawrence, naval officer; born Mexico he lost his left arm in battle.
in Perth Amboy, N. J., Nov. 30, 1789; After serving a campaign on the Pacific
entered the navy in 1807 ; performed im- coast against the Indians, he went to Eu-
portant services on the coast of South rope, and served on the staff of the French
Carolina and adjoining States during the General Maurier in the Italian War
War of 1812-15; and after the war, in (1859). He received from the French gov-
command of the schooner Enterprise, as- crnment a second decoration of the Legion
sisted with efficiency in ridding the West of Honor. He hastened home when the
Indies and Gulf of Mexico of pirates. Civil War broke out ; was made brigadier-
He also, in the Warren, drove the Greek general of volunteers just after the bat-
pirates from the Levant in 1827, and tie of Bull Run, and commanded a brigade
broke up their nests. In command of the of New Jersey troops in Franklin's di-
East India squadron in 1851, he secured vision. Army of the Potomac. He com-

220

KEARNY

manded a division in Heintzelraan's corps; Washington, from Aug. 25 till his death,

behaved gallantly during the Peninsula near Chantilly, Va., Sept. 1, 1862. He

campaign ; was made major-general of had placed his division in preparation for

volunteers in July, 1862; was the first battle, and after dark was reconnoitring

to reinforce Pope; and was engaged in within the enemy's lines when he was dis-

the battles between the Rappahannock and covered and shot dead.

KEARNY, STEPHEN WATTS

Kearny, Stephen Watts, military escort of fifteen men, to bear the intelli-
officer; born in Newark, N. J., Aug. 30, gence overland to Washington, as soon as
1794; uncle of Gen. Philip Kearny. When possible. Just as he had crossed the
the War of 1812-15 broke out young desert and was approaching the American
Kearny left his studies at Columbia Col- frontier, he was met by General Kearny,
lege, entered the army as lieutenant of with a small force of dragoons, marching
infantry, and distinguished himself in the westward, under instructions from his
battle of Queenston Heights. In April, government to conquer California and or-
1813, he was made captain, and rose to ganize a civil government in the terri-
brigadier - general in June, 1846. He was tory, a work Avhieh had already been sue-
in command of the Army of the West cessfully accomplished,
at the beginning of the war with Mexico, Upon learning what had occurred,
and with that army marched to California, Kearny insisted upon Carson's returning
conquering Xew Mexico on the way. He with him, as his guide, to California,
established a provisional government at having forwarded the despatches to
Santa Fe, pressed on to California, and Washington by another messenger of his
was twice wounded in battle. For a few own selection. Upon the general's arrival
n)onths in 1847 he was governor of Cali- at Los Angeles, the capital of California,
fornia ; joined the army in Mexico ; in and the seat of the new government, the
March, 1848, was governor, military and contest soon arose between himself and
civil, of Vera Crviz, and in May of the Commodore Stockton. The process by
same year was made governor of the city which Colonel Fremont became involved
of Mexico. In August, 1848. he was in this controA'ersy is obvious. He held
brevetted major-general, and died in St. a commission in the army as lieutenant
Louis, Mo., on Oct. 31, following. of topographical engineers, and, as such.

The Kearny-Stockt07i Controversy. — was, primarily, subject to the orders of
The differences between General Kearny his superior general officer of the army,
and Commodore Stockton, after the occu- He had since yielded to the exigencies of
pation of California, originated primarily the occasion, and, from motive and for
in the indefiniteness of the instructions reasons which cannot be impeached,
which were issued from the seat of govern- waived any privileges he might have
ment. Those addressed to the naval com- claimed, as the real conqueror of North
manders on the Pacific, in their judgment, California, and, in point of rank, the su-
justified the organization of a military perior representative of the army on the
force and a civil government in California, Pacific coast, and. with his men, volun-
and under those instructions Commodore teered to serve under Commodore Stock-
Stockton authorized Colonel Fremont to ton in the further prosecution of the war
organize the California battalion and take in South California, the subjugation of
its command with the title of major. By which could not be so successfully effected
virtue of those, he likewise took the neces- without the aid of a fieet. By accepting
sary steps for the organization of a civil the governorship of California, a vacancy
government for California and invested had been created in the command of the
Fremont with the title and responsibilities California battalion, and other changes
of governor. }iad become necessary. The first intima-

As soon as these results were com- tion which Colonel Fremont received of

summated. Kit Carson was sent, with an General Kearny's intention to test the

221

KEARNY, STEPHEN WATTS

validity of Commodore Stockton's acts, this morning to make such a reply as the

through him, was conveyed in the follow- brief time allowed for reflection will en-

ing note: able me.

. xTtT " I found Commodore Stockton in pos-

" Headquarters, Army of the West, . , , , ^ • ..i, ^

,j „ T A o session oi the country, exercising the tunc-

OlUDAD DE -LiOS ixNGELES, ^. „ .,., " ,, I'-i

,, , ^^ yo/'v tions OI ruilitarv commandant and civil
"Jan. 16, I84I. -. -, , i , i

governor, as early as July of last year;

« By direction of Brigadier - General ^^^^ ^-^^^.^^^ thereafter I received from him

Kearny, I send you a copy of a com- ^j^^ commission of military commandant,

munication to him from the Secretary of ^j^^ ^^^.^^ ^^ ^^^^^^ j immediately entered

War, dated June 18, 1846, m which is ^ ^^^ j^^^,^ continued to exercise to

the following: 'These troops, and such the present moment.

as may be organized in California, wil .j f^,^^^ ^j^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^.^j^^j ^^ ^^^^

be under your command.' The general ^j^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^j^^.^^ ^^ ^^^^. ^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^_

directs that no change will be made in ^^^^^^.^ Stockton still exercising the func-

the organization of your battalion of ^^^^^ ^^ ^.^,jj ,^^^ military governor, with

volunteers, or officers appointed m it, ^^^ ^^^^ apparent deference to his rank

without his sanction or approval being on the part of all officers (including your-

first obtained. Wm. F. Emort, ^^^^^ ^^ ^^ maintained and required when

" Lieutenant and Acting Assistant ^^ assumed them in July last.

" Adjutant-General." « j learned also, in conversation with

This note at once raised the question J""' that on the march from San Diego,

whether he was to obey General Kearny, recently, to this place, you entered upon

and thereby, so far as his example could and discharged duties implying an ac-

go, invalidate the acts of Commodore knowledgment on your part of supremacy

Stockton, in which he had co-operated, or to Commodore Stockton.
obey Commodore Stockton, and, so far " I feel, therefore, with great deference

as his decision would go, sustain the to your professional and personal charac-

validity of those proceedings which he be- ter, constrained to say that, until you and

lieved to be both legal and patriotic. If Commodore Stockton adjust between your-

he took the former course, he incurred selves the question of rank, where I re-

the liability to be arraigned, and, in his spectfully think the difficulty belongs, I

judgment, justly disgraced for disobeying shall have to report and receive orders, as

an officer whose rank and authority he heretofore, from the commodore.
had deliberately recognized; and he fur- "With considerations of high regard, I

ther incurred the charge of base ingrati- ^m, sir, your obedient servant,
tude towards an officer whose courtesy • ^* -^ «'='^'^"^'' ^ '

and confidence he had shared, whose con- " Lieutenant-Colonel U. S. A., and Mili-
duct he had approved, and who unex- tary Commandant of the Territory

pectedly found himself in a situation to of California,

need the support of his friends. Fremont " Brig.-Gen. S. W. Kearny, U. S. A."
was incapable of deserting either a friend

or what he deemed a post of duty; he T^e same day that General Kearny ad-,

accordingly addressed to General Kearny (^vessed the note above quoted to Colonel

the following reply, on the following day: Fremont, a yet more serious correspond-
ence commenced between him and Conimo-

" CiUDAD DE Los Angeles, dore Stockton. It is here given at length,

" Jan. 17, ISIfl. with the introductory remarks of Commo-

" Sir, — I have the honor to be in receipt dore Stockton's biographer, who evidently

of your favor of last night, in which I wrote under the eye and approval of the

am directed to suspend the execution of commodore:

orders which, in my capacity of military " FrC-mont throughout Ihe California

commandant of this territory, I had re- war was strictly and technically in the

ccived from Commodore Stockton, gov- naval service, under Commodore Stockton,

ernor and commander - in - chief in Call- He had taken service under him with ar

fornia. I avail myself of an early hour express agreement that he would continue

222

KEARNY, STEPHEN WATTS

subject to his orders as long as he con-
tinued in command in California. This
engagement both he and Captain Gillespie
had entered into from patriotic motives,
and to render the most efficient service to
the country. He visited California origi-
nally upon topographical, and not on mili-
tary, duty. His volunteering under Stock-
ton on special service was a patriotic im-
pulse, in complying with which the gov-
ernment were in honor bound to sustain
him. He therefore very properly refused
to violate his agreement with Stockton,
and' unite with Kearny against him.

" Having failed to compel Fremont to
acknowledge his authority, the general ad-
dressed himself to the commodore and de-
manded that he should abdicate the com-
mand-in-chief.

" The commodore, considering the sub-
jugation of California complete, and that
no further hostilities were likely to take
place, was of opinion that he might now
relinquish his governorship and com-
mand-in-chief and return to his ship.
But, having informed the government that,
upon that event he intended to appoint
Colonel Fremont governor, he now pro-
ceeded to carry that design into execu-
tion.

" General Kearny, learning this to be
the purpose of the cominodore, and de-
sirous of exercising the functions of gov-
ernor himself, addressed to him the fol-
lowing letter:"

general kearny to commodore

stockton.

" Headquarters, Army of the West,
" Ciudad de Los Angeles,

"Jan. 16, 18^7.
" Sir, — I am informed that you are en-
laged in organizing a civil government,
Ind appointing officers for it in this terri-
tory. As this duty has been specially as-
signed to myself, by orders of the Presi-
dent of the United States, conveyed in let-
ters to me from the Secretary of War, of
June 3, 8, and 18, 1846, the original of
which I gave to you on the 12th, and
which you returned to me on the 13th,
and copies of which I furnished you with
on the 26th December, I have to ask if
you have any authority from the Presi-
dent, from the Secretary of the Navy, or
from any other channel of the President

to form such government and make such
appointments?

" If you have such authority, and will
show it to me or furnish me with a cer-
tified copy of it, I will cheerfully acqui-
esce in what you are doing. If you have
not such authority, I then demand that
you cease all further proceedings relating
to the formation of a civil government of
this Territory, as I cannot recognize in
you any right in assuming to perform
duties confided to me by the President.

" Very respectfully, your obedient ser-
vant, S. W. Kearny,
" Brigadier-General U. S. A.
" Commodore R. F. Stockton, Acting
" Governor of California."

commodore STOCKTON TO GENERAL
KEARNY.

" Headquarters, Ciudad de Los Angeles,
"Jan. 16, 1847.

" Sir, — In answer to your note, received
this afternoon, I need say but little more
than that which I communicated to you
in a conversation at San Diego — that
California was conquered and a civil gov-
ernment put into successful operation;
that a copy of the laws made by me for
the government of the Territory, and the
names of the officers selected to see them
faithfully executed, were transmitted to
the President of the United States before
you arrived in the Territory.

" I will only add that I cannot do any-
thing nor desist from doing anything on
your demand, which I will submit to the
President and ask for your recall. In the
mean time you will consider yourself sus-
pended from the command of the United
States forces in this place.

" Faithfully, your obedient servant,
" E. F. Stockton,

" Commander-in-Chief.

" To Brevet Brig.-Gen. S. W. Kearny."

general KEARNY TO COMMODORE STOCKTON.

" Headquarters, Army of the West,
" Ciudad de Los Angeles,

"Jan. 17, 18.'t7.
" Sir, — In my communication to you of
yesterday's date I stated that I had
learned that you were engaged in organiz-
ing a civil government for California. 1
referred you to the President's instruc

)03

KEARNY, STEPHEN WATTS

tions to me (the original of which you cumstances. I, therefore, immediately on
have seen) and copies of which I furnished my arrival, waited upon the governor and
you, to perform that duty, and added that commander-in-chief, Commodore Stockton,
if you had any authority from the Presi- and, a few minutes afterwards, called
dent, or any of his organs, for what you upon General Kearny. I soon found them
were doing, I would cheerfully acquiesce, occupying a hostile attitude, and each
and if you had not such authority I de- denying the right of the other to assume
manded that you would cease further pro- the direction of affairs in this country,
ceedings in the matter. " The ground assumed by General

" Your reply of the same date refers me Kearny was that he held in his hand
to a conversation held at San Diego, and plenary instructions from the President
adds that you cannot do anything or de- directing him to conquer California, and
sist from doing anything or alter anything organize a civil government, and that con-
on your (my) demand. As, in conse- scquently he would not recognize the acts
qiience of the defeat of the enemy on the of Commodore Stockton.
8th and 9th inst., by the troops under " The latter maintained that his own
my command, and the capitulation en- instructions were to the same effect as
tered into on the 13th inst. by Lieutenant- Kearny's; that this officer's commission
Colonel Fremont with the leaders of the v/as obsolete, and never would have been
Californians, in which the people under given could the government have antiei-
arms and in the field agree to disperse and pated that the entire country, seaboard
remain quiet and peaceable, the country and interior, would have been conquered
may now, for the first time, be considered and held by himself. The country had
as conquered, and taken possession of by been conquered and a civil government in-
us; and as I am prepared to carry out the stituted since September last, the consti-
President's instructions to me, which you tution of the Territory and appointments
oppose, I must, for the purpose of prevent- under the constitution had been sent to
ing a collision between us and possibly a the government for its approval, and
civil war in consequence of it, remain decisive action undoubtedly long since had
silent for the present, leaving with you the upon them. General Kearny was in-
great responsibility of doing that for structed to conquer the country, and upon
which you have no authority, and pre- its threshold his command had been near-
venting me from complying with the Pres- ly cut to pieces, and, but for relief from
ident's orders. him (Commodore Stockton), would have

" Very respectfully, your obedient ser- been destroyed. More men were lost than

vant, S. W. Kearny, in General Taylor's battle of the 8th. In

" Brigadier-General U. S. A. regard to the remaining part of his in-

" Commodore R. F. Stockton, Acting structions, how could he organize a

" Governor of California." government without first proceeding to

disorganize the present one? His work

The motives which actuated Colonel Frg- had been anticipated; his commission was
mont in electing to pursue the course absolutely null and void and of no effect,
which he did upon the arrival of General " But if General Kearny believed that
Kearny, are scarcely open to misconstrue- his instructions gave him paramount au-"
tion. There happens, however, to be the thority in the country, he made a fatal
best of evidence in regard to them in a error on his arrival. He was received
letter addressed to Colonel Benton at the with kindness and distinction by the
time of the collision, which reveals in all commodore, and oflered by him the com-
the confidence of personal friendship the mand of his land forces. General Kearny
iimermost secrets of his heart. In that rejected the offer and declined interfering
letter, he says: with Commodore Stockton. This officer

"... When I entered Los Angeles I was then preparing for a march to Ciu-
ftas ignorant of the relations subsisting dad de Los Angeles, his force being princi-
between these gentlemen, having received pally sailors and marines, who were all
from neither any order or information on foot (fortunately for them), and who
which might serve as a guide in the cir- were to be provided with supplies on their

224

KEARNY, STEPHEN WATTS

oiarch through an enemy's country, where
all the people are cavalry. His force was
paraded, and ready to start, 700 in num-
ber, supported by six pieces of artillery.
The command, under General Stockton,
bad been conferred upon his first lieuten-
ant, Mr. Rowan. At this juncture Gen-
eral Kearny expressed to Commodore
Stockton his expectation that the com-
mand would have been given to him. The
commodore informed the general that
liieutenant Rowan was in his usual line
of duty, as on board ship, relieving him
of the detail of the drudgery of the camp,
while he himself remained the com-
mander-in-chief ; that if General Kearny
was willing to accept Mr. Rowan's place,
under these circumstances, he could have
it. The general assented. Commodore
Stockton called up his officers and ex-
plained the case. Mr. Rowan gave up
his post generously and without hesita-
tion ; and Commodore Stockton desired
them clearly to understand that he re-
mained commander-in-chief; under this
arrangement the whole force entered
Angeles ; and on the day of my arrival
ut that place General Kearny told me
that he did then, at that moment, recog-
nize Commodore Stockton as governor of
the Territory.

" You are aware that I had con-
tracted relations with Commodore Stock-
ton, and I thought it neither right nor
politically honorable to withdraw my sup-
port. No reason of interest shall ever
compel me to act towards any man in
such a way that I should afterwards be
asrhamed to meet him."

Early in the spring, new instructions,
bearing date Nov. 5, reached Commodore
Stockton, which put an end to the latter's
supremacy in the quarter. In his des-
patch the Secretary of the Na\'y says:

" The President has deemed it best for
the public interests to invest the military
officer commanding with the direction of
the operations on land, and with the ad-
ministrative functions of the government
over the people and Territory occupied
by us. You will relinquish to Colonel
Mason, or to General Kearny, if the latter
shall arrive before you have done so. the
entire control over these matters, and turn
over to him all papers necessary to the
performance of his duties."

Instructions of a corresponding import
were of course received from the War De-
partment, by General Kearny, and with
tliem, or not long afterwards, a despatch
from Mr. Marcy, of which the following
is an extract:

EXTRACT FROM INSTRUCTIONS TO BRIGADIER-
GENERAL KEARNY.

" War Department, June 11, 1847.

"... When the despatch from this de-
partment was sent out in November last,
there was reason to believe that Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Fremont would desire to re-
turn to the United States, and you were
then directed to conform to his wishes in
that respect. It is not now proposed to
change that direction. But since that
time it has become known here that he
bore a conspicuous part in the conquest
of Ca lifornia, that his services have been
very valuable in that country, and doubt-
less will continue to be so should he re-
main there.

" Impressed, as all engaged in the pub-
lic service must be, with the great im-
portance of harmony and cordial co-opera-
tion in carrying on military operations in
a country so distant from the seat of
authority, the President is persuaded that
when his definite instructions were re-
ceived, all questions of difficulty were set-
tled, and all feelings which had been
elicited by the agitation of them had sub-
sided.

" Should Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont,
who has the option to return or remain,
adopt the latter alternative, the President
does not doubt you will employ him in
such a manner as will render his services
most available to public interest, having
reference to his extensive acquaintance
with the inhabitants of California, and
his knowledge of their language, qualifi-
cations independent of others, which it is
supposed may be very useful in the pres-
ent and prospective state of our affairs in
that f'ountry. ...

" Very respectfully, your ob't servant,
' ""W. L. Marcy,
" Secretary of War."

The " definite instructions " to which
reference is here made were never com-
municated to Colonel Fremont, and theit
suppression was very justly esteemed bji
him a grievance for several reasons, and

225

KEARNY, STEPHEN WATTS

among others, because they show that by
tlie President's directions it was at
Colobel Fremont's option whether he
would remain in California or not, an
option, however, which was denied him by
General Kearny.

Early in March, and after taking the
supreme command in California, General
Kearny addressed Colonel Fremont the
following letter:

general kearny to colonel fremont.

" Headquarters, 10th Military Dept.,'

" Monterey, U. Cal., March 1, 1847-
" Sir, — By Department orders. No. 2,
of this date (which will be handed to
you by Captain Turner, 1st Dragoons,
A.A.A.G., for my command), you will see
that certain duties are there required of
you as commander of the battalion of
California volunteers.

" In addition to the duties above re-
ferred to, I have now to direct that you
will bring with you, and with as little de-
lay as possible, all the archives and pub-
lic documents and papers which may be
subject to your control, and which apper-
tain to the government of California, that
1 may receive them from your hands at
this place, the capital of the Territory.

" I have directions from the general-in-
chief not to detain you in this country,
against your Avishes, a moment longer
than the necessities of the service may
require ; and you will be at liberty to
leave here after you have complied with
these instructions, and those in the order
referred to.

" Very respectfully, your ob't servant,
" S. W. Kearny.
'' Lieut.-Col. J. C. Fremont, Regiment of
Mounted Riflemen, Commanding Bat-
talion of California Volunteers, Ciu-
dad de Los Angeles."

About a month later, he received the
following order from General Kearny:

" Headquarters, 10th Military Dept.,
" Monterey, Cal., March 28.

" Sir, — This will be handed to you by
Colcmel Mason, 1st Dragoons, who goes to
the southern district, clothed by me with
.'nil authority to give such orders and in-
structions upon all matters, both civil and

military, in that section of the country
as he may deem proper and necessary.
Any instructions he may give you will be
considered as coming from myself."

A few weeks later Colonel Fremont re-
ceived orders from General Kearny to re-
port himself at Monterey with such of the
members of his topographical corps as
were still under pay, prepared to set out
at once for Washington. Colonel Fremont
then applied for permission to join his
regiment, under General Taylor's com-
mand, supposed to be on its way to Vera
Cruz. This request was refused without
explanation or apology, and on June
14 Colonel Fremont addressed General
Kearny as follows:

colonel FREMONT TO GENERAL KEARNY.

New Helvetia, U. Cal.,

" June 14, J847-

"Sir, — In a communication which I re-
ceived from yourself ;'in March of the pres-
ent year I am informed that you had been
directed by the commander-in-chief not to
detain me in this country against my
wishes longer than the absolute necessities
of the service might require.

" Private letters in which I have entire
confidence further inform me that the
President has been pleased to direct that
I should be permitted the choice of join-
ing my regiment in Mexico, or returning
directly to the United States. An applica-
tion wiiich I had the honor to make to you
at the Ciudad de Los Angeles for permis-
sion to proceed immediately to Mexico
having been rejected, and the duties of
the exploring expedition which had been
confided to my direction having been ter-
minated by yourself, I respectfully re-
quest that I may now be relieved of all
connection with the topographical party
which you have taken under your charge,
and be permitted to return to the United
States. Travelling with a small party
by a direct route, my knowledge of the
country and freedom from professional
business will enable me to reach the States
some forty or fifty days earlier than your-
self, which the present condition of affairs
and a long absence from my family make
an object of great importance to me.

" It may not be imjiropcr to say to you
that my journey will be made with private
means, and will not, therefore, occasion

226

KEARNY— KEELY

any expenditure to the government. I
have the honor to be, with much respect,
your obedient servant,

" J. C. Fremont,

" Lieutenant-Colonel, Mounted Riflemen.
" Brig.-Gen. S. W. Kearny, Commanding,

etc."

To this request Colonel Fremont re-
ceived the following reply:

general kearny to colonel fremont.

" Camp near New Helvetia,
" California, June 14, IS-'p-

" Sir, — The request contained in your
communication to me of this date, to be
relieved from all connection with the
topographical party (nineteen men), and
be permitted to return to the United
States with a small party made up by
your private means, cannot be granted.

" I shall leave here on Wednesday, the
Kith instant, and I require of you to be
with your topographical party in my camp
(which will probably be about 15 miles
from here) on the evening of that day,
and to continue with me to Missouri.

" Very respectfully, your obedient
servant, S. W. Kearny,

" Brigadier-General.
" Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont, Regiment
" Mounted Riflemen, New Helvetia."

General Kearny broke up his camp near
Sutter's fort on the day after issuing this
order, and set out for the United States,
attended by Colonel Fremont, who was
treated, however, with deliberate dis-
respect throughout the journey. The
party reached Fort Leavenworth about
Aug. 22. On that day General Kearny
sent for him, and directed Lieutenant
Wharton to read to him a copy of the first
paragraph of an order he had just issued
of that date, as follows :

" Fort Leavenworth, Aug. 22, 18Jf7.

" Lieutenant - Colonel Fremont, of the
Regiment of Mounted Riflemen, will turn
over to the officers of the different de-
partments at this post, the horses, mules,
and other public property in the use of
the topographical party now under his
charge, for which receipts will be given.
He will arrange the accounts of these
men (nineteen in number), so that they
can be paid at the earliest date. Lieu-

tenant-Colonel Fremont having performed
the above duty, will consider himself
under arrest, and will then repair to
Washington City, and report himself to
the adjutant-general of the army." . . .

For Colonel Fremont's subsequent ac-
tions, see Fremont, John Charles.

Kearny's Expedition and Conquest
of New Mexico. See Kearny, Stephen
Watts.

Kearsarge, The. Wrecked on Ronca-
dor Reef, in Caribbean Sea, Feb. 2, 1894.
See Alabama, The.

Keeler, James Edward, astronomer;
born in La Salle, 111., Sept. 10, 1857;
graduated at Johns Hopkins University in
1881; accompanied Prof. Langley on the
Mount Whitney expedition ; studied two
years with Quincke, in Heidelberg, and
with Von Helmholz, in Berlin. He was ap-
pointed assistant astronomer of the Lick
Observatory in 1886, and when the ob-
servatory was transferred to the State
(June, 1888), he was made full astrono-
mer. He was director of the Allegheny
Observatory in 1889-98, and on June 1,
1898, was made director of the Lick Obser-
vatory. Professor Kfeler was a mem-
ber of many American and foreign scien-
tific societies, among them the Royal
Astronomical Society of Great Britain,
and in 1898 was awarded the Rumford
medal of the American Academy of Arts
and Sciences. He wrote extensively for
The Astrophysical Journal and other tech-
nical periodicals. He died on Mount Ham-
ilton, Cal., Aug. 13, 1900.

Keely, John Worrell, mechanic; born
in Philadelphia, Pa., Sept. 3, 1837; was
a carpenter till 1872. Prior to that date
he had become interested in music, claim-
ing that the' tuning-fork had suggested
to him a new motive power. After years
of experiment he exhibited a machine
which appeared to have great power, its
motion, according to him, being produced
neither by steam, electricity, nor compress-
ed air, but by the vibrations of a violin
bow. This machine was called the " Keely
motor." and in 1874 a stock company was
established which contributed thousands
of dollars to enable him to perfect his
alleged discovery. From 1872 to 1891 he
built and rejected 129 different models;
in 1881 a wealthy woman of Philadelphia
built a new laboratory for him, and also
7

KEEN— KEITH

furnished a weekly salary that he might of Asa Trenchard and Edward A. Sothern
continue his experiments. At various ex- that of Lord Dundreary, then a minor
iiibitions he produced wonderful effects, character, which Mr. Sothern afterwards
but never revealed how these were ac- made the principal one in a new version
coniplished. After his death the whole of the play. In 1860 she brought out
scheme was examined, and it was claimed The Seven Sisters, which ran for 169
by many to be a fraud — that the machine nights. It was while her company was
was operated by a compressed-air motor playing Our A merican Cousin, at Ford's
in the cellar. He died in Philadelphia, Theatre, Washington, on April 14, 1865,
Pa., Nov. 18, 1898. that President Lincoln was fatally shot.

Keen, Gregory Bernard, librarian; She remained on the stage till within two
born in Philadelphia, Pa., March 3, 1844; years of her death, in Montclair, N. J.,
graduated at the University of Pennsyl- Nov. 4, 1873.

vania in 1861, and at the Divinity School Kegs, Battle of the. See Hopkinson,
of the Protestant Episcopal Church, Phila- Francis.

delphia, in 1866; became a Roman Catho- Keifer, Joseph Warren, laA\yer; born
lie in 1868; was librarian of the Uni- in Clark county, 0., Jan. 30, 1836; edu-
versity of Pennsylvania in 1887-97; and eated at Antioch College; was admitted to
became librarian of the Historical Society the bar and began practice in Springfield,
of Pennsylvania in 1898. He is the editor O. In the Civil War he served in the
of the Pennsylvania Magazine of History Union army, rising from the rank of
and Biography, and the author of a num- major to colonel and brevet brigadier-gen-
ber of articles on The Descendants of eral and major-general. At the close of
Joran Kyn, the Founder of Upland, and the war he declined the appointment of
the chapters on Netv Sioeden and lieio Al- lieutenant-colonel of the 26th United
bion in the Narrative and Critical His- States Infantry. In 1868-69 he was a
tory of America. State Senator; in 1877-83 a Republican

Keenan, Peter, military officer; born Representative in Congress; and in 1881-
in York, N. Y., Nov. 9, 1834; was adopt- 83 speaker of the House. During the war
ed by a wealthy Philadelphia family; be- with Spain President McKinley appointed
came a captain in the 8th Pennsylvania him a major-general cf volunteers. Since
Cavalry in 1861. After the rout of the 1873 he has been president of a national
11th Corps on the right wing at the bat- bank. In April, 1901, he published Sla-
tie of Chancellorsville, May 2, 1863, with very and Four Years of War.
less than 500 men. he charged the Con- Keith, George, clergyman ; born in
federates, taking them by complete sur- Aberdeen, Scotland, about 1645; belong-
prise, so that their advance was sufficient- ed to the Society of Friends ; came to East
ly checked until the National guns were Jersey; was surveyor-general in 1682;
got into position. This charge saved the and in 1689 taught school in Philadelphia.
National army from complete rout. He He wrote and spoke much in favor of the
was killed during the action. Quakers, and visited New England in their

Keene, Laura, actress; born in Chelsea, interest; but about 1691 he established a
London, England, in 1820; real name, sect who called themselves "Christian
Mary Moss; made her first appearance Quakers." Keith was irritable, quarrel-
on the stage in London, in 1845; was mar- some, and imperious. He finally left the
ried to Henry W. Taylor in 1847, and to Quakers altogether: took orders in the
John Lutz in 1857. She won her greatest Church of England; and died rector of
successes in light comedy. She first ap- Edbnrton, Sussex. England, in 1715.
peared in the United States at Wallack's Keith, Sir William ; born near Peter-
Theatre, New York, in 1852, where she head, England, in 1680; appointed gov-
subsequently took the management of the ernor of Pennsylvania and Delaware in
Varieties Theatre, and later opened a 1717 by George I. at the request of the
theatre under her name, which she man- principal inhabitants. He was the only
aged till 1863. At this house, in 1858, she pre - Revolutionary governor who sym-
first brought out Our American Cousin, patliized with the colonists in their strug-
in which Joseph Jefferson took the part gles with the proprietaries or British gov-

228

KELL— KELLEYSVILLE

ernnient. He was superseded in his office
in 172G, and was elected a member of the
colonial legislature. He returned to Eng-
land in 1728, and projected a series of
colonial histories, of which that on Vir-
ginia was the only one published. He died
in London, Nov. 18, 1749.

Kell, John McIntosii, naval officer;
born in Darien, Ga., Jan. 26, 1823; en-
tered the United States Naval Academy in
1841 ; served under Commodores Sloat and
Perry in California and Japan; joined the
Confederate navy as executive officer of
the Sumter; transferred to the Alabama
in 18f)2; was in the fight with the Kear-
sarge, but rescued by the English yacht
Deerhound when the Alabama sank; pro-
moted captain C. S. N. He wrote Cruise
and Combats of the Alabama in Battles
and Leaders of the Civil War. He died
in Sunnyside, Ga., Oct. 5, 1900.

Keller, Helen Adams, deaf, dumb, and
blind; born in Tuscumbia, Ala., June 27,
1880. She was sent to the Wright-
Huniason School in New York City when
seven years of age, where she made rapid
progress under her teacher, Miss Sullivan.
In 1897 she was sent to the Arthur Gil-
man School, and in 1899 she entered Rad-
cliffc College, where she studied Greek,
Latin, and the higher mathematics. This
is probably the most wonderful instance
in the history of education where seeming-
ly insuperable difficulties have been suc-
cessfully surmounted.

Kelley, Benjamin Franklin, military
officer ; born in New Hampton, N. H., April
10, 1807; removed to western Virginia in
182(J. He entered the national army as
colonel of the 1st Virginia Regiment; took
part in the battle of Philippi, where he
was severely wounded ; promoted brig-
adier-general in 1861, major-general in
1865. After the Civil War he was col-
lector of internal revenue and examiner
of pensions. He died in Oakland, Md.,
July 16, 1891.

Kelley, Hall Jackson, colonist ; born
in Northwood, N. H., Feb. 28, 1790; grad-
uated at Middlebury College in 1813; be-
came interested in colonizing Oregon, and
influenced the Massachusetts legislature
to incorporate the " American Society for
Encouraging the Settlement of the Oregon
Territory." Later he conducted a number
of settlers thither, but they were driven

away by the Hudson Bay Company. He
was the author of a Geographical Memoir
of Oregon, and .4 History of the Settle-
ment of Oregon and of the Interior of
Upper California, and of Persecutions and
Afflictions of Forty Years' Continuance
Endured by the Author. He died in
Palmer, Mass., Jan. 17, 1874.

Kelley, Henry B., jurist; born in
Huntsville, Ala., in 1823; served through-
nut the Mexican War as lieutenant of the
14th U. S. v.; resigned in 1848; re-
entered the army in 18.5.5; resigned in
1861 to enter the Confederate army. He
was a judge in the Louisiana Court of
Appeals from 1884 till his death at New
Orleans, June 16, 1894.

Kelley, James Douglas Jerrold, naval
officer ; born in New York City, Dec. 2.5,
1847; graduated at the United States
Naval Academy in 1868; promoted ensign
in 1869; master in 1870; lieutenant in
1872; lieutenant-commander in 1893; and
commander in 1899. For a prize essay
wn'itten in 1881 he received a gold medal
from the United States Naval Institute.
During the war with Spain (1898) he was
chairman of the board on auxiliary ves-
sels ; and in 1900-1 was on duty in Chi-
nese waters. He is widely known by his
numerous writings on naval subjects. His
publications include The Question of
Ships; Our Islavy; A Desperate Chance;
American Yachts; The Ship's Company ;
The Story of Coast Defence; American
Men-o'-War; The Navy of the United
States, 1875-99, etc.

Kelley, William Darrah, legislator;
born in Philadelphia, Pa., April 12, 1814;
admitted to the bar in 1841 ; was a Free-
trade Democrat till 1848, when he entered
the Republican party, becoming a firm
abolitionist and protectionist. He was
elected to Congress in 1860, and held a
seat in that body for many years. He
was the author of Slavery in the Terri-
tories (an address) ; Address at the Col-
ored Department of the House of Refuge ;
Reasons for Abandoning the Theory of
Free-Trade and Adopting the Principle of
Protection to American Industry ; Letters
on Industrial and Financial Questions ;
The Neio South, etc. He died in Washing-
ton. D. C, Jan. 9. 1890.

Kelleysville, Battle of. See Kelly's
Ford.

229

KELLOGG— KELLY

Kellogg, Clara Louise, opera-singer :
born in Sumterville, S. C, July 12, 1842;
removed to New York in 185G, and there
received her musical education. She made
her first appearance in New York as
Gilda, in Rir/olctto, in 1861, and in Lon-
don in Her Majesty's Theatre in 1867.
She made tours through the United States
from 1868 till her reappearance in Lon-
don in May, 1872. Returning to the
United States, she sang in Italian opera
for a season; organized an English opera
company; then an Italian opera company
(1876) ; married her manager, Carl Stra-
kosch, in 1887, and retired to jn-ivate
life.

Kellogg, Edgar Romeyn, military offi-
cer; born in New York City, March 25,
1842; entered the army in April, 1861, as
a sergeant in the 24th Ohio Infantry; was
promoted to second lieutenant in October
following; then resigned and enlisted as
a private in the 16th United States In-
fantry. He was promoted to first lieu-
tenant, Aug. 1, 1862; attained the rank
of brigadier-general, Dec. 5, 1899, and was
retired for disabilities Dec. 16, 1899. In
the Civil War he greatly distinguished
himself in the battle of Murfreesboro and
in the Atlanta campaign, and in the war
with Spain (1898) he commanded the 10th
United States Infantry in the battle of
San Juan Hill, near Santiago de Cuba,
on July 1.

Kellogg, Elijah, clergyman; born in
Portland, Maine, May 20, f813; graduated
at Bowdoin in 1840. He wrote many
popular books for young people, and was
the author of the well-known Address of
Bpartacus to the Gladiators. He died in
Harpsburg, Maine, March 17, 1901.

Kellogg, Martin, educator; born in
Vernon, Conn., March 15, 1828; graduated
at Yale College in 1850; went to Cali-
fornia as a Congregational clergyman;
was Professor of Latin in the old Cali-
fornia College in 1859-69; and in 1869,
when the University of California was
founded, became Professor of Ancient Lan-
guages there. He held the chair till 1893,
and was then president till 1899. He died
in San Francisco, Cal., Aug. 26, 1903.

Kellogg, William Pitt, governor of
Louisiana; born in Orwell, Vt., Dec. 8,
1831; admitted to the bar of Illinois in
1850; appointed chief-justice of Nebraska

Territory in 1861 ; colonel of the 7tli Illi-
nois United States Volunteers in 1861;
collector in 1865; United States Senator
from Louisiana in 1868; governor of
Louisiana, 1873-77; re-elected United
States Senator in 1877; member of Con-
gress, 1883-85.

Kelly, James Edward, sculptor; born
in New York City, July 30, 1855; began
studying art under Charles Parsons, of
the art department of Harper & Brothers,
in 1873, and subsequently at the Academy
of Design; and in 1878 began his career
as an illustrator in sculpture of person-
ages and events prominent in American
history by modelling the well - known
statuette of Sheridan's Ride, for which
the general posed. In the following year
he made a portrait bust of Thomas A.
Edison with the first phonograph; and in
1882 produced the Paul Eevere statue.
During 1883-85 he was engaged on the
five panels for the Monmouth Battle
Monument, representing the Council of
War at Hopewell; Ramsey Defending His
Guns; Washington Rallying His Troops;
Molly Pitcher; and Wayne's Charge. In
1886 he completed Grant at Donelson, for
which the general furnished sittings and
details. For the Saratoga Monument he
produced the panels, Arnold Wounded in
the Trenches; and Schuyler Transferring
His Plans to Gates. For the National
Cemetery at Gettysburg he was the sculp-
tor of General Deven and the 6th New
York Cavalry and the Buford Monument.
In 1891 he produced the colossal figure,
The Call to Arms, for the Soldiers' Monu-
ment at Troy, N. Y. In 1895 he fur-
nished the Long Island panel, for the Sons
of the Revolution; in 1897 the memorial
of the battle of Harlem Heights on the
grounds of Columbia University, also for
the Sons of the Revolution ; and in 1901
was engaged on a monument to commem-
orate the defence of New Haven, for the
Sons of the American Revolution. Besides
these works he has produced heads of the
principal commnndcrs of the Civil War
from life, including Generals Grant, Sheri-
dan, Sherman. Hancock, Stanley, Pleason-
ton, etc.; a portrait bust of Admiral Wor-
sen ; busts and statuettes from life of
Admiral Dewey, Rear-Admiral Sampson,
and Lieutenant Hobson : and heads from
life of the captains of Dewey's and Sarap-

230

KELLY'S FORD— KEMPFF

son's fleets, and of the principal army offi- each. When an attempt was made to send
cers of the Spanish-American War, and this international force to Peking to res-
an equestrian statue of Gen. Fitz-John cue the members of the foreign legations
Porter. there, the Tsung-li-Yamen (or Chinese for-

Kelly's Ford, a locality on the Rappa- eign office) refused permission, but subse-
hannock River in Virginia, which was the quently a portion of the allied troops, in-
scene of several engagements between the
National and Confederate forces during
the Civil War. The first, on Aug. 20,

1862, was with the cavalry of the Army
of Virginia; the second, on March 17,

1863, in which the 1st and 5th United
States, the 3d, 4th, and 16th Pennsyl-
vania, the 1st Rhode Island, the 6th
Ohio, and the 4th New York cavalry
regiments, and the 6th New York battery
were engaged; the third, on Aug. 1-3,
1863, being a part of the engagements at
Rappahannock and Brandy stations ; and
the fourth, Nov. 7, 1863, in which the
1st United States Sharp-shooters, the 40tli
New York, 1st and 20th Indiana, 3d and
5th Michigan, and the 110th Pennsylvania
regiments, supported by the remainder of
the 3d Corps of the Army of the Potomac,
were engaged. On Jan. 27, 1864, the
cavalry division of the Army of the Ohio
had an engagement at Fair Gardens, Tenn.,
otherwise known as French Broad or
Kelly's Ford.

Kempff, Louis, naval officer; born
near Belleville, 111., Oct. 11, 1841; grad-
uated at the United States Naval Acad-
emy in 1861 ; and was assigned to
the Vandalia on blockading duty off

LOUIS KEMPFF.

eluding sixty-three American marines,
were sent by train to the capital, reach-
ing it on June 1. The troubles grew rap-
idly worse, and on June 17 the foreign ad-
mirals at Taku, with the exception of Ad-
miral Kempff, sent a demand for the
evacuation of the Taku forts by 2 p.m.
In answer to this demand the Chinese

Charleston. While there he captured the opened fire upon the foreign war - ships

schooner Henry Middleton, of Charleston, which had congregated in the harbor,

and took it to New York. On Nov. 7 he The British, French, Russian, and Japa-

participated in the battle at Port Royal, nese ships replied, and after seven hours

S. C. He was made lieutenant in 1862. the forts surrendered. At first there was

During the remainder of the Civil War he general regret among naval officers and

served on the Wahash and other vessels others that Admiral Kempff had not

of the Atlantic and Gulf squadrons; took
part in the bombardment of Sewell's
Point, Va., in May, 1862; and in the re-
occupation of Norfolk, Va. In 1866 he
was promoted lieutenant-commander; in
1876, commander; in 1891, captain; and
in 1899, rear-admiral. In 1900, when the
Boxer troubles broke out in China, he
was assigned to the command of the
American naval forces in Chinese waters.
He arrived at Taku on the Ncicark, May
28, and on the following day sent ashore

taken part in the bombardment of the
forts. Later, however, he gave as his rea-
sons that a state of war against China
did not exist ; that such an attack would
be legally an act of war ; and that formal
aggression by the foreign governments
would be regarded by the Chinese as con-
stituting a state of war, would unite all
the Chinese against the powers, and in-
crease the difficulty of settling the
trouble. These reasons were found to be
in strict harmony with the policy of

108 marines. The other foreign war-ships the United States government. Admiral
in the harbor also landed about 100 men Kempff's action was approved by his gov-

231

KENDALL— KENESAW MOUNTAINS

ernment, and was subsequently com-
mended by many European statesmen.

Kendall, Amos, statesman; born in
Dunstable, Mass., Aug. 16, 1789; gradu-
ated at Dartmouth in 1811; removed to
Kentucky, and was admitted to the bar
in 1814. For some time he was tutor in
Henry Clay's family; subsequently editor
of several papers, of which the Argus
of Western America, published in Frank-
fort, Ky., was the most influential ; was
Postmaster - General in 1835-40, during
which time he freed that department of
debt, besides introducing numerous re-
forms. He published the Life of Andrew
Jackson, Private, Military, and Civil. He
died in Washington, D. C, Nov. 11, 1869.
See Kitchen Cabinet.

Kendall, George Wilkins, journalist;
born in Amherst (now Mount Vernon),
N. H., Aug. 22, 1809; removed to New Or-
leans in 18.35, and with Francis A. Lums-
den, foimded the Picayune, the first cheap
daily newspaper in that city. Later this
paper became the best known in the South.
His publications include 'Narrative of the

Texan Santa Fe Expedition; and The War
between the United States and Mexico.
He died in Oak Spring, Tex., Oct. 22, 1867.
Kenesaw Mountains, Action near.
General Johnston, pursued by General
Sherman, after evacuating Allatoona Pass,
took a stand. At his back were the Big
and Little Kenesaw mountains, within
3 miles of Marietta. With these ly-
ing close together, Lost and Pine moun-
tains formed a triangle. Confederate bat-
teries covered their summits, and on the
top of each Confederate signal-stations
were placed. Thousands of men were
busy in the forest casting up intrench-
ments from base to base of these rugged
hills in preparation for a great struggle.
Sherman advanced to Big Shanty, and
there made preparations to break through
the Confederate works between Kenesaw
and Pine mountains. Hooker was on the
right and front of his line, Howard was
on the left and front, and Palmer be-
tween it and the railway. Under a heavy
cannonade, the advance began, June 14,
1864. The Nationals pushed over the

VIEW OF KENESAW FROM FINE MOUNTAIN.

232

KENNAN— KENNEDY

rough country, fighting at almost every on his return lectured on that subject in

step. That night the Confederates aban- the United States and England. In May,

doned Pine Mountain, and took position 1808, he went to Cuba with the American

in the intrenchments between Kenesaw National Red Cross Society. His works

and Lost mountains. Upon the latter include Tent Life in Liberia; Siberia and

eminence the Nationals advanced in a the Exile System; Campaigning in Cuba,

heavy rain-storm, and on the 17th the Con- etc.

federates abandoned Lost Mountain and Kennebec River Expedition. General
the long line of intrenchments connect- Washington sent Gen. Benedict Arnold to
ing it with Kenesaw. Sherman continu- the Kennebec to co-operate with Mont-
ally pressed them heavily, skirmishing in gomery in the Canadian expedition of
dense forests, furrowed with ravines and 1775. Arnold, with 1,200 men, reached
tangled with vines. Quebec and assaulted the town on Dec. 31.

From the top of Kenesaw Johnston Montgomery (q. v.) was killed, and 400

could see the movements of the Nationals, Americans were captured. After a siege

and from batteries on its summit could of three months, Arnold was driven away

hurl plunging shot. The antagonists by Burgoyne.

struggled on ; and finally General Hood Kennedy, John Pendleton, statesman
sallied out of the Confederate intrench- and author ; born in Baltimore, Md., Oct.
ments with a strong force to break through 25, 1795; graduated at the University of
Sherman's line between Thomas and Scho- Maryland in 1812; admitted to the bar in
field. He was received with a terrible 1816; elected to the House of Delegates,
return blow, which made him recoil in Maryland, in 1820; to the House of Repre-
great confusion, leaving, in his retreat, sentatives in 1838; was a member of the
his killed, wounded, and many prisoners, twenty-fifth, twenty-seventh, and twenty-
This struggle is known in history as the eighth Congresses ; elected speaker of the
battle of the Kulp House. This repulse Maryland House of Delegates in 1846; ap-
inspirited the Nationals. On June 27 pointed Secretary of the Navy under Pres-
they made a furious assault on the Con- ident Fillmore in 1852. Among his works
federate lines at two points south of are a Revieio of Mr. Cambreling's Free-
Kenesaw, to break thein, separate their Trade Report; A Memorial on Domestic
forces, and destroy their army. The Na- Industry ; A Report on the Commerce and
tionals -were repulsed, with an aggregate Navigation of the United States, by the
loss of about 3,000 men. Among the killed Committee of Commerce, of which Mr.
were Generals C. G. Harker and D. Mc- Kennedy was chairman; and also a Re-
Cook, and many valuable officers of lower port on the Warehouse System by the same
grade were wounded. The loss of the committee; Life of William Wirt; Dis-
Confederates, behind their breastworks, courses on the Life of William Wirt, and
was slight. Sherman now disposed his George Calvert, the First Lord Baltimore.
troops so as to seriously threaten John- Mr. Kennedy as an author is, however, best
ston's rear. Turner's Ferry across the known by his novels, S>callow Barn; A
Chattahoochee was menaced, and the in- Sojourn in the Old Dominion ; Horse-shoe
tended effect was instantaneous. On the Robinson: A Tale of the Tory Ascendency ;
night of July 2 Johnston abandoned Kene- Rob of the Bowl, a Legend of St. Inigoes,
saw and all his intrenchments, and when, a story of colonial Maryland life. He died
at dawn (July 3), the Nationals stood on in Newport, R. I., Aug. 28, 1870.
the crest of that mountain, they saw the Kennedy, William, author; born nedr
Confederates flying through and beyond Paisley, Scotland. Dec. 26, 1799; was made
Marietta towards the Chattahoochee, in consul at Galveston, Tex., where he lived
the direction of Atlanta. for many years, returning to England in

Kennan, George, author; born in Nor- 1847. He was the author of The Rise,

walk, 0., Feb. 16, 1845. In 1866-08 he Progress, and Prospects of the Republic

directed the construction of the middle of Texas: and of a condensation of the

division of the Russo- American telegraph same, entitled Texas, Its Geography, Nat-

line. In 1885-86 he went to Siberia to ural History, and Topography, etc. He

examine the Russian exile system; and died near London, England, in 1847.

233

KENT— KENTON

Kent, Jacob Ford, military officer;
born in Philadelphia, Sept. 14, 1835; en-
tered the army as second lieutenant of
the 3d Infantry, in May, 1861. For gal-
lantry at Marye's Heights he was pro-
moted first lieutenant, and brevetted cap-
tain and major ; was promoted captain
of the 3d Infantry in 1864; and for
gallantry in the battle of Spottsylvania,
and for distinguished services in the
field during the war, was brevetted lieu-
tenant-colonel and colonel. At the close
of the war he was commissioned colonel
of the 24th United States Infantry. On
July 8, 1898, he was appointed a major-
general of volunteers. During the cam-
paign in Cuba he commanded the first
division of the 5th Corps. On Oct. 4,
1898, he was promoted brigadier - gen-
eral, U. S. A., and on Oct. 15 was retired
at his o\vn request.

Kent, James, jurist; born in Phillips-
town, N. Y., July 31, 1763; studied law

with Egbert Benson; and began its prac-
tice in 1787, at Poughkeepsie, N. Y. He
was a member of the New York legislat-
ure from 1790 to 1793, and became Pro-
fessor of Law in Columbia College in
1793. Deeply versed in the doctrine of
civil law, he was made a master in chan-
cery in 1796; city recorder in 1797; judge
of the Supreme Court in 1798; chief-
justice in 1804; and M'as chancellor from
1814 to 1823. After taking a leading part
in the State constitutional convention in
1821, ho again became lavT professor in

Columbia College, and the lectures he
there delivered form the basis of his able
Commentaries on the United States Con-
siitution, published in 4 volumes. He was
one of the clearest legal writers of his
day. In 1828 he was elected president
of the New York Historical Society. He
passed his later years in revising and en-
larging his Commentaries, and in giving
opinions on legal subjects. He died in
New York City, Dec. 12, 1847.

Kent Island Colony. In May, 1631,
King Charles I. granted a license to Will-
iam Claiborne " to traffic in those parts of
America for which there was already no
patent granted for sole trade."- With the
intention of monopolizing the Indian trade
of Chesapeake Bay, Claiborne and his asso-
ciates planted a small colony on Kent
Island, situated in the centre of the prov-
ince of Maryland, soon afterwards granted
to Lord Baltimore. This grant and settle-
ment gave much trouble to the proprietor
of Maryland and the settlers there under
his patent. See Claiborne, William.

Kenton, Simon; born in Fauquier coun-
ty, Va., April 3, 1755. Supposing he had
killed in an affray a rival in a love affair
when he was sixteen years old, he fled to
the wilderness west of the Alleghanj'
Mountains, where he was the friend and
companion of Daniel Boone in many dar-
ing feats. He was in expeditions against
the Indians, was captured by them, and
taken to Detroit. Escaping from a Brit-

SIMON KENTON.

•^34

KENTUCKY

ish prison there in 1779, he distinguished ing stations. A great majority of the
himself in resisting tlie invasion of Ken- people were loyal to the Union, but the
tucky by the British and Indians in that governor was not, and the unfortunate
year. Finally, after an expedition against position of neutrality which the latter,
tne Indians on the Miami, he settled with the Confederates, caused Kentucky
(1784) near Maysville. He accompanied to assume brought upon her the miseries
Wayne in his expedition in 1794. In 1805
he was seated near the Mud River, in
Ohio, and was made brigadier-general of
militia. In 1813 he served under Governor
Shelby at the battle of the Thames. Beg-
gared by lawsuits because of defective
titles to lands, he lived in penury many
years. In 1824 he appeared at Frankfort,
Ky., in tattered clothes, and successfully
appealed to the legislature to release the
claim of the State to lands which were his.
Congress afterwards allowed him a pen-
sion. He died in Logan county, O., April
29, 1836.

Kentucky, State of. In 1776 Ken-
tucky was made a county of Virginia, and
in 1777 the first court was held at Har-
rodeburg. Conventions held at Danville in
1784-85 recommended a peaceable and con-
stitutional separation from Virginia. In

1786 an act was passed by the Virginia of civil war. Steps were taken for the
legislature complying with the desires of secession of the State, and for the or-
Kentucky, and on June 1, 1792, it was ganization of a Confederate State govern-
admitted into the Union as a State. Its ment, but failed. The State was scarred
population at that time was about 75,000. by battles, invasions, and raids, and mar-
For several years much uneasiness was tial law was proclaimed by President Lin-
felt among the people of Kentucky on ac- coin, July 5, 1864. The civil authority
count of Indian depredations and the free was restored Oct. 18, 1865. A convention
navigation of the Mississippi River. These for revision of the State constitution, or-
were settled satisfactorily by the purchase dered at the 1889 election by a majority
of Louisiana in 1803. During the War of of 31,931, met at Frankfort, Sept. 8 of
1812 Kentucky took an active part, send- the same year. The new constitution was
ing fully 7,000 men to the field; and after completed on April 11, submitted to the
that war the State was undisturbed by people at the August election, and was
any stirring events until the breaking out adopted by an overwhelming vote. It
of the Civil War. A second constitution was published as the fundamental law
took effect in 1800, a third in 1850. At of the State on Sept. 28, 1891. Popula-
the beginning of the Civil War Kentucky tion in 1890, 1,858,635; in 1900, 2,147,174.
assumed a position of neutrality, but it See United States — Kentucky, in
was really one of hostility to the Union, vol. ix.
The governor refused to comply with the

STATE SEAL OF KENTUCKY.

President's requisition for troops ; but
Lieut. William Nelson, of the navy, a
native of the State, and then on ordnance
duty at Washington, began to recruit for
the National armj^; and towards the close

<!tOVERNORS.

Tsaac Shelby

.Tames Oarrard

riiristopher Grtennp.

of July, 1861, he established Camp Dick x^^Ic^S^' '■'■'.'■■■■

Robinson, in Garrard county, for the or- fieorpe Miulipnn

ganization of Kentucky volunteers. These john'^AdTir"^'"!.'.':".

Hocked to this camp and to other recruit- Joseph Desha

235

Tern

1792 to 1796

1796 " 1804

1804 " 1808

1808 " 1812

1812 " 1816

181fi

1816 to 1820

1820 " 1824

1824 " 1828

KENTUCKY, STATE OP

GOVER}iORS— Continued.

Name.

Thomas Metcalfe

John BrealhiU

J. T. lloreheuil

James Clark

C. A. Wicklille

Kobert 1'. I.etcher

William Owsley

Ji)hii J. CriUeudeu...

.(olin I,. Helm

I,azarus W. I'owpll. ..
Cliarles S. Morehead.

Beriah Mngoffln

J. F. liobinsou

Thomas E. Bi'amletle

John li. Helm

Jolin \V. Stevenson..

Preston H. Leslie

.James B. McCreary. .
l,iike P. Blackbuiu . .

J. I'roctor Knott

Simon B. Buckner

J. Y. Brown

William O. Bradley. .,
Williams. Taylor....

William Goebel

J. C. W. Beckham

Term.

1828 to

1832 "

1834 "

1836 "

1837 '•
1840 "
1844 '<
1848 "

1850 "

1851 "
1855 "
1859 "
1801 "
1SG3 "

1867

18G8 to

1871 "

1875 "

1879 "

1883 "

1887 "

1891 "

1896 "
1900
1900

190O to

1832
1834
1836
1837
1840
1844
1848
1850
1851
1855
1859
1861
1863
1867

1871
1875
1879
1883
1887
1891
1895
1900

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Name.

■No. ol CoiiKress

Term.

2d to 9th
2d " 4th

1792 to 1805

John Edwiinls ...

1792 " 1795

Humphrey .Marshall

4th ■' 7th

1795 " 1801

John Breckinridge

7th " 9th

1801 " 1805

9th

9 th

9th to 11th

1805 " 1806

1800 " 1807

John B. Thurston

1800 " 1809

John Pope

lOlh " 13th

1807 " 1813

Henry Clay. ...

11th

1810 " 1811

George M Bibb

12th to 13th

liith
13th to 14th

1811 " 1814

1814

William T. Barry

1815 to 1816

Jessie Bledsoe

l:!th " 14th

1813 " 1815

14th " 19th
14th

181.T " 1825

ll;irtin 0. Hardin

1816 " 1817

John J. Crittenden

15th

1817 " 1819

Richard M. Johnson

16th to 21st

1819 ■' 1829

William Logan

16th

1819 " 1820

19th
21st to 21th

22d " 2Tth

1825

1829 to 1835

1831 " 1842

John J. Crittenden

24th " 30th

1835 " 1848

James T. Morehead

27th

1842

Thomas Metralfe

30th

1848 to 1849

Joseph R. Underwood...

30th to 32d

1817 " 1852

Henry Clay

31st " 32d

1849 " 1852

David Meriwether

32d

18.'-.2

Archibald Dixon

32d to 33d

1852 to 1855

John B. Thompson

33d

1S53

John J. Crittenden.. ..

34th to 37th

18.55 to 1801

l.azarus W. Powell

36th " 39lh

1859 " 1865

John C. Breckinridge....

37th

IsiGl

37th to 42d

39th " 40th

40th

18G1 to l^TT

Thomas C. McCreery

1S58 " 1.S71

AVillis B. Machcu

42d

1872 " 1873

John W. Stevenson

42d to 4.'>th

1871 " H77

Thomas C. McCreery

4:id " 4Gth

1873 " 1879

James B Beck

45th " 51st

1877 " 1R90

John S. Williams

40th " 49lh

1879 " 1885

Joseph C. S. Blackburn.

49th " 55th

1S85 " 1807

51st " 52d
53d " 5fith

] 890 " 1893

\\'illiam I,irid!30v

1893 " 1901

William J. Debo'e

55th " 57th

1897 " 1903

Josci.h C. S. Blackburn..

r,7th "

1901 •'

James M. McCreary

CHth "

190'! "

IJarly Settlements. — In 1767 John Km-
ley, an Indian lr;i(l<r, pxplnrrd the cdiii)-

try beyond the mountains westward of
North Carolina. In 1709 he returned to
North Carolina and gave glowing accounts
of the fertile country he had left. He
persuaded Daniel Boone and four others
to go with him to explore it. Boone had
become a great htmter and expert in
woodcraft. They reached the headwaters
of the Kentucky, and, from lofty hills,
beheld a vision of a magnificent valley,
covered with forests, stretching towards
the Ohio, and abounding in game of the
woods and waters of every kind. They
fought Indians — some of the tribes who
roamed over Kentucky as a common
hunting-ground. Boone was made a pris-
oner, but escaped. He determined to
settle in the beautiful country between
the upper Kentucky and Tennessee
rivers, and, after remaining a while the
sole white man in that region, he returned
for his wife and children in 1771. Two
years later he started with his own and
five other families for the paradise in
the wilderness. Driven back upon settle-
ments on the Clinch, he was detained a
year and a half longer. He penetrated to
the Kentucky, and, on June 14, 1775, com-
pleted a log fort on the site of the present
Boonesboro. He soon brought his family
there, and planted the first permanent
settlement in Kentucky. INIrs. Boone and
her daughters were the first white women
who ever stood on the banks of the Ken-
tucky Eiver.

The precarious tenure by which places
that were settled in Kentucky by Boone
and others were held, while the land was
subjected to bloody incursions by Ind-
ians, was changed after George Rogers
Clarke's o]jerations in Ohio had made
the tribes there no longer invaders of the
soil south of that river. The number of
" stations " began to multiply. A block-
house was built (April, 1779) on the site
of the city of Lexington. By a law of
Virginia (May, 1779), all persons who
liad settled west of the mountains before
June, 1778, were entitled to claim 400
ncres of land, without any payment: and
they had a right of pre-emption to an ad-
joining 1,000 acres for a very small sum
of money, wliile the whole region between
the rireene and Tennessee rivers was re-
served for military bounties. Settlements
quite rapidly increased under this liberal

'23o

KENTUCKY, STATE OE

\ ir^Mnia land systeni, and fourteen years free-labor and slave-labor border States to
after its passajre Kentucky had a popu- decide upon just compromises, and de-
lation that entitled it to admission into clared their willingness to support the
the Union as a State. national government, unless the incom-
In Civil War Days. — The people were ing President should attempt to " coerce
strongly attached to the Union, but its a State or States." The legislature,

DANIEL BOOXE'S FIRST SIGHT OF KEXTOCKT.

governor (Beriah Magoffin) and leading which assembled about the same time,

politicians of his party in the State sym- was asked by the governor to declare, by

pathized with the Confederates. The ac- resolution, the " unconditional disappro-

tion of Kentucky was awaited with great bation " of the people of the State of the

anxiety throughout the Union. The gov- employment of force against " seceding

ernor at first opposed secession, for the States." On Jan. 22 the legislature ac-

people were decidedly hostile to revolu- cordingly resolved that the Kentuck-

tionary movements in the Gulf region; ians. united with their brethren of the

yet they as decidedly opposed what was South, would resist any invasion of the

called the " coercion of a sovereign soil of that section at all hazards and

State." At a State convention of Union to the last extremity. This action was

and Douglas men, held on Jan. 8, 1861, taken because the legislatures of several

it was resolved that the rights of Ken- free - labor States had offered troops for

tucky should be maintained in the Union, the use of the national government in

They were in favor of a convention of the enforcing the laws in " seceding States."

237

KENTUCKY, STATE OF

They decided against calling a conven-
tion, and appointed delegates to the
Peace Congress.

On April 18 a great Union meeting was
held in Louisville, over which James
Guthrie and other leading politicians of
the State held controlling influence. At
that meeting it was resolved that Ken-
tucky reserved to herself " the right to
choose her own position; and that, while
her natural sympathies are with those
who have a common interest in the pro-
tection of slavery, she still acknowledges
her loyalty and fealty to the government
of the United States, which she will
cheerfully render until that government
becomes aggressive, tyrannical, and re-
gardless of our rights in slave property."
They declared that the States were the
peers of the national government, and
gave the world to understand that the
latter should not be allowed to use " san-
guinary or coercive measures to bring
back the seceded States." They alluded to
the Kentucky State Guard as the " bul-
wark of the safety of the commonwealth,
. . . pledged equally to fidelity to the
United States and to Kentucky."

Early in the summer the governor de-

clared that arrangements had been made
that neither National or Confederate
troops should set foot on the soil of that
State. The neutrality of Kentucky was
respected many months. Pillow had
urged the seizure of the bluff at Colum-
bus, in western Kentucky, as an aid to
him in his attempt to capture Cairo and
Bird's Point, but the solemn assurance
of the Confederate government that Ken-
tucky neutrality should be respected re-
strained him; but on Sept. 4, General
(Bishop) Polk, with a considerable force,
seized the strong position at Columbus,
under the pretext that National force?
were preparing to occupy that place. The
Confederate Secretary of War publicly
telegraphed to Polk to withdraw his
troops; President Davis privately tele-
graphed to him to hold on, saying, " The
end justifies the means." So Columbus
was held and fortified by the Confederates
General Grant, then in command of th(
district at Cairo, took military possession
of Paducah, in northern Kentucky, with
National troops, and the neutrality ol
Kentucky was no longer respected." The
seizure of Columbus opened the way foi
the infliction upon the people of that

_,V^V^^^^*

FIKST (I'Kli.MANK.NT) STATE-IIOUSK, FRANKFORT, KV.

238

KENTUCKY, STATE OF

KENTUCKT RIVER, FROM HIGH BRIDGE.

State of the horrors of war. All Ken- federates of Kentucky met in convention

tucky, for 100 miles south of the Ohio at Eussellville, Oct. 29, 1861. They drew

River, was made a military department, up a manifesto in which the grievances of

«vith Gen. Robert Anderson, the hero of Kentucky were recited, and the action of

Port Sumter, for its commander. the loyal legislature was denounced. They

Gen. Albert Sidney. Johnston, was in passed an ordinance of secession, declared

command of the Confederate Western De- the State independent, organized a pro-

partment, which included southern and visional government, chose George W.

western Kentucky, then held by the Con- Johnston provisional governor, appointed

federates, and the State of Tennessee, delegates to the Confederate Congress at

with his headquarters at Nashville. Un- Richmond, and called Bowling Green the

der the shadow of his power the Con- State capital. Fifty-one counties were

239

KENTUCKY, STATE OE

SITR OP THE LAST INDIAN SETTLRMENT IN KENTUCKY.

represented in that convention by about
2.00 men, without the sanction of the
people.

Late in 1861, the Confederates occupied
a line of military posts across southern
Kentucky, from Cumberland Gap to Co-
lumbus, on the Mississippi River, a dis-
tance of nearly 400 miles. Don Carlos
Buell, major-general, had been appointed
commander of the Department of the Ohio,
with his headquarters at Louisville. Thei'e
he gathered a large force, with which he
ivas enabled to strengthen various ad-
vanced posts and throw forward along the
line of the Nashville and Louisville Rail-
way a large force destined to break the
Confederate line. He had under his com-
mand 114,000 men, arranged in four col-
umns, commanded respectively by Brig.-
Gens. A. McDowell McCook, O. M.
Mitchel, G. H. Thomas, and T. L. Crit-
tenden, acting as major-generals, and
aided by twenty brigade commanders.

These troops were from States north-
ward of the Ohio, and loyalists of Ken-
tucky and Tennessee. They occupied an
irregular line across Kentucky, paral-
lel with that of the Confederates. Gen-
eral McCook led 50,000 men down the rail-
road, and pushed the Confederate line to
Bowling Green, after a sharp skirmish at
Mumfordsville, on the south side of the
Green River. In eastern Kentucky Col.
James A. Garfield struck (Jan. 7, "1862)
the Confederates, \mder Humphrey Mar-
shall, near Prestonburg, on the Big Sandy
River, and dispersed them. This ended
Marshall's military career, and Garfield's
services there won for him the commis-
sion of a brigadier-general. On the 19th,
General Thomas defeated Gen. George B.
Crittenden near Mill Spring, when Gen-
eral ZoUicoffer was slain and his troops
driven into northwestern Tennessee. This
latter blow efl'ectually severed the Con-
federate lines in Kentucky, and opeued

240

KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS

tne way by wiiich the Confederates were co-States forming, as to itself, the other

soon driven out of the State and also out
of Tennessee. The Confederate line was
paralyzed eastward of Bowling Green, and
their chief fortifications and the bulk of
their troops were between Nashville
and Bowling Green and the Mississippi.
On that line was strong Fort Donel-
son, on the Cumberland River. Believ-
ing Beauregard to be a more dashing offi-
cer than Johnston, the Confederates ap-
pointed him commander of the Western
Department, late in January, 1862, and
he was succeeded in the command at Ma-
nassas by Gen. G. W. Smith, formerly of
New York City.

Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions,
The. The Federal party in the United
States determined to crush out by law the
anti-Federalists who were bitterly attack-
ing the administration. In 1798 they suc-
ceeded in passing the Naturalization act
of June 18, the Alien acts of June 2.5. and
July 6, and the Sedition act of July 14.
Virginia, New York, New Jersey, Penn-
sylvania, and Kentucky petitioned Con-
gress to repeal these laws. Of these, Ken-
tucky felt the most aggrieved, and on
Nov. 8, 1798, John Breckinridge intro-
duced the Kentucky resolutions, which
were substantially drafted by Jefferson.
These were adopted by the Lower House
on Nov. 10, by the Upper House on Nov.
13, and approved by the governor on
Nov. 16. Copies were immediately print-
ed and sent to the officials of all the other
States and to Congress. The following
is the text of these resolutions:

I. Eesolved, that the several States com-
posing the United States of America are
not united on the principle of unlimited
submission to their general government ;
but that by compact under the style and
title of a Constitution for the United
States, and of amendments thereto, they
constituted a general government for
special purposes, delegated to that govern-
ment certain definite powers, reserving
each State to itself, the residuary mass
of right to their own self-government; and
that whensoever the general government
assumes undelegated powers, its acts are
unauthoritative, void, and are of no force.
That to this compact each State acceded
as a State, and is an integral party, its

party. That the government created by
this compact was not made the exclusive
or final judge of the extent of the powers
delegated to itself ; since that would have
made its discretion, and not the Constitu-
tion, the measure of its powers; but that
as in all other cases of compact among
parties having no common judge, each
party has an equal right to judge for it-
self, as well of infractions as of the mode
and measure of redress.

II. Resolved, that the Constitution of
the United States having delegated to Con-
gress a power to punish treason, counter-
feiting the securities and current coin of
the United States, piracies and felonies
committed on the high seas, and offences
against the laws of nations, and no other
crimes whatever, and it being true as a
general principle, and one of the amend-
ments to the Constitvition having also de-
declared " that the powers not delegated
to the United States by the Constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the States, are re-
served to the States respectively, or to the
people," therefore also the same act of
Congress passed on July 14, 1798, and en-
titled " An act in addition to the act en-
titled an act for the punishment of cer-
tain crimes against the United States," as
also the act passed on June 27, 1798, en-
titled " An act to punish frauds com-
mitted on the Bank of the United States "
(and all other of their acts which assume
to create, define, or punish crimes other
than those enumerated in the Constitu-
tion), are altogether void and of no force,
and that the power to create, define, and
punish such other crimes is reserved, and
of right appertains solely and exclusively
to the respective States^ each within its
own Territory.

III. Resolved, that it is true as a gen-
eral principle, and is also expressly de-
clared by one of the amendments to the
Constitution, that " the powers not dele-
gated to the United States by the Consti-
tution, nor prohibited by it to the States,
are reserved to the States respectively or
to the people"; and that no power over
the freedom of religion, freedom of speech,
or freedom of the press being delegated to
the United States by the Constitution, nor
prohibited by it to the States, all law-
ful powers respecting the same did of right

v.— Q

241

KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS, THE

remain, and were reserved to the States, the act of the Congress of the United

or to the people ; that thus was manifested States passed on June 22, 1798, en-

their determination to retain to them- titled " An act concerning aliens," which

selves the right of judging how far the assumes power over alien friends not

licentiousness of speech and of the press delegated by the Constitution, is not

may be abridged without lessening their law, but is altogether void and of no

freedom, and how far those abuses, which force.

cannot be separated from their use, V. Resolved, that in addition to the
should be tolerated, rather than the use be general principle, as well as the express
destroyed; and thus also they guarded declaration, that powers not delegated are
against all abridgment by the United reserved, another and more special pro-
States of the freedom of religious opinions vision inserted in the Constitution from
and exercises, and retained to themselves abundant caution has declared " that the
the right of protecting the same, as this migration or importation of such per-
State, by a law passed on the general de- sons as any of the States now existing
mand of its citizens, had already protected shall think proper to admit, shall not be
them from all human restraint or inter- prohibited by the Congress prior to the
ference; and that in addition to this gen- year 1808." That this commonwealth does
eral principle and express declaration, an- admit the migration of alien friends
other and more special provision has been described as the subject of said act con-
made by one of the amendments to the cerning aliens ; that a provision against
Constitution, which expressly declares prohibiting their migration is a pro-
that " Congress shall make no law re- vision against all acts equivalent there-
specting an establishment of religion, or to, or it would be nugatory; that to
prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or remove them when migrated is equiva-
abridging the freedom of speech, or of the lent to a prohibition of their migra-
press," thereby guarding in the same sen- tion, and is therefore contrary to the
tence, and under the same words, the free- said provision of the Constitution, and
dom of religion, of speech, and of the press, void.

insomuch, that whatever violates either, VI. Resolved, that the imprisonment of
throws down the sanctuary which covers a person under the protection of the laws
the others, and that libels, falsehoods, and of this commonwealth on his failure to
defamation, equally with heresy and false obey the simple order of the President to
religion, are withheld from the cogni- depart out of the United States, as is im-
zance of federal tribunals. That there- dertaken by the said act entitled " An act
fore the act of the Congress of the concerning aliens," is contrary to the Con-
United States, passed on July 14, 1798, stitution, one amendment to which has
entitled " An act in addition to the act provided that " no person shall be deprived
for the punishment of certain crimes of liberty without due process of law," and
against the United States," which does that another having provided " that in all
abridge the freedom of the press, is criminal prosecutions the accused shall
not law, but is altogether void and of enjoy the right to a public trial by an
no effect. impartial jury, to be informed of the nat-
IV. Resolved, that alien friends are un- ure and cause of the accusaJ;ion, to be
der the jurisdiction and protection of the confronted with the witnesses against him,
laws of the State wherein they are; that to have compulsory process for obtaining
no power over them has been delegated to witnesses in his favor, and to have the
the United States, nor prohibited to the assistance of counsel for his defence,"
individual States distinct from their the same act undertaking to authorize the
power over citizens; and it being true as President to remove a person out of the
a general principle, and one of the amend- United States who is under the protection
ments to the Constitution having also de- of the law, on his own suspicion, with-
clared that " the powers not delegated to out accusation, without jury, without pub-
the United States by the Constitution nor lie trial, without confrontation of the
prohibited by it to the States are reserved witnesses against him, without having
to the States respectively or to the people," witnesses in his favor, without defence,

242

KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS, THE

without counsel, is contrary to these pro- a repeal of the aforesaid unconstitutional

visions also of the Constitution, is there- and obnoxious acts.

fore not law but utterly void and of no IX. Resolved, lastly, that the governor

force. That transferring the power of of this commonwealth be, and is hereby

judging any person who is under the pro- authorized and requested to communicate

tection of the laws, from the courts to the the preceding resolutions to the legislat-

President of the United States, as is un- ures of the several States, to assure them

dertaken by the same act concerning aliens, that this commonwealth considers Union

is against the article of the Constitution for specified national purposes, and par-

which provides that " the judicial power ticularly for those specified in their late

of the United States shall be vested in federal compact, to be friendly to the

courts, the judges of which shall hold peace, happiness, and prosperity of all the

their offices during good behavior," and States; that faithful to that compact, ac-

that the said act is void for that reason cording to the plain intent and meaning

also; and it is further to be noted that in which it was understood and acceded

this transfer of judiciary powers is to that to by the several parties, it is sincerely

magistrate of the general government who anxious for its preservation ; that it does

already possesses all the executive, and also believe, that to take from the States

a qualified negative in all the legislative all the powers of self - government, and

power. transfer them to a general and consoli-

VII. Resolved, that the construction ap- dated government, without regard to the
plied by the general government (as is special delegations and reservations sol-
evinced by sundry of their proceedings) to emnly agreed to in that compact, is not
those parts of the Constitution of the for the peace, happiness, or prosperity ol
United States which delegate to Congress these States. And that therefore this com-
a power to lay and collect taxes, duties, monwealth is determined, as it doubts not
imposts, and excises; to pay the debts its co-States are, tamely to submit to un-
and provide for the common defence and delegated and consequently unlimited pow-
general welfare of the United States, and ers in no man or body of men on earth ;
to make all laws which shall be necessary that if the acts before specified should
and proper for carrying into execution the stand, these conclusions would flow from
powers vested by the Constitution in the them; that the general government may
government of the United States, or any place any act they think proper on the
department thereof, goes to the destruc- list of crimes and punish it themselves,
tion of all the limits prescribed to their whether enumerated or not enumerated by
power by the Constitution. That words the Constitution as cognizable by them;
meant by that instrument to be subsid- that they may transfer its cognizance to
iary only to the execution of the limit- the President or any other person, who
ed powers, ought not to be so construed may himself by the accuser, counsel, judge,
as themselves to give unlimited powers, and jury, whose suspicions may be the
nor a part so to be taken, as to destroy evidence, his order the sentence, his offi-
the whole residue of the instrument, cer the executioner, and his breast the
That the proceedings of the general gov- sole record of the transaction ; that a
ernment, under color of these articles, will very numerous and valuable description
be a fit and necessary sxibject for re- of the inhabitants of these States, being
visal and correction at a time of greater by this precedent reduced as outlaws to
tranquillity, while those specified in the the absolute dominion of on* man, and
preceding resolutions call for immediate the barrier of the Constitution thus swept
redress. away from us all, no rampart now re-

VIII. Resolved, that the preceding reso- mains against the passions and the power
lutions be transmitted to the Senators and of a majority of Congress, to protect from
Representatives in Congress from this a like exportation or other more grievous
commonwealth, who are hereby enjoined punishment the minority of the same
to present the same to their respective body, the legislatures, judges, governors.
Houses, and to use the best endeavors to and counsellors of the States, nor their
procure at the next session of Congress, other peaceable inhabitants who may ven-

243

KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS, THE

ture to reclaim the constitutional rights ments on the acts concerning aliens, and
and liberties of the -States and people, or for the punishment of certain crimes
who for other causes, good or bad, may hereinbefore specified, plainly declaring
be obnoxious to the views or marked by whether these acts are or are not au-
the suspicions of the President, or be thorized by the federal compact. And it
thought dangerous to his or their elec- doubts not that their sense will be so an-
tions or other interests, public or person- nounced as to prove their attachment un-
al; that the friendless alien has indeed altered to limited government, whether
been selected as the safest subject of a general or particular, and that the rights
first experiment; but the citizen will soon and liberties of their co-States will be ex-
follow, or rather has already followed, posed to no dangers by remaining em-
for already has a sedition act marked him barked on a common bottom with their
as its prey; that these and successive acts own; that they will concur with this
of the same character, unless arrested on commonwealth in considering the said
the threshold, may tend to drive these acts so palpably against the Constitution
States into revolution and blood, and will as to amount to an undisguised declara-
furnish new calumnies against Republican tion, that the compact is not meant to
governments, and new pretexts for those be the measure of the powers of the gen-
who wish it to be believed that men can- eral government, but that it will pro-
not be governed but by a rod of iron ; that ceed in the exercise over these States of
it would be a dangerous delusion were a all powers whatsoever; that they will view
confidence in the men of our choice to this as seizing the rights of the States
silence our fears for the safety of our and consolidating them in the hands of
rights ; that confidence is everywhere the the general government with a power as-
parent of despotism; free government is sumed to bind the States (not merely in
founded in jealousy and not in confi- cases made federal), but in all cases what-
dence ; it is jealousy and not confidence soever, by laws made, not with their con-
which prescribes limited constitutions to sent, but by others against their consent:
bind down those whom we are obliged to that this would be to surrender the form
trust with power; that our Constitution of government we have chosen, and to live
has accordingly fixed the limits to which under one deriving its powers from its
and no further our confidence may go; own will, and not from our authority;
and let the honest advocate of confidence and that the co-States recurring to their
read the Alien and Sedition acts, and say natural right in cases not made federal
if the Constitution has not been wise in will concur in declaring these acts void
fixing limits to the government it created, and of no force, and will each unite
and whether we should be wise in destroy- with this commonwealth in requesting
ing those limits. Let him say what the their repeal at the next session of Con-
government is if it be not a tyranny, gress.

which the men of our choice have conferred Virginia affirmed substantially the same

on the President, and the President of our threatening doctrine, Dec. 21, 179S, more

choice has assented to and accepted over temperately and cautiouslj' set forth in

the friendly strangers, to whom the mild resolutions drawn by Madison, as follows-:

spirit of our country and its laws had

pledged hospitality and protection ; that Resolved, that the General Assembly
the men of our choice have more respected of Virginia doth unequivocally express a
the bare suspicions of the President than firm resolution to maintain and defend
the solid rights of innocence, the claims the Constitution of the United States, and
of justification, the sacred force of truth, the constitution of this State, against ev-
and the forms and subsistence of law and ery aggression, either foreign or domestic,
justice. In questions of power, then, let and that they will support the govern-
no more be heard of confidence in man, ment of the United States in all measures
but bind him down from mischief by the warranted by the former,
chains of the Constitution. That this That this Assembly most solemnly de-
ooinmonwcalth does therefore call on its dares a warm attachment to the union of
co-States for an expression of their senti- the States, to maintain which it pledges

244

KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS, THE

all its powers ; and that for this end it is
their duty to watch over and oppose every
infraction of those principles which con-
stitute the only basis of that union, be-
cause a faithful observance of them can
alone secure its existence and the public
happiness.

That this Assembly doth explicitly and
peremptorily declare that it views the pow-
ers of the federal government, as result-
ing from the compact to which the States
are parties, as limited by the plain sense
and intention of the instrument constitut-
ing that compact ; as no further valid than
they are authorized by the grants enu-
merated in that compact, and that in case
of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous
exercise of other powers not granted by
the said compact, the States who are par-
ties thereto have the right, and are in
duty bound, to interpose for arresting the
progress of the evil, and for maintaining
within their respective limits the au-
thorities, rights, and liberties appertain-
ing to them.

That the General Assembly doth also
express its deep regret that a spirit has,
in sundry instances, been manifested by
the federal government to enlarge its
powers by forced constructions of the con-
stitutional charter which defines them ;
and that indications have appeared of a
design to expound certain general phrases
(which having been copies from the very
limited grant of powers in the former arti-
cles of confederation were the less liable
to be misconstrued), so as to destroy the
meaning and effect of the particular enu-
meration, which necessarily explains and
limits the general phrases; so as to
consolidate the States by degrees into
one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and
inevitable consequence of which would be
to transform the present republican sys-
tem of the United States into an abso-
lute or, at best, a mixed monarchy.

That the General Assembly doth partic-
ularly protest against the palpable and
alarming infractions of the Constitution,
in the two late cases of the " Alien and Se-
dition acts," passed at the last session of
Congress, the first of which exercises a
power nowhere delegated to the federal
government, and which, by uniting legis-
lative and judicial powers to those of
executive, subverts the general principles

of free government, as well as the particu-
lar organization and positive provisions of
the federal Constitution; and the other
of which acts exercises, in like manner, a
power not delegated by the Constitution,
but on the contrary expressly and positive-
ly forbidden by one of the amendments
thereto; a power which more than any
other ought to produce universal alarm,
because it is levelled against the right of
freely examining public characters and
measures, and of free communication
among the people thereon, which has never
been justly deemed the only effectual
guardian of every other right.

That this State having, by its conven-
tion which ratified the federal Constitu-
tion, expressly declared " that, among
other essential rights, the liberty of con-
science and of the press cannot be can-
celled, abridged, restrained, or modified by
any authority of the United States," and,
from its extreme anxiety to guard these
rights from every possible attack of
sophistry or ambition, having with other
States recommended an amendment for
that purpose, which amendment was in
due time annexed to the Constitution, it
would mark a reproachful inconsistency
and criminal degeneracy, if an indifference
were now shown to the most palpable vio-
lation of one of the rights thus declared
and secured, and to the establishment of
a. precedent which may be fatal to the
other.

That the good people of this common-
wealth having ever felt and continuing
to feel the most sincere affection to their
brethren of the other States, the truest
anxiety for establishing and perpetuating
the union of all, and the most scrupulous
fidelity to that Constitution which is the
pledge of mutual friendship, and the in-
strument of mutual happiness, the Gen-
eral Assembly doth solemnly appeal to the
like dispositions of the other States, in
confidence that they will concur with this
commonwealth in declaring, as it does
hereby declare, that the acts aforesaid
are unconstitutional, and that the neces-
sary and proper measures will be taken
bj^ each for co - operating with this
State in maintaining unimpaired the
authorities, rights, and liberties reserved
to the States respectively, or to the
people.

245

KEOKUK— KERR

That the governor be desired to trans-
mit a copy of the foregoing resolutions to
the executive autnority of each of the
other States, with a request that the same
may be communicated to the legislature
thereof.

And that a copy be furnished to each of
the Senators and Representatives repre-
senting this State in the Congress of the
United States.

The Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 were
followed by another series in 1799, in
which the right of a sovereign State to
nullify obnoxious laws of the federal gov-
ernment was distinctly claimed.

The Resolutions of 1799 asserted " that
the principle and construction contended
for by sundry of the State legislatures,
that the general government is the exclu-
sive judge of the nature of the powers
delegated to it, stopped not shor^ of des-
potism— since the discretion of those who
administer the government and not the
Constitution would be the measure of
their powers ; that the several States who
formed that instrument, being sovereign
and independent, have the unquestionable
right to judge of the infraction ; and,
that a nullification of those sovereign-
ties of all unauthorized acts done under
color of that instrument is the rightful
remedy."

Keokuk, chief of the Sac and Fox Ind-
ians; born on Rock River, 111., about 1780;
was a strong friend of the whites, and by
his influence among his people averted a
number of attacks which they had planned
against the Americans. In 18.32. when
his band was intent upon uniting with
Black Hawk {q. v.) in an attack on the
Americans, he held his warriors aloof and
even held in check Black Hawk himself.
Later, he visited Washington, New York,
etc. He died in Kansas in June, 1848.

Kern, John Worth, lawyer : born in
Howard county, Tnd.. Dec. 20, 1849: grad-
uated at the University of Michigan,
1869; president of the Indianapolis Col-
lege of Law; State Senator, 1892-96: un-
successful candidate on the Democratic
ticket for Governor. 1900 and 1904; candi-
date on the Democratic ticket for the
Vice-Presidency. 1908.

Kernan, Fuancis, lawyer; born in
Wayne, N. Y., Jan. 14. 1810 ; was grad-
uated at Georgetown College, Washington,

D. C, in 1836; admitted to the bar in
1840; reporter of the New York Court of
Appeals in 1854-57; elected to the legisla-
ture in 1861, and to Congress in 1862;
and was a Democratic United States Sen-
ator in 1875-81. He died in Utica, N. Y.,
Sept. 15, 1892.

Kernstown, Battle at. When the
Army of the Potomac was transferred to
tlie Virginia peninsula, earl}^ in 1862. it
was necessary to hold the Confederates in
check in the Shenandoah Valley. Banks
was then (February, 1862) in command of
the 5th Corps. He pushed Jackson back
to Winchester, where he was posted with
8,000 men. when Johnston evacuated Man-
assas, in March. Jackson retired up the
valley, pursued by Shields, to the great
consternation of the Confederates. Shields
found liis antagonist too strong to attack,
and fell back to Winchester, closely pur-
sued by cavalry under Colonel Ashby.
Banks repaired to Manassas after its evac-
uation, leaving Shields to guard the Shen-
andoah Valley. Near Winchester he had
nearly 7,000 men (part of them cavalry)
and tAventy-four guns well posted half a
mile north of the village of Kernstown and
two and a half miles south of Winchester.
On March 22 Ashby's cavalry drove in
Shields's pickets. Under cover of night
Shields pushed on some troops, under
Colonel Kimball, to Kernstown. A sharp
and sevei'e battle ensued, in which Shields
was badly wounded. The Confederates
were repulsed at all points, and fled up
the valley, closely pursued by Banks, who
remained in that region to watch the Con-
federates, while McClellan should move on
Richinond.

Kerr, Michael Crawford, statesman;
born in Titusville, Pa., March 15. 1827;
graduated at the Louisville LTniversity in
1851; removed to Indiana in 1852, where
he practised law. After filling various
State ofllces he was elected to Congress
in 1864 and served until 1872, when he
was defeated for re-election by a small
majority. He was returned to Congress
in 1874, and elected speaker of the Ho\ise,
Dec. 6, 1875. He died in Rockbridge. Va..
Aug. 19. 1876.

Kerr, Orpheus C. See Newell, Rob-
ert Henry.

Kerr, William Jasper, educator ; born
in Richmond, Utah, Nov. 17, 1863; took

246

KETTEL— KEY

the normal course at the University of
Utah in 1882-84, and studied at Cornell
University in 1890-91, • and during the
summers of 1891-93. He was instructor
in geology, physiology, and physics in
Brigham Young College in 1887-88, and
instructor in mathematics till 1892, when
he became Professor of Mathematics and
Astronomy in the University of Utah,
where he remained till 1894, when he was
elected president of Brigham Young Col-
lege.

Kettel, Samuel, editor; born in New-
buryport, Mass., Aug. 5, 1800; became
editor of the Boston Courier in 1848. His
publications include Specimens of Ameri-
can Poetry, icith Critical and Biographical
Notices; Personal Narrative of the First
Voyage of Columbus, etc. He died in
Maiden, Mass., Dec. 3, 1855.

Kettle Creek, Battle of. Nearly
800 North and South Carolina Tories, led
by Colonel Boyd, started to join the Brit-
ish at Augusta, in February, 1779, deso-
lating the upper country of the latter
State on the way. When within two days'
march of Augusta they were attacked
(Feb. 14), at Kettle Creek, by Col. An-
drew Pickens, with the militia of Ninety-
six, and, after a sharp fight, were de-
feated. Boyd and seventy of his men
were killed, and seventy-five were made
prisoners. Pickens lost thirty - eight
men.

Key, David McKjendree, jurist; born
in Green county, Tenn., Jan. 27, 1824;
passed his youth on a farm; gradu-
ated at Hiwassee College, and admitted to
the bar in 1850; and settled in Chat-
tanooga to practise in 1853. He was a
Democratic Presidential elector in 1856
and 1860; served throughout the Civil
War in the Confederate army; was a
member of the State constitutional con-
vention in 1870; chancellor of the third
chancery district of Tennessee from 1870
to 1875 ; and was elected United States
Senator in 1875, to fill a vacancy. He
was appointed Postmaster-General in
President Hayes's cabinet, in 1877; re-
signed on becoming judge of the eastern
and middle districts of Tennessee, in
1880; and resigned the last appointment
in 1895. He died in Chattanooga, Tenn.,
Feb. 3, 1900.

Key, Francis Scott, author; born in

Frederick county, Md., Aug. 9, 1780; was
a lawyer and poet, and, removing to
Washington, D. C, became district attor-
ney. A collection of his poems was pub-

FRAN'CIS SCOTT KET.

lished after his death, in Baltimore, Jan.
11, 1843.

The Star-Spangled Banner. — On the re-
turn of the British to their vessels after
the capture of Washington, they carried
with them Dr. Beanes, an influential and
well-known physician of Upper Marlboro.
His friends begged for his release, but
Admiral Cockburn refused to give him up,
and sent him on board the flag-ship of
Admiral Cochrane. Key, then a resident
of Georgetown, well known for his affa-
bility of manner, was requested to go to

SIGNATURE OF FRANCIS SCOTT KEY.

Cochrane as a solicitor for the release of
the doctor. He consented, and the Presi-
dent granted him permission. In com-
pany with John S. Skinner, a well-known
citizen of Baltimore, he went in the car-
tel-ship Minden, under a flag of truce.
They found the British ships at the mouth
of the Potomac, preparing to attack Balti-
more. Cochrane agreed to release Beanes,

247

KEY, FRANCIS SCOTT

248

KEYES— KICKAPOOS

but refused to allow him or his friends to 1848; admitted to the bar in 18G2; con-
return then. They were placed on board nected with the New York State banking
the Surprise, where they were courteously department in 1865-73; and later resumed
treated. When the fleet went up Patapsco law practice. His publications include
Bay, they were sent back to the Minden, New York Court of Appeals Reports; His-
with a guard of marines to prevent their tory of Savings-Banks in the United
landing and conveying information to States; and New York Code of Public In-
their countrymen. The Minden was an- striiction. He died in Brooklyn, N. Y.,
chored within sight of Fort McHenry, and Oct. 17, 1897.

from her decks the three friends observed Keyes, Erasmus Darwin, military

the tierce bombardment of the fort which officer; born in Brimfield, Mass., May 29,

soon ensued. It ceased before the dawn 1810; graduated at West Point in 1832,

(Sept. 14, 1814). The anxious Americans entered the artillery, and was made

did not know whether the fort had sur- assistant adjutant, with rank of captain,

rendered or not. They awaited the appear- in 1838. Becoming full captain in 1841,

ance of daylight with painful suspense, he was appointed instructor of artillery

In the dim light of the opening morning and cavalry at West Point in 1844. He

they saw through their glasses the star- did service against the Indians on the

spangled banner yet waving in triumph Pacific coast, and when the Civil War

over the fort, and soon learned the fate broke out was appointed (May, 1861),

of the land expedition against Baltimore colonel of infantry and brigadier-general

and preparations of the discomfited British of volunteers. At the battle of Bull

for speedy departure. When the fleet was Pun, in July, he commanded the first bri-

ready to sail, Key and his friends were re- gade in Taylor's division. Early in 1862

leased, and returned to the city. It was he was appointed commander of the 4th

during the excitement of the bombardment. Corps of the Army of the Potomac, and

and when pacing the deck of the Minden won the rank of major-general of volun-

between midnight and dawn, that Key teers and the brevet of brigadier-general,

composed the popular song. The Star- U. S. A., by his conduct in the peninsular

Spangled Banner, the first stanza of which campaign. He resigned May 6, 1864, and

expressed the feelings of thousands of eye- engaged in gold - mining. General Keyes

witnesses of the scene, and is reproduced published Fifty Years' Observation of

on the preceding page from the original Alen and Events. He died in Nice, France,

manuscript. The rude substance of the Oct. 11, 1895.

song was written on the back of a Keystone State, the popular title for

Ijetter which Key happened to have in the State of Pennsylvania, supposed to

his pocket. On the night after his re- have been given because of its central po-

turn to Baltimore he wrote it out in sition among the original thirteen States

full and read it to his uncle. Judge at the time of the formation of the na-

Nicholson, one of the defenders of the tional Constitution. In an arch formed

fort, and asked his opinion of it. The by the thirteen States Pennsylvania

pleased judge took it to the print- would, from its geographical position,

ing-ofllice of Capt. Benjamin Edes, and form the keystone. The early certifi-

caused it to be printed in hand - bill cates of membership of the Tammany

form. Samuel Sands set up the song in Society have an arch composed of the

type, printed it, and distributed it among States, of which Pennsylvania is the key-

the citizens. It was first sung by Charles stone.

Durang, at a restaurant next door to Kickapoos, an Algonquian tribe found

the Holliday Street Theatre, Baltimore, by the French missionaries, towards the

to an assemblage of patriotic defenders close of the seventeenth century, on the

of Baltimore, and after that nightly at Wisconsin River. They were great rovers;

the theatre and everywhere in public and were closely allied to the Miamis; and in

private. 1712 joined the Foxes in an attack upon

Keyes, Emerson Willard, lawv^er; Detroit, and in wars long afterwards,

born in Jamestown, N. Y., June 30. 1828: They were reduced in 1747 to about eighty

graduated at the State Normal School in warriors, and when the English conquered

249

KIDD

Canada in 1763 there were about 100 tion of Livingston, who was then in Eng-

Kickapoos on the Wabash. They joined land, Captain Kidd was appointed her

Pontiac in liis conspiracy, but soon made commander and admitted as a shareholder,

peace; and in 1779 they joined George His commission bore the royal seal and

Rogers Clarke in his expedition against signature. On April 3, 1696, he sailed

the British in the Northwest. Showing from Plymouth, and arrived at New York

hostility to the Americans, their settle- about July 4. With his ship well pro-

ment on the Wabash was desolated in visioned, and with a crew of 154 men and

1791; but they were not absolutely sub- boys, he sailed for Madagascar, the chief

dued until the treaty at Greenville in rendezvous of the pirates who infested

1795, after Wayne's decisive victory, when the India seas.

they ceded a part of their land for a small In the course of a year or more rumors
annuity. In the early part of the nine- reached England that Kidd had turned
teenth century the Kickapoos made other pirate. At length the clamor became so
cessions of territory; and in 1811 they loud that the royal shareholder in the en-
joined Teeumseh and fought the Amer- terprise and his associates perceived the
icans at Tippecanoe. In the War of 1812 necessity of taking action, and an order
they were the friends of the English; and was issued to all English colonial govern-
afterwards a larger portion of them ors to cause the arrest of Kidd wherever
crossed the Mississippi and seated them- he might be found. In the spring of 1699
selves upon a tract of land on the Osage he appeared in the West Indies in a vessel
Eiver. Some cultivated the soil, while loaded with treasure. Leaving her in a
others went southward as far as Texas, in bay on the coast of Haiti in charge of his
roving bands, plundering on all sides. For first officer and a part of the ship's corn-
some time Texas suffered by these inroads; pany, he sailed northward with forty men
but in 1854 some of them, peaceably in- in a sloop, entered Long Island Sound,
clined, settled in Kansas, when, becom- and at Oyster Bay took on board James
ing dissatisfied, many of them went off to Emott, a New York lawyer, and, landing
Mexico, where they opposed the depreda- him on Rhode Island, sent him to the Earl
tions of the Apaches. In 1899 there were of Bellomont, then at Boston as governor
237 Kickapoos at the Pottawattomie and of Massachusetts, to inquire how he
Great Nehama agency in Kansas, and 246 (Kidd) would be received by his partner
Mexican Kickapoos at the Sac and Fox in the enterprise. During Emott's absence
agency in Oklahoma. Kidd had buried some of his treasure,
Kidd, William, navigator; born in which he brought with the sloop, on Gar-
Scotland, presumably in Greenock, about diner's Island. Bellomont's answer was
1650; entered the merchant-marine ser- such that Kidd went to Boston, July 1,
vice in his youth, and distinguished him- 1699, where he was arrested, sent to Eng-
self as a privateersman against the French land, tried on a charge of piracy and mur-
in the West . Indies. He was active der, found guilty, and executed, May 24,
against the pirates that infested the wa- 1701, protesting his innocence. It is ad-
ters near New York, out of which port mitted that his trial was grossly unfair;
he sailed; and for his services the Assem- and it is believed that Kidd was made a
bly of the province gave him $750 in 1691. scape-goat to bear away the sins of men in
In 1695 a company for the suppression high places. Earl Bellomont sent to Haiti
of piracy by privateering was organized in for Kidd's ship, but it had been stripped
England. Among the shareholders in the by the men in charge; but he recovered
enterprise were King William III., the the treasure buried on Gardiner's Island;
Earl of Bellomont, Robert Livingston, of also that which Kidd had with him on
New York, and other men of wealth and the sloop, amoimting in the aggregate
influence. One-tenth of all the booty to about $70,000. Ever since Kidd's
gained by privateering was to be set aside death there have been numerous at-
for the King, and the rest was to be tempts to discover places along the At-
divided among the shareholders. A new lantic and Gulf coasts where the pirate
ship, of 287 tons, was bought, and named was believed to have secreted other
the Adventure Galley; and at the sugges- treasure.

250

KIDDER— KTEFT

Kidder, Frederick, author; born in
New Ipswich, N. H., April 16, 1804; en-
gaged in business at different times in
Boston, New York, and the South; and
became widely known as an antiquarian
authority. His publications include The
History of New Ipswich, N. H., from Its
First Grant in 1736 to 1852 (with Augus-
tus A. Gould) ; The Expeditions of Capt.
John Lovewell; Military Operations in
Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia during
the Revolution; History of the First New
Hampshire Regiment in the War of the
Revolution; and History of the Boston
Massacre, March 5, 1770. He died in
Melrose, Mass., Dec. 19, 1885.

Kieft, VViLHELM, Dutch governor; born
in Holland, about 1600. Little is known
of him before his appearance at Manhat-
tan on March 28, 1638. He seems to have
been an unpopular dweller at Rochelle,
France, where his effigy had been hung
upon a gallows. De Vries, an active mar-
iner, who knew him well, ranked him
among the " great rascals " of his age. He
was energetic, spiteful, and rapacious — the
reverse of Van Twiller, his immediate pred-
ecessor. Kieft began his administration
by concentrating all executive power in his
own hands; and he and his council pos-
sessed such dignity, in their own estima-
tion, that it became a high crime to ap-
peal from their decision. He found public
affairs in the capital of New Nether-
land in a wretched condition, and put
forth a strong hand to bring order out of
confusion. Abuses abounded, and his
measures of reform almost stripped the
citizens of their privileges. Dilapidated
Fort Amsterdam was repaired and new
warehouses for the company were erected.
He caused orchards to be planted, gardens
to be cultivated, police ordinances to be
framed and enforced, religion and morality
to be fostered, and regular religious ser-
vices to be publicly conducted. A spa-
cious stone church was built within
the fort, and the Connecticut architect
hung in its wooden tower Spanish
bells which had been captured at Porto
Rico.

A more liberal policy in respect to the
ownership of land caused the immigration
to increase, and Cavaliers from Virginia
and Puritans from New England were
seen listening to Dominie Bogardus in his

fine pulpit in the new church. All that
Kieft required of new settlers was an oath
of fidelity and allegiance to the States-
General of Holland. The demands for new
homesteads caused Kieft to purchase
lower Westchester and a large portion of
Long Island. The encroaching Puritans
on the east, and the Swedes on the Dela-
ware, gave Kieft much concern, especially
the latter, for Minuit, a former Dutch
governor, was at their head. Kieft pro-
tested against their " inti'vision." Minuit
laughed at him, and disregarded his
threats. Very soon the energetic char-
acter of the governor, manifested in well-
doing, was as conspicuous in ill-doing. He
allowed his fellow-traders with the Ind-
ians to stupefy them with rum and cheat
them; and he demanded tribute of furs,
corn, and wampum from the tribes around
Manhattan. They paid the tribute, but
cursed the tyrant. Kieft saw their power
and was afraid. Some swine were stolen
from colonists on Staten Island, when
Kieft, seeking an excuse for striking ter-
ror to the hearts of those he had wronged,
accused the Raritans of the crime, and
sent armed men to chastise them. The
River Indians grasped their hatchets and
refused to pay tribute any longer. The
hatred of all the savages was aroused.
The people of New Amsterdam were
alarmed, and quarrels between them and
the governor were frequent and stormy.
He wanted to make war on the Indians.
The people refused to bear a musket or
favor the crime. Unwilling to bear the
responsibility, Kieft called an assembly
of " masters and heads of families," in
New Amsterdam, to consult upon public
measures. Twelve discreet men were
chosen (1641) to act for them; and
this was the first representative as-
sembly in New Netherland. War was
deferred, and the twelve devised a plan
for a municipal government for New Am-
sterdam.

Kieft was alarmed, for he did not wish
his own power abridged, and he made
promises (but to be broken) of conces-
sions of popular freedom on their giv-
ing him consent to chastise the Indians
in Westchester. It was reluctantly given,
when the perfidious governor dissolved
them, and forbade any popular assembly
thereafter. In 164.3 he caused a cruel

251

KILBOXmNE— KILPATRICK

massacre of fugitive Indians at Hoboken
(q. v.). A fierce war was kindled. The
friendly Long Island tribes joined their
injured brethren, and the Dutch colony
was threatened with destruction. Help
came from a Puritan, and the Indians
were subdued. Kieft, despised by the
colonists on whom he had brought ruin,
humbly asked them to form a representa-
tive covmcil again. The people gladly
did so, for they had lost all confidence
in the governor. This concession was a
pitiful trick of Kieft to foil the wrath of
the colonists. He neglected the advice of
the popular assembly, and sought by
every means to fill his own coffers with
gain against a day of reckoning which
he perceived was near. The representa-
tives of the people, finding his rule unen-
durable, asked for the recall of Kieft be-
fore the colony should be ruined. Their
prayer was heeded, and the people cele-
brated his departure by the firing of
great guns. Some pugnacious burghers
threatened the governor with personal
chastisement when he should " take off
the coat with which he was bedecked by
the lords, his masters." The prophecy
of De Vries (1643) — "The murders in
which you [Kieft] have shed so much
innocent blood will yet be avenged upon
your own head " — was fulfilled. Kieft
sailed for Holland Aug. 16, 1647, in the
ship Princess, with more than $100,000
of ill-gotten wealth. The vessel, by mis-
take, entered the Bristol channel, struck
a rock, and was wrecked on the coast of
Wales, and Kieft was drowned.

Kilbourne, John, author; born in
Berlin, Conn., Aug. 7, 1787; graduated
at Vermont University in 1810. His pub-
lications include Gazetteer of Vermont;
Gazetteer of Ohio; a volume of Piiilic
Documents concerning the Ohio Canals;
a map of Ohio ; and a School Geogra-
phy. He died in Columbus, O., March 12,
1831.

Kilpatrick, Hugh Judson, military
officer; born near Deckertown, N. J.,
Jan. 14, 183G; graduated at West
Point in 1861 ; and first entered the ar-
tillery. He was wounded in the battle
of Big Bethel (June, 1861), and in Sep-
tember was made lieutenant-colonel of
cavalry. His efficient services on all oc-
casions won for him the rank of britra-

dier-general and major-general of volun^
teers, and the command of a division oi
cavalry in the Army of the Potomac. He
was very active in the campaign against
Atlanta in 1864, in Sherman's march to

HUGH JODSON KILPATRICK

the sea, and in his march through the
Carolinas to the surrender of Johnston.
For the latter campaign he was brevet ted
major-general U. S. A. In 1865-68
he was United States minister to Chile;
in 1881 he was reappointed; and held the
post till his death in Valparaiso, Dec. 4,
1881.

On Sunday morning, Feb. 28, 1864, Kil-
patrick, with 5,000 cavalry, picked from
his o\vn and the divisions of Jlerritt
and Gregg, crossed the Rapidan, swept
around to the right flank of Lee's army
by way of Spottsylvania Court - house,
and, pushing rapidly towards Richmond,
struck the Virginia Central Railroad at
Beaver Dam station, where he had his
first serious encounter with the Confed-
erates, under the i\laryland leader, Brad-
ley T. Johnson, whom he defeated. Then
he struck across the South Anna, cut the
Fredericksburg and Richmond Railway,
and on March 1 halted within 3 miles of
Richmond. His grand object was to
liberate the Union captives from Libby
prison (see Confederate Prisons). He
was now within the outer line of its
defences, at which the Confederates had
thrown down their arms and fled into

KIMBALL— KINDERGARTEN

the city. At Spottsylvania Court - house
about 500 of his best men, led by Col.
Ulric Dahlgren, a dashing young officer,
diverged from the main column for the
purpose of striking the James River Canal
above Richmond, destroying as much of
it as possible, and, crossing the James
River, attacked the Confederate capital on
the south simultaneously with the attack
of Kilpatrick on the north. The object
of this move was to liberate the Union
prisoners at Belle Isle, on the James
River, in front of Richmond. Kilpat-
rick, disappointed in not hearing Dahl-
gren's guns, and hard pressed by the Con-
federates as he attempted to penetrate
the second line of defences, withdrew
after a sharp fight, and halted 6 miles
from Richmond. He was pursued by the
Confederates, with whom he skirmished,
and returned to his place of departure.
Meanwhile Dahlgren, misled by a negro
guide, failed to cross the James River,
but struck the outer line of fortifications
on the northern side of Richmond at
dark, I\Iarch 2. In a conflict that ensued
the Nationals were repulsed, and they
retreated towards Chickahominy, hotly
pursued. Dahlgren and about 100 of his
men became separated from the rest. On
the evening of the 3d the young leader,
in a conflict some distance from Rich-
mond, was shot dead, and his men were
made prisoners.

General Sherman, when he heard of
Wheeler's raid, sent Kilpatrick, with
5.000 cavalry, during the night of Aug.
18, 1864, to strike the railway at West
Point, Ga., and break it to Fairborn,
and then to tear up the Macon road
thoroughly. When he reached the Macon
road, near Jonesboro, he was confronted
by Ross's Confederate cavalry. These he
routed, and drove through Jonesboro,
and just as he began tearing up the road
some cavalry came up from the south,
and compelled him to desist and fly. He
swept around, and again struck the road
at Lovejoy's, where he was attacked by
a larger force. Through these he dashed,
capturing and destroying a four-gun bat-
tery, and sweeping around, reached head-
quarters on the 22d, with seventy pris-
oners.

Kimball, Sumner Increase, executive
officer; born in Lebanon, Me., Sept. 2,

1834; graduated at Bowdoin College in
1855; was admitted to the bar in 1858;
and began practice in North Berwick, Me.
In September, 1859, he was elected to the
State legislature; in January, 1861, be-
came clerk in the office of the second audi-
tor of the treasury at Washington ; and
in 1870 became chief clerk. He took
charge of the Revenue Marine Service in
1871, and in 1878 was appointed general
superintendent of the United States Life-
Saving Service. He represented the Unit-
ed States in the international marine
conference in 1889. He is the author of
Organization and Methods of the United
States Life-Saving Service.

Kindergarten, a system of education
originated by Friedrich Wilhelm August
Froebel. The first school was opened at
Blankenburg, Germany, but it was not
until 1849 that the system was carried to
any effective extent in that country, and
not until 1851 that it was introduced into
England. The system rests upon the idea
that education in its earliest phases
should depend upon the perceptive facul-
ties. Whatever there may be in a child
of instinct, desire, impulse, hope, or pur-
pose should at first be strengthened.
Children from the ages of four to six are
admitted to the kindergarten and are
taught by means of toys, games, and sing-
ing. Only five kindergarten schools ex-
isted in the United States prior to 1870.
When the National Educational Associa-
tion met in Boston, Mass., in 1872, a com-
mittee was appointed to examine the sys-
tem. This committee recommended its
general adoption. When first introduced
into this country it was entirely a pri-
vate undertaking; but later, when its suc-
cess was proven, it began to be included
in the curriculum of public school educa-
tion. At the beginning of the twentieth
century nearly every public school sys-
tem, whether in city or town, had a kin-
dergarten department in operation. In
recent years the growth of such schools
has been so rapid that a special course of
training for teachers in kindergarten work
has been found necessary, and there are
several institutions that make a specialtj
of this teacher-training. In 1900 the
United States bureau of education esti-
mated the number of pupils in kinder-
gartens at 203,600.

253

KING

King, Charles, author; born in Al-
bany, N. Y., Oct. 12, 1844; graduated
at the United States Military Academy in
1866, and commissioned a second lieuten-
ant in the 1st Artillery; promoted to first
lieutenant in 1870; transferred to the 5th
Cavalry in 1871 ; promoted captain in
1879; and in the same year resigned his
commission. He was inspector-general of
the Wisconsin National Guard in 1882-89 ;
commissioned colonel of the 4th Regiment
in 1890; and made adjutant-general in
1895. Early in 1898 he was appointed a
brigadier-general of volunteers for the war
with Spain; served in the Philippines;
and resigned Aug. 2, 1899. For many
years he has been known best as " Captain
King, the author." His publications,
which have obtained wide celebrity, in-
clude Famous and Decisive Battles; Be-
tween the Lines; Under Fire; The Gen-
eral's Double; A Trooper Galahad; Found
in the Philippines, etc.

King, Clarence, geologist; born in
Newport, R. I., Jan. 6, 1842; gradu-
ated at the Sheffield School of Yale Col-
lege in 1862, and joined the California
geological survey in 1863. He made the
paleontological discoveries which deter-
mined the approximate age of gold-bearing
rocks. In 1867-72 he led the expedition
for the geological survey of the 40th par-
allel. In the latter year he exposed the
Arizona " diamond fields " deception. He
suggested and organized the United States
geological survey, and in 1878-81 was its
director. From 1881 he was engaged in
special investigations. He wrote Syste-
matic Geology; Mountaineering in Sierra
Nevada, etc. He died in Phoenix, Ariz.,
Dec. 24, 1901.

■ King, Hamilton, diplomatist; born in
St. Johns, Newfoundland, June 4, 1852;
graduated at Olivet College, Mich., in
1878 ; appointed United States minister
resident and consul-general to Siam in
January, 1898. He is the author of Out-
lines of United States History, etc.

King, Horatio, lawj'er ; born in Paris,
Mc, June, 21, 1811; received a common
school education ; studied law, and was
admitted to the bar; became a clerk in the
Post-office Department in Washington in
1839; was made first assistant Post-
master-General in 1854, and was Post-
master-General from Feb. 12 to March 7,

1861, during which time he introduced
the official-penalty envelope. Later he
engaged in the practice of his profession
in Washington. He published Turning on
the Light (a review of the administration
of President Buchanan), etc. He died in
Washington, D. C, May 20, 1897.

King, Horatio Collins, lawyer; born
in Portland, Me., Dec. 22, 1837; grad-
uated at Dickinson College in 1858; ad-
mitted to the bar in 1861 ; served in the
National army in 1862-65; practised law
till 1870; then engaged in journalism.
He published King's Guide to Regimental
Courts-Martial, and edited Proceedings of
the Army of the Potomac.

King, James Wilson, naval engineer;
born in Maryland in 1818; entered the
navy in 1844 as third assistant engineer;
served through the Mexican War ; was pro-
moted to chief engineer in 1852; was ap-
pointed chief engineer of the navy-yard in
New York in 1858; and chief engineer of
the Atlantic blockading squadron in 1861.
In 1869-73 he was cliief of the bureau
of steam engineering. He was retired in
1880. During his service he made many
improvements in the construction and
equipment of war vessels. His publi-
cations include European Ships of War;
The War Ships and Navies of the World.

King, Jonas, missionary; born in Haw-
ley, Mass., July 29, 1792; graduated at
Williams College in 1816, and at Andover
Seminary in 1819. For some months he
was engaged in missionary work in South
Carolina; and he went to Palestine in
the same work in 1824, where he remained
about three years. In the fall of 1827 he
was employed as missionary in the North-
ern and Middle States, and in July, 1828,
he entered upon the Greek mission. In 1829
he married a Greek lady, and remained in
that country until his death, in Athens,
May 22, 1869. Before 1867 he had trans-
lated and printed, in modern Greek, five
volumes of the American Tract Society's
publications. He also published four vol-
umes of his own works in that language.
Mr. King was a most efficient missionary.

King, Preston, lawyer; born in Og-
densburg, N. Y., Oct. 14, 1806; was gradu-
ated at Union College and later admitted
to the bar. He was a member of Congress
in 1843-47 and in 1849-51; and a Re-
publican United States Senator in 1857-

254

KING— KING'S DAUGHTERS AND SONS

G3; and later resumed practice in New served in the legislature of his State. He
York City, where he died Nov. 12, 18G5. was a member of Congress (1811-16), and
King-, RuFUS, statesman; born in Scar- for two years (1816-18) was secretary of
boro, Me., March 14, 1755; graduated at legation at Naples. On his return he be-
Harvard in 1777; studied law with Theo- came a cotton-planter in Alabama, and
philus Parsons in Newburyport, and in was United States Senator from 1819 to
1778 became aide-de-camp on General 1844, and from 1847 to 1853, being minis-
Glover's staff, in the expedition against ter to France during 1844-46. Mr. King
the British on Rhode Island. In 1785 he was elected Vice-President of the United
was an earnest advocate of the absolute States in 1852, but died (in Cahawba,
freedom of the slaves, to be secured by Ala., April 18, 1853) a few weeks after
the operation of an act of Congress, mak- taking the oath of office at Havana, a
ing such freedom a fundamental principle privilege accorded by a special act of
of the Constitution. Mr. King and Gen- Congress.

eral Schuyler were chosen the first repre-
sentatives of New York in the national
Senate of 1789, under the new Constitu-
tion. Mr. King was a leading Federalist.
From 1798 to 1804 he was American

King George's War.
1744-48.

King Philip's War.
SETTS; Philip, Kixg.

King William's War.

See George II.,
See Massachu-
See William

king's bridge in 1860

minister to Great Britain; and in 1818 III.
he was sent to the United States Senate King's Bridge, spanning Spuyten Duy-
for the third time. He was an able leader vil Creek, New Y^ork City, was first
of^ the opposition to the admission of erected in the year 1691, and called " the
Missouri under the terms of the com- King's bridge." An unsuccessful attempt
promise as a slave-labor State.
In 1825 he accepted the ap-
pointment of minister to Eng-
land, but returned in feeble
health the next year, and died
in Jamaica, L. I., April 29,
1827.

King, Thomas Starr,
clergyman ; born in New Y^ork
City, Dec. 17, 1824; was a
minister in the Universalist
Church till 1848, and after-
wards in the Unitarian Church.
At the outbreak of the Civil

War he worked earnestly for the Union was made by Washington to cut off a
cause and for the United States Sanitary force of the British at this place on the
Commission. He was a popular lecturer night of July 2, 1781. See New Y''ork
and the author of The White Hills; Patri- City.

otism and Other Papers; etc. He died in King's College. See Columbia Uni-
San Francisco, Cal., March 4, 1864. versity.

King, William Henry, jurist ; born in King's Daughters, a religious organ-
Fillmore City, Utah, June 3, 1863; re- ization founded in New York City, Jan.
ceived a collegiate education; began law 18, 1886. It is inter - denominational,
practice in 1887 ; was president of the and purposes to do whatever is possi-
Utah Senate; appointed associate justice ble through women for the cause of hu-
of the Utah Supreme Court in 1894; and nianity. Any woman or girl who will
was a Democratic meml>er of Congress in give small but regular contributions to
1896-98. declining renomination. Christian work is eligible to membership.

King, William Rufus. statesman ; born It has a large membership in the United
in Sampson county, N. C, April 7, 1786: States and Europe.

graduated at the University of North King's Daughters and Sons, Inter-
Carolina in 1803; practised law, and national order of the. See Interna-

255

KING'S FERRY— KING'S MOUNTAIN

TioNAL Order of the King's Daughters
AND Sons.

King's Ferry, The. Between Stony
Point and Verplanck's Point, on the Hud-
son River, just below the lower entrance
to the Highlands, was an important
crossing-place, known as the King's Ferry.
It was%v this ferry that the great route
from the Eastern to the Middle States
crossed the Hudson. It was defended by
two fort s —
Stony Point on
the west side,
and Fort La-
fayette, at Ver-
planck's Point,
on the east.
Sir Henry
Clinton r e-
solved to seize
OLD SIGN this ferry and

its defences. On
the return of the expedition of Matthews
and Collier from Virginia, Sir Henry
ascended the Hudson with the same
squadron and 6,000 soldiers. He landed
his troops on both sides of the river, May
31, 1779, a few miles below the forts'.
The works on Stony Point were unfin-

the fort at Verplanck's Point, which, in
vested on the land side, was compelled to
surrender, June 1, after a spirited resist-
ance.

King's Mountain, Battle on. Maj.
Patrick Ferguson was sent by Lord Corn-
wallis to embody the Tory militia among
the mountains west of the Broad River.
Many profligate men joined his standard,
and he crossed the river at the Cherokee
Ford, Oct. 1, 1780, and encamped among
the hills of King's Mountain, near the
line between North and South Carolina,
with 1,500 men. Several corps of Whig
militia, under Colonels Shelby, Sevier,
Campbell, and others, united to oppose
Ferguson, and on Oct. 7 they fell upon
his camp among a cluster of high, wood-
ed, gravelly hills of King's Mountain. A
severe engagement ensued, and the Brit-
ish forces" were totally defeated. Fergu-
son was slain, and 300 of his men were
killed or wounded. The spoils of victory
were 800 prisoners and 1,500 stand of
arms. The loss of the Americans was
twenty men. The event was to Cornwallis
what the defeat of the British near Ben-
nington was to Burgoyne. Among the
prisoners were some of the most cruel

VIEW AT KING'S MOUNTAIN RATTLROUOUN'D.

ished, and, on the approach of the British. Tories of the western ^^^^^"^^^
were abandoned. Ca.mon wore placed on executed the severe «;^^.^ V^' h- m h S
its outer works, and brought to bear on Ton of them, after a truU by duim-head

2r>a

KING'S PROVINCE— KINGSTON

court-martial," were hung on tlie limb of
a great tulip-tree. On the spot where
Ferguson fell, a small monument was
erected to commemorate the event, and
to the memory of some of the patriots
killed in the battle.

The defeat of the British changed the
aspects of the war in the South. It
awed the Tories and encouraged the
Whigs. The mustering of forces beyond
the mountains to oppose his movements
took Cornwallis by surprise. It quick-
ened the North Carolina legislature into
more vigorous action, and it caused a gen-
eral uprising of the patriots of the South,
and suddenly convinced their oppressor
that his march through North Carolina to
the conquest of Virginia was not to be a
mere recreation. Met by North Caro-

MOiM'SIENT ON king's MOUNTAIN.

linians at Charlotte, he was compelled to
fall back to the Catawba, and his experi-
ence in that winter campaign was marked
by great perplexities and disasters.

King's Province. In 1683 a new royal
commission was named for the settlement
of boundary disputes between Connecticut,
Rhode Island, and Plymouth. Its mem-
bers beir,g principally selected from Massa-
chusetts and Connecticut, Rhode Island ob-
jected to them as not disinterested; and
when they proceeded to hold a session
within the disputed territory, the Rhode
Island Assembly met near by and forbade
them to "hold court" within the juris-
diction of the province. The commission
adjourned to Boston, and reported to the
King (1686) that the Narraganset coun-
try (the southwestern continental half of
the present State of Rhode Island) be-
V, — R "2

longed to Connecticut; this domain was
called the King's Province for a while,
but was under the jurisdiction of Joseph
Dudley, the temporary royal governor of
Massachusetts. He proceeded to organ-
ize there an independent government, and
changed the names of the towns.

Kingston, the present county seat of
Ulster county, N. Y., was settled by the
Dutch and Huguenots. It is memorable in
the United States as the place where the
first constitution of New York was framed,
in 1777, and the first legislature was con-
vened under it; also as having been de-
stroyed by a British marauding expedi-
tion up the Hudson in the autumn of the
same year.

Kingston, Burning of. Sir Henry
Clinton's success in capturing Forts Clin-
ton and Montgomery emboldened him to
send a marauding expedition up the Hud-
son to make a diversion in favor of Bur-
geyne, hoping thereby to draw many
troops from the army of Gates to defend
the exposed country below. Early on the
morning after the capture of the forts,
Oct. 16, 1777, the boom and chain were
severed, and a flying squadron of light-
armed vessels under Sir James Wallace,
bearing the whole of Sir Henry's land
force, went up the river to devastate its
shores. Sir Henry wrote a despatch to
Burgoyne on a piece of tissue-paper, say-
ing, " We are here, and nothing between
us and Gates," enclosing it in a small,
hollow bullet. The messenger was arrest-
ed in Orange county as a spy. The mes-
sage was found and the spy was hanged.
The marauding force, meanwhile, spread
havoc and consternation along the shores.
The legislature of the newly organized
State of New York were then in session
at Kingston. The marauders went thither
and burned the village, Oct. 7, the legis-
lature having escaped with their papers.
Then they crossed over to the village of
Rhinebeck Flats, and went to Living-
ston's Manor and applied the torch.
There they heard of Burgoyne's defeat.

Kingston (N. C). General Evans,
with 6,000 Confederate troops, was de-
feated by General Foster, with 10,000
National troops, Dec. 14, 1862. The Con-
federates, under Bragg, were overtaken by
Cox, of Schofield's army, and obliged to
retire to Goldsboro, March 8-10, 1865.

KINLOCK— KiaCHWET

Kinlock, Francis, patriot; born in the War of 1812-15, during which he was
Charleston, S. C, March 7, 1755; was engaged in the military service. He went
educated in England. When the Revolu- to Chicago in 1845, where he died, Feb.
tionary War broke out he returned to 24, 1851, the last survivor of tjie " Boston
America and became a captain in the Con- Tea-Party."

tinental army; held a seat in the con- Kinston, the county seat of Lenoir,
vention of 1787, voting for the adoption N. C, and an important shipping port for
of the national Constitution. He was cotton and tobacco. On Dec. 14, 1862,
the author of a Eulogy on George Wash- there was an engagement here in which
ington, Esq., etc. He died in Charleston, Wessell's brigade of Peck's division and
S. C, Feb. 8, 1826. the 1st, 2d, and 3d brigades of the 1st

Kinney, Jonathan Kendkick, lawyer; division of the Department of North Caro-
born in Eoyalton, Vt., Oct. 26, 1843; re- lina took part; and on March 14, 1865,
ceived a common school education; served the city was occupied by the National
in the Civil War; became a lawyer in forces under General Schofield.
1875. He is the author of A Digest of Kip, William Ingraham, clergyman;
the Decisions of the Supreme Court of the born in New York City, Oct. 3, 1811;
United States. graduated at Yale College in 1831, and

Kinnison, David, patriot ; born in Old later at the General Theological Seminary ;
Kingston, near Portsmouth, Me., Nov. was ordained in the Protestant Episcopal
17, 1736. With a few neighbors at Leb- Church in 1835; elected bishop of Califor-
anon. Conn, (where he was a farmer), nia in 1857. He was the author of Early
he went to Boston and assisted in destroy- Jesuit Missions in America; The Olden

Time in Neic York, etc. He died in
San Francisco, Cal., April 7, 1893.

Kirchhoff, Charles William, en-
gineer ; born in San Francisco, Cal.,
March 28, 1854; graduated at the
Royal School of Mines, Claus-
thal, Germany, in 1874. Returning
to the United States he was chemist
of the Delaware Lead Refinery in
Philadelphia in 1874-79; managing
editor of the Engineering and Mining
Journal in 1883-86; and for several
years was connected with The Iron
Age, of which he became editor-in-
chief in 1899. Since 1883 he has
been special agent of the United
States Geological Survey for the col-
lection of statistics of the production
of lead, copper, and zinc. He was
president of the American Institute
of Mining Engineers in 1898-99.

Kirch wey, George W., educator;
born in Detroit, Mich., July 3, 1855;
graduated at Yale College in 1879;
studied law in New Haven and
Albany; was admitted to the bar in
Albany in 1881; and practised there
ing the tea destined for that port. Dur- for ten years. In 1889-91 he was dean
ing the Revolutionary War he was in ac- of the Albany Law School, and in 1891
tive service, and in the latter part of it he became Professor of Law in Columbia
was a prisoner among the Indians more University. He has edited a number of
than a year and a half. He lived in dif- legal text-books; contributed frequently
ferent places until the breaking out of to legal periodicals; and was one of the

258

DAVID KINNISON.

KIRKLAND— KITTANNING

revisers of Johnson's Universal CyclopoB- He labored with that nation as a mis-

dia in 1892-95. sionary of religion and patriotism during

Kirkland, Caroline Matilda Stans- the war, when the other tribes of that

BURY, author; born in New York City, confederacy, through the influence of

Jan. 12, 1801; settled in Clinton, N. Y., Brant and the Johnsons, had taken the

and there married Mr. Kirkland in 1827. opposite side. He accompanied Sullivan

Her publications include Western Clear- in his expedition against, the Senecas in

ings; The Evening Book, or Sketches of 1779. Mr. Kirkland was the founder of

Westc7-n Life; Memoirs of Washington; Hamilton College. Having been granted

The Destiny of Our Country, etc. She by the government a tract of land 2 miles

died in New Y'^ork City, April 6, 1864. square in the present town of Kirkland,

Kirkland, James Hampton, edu-
cator; born in Spartanburg, S. C, Sept.
9, 1859; graduated at Wofford College
in 1877; held the chair of Greek and

Oneida co., N. Y., he removed there in
1789. He died in Clinton, N. Y., Feb. 28,
1808.
Kirkwood, Samuel Jordan, lawyer;

German in Wofford College in 1881- born in Harford county, Md., Dec. 20,
83; and then went abroad to travel and 1813; removed to Ohio in 1835, and was
study. Returning to the United States admitted to the bar of that State in 1843.
in 1886, he became Professor of Latin in He removed to Iowa in 1855; was elected
Vandcrbilt University, where he remained governor in 1859 and 1861; United States
till 1893, when he was elected chancellor. Senator in 1866; governor again in 1875;
He is the editor of Satires and Epistles and United States Senator again in 1876,
of Horaee, and author of numerous mono- serving until 1881, when he was appointed
graphs and of contributions to philological Secretary of the Interior; retired to
reviews, etc. private life in 1882. He died in Iowa

Kirkland, Samuel, missionary; born City, la., Sept. 1, 1894.
in Norwich, Conn., Dec. 1, 1741; grad- Kitchen Cabinet, an appellation in
uated at Princeton in 1765. At the common use during the administration
school of Rev. E. Wheelock, he learned of President Jackson, of which Francis
the Mohawk language, and, by sojourns P. Blair and Amos Kendall were the re-
among the Senecas, their language also, eipients. Blair was the editor of The
After the affair at Lexington, the pro- Globe, the organ of the administration,
vincial congress of Massachusetts re- and Kendall was one of its principal con-
quested him to use his influence to secure tributors. These two men were frequent-
ly consulted by the President as confi-
dential advisers. To avoid observation
when they called on him, they entered
the President's dwelling by a back door.
On this account the opposition party,
who believed the advice of these two men
caused Jackson to fill nearly all the of-
fices with Democrats, after turning out
the incumbents, called them in derision
the " kitchen cabinet."

Kittanning, Destruction of. In con-
sequence of repeated injuries from the
white people of Pennsylvania, the Dela-
ware Indians had become bitterly hostile
in 1756. They committed many depre-
dations, and early in September Col. John
Armstrong marched against the Indian
town of Kittanning. on the Alleghany
River, about 45 miles northeast from
either the friendship or neutrality of the I'ittsburg. He approached the village
Six Nations. He was instrumental in at- stealthily, and fell upon the Indians furi-
taching the Oneidas to the patriot cause, ously with about 300 men at 3 AM-,

259

SAHITEL KIRKLAKD.

KITTREDGE— KLONDIKE

Sept. 8, 1756. The Indians refusing the
quarter which was offered them, Colonel
Armstrong ordered their wigwams to be
set on fire. Their leader, Captain Jacobs,
and his w'ife and son were killed. About
forty Indians were destroyed, and eleven
English prisoners were released.

discharjjed from that

was honorably
service.

Klondike, a region in the Korthwest.
Territory of Canada, bordering on the Klon-
dike and Yukon rivers. The first white peo-
ple who A'isited the region went there in
the interest of the Hudson Bay Company.

MAIN STREET, DAWSON CITY, JULY, 1897.

Kittredge, Alfred B., lawyer; born in
Cheshire county, N. H., March 28, 1861;
was graduated at Yale College in 1882,
and from its law school in 1885; and be-
gan practice in Sioux Falls, S. D. He
was a member of the State Senate in
1889-93; and a Republican United States
Senator in 1901-09.

Klamath Indians, a tribe of North
American Indians. In 1899 there were
673 on a reservation at the Hoopa Valley
agency in California, and 585 at the
Klamath agency in Oregon.

Kline, Jacob, military officer; born in
Pennsylvania, Nov. 5, 1840; was commis-
sioned first lieutenant in 1861; captain in
1864; major in 1887; lieutenant-colonel
in 1892; and colonel April 30, 1897.
During the Civil War he was bre-
vetted captain, April 7, 1862, for gallantry
at Shiloh, and major, Sept. 1, 1864, for
gallantry in the Atlanta campaign. On
May 27, 1898, he was appointed a
brigadier - general of rolunteers for the
war with Spain, and on March 15, 1899,

In 1873 the existence of gold in paying
quantities was reported, in a region then
supposed to be wholly within British Co-
lumbia. Miners penetrated farther towards
the Yukon in 1882, and were successful in
placer mining along the Stewart and other
rivers. The first rush for the region be-
gan in 1887, when the Forty-Mile Creek
was discovered and coarse gold found
there. In the next year mining was start-
ed on the Forty-Mile Creek, and by 1897
nearly all of the available gold had been
taken out. The first reports of the wealth
of the Klondike region proper were made
by Indians. The first white man to enter
the region was George W. Carmack, who
staked the first claim on Bonanza Creek,
in August, 1896. Here $14,200 were se-
cured in eight days by three men. On
July 14, 1897, a steamer from the Klon-
dike arrived at San Francisco. On board
were forty miners, who had more than
$500,000 in gold dust, and there was $250.-
000 more for the Commercial Company
After an assay it was found that the Klon-

260

KNAPP— KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE

dike gold was not as pure as that of Call- crbocker estates from his uncle, Herman
fornia, there being combined with it a Knickerbocker ; served in the American
greater amount of iron, lead, etc. On army in the Revolutionary War; after
July 17 of the same year a second steamer the war represented Rensselaer county in
arrived at San Francisco, bringing sixty- the New York legislature. He died at
eight miners, with $1,2.50,000 worth of Schaghticoke in 1827. Washington Ir-
gold. Immediately the " Klondike fever " ving's use of the name in his Knicker-
became general, and so large was the num- backer's History of New York has result-
ber of gold-seekers that the capacity of all ed in its being used to describe the typical
the steamers running to St. Michael, Dutch New York gentleman. Where New
Juneau, and Dyea was overtaxed. For a York City is personated in caricatures, the
time it was feared that many of these gold- figure is that of " Father Knickerbocker."
seekers would perish before the opening Knights of Labor, the name assumed
of the passes in the following spring on by a labor league having a membership
account of the lack of provisions. On in all parts of the United States and
June 1.3, 1898, by an act of the Canadian Canada, with an executive head styled
Parliament, the boundaries of Ungava, " General Master Workman." Subser-
Keewatin, Franklin, Mackenzie, and Yukon vient to the central authority are numer-
were changed, and the Yukon region was ous local organizations. The order claims
constituted a separate territory, with an the right and exercises the power of regu-
area of 198,300 square miles, 2,000 of lating the conditions of labor between em-
which is water surface. In February, ployers and the employed, having officers
1898, the United States Coast and Geo- called "walking delegates," who enter in-
detic Survey issued a new map of the dustrial establishments and order men and
Yukon River region. The map includes women to quit work, unless the conditions
the territory between long. 38° and 166° between them and their employers are
W., and lat. 60° to 67° N. The Yukon satisfactory to the order. In 1903 the
River is traced considerably beyond the order claimed a membership of 40,000.
Klondike region, and the portion within Knights of Pythias, a fraternal organ-
Alaska is very fully treated. The coun- ization founded in Washington, D. C, in
try between Forty-Mile Post and Stewart 1804, having for its objects the exercise of
River is also given with minute exactness, friendship, charity, and benevolence. From
The results of military and scientific ex- an original membership of seventy-four it
plorations undertaken by the United had grown to one of 562,327 in 1903, and
States government in Alaska indicate that so gained fourth place among the fraternal
that Territory contains a larger amount organizations of the country. The en-
of gold, besides other economic " min- dowment rank (life insurance) had a
erals," than the area popularly termed membership of over 60,000, representing
the "Klondike region." See Alaska. an endowment of $103,711,000.

Knapp, Samuel Lorenzo, author ; born Knights of the Golden Circle, the
in Newburyport, Mass., Jan. 19, 1783; name of an organization founded for the
graduated at Dartmouth College in 1804; overthrow of the government of the Unit-
became a lawyer; and was a commander ed States. It was a secret society, and
on the coast defences in the War of 1812. was first organized for action in the
His publications include Travels in North slave-labor States. The members were
America by All Bey; Memoirs of Gen- pledged to assist in the accomplishment
eral Lafayette ; American Biography ; His- of the designs of those who were intent
tory of the United States (a revision of upon the establishment of an empire
John Hinton's edition) ; Memoir of the within the limits of the Golden Circle.
Life of Daniel Webster ; Life of Aaron It was the soul of the filibustering move-
Burr,- Life of Andreio Jackson, etc. He ments in Central America and Cuba from
also edited The Library of American His- 1850 to 1857; and, when these failed, the
*ori/. He died in Hopkinton, Mass., July knights concentrated their energies for
8, 1838. the accomplishment of their prime object

Knickerbocker, John: born in Schaght- — the destruction of the Union and the

icoke, N. Y., in 1749; inherited the Knick- perpetuation of slavery. The subordinate

261

KNOWLTON— KNOW-NOTHING PARTY

organizations were called " castles."
When the secession movement began, these
knights became specially active in Texas.
When the disloyal peace faction made its
appearance in the North, an alliance be-
tween the leading members of it and the
Knights of the Golden Circle was formed,
and the " order " became very numerous
and formidable in some of the free-labor
States, especially in the West. The late
Benson J. Lossing, in New Orleans, in
April, 1861, heard a New York journalist
tell a group of Confederates that he be-
longed to a secret order in that city,
50,000 strong, who would sooner fight
for the South than for the North. An
army chaplain was told by a Confederate
officer, just before the draft riot in New
York, " You will be surprised at the num-
ber of friends Ave have in your very midst;
friends who, when the time comes, will
destroy your railroads, your telegraph
wires, your government stores and prop-
erty, and thus facilitate the glorious in-
vasion [Lee's] now breaking you in
pieces." At about that time the knights
in the West held a meeting at Springfield,
111. (June 10, 1863), when it was resolved
to make the draft a pretext for revolu-
tion, and measures were accordingly
adopted. It was arranged that New York
should take the initiative. The plan was
for each State to assume its " indepen-
dent sovereignty." Morgan's raid in Indi-
ana and Ohio was a part of the plan of
that revolution. It was supposed that
the Knights of the Golden Circle and the
members of the peace faction would rise
and join him by thousands; but in this
he was mistaken.

Knowlton, Frank Hall, botanist;
born in Brandon, Vt., Sept. 2, 1860;
graduated at Middlebury College, Ver-
mont, and appointed an aid in the United
States National Museum in 1884; became
assistant curator of botany in 1887; and
assistant paleontologist of the United
States Geological Survey in 1889. In
1887-96 he was Professor of Botany in
Columbia University. He wrote the bo-
tanical definitions for the Century Dic-
tionary and later had charge of the de-
partment of botany in the Standard Dic-
tionary, writing about 25,000 definitions
for the last work. He is the author of
Fossil Wood and Liynite of the Potomac

Formation; Fossil Flora of Alaska; Cata-
logue of the Cretaceous and Tertiary
Plants of North America, etc. ; and is the
editor of The Plant World.

Knowlton, Miner, military officer;
born in Connecticut, in 1804; graduated
at the United States Military Academy in
1829; promoted captain in 1846; and
served in the Mexican War. His pub-
lications include Notes on Gunpowder,
Cannon, and Projectiles, and he com-
piled Instructions and Regulations for
the Militia and Volunteers of the United
States. He was also one of the compilers
of Instructions for Field Artillery, which
was adopted by the War Department in
1845. He died in Burlington, N. J., Dec.
25, 1870.

Knowlton, Thomas, military officer;
born in West Boxford, Mass., Nov. 30..
1740; was a soldier of the French and
Indian War, and assisted in the reduc-
tion of Havana in 1762. He was in the
Ashford militia at Lexington, April 19,
1775, and was selected as one of the fa-
tigue party to fortify Bunker Hill. In
action there he fought bravely. A regi-
ment of light infantry, which formed the
van of the American army at New York,
was commanded by him, and he was com-
missioned lieutenant-colonel of a regiment
of rangers selected from the Connecticut
troops. He fell in the battle of Harlem
Plains, Sept. 16, 1776, and his character
was eulogized by Washington in general
orders.

Know-nothing Party, a secret politi-
cal party organized in 1853 for the pur-
pose mainly of opposing foreign citizen-
ship. As early as 1835 an attempt was
made to originate some such movement in
New York City, where a foreign popular
tion had already gained much strength.
Tliis movement, however, ended in failure
before the election for mayor in 1837.
Tlie feeling, however, was again revived in
1843, after the Democrats, who had been
successful in the election, gave the largest
share of offices to foreign-born citizens.
In the following year the same native
feeling was extended through New Jersey
and to Philadelphia, where several riots
occurred between native and Irish citi-
zens. This agitation resulted in natives
holding the majority of offices for several
years. In 1852, however, when the sec-

262

KNOX

tional contest as to the extension of slave temas Ward attracted the attention oi
territory became so strong, and when the Washington. In November (1775) he was
Democratic party was receiving reinforce- placed in command of the artillery, and
ments from immigrants, the old opposi- was employed successfully in bringing can-
tion to foreigners again appeared; but non from captured forts on Lake Cham-
this time in the form of a secret, oath- plain and on the Canadian frontier to
bound fraternity, whose objects were not Cambridge, for the use of the besieging
even made known to its own members till army. Knox was made a brigadier-gen-
they had reached the higher degrees, eral in December, 1776, and was the chief
Whenever any questions were asked the commander of the artillery of the main
members by outsiders they would say, " I army throughout the whole war, being
don't know," and from this circumstance conspicuous in all the principal actions,
the popular name of " Know - nothings " He was one of the court of inquiry in
was given them. In the elections of 1854 Major Andre's case; was in command at
they appeared as a well-disciplined partj^ West Point after hostilities had ceased,
carrying Massachusetts and Delaware, and arranged for the surrender of New
and in the following year they polled York. At Knox's suggestion, the Society
122,282 votes in New York State and of the Cincinnati was established. He
made great strides in the South. In the was Secretary of War before and after
Presidential campaign of 1856 the Know- Washington became President of the
nothing party was called the "American United States (1781-95), and when he
party " and presented Millard Fillmore left office he settled at Thomaston, where
as its candidate. As the great question he administered the most generous hos-
of slavery then began to gain greater pitality til! his death, Oct. 25, 1806.
strength and to absorb a larger amount Knox, John Jay, financier; born in
of public attention a lesser importance Knoxboro, N. Y., March 19, 1828; grad-
was given to nativism. The party reap- uated at Hamilton College in 1849, and
peared in 1860, under the name of the engaged in banking. In 1866 he became
Constitutional Union party, and, failing connected with the Treasury Department
to carry the South, soon disappeared from in Washington; and in 1867 was appoint-
the political field. See Wise, H. A. ed deputy comptroller of the currency;

Knox, Henry, military officer; horn in and in 1872 became comptroller. He pre-
Boston, July 25, 1750; was of Scotch- pared a bill on coinage which was passed

by Congress, and is known as the " Coin-
age act of 1873." He retired from public
life in 1884, when he became president of
a bank in New York City. He was the
author of United States Notes, or a His-
tory of the Various Issues of Paper Money
by the Government of the United States.
He died in New York City, Feb. 9, 1892.
Knox, Philander Chase, lawyer; born
in Brownsville, Pa., May 4, 1853; grad-
uated at Mount Union College, Alli-
ance, 0., in 1872; settled in Pittsburg,
Pa., to study law, and was there admit-
ted to the bar in 1875. Soon afterwards
he was appointed assistant attorney of the
United States for the western district of
Pennsylvania; in 1877 he formed a part-
Irish stock. He became a thriving book- nership with Judge J. H. Reed; and for
seller in Boston, and married Lucy, several years was Andrew Carnegie's chief
daughter of Secretary Flucker. He be- legal adviser. He became acquainted with
longed to an artillery company when the President McKinley during his college
Revolution began, and his skill as an en- days, and they afterwards remained close
gineer artillerist on the staff of Gen. Ar- personal friends. On April 5, 1901, the

263

HENRY KXOX.

KNOX— KOBBE

President appointed Mr. Knox Attorney- tie of Brandywine in 1777, and in Mon^
General of the United States to succeed mouth in 1778; and commanded an ex-
John W. Griggs, resigned. He resigned, pedition to Springfield, N. J., in June,
June 30, 1904, having been elected to the 1780. In the absence of Sir Henry Clin-
United States Senate from Pennsylvania, ton he was in command of the city of
In 1897 he was elected president of the New York. He died in Cassel, Dec. 7,
Pennsylvania Bar Association. 1800.

Knox, William, author; born in Ire- Kobbe, William A., military officer;
land in 1732; was provost-marshal in born in New York City, May 10, 1840;
Georgia in 1756-61, when he returned to entered the volunteer army as a private
England; and was under-secretary of in the 7th New York Regiment in 1862,
state for American aflFairs in 1770-83. and at the close of the Civil War was
His publications relating to the United mustered out of this service with the
States include A Letter to a Member of rank of captain in the 178th New York
Parliament ; The Claims of the Colonies Infantry. On March 17, 1866, he was ap-
to an Exemption from Internal Taxes; pointed a second lieutenant in the 19th
The Present State of the Nation; and The United States Infantry; Feb. 5, 1872,
Contror-ersy hetu'een Great Britain and was transferred to the 3d Artillery;
Her Colonies Reviewed. He died in Ealing, April 6, 1885, was promoted to captain;
England, Aug. 25, 1810. and March 8, 1898, to major. After join-

Knoxville, Siege of. General Burn- ing the 3d Artillery he graduated at
side, with the Army of the Ohio, occupied the Artillery School (1873). Soon after
Knoxville, Sept. 3, 1863. The Confederate war was declared against Spain he was
General Buckner, upon his advance, evacu- appointed colonel of the 35th United
ated east Tennessee and joined Bragg at States Volunteer Infantry, and in October,
Chattanooga. Early in November, Gen- 1899, was promoted to brigadier-general
eral Longstreet, Avith 16.000 men, advanced of volunteers for service in the Malolos
against Knoxville. On the 14th he crossed campaign in the Philippines. In Janu-
the Tennessee. Burnside repulsed him on ary, 1900, he was given command of an
the 16th at Campbell's Station, gaining expedition to the southern extremity of
time to concentrate his army in Knoxville. Luzon. On the 18th of that month he
Longstreet advaitced, laid siege to the left Manila with his command in the trans-
town, and assaulted it twice (Nov. 18 and ports Hancock and Garonne and the local
29), but was repulsed. Meantime Grant steamers Venus, /Eolus, Salvadora, and
had defeated Bragg at Chattanooga, and Castellano, which vessels were convoyed
Sherman, with 25,000 men, was on the by the gunboats Nashville, Helena, and
way to relieve Knoxville. Longstreet, Maraveles. On Jan. 20 all of these ves-
corapelled to raise the siege, retired up sels, in single file, proceeded slowly up
the Holston Eiver, but did not entire- Sorsogon Bay. When the expedition
ly abandon east Tennessee until the reached Sorsogon that town had already
next spring, when he again joined Lee in displayed flags of truce. During the next
Virginia. few days the towns of Donsol. Bulan, Virac,

Knyphausen, Baron Wiliielm von, and Legaspi on Catanduanes Island were
military officer ; born in Liitzberg, Ger- occupied. The only resistance was at Le-
many, Nov. 4, 1716; began his military ca- gaspi where five Americans were wounded,
reer in the Prussian service in 1734, and and forty-five dead and fifteen wounded
became a general in the army of Frederick insurgents were found. In this action the
the Great in 1775. He arrived in America shells from the Nashville set on fire and
in June, 1776, and was first engaged in bat- destroyed 8.000 bales of hemp. This dis-
tle here in that of Long Island in Au- trict of the Philippine Islands is noted
gust following, in which he commanded a as a large hemp-producing country. In
body of Hessian mercenaries. Knyjjhaus- March, following. General Kobb? was ap-
en was in the battle of White Plains; pointed military governor of the province
assisted in the capture of Fort Washing- of Albay. Luzon, and of Catanduanes Isl-
ton, which was named by its ca])tors Fort and, and also temporary governor of
Knyphausen; was conspicuous in the bat- the islands of Samas and Leyte; and soon

264

KOHL— KOREA

afterwards he opened the hemp ports to from the Shenandoah was fired on by

commerce. On the reorganization of the tl)e natives. This visit was also fruitless

regular army in February, 1901, he was of results, and Commander Fabiger sailed

appointed one of the new brigadier-gen- away. On April 10, 1870, Admiral Rod-

erals. gers sailed from New York in the Colo-

Kohl, John George, traveller; born in rado to take command of the Asiatic

Bremen, Germany, April 28, 1808 ; trav- squadron, which consisted of the flag-ship

elled in the United States in 1854-58. His Colorado, forty-five guns; the steamship

publications relating to the United States Monocacy, six guns, and the steamer

include History of the Discovery of the Palos, two guns. Among the incidental

United States Coast ; History and Investi- results of the expedition was the careful

gat ion of the Gulf Stream; Travels in the survey of an extensive part of the coast

United States; History of the Two Oldest of Korea. The King of Korea was in-

Charts in the Neiv World; History of the formed of the approach of the expedition.

Discovery of the Northeastern Coast of and sent three officials with a letter to

America, and a number of lectures on the the Americans. The burden of this

History of the Discovery of America. He epistle was that the Koreans wanted to

was also the author of a Lecture on the be let alone, and that the crew of the

Plan of a Chartographical Depot for the General Sherman had been killed for com-

History and Geography of the American mitting piracy and murder. Up to that

Continent. He died in Bremen, Germany, time the Korean authorities had practi-

Oct. 28, 1878.

Korea, War avith. The trouble be-
tween the United States and Korea began
in 1866. A vessel named the General
Sherman, bearing American papers, in
that year made her last trip from Chee-
Foo to Ping- Yang City in Korea, near
which the ship was captured and de-
stroyed, and her passengers and crew
massacred. Official notice of this out-
rage was given to the United States by
Admiral Bell, United States navy, then in
command of the Asiatic squadron, whose
force, however, was insufficient to secure
redress from the hostile Koreans. Two

cally denied all official knowledge of the
fate of the General Sherman and her
crew. Other Korean delegations visited
the squadron, all expressing themselves
as thoroughly satisfied with the peaceable
character of the expedition, and willing
that a survey of their coast and rivers
should be made. The ships proceeded up
the Fleuve de Sel (Salt River), and on
passing some of the forts were fired on
by the Korean forces, which numbered
about 2,000. The fire was returned, and
in about ten minutes the forts were si-
lenced and the enemy driven from them.
The fire from the forts was severe, but

years previous (1864) the Koreans had owing to the ignorance of the native gun-
become involved with a Christian nation ners, only one man in the squadron was
because of their having put to death wounded, and the only damage was a
several French missionaries. The French leak in the Monocacy, which was soon re-
had sent out an armed expedition, but paired. In this encounter the Palos and

it was poorly prepared and badly con-
ducted, and was compelled to retire.
The.se circumstances greatly emboldened
the Koreans, so that in 1867, when Com-
mander Shufeldt, with the United States
steamer Wachusett, visited Korea to
save, if any remained, the passengers
or crew of the General Sherman, he was
able to accomplish nothing and had to
return. It was learned later that two
survivors of the crew of the General Sher-

the Monocacy were engaged, together
with several steam-launches of the sur-
veying party. These craft rejoined Ad-
miral Rodgers, with the Benicia and the
Colorado, and an expedition was formed
to return and destroy the forts. This
force consisted of 945 men, with the Palos
and the Monocacy. June 11 the Ameri-
cans destroyed the forts near the mouth
of the river, burned the neighboring
houses, and continued to advance until

man were in prison in Korea, and in they reached the forts which had opened
1868 Commander Fabiger, in the United fire on the expedition June 1. The
States steamship Shenandoah, sailed for Americans stormed these forts, and in the
Korea. In the course of this trip a boat first onset took them, with a loss of three

205

KOSCIUSZKO

killed and seven wounded. Lieutenant
McKee was killed as he entered the in-
trenchments. The Korean commander-in-
chief was killed in the combat, and the
second officer in command was taken pris-
oner, besides many other natives. Ad-
miral Rodgers a few days later released
the prisoners, whom the Korean authori-
ties did not appear willing to receive. A
formal protest against the war-like ac-
tions of the Koreans was made by Mr.
Low, the American minister. Documents
found by the Americans showed that the
Korean government had planned the sur-
prise of the United States ships, and that
the native rulers were astonished at the
failure of their forts to annihilate the
vessels at the first fire.

Kosciuszko, Tadeusz (Thaddeus), pa-
triot; born in Lithuania, Poland, Feb. 12,
1746; was of noble descent, and was edu-
cated at the military academy at War-
saw; also in France, at the expense of
the Polish government. He entered the
Polish army as captain, but a passion for
the daughter of the marshal of Lithuania
caused him to leave his country and offer
his services to the Americans. He ar-
rived in 1776, with a note of introduction
and recommendation to Washington by
Dr. Franklin. "What do you seek here?"
inquired the chief. " I come to fight as
a volunteer for American independence,"
answered Kosciuszko. " What can you
do?" asked Washington. "Try me," was
the quick reply. He entered Washing-
ton's military family, Oct. 18, 1776, as
colonel of engineers. He planned the
fortified camp of General Gates at Bemis's
Heights, in 1777, and was the principal
engineer in constructing the works at
West Point, on the Hudson. Attached
to Greene's army in the South, he was
the engineer in the siege of Ninety-six
(q. v.), in June, 1781. For his services
in the Continental army he received the
thanks of Congress, the Order of the Cin-
cinnati, and the brevet of brigadier-gen-
eral. Returning to Poland, he fought
against the Russians, under Poniatowski,
in 1792; but the Polish patriots were de-
feated, and Kosciuszko retired to Leipsic.
Another rising of the Poles occurred in
1794, when Kosciuszko was placed at the
head of the insurgents as dictator ; and,
with 5,000 peasants, armed mostly with

scythes, he routed nearly twice that num-
ber of Russians at Raclawice, April 4.
Committing the conduct of a provisional
government to a national council, he
marched against his enemies. In War-
saw he was besieged by a combined army
of Russians and Prussians. These, after

THADDEUS KOSCIUSZKO.

several bloody conflicts, were compelled
by the Polish chief to raise the siege.
Austria had joined the assailants of the
Poles, and, with an army of 150,000 men,
fell upon and crushed them (Oct. 10) at
Macieowice. Kosciuszko fought gallantly,
and fell covered with wounds, uttering
the sadly prophetic words, afterwards ful-
filled, "Finis Polonice!" He was made
captive, and was imprisoned at St. Peters-
burg until the accession of the Emperor
Paul, who set him at liberty, and oflfered
Kosciuszko his own sword. It was re-
fused, the Polish patriot saying, " I have
no need of a sword, since 1 have no coun-
try to defend." In 1797 he visited the
United States, where he was warmly wel-
comed, and received, in addition to a pen-
sion, a grant of land by Congress. He
resided near Fontainebleau, in France;
and when Bonaparte became Emperor, in
1806, he tried to enlist Kosciuszko in his
schemes in relation to Poland. Kosciusz-
ko refused to lend his services, except
on condition of a guarantee of Polish
freedom. He went to live in Solothurn,
Switzerland, in 1816, where he was killed
66

KOSSUTH

by a fall from his horse over a proeipice, church at Cracow. An elegant monument

Oct. 15, 1817. The remains of this true of white marble was erected to his mem-

xiobleman of Poland lie beside those of ory at West Point by the cadet

Sobieski and Poniatowski in the cathedral of 1828, at a cost of $5,000.

corps

KOSSUTH, LAJOS (LOUIS)

Kossuth, Lajos (Louis), patriot; born
in Monok, Hungarj% April 27, 1802; was
in the Hungarian Diet in 1832-30; impris-
oned for political reasons by the Austrian
government in 1837-40; re-elected to the
Diet in 1847 ; and became minister of
finance in the independent Hungarian min-
istry which Emperor Ferdinand was forced
to grant in 1848. Later in that year the
Hungarians rose in insurrection against
Austria; on April 14, 1849, the Diet de-
clared Hungary independent, and appoint-
ed Kossuth governor; on Aug. 11 follow-
ing Kossuth resigned his functions to
General Gorge! ; and, on the surrender of
the latter two days afterwards, Kossuth
fled to Turkey, where he remained in exile
till 1851. In 1851-52 he visited the United
States and received a hearty welcome in

LOUIS KOSSrXH.

all the principal cities. Subsequently he
resided in London and in Turin, where he
died, March 20, 1894. Under the title of
Schriften aus der Emigration he published
his memoirs in 1881-82.

In the United States. — After his flight
to Turkey the Austrian government de-
manded his extradition. The United States
and England interfered, and he was al-
lowed his freedom, with his family and

friends. The United States government
sent the war-steamer Mississippi to bring
him to the United States, and early in the
autumn of 1851 he embarked for this coun-
try. While in exile in Turkey and in
prison, he employed his time in studying
living languages, and he was enabled to
address the people of the West in the Eng-
lish, German, French, and Italian lan-
guages. He arrived at New York, Dec. 5,
1851, accompanied by his wife. There he
addressed public meetings and deputations
in various Northern cities, and in all his
speeches he showed a most intimate knowl-
edge of American history and institutions.
His theme was a plea for sympathy and
substantial aid for his country, Hungary.
He wished to obtain the acknowledgment
of the claims of Hungary to independence,
and the interference of the United States
and Great Britain, jointly, in behalf of
the principle of non-intervention, which
would allow the nations of Europe fair
play in their renewed struggle for liberty.
He constantly asserted that grand princi-
ple that one nation has no right to inter-
fere with the domestic concerns of an-
other, and that all nations are bound to
use their efforts to prevent such interfer-
ence. The government of the United
States, to which he appealed, assuming its
traditional attitude of neutrality in all
quarrels in Europe, declined to lend aid,
excepting the moral power of expressed
sympathy. Kossuth called for private
contributions in aid of the struggle
of his people for independence, and
received more assurances of sympathy
than dollars, for there seemed to be a
reaction in Europe, and the chance for
Hungarian independence appeared more
remote than ever. He arrived in Washing-
ton at the close of December, and was re-
ceived by two United States Senators and
the jnarshal of the district. The Secre-
tary of State (Daniel Webster) waited
upon him; so also did many members of
CcTigress. On the 31st he was presented

207

KOSSUTH, LAJOS (LOITIS)

to President Fillmore by Mr. Webster,
who received him cordially. On Jan. 5,
1852, he was introduced to the Senate.
He entered the Senate chamber accom-
panied by Senators Cass and Seward.
General Shields introduced him. The
Senate adjourned, and the members all
paid their personal respects to the dis-
tinguished exile. He then visited the
House of Representatives, where he was
warmly received by the speaker and most
of the members. Then he was introduced
to each member personally, and presented
to an immense crowd of ladies and gentle-
men who had assembled. A congressional
banquet was given him at the National
Hotel, at which W. R. King, president of
the Senate, presided, Kossuth and Speaker
Boyd being on his right hand, and Secre-
tary Webster on his left. On that occa-
sion Kossuth delivered one of his most
effective speeches. Mr. Webster con-
cluded his remarks with the following
sentiment : " Hungarian independence,
Hungarian control of her own destinies,
and Hungary as a distinct nationality
among the nations of Europe." After
Kossuth's departure there were debates in
Congress on propositions for the United
States to lend material aid to the people
of Hungary, struggling for national in-
dependence; but the final determination
was that the United States shovild not
change its uniform policy of neutrality
in favor of Hungary. The cordial recep-
tion of Kossuth everywhere, and the rnag-
netic power of his eloquence over every
audience, were gratifying and wonderful.
A contemporary wrote : " The circum-
stances attending the reception of Kos-
suth constituted one of the most extraor-
dinary spectacles the New World had ever
yet beheld." He returned to Europe in
July.

Speech in Faneuil Hall. — The following
is the first of three speeches made in Fan-
euil Hall, Boston, in April and May, this
occasion being a public meeting. He had
been welcomed to the State by Gov.
George S. Boutwell,to the Senate by Presi-
dent Henry W^ilson, and to the House of
Representatives by Speaker Nathaniel P.
Banks. A legislative banquet followed
the delivery of the speech here given:

Ladies and Gentlemen, — Do me the jus-

tice to believe that I rise not with any
pretension to eloquence within the Cradle
of American Liberty. If I were standing
upon the ruins of Prytaneum, and had to
speak whence Demosthenes spoke, my
tongue would refuse to obey, my words
would die away upon my lips, and I would
listen to the winds fraught with the dread-
ful realization of his unheeded prophecies.
Spirit of American eloquence, frown not
at my boldness that I dare abuse Shake-
speare's language in Faneuil Hall ! It is
a strange fate, and not my choice. My
tongue is fraught with a down-trodden na-
tion's wrongs. The justice of my cause is
my eloquence; but misfortune may ap-
proach the altar whence the flame arose
which roused your fathers from degrada-
tion to independence. I claim my people's
share in the benefit of the laws of nature
and of nature's God. I will nothing add
to the historical reputation of these walls ;
but I dare hope not to sully them by ap-
pealing to those maxims of truth the pro-
mulgation of which made often tremble
these walls from the thundering cheers of
freemen, roused by the clarion sound of
inspired oratory.

" Cradle of American Liberty " ; it is a
great name; but there is something in it
which saddens my heart. You should not
say " American liberty." You should say
" Liberty in America." Liberty should not
be either American or European — it should
be just ■' liberty." God is God. He is
neither America's God nor Europe's God.
He is God. So shall liberty be. " Ameri-
can liberty " has much the sound as if you
would say " American privilege." And
there is the rub. Look to history, and,
when your heart saddens at the fact that
liberty never yet was lasting in any corner
of the world and in any age, you will find
the key of it in the gloomy truth that all
who yet were free regarded liberty as their
privilege instead of regarding it as a prin-
ciple. The nature of every privilege is ex-
clusiveness; that of a principle is cora-
mtmicative. Liberty is a principle ; its
community is its security; exclusiveness
is its doom.

What is aristocracy? It is exclusive
liberty; it is privilege; and aristocracy is
doomed, because it is contrary to the des-
tiny and welfare of man. \riRtocracy
should vanish, not in the nations, but also

268

KOSSUTH, LAJOS (LOUIS)

from among the nations. So long as tery of this rare circumstance, a man must
that is not done, liberty will nowhere be see the people of New England and espe-

lasting on earth. It is equally fatal to
individuals as to nations to believe them-
selves beyond the reach of vicissitudes.
To this proud reliance, and the isolation
resulting therefrom, more victims have
fallen than to oppression by immediate ad-
versities. You have prodigiously grown

cially the people of Massachusetts.

In what I have seen of New England
there are two things the evidence of which
strikes the observer at every step — pros-
perity and intelligence. I have seen
thousands assembled, following the noble
impulses of generous hearts; almost the

by your freedom of seventy-five years; but entire population of every city, of every
what is seventy-five years to take for a town, of every village where I passed,
charter of immortality? No, no, my hum- gathered around me, throwing the flowers
ble tongue tells the records of eternal of consolation in my thorny way. I can
truth. A privilege never can be lasting, say I have seen the people here, and I
Liberty restricted to one nation never can have looked at it with a keen eye, sharp-
be sure. You may say, " We are the ened in the school of a toilsome life,
prophets of God," but you shall not say. Well, I have seen not a single man bear-
" God is only our God." The Jews have ing mark of that poverty upon himself
said so, and the pride of Jerusalem lies in which in old Europe strikes the eye sadly
the dust. Our Saviour taught all human- at every step. I have seen no ragged

ity to say, " Our Father in heaven " ; and
his Jerusalem is lasting to the end of days.
" There is a community in mankind's
destiny." That was the greeting which I
read on the arch of welcome on the Capi-
tol Hill of Massachusetts. I pray to God

poor. I have seen not a single house
bearing the appearance of desolated pov-
erty. The cheerfulness of a comfortable
condition, the result of industry, spreads
over the land. One sees at a glance that
the people work assiduously — not with

the republic of America would weigh the the depressing thought just to get from

eternal truth of those words, and act ac-
cordingly. Liberty in America would then
be sure to the end of time. But if you
say " American liberty," and take that
grammar for your policy. I dare say the
time will yet come when humanity will
have to mourn over a new proof of the
ancient truth, that without community
national freedom is never sure. You
should change " American liberty " into
" Liberty." then liberty would be forever
sure in America, and that which found a
cradle in Faneuil Hall never would find a
coffin through all coming days. I like
not the word " cradle " connected with the
word " liberty." It has a scent of mortal-

day to day, by hard toil, through the
cares of a miserable life, but they work
with the cheerful consciousness of sub-
stantial happiness. And the second thing
which I could not fail to remark is the
stamp of intelligence impressed upon the
very eyes and outward appearance of the
people at large. I and my companions
have seen that people in the factories, in
the workshops, in their houses, and in the
streets, and could not fail a thousand
times to think, " How intelligent that
people looks." It is to such a people that
the orators of Faneuil Hall had to speak,
and therein is the mystery of their suc-
cess. They were not wiser than the pub-

ity. But these are vain words, I know, lie spirit of their audience, but they were

Though in the life of nations the spirits the eloquent interpreters of the people's

of future be marching in present events, enlightened instinct.

visible to every reflecting mind, still those No man can force the harp of his own

who foretell them are charged with arro- individuality into the people's heart: but

gantly claiming the title of prophets, and every man may play upon the cords of

prophecies are never believed. However, his people's heart, who draws his in-

thc cradle of American liberty is not only
famous from the reputation of having been
always the lists of the most powerful elo-
quence; it is still more conspicuous for
having seen that eloquence attended by
practical success. To understand the mys-

spiration from the people's instinct.
Well. I thank God for having seen the
public spirit of the people of Massachu-
setts bestowing its attention to the cause
I plead, and pronouncing its verdict.
After the spontaneous manifestations of
269

KOSSUTH, LAJOS (LOUIS)

public opinion which I have met in Massa- I cannot express the emotion I felt
chusetts, there can be not the slightest when, standing on the steps of your capi-
doubt that his Excellency, the high- tol, these words above my head, the peo-
minded governor of Massachusetts, when pie of Massachusetts tendered me its
he wrote his memorable address to the hand in the person of its chief magistrate,
legislature, the joint committee of the The emotion which thrilled through my
legislative assembly, after a careful and heart was something like that Lazarus
candid consideration of the subject, not must have felt when the Saviour spoke
only concurring in the views of the execu- to him, " Rise " ; and, when I looked up
tive government, but elucidating them in with a tender tear of heartfelt gratitude
a report, the irrefutable logic and elevated in my eyes, I saw the motto of Massachu-
statesmanship of which will forever en- setts all along the capitol, " We seek
dear the name of Hazewell to oppressed with the sword the mild quietness of
nations, and the Senate of Massachusetts liberty." You have proved this motto not
adopting the resolutions proposed by the to be an empty word. The heroic truth of
legislative committee, in respect to the it is recorded in the annals of Faneuil
question of national intervention — I say Hall ; it is recorded on Bunker Hill ; re-
the spontaneous manifestation of public corded in the Declaration of Indepen-
opinion leaves not the slightest doubt that dence. Having read that motto, coupled
all these executive and legislative pro- with the acknowledgment of the principle
ceedings not only met the full approbation that there is a community in the destiny
of the people of Massachusetts, but were, of all humanity, I know what answer I
in fact, nothing else but the solemn inter- have to take to those millions who look
pretation of that public opinion of the with profound anxiety to America,
people of Massachusetts. A spontaneous Gentlemen, the Mohammedans say that
outburst of popular sentiments tells often the city of Bokhara receives not light
more in a single word than all the skill from without, but is lustrous with its
of elaborate eloquence could. I have met own light. I don't know much about Bok-
that word. _ "We worship not the man, hara; but so much I know, that Boston
but we worship the principle," shouted is the sun whence radiated the light of
out a man in Worcester, amid the thun- resistance against oppression. And, from
dering cheers of a countless multitude, what it has been my good fortune to ex-
It was a word like those words of flame, perience in Boston, I have full reason to
spoken in Faneuil Hall, out of which lib- believe that the sun which shone forth
erty in America was born. That word is with such a bright lustre in the days of
a revelation that the spirit of eternal truth oppression has not lost its lustre by free-
and of present exigencies moves through dom and prosperity. Boston is the
the people's heart. That word is teem- metropolis of Massachusetts, and Massa-
ing with the destinies of America. chusetts has given its vote. It has given

Would to God that, in the leading it after having, with the penetrating sa-
quarters, small party considerations gacity of its intelligence, looked atten-
should never prevent the due appreciation tively into the subject, and fixed with
of the people's instinctive sagacity! It is calm consideration its judgment there-
with joyful consolation and heartfelt about. After having had so much to
gratitude I own that of that fear I am speak, it was with infinite gratification
forever relieved in respect to Massachu- I heard myself addressed in Brookfield,
setts. Once more I have met the revela- Framingham, and several other places,
tion of the truth that the people of with these words: "We know your coun-
Massachusetts worship principles. I have try's history; we agree with your prin-
met it on the front of your capitol, in ciples; we want no speech; just let us
those words raised to the consolation of hear your voice, and then go on ; we
the oppressed world, by the constitutional trust and wish you may have other things
authorities of Massachusetts, to the high to do than speak." Thus, having neithef
heaven, uj)on an arch of triumph, " Re- to tell my country's tale, because it ir.
member that there is a community in man- known, nor having to argue about prin-
kind's destiny." ciples, because they are agreed with, I

270

KOSSUTH, LAJOS (LOUIS)

am in the happy condition of being able
to rf'stinin myself to a few desultory re-
marks about the nature of the difliculties
] have to contend with in other quarters,
that the people of Massachusetts may see
u[>on what ground those stand who are
following a direction contrary to the dis-
tinctly pronounced opinion of Massachu-
setts, in relation to the cause I plead.

Give me leave to mention that, having
had an opportunity to converse with lead-
ing men of the great political parties
which are on the eve of an animated con-
test for the Presidency — would it had
been possible for me to have come to
America either before that contest was
engaged or after it will be decided! I
came, unhappily, in a bad hour — I availed
myself of that opportunity to be informed
about what are considered to be the prin-
cipal issues in case the one or the other
party carries the prize ; and, indeed, hav-
ing got the information thereof, I could
not forbear to exclaim, " But, my God, all
these questions together cannot outweigh
the all-overruling importance of foreign
policy!" It is there, in the question of
foreign policy, that the heart of the next
future throbs. Security and danger, de-
veloping prosperity, and its check, peace
and war, tranquillity and embarrassment
— yes, life and death will be weighed in
the scale of foreign policy! It is evident
things are come to the point where they
have been in ancient Rome, when old Cato
never spoke privately or publicly, about
whatever topic, without closing his speech
with these words, " However, my opinion
is that Carthage must be destroyed,"
thus advertising his countrymen that there
was one question outweighing in impor-
tance all other questions, from which pub-
lic attention should never for a moment
be withdrawn. Such, in my opinion, is
the condition of the world now. Car-
thage and Rome had no place on earth
together. Republican America and all-
overwhelming Russian absolutism cannot
much longer subsist together on earth.
Russia active — America passive — there is
an immense danger in that fact. It is
like the avalanche in the Alps, which the
noise of a bird's wing may move and
thrust down with irresistible force, grow-
ing every moment. I cannot but believe
it were highly time to do as old Cato did.

and finish every speech with these words^
" However, the law of nations should be
maintained, and absolutism not permitted
to become omnipotent." I could not for-
bear to make these remarks, and the an-
swer I got was, " That is all true
and all right, and will be attended
to when the election is over ; but, after
all, the party must come into power,
and you know there are so many consid-
erations— men want to be managed, and
even prejudices spared, and so forth."
And it is true, but it is sorrowful that it
is true. That reminds me of what, in
Schiller's Maria Stuart, Mortimer says to
Lord Leicester, the all-mighty favorite of
Elizabeth, " O God, what little steps has
such a great lord to go at this court ! "
There is the first obstacle I have to meet
with. This consolation, at least, I have —
that the chief difficulty I have to contend
with is neither lasting, nor an argument
against the justice of my cause or against
the righteousness of my principles. Just
as the calumnies by which I am assailed
can but harm my own self, but cannot im-
pair the justice of my country's cause or
weaken the property of my principles, so
that difficulty, being just a difficulty and
no argument, cannot change the public
opinion of the people, which always cares
more about principles than about wire-
pullings.

The second difficulty I have to contend
with is rather curious. Many a man has
told me that, if I had only not fallen into
the hands of the abolitionists and free-
soilers, he would have supported me;
and, had I landed somewhere in the South
instead of New York, I would have met
quite different things from that quarter.
But, being supported by the free-soilers,
of course I must be opposed by the South.
On the other side I received a letter from
which I beg leave to quote a few lines:
" You are silent on the subject of slavery.
Surrounded as you have been by slave-
holders ever since you put your foot on
English soil, if not during your whole voy-
age from Constantinople — and ever since
you have been in this country surrounded
by them whose threats, promises, and flat-
tery make the stoutest hearts succumb —
your position has put me in mind of ^a
scene described by the apostle of Jesus
Christ when the devil took him up into a

271

KOSSUTH, LAJOS (LOUIS)

high mountain," etc. Now, gentlemen,
thus being charged from one side with
being in the hands of abolitionists, and
from the other side with being in the
hands of the slave-holders, I indeed am at
a loss what course to take, if these very
contradictory charges were not giving me
the satisfaction to feel that I stand just
where it is my duty to stand, on a truly
American ground.

I must beg leave to say a few words
in that respect — the more because I could
not escape vehement attacks for not com-
mitting myself, even in that respect, with
whatever interior party question. I
claim the right for my people to regu-
late its own domestic concerns. I claim
this as a law of nations, common to all
humanity; and, because common to all, I
claim to see them protected by the United
States, not only because they have the
power to defend what despots dare of-
fend, but also because it is the necessity
of their position to be a power on earth,
which they would not be if the law of na-
tions can be changed, and the general
condition of the world altered, without
their vote. Now, that being my posi-
tion and my cause, it would be the most
absurd inconsistency if I would offend
that principle which I claim and which I
advocate.

And, O my God, have I not enough
sorrows and cares to bear on these poor
shoulders? Is it not astonishing that the
moral power of duties, and the iron will
of my heart, sustain yet this shattered
frame? that I am desired yet to take up
additional cares? If the cause I plead be
just, if it be worthy of your sympathy,
and at the same time consistent with the
impartial considerations of your o\vn
moral and material interests — which a
patriot should never disregard, not even
out of philanthropy — then why not weigh
that cause with the scale of its own value,
and not with a foreign one? Have I not
difficulties enough to contend with, that
I am desired to increase them yet with
my own hands? Father Mathew goes on
preaching temperance, and he may be op-
posed or supported on his own ground;
but whoever imagined opposition to him
because, at the same time, he takes not
into his hands to preach fortitude or
charity? And, indeed, to oppose or to

abandon the cause I plead only because
I mix not with the agitation of an in-
terior question is a greater injustice yet,
because to discuss the question of foreign
policy I have a right. My nation is an
object of that policy. We are interested
in it. But to mix with interior party
movements I have no right, not being a
citizen of the United States.

The third difficulty which I meet, so
far as I am told, is the opposition of the
commercial interest. I have the agree-
able duty to say that this opposition, or,
rather, indifference, is only partial. I
have met several testimonials of the most
generous sympathy from gentlemen of
commerce. But if, upon the whole, it
should be really true that there is more
coolness, or even opposition, in that quar-
ter than in others, then I may say that
there is an entire misapprehension of the
true commercial interests in it. I could
say that it would be strange to see com-
merce, and chiefly the commerce of a re-
public, indifferent to the spread of lib-
eral institutions. That would be a sad
experience, teeming with incalculable mis-
fortunes, reserved to the nineteenth cen-
tury. Until now history has recorded
that " commerce has been the most power-
ful locomotive of principles and the most
fruitful ally of civilization, intelligence,
and of liberty." It was merchants whose
names are shining with immortal lustre
from the most glorious pages of the
golden books of Venice, Genoa, etc. Com-
merce, republican commerce, raised single
cities to the position of mighty powers
on earth, and maintained them in that
proud position for centuries ; and surely it
was neither indifference nor opposition to
republican principles by which they have
thus ennobled the history of commerce
and of humanity. I know full well that,
since the treasures of commerce took
their way into the coffers of despotism,
in the shape of eternal loans, and capital
began to speculate upon the oppression
of nations, a great change has occurred
in that respect.

But, thanks to God, the commerce of
America is not engaged in that direction,
hated by millions, cursed by humanity.
Her commerce is still what it was in for-
mer times — the beneficent instrumentality
of making mankind partake of all the
2

KOSSUTH, LAJOS (LOUIS)

fruits and comforts of the earth and of
human industry. Here it is no paper specu-
lation upon the changes of despotism ;
and, therefore, if the commercial inter-
ests of republican America are considered
with that foresighted sagacity, without
which there is no future and no security
in them, I feel entirely sure that no partic-
ular interest can be more ambitious to
see absolutism checked and freedom and
democratic institutions developed in Eu-
rope than the commerce of republican
America. It is no question of more or less
profit, it is a question of life and death
to it. Commerce is the heel of Achilles,
the vulnerable point of America. Thither
will, thither must be aimed the first blow
or victorious absolutism. The instinct of
self-preservation would lead absolutism to
strike that blow if its hatred and indigna-
tion would not lead to it. Air is not more
indispensable to life than freedom and
constitutional government in Europe to
the commerce of America.

Though many things which I have seen
have, upon calm reflection, induced me to
raise an humble word of warning against
materialism, still I believe there was more
patriotic solicitude than reality in the fact
that Washington and John Adams, at the
head of the War Department, complained
of a predominating materialism (they
Ktyled it avarice) which threatened the
ruin of America. I believe that complaint
would, even to-day, not be more founded
than it was in the infant age of your re-
public. Still, if there be any motive for
that complaint of your purest and best
])atriots — if the commerce of America
would know, indeed, no better guiding star
than only the momentary profit of a cargo
just floating over the Atlantic — I Avould
he even then at a loss how else to account
for the indifference of the commerce of
America in the cause of European liberty
than by assuming that it is believed the
present degraded condition of Europe may
endure, if only the popular agitations are
deprived of material moans to disturb that
which is satirically called tranquillity.

But such a supposition would, indeed,
be the most obnoxious, the most dangerous
fallacy. As the old philosopher, being
questioned how he could prove the exist-
ence of God, answered, " By opening the
eyes," just so nothing is necessary but to
v.— S 27

open the eyes in order that men of the
most ordinary common-sense become aware
of it, that the present condition of Europe
is too unnatural, too contrary to the vital
interests of the countless millions, to en-
dure even for a short time. A crisis is
inevitable. No individual influence can
check it; no indiff'erence or opposition can
prevent it. Even men like myself, concen-
trating the expectations and confidence of
oppressed millions in themselves, have only
just enough power, if provided with the
requisite means, to keep the current in a
sound direction, so that in its inevitable
eruption it may not become dangerous to
social order, which is indispensable to the
security of person and property, without
which especially no commerce has any
future at all. And that being the un-
sophisticated condition of the world, and
a crisis being inevitable, I indeed cannot
imagine how those who desire nothing
but peace and tranquillity can withhold
their helping hands, that the inevitable
crisis should not only be kept in a sound
direction, but also carried down to a happy
issue, capable to prevent the world from
boiling continually, like a volcano, and
insuring a lasting peace and a lasting
tranquillity, never possible so long as the
great majority of nations are oppressed,
but sure so soon as the nations are con-
tent ; and content they can only be when
they are free. Indeed, if reasonable logic
has not yet forsaken the world, it is the
men of peace, it is the men of commerce,
to the support of whom I have a right to
look. Others may support my cause out
of generosity — these must support me out
of considerate interest ; others may oppose
me out of egotism — American commerce,
in opposing me. would commit suicide.

Gentlemen, of such narrow nature are
the considerations which oppose my
cause. Of equally narrow, inconsistent
scope are all the rest, with the enumera-
tion of which I will not abuse your kind
indulgence. Compare with them the
broad basis of noble principles upon which
the commonwealth of ^Massachusetts took
its stand in bestowing the important bene-
fit of its support to my cause, and you
cannot forbear to feel proudly that the
spirit of old Massachusetts is still alive,
entitled to claim that right in the covm-
cils of the united republic which it had
3

KOSZTA— KU-KLUX KLAN

in the glorious days when, amid dan- and the elevation and education of the

gers, w'avering resolutions, and partial de- colored race in the South, to prevent

spondency, Massachusetts took boldly the colored men from exercising the right of

lead to freedom and independence. suffrage, to maintain the rule of the Bour-

Those men of immortal memory, who, bon whites in the South, and to prevent

within these very walls, lighted with the the immigration of whites into the South

heavenly spark of their inspiration the from the North and the introduction of

torch of freedom in America, avowed for Northern industries; and all this was for

their object the welfare of mankind ; and, the alleged purpose of " redeeming the

when you raised the monument of Bun- South." The organization was divided

ker Hill, it was the genius of freedom into districts in each of the Southern

thrilling through the heart of Massachu- States; at the head of each division or

setts which made one of your distin- district was a grand officer, who, with

guished orators say that the days of your numerous assistants, was given power to

ancient glory will continue to rain influ- appoint the work and duty of each man

ence on the destinies of mankind to the in his division; and each member was

end of time. It is upon this inspiration bound under the most solemn oath.

I rely, in the name of my down-trodden Some of the devilish deeds of the mur-

country — to-day the martyr of mankind, derous Klan were brought to light by

to-morrow the battle-field of its destiny, the congressional investigation instituted,

Time draws nigh when either the influ- but no chronicle has yet appeared, nor

ence of Americans must be felt through- will any ever be able, to depict the hor-

out the world, or the position abandoned rors of the midnight Avarfare upon weak

to which you rose with gigantic vitality and helpless negroes and their families,

out of the blood of your martyrs. I have the outrages by men in ghostly disguises,

seen the genius of those glorious days the homes destroyed, and the general ter-

spreading its fiery wings of inspiration ror spread over the Southern States where

over the people of Massachusetts. I feel colored people were most thickly settled,
the spirit of olden times moving through The actions of the Ku-klux Klan in the

Faneuil Hall. Let me leave your hearts South were made the subject of heated

alone with the inspiration of history, debates in Congress, and on March 21,

Let me bear with me the heart-strength- 1871, a joint investigating committee was

ening conviction that I have seen Boston appointed. Two days afterwards, Presi-

still a radiating sun, as it was of yore, dent Grant sent the following message to

but risen so high on mankind's sky as both Houses :
to spread its warming rays of elevated

patriotism far over the waves. American " To the Senate and Bouse of Representa-

patriotism of to-day is philanthropy for ,, , ' . . . „ . , , .

f;, , J J r- r-j a ^ condition of affairs now exists in

tne worm. g^^j^g ^f ^j^g states of the Union rendering

Gentlemen, I trust in God, I trust in life and property insecure, and the carrying

the destinies of humanity, and intrust of the mails and the collection of the rev-

the hopes of oppressed Europe to the ^""«.,.<^^"^7°"^- . The proof that such a

t^ i^f f '^ condition of affairs exists in some localities

consistent energy of Massachusetts. is now before the Senate. That the power

Koszta, Martin. See Naturaliza- to correct these evils is beyond the control

^jQjj of the Senate authorities. I do not doubt :

,_' , , __, ^•J.■ t . ,. *^hat the power of the executive of the TTnited

Ku-klux Klan, a political organization states, acting within the limits of existing

founded, it is generally admitted, in the laws, is sufficient for present emergencies

State of Tennessee about the beginning of ^^ ""t clear. Therefore. I urgently recom-

+!,„ „„ loi^o •c' XI XI X- T mend such legislation as in the .indgment

the year 1868. From the month of Janu- of Congress shall effectually secure life.

ary to May it spread so rapidly all over liberty, and property, and the enforcement

the Southern States that, according to "^ '^^ '° «" ^*>'"^^ of the United States. It

or,»viQ ^f +u„ i,„„4. ii -x- 1 XI. -J mav be expedient to provide that such law

some of the best authorities, by the mid- «, .j^^,, ^^ p^,,,^ ,„ 'p^.g^anee of this rec-

dle of the year the organization num- ommendation shall expire at the end of the

bered no fewer than 500,000 men The next session of Congress. There is no other

objects of the Klan were to oppose the ^ubject on which I would recommend legls-

^ f X f XI. X i- , latlon during the present session,

enforcement of the reconstruction acts "US Grant."

274

KU-KLUX KLAN

The result of the investigations was the the United States, or from discharging

passage by Congress of an act entitled the duties thereof, or by force, intimida-

" An act to enforce the provisions of the tion, or threat to induce any officer of

Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitu- the United States to leave any State, dis-

tion of the United States, and for other trict, or place where his duties as such

purposes," popularly known as " the officer might lawfully be performed, or to

Force bill," which was approved by the injure him in his person or property on

President April 20. This act was as fol- account of his lawful discharge of the

lows: duties of his office, or to injure his per-

" Force hill " of 1871. — Be it enacted, son while engaged in the lawful discharge
by the Senate and House of Representa- of the duties of his office, or to injure
tives of the United States of America in his property so as to molest, interrupt.
Congress assembled, that any person who hinder, or impede him in the discharge
under color of any law, statute, ordinance, of his official dutj', or by force, intimi-
regulation, custom, or usage of any da tion, or threat to deter any party or
State, shall subject, or cause to be sub- witness in any court of the United States
jected, any person within the jurisdic- from attending such court, or from testi-
tion of the United States to the depri- fying in any matter pending in such court
vation of any privileges or immunities fully, freely, and truthfully, or to in-
secured by the Constitution of the United jure any such party or witness in his per-
States, shall, any such law, statute, or- son or property on account of his hav-
dinance, regulation, custom, or usage of ing so attended or testified, or by force,
the State to the contrary notwithstand- intimidation, or threat to influence the
ing, be liable to the party injured in any verdict, presentment, or indictment, of
action at law. suit in equity, or other any juror or grand-juror in any court of
proper proceeding for I'edress; such pro- the United States, or to injure such juror
ceeding to be prosecuted in the several in his person or property on account of
district or circuit courts of the United any verdict, presentment, or indictment.
States, with and subject to the same rights lawfully assented to by him, or on ac-
of appeal, review upon error, and other count of his being or having been such
remedies provided in like cases in such juror, or shall conspire together, or go
courts, under the provisions of the act in disguise upon the public highway or
of the ninth of April, eighteen hundred upon the premises of another for the
and sixty-six, entitled " An act to protect purpose, either directly or indirectly, of
all persons in the United States in their depriving any person or any class of per-
civil rights, and to furnish the means of sons of the equal protection of the laws,
their vindication"; and the other reme- or of equal privileges or immunities
dial laws of the United States which are under the laws, or for the purpose of
in their nature applicable in such cases. preventing or hindering the constituted

Sec. 2. That if two or more persons authorities of any State from giving or
within any State or Territory of the securing to all persons within such State
United States shall conspire together to the equal protection of the laws, or shall
overthrow, or to put down, or to destroy conspire together for the purpose of in
by force the government of the United any manner impeding, hindering, obstruct-
States, of to levy war against the ing, or defeating the due course of jus-
United States, or to oppose bv force the tice in any State or Territory, with in-
authority of the government of the tent to deny to any citizen of the United
ITnited States, or bv force, intimidation. States the due and equal protection of
or threat to prevent, hinder, or delay the laws, or to injure any person in his
the execution of anv law of the United person or his property for lawfully en-
States, or by force to seize, take or pos- forcing the right of any person or class
sess any propertv of the United States, of persons to the equal protection of the
contrary to the kuthoritv thereof, or by laws, or by force, intimidation, or threat
force, intimidation, or threat to prevent to prevent any citizen of the United
any person from accepting or holding any States lawfully entitled to vote from giv-
office of trust or place of confidence under ing his support or advocacy in a lawful

275

KTJ-KLITX KLAN

manr.er towards or in favor of the elec-
tion of any lawfully qualified person as
an elector of President or Vice-President
of the United States, or as a member of
the Congress of the United States, or to
injure in any way any such citizen in his
person or property on account of such
support or advocacy, each and every per-
son so offending shall be deemed guilty
of a high crime, and, upon conviction
thereof in any district or circuit court of
the United States, or district or supreme
court of any Territory of the United
States having jurisdiction of similar of-
fences, shall be punished by a fine not
less than $500 nor more than $5,000, or
by imprisonment with or without hard
labor, as the court may determine, for a
period of not less than six months nor
more than six years, as the court may
determine, or by both such fine and im-
prisonment as the court shall determine.
And if any one or more persons engaged
in any such conspiracy shall do, or cause
to be done, any act in furtherance of the
object of such conspiracy, whereby any
person shall be injured in his person or
property, or be deprived of having and
exercising any right or privilege of a citi-
zen of the United States, the person so
injured or deprived of such rights and
privileges may have and maintain an ac-
tion for the recovery of damages occa-
sioned by such injury or deprivation of
rights and privileges against any one or
more of the persons engaged in such con-
spiracy, such action to be prosecuted in
the proper district or circuit court of the
United States, with and subject to the
same right of appeal, review upon error,
and other remedies provided in like cases
in such courts under the provision of the
act of April ninth, one thousand eight hun-
dred and sixty-six, " An act to protect
all persons in the United States in their
civil rights, and to furnish the means of
their vindication."

Sec. 3. That in all cases where insur-
rection, domestic violence, unlawful com-
binations, or conspiracicF in any State
shall so obstruct or hinder the execution
of the laws thereof, and of the United
States, as to deprive any portion or class
of the people of such State of any of the
rights, privileges, or immunities, or pro-
tection, named in the Constitution and

secured by this act, and the" constituted
authorities of such State shall either be
unable to protect, or shall, from any
cause, fail in or refuse protection of the
people in such rights, such facts shall be
deemed a denial by such State of the equal
protection of the laws to which they are
entitled under the Constitution of the
United States; and in all such cases, or
whenever any such insurrection, violence,
unlawful combination, or conspiracy shall
oppose or obstruct the laws of the United
States or the due execution thereof, or im-
pede or obstruct the due course of justice
under the same, it shall be lawful for the
President, and it shall be his duty, to
take such measures, by the employment
of the militia or the land and naval forces
of the United States, or of either, or by
other means, as he may deem necessary
for the suppression of such insurrection,
domestic violence, or combinations; and
any person who shall be arrested under
the provision of this and the preceding
section shall be delivered to the marshal
of the proper district, to be dealt with ac-
cording to law.

Sec. 4. That whenever in any State or
part of a State the unlawful combinations
named in the preceding section of this act
shall be organized and armed, and so nu-
merous and powerful as to be able, by vio-
lence, to either overthrow or set at de-
fiance the constituted authorities of such
State and of the United States within
such State, or when the constituted
authorities are in complicity with, or shall
connive at the unlawful purposes of, such
powerful and armed combinations; and
whenever, by reason of either or all of the
causes aforesaid, the conviction of such
offenders and the preservation of the pub-
lic safety shall become in such district im-
practicable, in every such case such com-
binations shall be deemed a rebellion
against the government of the United
States, and during the continuance of
such rebellion, and within the limits of
the district which shall be so imder the
sway thereof, such limits to be prescribed
by proclamation, it shall be lawful for the
President of the United States, when in
his judgment the public safety shall re-
quire it, to suspend the privileges of the
writ of habeas corpus, to the end that
such rebellion may be overthrown: Pro-
76

KU-KLUX KLAN— KUNZ

vidcd, tliaL all tlie provisions of llie sec- son or persons, by reasonable diligence,

end section of an act entitled " An act could have prevented ; and such damages

relating to habeas corpus and regulating may be recovered in an action on the case

judicial proceedings in certain cases." ap- in the proper circuit court of the United

proved March third, eighteen hundred and States, and any number of persons guilty

sixty-three, which relate to the discharge of such wrongful neglect or refusal may be

of prisoners other than prisoners of war, joined as defendants in such action: Pro-

and to the penalty for refusing to obey vided, that such action shall be com-

the order of the court, shall be in full nienced within one year after such cause

force so far as the same are applicable to of action shall have accrued; and if the

the provisions of this section: Provided death of any person shall be caused by

further, that the President shall first any such wrongful act and neglect, the

have made proclamation, as now provided legal representatives of such deceased

by law, commanding such insurgents to person shall have such action therefor,

disperse. And provided also, that the and may recover not exceeding five thou-

provisions of this section shall not be in snnd dollars damages therein, for the

force after the end of the next regular benefit of the widow of such deceased per-

session of Congress. son, if any there be, or if there be no

Sec. 5. That no person shall be a grand widow, for the benefit of the next of kin

or petit juror in any court of the United of such deceased person.
States upon any inquiry, hearing, or trial Sec. 7. That nothing herein contained

of any suit, proceeding, or prosecution shall be construed to supersede or repeal

based upon or arising under the provi- any former act or law, except so far as

sions of this act who shall, in the judg- the same may be repugnant thereto ; and

ment of the court, be in complicity with any oflfences heretofore committed against

any such combination or conspiracy; and the tenor of any former act shall be

every such juror shall, before entering upon prosecuted, and any proceeding already

any such inquiry, hearing, or trial, take and commenced for the prosecution thereof

subscribe an oath in open court that he shall be continued and completed, the

has never, directly or indirectly, coun- same as if this act had not been passed,

selled, advised, or voluntarily aided any except so far as the provisions of this

such combination or conspiracy; and each act may go to sustain and validate such

and every person v/ho shall take this proceedings,
oath, and shall therein swear falsely, shall Approved, April 20. 1871.
be guilty of perjury, and shall be subject In October following President Grant

to the pains and penalties declared issued a proclamation calling on the mem-

against that crime, and the first section bers of illegal associations in nine coun-

of the act entitled "An act defining ad- ties in South Carolina to disperse and

ditional causes of challenge and prescrib- surrender their arms and disguises with-

ing an additional oath for grand and petit in five days. Five days afterwards an-

jurors in the United States courts," ap- other proclamation was issued suspend-

proved June seventeenth, eighteen hun- ing the privileges of the writ of habeas

dred and sixty-two, be, and the same is corpus in the counties named. Over 200

hereby, repealed. persons were arrested within a few days.

Sec. 6. That any person or persons hav- and the organization of the Ku - klux

ing knowledge that any of the wrongs Klan was practically overthrown by the

conspired to be done and mentioned in middle of the following January,
the second section of this act are about Kunz, George Frederick, gem expert;

to be committed, and having power to born in New York City, Sept. 29. 1856:

prevent, or aid in preventing, the same, was educated in public schools and at

shall neglect or refuse so to do. and such Cooper Union. In 1883 he was appointed

wrongful act shall be committed, such special agent of the United States Geo-

person or persons shall be liable to the logical Survey. He had charge of the

person injured, or his legal representa- department of mines in the Paris Expo-

tives. for all damaffes caused by any such sition of 1889, in the Kimberley Exposi-

wrongful act which such first-named per- tion of 1892, and in the World's Colura-

277

KUNZ— KYLE

bian Exposition of 1893, and was honorary logical Survey he has contributed the

special agent of mines in the Atlanta chapter on The Production of Precious

Exposition of 1895, and in the Omaha Stones to the annual report on Mineral

Exposition of 1898. He made a special Resources.

investigation of the occurrence of Ameri- Kyle, James Henderson, statesman;
can pearls for the United States Fish born in Xenia, O., Jan. 24, 1854; grad-
Commission, in 1892-98, and was an uated at Oberlin College in 1878; removed
honorary special agent to the commis- to South Dakota in 1890; member of the
sioner-general of the United States to the State Senate, 1890; United States Sen-
Paris Exposition of 1900. In 1889 he ator, 1891; re-elected, 1897. He was a
was decorated by the French govern- leader in the Farmers' Alliance and
ment officier de I'Academie. Since his Populist Parties (q. v.) . He died in
appointment to the United States Geo- Aberdeen, S. D., July 1, 1901.

278

Labor, Tndustrial. Organizations of
laboring Jnen for mutual protection and
the advancement of their common interests
are by no means new or peculiar to the
United States. Tradesmen's guilds and
societies were common in London several
centuries ago; but it was not until 1870
that such organizations began to be for-
midable and to have a national influence.
The first trades-union in this country was
established by the tailors in 1803. The
first local union of printers was organized
in 1831. The first organized movement
against the employment of convict labor
was made in a convention of mechanics in
Utica, N. Y., in 1834. In 1845 the first
industrial congress had a meeting in New
York. From that time the progress of the
labor movement, although at first imper-
ceptibly slow, was assured. In 1869 a
secret association of workingmen, known
as the Knights of Labor (q. v.), was or-
ganized at Philadelphia. Within a few
years this association had its branches in
every State of the Union, and enrolled
many thousands of members. Many ef-
forts were made at different times to
effect a political organization of working-
men, but owing to dissensions and differ-
ences of opinion among those engaged in
these movements, very little was accom-
plished save indirectly through the influ-
ence brought to bear upon the great politi-
cal parties already in power.

In 1888 a department of labor was cre-
ated by act of Congress, with headquarters
in Washington, D. C. This department is
under the control of a commissioner of
labor, whose duty it is " to acquire and
diffuse among the people of the United
States useful information on subjects con-
nected with labor, in the most general and
comprehensive sense of that word, ancJ es-
pecially upon its relation to capital ; the
hours of labor; the earnings of laboring
men and women ; and the means of pro-

moting their material, social, intellectual,
and moral prosperity." He is also espe-
cially charged, in accordance with the gen-
eral design and duties prescribed by the
law, " at as early a date as possible, and
whenever industrial changes shall make ix,
essential, to ascertain the cost of produc
ing articles, at the time dutiable in tht
United States, in leading countries where
such articles are produced, by fully specified
units of production, and under a classifi-
cation showing the different elements of
cost of such articles of production, in-
cluding wages paid in such industries,"
etc. Besides the national Department
of Labor, there are bureaus of statistics
and labor in nearly all of the States,
the principal objects of which are to col-
lect and disseminate information on all
matters of practical interest and value
both to employers and employed. In 1886
most of the trades-unions in the United
States, through their representatives in a
convention at Columbus, 0., united in a
national organization called the American
Federation oi Labor. In 1903 this organ-
ization comprised 1,823 local unions, with
a total membership of 2,100,000, and em-
braced more than seventy different trades.

Labor Legislation. — The following States
have adopted laws prohibiting boycotting
in terms: Colorado, Illinois, and Wisconsin.

The States and Territories having laws
prohibiting blacklisting in terms are Ala-
bama, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida,
Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas,
Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nevada,
North Dakota, Oklahoma, Utah, Virginia,
Washington, and Wisconsin.

The following States and Territories
have laws which may be fairly construed
as prohibiting boycotting : Alabama, Con-
necticut, Florida, Georgia, Maine. Massa-
chusetts, Michigan. Minnesota. Missis-
sippi, Missouri, New Hampshire. New
York, North Dakota, Oklahoraa. Oregon,
9

LABOR, INDUSTRIAL

South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Vermont, and stitute a day's work for all laborers or

Wisconsin. mechanics employed by or on behalf of

The following States and Territories the District of Columbia,
have laws which may be fairly construed Idaho. — Eight hours' actual work con-
as prohibiting blacklisting: Georgia, stitute a lawful day's work on all State.
Michigan, New Hampshire, New York, county, and municipal works.
Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, and Illinois. — Eight hours are a legal day's
South Dakota. work in all mechanical employments, ex-

In the following States it is unlawful cept on farms, and when otherwise agreed ;

for any employer to exact an agreement does not apply to service by the day,

either written or verbal, from an employe week, or month, or prevent contracts for

not to join or become a member of any longer hours.

labor organization, as a condition of em- Indiana. — Eight hours of labor consti-

ployment: California, Colorado, Connec- tute a legal day's work for all classes of

ticut, Idaho, Indiana, Massachusetts, Min- mechanics, workingmen, and laborers, ex-

nesota, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, cepting those engaged in agricultural and

Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. domestic labor. Overwork by agreement

The following is a summary of the laws and for extra compensation is permitted.
of those States that have adopted the The employment of persons under four-
eight-hour work-limit: teen years of age for more than eight

California. — Eight hours of labor con- hours per day is absolutely prohibited,

stitute a day's work, unless it is other- Za?isas.— Eight hours constitute a day's

wise expressly stipulated by the parties work for all laborers, mechanics, or other

to a contract. The time of service of all persons employed by or on behalf of the

laborers, workmen, and mechanics em- State or any county, city, township, or

ployed upon any public works of, or done other municipality.

for, the State, or for any political sub- Massachusetts. — Eight hours shall con-
division thereof, whether the work is to stitute a day's work for all laborers, work-
be done by contra<?t or otherwise, is limit- men, and mechanics employed by or on
ed and restricted to eight hours in any behalf of any city or town in the Com-
one calendar day, and a stipulation that monwealth.

no workman, laborer, or mechanic in the Missouri. — Eight hours constitute a

employ of the contractor or sub-contractor legal day's work. The law does not pre-

shall be required or permitted to work vent an agreement to work for a longer

more than eight hours in any one calen- or a shorter time and does not apply to

dar day, except in cases of extraordinary laborers and farm-hands in the service of

emergency, shall be contained in every farmers or others engaged in agriculture,

contract to which the State or any politi- Montana. — Eight hours constitute a

cal sub-division thereof is a party. In the legal day's work for persons engaged to

case of drivers, conductors, and gripmen operate or handle any first-motion or di-

of street-cars for the carriage of passen- rect-acting hoisting engine, or any geared

gers, a day's work consists of twelve or indirect-acting hoisting engine at any

liours. Employment of minor children mine employing fifteen or more men un-

for more than eight hours per day is ab- derground when the duties of firemen are

solutely prohibited, except in vinicultural performed by the persons so engaged; also

or horticultural pursuits, or in domestic for any stationary engineer operating a

or household occupations. stationary engine developing fifty or more

Colorado. — Eight hours constitute a horse-power when such engineer has

day's work for all workmen employed by charge or control of a boiler or boilers in

the State, or any county, township, school addition to his other duties. The law ap-

district, municipality, or incorporated plies only to such steam plants as are in

town. continuous operation or are operated

Connecticut. — Eight hours of labor con- twenty or more hours in each twenty-four
stitute a lawful day's work unless other- liours, and does not api)ly to persons run-
wise agreed. ning any engine more than eight hours

District of Columbia. — Eight hours con- in each twenty-fotu fox the purpose of

280

LABOR— LA BORDE

relieving another employ^ in case of any municipal corporation therein, for

sickness or other unforeseen cause. the performance of public work.

Nebraska. — Eight hours constitute a Tennessee. — Eight hours shall be a

legal day's work for all classes of me- day's work upon the highways, whether

chanics, servants, and laborers, except performed by convicts or free road hands,

those engaged in farm or domestic labor. Utah. — Eight hours constitute a day's

New Jersey. — Eight hours constitute work upon all public works and in all

a day's labor on any day whereon any underground mines or workings, smelters,

general or municipal election shall be and all other institutions for the reduc-

held. tion or refining of ores.

New York. — Eight hours constitute a Washington. — Eight hours in any

day's work for all classes of employes ex- calendar day shall constitute a day's work,

cept in farm or domestic labor. Overwork or any work done for the State, county, or

for extra pay is permitted, except upon municipality. In cases of extraordinary

work by or for the State or a municipal emergency, overtime may be worked for

corporation, or by contractors or sub- extra pay.

contractors therewith. The law applies West Virginia. — Eight hours shall con-
to those employed by the State or munic- stitute a day's work for all laborers,
ipality, or by persons contracting for workmen, and mechanics who may be em-
State work, and each contract to which ployed by or on behalf of the State,
the State or a municipal corporation is a Wisconsin. — In all engagements to
party shall contain a stipulation that no labor in any manufacturing or mechani-
workman, laborer, or mechanic in the em- cal business, where there is no express
ploy of the contractor, sub-contractor, etc., contract to the contrary, a day's work
shall be permitted or required to work shall consist of eight hours; but the law
more than eight hours in any one calendar does not apply to contracts for labor
day, except in cases of extraordinary emer- by the week, month, or year. In all
gency. manufactories, workshops, or other places

Ohio. — Eight hours shall constitute a used for mechanical or manufacturing

day's work in all engagements to labor in purposes, the time of labor of children

any mechanical, manufacturing, or mining under the age of eighteen, and of women,

business, unless otherwise expressly stipu- shall not exceed eight hours in the day.

lated in the contract. But in case of con- Wyoming. — Eight hours' actual work

ductors, engineers, firemen, or trainmen constitute a legal day's work in all mines

of railroads, a day's work consists of ten and public works,

hours. United States. — Eipht hours shall con-

Pennsylvamia. — Eight hours of labor stitute a day's work for all laborers, work-
shall be deemed and held to be a legal men, and mechanics who may be employed
day's work in all cases of labor and service by or on behalf of the United States. See
by the day where there is no agreement or Americ.'VN National Arbitration Board.
contract to the contrary. This does not La Borde, Maximilian, educator;
apply to farm or agricultural labor by the born in Edgefield, S. C, June 5, 1804;
year, month, or week, to labor in factories, graduated at thp South Carolina Col-
laundries, and renovating establishments, lege in 1821, and began the study of
or to labor on street railways. law, but soon abandoned it and entered

Eight hours out of the twenty-four the South Carolina INIedical College, grad-
shall make and constitute a day's labor uating in 182(). For thirteen years he
in penitentiaries and reformatory institu- practised in Edgefield, occasionally repre-
tions receiving support from the State: senting his district in the legislature. In
also for all mechanics, workmen, and 1836 he was editor of the Edgefield Ad-
laborers in the employ of the State, or of vertiser, and two years later he was
any municipal corporation therein, or elected secretary of state of South Caro-
otherwise engaged on public works: this lina. His fine scholarship attracted pub-
shall be deemed to apply to mechanics, lie attention, and in 1842 he was called
workingmen, or laborers in the employ to the chair of logic and belles-lettres in
of persons contracting with the State or his alma mater. He accepted the post,

281

LABOULAYE— LA COLLE MILL

and in 1845 he was transferred to the
chair of metaphysics. His method of im-
parting knowledge was chiefly oral, but, to
assist others who preferred the use of
text-books, he published a manual on
physiology in 1855, which became very
popular in the schools of the South. He
also published an elaborate History of
the South Carolina College, rcith Sketches
Of its Presidents and Professors. He died
in Columbia, S. C., Nov. 6, 1873.

Laboulaye, Edouard Rene Lefebvre,
author; born in Paris, France, Jan. 18,
1811; became a lawyer in 1842, and prac-
tised in his native city. Later he be-
came a prominent educator in France.
He greatly admired the Constitution of
the United States, and during the Civil
War advocated the cause of the North.
His works relating to the United States
include Political History of the United
States; The United States and France;
Paris in America; and Memoirs of Frank-
lin. He died in Paris, May 25, 1883.

La Cadie. See Acadia.

Lacey, John, military officer; born in
Bucks county. Pa., Feb. 4, 1755; was of
Quaker descent, but patriotically took
command of a volunteer company, and be-
came a captain in Wayne's regiment, with
which he served in Canada. Becoming a

lieutenant-colonel of militia, he joined
Potter's brigade at Whitemarsh, with
about 400 men. Before he was twenty-
three years old he was made a brigadier-
general, and was engaged in harassing
duty while the British had command of
PJiiladelphia. After the evacuation of
that city by the British, he left military
life and became active in the civil service
of his State, being a member of the Penn-
sylvania Assembly in 1778, and of the
council in 1779. He again entered the
military service, and from August, 1780,
to October, 1781, was active at the head
of a brigade of militia. Removing to
New Jersey, he was for many years a
county judge, and a member of the legis-
lature. He died in New Mills, N. J.,
Feb. 17, 1814.

La Colle Mill, Battle at. In the win-
ter of 1813-14 an American force un-
der General Wilkinson was encamped at
French Mills (afterwards Fort Coving-
ton) in Franklin county, N. Y. Early in
1814 a large portion of this force was
withdrawn. A part were marched to
Plattsburg. Soon afterwards, Feb. 28, a
party of British soldiers advanced and
destroyed some stores which the Ameri-
cans had left behind. This invasion
alarmed the whole frontier. Late in March

LA COI.LK MILL AND HLOCK UOUSK.

282

LACONIA— LACROSSE

General Wilkinson attempted another in- seen by Europeans when the French ex-
vasion of Canada. He advanced up the plored the territory along the St. Law-
western shore of Lake Champlain to the rence River and the Great Lakes, in the
Canada frontier (March 30, 1814) with seventeenth century. Among the Algon-
about 4,000 picked men. They soon en- quian Indians the game was not merely a
countered British pickets, and drove them recreation, but a training school for young
back. In the afternoon the Americans warriors, and they played it on the grassy
came in sight of La Colle Mill, a heavy meadows in the summer time and on the
stone structure, its windows barricaded ice in winter. They used a ball of stuffed
with timbers, through which were loop- skin, and a bat like a hickory stick with
holes for musketry. The British garrison a net of reindeer hide attached to the
at the mill consisted of only about 200 curved part of it. The best-known Indian
regulars, under Major Hancock. The ad- name of the game was baggataway. Its
vance of Wilkinson's troops was com- present name was given to it by the
nianded by Col. Isaac Clark and Major French settlers of Canada, because of the
Forsyth. The artillery was under Cap- similarity of the stick used in the game,
tain McPherson, and the reserves were in shape, to a bishop's crosier. Lacrosse
commanded by Gen. Alexander Macomb, was adopted as a game by the white resi-
Following Clark and Forsyth was Colonel dents of Canada about 1830, but it did
Miller's regiment of 600 men. Aware that not gain much popularity till about I860,
reinforcements for the British were near, when the Montreal Lacrosse Club was
Wilkinson ordered an immediate attack, organized. The game was first played in
The fire upon the stone citadel was harm- England in 1867, when a gentleman of
less, while the whole American line was Montreal took eighteen Indian players, of
exposed to a galling fire. For a while the the Caughnawaga tribe, thither, who
fight was desperate, when Major Hancock played it before large assemblies. The re-
made a sortie from the mill, and after a suit was the organization of a number of
furious contest they were driven back, lacrosse clubs in England and Scotland,
Reinforcements came to the garrison, and and the game is now very popular there,
after a conflict of two hours Wilkinson It was first introduced into the United
was compelled to withdraw and abandon States about three years later, and the
the invasion of Canada. first club in this country was the Mohawk
Laconia, the name given by Gorges and Lacrosse Club, of Troy, N. Y. In 1879
Mason to the portion of New England the National Lacrosse Association was
granted to them, extending from the Merri- organized here. In play there are twenty-
mac to the Kennebec, and from the ocean four contestants, twelve on each side, with
to the St. Lawrence. The proprietors in- the captains (not necessarily players),
duced several merchants to join them in two umpires and a referee. The twenty-
their adventure, and sent out a colony of four players are each provided with a
fishermen, a part of whom settled at the crosse. The two captains are not allowed
mouth of the Piscataqua, now Portsmouth, to carry a crosse, their official work on the
N. H. Others settled on the site of Dover, field being simply to " coach " the play-
8 miles farther up the river. The Laconia ers. At each end of the field of play
Company did not prosper, and the towns stands a goal, consisting of two posts, six
were little more than fishing-stations. See feet high and six feet apart. These goals
New HAiiPsniRE. must be at least 125 yards apart, other-
La Come, Pierre, Chevalier de, mili- wise there is no restrictive rule on the
tary officer; was active in Canada from length or width of the field. The Indians
1720 to 1759. and had great influence over used a much larger field than any used in
the Indians in connection with the Jesuit the game as adopted by white ball-play-
missionaries. His intimate knowledge of ers. The ball, which is of rubber, should
the Indian language gave him great power, weigh not over four ounces nor measure
and he was one of the most formidable more than eight inches in circumference,
enemies of the English in Nova Scotia. The theory of the game is merely that
Lacrosse. There is no doubt that this each side strives to send the ball through
game is of Indian origin. It was first the goal of the other side, and the side

283

LADD— LA FARGE

that does this the most times within a spicuous part in organizing the American

specified period wins the match. The Peace Society, of which he was for many

players on each side stand to certain fixed years president. He wrote many essays

points. The ball must not be handled in in favor of peace, and edited the Friend

any way; it must be picked up, carried, of Peace and Harbinger of Peace news-

and thrown only by means of the crosse. papers, devoted to the cause. He went

This implement, as now used, is a bent so far as to deny the right to maintain

stick covered with netting. As before in- defensive war. He died in Portsmouth,

dicated, the game has become very popu- N. H., April 9, 1841.

lar in the United States, and as an evi- Ladue, Joseph, miner ; born in Platts-

dence of the skill which American players burg, N. Y., in 1854. When .twenty years

have attained in it, it may be stated that, old he went West, where he engaged in

on May 22, 1900, a student team of Ste- mining, becoming an expert. Subsequently

vens Institute of Technology, of Hoboken, he went to Alaska, and after remaining

N. J., defeated by a score of 6 to 4 the there about fifteen years discovered the

champion Canadian team of full-blooded Klondike gold-fields, which soon became

Iroquois Indians. famous all over the world. On June 23,

Ladd, George Trumbull, educator; 1897, he mapped out and founded Dawson

born in Painesville, 0., Jan. 19, 1842; City, at the mouth of the Klondike River,

graduated at Western Reserve College on land which he had purchased from

and, in 1869, at Andover Theological the government for $1.25 an acre. He was

Seminary, where he lectured on Church also the organizer of the Joseph Ladue

polity and systematic theology in 1879-81. Gold Mining and Development Company,

In the latter year he became Professor of one of the largest in that line. He died

Philosophy at Yale University. He has in Schuyler Falls, N. Y., June 26,

also lectured several times at Harvard 1901.

University. In 1892 he went to Japan La Farge, John, artist; born in New

and lectured on philosophy; and in 1899 York, March 31, 1835; took a course in

he again visited that country to in- architectural decoration, and then, under

duce Japanese students to come to the Couture and William M. Hunt, studied

United States. His publications include painting. He began his career by deco-

Principles of Church Polity ; Doctrine of rative work and by painting religious ■

Sacred Scripture; What is the Bible? Ele- subjects; devoting his early years princi-

ments of Physiological Psychology ; In- pally to painting flowers and landscapes

traduction to Philosophy ; Primer of and to illustrating magazines and books.

Psychology ; Philosophy of Mind; Phi- He next took up mural painting, nearly

losophy of Knoicledge ; Psychology, De- all of which was of a religious character.

scriptive and Explanatory ; Outlines of Later he devoted his whole time to the

Descriptive Psychology ; Essays on the making of stained glass windows, for

Higher Education, etc. which he invented the method known as

Ladd, Horatio Oliver, clergyman ; born " American " in Europe. This method

in Hallowell, Me., Aug. 31, 1839; grad- entirely changed the old process of the

uated at Bowdoin College in 1859, and at glass stainer. His work in this line

Yale Theological School in 1863. He has been done principally in churches

established the University of New Mex- and residences in New York, Boston,

ico in 1881; was its president till 1899; Chicago, Philadelphia, Washington, and

and was a Congregational clerg^^man other cities, and probably his most not-

till 1891, when he entered the Protes- able achievements are the Battle Win-

tant Episcopal Church. His publications doio in the Harvard ]\Iemorial Hall, and

include The War loith Mexico; The the Ames Memorial Window, in Easton,

Story of New Mexico; Ramona Days, Mass. He became a member of the Na-

etc. tional Academy of Design in 1869, and

Ladd, William, philanthropist; born in 1900 was president of the Society

in Exeter, N. H., May 10, 1778; grad- of American Artists. He is author of

uated at Harvard in 1797; became an ac- Lectures on Art; Letters from Japan,

tive champion of peace and took a con- etc.

284

LAFAYETTE

Lafayette, Marie Jean Paul Roch ately addressed a letter to Congress, ask-
YvES Gilbert Motier; Marquis de, pa- iiig leave to serve as a volunteer in the
triot; born in Cavanac, Auvergne, France, C'ontinental army without Y>ay. In consid-
Sept. 6, 1757. Left an heir to an immense tration of his zeal and illustrious family
estate at the age of thirteen years, he re- and connections, that body gave him the
ceived the best education that could be commission of major-general, July 31, and
obtained, and at sixteen married a grand- Washington invited him to become a mem-
daughter of the Duke de Noailles. He en- ber of his military family. He joined the
tered the army as a captain of dragoons. Continental army near a house on Ne-
and in the summer of 1770 he heard of the shaminy Creek in August. At that time
struggles of the English-American colo- he was less than twenty years of age.
nies. He immediately resolved to aid From that time until the close of the Rev-
them. When he and other
French officers were ready to
embarK for America (1777),
he was informed that the credit
of the Continental Congress
was so low that it could not
furnish them a transport.
The young enthusiast replied,
" Then I will purchase one
myself." He bought and secret-
ly freighted a vessel, named
the Victory, to carry himself,
the veteran Baron de Kalb, and
ten or twelve other French offi-
cers across the Atlantic. While
the vessel was in preparation
for sailing, he made a visit to
England, where he was invited
to visit the navy-yards. Too
honorable to inspect the arma-
ments of a people whose armies
he was about to fight against,
he declined, but thought it a
good joke to be introduced to
their King. He was then only
nineteen years of age. The
Victory sailed first to a Spanish
port, Aviiere Lafayette received
orders from the King to give
up his expedition ; but he dis-
obeyed, and sailed for Amer-
ica. The women of Paris applauded his olution he was the bosom friend of the
heroism; the Queen gave him tokens of commander-in-chief and the untiring and
her admiration: the people extolled him effective champion of the patriot cause in
for his strong enthusiasm in a good cause; the field and at the Court of his native
and to his young wife, who was about to country. He was ever ready to defend the
become a mother a second time, he wrote honor of the Americans.
from the Victory: "From love to me, be- To restrain British foragers and ma-
eome a good American; the welfare of rauders. who were plundering the country
America is closely bound up with the wel- for some distance around Philadelphia in
fare of mankind." the spring of 1778. Washington sent him

The party landed near Georgetown. S. out from Valley Forge, with about 2,100
C, April 10, 1777. They travelled by land men and five pieces of artillery, to cut oflf
to Philadelphia, where Lafayette immedi- all communication between Philadelphia

285

LAFAYETTE IN 1777 (Froiu a French print).

LAFAYETTE, MABQUIS DE

and the country, and to obtain informa- in 1787, when he boldly demanded the
tion concerning a rumored intention of the convocation of the States-General, con-
British to evacuate that city. Lafayette sisting of three orders — namely, the
crossed the Schuylkill, and took post at clergy, nobility, and commons — represen-
Barren Hill, about half-way between Val- tatives of the whole nation. They had
ley Forge and Philadelphia, occupying the not met since 1614, a period of 173 years.
Lutheran The King (Louis XVI.) convened them

. - church there as on May 6, 1789. There were 308 ecclesi-

headquarters. astics, 285 nobles, and 621 deputies of the
General Howe third estate, or the "common people." In
sent General July Lafayette was appointed commander-
Grant to make in-chief of the National Guard. When
a secret ni^ht ^^e abolition of titles was decreed, he
march to o-ain dropped his, and was known only as Gen-
the rear of the ^^^^ Lafayette. He resigned his command
marquis (May i^ 1790, and in 1792 commanded one of
20) and the ^^^ armies" sent to guard the frontiers of
next morning France against the forces of monarchs
Howe marched ^l^™ied by the republican demonstrations
with about 6 - ^^ France. When the fierce Jacobins
000 men com- ^^i^^^ power the conservative Lafayette

LAFAYETTE S HKADy CARTERS
NEAR CHADd'S FORD.

was denounced and his arrest decreed.
Frenchman and send ^^^ crossed the frontier, intending to take
The marquis outo-en- ^^^^S^ i^ Holland. The Austrians seized

manded by Clinton and Knyphausen, to
capture the youn
him to England,
eralled the British, though they surprised
him, and escaped across the Schuylkill.
Howe was disappointed, for he was about
to depart for England under a partial
cloud of ministerial displeasure, and he
hoped to close his career in America by
some brilliant act.

After a short winter passage from Bos-
ton to Brest, in February, 1779, Lafay-
ette joined his family and friends in his
native land. His offence in sailing for
America in defiance of the King's com-
mand was atoned for by a week's exile
to Paris, and confinement in the house of
his father-in-law. He was then received
at Versailles, when the King gently rep-
rimanded him, while the Queen eagerly
sought information concerning America
from his own lips. His fame made him
the admired of Court society as well as
of the populace of the French capital.
The young marquis observed with alarm
that everybody was talking of peace, while
America was struggling with armed cham-
pions of royalty, and he felt that the inde-
pendence of the colonies was in peri!.
With great earnestness he pleaded for aid
for the Americans, and was successful.

In 1784 he again visited the United
States, and was everywhere received with
tokens of affection and respect. He be-
came a member of the Notables at Paris

286

LrTUFRAN tHlK(H H\KhhN 11111,
QUARTERS.

LAFAVETTK S UBAD-

LAFAYETTE, MABQUIS DE

him, and conliued liim in a dungeon five secretary lie landed in New York, Aug. 15,
years. For a long time no intelligence 1824, visited in succession the whole twen-
of him reached his friends. Meanwhile ty-four States, and was everywhere received
his wife had been imprisoned at Paris with demonstrations of love and respect,
during the " Keign of Ter-
ror," but had been set at
liberty on the downfall of
Kobespierre. She hastened
to Vienna, obtained a per-
sonal interview with the
Emperor, and gained per-
mission to share the cap-
tivity of her husband.
Great exertions were made
in Europe and America
to obtain his release, but
in vain, until Bonaparte,
at the head of an army,
demanded his release. He
was set at liberty Aug.
25, 1797. Towards the end
of 1799 he returned to his
estate of La Grange, 40
miles from Paris. Bona-
parte tried to bribe him
with offered honors to en-
ter public life again as
senator. He refused with
disdain; and when the
vote for making Bonaparte
first consul for life was
taken, Lafayette voted no,
and told the ambitious
general so in a letter,
which ended their in-
tercourse. When Bona-
parte became Emperor, La-
fayette took a seat in the
Chamber of Deputies ; and
this stanch champion of
constitutional government
refused the offered bauble

of a peerage. After the battle of Waterloo, Between Washington and Lafayette
touched with sympathy for the fallen there had grown up a strong mutual affec-
monarch, he offered him facilities for es- tion during their intercourse in the
caping to America; but the Emperor, who scenes of the old war for independence,
could not forgive Lafayette's former op- When at the seat of government in Oc-
position, refused to accept the offer, and tober, 1824, while on his visit to the
became a prisoner on St. Helena. In the United States, the marquis was conduct-
French legislature Lafayette's voice was ed to Mount Vernon by George Washing-
always in favor of liberal measures. In ton Parke Custis, the adopted son of
1824 the Congress of the United States Washington, with whom George W. La-
requested President Monroe to invite fayette had lived in the mansion of
Lafayette to America as a guest of the the great patriot while Lafayette was
republic. He came, but declined the offer an exile from France and in a prison.
of a ship. With his son and a private He was conveyed from the capital in a

287

GENERAL LAPAYKTTK. (Afler a paiuliDg by Peale. )

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

barge, accompanied, by bis son; John C,
Calhoun, Secretary of War, and Mr.
Custis; and at the shore at Mount Ver-
non he Avas received by Lawrence Lewis,
Washington's favorite nephew, and the
family of Judge Bushrod Washington,
who was then absent on official business.
After visiting the mansion, where, forty
years before, he took his last leave of the
beloved patriot, the company proceeded to

ton's hair. He received it with emotion.
The door of the vault was opened, and
tliere were displayed the leaden caskets
which contained the coffins of Washington
and his wife, decorated with flowers.
Lafayette entered, kissed the casket, and
reverently retired. Lafayette spent fourteen
months in America. He visited Andrew
Jackson at the " Hermitage," and on his
return to Washington his sixty-eighth birth-

LAFAYETTB AT TIIK IIKKMITAGK.

the tomb (the old one, on the brow of the day was celebrated at the White House,
hill), where Custis presented the marquis He sailed for Europe Sept. 7, 1825, in the
with a ring containing a lock of Washing- frigate Bratidywine.

288

LAFAYETTE, MABQUIS DE

lafayettk's tomb.

During the revolution of
1830, that drove Charles X.
from the throne, Lafayette was
made commander-in-chief of the
National Guard. He sacrificed
his own republican preferences
for the sake of peace and or-
der, and placed Louis Philippe
on the throne. He died the
acknowledged chief of the con-
stitutional party on the conti-
nent of Europe, May 20, 1834.
He received a magnificent pub-
lic funeral, when his remains
were conveyed to their resting-
place in the cemetery of Pic-
pus. The monument is about
8 feet square, with appropriate
inscriptions in French. The
cross seen in the picture stands
over the grave of another.

The American Revolution. — The follow- 1776, and the memorable declaration of the
ing is Lafayette's narrative of his service 4th of July reached France at the close
with the American army during the of that same year.

Revolutionary War, from his Memoirs: After having crowned herself with lau-
rels and enriched herself with conquests,

You ask me at what period I first ex- after having become mistress of all seas,
perienced my ardent love of liberty and and after having insulted all nations,
glory? I recollect no time of my life England had turned her pride against
anterior to my enthusiasm for anecdotes her own colonies. North America had
of glorious deeds, and to my projects of long been displeasing to her: she wished
travelling over the world to acquire fame, to add new vexations to former injuries,
At eight years of age, my heart beat when and to destroy the most sacred privileges.
I heard of an hyena that had done some The Americans, attached to the mother-
injury, and caused still more alarm, in country, contented themselves at first with
our neighborhood, and the hope of meet- merely uttering complaints. They only
ing it was the object of all my walks, accused the ministry, and the whole na-
When I arrived at college, nothing ever tion rose up against them. They were
interrupted my studies, except my ardent termed insolent and rebellious, and at
wish of studying without restraint. I length declared the enemies of their coun-
never deserved to be chastised, but, in try: thus did the obstinacy of the King,
spite of my usual gentleness, it would the violence of the ministers, and the ar-
have been dangerous to have attempted to rogance of the English nation oblige thir-
do so ; and I recollect with pleasure that, teen of their colonies to render themselves
when I was to describe in rhetoric a per- independent. Such a glorious cause had
feet courser, I sacrificed the hope of ob- never before attracted the attention of
taining a premium, and described the one mankind: it was the last struggle of Lib-
who, on perceiving the whip, threw down crty; and had she then been vanquished,
his rider. Republican anecdotes always neither hope nor asylum would have re-
delighted me; and, when my new con- mained for her. The oppressors and op-
nections wished to obtain for me a place pressed were to receive a powerful lesson;
at Court, I did not hesitate displeasing the great work was to be accomplished,
them to preserve my independence. I was or the rights of humanity were to fall be-
in that frame of mind when I first learned neath its ruin. The destiny of France
the troubles in America: they only be- and that of her rival were to be decided
came thoroughly known in Europe in at the same moment: England was to
V. — T 289

LAFAYETTE, JVEARQUIS DE

lose, with the new States, an important Deane was then at Paris; but the nainis-
eom'merce, of which she derived the sole ters feared to receive him, and his voice
advantage, one-quarter of her subjects, was overpowered by the louder accents of
who were constantly augmenting by a Lord Stormont. He despatched privately

to America some old
arms, which were of
little use, and some
young officers, who did
but little good, the whole
directed by M. de Beau-
marchais; and, when the
English ambassador
spoke to our Court, it
denied having sent any
cargoes, ordered those
that were preparing to
be discharged, and dis-
missed "from our ports
all American privateers.
While wishing to ad-
dress myself in a direct
manner to Mr. Deane, I
became the friend of
Kalb, a German in our
employ, who was apply-
ing for service with the
insurgents (the expres-
sion in use at the time),
and who became my in-
terpreter. He was the
person sent by M. de
Choiseul to examine the
English colonies; and on
his return he received
rapid increase of population and by emi- some money, but never succeeded in
gration from all parts of Europe — in a obtaining an audience, so little did that
word, more than half of the most beau- minister in reality think of the revolution
tiful portion of the British territory. But, whose retrograde movements some per-
if she retained possession of her thirteen sons have inscribed to him! When I
colonies, all was ended for our West In- presented to Mr. Deane my boyish face
dies, our possessions in Asia and Africa, (for I was scarcely nineteen years of age) ,
our maritime commerce, -and consequently I spoke more of my ardor in the cause
our navy and our political existence. than of my experience; but I dwelt much

(1776.) When I first learned the sub- upon the effect my departure would ex-
ject of this quarrel, my heart espoused cite in France, and he signed our mutual
warmly the cause of liberty, and I thought agreement. The secrecy with which this
of nothing but of adding also the aid of negotiation and my preparations were
my banner. Some circumstances, which made appears almost a miracle: family,
it would be needless to relate, had taught friends, ministers, French spies and Eng-
me to expect only obstacles in this case lish spies, all were kept completely in the
from my own family: I depended, there- dark as to my intentions. Among my
fore, solely upon myself; and I ventured discreet confidants, I owe much to M.
to adopt for a device on my arms these du Boismartin, secretary of the Count
words, " Cur non?" that they might de Broglie, and to the Count de Broglie
equally serve as an encouragement to my- himself, whose affectionate heart, when
self, and as a reply to others. Silas all his efforts to turn rae from this proj*

290

DESIGN ON THE HILT OF LAFAYETTE'S SWORD.

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

ect had proved in vain, entered into my k-ss generally known. I arrived in Lon-
views with even paternal tenderness. don with M. de Poix ; and I first paid

Preparations were making to send a ves- my respects to Bancroft, the American,
sel to America, when very bad tidings ar- and afterwards to his British Majesty,
rived from thence. New York, Long A youth of nineteen may be, perhaps
Island, White Plains, Fort Washington, too fond of playing a trick upon the
and the Jerseys had seen the American King he is going to fight with, of dan-
forces successively destroyed by 33,000 cing at the house of Lord Germain, min-
Englishmen or Germans. Three thousand ister for the English colonies, and at the
Americans alone remained in arms, and house of Lord Rawdon, who had just re-
these were closely pursued by General turned from New York, and of seeing at
Howe. From that moment all the credit the opera that Clinton whom he was after*
of the insurgents vanished: to obtain a wards to meet at Monmouth. But, while
vessel for them was impossible. The en- I concealed my intentions, I openly
voys themselves thought it right to ex- avowed my sentiments. I often defended
press to me their own discouragement, and the Americans ; I rejoiced at their sue-
persuade me to abandon my project. I cess at Trenton; and my spirit of opposi-
called upon Mr. Deane, and I thanked tion obtained for me an invitation to
him for his frankness. " Until now, sir," breakfast with Lord Shelbourne. I re-
said I, " you have only seen my ardor in fused the off"ers made me to visit the sea-
your cause, and that may not prove at ports, the vessels fitting out against the
present wholly useless. I
shall purchase a ship to
carry out your officers.
We must feel confidence
in the future, and it is
especially in the hour of
danger that I wish to
share your fortune." My
project was received with
approbation; but it was
necessary afterwards to
find money, and to pur-
chase and arm a vessel
secretly: all this was ac-
complished with the great-
est despatch.

The period was, how-
ever, approaching, which
had been long fixed, for
my taking a journey to
England. I could not re-
fuse to go without risking
the discovery of my secret,
and by consenting to take
this journey I knew I
could better conceal my
preparations for a greater
one. This last measure
was also thought most
expedient by M^I. Frank-
lin and Deane, for the doctor himself rebels, and everything that might be con-
was then in France; and. although I strued into an abuse of confidence. At
did not venture to go to his home, for the end of three weeks, when it became
fear of being seen. I corresponded with necessary for me to return home, while
him through M. Carmichael, an American refusing my uncle, the ambassador, to ac-

291

OBVERSE SIDE OF PF.SrGM.

LAFAYETTE, MA|IQUIS DE

company him to Court, I confided to him him; but a sign from him silenced her,

my strong desire to take a trip to Paris, and her adroit fidelity turned away all

He proposed saying that I was ill during suspicion. It was thus that M. de La-

my absence. I should not have made use fayette rejoined his ship, April 26, 1777;

of this stratagem myself, but I did not and on that same day, after six months'

object to his doing so. anxiety and labor, he set sail for the

After having sufi'ered dreadfully in the American continent,
channel, and being reminded, as a conso- (1777.) As soon as M. de Lafayette
lation, how very short the voyage would had recovered from the effects of sea-
be, I arrived at M. de Kalb's house in sickness, he studied the language and
I'aris, concealed myself three days at trade he was adopting. A heavy ship,
Chaillot, saw a few of my friends and two bad cannon, and some guns could
some Americans, and set out for Bor- not have escaped from the smallest
deaux, where I was for some time un- privateer. In his present situation, he
expectedly delayed. I took advantage of resolved rather to blow up the vessel than
that delay to send to Paris, from whence to surrender. He concerted measures to
the intelligence I received was by no achieve this end with a brave Dutchman
means encouraging; but, as my mes- named Bedaulx, whose sole alternative,
senger was followed on the road by one if taken, would have been the gibbet. The
from the government, I lost not a mo- captain insisted upon stopping at the
ment in setting sail, and the orders of islands; but government orders would
my sovereign were only able to overtake lifive been found there, and he followed
me at Passage, a Spanish port, at which a direct course, less from choice than
we stopped on our way. The letters from from compulsion. At 40 leagues from
my own family were extremely violent, shore they were met by a small vessel.
and those from the government were per- The captain turned pale, but the crew
emptory. I was forbidden to proceed to were attached to M. de Lafayette, and
the American continent under the penalty the officers were numerous: they made a
of disobedience; I was enjoined to repair show of resistance. It turned out, fort-
instantly to Marseilles, and await there unately, to be an American ship, whom
further orders.* A sufiicient number of they vainly endeavored to keep up with;
commentaries were not wanting upon the but scarcely had the former lost sight
consequences of such an anathema, the of M. de Lafayette's vessel, when it fell
laws of the state, and the power and dis- in with two English frigates — and this
pleasure of the government; but the grief is not the only time when the elements
of his wife, who was pregnant, and the seemed bent on opposing M. de Lafayette,
thoughts of his family and friends, had fs if with the intention of saving him.
far more effect upon M. de Lafayette. After having encountered for seven weeks
As his vessel could no longer be stopped, various perils and chances, he arrived at
he returned to Bordeaux to enter into a Georgetown, in Carolina. Ascending the
justification of his own conduct; and, in "ver in a canoe, his foot touched at
a declaration to M. de Fumel, he took length the American soil; and he swore
upon himself all the consequences of his ^^^^ ^^ would conquer or perish in that
present evasion. As the Court did not cause. Landing at midnight at Major
deign to relax in its determination, he Huger's house, he found a vessel sailing
wrote to M. de Maurepas that that for France, which appeared only waiting
silence Avas a tacit consent, and his own for his letters. Several of the officers
departure took place soon after that jok- landed, others remained on board, and all
ing despatch. After having set out on hastened to proceed to Charlestown.
the road to Marseilles, he retraced his This beautiful city is worthy of its in-
steps, and, disguised as a courier, he had habitants; and everything there announced
almost escaijed all danger, when, at Saint not only comfort, but even luxury. With-
Jean de Luz, a young girl recognized out knowing nuich of M. de Lafayette, the

Cenerals Howe, Moultrie, and Gulden re-

♦ Lafayette here changes his narrative from ceived him with the utmost kindness and

the first to the third person. attention. The new works were sbowD

292

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

him, and also that battery which Moultrie withstand so many various blows, General
afterwards defended so extremely well, and Washington, leaving Putnam on the North
which the English appear, we must ac- River, crossed over the Delaware, and en-
knowledge, to have seized the only possible camped, with 11,000 men, within reach of
means of destroying. Several adventurers, Philadelphia.

the refuse of the islands, endeavored vainly It was under these circumstances that
to unite themselves to M. de Lafayette, M. de Lafayette first arrived in America;
and to infuse into his mind their own feel- but the moment, although important to
ings and prejudices. Having procured the common cause, was peculiarly unfavor-
horses, he set out with six officers for Phil- able to strangers. The Americans were
adelphia. His vessel had arrived; but it displeased with the pretensions, and dis-
was no longer protected by fortune, and gusted Avith the conduct, of many French-
on its return home it was lost on the bar men. The imprudent selections they had
of Charlestown. To repair to the Congress in some cases made, the extreme boldness
of the United States, M. de Lafayette rode of some foreign adventurers, the jealousy
nearly 900 miles on horseback. Before of the army, and strong national preju-
reaching the capital of Pennsylvania, he dices, all contributed to confound disin-
was obliged to travel through the two terested zeal with private ambition, and
Carolinas, Virginia, Maryland, and Dela- talents with quackery. Supported by the
ware. While studying the language and promises which had been given by Mr.
customs of the inhabitants, he observed Deane, a numerous band of foreigners be-
also new productions of nature and new sieged the Congress. Their chief was a
methods of cultivation. Vast forests and clever but very imprudent man ; and, al-
immense rivers combine to give to that though a good officer, his excessive vanity
country an appearance of youth and amounted almost to madness. With M. de
majesty. After a fatiguing journey of one Lafayette, Mr. Deane had sent out a fresh
month he beheld at length that Philadel- detachment ; and every day such crowds
phia so well known in the present day, arrived that the Congress had finally
and whose future grandeur Penn appeared adopted the plan of not listening to any
to designate when he laid the first stone stranger. The coldness with which M. de
of its foundation. Lafayette was received might have been
After having accomplished his noble taken as a dismissal ; but, without appear-
manoeuvres at Trenton and Princeton, ing disconcerted by the manner in which
General Washington had remained in his the deputies addressed him, he entreated
camp at IMiddlebrook. The English, find- them to return to Congress, and read the
ing themselves frustrated in their first following note:

hopes, combined to make a decisive cam- " After the sacrifices I have made, I
paign. Burgoyne was already advancing have the right to exact two favors: one
with 10,000 men, preceded by his procla- is, to serve at my own expense; the other
mation and his savages. Ticonderoga, a is, to serve at first as volunteer."
famous stand of arms, was abandoned by The style, to which they were so little
Saint-Clair. He drew upon himself much accustomed, awakened their attention:
public odiurn by this deed, but he saved the despatches from the envoys were read
the only corps whom the militia could over; and, in a very flattering resolution,
rally roimd. WTiile the generals were the rank of major-general was granted to
busied assembling that militia, the Con- M. de Lafayette. Among the various
gress recalled them, sent Gates in their officers who accompanied him. several were
place, and used all possible means to sup- strangers to him. He was interested,
port him. At that same time the great however, for them all ; and to those
English army, of about 18.000 men. had whose services were not accepted an in-
sailed from New York, and the two Howes demnity for their trouble was granted.

were uniting their forces for a secret en- Some months afterwards M. drowned

terprise. Rhode Island was occupied by himself in the Schuylkill, and the loss of

an hostile corps: and General Clinton, that impetuous and imprudent man was

who had remained at New York, was there perhaps a fortunate circumstance.
preparing for an expedition. To be able to The two Howes having appeared before

293

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

tW capes of the Delaware, General Wash-
ington came to Philadelphia, and M. de
Lafayette beheld for the first time that
gi-eat man. Although he was surrounded
by officers and citizens, it was impossible
to mistake for a moment his majestic fig-
ure and deportment ; nor was he less dis-
tinguished by the noble affability of his
manner. M. de Lafayette accompanied
him in his examination of the fortifica-
tions. Invited by the general to establish
himself in his house, he looked upon it
from that moment as his owti: with this
perfect ease and simplicity was formed the
tie that united two friends, whose confi-
dence and attachments were to be cement-
ed by the strongest interests of humanity.
The American army, stationed some
miles from Philadelphia, was waiting until
the movements of the hostile army should
be decided: the general himself reviewed
the troops. M. de Lafayette arrived there
the same day. About 11,000 men, ill
armed, and still worse clothed, presented
a strange spectacle to the eye of the young
Frenchman. Their clothes were parti-
colored, and many of them were almost
naked. The best clad wore hunting shirts,
large gray linen coats which were much
used in Carolina. As to their military
tactics, it will be sufficient to say that,
for a regiment ranged in order of battle
to move forward on the right of its line,
it was necessary for the left to make a
continued counter-march. They were al-
ways arranged in two lines, the smallest
men in the first line: no other distinction
as to heio;ht was ever observed. In spite
of these disadvantages, the soldiers were
fine, and the officers zealous ; virtue stood
in place of science, and each day added
both to experience and discipline. Lord
Stirling, more courageous than judicious,
another general, who was often intoxi-
cated, and Greene, whose talents were
only then known to his immediate friends,
commanded as majors-general. General
Knox, who had changed the profession of
bookseller to that of artillery officer, was
there also, and had himself formed other
officers, and created an artillery. " We
must feel embarrassed," said General
Washington, on his arrival, " to exhibit
ourselves before an officer who has just
quitlod French troops." "It is to learn,
and not to teach, that I come hither," re-

plied M. de Lafayette; and that modest
tone, which was not common in Europeans,
produced a very good effect.

After having menaced the Delaware,
the English fleet again disappeared, and
during some days the Americans amused
themselves by making jokes at its ex-
pense. These jokes, however, ceased when
it reappeared in the Chesapeake; and, in
order to approach it more closely dur-
ing the disembarkation, the patriot army
crossed through the town. Their heads
covered with green branches, and march-
ing to the sound of drums and fifes, these
soldiers, in spite of their state of nudity,
offered an agreeable spectacle to the eyes
of all the citizens. General Washington
was marching at their head, and M. de
Lafayette was by his side. The army
stationed itself upon the heights of Wil-
mington, and that of the enemy landed
in the Elk River, at the bottom of Chesa-
peake Bay. The very day they landed,
General Washington exposed himself to
danger in the most imprudent manner.
After having reconnoitred for a long time
the enemy's position, he was overtaken
by a storm during a very dark night,
entered a farm-house close to the hos-
tile army, and, from a reluctance to
change his own opinion, remained there
with General Greene, M. de Lafayette,
and their aide-de-camp ; but, when at
daybreak he quitted the farm, he ac-
knowledged that any one traitor might
have caused his ruin. Some days later
Sullivan's division joined the army, which
augmented it in all to 13,000 men. This
Major-General Sullivan made a good be-
ginning, but a bad ending, in an intended
surprise on Staten Island.

If, by making too extensive a plan of
attack, the English committed a great
error, it must also be acknowledged that
the Americans were not irreproachable in
their manner of defence. Burgoyne,
leading his army, with their heads bent
upon the ground, into woods from whence
he could not extricate them, dragged on,
upon a single road, his numerous can-
non and rich military equipages. Cer-
tain of not being attacked from behind,
the Americans could dispute every step
they took ; this kind of warfare at-
tracted the mil'tia, and Gates improved
each day in strength. Every tree shel-

294

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

tered a skilful rifleman; and the re-
sources offered by military tactics, and
the talents even of their chiefs, had be-
come useless to the English. The corps
left in New York could, it is true, laugh
at the corps of Putnam, but it was too
feeble to succor Burgoyne; and, instead

centre, was defended by batteries. It was
in that hardly examined station that, in
obedience to a letter from Congress, the
Americans awaited the battle. The even-
ing of Sept. 10 Howe advanced in two
columns, and, by a very fine movement,
the left column (about 8,000 men under

of being able to secure his triumph, its Lord Cornwallis, with the grenadiers and

own fate was even dependent upon his.
During that time Howe was only think-
ing of Philadelphia, and it was at the ex-
pense of the northern expedition that he
was repairing thither by an enormous
circuit. But, on the other side, why were
the English permitted to land so tranquil-
ly? Why was the moment allowed to

guards) directed themselves towards the
fords of Birmingham, 3 miles on our
right: the other column continued its
road, and about nine o'clock in the morn-
ing it appeared on the other side of the
stream. The enemy was so near the skirts
of the wood that it was impossible to
judge of his force: some time was lost in

pass when their army was divided by the a mutual cannonading. General Washing-

river Elk? Why in the South were so
many false movements and so much hesi-
tation displayed? Becavise the Americans
had hitherto had combats, but not bat-
tles; because, instead of harassing an
army and disputing hollows, they were
obliged to protect an open city, and

ton walked along his two lines, and was
received with acclamations which seemed
to promise him success. The intelligence
that was received of the movements of
Cornwallis was both confused and contra-
dictory. Owing to the conformity of
name between two roads that were of

mana^uvre in a plain, close to an hostile equal length and parallel to each other, the

army, who, by attacking them from be-
hind, might completely ruin them. Gen-
eral Washington, had he followed the ad-
vice of the people, would have enclosed
his army in a city, and thus have in-
trusted to one hazard the fate of Amer-
ica; but, while refusing to commit such
an act of folly, he was obliged to make

best officers were mistaken in their reports.
The only musket-shots that had been fired
were from Maxwell, who killed several of
the enemy, but was driven back upon the
left of the American army, across a ford
by which he had before advanced. Three
thousand militia had been added to the
army, but they were placed in the rear

some sacrifice, and gratify the nation by to guard some still more distant militia,

a battle. Europe even expected it; and, and took no part themselves in the action,

although he had been created a dictator Such was the situation of the troops when

for six months, the general thought he they learned the march of Lord Cornwal-

ought to submit everything to the orders lis towards the scarcely known fords of

of Congress and to the deliberations of a Birmingham: they then detached three

council of war.

After having advanced as far as Wil-
mington, the general had detached 1,000
men under Maxwell, the most ancient
brigadier in the army. At the first
march of the English, he was beaten by
their advance-guard near Christiana
Bridge. During that time the army took
but an indifferent station at Newport.
They then removed a little south, waited
two days for the enemy, and at the mo-
ment when these were marching upon
their right wing, a nocturnal council of
war decided that the army was to proceed
to the Brandvwine. The stream bearing

divisions, forming about .5,000 men, un-
der the Generals Sullivan, Stirling, and Ste-
phen. M. de Lafayette, as volunteer, had
always accompanied the general. The
left wing remaining in a state of tranquil-
lity, and the right appearing fated to
receive all the heavy blows, he obtained
permission to join Sullivan. At his ar-
rival, which seemed to inspirit the troops,
he found that, the enemy having crossed
the ford, the corps of Sullivan had scarce-
ly had time to form itself on a line in
front of a thinly wooded forest. A few
moments after. Lord Cornwallis formed
in the finest order. Advancing across the

that name covered its front. The ford plain, his first line opened a brisk fire of
called Chad's Ford, placed nearly in the musketry and artillery. The Americans

295

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

returned the fire, and did much injury to
the enemy; but, their right and left wings
having given way, the generals and sev-
eral officers joined the central division, in
which were M. de Lafayette and Stirling,
and of which 800 men were commanded in
a most brilliant manner by Conway, an
Irishman, in the service of France. By
separating that division from its two
wings, and advancing through an open
plain, in which they lost many men, the
enemy united all his fire upon the centre:
the confusion became extreme; and it was
while M. de Lafayette was rallying the
troops that a ball passed through his leg.
At that moment all those remaining on
the field gave way. M. de Lafayette was
indebted to Gimat, his aide-de-camp, for
the happiness of getting upon his horse.
General Washington arrived from a dis-
tance with fresh troops. M. de Lafayette
was preparing to join him, when loss of
blood obliged him to stop and have his
wound bandaged: he was even very near
being taken. Fugitives, cannon, and bag-
gage now crowded without order into the
road leading to Chester. The general era-
ployed the remaining daylight in check-
ing the enemy: some regiments behaved
extremely well, but the disorder was com-
plete. During that time the ford of Chad
was forced, the cannon taken, and the
Chester road became the common retreat
of the whole army. In the midst of that
dreadful confusion, and during the dark-
ness of the night, it was impossible to re-
cover; but at Chester, 12 miles from
the field of battle, they met with a bridge
which it was necessary to cross. M. de
Lafayette occupied himself in arresting
tlie fugitives. Some degree of order was
re-established ; the generals and the com-
mander-in-chief arrived; and he had lei-
sure to have his wound dressed.

It was thus, at 26 miles from Phila-
delphia, that the fate of that town was
decided (11th September, 1777). The
inhabitants had heard every cannon that
was fired there. The two parties, assem-
bled in two distinct bands in all the
squares and public places, had awaited
the event in silence. The last courier at
length arrived, and the friends of liberty
were throAAii into consternation. The
Americans had lost from 1,000 to 1,200
men. Howe's army was composed of

about 12,000 men. Their losses had been
so considerable that their surgeons, and
those in the country, were found insuffi-
cient; and they requested the American
army to supply them with some for their
prisoners. If the enemy had marched to
Derby, the army would have been cut up
and destroyed. They lost an all - impor-
tant night; and this was perhaps their
greatest fault during a war in which
they committed so many errors.

M. de Lafayette, having been conveyed
by water to Philadelphia, was carefully
attended to by the citizens, who were all
interested in his situation and extreme
youth. That same evening the Congress
determined to quit the city. A vast num-
V»er of the inhabitants deserted their own
hearths. Whole families, abandoning
their possessions, and uncertain of the
future, took refuge in the mountains. M.
de Lafayette was carried to Bristol in
a boat ; he there saw the fugitive Con-
gress, who only assembled again on the
other side of the Susquehanna. He was
himself conducted to Bethlehem, a Mora-
vian establishment, where the mild re-
ligion of the brotherhood, the community
of fortune, education, and interests,
amongst that large and simple family,
formed a striking contrast to scenes of
blood and the convulsions occasioned by a
civil war.

After the Brandywine defeat the two
armies manoeuvred along the banks of the
Schuylkill. General Washington still re-
mained on a height above the enemy, and
completely out of his reach; nor had
they again an opportunity of cutting him
ofT. Waine, an American brigadier, was
detached to observe the English; but,
being surprised during the night, near
the White-Horse, by General Grey, he
lost there the greatest part of his corps.
At length Howe crossed the Schuylkill at
Swede's Ford, and Lord Cornwallis en-
tered Philadelphia.

In spite of the declaration of indepen-
dence of the new States, everything there
bore the appearance of a civil war. The
names of Whig and Tory distinguished the
republicans and royalists; the English
army was still called the regular troops;
the British sovereign was always desig-
nated by the name of the Kiiifj. Provinces,
towns, and families were divided bv the

29 G

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

violence of party spirit: brothers, offi-
cers in the two opposing armies, meeting
by chance in their father's house, have
seized their arms to fight with each
other. Whilst, in all the rancor of their
pride, the English committed horrible
acts of license and cruelty, whilst dis-
cipline dragged in her train those venal
Germans who knew only how to kill,
burn, and pillage, in that same army
■were seen regiments of Americans, who,
trampling under foot their brethren, as-
sisted in enslaving their wasted country.
Each canton contained a still greater
number whose sole object was to injure
the friends of liberty and give informa-
tion to those of despotism. To these
inveterate Tories must be added the num-
ber of those whom fear, private interest,
or religion, rendered adverse to the war.
If the Presbyterians, the children of Crom-
well and Fairfax, detested royalty, the
Lutherans, who had sprung from it, were
divided among themselves. The Quakers
hated slaughter, but served willingly as
guides to the royal troops. Insurrec-
tions were by no means uncommon: near
the enemy's stations, farmers often shot
each other ; robbers were even encouraged.
The republican chiefs were exposed to
great dangers when they travelled
through the country. It was always
necessary for them to declare that they
should pass the night in one house, then
take possession of another, barricade them-
selves in it, and only sleep with their
arms by their side. In the midst of these
troubles, M. de Lafayette was no longer
considered as a stranger: never was any
adoption more complete than his own;
and wliilst, in the councils of war, he
trembled when he considered tliat his
■voice (at twenty years of age) might
decide the fate of two worlds, he was also
initiated in those deliberations in which,
by reassuring the Whigs, intimidating
the Tories, supporting an ideal money,
and redoubling their firmness in the hour
of adversity, the American chiefs con-
ducted that revolution through so many
obstacles.

[Here follow accou^its of Lafai/rttr's con-
valescence at Bethlehem and his success at
'Gloucester, of Oates's cuitii)ai(in in the north,
and the estahlishment of the melancholy
headquarters at Valley Forge]

Notwithstanding the success in the
north, the situation of the Americans had
never been more critical than at the pres-
ent moment. A paper money, without
any certain foundation, and unmixed with
any specie, was both counterfeited by the
enemy and discredited by their partisans.
They feared to establish taxes, and had
still less the power of levying them. The
people, who had risen against the taxation
of England, were astonished at paying
still heavier taxes now; and the govern-
ment was without any power to enforce
them. On the other side. New York and
Philadelphia were overstocked with gold
and various merchandises: the threatened
penalty of death could not stop a com-
munication that was but too easy. To
refuse the payment of taxes, to depreciate
the paper currency, and feed the enemy,
was a certain method of attaining wealth:
privations and misery were only expe-
rienced by good citizens. Each proclama-
tion of the English was supported by their
seductions, their riches, and the intrigues
of the Tories. Whilst a numerous garri-
son lived sumptuously at New York, some
hundreds of men, ill-clothed and ill-fed,
wandered upon the shores of the Hudson.
The army of Philadelphia, freshly re-
cruited from Europe, abundantly sup-
plied with everything they could require,
consisted of 18,000 men: that of Valley
Forge was successively reduced to 5,000
men ; and two marches on the fine Lan-
caster road (on which road also was a
chain of magazines), by establishing the
English in the rear of their right flank,
w'ould have rendered their position un-
tenable, from which, however, they had no
means of retiring. The unfortunate sol-
diers were in want of everything. They
had neither coats, hats, shirts, nor shoes:
their feet and legs froze till they became
black, and it was often necessary to ampu-
tate them. From want of money, they
could neither obtain provisions nor any
means of transport: the colonels were
often reduced to two rations, and some-
times even to one. The army frequently
remained whole days without provisions,
and the patient endurance of both soldiers
and officers was a miracle which each mo-
ment served to renew. But the sight of
their misery prevented new engagements:
it was almost impossible to levy recruits;

297

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

it was easy to desert into the interior of
the country. The sacred fire of liberty
was not extinguished, it is true, and the
majority of the citizens detested British
tyranny ; but the triumph of the north and
the tranquillity of the south had lulled to
sleep two - thirds of the continent. The
remaining part was harassed by two
armies; and throughout this revolution
the greatest difficulty was that, in order to
conceal misfortunes from the enemy, it
was necessary to conceal them from the
nation also; that, by awakening the one,
information was likewise given to the
other; and that fatal blows would have
been struck upon the weakest points be-
fore democratic tardiness could have been
roused to support them. It was from
this cause that during the whole war the
real force of the army was always kept a
profound secret. Even Congress was not
apprised of it, and the generals were often
themselves deceived. General Washington
never placed unlimited confidence in any
person, except in M. de Lafayette, because
for him alone, perhaps, confidence sprung
from warm affection. As the situation
grew more critical, discipline became more
necessary. In the course of his nocturnal
rounds, in the midst of heavy snows, M.
de Lafayette was obliged to break some
negligent officers. He adopted in every
respect the American dress, habits, and
food. He wished to be more simple, fru-
gal, and austere than the Americans them-
selves. Brought up in the lap of luxury,
he suddenly changed his whole manner of
living; and his constitution bent itself to
privation as well as to fatigue. He al-
ways took the liberty of freely writing his
ideas to Congress, or, in imitation of the
prudence of the general, he gave his opin-
ion to some members of a corps or State
Assembly, that, being adopted by them, it
might be brought forward in the delibera-
tions of Congress.

In addition to ihe difficulties which
lasted during the whole of the war the
winter of Valley Forge recalls others still
more painful. At Yorktown, behind the
Susquehanna, Congress was divided into
two factions, which, in spite of their dis-
tinction of south and east, did not the
less occasion a separation between mem-
bers of the same State. The deputies sub-
stituted their private intrigues for tlie

wishes of the nation. Several impartial
men had retired: several States had but
one Representative, and in some cases not
even one. Party spirit was so strong
that three years afterwards Congress still
felt the eflects of it. Any great event,
however, would awaken their patriotism;
and, Avhen Burgoyne declared that his
treaty had been broken, means were found
to stop the departure of his troops, which
everything, even the few provisions for the
transports, had foolishly betrayed. But
all these divisions failed to produce the
greatest of calamities — the loss of the
only man capable of conducting the revo-
lution.

Gates was at Yorktown, where he in-
spired respect by his manners, promises,
and European acquirements. Amongst the
deputies who united themselves to him
may be numbered the Lees, Virginians, ene-
mies of Washington, and the two Adamses.
Mifflin, quartermaster-general, aided him
with his talents and brilliant eloquence.
They required a name to bring forward in
the plot, and they selected Conway, who
fancied himself the chief of a party. To
praise Gates, with a certain portion of the
continent and the troops, was a pretext
for speaking of themselves. The people
attach themselves to prosperous generals,
and the commander-in-chief had been un-
successful. His own character inspired
respect and affection ; but Greene, Hamil-
ton, Knox, his best friends, were sadly
defamed. , The Tories foTuented these dis-
sensions. The presidency of the war office,
which had been created for Gates, restrict-
ed the power of the general. This was
not the only inconvenience. A committee
from Congress arrived at the camp, and
the attack of Philadelphia was daringly
proposed. The most shrewd people did
not believe that Gates was the real object
of this intrigue. Though a good officer,
he had not the power to assert himself.
He would have given place to the famous
General Lee, then a prisoner of the Eng-
lish, whose first care would have been to
have made over to them his friends and all
America.

Attached to the general, and still more
so to the cause, M. de Lafayette did not
hesitate for a moment ; and. in spite of
the caresses of one party, he remained
faithful to the other whose ruin seemed

298

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

then impending. He saw and correspond-
ed frequently with the general, and often
discussed with him liis own private situa-
tion, and the eflect that various meliora-
tions in the army might produce. Having
sent for his wife to the camp, the general
preserved in his deportment the noble
composure which belongs to a strong and
\irtuous mind. "I have not sought for
this place," said he to M. de Lafayette:
" if I am displeasing to the nation, I will
retire; but until then I will oppose all in-
trigues."

(1778.) The 22d of January Congress
resolved that Canada should be entered,
and the choice fell upon M. de Lafayette.
The generals Conway and Stark were
placed under him. Hoping to intoxicate
and govern so young a commander, the
war office, without consulting the com-
mander-in-chief, wrote to him to go and
await his further instructions at Albany.
But, after having won over by his argu-
ments the committee which Congress had
sent to the camp, M. de Lafayette hast-
ened to Yorktown, and declared there " that
he required circumstantial orders, a state-
ment of the means to be employed, the
certainty of not deceiving the Canadians,
an augmentation of generals, and rank
for several Frenchmen, fully impressed,"
he added, " with the various duties and
advantages they derived from their name;
but the first condition he demanded was
not to be made, like Gates, independent
of General Washington." At Gates's own
house he braved the whole party, and
threw them into confusion by making
them drink the health of their general.*

[Here foUnir acennnts of Lafayette's ex-
pedition to Alhanii and the Mohan-k. and his
return in the spring to Philadelphia, where
a short time after Silas Deane arrived icith
the treaty between France and the United
States.'i

By quitting France in so public a man-
ner, M. de Lafayette had served the cause
of the Revolution. One portion of society

• After having thus declared himself, he
wrote to Congress that " he could only ac-
cept the command on condition of remain-
ing subordinate to General Washington, of
being but considered as an offirer detached
from him. and of addressing all his letters
to him. of which those received by Congress
would be but duplicates." These requests
and all the others he made were granted.

was anxious for his success; and the at-
tention of the other had become, to say
the least, somewhat occupied in the
struggle. If a spirit of emulation made
those connected with the Court desirous
of war, the rest of the nation supported
the young rebel, and followed with inter-
est all his movements; and it is well
known that the rupture that ensued was
truly a national one. Some circumstances
relating to his departure having dis-
pleased the Court of London, M. de La-
fayette omitted nothing that could draw
more closely together the nations whose
union he so ardently desired. The in-
credible prejudices of the Americans had
been augmented by the conduct of the
first Frenchmen who had joined them.
These men gradually disappeared, and all
those who remained were remarkable for
talents, or at least for probity. They
became the friends of M. de Lafayette,
who sincerely sought out all the national
prejudices of the Americans against his
countrymen for the purpose of overcom-
ing them. Love and respect for the name
of Frenchmen animated his letters and
speeches, and he wished the affection
that was granted to him individually to
become completely national. On the other
side, when writing to Europe, he denied
the reports made by discontented advent-
urers, by good officers who were piqued
at not having been employed, and by
those men who, serving themselves in the
army, wished to be witty or amusing by
the political contrasts they described in
their letters. But, without giving a cir-
cumstantial account of what private in-
fluence achieved, it is certain that en-
thusiasm for the cause, and esteem for
its defenders, had electrified all France,
and that the affair of Saratoga decided
the ministerial commotion. Bills of con-
ciliation passed in the English House of
Parliament, the five commissioners were
sent to offer far more than had been de-
manded until then. No longer waiting
to see how thinqs would turn out, M. de
Maurepas yielded to the public wish, and
what his luminous mind had projected
the more unchanging disposition of M.
de Vergennes put in execution. A treaty
was generously entered into with Frank-
lin. Deane, and Arthur Lee, and that
treaty was announced with more confi-

299

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

dence than had been for some time dis- M. de Lafayette addressed a polite let-
played. But the war was not sufficiently ter to the French minister, and wrote also
foreseen, or at least sufficient prepara- to the Congress that, " whilst he believed
tions were not made. The most singular himself free, he had supported the cause
fact is that, at the very period when the under the American banner; that his
firm resistance of the Court of France country was now at war, and that his ser-
had guided the conduct of two courts, vices were first due to her; that he hoped
America had fallen herself into such a to return; and that he should always re-
state of weakness that she was on the tain his zealous interest for the United
very brink of ruin. The 2d of May the States." The Congress not only granted
army made a bonfire; and M. de Lafay- him an unlimited leave of absence, but
ette, ornamented with a white scarf, pro- added to it the most flattering expressions
ceeded to the spot, accompanied by all of gratitude. It was resolved that a
the French. Since the arrival of the con- sword, covered with emblems, should be
ciliatory bills he had never ceased writing presented to him, in the name of the
against the commission, and against every United States, by their minister in
commissioner. The advances of these France: they wrote to the King; and the
men were ill-received by Congress; and. Alliance, of thirty-six guns, their finest
foreseeing a French co-operation, the ship, was chosen to carry him back to
enemy began to think of quitting Phila- Europe. M. de Lafayette would neither
delphia. receive from them anything farther, nor

allow them to ask any favor for him at

[Here follmos the account of the -battle ^^ ^ ^ f France. But the Congress,

of Monmouth, after which Lafayette and . . • • r^ i

Washington "passed the night lying on the when proposing a co-operation m Canada,

satne mantle, talking over the conduct of expressed its wish of seeing the arrange-

Lee"; and the account of the Rhode Island jj^g^^. ^f ^.j^g ^f^^^^ confided to him. This

campaig .j project was afterwards deferred from the

Soon afterwards, during M. de Lafay- generals not entertaining hopes of its ul-
otte's residence at Philadelphia, the com- timate success; but, although old preju-
mission received its death-blow. Whilst dices were much softened — although the
he was breakfasting with the members of conduct of the admiral and the squadron
Congress, the different measures proper to had excited universal approbation — the
be pursued were frankly and cheerfully Congress, the general, and, in short, every
discussed. The correspondence which took one, told M. de Lafayette that, in the
place at that time is generally known, whole circuit of the thirteen States, ves-
The Congress remained ever noble, firm, sels only were required, and that the ap-
and faithful to its allies. Secretary pearance of a French corps would alarm
Thomson, in his last letter to Sir Henry the nation. As M. de Lafayette was
Clinton, informs him that " the Congress obliged to embark at Boston, he set out
does not ansicer impertinent letters." To again on this journey of 400 miles. He
conceal nothing from the people, all the hoped, also, that he should be able to
proposals were invariably printed; but take leave of M. d'Estaing, who had
able writers were employed in pointing offered to accompany him to the islands,
out the errors they contained. In that and whose friendship and misfortunes af-
happy country, where each man understood fected him as deeply as his active genius
and attended to public aff"airs, the news- and patriotic courage excited his ad-
papers became powerful instruments to miration.

aid the revolution. The same spirit was Heated by fatiguing journeys and over-

also breathed from the pulpit, for the exertion, and still more by the grief he

Bible in many places favors republican- had experienced at Rhode Island, and hav-

ism. M. de Lafayette, having once re- ing afterwards labored hard, drunk freely,

preached an Anglican minister with speak- and passed several sleepless nights at Phil-

ing only of heaven, went to hear him adelpliia, M. de Lafayette proceeded on

preach the following Sunday, and the liorseback, in a high state of fever, and

words the execrable house of Hanover during a pelting autumnal rain. Fetes

proved the docility of the minister. were given in compliment to him through-

300

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

out his journey, and he endeavored to sublime from his virtues than from his

strengthen himself with wine, tea, and talents? Had he been a common soldier,

rum; but at Fishkill, 8 miles from head- he would have been the bravest in the

quarters, he was obliged to yield to the ranks; had he been an obscure citizen, all

violence of an inflammatory fever. He his neighbors would have respected him.

was soon leduced to the last extremity, With a heart and mind equally correctly

and the report of his approaching death formed, he judged both of himself and

distressed the army, by whom he was circumstances with strict impartiality,

called the soldiei-'s friend; and the whole Nature, whilst creating him expressly for

nation were unanimous in expressing that revolution, conferred an honor upon

their good wishes and regrets for the mar- herself; and, to show her work to the

quis, the name by which he was exclusively greatest possible advantage, she consti-

designated. From the first moment. Cock- tuted it in such a peculiar manner that

ran, director of the hospitals, left all his each distinct quality would have failed in

other occupations to attend to him alone, producing the end required, had it not

General Washington came every day to been sustained by all the others.

inquire after his friend; but, fearing to In spite of his extreme debility, M. de

agitate him, he only conversed with the Lafayette, accompanied by his physician,

physician, and returned home with tearful repaired on horseback to Boston, where

eyes, and a heart oppressed with grief. Madeira wine eflfectually restored his

Suffering acutely from a raging fever and health. The crew of the Alliance was not

violent headache, M. de Lafayette felt con- complete, and the council offered to insti-

vinced that he was dying, but did not lose tute a press; but M. de Lafayette would

for a moment the clearness of his under- not consent to this method of obtaining

standing. Having taken measures to be sailors, and it was at length resolved to

apprised of the approach of death, he re- make up the required number by embark-

gretted that he could not hope again to ing some English deserters, together with

see his country and the dearest objects of some volunteers from among the prisoners,

his affection. Far from foreseeing the After he had written to Canada, and sent

happy fate that awaited him, he would some necklaces to a few of the savage

willingly have exchanged his future chance tribes, Brice and Nevil, his aides-de-camp,

of life, in spite of his one-and-twenty bore his farewell addresses to the Congress,

years, for the certainty of living but for the general, and his friends. The inhabi-

three months, on the condition of again tants of Boston, who had given him so

seeing his friends and witnessing the many proofs of their kindness and atten-

happy termination of the American war. tion, renewed their marks of affection at

But to the assistance of medical art and his departure; and the Alliance sailed on

the assiduous care of Dr. Cockran nature the 11th of January. . . .*

added the alarming, though salutary, rem- When I saw the port of Brest receive

edy of an hemorrhage. and salute the banner which floated on my

At the expiration of three months, M. frigate, I recalled to mind the state of

de Lafayette's life was no longer in dan- my country and of America, and ray pe-

ger: he w^as at length allowed to see the culiar situation when I quitted France,
general, and think of public affairs.

After having spent some days together, f^^''^ follows the account of his warm

, , r ii • i. 1 u I. welcome at Paris.]
and spoken of their past labors, present

situations, and future projects. General Amidst the various tumultuous scenes

Washington and he took a tender and that occupied my mind. I did not forget

painful leave of each other. At the same our revolution, of which the ultimate suc-

time that the enemies of this great man cess still appeared uncertain. Accustomed

have accused him of insensibility, they to sec great interests supported by slen-

liave acknowledged his tenderness for M. de,- means. I often said to myself that the

de Lafayette: and how is it possible that expense of one fr-te would have organized

he should not have been warmly cherished the army of the United States; and, to

by his disciple, he who, uniting all that is

good to all that is great, is even more « xhe first person is here resumed

301

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

clothe that army, I would willingly, ac-
cording to the expression of M. de Maure-
pas, have unfurnished the palace of Ver-
sailles.

Eulogy by John Quincy Adams. — On
Dec. 31, 1834, ex-President Adams deliv-
ered the following oration on the 'life and
services to America of Lafayette, in Wash-
ington, D. C. :

On the 6th of September, 1757, Lafay-
ette was born. The kings of France and
Britain were seated upon their thrones by
virtue of the principle of hereditary suc-
cession, variously modified and blended
with different forms of religious faith,
and they were waging war against each
other, and exhausting the blood and treas-
ure of their people for causes in which
neither of the nations had any beneficial
or lawful interest.

In this war the father of Lafayette fell
in the cause of his King, but not of his
country. He was an officer of an invading
army, the instrument of his sovereign's
wanton ambition and lust of conquest.
The people of the electorate of Hanover
had done no wrong to him or to his coun-
try. When his son came to an age capa-
ble of understanding the irreparable loss
that he had suffered, and to reflect upon
the causes of his father's fate, there was
no drop of consolation mingled in the cup,
from the consideration that he had died
for his country. And when the youthful
mind was awakened to meditation upon
the rights of mankind, the principles of
freedom, and theories of government, it
cannot be difficult to perceive, in the illus-
trations of his own family records, the
source of that aversion to hereditary rule,
perhaps the most distinguishing feature
of his political opinions, and to which he
adhered through all the vicissitudes of
his life.

In the same war, and at the same time,
George Washington was armed, a loyal
subject, in support of his King ; but to him
that was also the cause of his country.
His commission was not in the army of
George II., but issued under the authority
of the colony of Virginia, the province in
which he received his birtli. On the bor-
ders of that province, the war in its most
horrid forms was waged — not a war of
mercy, and of courtesy, like that of the

civilized embattled legions of Europe — but
war to the knife; the war of Indian sav-
ages, terrible to man, but more terrible to
the tender sex, and most terrible to help-
less infancy. In defence of his country
against the ravages of such a war, Wash-
ington, in the dawn of manhood, had
drawn his sword, as if Providence, with
deliberate purpose, had sanctified for him
the practice of war, all detestable and un-
hallowed as it is, that he might, in a
cause, virtuous and exalted by its motive
and its end, be trained and fitted in a con-
genial school to march in after times the
leader of heroes in the war of his country's
independence.

At the time of the birth of Lafayette,
this war, which was to make him a
fatherless child, and in which Washing-
ton was laying broad and deep, in the
defence and protection of his native land,
the foundations of his unrivalled re-
nown, was but in its early stage. It was
to continue five years longer, and was to
close with the total extinguishment of
the colonial dominion of France on the
continent of North America. The deep
humiliation of France, and the trium-
phant ascendency on this continent of her
rivalj were the first results of this great
national conflict. The complete expul-
sion of France from North America
seemed to the superficial vision of men to
fix the British power over these extensive
regions on foundations immovable as the
everlasting hills.

Let us pass in imagination a period of
only twenty years, and alight upon the
borders of the River Brandywine. Wash-
ington is commander-in-chief of the
armies of the United States of America;
war is again raging in the heart of his
native land ; hostile armies of one and
the same name, blood, and language, are
arrayed for battle on the banks of the
stream; and Philadelphia, where the
United States are in Congress assembled,
and whence their decree of independence
has gone forth, is the destined prize to
the conflict of the day. Who is that tall,
slender youth, of foreign air and aspect,
scarcely emerged from the years of boy-
hood, and fresh from the walls of a col-
lege; fighting, a volunteer, at the side of
Washington, bleeding, imconsciously to
himself, and rallying his men to secure

302

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

the retreat of the scattered American the invasion of chartered rights — ^first by

ranks? It is Gilbert Motier de Lafay- argument and remonstrance, and finally,

ette, the son of the victim of Mindcn; by appeal to the sword. But with the

and he is bleeding in the cause of North war came the necessary exercise of sover-

Ameriean independence and of freedom. eign powers. The Declaration of Inde-

We pause one moment to inquire what pendence justified itself as the only pos-

was this cause of North American inde- sible remedy for insufTerable wrongs. It

pendence, and what were the motives and seated itself upon the first foundations

inducements to the youthful stranger to of the law of nature, and the incontestable

devote himself, his life, and fortune to it. doctrine of human rights. There was no

The people of the British colonies in longer any question of the constitutional

North America, after a controversy of powers of the British Parliament, or of

ten years' duration with their sovereign violated colonial charters. Thenceforward

beyond the seas, upon an attempt by him the American nation supported its ex-

and his Parliament to tax them without istence by war; and the British nation,

their consent, had been constrained by by war, was contending for conquest. As,

necessity to declare themselves indepen- between the two parties, the single ques-

dent — to dissolve the tie of their allegiance tion at issue was independence — but in

to him — to renounce their right to his the confederate existence of the North

protection, and to assume their station American Union, Liberty — not only their

among the independent civilized nations own liberty, but the vital principle of

of the earth. This had been done with a liberty to the whole race of civilized man,

deliberation and solemnity unexampled in was involved.

the history of the world; done in the It was at this stage of the conflict, and
midst of a civil war, differing in character immediately after the Declaration of In-
from any of those which for centuries dependence, that it drew the attention,
before had desolated Europe. The war and called into action the moral sen-
had arisen upon a question between the sibilities and the intellectual faculties
rights of the people and the powers of of Lafayette, then in the nineteenth year
their government. The discussions, in of his age.

the progress of the controversy, had The war was revolutionary. It began
opened to the contemplations of men the by the dissolution of the British govern-
first foundations of civil society and of ment in the colonies; the people of which
government. The war of independence were, by that operation left without any
began by litigation upon a petty stamp government whatever. They were then at
on paper, and a tax of threepence a one and the same time maintaining their
pound upon tea; but these broke up the independent national existence by war, and
fountains of the great deep, and the forming new social compacts for their own
deluge ensued. Had the British Parlia- government thenceforward. The construc-
ment the right to tax the people of the tion of civil society; the extent and the
colonies in another hemisphere, not repre- limitations of organized power; the es-
sented in the imperial legislature? They tablishment of a system of government
affirmed they had; the people of the colo- combining the greatest enlargement of
nies insisted they had not. There were individual liberty with the most perfect
ten years of pleading before they came preservation of public order, were the con-
to an issue; and all the legitimate sources tinual occupations of every mind. The
of power, and all the primitive elements consequences of this state of things to
of freedom, were scrutinized, debated, the history of mankind, and especially
analyzed, and elucidated before the of Europe, were foreseen by none. Eu-
lighting of the torch of Ate, and her rope saw nothing but the war; a people
cry of havoc upon letting slip the dogs struggling for liberty, and against op-
of war. pression ; and the people in every part of

When the day of conflict came, the issue Europe sympathized wnth the people of

of the contest was necessarily changed, the American colonies.

The people of the colonies had maintained With their governments it was not so.

the contest on the principle of resisting The people of the American colonies were

303

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

iusurgents; all governments abhor insur-
rection. They were revolted colonists;
the great maritime powers of Europe had
colonies of their own, to which the ex-
ample of resistance against oppression
might be contagious. The American colo-
nists were stigmatized in all the official
acts of the British government as rebels;
and rebellion to the governing part of
mankind is as the sin of witchcraft. The
governments of Europe, therefore, were
at heart, on the side of the British gov-
ernment in this war, and the people of
Europe were on the side of the American
people.

Lafayette, by his position and condition
in life, was one of those who, governed by
the ordinary impulses which influence and
control the conduct of men, would have
sided in sentiment with the royal cause.

Lafayette was born a subject of the
most absolute and most splendid monarchy
of Europe: and in the highest rank of her
proud and chivalrous nobility. He had
been educated at the college of the Uni-
versity of Paris, founded by the royal
munificence of Louis XIV., or Cardinal
Richelieu. Left an orphan in early child-
hood, with the inheritance of a princely
fortune, he had been married at sixteen
years of age to a daughter of the house of
Noailles, the most distinguished family of
the kingdom, scarcely deemed in public
consideration inferior to that which wore
the crown. He came into active life, at
the change from boy to man, a husband
and a father, in the full enjoyment of
everything that avarice could covet, with
a certain prospect before him of all that
ambition could crave. Happy in his do-
mestic afl"ections, incapable, from the be-
nignity of his nature, of envy, hatred, or
revenge, a life of " ignoble ease and in-
dolent repose " seemed to be that which
nature and fortune had combined to pre-
pare before him. To men of ordinary
mould this condition would have led to a
life of luxurious apathy and sensual in-
dulgence. Such was the life into which,
from the operation of the same causes,
Louis XV. had sunk, with his household
and Court, while Lafayette was rising to
manhood surrounded by the contamina-
tion of their example. Had his natural
endowments been even of the higher and
nobler order of such as adhere to virtue

even in the lap of prosperity and in the
bosom of temptation, he might have lived
and died a pattern of the nobility ol
France, to be classed, in after times, with
the Turennes and the Montausiers of the
age of Louis XIV., or with the Villars or
the Lamoignons of the age immediately
preceding his own.

But, as in the firmament of heaven that
rolls over our heads there is, among the
stars of the first magnitude, one so pre-
eminent in splendor as, in the opinion of
astronomers, to constitute a class by itself,
so in the 1,400 years of the French mon-
archy, among the multitudes of great and
mighty men which it has evolved, tha
name of Lafayette stands unrivalled in
the solitude of glory.

In entering upon the threshold of life
a career was to open before him. He had
the option of the court and the camp. An
office was tendered to him in the house-
hold of the King's brother, the Count de
Provence, since successively a royal exile
and a reinstated King. The servitude and
inaction of a court had no charms for
him ; he preferred a commission in the
army, and at the time of the Declaration
of Independence was a captain of dragoons
in garrison at Metz.

There, at an entertainment given by his
relative, the Marechal de Broglie, the com-
mandant of the place, to the Duke of
Gloucester, brother to the British King,
and then a transient traveller through
that part of France, he learns, as an in-
cident of intelligence received that morn-
ing by the English prince from London,
that the Congress of rebels at Philadelphia
had issued a declaration of independence.
A conversation ensues upon the causes
which have contributed to produce this,
event, and upon the consequences which
may be expected to flow from it. The
imagination of Lafayette has caught
across the Atlantic tide the spark emitted
from the Declaration of Independence, his
heart has kindled at the shock, and, be-
fore he slumbers upon his pillow, he has
resolved to devote his life and fortune to
the cause.

You have before you the cause and the
man. The self-devotion of Lafayette
was twofold. First to the people, main-
taining a bold and seemingly desperate
struggle against oppression, and for na-

304

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

tional existence. Secondly, and chiefly, of returning to Eiirope, if his family or
to the principles of their declaration, his King should recall him.
which then first unfurled before his eyes Neither his family nor his King were
the consecrated standard of human rights, willing that he should depart; nor had
To that standard, without an instant of Mr. Deane the power, either to conclude
liesitation, he repaired. Where it would this contract, or to furnish the means of
lead him, it is scarcely probable that he his conveyance to America. Difficulties
himself then foresaw. It was then rise up before him only U, be dispersed,
identical with the stars and stripes of and obstacles thicken onl> to be sur-
the American Union, floating to the mounted. The day after the signing of
breeze from the Hall of Independence, at the contract, Mr. Deane's agency was
Philadelphia. Nor sordid avarice, nor superseded by the arrival of Dr. Ben-
vulgar ambition, could point his foot- jamin Franklin and Arthur Lee as his
steps to the pathway leading to that colleagues in commission; nor did they
banner. To the love of ease or pleasure think themselves authorized to confirm
nothing could be more repulsive. Some- his engagements. Lafayette is not to be
thing may be allowed to the beatings of discouraged. The commissioners extenu-
the youthful breast, which make ambi- ate nothing of the unpromising condition
tion virtue, and something to the spirit of their cause. Mr. Deane avows his in-
of military adventures imbibed from his ability to furnish him with a passage to
profession, and which he felt in common the United States. " The more desperate
with many others. France, Germany, the cause," says Lafayette, " the greater
Poland, furnished to the armies of this need has it of my services; and, if Mr.
Union, in our revolutionary struggle, no Deane has no vessel for my passage, I
inconsiderable number of officers of high shall purchase one for myself, and will
rank and distinguished merit. The names traverse the ocean with a selected com-
of Pulaski and De Kalb are numbered pany of my own."

among the martyrs of our freedom, and Other impediments arise. His design

their ashes repose in our soil side by side becomes known to the British ambassador

with the canonized bones of Warren and at the Court of Versailles, who remon-

of Montgomery. To the virtues of Lafay- strates to the French government against

ette, a more protracted career and happier it. At his instance, orders are issued

earthly destiny were reserved. To the for the detention of the vessel purchased

moral principle of political action, the by the marquis and fitted out at Bor-

sacrifices of no other man were compar- deaux, and for the arrest of his person,

able to his. Youth, health, fortune; the To elude the first of these orders, the ves-

favor of his King; the enjoyment of ease sel is removed from Bordeaux to the neigh-

and pleasure ; even the choicest blessings boring port of Passage, within the do-

of domestic felicity — he gave them all for minion of Spain. The order for his own

toil and danger in a distant land, and arrest is executed ; but, by stratagem and

an almost hopeless cause; but it was the disguise, he escapes from the custody of

cause of justice, and of the rights of those who have him in charge, and, be-

humankind. fore a second order can reach him, he is

The resolve is firmly fixed, and it now safe on the ocean wave, bound to the land

femains to be carried into execution. On of independence and of freedom.

Dec. 7, 1776, Silas Deane, then a secret The war of American Independence is

agent of the American Congress at Paris, closed. The people of the North Amer-

stipulates with the Marquis de Lafayette ican Confederation are in union, sover-

that he shall receive a commission, to eign and independent. Lafayette at

date from that day. of major-general in twenty-five years of age has lived the life

the army of the United States; and the of a patriarch, and illustrated the career

marquis stipulates, in return, to depart of a hero. Had his days upon earth been

when and how Mr. Deane shall judge then numbered, and had he then slept

proper, to serve the United States with with his fathers, illustrious as for cen-

all possible zeal, without pay or emolu- turies their names had been, his name, to

ment, reserving to himself only the liberty the end of time, would have transcended
v.— U 305

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

them all. Fortunate youth! fortunate be- ways active and ardent to serve the Unit-
yond even the measure of his companions ed States, but no longer in their service
in arms with whom he had achieved the as an officer. So transcendent had been
glorious consummation of American In- his merits in the common cause, that, to
dependence. His fame was all his own; reward them, the rule of progressive ad-
not cheaply earned; not ignobly won. vancement in the armies of France was
His fellow-soldiers had been the champions set aside for him. He received from the
and defenders of their country. They minister of war a notification that from
reaped for themselves, for their wives, the day of his retirement from the ser-
their children, their posterity to the latest vice of . the United States as a major-
time the rewards of their dangers and general, at the close of the war, he should
their toils. Lafayette had watched, and hold the same rank in the armies of
labored, and fought, and bled, not for him- France, to date from the day of the capit-
self, not for his family, not, in the first ulation of Lord Cornwallis.
instance, even for his country. In the Henceforth he is a Frenchman, destined
legendary tales of chivalry we read of to perform in the history of his country
tournaments at which a foreign and un- a part as peculiarly his own, and not
known knight suddenly presents himself, less glorious, than that which he had per-
armed in complete steel, and, with the formed in the war of independence. A
vizor down, enters the ring to contend with short period of profound peace followed
the assembled flower of knighthood for the the great triumph of freedom. The de-
prize of honor, to be awarded by the sire of Lafayette once more to see the
hand of beauty; bears it in triumph away, land of his adoption and the associates
and disappears from the astonished multi- of his glory, the fellow-soldiers who had
tude of competitors and spectators of the become to him as brothers, and the friend
feats of arms. But where in the rolls and patron of his youth, who had become
of history, where in the fictions of ro- to him as a father; sympathizing with
mance, where but in the life of Lafayette, their desire once more to see him — to see
has been seen the noble stranger, fiying, in their prosperity him who had come
with the tribute of his name, his rank, to them in their affliction — induced him,
his influence, his ease, his domestic bliss, in the year 1784, to pay a visit to the
his treasure, his blood, to the relief of a United States.

suffering and distant land, in the hour of On Aug. 4, of that year, he landed
her deepest calamity — baring his bosom at New York, and, in the space of
to her foes ; and not at the transient five months from that time, visited his
pageantry of a tournament, but for a venerable friend at Mount Vernon, where
succession of flve years sharing all the he was then living in retirement, and
vicissitudes of her fortunes; always eager traversed ten States of the Union, receiv-
to appear at the post of danger — temper- ing everywhere, from their legislative as-
ing the glow of youthful ardor with the semblies, from the municipal bodies of
cold caution of a veteran commander ; bold the cities and towns through which he
and daring in action ; prompt in execu- passed, from the officers of the army, his
tion ; rapid in pursuit ; fertile in expe- late associates, now restored to the vir-
dients; unattainable in retreat; often tues and occupations of private life, and
exposed, but never surprised, never dis- even from the recent emigrants from Ire-
concerted ; eluding his enemy when within land, who had come to adopt for their
his fancied grasp; bearing upon him with country the self-emancipated land, ad-
irresistible sway when of force to cope dresses of gratulation and of joy, the
with him in the conflict of arms? And effusions of hearts grateful in the enjoy-
what is this but the diary of Lafayette, ment of the blessings for the possession
from the day of his rallying the scattered of which they had been so largely in-
fugitives of the Brandywine, insensible of debtod to his exertions ; and, finally, from
the blood flowing from his wounds, to the the United States of America, in Congress
storming of the redoubt at Yorktown? assembled, at Trenton.

Henceforth, as a public man, Lafayette On Dec. 9 it was resolved by that

is to be considered as a Frenchman, al- body that a committee, to consist of

306

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

one member from each State, should government, and for ages to come rejoice
be appointed to receive and, in the name the departed souls of its founders."
of Congress, take leave of the mar- Fellow-citizens, ages have passed away
quis. That they should be instructed since these words were spoken; but ages
to assure him that Congress continued are the years of the existence of nations,
to entertain the same high sense of his The founders of this immense temple of
abilities and zeal to promote the welfare freedom have all departed, save here and
of America, both here and in Europe, there a solitary exception, even while I
which they had frequently expressed and speak, at the point of taking wing. The
manifested on former occasions, and prayer of Lafayette is not yet consum-
which the recent marks of his attention mated. Ages upon ages are still to pass
to their commercial and other interests away before it can have its full accom-
had jjerfectly confirmed. "That, as his plishment; and, for its full accomplish-
uniform and unceasing attachment to this ment, his spirit, hovering over our heads,
country has resembled that of a patriotic in more than echoes talks around these
citizen, the United States regard him with walls. It repeats the prayer which from
particular affection, and will not cease to his lips fifty years ago was at once a part-
feel an interest in whatever may concern ing blessing and a prophecy; for, were it
his honor and prosperity; and that their possible for the whole human race, now
best and kindest wishes will always breathing the breath of life, to be assem-
attend him." bled within this hall, your orator would.

And it was further resolved that a letter in your name and in that of your con-
be written to his most Christian Majesty, stituents, appeal to them to testify for
to be signed by his Excellency, the presi- your fathers of the last generation, that,
dent of Congress, expressive of the high so far as has depended upon them, the
sense which the United States, in Con- blessing of Lafayette has been prophecy,
gress assembled, entertain of the zeal, Yes! this immense temple of freedom still
talents, and meritorious services of the stands, a lesson to oppressors, an example
Marquis de Lafayette, and recommend- to the oppressed, and a sanctuary for the
ing him to the favor and patronage of his rights of mankind. Yes! with the smiles
Majesty. of a benignant Providence, the splendor

The first of these resolutions was, on and prosperity of these happy United

the next day, carried into execution. At States have illustrated the blessings of

a solemn interview with the committee of their government, and, we may humbly

Congress, received in their hall, and ad- hope, have rejoiced the departed souls of

dressed by the chairman of. their com- its founders. For the past your fathers

mittee, John Jay, the purport of these and you have been responsible. The

resolutions was communicated to him. charge of the future devolves upon you

He replied in terms of fervent sensibility and upon your children. The vestal fire

for the kindness manifested personally to of freedom is in your custody. May the

himself, and, Avith allusions to the situa- souls of its departed founders never be

tion, the prospects, and the duties of the called to witness its extinction by neg-

people of this country, he pointed out the lect, nor a soil upon the purity of its

great interests which he believed it indis- keepers!

pensable to their welfare that they should With this valedictory Lafayette took, as

cultivate and cherish. In the following he and those' who heard him then be-

memorable sentences the ultimate objects lieved, a final leave of the people of the

of his solicitude are disclosed in a tone United States. He returned to France,

deeply solemn and impressive: and arrived at Paris on Jan. 25, 1785.

" May this immen.se temple of free- Such, legislators of the North American

dom," said he, " ever stand, a lesson to op- Confederate I^nion, was the life of Gil-

pressors, an example to the oppressed, a l.ert Motier de Lafayette, and the record

sanctuary for the rights of mankind! and of his life is the delineation of his charac-

may these happy United States attain tor. Consider him as one human being

that complete splendor and prosperity of 1,000,000.000, his contemporaries on

which will illustrate the blessings of their the surface of the terraqueous globe.

307

LAFAYETTE, MARQUIS DE

Among that 1,000,000,000 seek for an
object of comparison with him; assume
for the standard of comparison all the
virtues which exalt the character of
man above that of the brute creation ;
take the ideal man, little lower than
the angels; mai'k the qualities of mind
and heart which entitle him to his
station of pre-eminence in the scale of
created beings, and inquire who, that lived

tary honors, his towering ambition, his
splendid hopes, all to the cause of liberty.
He came to another hemisphere to defend
her. He became one of the most effective
champions of our independence; but, that
once achieved, he returned to his own
country, and thenceforward took no part
in the controversies which have divided
us. In the events of our Revolution, and
in the forms of policy which we have

in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries adopted for the establishment and per-
of the Christian era, combined in himself petuation of our freedom, Lafayette found
so many of those qualities, so little al- the most perfect form of government. He
loyed with those which belong to that wished to add nothing to it. He would
earthly vesture of decay in which the im- gladly have abstracted nothing from it.
mortal spirit is enclosed, as Lafayette. Instead of the imaginary republic of
Pronounce him one of the first men of Plato, or the Utopia of Sir Thomas More,
iiis age, and you have not yet done him he took a practical existing model, in
justice. Try him by that test by which actual operation here, and never attempt-
he sought in vain to stimulate the vulgar ed or wished more than to apply it faith-
and selfish spirit of Napoleon ; class him fully to his own covmtry.

among the men who, to compare and seat
themselves, must take in the compass of
all ages ; turn back your eyes upon the
records of time ; summon from the
creation of the world to this day the

It was not given to Moses to enter the
promised land; but he saw it from the
summit of Pisgah. It was not given to
Lafayette to witness the consummation of
his wishes in the establishment of a re-

mighty dead of every age and every clime public, and the extinction of all heredi-

-and where, among the race of merely
mortal men, shall one be found, who,
as the benefactor of his kind, shall claim
to take precedence of Lafayette?

There have doubtless been, in all ages,
men, whose discoveries or inventions, in
the world of matter or of mind, have

tary rule in France. His principles were
in advance of the age and hemisphere in
which he lived. A Bourbon still reigns on
the throne of France, and it is not for us
to scrutinize the title by which he reigns.
The principles of elective and hereditary
power, blended in reluctant union in his

opened new avenues to the dominion of person, like the red and white roses of

man over the material creation ; have in-
creased his means or his faculties of en-
joyment; have raised him in nearer ap-
proximation to that higher and happier
condition, the object of his hopes and
aspirations in his present state of ex-
istence.

Lafayette discovered no new principles
of politics or of morals. He invented

York and Lancaster, may postpone to
aftertime the last conflict to which they
must ultimately come. The life of the
patriarch was not long enough for the
development of his whole political system.
Its final accomplishment is in the womb
of time.

The anticipation of this event is the
more certain, from the consideration that

nothing in science. He disclosed no new all the principles for which Lafayette con-
phenomenon in the laws of nature. Born tended M^ere practical. He never indulged
and educated in the highest order of feudal himself in wild and fanciful speculations,
nobility, under the most absolute mon- The principle of hereditary power was, in
archy of Europe, in possession of an af- his opinion, the bane of all republican lib-
fluent fortune, and master of himself and erty in Europe. Unable to extinguish it
of all his capabilities, at the moment of in the revolution of 1830, so far as con-

attaining manhood, the principle of re-
publican justice and of social equality
took possession of his heart and mind,
as if inspired from above. He devoted
himself, his life, his fortune, his heredi-

308

cerned the chief magistracy of the nation,
Lafayette had the satisfaction of seeing it
abolished with reference to the peerage. A
hereditary crown, stripped of the support
which it may derive from an hereditary

LAFAYETTE— LA FOLLETTE

peerage, however compatible with Asiatic upon earth; and thenceforward, till the

despotism, is an anomaly in the history hour when the trump of the archangel

of the Christian world, and in the theory shall sound to announce that Time shall

of free government. There is no argument be no more, the name of Lafayette shall

producible against the existence of an stand enrolled high on the list of the pure

hereditary peerage but applies with ag- and disinterested benefactors of mankind.

gravated weight against the transmission
from sire to son of an hereditary crown.
The prejudices and passions of the people
of France rejected the principle of inherit-
ed power in every station of public trust,
excepting the first and highest of them
all ; but there they clung to it, as did the
Israelites of old to the savory deities of

T'gypt-

This is not the time or the place for a

See Ireland, John.

Lafitte, Jean, adventurer ; born in
France about 1780. Early in 1800 he
went to New Orleans, La., where for a
time he engaged in the blacksmith busi-
ness. Later he and his brother, Pierre,
became the leaders of the Corsairs, a
band of smugglers who operated along
the coast. The principal stronghold of
these buccaneers was on the island of

disquisition upon the comparative merits. Grand Terre, which commanded the pass

as a system of government, of a republic
and a monarchy surrounded by republican
institutions. Upon this subject there is
among us no diversity of opinion, and if it
should take the people of France another
half-century of internal and external war,
of dazzling and delusive glories, of unpar-
alleled triumphs, humiliating reverses,
and bitter disappointments, to settle it to
their satisfaction, the ultimate result can
only bring them to the point where we
have stood from the day of the Declara-

of Barataria. Several expeditions were
sent to capture them, but through the
warnings of friends they escaped. In
1814, when the British were planning to
attack New Orleans, they were anxious
to secure the services of these outlaws,
and sent Jean Lafitte a letter, in which
he was offered a captaincy in the British
navy and $30,000, with a pledge of pardon
for himself and men for past offences,
reparation for losses, and further rewards
in land and money. If this invitation

tion of Independence — to the point where was not accepted, a threat was made that

Lafayette would have brought them, and
to which he looked as a consummation
devoutly to be wished.

Then, too, and then only, will be the
time when the character of Lafayette will
be appreciated at its true value through-
out the civilized world. When the princi-

the inhabitants of Barataria would be
annihilated. Lafitte told the bearer of
this letter to return in ten days and he
would give him an answer. In the mean
time he sent a communication containing
this letter to the governor of Louisiana,
offering to join the American forces with

pie of hereditary dominion shall be extin- his followers if he and they were pardoned

guished in all the institutions of France;
when government shall no longer be con-
sidered as property transmissible from
sire to son, but as a trust committed for
a limited time, and then to return to the
people whence it came; as a burdensome

for their past offences. Governor Clai-
borne called a council, which decided that
the letters sent by Lafitte were forgeries.
A little later an expedition was fitted out
against Barataria, which took the place
completely by surprise. Jean and Pierre

duty to be discharged and not as a reward Lafitte, however, escaped and collected

to be abused; when a claim, any claim, to their scattered followers at Last Island,

political power by inheritance shall, in the close to the mouth of Bayou Lafourche,

estimation of the whole French people, be After the war Jean settled in Galveston,

held as it now is by the whole people of but in 1820 was driven out by the United

the North American Union — then will be States authorities, and went to Yucatan,

the time for contemplating the character where he died in 182G.
of Lafayette, not merely in the events of La Follette, Hobert Marion, lawyer;

his life, but in the full development of his born in Primrose, Wis., June 14, 1855;

intellectual conceptions, of his fervent as- was graduated at the L^niversity of Wis-

pirations. of the labors and perils and sac- consin in 1879; admitted to the bar in

rifices of his long and eventful career 1880; was a member of Congress in 1887-

309

LAIDLEY— LAMAR

fll; and governor of Wisconsin in 1901-05. Lake State, name popularly given to

While in Congress he was a member of Michigan, which borders upon the four

the Committee on Ways and ]\Ieans which lakes, Superior, Huron, Michigan, and

framed the McKinley tariff bill. Erie. It is sometimes called the " Wol-

Laidley, Theodore Thaddeus Sobieski, verine State,"' from its formerly abound-

military officer; born in Guyandotte, Va., ing with wolverines.

April 14, 1822; graduated at the United Lala, Ramon Eeyes, author; born in

States Military Academy in 1842; served the city of Manila, Philippines, March

with distinction during the Mexican War. 1, 1857; was educated at Singapore, at

Just before the engagement at Cerro St. Xavier's College, Hong-Kong; at St.

Gordo, with Lieut. Roswell S. Eipley, he John's College, London; at the Civil

was ordered to place an 8-incli howitzer in Service Co - operative Society, London

such a position as to enfilade the Mexicans (business course), and at Neuchatel,

from the right. He was the author of Switzerland. After travelling extensively

Ordnance Manual of 1861 ; Instructions in he retiirned to Manila and entered into

Rifle Practice, etc. He died in Palatka, business with his father. Later he was

Fla., April 4, 1886. forced to leave home by Spanish oppression.

Lake. Special articles will be found and came to the United States, becoming

under the respective names of the lakes, the first naturalized Filipino- American citi-

such as Borgne, Champlain, Erie, Huron, zen. Since his arrival in the United States

Michigan, Ontario, Superior, etc. he has lectured extensively on the people

Lake George, Battle of. See Dieskatt, and country of his youth ; published The

L. A.; George, Lake; Johnson, Sie PTiilippine Islands; a.nA contxihutQA \3irge-

William. ly to periodicals on Filipino interests.

LAMAR, LUCIUS QUINTUS CINCINNATUS

Lamar, Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus, quent address on the death of Charles
jurist; born in Putnam county, Ga., Sumner, for which he was highly praised,
Sept. 1, 1825; graduated at Emory Col- excepting by a few of his constituents,
lege in 1845; and was admitted to the who, because of it, unsuccessfully en-
bar in Macon. In 1847 he went to Ox- deavored to prevent his re-election. In
ford. Miss., where he began practice. 1877 he was elected to the United States
Later, he was made Professor of Mathe- Senate, and there strongly opposed both
matics in the State University, and also the debasement and the inflation of the
became an editorial writer on the South- currency. His views upon this question
em Review. After a short service in were widely repudiated in his State,
these posts, he returned to Georgia, and whose legislature formally called on him
in 1853-55 was a member of the legislat- to change his views or resign his seat,
lire. He then returned to Mississippi, Although he refused to obey his legis-
where, in 1857 and 1859, he was elected lature in either respect, he was re-elected
to Congress. He resigned his seat in to the Senate in 1882 by a much larger
I860, and was elected a delegate to the majority than he received six years be-
Mississippi secession convention. In 1861 fore. In 1885 he was appointed Secretary
he joined the Confederate army; in 1863- of the Interior, and in 1887 an associate
64 was a representative of the Con- justice of the Supreme Court of the
federacy in Europe, where he procured United States. He died in Vineville, Ga.,
financial aid, but Avas unsuccessful in se- Jan. 23. 1893.

curing the recogi^ition of the Southern On Feb. 15, 1878, he addressed the presi-

Confederacy. After the war he became dent of the Senate as follows:

Professor, first of Political Economy and

Social Science, in the Mississippi State Mr. President, having already ex-
University, and afterwards of Law. In pressed my deliberate opinion at some
1872-76 he was a member of Congress, length upon this very important measure
On April 27. 1874, he delivered an elo- now under consideration, I shall not tres-

310

LAMAR, LUCIUS QUINTUS CINCINNATUS

pass upon the attention of tlie Senate
furtlier. I have, however, one other duty
to perform; a very painful one, I admit,
but one which is none the less clear. I
hold in my hand certain resolutions of the
legislature of Mississippi, which I ask
to have read.

[He then sent to the clerk's desk and had
read the resolutions of the Mississippi
legislature instructing their Senators to
vote for the silver bill. Mr. Lamar, con-
tinuing, said:]

Mr. President, between these resolu-
tions and my convictions there is a great
gulf; I cannot pass it. Of my love to the
State of Mississippi I will not speak; my
life alone can tell it. My gratitude for
all the honor her people have done me no
words can express ; I am best proving it
by doing, to-day, what I think their true
interests and their character require me
to do. During my life in that State it
has been my privilege to assist the educa-
tion of more than one generation of her
youth; to have given the impulse to wave
after Avave of young manhood that has
passed into the troubled sea of her social
and political life. Upon them I have al-
ways endeavored to impress the belief
that truth was better than falsehood, hon-
esty better than policy, courage better
than cowardice.

To - day my lessons confront me. To-
day I must be true or false, honest or
cunning, faithful or unfaithful to my peo-
ple even in this hour of their legislative
displeasure and disapprobation. I cannot
vote as these resolutions direct. I cannot
and will not shirk the responsibility
which my position imposes. My duty, as
I see it, I will do, and I will vote against
this bill. When that is done my respon-
sibility is ended.

My reasons for my vote shall be given
to my people. Then it will be for them
to determine if adherence to my honest
convictions has disqnaufied me from rep-
resenting them — whether a d? Terence of
opinion upon a difficult and complicated
subject, to which I have given patient,
long-continued, conscientious study; to
which I have brought entire honesty and
singleness of purpose and upon which I
have spent whatever ability Ood has given
me, is now to separate us — whether this
difference is to override that complete

union of thought, sympathy, and hope,
which on all other, and, as 1 believe, even
more important subjects binds us together.
Before them I must stand or fall. But
be their present decision what it may, I
know that the time is not far distant
when they will recognize my action to-day
as wise and just, and, armed with honest
convictions of my duty, I shall calmly
await results, believing in the utterance
of a great American who never trusted
his countrymen in vain, that " truth is
omnipotent and public justice certain."

The Race Problem.— On Aug. 2, 1876, he
delivered a speech in the House of Repre-
sentatives concerning the cause and cure of
race troubles in the Southern States, from
which the following extracts are taken:

I believe the apprehension growing out
of the united Southern support of the
Democratic party is wholly unfounded
and should not stand in the way of the
aspirations of a great people for progress
and reform in their government. The
idea that the South under any combina-
tion of parties will ever again obtain the
control of this giant republic and wield its
destinies against the will of its mighty
people is of all ideas the most visionary
and baseless.

Sir, if such an idea has any effect what-
ever with the North, no such hallucina-
tion inflames the imagination of the
South. The Southern people are a pros-
trate people. They have been defeated in
war, the humiliation and helplessness of
defeat are theirs; while the North have
reaped the rich results of a victorious
Avar, and have interfused them into the
very elements of the national life and con-
stitution. Their institutions, political and
social, have been destroyed as completely
as if an earthquake had overwhelmed
them; their agricultural industries are
disorganized ; their fertile soil sterilized
by an all-devouring taxation; their edu-
cational institutions languishing; their
population impoverished and so inferior
in numbers as to place them in every de-
partment of the government in such a
hopeless minority that, so far from ruling
the interests of other sections, they are
impotent to protect a single interest or
right of their own.

Sir, even if such a dream were in their
11

LAMAR, LUCIUS QUINTUS CINCINNATTTS

minds, the occasion for it is gone. The safe in the hands of the Democratic party,

conflict in the past grew out of questions Whatever may be the future administra-

connected with slavery, its area, and the tion of this country, freedom, citizenship,

maintenance of its constitutional right, and suffrage are established institutions,

its political privileges, and its property embodied in the fundamental law, recog-

interests. These questions are eliminated nized in all statutes, federal and State,

from the problem of American politics, enforced by courts, accepted and acted on

and with them have gone all the passions by the people. To say that these condi-

and antagonisms to which they gave rise, tions will be perilled by trusting them to

Nor is there any influence or incident con- the party which opposed their original es-

nected with their present condition which tablishment, is to contradict the philoso-

makes them not fully homogeneous with phy of history; and if acted upon would

the whole American people; nor anything, in every free government keep the admin-

except harsh and ungracious administra- istration of its affairs always in the hands

tion, to prevent their sympathy and iden- of one single party. There has not been

tity with the interest and destiny of the a single great measure in the constitu-

American nation. She feels that she must tional history of England, not a single

be either part of the nation or its prov- great reform, which after its establishment

ince; must be part of the government or by one party was not in the course of

held in duress under it. With her people time, and a very short period, placed in

national patriotism is a philosophy, a the hands of the party originally opposed

moral and political necessity. To obey the to it. Repeated instances might be given;

laws of their country, and to recognize indeed, no instance to the contrary can be

its authority over themselves and their found. The repeal of the corn laws, the

society as a mere matter of force and great measures for law reform, the more

compulsion and fear, would be, as they recent measures of parliamentary reform

well know, degrading to their character, which brought England to the verge of

As Southern men, they well know that to revolution and came near sweeping from

keep up the high moral standard of a the English constitution the House of

high-spirited people obedience must ema- Lords, where the Tory party had its great-

nate from patriotic love and not from est strength, have by the suffrages of the

ignoble fear. Their very sectionalism, English people over and over again been

which has hitherto tended to insulation, placed in the hands of that Tory party

now identifies them with the national life with perfect confidence of security. In-

and makes them cultivate that wider and deed, it is considered the very highest

broader patriotism which is co-extensive policy, after securing reforms adopted

with the Union. They have no aspirations and pushed by the party of progress, to

not bounded by the horizon of that Union, mature and consolidate them by placing

no purpose adverse to the national in- them in the hands of the party of con-

stincts, no scheme that looks to the dis- servation and opposition. The Demo-

turbance of the elective franchise as it cratic party, when these measures were

exists in the Constitution. proposed, stood by the inviolability of the

In acting unitedly with the Democratic Constitution and opposed them on that

party they are simply obeying the impera- account. But these very principles of de-

tive law of self-preservation. It is not votion to the Constitution, which forced

that they desire to reverse the policy of that party into opposition, makes them

this government as fixed and fortified in now the safest custodians of those very

the fundamental law by the victorious innovations which by the vote of the

forces of the Union, but simply because people have become established parts of

they desire to escape from the practical the Constitution itself. . . .
grievances and sufferings which the hos- Events have galloped upon this subject

tile and oppressive policy of the Republi- and both parties have been more or less

can party Inings upon them. . . . the subjects of prodigious rcA'olutions of

Equally unfounded, I think, sir, is the sentiment. It was but a short time since,

apprehension that the results of the war in 1861, that a Republican House of Rep-

as embodied in the Constitution are un- resentatives by a large majority adopted

312

LAMAR, LUCIUS QUINTUS CINCINNATUS

resolutions in favor of the enforcement of
the fugitive slave provision of the Consti-
tution and called upon the States to enact
laws for remanding all fugitive slaves to
their condition of servitude. It was but
a few days prior to the publication of the
proclamation of emancipation that the il-
lustrious author of that historical docu-
ment declared in a public letter that he
would be in favor of establishing slavery
if the doing so would save the Union. It
was but a short time previous to the in-
corporation of these great amendments
into our Constitution that State after
State in the North by overwhelming popu-
lar majorities recorded what seemed to be
an inflexible hostility to granting to this
newly emancipated race any of the rights
of citizenship. As late as 1865 the most
distinguished war governors of the North
were unequivocally opposed to the policy
of incorporating the 4,000,000 emanci-
pated slaves into the political system of
the country and investing them with citi-
zenship and the right of voting. . . .

Sir, I ask a patient, charitable consid-
eration of the reply which it is my duty
as a Southern Representative to make on
this subject. I think, sir, if gentlemen
will accompany me into an examination
of the causes which produced the present
condition of things in the South, they will
find that it does not grow out of any
natural or necessary conflict of race or
any desire to abridge the rights, political
or personal, of any class of American
citizens.

The first to which I would call atten-
tion is the sudden incorporation into the
political system of the South of an ele-
ment, not only incongruous with the po-
litical habitudes of ovir people and to the
established conditions of their old society,
but impossible except through time and
education to be raised to that level of ordi-
nary citizenship to which a century's
training of freedom has elevated the white
citizens of the country. The magnitude
alone of this new element, 4,000.000
people made citizens, 800.000 of them
voters, made such in the twinkling of an
eye, was of itself suflicient to shock and
shatter the political order of any commu-
nity on earth.

Mr. Chairman, but a short time since
when it was proposed to cdniit the dis-

tant and sparsely settled Territory ot
New Mexico into our federal community
of States, the distinguished gentleman
from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar], who ad-
dressed the House to-day so impressively
and so earnestly, objected strenuously to
the measure upon the ground that that
feeble population of 120,000 inhabitants,
largely composed of Mexicans and Ind-
ians, because they could not read or
speak the English language, was disquali-
fied to exercise the privileges of citizen-
ship, and should not therefore be ad-
mitted into the community of American
States. . . .

Sir, but the other day a distinguished
Senator from the coast made a most
striking protest against the further im-
migration of Chinese into the community
there, and still more recently both parties
seemed to be vying with each other as to
which should go furthest in preventing
this admixture of the Mongolian race
with ours. To illustrate the disturbing
force of this measure, let us suppose that
in the six Nev England States and the
States of New York and New Jersey,
whose population corresponds most nearly
to that of our Southern States, in one
night 4,000,000 of unaccustomed, incon-
gruous population, such as Mexicans and
Chinese, should be incorporated into the
political system of those commonwealths,
and by some paramount power outside of
those States should be so compacted to-
gether as to gain control of all the de-
partments of their government, of all the
oflSces, all the institutions, State and mu-
nicipal— in a word, invested with the en-
tire sovereignty of their body - politic, I
ask you would not the repose of society
be disturbed; would not all assurance ot
law, of healthful industry, of business ar-
rangements and investments — would not
all confidence give way to dismay and
perplexity, to restless fears, wild pas-
sions, and bloody scenes? Why, sir, the
more splendid their political civilization,
the more complex their system of laws,
and the more perfectly adjusted their
social and economic forces, and the higher
the moral tone of their society, the more
hideous would be the ruin and the more
refined the agony of the people subjected
to such a catastrophe.

But the case as supposed is not as

313

LAMAR, LXJCITJS QTJINTUS CINCINNATUS

strong as the case which actually occurred
in the Southern States. The 4,000,000
people who by a scratch of the pen were
made citizens and crushed into our po-
litical system, the 800,000 voters and
office-holders and legislators and magis-
trates, had just emerged from the imme-
morial condition of slaves.

This fearful experiment was regarded
by thinking men all over the world with
the profoundest concern and misgiving.
It was viewed with disfavor by a large
majority even of the Republican party.
Its most able and its most extreme lead-
ers looked upon it as committing society
to the sway of ignorance, servility, cor-
ruption, and tyranny; and such was their
sentiment until the conflict of the Repub-
lican party with President Johnson and
one other cause, which I shall notice be-
fore I close, seemed to sweep away every
consideration of reason and justice. In
1865, the year in which there was in the
South certain legislation, which has been
the subject of much denunciation of the
South and the occasion and excuse for
the oppressive and humiliating methods
which have been applied to her people —
I say, in that year Mr. 0. P. Morton in a
message to the legislature of Indiana used
the following language:

" It is a fact so manifest that it should
not be called in question by any, that a
people who are just emerging from the
barbarism of slavery are not qualified to
become a part of our political system
and take part not only in the government
of themselves and their neighbors, but of
the whole United States.

" So far from believing that negro
suffrage is a remedy for all of our na-
tional ills, I doubt whether it is a remedy
for any, and rather believe that its en-
forcement by Congress would be more
iikely to subject the negro to a merciless
persecution than to confer upon him any
substantial benefit.

" By some it is thought that suffrage
is already cheap enough in this country;
and the immediate transfer of more than
500,000 men from the bonds of slavery,
witli all the ignorance and the degradation
upon them which the slavery of genera-
tions upon Southern fields has produced,
would be a declaration to the world that
the exercise of American suffrage involves

no intellectual or moral qualifications,
and that there is no difference between
an American freeman and an American
slave which may not be removed by a
mere act of Congress." . . .

Now, sir, in a speech which this gentle-
man made in Indiana before these people
became invested with any political rights,
here is his language:

" I believe that, in the case of 4,000,000
slaves just freed from bondage, there
should be a period of probation and prep-
aration before they are brought to the
exercise of political power. . . . What is
their condition? Perhaps not one in 500
— I might say one in 1,000 — can read,
and perhaps not one in 500 is worth $5
in property of any kind." '

Now, sir, notice the language of Mr.
Morton' in the following sentences:

" Can you conceive that a body of men,
white or black, who have been in this
condition, and their ancestors before
them, are qualified to be immediately
lifted from their present state into the
full exercise of power, not only to govern
themselves and their neighbors, but to
take part in the government of the United
States? Can they be regarded as intelli-
gent and independent voters? The mere
state of fact furnishes the answer to the
question. ... To say that such men — and
it is no fault of theirs; it is simply a
misfortune and crime of this nation —
to say that such men, just emerged from
slavery, are qualified for the exercise of
political power, is to make the strongest
pro-slavery argument I ever heard. It
is to pay the highest compliment to the
institution of slavery."

Then he goes on with his objections to
clothing the people with the rights of
citizenship and suffrage. Says he:

" The right to vote carries with it the
right to hold office. You cannot say that
the negro has a natural right to vote,
but that he must vote for white men for'
office."

Then, after demonstrating that point,
he makes this conclusion:

" If you enfranchise all the negroes in
these States, you will have at least twen-
ty negro votes to one white vote, and in
the work of reconstructing the States ol
South Carolina, Alabama, and Florida
you will have a larger proportion — per-

314

LAMAR, LUCIUS QUINTUS CINCINNATUS

haps thirty colored votes to one white.
Now, I ask you what is to be the effect
of that? The first effect Will be, you will
Lave colored State governments."

After going into a long argument to
prove this fact, he reaches this conclu-
sion:

'• They will have colored governors and
colored members of Congress and Sen-
ators, and judges of the Supreme Court,
etc. Very well ; and suppose they do
send colored Senators and Representatives
to Congress, I have no doubt you will
find men in the North who will be willing
to sit beside them, and will not think
themselves degraded by doing so. I have
nothing to say to this. I am simply dis-
cussing the political effect of it. In every
State where there is a colored State gov-
ernment, a negro for governor, and a
negro for supreme judge, white emigra-
tion will cease; there will be no more
white emigration to any such State. You
cannot find the most ardent anti-slavery
man in Wayne county who will go and
locate in a State that has a colored State
government."

Now, sir, why ascribe to the conduct
of the people of the South this exclusion
of emigration when here is predicted be-
forehand the result of the state of things
which have occurred? Here is his con-
clusion:

" I submit, then, however strongly and
clearly we may admit the natural right
of the negro — I submit it to the intelli-
gence of the people that colored State
governments are not desirable; that they
will bring about results that are not to
be hoped for; that finally they would
threaten to bring about, and I believe
would result in, a war of races."

Those are his predictions in 1865.
Now, what is his remedy? Here it is:

" If I had the power I would arrange
it in this way: I would give these men
a probation and a preparation ; I would
give them time to acquire a little prop-
erty and get a little education ; time to
learn something about the simplest forms
of business and prepare themselves for the
exercise of political power."

Well, sir, that looks amiable and
friendly towards these men. But why put
them under this system of probation?
For the benefit of the race? In order to

elevate them? That is not the motive
which upon that occasion he declared.
Here is what he says:

" At the end of ten, fifteen or twenty
years — "

Sir, that time has not elapsed. What
would he do at the end of ten, fifteen or
twenty years?

" At the end of ten, fifteen or twenty
years let them come into the enjoyment
of their political rights."

Why then?

" By that time these States will have
been so completely filled up by emigration
from the North and from Europe that
the 7iegroes vnll be in a permanent minor-
ity."

There is his devotion to the colored
race! Keep them ten, fifteen or twenty
years out of the enjoyment of their po-
litical rights, until under the influence of
immigration the negroes shall be in a
permanent minority!

That being his advice, it is strange,
I repeat, that the people of the South,
just returned from the war, all their so-
ciety in ruins, full of wretchedness and
disappointment, this race emancipated ly-
ing upon their plantations, neither slave
nor citizen and without any indication
of the national sentiment that they were
to become citizens; in disorder, without
low- — for the slave laws were abolished
and they were at that time not within
the provision of the civil code which ap-
plied to the white race — is it strange,
sir, that in improvising legislation which
under this terrible pressure, this appal-
ling calamity, these bewildering changes,
which have followed one upon the other
with such rapidity — is it strange that
that system should have some of the in-
cidents of the old system?

Sir, is it to be arrayed against them
until the end of time as an evidence on
their part of a purpose to remand that
people to the servitude of slavery?
Measure these people by what the senti-
ment was at that time, and not by stand-
ards you have erected at this time. It
was not a system which was well advised
or well executed, for, sir. it was repealed
by the legislatures which passed it the
very moment the public sentiment of the
South could reach those who did pass it.

It is worthy of special attention that

315

LAMAR, LUCIUS QUINTUS CINCINNATUS

Governor Morton predicts the results of
this policy which have actually followed
its adoption. If, sir, that policy fur-
nishes an adequate and inevitable cause
of these disorders which he beforehand
said it would do, why seek to attribute
them, when they come, to a different
cause? Why send investigating commit-
tees to the South to charge them vipon
the murderous and rebellious purposes of
the whites? . . .

The result of that conflict was that the
federal government assumed, as a political
necessity, the exclusive prerogative of re-
constructing government in the South.
The policy of reconstruction excluded the
white race (on account of its suspected
disloyalty) as the basis of the new order.
But as the black race was considered as
incompetent to manage the new structures
built for them, military power, for the
first time in the history of the American
government, was employed as the force to
put and keep in operation the machinery
of civil government. I do not propose to
discuss this policy, but simply to call
special attention to one feature of it. All
the measures in the furtherance of that
policy, the Freedmen's Bureau, which cut
all connection of the two races sheer asun-
der, whose agents and officers were made
judges to try and punish offences by the
whites against the rights of freedmen,
without jury or the right of judicial ap-
peal ; the act dividing the South without
reference to State lines into military
districts, and vesting the power of ap-
pointing all civil officers in a commanding
general ; the acts for restoring civil gov-
ernments— were all based upon this one
idea of protecting the enfranchised black
race against the wrongs anticipated from
the disfranchised white race; and as a mat-
ter of fact, therefore, this reconstruction
legislation, as conceived and enforced, actu-
ally arrayed the two races into distinct
and opposing classes, and drew the color
line as distinctly and perfectly as if such
race distinction had been enjoined in the
Constitution. The very first principle of
government your new-made citizens saw
in operation was the principle of race dis-
crimination. The very first lesson in civil
government which they learned was the
proscription of the white race as an object
of political distrust and resentment.

The strange spectacle of these two races
locally intermingled, bound together by
the strongest ties of interest and affec-
tion, yet as completely separated politi-
cally as if a deep gulf had sunk between
them; the passions incident to party con-
tests in which the contestants differ not
in conviction, but in race, and now
charged as one of the heavy items against
the South, find their authorship and ori-
gin in the legislation of the government
and the action of its agents. One mo-
ment's consideration will convince any
fair mind of this. The measures devised
for the sole benefit, protection, and ascen-
dency of one race will surely command the
support of that race; and if the same pol-
icy disfranchises the other race, hurls it
from its proud tradition into a condition
rife with all the elements of humiliation,
and deprives it even of its ancient guar-
antees against the oppression of arbitrary
power, the inevitable effect is, perforce,
to drive that race into opposition to those
measures. Thus, I repeat, by a policy
which drev/ one race to its support and
drove the other into opposition, the sep-
aration of the two was produced without
the voluntary agency of either and against
the natiiral tendencies of both.

[Mr. Lamar here entered into a discus-
sion of the Presidential election in Louisi-
ana in 1876, and then continued:]

Sir, this race problem is capable of solu-
tion. Two English statesmen such as
I/Ord Derby and Earl Eussell, or Mr.
Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli, could agree
upon a basis of settlement in three days ;
£ind we could do the same here but for the
interposition of the passions of party in
the contest for the power and emohmients .
of government. It could be settled in this
District and throughout the South with-
oiit abridging universal siiffrage or subject-
ing either race to the control of the other.
Take the question out of national politics
and it can be settled on a basis which
would consolidate all the rights of the
black man, make him free and equal with
CA'ery citizen before the law, protected in
the fruits of his labor, safe in his person,
happy in his household, secure in the en-
joyment of whatever he can acquire in fair
competition, whether it be of fortune or
fame, and thus secure to him a higher and
better life than he now leads as the mis-
16

LAMAEr-LAMB

guided and deluded constituency of dis-
honest office-holders.

I have not intended to intimate that
the capacity of the black race for free-
dom and the duties of citizenship should
be determined by the considerations which
I presented. The freedom of this race,
its citizenship, have not had a fair oppor-
tunity for favorable development at the
South. Controlled through the author-
ity of the government by the worst men
as they have been, it would be unjust
to them to form any estimate of their
capacity to meet the demands of their
high position by the events of the last
ten years.

Sir, we know that one great cause of
the jealousy with which the Southern
people are regarded is tlie fact that they
stand between the ambition of a party
and the glittering prizes of honor and
emoluments and patronage which the con-
trol of the government for another four
years will give. I believe, sir, if they
could do so consistently with their consti-
tutional obligations, our people would
willingly stand aloof and let the Northern
people settle the question of President
for themselves, upon the condition that
there shall be no further intervention in
their local aflfairs. But, sir, they cannot
abnegate their rights and duties as Amer-
ican citizens and impose on themselves a
sullen and inactive incivism. They must
go forward and keep abreast with Amer-
ican progress and American destiny, and
take their share of the responsibility in
the settlement of the questions in which
all parts of the country are alike in-
terested.

But it is asked why we are united in
support of the Democratic party. A cele-
brated author in his work on political
ethics says that in the history of all free
countries there is no instance of a people
being unanimous in sentiment and action,
unless they were made so by the immi-
nence of some great and common peril or
by the inspiration of some enthusiastic
sentiment.

The people of the South are not moved
by the latter. Even if the events of the
war and the sufferings since the war had
not. as they have done, crushed out all
their party attachments, nearly one- half
the people of the South have no attach

ment to the Democratic party, and in act-
ing with it for the time being, they only
obey, as I said before, the imperious law
of self-preservation.

The motive which prompts their co-
operation is not the expectation of fill-
ing cabinets and directing politics, but
simply to get an administration which
will not be unfriendly to them, an admin-
istration which, in place of the appli-
ances of force, subjugation, and domina-
tion, will give them amnesty, restoration
to the privileges of American citizenship ;
which will accord to their States the same
equal rights with other States in this
Union ; equality of consideration, equal-
ity of authority and jurisdiction over
their own affairs ; equality, sir, in exemp-
tion from the domination of their elections
by the bayonet and by soldiers as the ir-
resistible instruments of a revolting local
despotism. Give them that, give them
local self-government, and you will then
see at last what will be the dawn of
prosperity in all the industries and enter-
prises of the North ; you will see, sir, a
true Southern renaissance, a real grand re-
construction of the South, in all the
elements of social order, strength, justice,
and eqviality of all her people. Rising
from her confusion and distress, rejoic-
ing in her newly recovered liberty, pros-
perous, free, great, her sons and daugh-
ters of every race happy in her smile, she
will greet your benignant republic in the
words of the inspired poet —

" Thy gentleness hath made me great."

Lamar, Mirabeau Buonaparte, states-
man; born in Louisville. Ga., Aug. 16,
1798; uncle of the preceding. In 1835 he
went to Texas, and commanded the cav-
alry in the battle of San Jacinto, which
secured the independence of the province.
He was attorney-general and secretary of
the new State, and was elected its first
vice-president in 1836. then holding the
rank of major-general. He was president
from 1838 to 1841. and in 1846 he joined
General Taylor in the invasion of Mexico.
In 1858 he published the Columbus In-
quirer, a " State rights " journal. Just
previous to his death, in Richmond. Tex.,
Dec. 19. 1859. he was United States min-
ister to Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

Lamb, John, artillery officer; born in

317

-I

LAMB— LANCASTER

JOHN LAMB.

New York City, Jan. 1, 1735; was one of Spicy; The Homes of America; The
the most active of the Sons of Liberty, and Christmas Owl; Snow and Sunshine; Wall
when the war for independence began he Street in History ; Memorial of Dr. J. D.
entered the military service. He was in Russ, etc. She died in New York City,
command of the artillery in Montgomery's Jan. 2, 1893.

expedition into Canada, and during the Lamb, Eoger, military officer; born in

Dublin, Ireland, Jan. 17, 1756; joined the
British army and fought against the
colonies in the American Revolution; was
twice taken prisoner, but escaped each
time, bearing important news regarding
the American troops to his superiors; was
made adjutant to the Merchant Volunteers
in New York about 1782. His publications,
which are among the most valuable
sources for the history of the Revolution-
ary period, include A Journal of Occur-
rences during the Late American War, and
Memoir of Ely Own Life. He died in May,
1830.

Lamberville, Jean de. See Jesuit
Missions.

Lamont, Daniel Scott, statesman;
born in Cortlandville, N. Y., Feb. 9, 1851;
■siege of Quebec (Dec. 31, 1775) he was graduated at Union College; and en-
wounded and made prisoner. The follow- gaged in journalism. In 1885-89 he was
ing summer, as major of artillery, he was private secretary to President Cleveland,
attached to the regiment of Knox; and and in 189-3-97 was Secretary of War.
he was commissioned colonel of the New On retiring from the last office he was
York Artillery, Jan. 1, 1777. After doing interested in railroads. He died in Mill-
good service throughout the war, he ended brook, N. Y., July 23, 1905.
his military career at Yorktown. At Lamson, Charles Marion, clergyman ;
about the close of the war he was elected born in North Hadley, Mass., May 16,
to the New York Assembly; and Wash- 1843; graduated at Amherst College
ington appointed him (1789) collector of and at Williston Seminary, Easthamp-
the customs at the port of New York, ton, Mass.; and after holding several pas-
which office he held until his death, May torates was elected president of the Amer-
31, 1800. i(.an Board of Commissioners for Foreign

Lamb, Martha Joan Reade Nash, Missions in 1897, succeeding Richard S.
historian; born in Plainfield, Mass., Aug. Storrs, D.D. He died in St. Johnsbury,
13, 1829; was educated in the higher Vt., Aug. 8, 1899.

branches cf English and the modern Ian- Lancaster, Joseph, educator; born in
guages. In 1852 she married Charles A. London, Nov. 25, 1778; became interested
Lamb and removed to Chicago, where she in educating poor children, for whom he
aided in establishing the Home for the opened a school in Southwark, in 1798,
Friendless and Half - orphan Asylum. In and taught for scarcely any remuneration.
1863 she was secretary of the United The success of this led him to establish
States Sanitary Commission Fair. Three similar schools in different parts of Eng-
years later she went to New York City, land, on the plan of having the more ad-
and from that time gave her whole atten- vanced pupils teach those in the lower
tion to authorship. In 1883 she became classes. In 1818 he came to the United
editor of the Magazine of American His- States, where his system had already
tory. She belonged to about thirty his- been adopted in many schools, owing to
torical and other societies. Her chief v.'hich fact he did not derive much finan-
work is the History of the City of New cial benefit by the change. His pub-
York. Her otwer publications include lications include Improvements in Edu-

318

LANCASTER— LANE

cation; Epitome of the Chief Events and
Transactions of My Own Life, etc. He
died in New York City, Oct. 24, 1838.

Lancaster, Treaty of. At Lancaster,
Fa., a treaty was made in 1744 between
the commissioners of Maryland and Vir-
ginia and the deputies of the Iroquois
Confederacy, which, since their union
with the Tusearoras of North Carolina,
had been called the Six Nations. That
treaty provided for the cession of all lands
that were and should be claimed by the
Indians within the province of Virginia,
for the consideration of about $2,000.
Their claimed lands in Maryland were, in
like manner, confirmed to Lord Baltimore,
with definite limits. Thus did Great Brit-
ain at once acquire and confirm its claims
to the basin of the Ohio, and, at the same
time, secure protection to its northern
frontier.

Lance, William, author; born in
Charleston, S. C, in 1791; was educated
in his native city and became a lawyer in
1812; served for a time as a member of
the South Carolina legislature. He was
the author of a Life of Washington (pub-
lished in Latin). He died in Texas in
1840.

Land Companies. After the treaty
at Fort Stanwix, the banks of the Kana-
wha, flowing north at the foot of the great
Alleghany ridge into the Ohio, began to
attract settlers, and application was soon
made to the British government by a
company, of which Dr. Franklin, Sir Will-
iam Johnson, Walpole (a wealthy Lon-
'^on banker), and others were members,
for that part of the newly acquired terri-
tory north of the Kanawha, and thence to
the upper Ohio. They offered to refund
the whole amount (about $.50,000) which
the government had paid the Indians, and
proposed the establishment of a new and
separate colony there. This project was
approved by Lord Hillsborough, secretary
of state for the colonies, and the ministry
finally agreed to it. but the troubles be-
tween the parent government and her
children in America, then rapidly tend-
ing towards open war. prevented a com-
pletion of the scheme. Such was the ori-
gin of the " Walpole," or " Ohio Com-
pany," the " Vandalia Company," and the
" Indiana Company," founded on a ces-
sion said to have been made Dy the Ind-

ians at the treaty of Fort Stanwix.
These schemes of land speculators were
dissipated by the same cause that ar-
rested . the completion of the V/alpole
scheme.

Lander, Frederick West, military
officer; born in Salem, Mass., Dec. 17,
1821 ; studied civil engineering, and was
employed by the government in conduct-
ing explorations across the continent. He
made two surveys to determine the prac-
ticability of a railroad route to the Pa-
cific. In the last, he alone of all the
party returned alive. He surveyed and
constructed a great overland wagon-road,
which had been recently completed when
the Civil War broke out, when he was
employed on secret missions to the South.
On the staflF of General McClellan he was
very active in the vicinity of the upper
Potomac. In a skirmish at Edwards's
Ferry, after the disaster at Ball's Bluff-
{q. v.), he was wounded in the leg. In
January, 1862, he was on active duty, and
repulsed a large Confederate force at Han-
cock, Va. Before his wound was healed he
made a brilliant dash, Feb. 14, 1862, on
Blooming Gap, for which the Secretary of
War gave him special thanks. His health
was evidently giving away, and he applied
for temporary relief from military duty;
but, impatient, he prepared to make an-
other attack on the Confederates, when he
died in Paw Paw, Va., March 2, 1862.

Landon, .Iudson Stuart, jurist; born
in Connecticut in 1832; was admitted to
the bar ; practised in Schenectady, N. Y. ;
and was elected justice of the Supreme
Court of the fourth district of New
Y'ork. He is the author of The ConstitU'\
tional History and Government of the
United States.

Lands, Public. See Public Domain.

Lane, Alfred Church, geologist;
born in Boston, Jan. 29, 1863; gradu-
ated at Harvard University in 1883, and
took an advanced course at Heidelberg,
Germany. Returning to the Unit'^d States
he was appointed an instructor Ox mathe-
matics in Harvard University, and later
of petrography in the Michigan College of
Mines. Afterwards he was made assist-
ant State Geologist of Michigan. He is
author of part ii. of vol. v., and part i.
of vol. vi. of Reports of the Geological
Survey of Michigan. He has also writ-

319

LANE— LANGDELL

ten articles for The Outlook; The Popular with Sir Richard Granville, by Sir Wal-

Science Monthly, and technical periodi- ter Raleigh, to be governor of Virginia,

cals. in 1585. After his return from Vir-

Lane, Henry Smitic, legislator; born ginia he was colonel in the expedition
in Montgomery county, Ky., Feb. 24, oi Norris and Drake against Portugal in
1811; removing to Indiana, vpas there ad- 1589, and in 1591 was mustermaster-gen-
mitted to the bar; and was a member of eral in Ireland. He was knighted by the
the legislature in 1837. He served one lord-deputy in 1593. Lane's administra-
term in Congress (1841-43), and was tion as governor of Virginia was fruit-
lientenant-colonel of volunteers in the less of any good. By following the ex-
war with Mexico. In 1860 he was elected ample of Grenville he exasperated the Ind-
governor of Indiana, but, being chosen ians. Had he been kind and wise the
United States Senator, he soon afterwards colony might have prospered; but he and
resigned the governorship. He died in his followers were greedy for gold, and
Crawfordsville, Ind., June 11, 1881. only Harriott, the historian, acted like a

Lane, James Henry, military officer; sensible Christian. Lane had the gold

born in Lawrenceburg, Ind., June 22, fever severely, and all trusted more to

1814; son of Amos Lane; was admitted fire-arms than to friendship to secure the

to the bar in 1840; served as a volunteer good-will of the Indians. Sometimes the

in the war with Mexico, commanding a latter were treated with cruelty, and a

brigade at Buena Vista; and, in 1848, was flame of vengeance was kindled and kept

elected lieutenant-governor of Indiana, alive. The Indians deceived the English

He served one term in Congress; settled with tales of gold-bearing regions near,

in Kansas, and was chosen its first and that the source of the Roanoke River

United States Senator. He served well was aniong rocks near the Pacific Ocean,

during the Civil War, and was again where the hoixses were lined with pearls,

elected United States Senator in 1865. Lane explored, found himself deceived.

He died near Leavenworth, Kan., July 1, and returned. The Indians, who wanted

1866. to have the English dispersed in the

Lane, Joseph, military officer; born in forest, so as to exterminate them in de-
Buncombe county, N. C, Dec. 14, 1801 ; tail, were discomfited. They looked with
great-nephew of Joel Lane, the pioneer, awe upon the English with fire-arms, and.
Going early to Indiana, he engaged in believing more were coming to take their
business there, and was frequently a lands away from them, they determined
member of the legislature between 1822 to slay them. Lane, satisfied that there
and 1846. He served in the war against was a wide-spread conspiracy against the
Mexico, in which he gained distinction; colony, struck the first blow. He invited
rose to the rank of brigadier-general ; and King Wingina and his principal chiefs to
was brevetted major-general. In 1848 he a friendly conference. They came, con-
was appointed governor of Oregon Terri- fidingly, without weapons. At a precon-
tory, organized its government, was its certed signal Lane and his followers fell
delegate in Congress from 1851 to 1859, upon and murdered the king and his
and United States Senator from 1859 to companions. Thenceforth both parties
1861. He was again governor in 1863. stood on the defensive. The condition
Mr. Lane was nominated for Vice-Presi- of tlie English became desperate. Their
dent in 1860 on the Breckinridge ticket, supplies became exhausted, and none
He died in Oregon, April 19, 1881. could be got from the natives; only from

Lane, Sir Ralph, colonial governor; the woods and waters could food be ob-

born in Northamptonshire, England, tained. The colony was on the verge of

about 1530; was son of Sir Ralph Lane, starvation and despair, when Sir Francis

and Maud, daughter of Lord Parr, uncle Drake, returning from a raid upon Span-

of Catharine Parr, one of the queens of ish towns, came to Roanoke Island. In

Henry VIII. He was equerry in the his ship the colonists gladly embarked for

Court of Queen Elizabeth; commanded England. Sir Ralph died in Ireland, in

troops in Ireland, first in 1569, and again 1604.

in 1583-84; and was sent from England Langdell, Christophee Columbus,

320

LANGDON— LANIER

lawyer; born in Hillsboro county, N. H.,
May 22, 1826; studied at Harvard Col-
lege in 1848-40; engaged in teaching;
graduated at the Harvard Law School
in 1853, and practised in New York
until 1870, when he was made Pro-
fessor of Jurisprudence and dean of the
law faculty at Harvard. In 1900 he re-
signed his chair, owing to failing eye-
sight and advanced age. His works in-
clude Selections of Cases on the Law of
Contracts; Cases on Sales; Summary of
Equity Pleading; Cases in Equity Plead-
ing, etc.

Langdon, John, statesman; born in
Portsmouth, N. H., in 1739; was a suc-
cessful merchant, and took an early and
active part in the events preceding the
outbreak of the Revolutionary War. He
was a member of the Continental Congress
(1775-76), but in June, in the latter
year, he resigned his seat and became
navy agent. He was speaker of the As-
sembly, and was ready to make any rea-
sonable sacrifice to promote the cause.
When means were needed to support a
New Hampshire regiment, he gave ail his
" hard money," pledged his plate, and ap-
plied to the same purpose the proceeds of
seventy hogsheads of tobacco. He fur-
nished means for raising a brigade of the
troops with which Stark gained the vic-
tory at Bennington. He was active in
civil affairs, also, all through the war,
serving in the Continental Congress and
his State legislature. In 1785 he was
president of New Hampshire, and in 1787
was one of the framers of the federal
Constitution. He was governor of his
State in 1788, and again from 1805 to
1811; was United States Senator from
1789 to 1801, and declined the office of
Secretary of the Navy (1811) and of
Vice-President of the United States
(1812). He died in Portsmouth, Sept.
18, 1819.

• Langford, Lauba Carter Holloway,
author; born in Nashville, Tenn., in
1848; graduated at the Nasville Female
Academy; subsequently settled in New
York City. She was twice married. For
twelve years she was associate editor of
the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, and for nine
years president of the Brooklyn Seidl So-
ciety of Music. She was co-editor with
Anton Seidl of the department of musical
v.— X 3

terms of the Standard Dictionary. Her
works include The Ladies of the White
House; The Hearthstone, or Life at
Home; Chinese Gordon; Howard, The
Christian Hero; The Buddhist Diet Book,
etc.

Langley, John Williams, educator;
born in Boston, Oct. 21, 1841; gradu-
ated at Harvard College in 1801 ; assist-
ant Professor of Physics in the United
States Naval Academy in 1867-70; Pro-
fessor of Chemistry at the Western Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania in 1871-74; and
Professor of Chemistry and Physics at the
University of Michigan in 1875-89. He
became Professor of Electrical Engineer-
ing in the Case School of Applied Science
in 1892. He is a member of several scien-
tific organizations and the author of vari-
ous scientific papers.

Langley, Samuel Pierpont, astrono-
mer ; born in Boston, Mass., Aug. 22,
1834; graduated at the Boston High
School, and engaged in the practice of
architecture and civil engineering. In
1865 he was made an assistant at Har-
vard Observatory, and later became Pro-
fessor of Mathematics in the United States
Naval Academy. In 1867 he was selected
for director of the Allegheny Observatory,
v/here two years later he established the
system of railroad time service from ob-
servatories, which soon went into general
use. He also made the bolometer, which
has been widely adopted, and other ap-
paratus. Professor Langley has made
many experiments on the problem of aerial
navigation and firmly believes that a ma-
chine, not a balloon, can be created which
will produce sufficient mechanical power
to support itself in the air and fly. He
founded the Astrophysical Observatory
and the National Zoological Park at
Washington. His works include The Xeio
Astronomy; Researches on Solar Heat;
Experiments in Aerodynamics, and nu-
merous other kindred works. He died in
Aiken, S. C, Feb. 27, 1906.

Lanier, Sidney, poet; born in Macon,
Ga., Feb. 3, 1842; graduated at Ogle-
thorpe College in 1860; enlisted in the
Confederate army in 1861; took part in
the scA-en days' battles near Richmond;
was captured while in command of a
blockade-runner in 1863. In addition to
his poetical works, he wrote a History of
21

LANMAN— LA SALLE

Florida; The Boys' Froissart, etc. He years he was assistant instructor of math>

died in Lynn, N. C, Sept. 7, 1881. ematics in the University of Virginia;

Lanman, Charles, author; born in Avas instructor in the Massachusetts In-
Monroe, Mich., June 14, 1819; received an stitute of Technology in 1871-72; assist-
academical education; spent ten years in ant Professor in 1872-75; since 1875 has
a business house in New York City; and been Professor of Theoretical and Applied
in 1845 became editor of the Gazette of Mechanics, and since 1883 has also had
Monroe. He was editor of the Cincinnati charge of the department of mechanical
Chronicle in 1846; of the Express in New engineering. He is a member of the
York in 1847. He' was chosen librarian British Association for the Advancement
of the War Department in 1849, and li- of Science, American Society of Mechani-
brarian of copyrights in 1850. He next be- cal Engineers, Boston Society of Civil En-
came private secretary to Daniel Webster, gineers, American Mathematical Society,
In 1855-57 he was librarian of the Depart- American Society of Naval Architects and
ment of the Interior, and in 1871-82 was Marine Engineers, and of other scientific
secretary of the Japanese legation at societies; and is a fellow of the American
Washington. He was the first man to Society for the Advancement of Science,
explore the Saguenay region in Canada, and the American Academy of Arts and
and among the first to explore the moun- Sciences. Professor Lanza has published
tains of North Carolina. His works in- Applied Mechanics and many scientific
elude Essays for Summer Hours; Letters papers.

from a Landscape Painter; A Tour to Larned, Josephus Nelson, author;

the River Saguenay; Private Life of born in Chatham, Ont., Canada, May 11,

Daniel Webster; Resources of America, 1836; received a public school education

etc. He also compiled several works for in Buffalo; was on the editorial staff of

the Japanese government. He died in the Buff"alo Express in 1859-72; superin-

Washington, D. C, March 4, 1895. tendent of education in that city in 1872-

Lanman, James Henry, author; born 73; superintendent of the Bufi'sik) Library
in Norwich, Conn., Dec. 4, 1812; became in 1877-97; and president of the Ameri-
a lawyer and after several years' practice can Library Association in 1893-94. He
in Norwich and New London, Conn., and is author of History for Ready Reference
Baltimore, Md., he settled in New York and Talks About Labor.
City and engaged in literary work. Later Larsen, Laur, educator; born in
he became interested in the State of Christiansand, Norway, Aug. 10, 1833;
Michigan. His publications include His- graduated at the University of Chris-
tory of Michigan, Civil and Topographical, tiania in 1850, and at its theological C.e-
which was afterwards published under partment in 1855, and entered the min-
the title of History of Michigan from its istry of the Lutheran Church. He was
Earliest Colonization to the Present minister in Pierce county, Wis., in 1857-
Time, etc. He died in Middletown, Conn., 59 ; Norwegian Professor of Concordia Col-
Jan. 10, 1887. lege and Seminary, St. Louis, in 1859-

Lanman, Joseph, naval oSicer; born 61; president of the Norwegian Lutheran

in Norwich, Conn., July 11, 1811; entered College since 1861; vice-president of the

the navy in 1825; became captain in 1861, Norwegian Lutheran Synod in 1876-93;

and commodore in 1862. He commanded vice-president of the Synodieal Conference

the frigate Minnesota in the North At- in 1879-82, and acting president part of

lantic squadron, in 1864-65, and had the the time; and editor of the church paper

command of the second division of Por- of the Norwegian Lutheran Synod in

ter's squadron in both attacks on Fort 1868-69.

Fisher. On Dec. 8, 1807, he was promoted La Salle, Robert Cavelier, Sieur de,

to rear-admiral, and in May, 1872, he was explorer; born in Rouen, France, Nov. 22,

retired. He died in Norwich, March 13, 1043; in early life became a Jesuit, and

1874. thereby forfeited his patrimony. He after-

Lansdowne. See Shelburne. wards left the order, and went to Canada

Lanza, Gaetano, educator; born in as an adventurer in 1666. From the Sul-

Boston, MasB., Sept. 26. 1848. For two picians, seigneurs of Montreal, he ob-

322

LA SALLE, SIEUR DE

tained a grant of land and founded La-
cliine. Tales of the wonders and riches
of the wilderness inspired him with a de-
sire to explore. With two Sulpicians, he
went into the wilds of western New York,
and afterwards went down the Ohio River
as far as the site of Louisville. Governor
Frontenac became his friend, and in the
autumn of 1674 he went to France bear-
ing a letter from the governor-
general, strongly recommending
him to Colbert, the French pre-
mier. Honors and privileges were
bestowed upon him at the French
Court, and he was made govern-
or of Fort Frontenac, erected on
the site of Kingston, at the foot
of Lake Ontario, which he great-
ly strengthened, and gathered
Indian settlers around it. He
had very soon a squadron of four
vessels on the lake, engaged in
the fur-trade, and Fort Fronte-
nac was made the centre of that
traffic, in which he now largely
engaged and sought the monop-
oly. Conceiving a grand scheme
of explorations and trade west-
ward, perhaps to China, he went
to France in 1678 and obtained
permission to execute it. He
was allowed to engage in explo-
rations, build forts, and have the
monopoly of the trade in buffalo-
skins, during five years, but was
forbidden to trade with tribes
accustomed to take furs to Mon-
treal. Henri de Tonti, a veteran
Italian, joined him. and, with
thirty mechanics and mariners,
they sailed from Rochelle in the summer
of 1678, and reached Fort Frontenac early
in the autumn. De Tonti was sent farther
west to establish a trading-post at the
mouth of the Niagara River. He proceed-
ed, also, to build a vessel above the great
falls for traffic on Lake Erie, and named
it the r?n/7?n.

In August, 1679, La Salle sailed with
De Tonti through the chain of lakes to
Green Bay. in the northwestern portion
of Lake Michigan. Creditors were press-
ing him with claims, and he unlawfully
gathered furs and sent them back in the
drifpn to meet those claims. Then he pro-
ceeded, with his party, in canoes, to the

mouth of the St. Joseph River, in south-
western Michigan, where he established
a trading-house and called it Fort Miami.
Ascending the St. Joseph, he crossed to
the Kankakee, and paddled down it until
he reached an Illinois village, and, in
January, 1680, he began the establish-
ment of a trading-post on the site of the
present Peoria, HI., which he called Fort

ROUERT CAVEUER SIEl'R DE LA SAI.LE.

Crevecoeur. Disappointed in the failure
of the Griffin to make a return voyage
with supplies, he put De Tonti in com-
mand of the fort and despatched Henne-
pin and Acau to explore the Illinois to its
mouth and the Mississippi northward.
With five companions. La Salle started
back for Canada, and from the mouth of
the St. Joseph he crossed Michigan to a
river flowing into the Detroit, and thence
overland to Lake Erie. From its western
end he navigated it in a canoe to Niagara,
where he was satisfied that the Griffin
had perished somewhere on the lakes. He
also heard of the loss of a ship arriving
from France with supplies. Settling aa

323

LA SALLE— LAS CASAS

well as he could with his creditors, La
Salle, with a fresh party of twenty-three
Frenchmen and eighteen New England Ind-
diansj with ten women and children, be-
gan a return journey to Fort Crevecoeur,
with supplies. De Tonti had been driven
away by an attack on the Illinois settle-
ment of the Iroquois. The desertion of
his men had compelled him to abandon
the fort and return to Green Bay.

La Salle and his party went down the
Illinois to its mouth, when he returned to
gather his followers and procure means
for continuing his explorations. Late in
December, 1681, he started from Fort
Miami with his expedition, coasted along
the southern shore of Lake Michigan, as-
cended the Chicago River, crossed to the
Illinois, descended to the Mississippi, and
went down that stream until it separated
into three channels, which he explored to
the Gulf of Mexico. I^a Salle named the
great stream River Colbert, in compli-
ment to his patron at the Court of France.
De Tonti explored the great middle chan-
nel. Then the whole company assembled
at a dry spot near the Gulf, and there
prepared a cross and a column, affixing
to the latter the arms of France and this
inscription, " Louis the Great, King of
France and Navarre, April 9, 1682." He
also buried there a leaden plate, with a
Latin inscription. The whole company
then signed a proces verbal, in the follow-
ing order : La Metarie ( notary ) , De la
Salle, P. Zenobe (Recollet missionary),
Henri de Tonti, Frangois de Bousvoudet,
Jean Bourdon, Sieur d'Autray, Jacques
Cauclois, Pierre You, Giles Mencret, Jean
Michel (surgeon), Jean Mas, Jean Du-
glignon, Nicholas de la Salle. La Salle
formally proclaimed the whole valley of
the Mississippi and the region of its
tributaries a part of the French domin-
ions, and named the country Louisiana, in
compliment to the King. So was first
planted the germ of the empire of the
French in that region, which flourished in
the eighteenth century.

La Salle ascended the Mississippi the
next year, and returned to Quebec in No-
vember, leaving Tonti in command in the
west, with directions to meet him at the
mouth of the Mississippi the following
year. Then he proceeded to France and
proposed to the government a settlement

in Louisiana and the conquest of the rich
mining country in northern Mexico. A
patent was granted him, and he was made
commandant of the vast territory from
the present State of Illinois to Mexico,
and westward indefinitely. With 280 in-
difi^erent persons he sailed from France
Aug. 1, 1684, with four ships; but dis-
putes between Beaujeu, the navigator of
the squadron, and La Salle proved dis-
astrous to the expedition. Touching at
Santo Domingo, they entered the Gulf of
Mexico, and, by miscalculations, passed
the mouth of the Mississippi without
knowing it. La Salle became satisfied of
this fact, but Beaujeu sailed obstinately
on, and finally anchored off the entrance
to Matagorda Bay. The colonists de-
barked, but the store-ship containing most
of the supplies, was wrecked. Beaujeu,
pleading a lack of provisions, deserted
La Salle, leaving him only a small vessel.
He cast up a fort, which he called St.
Louis, and attempted to till the soil ; but
the Indians were hostile. Some of the
settlers were killed, others perished from
disease and hardships, and, after making
some explorations of the country, the
party, at the end of the year, was re-
duced to less than forty souls.

Leaving half of them, including women
and children. La Salle set out, at the be-
ginning of 1688, to make his way to the
Illinois. His party consisted of his
brother, two nephews, and thirteen others,
some of whom were sullen and ripe for re-
volt. Penetrating the present domain of
Texas to Trinity River, revolt broke
out, and the two ringleaders killed La
Salle's nephew in a stealthy manner ; and
when the great explorer turned back .to
look for him, they shot him dead, March
20, 1687. Nearly all of those Avho were
left at Fort St. Louis were massacred by
the Indians, and the remainder fell into
the hands of the Spaniards, sent to drive
out the French. La Salle, lured by tales
of an abundance of precious metals in
New Mexico, had penetrated that country,
with a few followers, before leaving Fort
St. Louis, but he was disappointed.

Las Casas, Bartolome de, missionary;
born in Seville, Spain, in 1474. His
father was a companion of Columbus in
his two earlier voyages, and in the sec-
ond one he took this son, then a student

324

LAS CASAS— LATHROP

at Salamanca, with him. Bartolome ac- works, in Latin and Spanish. He died
companied Columbus on his third and in Madrid, in July, 1506.
fourth voyages, and, on his return, en- Las Guasimas, a town in Cuba, east
tered the order of the Dominicans, that of Santiago, and between that citj^ and
he might become a missionary among the Siboney. It was here that the American
natives of the new-found islands of the troops met their first serious opposition
West. He went to Santo Domingo, and in the Santiago campaign of 1898. On
was there ordained a priest, in 1510, and the niglit of June 23, after all the Ameri-
gave the name to the island in compli- can forces had been landed at Daiquiri
ment to his order. Las Casas was chap- {q. v.), General Wheeler, accompanied by
lain to Velasquez when the latter con- the brigade of Gen. Samuel M. B. Young,
quered Cuba, and did much to alleviate marched from Siboney, and in the morn-
the sufferings of the conquered natives, ing he was considerably in advance of the
In 1515 he went to Spain to seek redress main army. Having ascertained from
for them, and found a sympathizer in Cuban scouts that a Spanish force was
Cardinal Ximenes, who became regent of intrenched at Las Guasimas, where two
Spain the following year, and sent out roads running from Santiago met, he
three monks to correct abuses. Their determined to drive them out. General
services were not satisfactory, and, re- Young's regular cavalry had hardly come
turning to Spain, Las Casas was appoint- in contact with the Spaniards when the
ed " Universal Protector of the Indies." " Rough Riders," who were marching
Seeing the few negroes who were in Santo along another route, were suddenly
Domingo and Cuba growing robust while brought to a halt and a little confused
laboring under the hot sun, he proposed by an unexpected volley with smokeless
the introduction of negro slaves to relieve powder. They fell back, but rallied
the more effeminate natives. This benevo- quickly. On the other side, the colored
lent proposition gave rise to a lucrative caA^alry, which had come up, forced a
traffic, and a perversion of the purpose of ridge with unflinching courage, and the
Las Casas, and he obtained from Charles enemy were compelled to retire a mile
V. a grant of a large domain on the coast or more from their intrenchments. In
of Venezuela, for the purpose of collecting the mean time, reinforcements were called
a colony under his own guidance. This for, but before General Chaffee arrived
project failed, and in 1527 he proceeded with the 2d Infantry, the troops men-
to labor as a missionary among the Ind- tioned had put the Spaniards to utter
ians in Nicaragua, Guatemala, Mexico, rout. In the engagement there were 964
and Peru. To reward him for his be- American soldiers, and about 500 Span-
nevolent labors, his King appointed him ish. The Americans lost, in killed, Capt.
bishop of Cuzco, a rich see; he declined Allyn K. Capron and fourteen men, and
it, but accepted that of Chiapa, in Mex- had six officers and forty-six men wound-
ico. The Spaniai-ds were offended by his ed. The Spanish casualties were nine
zeal in behalf of the Indians, and an offi- killed and twenty-seven wounded,
cer of the Spanish Court undertook to Lathrop, George Parsoxs, author;
justify the conduct of the Spaniards born near Honolulu, Hawaii, Aug. 25,
towards the natives. Las Casas, in self- 1851; son of Dr. George A. Lathrop, then
defence, wrote a work upon the natives, United States consul in that city. He
which contained many particulars of the was educated in private schools in New
cruelties of the Spanish colonists. It was York City, and in Dresden, Germany;
translated into several European Ian- began his literary career when twenty
guages, and increased the hostilities of years of age; and continued at it with
the colonists and oft'ended the Church, indefatigable energy till the close of his
He returned to Spain in 1551, after about life. He excelled both in poetry and
fifty years of benevolent missionary labor, pi-ose, and was a critic of high merit in
and passed the remainder of his days in art and literature. He was also promi-
a convent at Valladolid. There he com- nent as an editorial writer. He married
pleted his General History of the Indies, Rose, a daughter of Nathaniel Hawthorne,
published in 1875, and several other in 1871. His publications include A

325

LATHROP— LA TOUR

Study of Hawthorne; In the Distance; hand, and enthusiasm on the other, but
Rose and Roof - tree Poems; Newport; were tolerant towards those who dis-
Spanish Vistas; Behind Time; Libretto sented from them. They were, in fact,
of the Scarlet Letter; A Story of Courage, Low Churchmen with Arminian princi-
etc. He also edited the standard edition pies. These principles had penetrated
of Nathaniel Hawthorne's works. At dif- Massachusetts at the beginning of the
ferent times he was assistant editor of eighteenth century, as evinced by the or-
the Atlantic Monthly and the Boston ganization of the Brattle Street Church
Courier; and editor of the Providence in Boston. Their practice of what was
Visitor. He died in New York City, denominated the " half-way covenant " —
April 19, 1898. of admitting to the holy communion all

Lathrop, or Lothrop, John, clergyman; persons not immoral in their lives; in-
born in Norwich, Conn., May 17, 1740; deed, to all the privileges of church-mem-
graduated at Princeton College in 1763; bership — shocked the Mathers and others;
became pastor of the Old North Church and when, presently, Harvard College
in Boston, in 1768. At the beginning of passed under the control of the new party,
the Revolutionary War his church was theocracy in New England expired, and
demolished by the British. He then be- the absolute reign of theological rule was
came the assistant of Dr. Ebenezer Pern- at an end. The result on the intellectual
berton in the New Brick Church of Bos- history of New England was important,
ton, and when the latter died, in 1779, Some Independents attempted to estab-
he was chosen pastor of the united con- lish a Latitudinarian church at Wey-
gregations. He was the author of a Bio- mouth in 1639. The theocratic govern-
graphical Memoir of the Rev. John Lo- ment of Boston, zealous for the preser-
throp; and Compendious History of the vation of the purity of the faith, prompt-
Late War. He died in Boston, Mass., ly suppressed this movement. The in-
Jan. 4, 1816. tended pastor (Lenthall) was forced to

Lathrop, Rose Hawthorne, author and make a humble apology, and soon found
philanthropist; born in Lenox, Mass., it expedient to take refuge in Rhode Isl-
May 20, 1851; daughter of Nathaniel and. Several laymen who had been ac-
Hawthorne. She received a common tive in the matter were heavily fined; one
school education, and, after her marriage was whipped, and one was disfranchised,
to George Parsons Lathrop, became great- La Tour, Charles, proprietary gov-
ly interested in the condition of the poor ernor. When Acadia, or Nova Scotia,
of NewYork, and particularly destitute and was returned to the French (1632), it
diseased women v,'ho were unable to gain an was apportioned into provinces, under
entrance into any hospital. She established proprietary governors. To Razillg, com-
a hospital for incurable cancer patients ex- mander-in-chief, was granted the southern
clusively, and has carried it on successfully, portion of the peninsula, and one of his
Her publications include Memories of Haw- lieutenants was Charles La Tour, to
thorne; A Story of Courage; etc. whom was assigned a large portion of the

Latimer, Asbuuy Churchill, legis- territory. He and Seigneur D'Aulnay
lator; born near Lowndesville, Abbeville Charissy (another lieutenant), who con-
county, S. C, July 31, 18.51; received a trolled a section extending westward to
common-school education; removed to Bel- the Kennebec River, were both engaged
ton, S. C, in 1880, and engaged in farm- in trade, and bitter quarrels arose be-
ing. He was a member of Congress in tween them, on account of mutual (al-
1893-1903; and a Democratic United leged) infringements of rights. After the
States Senator in 1903-09. death of Razille, D'Aulnay, an unscrupu-

Latitudinarians, a school of divines lous man, attempted to assume control
that sprang up among Protestants tow- of the whole country. He was a Roman
ards the close of the sixteenth century. Catholic; La Tour was a Protestant,
who attempted the delicate task of recon- Through the powerful influence at Court
ciling reason with revelation. They re- of Cardinal Richelieu, the King revoked
jected the authority of tradition. They the commission of La Tour, and ordered
declared against superstition on the one his arrest. The latter denied the allega-

326

LA TOUR— LATROBE

tions of D'Aulnay, and refused to submit
to arrest. With 500 men in vessels,
D'Aulnay appeared off the mouth of the
St. John River, in the spring of 1643, and
blockaded La Tour in his fortified trad-
ing-house. A ship was daily expected
from Rochelle, with a company of 140
emigrants, and might fall into the power
of the blockading squadron. La Tour
managed to give the vessel intimations
of danger, and under cover of night he
and his wife were conveyed on board of
her, and sailed for Boston, to seek the aid
of the colony of Massachusetts in defence
of their rights. La Tour was permitted
by Governor Winthrop to fit out a small
naval and military force at Boston. He
chartered five vessels, mounting forty
pieces of cannon, and procured eighty vol-
unteers for the land service and fifty
sailors. When the armament appeared,
D'Aulnay raised the blockade, and sought
refuge under the guns of his own fort
at Port Royal, where two of his vessels
were wrecked. La Tour would have capt-
ured that stronghold, had not the New
Englanders left him before their term of
service had expired.

D'Aulnay sent a protest to Winthrop
against this violation of neutrality, and
a copy of the order for La Tour's arrest.
A treaty of peace was concluded in 1G44.
Meanwhile the intrepid Madame La Tour
was in England obtaining supplies for her
husband's fort. On her return, she was
landed at Boston instead of the St. John,
as agreed upon. She brought action against
the captain of the vessel, and recovered
$10,000 damages, with which she pur-
chased supplies and munitions of war for
the fort. It was put in a condition for a
vigorous defence. During the temporary
absence of her husband, D'Aulnay laid
siege to it. Madame La Tour conducted
an eflfective defence, attacking and dis-
abling a frigate and killing or wounding
thirty -three of the assailants. The
baffled D'Aulnay was compelled to retire,
greatly mortified. La Tour, meanwhile,
continued to receive stores and munitions
from New England, notwithstanding the
treaty of neutrality. In reprisal, D'Aul-
nay seized and confiscated a Boston vessel,
and this source of supply for La Tour
was cut off. In the spring of 1647 D'Aul-
nay, hearing that La Tour and most of

his men were absent from his fort, again
besieged it. Madame La Tour determined
to hold it to the last extremity. For
three days the assailants were kept at bay.
On Easter Sunday a treacherous Swiss
sentinel allowed the assailants to enter
the outer works. The brave woman rushed
to the ramparts with her handful of
soldiers, and would have repulsed the be-
siegers had not D'Aulnay, fearing the dis-
grace of another defeat at the hands of a
woman, offered her honorable terms of
capitulation.

Anxious to save the lives of her little
garrison, Madame La Tour yielded, when
the perfidious D'Aulnay violated his sol-
emn pledge. He caused every man of the
garrison to be hanged save one, whom he
made the executioner of his comrades.
The ruffians compelled the twice-betrayed
Madame La Tour to witness these execu-
tions, with a rope around her own neck.
D'Aulnay pillaged the fort of all the
property, amounting to $50,000, and re-
treated to Port Royal. La Tour was a
ruined man, and wandered in exile on the
shores of Newfoundland and in the wilds
around the southern shores of Hudson
Bay. These disasters broke the heart of
his brave wife, and she died. Retributive
justice brought about changes in favor of
La Tour. Four yearns after his property
was wasted, D'Aulnay died in debt and
disgrace. La Tour now came back from
the wilderness, vindicated his character
before his sovereign, vras made lieutenant-
governor of Acadia, and again recovered
his fort at St. John. He married the
widow of his rival, and inherited his
shattered estate, and prosperity once more
smiled upon the Huguenot ; for his claim
to extensive territorial rights in Acadia,
by virtue of Sir William Alexander's
grant to his father, was recognized in
1656. He soon afterwards died. Acadia
had then passed once more into the hands
of the English.

Latrobe, John Hazleiiurst Boneval,
lawyer; born in Philadelphia, Pa., May 4,
180.3; .was admitted to the bar in 1825
and practised for more than sixty years.
He became identified with the American
Colonization Society in 1824, and was
deeply interested in the work of that body
for many years. With General Harper
he drew up the first map of Liberia, and

327

LATTER-DAY SAINTS— LAURENS

was largely instrumental in securing the
establishment of the Maryland colony in
that country. He is also known through
the invention of the famous " Baltimore
heater," which came into general use in
the United States. His publications in-
clude The Capitol and Washington at the
Beginning of the Present Century (an
address) ; Scott's Infantry and Rifle Tac-
tics; Picture of Baltimore; History of
Mason and Dixon's Line; History of
Maryland in Liberia; Reminiscences of
West Point in 1818 to 1822, etc. He died
in Baltimore, Md., Sept. 11, 1891.

Latter-Day Saints. See Mormons.

Laudonniere, Rene Goulaine de, colo-
nist; born in France; first came to Amer-
ica in 1562 with the Huguenot colony
under Eibault. In the spring of 1564 he
was sent by Coligni with three ships to
assist the first colony, but finding the
Ribault settlement abandoned, went to
Florida and built Fort Caroline on the
St. Johns River. In the onslaught made
upon the French colony by the Spaniards,
Sept. 21, 1565, Laudonniere escaped. He
wrote a history of the Florida enterprise,
and died in France after 1586.

Laughlin, James Laurence, political
economist; born in Ueerfield, 0., April 2,
1850; graduated at Harvard Univer-
sity in 1873; was an instructor in Hop-
kinson's Classical School, Boston, in 1873-
78 ; instructor of political economy in
Harvard in 1878-83; then assistant pro-
fessor of that study there; professor of
the same in Cornell University in 1890-
92 ; in the latter year became head Pro-
fessor of Political Economy in the Univer-
sity of Chicago. In 1894-95 he prepared
a scheme of monetary reform for the gov-
ernment of San Domingo, which later
adopted it. He was a member of the
monetary commission appointed in 1897
by the Indianapolis Monetary Conference.
He is the author of Mill's Political
Economy Abridged and Added To; Study
of Political Economy; History of Bimetal-
lism in the United States; Facts About
Money; and Elements of Political Econ-
omy. He is the editor of the Journal of
Political Economy.

Laurance, John, jurist; born in Corn-
wall, England, in 1750; came to New
York in 1767, where he was admitted to
the bar in 1772, and married the daugh-

ter of General McDougall, on whose staff
he served. He was also in Washington's
military family. He was judge-advocate
at the court of inquiry in Major Andre's
case; was a member of Congress in 1785-
86; State Senator in 1789; and member
of the Congress from 1789 to 1793. He
was also judge of the United States dis-
trict court of New York from 1794 to
1796, and of the United States Supreme
Court from 1796 to 1800. He died in
New York in November, 1810.

Laurens, Henry, statesman; born in
Charleston, S. C, in 1724; was of Hugue-
not descent, and was educated in London
for mercantile business, in which he ac-
quired a large fortune. He opposed Brit-
ish aggressions with speech and in writ-
ing, and pamphlets which he published
displayed remarkable legal ability. He

HENRY LAURENS.

was engaged in a military campaign
against the Cherokees. In 1770 he retired
from business, and went to Europe the
next year to superintend the education of
his sons; and in England he did what he
could to persuade the government to be
just towards the Americans. On his ar-
rival at Charleston, late in 1774, he was
chosen president of the Provincial Con-
gress and of the council of safety. In
1776 he was sent as a delegate to Con-
gress, and was president of that body for
a little more than a year from Nov. 1,

328

LAURENS— LAUZUN

1777. Receiving the appointment of min-
ister to Holland in 177!>, he sailed in the
Congress packet Mercury, and on Sept. 3,

1780, she was captured by the frigate
Vesta off the banks of Newfoundland.
Laurens cast his papers overboard, but
they were recovered by a sailor, and the
minister was taken to London. After an
examination before the privy council
Laurens was committed to the Tower on
a charge of high treason, where he was
kept in close confinement more than a
year. He was cruelly deprived of pen,
ink, and paper, and the converse of
friends. Twice he was approached with
offers of pardon and liberty if he would
serve the ministry, and each time the
offer was indignantly rejected by him.
He was finally released, and at the re-
quest of Lord Shelburne he went to
France, to assist in negotiations then
making for peace. Among his papers re-
covered from the sea was a plan for a
treaty with Holland; also several letters
which disclosed the existing friendship of
the States-General for the Americans.
The British ministry were irritated by
these documents and the subsequent re-
fusal of Holland to disclaim the act of
Van Berkel, and Great Britain declared
war against that republic. In December,

1781, Laurens was appointed one of the
commissioners to negotiate for peace with
Great Britain. In November, 1782, he
signed a preliminary treaty at Paris, with
Franklin and Jay, when he returned home,
and passed the remainder of his life in
agricultural pursuits. He died in Charles-
ton, Dec. 8, 1792, and, in accordance with
an injunction in his will, his body was
wrapped in cloths and burned — the first
act of cremation in the United States.

Laurens, John, military oflScer; born
in Charleston. S. C, in 1753; son of the
preceding. Liberally educated in Eng-
land, he returned to his native State just
as the Revolutionary War was kindling
(1775), when he entered the army as an
aide to Washington, and frequently acted
aa secretary. Expert in the French and
German languages, he was Washington's
chief medium of communication with the
foreign officers in the service. He was a
patriotic and brave soldier under all cir-
cumstances, and was devoted to the com-
mander-in-chief. On one occasion he chal-

lenged Gen. Charles Lee for speaking dis-
paragingly of the chief. They fought, and
he severely wounded Lee. In the battles
at the Brandyvvine and Germantown Lau-
rens was particularly distinguished ; and
afterwards, at Savannah and at Charles-
ton and Yorktown, he performed prodigies
of valor. At the latter place he was con-
spicuous at the storming of a battery,
and was the first to enter it and receive
the sword of the commander. For months
his indefatigable activity caused the con-
finement of the British in Charleston; and
finally, at the very close of the struggle,
he too carelessly exposed himself in a
trifling skirmish near the Combahee, S. C,
and was slain, Aug. 27, 1782. In the
autumn of 1780, when the finances of
the United States were exhausted, he
was sent to France to solicit a loan.
While earnestly pressing his suit with
Vergennes, the French minister, one
day, that gentleman said that the King
had every disposition to favor the
United States. This patronizing expres-
sion kindled the indignation of the young
diplomatist, and he replied, with em-
phasis, "Favor, sir! The respect which
I owe to my country will not admit the
term. Say that the obligation is mutual,
and I will acknowledge it. But, as the
last argument I shall offer to your excel-
lency, the sword which I now wear in de-
fence of France as well as my own coun-
try, unless the succor I solicit is imme-
diately accorded, I may be compelled, with-
in a short time, to draw against France
as a British subject." This had the de-
sired effect, for France dreaded the sub-
jugation of the colonies, or a reconcilia-
tion with the mother-country. Present-
ly a subsidy of $1,200,000, and a further
sum as a loan, were granted. The French
m.inister also gave a guarantee for a
Dutch loan of about .$2,000,000.

Lauzun, Armand Louis de Goutant,
Due DE, military officer; born in Paris,
April 15, 1747; had led an expedition
successfully against Senegal and Gambia
in 1779, and came to America with Rocham-
beau in 1780, in command of a force known
as " Lauzun's Legion," with which he took
part in the siege of Yorktown. Returning
to France, he became a deputy of the
nobles in the States-General, and in 1792
was general-in-chief of the Army of the

32i>

LAW— LAWRENCE

Rhine. In 179b he coranianded tlie Army inary Adviser; Text-Book of Veterinari)
of the Coasts of Rochelle. He did good Medicine, etc.

service for his employers in the French Law, JoiiH, financier; born in Edin-
burgh, Scotland, in April, 1671. Witii
others, he established, in Paris, the
Eanque Generale, in May, 1716. Notes
were accepted in payment for taxes, and
they even commanded a premium over
specie. About the same time he secured
control of the French territory in Amer-
ica called Louisiana. In 1717 the Com-
pagnie d'Occident was incorporated for
the purposes of trade and colonization.
This enterprise became known as " The
Mississippi Scheme." For two or three
years the Corapagnie des Indes greatly
prospered, and Law became a man of wide
power. On Jan. 5, 1720, he was appointed
comptroller-general of finances, and in the
following month the bank and company
were combined. The over-issue of paper
money, however, and the hostility of the
government produced a disaster, and in
May, 1720, the company fell to pieces.
The property of Law was confiscated, and
he was forced to leave France. In De-
cember of the same year he was offered
the control of Russia's finances, but he
refused to accept. In 1721-25 he lived
in England, and then went to Venice,
where he died in poverty. May 21, 1729.

Lawrence, Abbott, diplomatist; born
in Groton, Mass., Dee. 16, 1792; brother
of Amos Lawrence ; was apprenticed to his
brother, a merchant and importer of Bos-
Revolution; but when he persistently re- ton; associated with him in introducing
ijuested leave to resign his commission cotton manufacture in New England, es-
the irritated leaders sent him to the pecially in Lowell, in 1830; member of
scaffold, where he was beheaded, Dec. 31, Congress in 1834-36 and 1839-40; ap-
1793. pointed a special commissioner to Great

Law, James, veterinary surgeon; born Britain to settle the northeastern boun-
in ■ Edinburgh, Scotland, Feb. 13, 1838; dary question in 1842, and negotiated with
was educated at the veterinary schools Lord Ashburton a satisfactory agreement;
of Edinburgh, Paris, Lyons, and London; president of the company which built the
was Professor of Anatomy and Materia manufacturing city of Lawrence, Mass.;
Medica in the Edinburgh New Veterinary minister to Great Britain in 1849-52; and
College in 1860-65; Professor of Veter- founder of the Lawrence Scientific School
inary Science in Cornell University in of Harvard College. He died in Boston,
1868-96; and, later, became Director of Mass., Aug. 18, 1855.

the New York State Veterinary College Lawrence, Eugene, author; born in
and Professor of the Principles and Prac- New York City. Oct. 10, 1823; graduated
tice of Veterinary Medicine, Veterinary at the New Y^ork University, and became
Sanitary Science, and Veterinary Thera- a lawyer. Subsequently he relinquished
peutics at Cornell. His publications in- law and dcA'oted himself to literature,
dude General and Descriptive Anatomy He published Lives of British Historians;
of Domestic Animals; Farmers^ Vctcr- Historical Studies; The Mystery of Co-

330

ARMAND LOl'IS DE GOl'TANT LAUZDN.

LAWRENCE

lumbus; Columbus and his Contempora-
ries, etc. He died in Augusta, Me., March
15, 1894.

Lawrence, James, naval officer ; born
in Burlington, N. J., Oct. 1, 1781. His

.l!5^gsfe.«:fe:

JAUBS LAWRENCE.

father was a la^VJ'er and distinguished
loyalist during the Revolutionary War.
James entered the navy as a midshipman,
Sept. 4, 1798, and in the spring of
1802 was promoted to lieutenant. In
the schooner Enterprise, he took a
distinguished part in the destruction
of the frigate Philadelphia (q. v.),
in the harbor of Tripoli. In 1810 he
was promoted to master-commander ;
and on Feb. 24, 1813, the Hornet, of
which he was commander, fought and
conquered the British Peacock (see
Hornet), which sank before all her
prisoners could be taken out of her.
In March, 1813, he was commissioned
captain, and took command of the
frigate Chesapeake in May. On June
1 the Chesapeake fought the frigate
Fihannon, and was beaten. Captain
Lawrence was mortally wounded, and
died June 6. His remains were con-
veyed to New York, where a public
funeral was held. The remains were
then buried in Trinity Church bury-
ing-ground, and soon after the war

the corporation of New York erected
ail elegant marble monument over the
grave. It became dilapidated in time,
and in 1847 the corporation of Trinity
Church caused the remains to be removed
to a place near the southeast corner
of the church, a few feet from Broadway,
and a mausoleum of brown freestone to be
erected there in commemoration of both
Lawrence and his lieutenant, Ludlow. The
chapeau, coat, and sword of Captain Law-
rence are now in the possession of the New
Jersey Historical Society.

Through the influence of the peace fac-
tion in Massachusetts, the Senate of that
State passed a resolution, June 15, 1813,
which Mr. Grundy denounced as " moral
treason." The legislature had passed
resolutions of thanks to Hull, Decatur,
and Bainbridge, and a proposition was
submitted for a similar vote to Lawrence
(then dead) for his gallantry in the capt-
ure of the Peacock. A committee of the
Senate, of which Josiah Quincy was chair-
man, reported adversely to it, and a pre-
amble and resolution was accordingly
adopted. The former declared that simi-
lar attentions already given to military
and naval officers engaged in a like ser-
vice had " given great discontent to many
of the good people of the commonwealth,
it being considered hj them as an en-
couragement and excitement of the con-

TIIE LAWKENCK AND I,ll>l,0\V MuNlMKNT

331

LAWRENCE— LAWTON

tinuance of the present unjust, unneces- Commentary on the Elements of InternO'

sary, and iniquitous war." The resolu- tional Law; Stiidy of International Law

tion was as follows: "Resolved, as the on Marriage; The Treaty of Washington;

sense of the State of Massachusetts, that, The Indirect Claims of the United States

in a war like the present, waged without under the Treaty of Washington of May

justifiable cause, and prosecuted in a man- S, 1811, as Submitted to the Tribunal of

ner which indicates that conquest and am- Arbitration at Geneva; Belligerent and

b-ition are its real motives, it is not be- Sovereign Rights as Regards Neutrals

coming a moral and religious people to during the War of Secession, etc. He died

express any approbation of military or in New York City, March 26, 1881.

naval exploits which are not immediately Lawson, John, historian; born in

connected with a defence of our sea-coast Scotland; came to America with the ap-

and soil." pointment of surveyor - general for North

Lawrence, Sacking of. See Kansas. Carolina. He was the author of A New

Lawrence, William, jurist; born in Voyage to Carolina, containing the Exact

Mount Pleasant, O., June 26, 1819; grad- Description and Natural History of that

uated at Franklin College in 1838, and Country; and a Journal of a Thousand

at the Cincinnati Law School in 1840, Miles travelled through Several Nations

and in the latter year was admitted of Indians, etc. He was killed by the

to the bar. In 1845-46 he was prosecut- Indians on Neuse River, N. C, in 1712.

ing attorney for Logan county, and in Lawson, Thomas, military officer; born

1846-54 a member of the legislature. In in Virginia in 1781; became surgeon's

1857-64 he was judge of the court of com- mate in the United States army in 1811;

mon pleas; in 1865-77 a Representative in was made surgeon-general, with the rank

Congress; and in 1880-85 first comptroller of colonel, in 1836. In the War with

of the United States Treasury. His publi- Mexico he was chief medical officer of

cations include Ohio Reports, Vol. XX.; the United States army, and was brevetted

Lato of Claims Against Governments; brigadier-general in 1848 for distinguish-

Organization of the Treasury Depart- ed services. He published Report on Sich-

ment; Law of Impeachable Crimes; ness and Mortality, United States Army,

Causes of the Rebellion; Life and Ser- 1819-39, etc. He died in Norfolk, Va.,

vices of John Sherman; Laiv of Religious May 15, 1861.

Societies; Memorials to Congress for Lawton, Henry Ware, military officer;

Wool Tariff, etc. born in Manhattan, 0., March 17, 1843;

Lawrence, William Beach, jurist; was brought up in Indiana; and at tiie

born in New York City, Oct. 23, 1800; beginning of the Civil War, before he was

graduated at Columbia College in 1818, eighteen years old, he entered the army

and was admitted to the bar in 1823. as sergeant of the 9th Indiana Infantry.

He greatly distinguished himself by his In August following he was commissioned

masterful treatment of several important first lieutenant in' the 30th Indiana In-

points of international law in 1873, when fantry; in May, 1862, was promoted to

he appeared before the American and captain; in November. 1865. to lieuten-

Britisb international tribunal in Wash- ant-colonel; and on March 13, 1865, was

ington in the Circassian case. In brevetted colonel for distinguished services

securing a reversal of the United States in the field, especially before Atlanta. He

Supreme Court's decision in favor of was commissioned second lieutenant in

his clients, he accomplished what no other the 41st United States Infantry, July 28.

lawyer had ever done in the history of the 1866; promoted first lieutenant, July 31.

country. His publications include The 1867; transferred to the 24th United

History of Louisiana; Bank of the United States Infantry, Nov. 11, 1869; transferred

States; Institutions of the United States; to the 4th United States Cavalry, Jan. 1.

Inquiry into the Causes of the Public Dis- 1871; promoted captain, March 20, 1879;

tress; History of the Negotiations in Ref- major and inspector-general, Sept. 17,

erence to the Eastern and Northeastern 1888; and lieutenant-colonel in the same

Boundaries of the United States; Bio- department, Feb. 12, 1889. He greatly

graphical Memoir of Albert Gallatin; distinguished himself in several of the

332

LAWTON, HENRY WARE

severest Indian campaigns in the history
of the army, crowning his many signal
achievements with the capture of Geroni-
mo and his band of hostile Apaches in
1886. After the declaration of war
against Spain in 1898, he was appointed
a brigadier-general of volunteers, May 4,
and major-general, July 8 following; and
in the regular army was promoted colonel
and insjjector - general, July 7 of that
year. In the early part of the
campaign against Santiago he had
charge of the forward movement of
the American troops, and further dis-
tinguished himself by the capture of El
Caney (q. V.) after a notable engagement
with the Spaniards, for which he was
given the two stars. On Jan. 19, 1899, he

HENRY WARE LAWTON.

was sent to the Philippines, and soon
after his arrival at Manila he began
active operations against the Filipino in-
surgents, and met with remarkable suc-
cess by adopting the tactics he had fol-
lowed in his campaigns against the Ind-
ians. On April 10 he captured Santa
Cruz, a Filipino stronghold. His next
engagement was at San Rafael, where a
large number of the insurgents were hid-
den on all sides in the jungle. Had it
not been for his experience in Indian war-
fare the Americans Avould have suffered
great loss. On May 1") he captured San
Isidro, which at that time was the in-
surgent capital. On June 1 he was given
the command of the defences of Manila,
and in October began an offensive move-

ment, with the view of capturing Agui-
naldo, marching along the road between
Bacoor and Imus, and so northward. He
everywhere drove the enemy before him
and captured a number of towns. On
Oct. 19 he reached Arayat, and shortly
after made his headquarters at Cabana-
tuan, from which place he became active
in scattering the insurgents through the
surrounding country. During November
his movements in the pursuit of Aguinal-
do were remarkably rapid, and surprised
veteran soldiers, as military operations
were deemed impossible during the long
rainy season. On Dec. 1 he was at Tayng,
and on the 16th left Manila for San
Mateo. Here, during an engagement on
the 19th, he was on the firing-line. Being
6 feet 3 inches in height, and attired in
full uniform, he was a conspicuous target
for the insurgent sharp-shooters. Hardly
had his staff officers warned him of his
danger when he suddenly cried, " I am
shot," and fell dead. In the early part of
1900 his remains were brought back to his
native country, and buried with distin-
guished official honors. The sympathies
of the public were so strong for his widow
and children that a movement was started
to raise funds to provide for their future,
and within a very few weeks about $100,-
000 was secured.

Soon after his death an extract from a
private letter was published, in which ap-
peared the following sentence: "If I am
shot by a Filipino bullet, it might as well
come from one of my own men." The pe-
culiar phrase attracted considerable at-
tention, especially in the early part of the
Presidential campaign of 1900. The letter
was written in Manila on Oct. 6, 1899, to
John Barrett, ex-minister to Siam, then in
New York City. The following extract
from the letter gives the full setting of
the mysterious sentence above quoted,
and affords another evidence that the con-
tinuation of the insurrection was due to
direct encouragement from the United
States:

" I agree with you that mistakes have
been made here, but I would to God that
Ihc whole truth of this whole Philippine
situation could be knowni by every one in
America. I wish the people could know
it as I know it. and as you know it. I
agree that if the real facts in connection

333

LAY— LEAR

with this story, inspiration and condi-
tions of this insurrection and the hostile
ruptures, local and eternal, such as the
Katipunan revolutionary society and
juntas that now encourage the enemy,
as well as the actual possibilities of these
Philippine Islands and people and their
relation to this great East, which you
have set forth so ably, could be under-
stood at home in America, we would hear
no more political talk of unjust shoot-
ing of government into the Filipinos or
of unwise threats of hauling down our
flag in the Philippines.

" You are right. Some of us have modi-
fied our views since we first came, and if
these so-called anti-imperialists of Bos-
ton would honestly ascertain the truth on
the ground here, and not in distant Amer-
ica, they, whom I dislike to believe to be
other than honest men misinformed,
would be convinced of the error of their
exaggerated statements and conclusions
and of the cruel and unfortunate effect of
their publications here.

" It is kind of you to caution me about
exposure under fire, but if I am shot by
a Filipino bullet, it might as well come
from one of my own men. These are
strong words, and yet I say them because
I know from my own observation, con-
firmed by the stories of captured Filipino
prisoners, that the continuance of fighting
is chiefly due to reports that are sent
out from America and circulated among
those ignorant natives by the leaders,
who know better."

Lay, Benjamin, philanthropist; born
in Colchester, England, in 1681 ; came to
the United States and settled in Abing-
ton. Pa. He was one of the first anti-
slavery advocates. In order to express
his feeling against the owners of slaves,
he once filled a bladder with blood and
carried it into a Quaker meeting, where
in the presence of the worshippers he
pierced it with a sword which he had
concealed under his coat, and, sprinkling
the blood on the persons nearest to him,
cried, " Thus shall God shed the blood
of those who enslave their fellow-creat-
ures." He was the author of All >^]a re-
keepers, that Keep the Innocent in Bond-
age, Apostates. He died in Abington,
Pa., in 1760.

Lay, John L., inventor; born in Buf-

falo, N. Y., Jan. 14, 1832; joined the
United States navy in July, 1862, as a
second assistant engineer. He invented
the torpedo with which Lieut. William
B. Gushing (q. v.) sank the Confederate
ram Albemarle. In 1867 he designed the
Lay submarine torpedo-boat, which was
later purchased by the United States gov-
ernment. He died in New York City,
April 17, 1899.

Leach, Abby, educator; born in Brock-
ton, Mass., May 28, 1855; was educated in
Boston and at Leipsic; took private
courses with different professors at Har-
vard University; was instrumental in the
organization of Radcliffe College; and be-
came Professor of Greek in Vassar Col-
lege. She is vice-president of the Amer-
ican Philological Association, and a mem-
ber of the Archaeological Society; and
of the committee of management of the
American school at Athens, Greece.

Leach, Frank Willing, lawyer; born
in Cape May, N. J., Aug. 25, 1855; was
admitted to the bar in Philadelphia in
1877. He is the author of several chap-
ters in Scharff and Westcott's History of
Philadelphia; and The Signers of the Dec-
laration of Independence: their Ancestors
and Descendants.

Lead, a valuable mineral found in vari-
ous parts of the world and in the United
States in Colorado, Idaho, Utah, Missouri,
Kansas, Wisconsin, Montana, and Illinois.
In the calendar year 1899 the total pro-
duction in the United States was 304,392
short tons, and the net production of r,e-
fined lead was 210,500 short tons. The
following is a brief history of the lead in-
dustry in the United States: It was first
discovered in the Mississippi Valley by
Le Sueur in 1700-1, but not mined till
1788, when Julien Dubuque staked a claim
near the present site of Dubuque, la.
The mining of lead, however, did not be^
come general till 1826-27, and all the lo-
calities where the mineral had been dis-
covered were not thrown open for sale
till 1847.

League, Union. See Union League.

Lear, Tobias, diplomatist; born in
Portsmouth, N. H., Sept. 19, 1762;
graduated at Harvard in 1783, and be-
came private secretary to Washington in
1785. The latter remembered Mr. Lear
liberally in his will. In 1801 he wag
34

LEARNED— LEAVITT

American consul-general in Santo Domin- erected prior to the Civil War, and the
fjo. and from 1804 to 1812 held the same war college, or school of application, was
nllice at Algiers. Mr. Lear was an ac- established by an order issued by Gen-
{•ountant in tlie War Department at the eral Sherman in 1S81. The original pur-
time of his death, in Washington, D. C, pose of the school was to give a course
Oct. 10, 1810. of instruction in military matters to

Learned, Ebenezer, military officer; ofliccrs of the army not graduates of the
born in 1721 ; was a captain in the French Ur.itcd States Military Academy. Sub-
and Indian War, and hastened to Cam- scqiientiy, the scope of the school was
bridge with militia on the day after the gradually enlarged, and its present work
afl'air at Lexington. His health failed, is based on general orders issued in 1888.
ond he wished to retire from the service The curriculum includes the following
in 1776, but he was retained; and in the subjects: Tactics, strategy, surveying,
battle of Stillwater he commanded the military topography, field fortification,
centre of the American army, with the field engineering, constitutional law, in-
rank of brigadier-general. His health ternational law, military law, photog-
still declining, he retired from the army raphy, building superintendence, signal-
March 24, 1778. He was then with the ling, ordnance and gunnery, military hy-
army at Valley Forge. In 1795 his name giene, and the drill regulations of in-
was placed on the pension list. He died fantry, cavalry, and artillery. The
in Oxford, Mass., April 1, 1801. young officers ordered to school for in-

Leary, Richard Phillips, naval offi- struction are selected from among the
cer; born in Baltimore, Md. ; gradu- lieutenants of infantry and cavalry, and
ated at the United States Naval Acad- the number was originally limited to one
emy in 1860; became ensign in October, from each regiment, but this proportion
1863; master in May, 1866; lieutenant was later increased. The commandant is
in February, 1867; lieutenant-commander a colonel, and majors, captains, and lieu-
in March, 1868; commander in June, tenants who are graduates of West Point
1882; and captain in April, 1897. During constitute his staff of instruction. The
1863-65 he served on the blockading course is of two years' duration, and, for
squadron off Charleston, S. C. In 1888 convenience, the school is divided into six
he was senior naval officer at Samoa departments, comprising the foregoing
during the revolution in which the branches of study. Connected with the
Tamasese government was overthrown, school is an amusement hall and a post
In recognition of his meritorious services mess, or club building, where most of the
at that time, the Maryland legislature students live. Prior to June 30, 1895,
voted him a gold medal. In 1897-98 he the United States government maintained
was in command of the cruiser San Fran- a military prison at the fort, but in that
Cisco, which convoyed to the United year that feature was changed to the
States the Xcic Orleans, the American United States penitentiary. Fort Leaven-
name of one of two vessels built for the worth has been a point both of military
Brazilian government in London and pur- i,-nportance and of historical interest for
chased by the United States immediately many years. In the present days of peace
before the declaration of war against it is most widely known for the school for
Spain. He was the first American gov- officers maintained there.
ernor of the island of Guam. He was re- Leavitt, Joshua, editor; born in
lieved of this post at his own request, in Heath, Mass., Sept. 8, 1794; graduated at
April, 1900. He died in Chelsea, Mass., Yale in 1814; admitted to the bar in
Dec. 27, 1901. See Agana; Guam. 1S19, but shortly abandoned his profession

Leavenworth, Fort, a military reser- to study theology at the Yale Divinity

vation and garrisoned post in the suburbs School. He was the editor of the Sailor's

of Leavenworth, Kan. ; formerly noted as Marjazine, Xew York, and was the editor

one of the largest interior fortifications and proprietor of the Evangelist, a re-

of the country, and latterly as the seat ligious newspaper which he established in

of an army officers' war college and of a 1831. Mr. Leavitt was an ardent aboli-

United States penitentiary. The fort was tionist and temperance advocate. He was

335

LECHFORD— LEE

one of the founders of the New York Anti-
Slavery Society, and was the editor of the
Emancipator and of the Chronicle, the
first daily anti-slavery paper. In 1848 he
became a part proprietor and editor of
the Independent. He died in Brooklyn,
N. Y., Jan. 16, 1873.

Lechford, Thomas," author; born in
London, about 1590; removed to Boston
in 1638; was the first lawyer to practise
in New England; returned to England in
1641. He was the author of Plaine
Dealing, or Neics from Neio England, and
iSiew England's Advice to Old England.
He died in England, probably about 1644.

Lecompton Constitution, The. See
Kansas ; Yancey, W. L.

Le Conte, Joseph, geologist; born in
Liberty county, Ga., Feb. 26, 1823; grad-
uated at the University of Georgia, in
1841, and later at the College of Physi-
cians and Surgeons in New York City ;
settled in Macon, Ga., to practise medi-
cine; studied at the Lawrence Scientific
School of Harvard in 1850-51; and in
the latter year went with Agassi z to
Florida on an exploring expedition. He
was appointed Professor of Natural
Science in Oglethorpe College in 1852, and
in the following year became Professor
of Geology and Natural History in the
University of Georgia. During 1857-69 he
was Professor of Chemistry and Geology
in the College of South Carolina. In
1862-63 he was a chemist in the Con-
federate laboratory for the manufacture
of medicines, and in 1864-65 held a sim-
ilar post in the nitre and mining bureau.
In 1869 he was called to the chair of
Natural History and Geology in the Uni-
versity of California. Professor Le Conte
is the author of Religion and Science;
Elements of Geology; Sight: an Exposi-
tion of the Principles of Monocular and
Binocular Vision; Compend of Geology;
and Evolution: its Nature, its Evidences,
and its Relation. He died in the Yosemite
Valley, Cal., July 6, 1901.

Ledyard, John, explorer; born in Gro-
ton. Conn., in 1751: was educated at
Dartmouth College for a missionary to
the Indians, and spent several months
among the Six Nations. Having a resist-
less desire for travel, he shipped at New
London as a common sailor, and from
England accompanied Captain Cook in

his last voyage around the world as cor-
poral of marines. He vainly tried to set
on foot a trading expedition to the north-
west coast of North America, and went
to Europe in 1784. He started on a jour-
ney through the northern part of Europe
and Asia and across Bering Strait to
America in 1786-87. He walked around
the whole coast of the Gulf of Bothnia,
reaching St. Petersburg in the latter part
of March, 1787, without money, shoes, or
stockings. He had journeyed 1,400 miles
on foot in less than seven weeks. Thence
he went to Siberia, but was arrested at
Irkutsk in February, 1788, conducted to
the frontiers of Poland, and there dis-
missed with an intimation that if he re-
turned into Russia he would be hanged.
The cause of his arrest was the jealousy
of the Russian-American Trading Com-
pany. Going back to London, Ledyard ac-
cepted an offer to engage in the explora-
tion of the interior of Africa. He left
England in June, 1788, and at Cairo,
Egypt, was attacked by a disease which
ended his life, Jan. 17, 1789.

Lee, Ann, founder of the American
Society of Shakers; born in Manchester,
England, Feb. 29, 1736; was a cook in a
public institution when she married a
blacksmith named Stanley. In 1758 she
joined the Shakers in England. The so-
ciety had just been formed by James and
Jane Wardley, Quakers. About 1770 she
began to " prophesy " against the wicked-
ness of marriage as the " root of all hu-
man depravity," and resumed her maiden
name of Lee. She came to America with
some followers in 1774, and in 1776 they
established themselves at Niskayuna, near
Watervliet, where she was the recognized
leader of the sect. Being opposed to war,
she was suspected of being a British
emissary, and, being charged with high
treason, was imprisoned at Albany and
Poughkeepsie until released by Governor
Clinton in 1777, when she returned to
Watervliet, and there her followers great-
ly increased. During a religious revival
in New Lebanon (since in Columbia
county, N. Y. ) in 1780 many persons were
converted to the doctrines of Ann Lee,
and the now flourishing Society of Shakers
of New Lebanon was founded. She and
some of her followers made missionary
tours into New England with considerable

336

LEE

success from 1781 to 1783, and so greatly
were her spiritual gilts manifested that
fihe was acknowledged a mother in Christ
— the incarnation of the feminine essence
of God. She was called "Mother Ann"
and " Ann the Word." She died in Water-
vliet, N. Y., Sept. 8, 1784.

Lee, Arthur, diplomatist; born in
Stratford, Westmoreland co., Va., Dec. 20,
1740. Educated in Europe, and taking
the degree of M.D. at Edinburgh in 1765,
he began practice in Williamsburg, Va.
He afterwards studied law in England,
and wrote political essays that gained him
tlie acquaintance of Dr. Johnson, Burke,
and other eminent men. He was admitted
to the bar in 1770, and appointed the
alternative of Dr. Franklin as agent of
the Massachusetts Assembly, in case of
the disability or absence of the latter.
For his services to that State he received
4,000 acres of land in 1784. In 1775 Dr.
Lee was appointed London correspondent
of Congress, and in 1776 he was one of the
commissioners of Congress sent to France
to negotiate for supplies and a treaty;
but the ambition of Lee produced discord,
and his misrepresentations caused one of
the commissioners — Silas Deane {q. v.)
— to be recalled. Lee was subsequently a
member of Congress, of the Virginia As-
sembly, a commissioner to treat with the
Northern Indians, and a member of the
treasury board from 1785 to 1789, when
lie retired from public life. He was patri-
otic, but of a jealous and melancholy tem-
perament. He died in Urbana, Middlesex
CO., Va.. Dee. 12, 1792.

Lee, Charles, military officer; born in
Dernhall, Cheshire, England, in 1731; was
the son of a British officer, and entered
the army at a very early age, having held
a commission when eleven years old. At
twenty he was a lieutenant in the 44th
Regiment, and accompanied the troops
sent to America in 1754, where he saw
considerable service during the ensuing
six years. His regiment participated in
the battle on the Monongahela, where
Braddock was defeated. That was Lee's
first practical experience of warfare. He
served in the campaigns from 1756 to the
conquest of Canada in 1760, when he re-
turned to England with a captain's com-
mission, and was promoted to major of
the 103d Regiment, which was disbanded

in 1763, and Lee continued a major on
half-pay until 1772, when he was made
lieutenant-colonel on half-pay. He had
served with distinction in Portugal, but
was not promoted in rank, probably be-

CHARLES LEE.

cause of the sharpness and volubility of
his tongue concei'ning the shortcomings
of his superior officers. On visiting the
Continent after he was put on the half-
pay list, he was made an aide-de-camp of
King Stanislaus of Poland. He went to
England in 1766, where he failed in his
attempts to obtain promotion, and re-
turned to Poland, where he was made a
major-general, and afterwards served a
short time in the Russian army. Finally,
Lee made his way to America, where he
claimed to be the author of the Letters of
Junius.

He was boastful, restless, impulsive,
quarrelsome, egotistical, ironical in ex-
pression, and illiberal in his judgment of
others. His restlessness caused the Mo-
hawks, who adopted him, to give him a
name signifying " boiling water." He
espoused the cause of the American re-
publicans, and when the Continental army
was organized he was chosen second
major-general under Washington, which he
accepted on condition that the Congress
should advance him $30,000 as indemnity
for any losses he might sustain by con-
fiscation of his property in England

V. — Y

337

LEE, CHARLES

Through his boasting he became extreme-
ly overrated by the Americans of all
classes. He was simply an unprincipled
and utterly selfish soldier of fortune. His
censoriousness, and his jealousy of Wash-
ington, whose position he aspired to,
made him very mischievous, and finally he
played the part of a traitor to the cause,
without actual discovery of proof (though

always suspected) until many years after-
wards (see page 340). Made a prisoner in
New Jersey late in 1776, he was not ex-
changed until early in 1778. His behavior
at the battle of Monmouth in June of that
year caused Washington to address him
sharply. Offended at the words, Lee wrote
a disrespectful letter to the commander-
in-chief on the day after. Dissatisfied

jSS^jV.

^.<,

WASHINGTON REBUKING GENERAL LEE AT THE BATTLE OF MONMOUTH.

338

LEE, CHABLES

with Washington's reply, he wrote a still Lee contented himself with giving several
more disrespectful one. Lee was arrested oiders for preparing for a retreat. A
and tried by court-martial for disobedi- better soldier than he commanded the
ence of orders; for having made an un- garrison. It was the brave and calm
necessary, shameful, and disorderly re- Colonel Moultrie, who was unmoved by
treat; and for disrespect to the com- the evidences of alarm in the mind of
mander-in-chief in the two letters. He de- the boastful Lee. Had the will of the lat-
fended himself with much ability. The ter prevailed, the fort, city, and province
court acquitted him of a part of the would undoubtedly have fallen into the
charges, but found him guilty of the rest, hands of the enemy.

and sentenced him to be suspended from Lee, having received his $30,000 in-
service in the army for one year. The demnity from Congress, was anxious for
Congress confirmed the sentence. peace. At Annapolis, on his way north,

He then retired to his estate in Vir- he promised to use his great influence
ginia, where he wrote Queries, Political in bringing about a reconciliation, and
and Military, the design of which was to whenever he found willing and sym-
cast a slur upon the character and mill- pathizing listeners in Pennsylvania and
tary conduct of Washington. In a rude New Jersey he was free in his denuncia-
cabin of one apartment and little furni- tion of the Americans for continuing the
ture he lived " more like a hermit than contest. He was decidedly opposed to inde-
a citizen of the world," surrounded by his pendence. At Princeton, in a communi-
dogs and his books. Just as his time of cation to Congress, he proposed to that
suspension had expired he heard that Con- body to authorize an offer to open a
gress was about to deprive him of his negotiation with Lord Howe on his own
commission, when, in a fit of anger, he terms. Finding that he could not per-
wrote an abusive letter to the President, suade the Americans to submit to become
and his immediate dismissal from the slaves, he performed treasonable acts with
army was the consequence. Wearied of a hope of accomplishing his ends. He
solitude, he visited Philadelphia in the wrote to Congress from Perth Amboy
fall of 1782, with a view to making sale (Oct. 12, 1776) that Howe would not at-
of his estate. There he was attacked by tack Washington, but would infallibly pro-
fever, and died within five days (Oct. 2, ceed against Philadelphia; and he sought
1782), exclaiming in his last moments, to weaken the Continental army by di-
" Stand by me, my brave grenadiers!" viding it, by inducing Congress to order
In his will, after bequeathing his " soul Washington to send a part of his army
to the Almighty and his body to the to Trenton. At that very rnoment Howe
earth," he directed that his remains v.as moving against Washington. (See
should not "be buried in any church or page 340.)

church-yard, or within a mile of any Pres- While the British were desolating New
byterian or Anabaptist meeting-house; Jersey (November, 177G), and Washing-
for," he said, " since I have resided in ton, with his handful of troops, was pow-
this countrv, I have kept so much bad erless to prevent them, Lee, with a large
company when living that I do not choose reinforcement, persistently lingered on the
to continue it when dead." He was buried way. He had been urged by Washing-
in Christ Church-yard, Philadelphia, with ton, when the retreat from Hackensack
military honors. began, to join him, but he steadily re-

When, in June, 177G, the British were fused. Now the commander-in-chief en-
about to attack Fort Sullivan, in the har- treated him to obey. Philadelphia was in
bor of Charleston, Lee, who had been sent danger, and the chief wrote, " Do come on;
south to take command of troops there, your arrival, without delay, may be the
went to the fort, and, after a brief in- means of saving a city." Lee continued
spection, declared it not tenable for " half to persistently disobey every order of the
an hour." It was " a slaughter-pen." He chief. His reputation was at its zenith,
proposed to Governor Rutledge to with- Ihe Americans were infatuated— a de-
draw the garrison from the fort without lusion which, in the light of subsequent
striking a blow. Eutledge refused, and history, seems very strange. He was aim-

339

LEE, CHARLES

ing at the chief command, and he did all
he dared, by insinuations and false reports,
to disparage Washington in the estima-
tion of the Congress and the people. With
unparalleled insolence (which was not re-
buked), he wrote to Dr. Rush, a member
of Congress : " Your apathy amazes me ;
you make me mad. Let me not talk vain-
ly: had I the power, I could do you much
good, might I but dictate one week. Did
none of the Congress ever read Roman
history?" His letters at that juncture
show his predetermination to disobey or-
ders and act as he pleased with the ti'oops
which had been intrusted to him.

On the morning of Dec. 13, 1776, Lee
was captured at an inn at Baskingridge,
N. J., where he was lodging, nearly 3
miles from his army. Lee had just fin-
ished a letter to General Gates, in which
he had spoken disparagingly of Washing-
ton, when Colonel Harcourt, at the head
of a British scouting party, surrounded
the house aad made him a prisoner. He
had gone out of the house, on hearing a
tumult, unarmed, bareheaded, in slippers,
without a coat, in a blanket-cloak, his
shirt-collar open, and his linen much
soiled, and gave himself up. In this
plight he was hurried, on horseback, to
the camp of Cornwallis, at New Bruns-
wick, and was sent by him to New York.

The conduct of General Lee at several
periods during the war was inexplicable.
He was disappointed in not being made
the commander-in-chief of the Continental
forces, and continually showed a censori-
ous spirit towards Washington and others
which were injurious to the service. His
abilities were greatly overrated, and later
in the conflict there were thoughtful men
who regarded his profession of devotion to
the American cause with suspicion. In
1775 he corresponded with Burgoyne, his
old commander in Europe, while in Bos-
ton. In the summer of 1776, when at
Charleston, he tried to induce Colonel
Moultrie to abandon Fort Sullivan when
it was attacked by land and water. In
the autumn of that year he persistently
disobeyed the orders of Washington to
join the army, with a large force under
his command, while it was retreating be-
fore Lord Cornwallis, and he was taken
prisoner at a house far away from his
camp, in New Jersey, under very sus-

picious circumstances. A letter which he
had just written to Gates contained dis-
paraging remarks on Washington's mili-
tary character. His tender treatment by
Howe, who at first regarded him as a de-
serter from the British army, was a mat-
ter of wonder; and when, after he had
been exchanged and had rejoined the army
at Valley Forge (1778), he was required
to take the oath of allegiance with some
other officers, he at first refused. His per-
sistence in opposing any interference with
the march of Clinton across New Jersey,
and his extraordinary conduct on the field
at Monmouth, could not be explained by
any reason excepting incapacity or treach-
ery. Indeed, Washington was warned
against Lee the night before that battle
by a Virginian captain who believed him
to be treacherous. Three-fourths of a
century after his death a document was
found among Sir William Howe's papers
endorsed " Mr. Lee's Plan, 29th March,
1777," in the handwriting of Henry
Strachy, Howe's secretary. The writing
within was in Lee's own hand, and it em-
bodied a plan of operations by the British
fleet and army which it was thought was
best calculated to insure the subjugation
of the colonies. It was upon this plan
that Howe acted in going to the Chesa-
peake in the summer of 1777, instead of
up the Hudson River to assist Burgoyne,
and so ruined the latter general. This
document cast a flood of light upon the
character and conduct of Lee during the
Revolution, and proved beyond cavil that
he was a traitor to the cause which he
professed to serve. This document and
circumstantial evidence of his treason are
given in a small volume by George H.
Moore, LL.D., entitled The Treason of
Charles Lee.

Through false pretensions, as well as
misrepresentations and misapprehensions,
the Americans had unbounded confidence
in Lee, and many were in favor of mak-
ing him commander-in-chief of the Con-
tinental army at the time Washington was
appointed. Indeed, he expected the honor,
and was disappointed and surprised be-
cavise he did not receive it. He had been
in military training from his boyhood, and
represented himself as well versed in the
science of war. He was better understood in
England. " From what I know of him,"

340

LEE

wrote Sir Joseph Yorko, then British min- under Ewell, in the Confederate array,
ister at The Hague, " he is the worst pres- From September, 1861, to July, 1862, he
ent which could be made to any army." was lieutenant-colonel and colonel of the
And so ho proved to the Americans. He 1st Virginia Cavalry, with which he took
was selfish in the extreme. Soured against part in all the movements of the Army of
his government, he had sought employ- Northern Virginia. He was then pro-
mcnt anywhere as a mere military ad- moted brigadier-general, and, on Sept. 3,
venturer. He was continually seeking in- 1863, major-general. From March, 1865,
timate relations with British officers — until he surrendered to General Meade, at
writing to Burgoyne, Sir Henry Clinton, Farmville, he commanded the whole
and others — while ostensibly fighting cavalry corps of the Army of Northern
against them in favor of the American Virginia. In 1886-90 he was governor of
cause. Even while disobedient, quarrel- Virginia. In 1896 President Cleveland
some, and inefficient, the Americans did not appointed him United States consul-gen-
lose faith in him, nor suspect that in his eral at Havana, where he served till war
movements during the flight of the army was declared against Spain. In May,
under Washington from the Hudson to the 1898, President McKinley appointed him
Delaware (1776), and in his movements a major-general of volunteers; in Decem-
at the battle of Monmouth, he was seeking ber following he became governor of the
to betray them. But such was the case. province of Havana; he was appointed
Lee, Charles, jurist; born in 1758; brigadier-general, Feb. 11, 1901; and was
delegate to the Continental Congress; retired March 2, following. He died in
United States Attorney - General, 1795- Washington, D. C, April 28, 1905.
1801 ; declined President Jefferson's offer Lee, Francis Lightfoot, signer of the
of justice of the United States Supreme Declaration of Independence; born in
Court. He died in Fauquier county, Va., Stratford, Westmoreland eo., Va., Oct.
June 24, 1815. 14,1734; brother of Richard Henry and

Lee, FiTZHUGH, military officer; born Arthur Lee. In 1765 he was a member
in Clermont, Va., Nov. 19, 1835; nephew of the Virginia House of Burgesses, and
of Gen. Robert E. Lee; graduated at held that post until 1772. He was in the
the United States Military Academy in Continental Congress from 1775 to 1779,

and was active and efficient in framing
the Articles of Confederation. He was
afterwards a State Senator. He died in
Richmond, Va., April 3, 1797.

Lee, Henry, military officer; born in
Leesylvania, Westmoreland co., Va., Jan.
29, 1756; graduated at Princeton in
1773. His mother was Mary Bland, the
" lowland beauty," whose charms inspired
Washington in his youth. He was a cap-
tain in Bland's cavalry in 1776, and
joined the main army in September, 1777.
" Lee's Legion " was one of the most ac-
tive and efficient of the cavalry corps of
the Continental army, and it was Wash-
ington's body-guard in the battle of Ger-
niantown. In 1778 he was made a major,
in independent command, first of two
companies of horse, and then of three,
with a small bodv of infantry. With
IS'^G, and entered the army as second these he surprised the British post at
lieutenant of the 2d Cavalry. In 1860 Paulus's Hook, in July, 1779. With the
he was appointed instructor of cavalry at commission of lieutenant-colonel, he
West Point, and in 1861 he resigned his joined General Greene in the South, and
commission to become adjutant-general was active and efficient in the Southern

341

FITZHUGH LEE.

LEE, HENRY

campaigns. Soon after the battle of General Lee delivered the following
Eutaw Springs, Major Lee retired from funeral oration on Washington before the
the service, married, and settled at Strat- two Houses of Congress:

ford. He was a delegate to Congress in

1786, and advocated the adoption of the In obedience to your will, I rise, your
national Constitution in the Virginia humble organ, with the hope of executing

a part of the system of public
mourning which you have been
pleased to adopt, commemora-
tive of the death of the most
illustrious and most beloved per-
sonage this country has ever pro-
duced ; and which, while it trans-
mits to posterity your sense of
the awful event, faintly repre-
sents your knowledge of the con-
summate excellence you so cor-
dially honor.

Desperate, indeed, is any at-
tempt on earth to meet corre-
spondingly this dispensation of
Heaven; for, while with pious
resignation we submit to the will
of an all-gracious Providence, we
can never cease lamenting, in our
finite view of Omnipotent Wis-
dom, the heart-rending privation
for which our nation weeps.
When the civilized world shakes
to its centre; when every mo-
ment gives birth to strange and
momentous changes; when our
peaceful quarter of the globe,
exempt as it happily has been
from any share in the slaughter
convention. Lee was in the Virginia of the human race, may yet be compelled
legislature; and when militia were called to abandon her pacific policy, and to risk
out to suppress the whiskey insurrec- the doleful casualties of war; what limit

HENRY LEE.

tion, he was placed in command of them.
He was in Congress at the time of Wash-
ington's death, and was appointed by that
body to deliver the funeral oration at
Philadelphia (see below). While he was
in a debtor's prison he wrote his Memoirs
of the War in the Southern Department
of the United States. Lee was in Balti-
niore at the time of the newspaper riot,
in 1814, and in his endeavors to suppress
it received injuries from which he never
recovered. He was much beloved by
Washington for his many noble qualities;
and Greene said, " No man, in the
progress of the Southern campaign, had
equal merit with Lee." He died on Cum-
berland Island, Ga., March 2.5,, 1818.
George Washington. — On Dec. 26, 1799,

is there to the extent of our loss? None
within the reach of my words to express;
none which your feelings will not dis-
avow.

The founder of our federate republic —
our bulwark in war, our guide in peace,
is no more! Oh, that this were but ques-
tionable ! Hope, the comforter of the
wretched, would pour into our agonizing
hearts its balmy dew. But, alas! there
is no hope for us : our Washington is re-
moved forever ! Possessing the stoutest
frame and purest mind, he had passed
nearly to his sixty-eighth year in the t"''-
joyment of high health, when, habituated
by his care of us to neglect himself, a
slight cold, disregarded, became incon-
venient on Friday, oppressive on Satur-

342

LEE, HENRY

day, and, defying every medical inter-
position, before the morning of Sunday
put an end to the best of men. An end,
did I say? His fame survives! bounded
only by the limits of the earth, and by
the extent of the human mind. He sur-
vives in our hearts — in the growing
knowledge of our children — in the affec-
tion of the good throughout the world.
And when our monuments shall be done
away; when nations now existing shall be
no more; when even our young and far-
spreading empire shall have perished ;
still will our Washington's glory unfaded
shine, and die not, until love of virtue
cease on earth, or earth itself sinks into
chaos !

How, my fellow-citizens, shall I single
to your grateful hearts his pre-eminent
worth? Where shall I begin, in opening
to your view a character throughout
sublime? Shall I speak of his warlike
achievements, all springing from obedience
to his country's will, all directed to his
country's good?

Will you go with me to the banks of
the Monongahela, to see your youthful
Washington supporting, in the dismal
hour of Indian victory, the ill-fated Brad-
dock, and saving, by his judgment and
by his valor, the remains of a defeated
army, pressed by the conquering savage
foe? or Miien, oppressed America nobly
resolving to risk her all in defence of her
violated rights, he was elevated by the
unanimous voice of Congress to the com-
mand of her armies? Will you follow
him to the high grounds of Boston, where,
to an undisciplined, courageous, and virtu-
ous yeomanry, his presence gave the sta-
bility of system, and infused the invinci-
bility of love of country? Or shall I carry
you to the painful scenes of Long Island,
Work Island, and New Jersey, when, com-
bating superior and gallant armies, aided
by powerful fleets, and led by chiefs high
in the roll of fame, he stood the bulwark
of our safety, undismayed by disaster,
unchanged by change of fortune? Or will
you view him in the precarious fields of
Trenton, where deep gloom, unnerving
every arm, reigned triumphant through
our thinned, worn down, unaided ranks —
himself unmoved? Dreadful Avas the
night. It was about this time of winter.
The storm raged. The Delaware, rolling

furiously with floating ice, forbade the
approach of man. Washington, self - col-
lected, viewed the tremendous scene. His
country called. Unappalled by surround-
ing dangers, he passed to the hostile shore;
he fought; he conquered. The morning
sun cheered the American world. Our
country rose on the event ; and her daunt-
less chief, pursuing his blow, completed in
the lawns of Princeton what his vast soul
had conceived on the shores of Delaware.

Thence to the strong grounds of Mor-
ristown he led his small but gallant band;
and through an eventful winter, by the
high efforts of his genius, whose matchless
force was measurable only by the growth
of difficulties, he held in check formidable
hostile legions, conducted by a chief ex-
perienced in the art of war, and famed
for his valor on the ever memorable
heights of Abraham, where fell Wolfe,
Montcalm, and since, our much lamented
Montgomery; all covered with glory. In
this fortunate interval, prodiiced by his
masterly conduct, our fathers, ourselves,
animated by his resistless example, rallied
around our country's standard, and con-
tinued to follow her beloved chief through
the various and trying scenes to which
the destinies of our Union led.
■ Who is there that has forgotten the
vales of Brandywine, the fields of Ger-
mantown, or the plains of Monmouth?
Everywhere present, wants of every kind
obstructing, numerous and valiant ^irmies
encountering, himself a host, he assuaged
our sufferings, limited our privations, and
upheld our tottering republic. Shall I
display to you the spread of the fire of
his soul, by rehearsing the praises of the
hero of Saratoga, and his much loved com-
])eer of the Carolinas? Xo; our Washing-
ton wears not borrowed glory. To Gates,
to Greene, he gave without reserve the ap-
plause due to their eminent merit; and
long may the chiefs of Saratoga and of
Eutaws receive the grateful respect of a
grateful people.

Moving in his own orbit, he imparted
heat and light to his most distant satel-
liies; and combining the physical and
moral force of all within his sphere, with
irresistible? weight he took his course,
commiserating folly, disdaining vice, dis-
maying treason, and invigorating despond-
ency; until the auspicious hour arrived,

343

LEE, HENRY

when, united with the intrepid forces of a
potent and magnanimous ally, he brought
to submission the since conqueror of In-
dia ; thus linishing his long career of mili-
tary glory with a lustre corresponding to
his great name, and, in this his last act
of war, affixing the seal of fate to our
nation's birth.

To the horrid din of battle sweet peace
succeeded; and our virtuous chief, mind-
ful only of the common good, in a mo-
ment tempting personal aggrandizement,
hushed the discontents of growing sedi-
tion, and, surrendering his power into the
hands from which he had received it, con-
verted his sword into a ploughshare;
teaching an admiring world that to be
truly great you must be truly good.

Were I to stop here, the picture would
be incomplete, and the task imposed un-
finished. Great as was our Washington
in war, and as much as did that greatness
contribute to produce the American re-
public, it is not in war alone his pre-emi-
nence stands conspicuous. His various
talents, combining all the capacities of
a statesman with those of a soldier, fitted
him alike to guide the councils and the
armies of our nation. Scarcely had he
rested from his martial toils, while his
invaluable parental advice was still sound-
ing in our ears, when he, who had been
our shield and our sword, was called
forth to act a less splendid, but more im-
portant part.

Possessing a clear and penetrating
mind, a strong and sound judgment, calm-
ness and temper for deliberation, with
invincible firmness and perseverance in
resolutions maturely formed ; drawing in-
formation from all ; acting from himself,
with incorruptible integrity and unvary-
ing patriotism; his own superiority and
the public confidence alike marked him as
the man designed by Heaven to lead in
the great political as well as military
events which have distinguished the era
of his life.

The finger of an over-ruling Providence,
pointing at Washington, was neither mis-
taken or unobserved, when, to realize the
vast hopes to which our revolution had
given birth, a change of political system
became indispensable.

How novel, how grand the spectacle!
Independent States stretched over an im-

mense territory, and known only by com-
mon difficulty, clinging to their union as
the rock of their safety; deciding, by
frank comparison of their relative condi-
tion, to rear on that rock, under the guid-
ance of reason, a common government,
through whose commanding protection,
liberty and order, with their long train
of blessings, should be safe to themselves,
and the sure inheritance of their pos-
terity.

This arduous task devolved on citizens
selected by the people, frgm knowledge of
their wisdom and confidence in their vir-
tue. In this august assembly of sages
and of patriots, Washington of course
was found; and, as if acknowledged to be
most wise where all were wise, with one
voice he was declared their chief. How
well he merited this rare distinction,
how faithful were the labors of him-
self and his compatriots, the work of
their hands, and our union, strength, and
prosperity, the fruits of that work, best
attest.

But to have essentially aided in pre-
senting to his country this consummation
of our hopes, neither satisfied the claims
of his fellow-citizens on his talents, nor
those duties which the possession of those
talents imposed. Heaven had not infused
into his mind such an uncommon share of
its ethereal spirit to remain unemployed,
nor bestowed on him his genius unaccom-
panied with the corresponding duty of de-
voting it to the common good. To have
framed a Constitution was showing only,
without realizing, the general happiness.
This great work remained to be done;
and America, steadfast in her preference,
with one voice summoned her beloved
Washington, unpractised as he was in the
duties of civil administration, to execute
this last act in the completion of the na-
tional felicity. Obedient to her call, he
assumed the high office with that self-
distrust peculiar to his innate modesty,
the constant attendant of pre-eminent vir-
tue. What was the burst of joy through
our anxious land on this exhilarating
event is known to us all. The aged, the
young, the brave, the fair, rivalled each
other in demonstrations of their grati-
tude; and this high-wrought, delightful
scene was heightened in its effect by the
singular contest between the zeal of the

344

LEE, HENRY

bestowers and the avoidance of the re-
ceiver of the honors bestowed.

Commencing his administration, what
heart is not charmed with the recollec-
tion of the pure and wise principles an-
nounced by himself, as the basis of his
political life? He best understood the in-
dissoluble union between virtue and hap-
piness, between duty and advantage, be-
tween the genuine maxims of an honest
and magnanimous policy, and the solid
rewards of public prosperity and indi-
vidual felicity. Watching with an equal
and comprehensive eye over this great as-
semblage of communities and interests,
he laid the foundations of our national
policy in the unerring, immutable prin-
ciples of morality, based on religion, ex-
emplifying the pre-eminence of a free gov-
ernment by all the attributes which win
the affections of its citizens, or command
the respect of the world.

" O fortunatos nimium, sua fi bona norint !"

Leading through the complicated diffi-
culties produced by previous obligations
and conflicting interests, seconded by suc-
ceeding Houses of Congress, enlightened
and patriotic, he surmounted all original
obstruction, and brightened the path of
our national felicity.

The Presidential term expiring, his so-
licitude to exchange exaltation for humil-
ity returned with a force increased with
increase of age; and he had prepared his
Farewell Address to his countrymen, pro-
claiming his intention, when the united
interposition of all around him, enforced
by the eventful prospects of the epoch,
produced a further sacrifice of inclination
to duty. The election of President fol-
lowed ; and Washington, by the unani-
mous vote of the nation, was called to re-
sume the chief magistracy. What a
wonderful fixture of confidence! Which
attracts most our admiration, a people
so correct, or a citizen combining an as-
semblage of talents forbidding rivalry,
and stifling even envy itself? Such a na-
tion ought to be happy; such a chief must
be forever revered.

War, long menaced by the Indian tribes,
now broke out ; and the terrible conflict,
deluging Europe with blood, began to shed
its baneful influence over our happy land.
To the first, outstretching his invincible

arm, under the orders of the gallant
Wayne, the American eagle soared trium-
phant through distant forests. Peace fol-
lowed victory; and the melioration of the
condition of the enemy followed peace.
Godlike virtue! which uplifts even the
subdued savage.

To the second he opposed himself. New
and delicate was the conjuncture, and
great was the stake. Soon did his pene-
trating mind discern and seize the only
course, continuing to us all the felicity
enjoyed. He issued his proclamation of
neutrality. This index to his whole sub-
sequent conduct was sanctioned by the ap-
probation of both Houses of Congress, and
by the approving voice of the people.

To this sublime policy he inviolably ad-
hered, unmoved by foreign intrusion, un-
shaken by domestic turbulence.

" Justum et tenacem propositi virum,
Non civium ardor prava Jubentium,
Non vultus Instantis tyranni,
Mente quatit solida."

Maintaining his pacific system at the
expense of no duty, America, faithful to
herself, and unstained in her honor, con-
tinued to enjoy the delights of peace-
while afflicted Europe mourns in every
quarter under the accumulated miseries
of an unexampled war; miseries in which
our happy country must have shared, had
not our pre-eminent Washington been as
firm in council as he was brave in the
field.

Pursuing steadfastly his course, he held
safe the public happiness, preventing for-
eign war, and quelling internal discord,
till the revolving period of a third elec-
tion approached, when he executed his in-
terrupted, but inextinguishable desire of
returning to the humble walks of private
life.

The promulgation of his fixed resolution
stopped the anxious wishes of an affection-
ate people from adding a third unanimous
testimonial of their unabated confidence
in the man so long enthroned in their
hearts. \^Tien before was affection like
this exhibited on earth? Turn over the
records of ancient Greece ; review the an-
nals of mighty Rome; examine the vol-
umes of modern Europe — you search in
vain. America and her Washington only
afford the dignified exemplification.

The illustrious personage called by the

345

LEE

national voice in succession to the ardu-
ous office of guiding a free people had new
difficulties to encounter. The amicable
effort of settling our difficulties With
France, begun by Washington, and pur-
sued by his successor in virtue as in
station, proving abortive, America took
measures of self-defence. No sooner was
the public mind roused by a prospect of
danger, than every eye was turned to the
friend of all, though secluded from public
view, and gray in public service. The
virtuous veteran, following his plough, re-
ceived the unexpected summons with min-
gled emotions of indignation at the un-
merited ill treatment of his country, and
of a determination once more to risk his
all in her defence.

The annunciation of these feelings in
his affecting letter to the President, ac-
cepting the command of the army, con-
cludes his official conduct.

First in war, first in peace, and first in
the hearts of his coimtrymen, he was sec-
ond to none in the humble and endearing
scenes of private life. Pious, just, hu-
mane, temperate, and sincere; uniform,
dignified, and commanding, his example
was as edifying to all around him as
were the effects of that example lasting.

To his equals he was condescending, to
his inferiors kind, and to the dear object
of his affections exemplarily tender. Cor-
rect throughout, vice shuddered in his
presence, and virtue always felt his foster-
ing hand. The purity of his private char-
acter gave effulgence to his public virtues.

His last scene comported with the whole
tenor of his life. Although in extreme
pain, not a sigh, not a groan escaped him ;
and with undisturbed serenity he closed
his well-spent life. Such was the man
America has lost! Such was the man for
whom our nation mourns.

Methinks I see his august image, and
hear, falling from his venerable lips, these
deep sinking words:

" Cease, Sons of America, lamenting
our separation. Go on, and confirm by
your wisdom the fruits of our joint coun-
cils, joint efforts, and common dangers.
Keverence religion ; diffuse knowledge
throughout your land; patronize the arts
and sciences; let liberty and order be in-
separable companions; control party
spirit, the bane of free government; ob-

serve good faith to, and cultivate peace
with all nations; shut up every avenue
to foreign influence; contract rather than
extend national connection ; rely on your-
selves only: be American in thought and
deed. Thus will you give immortality
to that union, which was the constant ob-
ject of my teri-estrial labors; thus will
you preserve undisturbed to the latest
posterity the felicity of a people to me
most dear; and thus will you supply (if
my happiness is now aught to you) the
only vacancy in the round of pure bliss
high Heaven bestows."

Lee, Henry, banker; born in Boston,
Mass., Sept. 2, 1817; graduated at Har-
vard College in 1 836 ; served during the
Civil War on the staff of Gov. John A.
Andrew; subsequently became a member
of the banking-house of Lee, Higginson
& Co. He was the author of The Militia
of the United States. He died in 1898.

Lee, Richard Henry, statesman; born
in Stratford, Westmoreland co., Va., Jan.
20, 1732; was educated in England, and
returned to America at the age of nine-
teen. In 1756 he was appointed justice
of the peace, and entered the Virginia
House of Burgesses in 1757, where he was

RIOllAUn HENRY LEB.

distinguished as a debater and a clear po-
litical writer. Mr. Lee sup]>orted Patrick
Henry's resolutions, and was among the
foremost men in Virginia in forming and

346

LEE

putting in motion the machinery against
royal oppression and parliamentary rule.
He was a delegate to the first Congress
(1774), was a member of all the leading
committees, and wrote the memorial of
Congress to the people of British America.
In 1775 he wrote the second address of
Congress to the people of Great Britain ;
and from his seat in that body, in June,
1776, he offered the famous resolution
which declared the English-American
colonies to be " free and independent
States." It is said that his speech on

tliat occasion was a brilliant display of
eloquence. Leaving Congress in June,
1777, he was again in that body in 1778-80,
1784-85, and 1786-87. In 1784 he was
chosen president of Congress, but retired
at the end of the year. Mr. Lee was op-
posed to the national Constitution, be-
cause it superseded State supremacy, but
he was a supporter of Washington's
administration, and was United States
Senator from Virginia from 1789 to
1792. He died in Chantilly, Va., June 19,
1794.

LEE, ROBERT EDWARD

Lee, Robert Edward, military officer;
born in Stratford, Westmoreland co., Va.,
Jan. 19, 1807; son of Gen. Henry Lee;
graduated at the United States Military
Academy, second in his class, in 1829.
Entering the engineer corps, he became
captain in July, 1838, and was chief en-
gineer of General Wool's brigade in the
war with Mexico. At the close of that
war he had earned three brevets — major,
lieutenant-colonel, and colonel; and he
was a great favorite with General Scott.
From Sept. 3, 1852, to March 3, 1855, he
was superintendent of the Military Acad-
emy. In the latter year he was promoted
to lieutenant-colonel of cavalry, and in
March, 1861, to colonel. Accepting the
doctrine of State supremacy when Vir-
ginia passed an ordinance of secession, in
April, 1861, Lee went to Richmond, ac-
cepted (April 22, 1861) the command of
the forces in that commonwealth, and re-
signed his commission in the National
army. In accepting the office of com-
mander of the Virginia forces, he said:
'• Trusting in Almighty God, an approv-
ing conscience, and the aid of my fellow-
citizens, I devote myself to the aid of my
native State, in whose behalf alone will I
ever draw my sword." Lee's services had
always been very acceptable to his govern-
ment. He was an officer of fine culture,
a soldier brave and discreet, and an en-
gineer of great skill. He had superintend-
ed the construction and repairs of the
forts at the entrance to the harbor of New
York after 1841, and was a member of
the board of engineers of the Atlantic
coast defence. He had married, in 1832,

Mary, daughter of G. W. P. Custis, the
adopted son of Washington, and by her,
in 1857, he became possessor of the estate
of Arlington, opposite Georgetown, on the
Potomac, and the " White House " estate,
on the Pamunkey. He was in command
of a regiment of cavalry in Texas in
1860, and towards the close of that year
he obtained leave of absence and returned
home, where he w'as when appointed to
the command of the Virginia forces.

For a while he did not have a separate
command in the field, and for more than
a year did not fill any important place in
the Confederate army. He was nominally
superintendent of fortifications at Rich-
mond and elsewhere, and was the military
adviser of President Jefferson Davis and
of the Confederate Secretary of War.
When Gen. Joseph E. Johnston was
wounded (May 31, 1862). in the battle of
Seven Pines, near Richmond, the com-
mand of the Confederate army of North-
ern Virginia was given to Lee, June 3, and
on the 26th of that month he began the
series of conflicts before Richmond known
as the Seven Days' Battles. He was
finally compelled to surrender his army to
General Grant at Appomattox Court-
house, April 9, 1865, on most generous
terms for himself and his followers. He
had been appointed general-in-chief of the
Confederate armies in February preced-
ing. After the war he retired to private
life, refusing even to attend public gather-
ings of any kind. In October, 1865, he
accepted the presidency of Washington
College (now Washington and Lee Uni-
versity), at Lexington, Va., which he held

347

XEE, ROBERT EDWARD

until his death, Oct. 12, 1870. Lee's sons
— G. W. Custis, W. H. F., and Robert E.
— all served as officers in the Confederate
army. His eldest son, G. W. C. Lee, was
chosen president of the college on the
death of his father.

In the summer of 1861 General Reyn-
olds had been left by Rosecrans to con-
front General Lee in the Cheat Mountain
region. Lee was then in chief command
in western Virginia. He had sent Gen-
eral Floyd to drive the Nationals out of
the Kanawha Valley, but the latter was
defeated (Sept. 11) at Carnifex Ferry,
and fled to Big Sewell ]\Iountain. Reyn-
olds's command consisted of Indiana and
Ohio troops. With them he held the
roads and passes of the mountains of
the more westerly ranges of the Alle-
ghany chain. His headquarters were at
Cheat Mountain pass, and Lee's were at
Huntersville, in Pocahontas county. It
was evident early in September, by the
activity of Lee's scouts, that he was pre-
paring to strike a blow somewhere. It
was finally made clear that he was about
to strike the Nationals at Elk Water, at
the western foot of Cheat Mountain. His
object evidently was to secure the great
Cheat Mountain pass, and have free com-
munication with the Shenandoah Valley.
For this purpose he marched from Hun-
tersville, in the night of Sept. 11, to make
a simultaneoiis attack on Elk Water, the
pass, and a station of Indiana troops on
the summit, under Colonel Kimball.
About 5,000 Confederates, under General
Anderson, of Tennessee, attempted to take
the summit and the pass, but were re-
pulsed. On the 12tli Lee advanced in
heavy force upon Elk Water, but was
driven back. He was satisfied that his
plan for seizing and destroying Reynolds's
army and opening a Avay to the Ohio had
failed, and he hastened to join Floyd on
Big Sewell ]\Iountain, between the forks
of the Kanawlia. In the encounters dur-
ing two or three days, Reynolds lost ten
men killed, fourteen wounded, and sixty-
four made prisoners. The Confederates
lost about 100 killed and wounded, and
ninety prisoners. The joint forces of Lee
and Floyd, on Big Sewell Motmtain, num-
bered about 20,000 men, and there they
were confronted by 10,000 Nationals,
under Rosecrans, assisted by Generals

Cox, Schenck, and Benham. The iiellig-
erents remained in sight of each other
for about three weeks. Wise, then under
Lee's command, was recalled to Rich-
mond. Lee's campaign in western Vir-
ginia was regarded by the Confederate
government as a failure, and he, too, was
soon afterwards recalled and sent to
South Carolina, where he planned and
partially constructed the coast defensive
works. See Charleston.

After his disastrous experience at
Gettysburg (July 1, 2, and 3, 1863), Gen-
eral Lee began a retreat for Virginia on
the night of the 5th, having previously
sent forward his enormous wagon-tr-ains
and sick and wounded men. Sedgwick's
corps and Kilpatrick's cavalry were sent
in pursuit. Sedgwick overtook the Con-
federate rear-guard at a pass in the South
Mountain range, but was recalled, and
the whole army, having rested, were put
in motion for a flank movement through
the lower passes of South Mountain. But
the movement was so tardy that when
Meade overtook Lee (July 12) he was
strongly intrenched on the banks of the
Potomac, near Williamsport, waiting for
a flood in the river, caused by recent
rains, to subside. While Meade was pre-
paring to attack Lee, the latter escaped
over the river. General Hill's rear-guard
had been struck by Kilpatrick, and lost
125 men killed and 1,500 made prisoners.
Kilpatrick's loss was 105 men. Thus
ended, in utter discomfiture and repulse,
Lee's second formidable invasion of Mary-
land.

Lee's Final Struggle. — While the Con-
federates were leaving Richmond, Lee's
army was withdrawing from Petersburg.
He hoped to conduct his army to Danville,
on the southern borders of Virginia,
whitlier his government had fled. He ap-
pointed Amelia Court-house as the point
for the concentration of his army. There
his forces would reach the Danville Rail-
way, and thereafter use it in their flight
into North Carolina. At the time when
he sent his despatch for the evacuation of
Richmond he ordered commissary and
quartermaster's stores to be sent from
Danville to Avnelia Court - house for the
use of his army. They were promptly
forwarded ; but when the officer in charge
reached Amelia Court - house he received

348

GENERAL ROBERT E. L.EE.
349

LEE, ROBEIIT EDWARD

orders from Richmond to hasten thither
with his train. The stupid fellow obeyed,
but took with him the supplies. The gov-
ernment, in its flight, occupied the whole
train. The stores were left at Richmond
and destroyed in the conflagrations. Lee
was almost hopeless when he discovered
this calamity, for it threatened his army
with starvation. He knew that Grant,
for the sake of celerity in pursuit, would
break up his army into detachments; and
Lee hoped, by a bountifully supplied army
well in hand, to fall upon these frag-
ments and cut up the National army in
detail. Now he was compelled to detach
nearly one-half of his army to forage
for supplies to keep his forces from
starving.

Grant, meanwhile, had taken possession
of Petersburg, and his army moved in vig-
orous pursuit. Sheridan's cavalry and
Warren's corps struck the Danville Rail-
way (April 4, 1865) at Jetersville, 7 miles
southwest of Amelia Court-house. Some
of his cavalry then pushed on to Burkes-
ville Station, at the junction of that road
with the Southside Railway. Sheridan
now stood squarely across Lee's pathway
of retreat, and held possession of his chief
channel of supplies from Lynchburg and
Danville. Lee attempted to escape by
way of Farmville. Sheridan sent General
Davies on a reconnoissance, who found
part of Lee's army moving westward
(April 5), his cavalry escorting a train
of 180 wagons. Davies fell upon the
escort, captured many men and five guns,
and destroyed the wagons. Lee's accom-
panying infantry had pressed Davies for
a while, but, reinforced by Generals Gregg
and Smith, he extricated himself. On the
morning of the 6th nearly the whole of
the Army of the Potomac were at Jeters-
ville, and moved upon Amelia Court-house.
Sheridan discovered Lee's army moving
rapidly westward, and made a rapid pur-
suit, in three columns. Great efi"orts were
made to check Lee's retreat. He was
smitten severely at Sailor's Creek, a small
tributary of the Appomattox, where an-
other train of 400 wagons, sixteen guns,
and many men were captured. By this
blow Ewell's corps, following the train,
was cut ofi" from Lee's main army. Very
soon afterwards that corps was captured,
Ewell and four other generals and 6,000

veterans becoming prisoners. With his
dreadfully shattered army, Lee crossed
the Appomattox that night (April 6 and
7) at Farmville, setting fire to bridges be-
hind him. They were not all consumed.
The Nationals crossed and captured
eighteen guns abandoned by a rear-guard.
Lee's troops and animals were perishing
for want of food. Thousands let their
muskets fall because they were too weak
to carry them and walk. Lee would not
listen to a proposition of his officers to
give up the contest, and resolved to make
further efforts to escape. Nearly the
whole of Grant's army joined in vigorous
pursuit of the Confederates, and Lee
surrendered at Appomattox Court-house,
April 9, 186.5.

Terms of the Surrender. — The follow-
ing is the correspondence that passed be-
tween Generals Grant and Lee, which re-
sulted in the surrender of the army of the
latter :

"April 7.

" Gen. R. E. Lee, Commander, C. 8. A.:

" Sir, — The result of the last week must
convince you of the hopelessness of fur-
ther resistance on the part of the Army
of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I
feel that it is so, and regard it as my
duty to shift from myself the responsibility
of any further effusion of blood by a.sk-
ing of you the surrender of that portion
of the Confederate States army known as
the Army of Northern Virginia.

" Very respectfully, your obedient ser-
vant, U. S. Grant,
" Lievitenant-General, Commanding Armies
of the United States."

" April 7.

" General, — I have received your note
of this date. Though not entirely of the
opinion you express of the hopelessness
of further resistance on the part of the
Army of Northern Virginia, I reciprocate
your desire to avoid useless eff'usion of
blood, and, therefore, before considering
your proposition, ask the terms you will
offer on condition of its s\irrender.

" R. E. Lee. General.
" To Lieut.-Oen. U. 8. Orant, Commanding

Armies of the United States."

350

LEE, BOBERT EDWARD

III.

" April 8.
" To Gen. R. E. Lee, Commanding Con-
federate States Army:

" General, — Your note of last even-
ing, in reply to mine of same date, ask-
ing the conditions on which 1 will accept
the surrender of the Army of Northern
Virginia, is just received.

" In reply, I would say that, peace be-
ing my first desire, there is but one coji-
dition that I insist upon — viz. :

" That the men surrendered shall be
disqualified for taking up arms against
the government of the United States un-
til properly exchanged.

" I will meet you, or designate offi-
cers to meet any officers you may name
for the same purpose, at any point agree-
able to you, for the purpose of arranging
definitely the terms upon which the sur-
render of the Army of Northern Virginia
will be received.

" Very respectfully, your obedient ser-
vant, U. S. Grant,
" Lieutenant-General, Commanding Armies

of the United States."

IV.

" April 8.
" General, — I received, at a late hour,
your note of to-day in answer to mine of
yesterday.

" I did not intend to propose the sur-
render of the Army of Northern Virginia,
but to ask the terms of your proposition.
To be frank, I do not think the emer-
gency has arisen to call for the surrender.
But, as the restoration of peace should
be the sole object of all, T desire to know
whether your proposals would tend to
that end.

" I cannot, therefore, meet you with a
view to surrender the Army of Northern
Virginia, but so far as your proposition
may affect the Confederate States forces
under my command, and lead to the
restoration of peace, I should be pleased
to meet you at 10 a.m. to-morrow on the
old stage-road to Richmond, between the
picket-lines of the two armies.

" Very respectfully, your obedient ser-
vant, R. E. Lee,

" General, Confederate States Armies.
" To Lieutenant - General Grant, Com-
manding Armies of the United States.'

" April 9.
" General R. E. Lee, Commanding C. S. A.:

" General, — Your note of yesterday is
received. As I have no authority to treat
on the subject of peace, the meeting pro-
posed for 10 a.m. to-day could lead to
no good. I will state, however, general,
that I am equally anxious for peace with
yourself; and the whole North entertain
the same feeling. The terms upon which
peace can be had are well understood.
By the South laying down their arms they
will hasten that most desirable event,
save thousands of human lives, and hun-
dreds of millions of property not yet de-
stroyed.

" Sincerely hoping that all our difficul-
ties may be settled without the loss of
another life, I subscribe myself,

" Very respectfully, your obedient ser-
vant, U. S. Grant,

" Lieutenant-General, U. S. A."

VI.

"April 9, 1865.
" General, — I received your note of this
morning on the picket-line, whither I had
come to meet you and ascertain definite-
ly what terms were embraced in your
proposition of yesterday with reference to
the surrender of this army.

" I now request an interview in ac-
cordance with the offer contained in your
letter of yesterday for that purpose.

" Very respectfully, your obedient ser-
vant, R. E. Lee, General.
" To Lieutenant-General Grant, Command-
ing United States Armies."

VII.

" April 9.
" General R. E. Lee, Commanding Con-
federate States Armies:

" Your note of this date is but this
moment (11.50 a.m.) received.

" In consequence of my having passed
from the Richmond and Lynchburg road
to the Farmville and Lynchburg road,
I am at this writing about 4 miles west
of Walter's Church, and will push forward
to the front for the purpose of meeting
you.

" Notice sent to me on this road where
you wish the interview to take place will
meet me.

351

LEE, ROBEBT EDWARD

" Very respectfully, your obedient ser-
vant,

" U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General."

VIII.
" Appomattox Court-house,
" April 9, 1865.
" Gen. R. E. Lee, Commanding C. 8. A.:

" In accordance with the substance of
my letter to you of the 8th inst., I pro-

CEAIR IN WHICH GENERAL LEE SAT WHEN SIGNING THE
SURRENDER.

pose to receive the surrender of the Army
of Northern Virginia on the following
terms, to wit:

" Rolls of all the officers and men to be
made in duplicate, one copy to be given to
an officer designated by me, the other to
be retained by such officers as you may
designate.

" The officers to give their individual
parole not to take arms against the gov-
ernment of the United States until prop-
erly exchanged; and each company or
regimental commander to sign a like
parole for ihe men of their commands.

" The arms, artillery, and public prop-
erty to be parked and stacked, and turned
over to the officers appointed by me to re-
ceive them.

" This will not embrace the side-arms

of the officers, nor their private horses or
baggage.

" This done, each officer and man will
be allowed to return to their homes, not
to be disturbed by United States authority
so long as they observe their parole and
the laws in force where they may reside.
" Very respectfully,
" U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General."

IX.

" Headquarters
" Aemy of Northern Virginia,

" April 9, 1865.
" Lieut.-Gen. U. 8. Grant, Commanding
V. 8. A.:
" General, — I have received your letter
of this date, containing the terms of sur-
render of the Army of Northern Virginia,
as proposed by you. As they are substan-
tially the same as those expressed in your
letter of the 8th inst., they are accepted.
I will proceed to designate the proper
officers to carry the stipulations into ef-
fect.

" Very respectfully, your obedient ser-
vant, R. E. Lee, General."

On the day of the surrender General
Lee addressed the following farewell to
the Army of Northern Virginia:

" Headquarters
" Army of Northern Virginia,

" April 10, 1865.
" After four years of arduous service,
marked by unsurpassed courage and forti-
tude, the Army of Northern Virginia has
been compelled to yield to overwhelming
numbers and resources.

" I need not tell the survivors of so

TABLE ON WHICH THE SURRENDER WAS SIOKIOl

352

LEE, ROBERT EDWARD

GENERAL LEE LEAVING AFTEB THE SURRENDER.

many hard-fought battles, who have re-
mained steadfast to the last, that I have
consented to this result from no distrust
of them; but feeling that valor and de-
votion could accomplish nothing that
could compensate for the loss that would
have attended the continuation of the
contest, I have determined to avoid the
useless sacrifice of those whose past ser-

vices have endeared them to their coun-
trymen.

" By the terms of agreement, officers and
men can return to their homes, and re-
main there until exchanged.

" You will take with you the satisfac-
tion that proceeds from the conscious-
ness of duty faithfully performed; and I
earnestly pray that a merciful God will

V. — z

353

LEE

extend to you His blessing and protec- at the time of surrender on the 9th in-
stant.

" (Signed)
"John Gibbon, Major-General Volun-
teers.

tion.

" With an unceasing admiration of your
constancy and devotion to your country,
and a grateful remembrance of your kind

and generous consideration of myself, I "Charles Griffin, Brevet Major-Gen-

eral U. S. V.
" M. Merritt, Brevet Major-General.

bid you an affectionate farewell

" E. E. Lee, General."
At the final act of surrender. General ]['^- T^ongstkeet, Lieutenant-General
Lee was not present. It was executed by " •^- ^- GTordon, Major-General
commissioners designated for the pur-
pose, who acceded to the following agree-
ment :

" Appomattox Court-house, Va.,
" April 10, 1865.
"Agreement entered into this day, in

W. N. Pendleton, Brigadier-General
and Chief of Artillery."

The following is a copy of the parole
signed by General Lee and his staff-
officers :

" We, the undersigned, prisoners of war
regard to the surrender of the Army of belonging to the Army of Northern Vir-
Korthern Virginia to the United States ginia» having been this day surrendered
authorities. by Gen. R. E. Lee, commanding said army,

" First. The troops shall march by ^o Lieutenant-General Grant, commanding
brigades and detachments to a designated the armies of the United States, do hereby
point; stack their arms; deposit their* give our solemn parole of honor that we
flags, sabres, pistols, etc.; and from will not hereafter serve in the armies of
thence march to their homes, under the Confederate States, or in any military
charge of their officers, superintended by capacity whatsoever against the United
their respective division and corps com- States of America, or render aid to the
manders, officers retaining their side-arms enemies of the latter, until properly ex-
and the authorized number of private changed in such manner as shall be mutu-
horses. ally approved by the relative authorities.

" Second. All public horses, and pub- " R- E. Lee, General.

lie property of all kinds, to be turned
over to staff-officers to be designated by
the United States authorities.

" Third. Such transportation as may be
agreed upon as necessary for the trans-
portation of the private baggage of offi-
cers will be allowed to accompany the
officers, to be turned over, at the end of
the trip, to the nearest United States
quartermaster, receipts being taken for
the same.

" Fourth. Couriers and mounted men of
the artillery and cavalry, whose horses
are their own private property, will be
allowed to retain them.

" Fifth. The surrender of the Army of
Northern Virginia shall be construed to

" W. H. Taylor, Lieutenant-Colonel and
Assistant Adjutant-General.

" Chas. S. Veneable, Lieutenant-Colonel
and Assistant Adjutant - General.

'• Chas. Marshall, Lieutenant - Colonel
and Assistant Adjutant - General.

•' H. E. Praton, Lieutenant-Colonel and
Inspector-General.

" Giles Brooke, Major and Acting As-
sistant Surgeon-General.

'•' H. S. Young, Assistant Adjutant - Gen-
eral.

" Done at Appomattox Court-house. Va.
this ninth (9) day of April, 18G5."

The parole was countersigned as follows :

" The above-named officers will not be

• 1 J 11 i.u r i- .,, ,, . disturbed by United States authorities as

include all the forces operating with that , +i u 4.1 • 1 j iv,

., o,, . , ^. .. ^, J , ,, long as they observe their parole and the

army on the 8th instant, the date of the ^ ■ t 1 ^.u -j

. » .1 ,. ,. , laws in force where they may reside,

commencement of the negotiations for

surrender, except such bodies of cavalry

as actually made their escape previous to

the surrender; and except, also, such

pieces of artillery as were more than Lee, Stephen Dill, educator; born in

20 miles from Appomattox Court-house Charleston, S. C, Sept. 22, 1833; grad-

354

" Geo. H. Sharpe,
" General, and Assistant Provost - Mar*
shal."

LEE

uated at the United States Military mercial convention proper to be entered

Academy in 1854, and was first lieutenant into between the two republics. When

of the 4th Artillery till 1861, serving also Lee communicated this project to the

as quartermaster for three years. He American commissioners at Paris, they

afterwards entered the Confederate army ( having been much annoyed by the in-

as captain and was promoted to lieuten- termeddling of his brother Arthur) re-

ant-general. He commanded the Confed- minded him that the authority for

erates at Chickasaw Bayou, Miss., where treating with the States-General belonged

Sherman was defeated, and in the battles exclusively to them. Congress took no

of Tupelo, Miss. ; Jonesboro, Ga. ; At- notice of his negotiations with De Neuf-

lanta, Ga. ; Nashville, Franklin, etc., and ville, and soon afterwards dismissed him

took part in the operations around Rich- from their service. Lee died in Green

mond. After the war he became a planter Spring, Va., June 27, 1795.

in Mississippi. In 1870 he was a member Lee, Fort, a Revolutionary War de-

of the Mississippi State Senate; in 1890 fensive post on the west bank of the

was a delegate to the constitutional con- Hudson River, opposite New York City,

vention of Mississippi; and since 1880 has Early on the morning of Nov. 20, 1776,

been president of the Mississippi Agri- Cornwallis crossed the Hudson from

cultural and Mechanical College. Dobb's Ferry to Closter's Landing, 5

Lee, Thomas Ludwell, statesman, born miles above Fort Lee, and with a force

ir. Stratford, Westmoreland co., Va., in about 6,000 strong, including artillery,

1730; a brother of Richard Henry Lee. climbed a steep, rocky pathway up a gorge

During the preliminary movements of in the Palisades, unobserved by Greene,

the Revolutionary War he was conspic- A farmer awoke that officer from slumber

uous as a lawyer and patriot. He in the morning twilight, in time for him

was a member of the committee of safety, to escape from imminent peril. He fled

and in the Virginia convention, in May, in haste from Fort Lee, with the garrison

1776, was on the committee to draft a of 2,000 men, leaving cannon, tents, stores,

declaration of rights and a plan of a and camp equipage behind. He barely

State government. On the organization escaped capture. Washington, apprised

of that government, he was appointed one of the danger, so well covered his retreat

of the five revisers, and was also elected that less than 100 stragglers were made

one of the five judges of the General prisoners.

Court. He died in 1777. Lee, The. Early in 1775, Washington

Lee, William, diplomatist; born in conceived that the readiest way to obtain

Stratford, Va., in 1737; brother of Rich- supplies for the army was the fitting-out of

ard Henry and Arthur ; was agent for Vir- armed vessels for intercepting those sent

ginia in London, and became a merchant from England to Boston. He caused six

there. The city of London being over- armed schooners to be prepared for this

whelmingly Whig in politics, William Lee purpose, which cruised off the New Eng-

was elected sheriff of that city and Mid- land coasts. One of these, the Lee, Cap-

dlesex county in 1773. In 1775 he was tain Manley, captured, Nov. 29, 1775, the

chosen alderman, but on the breaking out brig 'Nancy, an ordnance vessel from

of the war in America retired o France. Woolwich, containing a large brass mor-

Congress appointed him commercial agent tar, scA'eral pieces of brass cannon, a

at Nantes at the beginning of 1777, and large quantity of small - arms and ammu-

he was afterwards American minister at nition, and an abundance of things for the

The Hague. Mr. Lee was also agent in use of camps and artillery. Within ten

Berlin and Vienna, but was recalled in days afterwards the Lee captured three

1779. In 1778 Jan de Neufville, an Am- British store-ships and a brig from An-

sterdam merchant, procured a loan to the tigua laden with rum. In less than five

Americans from Holland, through his days after the last-mentioned capture sev-

house. and, to negotiate for it, gained eral other store-ships fell into the hands of

permission of the burgomasters of Am- ISIanley, and so the Continental army wa^

sterdam to meet Lee at Aix-la-Chapelle. supplied with materials intended for the

There they arranged terms for a com- British army in Boston.

365

LEESBURG— LEISLEK

Leesburg, Battle of. See Ball's
Bluff.

Legal Holidays. See Holidays, Legal.

Legal Tender. See Currency; Fi-
nances; Greenbacks.

Legare, Hugh Swinton; born in
Charleston, S. C, Jan. 2, 1789; graduated
at the College of South Carolina in 1814;
elected to the State legislature in 1820,
and in 1830 elected attorney-general of
the State. Mr. Legare was one of the
editors of the Southern Revieto. In
1837 he was elected a Representative in
Congress, and in 1841 was appointed At-
torney-General of the United States, and
in 1843 Secretary of State. He died in
P.oston, Mass., June 2. 1843.

Leisler, Jacob, military officer; born
in Frankfort, Germany; was of Huguenot
descent, and came to America in 1660.
Settling first in Albany, he soon became
a trader in New York City. While on a
voyage to Europe in 1678, he, with seven
others, was captured by Turkish corsairs,
and they were ransomed at a high price.
In 1683 he was appointed a commissioner
of the court of admiralty in New York
City. Democracy had then taken firm root
among the people in New York, and when
news of the accession of William and
Mary reached the city the people were
much excited by it. The military force
of the city consisted of five military com-
panies, of which Nicholas Bayard, a mem-
ber of the governor's council, was colonel,
and Leisler was senior captain. The
people were zealous Protestants. A
Roman Catholic collector appointed by
King James had been retained in place,
and a rumor spread of a horrible plot and
intended massacre by the opponents of
the deposed monarch. A crowd of citi-
zens, followed by the five militia com-
panies, surrounded the house of Leisler
and induced him to lead a movement for
the seizure of the fort. Bayard at-
tempted to disperse them, but was com-
pelled to fly for his life. A distinct line
was soon drawn between the aristocrats,
headed by Bayard, Livingston, and others,
and the democrats, led by Leisler. The
fort was seized, with the public money in
it. Nicholson, Andros's lieutenant, de-
manded the money and was treated with
disdain.

A committee of safety of ten members

— Dutch, Huguenots, and English — con-
stituted Leisler " captain of the fort,"
and invested him with the power of com-
mander-in-chief until orders should arrive
from the new monarchs. He was, in-
deed, the 'popular goA^ernor of the prov-
ince. The New Englanders applauded
the movement. Leisler proclaimed Will-
iam and Mary at the sound of the trump-
et, and sent a letter to the King giving
an account of his doings. Nicholson,
perceiving the support which the people
of New York and New England gave to
Leisler, departed for England; and the
members of his council withdrew to Al-
bany, where, acknowledging allegiance to
William and Mary, they claimed to be
the true governors of the colony, and de-
nounced Leisler as an " arch-rebel."
Leisler's son-in-law, Jacob Milborne, had
just returned from Holland, and was sent
to Albany with some soldiers to defend
the place against an expected attack ft-om
Canada ; but the old council there re-
fused to give up the fort to Milborne.
The people of Albany obtained aid from
Connecticut. Milborne having withdrawn
to avoid bloodshed. Soon after this a
letter, addressed to " such as for the time
being administer affairs," was received at
New York, enclosing a commission as
governor for Nicholson. As the latter was
on the ocean, Leisler assumed the title
of lieutenant-governor, construing the
King's letter as a confirmation of his au-
thority. He called an assembly to pro-
vide means for carrying on war with
Canada.

Leaving Leisler's letter unanswered.
King William commissioned Col. Henry
Sloughter governor of New York, and
sent an independent company of regular
soldiers, under Captain Ingoldsby (Janu-
ary, 1691), for the defence of the province.
Influenced by the enemies of Leisler, In-
goldsby claimed the temporary adminis-
tration of affairs, and the possession of
the fort, by virtue of his commission from
the King. Leisler refused compliance with
the demand, but proclaimed Sloughter's
appointment, and ordered Ingoldsby's
troops to be quartered in the city. There
was great excitement in the city between
the aristocracy and democracy. Bayard
and others of the old council were in
prison. Leisler was, for a time, besieged

356

LELAND— LELAND STANFORD, JUNIOR, UNIVERSITY

in tlie fort, and some lives were lost; and
because he refused to give up the fort at
the first sinnmons of Ingoldsby, Sloughter,
on his arrival, instigated by the friends
of Bayard and others, caused the demo-
cratic governor and his council to be ar-
rested.

Bayard and others of the old council,
having been released, were sworn members
of Sloughter's council, and a special court
was organized to try the prisoners. Leis-
ler and Milborne, denying the jurisdiction
of the court, refused to plead. They were
tried, nevertheless, and found guilty; but
Sloughter hesitated to order their execu-
tion, preferring to await the King's de-
cision in the matter. Leisler's enemies
burned with a desire for revenge. The
Assembly, also composed of his enemies,
refused to recommend a temporary re-
prieve. At a dinner-party given for the
purpose, Sloughter, made drunk with
liquor, was persuaded to sign the death-
warrant. The revel was continued until
morning for fear Sloughter, sober, might
recall the warrant; and before he had re-
covered his senses Leisler and Milborne
were taken from their weeping wives and
children (jNIay 10, 1691) and hurried to
the scaffold, erected near the lower end of
the present City Hall Park. A drizzly
rain was falling. A sullen crowd of citi-
zens were spectators of the sad scene.
Among them were Robert Livingston and
others of Leisler's bitter enemies. The
prisoners protested their loyalty and in-
nocence of the charge to the last. Mil-
borne said on the scaffold. " Robert Liv-
ingston, for this I will implead thee at the
bar of God!" It was nothing less than a
judicial murder. Some years afterwards
the attainder which the crime with W'hich
they were charged had placed upon the
victims was reversed by act of Parliament,
and their estates were restored to their
families.

Leland, Charles Godfrey, author;
born in Philadelphia, Pa., Aug. lii. 1824;
graduated at Princeton in 184.5; took
advanced courses at the universities
of Heidelberg, Munich, and Paris; and,
returning to the United States, was
admitted to the bar, and practised in Phil-
adelphia till IS.5.3. He then entered jour-
nalism, and was at different times an edi-
tor on the New York Times; Philadelphia

Evening Bulletin; Vanity Fair; Phila-
delphia Press; Knickerbocker Magazine;
and Continental Magazine. During 1869-
SO he lived- in London. Returning to the
United States, he was the first to estab-
lish industrial education, based on the
minor arts, as a branch of public school
teaching. Later his system spread to
England, Austria-Hungary, and other
countries. He discovered the " Shelta "
language, which was spoken by the Celtic
tinkers, and was the famous lost lan-
guage of the Irish bards, and his dis.
covery was verified by Kuno Meyer, from
manuscripts 1,000 years old. His publi-
cations include Hans Brcitmann's Bal-
lads; France, Alsace, and Lorraine; Life
of Abraham Lincoln; Industrial Work in
Schools (United States Bureau of Educa-
tion) ; One Hundred Profitable Arts;
Etruscan - Roman Bemains; Algonquiam,
Legends ; and many other works.

Leland Stanford, Junior, Univer-
sity, the most generously endowed educa-
tional institution in the world, was opened
for the reception of students in 1891. It
is situated at Palo Alto, a short distance
south of San Francisco, and was founded
by Senator Leland Stanford as a memo-
rial to his son, Leland Stanford, Jr. The
property which Senator Stanford set
apart for its maintenance was valued at
$20,000,000. His widow has since in-
creased the amount of endowment, and in
1899 it represented a total of $45,000,000.
The buildings were constructed without
regard to their cost, and are nowhere
surpassed in beauty and fitness. Many of
them are of yellow sandstone, and the
Moorish style of architecture has been
followed in their construction. The
courses of instruction embrace almost
every department of study imaginable,
and provide a complete system of educa-
tion from the kindergarten to the post-
graduate course. There are not only
schools of agriculture, machine-shops, and
laboratories for the study of the applied
sciences, but there are colleges of art,
of law, of medicine, and of music. The
first president of the institution was Dr.
David S. Jordan, formerly president of
the State University of Indiana. At the
close of the school year 1903 the univer-
sity had 130 professors and instructors;
1,400 students in all departments; 80,000

357

LE MERCIER— LE MOYNE

volumes in its library; and 1,200 gradu-
ates.

Le Mercier, Francis Joseph. See
Jesuit Missions.

Lemmon, John Gill, botanist; born
in Lima, Mich., Jan. 2, 1832; received a
normal school education; engaged in
teaching; entered the University of
Michigan, but left it to join the 4th
Michigan Cavalry, June 8, 1862; vras
captured in August, 1864; and became an
Andersonville prisoner. In 1866 he went
to California, where he engaged in
botanical exploration. In 1880 he mar-
ried Sara Allen Plummer, herself a
botanist, and together they explored the
Pacific coast from Mexico to British
Columbia, in search of specimens. He be-
came a specialist in forestry, and for four
years was botanist of the California State
board of forestry. He has added several
kinds of trees and numerous species of
plants to accepted classifications. His
publications include Recollections of
Rebel Prisons; Ferns of the Pacific; Dis-
covery of .the Potato ; Handhook of West
American Cone-Bearers, etc. His wife is
author of Marine Algce of the West, and
Western Ferns.

Le Moine, Sauvolle, royal governor;
born in Montreal in 1671; accompanied
the brothers Iberville and Bienville in
their expedition to the mouth of the Mis-
sissippi River, and was appointed the first
governor of Louisiana in 1699. He was
of feeble constitution ; possessed brilliant
talents, a remarkably fine personal appear-
ance, and a large fortune. Pacine pro-
nounced him a poet ; Bossuet predicted
that he would become a great orator; and
Villars called him a " marshal in em-
bryo." These promises were unfulfilled.
He died in Biloxi, Miss., July 22, 1701.

Le Moyne, Francis Julius, physician;
born in Washington, Pa., Sept. 4, 1798;
received a collegiate education, and studied
medicine in Philadelphia, and began prac-
tice in his native town in 1822. He be-
came a strong abolitionist in 1835; was
the first nominee for Vice-President of the
Liberty party, but declined to serve.
Later he was several times the candidate
of that party for governor of Pennsyl-
vania. He is best known, however, through
his advocacy of cremation. In 187G he
built the first crematory in the United

States, near Washington, Pa. He died
in Washington, Pa., Oct. 14, 1879.

Le Moyne, Samuel. See Jesuit Mis-
sions.

Le Moyne, the name of a distinguished
Canadian family, members of which bore
conspicuous parts in early American his-
tory. They were descended from Charles
of Normandy, who died in Montreal, Can-
ada, in 1683. He went to Canada in 1641,
where he became a famous Indian fighter.
In 1668 Louis XIV. made him seigneur of
Longueil, and subsequently of Chateau-
gay. He had eleven sons, of whom Bien-
ville and Iberville (qq. v.) were the
most eminent.

Charles, first Sieur de Longueil, was
born in Montreal, Dec. 10, 1656; died
there, June 8, 1729. He was made a lieu-
tenant - general of regulars in the royal
army of France, and, returning to Can-
ada, built churches and a fort at Lon-
gueil. He fought the English assailants
of Quebec under Phipps in 1690, and was
made baron and governor of Montreal in
1700. Becoming commandant-general of
Canada, he prepared to meet the expedi-
tion against Quebec under Walker in 1711.
In 1720 he was governor of Three Rivers,
and again of Montreal in 1724. His in-
fluence over the Indians was very great,
and in 1726 the Senecas allowed him to
rebuild Fort Niagara.

Paul, Sieur de Maricourt, who was born
in Montreal, Dec. 15, 1663, and died there
March 21, 1704, distinguished himself
under his brother Iberville in Hudson
Bay. He commanded an expedition
against the Iroquois, made peace with
them in 1701, and acquired great influ-
ence over them.

Joseph, Sieur de Serigny, was born in
Montreal in July, 1668; died in Roche-
fort, France, in 1734. In 1694 and 1697
he commanded squadrons to assist his
brother Iberville in Hudson Bay, and
brought over emigrants to Louisiana in a
squadron to found a colony there. In
1718-19 he surveyed the coasts there, and
took part in expeditions against the Span-
iards at Pensaeola and in Mobile Bay.
In 1720 he commanded a ship-of-the-line,
and died a rear-admiral of the royal navy.
He was also governor of Rochefort at the
time of his death, having been appointed
in 1723.

358

LEND-A-HAND CLUBS— LESLIE

Antoine, Sieur de Chateaugay, was born
in Montreal, July 7, 1683; died in Rocbe-
fort, France, March 21, 1747. He be-
longed to the royal army, and came with
colonists to Louisiana in 1704, serving
under Iberville there against the English.
He was made chief commandant of Louisi-
ana in 1717, and King's lieutenant in the
colony and knight of St. Louis in 1718.
He was in command of Pensacola in 1719;
a prisoner of war for a while afterwards
to the Spaniards; governor of Martinique;
and, returning to France in 1744, became
governor of lie Royale, or Cape Breton, in
1745.

Lend - a - Hand Clubs, organizations
that originated in 1871 from Edward
Everett Hale's famous book, Ten Times
One is Ten, published during the previous
year. Any club or society of people of
whatever name may become a lend-a-hand
club if it accepts the Wadsworth mottoes
from the story, Ten Times One is Ten.
These mottoes are:

" Look lip and not down,
Look forward and not back,
Look out and not in,
Lend a hand."

Each lend-a-hand club makes its own
constitution and chooses its ow^n line of
work without interference from the cen-
tral office.

L 'Enfant, Peter Charles, engineer;
born in France in 1755; came to Amer-
ica with Lafayette and entered the Con-
tinental army as an engineer in 1777.
He was made a captain in February, 1778;
was severely wounded at the siege of
Savannah in 1779; served under the im-
nicdiate command of Washington after-
wards; and was made a major in May,
1783. The " order." or jewel, of the So-
ciety of the Cincinnati was designed by
Major L'Enfant. He was also author of
the plan of the city of Washington. In
1812 he was appointed Professor of Engi-
neering at West Point, but declined. He
died in Prince George's county, Md., June
14. 1825.

Lenox, James, philanthropist; horn in
New York City, Aug. 19, 1800; fell heir
to a fortune of several millions of dollars
in 1839. He was deeply interested in col-
lecting rare books, including many on
American history. After adding to these

books many rare manuscripts, mosaics,
statues, etc., he founded Lenox Library,
which, with its endowment, represented
a value of $2,000,000. This institution
is now a part of the New York Public
Library {q. v.). He died in New York
City, Feb. 17, 1890.

Lescarbot, Marc, author; born in
Vervins, France, in 1590. When, in 1606,
Poutrincourt, who founded Port Royal,
in Acadia, returned from France with a
company of artisans and laborers, he was
accompanied by Lescarbot, who had then
become known as a lawyer, poet, and writ-
er of a History of New France, published
in 1609. He came to assist Poutrincourt
in establishing his colony on a firm basis.
While Charaplain and De Monts were
looking for a milder climate farther south,
Lescarbot took charge of the fort. With
great energy he planted, builded, and
wrote rhymes, and infused into his subor-
dinates some of his own energy. When
Champlain returned, he was greeted by a
theatrical masque, composed by the poet,
in which Neptune and his Tritons wel-
comed the mariner. The dreary winter
that followed was enlivened by the estab-
lishment of an " Order of Good Times "
by Lescarbot, the duties of the members
consisting in the preparation of good
cheer daily for the table. In the spring
the colonists were summoned to France
by a revocation of their charter. Lescar-
bot died about 1630.

Leslie, Alexander, military officer;
born in England about 1740; came to
IJoston with General Howe in 1775; was
made a major in June, 1759; a lieutenant-
colonel in 1762; and was a brigadier-
general when he came to America. In the
battle of Long Island, in 1776, he com-
manded the light infantry, and was in
the battle of Harlem Plains in September,
and of White Plains in October following.
General Leslie accompanied Sir Henry
Clinton against Charleston in April and
May, 1780. In October he took possession
of Portsmouth, Va.. with 3,000 troops, but
soon hastened to join Cornwallis in the
Carolinas, which he did in December. In
the battle of Guilfoi'd, he commanded the
right wing. General Leslie was in com-
mand at Charleston at the close of hos-
tilities. He died in England, Dec. 27,
1794.

359

LESSEPS— LEWIS

Lesseps, Ferdinand Marie, Viscount votes. He is vice-president of the Amer-
DE. See Panama Canal. lean Baptist Publication Society; presi-

Lester, Charles Euv/ards, author ; born dent of the board of trustees of the
in Griswold, Conn., July 15, 1815. His Southern Baptist Theological Seminary;
publications include Life and Voyages of and has been at the head of oiher chari-
Americus Vespucius; Life of Charles table and religious organizations.
Sumner; Our First Hundred Years; Levermore, Charles Herbert, educa-
America's Advancement; History of the tor; born in Mansfield, Conn., Oct. 15,
United States, in Five Great Periods; etc. 1856; graduated at Yale College in
He died in Detroit, Mich., in 1890. 1879; became Professor of History in the

Letcher, John, la\\'yer; born in Lexing- University of California in 1886, and held
ton, Va., March 29, 1813; was graduated the same chair in the Massachusetts In-
at Randolph-Macon College in 1833; ad- stitute of Technology in 1888-93. He was
mitted to the bar in 1839, and practised made president of Adelphi College,
in his native town; was a member of Brooklyn, in 1896. His publications in-
Congress in 1852-59; and governor of Vir- elude The Republic of New Haven; Syl-
ginia in 1860-64. While he was governor labus of Lectures upon Political History
the State legislature passed its secession since 1815, etc.

ordinance, and, without waiting for it to Levy, Uriah Phillips, naval officer ;
be voted on by the people, he turned over born in Pennsylvania about 1795; joined
the entire forces of the State to the Con- the navy in 1812, and was assigned to duty
federacy. He died in Lexington, Va., Jan, on the Argus. When that vessel was capt-
26, 1884. ured he was held a prisoner for two

Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer, years; was pi-omoted captain in March,
See Dickinson, John. 1844. He wrote a Manual of Internal

Letters of Marque. See Marque and Rules and Regulations for Men-of-War.
Reprisal, Letters of. He died in New York City, March 22,

Leutze, Emanuel, artist; born in 1862.
Gmiind, Wiirtemburg, May 24, 1816; was Lewis, Andrew, military officer; born
brought to the United States during in- in Donegal, Ireland, in 1730, of a Hugue-
fancy. His paintings include Columbus not family which came to Virginia in
Before the Council of Salamanca ; Colum- 1732. Andrew was a volunteer to take
bus in Chains; Columbus Before the possession of the Ohio region in 1754;
Queen; Landing of the 'Norsemen in Amer- was with Washington; and was major of
ica; Washington Crossing the Delau-are; a Virginian regiment at Braddock's de-
Washington at Monmouth; Washington at feat. In the expedition under Major
the Battle of Monongahela; News from Grant, in 1758, he was made prisoner and
Lexington; Sergeant Jasper; Washington taken to IMontreal. In 1768 he was a com-
at Princeton; Lafayette in Prison at 01- missioner to treat with the Indians at Fort
mutz Visited by His Relatives; etc. In Stanwix; was appointed a brigadier-gen-
1860 he was chosen by the United States era! in 1774, and on Oct. 10, that year, he
government to make a large mural paint- fought a severe battle with a formidable
ing on one of the staircases in the Capitol, Indian force at Point Pleasant, and gained
entitled Westioard the Star of Empire a victory. In the Virginia House of Bur-
Tales Its Way. He died in Washington, gesses, and in the field, he was a bold
D. C. July 18, 1808. patriot. A colonel in the army, he com-

Levees. See Mississippi River (Mod- manded the Virginia troops that drove
em Improvements). Lord Dunmore from Virginian waters.

Levering-, Joshua, prohibitionist; In that expedition he cauglit a cold, from
born in Baltimore, Md., Sept. 12, 1845; the eflects of which he died, in Bedford
was first a Democrat, and then a Prohi- county, Sept. 26, 1781. His four brothers
bitionist. In 1896 he was the candidate — Samuel, Thomas, Charles, and William
of the National Prohibition party for — were all distinguished in military an-
President of the United States, with Hale nals. His statue occupies one of the
Johnson for Vice-President. The ticket pedestals around Crawford's Washington
received 132,007 popular but no electoral monument at Richmond.

3C0

LEWIS

Lewis, Charles B., humorist; born in
Ohio in 1842; graduated at Michigan
Agricultural College. In 1869 he began
writing for the Detroit Free Press. He
soon became widely known as a humorist
and as a descriptive writer. His contri-
butions to the Free Press soon ran its
circulation from 5,000 to 250,000 copies.
Most of his newspaper work was pub-
lished under the pen-name of " M.
Quad." His other publications include
Field, Fort, and Fleet; A Sketch Book
of the Civil War; The Lime-Kiln Club;
Satccd-Off Sketches; Mr. and il/rs. Boio-
ser; Quad's Odds; and a number of
plays.

Lewis, Francis, signer of the Declara-
tion of Independence; born in Llandaff,
Wales, in March, 1713; educated at West-
minster School, he became a merchant, and
emigrated to America in 1734. He was
aide to Colonel Mercer after the capture
of Oswego by the French in 1757, and was,
with other prisoners, taken to Canada

and thence to France. For his services
the British government gave him 5,000
acres of land. Patriotic and active, he
was a member of the Stamp Act Congress
in 1765. He was a delegate from New
York in the Continental Congress from
1775 to 1779. Settled on Long Island,
which abounded with Tories, he suffered
much from the destruction of his property
by this class of citizens. They caused the
death of his wife by brutally confining
her in a prison for several months. To
his patriotism he sacrificed most of his
property, and died poor, in New York
City, Dec. 30, 1802.

Lewis, Lawrence, lawyer; born in
Philadelphia, Pa., June 20, 1857; grad-
uated at the University of Pennsylva-
nia in 1876, and was admitted to the bar
in 1879. His publications include Courts
of Pennsylvania in the Seventeenth Cen-
tury; History of the Bank of North
America; Memoir of Edward Shippen,
Chief-Justice of Pennsylvania.

LEWIS, MERIWETHER

Lewis, Meriwether. On Aug. 18, 1813,
Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to Paul
Allen, of Philadelphia, gave the following
review of the life and work of this dis-
tinguished explorer:

Sir, — In compliance with the request
conveyed in your letter of May 25, I have
endeavored to obtain, from the relations
and friends of the late Governor Lewis,
information of such incidents of his life
as might bo not unacceptable to those who
may read the narrative of his Western dis-
coveries. The ordinary occurrences of a
private life, and those, also, while acting
in a subordinate sphere in the army in a
time of peace, are not deeined sufficiently
interesting to occupy the public attention;
but a general account of his parentage,
v.'ith such smaller incidents as marked his
early character, are briefly Tinted, and to
these are added, as being peculiarly within
my own knowledge, whatever related to
the public mission, of which an account
is now to be published. The result of my
inquiries and reoolleclions shall now be
offered, to be enlargecj or abridged as you
may think best, or otherwise to be used

with the materials you may have collected
from other sources.

Meriwether Lewis, late governor of
Louisiana, was born on Aug. 18, 1774,
near the town of Charlottesville, in the
county of Albemarle, in Virginia, of
one of the distinguished families of
that State. John Lewis, one of his
father's uncles, was a member of the
King's council before the Revolution. An-
other of them, Fielding Lewis, married a
sister of General Washington. His father,
William Lewis, was the youngest of five
sons of Col. Robert Lewis, of Albe-
marle, the fourth of whom, Charles, was
one of the early patriots who stepped for-
ward in the commencement of the Revolu-
tion, and commanded one of the regiments
first raised in Virginia, and placed on
Continental establishment. Happily situ-
ated at home, with a wife and young fam-
ily, and a fortune placing him at ease,
he left all to aid in the liberation of his
country from foreign usurpations, then
first unmasking their ultimate end and
aim. His good sense, integrity, bravery,
enterprise, and remarkable bodily powers
marked him as an officer of great prom-

361

LEWIS, MERIWETHER

ise; but lie unfortunately died early in
the Revolution. Nicholas Lewis, the sec-
ond of his father's brothers, commanded
a regiment of militia in the successful ex-
pedition of 1776 against the Cherokee Ind-
ians, who, seduced by the agents of the

^^yCc£/'L/i'^yv-~(yfyL£^ -2<c^-^'-tx'-t^

British government to take up the hatchet
against us, had committed great havoc on
our Southern frontier by murdering and
scalping helpless women and children,
according to their cruel and cowardly
principles of warfare. The chastisement
they then received closed the history of
their Avars, and prepared them for receiv-
ing the elements of civilization, which,
zealously inculcated by the present gov-
ernment of the United States, have ren-
dered them an industrious, peaceable, and
happy people. This member of the family
of Lewises, whose bravery was so usefully
proved on this occasion, was endeared to
all who knew him by his inflexible probity,
courteous disposition, benevolent heart,
and engaging modesty and manners. He
was the umpire of all the private differ-
ences of his county — selected always by
both parties. He was also the guardian
of Meriwether Lewis, of whom we are now
to speak, and who had lost his father at an
early age. He continued some years under
the fostering care of a tender mother of
the respectable family of Meriwethers, of
the same county, and was remarkable

even in infancy for enterprise, boldness,
and discretion. When only eight years of
age he habitually went out, in the dead of
night, alone with his dogs, into the forest,
to hunt the raccoon and opossum, which,
seeking their food in the night, can then
only be taken. In this exercise, no season
or circumstance could obstruct his pur-
pose— plunging through the winter's snows
and frozen streams in pursuit of his ob-
ject.

At thirteen he was put to the Latin
school, and continued at that until eigh-
teen, when he returned to his mother,
and entered on the cares of his farm, hav-
ing, as well as a younger brother, been
left by his father with a competency for
all the correct and comfortable purposes
of temperate life. His talent for ob-
servation, which had led him to an ac-
curate knowledge of the plants and ani-
mals of his own country, would have dis-
tinguished him as a farmer; but, at the
age of twenty, yielding to the ardor of
youth and a passion for more dazzling
pursuits, he engaged as a volunteer in
the body of militia which were called out
by General Washington on occasion of the
discontents produced by the excise taxes
in the western parts of the United States,
and from that situation he was removed
to the regular service as a lieutenant in
the line. At twenty-three he was pro-
moted to a captaincy; and, always attract-
ing the first attention where punctuality
and fidelity were requisite, he was ap-
pointed paymaster to his regiment. About
this time a circumstance occurred which,
leading to the transaction which is the
subject of this book, will justify a recur-
rence to its original idea. While I re-
sided in Paris, John Ledyard, of Connecti-
cut, arrived there, well known in the
United States for energy of body and
mind. He had accompanied Captain
Cook on his voyage to the Pacific Ocean,
and distinguished himself on that voy-
age by his intrepidity. Being of a roam-
ing disposition, he was now panting for
some new enterprise. His immediate ob-
ject at Paris was to engage a mercantile
company in the fur-trade of the western
coast of America, in which, however, he
failed. I then proposed to him to go by
land to Kamchatka, cross in some of the
Kussian vessels to Nootka Sound, fall

362

LEWIS, MEBIWETHER

down into the latitude of the Missouri, obtain for him the execution of that ob-
and penetrate to, and through, that to ject. I told him it was proposed that the
the United States. He eagerly seized the person engaged should be attended by a
idea, and only asked to be assured of the single companion only, to avoid exciting
permission of the Russian government. I alarm among the Indians. This did not
interested in obtaining that M. de Simou- deter him; but Mr. Andre Michaux, a
lin, minister plenipotentiary of the Em- professed botanist, author of the Flora
press at Paris, but more especially the Boreali-Americana, and of the Histoire
Baron de Grimm, minister plenipotenti- des Chesnes d'Amerique, offering his ser-
arj of Saxe-Gotha, her more special agent vices, they were accepted. He received
and correspondent there in matters not his instructions; and, when he had reached
immediately diplomatic. Her permission Kentucky in the prosecution of his jour-
was obtained, and an assurance of protec- ney, he was overtaken by an order from
tion while the course of the voyage should the minister of France, then at Phila-
be through her territories. Ledyard set delphia, to relinquish the expedition,
out from Paris, and arrived at St. Peters- and to pursue elsewhere the botanical
burg after the Empress had left that inquiries on which he was employed
place to pass the winter, I think, at Mos- by that government; and thus failed
cow. the second attempt for exploring that

His finances not permitting him to region,
make unnecessary stay at St. Peters- In 1803 the act for establishing trad-
burg, he left it with a passport from one ing-houses with the Indian tribes being
ot the ministers, and at 200 miles from about to expire, some modifications of
Kamchatka was obliged to take up his it were recommended to Congress by a
winter - quarters. He was preparing, in confidential message of Jan. 18, and an
the spring, to resume his journey, when he extension of its views to the Indians on
was arrested by an officer of the Empress, the Missouri. In order to prepare the
who by this time had changed her mind, way, the message proposed the sending
and forbidden his proceeding. He was put an exploring party to trace the Missouri
into a close carriage, and conveyed day to its source; to cross the highlands, and
and night, without ever stopping, till they follow the best water communication
reached Poland, where he was set down which offered itself from thence to the
and left to himself. The fatigue of this Pacific Ocean. Congress approved the
journey broke down his constitution; and proposition, and voted a sum of money for
when he returned to Paris his bodily carrying it into execution. Captain Lewis,
strength was much impaired. His mind, who had then been nearly two years
however, remained firm ; and he after this with me as private secretary, immediately
undertook the journey to Egypt. I re- renewed his solicitations to have the di-
ceived a letter from him, full of sanguine rection of the party. I had now had
hopes, dated at Cairo, Nov. 15, 1788, opportunities of knowing him intimately,
the day before he was to set out for the Of courage undaunted; possessing a firm-
head of the Nile, on which day, how- ness and perseverance of purpose which
ever, he ended his career and life; and nothing but impossibilities could divert
thus failed the first attempt to explore from its direction; careful as a father
the western part of our northern conti- of those committed to his charge, yet
nent. steady in the maintenance of order and

In 1792 I proposed to the American discipline; intimate with the Indian char-
Philosophical Society that we should set acLer, customs, and principles; habituat-
on foot a subscription to engage some ed to the hunting life; guarded, by exact
competent person to explore that region observation of the vegetables and ani-
in the opposite direction; that is, by as- mals of his own country, against losing
cending the Missouri, crossing the Stony time in the description of objects already
Mountains, and descending the nearest possessed; honest, disinterested, liberal,
river to the Pacific. Captain Lewis, being of sound understanding, and a fidelity to
tiien stationed at Charlottesville, on the truth so scrupulous that whatever he
recruiting service, warmly solicited me to should report would be as certain as if

363

LEWIS, MERIWETHER

seen by ourselves — with all these qualifica-
tions, as if selected and implanted by
nature in one body for this express pur-
pose, I could have no hesitation in con-
fiding the enterprise to him. To fill up
the measure desired, he wanted nothing
but a greater familiarity with the techni-
cal language of the natural sciences and
readiness in the astronomical observa-
tions necessary for the geography of his
route. To acquire these he repaired im-
mediately to Philadelphia, and placed
himself under the tutorage of the dis-
tinguished professors of that place, who,
with a zeal and emulation enkindled by
an ardent devotion to science, communi-
cated to him freely the information
requisite for the purposes of the journey.
While attending, too, at Lancaster, the
fabrication of the arms with which he
chose that his men should be provided, he
had the benefit of daily communication
with Mr. Andrew Ellicot, whose experience
in astronomical observation, and practice
of it in the woods, enabled him to apprise
Captain Lewis of the wants and difficul-
ties he would encounter, and of the sub-
stitutes and resources offered by a wood-
land and uninhabited country.

Deeming it necessary he should have
some person with him of known compe-
tence to the direction of the enterprise, in
the event of accident to himself, he pro-
posed William Clarke, brother of Gen.
George Rogers Clarke, who was approved,
and, with that view, received a commission
of captain.

In April, 1803, a draft of his in-
structions were sent to Captain Lewis,
and on June 20 they were signed in the
following form:

" To Meriwether Lewis, Esq., captain of
the 1st Regiment of Infantry of the Unit-
ed States of America :

" Your situation as secretary of the
I'resident of the LTnited States has made
you acqtiainted with the objects of my
confidential message of Jan. IS, 1803, to
the legislature; you have seen the act
they passed, which, though expressed in
general terms, was meant to sanction
those objects, and you are appointed to
cnrry them into execution.

" Instruments for ascertaining, by celes-
tial observations, the geography of the
country, through which you will pass have

been already provided. Light articles
for barter and presents among the Ind-
ians, arms for j'our attendants, say for
from ten to twelve men, boats, tents, and
other travelling apparatus, with ammuni-
tion, medicine, surgical instruments, and
provisions, you will have prepared, with
such aids as the Secretary at W^ar can
yield in his department; and from him
also you will receive authority to engage
among our troops, by A'oluntary agree-
ment, the number of attendants above
mentioned, over whom you, as their com-
manding officer, are invested with all the
powers the laws give in such a case.

" As your movements while within the
limits of the United States will be better
directed by occasional communications,
adapted to circumstances as they rise,
they will not be noticed here. What fol-
lows will respect your proceedings after
your departure from the United States.

" Your mission has been communicated
to the ministers here from France, Spain,
and Great Britain, and through them to
their governments, and such assurances
given them as to its objects as we trust
will satisfy them. The country of Louisi-
ana having been ceded by Spain to France,
the passport you have from the minister
of France, the representative of the pres-
ent sovereign of the country, will be a
protection with all its subjects; and that
from the minister of England will entitle
you to the friendly aid of any traders of
that allegiance with whom you happen to
meet.

" The object of your mission is to ex-
plore the Missouri River, and such princi-
pal streams of it as, by its course and
communication with the waters of the Pa-
cific Ocean, whether the Columbia, Ore-
gon, Colorado, or any other river, may
ofTer the most direct and practicable
water communication across the continent
for the purposes of commerce.

" Beginning at the mouth of the Mis-
souri, you will take observations of lati-
tude and longitude at all remarkable
points on the river, and especially at the
mouths of rivers, at rapids, at islands,
and other places and objects distinguished
by such natural marks and characters, of
a durable kind, as that they may with
certainty be recognized hereafter. The
courses of the river between these points

3$4

LEWIS. MeUIWETHEB

of observation may be supplied by the
compass, the log-line, and by time, cor-
rected by the observations themselves.
The variations of the needle, too, in differ-
ent places should be noticed.

" The interesting points of the portage
between the heads of the Missouri and of
the water offering the best communication
with the Pacific Ocean, should also be
fixed by observation, and the course of
that water to the ocean in the same man-
ner as that of the Missouri.

" Your observations are to be taken
with great pains and accuracy; to be en-
tered distinctly and intelligibly for others
as well as yourself; to comprehend all
the elements necessary, with the aid of
the usual tables, to fix the latitude and
longitude of the places at which they were
taken ; and are to be rendered to the War
Office, for the purpose of having the cal-
culations made concurrently by proper
persons within the United States. Sev-
eral copies of these, as well as of your
other notes, should be made at leisure
times, and put into the care of the most
trustworthy of your attendants to guard,
by multiplying them, against the acciden-
tal losses to wliich they will be exposed.
A further guard would be that one of
these copies be on the cuticular mem-
branes of the paper-birch, as less liable
to injury from damp than common pa-
per.

" The commerce wliich may be carried
on with the people inhabiting the line you
will pursue renders a knowledge of those
people important. You will therefore
endeavor to make yourself acquainted, as
far as a diligent pursuit of your journey
shall admit, with the names of the nations
and their numbers ;

" The extent and limits of their posses-
sions ;

" Their relations with other tribes or
nations;

" Their language, traditions, monu-
ments ;

" Their ordinary occupations in agri-
culture, fishing, hunting, war, arts, and
the implements for these;

" Their food, clothing, and domestic ac-
commodations ;

" The diseases prevalent among them,
and the remedies they use ;

" Moral and physical circumstances

which distinguish them from the tribes
we know ;

" Peculiarities in their laws, customs,
and dispositions;

" And articles of commerce they may
need or furnish, and to what extent.

" And, considering the interest which
every nation has in extending and
strengthening the authority of reason and
justice among the people around thera, it
will be useful to acquire what knowledge
you can of the state of morality, religion,
and information among them, as it may
better enable those who may endeavor to
civilize and instruct them to adapt their
measures to the existing notions and
practices of those on whom they are to
operate.

" Other objects worthy of notite will
be—

" The soil and face of the country, its
growth and vegetable productions, espe-
cially those not of the United States;

" The animals of the country generally,
and especially those not known in the
United States;

" The remains and accounts of any
which may be deemed rare or extinct ;

" The mineral productions of every kind,
but more particularly metals, limestone,
pit-coal, and saltpetre, salines and min-
eral waters, noting the temperature of the
last, and such circumstances as may in-
dicate their character;

""Volcanic appearances;

" Climate as characterized by the ther-
mometer, by the proportion of rainy,
cloudy, and clear days; by lightning, hail,
snow, ice; by the access and recess of
frost ; by the winds prevailing at different
seasons ; the dates at which particular
plants put forth or lose their flower or
leaf; times of appearance of particular
birds, reptiles, or insects.

" Although your route will be along the
channel of the Missouri, yet you will en-
deavor to inform yourself, by inquiry, of
the character and extent of the country
watered by its branches, and especially
on its southern side. The North River,
or Rio Bravo, which runs into the Gulf of
Mexico, and the North River, or Rio Colo-
rado, which runs into the Gulf of Califor-
nia, are understood to be the principal
streams heading opposite to the waters of
the Missouri, and running southwardly.

365

LEWIS, MERIWETHER

Whether the dividing-grounds between the in what manner you will be received by

Missouri and them are mountains or flat
lands, what are their distance from the
Missouri, the character of the interme-
diate country, and the people inhabiting
it, are worthy of particular inquiry. The
northern waters of the Missouri are less
to be inquired after, because they have
been ascertained to a considerable degree,
and are still in a course of ascertainment
by English traders and travellers; but, if
you can learn anything certain of the
most northern source of the Mississippi,
and of its position relatively to the Lake
of the Woods, it will be interesting to us.
Some account, too, of the path of the
Canadian traders from the Mississippi, at
the mouth of the Ouisconsing to where it
strikes the Missouri, and of the soil and
rivers in its course, is desirable.

" In all your intercourse with the na-
tives, treat them in the most friendly and
conciliatory manner which their own con-
duct will admit; allay all jealousies as to
the object of your journey; satisfy them
of its innocence; make them acquainted
with the position, extent, character, peace-
able and commercial dispositions of the
United States, of our wish to be neigh-
borly, friendly, and useful to them, and
of our disposition to a commercial inter-
course with them ; confer with them on
the points most convenient as mutual em-
poriums and the articles of most desir-
able interchange for them and us. If a
few of their influential chiefs, within prac-
ticable distance, wish to visit us, arrange
such a visit with them, and furnish them
with authority to call on our officers on
their entering the United States, to have
them conveyed to this place at the public
expense. If any of them should wish to
have some of their young people brought
up with us, and taught such arts as may
be useful to them, we will receive, in-
struct, and take care of them. Such a
mission, whether of influential chiefs or
of young people, would give some security
to your own party. Carry with you some
matter of the kine-pox, inform those of
them with whom you may be of its eflS-
cacy as a preservative from the small-pox,
and instruct and encourage them in the
use of it. This may be especially done
wherever you winter.

" As it is impossible for us to foresee

those people, whether with hospitality or
hostility, so is it impossible to prescribe
the exact degree of perseverance with
which you are to pursue your journey.
We value too much the lives of citizens to
offer them to probable destruction. Your
numbers will be sufficient to secure you
against the unauthorized opposition of
individuals or of small parties; but, if a
superior force, authorized or not author-
ized by a nation, should be arrayed
against your further passage, and inflexi-
bly determined to arrest it, you must de-
cline its further pursuit and return. In
the loss of yourselves we should lose also
the information you will have acquired.
By returning safely with that, you may
enable us to renew the essay with betteft--
calculated means. To your own discre-
tion, therefore, must be left the degree of
danger you may risk and the point at
which you should decline, only saying,
we wish you to err on the side of your
safety, and to bring back your party safe,
ev^en if it be with less information.

" As far up the Missouri as the white
settlements extend, an intercourse will
probably be found to exist between them
and the Spanish posts of St. Louis op-
posite Cahokia, or St. Genevieve opposite
Kaskaskia. From still farther up the
river the traders may furnish a convey-
ance for letters. Beyond that you may
perhaps be able to engage Indians to bring
letters for the government to Cahokia or
Kaskaskia, on promising that they shall
there receive such special compensation
as you shall have stipulated with them.
Avail yourself of these means to com-
municate to us, at seasonable intervals, a
copy of your journal, notes, and observa-
tions of every kind, putting into cipher
whatever m.ight do injury if betrayed.

" Should you reach the Pacific Ocean,
inform yourself of the circumstances
which may decide whether the furs of
those parts may not be collected as ad-
vantageously at the head of the Missouri
(convenient as is supposed to the waters
of the Colorado and Oregon or Columbia)
as at Nootka Sound, or any other point of
that coast: and that trade be consequent-
ly conducted through the Missouri and
United States more beneficially than by
the circumnavigation now practised.

366

LEWIS, MERIWETHER

" On your arrival on that coast, en- failure of the enterprise, you are hereby
deavor to learn if there be any port within authorized, by any instrument signed and
your reach frequented by the sea vessels w^ritten in your own hand, to name the
of any nation, and to send two of your person amonjj them who shall succeed to
trusty people back by sea, in such way as the command on your decease, and by like
shall appear practicable, with a copy of instruments to change the nomination,
your notes; and should you be of opinion from time to time, as further experience
that the return of your party by the way of the characters accompanying you shall
they went will be imminently dangerous, point out superior fitness; and all the
then ship the whole, and return by sea, powers and authorities given to yourself
by the way either of Cape Horn or the are, in the event of your death, trans-
Cape of Good Hope, as you shall be able, ferred to, and vested in, the successor so
As you will be without money, clothes, or named, and further power to him and his
provisions, you must endeavor to use the successors, in like manner to name each
credit of the United States to obtain them, his successor, who, on the death of his
for which purpose open letters of credit predecessor, shall be invested with all
shall be furnished you, authorizing you to the powers and authorities given to your-
draw on the executive of the United self. Given under my hand at the city
States, or any of its officers, in any part of Washington, this twentieth day of
of the world, on which drafts can be June, 1803. Thomas Jefferson,

disposed ol, and to apply with our recom- " President of the United States of
niendations to the consuls, agents, mer- America."

chants, or citizens of " any nation with While these things were going on here,
rthich we have intercourse, assuring them, the country of Louisiana, lately ceded
in our name, that any aids they may fur- by Spain to France, had been the subject
'ish yor .hall be honorably repaid, and of negotiation at Paris between us and
-- .L^mand. Our consuls, Thomas Hewes, this last power, and had actually been
at Batavia, in Java, William Buchanan, transferred to us by treaties executed at
in the Isles of France and Bourbon, and Paris on April 30. This information,
John Elmslie, at the Cape of Good Hope, received about the first day of July, in-
will be able to supply your necessities by creased infinitely the interest we felt in
drafts on us. the expedition, and lessened the appre-

" Shotild you find it safe to return by hensions of interruption from other pow-
the way you go, after sending two of your ers. Everything in this quarter being
party roimd by sea, or with your whole now prepared. Captain Lewis left Wash-
party, if no conveyance by sea can be ington on July 5, 1803, and proceeded to
found, do so, making such observations on Pittsburg, where other articles had been
your return as may serve to supply, cor- ordered to be provided for him. The men,
rect, or confirm those made on your out- too, were to be selected from the military
v/ard journey. stations on the Ohio. Delays of prepa-

" On re-entering the United States and ration, difficulties of navigation down the
reaching a place of safety, discharge any Ohio, and other untoward obstructions,
of your attendants who may desire and retarded his arrival at Cahokia until the
deserve it, procuring for them immediate season was so far advanced as to render
payment of all arrears of pay and cloth- it prudent to suspend his entering the
ing which may have incurred since their Missouri before the ice should break up
departure, and assure them that they in the succeeding spring,
shall be recommended to the liberality of From this time his journal, now pub-
the legislature for the grant of a soldier's lished, will give the history of his jour-
portion of land each, as proposed in my ney to and from the Pacific Ocean, until
message to Congress, and repair yourself, his return to St. Louis on Sept. 23,
with your papers, to the seat of govern- 1806. Never did a similar event excite
ment. more joy through the United States. The

" To provide, on the accident of your humblest of its citizens had taken a live-
death, against anarchy, dispersion, and the ly interest in the issue of this journey,
consequent danger to your party, and total and looked forward with impatience for

367

LEWIS, MERIWETHER

the information it would furnish. Their returned upon him with redoubled vigorj

anxieties, too, for the safety of the corps and began seriously to alarm his friends,

had been kept in a state of excitement by He was in a paroxysm of one of these

lugubrious rumors, circulated from time when his affairs rendered it necessary for

to time on uncertain authorities, and un- him to go to Washington. He proceeded

contradicted by letters or other direct in- to the Chickasaw Bluffs, where he arrived

formation, from the time they had left on Sept. 16, 1809, with a view of continu-

the Mandan towns, on their ascent up ing his journey thence by water. Mr.

the river in April of the preceding year, Neely, agent of the United States with

1S05, until their actual return to St. the Chickasaw Indians, arriving there two

Louis. days after, found him extremely indis-

It was in the middle of February, 1807, posed, and betraying at times some symp-

before Captain Lewis, with his compan- toms of a derangement of mind. The

ion. Captain Clarke, reached the city of rumors of a war with England, and ap-

Washington, where Congress was then in prehensions that he might lose the papers

session. That body granted the two chiefs he was bringing on, among which were

and their followers the donation of lands the vouchers of his public accounts and

which they had been encouraged to ex- the journals and papers of his Western

pect in reward of their toil and dangers, expedition, induced him here to change

Captain Lewis was soon afterwards ap- his mind, and to take his course by land

pointed governor of Louisiana, and Cap- through the Chickasaw country. Al-

tain Clarke a general of its militia, and though he appeared somewhat relieved,

agent of the United States for Indian af- Mr. Neely kindly determined to accom-

fairs in that department. pany and watch over him. Unfortunate-

A considerable time intervened before ly, at their encampment, after having

the governor's arrival at St. Louis. He passed the Tennessee one day's journey,

found the territory distracted by feuds thej^ lost two horses, which obliging Mr.

and contentions among the officers of the Neely to halt for their recovery, the gov-

government, and the people themselves ernor proceeded, under a promise to wait

divided by these into factions and parties, for him at the house of the first white

He determined at once to take no side with inhabitant on his road. He stopped at

either, but to use every endeavor to con- the house of a Mr. Grinder, who not

ciliate and harmonize them. The even- being at home, his wife, alarmed at the

handed justice he administered to all symptoms of derangement she discovered,

soon established a respect for his person gave him up the house, and retired

and authority; and perseverance and time to rest herself in an out-house, the

wore down animosities, and reunited the governor's and Neely's servants lodg-

citizens again into one family. ing in another. About three o'clock in

Governor Lewis had, from early life, the night he did the deed which plunged

been subject to hypochondriac affections, his friends into affliction and deprived

It was a constitutional disposition in all his country of one of her most valued

the nearer branches of the family of his citizens, whose valor and intelligence

name, and was more immediately in- would have been now employed in aveng-

herited by him from his father. They ing the wrongs of his country, and in

had not, however, been so strong as to emulating by land the splendid deeds

give uneasiness to his family. While he which have honored her arms on the

lived with me in Washington, I observed ocean. It lost, too, to the nation the

at times sensible depressions of mind; benefit of receiving from his own hand

but, knowing their constitutional source, the narrative now offered them of his

I estimated their course by what I had sufferings and successes, in endeavoring

seen in the family. During his Western to extend for them the boundaries of

expedition the constant exertion which science, and to present to their knowl-

that required of all the faculties of body edge that vast and fertile country which

and mind suspended these distressing their sons are destined to fill with arts,

affections; but, after his establishment at with science, with freedom and happi-

St. Louis in sedentary occupations, they ness.

368

LEWIS— LEXINGTON AND CONCORD

To til is melancholy close of the life of
one whom posterity will declare not to
have lived in vain I have only to add
that ail the facts I have stated are either
known to mj'self or communicated by his
family or others, for whose truth I have
no hesitation to make myself responsible;
and I conclude with tendering you the
assurances of my respect and considera-
tion.

Lewis, Morgan, jurist; born in New
York City, Oct. 16, 1754; son of Francis
Lewis; graduated at Princeton in 1773.
He studied law with John Jay, and join-
ed the army at Cambridge in June, 1775.
He was on the staff of General Gates
with the rank of colonel in January,
1776, and soon afterwards became quar-
termaster-general of the Northern army.
He was active during the war, and at
its close was admitted to the bar, and
practised in Dutchess county, N. Y. He
was a Judge of the court of common
pleas and of the superior court of the
State in 1792, being, the year before, at-
torney-general. He was chief-justice in
1801, and governor from 1804 to 1807.
In 1812 he was appointed quartermaster-
general with the rank of brigadier-general,
and was promoted to major-general in
1813. He was active on the Niagara
frontier in 1814, and was placed in com-
mand of the defences of the city of New
York. After the war he devoted himself
to literature and agriculture. In 1832
he delivered the address on the cen-
tennial of Washington's birth before the
city authorities, and in 1835 became
president of the New York Historical So-
ciety. He died in New Y''ork City, April
7, 1844.

Lewis, Theodore Hayes, archaeologist;
born in Richmond, Va., Dec. 15, 1854; re-
ceived a common school education, and
engaged in explorations and archaeological
surveys in the Mississippi basin in 1880.
The results of his investigations are pub-
lished in the American Journal of Archce-
ology; the American Antiquarian; the
American Naturalist ; The Archceologist ;
Magazine of American History; Apple-
ton's Annual Cyclopcedia, etc. He is
also the author of Tracts for Archceolo-
gists.

Lewis, William Draper, lawyer ; born
in Philadelphia, Pa., April 27, 1867;

graduated at Haver ford College in 1888.
He became instructor of legal history in
the University of Pennsylvania in 1891;
was lecturer on economics in Haverford
College in 1890-90, and then became dean
of the law department of the University
of Pennsylvania. Ho has edited new
editions of Wharton's Criminal Law;
Greenleaf's Evidence, and Blackstone's
Commentaries, and also the American
Laiv Register, and a Digest of Decisions
of the United States Supreme Court and
Circuit Court of Appeals. He was the
co-editor of the Digest of Decisions and
Encyclopcedia of Pennsylvania Laic, and
of Pepper & Lewis's Digest of Statutes of
Pennsylvania. He is author of Federal
Power Over Commerce and Its Effect on
State Action; Our Sheep and the Tariff,
etc.

Lexington and Concord. In the early
spring of 1775, General Gage had between
3,000 and 4,000 troops in Boston, and felt
strong in the presence of rebellious utter-
ances that filled the air. He observed
with concern the gathering of munitions
of war by the colonists. Informed that a
considerable quantity had been deposited
at Concord, a village about 16 miles from
Boston, he planned a secret expedition to
seize or destroy them. Towards midnight,
on April 18, he sent 800 men, vmder Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn,
to execute his designs. The vigilant pa-
triots had discovered the secret, and were
on the alert, and when the expedition
moved to cross the Charles River, Paul
Revere, one of the most active of the Sons
of Liberty in Boston, had preceded them,
and was on his way towards Concord
to arouse the inhabitants and the min-
ute-men. Soon afterwards church bells,
musketry, and cannon spread the alarm
over the country; and when, at dawn,
April 19, Pitcairn, with the advanced
guard, reached Lexington, a little village
6 miles from Concord, he found seventy
determined men, under Capt. Jonas
Parker, drawn up on the green to oppose
him. Pitcairn rode forward and shouted,
''Disperse! disperse, you rebels! Down
with your arms, and disperse!" They re-
fused obedience, and he ordered his men
to fire. The order was obeyed, and the
Revolutionary War was thus begun.
Eight minute-men — good citizens of Mag-

V.— 2a

369

LEXINGTON AND CONCORD

lilMlllil',ll!lHI! ,iPi,:iitv:'.:-:, ' , -'a L:3J!iM»g.aA,KaVV:S:.\fai'\''. ■. .Stiiii. j«t\ l\ . m i \ m[ 1 1. mm nillkll l 11,.i\«1M m tu.l jkiiii;:DU!iimiMaMMii;mmiM;iiMijiMiiy»«iiiiii.iim,t.iMllll«lll»lllltf itt^

RATTLE OF LKXINGTON.

sachusetts — were killed, several others ton, and the militia were flocking towards
were wounded, and the remainder were the town from every direction. The stores
dispersed. It was now sunrise. On that were hastily removed to a place of con-
occasion Jonathan Harrington, a youth cealment, in carts and other vehicles, by
of seventeen years, played the fife. men, women, and children. The Middle-
The British then pressed forward tow- sex farmers, armed with every conceivable
ards Concord. The citizens there had kind of fire-arms, were drawn up in battle
been aroused by a horseman from Lexing- array in defence of their homes and their

370

LEXINGTON AND CONCORD

chartered rights. Major Buttrick and bee, Newfoundland, Boston, or Georgia
Adj. Joseph llosincr took the chief com- were detained — the latter colony not hav-

mand. The British had reached the North
Bridge. Colonel Barrett, then in com-
mand of the whole, gave the word to
march, and a determined force, under
Major Buttrick, pressed forward to op-
pose the invaders, who were beginning to

ing yet sent delegates to the Continental
Congress. The New - Yorkers addressed a
letter to the mayor and aldermen of Lon-
don— from whom Boston, in its distress,
had received sympathy and aid — declaring
that all the horrors of civil war could not

destroy the bridge. The minute-men were compel the colonists to submit to taxa-
fired upon by the British, when a full vol- tion by the British Parliament. The in-
ley was returned by the patriots. Some habitants of Philadelphia followed those
of the invaders fell; the others retreated, of the city of New York. Those of New
They had destroyed only a few stores in Jersey took possession of the provincial
the village. The invaders were terribly treasury, containing about $50,000, to use
smitten by the gathering minute-men on for their own defence. The news reached
their retreat towards Lexington. Shots Baltimore in six days, when the people
came, with deadly aim, from behind fences, seized the provincial magazine, contain-
stone - walls, and trees. The gathering ing about 1,500 stand of arms, and stop-
yeomanry swarmed from the
woods and fields, from farm-
houses and hamlets. They at-
tacked from ambush and in the
open highway. It was evident
to the Britons that the whole
covmtry was aroused. The heat
was intense ; the dust intoler-
able. The 800 men must have
perished or been captured had
not a reinforcement, under Lord
Percy, met and relieved them
near Lexington. After a brief
rest, the whole body, 1,800
strong, retreated, and were ter-
ribly assailed along the whole
10 miles to their shelter at
Charlestown, narrowly escaping
700 Essex militia, under Colonel
Pickering, marching to strike
their flank. Under the guns of
British war vessels, the remnant
of the detachment rested that
night, and passed over to Bos-
ton the next morning. During
the expedition the British lost,
in killed, wounded, and missing,
273 men ; the Americans lost 103.
When news of the affair at
Lexington and Concord went over
the land, the people were every-
where aroused to action, and
never before nor afterwards was
there so unanimous a determina-
tion to resist British oppression. In waver- ped all exports to the fishing-islands, to
ing New York there was unity at once, and such of the islands as had not joined the
the custom-house was immediately closed, confederacy, and to the British army and
and all vessels preparing to sail for Que- navy at Boston. In Virginia a provincial

371

^-^^n, ^

^>L^^^.^Jf

LEXINGTON

BATTLE-GROUND AT CONCORD.

convention was held, which took measures
for the defence of the colony.

Lexington (Mo.), Siege of. After
the drawn battle at Wilson's Creek, in
1861, General McCulloch found his as-
sumption of authority so offensive to the
Missourians that he left the State. Gen-
eral Price called upon the Confederates
to fill up his shattered ranks. They re-
sponded with alacrity, and at the middle
of August he moved northward, in the di-
rection of Lexington. It occupied an im-
portant position, and was garrisoned with
less than 3,000 troops, under Col. James
A. Mulligan. His troops had only forty
rounds of cartridges each, six small brass
cannon, and two howitzers. The latter
were useless, because there were no shells.
On the morning of Sept. 11 Price ap-
peared at a point 3 miles from Lex-
ington. Hourly expecting reinforcements.
Mulligan resolved to defy the overwhelm-
ing force of the enemy with the means
at his command. Price moved forward,
drove in the National pickets, and opened a
cannonade on Mulligan's hastily construct-
ed works. Very soon some outworks were
captured, after fierce struggles, but the
defence was bravely maintained through-
out the day.

Price was anxious, for he knew that
tliere was a large Union force near under

Col. J. C. Davis, and Gen. John Pope
was coming down from the country north-
ward of the Missouri River. Mulligan
was hopeful, for he expected some of these
troops every moment. Day after day and
night after night his men worked to
strengthen the position, and Price's 20,-
000 men were kept at bay. Finally, on
the 17th, the Confederates were reinforced,
and their number was swelled to 25,000.
Then Price cut off" the communication of
the garrison with the town, their chief
source of water supply. The next day he
took possession of the town, closed up the
garrison, and began a vigorous siege. For
seventy-two hours Mulligan and his little
band sustained it, amid burning sun-heat
by day and suffocating smoke at all times,
until ammunition and provisions were ex-
hausted, and on the morning of the 20th
he was compelled to surrender. The loss
of this post was severely felt, and Fre-
mont, resolving to retrieve it, at once put
in motion 20,000 men to drive Price and
his followers out of Missouri. The Na-
tional loss in men was forty killed and
120 wounded; the Confederates lost
twenty-five killed and seventj'-five wound-
ed. ]\Iulligan and his officers were held
prisoners of war; the men were paroled.
I'he spoils were six cannon, two mortars,
3,000 muskets, 750 horses, wagons, teams,

372

L'HOMMEDIEU— LIBERAL REPUBLICAN PARTY

etc., and $100,000 worth of commissary from the regular Kepublican party, and

stores. A week before tlie arrival of was composed of men who liad gone from

Mulligan at Lexington, Governor Jackson the Democratic to the Republican party

and his legislature had held a session Mhen the former assumed an aggressive

there, and had deposited $^00,000 in gold pro-slavery attitude, and also the Repub-

coin in the bank. They quitted it so licans who had become dissatisfied with

precipitately that they left this money t)ie reconstruction policy of their party,

and the seal behind, which fell into Mulli- The movement began to assume consider-

BATTLE OF LEXINGTON, MO.

gan's hands. These treasures Price re-
covered.

L'Hommedieu, Ezra, lawyer; born in
Southold, L. I., Aug. 30, 1734; graduated
at Yale College in 1754. He was of
Huguenot descent ; a delegate to the
New York Provincial Congress from 1775
to 1778; assisted in the formation of the
first constitution of the State of New
York ; was a member of tlie Continental
Congress at different times from 1779 to
1788; a State Senator and regent of the
University of the State of New York from
1787 till his death, Sept. 28, 1811.

Libby Prison. See Confederate
Prisons.

Liberal Republican Party, a short-
lived political organization that sprang

able strength in 1867, when coercive
measures were deemed necessary by the
Republican party to maintain the new
political rights of the negroes in the
South. The passage and enforcement of
the so-called "Force bill" (see Ku-
KLUX Klan), on April 20, 1871, increased
the movement to such an extent that
organization only seemed necessary to
make it a telling power. A union of
" Liberal Republicans " and Democrats
was eflfected in Missouri in 1870-71. Its
leading principles were a reform of the
tariff and the civil service, universal
suffrage, universal amnesty, and the
cessation of " unconstitutional laws to
cure Ku-klux disorders, irreligion, or in-
temperance." On May 1, 1872, this fusion

37?

LIBERIA

held a national convention in Cincinnati,
which nominated Horace Greeley, of New
York, for President, and B. Gratz Brown,
of Missouri, for Vice-President. On July
9 the Democratic National Convention
adopted the platform and candidates of
the Cincinnati convention, and in the en-
suing election the ticket of Greeley and
Brown was overwhelmingly defeated. The
party really became disintegrated before
the election, but after that event its dis-
solution was rapid, and by 1876 there
were only a few men in Congress who
cared to acknowledge that they were Lib-
eral Eepublicans. See Greeley, Horace.

Liberia, a republic on the west coast of
Africa; a pr'jduct of the American Col-
onization Society. The republic has an
area of about 14,300 square miles, and a
population estimated at 1,068,000, all of
the African race. Of these, 18,000 are na-
tives of America, and the remainder
aboriginal inhabitants. The land along
the coast is sterile, but in the interior is
well wooded and fertile. As in all equa-
torial regions, there are two seasons in
the year, the wet and the dry. The wet
season begins with June and ends with
October, during which time the rain falls
almost daily. During the seven months
of the dry season rain is rare. The aver-
age temperature of the rainy season is
76°, and of the dry season 84°. Through-
out the year the mercury never falls below
60°, and seldom rises above 90° in the
shade ; but during the hottest months,*
from January to March, the heat is some-
what mitigated by the constant breezes.
The climate, both on account of the heat
and miasma in the air, is deadly to the
white man, and very trying to the black
man who has been born and reared in
temperate regions, but the native African
has but few diseases, and often lives to a
great age. It must be noted, however,
that during recent years the climate has
been greatly improved by drainage, and
the fatal " African fever " is now less fre-
quent in Liberia than anywhere on the
adjoining coasts. All tropical fruits and
vegetables grow luxuriantly, and the prin-
cipal exports are coffee, palm - oil, caout-
chouc, dye-woods, arrow-root, sugar, cocoa,
ginger, rice, hides, and ivory. Some de-
posits of minerals exist, but they are not
worked to any extent. On the hills of

the interior cattle are raised profitably,
and the native wild animals have been
nearly all killed or driven into the wild
surrounding country. The government of
Liberia is modelled on that of the United
States, and consists of a president, elected
for two years; a congress, composed of a
senate of eight members, elected for four
years; and a house of representatives of
thirteen members, elected for two years;
also a supreme court. The president has
a cabinet of six members, appointed as in
the United States. Slavery is forbidden
in the republic, military service is obli-
gatory on all citizens between the ages of
sixteen and fifty, and the right of suf-
frage can only be exercised by those own-
ing real estate. None but citizens can
hold real estate, and only negroes can be
citizens. The state of Liberia is divided
into four counties, and these again into
townships. There are a number of small
towns, but the only large place is Mon-
rovia, the capital, a city of about 13,000
inhabitants. The republic of Liberia
owes its origin to the American Coloniza-
tion Society, which was organized about
1811, and in 1817 sent a committee to the
coast of Africa to select a site for a colony
of freed negroes. The Sherbro Islands
v/ere first chosen, but the first colony sent
out, in 1820, not being satisfied there,
was removed to Cape Mesurado in 1822.
Here a limited territory was purchased
from the natives, which was subse-
quently enlarged by further purchases.
At first the government was carried on
by the officers of the Colonization So-
ciety, but gradually the share of the
people in their own rule was made
greater. A declaration of independence
was made by the colonists in 1847, and a
constitution adopted. The first president
was Joseph Jenkins Roberts, who served
for four terms. The republic was imme-
diately recognized as a sovereign state by
Great Britain, and later by various Con-
tinental powers, but the United States did
not grant it this honor until 1861. In
August, 1871, the republic laid the foun-
dation of a public debt by contracting a
loan of $500,000 at 7 per cent, interest, to
be redeemed in fifteen years. This money
was borrowed in England by the president
of the republic, and the charge that he
had appropriated a large part of it to hie

374

LIBERTY

own use caused a popular revolt on his
return, which removed him from office and
caused his imprisonment. No interest has
been paid on the public debt since 1874. It
cannot be said that Liberia has been a suc-
cess, socially or politically. The negroes
in the United States do not seem to take
much interest in it, and immigration to
its shores is but slight. The government
is but feebly administered, and there is
much internal disorder. For all this, it
is only fair to add that the state shows
an appreciation of education and religion,
and a desire to stand well in the opinion
of civilized nations. A number of mis-
sions have been carried on among the
aboriginal inhabitants of Liberia for many
years. The American Methodist Episco-
pal mission dates from 1833, the Ameri-
can Episcopal mission from 1834, and
the American Baptists from 1835. Others
have been later established.

In August, 1898, an arrangement for
the settlement of the foreign debt was
undertaken, but at the time of writing
nothing practical had been accomplished.
The ordinary revenue of the republic has
been for years insufficient to meet the
cost of administration, and the republic
has an internal debt, the interest on which
largely exceeds the principal. In 1898
the Liberians sought closer relations with
the United States government, with the
ultimate view of being better able to re-
sist an alleged threatened movement on
the part of Germany and Great Britain
to secure possession of their territory for
their own trade aggrandizement.

Liberty, Song of, the title of a song
that was sung throughout the colonies for
several years before the Revolutionary
War broke out. It was very popular, for
it touched the hearts of the people at that

time. It was published in Bickerstaff's
Boston Almanac for 1770, with the music
as given below. The Almanac for that
year contained on its title-page a rude
type-metal engraving of a likeness of
James Otis. The portrait of the patriot
is supported by Liberty on one side and
Hercules on the other.

" Come swallow your bumpers, ye Tories, and

roar.
That the Sons of fair Freedom are hamper'd

once more ;
But know that no Cutthroats our spirits

can tame,
Nor a host of Oppressors shall smother the

flame.

" In Freedom we're born, and, like Sons of
the brave,

Will never surrender.
But swear to defend her,
And scorn to survive if unable to save.

" Our grandsires, bless'd heroes, we'll give
them a tear,
Nor sully their honors by stooping to fear ;
Through deaths and through dangers their

Trophies they won,
We dare be their Rivals, nor will be out-
done.

" In Freedom we're born, etc.

" Let tyrants and minions presume to de-
spise.

Encroach on our Rights, and make Free-
DOJi their prize ;

The fruits of their rapine they never shall
keep.

Though vengeance may nod, yet how short
is her sleep.

" In Freedom we're born, etc.

" The tree which proud Haman for Mordecai

rear'd
Stands recorded, that virtue endanger'd is

spared ;
The rogues, whom no bounds and no laws

can restrain.
Must be stripp'd of their honors and

humbled again.

" In Freedom we're born, etc.

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376

LIBERTY BELL— LIBERTY CAP

' Our wives and our babes, still protected,
shall know
Those who dare to be free shall forever

be so ;
On these arms and these hearts they may

safely rely,
For In freedom we'll live, or like Heroes
we'll die.

" In Freedom we're born, etc.

■' Ye insolent Tyrants ! who wish to enthrall ;
Ye Minions, ye Placemen, Pimps, Pen-
sioners, all ;
How short is your triumph, how feeble

your trust,
Your honor must wither and nod to the
dust.

" In Freedom we're born, etc.

" When oppress'd and approach'd, our King
we implore.
Still firmly persuaded our Rights he'll

restore ;
When our hearts beat to arms to defend

a just right.
Our monarch rules there, and forbids us
to fight.

" In Freedom we're born, etc.

'* Not the glitter of arms nor the dread of
a fray
Could make us submit to their chains for

a day ;
Withheld by afifection, on Britons we call.
Prevent the fierce conflict which threatens
your fall.

" In Freedom we're born, etc.

" All ages shall speak with amaze and ap-
plause
Of the prudence we show in support of

our cause ;
Assured of our safety, a Brunswick still

reigns.
Whose free, loyal subjects are strangers
to chains.

" In Freedom we're born, etc.

" Then join hand in hand, brave Americans
all.
To be free is to live, to be slaves is to fall ;
Has the land such a dastard as scorns not

a Lord,
Who dreads not a fetter much more than
a sword?

" In Freedom we're born," etc.

Liberty Bell. In the old State-house in
Philadelphia is the famous bell that rang
out, in conjunction with human voices, the
joyful tidings of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, in July, 1776. It was cast by
Pass & Stow, Philadelphia, and was hung
in the belfry of the State-house early in
June, 1753. It weighed 2,080 pounds,
and around it, near its top, were cast the
words, prophetic of its destiny, " Proclaim
liberty throughout all the land, unto all

LIBERTY BELL,

the inhabitants thereof. Lev. xxv. 10."
When the British forces approached Phil-
adelphia, in 1777, the bell was taken down
and carried to Allentown, to prevent its
falling into the
hands of the en-
emy. In 1781 it
was placed in
the brick tower
of the State-
house, below
the original bel-
fry, which, be-
ing of wood,
had become de-
cayed. For more
than fifty years
the bell partici-
pated in the
celebrations of
the anniversary
of the Declaration of Independence,
when it was cracked while ringing. An
effort was made to restore its tone by
sawing the crack wider, but it was un-
successful. The bell was removed from
its place in the tower to a lower story, and
only used on occasions of extraordinary
public sorrow. Subsequently it was placed
on the original timbers in the vestibule
of the State - house, and in 1873 it was
suspended where all visitors might see it,
immediately beneath where a larger bell
proclaims the passing hours. In 1893 it
was taken to Chicago and exhibited at
the World's Columbian Exposition, and on
its journey to and from that city it was
greeted at the railroad stations with pa-
triotic demonstrations.

Liberty Boys. See Sons of Liberty.
Liberty Cap. The liberty cap is of
Phrygian origin. The Phrygians were a
people from the shores of the Euxine Sea,
and they conquered and took possession of
the entire eastern part of Asia Minor. To
distinguish themselves from the natives, the
conquerors wore a close-fitting cap and had
it stamped on their coins. The Romans
took the fashion of wearing caps from
the Phrygians, but they were only worn by
freedmen. When a slave was set free, a
red cap called the pileus was put on his
head, and this was a token of his manu-
mission. When Saturnius took the capi-
tol in 263, he had a cap set up on the top
of a spear as a promise of liberty to all
6

LIBERTY-CAP CENT— LIBERTY POLES

slaves who would join him. Marius used
the same expedient to incite the slaves to
take arms with him against Sylla. When
Caesar was murdered, the conspirators car-
ried a cap on a spear, as a token of the
liberty of Kome, and a medal was struck
with the same device on this occasion,
which is still extant. The statue of the
Goddess of Liberty on the AventineHill car-
ried in her hand a cap as an emblem of
freedom. In England the same symbol
was adopted, and Britannia was pictured
carrying the cap on a spear. It was first
used in the United States as one of the
devices on the flag of the Philadelphia
Light - horse Guards, a company of mi-
litia organized some time prior to the
Revolution. On Aug. 31, 1775, the com-
mittee of safety, at Philadelphia, passed
a resolution providing a seal for the use
of the board, " to be engraved with a cap
of liberty and the motto, ' This is my
right, and I will defend it.' " Dviring
the French Revolution the Jacobins made
much use of this emblem, and it is some-
times supposed that this country took it
from France, but this idea is an erroneous
one. The symbol was not used in France
until 1790, whereas in this country it was
not only used much earlier in the in-
stances mentioned, but was also put on
American coins in 1783. The Jacobin cap
of France was red. The British liberty
cap was blue with a white border. The
American is blue with a border of gilt
stars on white.

Liberty-cap Cent. It was about three
years after a mint for the coinage of
money for the United States was author-

I.IHKKTTfAP CENT.

ized that the act went into operation, and
in the interval several of the coins called
•' specimens," now so scarce, were struck.
Among the most rare is the " liberty-cap
cent." having a profile and the name of
Washington on one side, and on the other
a liberty-cap in the centre, with rays of
light emanating from it, and the words

around them " Success to the United
States."

Liberty Enlightening the "World.
See Bartiigldi, Fredeiuc Auguste.

Liberty Hall. See Liberty Tree.

Liberty Party, a political organization
that grew out of the influence of societies
formed for efl'ecting the abolition of sla-
very throughout the republic. It origi-
nated about 1844. The prime article of
its political creed was opposition to Af-
rican slavery. The party cared not
whether a man was called Whig or Demo-
crat; if he would declare his unalterable
opposition to slavery, slave-holders, and
the friends of slave-holders, it gave him
the cordial right hand of fellowship. A
man less true to the faith was not admit-
ted within the pale of the party. It con-
tained, in proportion to its numbers, more
men of wealth, talent, and personal worth
than any other party. It was opposed to
the annexation of Texas, for it regarded
that as a scheme of the slave-holders to
extend their domain and political power.
The party could not vote for Mr. Polk,
for he was favorable to that annexation;
it could not vote for Mr. Clay, for he was
a slave-holder; so it nominated James G.
Birney (who had formerly been a slave-
holder in Kentucky, but, from con-
scientious motives, had emancipated his
slaves and migrated to Michigan) for
President of the United States. It polled
quite a large number of votes. In 1848
the Liberty party was merged into the
Free - soil party, and supported Mr. Van
Buren for the Presidency.

Liberty Poles. The Sons of Liber-
ty iq. V.) erected tall flag - staffs, with
the Phrygian " cap of Liberty " on the
top, as rallying-places in the open air
They were first erected in cities; after-
wards they were set up in the rural dis-
tricts wherein republicanism prevailed.
On the King's birthday, in New York
(June 4, 1766), there were great rejoic-
ings on account of the repeal of the
Stamp Act (q. v.). Governor Sir Henry
Moore presided at a public dinner at the
"King's Arms" (near the foot of Broad-
way). On the same day the Sons of Lib-
erty feasted at their headquarters at
]\fontagne's (on Broadway, near Murray
Street), and, by permission of the gov-
ernor, erected a mast (which afterwards
7

LIBEBTT POLES— LIBERTY TREE

they called a liberty pole) between the
site of the City Hall and Broadway, in
front of Warren Street, on which were
inscribed the words, " To his most
gracious Majesty George III., Mr. Pitt,
and Liberty." British soldiers were then
in the city. The doings of the Sons of
Liberty so annoyed the officers of the
crown that thirty-six days after the lib-
erty pole was erected with so much har-
mony, it was cut down by the insolent
troops (Aug. 16, 1766). The people re-
erccted it the next evening in the face
of the armed mercenaries. A little more
than a month afterwards the soldiers again
prostrated it, and again the people up-
raised it, and from its top they flung the
British banner to the breeze. The next
spring the people met at the " mast " to
celebrate the anniversary of the repeal
(March 18), and inaugurated it by erect-
ing a " liberty pole," which the soldiery
cut down that night. The people again
erected it, bound with hoops of iron, and
placed a guard there, when soldiers came
Vi'ith loaded muskets, fired two random
shots into the headqviarters of the Sons
of Liberty (Montagne's) , and attempted
to drive the people away. Fearful retalia-
tion would have followed but for the re-
pression of aggressive acts by the soldiers,
by order of the governor. On the King's
birthday, 1767, the soldiers made an un-
successful attempt to prostrate the liberty
pole; but at midnight, June 16, 1770,
armed men came from the barracks,
hewed it down, sawed it to pieces, and
piled it in front of Montagne's. The per-
petrators were discovered, the bells of
St. George's Chapel, in Beekman Street,
were rung, and early the next morning
3.000 people stood around the stump of
the pole. There they passed strong reso-
lutions of a determination to maintain
their liberties at all hazards. For three
days intense excitement continued, and
in frequent affrays with the citizens the
soldiers were worsted. A severe conflict
occurred on Golden Hill (Cliff Street, be-
tween Fulton Street and Maiden Lane),
when several of the soldiers were dis-
armed. Quiet was soon restored. The
people erected another pole upon ground
purchased on Broadway, near Warren
Street, and this fifth liberty pole remained
untouched as a rallying-place for the

378

Whigs until the British took possession
of the city in 1776, when the notorious
Provost-Marshal Cunningham (who, it is
said, had been whipped at its foot) had
it hewn do^vn.

Liberty Tree. The original Liberty
Tree, in Boston, was not on Boston Com-
mon. It was the largest one of a grove
of beautiful elms which stood in Hanover
Square, at the corner of Orange (now
Washington) and Essex streets, opposite
the present Boyleston Market. Its exact
site is marked by a building, on the front
of which is a relief figure of the tree in
granite and the inscription " Sons of Lib-
erty— 1766. Independence of Our Coun-
try— 177G." This elm was called " Liberty
Tree " because the Sons of Liberty held
their meetings under it, and the ground
below was called " Liberty Hall." The
first meeting of this society was held there
some time in 1765. A pole fastened to the
trunk of the tree rose far above the top-
most branch, and a red flag floating from it
was an understood signal to call together
the fearless Sons of Liberty. This society
held many meetings here during the next
ten years, and placards addressed to the
people were nailed to the tree, and in-
scribed banners were suspended from its
limbs. They had a board fastened to the
tree with the inscription, " This tree was
planted in 1614, and pruned by order of
the Sons of Liberty, Feb. 14, 1776." On
Nov. 20, 1767, a seditious handbill was
fixed to the ti'ee, exhorting tlie Sons of
Liberty to rise and fight against the
country's oppressors; it declared that they
would be joined by legions of their coun-
trymen, that the tyrant would be driven
from the land, and generations to comt
would bless them, while if they neglected
this opportunity to free their country
they would be cursed to all eternity. In
June, 1768, a red flag was raised over the
tree, and a second appeal to the Sons of
Liberty to rise against the British was
affixed in the form of a handbill to its
trunk. The anniversary of the rising
against the Stamp Act was observed Aug.
14, 1773, by a meeting imder this tree.
On Nov. 3 following there was an immense
gathering under this tree again, at which
a resolution was passed concerning the tea-
ships which were known to be on their
way to Boston, ordering the consignees

LIBHABIES

of the cargoes not to sell them on Amer-
ican soil, but to return them promptly to
London in the same vessels in which they
had been shipped. The ultimate result of
this meeting was the " Boston Tea-party "
of Dec. 6, 1773, when 340 chests of tea
were poured into the waters of the bay.
In May, 1774, British troops under Gage
were quartered in Boston, the port was
closed, and all public meetings were for-
bidden. The gatherings of the Sons of

Liberty were, therefore, made in secret
during the next two years, but the Liberty
Tree retained its name, and probably wit-
nessed more than one midnight meeting.
In the winter of 1775-76 the British sol-
diery, to whom the popular name of this
tree rendered it an object of hatred, cut
down this magnificent elm and converted
it into fourteen cords of fire-wood. This
act of destruction was greatly resented by
the people.

LIBRARIES. FREE PUBLIC

Libraries, Free Public. Free libraries
have existed for less than half a century.
Their establishment assumed that books
are beneficial: but it involved also the as-
sertion that it is the proper function of
government to supply books to such of
its citizens as may require them at the
expense of the community as a whole.

Herbert Putnam, librarian of Congress,
writes as follows:

Libraries of this special type do not
yet form the major portion of the insti-
tutions supplying books on a large scale
to groups of persons. Under the head of
" Public, Society, and School Libraries,"
these institutions in the United States ag-
gregate 8,000 in number, with 35,000,000
volumes, with $34,000,000 invested in
buildings, with $17,000,000 of endow-
ments, and with over $6,000,000 of annual
income. Of these the free public libraries
supported by general taxation number less
than 2,000, with 10,000,000 volumes, and
with less than $3,500,000 of annual in-
come. They are, however, increasing with
disproportionate and amazing rapidity.
In Massachusetts, but ten of the 353
cities and towns, but three-fourths of one
per cent, of the inhabitants, now lack them.
One hundred and ten library buildings
there have been the gift of individuals. No
form of private memorial is now more
popular ; no form of municipal expenditure
meets with readier assent. Nor are the
initiative and the expenditure left wholly
to local enterprises. The Commonwealth
itself takes part : extending, through a
State Commission, State aid in the form
of books and continuing counsel. And
Massachusetts is but one of eight States

maintaining such commissions. New
York State, in its system of travelling
libraries, has gone further still in sup-
plementing initial aid with a continuing
supply of books, and even photographs
and lantern slides, purchased by the State,
and distributed through the Regents of
the State University from Albany to the
remotest hamlet.

The first stage of all such legislation is
an enabling act — authorizing the estab-
lishment of a library by the local author-
ities ; the next is an act encouraging such
establishment by bounties; and New
Hampshire has reached a third by a law
actually mandatory, requiring the local
authorities to establish free libraries in
proportion to their means and the popu-
lation to be served. This seems to mark
the high-water mark of confidence in the
utility of these institutions. It indicates
that free public libraries are to be ranked
with the common schools, as institutions
indispensable to good citizenship, whose
establishment the State must for its own
protection require.

So the movement has progressed, until
now these 2,000 public libraries combined
are sending out each year over 30,000,000
books, to do their work for good or ill
in the homes of the United States. The
entire 2,000 result from one conviction
and a uniform purpose. Yet among
them there is every variety in scope and in
organization. There is the hamlet library
of a hundred volumes, open for a couple
of hours each week in -some farm-house,
under a volunteer custodian, maintained
by the town, but enlisting private con-
tribution through bazaars and sociables,
sending out its books by the local pro-
79

LIBRARIES, FREE PUBLIC

READING-ROOM IN THE LENOX LIBRARY, NEW YORK CITY.

vision dealer to its remote and scattered
constituents. There is the library of the
great city, with elaborate equipment and
complex organization to meet a vast and
complex need. Such a library as you
may find at Chicago; a city which,
though it has two great endowed refer-
ence libraries, still considers its 1,500,000
people entitled to a mvmicipal library,
with a $2,000,000 building, studded with
costly mosaics, and aided by forty
branches and stations in bringing the
book nearer each home. Or such a li-
bi'ary as exists at Boston ; organized as a
city department, under trustees appoint-
ed by the mayor, maintained, like the
schools, or the police, or the fire depart-
ment, by general taxation, with a central
building which has cost the city $2,500,-
000, with ten branch libraries and seven-
teen delivery stations scattered through

the city and reached daily by its delivery
M'agons; with 700,000 books; and accom-
modations for over 2,000 readers at one
time ; including in its equipment such
special departments as a bindery and a
printing-office; requiring for its adminis-
tration over 250 employes, and for its
maintenance each year $250,000, in ad-
dition to the proceeds of endowments ;
and representing in its buildings, books,
and equipment an investment of over
$5,000,000, the interest on which, at 4
per cent., added to the expenditure for
maintenance, is equivalent to an annual
burden of $450,000 for its creation and
support,

When this function was first proposed
for a municipality, the argument used was
that in this country books had come to be
the principal instruments of education;
that the community was already support-

380

ijIBRARIES, FREE PUBLIC

ing a public school system; that this sys-
tem brought a youth to the threshold of
education and there left him; that it
qualified him to use books, but did noth-
ing to put books within his reach; and
finally that it was " of paramount impor-
tance that the means of general informa-
tion should be so diffused that the largest
possible number of persons should be in-
duced to read and understand questions
going down to the very foundations of
social order, which are constantly pre-
senting themselves, and which we, as a
people, are constantly required to decide,
and do decide, either ignorantly or wise-

ly."

A glance at the libraries now in opera-
tion in the United States shows that the
ends proposed for them fall far short of
the service which they actually perform.
They begin with the child before he leaves
the school ; while he is still in his element-
ary studies they furnish him with books
which stir his imagination, and bring the
teaching of the text - books into relation
with art and with life. They thus help
to render more vivid the formal studies
pursued : but they also prepare the child
to become an intelligent constituent here-
after. This work cannot begin too early,
for four - fifths of the children pass oiit
into active life without reaching the high
schools. Tt need not be deferred, for now
the number is almost countless of books
that touch with imagination and charm
of style even the most elementary sub-
jects; and the library can add illustra-
tions which through the eye convey an
impression of the largest subjects in the
most elemental way.

If the library begins with the citizen
earlier than was foreseen, it is prepared
to accompany him further than was
thought necessary. It responds not only
to the needs of the general reader, but
also to those of the student and even, to
the extent of its means, to those of the
scholars engaged in special research. The
maintenance of universities at the com-
mon expense is familiar in the West; it
is less so in the East. And there is still
contention that institutions for highly
specialized instruction should not be
charged upon the comnumity as a whole.
But no one has questioned the propriety
of charging upor the community the sup-

port of a library whose leading purpose
may be the encouragement of the higher
scholarship.

Finally, to the services just described
the public library has added another: the
supply of books for purposes purely recre-
ative. This service, if anticipated, was
certainly not explicitly argued for; nor
was it implied in Edward Everett's pre-
diction that the public library would
prove the " intellectual common " of the
community. The common that Mr. Ever-
ett had in mind was a pasturage, not a
base-ball ground, or lovers' walk, or a
loafing-place for tramps.

But as regards certain of the books cus-
tomarily supplied, the ordinary public
library of to-day is furnishing recreation
rather than instruction. In fact, if we
look at the history of free public libraries
in this country, we find that the one point
of practice on which they have been criti-
cised is the supply of merely recreative
literature. The protest has come from
thoughtful persons, and it means some-
thing, lightly as it has been waved aside.

The excuse that used to be given for
the supply of inferior books was that they
would entice to the use of the better books.
There was to be reached a mass of persons
of inferior taste and imperfect education.
These persons must be introduced grad-
ually to an acquaintance with the better
class of reading through the medium of
the familiar. x\nd, at all events, it was
better that they should read something
than not read at all.

I am not quite so confident of the re-
generating virtue of mere printed matter,
as such ; and I am confident that the read-
ing of a book inferior in style and taste
debases the taste, and that the book which
sets forth, even with power, a false view
of society does harm to the reader, and is
so far an injury to the community of
which he is part. But even granting the
premises, the conclusion is doubtful. We
do not deliberately furnish poor art at
public expense beofluse there is a portion
of the public which cannot appreciate
the better. Nor when the best is offered,
without apology, does the uncultured pub-
lic in fact complain that it is too " ad-
vanced." Thousands of "ordinary" peo-
ple come to see and enjoy the Abbey and
Chavannes and Sargent decorations in the

381

LIBRARIES, i^REE PUBLIC

Boston Public Library. No one has yet
complained that the paintings are too ad-
vanced for him. The best of art is not too
good for the least of men, provided he can
be influenced at all. Nor are the best
of books too good for him, provided he can
be influenced at all, and provided they are
permitted, as are the pictures, to make
their appeal directly. They must not be
secluded behind catalogues and formal
paraphernalia. The practice which admit-
ted the scholar to the shelves, and limited
the general reader to the catalogues, gave
the best opportunity to him who least

ferior in quality, the more modern public
library seeks to attract by the freest pos-
sible access to books of the best quality.
Not that this practice is universal. But
the opinion and tendency are in this safe
direction.

However, quality assumed, the general
question as to the reading of recreative
literature remains. What shall we say
of the fact that 60 per cent, of the circula-
tion of the free public libraries still con-
sists of fiction?

In the first place, that this percentage
takes no account of reference use, which

THE BOSTON PDBLIC LIRRART.

needed it. The modern practice sets be- is almost wholly of serious literature;

fore the reader least familiar with good second, that as to home use the ratio in

titles a selection of good books. It places circulation of fiction to serious literature

them on open shelves, where he may han- does not represent a similar ratio of triv-

dle them Avithout formality. The result ial to serious service. Fiction is the

is, almost invariably, that he is attracted small coin of literature. It must circu-

to a book in advance of his previous late more rapidly to represent the same

tastes. Perhaps a cliance paragraph ap- volume of real business done. A volume

peals to some exporii^nce or ambition, or of fiction may be issued, returned, and re-

an illustration stirs his imagination. Tlie
books themselves draw him outside of his
previous limitations.
In the place, therefore, of books in-

issued three times, while a biography or
history or work of science is issued once.
It will then count 75 per cent, in the cir-
culation. But the serious book has dur-

382

LIBRARIES, FREE PUKLIC

ing the entire period been out in the hands
of the reader ; and the service which it
has performed — the period of attention
which it has occupied — equals that of the
novel in its three issues. And, finally,
there is to be considered the influence of
the best fiction towards general culture (if
tne library is not merely to inform, but
also to cultivate) in broadening the sym-
pathies, giving a larger tolerance, a kind-
lier humanity, a more intelligent helpful-
ness, in affording the rest that is in itself
an equipment for work, and the distrac-
tion that may save from impulse to evil.

However, the amount of fiction circu-
lated in proportion to the total work of
the library is on the average steadily de-
creasing. At the same time the quality
is improving; in part through critical
selection, in part as a happy result of the
fact that the inferior novels are also, as
a rule, inferior books, so poorly manu-
factured that libraries cannot afford to
buy them.

But there is standard fiction and cur-
rent fiction, and it is the current fiction
that constitutes by itself a special prob-
lem still perplexing. It is a problem that
concerns not the uneducated child, nor
the illiterate adult; it is caused by the
people of intelligent education who are
eager to read the latest novel by Mr. X.
or Mrs. Y. while it is still the latest novel
by Mr. X. or Mrs. Y. It is being talked
about at dinner and afternoon tea. Well-
informed people are reading it; to read it
is a social necessity.

The reason that presses the public
library to supply promptly every most re-
cent book in the domain of scientific
literature is apparent enough. Such lit-
erature contributes facts which are the
data for action. But novels in general
belong to the literature of power. Their
purpose is not to furnish information, but
to give pleasure. Literature of this sort
adds no new fact, nor is it superseded, nor
•' does it lose any of its value by lapse of
time. To assume that it does would be
to assume that beauty of form could be-
come obsolete. This is not so in paint-
ing, in sculpture, in architecture. Why
should it be so in prose fiction, in poetry,
in the drama? Was there, in fact, an
aesthetic value in the Canterbury Tales
in 1380, in Hamlet in 1602, in Ivanhoe

in 1819, that is not to be found in them
now?

But a large portion of latter-day fiction
is fiction with a purpose; another way of
saying that it is a work of art composed
for the dissemination of doctrine. This
element promotes it at once to the dignity
of a treatise, a new view of politics, a
new criticism of social conditions, a new
creed. Here is something that concerns
the student of sociology. And surely his
needs are worthy of prompt response.

In fact, his needs and the general curi-
osity do get prompt response, and the new
novels are freely bought. How freely I
have recently sought to ascertain. I
asked of some seventy libraries their
yearly expenditure for current fiction in
proportion to their total expenditure for
hooks. The returns show an average of
from 10 to 15 per cent. In one case the
amount reached 50 per cent., in others it
fell as low as 2 per cent. The ratio for
fiction in general is much higher on the
average; but fiction in general includes
Scott and Thackeray and other standards,
an ample supply of which would not usu-
ally be questioned. At Providence and at
Worcester, two of the most active and
popular of public libraries, the purchases
of fiction, current and standard, formed
in a single year but 7 and 11 per cent.,
respectively, of the entire expenditure for
books.

At Boston there were selected but 178
titles of current fiction (out of nearly
600 read and considered ) . But some
dozen copies were bought of each title,
so that the entire purchase reached 2,300
volumes, and cost about $2,300. This
was about 6^,4 per cent, on a total ex-
penditure for~books of $34,000. At St.
Louis the practice is to buy but two copies
out of the general funds to be circulated
free. Nearly 100 more are added which
are rented out, and thus pay for them-
selves.

The statistics do not seem to show
that the initial expenditure for current
fiction is very alarming. But the pur-
chase price of these books is but a frac-
tion of the expense of handling them.
They cannot be supplied in adequate
quantities; for while the frenzy of curi-
osity persists, an adequate supply is be-
yond the resources of any library. But

383

LIBRARIES, FREE PUBLIC

since the attempt to supply is futile, the
pretence is injurious. The presence of
the titles in the catalogues misleads the
reader into a multitude of applications
which are a heavy expense to the library,
without benefit to him. And the acquisi-
tion of the single book means to the li-
brary the expense of handling 100 applica-
tions for it which are futile to one that
can be honored. In this sense a current
novel involves perhaps 100 times the ex-
pense of any other book in being supplied
to but the same number of readers.

The British Museum acquires the new
novels as published ; but it withholds
them from readers until five years after
their date of publication. It is my per-
sonal belief that a one-year limitation of
this sort adopted by our free libraries gen-
erally would relieve them of anxiety and
expense, and their readers of inconven-
ience and delusion.

But as regards current light literature
in general, it is worth while to consider
whether the responsibility of public
libraries has not been modified by the
growth and diffvision of the newspaper
and periodical press. In 1850, when the
free public library was started, the num-
ber of newspapers and periodicals pub-
lished in the United States was about
2,500; now it is nearly 20,000. The total
annual issues have increased from 400,-
000,000 to over 4,500,000,000 copies.

The ordinary daily of 1850 contained
perhaps a single column of literary mat-
ter. To-day it contains, for the same
price, seven columns. In 1850 it gave no
space to fiction ; now it offers Kipling,
Howells, Stockton, Bret Harte, Anthony
Hope, Crockett, Bourget, and many others
of the best of the contemporary writers
of fiction.

Then there are the cheap magazines,
which tender a half - dozen stories for the
price of a cigar or a bodkin. There
are, also, the cheap " libraries," which
have flooded the United States with en-
gaging literature available to almost any
purse.

In short, conditions have altered. A
vast mass of light literature is now
cheapl}'^ accessible to the individual which
formerly could be acquired only painfully,
or at great expense. Why, then, should
the public libraries struggle longer to

supply it in book form at the public ex
pense ?

But as to a certain, percentage of cur-
rent light literature, there is an embar-
rassment that I have not touched. It is
the embarrassment of making selection
without giving ofi'ence. All cannot be
bought. A choice must be made. With
reference to standard literature, authori-
tative judgment is not difficult to obtain.
But here there has been no lapse of time
to balance opinion. An anticipatory esti-
mate must be attempted, and attempted
by the library itself.

Now, if the library decide against
the book it is very likely held to blame
for " dictating " to its readers. " It is
one thing," says a journal, commenting
on a certain adverse decision — " it is one
thing to consider this novel pernicious,
but it is another and more serious thing
for the foremost library in the country,
maintained at public expense, to deny to
a large and respectable portion of the pub-
lic an opportunity to judge for itself
whether the work of a man of (this au-
thor's) calibre is pernicious or not."

The author in this case was, of course,
not Mr. X., but rather Mr. A., an already
known quantity.

So a library is not to be permitted to
apply a judgment of its own! It is not
protected by the fact that this judgment
coincides with the judgment of profes-
sional critics — so far, at least, as these
may be ascertained. The author may have
turned perverse and written a book dis-
tinctly bad. Yet this book is to be bought
and supplied to enable each member of
the public to form a judgment of his o^vn
upon it. And it is to be so bought out of
public funds intrusted to the library for
educational purposes. Censorship has to
us an ugly sound ; but does the library act
as censor when it declares a book beyond
its province? Does it dictate what the
people shall read when it says, " We de-
cline to buy this book for you with public
funds?"

This is a question which is far larger
than the selection or rejection of a novel
or two. It involves the whole question of
authority, and it concerns not merely the
extremes, but the varying degrees of worth
in literature. Most departments of edu-
cational work are founded upon princi-

384

LIBRARIES, FREE PUBLIC

pies, cautiously ascertained, and sys-
tematically adhered to. Their consistent
maintenance upon principle is the easier
because each other such department deals
with a special constituency, limited either
in age or perhaps in sex, or at least in
purpose, and one which accepts as author-
itative the system provided for it. The
free public library, however, has to satisfy
a constituency practically unlimited, in-
cluding every age and both sexes, whose
intellectual need ranges from that of the
most illiterate to that of the most highly
accomplished, whose education in books
ranges from that of the person who has
never entered a library to that of the
scholar whose life has been a perpetual
training in the use of a library; the as-
sertive classes, the bashful classes. And
if towards this vast and heterogeneous
constituency it seeks to assume the posi-
tion of an educator, it finds that its au-
thority is not one which the constituents
themselves are unanimously willing to
concede. Each constituent deems himself
not a beneficiary accepting some service,
but a proprietor demanding it. Now,
within each community there are persons
who would have every kind of printed
matter published. If, therefore, a public
library is simply to respond to the demands
of its readers, we must have, instead of an
educational system devised by experts and
administered with reference to general
principles, a system fluctuating with each
eccentric requirement of individuals, in-
definite in number, various in taste and
culture, inexpert, except as each may be
competent to judge his own need, incapa-
ble of expression in the aggregate, and as
individuals without responsibility for the
general results.

If, on the other hand, an authority is
to be vested in the library, what limits
shall it set upon itself, upon what prin-
ciples of discrimination shall it proceed,
in what directions may it expediently
control ? I but state the problem. I
shall not endeavor to answer it. But it
is one of the most important involved in
the relation of the public library to the
community.

From such questions an ordinary educa-
tional institution stands aloof. It is con-
tent to represent the judgment of the
majority in matter of morality and to

inculcate the lesson of tried truths as
against untried fancies in matter of opin-
ion affecting the social order. It thus
throws its influence in favor of the estab-
lished order of things. But its right, nay,
its duty, to do this is unquestioned. Nor
is it regarded as disparaging the opinion
which it does not teach.

But a public library is not so exempt. In
addition to the doctrine which is accepted,
it is held to have a duty to the opinion
which is struggling for recognition. As
to minority opinion, it is not so much a
university as a forum. Nay, it is to give
every advantage to minority opinion, for
— in our resentment of intolerance — mi-
nority opinion is not merely tolerated, it
is pampered.

Now, it is not for libraries or librarians
to act as censors and denounce this or
that publication. Yet it is to be remem-
bered that a library which circulates a
book helps to promulgate the doctrine
v/hich the book contains. And if public
libraries circulate books which teach rest-
less, irreverent, or revolutionary doctrines,
they offer us the incongruity of a munic-
ipality aiding in the propagation of idef«
which are subversive of social order.

On the other hand, if there is to be ex-
clusion on such grounds, where is the line
of exclusion to be drawn? Shall we say
at doctrines which, if carried into action,
would be criminal under the law? Would
the public rest content with this?

Moreover, the principle of exclusion ac-
cepted, wiio is to apply it? Whose judg-
ment shall determine whether the par-
ticular book does or does not offend?
Shall the library determine? But will it
not then be "dictating" to its readers?
Will it not be unduly discriminating
against a certain class of opinion when it
has undertaken to represent impartially
all shades of opinion? Will it not offend
the remonstrant against the existing order
of things who has a grievance, and, there-
fore, a right to be heard : and the defender
of the existing order of things who must
know the new opinion in order to combat
it; and the student of sociology whose
curiosity reaches all extremes and regards
them simply as phenomena upon which
he is entitled to be informed?

I believe that it will. And yet I do not
see how the library can escape exercising

v.— 2 b

385

LIBRARIES, FREE PUBLIC

judgment. For there is no other respon-
sible authority which can be brought to
exercise it. We must then expect numer-
ous decisions which will offend a portion
of the community. They will usually be on
the conservative side — of exclusion. And
it is for those who believe that a public
library should be a conservative influ-
ence in the community to see that it
has the authority and is protected in its
exercise.

Not that in respect of the violent books
there is great injury in present conditions.
In the public libraries of to-day there
exists, no doubt, material sufficiently
anarchic to upset society, if it could have
its will upon society. The fact is, that
though there is plenty in literature that
is incendiary, there is little in our com-
munity that is inflammable.

The good that the libraries do is obvi-
ous and acknowledged. They represent
the accumulated experience of mankind
brought to our service. They are the cus-
todians of whatever is most worthy of
preservation in our own life and litera-
ture. They are the natural depositories
of what we have of memorial and of rec-
ords; the original entries of legislation
and of achievement. They must render
history available; they must adequately
exhibit science; they may help to refine
by the best examples in each art, and in
this they may also contribute to the in-
dustrial life of the community by educat-
ing the artisan into an artist, his craft
into an art. And through record and de-
scription of processes and inventions they
may contribute to the foundations of
great industries. They touch the com-
munity as a whole as perhaps does no
other single organized agency for good.
They offer to the shyest ignorance equal-
ity with the most confident scholarship,
and demand no formal preliminary which
might abash ignorance.

They have a profound duty — not gen-
erally appreciated — to help render homo-
geneous the very heterogeneous elements
of our population. Thirty per cent, of
it has come to us from an alien life and
alien institutions. One - third of the
people in our six leading cities are of
foreign birth; 71 per cent, were either
born abroad or born of foreign parentage.
In the assimilation of this foreign element

386

no single agency is perhaps so potent as
our public libraries.

The public libraries deem themselves
the allies of formal educational processes;
but also the direct educators of that part
of the community not subject to the for-
mal processes. It is this latter responsi-
bility which has led them to attempt a
bioader service than the mere supply of
books. A book is not the only nor nec-
essarily the most effective vehicle for
conveying knowledge. There are illus=
trations which more directly convey an
impression, and often as fully state a
fact. And photographs and process re-
productions are now part of the equip-
ment of a public library almost as con-
ventional as books. Within the past year
10,000 such have been added to the col-
lection of the Boston Public Library; not
as works of art (they are for the most
part cheap silver prints and the Art
Museum is but 100 feet distant) ;
nor merely as aids to the study of the
fine arts and the useful arts, but also as
convenient auxiliaries to the study of his-
tory, of literature, and of institutions.
And they are used by individuals and
by classes not as a substitute for the text,
but as helping to render vivid the lesson
of the text.

With these go lectures in exposition.
Every building of importance recently de-
signed for the uses of a public library in-
cludes an art-gallery and a lecture-hall.
What an immense augmentation of func-
tion this implies! It implies that the
library is no longer merely an aggregate
of books, each passive within rigid limits ;
but that it is an active agent having under
its control material which is kept plastic
and which it moulds into incredibly varied
shapes to suit incredibly varied needs.

The experience of the Boston Public
Library shows that in the case of books
each increase of facilities creates an in-
creased demand. The trustees of 1852
boasted that they were providing for as
many as fifty readers at a time; the trus-
tees of 1887 thought themselves venture-
some in providing for 500 readers at a
time ; and within a month after the new
building was opened it was forced to ac-
commodate over 700 at a time. Every
week over 80,000 persons enter the Cen-
tral Library building, and every year

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

1,200,000 volumes are drawn for home use in 1852, partially replenished by an ap-
by the 65,000 card-holders. Yet these fig- propriation of $75,000 ; increased ( 1 ) by
ures represent still but a portion of the regular appropriations by Congress; (2)
persons to be reached and the work to be by deposits under the copyright law; (3)
done. Nor can facilities for distribution by gifts and exchanges; (4) by the ex-
keep pace with the need. For a city of changes of the Smithsonian Institution,
a half-million people spread over an area the library of which (40,000 volumes)
of 40 square miles adequate library was, in 1866, deposited in the Library of
facilities cannot ever be provided. A Congress, with the stipulation that future
municipality which even approximates accessions should follow it. Fifty sets of
the adequate in providing buildings, equip- government publications are placed at the
mcnt, administration, and general litera- service of the Library of Congress for in-
ture at the public expense must still look ternational exchanges through the Smith-
to private gift for the specialized material sonian. Other special accessions have
necessary to a great reference collection, been: The Peter Force collection (22,529
Tltat the Boston Public Library is next volumes, S7,000 pamphlets) purchased,
to the British Museum in Shakespeariana 1867, cost $100,000; the (Count) Rocham-
is, to be sure, the result of a special ex- beau collection (manuscript) purchased,
penditure by the city. But the larger 1883, cost $20,000; the Toner collection
part of its special collections which have (24,484 volumes, numerous pamphlets)
given it distinction as a great scholar's gift in 1882 of Dr. Joseph M. Toner; the
library has oome from private gift; the Hubbard collection (engravings), gift in
Ticknor collection of Spanish literature, 1898 of Mrs. Gardiner G. Hubbard,
the Bowditch collection of mathematics. The collection in the main library is
the Chamberlain collection of autographs, the largest single collection on the West-
the Brown collection of music, and many ern Hemisphere. It comprises about 1,000,-
cthers. And a city which erects for its 000 printed books and pamphlets, 27,300
public library a building which is monu- manuscripts, 55,700 maps and charts, 294,-
niental is puttting forward the most at- 000 pieces of music, and upward of 84,-
tractive invitation to private gift. The 800 photographs, prints, engravings, and
gifts which have come to Boston as the lithographs. Of the printed books, prob-
direct result of the new building have al- ably one-third are duplicates. The law
ready reached a twelfth of its cost. library, of 103.200 volumes (which re-

With proper organization and a liberal mains at the Capitol), is not included

co-operation between municipal and pri- in the above.

vate effort the opportunities for service The main collection is rich in federal
are almost limitless. The risk is the documents, history, political science, juris-
greater of attempts at service either legal- prudence, and Americana in general, in-
ly inappropriate or practically inexpe- eluding important files of American news-
dient, and the risk is not lessened by a papers and original manuscripts (colonial,
popular appreciation which is more enthu- revolutionary, and formative periods),
siastic than it is apt to be discriminating. The exhibition cases on the second floor
There is. therefore, the greater need of contain many rare books, including the
discrimination on the part of the library Records of the Virginio. Company.
itself and of an authority which will pro- The Smithsonian deposit is strong in
tect its exercise. This authority can be scientific works, and includes the largest
conferred only by intelligent public opin- assemblage of the transactions of learned
ion on the part of those who are capable societies which exists in this country,
of appreciating constitutional limitations. In 1897 the main collection was removed

Library of Congress. The Library of from the Capitol to the building erected

Congress was establshed in 1800; destroy- for it under the acts of Congress, approved

ed in 1814 by the burning of the Capitol; April 15, 1886; Oct. 2, 1888. and March

afterwards replenished by the purchase by 2. 1899, at a cost of $6,347,000 (limit by

Congress of the library of ex-President law, $6,500,000), exclusive of the land,

Jefferson, 6,760 volumes (cost, $23,950) ; which cost $585,000. The architects who

in 1851, 35,000 volumes destroyed by fire; furnished the original designs were John

387

LIBBAEY OF CONGRESS— LIEBER

THE CONGRESSIONAL LIBRARY.

L. Smithmeyer and Paul J. Pelz. By the hibition purposes, completely shelved, the

act of Oct. 2, 1888, before the foundations building would accommodate over 4,000.-

were laid, Thomas L. Casey, chief of en- 000 volumes. The library contains a read-

gineers of the army, was placed in charge ing-room for the blind, open daily,

of the construction of the building, and Lick, James, philanthropist; born in

the architectural details Vv'ore worked out Fredericksburg, Pa., Aug. 25, 1796. In 1847

by Paul J. Pelz and Edward P. Casey, he settled in San Francisco and made in-

lipon the death of General Casey, in March, vestments in real estate, by which he be-

1896, the entire charge of the construction came very wealthy. In 1874 he placed

devolved upon Bernard R. Green, General his property in the hands of trustees, to

Casey's assistant, and under his super- be devoted to public purposes. He died in

intendence the building was completed in San Francisco, Cal., Oct. 1, 1876. His

February, 1897; and opened to the public bequests amounted to more than $1,500,-

in November of the same year. The build- 000, and included $700,000 for an observa-

ing occupies 3% acres upon a site of 10 tory to be connected with the University

acres, at a distance of 1,270 feet east of of California. This was erected on Mount

the Capitol, and is the largest and most Hamilton.

magnificent library building in the world. Lieber, Francis, publicist; born in
In the decorations some forty painters and Berlin, Germany. March IS, 1800; joined
sculptors are represented — all American the Prussian army in 181.") as a volunteer;
citizens. The floor space is 326,195 square fought in the battles of Ligny and Water-
feet, or nearly 8 acres. The book stacks loo, and was severely wounded in the
contain about 45 miles of shelving, afford- assault on Namur. He studied at tlie
ing space for 2,200,000 volumes. Were the University of Jena, was persecuted for his
lonf corridors, now used in part for ex- republicanism, and in 1821 went to Greece
" 388

LIEBER

to take part in the struggle of its people New York City, in 1857, and afterwards
for independence. He suffered much there, accepted the chair of Political Science
Retiring to Italy, he passed nearly two in the law school of that institution, which
years in the family of Niebuhr, then Prus- he filled till his death, Oct. 2, 1872.
sian ambassador at Rome. Returning to Dr. Lieber had a very versatile mind,
Germany in 1824, he was imprisoned, and and whatever subject he grasped he han-
while confined he wrote a collection of died it skilfully as a trained philosopher,
poems, which, on his release, were pub- In 1838 he published A Manual of Politi-
lished at Berlin under the name of Franz cal Ethics, which was adopted as a text-
Arnold. After spending about two years book in the higher institutions of learn-
in England, he came to the United States ing; and he wrote several essays on legal
in 1827, settling in Boston. He edited subjects. Special branches of civil polity
the Encyclopcedia Americana, in 13 vol- and civil administration engaged his at-
uraes, published in Philadelphia between tention, and on these subjects he wrote
1829 and 1833. He lectured on history earnestly and wisely, especially on penal
and politics in the larger cities of the legislation. He wrote some valuable pa-
Union. In New York his facile pen was pers in the Smithsonian Contributions to
busy translating from the French and Knoivledge, and his addresses (published)
German. In 1832 he translated De Beau- on anniversary and other special occasions
mont and De Tocqueville on the peniten- were numerous. While in the South he
tiary system in the United States, and had warmly combated the doctrine of
soon afterwards, on invitation of the State supremacy, and when the Civil
trustees of Girard College, furnished a War broke out he was one of the most
plan of instruction for that institution, earnest and persistent supporters of the
which was published at Philadelphia in government. In 18G3 he was one of the
1834. In 1835 he published Recollections founders of the "Loyal Publication So-
of Niebuhr and Letters to a Gentleman ciety." More than 100 pamphlets were
in Germany, and the same year was ap- published under his supervision, of which
pointed Professor of History and Political ten were written by himself. He wrote,

at the request of the general-in-chief (Hal-
leck). Guerilla Parties, considered icith
Reference to the Laio and Usages of War,
which was often quoted in Europe during
the Franco - German War, and his In-
structions for the Government of the Ar-
mies of the United States in the Field was
directed by the President to be promul-
gated in a general order (No. 100) of
the War Department. Numerous essays
on public subjects followed. He was an
advocate for free-trade, and WTote vigor-
ously on the subject. In 1865 he was
appointed superintendent of a bureau at
Washington for the preservation of the
records of the Confederate government,
and in 1870 was chosen by the govern-
ments of the United States and Mexico
as arbitrator in important cases pending
between the two countries. This work
was unfinished at his death.

Lieber, Guido Norman, military offi-
cer; born in Columbia. S. C, May 21.
Economy in the South Carolina College 1837; gradunted at the South Carolina
at Columbia, S. C, where he remained College in 1850. and at the Harvard Law
until 1850. He was appointed to the School in 1S59: entered the National
same professorship in Columbia College, army in ISOl ; promoted major and judge-

380

4:,/^^t c^e^

LIEBEEr— LICFHT-HOUSE

advocate in 1862; and later was appointed a brancli of the Treasury Department, es-
Professor of Law at the United States tablished for the salvage of life and prop-
Military Academy. In 1895 he became erty in disasters to shipping. Its establish-
judge-advocate-general of the United ment was the outcome of the sentiment
States army. His publications include aroused by the fearful disasters on the
Remarks on the Army Regulations ; The Atlantic coast, and particularly those
Use of the Army in Aid of the Civil along the shores of Long Island and New
Power, etc. Jersey during the period of 1800-50. In

Lieber, Oscar Montgomery, geologist; 1848, after some especially distressing
born in Boston, Mass., Sept. 8, 1830; son wrecks had occurred, an appropriation
of Francis Lieber. Educated at the best of $10,000 was made to provide means
German universities, he reached a high for lessening losses, and eight buildings
place as a writer on geology, chemistry, were erected and equipped along the
and kindred subjects, and at the age of dangerous part of the New Jersey coast.

For a time these
and other stations
^^^^^Js. ..^^^Sf/?^^ shortly after estab-

' lished were with-

^%^^^S9^^i^^^^BI^^^ ///iW'M^i^<^ — ^ \ out resrular crews,

fl^ff^S^^^^^^f^^^^f^t, ///^ " -/C ' •; S'-y \ but so apparent did

this need become

■I&'SBEii'lll! lU^ T-'fl^^i^ '^ilii^\ that a trained

^PW^^f^^Bs I 11 r -fe^^v^^^— -ti" '^ I ~ crew was provided

I '"""" ^^^^^^^^''"'^f^^^J'^-iW^liJ ^'^^ ^^^^ station.

^^.^^i^^^^8l^i^^ "^^^^^^^k 'i '^,'^'^M^Wff Since 1871 the ser-

^^^^^^^^Mw vice has been
""" ' " rapidly extended

''*^^^^^li^^ under liberal ap-

propriations ' by

LIFE-SAVING MEDAL. COUgrCSS. lu 1900

the life-saving dis-
twenty was State Geologist of Mississippi, tricts extended over 10,000 miles of ocean,
In 1854-55 he was engaged in a geological gulf, and lake coasts. The service has a
survey of Alabama, and from 1856 to general superintendent and an assistant
1860 held the post of mineralogical, geo- superintendent stationed at Washington,
logical, and agricultural surveyor of South and a local superintendent for each dis-
Carolina. Serving in the Confederate trict. The following is a summary of the
army, he died of wounds received in the operations of the service in the year
battle of Williamsburg, in Richmond, Va., ,1902-03:
June 27, 1862.

Life-guard, Washington's. A corps. Number of disasters 697

varying at different times from sixty to Xf^^ "^ property involved f^Ofl.lSO

„^/ ^ , ■, • .1 • c ^nna ^^'""^ ^^ property saved $7,882,045

250 men, was formed in the spring of 1776. value of property lost $1,169,105

The men, not less than 5 feet 9 inches nor Number of persons involved 4,337

more than 5 feet 10 inches in height, were Number of persons lost 24

selected from the Continental army for dumber of shipwrecked persons

, , , . ,. , . , succored at stations 1,086

moral and personal perfections, to protect Number of days' succor afforded. .

the person, baggage, and papers of the Number of vessels totally lost 57

commander-in-chief. The last survivor,

Uzal Knapp, of Orange county, N. Y., died ^he total appropriation for the fiscal

in January, 1856, and was buried at the ^^^^ ^^^^ $1,783,830: and the total expen-

foot of the flag-staff in front of Wash- ^^'ture, $1,593,619, leaving a balance of

ington's headquarters at Newburg, on the •plJO,-ll.

Hudson. See fac-eimile signatures on Light-house, a structure built on the

pages 392 and 393. coast or shore of navigable waters, and

Life-saving Service, United States, furnished for the purpose of indicating a

:]90

LIGONIA— LI HTJNG CHANG

point of danger or to serve as a guide, to the Saco, was erected into the proTince
The following is a brief summary of light- of Ligonia, Maine being then restricted

houses in the United States:

First coast light erected in 1673

First iight-iiouse built on Little Brew-
ster Island, r.oston Harbor 1715-16

The United States government accepted

to the tract from the Saco to the Pis-
cataqua. See Maine.

Li Hung Chang, statesman; born in
the province of Ngan-hwuy, China, Feb.
16, 1823; attained the highest percentage

Control vested In commissioner of the

revenue May, 1792

Kcstored to Secretary of Treas

cession of all light-houses. .. .Aug. 7, 1789 among 40,000 students in the imperial ex-
aminations when twenty years old ; and
was appointed a compiler in the Hanlin

uiy ". April 6, 1802 College and in the imperial printing-office.

Vested again in the commis- He served with much distinction in the

sioner ... ........ July 24, 1813 Taiping rebellion of 1860, having charge

Vested in the fifth auditor of the r Ii. ^ , ' • i- . , j xf

treasury July 1, 1820 °* '-"^ ""^' campaign which crushed the

Naval commission on light-house ap- revolt; was created Viceroy of the United

pointed in 1837 Countries in 1865 ; and conquered the

Congressional investigation of light- j^-^ j ^ rebellion in 1868. In 1870 he

house management, resulting in im- . , , . ^ ^, ., ,. , r^

provements 1838-43 '^'^s appointed viceroy of Chih-li and Sen-
Navy commission sent to inspect Eu- ior Grand Secretary of State, and the

ropean systems in 1845 game year was divested of his various

Fresnel system authorized March 3, 18ol ,.,, % j. ■> ■ • i. j j.v i

First light - house board ap- ^^t^^s for not having assisted the general

pointed May 21, 1851 in command at the time of the Tien-

Fresnel system generally introduced tsin massacre. Soon afterwards, however,

in ... . . 185- Yie was relieved of his punishment and was

rermanent light-house board author- . , ■, ,-h ■, r-,, ^, c^ i

i2ed Aug. 31, 1852 appointed Grand Chancellor. Subsequent-
Board organized Oct. 8, 1852 ly he was appointed viceroy of the metro-
politan provinces of Pechili, and so be-

At the close of the fiscal year 1900 there came virtually the chief administrator
were under the control of the light-house of the Chinese Empire. After the war
establishment: Light-houses and lighted between China and Japan he was a com-
beacons, 1,243; light-vessels in position, missioner to negotiate peace, and after
44; light-vessels for relief, 8; electric and the allied army had rescued the foreign
gas buoj's in position, 82; fog-signals op-
erated by steam or hot air, 172; fog-
signals operated by clock-work, 221; post-
lights on Western rivers, 1,396; day or
unlighted beacons, 475 ; whistling-buoys in
position, 73; bell-buoys in position, 120.

Ligonia, Province of. At about the
time of the beginning of the civil war
in England, in which Sir Ferdinando Gor-
ges took sides with the King, Alexander
Rigby, a republican member of Parlia-
ment, purchased the old patent of Ligonia
(Maine), and sent out George Cleves
to take possession. Cleves had been an
agent in that region for Gorges and Sir
William Alexander. This claim was re-
sisted by Gorges's agents, and Cleves at-
tempted to gain the assistance of the New
England Confederacy by proposing to
make Ligonia a member of that alliance.
The dispute went on some time, until final-
ly the parliamentary commissioners for representatives in Peking, in 1900, he vvas
plantations confirmed Rigby's title, and the chief plenipotentiary to arrange with
the coast of Maine, from the Kennebec the interested powers the details of peace

391

LI HUNG CHANG.

iRiiiiiii

LILITJOKALANI— LINCOLN

and indemnity. For two or three years
prior to the Boxer outbreak (see China),
and while Great Britain and Russia were
striving for supremacy in their relations
with China, he was accused of being
strongly pro-Russian. In 1896 he visit-
ed the United States, bearing a special
message to the President. Earl Li, with
Prince Ching, are the representatives of
China in the negotiations following the
occupation of Peking by the European
powers, Japan, and the United States.

Liliuokalani, Lydia Kamekeha, ex-
Queen of the Hawaiian Islands; born in
Honolulu, Dec. 2, 1838; married John 0.
Dominis, a native of the United States
(died Aug. 26, 1891); became vice-regent
when King Kalakaua left Hawaii on his
trip to the United States; and after his
death in San Francisco she was proclaimed
Queen, Jan. 29, 1891. On Jan. 30, 1892,
she was dethroned because of her efforts
to restore absolute monarchy and abolish
the constitution of 1887. Although Presi-
dent Cleveland favored her restoration
to the throne, all her endeavors in that
direction were futile, and a pj-ovisional
government was set up. A little later
she came to the United States, and re-
mained here till August, 1898, when she
returned to Hawaii. The islands had then

been annexed to the United States. In
March, 1900, an attempt was made in the
United States Senate to grant her a lump
sum of $20,000 and an annual pension

LYDIA KAMEKEHA LIUUOKALANI.

of $10,000 for the rest of her life as a
compensation for the loss of her royal
allowances, but the effort failed, and in
March, 1901, a bill to give her a yearly
pension of $12,000 passed its first read-
ing in the Hawaiian legislature, all polit-
ical parties being pledged to give the pen-
sion. See Hawaii.

Limitations, Statutes of. See In-
terest Laws.

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

Lincoln, Abraham, sixteenth President meetings. He was elected to Congress
of the United States, was born in Hardin in 1847, and was there distinguished for
county, Ky., Feb. 12, 1809. His ancestors his outspoken anti-slavery views. In 1858
were Quakers in Berks county. Pa. His he was a candidate for United States Sen-
parents, born in Virginia, emigrated to ator. His opponent. Judge Douglas, won
Kentucky, and in 1816 went to Indiana, the prize from" the legislature, though
Having had about one year's schooling Mr. Lincoln received 4,000 more votes of
in the ao-gregate, he went as a hired hand the people than his opponent. In 1860
on a flat-boat to New Orleans when he and 1864 he was elected President of the
was nineteen years of age. He made United States. Ordinances of secession
himself so useful to his employer that he and the beginning of civil war followed
gave him charge as clerk of a store his first election. He conducted the affairs
and mill at New Salem, 111. He com- of the nation with great wisdom through
mandod a company in the Black Hawk the four years of the Civil War, and just
War. Appointed postmaster at Salem, he as it closed was assassinated at the na-
Jiegan to study law, was admitted to tional capital, dying April 15, 1865.
practice in 1836, and began his career as His Journey to the Capital— T^he Presi-
a lawyer at Springfield. He rose rapidly dent-elect left his home in Springfield, 111.,
in his profession, became a leader of the Feb. 11, 1861, for Washington, D. C. ac-
Whig party in Illinois, and was a popu- companied by a few personal and political
lar though homely speaker at political friends. To the crowd at the railway
'^ 394

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

station, evidently impressed with the ground that I think is right — right for
solemn responsibility laid on him, he said: the North, for the South, for the East,
" A duty devolves on me which is, per- for the West, and for the whole country."
haps, greater than that which has devolved Mr. Lincoln was received by the municipal
upon any man since the days of Wash- authorities of New York City at the City
ington. He never could have succeeded Hall, where Mayor Wood, who had re-
except for the aid of Divine Providence, cently set forth the advantages that the
upon which he at all times relied. I feel commercial mart would derive from its
that I cannot succeed without the same secession from all government, admon-
divine aid which sustained him, and on ished the President-elect that it was his
the same Almighty Being I place my duty " to so conduct public affairs as to
reliance for support; and I hope you, my preserve the Union." Mr. Lincoln arrived
friends, will all pray that I may receive in Philadelphia Feb. 21, where he was in-
that divine assistance without which I formed of a plan in Baltimore to assas-
cunnot succeed, but with which success sinate him, on his way through that city
is certain." The journey then
undertaken was performed at
about the same time that
Jefferson Davis, the elected
President of the Southern
Confederacy, was on his way
from his home to the capital
of the Confederacy. Lincoln
made a long journey of hun-
dreds of miles through Illi-
nois, Indiana, Ohio, New
York, New Jersey, Pennsyl-
vania: Delaware, and Mary-
land, everywhere greeted
with demonstrations of pro-
found respact, and speaking
to the crowds who came out
to see him words full of
cheerfulness, kindness, for-
bearance, and tenderness.
Common prudence counselled
him to say little or nothing
on the gra-ve affairs of state,
but occasionally words would
drop from his lips that clear-
ly indicated his views and in-
tentions. He often alluded to the condition to Washington. On the following morn-
of the country. "It is my intention," he ing (Washington's birthday) he hoisted
said at Pittsburg, " to give this subject all Ihe national flag, with his own hands,
the consideration I possibly can before spe- over the old State-house, in the presence
cially deciding in regard to it, so that of a vast multitude of citizens. . In his
when I do speak I may be as nearly right speech on that occasion he referred to the
as possible. I hope I may say nothing Declaration of Independence, adopted and
in opposition to the spirit of the Con- signed in that building, and said that
stitution, contrary to the integrity of the it was the sentiment of perfect freedom
Union, or which will prove inimical to the to all contained in that document which
liberties of the people or the peace of the had kept the Union together so long, and
whole country." At the Astor House, in promised the same blessing, in due time.
New York, he said to a multitude who to all men. " If this country," he said,
greeted him : " When the time does come " cannot be saved by this principle, I
for me to speak, I shall then take the was about to say I would rather be assas-

395

y<U: ^

SHOT WHERE THE CABIN STOOD I.\ WHICH LINCOLN WAS BORS.

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

THE LINCOLN HOME, FARMINGTON, ILI*

sinated on this spot than surrender it. " I arrived at Philadelphia on the 21st.
I have said nothing but what I am willing I agreed to stop overnight, and on the
to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of following morning hoist the flag over In-
Almighty God, die by." His friends be- dependence Hall. In the evening there
lieved his life would be in danger if he car- was a great crowd where I received my
ried out the prescribed plan of his jour- friends, at the Continental Hotel. Mr.
ney to visit Harrisburg, and thence direct Judd, a warm personal friend from Chi-
through Baltimore to Washington. But cago, sent for me to come to his room,
he persisted in keeping his engagement, I went, and found there Mr. Pinkerton,
and went on to Harrisburg. Meanwhile a skilful police detective, also from Chi-
revelations had been made that convinced cago, who had been employed for some
his friends that he would be assassinated days in Baltimore watching or seareh-
if the whole plan should be carried out, ing for suspicious persons there. Pinker-
and he was persuaded to go back to ton informed me that a plan had been
Philadelphia that night, and so on to laid for my assassination, the exact time
Washington, instead of waiting until the when I expected to go through Balti-
next day. He passed through Baltimore more being publicly known. He was
unobserved, and arrived in Washington well informed as to the plan, but did
early on the morning of Feb. 26. not know that the conspirators would
The Passage through Baltimore. — His have pluck enough to execute it. He
movements at that time gave currency to urged me to go right through with hira
many absurd and untruthful stories. Mr. to Washington that night. I >Mdn't like
Lincoln gave, orally, to the late Benson J. that. I had made engagements to
Lossing, early in December, substantially visit Harrisburg and go from there to
the following narrative of the affair: Baltimore, and I resolved to do so. /

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

could not believe that there was a plot to
murder me. I made arrangements, how-
ever, with Mr. Judd for my return to
Philadelphia the next night, if I should
be convinced that there was danger in
going through Baltimore. I told him
that if I should meet at Harrisburg, as
I had at other places, a delegation to go
with me to the next place (then Balti-
more), I should feel safe and go on.
When I was making my way back to my
room, through crowds of people, I met
Frederick Seward. We went together to
my room, when he told me that he had
been sent, at the instance of his father and
General Scott, to inform me that their de-
tectives in Baltimore had discovered a
plot there to assassinate me. They knew
nothing of Pinkerton's movements. I now
believed such a plot to be in existence.
The next morning I raised the flag over
Independence Hall, and then went on to
Harrisburg with Mr. Sumner, Major (now
General) Hunter, Mr. Judd, Mr. Lamon,
and others. There I met the legislature

and people, dined, and waited until the
time appointed for me to leave (six o'clock
in the evening). In the mean time Mr.
Judd had so secured the telegraph that no
communication could pass to Baltimore
and give the conspirators knowledge of a
change In my plans. In New York some
friend had given me a new beaver hat, in
a box, and in it had placed a soft wool
hat. I had never worn one of the latter
in my life. I had this box in my room.
Having informed a very few friends of the
secret of my new movements, and the
cause, I put on an old overcoat that I had
with me, and, putting the soft hat in my
pocket, I walked out of the house at a
back door, bareheaded, without exciting
any special curiosity. Then I put on the
soft hat and joined my friends without
being recognized by strangers, for I was
not the same man. Sumner and Hunter
wished to accompany me. I said, ' No ;
you are known, and your presence might
betray me. I will only take Lamon
[afterwards marshal of the District of

THE DEMOCRATIC COSVKNTION, 1860

397

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

Columbia, whom nobody knew] and Mr.
Judd.' Sumner and Hunter felt hurt.
We went back to Philadelphia, and found
a message there from Pinkerton [who had
returned to Baltimore] that the conspira-
tors had held their final meeting that
evening, and it was doubtful whether they
had nerve enough to attempt the execu-
tion of their purpose. I went on, how-
ever, as the arrangement had been made,
in a special train. We were a long time
in the station at Baltimore. I heard peo-
ple talking around, but no one par-
ticularly observed me. At an early hour
on Saturday morning [Feb. 23], at about
the time I was expected to leave Harris-
burg, I arrived in Washington." Mr.
liincoln was received at the railway sta-
tion by Mr. Washburne, member of Con-
gress from Illinois, and taken to Willard's
Hotel.

The Gettysburg Speech. — At the dedi-
cation of the National Cemetery on the
Gettysburg battle-field, Nov. 19, 1863, Mr.
Lincoln delivered his immortal speech,
which will be found in the article on
Gettyskurg.

His Re-election. — In the administration
party were men who deprecated the cau-
tious policy of Mr. Lincoln and were op-
posed to his re-election. They held a nom-
inating convention at Cleveland, 0., May
31, 1864. It was composed of about 350
persons, very few of whom were regularly
chosen delegates. They were called " the
radical men of the nation." They adopted
a " platform of principles," consisting of
thirteen resolutions, among which was one

LINCOLN'S INKSTAND.

proposing an amendment to the Constitu-
tion to prevent the re-establishment of
slavery; another declaring the wisdom of
the Monroe Doctrine (q. v.) ; a third

asserting the policy of restricting the in-
cumbency of the Presidential office to one
term; a fourth recommending the election
of President directly by the people; a fifth

DESK ON WHICH LINCOLN WROTE HIS FIRST INAUGURAL
ADDRESS.

proposing to commit the business of " re-
construction " to the people ; and a sixth
enjoining the duty of confiscating the
property of the Confederates and giving
it to the Union soldiers and actual set-
tlers. They nominated Gen. John C. Fre-
mont for President, and Gen. John Coch-
rane for Vice-President. These nominees
afterwards withdrew. The Union National
Convention assembled at Baltimore June
7, wherein all the States and Territories
were represented by delegates, excepting
those in the Confederacy. Their " plat-
form of principles " was equally strong in
support of national honor, national free-
dom, the emancipation of the slaves and
the perpetuation of their freedom, the
Monroe Doctrine, etc. It was the regular
Republican Convention. It endorsed the
acts of the administration, and nominated
Abraham Lincoln for President and An-
drew Johnson for Vice-President. The
Democratic National Convention met at
Chicago, Aug. 2i). Horatio Seymour, of
New York, was its chairman, and. in his
opening address on taking the chair, he
expressed sentiments of extreme hostility
to the policy of the administration, and
condemnatory of the war for the preserva-
tion of the Union. They adopted a " plat-
form of principles," composed of six reso-
lutions. It declared the fidelity of the
Democratic party to the Union; that the
war was a failure, and that " humanity,
liberty, and the public welfare " demanded

398

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

its immediate cessation; that the govern-
ment, through its military power, had
interfered with elections in four of the
late slave-labor States, and was, conse-
quently, guilty of revolutionary action,
which should be resisted; that the govern-
ment had been guilty of unwarrantable

soldiers should receive " all the care and
protection and kindness " which they de-
served. Gen. George B. McClellan, who
had been relieved from military duty
about twenty months before, was nomi-
nated for President, and George H. Pendle-
ton, of Ohio, for Vice-President. The op-

PASSAGB OF THE AHSN'DSirENT TO THE CONSTITUTION PROHIBITING SLAVERY.

usurpations (which were specified), and
also been guilty of a shameful disregard
of duty respecting the exchange of prison-
ers and the relief of its suffering captives.
The resolutions closed with an assurance
that the Democratic party extended its
sympathy to the Union soldiers, and that,
in the event of their obtaining power, the

posing parties carried on the canvass with
great vigor during the autumn. The real
practical issue was expressed in two words
— Union and Disunion. Mr. Lincoln was
re-elected by an unprecedented majority
in the electoral college. His opponent —
General McClellan — received the votes only
of the two late slave-labor States of Dela-

399

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

ware and Kentucky and the State of New
Jersey. The soldiers in the army gave
121,000 votes for Lincoln and 35,050 for
McClellan, or three to one in favor of the
former. They did not regard the war in
which they were struggling as a " failure."
The freedmen rejoiced at the result, for
they regarded it as the seal of their sure
deliverance, for there was a wonderful
power slumbering behind that vote.

President Lincoln's Cabinets. — On the
day after his first inauguration (March
5, 1861), President Lincoln nominated
the following gentlemen as his constitu-
tional advisers: William H. Seward, of
ISTew York, Secretary of State; Salmon
P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treas-
ury; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania,
Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, of Con-
necticut, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb
Smith, of Indiana, Secretary of the In-
terior; Montgomery Blair, of Maryland,
Postmaster - General ; and Edward Bates,
of Missouri, Attorney - General. These
were immediately confirmed by the Sen-
ate. At the beginning of his second ad-
ministration he retained his cabinet —
namely, W. H. Seward, Secretary of State;

Hugh McCulloch, Secretary of the Treas-
ury; Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of
War ; Gideon Welles, Secretary of the
Navy; William Dennison, Postmaster-Gen-
eral; J. P. Usher, Secretary of the In-
terior; James Speed, Attorney-General.
There had' been previously some changes
in his cabinet. At the request of the
President, Montgomery Blair had resigned
the oflice of Postmaster-General, and was
succeeded by Mr. Dennison, of Ohio. On
the death of Chief-Justice Taney, Salmon
P. Chase had been made his successor, and
the place of the latter in the cabinet had
been filled by Hugh McCulloch.

Assassination of the President. — On the
morning of April 14, 1865, General Grant
arrived in Wasliington, and attended a
meeting of the cabinet at eleven o'clock.
An arrangement was made at the close
of the meeting for the President and
the general to attend Ford's Theatre
in the evening, and a box was en-
gaged. The general was called to New
York, and did not attend. The Presi-
dent, with Mrs. Lincoln and a little party,
was there. Mr. Lincoln was seated in a
high - backed chair. The play was Our

DIAGRAM OP BOX OCCUPIED BY PRESIDENT LINCOLN IN THKATRE.

[0. Dark corridor leading from the dress circle to box.— H. Kntrance to corridor.— I. The bar used by Booth to

prevent entrance from without—.). Dress-circle. — K. The parquette.— I,. Tiie fool lifjhts — M. The stage.—

. F. Open door to the President's box.— G. Clo.sed door— N. riiice where Booth vaulted over to the stage

below. A, B, C, D, E. Chairs and settee. —A. President Lincoln; B. Mrs. Lincoln; C. Major Hatbbone ;

D. Miss Harris ; E. Mrs. Ira Harris.]

400

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

American Cousin; and just before its I'resident died the next morning, April
close, at a little past ten o'clock, John 15. Booth was pursued and overtaken
Wilkes Booth, an actor, entered the Presi- in Virginia, concealed in a barn. He re-
dent's box, closed and fastened the door fused to surrender. The barn was set on

ford's theatre, WHERK LINCOLN WAS ASSASSINATED.

behind him, and, with a derringer pistol fire, and the assassin was shot by a ser-
in one hand and a dagger in the other, geant. The President's body was em-
lie rested the former on the back of the balnied and taken back to his home in
chair occupied by the President and shot Springfield by almost the same route as
him. The ball entered behind his ear, pass- he went to the capital more than four
cd through his brain, and lodged near one years before. Everywhere loyal people of
of his eyes. The President lived nine hours the land were his sincere mourners,
afterwards, but in an insensible st^te. Foreign governments and distinguished
The assassin was seized by Major Rath- men expressed their grief r.nd sympathy,
bone, who was in the box. Booth dropped and French Democrats testified their ap-
his pistol, struck Rathbonc on the arm preciation of his character and services
with his dagger, tore away from his grasp, by causing a magnificent gold medal to be
rushed to the front of the box with the struck and presented to the President's
gleaming weapon in his hand, and, shout- widow. It is about four inches in diam-
ing "Sic semper tyrannis!" ("So may it eter. One side bears a profile, in relief,
always be with tyrants!" — the motto on of Mr. Lincoln, surrounded by the words,
the seal of Virginia ) , leaped upon the in French, " Dedicated by the French
stage. He was booted and spurred for a Democracy. A. Lincoln, twice elected
night ride. One of his spurs caught in President of the United States." On the
the flag, and he fell. Rising, he turned reverse is an altar, bearing the following
to the audience and said, "The South is inscription, also in French: "Lincoln,
^ivenged!" and then escaped by a back door. Honest Man. Abolished Slavery, Re-estab-
There he mounted a horse which a boy lished the Union, and Saved the Republic,
had held for him, fled across the Ana- without Veiling the Statue of Liberty,
costa, and found temporary refuge among He was Assassinated the 14th of April,
sympathizing friends in Maryland. The 1865." Below all are the words: " Liberty,
v.— 2 c 101

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

Equality, and Fraternity." On one side speech of Senator Douglas, which is given
of the altar stands winged Victory, with in full in the article on that statesman,
her right hand resting upon a sword and and the reply of Abraham Lincoln, which
her left holding a civic wreath. On the here follows, constitute what is known as
other side stand two emancipated slaves the first Douglas and Lincoln debate. It
— the younger, a lad, offering a palm was opened in Ottawa, 111., Aug. 21, 1858.

branch, and the elder pointing him to the

American eagle, bearing the shield, the My fellow-citizens, when a man hears
olive-branch, and the lightning, with the liimself somewhat misrepresented, it pro-
motto of the Union. The older freedman yokes him — at least, I find it so with

myself, but, when misrepresenta-
tion becomes very gross and palpa-
ble, it is more apt to amuse him.
The first thing I see fit to notice
is the fact that Judge Douglas al-
leges, after running through the
history of the old Democratic and
the old Whig parties, that Judge
Trumbull and myself made an ar-
rangement in ] 854 by which I was
to have the place of General Shields
in the United States Senate, and
Judge Trumbull was to have the
place of Judge Douglas. Now all I
have to say upon that subject is
that I think no man — not even
Judge Douglas — can prove it, be-
cause it is not true. I have no
doubt he is " conscientious " in say-
ing it. As to those resolutions
that he took such a length of time
to read, as being the platform of
the Republican party in 1854, I say
I never had anything to do with
them; and I think Trumbull never
had. Judge Douglas cannot show
that either of us ever did have any-
thing to do with them. I believe
this is true about those resolu-
tions. There was a call for a
convention to form a Republican
party at Springfield; and I think
that my friend Mr. Lovejoy, who
is here upon this stand, had a
hand in it. I think this is true;
and I think, if he will remember
accurately, he will be able to recol-
lect that he tried to get me into it,
and I would not go in. I believe it
holds the musket of the militia-man. Near is also true that I went away from Spring-
them are the emblems of industry and field, when the convention was in session,
progress. Over the altar is a triangle,
emblematic of trinity — the trinity of
man's inalienable rights — liberty, equal-
ity, and fraternity.

Reply to Stephen A. Douglas. — The

THE HOtrSE IN WHICH LINCOLN DIED.

to attend court in Tazewell county. It is
true they did place my name, though with-
out autliority, upon the committee, and
afterwards wrote me to attend the meet-
ing of the committee; but I refused to do

402

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

MEDAL FROM THE FRENCH DEMOCRATS.

SO, and I never had anything to do with
that organization. This is the plain truth
about all that matter of the resolutions.

Now, about this story that Judge Doug-
las tells of Trumbull bargaining to sell
out the old Democratic party, and Lin-
coln agreeing to sell out the Old Whig
party, I have the means of knowing about
that: Judge Douglas cannot have; and I
know there is no substance to it what-
ever. Yet I have no doubt he is " con-
scientious " about it. I know that, after
Mr. Lovejoy got into the legislature that
winter, he complained of nie that I had
told all the Old Whigs of his district
that the Old Whig party was good enough
for them, and some of them voted against
him because I told them so. Now I have
no means of totally disproving such
charges as this which the judge makes.
A man cannot prove a negative; but he
lias a right to claim that, when a man
makes an affirmative charge, he must
cfier some proof to show the truth of
what he says. I certainly cannot intro-
iuce testimony to show the negative about
things; but I have a right to claim
that, if a man says he knows a thing,
then he must show how he knows it. I
always have a right to claim this, and it
is not satisfactory to me that he may be
" conscientious " on the subject.

Now, gentlemen, I hate to waste my
time on such things, but in regard to that
general abolition tilt that Judge Douglas
makes when he says that I was engaged

at that time in selling out and abolition-
izing the Old Whig party, I hope you
v;ill permit me to read a part of a print-
ed speech that I made then at Peoria,
which will show altogether a different
view of the position I took in that con-
test of 1854. [Voice: "Put on your
specs."] Yes, sir, I am obliged to do so.
I am no longer a young man.

" This is the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise. The foregoing history may
not be precisely accurate in every par-
ticular; but I am sure it is sufficiently
so for all the uses I shall attempt to
make of it, and in it we have before us
the chief materials enabling us to cor-
rectly judge whether the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise is right or wrong.

" I think and shall try to show that
it is wrong — wrong in its direct effect,
letting slavery into Kansas and Nebraska,
and wrong in its prospective principle,
allowing it to spread to every other part
of the wide world where men can be
found inclined to take it.

" This declared indifference, but, as I
must think, covert real zeal for the spread
of slavery, I cannot but hate. I hate it
because of the monstrous injustice of slav-
ery itself. I hate it because it deprives
our republican example of its just influ-
ence in the world ; enables the enemies
of free institutions, with plausibility, to
taunt us as hypocrites; causes the real
friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity,
and especially because it forces so many

403

LINCOLN, ABBAHAM

really good men among ourselves into
an open war with the very fundamental
principles of civil liberty — criticising the
Declaration of Independence, and insisting
that there is no right principle of action
but self-interest.

" Before proceeding, let me say I think
I have no prejudice against the Southern
people. They are just what we would

be in their situation. If slavery did not
now exist among them, they would not
introduce it. If it did now exist among
us, we should not instantly give it up.
This I believe of the masses North and
South. Doubtless there are individuals
on both sides who would not hold slaves
under any circumstances; and others who
would gladly introduce slavery anew if

THE LINCOLN MONUMENT IN OAK RIDGB CKMETKKY, SFKINGFIELD, ILL.

404

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

it were out of existence. We know that likely to carry a free man into slavery
some Southern men do free their slaves, than our ordinary criminal laws are to
go North, and become tip-top abolition- hang an innocent one.
ists; while some Northern ones go South, "But all this, to my judgment, fur-
und become most cruel slave-masters. nishes no more excuse for permitting

" When Southern people tell us they slavery to go into our own free territory
are no more responsible for the origin of than it would for reviving the African
slavery than we are, T acknowledge the slave-trade by law. The law which for-
fact. When it is said that the institu- bids the bringing of slaves from Africa,
tion exists, and that it is very difficult and that which has so long forbidden
to get rid of it in any satisfactorj'^ way, I the taking of them to Nebraska, can
can understand and appreciate the say- hardly be distinguished on any moral
ing. I surely will not blame them for princii)le: and the repeal of the former
not doing what I should not know how could find quite as plausible excuses as
to do myself. If all earthly power were that of the latter."

given me, I should not know what to do I have reason to knoAV that Judge
as to the existing institution. My first Douglas knows that I said this. I think
impulse would be to free all the slaves, he has the answer here to one of the
and send them to Liberia — to their own questions he put to me. I do not mean
native land. But a moment's reflection to allow him to catechise me unless he
would convince me that, whatever of pays back for it in kind. I will not an-
higli hope (as I think there is) there swer questions, one after another, unless
may be in this in the long run, its sud- he reciprocates; but as he has made this
den execution is impossible. If they inquiry, and I have answered it before,
were all landed there in a day, they would he has got it without my getting any-
all perish in the next ten days; and there thing in return. He has got my answer
are not surplus shipping and surplus on the fugitive-slave law.
money enough in the world to carry them Now, gentlemen, I don't want to read
there in many times ten days. What at any great length; but this is the true
then? Free them all, and keep them complexion of all I have ever said in re-
among us as underlings? Is it quite eer- gard to the institution of slavery and the
tain that this betters their condition? black race. This is the whole of it; and
I think I would not hold one in slavery, anything that argues me into his idea of
at any rate; yet the point is not clear perfect social and political equality with
enough to me to denounce people upon, the negro is but a specious and fantastic
What next? Free them, and make them arrangement of words, by which a man
politically and socially our equals? My can prove a horse-chestnut to be a chest-
own feelings will not admit of this; and nut horse. I will say here, while upon this
if mine would, we well know that those subject, that I have no purpose, either
of the great mass of white people will directly or indirectly, to interfere with
not. Whether this feeling accords with the institution of slavery in the States
justice' and sound judgment is not the where it exists. I believe I have no law-
sole question, if, indeed, it is any part ful right to do so, and I have no inclina-
of it. A universal feeling, whether well tion to do so. I have no purpose to intro-
or ill founded, cannot be safely disregard- duce political and social equality between
ed. We cannot make them equals. It the white and the black races. There is a
does seem to me that systems of gradual physical difference between the two which,
emancipation might be adopted; but, for in my judgment, will probably forever
their tardiness in this, I will not under- forbid their living together upon the foot-
take to judge our brethren in the South, ing of perfect equality; and. inasmuch as

" WTien they remind us of their con- it becomes a necessity that there must be
stitutional rights. I acknowledge them, a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas,
not grudgingly, but fully and fairly; and am in favor of the race to which I be-
T would give them any legislation for long having the superior position. I have
the reclaiming of their fugitives which never said anything to the contrary, but
should not, in its stringencj', be more I hold that, notwithstanding all this,

405

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

there is no reason in the world why the
negro is not entitled to all the natural
rights enumerated in the Declaration of
Independence — the right to life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that
he is as much entitled to these as the
white man. I agree with Judge Douglas
he is not my equal in many respects —
certainly not in color, perhaps not in
moral or intellectual endowment. But in the
right to eat the bread, without the leave
of anybody else, which his own hand earns.

ing opposed our soldiers who were fight-
ing in the Mexican War. The judge did
not make his charge very distinctly; but
I tell you what he can prove, by referring
to the record. You remember I was an
Old Whig; and, whenever the Democratic
party tried to get me to vote that the war
had been righteously begun by the Presi-
dent, I would not do it. But, whenever
they asked for any money or land- war-
rants or anything to pay the soldier,
there, during all that time, I gave the

CHAMBER OF ILLINOIS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
(In which Lincoln made his first speech in opposition to Douglas.)

he is my equal and the equal of Judge Doug-
las, and the equal of every living man.

Now I pass on to consider one or two
more of these little follies. The judge is
wofully at fault about his early friend
Lincoln being a " grocery-keeper." I
don't think that it would be a great sin
if I had been ; but he is mistaken. Lin-
coln never kept a grocery anywhere in the
world. It is true that Lincoln did work
the latter part of one winter in a little
still-house up at the head of a hollow.
And so I think my friend, the judge, is
equally at fault when he charges me at
the time when I was in Congress of hav-

same vote that Judge Douglas did. You
can think as you please as to whether that
was consistent. Such is the truth; and
the judge has the right to make all he can
out of it. But when he, by a general
charge, conveys the idea that I withheld
supplies from the soldiers who were fight-
ing in the Mexican War, or did anything
.else to hinder the soldiers, he is, to say the
least, grossly and altogether mistaken, as a
consultation of the records will prove to him.
As 1 have not used up so much of my
time as I had supposed, I will dwell a
little longer upon one or two of these
minor topics upon which the judge has

406

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

spoken. He has read from my speech in
Springfield in which I say that " a house
divided against itself cannot stand."
Does the judge say it can stand? I don't
know whether he does or not. The judge
does not seem to be attending to me just
now, but I would like to know if it is his
opinion that a house divided against itself
can stand. If he does, then there is a
question of veracity, not between him and
me, but between the judge and an author-
ity of a somewhat higher character.

Now, my friends, I ask your attention
to this matter for the purpose of saying
something seriously. I know that the
judge may readily enough agree with me
that the maxim which was put forth by
the Saviour is true, but he may allege that
1 misapply it; and the judge has a right
to urge that in my application I do mis-
apply it, and then I have a right to show
that I do not misapply it. When he un-
dertakes to say that because I think this
nation, so far as the question of slavery
is concerned, will all become one thing or
all the other, I am in favor of bringing
about a dead uniformity in the various
States in all their institutions, he argues
erroneously. The great variety of the
local institutions in the States, springing
from differences in the soil, differences in
the face of the country and in the climate,
are bonds of union. They do not make " a
house divided against itself," but they
make a house united. If they produce in
cne section of the country what is called
for by the wants of another section, and
this other section can supply the wants of
the first, they are not matters of discord,
but bonds of union — true bonds of imion.
But can this question of slavery be con-
sidered as among these varieties in the
institutions of the country? I leave it to
you to say whether, in the history of our
government, this institution of slavery has
not always failed to be a bond of union,
and, on the contrary, been an apple of dis-
cord and an element of division in the
house. I ask you to consider whether, so
long as the moral constitution of men's
minds shall continue to be the same, after
this generation and assemblage shall sink
into the grave, and another race shall
arise with the same moral and intellectual
development we have — whether, if that in-
stitution is standing in the same irritat-

ing position in which it now is, it will not
continue an element of division?

If so, then I have a right to say that,
in regard to this question, the Union is a
house divided against itself; and when
the judge reminds me that I have often
said to him that the institution of slavery
has existed for eighty years in some
States, and yet it does not exist in some
others, I agree to the fact, and I account
for it by looking at the position in which
our fathers originally placed it — restrict-
ing it from the new Territories where it
had not gone, and legislating to cut off its
source by the abrogation of the slave-trade,
thus putting the seal of legislation against
its spread. The public mind did rest in
the belief that it was in the course of ulti-
mate extinction. But, lately, I think —
and in this I charge nothing on the
judge's motives — lately, I think that he,
and those acting with him, have placed
that institution on a new basis, which
looks to the perpetuity and nationaliza-
tion of slavery. And, while it is placed
upon this new basis, I say, and I have
said, that I believe we shall not have
peace upon the question until the oppo-
nents of slavery arrest the further spread
of it, and place it where the public mind
shall rest in the belief that it is in the
course of ultimate extinction ; or, on the
other hand, that its advocates will push
it forward until it shall become alike
lawful in all the States, old as well as
new. North as well as South. Now I be-
lieve, if we could arrest the spread, and
place it where Washington and Jefferson
and Madison placed it, it would be in the
course of ultimate extinction, and the
public mind would, as for eighty years
past, believe that it was in the course of
ultimate extinction. The crisis would be
past, and the institution might be let
alone for a hundred years — if it should
live so long — in the States where it exists,
yet it would be going out of existence in
the way best for both the black and the
white races. [A voice: " Then do you re-
pudiate popular sovereignty?"] Well,
then, let us talk about popular sovereign-
ty! What is popular sovereignty? Is it
the right of the people to have slavery or
not have it, as they see fit. in the Terri-
tories? I will state — and I have an able
man to watch me — my understanding is

407

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

that popular sovereignty, as now applied policy, and therefore he set about study-
to the question of slavery, does allow the ing the subject upon original principles,
people of a Territory to have slavery if and upon original principles he got up
they want to, but does not allow them the Nebraska bill ! I am fighting it upon
not to have it if they do not want it. I these " original principles " — fighting it
do not mean that, if this vast concourse in the Jeft'ersonian, Washingtonian, and
of people were in a Territory of the United Madisonian fashion.

States, any one of them, would be obliged Now, my friends, I wish you to attend

to have a slave if he did not want one; for a little while to one or two other things

but I do say that, as I understand the in that Springfield speech. My main ob-

Dred Scott decision, if any one man wants ject was to show, so far as my humble

slaves, all the rest have no way of keep- alnlity was capable of showing to the

ing that one man from holding them. people of this country, what I believed

When I made my speech at Springfield, was the truth — that there was a tend-

of which the judge complains, and from ency, if not a conspiracy, among those

which he quotes, I really was not think- who have engineered this slavery question

ing of the things which he ascribes to for the last four or five years, to make

me at all. I had no thought in the world slavery perpetual and universal in this

that I was doing anything to bring about nation. Having made that speech prin-

a war between the free and slave States, cipally for that object, after arranging

I had no thought in the world that I was the evidences that I thought tended to

doing anything to bring about a politi- ju-ove my proposition, I concluded with

car and social equality of the black and this bit of comment:

white races. It never occurred to me " We cannot absolutely know that these
that I was doing anything or favoring exact adaptations are the result of pre-
anything to reduce to a dead uniformity concert; but, when we see a lot of framed
all the local institutions of the various timbers, different portions of which we
States. But I must say, in all fairness know have been gotten out at different
to him, if he thinks I am doing something times and places, and by different work-
which leads to these bad results, it is none men — Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and
the better that I did not mean it. It is James, for instance — and when we see
just as fatal to the country, if I have these timbers joined together, and see
any influence in producing it, whether I they exactly make the frame of a house or
intend it or not. But can it be true that a mill, all the tenons and mortises ex-
placing this institution upon the original actly fitting, and all the lengths and pro-
basis — the basis upon which our fathers portions of the different pieces exactly
placed it — can have any tendency to set adapted to their respective places, and
the Northern and the Southern States at not a piece too many or too few — not
war with one another, or that it can have omitting even the scaffolding — or if a
any tendency to make the people of Ver- single piece be lacking, we see the place
mont raise sugar-cane because they raise in the frame exactly fitted and prepared
it in Louisiana, or that it can compel the to yet bring such piece in — in such a
people of Illinois to cut pine logs on the case we feel it impossible not to believe
Grand Prairie where they will not grow, that Stephen and Franklin and Roger
because they cut pine logs in Maine, where and James all understood one another
they do grow? The judge says this is a from the beginning, and all worked upon
new principle started in regard to this a common plan or draft drawn before the
question. Does the judge claim that he is first blow was struck."
working on the plan of the founders of When my friend. Judge Douglas, came
the government? I think he says in some to Chicago on the 9th of July, this
of his speeches — indeed, I have one here speech having been delivered on the 16th
now — that he saw evidence of a policy of June, he made an harangue there in
to allow slavery to be south of a certain which he took hold of this speech of
line, while north of it it should be ex- mine, showing that he had carefully
eluded; and he saw an indisposition on read it; and, while he paid no atten-
the part of the country to stand upon that tion to this matter at all, but com-

408

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

plimented me as being a " kind, amiable,
and intelligent gentleman," notwithstand-
ing 1 had said this, he goes on and de-
duces, or draws out, from my speech this
tendency of mine to set the States at
war with one another, to make all the
institutions uniform, and set the niggers
and white people to marry together. Then,
as the judge had complimented me with
these pleasant titles (I must confess to
my weakness), I was a little "taken";
for it came from a great man. I was not
very much accustomed to flattery, and it
came the sweeter to me. I was rather
like the Hoosier with the gingerbread,
when he said he reckoned he loved it bet-
ter than any other man, and got less of it.
As the judge had so flattered me, I could
not make up my mind that he meant to
deal unfairly with me. So I went to
work to show him that he misunderstood
the whole scope of my speech, and that I
really never intended to set the people at
war with one another. As an illustra-
tion, the next time I met him, which was
at Springfield, I used this expression, that
I claimed no right under the Constitu-
.tion, nor had T any inclination, to enter
into the slave States and interfere with
the institutions of slavery. . He says upon
that, Lincoln will not enter into the slave
States, but will go to the banks of the
Ohio, on this side, and shoot over! He
runs on, step by step, in the horse-chest-
nut style of argument, until in the Spring-
field speech he says, " Unless he shall be
successful in firing his batteries until he
shall have extinguished slavery in all the
States, the Union shall be dissolved."
Xow I don't think that was exactly the
way to treat " a kind, amiable, intelli-
gent gentleman." I know, if I had asked
the judge to show when or where it was
I had said that, if I didn't succeed in fir-
ing into the slave States until slavery
should be extinguished, the Union should
be dissolved, he could not have shown it. I
understand what he would do. He would
say, " I don't mean to quote from you,
but this was the result of what you say."
But I have the right to ask, and I do
ask now, Did you not put it in sucli a
form that an ordinary reader or listener
would take it as an expression from me?
In a speech at Springfield, on the night
of the 17th, I thought I might as well

attend to my business a little; and I re-
called his attention as well as I could to
this charge of conspiracy to nationalize
slavery. I called his attention to the
fact that he had acknowledged in my hear-
ing twice that he had carefully read the
speech; and, in the language of the law-
yers, as he had twice read the speech,
and still had put in no plea or answer, I
took a default on him. I insisted that
I had a right then to renew that charge
of conspiracy. Ten days afterwards I met
the judge at Clinton — that is to say, I
was on the ground, but not in the dis-
cussion— and heard him make a speech.
Then he comes in with his plea to this
charge, for the first time; and his plea
when put in, as well as I can recollect it,
amounted to this : that he never had any
talk with Judge Taney or the President
of the United States with regard to the
Dred Scott decision before it was made;
I (Lincoln) ought to know that the man
who makes a charge without knowing it
to be true falsifies as much as he who
knowingly tells a falsehood; and, lastly,
that he would pronounce the whole thing
a falsehood; but he would make no per-
sonal application of the charge of false-
hood, not because of any regard for the
" kind, amiable, intelligent gentleman,"
but because of his own personal self-re-
spect! I have understood since then (but
[turning to Judge Douglas] will not hold
the judge to it if he is not willing) that
he has broken through the " self-respect,"
and has got to saying the thing out. The
judge nods to me that it is so. It is
fortunate for me that I can keep as good-
humored as I do when the judge acknowl-
edges that he has been trying to make a
question of veracity with me. I know the
judge is a great man, while I am only
a small man; but I feel that I have got
him. I demur to that plea. I waive all
objections that it was not filed till after
default was taken, and demur to it upon
the merits. What if Judge Douglas never
did talk with Chief-Justice Taney and
the President before the Dred Scott de-
cision was made ; does it follow that he
could not have had as perfect an under-
standing without talking as with it? I
am not disposed to stand upon my legal
advantage. I am disposed to take his
denial as beinsr like HJi answer in chan-

409

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

eery, that he neither had any knowledge,
information, nor belief in the existence of
such a conspiracy. I am disposed to
take his answer as being as broad as
though he had put it in these words. And
now, I ask, even if he had done so, have
not I a right to prove it on him, and to
offer the evidence of more than two wit-
nesses by whom to prove it; and, if the
evidence proves the existence of the con-
spiracy, does his broad answer, denying
all knowledge, information, or belief, dis-
turb the fact? It can only show that he
was used by conspirators, and was not a
leader of them.

Now in regard to his reminding me of
the moral rule that persons who tell what
they do not know to be true falsify as
much as those who knowingly tell false-
hoods. I remember the rule, and it must
be borne in mind that in what I have read
to you I do not say that I know such a
conspiracy to exist. To that I reply, I
believe it. If the judge says that I do not
believe it, then he says what he does not
know, and falls within his own rule that
he who asserts a thing which he does not
know to be true falsifies as much as he
who knowingly tells a falsehood. I want
to call your attention to a little discus-
sion on that branch of the case, and the
evidence which brought my mind to the
conclusion which I expressed as toy be-
lief. If, in arraying that evidence, I had
stated anything which was false or erro-
neous, it needed but that Judge Douglas
should point it out, and I would have
taken it back with all the kindness in the
world. I do not deal in that way. If I
have brought forward anything not a fact,
if he will point it out, it will not even
ruffle me to take it back. But, if he will
not point out anything erroneous in the
evidence, is it not rather for him to show
by a comparison of the evidence that I
have reasoned falsely than to call the
" kind, amiable, intelligent gentleman " a
liar? If I have reasoned to a false con-
clusion, it is the vocation of an able de-
bater to show by argument tliat I have
wandered to an erroneous conclusion. 1
want to ask your attention to a portion of
the Nebraska bill which Judge Douglas
has quoted: " It being the true intent and
meaning of this act not to legislate sla-
very into any Territory or State, nor to

exclude it therefrom, but to leave the peo-
ple thereof perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in
their own way, subject only to the Con-
stitution of the United States." There-
upon Judge Douglas and others began to
argue in favor of " popular sovereignty "
— the right of the people to have slaves if
they wanted them, and to exclude slavery
if they did not want them. " But," said,
in substance, a Senator from Ohio (Mr.
Chase, I believe ) , "we more than suspect
that you do not mean to allow the people
to exclude slavery if they wish to; and, if
you do mean it, accept an amendment
which I propose expressly authorizing the
people to exclude slavery." I believe I
have the amendment here before me,
which was offered, and under which the
people of the Territory, through their
proper representatives, might, if they saw
fit, prohibit the existence of slavery
therein. And now I state it as a fact, to
be taken back if there is any mistake
about it, that Judge Douglas and those
acting with him voted that amendment
down. I now think that those men who
voted it down had a real reason for doing
so. They know what that reason was. It
looks to us, since we have seen the Dred
Scott decision pronounced, holding that,
" under the Constitution," the people can-
not exclude slavery — I say it looks to out-
siders, poor, simple, " amiable, intelligent
gentlemen," as though the niche was left
as a place to put that Dred Scott decision
in — a niche which would have been spoiled
by adopting the amendment. And now I
say again, if this was not the reason, it
will avail the judge much more to calmly
and good-humoredly point out to these
people what that other reason was for
voting the amendment down than swell-
ing himself up to vociferate that he may
be provoked to call somebody a liar.

Again, there is in that same quotation
from the Nebraska bill this clause: "It
being the true intent and meaning of this
bill not to legislate slavery into any Ter-
r:;tory or citate." I have always been
piizzled to know what business the word
" State " had ;n that connection. Judge
Douglas knows. He put it there. He
knows what he put it there for. We out-
siders cannot say what he put it there
tor. The law they '^ere passing was not
10

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

about States, and was not making pro-
vision for States. What was it placed
there for? After seeing the Dred Scott
decision, which holds that the people can-
not exclude slavery from a Territory, if
another Dred Scott decision shall come,
holding that they cannot exclude it from
a State, we shall discover that, when iie
word was originally put there, it was in
view of something which was to come in
due time, we shall see that it was the
other half of something. I now say again,
if there is any different reason for put-
ting it there, Judge Douglas, in a good-
humored way, without calling anybody a
liar, can tell what the reason was.

When the judge spoke at Clinton, he
came very near making a charge of false-
hood against me. He used, as I found it
printed in a newspaper, which, I remem-
ber, was very nearly like the real speech,
the following language:

" 1 did not answer the charge [of con-
spiracy] Before for the reason that I did
not suppose there was a man in America
with a heart so corrupt as to believe such
a charge could be true. I have too much
respect for Mr. Lincoln to suppose he is
serious in making the charge."

I confess this is rather a curious view,
that out of respect for me he should con-
sider I was making what I deemed rather
a grave charge in fim. I confess it strikes
me rather strangely. But I let it pass.
As the judge did not for a moment be-
lieve that there was a man in America
whose heart was so " corrupt " as to make
such a charge, and as he places me among
the " men in America " who have hearts
base enough to make such a charge, I
hope he will excuse me if I hunt out an-
other charge very like this ; and, if it
should turn out that in hunting I should
find that other, and it should turn out
to be Judge Douglas himself who made it,
I hope he will reconsider this question
of the deep corruption of heart he has
thought fit to ascribe to me. In Judge
Douglas's speech of March 22, 1858, which
I hold in my hand, he says:

" In this connection there is another
topic to which I desire to allude. I sel-
dom refer to the course of newspapers or
notice the articles which they publish in
regard to myself; but the course of the
Washington Union has been so extraor-

dinary for the last two or three months
tliat I think it well enough to make seme
allusion to it. It has read me out of the
Democratic party every other day, at
least for two or three months, and keeps
reading me out, and, as if it had not
succeeded, still continues to read me
out, using such terms as ' traitor,' ' rene-
gade,' ' deserter/ and other kinds of po-
lite epithets of that nature. Sir, I have
no vindication to make of my Democracy
against the Washington Union or any
other newspaper. I am willing to allow
my history and actions for the last twenty
years to speak for themselves as to my
political principles and my fidelity to
]»clitical obligatiouL The Washington
Union has a personal grievance. When
the editor was nominated for public
printer, I declined to vote for him, and
stated that at some time I might give
my reasons for doing so. Since I de-
clined to give that vote, this scurrilous
abuse, these vindictive and constant at-
tacks, have been repeated almost daily
on me. Will my friend from Michigan
read the article to which I allude?"

This is a part of the speech. You must
excuse me from reading the entire article
of the Washington Union, as Mr. Stuart
read it for Mr. Douglas. The judge goes
on and sums up, as I think, correctly:

" Mr. President, you here find several
distinct propositions advanced boldly by
the Washington Union editorially, and ap-
parently authoritatively; and any man
who questions any of them is denounced
as an abolitionist, a free-soiler, a fanatic.
The propositions are, first, that the pri-
mary object of all government at its
original institution is the protection of
person and property; second, that the
Constitution of the United States declares
that the citizens of each State shall be
entitled to all the privileges and immuni-
ties of citizens in the several States ; and
that, therefore, thirdly, all State laws,
whether organic or otherwise, which pro-
hibit the citizens of one State from set-
tling in another with their slave prop-
erty, and especially declaring it forfeited,
are direct violations of the original inten-
tion of the government and Constitution
of the United States; and, fourth, that
the emancipation of the slaves of the
Northern States was a gross outrage on

411

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

the rights of property, inasmuch as it read all of the portion I desire to comment

was involuntarily done on the part of upon. What is this charge that the judge

the owner. thinks 1 must have a very corrupt heart

" Remember that this article was pub- to make ? It was a purpose on the part

lished in the Union on the 17th of No- of certain high functionaries to make it

vember, and on the 18th appeared the iinpossible for the people of one State to

first article giving the adhesion of the prohibit the people of any other State

Union to the Lecompton constitution. It from entering it with their " property,"

was in these words: so called, and making it a slave State.

" ' Kansas and her constitution. The In other words, it was a charge imply-

vexed question is settled. The problem ing a design to make the institution of

is solved. The dead point of danger is slavery national. And now I ask your at-

passed. All serious trouble to Kansas tention to what Judge Douglas has him-

afl'airs is over and gone.' self done here. I know that he made

" And a column nearly of the same that part of the speech as a reason why

;sort. Then, when yor come to look into he had refused to vote for a certain man

the Lecompton constitution, you find the for public printer; but, when we get at

:same doctrine incorporated in it which ii., the charge itself is the very one I

Avas put forth editorially in the Union, made against him, that he thinks I am

What is it? so corrupt for uttering. Now, whom

"'Art. 7, Sec. 1. The right of property does he make that charge against? Does

is before and higher than any constitu- he make it against that newspaper editor

tional sanction; and the right of the merely? No; he says it is identical in

owner of a slave to such slave and its spirit with the Lecompton constitution,

increase is the same and as inviolable as and so the framers of that constitution

the right of the owner of any property are brought in with the editor of the

whatever.' newspaper in that " fatal blow being

" Then, in the schedule is a provision struck." He did not call it a " con-
that the constitution may be amended spiracy." In his langaiage it is a " fatal
after 1864 by a two-thirds vote. blow being struck." And, if the words

" ' But no alteration shall be made to carry the meaning better when changed

affect the right of property in the owner- from a " conspiracy " into a " fatal blow

ship of slaves.' being struck," I will change my expres-

" It will be seen by these clauses in sion, and call it " fatal blow being

the Lecompton constitution that they are struck." We see the charge is made not

identical in spirit with the authoritative merely against the editor of the Union,

article in the Washington Union of the but all the framers of the Lecompton

day previous to its endorsement of this constitution; and not only so, but the

constitution." article was an authoritative article. By

I pass over some portions of the speech, whose authority? Is there any question

and I hope that any one who feels in- but that he means it was by the au-

terested in this matter will read the en- tliority of the President and his cabinet

tire section of the speech, and see whether — the administration ? Is there any sort

1 do the judge an injustice. He proceeds: of question but that he means to make

"When I saw that article in the Union that charge? Then there are the editors

of the 17th of November, followed by the of the Union, the framers of the Le-

glorification of the Lecompton constitu- compton constitution, the President of the

tion on the 18th of November, and this United States and his cabinet, and all

clause in the constitution asserting the the supporters of the Lecompton constitu-

doctrine that a State has no right to tion in Congress and out of Congress, who

prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw are all involved in tliis " fatal blow being

that there was a fatal blow being struck struck." I commend to Judge Douglas's

at the sovereignty of the States of this consideration the question of how cor-

Union." rupt a man's heart must be to make

I stop the quotation there, again re- such a charge!
•questing that it may all be rej>d. I ha^e Now, my friends, I have but one branrh

412

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

of the subject, in the little time I have the attitude he occupies at the head of a

left, to which to call your attention; and, large party — a party which he claims has

as I shall come to a close at the end of a majority of all the voters in the country,
that branch, it is probable that I shall not This man sticks to a decision which for-

occupy quite all the time allotted to me. bids the people of a Territory to exclude

Although on these questions I would like slavery, and he does so not because he says

to talk twice as long as I have, I could it is right in itself — he does not give any

not enter upon another head and discuss opinion on that — but because it has been

it properly without running over my time, decided by the court ; and, being decided

I ask the attention of the people here as- by the court, he is, and you are, bound to

sembled and elsewhere to the course that take it in your political action as law —

Judge Douglas is pursuing every day as not that he judges at all of its merits, but

bearing upon this question of making because a decision of the court is to him

slavery national. Not going back to the a " Thus saith the Lord." He places it on

records, but taking the speeches he makes, that ground alone, and you will bear in

the speeches he made yesterday and day mind that thus committing himself unre-

before, and makes constantly all over the servedly to this decision commits him to

country — I ask your attention to them.
In the first })lace, what is necessary to
make the institution national? Not war.
There is no danger that the people of
Kentucky will shoulder their muskets,
and, with a young nigger stuck on every
bayonet, march into Illinois and force
them upon us. There is no danger of our
going over there and making war upon
them. Then what is necessary for the
nationalization of slavery? It is simply
the next Dred Scott decision. It is merely
for the Supreme Court to decide that no
State under the Constitution can exclude

the next one just as firmly as to this. He
did not commit himself on account of the
merit or demerit of the decision, but it
is a " Thus saith the Lord." The next
decision, as much as this, will be a " Thus
saith the Lord." There is nothing that
can divert or turn him away from this de-
cision. It is nothing that I point out to
him that his great prototype, General
Jackson, did not believe in the binding
force of decisions. It is nothing to him
that Jeffer.son did not so believe. I have
said that I have often heard him approve
of Jackson's course in disregarding: the

it, just as they have already decided that decision of the Supreme Court pronounc-

under the Constitution neither Congress ing a national bank constitutional. He

nor the Territorial legislature can do it. says I did not hear him say so. He denies

When that is decided and acquiesced in, the accuracy of my recollection. I say

the whole thing is done. This being true, he ought to know better than I ; but I

and this being the way, as I think, that will make no question about this thing,

slavery is to be made national, let us con- though it still seems to me that I heard

sider what Judge Douglas is doing every him say it twenty times. I will tell him,

day to that end. In the first place, let us though, that he now claims to stand on

see what infiucnce he is exerting on public the Cincinnati platform, which affirms

sentiment. In this and like communities,
public sentiment is everything. With pub-
lic sentiment, nothing can fail ; without
it. nothing can succeed. Consequently, he
who moulds public sentiment goes deeper
tlian he who enacts statutes or pronounces
decisions. He makes statutes and de-
cisions possible or impossible to be exe-
cuted. This must be borne in mind, as
also the additional fact that Judge Doug-
las is a man of vast influence, so great
that it is enough for many men to pro-
fess to believe anything when they
once find out that Judge Douglas
professes to believe it. Consider also

that Congress cannot charter a national
bank, in the teeth of that old standing de-
cision that Congress can charter a bank.
And I remind him of another piece of his-
tory on the question of respect for judicial
decisions, and it is a piece of Illinois his-
tory, belonging to a time when a large
party to which Judge Douglas belonged
were displeased with a decision of the Su-
preme Court of Illinois, because they had
decided that a governor could not remove
a Secretary of State. You will find the
whole story in Ford's History of TlUnois,
and I know that Judge Douglas will not
deny that he was then in favor of over-

413

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

slaughing that decision by the mode of add-
ing five new judges, so as to vote down the
four old ones. Not only so, but it ended
in the judge's sitting down on the very
bench as one of the five new judges to
break down the four old ones. It was in
this way precisely that he got his title of
judge. Now, when tiie judge tells me that
men appointed conditionally to sit as mem-
bers of a court will have to be catechised
beforehand upon some subject, I say,
"You know, judge; you have tried it."
When he says a court of this kind will
lose the confidence of all men, will be pros-
tituted and disgraced by such a proceed-
ing, I say, "You know best, judge; you
have been through the mill."

But I cannot shake Judge Douglas's
teeth loose from the Dred Scott decision.
Like some obstinate animal (I mean no
disrespect) that will hang on when he has
once got his teeth fixed, you may cut off
a leg or you may tear away an arm, still
he will not relax his hold. And so I may
point out to the judge, and say that he is
bespattered all over, from the beginning
of his political life to the present time,
with attacks upon judicial decisions — I
may cut off limb after limb of his public
record, and strive to wrench from him a
single dictum of the court, yet I cannot
divert him from it. He hangs to the last
to the Dred Scott decision. These things
show there is a purpose strong as death
and eternity for which he adheres to this
decision, and for which he will adhere to
all other decisions of the same court. [A
Hibernian : " Give us something besides
Drid Scott."] Yes; no doubt you want to
hear something that don't hurt. Now,
having spoken of the Dred Scott decision,
one more word, and I am done. Henry
Clay, my heau ideal of a statesman, the
man for whom I fought all my humble
life — Henry Clay once said of a class of
men who would repress all tendencies to
liberty and ultimate emancipation that
they must, if they would do this, go back
to the era of our independence, and muzzle
the cannon which thunders its annual joy-
ous return ; they must blow out the moral
lights around us; they must penetrate the
human soul, and eradicate there the love
of liberty; and then, and not till then,
could they perpetuate slavery in this
country. To my thinking. Judge Douglas

is, by his example and vast influence,
doing that very thing in this community
\\hen he says that the negro has noth-
ing in the Declaration of Independence.
Henry Clay plainly understood the con-
trary. Judge Douglas is going back to
the era of our Revolution, and to the ex-
tent of his ability muzzling the cannon
which thunders its annual joyous return.
When he invites any people, willing to
have slavery, to establish it, he is blowing
out the moral lights around us. When he
says he " cares not whether slavery is
voted down or A'oted up " — that it is a
sacred right of self-government — he is, in
my judgment, penetrating the human soul,
and eradicating the light of reason and
the love of liberty in this American peo-
ple. And now I will only say that when,
by all these means and appliances. Judge
Douglas shall succeed in bringing public
sentiment to an exact accordance with his
own views — when these vast assemblages
shall echo back all these sentiments —
when they shall come to repeat his views
and to avow his principles, and to say all
that he says on these mighty questions —
then it needs only the formality of the
second Dred Scott decision, which he en-
dorses in advance, to make slavery alike
lawful in all the States — old as well as
new, North as well as South.

Cooper Institute Address. — On Feb. 27,
1860, Mr. Lincoln delivered the follow-
ing address in Cooper Institute, New
York City:

Mr. President and fellow-citizens of
New York, — The facts with which I shall
deal this evening are mainly old and fa-
miliar; nor is there anything new in the
general use I shall make of them. If
there shall be any novelty, it will be in
the mode of presenting the facts, and the
inferences and observations following that
presentation. In his speech last autumn
at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the
New York Times, Senator Douglas said:

" Our fathers, when they framed the
government under which we live, under-
stood this question just as well, and even
better than we do now."

I fully endorse this, and I adopt it as
a text for this discourse. I so adopt it
because it furnishes a precise and an
agreed starting-point for a discussion be-

414

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

tween Republicans and that wing of the gress, and voted on that question. Of
Democracy headed by Senator Douglas, these Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and
It simply leaves the inquiry: What was Hugh Williamson voted for the prohibi-
the understanding those fathers had of tion, thus showing that, in their under-
the question mentioned? standing, no line dividing local from

What is the frame of government under federal authority, nor anything else, prop-
which we live? The answer must be, erly forbade the federal government to
" The Constitution of the United States." control as to slavery in federal territory.
That Constitution consists of the original. The other of the four, James McHenry,
framed in 1787, and under which the pres- voted against the proliibition, showing
ent government first went into operation, that for some cause he thought it im-
and twelve subsequently framed amend- j^ioper to vote for it.

ments, the first ten of which were framed In 1787, still before the Constitution,
in 1789. but while the convention was in session

Who were our fathers that framed the framing it, and while the Northwestern
Constitution? I suppose the "thirty- Territory still was the only Territory
nine " who signed the original instrument owned by the United States, the same
may be fairly called our fathers who question of prohibiting slavery in the Ter-
framed that part of the present govern- ritory again came before the Congress of
ment. It is almost exactly true to say the Confederation ; and two more of the
they framed it, and it is altogether true " thirty-nine " who afterwards signed the
to say they fairly represented the opinion Constitution were in that Congress, and
and sentiment of the whole nation at voted on the question. They were Will-
that time. Their names, being familiar iam Blount and William Few; and they
to nearly all, and accessible to quite all, both voted for the prohibition — thus show-
need not now be repeated. ing that in their understanding no line

I take these " thirty-nine," for the pres- dividing local from federal authority,
ent, as being " our fathers who framed nor anything else, properly forbade the
the government under which we live." federal government to control as to sla-
What is the question which, according to very in federal territory. This time the
the text, those fathers understood " just prohibition became a law, being part of
as well, and even better, than we do what is now well known as the ordinance
now?" of '87.

It is this: Does the proper division of The question of federal control of sla-
local from federal authority, or anything very in the Territories seems not to have
in the Constitution, forbid our federal been directly before the convention which
government to control as to slavery in our framed the original Constitution ; and
federal Territories? hence it is not recorded that the " thirty-

Upon this, Senator Douglas holds the nine," or any of them, while engaged on
aflirmative, and Republicans the negative, that instrument, expressed any opinion
This affirmation and denial form an issue; on that precise question,
and this issue — this question — is precisely In 1789, by the first Congress which
what the text declares our fathers under- sat under the Constitution, an act was
stood " better than we." Let us now in- passed to enforce the ordinance of '87, in-
quire whether the "thirty-nine," or any eluding the prohibition of slavery in the
of them, ever acted upon this question; Northwestern Territory. The bill for
and if they did, how they acted upon it — tliis act was reported by one of the
how they expressed that better under- " thirty-nine " — Thomas Fitzsimmons.
standing. In 1784, three years before the then a member of the House of Repre-
Constitution, the United States then own- sentatives from Pennsylvania. It went
ing the Northwestern Territory and no through all its stages without a word
other, the Congress of the Confederation of opposition, and finally passed both
had before them the question of prohib- branches without ayes and nays, which is
iting slavery in that Territory; and four equivalent to a unanimous passage. In
of the " thirty - nine" who afterwards this Congress there were sixteen of the
framed the Constitution were in that Con- tiiirty-nine fathers who framed the origi-

415

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

nal Constitution. They were John Lang- bam Baldwin. They all probably voted

don, Nicholas Oilman, William S. Johnson, for it. Certainly they would have placed

Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thomas their opposition to it upon record if, in

Fitzsimmons, William Few, Abraham their understanding, any line dividing

Baldwin, Rufus King, William Paterson, local from federal authority, or anj'thing

George Clymer, Richard Bassett, George in the Constitution, properly forbade the

Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, and federal government to control as to

James Madison. slavery in federal territory.

This shows that, in their understand- In 1803 the federal government pur-

ing no line dividing local from federal chased the Louisiana country. Our

authority, nor anything in the Constitu- former territorial acquisitions came from

tion, properly forbade Congress to pro- certain of our own States; but this

liibit slavery in the federal territory; I;0uisiana country was acquired from a

else both their fidelity to correct princi- foreign nation. In 1804 Congress gave

pie and their oath to support the Consti- a territorial organization to that part

tution would have constrained them to of it which now constitutes the State

oppose the prohibition. of Louisiana. New Orleans, lying with-

Again, George Washington, another of in that part, was an old and compara-

the " thirty-nine," was then President of tively large city. There were other con-

the United States, and as such approved siderable towns and settlements, and

and signed the bill, thus completing its slavery was extensively and thoroughly

validity as a law, and thus showing that, intermingled with the people. Congress

in his understanding, no line dividing did not, in the territorial act, prohibit

local from federal authority, nor anything slavery; but they did interfere with it —

in the Constitution, forbade the federal take control of it — in a more marked

government to control as to slavery in and extensive way than they did in the

federal territory. case of Mississippi. The substance of the

No great while after the adoption of provision therein made in relation to

the original Constitution, North Caro- slaves was:

lina ceded to the federal government the 1st. That no slave should be imported

country now constituting the State of into the Territory from foreign parts.

Tennessee; and a few years later Georgia 2d. That no slave should be carried

ceded that which now constitutes the into it who had been imported into the

States of Mississippi and Alabama. In United States since the first day of May,

both deeds of cession it was made a con- 1798.

dition by the ceding States that the fed- 3d. That no slave shovild be carried into
eral government should not prohibit it except by the owner, and for his own
slavery in the ceded country. Besides use as a settler; the penalty in all the
this, slavery was then actually in the cases being a fine upon the violator of
ceded country. Under these circum- the law and freedom to the slave,
stances. Congress on taking charge of This act also was passed without ayes
these countries, did not absolutely pro- or nays. In the Congress which passed
hibit slavery within them. But they did it there were two of the " thirty-nine."
interfere with it — take control of it — They were Abraham Baldwin and Jona-
even there, to a certain extent. In 1798 than Dayton. As stated in the case of
Congress organized the Territory of Mississippi, it is probable they both voted
Mississippi. In the act of organization for it. They would not have allowed it
they prohibited the bringing of slaves to pass without recording their opposi-
into the Territory from any place with- tion to it if, in their understanding, it
out the United States, by fine, and giving violated either the line properly dividing
freedom to slaves so brought. This act local from federal authority or any pro-
passed both branches of Congress Avithout vision of the Constitution,
yeas and nays. In that Congress were In 1810-20 came and passed the Mis-
three of the " thirty-nine " who framed souri question. Many votes were taken,
the original Constitution. They were by yeas and nays, m both branches of
John Langdon, George Read, and Abra- Congress, upon the various phases of the

416

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

general question. Two of tlie " thirty- federal Territories, in the instances in

nine" — Rufus King and Charles Pinck- which they acted upon the question. But

ney — were members of that Congress, for what reasons they so voted is not

Mr. King steadily voted for slavery pro- known. They may have done so because

hibition and against all compromises, tliey thought a proper division of local

By this, Mr. King showed that, in his from federal authority, or some provision

understanding, no line dividing local from or principle of the Constitution, stood in

federal authority, nor anything in the the way; or they may, without any such

Constitution, was violated by Congress question, have voted against the prohibi-

prohibiting slavery in federal territory; tion on what appeared to them to be suffi-

while Mr. Pinckney, by his votes, showed cient grounds of expediency. No one who

that, in his understanding, there was some has sworn to support the Constitution can

sufficient reason for opposing such prohi- conscientiously vote for what he under-

bition in that case. stands to be an unconstitutional measure,

The cases I have mentioned are the however expedient he may think it; but

only acts of the " thirty-nine," or of any one may and ought to vote against a

of them, upon the direct issue which I measure which he deems constitutional

have been able to discover. if, at the same time, he deems it inexpe-

To enumerate the persons who thus dient. It, therefore, w'ould be unsafe to

acted as being four in 1784, two in 1787, set down even the two who voted against

seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in the prohibition as having done so because,

1804, and two in 1819-20, there would in their understanding, any proper di-

be thirty of them. But this would be vision of local from federal authority, or

counting John Langdon, Roger Sherman, anything in the Constitution, forbade the

William Few, Rufus King, and George federal government to control as to slavery

Read each twice, and Abraham Baldwin in federal territory.

three times. The true number of those The remaining sixteen of the " thirty-

of the " thirty-nine " whom I have shown nine," so far as I have discovered, have

to have acted upon the question which, left no record of their understanding upon

by the text, they understood better than the direct question of federal control of

we, is twenty-three, leaving sixteen not slavery in the federal territories. But

shown to have acted upon it in any way. there is much reason to believe that their

Here, then, we have twenty-three out understanding upon that question would

of our thirty-nine fathers " who framed not have appeared different from that of

the gm-ernment under which we live" their twenty-three compeers, had it been

who have, upon their official responsibil- manifested at all.

ity and their corporal oaths, acted upon For the purpose of adhering rigidly to

the very question which the text affirms the text, I have purposely omitted what-

they " understood just as well, and even ever understanding may have been mani-

better than we do now"; and twenty-one fested by any person, however distin-

of them — a clear majority of the whole guished, other than the thirty-nine fathers

"thirty-nine" — so acting upon it as to who framed the original Constitution;

n>ake them guilty of gross political im- and, for the same reason, I have also omit-

propriety and wilful perjury if, in their ted whatever understanding may have been

understanding, any proper division be- manifested by any of the " thirty-nine,"

tween local and federal authority, or even on any other phase of the general

anything in the Constitution they had question of slavery. If we should look

made themselves, and sworn to support, into their acts and declarations on those

forbade the federal government to con- other phases, as the foreign slave-trade,

trol as to slavery in the federal Terri- and the morality and policy of slavery gen-

tories. Thus the' twenty-one acted; and, erally, it would appear to us that on the

as actions speak louder than words, so direct question of federal control of sla-

aotions under such responsibility speak very in federal Territories, the sixteen, if

still louder. ' they had acted at all, would probably

Two of the tw^enty-three voted against have acted just as the twenty-three did.

congressional prohibition of slavery in the Among that sixteen were several of the
V. — 2d 417

lilNCOLN, ABHAHA])!

most noted anti-slavery men of those the same time within the session, had

times — as Dr. Franklin, Alexander Hamil-
ton, and Gouverneur Morris — while there
was not one now known to have been
otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge,
of South Carolina.

The sum of the whole is that of our
thirty-nine fathers who framed the origi-
nal Constitution, twenty-one — a clear ma-
jority of the whole — certainly understood
that no proper division of local from fed-
eral authority, nor any part of the Consti-
tution, forbade the federal government to
control slavery in the federal Territories;
while all the rest had probably the same
understanding. Such, unquestionably, was
the understanding of our fathers who
framed the original Constitution; and the
text affirms that they understood the ques-
tion " better than we."

But, so far, I have been considering the
understanding of the question manifested
by the framers of the original Constitu-
tion. In and by the original instrument,
a mode was provided for amending it;
and, as I have already stated, the present
frame «f " the government under which
we live " consists of that original, and
twelve amendatory articles framed and
adopted since. Those who now insist that
federal control of slavery in federal Terri-
tories violates the Constitution, point us
to the provisions which they suppose it
thus violates; and, as I understand, they
all fix upon provisions in these amenda-
tory articles, and not in the original in-
strument. The Supreme Court, in the
Dred Scott case, plant themselves upon
the fifth amendment, which provides that
no person shall be deprived of " life, lib-
erty, or property without due process of
iaw"; while Senator Douglas and his pe-
culiar adherents plant themselves upon
the tenth amendment, providing that " the
powers not delegated to the United States
by the Constitution " " are reserved to the
States respectively, or to the people."

Now, it so happens that these amend-
ments were framed by the first Congress
which sat under the Constitution — the
identical Congress which passed the act,
already mentioned, enforcing the prohibi-
tion of slavery in the Northwestern Terri-
tory. Not only was it the same Congress,
but they were the identical, same individ-
ual men who, at the same session, and at

under consideration, and in progress tow-
ards maturity, these constitutional
amendments, and this act prohibiting sla-
very in all the territory the nation then
owned. The constitutional amendments
were introduced before, and passed after,
the act enforcing the ordinance of '87 ; so
that, during the whole pendency of the
act to enforce the ordinance, the con-
stitutional amendments were also pending.

The seventy-six members of that Con-
gress, including sixteen of the framers of
the original Constitution, as before stated,
were pre-eminently our fathers who
framed that part of " the government
under which we live " which is now claim-
ed as forbidding the federal government
to control slavery in the federal Terri-
tories.

Is it not a little presumptuous in any
one at this day to affirm that the two
things which that Congress deliberately
framed, and carried to maturity at the
same time, are absolutely inconsistent
with each other? And does not such
affirmation become impudently absurd
when coupled with the other affirmation,
from the same mouth, that those who did
the two things alleged to be inconsistent,
understood whether they really were incon-
sistent better than we — better than he
who affirms that they are inconsistent?

It is surely safe to assume that the
thirty-nine framers of the original Con-
stitution, and the seventy - six members
of the Congress which framed the amend-
ments thereto, taken together, do certainly
include those who may be fairly called
" our fathers who framed the government
under which we live." And so assuming,
I defy any man to show that any one of
them ever, in his whole life, declared that,
in his understanding, any proper division
of local from federal authority, or any
part of the Constitution, forbade the fed-
eral government to control as to slavery
in the federal Territories. I go a step
further. I defy any one to show that any
living man in the whole world ever did,
prior to the beginning of the present cen-
tury (and I might almost say prior to the
beginning of the last half of the present
century), declare that, in his understand-
ing, any proper diA^ision of local from fed-
eral authority, or any part of the Const!-

418

LINCOLN, ABBAHA2I

tution, forbade the federal government to
control as to slavery in the federal Terri-
tories. To those who now so declare 1
give not only " our fathers who framed
the government under which we live," but
with them all other living men within the
century in which it was framed, among
whom to search, and they shall not be able
to find the evidence of a single man agree-
ing with them.

Now, and here, let me guard a little
against being misunderstood. I do not
mean to say we are bound to follow im-
plicitly in whatever our fathers did. To
do so would be to discard all the lights of
current experience — to reject all progress,
all improvement. What I do say is that,
if we would supplant the opinions and
policy of our fathers in any case, we
should do so upon evidence so conclusive,
and argument so clear, that even their
great authority, fairly considered and
weighed, cannot stand; and most surely
not in a case whereof we ourselves declare
they understood the question better than
we.

If any man at this day sincerely be-
lieves that a proper division of local from
federal authority, or any part of the Con-
stitution, forbids the federal gOA'ernment
to control as to slavery in the federal
Territories, he is right to say so, and to
enforce his position by all truthful evi-
dence and fair ai'gument which he can.
But he has no right to mislead others,
who have less access to history, and less
leisure to study it, into the false belief
that " our fathers who framed the gov-
ernment under which we live " were of
the same opinion — thus substituting
falsehood and deception for truthful evi-
dence and fair argument. If any man at
this day sincerely believes "our fathers
who framed the government under which
we live " used and applied principles, in
other cases, which ought to have led them
to understand that a proper division of
local from federal authority, or some part
of the Constitution, forbids the federal
government to control as to slavery in
the federal Territories, he is right to say
so. But he should, at the same time,
brave the responsibility of declaring that,
in his opinion, he understands their prin-
ciples better than they did themselves :
and Sfipecially should he not shirk that

responsibility by asserting that they
" understood the question just as well,
and even better, than we do now."

But enough! Let all who believe that
" our fathers who framed the government
under which we live understood this
question just as well, and even better,
than we do now," speak as they spoke,
and act as they acted upon it. This is all
Kepublicans ask — all Republicans desire
— in relation to slavery. As those fathers
marked it, so let it be again marked, as
an evil not to be extended, but to be
tolerated and protected only because of
and so far as its actual presence among
us makes that toleration and protection
a necessity. Let all the guarantees those
fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but
fully and fairly, maintained. For this
llepublicans contend, and with this, so
far as I know or believe, they will be
content.

And now, if they would listen — as I
suppose they will not — I would address
a few words to the Southern people.

I would say to them: You consider
yourselves a reasonable and a just people ;
and I consider that in the general quali-
ties of reason and justice you are not in-
ferior to any other people. Still, when
you speak of us Republicans, you do so
only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the
best, as no better than outlaws. You will
grant a hearing to pirates or murderers,
but nothing like it to " Black Republi-
cans." In all your contentions with one
another, each of you deems an uncondi-
tional condemnation of " Black Republi-
canism " as the first thing to be attended
to. Indeed, such condemnation of us
seems to be an indispensable prerequisite
— license, so to speak — among you to be
admitted or permitted to speak at all.
Now can you or not be prevailed upon to
pause and to consider whether this is
quite just to us, or even to yourselves?
Bring forward your charges and specifica-
tions, and then be patient long enough to
hear us deny or justify.

You say we are sectional. We deny it.
That makes an issue; and the burden of
proof is upon you. You produce your
proof; and what is it? Why, that our
party has no existence in your section —
gets no votes in your section. The fact
is substantially true; but does it prore

419

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

the issue? If it does, then in case we should at some time have a confederacy

sliould, without change of principle, begin of free States.

to get votes in your section, we should Bearing this in mind, and seeing that

thereby cease to be sectional. You can- sectionalism has since arisen upon this

not escape this conclusion; and yet are same subject, is that warning a weapon

you willing to abide by it? If you are, in your hands against us, or in our hands

you will probably soon find that we have against you? Could Washington himself

ceased to be sectional, for we shall get speak, would he cast the blame of that

votes in your section this very year. You sectionalism upon us, -Wiw sustain his

will then begin to discover, as the truth policy, or upon you, who repudiate it?

plainly is, that your proof does not touch We respect that warning of Washington,

the issue. The fact that we get no votes in and we commend it to you, together with

your section is a fact of your making, his example pointing to the right a-ppli-

and not of ours. And if there be fault cation of it.

ill that fact, that fault is primarily yours, But you say you are conservative — emi-
and remains so until you show that we re- nently conservative — while we are revolu-
pel you by some wrong principle or prac- tionary, destructive, or something of the
tice. If we do repel y^ou by any wrong sort. What is conservatism? Is it not
principle or practice, the fault is ours; adherence to the old and tried, against
but this brings you to where you ought the new and untried? We stick to, con-
to have started — to a discussion of the tend for, the identical old policy on the
right or wrong of our principle. If our point in controversy which was adopted
principle, put in practice, would wrong by " our fathers who framed the gov-
your section for the benefit of ours, or for ernment under which we live"; while you
any other object, then our principle, and with one accord reject, and scout, and spit
we with it. are sectional, and are justly op- upon that old policy, and insist upon sub-
posed and denounced as such. Meet us, stituting something new. True, you dis-
then, on the question of whether our prin- agree among yourselves as to what that
eiple, put in practice, would wrong your substitute shall be. You are divided on
section; and so meet us as if it were pos- new propositions and plans, but you are
sible that something may be said on our unanimous in rejecting and denounc-
side. Do you accept the challenge? No! ing the old policy of the fathers. Some
Then you really believe that the principle of you. are for reviving the foreign
which "our fathers who framed the gov- slave-trade; some for a congressional
ernment under which we live " thought slave-code for the Territories ; some for
so clearly right as to adopt it, and in- Congress forbidding the Territories to
dorse it again and again, upon their prohibit slavery within their limits ; some
official oaths, is in fact so clearly wrong for maintaining slavery in the Territories
as to demand your condemnation without through the judiciary; some for the "gur-
a moment's consideration. reat pur-rinciple " that " if one man would
Some of yovi deliglit to flaunt in our enslave another, no third man should ob-
iaces the warning against sectional pa-r- ject," fantastically called " popular sov-
tifts given by Washington in his Fare- ereignty"; but never a man among you
xveU Address. Less than eight years be- is in favor of federal prohibition of sla-
fore Washington gave that warning, he very in federal Territories, according to
had, as President of the United States, the practice of " our fathers who framed
approved and signed an act of Congress the government imder which we live."
enforcing the prohibition of slavery in Not one of all- your various plans can
the Northwestern Territory, which act show a precedent or an adA'ocate in the
embodied the policy of the government century within which our government
upon that subject up to and at the very originated. Consider, then, whetlier your
moment he penned that warning; and claim of conservatism for yourselves, and
about one year after he penned it, he your charge of destructiveness against us,
wrote Lafayette that he ccmsidered that are based on the most clear and stable
prohibition a wise measure, expressing foundations.

in the same connection his hope that we Again, you say we have made the

420

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

slavery question more prominent than it
formerly was. We deny it. We admit
that it is more prominent, but we deny
that we made it so. It was not we, but
you, who discarded the old policy of the
fathers. We resisted, and still resist,
your innovation; and thence comes the
gi eater prominence of the question.
Would you have that question reduced
to its former proportions? Go back to
that old policy. What has been will be
again under the same conditions. If you
would have the peace of the old times,
readopt the precepts and policy of the
old times.

You charge that we stir up insurrec-
tions among your slaves. We deny it;
and what is your proof? Harper's
Ferry ! John Brown ! John Brown was
no Republican ; and you have failed to
implicate a single Republican in his Har-
per's Ferry enterprise. If any member
of our party is guilty in that matter,
you know it, or you do not knov/ it. If
you do know it, you are inexcusable for
not designating the man and proving
the fact. If you do not know it, you are
inexcusable for asserting it, and espe-
cially for persisting in the assertion after
30U have tried and failed to make the
proof. You need not be told that persist-
ing in a charge which one does not know
to be true is simply malicious slander.

Some of you admit that no Republican
designedly aided or encouraged the Har-
per's Ferry affair, but still insist that our
doctrines and declarations necessarily
lead to such results. We do not believe
it. We know we hold no doctrine, and
make no declaration, which were not held
to and made by " our fathers who framed
1 he government under which we live."
You never dealt fairly by us in relation
to this affair. When it occurred, some
important State elections were near at
hand, and you were in evident glee with
the belief that, by charging the blame
upon us, you could get an advantage of
us in those elections. The elections came,
and your expectations were not quite
fulfilled. Every Republican man knew
that, as to himself at least, your charge
was a slander, and he was not much in-
clined by it to cast his vote in your favor.
Republican doctrines and declarations are
accompanied with a continual protest

against any interference whatever with
your slaves, or with you about your
slaves. Surely this aoes not encourage
them to revolt. True, we do, in common
with " our fathers who framed the gov-
ernment under which we live," declare our
belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves
do not hear us declare even this. For
anything yve say or do, the slaves would
scarcely know there is a Reimblican
party. I believe they would not, in fact,
generally know it but for your misrepre-
sentations of us in their hearing. In
jour i3olitical contests among your.selves,
each faction charges the other with sym-
pathy with Black Republicanism; and
then, to give point to the charge, defines
Black Republicanism to simply be in-
surrection, blood and thunder among the
slaves.

Slave insurrections are no more com-
mon now than they were before the Re-
publican party was organized. What in-
duced the Southampton insurrection,
twenty-eight years ago, in which at least
three times as many lives were lost as
at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely
stretch your very elastic fancy to the
conclusion that Southampton was " got
up by Black Republicanism." In the
present state of things in the United
States, I do not think a general, or even
a very extensive, slave insurrection is pos-
sible. The indispensable concert of action
cannot be attained. The slaves have no
means of rapid communication ; nor can
incendiary freemen, black or white, sup-
ply it. The explosive materials are every-
where in parcels; but there neither are,
nor can be supplied, the indispensable con-
necting trains.

Much is said by Southern people about
the affection of slaves for their masters
and mistresses; and a part of it, at least,
is ti'ue. A plot for an uprising could
scarcely be devised and communicated to
twenty individuals before some one of
them, to save the life of a favorite master
or mistress, would divulge it. This is the
rule; and the slave revolution in Haiti
was not an exception to it, but a case oc-
curring under peculiar circumstances.
The gunpowder plot of British history,
though not connected with slaves, was
more in point. In that case only about
twenty were admitted to the secret; and
•21

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a
friend, betrayed the plot to that friend,
and, by consequence, averted the calamity.
Occasional poisonings from the kitchen
and open or stealthy assassinations in the
field, and local revolts extending to a
score or so, will continue to occur as the
natural results of slavery; but no general
insurrection of slaves, as I think, can
happen in this country for a long time.
Whoever much fears, or much hopes, for
such an event will be alike disappointed.

In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered
many years ago, " It is still in our power
to direct the process of emancipation and
deportation peaceably, and in such slow
degrees, as that the evil will wear off in-
sensibly; and their places be, pari passu,
filled up by free white laborers. If, on
the contrary, it is left to force itself on,
human nature must shudder at the pros-
pect held up."

Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor
do I, that the power of emancipation is
in the federal government. He spoke of
Virginia; and, as to the power of eman-
cipation, I speak of the slave - holding
States only. The federal government,
however, as we insist, has the power of
restraining the extension of the institu-
tion— the power to insure that a slave
insurrection shall never occur on any
American soil which is now free from
slavery.

John Brown's effort was peculiar. It
was not a slave insurrection. It was an
attempt by white men to get up a revolt
among slaves, in which the slaves refused
to participate. In fact, it was so absurd
that the slaves, with all their ignorance,
saw plainly enough it could not succeed.
That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds
with the many attempts, related in his-
tory, at the assassination of kings and
emperors. An enthusiast broods over the
oppression of a people till he fancies him-
self commissioned by Heaven to liberate
them. He ventures the attempt, which
ends in little else than his o^vn execution.
Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and
John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry
were, in their philosophy, precisely the
same. The eagerness to cast blame on
old England in the one case and on New
England in the other, does not disprove
the sameness of the two things.

And how much would it avail you, if
you could, by the use of John Brown, Help-
er's Book, and the like, break up the Re-
publican organization? Human action
can be modified to some extent, but hu-
man nature cannot be changed. There is
a judgment and a feeling against slavery
in this nation which cast at least a mill-
ion and a half of votes. You cannot
destroy that judgment and feeling — that
sentiment — by breaking up the political
organization which rallies around it. You
can scarcely scatter and disperse an army
which has been formed into order in the
face of your heaviest fire; but if you
could, how much would you gain by forc-
ing the sentiment which created it out of
the peaceful channel of the ballot-box into
some other channel ? What would that
other channel probably be? Would the
number of John Browns be lessened or
enlarged by the operation?

But you will break up the Union rather
than submit to a denial of your con-
stitutional rights.

That has a somewhat reckless sound;
but it would be palliated, if not fully jus-
tified, were we proposing, by the mere
force of numbers, to deprive you of some
right plainly written down in the Con-
stitution. But we are proposing no such
thing.

When you make these declarations you
have a specific and well-understood allu-
sion to an assumed constitutional right of
yours to take slaves into the federal Ter-
ritories, and to hold them there as prop-
erty. But no such right is specifically
written in the Constitution. That instru-
ment is literally silent about any such
right. We, on the contrary, deny that
such a right has any existence in the Con-
stitution, even by implication.

Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is
that you will destroy the government un-
less you be allowed to construe and force
the Constitution as you please, on all
points in dispute between you and us.
You will rule or ruin in all events.

This, plainly stated, is your language.
Perhaps you will say the Supreme Court
has decided the disputed constitutional
question in your favor. Not quite so.
But waiving the lawyer's distinction be-
tween dictum and decision, the court has
decided the question for you in a sort of

422

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

way. The court has substantially said, it And then it is to be remembered that
is your constitutional right to take slaves " our fathers who framed the government
into the federal Territories, and to hold under which we live " — the men who made
them there as property. When I say the the Constitution — decided this same con-
decision was made in a sort of way, I stitutional question in our favor long ago:
mean it was made in a divided court, by decided it without division among them-
a bare majority of the judges, and they selves when making the decision; without
not quite agreeing with one another in the division among themselves about the mean-
reasons for making it; that it is so made ing of it after it was made, and, so far as
a.s that its avowed supporters disagree any evidence is left, without basing it
with one another about its meaning, and upon any misstatement of facts,
that it was mainly based upon a mistaken Under all these circumstances, do you
statement of fact — the statement in the really feel yourselves justified to break up
opinion that " the right of property in a this government unless such a court de-
slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed cision as yours shall be at once submitted
in the Constitution." to as a conclusive and final rule of politi-

An inspection of the Constitution ^vill cal action? But you will not abide the

show that the right of property in a slave election of a Republican President! In

is not " distinctly and expressly affirmed " that supposed event, you say, you will

in it. Bear in mind, the judges do not destroy the Union; and then, you say, the

pledge their judicial opinion that such great crime of having destroyed it will

right is impliedly affirmed in the Constitu- be upon us ! That is cool. A highway-

tion; but they pledge their veracity that man holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters

it is " distinctly and expressly " affirmed through his teeth, " Stand and deliver, or

there — " distinctly," that is, not mingled I shall kill you, and then you will be a

with anything else — "expressly," that is, murderer!"

in words meaning just that, without the To be sure, what the robber demanded

aid of any inference, and susceptible of no of me — my money — was my own; and I

other meaning. had a clear right to keep it; but it was

If they had only pledged their judicial no more my own than my vote is my own;

opinion that such right is affirmed in the and the threat of death to me, to extort

instrument by implication, it would be my money, and the threat of destruction

open to others to show that neither the to the Union, to extort my vote, can

word " slave " nor " slavery " is to be scarcely be distinguished in principle,

found in the Constitution, nor the word A few words now to Republicans. It

" property " even, in any connection with is exceedingly desirable that all parts of

language alluding to the things slave, or this great confederacy shall be at peace

slavery; and that wherever in that instru- and in harmony one with another. Let

raent the slave is alluded to, he is called us Republicans do oiir part to have it so.

a " person " ; and wherever his master's Even though much provoked, let us do

legal right in relation to him is alluded nothing through passion and ill temper,

to. it is spoken of as " service or labor Even though the Southern people will

which may be due " — as a debt payable in not so much as listen to us, let us calmly

service or labor. Also it would be open to consider their demands, and yield to them

show, by contemporaneous history, that if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we

this mode of alluding to slaves and sla- possibly can. Judging by all they say

very, instead of speaking of them, was em- and do, and by the subject and nature of

ployed on purpose to exclude from the their controversy with us, let us deter-

Constitution the idea that there could be mine, if we can, what will satisfy them,

property in man. Will they be satisfied if the Territories

To show all this is easy and certain. be unconditionally surrendered to them?

When this obvious mistake of the judges We know they will not. In all their pres-

shall be brought to their notice, is it not ent complaints against us, the Territories

reasonable to expect that they will with- are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and

draw the mistaken statement, and recon- insurrections are the rage now. Will it

sider the conclusion based upon it? satisfy them if, in the future, we have

423

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

nothing to do with invasions and insur- with more solemn emphasis than do all
rections? We know it will not. We so other sayings against it; and when all
know, because we know we never had any- these other sayings shall have been si-
thing to do with invasions and insurrec- lenced, the overthrow of these constitu-
tions; and yet this total abstaining does tions will be demanded, and nothing be
not exempt us from the charge and the left to resist the demand. It is nothing
denunciation. to the contrarj^ that they do not demand

The question recurs, What will satisfy the whole of this just now. Demanding

them? Simply this: we must not only what they do, and for the reason they do,

let them alone, but we must somehow con- tliey can voluntarily stop nowhere short

vince them that we do let them alone, of this consummation. Holding, as they

This, we know by experience, is no easy do, that slavery is morally right and

task. We have been so trying to con- socially elevating, they cannot cease to

vince them from the very beginning of demand a full national recognition of it

our organization, but with no success, as a legal right and a social blessing.

In all our platforms and speeches we have Nor can we justifiably withhold this

constantly protested our purpose to let on any ground save our conviction that

them alone; but this has had no ten- slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all

dency to convince them. Alike unavailing words, acts, laws, apd constitutions

to convince them is the fact that they against it are themselves wrong, and

have never detected a man of us in any should be silenced and swept away. If

attempt to disturb them. it is right, we cannot justly object to

These natural and apparently adequate its nationality — its universality; if it is

means all failing, what will convince wrong, they cannot justly insist upon

them? This, and this only: cease to its extension — its enlargement. All they

call slavery wrong, and join them ask we could readily grant, if we thought

in calling it right. And this must be slavery right; all we ask they could as

done thoroughly — done in acts as well as readily grant, if they thought it wrong.

in words. Silence will not be tolerated — llieir thinking it right and our thinking

we must place ourselves avowedly with it wrong is the precise fact upon which

them. Senator Douglas's new sedition depends the whole controversy. Thinking

law must be enacted and enforced, sup- it right, as they do, they are not to

pressing all declarations that slavery is blame for desiring its full recognition as

wrong, whether made in politics, in being right; but thinking it wrong, as

presses, in pulpits, or in private. We we do, can we yield to them? Can we

must arrest and return their fugitive cast our votes with their view, and against

slaves with greedy pleasure. We must our own? In view of our moral, social,

pull down our free-State constitutions, and political responsibilities, can we do

The whole atmosphere must be disinfected this?

from all taint of opposition to slavery. Wrong as we think slavery is, we can

before they will cease to believe that all yet afford to let it alone where it is, be-

their troubles proceed from us. cause that much is due to the necessity

I am quite aware they do not state arising from its actual presence in the

their case precisely in this way. Most nation; but can we, while our votes will

of them would probably say to us, " Let jireveuu it, allow it to spread into the

us alone; do nothing to us, and say what national Territories, and to overrun us

you please about slavery." But we do here in these free States? If our sense

let them alone — have never disturbed of duty forbids this, then let us stand by

them — so that, after all, it is what we our duty fearlessly and effectively. Let

say which dissatisfies them. They will us be diverted by none of those sophistical

continue to accuse us of doing, until we contrivances wherewith we are so indus-

cease saying. triously plied and belabored — contrivances

I am also aware they have not as yet such as groping for some middle ground

in terms demanded the overthrow of our between llie right and the wrong: vain

free-State constitutions. Yet those con- as the search for a man who should be

stitutions declare the wrong of slavery neither a living man nor a dead man;

424

LINCOLN, ABBAHAM

such as a policy of " don't care " on a ques-
tion about which all true men do care;
such as Union appeals beseeching true
Union men to yield to Disunionists, re-
versing the divine rule, and calling, not
the sinners, but the righteous, to repent-
ance ; such as invocations to Washington,
imploring men to unsay what Washing-
ton said and undo what Washington did.

Neither let us be slandered from our
duty by false accusations against us, nor
frightened from it by menaces of destruc-
tion to the government, nor of dungeons
to ourselves. Let us have faith that right
makes might, and in that faith let us to
the end dare to do our duty as we under-
stand it.

President Lincoln's First Inaugural
Address :

Fellow - citizens of the United States, —
In compliance with a custom as old as

the government itself, I appear before you
to address you briefly, and to take in your
presence the oath prescribed by the Con-
stitution of the United States to be taken
by the President " before he enters on
the execution of his office."

I do not consider it necessary at pres-
ent for me to discuss those matters of
administration about which there is no
special anxiety or excitement.

Apprehension seems to exist among the
people of the Soutliern States that, by
the accession of a Republican administra-
tion, their property and their peace and
personal security are to be endangered.
There has never been any reasonable cause
for such apprehension. Indeed, the most
ample evidence to the contrary has all
the while existed and been open to their
inspection. It is found in nearly all the
published speeches of him who now ad-
dresses you. I do but quote from one

PRESIDENT LINCOLN- MAKING HIS FIRST INArGtrRAL ADDRESS.

425

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

of those speeches when I declare that giver is the law. All members of Con-
" 1 have no purpose, directly or indi- gress swear their support to the whole
rectly, to interfere with the institution Constitution — to this provision as much
of slavery in the States where it exists, as any other. To the proposition, then,
1 believe I have no lawful right to do so, that slaves, whose cases come within the
and I have no inclination to do so." terms of this clause, " shalj be delivered
Those who nominated and elected me did up," their oaths are unanimous. Now,
so with full knowledge that I had made if they would make the effort in good
tliis and many similar declarations, and temper, could they not, with nearly equal
had never recanted them. And more unanimity, frame and pass a law by
tlian this, they placed in the platform means of which to keep good that unani-
for my acceptance, and as a law to them- mous oath?

selves and me, the clear and emphatic There is some difference of opinion
resolution which I now read: whether this clause should be enforced by

"Resolved, that the maintenance in- national or by State authority; but surely
violate of the rights of the States, and that difference is not a very material one.
especially the right of each State to order If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be
and control its own domestic institutions of but little consequence to him, or to
according to its own judgment exclu- others, by which authority it is done. And
sively, is essential to the balance of power should any one, in any case, be content
on which the perfection and endurance that his oath shall go unkept, on a mere
of our political fabric depend, and we unsubstantial controversy as to how it
denovmce the lawless invasion by armed shall be kept?

force of the soil of any State or Terri- Again, in any law upon the subject,
tory, no matter under what pretext, as ought not all the safeguards of liberty
among the gravest of crimes." kno\vn in civilized and human jurispru-

I now reiterate these sentiments, and, denee to be introduced, so that a free man
in doing so, I only press upon the public be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave?
attention the most exclusive evidence of And might it not be well, at the same
which the case is susceptible, that the time, to provide by law for the enforce-
property, peace, and security of no sec- ment of that clause in the Constitution
tion are to be in any wise endangered which guarantees that " the citizens of
by the now incoming administration. I each State shall be entitled to all privi-
add, too, that all the protection which, leges and immunities of citizens in the
consistently with the Constitution and the several States"?

laws, can be given will be cheerfully given I shall take the official oath to-day with
to all the States, when lawfully demanded, no mental reservation, and with no pur-
for whatever cause — as cheerfully to one pose to construe the Constitution or laws
section as to another. by any hypercritical rule. And while I

There is much controversy about the do not choose now to specify particular
delivering up of fugitives from service acts of Congress as proper to be enforced,
or labor. The clause I now read is as I do suggest that it Avill be much safer
plainly written in the Constitution as for all, both in official and private sta-
any other of its proA'isions: tions, to conform to and abide by all those

" No person held to service or labor acts which stand unrepealed than to vio-
in one State, under the laws thereof, late any of them, trusting to find im-
escaping into another, shall, in conse- munity in having them held to be uncon-
quence of any law or regulation therein, stitutional.

be discharged from such service or labor, It is seventy-two years since the first in-
but shall be delivered up on claim of the auguration of a President under our na-
party to whom such service or labor may tional Constitution. During that period
be due." fifteen different and greatly distinguished

It is scarcely questioned that this pro- citizens have, in succession, administered
vision was intended by those who made it the executive branch of the government,
for the reclaiming of what we call fugi- They have conducted it through many
five slaves; and the intention of the law- perils, and generally with great success.

436

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I
ijow enter upon the same task for the brief
constitutional term of four years under
great and peculiar difficulty. A disrup-
tion of the federal Union, heretofore only
mentioned, is now formidably attempted.

I hold that, in contemplation of univer-
sal law and of the Constitution, the union
of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity
is implied, if not expressed, in the funda-
mental law of all national governments.
It is safe to assert that no government
proper ever had a provision in its organic
law for its ovm termination. Continue to
execute all the express provisions of our
national government, and the Union will
endure forever — it being impossible to de-
stroy it except by some action not pro-
vided for in the instrument itself.

Again, if the United States be not a
government proper, but an association of
States in the nature of contract merely,
can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade
by less than all the parties who made it?
One party to a contract may violate it —
break it, so to speak; but does it not re-
quire all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general princi-
ples, we find the proposition that, in legal
contemplation, the Union is perpetual
confirmed by the history of the Union it-
self. The Union is much older than the
Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by
the articles of association in 1774. It
^Yas matured and continued by the Decla-
ration of Independence in 1776. It was
further matured, and the faith of all the
then thirteen States expressly plighted
and engaged that it should be perpetual,
.by the articles of confederation in 1778.
And, finally, in 1787, one of the declared
objects for ordaining and establishing the
Constitution was " to form a more perfect
Union."

But if destruction of the Union, by one,
or by a part only, of the States be law-
fully possible, the Union is less perfect
than before, the Constitution having lost
the vital element of perpetuity.

It follows from these views that no
State, upon its own mere motion, can law-
fully get out of the Union ; that resolves
and ordinances to that effect are legally
void ; and that acts of violence within any
State or States, against the authority of
the United States, are insurrectionary.

427

or revolutionary, according to circum-
stances.

I, therefore, consider that, in view of
the Constitution and the laws, the Union
is unbroken, and to the extent of my
ability I shall take care, as the Constitu-
tion itself expressly enjoins upon me, that
the laws of the Union be faithfully exe-
cuted in all the States. Doing this I deem
to be only a simple duty on my part; and
I shall perform it, so far as practicable,
UFiless my rightful masters, the American
people, shall withhold the requisite means,
or, in some authoritative manner, direct the
contrary; I trust this will not be re-
garded as a menace, but only as the di-
rect purpose of the Union that it will con-
stitutionally defend and maintain itself.

In doing this there need be no blood-
shed or violence; and there shall be none,
unless it be forced upon the national au-
thority. The power confided to me will
be used to hold, occupy, and possess the
property and places belonging to the gov-
ei'nment, and to collect the duties and
imposts; but beyond what be necessary for
these objects, there will be no invasion,
no using of force against or among the
people any^vhere. Where hostility to the
United States in any interior locality
shall be so great and universal as to pre-
vent competent resident citizens from
holding the federal offices, there will be
no attempt to force obnoxious strangers
among the people for that object. While
the strict legal right may exist in the
government to enforce the exercise of
these offices, the attempt to do so would
be so irritating, and so nearly impracti-
cable withal, I deem it better to forego,
for the time, the uses of such offices.

The mails, unless repelled, will continue
to be furnished in all parts of the Union.
So far as possible, the people everywhere
shall have that sense of perfect security
which is most favorable to calm thought
and reflection. The course here indicated
v;ill be followed, unless current events
and experience shall show a modification
or change to be proper, and in every case
and exigency my best discretion will be
exercised, according to circumstances actu-
ally existing, and with a view and a hope
of a peaceful solution of the national
tioubles, and the restoration of fraternal
sympathies and afTections.

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

That there are persons in one section
or another who seek to destroy the Union
at all events, and are glad of any pre-
text to do it, I will neither affirm nor
deny; but if there be such, I need ad-
dress no word to them. To those, how-
ever, who really love the Union, may I
not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a mat-
ter as the destruction of our national fab-
ric, with all its benefits, its memories, and
its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain
precisely why we do it? Will you hazard
so desperate a step while there is any pos-
sibility that any portion of the ills you fly
from have no real existence? Will you,
while the certain ills you fly to are greater
than all the real ones you fly from — will
you risk the commission of so fearful a
mistake?

All profess to be content in the Union,
if all constitutional rights can be main-
tained. Is it true, then, that any right,
plainly written in the Constitution, has
been denied? I think not. Happily the
human mind is so constituted that no
party can reach to the audacity of doing
this. Think, if you can, of a single in-
stance in which a plainly written pro-
vision of the Constitution has ever been
denied. If, by the mere force of num-
bers, a majority should deprive a mi-
nority of any clearly written constitu-
tional right, it might, in a moral point
of view, justify revolution — certainly
would if such right were a vital one. But
such is not our case. All the vital rights
of minorities and of individuals are so
plainly assured to them by affirmations
and negations, guarantees and prohi-
bitions in the Constitution, that contro-
versies never arise concerning them. But
no organic law can ever be framed with
a provision specifically applicable to every
question which may occur in practical ad-
ministration. No foresight can anticipate,
nor any document of reasonable length
contain, express provisions for all possible
questions. Shall fugitives from labor be
surrendered by national or by State au-
thority? The Constitution does not ex-
pressly say. Maj' Congress prohibit
slavery in the Territories? The Consti-
tution does not expressly say.

From questions of this class spring all
our constitutional controversies, and wc

divide upon them into majorities and mi-
norities. If the minority will not acquiesce,
the majority must, or the government
must cease. There is no other alterna-
tive; for continuing the government is
acquiescence on one side or the other. If
a minority in such case will secede rather
than acquiesce, they make a precedent
which, in turn, will divide and ruin them ;
for a minority of their own will secede
from them whenever a majority refuses
to be controlled by such minority. For
instance, why may not any portion of a
new confederacy, a year or two hence,
arbitrarily secede again, precisely as por-
tions of the present Union now claim to
secede from it? All who cherish dis-
union sentiments are now being educated
to the exact temper of doing this.

Is there such perfect identity of in-
terests among the States to compose a
new Union, as to produce harmony only,
and prevent renewed secession?

Plainly, the central idea of secession is
the essence of anarchy. A majority held
in restraint by constitutional checks and
limitations, and always changing easily
with deliberate changes of popular opin-
ions and sentiments, is the only true
sovereign of a free people. Whoever re-
jects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy
or to despotism. Unanimity is impos-
sible; the rule of a minority, as a per-
manent arrangement, is wholly inadmis-
sible; so that, rejecting the majority
principle, anarchy or despotism, in some
form, is all that is left.

I do not forget the position assumed
by some, that constitutional questions
are to be decided by the Supreme Court;
nor do I deny that such decisions must be
binding, in any case, upon the parties to
a suit, while they are also entitled to very
high respect and consideration in all par-
allel cases, by all other departments of
the government. And while it is obvi-
ously possible that such decisions may be
erroneous in any given case, still, the evil
effect following it being limited to that
particular case, with the chance that it
mp,y be overruled, and never become a
precedent for other cases, can better be
borne than could the evils of a different
practice. At the same time, the candid
citizen must confess that if the policy of
the government upon vital questions af-

428

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

fcfting the wliole people is to be irre-
vocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme
Court, the instant they are made in ordi-
nary litigations between parties in per-
sonal actions, the people will have ceased
to be their own rulers, having to that
extent practically resigned their govern-
ment into the hands of that eminent
tribunal.

Nor is there in this view any assault
upon the court or the judges. It is a
duty from which they may not shrink to
decide cases properly brought before them,
and it is no fault of theirs if others seek
to turn their decisions to political pur-
poses. One section of our country be-
lieves slavery is right, and ought to be
extended. This is the only substantial
dispute. The fugitive - slave clause of the
Constitution, and the law for the suppres-
sion of the foreign slave-trade, are each
as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can
ever be in a community where the moral
sense of the people imperfectly supports
the law itself. The great body of the peo-
ple abide by the dry legal obligation in
both cases, and a few break over in each.
This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured;
and it would be worse, in both cases, after
the separation of the sections than before.
The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly
suppressed, would be ultimately revived,
without restriction, in one section, while
fugitive slaves, now only partially sur-
rendered, would not be surrendered at all
by the others.

Physically speaking, we cannot sepa-
rate. We cannot remove our respective
sections from each other, nor build an im-
passable wall between them. A husband
and wife may be divorced, and go out of
the presence and beyond the reach of each
other; but the different parts of our coun-
try cannot do this. They cannot but re-
main face to face; and intercourse, either
amiable or hostile, must continue between
them. It is impossible, then, to make
tliat intercourse more advantageous or
more satisfactory after separation than
before. Can aliens make treaties easier
than friends can make laws? Can trea-
ties be more faithfully enforced between
aliens than laws among friends? Sup-
]iose you go to war, you cannot fight
always, and when after much loss on both
sides, and no gain on either, you cease

fighting, the identical old questions, as to
terms of intercourse, are again upon you.

This country, with its institutions, be-
longs to the people who inhabit it. When-
ever they shall grow weary of the exist-
ing government, they can exercise their
constitutional right of amending it, or
their revolutionary right to dismember or
overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the
fact that many worthy and patriotic citi-
zens are desirous of having the national
Constitution amended. While I make no
recommendation of amendment, I fully
recognize the rightful authority of the
people over the whole subject to be exer-
cised in either of the modes prescribed in
the instrument itself, and I should, under
existing circumstances, favor, rather than
oppose, a fair opportunity being afforded
the people to act upon it. I will venture
to add that to me the convention mode
seems preferable, in that it allows amend-
ment to originate with the people them-
selves, instead of only permitting them to
take or reject propositions originated by
others, not especially chosen for the pur-
pose, and which might not be precisely
such as they would wish to either accept
or refuse. I understand a proposed
amendment to the Constitution — which
amendment, however, I have not seen — has
passed Congress, to the effect that the
federal government shall never interfere
with the domestic institutions of the
States, including that of persons held to
service. To avoid misconstruction of
what I have said, I depart from my pur-
pose not to speak of particular amend-
ments, so far as to say that, holding such
a provision now to be implied constitu-
tional law, I have no objections to its
being made express and irrevocable.

The chief magistrate derives all his
authority from the people, and they have
conferred none upon him to fix terms for
the separation of the States. The people
themselves can do this also if they choose,
but the executive, as such, has nothing to
do with it. His duty is to administer the
present government as it came to his
hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by
him. to his successor.

Why should there not be a patient con-
fidence in the ultimate justice of the peo-
ple? Is there any better or equal hope
in the woi'ld? la our present differences,

429

LINCOLN, ABRAHAM

js either party without faith of being
in the right? If the Almighty Kuler of
Nations, with His eternal truth and jus-
tice, be on your side of the North, or
on yours of the South, that truth and that
justice will surely prevail, by the judg-
ment of this great tribunal of the Ameri-
can people.

By the frame of the government under
wliich we live, the same people have
wisely given their public servants but
little power for mischief, and have, with
equal wisdom, provided for the return
of that little to their own hands at very
short intervals. While the people retain
their virtue and vigilance, no administra-
tion, by any extreme of wickedness or
folly, can very seriously injure the govern-
ment in the short space of four years.

My countrymen, one and all, think
calmly and well upon this whole sub-
ject. Nothing valuable can be lost by
taking time. If there be an object to
hurry any of you in hot haste to a step
which you would never take deliberately,
that object will be frustrated by taking
time; but no good object can be frus-
trated by it. Such of you as are now
dissatisfied still have the old Constitution
unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point,
the laws of your own framing under it;
while the new administration will have
no immediate power, if it would, to
change either. If it were admitted that
you who are dissatisfied hold the right
side in the dispute, there is still no
single good reason for precipitate action.
Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and
a firm reliance on Him who has never
yet forsaken this favored land are still
competent to adjust, in the best way, all
our present difficulty.

In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-
countrymen, and not in mine, is the mo-
mentous issue of civil war. The govern-
ment will not assail you. You can have
no conflict without being yourselves the
aggressors. You have no oath registered
in heaven to destroy the government;
while I shall have the most solemn one
to " preserve, protect, and defend " it.

I am loath to close. We are not
enemies, but friends. We must not be
enemies. Though passion may have
strained, it must not break, our bonds of
affection. The mystic chords of memory.

stretching from CA'ery battle-field and
patriot grave to every living heart and
laearthstone, all over this broad land, will
yet swell the chorus of the Union, when
again touched, as svirely they will be, by
the better angels of our nature.

President Lincoln's Second Inaugural
Speech : '

Fellow-countrymen, — At this second ap-
pearing to take the oath of the Presi-
dential office, there is less occasion for
an extended address than there was at
first. Then a statement, somewhat in de-
tail, of a course to be pursued, seemed
very fitting and proper. Now, at the expi-
ration of four years, during which public
declarations have been constantly called
forth on every point and phase of the great
contest which still absorbs the attention
and engrosses the energies of the nation,
little that is new could be presented.

The progress of our arms, upon which
all else chiefly depends, is as well known to
the public as to myself; and it is, I trust,
reasonably satisfactory and encouraging
to all. With high hope for the futvire, no
prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this
four years ago, all thoughts were anxious-
ly directed to an impending civil war. All
dreaded it, all sought to avoid it. While
the inaugural address was being delivered
from this place, devoted altogether t£>
saving the Union without war, insurgent
agents were in the city seeking to destroy
it with war — seeking to dissolve the Union
and divide the eff'ects by negotiation.
Both parties deprecated Avar, but one of
tJiem would make war rather than let the
nation survive, and the other would ac-
cept war rather than let it perish; and
the war came. One-eighth of the whole
population were colored slaves, not dis-
tributed generally over the Union, but
localized in the southern part of it.
These slaves constituted a peculiar and
powerful interest. All knew that this in-
terest was somehow the cause of the war.
To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend
this interest Avas the object for Avhich the
insurgents would rend the Union by AA^ar,
Avhile the government claimed no right to
do more than to restrict the territorial en-
largement of it.

Neither party expected for the war the

430

LINCOLN"

magnitude or the duration which it has
already attained. Neither anticipated
that the cause of the conflict might cease
when, or even before, the conflict itself
should cease. Each looked for an easier
triumph, and a result less fundamental
and astounding. Both read the same
Bible and pray to the same God, and each
invokes His aid against the other. It
may seem strange that any men should
dare to ask a just God's assistance in
wringing their bread from the sweat of
other men's faces; but let us judge not,
that we be not judged. The prayer of
both could not be answered. That of
neither has been answered fully. The Al-
mighty has His own purposes. " Woe
unto the world because of off"ences, for
it must needs be that ofi"ences come, but
woe to that man by whom the offence
Cometh." If we shall suppose that Amer-
ican slavery is one of those offences which,
in thfe providence of God, must needs
come, but which having continued through
His appointed time. He now wills to re-
move, and that He gives to both North
and South this terrible war as the woe
due to those by whom the offence came —
shall we discern there any departure from
those divine attributes which the believ-
ers in a living God always ascribe to
Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do
we pray, that this mighty scourge of war
may speedily pass away. Yet if God wills
that it continue until all the wealth piled
by the bondsman's 250 years of unrequit-
ed toil shall be sunk, and until every drop
of blood drawn with the lash shall be
paid by another drawn with the sword;
as was said 3,000 years ago, so still it
must be said, that " the judgments of
the Lord are true and righteous al-
together."

With malice towards none, with charity
for all, with firmness in the right, as
God gives us to see the right, let us strive
on to finish the work we are in ; to bind
up the nation's wounds : to care for him
who shall have borne the battle, and for
his widow and his orphans ; to do all
which may achieve and cherish a just and
a lasting peace among ourselves and with
all nations.

See also Bancroft, George, Emanci-
pation Proclamations ; Gettysburg.

Lincoln, Benjamin, military officer;

born in Hingham, Mass., Jan. 24, 1733;
engaged in farming; was a firm and active
patriot ; and was a major-general of mili-
tia when the Revolutionary War broke

BENJAMIM LINCOLN.

out. In June, 1776, he commanded an ex-
pedition that cleared Boston Harbor of
British vessels, and in February, 1777,
was appointed a major-general in the Con-
tinental army. His services were varied
and important all through the war, and at
the surrender of Yorktown he received
the sword of the defeated Cornwallis.
From that time (October, 1781) until
1784 he was Secretary of War, and re-
ceived a vote of thanks from Congress on
his retirement. In 1787 he commanded
the troops which suppressed Shays's in-
surrection. In that year he was chosen
lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts, and
from 1789 to 1808 he was collector of the
port of Boston. He was fond of literary
and scientific pursuits. He died in Hing-
ham, May 9, 1810.

Lincoln, Levi, statesman; born in
Hingham, Mass., May 15, 1749; grad-
uated at Harvard in 1772; member of the
Massachusetts House of Eepresentatives
in 1796 and a State Senator in 1797. In
1800 he was elected to Congress and
served until Feb. 6, 1801, when he was
appointed Attorney-General of the L'nited
States, and for a short period was acting

431

LINCOLN— LIPPITT

Secretary of State. He died in Worcester,
Mass., April 14, 1820.

Lincoln, Robert Todd, lawyer; born in
Springfield, 111., Aug. 1, 1843; eldest son
of Abraham Lincoln; graduated at Har-
vard College in 18G4; studied at its
Law School, but left to enter the army,
acting as assistant adjutant-general on
the staff of General Grant. He resumed
the study of law in Chicago, where he was
admitted to the bar in 18G7. In 1881-85
he was Secretary of War, and in 1889-93
was United States minister to Great Brit-
ain. After the death of George M. Pull-

ROBERT TODD LINCOLN.

man, in 1897, for whose company he had
been counsel, he was made acting president
of the Pullman Palace Car Company.

Linderman, Henry Richard, financier;
born in Lehman, Pa., Dec. 26, 1825; set-
tled in Philadelphia in 1853; was head
clerk in ihe United States Mint in that
city in 1855-64, and director in 1867-69.
He aided Joiix Jay Knox {q. v.) in fram-
ing " The Coinage Act of 1873," which in-
cluded all the coinage laws of the United
Slates, with amendments. After this he
had supervision of all the assay offices and
mints in the United States. He was au-
thor of Money and Lcf/al Tender in the
United Htates. He died in Washington,
D. C, Jan. 27, 1879.

Linn, William, clergyman ; born in
Shipponsburg, Pa., Feb. 27, 1752; gradu-
ated at Princeton College in 1772, and was
ordained in the Presbyterian Church in
1775; served as chaplain in the Conti-

nental arm}' in the following year; and
was actively engaged as educator and
minister till within a few years of his
death. He was the author of Signs of the
Times; a Funeral Eulogy on General
Washington, etc. He died in Albany,
N. Y., Jan. 8, 1808.

Lipan Indians, a branch of the Atha-
bascas. . For a long time they roamed
from the banks of the Rio Grande and the
Chihuahua to the land of the Comanches.
They made war on the Spanish frontiers
and desolated mission stations. Having
learned many Spanish words and advanced
somewhat in civilization, they became al-
lies of Mexican partisans in the revolu-
tions in that country; and when Texas be-
came an independent state the Lipans
roamed over it from Austin to Corpus
Christi, but plundered only the Mexicans,
generally. At the close of the war be-
tween Mexico and the United States
(1848) they began war in Texas, and for
a while they desolated the frontier settle-
ments. The remnant has since retired to
Mexico.

Lippard, George, author; born near
Yellow Springs, Pa., April 10, 1822. His
publications include Legends of the Revo-
lution; A^ew; York — Its Upper Ten and
Lower Million; The Quaker Oity ; Wash-
ington and His Generals, etc. He died in
Philadelphia, Pa., Feb. 9, 1854.

Lippincott, Sara Jane ( pen - name
Grace Greenwood), author; born in
Pompey, N. Y., Sept. 23. 1823; married
Leander K. Lippincott in 1853. Her books
include Greenwood Leaves; Stories and
Legends of Travel; Ncu? Life in New
Lands; Victoria, Queen of England; Rec-
ords of Five Years; Recollections of My
Childhood: etc. She died in New Rochelle,
N. Y., April 20, 1904.

Lippitt, Francis James, laAvyer; born
in Providence, R. L. July 19. 1812:
graduated at Prown College in 1830: was
a captain in the 1st New York Volunteers
in the Mexican War; served in the Civil
War, becoming colonel of the 2d Cali-
fornia Infantry and brevet brigadier-gen-
eral. His publications include Treatise on
the Tactical Use of the Three Arms;
Treatise on Intrcnchments ; Special Oper-
ations of M'^ar ; Field Service in War:
Criminal Law in Massachusetts : etc. He
(lied in Washington, D. C, Sept. 27, 1902.

432

LIPTON— LITTLE ROCK

Lipton, Sib Thomas Johnstone, mer-
chant; born in Glasgow of Irish parent-
age. He owns vast tea estates in Ceylon;
is president of the Thomas J. Lipton
Company, pork packers, in Chicago, and
proprietor of the Lipton Refrigerator Car
lines of that city. These interests often
l)ring him to the United States, but he is
best known here as the owner of the
yachts Erin and Shamrock, and especially
in connection with the latter, witli which
he competed in the fall of 1899 for the
America's Cup (q. v.) with the Ameri-
can yacht, Columbia, by which the race
was won. During this contest he won
hosts of American friends by his fairness
and geniality. In October, 1900, he sent
another challenge to the New York Yacht
Club for a race to take place in the fall
of 1901. Sir Thomas is a man of un-
bounded generosity to British benevolent
interests. In 1898 he sent a check for $10,-
000 for the relief of the sick and wounded
American soldiers of the war with Spain,
and in 1900 he gave the New York Yacht
Club $1,000 for a prize cup for the sea-
son's races.

Liscum, Emerson H., military officer;
born in Vermont, July 16, 1841. In the
Civil War he served as corporal in the 1st
Vermont Infantry from May to August,
1861 ; enlisted as private in the 12th
United States Infantry Feb. 1, 1863; was
transferred to the 30th Infantry as first
lieutenant; promoted captain of the 2.5th
Infantry March 26. 1867 ; assigned to the
19th Infantry July 5, 1870; promoted
major of the 22d Infantry May 4, 1892;
lieutenant-colonel of the 24th Infantry
May 26, 1896: and colonel of the 9th
Infantry April 25. 1899. In the war with
Spain (1898) he went to Cuba, and took
part in the battle of San Juan Hill, where
he was wounded. He was appointed a
brigadier-general of volunteers July 12,
1898, and was honorably discharged at
the close of that year. From Cuba he
was sent with his regiment to the Philip-
pines, where he remained till June 27,
1900. when he was ordered to China.
He landed at Taku, proceeded to Tien-
tsin, and in the attempt of the allies to
capture the latter city he was shot dead
at the head of the American troops, July
13, 1900.

Little, Charles Joseph, educator;

born in Philadelphia, Sept. 21, 1840;
graduated at the University of Pennsyl-
vania in 1861; professor in Dickinson Col-
lege in 1874-85; in Syracuse University
in 1885-91; and in Garrett Biblical In-
stitute in 1891-99; then became presi-
dent of the latter institution. He has
written much both for American and Eng-
lish periodicals, and was the Fernley
lecturer to the British Methodist Episco-
pal Conference for 1900.

Littlehales, George W., cartographer;
born in Schuylkill county. Pa., Oct. 14,
1860; was graduated at the United States
Naval Academy in 1883; became chief of
chart construction for the United States
navy. He aided in founding the Interna-
tional Journal of Terrestrial Magnetism,
of wliich he became associate editor. His
publications include 7'he Development of
Great Circle Sailing; The Methods and
Results of the Survey of Loioer Cali-
fornia; Submarine Cables; The Magnetic
Dip or Inclination, etc.

Little Rock, Capture of. In the sum-
mer of 1863 Gen. Frederick Steele organ-
ized an expedition at Helena for the seiz-
ure of the capital of Arkansas. His forces
there, early in August, reached about
12,000 men, with forty pieces of cannon.
These moved Aug. 10. They pushed back
General Marmaduke, who confronted
them ; and early in September they moved
on the State capital, in two columns, led
by Generals Steele and Davidson, having
been reinforced. Gen. Sterling Price was
in chief command of the Confederates. At
Bayou Fourche, on the south side of the
river, Davidson was confronted by Mar-
maduke, and, after a sharp struggle for
two hours, the Confederates fell back tow-
ards the city. At the same time Steele
was moving in a parallel line on the north
side of the river. When the Nationals
reached Little Rock the Confederates had
abandoned it, and on the evening of Sept.
10 the city and its military appurtenances
were surrendered to Davidson by the civil
authorities. The troops had fled to Arka-
delphia, on the Washita River. When
the National troops entered the city eight
steamboats, fired by the retreating Con-
federates, were in flames. In his cam-
paign of forty days Steele lost about 100
men, killed, wounded, and prisoners, and
captured about 1,000 prisoners. The Na-

v.— 2e

433

LITTLE TURTLE— LIVINGSTON

tional loss by sickness was very heavy — as Citizens, and as Soldiers, etc. He

not less than 2,000 men. died in Cambridge, Mass., Aug. 30,

Little Turtle, Me-che-cun-na-qua, 1865.
chief of the Miami Indians; received in- Livermore, Maky Ashton, reformer
structions in a Jesuit school in Canada, born in Boston, Mass., Dec. 19, 1821
it is believed, and was remarkable for his married Daniel P. Livermore in 1845
mental vigor and great common - sense, was appointed agent of the northwestern
Little Turtle was a brave and skilful mill- branch of the United States Sanitary
tary leader. He commanded at the defeat Commission in 1862. After the close of
of Generals Harmar and St. Clair, the the war she became famous as a lecturer,
former in October, 1790, and the latter in both in the United States and abroad, her
November, 1791. He was present in the most popular subjects being What Shall
fight with Wayne at Fallen Timbers. We Do with Our Daughters ; Women of
The chief, who spoke of Wayne as " the the War; and The Moral Heroism of the
chief who never sleeps," urged his people Temperance Reform. She was also ac-
to make peace with such a formidable tive in the woman-suffrage and temper-
warrior. He was one of the signers at ance movements. Among her publications
the treaty of Greenville. Early in 1797 are Pen Pictures; and Thirty Years Too
he visited President Washington at Phil- Late.

adelphia. There Kosciuszko, then on a Livingston, BROCKnoLST, jurist; born

visit to the United States, gave Little in New York City, Nov. 26, 1757; grad-

Turtle a pair of elegant pistols. He uated at Princeton in 1774; served in the

died in Fort Wayne, Ind., July 14, Revolutionary War until 1779, attaining

1812. the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In that

Livermore, George, antiquarian; born year he was appointed private secretary

in Cambridge, Mass., July 10, 1809; re- to John Jay, who represented the United

eeived a common-school education; was States in Europe. After the war he

greatly interested in historical research, studied law and was admitted to the bar

He published numerous essays, includ- in 1783, and in 1806 was appointed an

ing The New England Primer; Public associate justice of the United States

Libraries; An Historical Research Re- Supreme Court. He served until his

specting the opinions of the Founders of death, in Washington, D. C, March 19,

the Republic on Negroes as Slaves, 1823.

LIVINGSTON, EDWARD

Livingston, Edward, statesman; born abroad. In the battle of New Orleans
in Clermont, Columbia co., N. Y., May he acted as aide to General Jackson. He
26, 1764; graduated at Princeton in represented Louisiana in Congress from
1781; and began the practice of law in 1823 to 1829; was United States Senator
New York City in 1785. He soon ac- from 1829 to 1831; Secretary of State
quired a high reputation as an advocate, from 1831 to 1833; and then minister to
A Republican in politics, he became a France until the close of 1835. He had
member of Congress in 1795, and served been chosen a member of the French
until 1801. Jefferson appointed him Academy, and at his death an elegant
United States district-attorney for New eulogy upon his life and works was pro-
York in 1801, and tlie same year he was nounced before that body by Mignot. At
chosen mayor of the city. Through the the time of his death, in Rhinebeck, N. Y.,
misconduct of a clerk, Mr. Livingston be-. May 23, 1836, he owned and occupied
came a public defaulter. He went to the mansion and estate of " Montgomery
New Orleans, had great professional sue- Place," at Rhinebeck, built by his sister,
cess, and paid every dollar he owed the Mrs. General Montgomery. He was the
government. Livingston prepared a code youngest brother of Chancellor Living-
of judicial procedure for Louisiana, which ston.

gained for him great fame at home and Capital Punishment. — The following is

434

LIVINGSTON, EDWARD

the text of his memorable plea for the the individual as of the society, the right
abolition of capital punishment: to continue the existence given by God

to man, and, by the nature of man, to

Existence was the first gift of Omnip- the social state in which he was formed
otence to man — existence accompanied to live; and the correspondent mutual
not only by the instinct to preserve it, and duty of the individual and of the society
to perpetuate the species, but with a is to defend this right; but when the
social *jnot merely a gregarious) dispo- right is given, the means to enforce it
sition, Jvb.ich led so early to the forma- must, in natural as well as positive law,

be admitted to be also given. If, then,
both individuals and the society have the
right to preserve their several existence,
and are, moreover, under the reciprocal
duty to defend it when attacked, it fol-
lows that, if one or the other is threat-
ened with destruction, which cannot be
averted but by taking the life of the as-
sailant, the right — nay, more, the duty — ■
to take it exists: the irresistible impulse
of nature indicates the right she has
conferred, and her first great law shows
that life may be taken in self-defence. It
is true the aggressor has the same right
to exist; but if this right were sacred
while he was attempting to destroy thai
of another, there would be coexisting two
equal and conflicting rights, which is
a contradiction in terms. The right,
j^~^ therefore, I speak of, is proved ; but both

63%^:^^^^.^'^^/-^ i" ^I^V"'^-''''^''-!^ ^"^ in society it is strict-

y ^ ly defensive — it can only be exerted dur-

^ ing that period when the danger lasts,
by which I mean the question is, which
tion of societies that, unless we carry our of the two shall exist, the aggressor or
imagination back to the first created the party attacked — whether this be an
being, it is scarcely' possible to imagine, individual or the society? Before this
and certainly impossible to trace, any crisis has arrived, or after it has passed,
other state than that of the social — it is it is no longer self-defence, and then their
found wherever men are found, and must right to enjoy existence would be co-
have existed as soon as the number of existent and equal, but not conflicting,
the species were sufficiently multiplied to and for one to deprive the other of it
produce it. Man, then, being created for would be, of course, unjvist.
society, the Creator of man must have in- Therefore, the positions with which I
tended that it should be preserved; and, set out seem to be proved: That the right
as He acts by general laws, not by spe- to inflict death exists, but that it must be
cial interference (except in the cases in self-defence, either of individual or go-
which religion directs us to believe), all cial existence; and that it is limited to the
primitive society, as well as the indi- case where no other alternative remains to
viduals of which it is composed, must prevent the threatened destruction,
have been endowed \\'\\\\ certain rights In order to judge whether there is any
and correspondent duties, anterior in necessity for calling this abstract right
time, and paramount in authority, to any into action, we must recollect the duty
that may be formed by mutual consent, imposed, upon society of protecting its
The first of these rights, perhaps members, deprived, if we have argued cor-
the only one that will not admit rectly, from the social nature of man, in-
of dispute, is, as well on the part of dependent of any implied contract. While

435

LIVINGSTON, EDWARI)

we can imagine society to be in so rude
and imperfect a state as to render the
performance of this duty impossible with-
out taking the life of the aggressor, we
must concede the right. But is there any
such state of society? Certainly none in
the civilized world, and our laws are made
for civilized man. Imprisonment is an
obvious and effectual alternative; there-
fore, in civilized society, in the usual
course of events, we can never suppose it
necessary, and of course never lawful;
and even among the most savage hordes,
where the means of detention might be
supposed wanting, banishment, for the
most part, would take away the neces-
sity of inflicting death. An active
imagination, indeed, might create cases
and situations in which the necessity
might possibly exist; but if there are any
such, and they are sufficiently probable
to justify an exception in the law, they
should be stated as such, and they would
then confirm the rule. But, by a per-
versity of reasoning in those who advocate
this species of punishment, they put the
exception in the place of the rule, and,
what is worse, an exception of which the
possibility is doubtful.

It may be observed that I have taken
the preservation of life as the only case in
which even necessity could give the right
to take life, and that for the simple reason
that this is the only case in which the two
natural rights of equal importance can be
balanced, and in which the scale must
preponderate in favor of him who endeav-
ors to destroy. 'The only true foundation
for the right of inflicting death is the
preservation of existence. This gift of
our Creator seems, by the universal desire
to preserve it which He has infused into
every part of His animal creation, to be
intended as the only one which He did not
intend to place at our disposal. But, it
may be said, what becomes of our other
rights? Are personal liberty, personal in-
violability, and private property to be
held at the will of any strong invader?
How are these to be defended, if you re-
strain the right to take life to the single
case of defence against an attack upon
existence? To this it is answered: Society
being a natural state, those who compose
it have collectively natural rights. The
first is that of preserving its existence;

but this can only be done by preserving
that of the individuals which compose it.
It has, then, duties as well as rights; but
these are wisely ordered to be inseparable.
Society cannot exert its right of self-pres-
ervation Avithout, by the same act, per-
forming its duty in the preservation of its
members. Whenever any of those things
which are the objects of the association,
life, liberty, or property, are assailed, the
force of the whole social body must be ex-
erted for its preservation ; and this col-
lective force, in the case of the individual
attack, must in ordinary cases be suffi-
cient to repel it without the sacrifice of
life; but in extraordinary cases, when the
force of the assailants is so great as to
induce them to persevere in a manner that
reduces the struggle to one for existence,
then the law of self-defence applies.

But there may be a period in which in-
dividual rights may be injured before the
associated power can interfere. In these
cases, as the nature of society does not de-
prive the individual of his rights, but only
comes in to aid in their preservation, he
may defend his person or property against
illegal violence by a force sufficient to re-
pel that with w^hich he is assailed. This
results clearly from the right to property,
to whatever source we may refer it; and
from that of personal inviolability, which
is (under certain restrictions imposed by
nature itself) indubitably a natural right.
As the injury threatened may not admit
of compensation, the individual may use
force to prevent the aggression; and if
that used by the assailant endangers his
life the question then again becomes one
of self - defence, and the same reasoning
applies which was used to show the right
of taking life in that ease. But where
the individual attacked can, either by
his own physical force, or by the aid
of the society to which he belongs, de-
fend himself or his property, when the
attack is not of such a nature as to jeop-
ardize his ow^n existence in the defence
of them — if he take the life of the ag-
gressor under these circumstances, he
takes it without necessity, and conse-
quently without right. This is the ex-
tent to which the natural law of self-de-
fence allows an individual to go in put-
ting another to death. May any associa-
tion of individuals inflict it for any other

436

LIVINGSTON, EDWARD

cause, and under any other circumstance? has been proved net to be just; and if
Society has the right only to defend that neither just nor necessary, can it be expe-
which the individuals who compose it dient? To be necessary, it must be shown
have a right to defend, or to defend itself that the lives of the citizens and the exist-
— that is to say, its own existence — and ence of society cannot be preserved without
to destroy any individual or any other it. But can this be maintained in the face
society which shall attempt its destruction, of so many proofs? Egypt, for twenty
But this, as in the case of individuals, years, during the reign of Sabaco — Rome,
must be only while the attempt is mak- for 250 years — Tuscany, for more than
ing, and when there is no other means to twenty-five — Russia, for twenty-one, dur-
defoat it. And it is in tliat sense only ing the reign of Elizabeth — are so many
that I understand the word so often used, proofs to the contrary. Nay, if thos<i
so often abused, so little understood — ne- are right who tell you that the pena*^
cessity. It exists between nations during laws of Spain were abrogated by th*
v;ar, or a nation and one of its compo- transfer, this State (Louisiana) it-
nent parts in a rebellion or insurrection — self gives an unanswerable proof that
between individuals during the moment of no such necessity exists; for if
an attempt against life which cannot those laws were not in force, it is
otherwise be repelled; but between society very clear that there were none impos-
and individuals, organized as the former ing the penalty of death from the time
now is, with all the means of repression of the transfer, in December, 1803, to
and self - defence at its command, never. May 5, 1805, when our first penal law
I come then to the conclusion, in which was passed. Yet, during that period,
I desire most explicitly to be understood, when national prejudices ran high —
that although the right to punish with when one government had abandoned and
death might be abstractly conceded to the other had not yet established its au-
exist in certain societies, and under cer- thority — there was not, I believe, a single
tain circumstances which might make it instance of murder, or of any attempt
necessary, yet, composed as society now to destroy the order of society; so that
is, these circumstances cannot reasonably one argument or the other must be given
be even supposed to occur; that, there- up. Either the Spanish law existed, or
fore, no necessity, and of couise no right, we ourselves furnished a proof that a
to inflict death as a punishment does nation may exist in peace without the
exist. punishment of death. Societies have,
There is also great force in the reason- then, existed without it. In those so-
ings which have been used to rebut that cieties, therefore, it was not necessary,
which founds the right to take life for Is there anything in the state of ours
crimes on an original contract, made by that makes it so? It has not, as far as
individuals on the first formation of so- I have observed, been even suggested,
ciety: 1. That no such contract is proved. But, if not absolutely necessary, have its
or can be well imagined. 2. That if it advocates even the poor pretext that it is
were, it would be limited to the case of de- convenient; that the crimes for which it
fence. The parties to such contract could is reserved diminish under its operation
only give to the society those rights which in a greater proportion than those which
they individually had; their only right incur a different punishment? The re-
over the life of another is to defend their \erse is the melancholy truth. Murder,
own. They can give that to society, and and those attempts to murder which are
they can give no more. In this case, also, capitally punished, have increased in
therefore, the right resolves itself into some of the United States to a degree
that of doing what is necessary for pres- that not only creates general alarm, but,
ervation. The great inquiry then recurs, by the atrocity with which they are per-
ls the punishment of death in any civil- pplrated, fix a stain on the national char-
ized society necessary for the preserva- acter which it will be extremely difficult
tion either of the lives of its citizens indi- to efface. I might rely, for this fact,
vidually or of their social collective on the general impression which every
rights? If it be not necessary, I hope it n'.ember of the body I address must have

437

LIVINGSTON, EDWARD

on this subject; but, as the result is
capable of being demonstrated by figures,
J pray their attention to the tables an-
nexed to this report, in which, although
they are far from being as complete as
could be wished, they will see an increase
of those crimes that demonstrates, if
anything can do it, the inefficiency of the
means adopted, and so strangely persist-
ed in, of repressing them. The small
number of executions, compared with the
well-authenticated instances of the crime,
shows that the severity of the punishment
increases the chances of acquittal, and
the idle curiosity which draws so many
thousands to witness the exhibition of
human sufferings at the executions — the
levity with which the spectacle is be-
held— demonstrates its demoralizing and
heart-hardening effects, while the crimes
committed at the very moment of the
example intended to deter from the com-
mission shoAv how entirely ineffectual it
is. One instance of this is so remark-
able that I cannot omit its detail. In
the year 1822 a person named John Lech-
ler was executed at Lancaster, in Penn-
sylvania, for an atrocious murder. The
execution was, as usual, witnessed by an
immense multitude; and of the salu-
tary effect it had on their feelings and
morals we may judge from the following
extract from a newspaper, printed in
the neighborhood, the material facts
which are stated in it having been since
confirmed to me, by unquestionable au-
thority.

" It has long," says the judicious
editor, " been a controverted point
whether public executions, by the parade
with which they are conducted, do not
operate on the vicious part of the com-
munity more as incitements to, than ex-
amples deterring from, crime. What has
taken place in Lancaster would lead one
to believe that the spectacle of a public
execution produces less reformation
than criminal propensity. While an old
offence was atoned for, more than a dozen
new ones were committed, and some of
the capital grade. Twenty-eight persons
were committed to jail on Friday night,
for divers offences, at Lancaster, such as
murder, larceny, assault and battery,
etc.; besides, many gentlemen lost their
pocket - books, where the pickpockets

escaped, or the jail would have over-
flowed.

" In the evening, as one Thomas Burn,
who was employed as a weaver in a fac-
tory near Lancaster, was going home, he
was met by one Wilson, with whom he
had some previous misunderstanding,
when Wilson drew a knife and gave him
divers stabs, in sundry places, which are
considered mortal. Wilson was appre-
hended and committed to jail, and had
the same irons put on him which had
scarcely been laid off long enough by
Lechler to get cold."

History presents to us the magic glass
on which, by looking at past, we may dis-
cern future, events. It is folly not to
read; it is perversity not to follow its les-
sons. If the hemlock had not been
brewed for felons in Athens, would the
fatal cup have been drained by Socrates?
If the people had not been familiarized to
scenes of judicial homicide, would France
or England have been disgraced by the
useless murder of Louis or of Charles?
If the punishment of death had not been
sanctioned by the ordinary laws of those
kingdoms, would the one have been del-
uged with the blood of innocence, of
worth, of patriotism, and of science, in
her revolution? Would the best and
noblest lives of the other have been lost
on the scaffold in her civil broils? Would
her lovely and calumniated queen, the
virtuous Malesherbes, the learned Condor-
cet; would religion, personified in the
pious ministers of the altar, courage and
honor, in the host of high-minded nobles,
and science, in its worthy representative,
Lavoisier ; would the daily hecatomb of
loyalty and worth — would all haA'e been
immolated by the stroke of the guillotine?
or Russell and Sidney, and the long suc-
cession of victims of party and tyranny,
by the axe? The fires of Smithfield would
not have blazed, nor, after the lapse of
ages, should we yet shudder at the names
of St. Bartholomew if the ordinary eccle-
siastical law had not usurped the attri-
butes of divine vengeance, and, by the
sacrilegious and absurd doctrine that of-
fences against the Deity were to be pun-
ished with death, given a pretext to
these atrocities. Nor, in the awful and
mysterious scene on ]\Iount Calvary, would
that agony have been inflicted if, by the

438

LIVINGSTON, EDWARD

daily sight of the cross, as an instrument executed — forgotten; and in a few days it
of justice, the Jews had not been pre- would seem that the same earth which
pared to make it one of their sacrilegious covered their bodies has buried all re-
rage. But there is no end of the exam- raembrance of them, and all doubts of
pies which crowd upon the memory to tlieir innocence or guilt. It is, then, not
show the length to which the exercise of uiireasona'ble to suppose that many more
this power, by the law, has carried the such cases have existed than those which
dreadful abuse of it under the semblance have fortuitously been brought to light,
of justice. Every nation has wept over Would you retain a punishment that, in
the graves of patriots, heroes, and mar- the common course of events, must be ir-
tyrs, sacrificed by its own fury. Every remediably inflicted, at times, on the in-
age has had its annals of blood. nocent, even if it secured the punishment
But not to resort to the danger of the of the guilty? But that is far from be-
examples in times of trouble and dis- ing the effect. While you cannot, in par-
sension, advert once more to that which ticular cases, avoid its falling upon in-
was formerly urged, and to which I must nocence, that very cause, from the imper-
jigain hereafter return — that which at- fection of all testimony, will make it
tends its regular practice in peace — the ir- favorable to the escape of the guilty; and
remediable nature of this punishment, the maxim so often quoted on this oc-
when eripr, popular prejudice, or false casion will no longer be perverted in or-
or mistaken testimony has caused its in- der to effect a compromise between the
fliction to be ordered upon the innocent — conscience of the juror and the severity
a case by no means of so rare occurrence of the law when your punishments are
as may be imagined. It is not intended such only as admit of remission when
to enter into a detail of those which I they have been found to be unjustly im-
have myself collected; they are not few, posed.

although they must necessarily bear a Other arguments, not less forcible — other
small proportion to those which were not authorities, equally respectable — might be
within my reach. The author of a book adduced to show the ill effects of this spe-
of high authority on evidence has brought cies of punishment; but the many topics
together several cases which are well au- that are still before me in this report
thenticated. In France, in the short oblige me to pursue this one no further
space of one year, I have gathered from than to inquire what good can be ex-
the public papers that seven cases oc- pected or what present advantage is de-
curred in which persons condemned to rived from retaining this punishment?
death by the primary courts and assizes Our legislation surrendered it without a
have been acquitted by the sentence of a struggle in all cases, at first, but murder,
superior tribunal, on a reversal of the attempt to murder, rape, and servile iu-
sentence. In other States of our Union, surrection; and afterwards extended it to
these cases are not uncommon. With us a species of aggravated burglary. Now,
the organizations of our courts prevent as these cases are those only in which it
the correction of any error, either in law has been deemed expedient to retain this
or in fact, by a superior tribunal. But punishment, as it has been abandoned iu
everywhere it is matter of surprise that all others, the serious inquiry presents it-
any cases should be discovered of these self, why it was retained in these, or why
fatal mistakes. The unfortunate sub- abandoned in the others? Its inefficiency,
jeets of them are, for the most part, or some of the other objections to it, must
friendless; generally their lives must have been apparent in all the other numer-
have been vicious, or suspicion would not ous offences in which it has been dispensed
have fastened on them; and men of good with, or it would certainly have been re-
character sometimes think it disreputable tained. or restored. Taking this acknowl-
to show an interest for such men, or to edged inefficiency in the numerous cases
examine critically into the circumstances for the basis of the argument, let us in-
of their case. They are deserted by their quire whether there is anything which
connections, if they have any — friends makes it peculiarlyadapted to the enumer-
they have none. They are condemned — ated crimes which it is unjust or inex-

439

LIVINGSTON, EDWARD

pedient to apply to any of the others? progresses in a ratio of three to one of that
We have three modes of discovering the of the population; and we should not for-
truth on this subject: by reasoning from get, in making this calculation, the im-
the general effects of particular motives portant and alarming fact that numerous
on human actions; by analogy, or judg- instances of homicide and attempts to kill
ing from the effects in one case to the occur which are rarely followed by prose-
probable effects in another; or by experi- cution, and more rarely still by convic-
ence of the effect on the particular case. tion.

The general reasoning upon the justice We have seen a deliberate murder com-
and efficacy of the punishment will not be niitted in the very crowd assembled to
repeated here, but it is referred to as enjoy the spectacle of a murderer's death;
being conclusive as to all offences, and and do we still talk of its force as an
admitting of no exceptions that would example? In defiance of your menaced
apply to murder, or either of the three punishment, homicide stalks abroad and
other cases in which our laws inflict it. raises its bloody hand, at noonday, in
If we reason from analogy, we should say your crowded streets; and, when arrested
the only argument ever used in favor of in its career, takes shelter under the ex-
death as a punishment is that the awful ample of your laws, and is protected, by
example it presents will deter from the their very severity, from punishment,
commission of the offence; but by your Try the efSBcacy of milder punishments;
abandonment of it in all cases but these tliey have succeeded. Your own statutes
you acknowledge it has no efficacy there. — all those of every State in the Union —
Analogy, therefore, would lead us to the prove that they have succeeded in other
conclusion that, if it was useless in the offences; try the great experiment on
many cases, it would be so in the few. But this also. Be consistent ; restore capital
it is acknowledged that no analogy or any punishment in other crimes, or abolish
mode of reasoning — no theory, however it in this. Do not fear that the murder-
plausible — ought to influence when contra- ers from all quarters of the earth, se-
dicted by experience. You have tried this duced by the mildness of your penal code,
remedy, and found it ineffectual. The will choose this as the theatre of their
crimes to which you have applied it are exploits. On this point we have a most
decreasing in number and atrocity under persuasive example. In Tuscany, as we
its influence! If so, it would be inipru- have seen, neither murder nor any other
dent to make any change, even under the crime was pvmished with death for more
most favorable prospects that the nc-. sys- than twenty years, during which time we
tern would be equally efficient. Let us try have not only the official declaration of
it by this test. For the first three years the sovereign, that " all crimes had di-
after the transfer of the province there minished, and those of an atrocious nat-
was not a single execution or conviction ure had become extremely rare," but the
of either of these crimes. In the course, authority of the venerable Franklin for
however, of the first six years four Ind- these conclusive facts: that in Tuscany,
ians, residing within the limits of the where murder was not punished with
State, made an attack on some of the set- death, only five had been committed in
tiers, and were given up by the tribe, or twenty years, Avhile in Rome, where that
arrested and condemned ; and two were punishment is inflicted with great pomp
executed as for murder, and one negro was and parade, sixty murders were commit-
condemned and executed for insurrection, ted in the short space of three months,
In the next six years there were ten con- in the city and its vicinity. " It is re-
victions; in the succeeding four, to the markable," he adds to this account, " tliat
month of January, 1822, fourteen; so we the manners, principles, and religion of
find the number of convictions for the the inhabitants of Tuscany and of Rome
enumerated crimes have nearly doubled in ore exactly the same. The abolition of
every period of six years, in the face of death alone, as a punishment for murder,
this efficient penalty. But the population produced this difference in the moral
of the State doubles only once in twenty character of the two nations." From this
years; therefore the increase of this crime it would appear, rather that the murder-

440

LIVINGSTON, EDWARD

ers of Tuscany were invited by the se- or control; but, by the indulgence of
vere punishments in the neighboring ter- either feeling, every good end of punish-
ritories of Eonie, than those of Rome were ment is totally defeated,
attracted into Tuscany by their abo- 1 cannot, I ought not to dismiss this
lition. We have nothing to apprehend, subject without once more pressing on
then, from this measure ; and if any ill the most serious consideration of the legis-
efl'ects should follow the experiment, it lature an argument which every new view
is but too easy to return to the system of it convinces me is important, and, if
of extermination. we listen to the voice of conscience, con-
One argument — the ferocious character elusive — the irremediable nature of this
impressed on the people by this punish- punishment. Until men acquire new facul-
nient, which was insisted on in the first ties, and are enabled to decide upon inno-
report — has been so strongly illustrated cence or guilt without the aid of fallible
by a subsequent event in Pennsylvania, and corruptible human evidence, so long
that I cannot omit stating it. After the will the risk be incurred of condemning
execution of Lechler had gratified the the innocent. Were the consequence felt
people about York and Lancaster with the as deeply as it ought to be, would there
spectacle of his death, and had produced be an advocate for that punishment which,
its proper complement of homicide and applied in such case, has all the conse-
other crimes, a poor wretch was con- quences of the most atrocious murder to
demned to suffer the same fate, for a the innocent sufferers — worse than the
similar off'ence, in another part of the worst murderer? He stabs, or strikes, or
State, where the people had not yet been poisons, and the victim dies — he dies un-
indulged with such a spectacle. They, also, conscious of the blow, without being made
collected by thousands and tens of thou- a spectacle to satisfy ferocious curiosity,
sands. The victim was brought out. All and without the torture of leaving his
the eyes in the living mass that sur- dearest friends doubtful of his innocence,
rounded the gibbet were fixed on his or seeing them abandon him under the
countenance; and they waited, with strong conviction of his guilt. He dies, and his
desire, the expected signal for launching death is like one of those inevitable
him into eternity. There was a delay, chances to which all mortals are subject.
They grew impatient. It was prolonged, His family are distressed, but not dis-
and they were outrageous ; cries like those honored ; his death is lamented by his
which precede the tardy rising of the cur- friends, and, if his life deserved it, hon-
tain in a theatre were heard. Impatient ored by his country. But the death in-
fer the delight they expected in seeing a flicted by such laws — the murder of the
fellow-creature die, they raised a ferocious innocent under its holy forms — has no
cry. But when it was at last announced such mitigating circumstances. Slow in
that a reprieve had left them no hope of its approach, uncertain in its stroke, its
witnessing his agonies, their fury knew victim feels not only the sickness of the
no bounds ; and the poor maniac — for it heart that arises from the alternation of
was discovered that he was insane — was hope and fear until his doom is pro-
with difficulty snatched, by the oQicers nounced; but when that becomes inev-
of justice, from the fate which the most itable — alone, the tenant of a dungeon
violent among them seemed determined to during every moment that the lenity of
inflict. the law prolongs his life — he is made to
This is not an overcharged picture; the feel all those anticipations, worse than
same savage feeling has been more than a thousand deaths. The consciousness of
once exhibited in different parts of the innocence, that which is our support
Union, and will alwaj^s be produced by under other miseries, is here converted
public executions, unless it is replaced by into a source of bitter anguish, when it
the equally dangerous feeling of ad- is found to be no protection from infamy
miration and interest for the sufferer, and death; and when the ties which con-
Which of the two is to prevail depends nected him to his country, his friends, his
on circumstances totally out of the power family, are torn asunder, no consoling re-
of the law-giver or the judge to foresee flection mitigates the misery of that mo-

441

lilVTNGSTON, EDWARD

ment. He leaves unmerited infamy to his nocence, made in tones which no art could

children; a name stamped with dishonor imitate, and listened with awe to the

to their surviving parent, and bows down dreadful adjuration poured forth by one

the gray heads of his own with sorrow to of these victims with an energy and so-

the grave. As he walks from his dun- lemnity that seemed superhuman, sum-

geon, he sees the thousands who have
come to gaze upon his last agony. He
mounts the fatal tree, and a life of inno-
cence is closed by a death of dishonor.
This is no picture of the imagination.
Would to God it were! Would to God
that, if death must be inflicted, some
sure means might be discovered of mak-
ing it fall upon the guilty. These things
have happened. These legal murders have
been committed! and who were the pri-

moning his false accuser and his mistaken
judge to meet him before the throne of
God. Such an appeal to the high tribunal
which never errs, and before which he
who made it was in a few hours to ap-
pear, was calculated to create a belief of
his innocence; that belief was changed
into certainty. The perjury of the wit-
ness was discovered, and he fled from the
infamy that awaited him, but it was too
late for any other effect than to add one

mary causes of the crime ? Who authorized more example to the many that preceded

a punishment which, once inflicted, could it of the danger, and, I may add, impiety,

never be remitted to the innocent? Who of using this attribute of the divine

tied the cord, or let fall the axe upon the power without the infallibility that can

guiltless head? Not the executioner, the alone properly direct it. And this objec-

vile instrument who is hired to do the tion alone, did none of the other cogent

work of death, not the jury who con-
victs, or the judge who condemns — not
the law which sanctions these errors; but
the legislators who make the law — -those

reasons against capital punishment exist —
this alone would make me hail the decree
for its abolition as an event so honorable
to my country, and so consoling to hu-

who, having the power, did not repeal it. manity, as to be cheaply purchased by the
These are the persons responsible to their labor of a life.

country, their consciences, and their God.
These horrors not only have happened,
but they must be repeated; the same
causes will produce the same effects.
The innocent have suffered the death of
the guilty; the innocent will suffer. We
know it. The horrible truth stares us in

I cannot quit this part of the subject
without submitting to the General As-
sembly the opinion of one whose authority
would justify an experiment even more
hazardous than this, but whose arguments
are as convincing as his name is respect-
able. They are not the opinions of one

the face. We dare not deny, and cannot whom the cant, which is used to cover the

evade it. A word, while it saves the in- ignorance of the day, would call a the-

nocent, will secure the punishment of the orist, but a man whose whole life was

guilty, and shall we hesitate to pronounce spent in the useful and honorable func-

it? Shall we content ourselves with our tions of the highest magistracy, whose

own imagined exemption from this fate, name is always mentioned with reverence,

and shut our ears to the cries of justice and whose doctrines are quoted as author-

and humanity? Shall " senitibility (as ity wherever the true principles of legal

has been finely observed) sleep in the lap knowledge are regarded. Hear the ven-

of luxury," and not awake at the voice of crable D'x^guesseau :

wretchedness? I urge this point with
more earnestness, because I have wit-
nessed more tlian one condemnation under
false instructions of law, or perjured or
mistaken testimony; sentences that would
now have been reversed if the unfortunate
sufferers were within reach of mercy. I
have seen in the gloom and silence of the

" Who would believe that a first im-
pression may sometimes decide a question
of life and death? A fatal mass of cir-
cuTHstances, which seem as if fate had
collected them together for the ruin of
an unfortunate wretch, a crowd of mute
witnesses (and, from that character, more
dangerous), depose' against innocence;

dungeon the deep concentrated expression they prejudice the judge; his indignation
of indignity which contended with grief; is roused; his zeal contributes to seduce
have heard the earnest assertions of in- him. Losing the character of judge i»

443

LIVINGSTON

that of the accuser, he looks only to that
which is evidence of guilt, and he sacri-
fices to his own reasonings the man whom
he would have saved had he listened only
to the proofs of the law. An unforeseen
event sometimes shows that innocence has
sunk under the weight of conjectures, and
falsifies the conclusions which circum-
stances had induced the magistrate to
draw. Truth lifts up the ve:! with which
probability had enveloped her; but she
appears too late! The blood of the inno-
cent cries aloud for vengeance against the
prejudice of his judge; and the magis-
trate passes the rest of his life deploring
a misfortune which his repentatice cannot
repair."

The earnestness for this reform is some-
times reproached to its advocates as pro-
ceeding from a childish fear, that magni-
fies the apprehension of that w^hich we
know is appointed to us all. Not so.
The value of life is not overrated in the
argument. There are occasions in which
the risk of its loss must be incurred;
in which the certainty of death must be
encountered with firmness and compos-
ure. These occasions are presented by
patriotism, in defence of our country and
our country's rights; by benevolence, in
the rescue of another from danger; by
religion, whenever persecution offers the
martyr's crown to the faithful ; and it is
not known, or believed, that those who
propose to abolish death as a punishment
either fear it as a natural event, or shun
its encounter when required by duty, more
than those who think it ought to be re-
tained. He who preserved the life of a
Roman citizen was entitled to a more
honorable recompense than the daring
soldier who ventured his own by first
mounting the breach. The civic was pre-
ferred to the mural crown. The Romans,
during the best period of their history,
reduced this abolition to practice.
" Far," said their great orator, endeavor-
ing, in a corrupted age, to restore the
ancient feeling on the subject — " far from
us be the punishment of death — its min-
isters, its instruments. Remove them,
not only from their actual operation on
our bodies, but banish them from our
eyes, our ears, our thoughts; for, not
only the executions, but the apprehension,
the existence, the very mention of these

things, is disgraceful to a freeman and
a Roman citizen." Yet the Romans were
not very remarkable for a pusillanimous
fear of death. In the age of which I
speak, they did not want the excitement
of capital punishment to induce them to
die for their country. On the contrary,
it might, perhaps, be plausibly argued
that the servile disposition, which dis-
graced the latter ages of the republic,
was in some measure caused by the
change, which made the sacrifice of life
the expiation of crime, instead of the
consummation and proof of patriotic de-
votion.

Conscious of having been guilty of
much repetition, and certain that I have
weakened, by my version of them, argu-
ments much better used by others, I am
yet fearful of having omitted many things
that might have an eflfect in convincing
any one of those to whom this report is
addressed. The firm religious belief I
have of the truth of the doctrine I ad-
vance, contrasted with the sense of my
incapacity to enforce it upon others, must
have produced obscurity where the in-
terests of humanity require there should
be light, and confusion where the per-
formance of my great duty demands
order. But the truth will appear in
spite of these obstacles. From the midst
of the cloud, with which human imper-
fections has surrounded her, her voice,
like that of the Almighty from the
Mount, will be heard reiterating to na-
tions, as well as to individuals, the great
command, " Thou shalt not kill."

Livingston, Henry Beekman, military
officer; born in Clermont, N. Y., Nov. 9,
1750; was a brother of Chancellor and
Edward Livingston. In 1775 he raised a
company, with which he accompanied his
brother-in-law, General Montgomery, to
Canada, where he performed excellent ser-
vice, and was voted a sword by Congress
for his skill and bravery at Chambly. He
was with Montgomery at the siege of
Quebec. In 177G he was aide to General
Schuyler, and late in that year he was pro-
moted to colonel. He was with Sullivan
in Rhode Island, and was in the battle of
Quaker Hill. He resigned in 1779. After
the war he became attorney-general, judge,
and chief-justice of the State of New York.
Colonel Livingston was a general in the
43

LIVINGSTON

War of 1S12, and was president of the in 1759, in which he was one of the corn-
New York Society of the Cincinnati. He mittee of correspondence with the colonial
died in Rhinebeck, N. Y., Nov. 5, 1831. agent in England, Edmund Burke. Liv-
Livingston, Henry Brockholst, ju- ingston opposed the taxation schemes of
rist; born in New York City, Nov. 26, 1757; Parliament, and was unseated by a Tory
son of Gov. William Livingston, of New majority in 1769, when the controversy
Jersey; was attached to the staff of Gen- between Great Britain and her colonies
eral Schuyler in 1776, and afterwards to ran high. He was a member of the first
that of General Arnold, and was a partici- Congress (1774), and held a seat in that
pant in the capture of Burgoyne. He was body until his death, when their session
I)romoted to colonel. In 1779 he accom- was held at York, the British having pos-
panied John Jay to the Spanish Court as session of Philadelphia. Mr, Livingston
his private secretary, and on his return was associated with Lee and Jay in the
he studied law, and became eminent in his preparation of the two state papers put
profession. In January, 1802, he was made forth by the first Congress, and was very
judge of the Supreme Court of New York, active on the most important committees
He died in Washington, March 19, 1823. in Congress. He founded the professorship
Livingston, James, military officer; of divinity at Yale College in 1746; was
born in Canada, March 27, 1747; possessed one of the founders of the New York So-
some influence with the Canadians, and ciety Library; and also aided materially
became colonel of a regiment of Canadian in the establishment of King's College,
refugees, and, with them, joined General now Columbia University. He patrioti-
Montgomery. With these Livingston capt- cally sold a part of his property to sustain
ured Fort Chambly, at the rapids of the the public credit with its proceeds just be-
Sorel, and he participated in the attack on fore his death, in York, Pa., June 12, 1778.
Quebec. He was also in the battle of Livingston, Robert, legislator; born
Bemis's Heights, and served throughout in Ancrum, Scotland, Dec. 13, 1634; emi-
the Revolutionary War. He died in Sara- grated to America in 1673, first settling
toga county, N. Y., Nov. 29, 1832. in Charlestown, Mass., and afterwards re-
Livingston, John Henry, clergyman; moving to Albany, N. Y. He possessed
born at Poughkeepsie, N. Y., May 30, a bold, adventurous spirit, and was soon
1746; graduated at Yale College in in public employment at Albany, where,
1762; and studied theology at Utrecht, in 1683, he married Alida, widow of Rev.
Holland, where he was ordained by the Nicholas van Rensselaer, and daughter
Classis of Amsterdam. While in Holland of Philip Pietersen van Schuyler. She
he successfully worked for the indepen- brought him considerable wealth, with
dence of the American Dutch Reformed which he purchased a large landed estate
Church from the Dutch Classis. He set- on the east bank of the Hudson. Its
tied as a pastor in New York; but when boundary commenced about 5 miles
that city was taken possession of by the south of the site of the city of Hudson,
British he went on foot to Albany, and and extended 12 miles along the river,
thence to Kingston, and finally to Pough- and eastward to the line between the
keepsie, whence, at the close of the wa.-. States of New York and Massachusetts,
he returned to New York. He was held The area widened as it extended eastward,
in high esteem by his denomination; and so that, on its eastern boundary, the
in 1807 was chosen president of Queen's tract was nearly 20 miles in width. In
(now Rutgers) College, at New Bruns- 1686 Thomas Dongan, governor of New
wick, N. J., which post he held until his York, granted Livingston a patent for this
death, Jan. 20, 1825. domain, which comprised over 120,000
Livingston, Piitlip, signer of the acres. It was the largest landed estate in
Declaration of Independence; born in Al- the province, excepting that of Van Rens-
bany, N. Y., Jan. 15, 1716; graduated selaer. Five or six thousand acres of it
at Yale College in 1737; became a promi- were purchased for the use of the pala-
nent merchant in the city of New York; tines who came over -^ ith Governor
was an alderman tlioro from 1754 to 1758; Hunter in 1700, which t act still bears
and a member of the Provincial Assembly the name of Germantown, given to it at

444

LIVINGSTON

that time. In 1715 the grant of the Liv- Governor Shirley, a Review of the Mill-
ingston Manor, given by Dongan, was iary Operatifms in North America from
confirmed by royal authority, and full 1153 to April llf, 1156, in a Letter to a
manorial privileges were given to the 'Nohleman-. The following year he was
proprietor. The lord of the manor exer- elected a member of the New York Assem-
cised moderate judicial functions within bly. Having purchased land in Elizabeth-
his domain, and had the privilege of elect- town, N. J., he built a fine mansion there,
ing a representative to the General As- which he called " Liberty Hall," and re-
sembly of the colony and two constables, moved there in 1773. He early espoused
This manor occupied a portion of Colum- the cause of the oppressed colonies, and
bia and Dutchess counties. Robert died in
Albany, April 20, 1725.

Livingston, Robert R., statesman;
born in 'New York City, Nov. 27, 1747;
graduated at King's College in 1765;
practised law successfully in New York,
and was made recorder of the city in
1773. Of this office he was deprived early
in 1775, because of his espousal of the
patriot cause. He was elected to the Con-
tinental Congress in 1775, and was one
of the committee appointed to draft a
declaration of independence, but his neces-
sary absence from Congress prevented his
signing it. On the organization of the •
State of New York under a constitvition,
he was appointed chancellor, and held that
post until 1801. In 1780 he was again a
member of Congress, and was Secretary
for Foreign Affairs from 1781 to 1783.
]\Ir. liivingston was a member of the con-
vention of New York which adopted the
national Constitution, and voted for it.
Minister plenipotentiary to France, from
1801 to 1804, he secured the cession of
Louisiana (q. v.) to the United States.
He was the coadjutor of Fulton in per- was a representative of New Jersey in the
fecting the system of steam navigation, first Continental Congress (1774). He
He died in Clermont, N. Y'., Feb. 26, 1813. was again a delegate to that body in 1775,
See Steamboat, Invention of. but was soon called (Jime 5) to command

Livingston, William, governor; born the militia of New Jersey, wth the com-
in Albany, N. Y., Nov. 30, 1723; was an mission of brigadier-general. After Will-
eminent member of the bar of both New iam Franklin was deposed in 1776, Liv-
York and New Jersey. With William ingston succeeded him as governor of New
Smith he published the first Digest of the Jersey. Mr. Livingston was a delegate
Colonial Laws, in 1752. For a while he to the convention which framed the
published the Independent Reflector, national Constitution. He died in Eliza-
Thoroughly educated at Yale College, he bethtown. N. J., July 25, 1790.
possessed many solid as well as brilliant Lloyd, Henry Demorest, publicist;
attainments in law and literature, and born in New York City, May 1, 1847:
was an elegant and facile writer. Behind was graduated at Columbia College; lect-
tlie mask of anonymity, Mr. Livingston ured on political economy in the city
dealt heavy blows in favor of Presby- schools: admitted to the bar in 1869:
terianism, and against Episcopacy, in his assistant-secretary American Free Trade
weekly periodical, first published late in League in 1869-72; editorial writer on
1752. In 1757 be published, in defence of the Chicago Tribune in 1872-85; and was

445

WILLIAM LIVIXGSTOX.

LLOYD— LOCKWOOD

subsequently engaged in writing and lect-
uring on economic and social questions.
His publications include Every Man His
Own Voter (1871); A Strike of Million-
aires against Miners (1S90); Wealth vs.
Com.monioeaUh (1894) ; Labor Co-Partner-
ship (1898); A Country without Strikes
(1900) ; 'Newest England (1900) ; etc. He
died in VVinnetka, 111., Sept. 28, 1903.

Lloyd, James, legislator; born in Bos-
ton, Mass., in 17G9; was graduated at
Harvard College in 1787; was Federalist
United States Senator, succeeding John
Quincy Adams, in 1808-13, and again,
succeeding Harrison Gray Otis, in 1822-
26; resigned each time; removed to Phila-
delphia, Pa. He died in New York City,
April 5, 1831.

Locke, Davis Ross (pen name Petro-
leum V. Nasby), satirist; born in Vestal,
N. Y., Sept. 20, 1833; was successively
editor and publisher of the Plymouth Ad-
vertiser, Mansfield Herald, Bucyrus Jour-
nal, and Findlay Jeffersonian in 1852-60.
Pie later became proprietor and editor of
the Toledo Blade, in which were published
his famous Nashy Letters. In 1871 he
became managing editor of the Evening
Mail in New York City. Among his pub-
lications are Ekkoes from Kentucky;
Sunngin' Round the Cirkle; The Moral
History of America's Life Struggle; The
Morals of Abou ben Adhem; etc. He died
in Toledo, 0., Feb. 15, 1888.

Locke, John ; born in Wrington, Somer-
setshire, Aug. 29, 1632. His father was a
parliamentary captain. His first public
employment was as secretary in a diplo-
matic mission to the Court of Branden-
burg in 1G64. While pursuing philosoph-
ical stTulies in 1667, he became acquainted
with Loid Ashley (afterwards Earl of
Shafteslniry) , and by his medical skill ad-
vised a surgical operation that saved his
lordship's life, ]^y him Locke was intro-
duced to the most distinguished states-
men of the time. He superintended the
education of Ashley's son, and assisted
him in preparing a scheme of govern-
ment for the Carolinas (see Fundamental
Constitutions). When Ashley (then Earl
of Shaftesbury) was accused of trea-
son (1683), he fled to Holland, and T^cke
followed him. TiOcke had held various
public offices, but now he remained quietly
in Holland until after the revolution

(1688), when he returned to England in
the same vessel that bore the Princess
Mary thither. Locke's principal work was
an Essay on the Human Understanding,
published twenty years after it was be-
gun. He died in Essex county, England,
Oct. 28, 1704.

Lockhart, Clinton, educator; born in
Loverington, 111., Feb. 21, 1858; grad-
uated at the Kentucky University in
1886; held pastorates in Kentucky in
1885-92; was professor in Ann Arbor
in 1893-94; president of Columbia College,
Kentucky, in 1894-95; and became presi-
dent of Christian University, Canton, Mo.,
in 1895. He is president of the Missouri
Christian Ministerial Association, and
author of Laws of Interpretation, and
Critical Commentary on Book of 'Nahum.

Lockwood, Belva Ann Bennett,
lawyer; born in Royalton, N. Y., Oct.
24, 1830; graduated at Genesee Col-
lege, Lima, N. Y. ; married in 1848, Uriah
H. McNall (died 1853), taught school
in 1857-68, and married Dr. Ezekiel
Lockwood in the latter year. She began
the study of law in Washington; was ad-
mitted to the bar in 1873, and began prac-
tice before the Supreme Court and the
Court, of Claims in 1879. Afterwards she
became prominent in the temperance,
peace, and woman's suffrage movements.
In 1888 she was nominated by the Equal
Eights party for President of the United
States. She represented the United
States at the international congress of
charities and corrections in GeneA'a, Swit-
zerland, in 1896, and for several years was
secretary of tlie American branch of the
International Peace Bureau.

Lockwood, Daniel Newton, la^vyer;
born in Hamburg, N. Y., June 1, 1844;
was graduated at Union College in 1865;
admitted to the bar of the New York
Supreme Court in 1866; settled in Buffa-
lo; district-attorney for Erie county in
1874-77; member of Congress in 1877-79
and 1891-95; United States attorney for
the Northern District of New York in
1886-89; and was appointed president of
the board of general managers of the Pan-
American Exposition in 1901.

Lockwood, Henry Hayes, educator;
born in Kent county, Del., Aug. 17, 1814;
graduated at the United States Mili-
tary Academy and assigned to the artil-

446

LOCO-FOCO PARTY— LODGE

lery in 1836, and after serving in the ative in Congress in 1886-93, when he
Seminole War resigned and engaged in was elected United States Senator; re-
farming till 1841. Subsequently he was elected, 1899. Among his publications
appointed Professor of Mathematics at the are A Short History of the English Colo-
United States Naval Academy; served on nies in America; Alexander Hamilton;
the frigate United States at the capture Daniel Webster; Studies in History, etc.
of Monterey, Cal., in October, 1842. Re- Since his entrance into political life he
turning, he served at the naval asylum has been a stalwart Republican, and on
in Philadelphia until 1845, when he be- the questions of the war with Spain and
came Professor of Natural and Experi- the events growing therefrom he has
mental Philosophy in the Naval Academy;
was transferred to the chair of Field Artil-
lery and Infantry Tactics in 1851, and
occupied the chair of Astronomy and
Gunnery till 1866. During the Civil War
he served both on land and sea, entering
the Union army as colonel of the 1st
Delaware Regiment and rising to briga-
dier-general of volunteers. In 1864 he
commanded the Middle Department, with
headquarters at Baltimore. He was mus-
tered out of the volunteer service at
the close of the war, and returned to the
Naval Academy, where he was Professor
of Natural Philosophy till 1871. In 1871-
76 he served at the National Observatory;
and in the latter year was retired. Pro-
fessor Lockwood has written several
books on naval subjects, and is author of
Manual for Naval Batteries ; Exercises in
Small - Arms and Field Artillery Ar- given President McKinley's administra-
ranged for Naval Service, etc. tion a hearty and effective support. Be-

Loco-foco Party, the name originally sides the following speeches, see Election
applied to a faction of the Democratic Bill, Federal.

party. At a meeting in Tammany Hall, Restriction of Immigration. — In 1896
New York, in 1834, there was great di- Senator Lodge introduced into the Senate
versity of sentiment upon certain ques- a bill to restrict the flood of immigra-
tions. The conservative chairman and his tion, the most striking feature of which
friends, perceiving the radical movement was the provision of an educational quali-
to be strong, determined to defeat it by a fication, requiring that every alien here-
sort of coup d'etat. To dissolve the meet- after landing in the ports of the United
ing, the chairman left his seat and the States should be able to read and write
lights were all extinguished, but the radi- the language of his native country. The
cals rekindled the lights with " loco-foco," test to ascertain the intelligence of candi-
or friction, matches, reorganized the meet- dates for citizenship in this great repub-
ing, and carried their measures ; and it lie was to be applied as follows :

finally became a popular designation of

the whole Democratic party in the Union. " The inspection officers shall be fur-
Lodge, Henry Cabot, legislator and nished with copies of the Constitution of
author; born in Boston, May 12, 1850; the United States, printed on numbered
graduated at Harvard University in uniform pasteboard slips, each contain-
1871, and at the Harvard Law School in ing five lines of said Constitution in the
1875; was admitted to the Suffolk bar various languages of the immigrants, in
in 1876; edited North American Review double small-pica type. These slips shall
in 1873-76, and the International Review be kept in boxes made for that purpose,
in 1879-81; was a Republican Represent- and so constructed as to conceal the slips

447

HENRY CABOT LODGE.

LODGE, HENRY CABOT

from view, eaeli box to contain slips of
but one laugiiage, and the immigrant may
designate the language in which he pre-
fers the test shall be made. Each im-
migrant shall be re(}uired to draw one of
said slips from the box, and read, and
afterwards write out, in full view of the
immigration officers, the five lines printed
thereon. Each slip shall be returned to
the box immediately after the test is fin-
ished, and the contents of the box shall
be shaken up by an inspection officer be-
fore another drawing is made. The im-
migrant failing to read and write out the
slip thus draM'n by him shall be returned
to the country from which he came at
the expense of the steamship or railroad
company which brought him, as now pro-
vided by law. The inspection officers shall
keep in each box, at all times, a full
number of said printed pasteboard slips,
and, in the case of each excluded immi-
grant, shall keep a certified memorandum
of the number of the slip M'hich the said
immigrant failed to read or copy out in
writing."

In support of his bill, Senator Lodge
made an argument, of which the sub-
joined is the substance:

There can be no doubt that there is a
very earnest desire on the part of the
American people to restrict further and
much more extensively than has yet been
done foreign immigration to the United
States. Three methods of obtaining this
further restriction have been widely dis-
cussed of late years, and in various forms
have been brought to the attention of
Congress. The first was the imposition of
a capitation tax on all immigrants. There
can be no doubt as to the effectiveness
of this method if the tax is made suffi-
ciently heavy. But although exclusion by
a tax would be thorough, it would be un-
discriminating, and your committee did
not feel that the time had yet come for
its application. The second scheme was
to restrict immigration by requiring con-
sular certification of immigrants. This
plan has been much advocated, and if it
were possil)le to carry it oiit thoroughly,
and to add very largely to the number of
our consuls in order to do so, it would
no doubt be efTective and beneficial. But
the committee was satisfied that consular
certification was unpractical; that the

448

necessary machinery could not be pro-
vided; that it would lead to many seri-
ous questions with foreign governments,
and that it could not be properly and
justly enforced.

The third method was to exclude all im-
migrants who could neither read nor
write, and this is the plan which was
adopted by the committee, and which is
embodied in this bill. In their report the
committee have shown by statistics, which
have been collected and tabulated with
great care, the immigrants who would be
aft'ected by the illiteracy test. It is
found, in the first place, that the illit-
eracy test will bear most heavily upon the
Italians, Russians, Poles, Hungarians,
Greeks, and Asiatics, and very lightly, or
not at all, upon English - speaking immi-
grants, or Germans, Scandinavians, and
French. In other words, the races most
affected by the illiteracy test are those
whose immigration to this country has
begun within the last twenty years and
swelled rapidly to enormous proportions,
races with which the English-speaking
people have never hitherto assimilated,
and which are most alien to the great
body of the people of the United States.
On the other hand, immigrants from the
United Kingdom and of those races which
are most closely related to the English-
speaking people, and who with the Eng-
lish-speaking people themselves founded
the American colonies and built up the
United States, are afl'ected but little by
the proposed test.

The statistics prepared by the commit-
tee show further that the immigrants
excluded by the illiteracy test are those
who remain for the most part in con-
gested masses in our great cities. They
furnish a large proportion of the popu-
lation of the slums. It also appears from
investigations which have been made that
the immigrants who would be shut out
by the illiteracy test are those who bring
least money to the country and come most
quickly upon private or public charity
for support. The classes now excluded
by law — the criminals, the diseased,
the paupers, and the contract labor-
ers— are furnished chiefly by the same
races as those affected by the test of il-
literacy. The same is true as to those im-
migrants who come to this country for a

LODGE, HENRY CABOT

brief season and return to their native
land, taking with them the money they
have earned in the United States. There
is no more hurtful and undesirable class
of immigrants from every point of view
than these " birds of passage," and the
tables show that the races furnishing the
largest number of " birds of passage "
have also the greatest proportion of il-
literates.

There is no one thing which does so
much to bring about a reduction of wages
and to injure the American wage-earner
as the unlimited introduction of cheap
foreign labor through unrestricted immi-
gration. Statistics show that the change
in the race character of our immigration
has been accompanied by a corresponding
decline in its quality. The number of
skilled mechanics and of persons trained
to some occupation or pursuit has fallen
off, while the number of those without oc-
cupation or training — that is, who are to-
tally unskilled — has risen in our recent
immigration to enormous proportions.
This low, unskilled labor is the most dead-
ly enemy of the American wage - earner,
and does more than anything else towards
lowering his wages and forcing down his
standard of living. An attempt was made,
with the general assent of both political
parties, to meet this crying evil some
years ago by the passage of what are
known as the contract-labor laws. That
legislation was excellent in intention, but
has proved of but little value in practice.
It is perfectly clear after the experience
of several years that the only relief which
can come to the American wage - earner
from the competition of low-class immi-
grant labor must be by general laws, re-
stricting the total amount of immigration,
framed in such a way as to affect most
strongly those elements of the immigra-
tion which furnish the low, unskilled, and
ignorant foreign labor.

The injury of unrestricted immigra-
tion to American wages and American
standards of living is sufficiently plain,
and is bad enough, but the danger which
this immigration threatens to the qual-
ity of our citizenship is far worse. While
the people who for 250 years have been
migrating to America have continued to
fixrnish large numbers of immigrants to
the United States, other races of totally

different origin, with whom the English-
speaking people have never hitherto been
assimilated or brought in contact, have
suddenly begun to immigrate to the Unit-
ed States in large numbers. Russians,
Hungarians, Poles, Bohemians, Italians,
Greeks, and even Asiatics, whose immi-
gration to America was almost unknown
twenty years ago, have, during the last
twenty years, poured in in steadily in-
creasing numbers, until now they nearly
equal the immigration of those races kin-
dred in blood or speech, or both, by whom
the United States has hitherto been built
up and the American people formed.

This momentous fact is the one which
confronts us to-day, and, if continued, it
carries with it future consequences far
deeper than any other event of our times.
It involves, in a word, nothing less than
the possibility of a great and perilous
change in the very fabric of our race.

When we speak of a race we do not
mean its expressions in art or in lan-
guage, or its achievements in knowledge.
^Ve mean the moral and intellectual
characters which, in their association,
make the soul of a race, and which repre-
sent the product of all its past, the in-
heritance of all its ancestors, and the
motives of all its conduct. The men of
each race possess an indestructible stock
of ideas, traditions, sentiments, modes of
thought, an unconscious inheritance from
their ancestors, upon which argument has
no effect. What make a race are their
mental, and, above all, their moral char-
acteristics, the slow growth and accumu-
lations of centuries of toil and conflict.

It is on the moral qualities of the Eng-
lish-speaking race that our history, our
victories, and all our future rest. There
is only one way in which you can lower
those qualities or weaken those character-
istics, and that is by breeding them out.
If a lower race mixes with a higher in
sufficient numbers, history teaches us
that the lower race will prevail. The
lower race will absorb the higher, not the
higher the lower, where the two strains
approach equality in numbers. In other
words, there is a limit to the capacity
of any race for assimilating and elevat-
ir\g an inferior race, and when you begin
to pour in in unlimited numbers people
of alien or lower races of less social effi-

V. — 2f

149

LODGE, HENRY CABOT

ciency and less moral force, you are run- patriotism but an intelligent perception
ning the most frightful risk that any of their own interests. They are the tra-
people can run. The lowering of a great 4itional party of expansion— the party
race means not only its own decline, but which first went beyond seas and tried to
that of human civilization. annex Hawaii, which plotted for years to

The danger has begun. It is small as annex Cuba, which have in our past acqui-
yet, comparatively speaking, but it is sitions of territory their one great and
large enough to warn us to act while enduring monument. In their new wander-
there is yet time, and when it can be ings they have developed a highly corn-
done easily and efficiently. There lies the mendable, if somewhat hysterical, tender-
peril at the portals of our land; there is ness for the rights of men with dark
pressing in the tide of unrestricted im- skins dwelling in the islands of the Pa-
migration. The time has certainly come, cific, in pleasing contrast to the harsh in-
if not to stop, at least to check, to sift, difference which they have always mani-
and to restrict those immigrants. fested towards those American citizens

Problem of the Philippines. — On March who "wear the shadowed livery of the
7, 1900, Senator Lodge delivered a speech burnished sun " within the boundaries of
in the Senate on the new relations of the the United States. The Democratic party
United States in the East, substantially has for years been the advocate of free-
aa follows: trade and increased exports, but now they

shudder at our gaining control of the

The questions involved in the future Pacific and developing our commerce with
management of these islands, and in our the East. Ready in their opposition to
policy in the Far East, are of a nature protection to open our markets to the free
to demand the highest and the luost competition of all the tropical, all the
sagacious statesmanship. I have always cheapest labor of the world, they are now
thought with Webster that party politics filled with horror at the thought of admit-
should cease " at the water's edge." He ting to our markets that small fragment
spoke only in reference to our relations of the world's cheap labor contained in
with foreign nations, but I think we the Philippine Islands — something which
might well apply his patriotic principle neither Republicans nor any one else think
to our dealings with our own insular for one moment of doing. Heedless of
possessions, both in the Atlantic and the their past and of their best traditions,
Pacific. The Philippines should be an careless of their inconsistencies, utterly
American question, not the sport of par- regardless of the obvious commercial in-
ties or the subject of party creeds. The terests of the South, which they control;
responsibility for them rests upon the totally indifferent to the wishes and be-
American people, not upon the Demo- liefs of a large portion of their member-
cratic or American party. If we fail ship and to the advice and example of
in dealing with them, we shall all alike some of their most patriotic, most loyal,
suffer from the failure ; and if we sue- and most courageous leaders, to whom all
ceed, the honor and the profit will re- honor is due, the managers of the Demo-
dound in the end to the glory and the cratic organization have decided to oppose
benefit of all. This view, no doubt, seems the retention of the Philippines and our
visionary. It certainly ought not to be so, policy of trade expansion in the East, for
and in time I believe it will be accepted, which those islands svipply the corner-
Unfortunately, it is not the case to-day. stone. Their reason appears to be the
One of the groat political parties of the highly sagacious one that it is always wise
country has soon fit to make what is called to oppose whatever the Republicans advo-
" an issue" of the Philippines. They have cate, without regard to the merits of the
no alternative policy to propose which policy or to the circumstances which gave
does not fall to pieces as soon as it is it birth. I will make no comment upon
stated. A largo and important part of this theory of political action, except to
their membership, North and South, is say that it has seemed for a long time
heartily in favor of expansion, because exceedingly congenial to the intelligence
they are Americans, and have not only of the Democratic nartv. and that it may

450

LODGE, HENRY CABOT

perhaps account for the fact that since
I860 they have only held for eight years a
brief and ineffective power.

As an American I regret that our oppo-
nents should insist on making a party
question of this new and far-reaching
problem, so fraught with great promise of
c;ood, both to ourselves and to others. As
a party man and as a Republican I can
cnly rejoice. Once more our opponents
insist we shall be the only political party
devoted to American policies. As the
"Standard of expansion once so strongly
held by their great predecessors drops
from their nerveless hands we take it up,
and invite the American people to march
with it. We offer our policy to the Ameri-
can people, to Democrats and to Republi-
cans, as an American policy, alike in duty
and honor, in morals and in interest, as
one not of scepticism and doubt, but
of hope and faith in ourselves and in the
future, as becomes a great young nation,
which has not yet learned to use the art
of retreat or to speak with the accents of
despair. In 1804 the party which op-
posed expansion went down in utter wreck
before the man who, interpreting aright
the instincts, the hopes, and the spirit of
the American people, made the Louisiana
purchase. We make the same appeal in
behalf of our American policies. We have
made the appeal before, and won, as we
deserved to win. We shall not fail now.

Before explaining our policy I should be
glad, as a preliminary, to state the policy
proposed by our opponents, so that I
could contrast our own with it, but I
have thus far been unable to discover
what their policy is. No doubt it exists,
no doubt it is beautiful, but, like many
beautiful things, it seems to the average
searcher after truth both diaphanous and
elusive. We have had presented to us, it
is true, the policy desired by Aguinaldo
and his followers, that we should acknowl-
e<lge him as a government, enforce his
rule upon the other eighty-three tribes,
and upon all the other islands, and then
protect him from foreign interference.
This plan, which would involve us in end-
less wars with the natives and keep us
embroiled with other nations, loads us
with responsibility without power, and
falls into ruin and absurdity the moment
it is stated. Another proposition is that

we should treat the Philippines as we
treat Cuba. That is precisely what we
are doing. But what is really meant by
this demand is not that we should treat
the Philippines as we treat Cuba, but that
we should make them a promise as to
the future. And that is what every prop-
osition made by those opposed to the Re-
publican party comes down to, a promise
as to the future. We are to put down in-
surrection and disorder, and hold the isl-
ands temporarily without the consent of
the governed, but simultaneously we are
to make large promises as to the future
which will look well in print, and keep
insurrection and disorder alive.

The resolutions offered by Senators on
the other side, and the tenor of their
speeches, are all of this description. They
present no policy, but invite us to make
promises. Promises are neither action nor
policy, and, in the form of legislation, are
a grave mistake. Those which involve
us in pledges of independence have the
additional disadvantage of being the one
sure means of keeping alive war and dis-
order in the islands. Those who offer
them or urge them proceed on the assump-
tion that you can deal with an Asiatic
in the same manner and expect from him
the same results as from a European or
an American. This shows, it seems to
me, a fatal misconception. The Asiatic
mind and habit of thought are utterly
different from ours. Words or acts which
to us would show generosity and kindness,
and would bring peace and order, to an
Asiatic mean simply weakness and timid-
ity and are to him an incentive to riot,
resistance, and bloodshed. Promises of
this kind, therefore, are neither effective
action nor intelligent policy, but the sure
breeders of war. If we must abandon the
Philippines, let us abandon them frankly.
If we mean to turn them over to domestic
anarchy or foreign control, let us do it
squarely. If we are to retain them, let
us deal manfully with the problems as
they arise. But do not indulge in the un-
speakable cruelty of making promises,
which our successors may be unable or
unwilling to fulfil, and which will serve
merely to light the flames of war once
more, and bring death to hundreds of
natives and to scores of American sol-
diers. Let us not attempt in such a siv

451

LODGE, HENRY CABOT

nation, and with such responsibilities, to
mortgage an unknown future and give
bonds to fate which will be redeemed in
blood.

The policy we oflfer, on the other hand,
is simple and straightforward. We be-
lieve in the frank acceptance of existing
facts, and in dealing with them as they
are and not on a theory of what they
might or ought to be. We accept the fact
that the Philippine Islands are ours to-
day, and that we are responsible for them
before the world. The next fact is that
there is a war in those islands which,
with its chief in hiding, and no semblance
of a government, has now degenerated into
mere guerilla fighting and brigandage.
Our immediate duty, therefore, is to sup-
press this disorder, put an end to fighting,
and restore peace and order. That is
what we are doing. That is all we are
called upon to do in order to meet the de-
mands of the living present. Beyond this
we ought not to go by a legislative act,
except to make such provision that there
may be no delay in re-establishing civil
government when the war ends. The
question of our constitutional right and
power to govern those islands in any way
we please I shall not discuss. Not only
is it still in the future, but if authority is
lacking, the Constitution gives full right
and authority to hold and govern the
Philippines without making them either
economically or politically part of our
system, neither of which they should ever
be. When our great chief - justice, John
Marshall — magnum et venerahile nomen
— declared in the Cherokep :-ase that the
United States could ha under its con-
trol, exercised by treaty or the laws of
Congress, a " domestic and dependent
nation," I think he solved the question of
our constitutional relations to the Philip-
pines. Further than the acts and the
policy, which I have just stated, I can
only give my own opinion and belief as
to the future, and as to the course to be
pursued in the Philippines. I hope and
believe that we shall retain the islands,
and that peace and order once restored we
shall and should re-establish civil govern-
ment, beginning with ilio towns and vil-
lages, where the inhabitants are al)le to
manage their own affairs. We should
give them honest administration, and

prompt and efficient courts. We should
see to it there is entire protection to per-
sons and property, in order to encourage
the development of the islands by the as-
surance of safety to investors of capital.
All men should be protected in the free
exercise of their religion, and the doors
thrown open to missionaries of all Chris-
tian sects. The land which belongs to the
people, and of which they have been
robbed in the past, should be returned to
them and their titles made secure. We
should inaugurate and carry forward, in
the most earnest and liberal way, a com-
prehensive system of popular education.
Finally, while we bring prosperity to the
islands by developing their resources, we
should, as rapidly as conditions will per-
mit, bestow upon them self-government
and home rule. Such, in outline, is the
policy which I believe can be and will be
pursued towards the Philippines. It will
require time, patience, honesty, and abil-
ity for its completion, but it is thoroughly
practicable and reasonable.

The foundation of it all is the retention
of the islands by the United States, and
it is to that question that I desire to ad-
dress myself. I shall not argue our title
to the islands by the law of nations, for
it is perfect. No other nation has ever
questioned it. It is too plain a propo-
sition to warrant the waste of time and
words upon it. Equally plain is our right
under the Constitution, by a treaty which
is the supreme law of the land, to hold
those islands. I will not argue this
point nor the entire legality of all that
the President has done in accordance with
his constitutional power and with the law
passed by Congress at the last session,
which recognized the necessity of an
increased army in order to cope with
the existing insurrection. The opposition
rests its weight on grounds widely dif-
ferent from these. They assert that on
moral grounds we have no right to take
or retain the Philippines, and that as a
matter of expediency our whole Eastern
])olicy was a costly mistake. I traverse
both assertions. I deny both propositions.
J believe we are in the Philippines aa
righteously as we are there rightfully and
legally. I believe that to abandon the isl-
ands, or to leave them now, would be a
wrong to humanity, a dereliction of duty,

4S5

LOGAN

a base betrayal of the Filipinos who have
supported us, led by the best men of
Luzon, and in the highest degree con-
trary to sound morals. As to expedi-
ency, the arguments in favor of the
retention of the Philippines seem to
me so overwhelming that I should re-
gard their loss as a calamity to our
trade and commerce, and to all our busi-
ness interests, so great, that no man can
measure it.

Logan (Indian name, Ta-ga-jute),
Cayuga chief; born in Shamokin, Pa.,
about 1725; received his English name
from James Logan, secretary of the prov-
ince of Pennsylvania; went beyond the
Alleghanies before 1767; and in 1772,
Heckewelder, the Moravian missionary,
met him on the Beaver River, and observed
his great mental capacity. His family
were massacred by a party of white
people in the spring of 1774, which was
the occasion of his celebrated speech after
the defeat of the Indians at Point Pleas-
ant. He was invited to a conference with
Lord Dunmore on the Scioto. He refused
to have any friendly intercourse with a
v/hite man, but sent by the messenger
(Col. John Gibson, who married his sis-
ter) the following remarkable speech to
the council : " I appeal to any white man
to say if he ever entered Logan's cabin
hungry and he gave him no meat; if he
ever came cold and naked and he clothed
him not. During the course of the last
long and bloody war, Logan remained
idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace.
Such was my love for the whites, that my
countrymen pointed as they passed and
said, ' Logan is the friend of the white
man.' I had even thought to have lived
with you but for the injuries of one man.
Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold
blood and unprovoked, murdered all the
relations of Logan, not even sparing my
women and children. This called on me
for revenge. I have sought it. I have
killed many. I have fully glutted my
vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at
the beams of peace. But do not harbor
the thought :hat mine is the joy of fear.
Ijogan never felt fear. He will not turn
on his heel to save his life. Who is there
to mourn for Logan? Not one!" Logan
was mistaken ; it was not Cresap who led
the band of assassins. He was not then

4:1

in that region. Logan's speech was trans-
lated into English, and was pronounced
inimitable for eloquence and pathos.
Logan fought the white people desper-
ately afterwards, when occasion offered,
in the West. At a council held at Detroit,
in 1780, while maddened by strong drink,
he felled his wife by a heavy blow. Sup-
posing he had killed her, he fled. Over-
taken by a troop of Indians on the south-
ern shore of Lake Erie, he supposed them
to be avengers, and frantically declared
that he would slay the whole party. As
be leaped from his horse he was shot
dead.

Logan, Benjamin, pioneer; born in
Augusta county, Va., about 1752; re-
moved to the banks of the Holston when
twenty-one years old, and bought a farm
and married. He became a sergeant in
Bouquet's expedition, and in 1774 was in
Dunmore's expedition. Removing to Ken-
tucky in 1775, in 1776 he took his fam-
ily to Logan's Fort, near Harrodsburg.
There he was attacked by a large force
of Indians, but they were repulsed. He
was second in command of an expedition
against the Indians at Chillicothe, under
Colonel BoAvman, in July, 1779. In 1788
he conducted an expedition against the
Northwestern tribes, burning their vil-
lages and destroying their crops. In 1792
he was a member of the convention that
framed the first constitution for Ken-
tucky. He died in Shelby county, Ky.,
Dec. 11, 1802.

Logan, James, statesman; born in
Lurgan, Ireland, Oct. 20, 1674; was an
accomplished scholar and linguist. In
1G99 he accepted the invitation of Will-
iam Penn to become the secretary of his
province of Pennsylvania; and when the
proprietor returned to England in 1701,
he left Logan intrusted with important
executive offices, which he filled with zeal,
ability, and good judgment. He was
chief-justice of the province. On the
death of Gordon (1736), so long the
faithful guardian of the proprietor's
rights, Logan, as president of the coun-
cil, administered the government for two
years. Logan was always the friend of
the Indians. At his death, near Phila-
delphia, Oct. 31, 1751, he left his vahi-
able library of 2,000 volumes to the city
of Philadelphia.
i\

LOGAN

Logan, John Alexander, statesman;
born in Jackson county, 111., Feb. 9,
1826; received a common school education;
served in the Mexican \Var, rising from
the rank of private to that of lieutenant
and quartermastei;. He was admitted to
the practice of law in 1852; was in the
Illinois legislature, and in Congress from
1859 to 18G2. He was a private in a

effective speaker, and during his service
in the United States Senate his voice was
heard discussing fearlessly all important
measures. Between 1867 and the begin-
ning of 1886, his most notable speeches,
in the House and Senate were on Recon-
struction; The Impeachment of President
Johnson; Principles of the Democratic
Party; Vindication of President Grant
Against the Attack of Charles Sumner;
The Ku-Klux in Louisiana; The Equali-
zation of Bounties, etc.; The Power of the
Government to Enforce the United States
Laws; and the one declaring his belief
that Gen. Fitz-John Porter had been just-
ly condemned.

The Case of Fitz-John Porter. — Under
the title of Grant, Ulysses Simpson
iq. v.), is given General Grant's conclu-
sions on the celebrated case of General
Porter after a re-examination of the facts
bearing on it. General Logan, who had
opposed in the Senate the bill to restore
General Porter to the army, made the fol-
lowing reply to General Grant:

JOHN ALEXANDER LOGAN.

Michigan regiment at the battle of Bull
Run (July, 1861) ; returned to Illinois
and raised the 31st Illinois Infantry, of
which he was commissioned colonel ; was
wounded at Fort Donelson; and the fol-
lowing month (March, 1862) was made
a brigadier-general. In April of the same
year he was promoted to major-general,
and commanded a division in the Vicks-
burg and Atlanta campaigns (1863-64).
He was one of the most successful volun-
teer generals. He was again elected to
Congress in 1866 and remained in the
House till March 4, 1871, when he entered
the Senate, having been elected to suc-
ceed Richard Yates. At the expiration of
this term in 1877 he was defeated for re-
election; but in 1879 he was a successful
candidate, and held this seat by re-elec-
tion in 1885 till his death. In 1884 he
was the Republican candidate for Vice-
President of the United States on the un-
successful ticket headed by James G.
Blaine. He died in Washington, D. C,
Doc. 26, 1886.

General Logan was an aggressive and

I dislike very much to enter into any
discussion with General Grant on matters
pertaining to military movements, as I
must do so knowing I am contesting
ground with a man of great military re-
nown. But inasmuch as General Grant
has so recently changed his opinion on
this subject, after having the case before
him when general of the army and during
eight years while President of the United
States, based upon Porter's own state-
ment of the case, and after careful exami-
nation of the case concluded that he was
guilty, and having more than once im-
pressed his then opinion upon my mind,
which very strongly confirmed me in my
own conclusions of Porter's guilt, there-
fore, I take it that the general's gener-
osity will be sufficient to pardon me if 1
shall now differ with him and trust my
own judgment in the case, instead of ac-
cepting his present conclusions — especially
when I feel confident that I can clearly
demonstrate that his present opinions are
based upon a misa]iprehension of the facts
as they did exist and were luiderstood
by those understanding them at the time.

But that there may be a proper under-
standing of the question in dispute, it
may be necessary to understand something
54

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

In reference to the positions occupied by
the opposing forces. General Pope, being
in command of the Army of Virginia,
had withdrawn from his former line of
operations, and had begun his movements
against Jackson on the evening of the day
on which he sent the first order to Fitz-
John Porter.

General Hooker's division of Heintzel-
man's corps having moved along the rail-
road from Warrenton Junction towards
Manassas Junction, meeting Ewell's di-
vision of Jackson's force at Bristoe Sta-
tion in the evening, a sharp engagement
ensued, in which Hooker drove Ewell in
the direction of Manassas Junction.

General Pope's headquarters were with
this division. In his rear, at Warrenton
Junction, was Porter's command (the 5th
Army Corps). Anticipating an attack
from the Confederate forces on the morn-
ing of the 28th, Hooker's command being
out of ammunition at the time, and in
order that he might be prepared for this
attack, and also that he might have his
troops up and well in hand — inasmuch as
he desired to send a portion of his forces
in the direction of Gainesville and on to
Thoroughfare Gap, so as to impede the ad-
vance of Longstreet, who was then march-
ing rapidly to join Jackson — Pope issued
the following imperative order to General
Porter at 6.30 p.m., and sent the same by
Capt. Drake De Kay, one of his (Pope's)
staff officers.

The order is in the following language:

" Headqfarters AR^rY of Virginia,
" Bristoe Station, Aug. 27, 1862 — 6.30 p.m.
" General. — The ma.ior-general command-
ing directs that you start at one o'clock to-
night, and come forward with your whole
corps, or such part of it as is with you, so
as to be here by daylight to-morrow morn-
ing. Hooker has had a very severe action
with the enemy, with a loss of about 300
killed and wounded. The enemy has been
driven back, but is retiring along the rail-
road. We must drive him from Manassas,
and clear the country between that place
and Gainesville, where McDowell is. If
Morel 1 has not joined you, send word to him
to push forward immediately ; also send
word to Banks to hurry forward with all
speed to take your place at Warrenton
Junction. It is necessary, on all accounts,
that you should be here by daylight. I send
an officer with this despatch who will con-
duct you to this place. Be sure to send word
to Banks, who is on the road from Fayette-
ville, probably in the direction of Bealeton.

Say to Banks, also, that he had best run
back the railroad trains to this side of
Cedar Run. If he is not with you, write hina
to that effect.

" By command of Major-General Pope.
" George D. Ruggles,
" Colonel and Chief of Staff.
" Maj.-Gen. F.-J. Porter, Warrenton Junction.

" P. S. — If Banks is not at Warrenton
Junction, leave a regiment of infantry and
two pieces of artillery as a guard till he
comes up, with instructions to follow you
immediately. If Banks is not at the Junc-
tion, instruct Colonel Cleary to run the trains
back to this side of Cedar Run, and post a
regiment and section of artillery with it.

" By command of Major-General Pope.
" George D. RuggleSj
" Colonel and Chief of Staff."

When this order was delivered Capt.
Drake De Kay was instructed to remain
with Porter and direct him on the road to
Bristoe Station, a distance of about 9
miles. This order was delivered to Gen-
eral Porter (as Capt. Drake De Kay
testifies) at about 9.30 p.m. General
Porter decided not to move at one o'clock,
as directed, but at three o'clock on the
morning of the 28th; but, in fact, did
not move from his tent, as the evi-
dence shows, or move his troops, until
after sunrise on the morning of the 28th.
General Grant justifies Porter in the dis-
obedience of this order, because, he says,
Porter's troops had been marching that
day, were fatigued, the night was dark,
the road was blockaded, and that he show-
ed his order to the leading generals, and
because they said his troops were tired he
did not obey the order.

General Grant further says:

"He (meaning Porter) was entirely
justified in exercising his own judgment
in the matter, because the order shows
that he was not to take part in any battle
when he arrived there, but was to pursue
a fleeing enemy. He did not leave the
commanding general in ignorance of his
proposed delay, nor of the reasons for it,
but at once sent a request that the general
commanding should send back cavalry and
clear the road near him of encumbrances,
so that the march might be unobstruct-
ed."

General Grant also says that " a literal
obedience to the order of Aug. 27 was a
physical impossibility. It is further shown
that General Porter was desirous of obey-
ing it literally so far as it was practicable,

455

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

but was prevailed upon by his leading
generals not to do so."

General Grant also says : " If the
night had been clear, and the road an
open one, there would not have been so
much justification," and, continuing, he
describes the road as being in a " terrible
condition — almost impassable."

I am very much surprised at this state-
ment of General Grant's, inasmuch as he
goes far beyond the evidence in the case
to justify the disobedience of said order
by Porter.

The evidence in the case shows that a
great portion of Porter's troops had been
in camp at Warrenton Junction from
11 o'clock in the morning, where they
had been resting during the whole day.
The evidence does not show that the gen-
erals could not obey the order, but that
they only complained that the troops were
tired and fatigued. This, General Grant
knows, as a military man, is an excuse
common in any army, that troops are
fatigued when they are ordered to march
either in the night or at any other time
when they desire to rest. And he knows,
further, that it is not an excuse justified
by any one in time of necessity when an
order can be obeyed.

General Grant says that Porter wanted
to obey the order, because he sent two
men to General Pope, a distance of 9
miles, to ask Pope to clear the road for
him. I would like to ask General Grant
if during his command of armies he had
issued an order to one of his commanding
generals to move his troops and that com-
manding general had sent back word to
General Grant to " clear the road for
him " so that he might move, what kind
of an answer he would have given that
general ?

The troops that Pope was with had been
fighting that day. Does General Grant
pretend to say that they were in better
condition to " clear the road " than the
troops of Porter that were to march on
the road? Did he ever know an instance
of a commanding general of a corps ask-
ing the commanding general of the army
to " clear the wagons out of the road " so
that he himself could march, when he had
the very troops marching along the road
whose duty it was to perform that ofiice
for thenjselvee?

General Grant's statement that " the
road was a bad road, in bad condition,
almost impassable, outside of being full
of wagons," is not supported by the testi-
mony. The evidence of those who passed
over the road is positive to the effect that
the road was in good condition ; that there
was a railroad open from Warrenton Junc-
tion to Bristoe Station, on which infantry
troops could have marched ; that there
was a road on either side of the railroad,
plain, open, and passable. The evidence
further shows that when General Pope
sent this order to General Porter, he
(Pope) at the same time rode up to Gen-
eral Myers (the chief quartermaster hav-
ing charge of the trains), and notified him
that Porter would march on that road
that night, and that he must clear it of
wagons and all impediments so that there
would be no obstruction to the march.

The evidence further shows that at the
time the order was delivered to General
Porter the wagons were going into park
off the road ; that they did go into park,
and that from the time (one o'clock) in the
morning that he was ordered to march
there was no obstruction whatever on the
road; and that the road was kept clear
until after daylight on the morning of the
28th, at which time General Porter's or-
ders required him to be at Bristoe Sta-
tion, but that the wagons left the park
on the supposition that the troops had
passed, and they did again enter the road
after daylight on the 2Sth, and that the
only obstruction that there was to his
march was the road being obstructed after
the time he was to have been at Bristoe
Station; that he did not move his com-
mand the next morning imtil after these
])arked trains had commenced pulling out
into the road to move to Bristoe Station.

As regards the darkness of the night, if
General Grant has read the evidence care-
fully he will find that other troops moved
that: same night — in fact, were moving all
night — not only troops belonging to the
Union army under Pope, but that the
whole Confederate army under Jackson,
composed of 32.000 men, moved on that
night, with all their wagons and baggage,
from Centreville to the position which they
held on the 20th. the day of the battle.

I would like General Grant to answer
the question how it was that the whole

456

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

Confederate army could move a distance Porter did not arrive at Bristoe Station
equal, if not greater, than that which until after ten o'clock the next day. Gen-
Porter was ordered to move, and take their eral Grant says : " Under the circum-
positions during that night to defend stances, his order (meaning Pope's) re-
themselves against the assault of Pope's quired of the troops an impossibility that
army, and that Porter, who was expected was quite evident to Porter."
to take part in that battle, could not move In what is this statement justified?
the distance of 9 miles along the road Certainly not by any knowledge that Gen-
when the wagons had been removed or eral Grant had of the ground over which
parked out of his way? Porter was to march, any more than any
General Grant well knows that marches one else who reads the evidence; certainly
have to be made under great difficulty not on account of the road; not on ac-

where the commanding officer is prepar-
ing for action, either night or day, rain
or shine, and I know of many instances
that I could mention where troops under
General Grant, especially in the Western
army, moved through storm, rain, and
in the night, whether light or dark, and

count of its being obstructed; not on ac-
count of the condition of the troops, as
some of them had been resting from ten
o'clock that day until that time ; certainly
not on account of the distance, and on no
account whatever, as disclosed by the evi-
dence in the case, except an indisposition

1 could give an instance where troops were on the part of General Porter to support
moved under his command where they had General Pope in fighting that battle.

to make their road as they went — making
bridges also — and never heard of an officer
that was ordered to move under that direc-
tion having to send to the general of the
army for " cavalry to clear the road of
wagons for the infantry to march on."
General Grant says that Porter could

For the purpose of showing that which
was working in Fitz-John Porter's mind,
as well as showing his feeling of contempt
for Pope and McDowell, I will here give
two letters to show his animus at the time
and to show the unkind terms in which he
expressed his distrust of the capacity of

exercise his discretion about obeying this his superior commander, and in order to

order strictly, for the reason that he was
not ordered there to fight, but merely to
" pursue the enemy." It will not do to
say this, for the very order itself notifies
Porter that he must be there at daylight,
for the reason that he wanted to drive

show that he had no intention of faith-
fully serving under Pope.

In the first letter he speaks of the
enemy having captured all of Pope's
clothing, and McDowell's also, including
McDowell's liquors, when it is a well-

Jackson's army out of that part of the known fact that the enemy did not capt-
country. Does any one suspect or believe ure Pope's or McDowell's clothing, nor
that an army of 32,000 could be driven out could they capture McDowell's whiskey,
of that part of the country without fight-
ing? But what is the difference? Porter
could neither fight nor harm the enemy
unless he got there to do it. Not only so,
but it was not an order in which the gen-
eral had a right to exercise his discretion ;
it was an imperative order to move at
" one o'clock in the morning, and to be at
Bristoe Station by daylight."

There could be no misunderstanding of
the order, and under the circumstances
there was no excuse for not obeying it.
The facts are, there was no attempt made
to obey it, and the evidence through the
whole case shows that Porter did not in-
tend to obey that or any other order

as it was equally well known in the
army and by all his acquaintances that
he never used liquor in his life of any
kind. This letter is as follows:

" Warrenton, 27th — p.m.
"■ To General Burnside:

" Morell left his medicine, ammunition,
and baETgase at Kelly's Ford. Can yon
have it hauled to Fredericksburg and stored ?
His wagons were all sent to you for grain and
ammunition. I have sent back to you every
man of the 1st and 6th New York Cavalry,
except what has been sent to Gainesville. I
will get them to you after a while. Every-
thing here is all sixes and sevens, and I find
I am to take care of myself in every respect.
Our line of communication has taken care of
itself, in compliance with orders. The army

strictly, but intended to obey only in such has not three days' provisions. The enemy
a way as to impede the progress of Pope, captured all Pope's and other clothing; and

457

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

from McDowell the same, including liquors, authority that, in opposition to General Pope's

No guards accompanying the trains, and views, this army was pushed out to save the

small ones guard bridges. The wagons are Army of the Potomac, an army that could

rolling on, and I shall be here to-morrow, take the best care of itself. Pope says he

Good-night. long since wanted to go behind the Oe-

" F.-J. Porter, Major-General." coquan. I am in great need of ambulances,

and the officers need medicines, which, for

Following this was a letter to General want of transportation, were left behind. I

Burnside, at Falmouth, Va., at four o'clock {^^ar many of the sick of my corps are in

' ' ; houses on the road very sick. I think there

r.M.: is no fear of the enemy crossing the Rap-

" Warrenton Junction, pahannock. The cavalry are all in the ad-

" Aua 27 1862 4 pm vance of the rebel army. At Kelly's and'

., ^ „ ^ ^\ , X ' -J Barnett's fords much property was left, in

General Burnside Falmouth,— I send consequence of the wagons going down for
you the last order from General Pope, which . g^^_ j^ ^^^ 3^ ^^^ ^^.^-^^

indicates the future as well as the present, to-night, please do so, direct to this place.

^^ agons are rolling along rapidly to the rear, ^j^^^.^ j^ ^^ j^ j^^^.^ ^^.^^^y^ ^^ anywhere,

as If a mighty power was propelling them. ^^^ ^^j^ ^ jg wretchedly supplied in that

I see no cause for alarm, though I think this ^^^^^ j, ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^j. ^q^,^ gg^. enough,

order may cause it. McDowell moves on ^^^^^ ^^ ^^j^ jg private. F.-J. Porter.

Gainesville, where Slgel now is. The latter

got to Buckland Bridge in time to put out " But if you can get me away, please do

the fire and kick the enemy, who is pursu- so. Make what use of this you choose, so It

ing his route unmolested to the Shenandoah, does good. F.-J. P."

or Loudoun county. The forces are Long-
street's, A. P. Hill's, Jackson's, Whiting's, This was written on the evening that

Kwell's, and Anderson's (late Huger's) divi- p^j.^^^. received the order to support Gen-
sions. Longstreet is said by a deserter to be . , . , , • j.-, . j.

very strong. They have much artillery and eral Pope, in which he gives the most dis-

long wagon-trains. The raid on the rail- couraging account possible of Pope's

road was near Cedar Run, and made by a jnovements, for no other purpose, in my

regiment of infantry, two squadrons of . , a xi, j-„ /i„™..„„i;„„ +t, . „

cavalry, and a section of artillery. The place judgment, than to demoralize the army
was guarded by nearly three regiments of and bring Pope into disrepute among the
infantry and some cavalry. They routed the officers. He says, " The strategy is mag-
guard captured a train and many men de- njficent and tactics in the inverse pro-
stroyed the bridge, and retired leisurely down , . ,, , . , . ,, . . <•
the road towards Manassas. It can easily be portion, showing his utter contempt for
repaired. No troops are coming up, except the ability of his commanding officers. In
new troops, that I can hear of. Sturgis Is ^^^ conclusion of his letter he begs,
here with two regiments. Four were cut off ,, _., „ t-^ , j „ -r-.i ±. 1
by the raid. The positions of the troops Please. Do what? Please get me out
are given in the order. No enemy in our of this. Out of what?
original front. A letter of General Lee, He had not vet received his orders to

seized when Stuart's assistant adjutant-gen- j. « /j. i i „i. a t,„ ,„^„i-

eral was taken, directs Stuart to leav! a "^^^^ or to fight, and what does he want

squadron only to watch in front of Hanover to get out of? Out of the Army of Vir-

Junction, etc. Everything has moved up ginia? I suppose out from the command

north. I find a vast difference between these ^f General Pope, and to bring about such

troops and ours. But I suppose they were . „ ^ ' , _, i ^i i

new, as they to-day burned their clothes, influence as would put Pope under the ban

etc., when there was not the least cause, of his officers, so that he might be relieved

I hear that they are much disorganized, and jm^ probably McClellan put back in

needed some good troops to give them heart „„,„„,„nJ tj • j ^. j ^^ . j

and, I think, head. We are working now commana. inis leiier snows mat ne

to got behind Bull Run, and, I presume, will started in, after receiving his very first

be there in a few days, if strategy don't order from Pope, with criticisms of the

y^".,"^ V^- .J''? strategy is magnificent and ^ ^^^ ^j^e general commanding, his

tactics in the Inverse proportion. I would •' ,,..,. j e

like some of my ambulances. I would like, movements, Ins positions, and of every-

also, to be ordered to return to Fredericks- thing in connection with what he had to

l.iirg and push towards Hanover, or, with a Jq jn commanding the same,
largo force, to strike at Orange Court-house. tt u j j. V i i „ „„„ ^^.c^.^^

I wish Sumner was at Washington and up ^^^ ^''^^'^^ *« be taken away, saying

near the Monocacy with good batteries. I do to Burnside to do what he wished With

not doubt the enemy have large amounts of ihe letter, so that it would do good.

snpr'lles provided f.u- them, and I believe they ^Vhat did he mean by that, unless he was

have a contempt for tliis Armv of Virginia. . . • j. -n j j«4.„-

I wish myself away from it, with all our old "' ^ conspiracy against Pope, and deter-

Army of the Potomac, and so do our com- mined not only to disobey him, but to

panlons I was Informed to-day by the best assist in destroying him? No officer liv-

458

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

ing ever had the confidence or affection
of General Grant, in my judgment, to
such an extent that if he had written
such a letter about him (Grant), criti-
cising him and his movements, and show-
ing a determination not to support him, he
could have stayed in the army of General
Grant fifteen minutes without being ar-
rested and punished. Even the board
that tried to furnish reasons for acquit-
ting Porter could not help but condemn
him for his criticisms of his commanding
officer. Yet General Grant speaks of him
suffering through prejudice, without
being guilty of any act of insubordina-
tion. How he can do this is a mystery
and a wonder to me. It is a well-known
fact, recorded both in ancient and modern
Kistory, that many of the greatest battles
have been fought after night marches, and
if General Grant will take the pains to ex-
iimine the history of wars, down to the very
present day, he will find this to be true.

General Grant doubtless remembers,
from his readings, that the Athenian gen-
eral, Demosthenes, led the Athenians
against the Syracusans in the night-time,
and was successful after having been de-
feated in the daytime. He will find, too,
that Alexander the Great, prior to the
battle of Arbela, made his long march at
night, starting at dark and arriving on
the high ground overlooking the camp of
Darius at daylight. He will also find in
the battle of Metaurus, where Nero, Lir-
ius, and Porcius succeeded in taking Has-
drubal, the Carthagenian, marches made
by these Romans were successfully made
after night. Also his reading will tell
him that, at the battle of Saratoga,
Colonel Brooks after night turned Bur-
goyne's right, and Burgoyne had to es-
cape by withdrawing his whole force. He
■will also find that the assault on and the
capture of Stony Point, on July 15, 1779,
was made at twelve o'clock at night by
Anthony Wayne.

He will find also that George Washing-
ton crossed the Delaware in small boats
on the night of Dec. 25, 1776, when the
ice was gorging, floating, and crushing
everywhere, and on the 26th the sur-
render of Colonel Rolf was made. Would
General Grant pretend to compare the
march that Porter was required to make
in the night-time with the crossing of the

Delaware when the stream was gorged
with ice? He will see also that on the
night of Aug. 29, 1776, Washington with-
drew from the front of the enemy and
crossed over from Long Island to New
York over a broad river.

General Grant well remembers the pass-
ing of Vicksburg on a dark, foggy night
in small steamers, old and unsafe, under
the rain of shot and shell, as pouring down
from the heavens. He will remember the
march made the night before the battle
of Thompson's Hill, where many troops
were moved in the darkness of night. I
myself marched my division from " Hard
Times Landing " to Bruinsburg, a . dis-
tance of 8 miles, in the night-time —
crossing the river in a boat at daylight —
marched to the field of battle, and was on
the field, a distance of 12 miles, by twelve
o'clock that day.

General Grant will remember that Gen-
eral McPherson's corps, after marching
the greater part of the day to the sound
of General Sherman's guns at the battle
of Jackson, moved that night at one o'clock
under orders from General Grant, march-
ing 22 miles over a muddy road, and by
twelve o'clock next day was formed in line
of battle and confronting the enemy.

These things, however, were done under
orders from General Grant, whose orders
were always observed.

Suppose his officers had taken it upon
themselves to determine the manner of
obeying imperative commands, how long
does any one suppose they would have
kept their commands? And suppose Gen-
eral Grant's justification of the disobe-
dience of orders, as he has stated it now
in defence of Porter, had been published
by hira (Grant) to his armies and been
so understood by his generals, does any
one suppose by such discipline he would
ever have made the success he did and
become the hero he is? No, sir! His
officers did not stop to write letters of
criticism against him. They obeyed his
orders and fought the enemy with a good
will. If they failed to obey his orders
they failed to retain their commands
longer under him.

The general's present justification of
the disobedience of a peremptory order,
if followed out by generals, would make
any army a mob, and the commanding
9

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

general a laughing - stock. It would au-
thorize every officer, down to the lower
olficers in rank, to determine how and
when they would act under orders.

George Washington, who is not yet for-
gotten in this country as a leader of an
army, issued the following order to his
army, and until now I have never heard
its correctness disputed by any military
man:

" It is not for every officer to know the
principles upon which every order is is-
sued, and to judge how they may or may
not be dispensed with or suspended, but
their duty to carry it into execution with
the utmost punctuality and exactness.
They are to consider that military move-
ments are like the working of a clock, and
they will go quickly, readily, and easier
if every officer does his duty, but without
it be as easily disordered, because neglect
from any one, like the stopping of a
wheel, disorders the whole. The general
therefore expects that every officer will
duly consider the importance of the ob-
servation. Their own reputation and the
duty they owe to their country claims it
of them, and earnestly calls upon them to
do it."

This order was issued at General Wash-
ington's headquarters on Oct. 10, 1777, at
Taomensing.

This much T have said, based upon un-
disputed testimony, in answer to Gen-
eral Grant's justification of Porter's dis-
obedience of Pope's order of 6.30 P.M.,
Aug. 27, 1862.

I now desire to examine the position
of General Grant in his justification of
Porter in the disobedience of what is
known as the " 4.30 p.m. order of the
2!)th," delivered to Porter by Capt. Doug-
las Pope; but, in order to get a bet-
ter understanding of this part of the
case, it will be necessary to take up the
orders issued to Porter prior to the
" 4.30 order." In doing so, I propose to
show that he not only disobeyed the
" 4.30 order," but all that preceded it.
The situation was about as follows:

Jackson, with the Confederate army,
was behind the Indopondont and Manas-
sas Gap Kailroad cut, which contemplated
Toad was to connect with the old Manas-
sas Gap Railroad at Gainesville, his left
at Sudley Springs, his line following the

railroad cut. Longstreet was marching
down through Thoroughfare Gap to
Gainesville, to the support of Jackson.
Pope was moving his force to the front
and left of Jackson; his right near Sud-
ley Springs; his left running up the
Warrenton, Gainesville, and Centreville
pike, extending his left beyond the right
flank of Jackson, on and up the pike be-
yond Groveton. Pope issued an order at
three o'clock a.m. for Porter to move at day-
light to Centreville. This order being a
verbal order, Porter did not obey it, but,
instead of moving, he was in his camp
at six o'clock a.m., one hour after sun-
rise, writing another letter to General
r.urnside criticising the movements of
the general commanding. General Pope,
in the mean time, finding that Longstreet
was moving to the support of Jackson,
and that Porter was still not moving,
changed his order and put it in writing
to Porter, to avoid any excuse on Porter's
part. The order was in the following
language :

" Headquarters Army of Virginia,

" Centreville, Aug. 29, 1862.
" To Maj.-Oen. Fitz-Jolin Porter:

" Push forward with your corps and King's
division, which yon will talie with you, upon
Gainesville. I am following the enemy down
the Warrenton turnpilse. Be expeditious or
you will lose much.

" John Pope, Major-General Commanding."

This order was handed to General Po/
ter about nine o'clock. His troops were then
ready to move. Let me ask: How did he
obey this order? He states in his own
testimony, before the McDowell court of
inquiry, that he did not move until ten
o'clock. His line of march was on the
road from Manassas Station across Daw-
kins's Branch to Gainesville, passing some
2 miles to the left of Groveton, the whole
distance being 8 miles. He moved slowly
and leisurely, and arrived at Dawkins's
Branch at twelve o'clock, a distance of 5
miles. By this time Longstreet had his
command between Gainesville and Grove-
ton, forming his line on Pageland Lane,
to the right and rear of Jackson, his right
resting on the old Manassas Gap Rail-
road, which lay between the W^arrenton
and Centreville turnpike, and the road
on which Porter was marching, his
(TiOngstreet's) right not coming nearer

460

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

than aboTit one-half mile of the route
over which Porter would march to Gaines-
ville. In fact, if Porter had moved for-
ward, his command would have come
square upon Longstreet's right flank.

At Dawkins's Branch, General Mc-
Dowell came up to the head of Porter's
column, having what is known as the
joint order, or an order to McDowell and
Porter both to proceed to Gainesville.
Here Porter had halted, and insisted that
the enemy were in his immediate front.
He put out a few skirmishers and stopped
his whole command, stretching along the
road back to Bethel Chapel, nearly 3
miles, and remained in that position the
whole day. At this point McDowell
showed Porter the joint order to proceed
to Gainesville, at the same time giving
him the information sent to Pope by Bu-
ford, of the passage of the fifteen regi-
ments of infantry and 1,.500 cavalry
through Gainesville that morning. This
was the only information that Porter had
on the subject of Longstreet's forces, as
stated by himself. McDowell, finding
that it Avas impossible to pass Porter's
forces in the road with his command,
went back and took his command on a
road oflf to the right, reaching out to the
rear of Pope's forces that were then en-
gaged in battle. He marched, and arrived in
time to put his forces in action, and fought
them until nine o'clock that evening.

General Grant says: "And now it is
known by others, as it was known by
Porter at the time, that Longstreet, with
some 2.5.000 men, was in position con-
fronting Porter by twelve o'clock on Aug.
29, four and a half hours before the
4.30 order was written." Upon what this
statement of General Grant is based it
is irhpossible for me to understand. In
the first place. Porter did not know that
Longstreet was there with 25,000 men,
nor did he know, unless he made a false
statement, anything about the force ex-
cept what General McDowell told him
was his information received from General
Buford. Nor was Longstreet confronting
Porter. He was 214 miles away from Por-
ter; was not on the same road that Porter
was, but was forming west of the old
Manassas Railroad, on rageland Lane,
to the right rear of Jackson's forces, front-
ing the forces under Pope, on Pope's left

flank, that were then attacking Jackson.
His front was entirely in a diff'erent direc-
tion from Porter's.

If Porter had moved forward from Daw-
kins's Branch he would have attacked
Longstreet on his right flank and in
rear, and, no matter how many troops
Longstreet had, Porter would have had
an open road behind him. Whether he
could have whipped Longstreet or not is
not the question. He could have forced
I<ongstreet's whole command to change
front and face about, throwing their left
clear around and fronting the east instead
of the north, and during that movement
he would have had the opportunity of
striking him heavily in the flank and
doubling his forces up, forcing him to
withdraw his whole force from attacking
Pope on his (Pope's) left flank. If Por-
ter could not have been successful, he had
the open road behind him upon which to
retreat. General Grant says that Porter
was left with 10,000 men. If General
Grant will examine the report he will find
that King's division was no part of Por-
ter's command ; withdrawing it did not
reduce his own force, or the force that
he had reported as under his command
that morning. His own report shows that
he had about 13,000 men.

I would like to put this question to
General Grant: On his own showing Gen-
eral Grant says that Pope had 33.000 men
confronting Jackson. Jackson had 22,000
men. Porter had 10,000 men. Long-
street's own report shows that a large
portion of his foi-ce was attacking Pope's
left in front of Jackson. Add the 2.5,000,
men of Longstreet to Jackson's 22,000,
and it would make the Confederate army
47,000 strong. Adding Porter's 10,000
men. Grant's estimate, to Pope's 33.000,
would have made 43,000 men contending
against 47,000 men. But take Porter's
report (morning report) showing that he
had 13.000 men, which with Pope's 33.000
would make 46,000 men on Pope's side and
47,000 men on the Confederate side. As
a military man. would General Grant not
say. no matter where the attack was made
by Porter, it would have been using 46,000
men against 47,000 men. instead of using
33,000 men against 47.000 men?

In all battles General Grant well knows
that men are not formed in one straight
61

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

line, or attacked in one place; but the at-
tacks are made wherever the enemy is
found, and wherever there is a position
for attacking, and will he say that a
flank attack is not the best attack that
one army can make upon another, un-
less the rear is left open to attack? Will
he contend (as he has in his article)
that the intention was that Porter should
attack Jackson on his left, when he was
directed to attack the enemy in the flank?
Does he consider Longstreet's command
any less the enemy than Jackson's com-
mand?

General Longs treet in his report of that
battle to General Lee states that:

" About four o'clock in the afternoon the
enemy began to press forward against
General Jackson's position. Wilcox's bri-
gades were moved back to their former
position, and Hood's two brigades, sup-
ported by Evans, were quickly thrust for-
ward to the attack. At the same time
Wilcox's three brigades made a like ad-
vance, as also Hunton's brigade of Kem-
per's command."

Now we will see how many troops there
were. Wilcox had three brigades and
Hood two brigades, Evans one, and Hun-
Ion one. Seven brigades of Longstreet's
command (besides his artillery), that
were formed in battery and playing furi-
ously upon Pope's left in the direction of
Groveton, and at four o'clock were attack-
ing Pope's left at that very time, and
they were not withdrawn, but continued
the onslaught. At five o'clock (one hour
later). General Porter received the "4.30
order " to attack the enemy's right and
rear at once. At this very moment when
he was ordered to attack the larger por-
tion of Longstreet's forces were engaged
against Pope's forces in front of Jackson,
leaving but a small force back under
Longstreet for the protection of the flank
of the army. Will General Grant pre-
tend to say, as a military man. that this
attack at that time if made by Porter
would have been a failure? His troops
were rested, had been lying on the road,
had not been in action, had not been
formed in line of battle; but listening
to the sound of the guns of the enemy
during the whole time. General Grant
says (speaking of Porter) :

" Thus left alone, facing superior num-

bers advantageously posted, and ignorant
of the needs of Pope, if indeed he had any,
Porter had necessarily to bide McDowell's
arrival on his right. In the mean time,
his duty was manifestly to engage Long-
street's attention and prevent him from
moving against Pope, especially while Mc-
Dowell was out of support of both Pope
and Porter."

If General Grant has examined the evi-
dence carefully, he will find that Porter
faced no such numbers; there was noth-
ing in his front during the day except
cavalry pickets, except at one time when
Jones's brigade moved down on another
road, on a higher position, where they
could look at Porter, and fired a few shots
from two pieces of light artillery, forc-
ing Porter to have his men hide in the
brush (which the evidence shows) to keep
from being seen.

His duty. General Grant says, was to
purposely engage Longstreet's attention.
I presume he does not mean that Pope
should have done this by not moving for-
ward, either to attack or under pretext
of attacking, nor by moving all his troops
to Dawklns's Branch, nor by allowing them
to lie along the road a distance of 3
miles under cover of woods Avith arms
stacked. How did he engage his atten-
tion? Did he engage his attention so as to
prevent nearly the whole force of Long-
street from attacking Pope's left flank
and forcing it back? Certainly not, if
the evidence is to be believed ; certainly
not, if Longstreet reported the truth. But
the truth is, instead of Porter's engaging
Longstreet's attention. General Stuart's
report shows clearly that a few cavalry-
men engaged Porter's attention.

In Porter's report of that day's opera-
tions he says that the dust on the road
in his front was so heavy that it was evi-
dent to his mind a large force was moving
£1 gainst him. Stuart (a Confederate gen-
eral) says in his report (and it seems
that General Grant takes the statements
of Confederates for their numbers, and he
ought consequently to accept all they say)
that he fooled Porter that day, and kept
him from attacking Longstreet's right
flank, by having some brush tied to mules'
tails and dragging them up and down the
road to make dust, and this dust made by
brush was the " large force " that Porter

462

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

found in his front on the road leading chosen position before he could have moved

from Manassas Station to Gainesville.

It seems that General Grant has fallen
into the same error bj^ insisting in his ar-
ticle that Long-street's force was in front
of Porter, when it was not at any time
in his front, or near his front, or facing
his front. General Grant says that the
court-martial that tried Porter made a
mistake. He says that the " 4.30 order "
ordering Porter to attack at once contem-
plated the attacking of Jackson's forces
on the right flank, and " that no doubt
this was in the mind of the court and of
the commanding general." General Grant
falls into error here again. General Pope
had the information at nine o'clock in the
morning that a force had passed through
Gainesville (fifteen regiments of infantry
and 1,500 cavalry), and when he issued
the order to Porter in the morning it was
to meet the force that he knew to be com-
ing in that direction, but whether he knew
it when he issued his order in the morn-
ing is immaterial, as he had the informa-
tion early that day. After receiving this
information, as a general he knew that
the force coming down the road was com-
ing to Jackson's right and rear so as to
attack him on the left flank; and when he
issued the " 4.30 order," how can General
Grant say that he (Pope) had not con-
templated the attack of Longstreet on the
right flank, when he claims that Porter
himself knew that Longstreet was resting
his right flank in his (Porter's) direc-
tion, and there was nothing in sight that
he could attack except the right flank
of Longstreet?

General Grant makes a plan, draws
lines, and puts Jackson's 22,000 men fac-
ing Pope's 33,000, and places on this line
Porter squarely fronting Longstreet's
25,000 men, when he must know, if he has
examined the evidence, that no such posi-
tions were occupied during that day by
the forces of Longstreet and Porter. Gen-
eral Grant says:

" As shown by this diagram, Porter was
not in a position to attack the right flank
of Jackson, because he was at least 3
miles away and not across his flank, as
shown in the first diagram. With Long-
street's presence, to have obeyed that order
he would have been obliged with 10,000
men to have defeated 25,000 men in a

upon the flank of the enemy as the order
directed."

Thus General Grant puts Porter square-
ly in front of Longstreet with his 25,000
men, and says that he could not have
obeyed the order without first whipping
Longstreet's 25,000 with 10,000 men. He
would have had to have done that and
then turned around' and attacked Jack-
son on the right flank. I admit this
would have been requiring too much of a
man whose movements were like those of
General Porter ; but I would ask General
Grant to explain how it is that Long-
street shows that he had seven brigades
at this time attacking Pope's left flank,
yet he (Grant) says that Porter would
have had to whip the whole 25,000. He
(Porter) was certainly not required to
whip any one. He was only required to
attack the right flank of the enemy, and
the right flank of the enemy was the right
flank of Longstreet's command. He was
part of the enemy, his flank being in the
direction of Porter.

General Grant says : " He was 3 miles
away from Jackson's flank." If so, then
why not attack Longstreet, whose flank
was sticking out in air where Porter could
have attacked it, as it was the only flank
that presented itself where he could at-
tack. How, then, was he to construe the
order? Was he to order his men to at-
tack Jackson, when the order did not say
so ? Was he to say, " Longstreet's flank
is sticking out there, I can see it, but I
am not to attack that! He is not the
enemy! The order says to attack the
enemy." Will he say that does not mean
to attack Longstreet? This is the logic
of General Grant's position.

General Grant also assumes that to
have attacked under that order would
have taken Porter until nine o'clock, inas-
much as he would have had to make dispo-
sition of some of his troops, issue orders,
etc. How is it possible that it would
have required so much time when he was
sent out there that morning for the pur-
pose of fighting? What orders would he
have been obliged to issue except to move
the troops forward to the position of the
flank and put them in line? And, as he
moved up the road, -with his troops fol-
lowing, one regiment right after the

463

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

other, and faced them to the flank of the
enemy, he would have been in line for bat-
tle. These men lay there for a whole day
prepared (as Grant says) at twelve o'clock
for the attack on the enemy. Does
General Grant come in now and say it
would have taken him from five until nine
o'clock to have made an attack, when his
troops were in readiness to do so, as Por-
ter himself claims they were, at twelve
o'clock on that day, and as General Grant
also claims?

Let us contrast also the action of Porter
with that of General McDowell, who, as
the evidence proves, moved in line of bat-
tle and attacked the enemy at six o'clock,
and McDowell's forces, with others along
the line of Pope, were engaged in battle
until nine o'clock at night. Could not
Porter have fought his troops at this hour
as well as General McDowell and other
officers did theirs? Was he to be a special
exception to all rules of warfare? Is he
to be excused for everything he failed to
do, while others did the things he failed
in?

I wish to call General Grant's attention
to one little thing which occurred during
the war, under his command. He remem-
bers the march that McPherson's troops
made in the night from Jackson to Baker's
Creek. Does he not remember that while
Pemberton, with nearly his whole army,
was attacking Hovey's division, my divi-
sion was moved in on the right of Hovey,
and Crocker supporting Hovey, these
three divisions receiving nearly the whole
force of Pemberton's 30,000 men? Does
he not remember of one small brigade sent
by me (with his assent) down through a
strip of wood, a distance of a mile or a
mile and a half away from the balance of
the force, getting in on the left flank of
Pemberton's army? Does he not remem-
ber that that one little brigade of not more
than 2,000 men attacked the left flank of
Pemberton's army, and that the latter be-
came so panic-stricken that the whole
army fled, and we captured all the artil-
lery and drove them that night across
Black River? If a brigade of 2,000 men
could do all this by striking the flank of
the enemy, what does General Grant think
Porter with his corps could have done by
striking Longstreet in flank on that after-
noon?

There may be this difference, however:
General Grant will remember that his
generals were in earnest, and supported
him in all things that he required. The
evidence shows that after Porter received
this " 4.30 order " a movement was made
across Dawkins's Branch by some of his
troops, and the general ofiicer, while plac-
ing his troops in position as though going
to move in the direction of Longstreet's
flank, looked aroimd to see where the other
troops were, and found they were all re-
tiring. The evidence shows that they not
only did not advance, or attempt to do
so other than what I have stated, but that
they retired, and that some of Porter's
command — to wit, one brigade, returned
to Centreville that night, a distance of
several miles.

The evidence shows that Porter did not
attempt to communicate with Pope during
the day, but that all three of the notes
that he sent during the day in reference
to position, etc., were sent to McDowell
and King. At the time that Pope issued
his order to Porter it was expected that
Porter would move forward, and McDow-
ell's command would also attack at the
same time. McDowell's command did at-
tack, and Longstreet's forces poured down
upon the left flank of Pope and forced
them back, and instead, as I have said, of
Porter's attacking or moving to the front,
he moved to the rear.

In order to show that Porter not only
failed to obey orders, but that he attempt-
ed to demoralize the army, I herewith in-
sert a note sent to General McDowell by
him, which was received at Pope's head-
quarters at five o'clock, as noted in Gen-
eral Heintzelman's minutes of the battle
kept that day. General Heintzelman says
in his minutes: "General Porter reports
the enemy is driving him back, and he is
retiring on Manassas." This was received
just at or about the time that McDowell
was going into action with his division.
Here is the note received at Pope's head-
quarters :

" General McDowell, — Failed in getting
Morell over to you. After wandering about
the woods for a time I withdrew him, and
while doing so artillery opened upon us. The
fire of the enemy having advanced and ours
retired, have determined to withdraw to
Manassas. I have attempted to communicate
with McDowell and Sigel, but my messengers

464

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

have run into the enemy. They have gather-
ed artillery, and cavalry, and infantry, and
the advancing masses of dust show the enemy
coming In force. I am now going to the
head of the column to see what is passing
and how affairs are going, and I will com-
municate with you. Had you not better send
your trains back?

" F.-J. PoETERj Major-General."

]n this note he says: "I withdrew, and
while doing so artillery opened upon us,
and the fire of the enemy having advanced
and ours retired, / har^e determined to
tcithdraio to Manassas " (Manassas be-
ing the station from which he started that
morning, 5 miles to the rear). What
artillery opened upon him? Two small
pieces that I have mentioned before. One
section of a battery fired a few shots at
about three o'clock, when his men were
directed to put themselves under cover to
keep the enemy from discovering them.
No attack was made upon him. He made
no attack upon any one, and yet he says,
" I have determined to withdraw to Ma-
nassas," showing that at the very time
tliat Pope was in the height of the engage-
ment the whole corps of Porter, covering
his left flank, was probably then on the
retreat.

He says further that " they have gath-
ered artillery, and cavalry, and infantry,
and the advancing masses of dust show
the enemy coming in force." Now, the
evidence shows that no enemy came in his
front except what I have mentioned here-
tofore; that no attack was made on him,
no movement in force was made against
him, and that but one brigade ever showed
itself during the whole day, and that did
not advance upon him.

The evidence does show that the dust he
mentioned was produced by dragging
brush up and down the road, and in no
other way; showing that he had decided
not to fight, but was determined that Pope
should lose that battle. By his conduct
one might easily conclude that he was
seeking to produce a panic in the army;
and, while a portion of his command were
retreating back, not only to Manassas, but
to Centreville, Pope's 33,000 men were
fighting the whole combined army of 47,-
000, with probably the exception of a few
brigades, and the battle raged until, some
reports say, nine o'clock, others ten o'clock,
at night. Yet General Grant insists that

those men could not have possibly gotten
into that fight in any way during that en-
gagement without being utterly destroyed.
You will see from the facts I have
stated that General Porter did not only
disobey the 6.30 order of the 27th, but
disobeyed the three o'clock order of the
morning of the 29th, which directed him
to move on to Centreville; that he dis-
obeyed the order delivered to him about
nine o'clock on the morning of the 29th,
ordering him to push forward to Gaines-
ville, in not leaving until ten o'clock ; that
ho disobeyed it in not pushing forward;
tJiat he utterly disobeyed the 4.30 order
directing him to attack the enemy's right
flank; and, in fact, that he obeyed no or-
der in any proper military sense that was
given to him, from the first order on the
night of the 27th up to and through the
engagement of the 29th. General Smith,
\^ ho is now a paymaster of the army, in a
conversation with Pope, on the morning
of the 29th, told General Pope that Gen-
eral Porter would fail him in that bat-
tle. Gen. Ben Roberts did the same thing.
Porter did fail him, utterly disobeying
his orders, so that General Pope was con-
strained to issue an order on the night
of the 29th in the following words:

"Major-General Porter:

" General, — Immediately upon receipt of
this order, the precise hour of which you will
acknowledge, you will march your command
to the field of battle of to-day, and report to
me in person for orders. You are to under-
stand that you are expected to comply
strictly with this order, and be present on
the field within three hours after its re-
ception or after daybreak to-morrow morn-
ing."

And General Grant further says that
he considers the facts given before the
Schofield board " fully exonerated Porter
of the charge of disobedience of the 4.30
order, and also in his lukewarmness in
supporting the commanding general."
How he can make this last statement I
cannot understand. I will here insert a
paragraph from a letter of George B.
McClellan, major-general, written on Sept.
1, 1862, at 5.30 p.m., to Major-General
I'orter at Centreville, commanding the
5th Corps: " I ask you, for my sake, that
of the country, and of all the old Army
of the Potomac, that you and all friends
will lend the fullest and most cordial co-

V.— 2q

465

LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER

operation to General Pope in all the oper-
ations now going on."

I merely put this in to ask the question
of General Grant whether or not McClellan
himself does not show from the writing of
this note to General Porter that he did
not believe that he (Porter) was cordially
co-operating with General Pope? This
note was written three days after the bat-
tle, and yet General Grant says he is fully
exonerated from the imputation of lulce-
warmness in his support of General Pope.
The sworn testimony of a man named Lord
shows that General Porter told him
(Lord) that he was not loyal, and had
not been loyal to Pope, and all the facts
collated show this statement to be true.
Porter, with his troops — 13,000 men un-
der arms — lay the whole day within 2^2
miles of a battle raging where the artillery
and musketry did not cease during the
whole time.

I would like to know when a similar
case has occurred? He ought to have
moved and fought without orders to do
so, but he did not move; he did not fight
even with orders to do so. A better ex-
cuse for not doing so must be found.

I now wish to call attention to another
proposition of General Grant's which is
equally as astounding as anything in ref-
erence to Porter's conduct. Speaking of
Porter, he says that " twenty years of
the best part of his life have been con-
sumed in trying to have his name and his
reputation restored before his country-
men. In his application now before Con-
gress he asks only that he may be restored
to the rolls of the army, with the rank
that he would have if the court-martial
had never been held. This, in my judg-
ment, is a very simple part of what is pos-
sible to do in this case and of what ought
to be done. General Porter should, in the
way of partial restoration, be declared by
Congress to have been convicted by mis-
taken testimony, and therefore not to have
been out of the army. This would make
him a major-general of volunteers until
the date might be fixed for his muster-out
of that rank, after which he would be con-
tinued as a colonel of infantry and brevet
brigadier-general of the Unjted States
army from the date of the act when he
could be placed on the retired list."

This proposition would give him over

$70,000 out of the treasury of the United
States for no act performed, for no duty
done, for no service rendered, except the
failure in performance of his duty on
Aug. 29, 1862. General Grant ought
to know whether Porter was dismiss-
ed or not from the army on what
he considers " mistaken evidence " ; that
he was dismissed and put out of the army,
his place was filled, and he has been a
citizen ever since, is to-day a citizen and
not a soldier. I know of no rule of law,
no rule of justice, that would give this
to General Porter or to any other man
dismissed from the army. This rule
would establish a precedent that would
pay money back to every man dismissed
from the army that might ever afterwards
be placed back again, whether dismissed
at the beginning of the war for disloyalty
or not, if they could get up testimony such
as is wanted. Some have been put back
into the army by act of Congress since,
and, under this rule of General Grant's,
they could come and claim pay for the
whole time they have been out of the
army, saying that they were not disloyal
and were improperly dismissed. Every
officer that may be convicted for miscon-
duct in office, civil or military, and re-
moved from office, if afterwards, on exam.-
ination of the evidence, he obtains a deci-
sion that he was improperly dismissed, on
this proposition would he be entitled to pay
while he was out of oflSce? A proposition
of this kind and a principle of this sort
should not be entertained for a moment,
and I am very much surprised to find a
suggestion of this kind coming from the
pen of General Grant.

I believe I have answered fully the
propositions laid down by General Grant
in justification of Fitz-John Porter, and
merely wish to add that, after twenty
years have passed and the country has
been raked and scraped for some kind of
flimsy testimony for an excuse to restore
this man to the army, no such testimony
has been found. The eff"ort to vindicate
Porter at the expense of the reputations
of such men as General Garfield, General
Hunter, and their associates, all honorable
gentlemen, who found him guilty, and
also to cloud the reputation of Abraham
Lincoln, who approved the findings, can-
not succeed.

466

LONDON COMPANY

This is asking too much, even though
it be asked by such men as General Grant.

London Company, The. Twenty
years after Raleigh's first attempt to es-
tablish a colony in America, Richard Hak-
luyt, prebendary oi Westminster, incited
several gentlemen, some of them personal
friends of Raleigh, to petition King
James I. to grant them a patent for
planting colonies in North America.
Raleigh's grant was made void by his
attainder. There was not an Englishman
to be found in America then, and there
was only one permanent settlement north
of Mexico, that of St. Augustine. The pe-
tition was received by the King, and on
April 10, 1606, James issued letters-pat-
ent to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George
Somers, Richard Hakluyt, Edward Maria
Wingfield, and others, granting to them a
territory extending from lat. 34° to 45°
N., together with all the islands in the
ocean within 100 miles of the coast. The
object of the patent was " to make habi-
tations and plantations," and to form
colonies by sending English people into
that portion of America " commonly called
Virginia, with the hope of Christianizing
and civilizing the pagans there." The ter-
ritory was divided into two districts,
called, respectively. North and South Vir-
ginia. A supreme government of the do-
main was vested in a council, resident in
England, to be named by the King, to
be governed by laws which he should pre-
scribe, and subordinate jurisdiction was
committed to a council resident in Vir-
ginia. All the rights of citizenship were
to be guaranteed to the colonists; besides
this they would possess no political rights.
Homage and rent were the prime condi-
tions of the charter — rent in the form of
one-fifth of the net profits arising from
mines of precious metals.

The charter had not the feature of a
free government ; for, to the emigrants, not
a single elective franchise, or a right to
self-government, was conceded. They were
to be governed by a commercial corpora-
tion, of which they were not allowed to
be members, and even in matters of divine
worship they had no choice. The doctrine
and ritual of the Church of England were
to be the established theology and mode of
worship in the American colonies, and no
dissent was allowed. The colonists were

permitted to coin money for their own use,
to import necessaries from England free
of duty for seven years, and to take meas-
ures for repelling enemies. The proprie-
tors of each section were invested with the
right of property in the lands extending
along the coast .50 miles each way from
the point first settled respectively, and
back 100 miles from the coast. To an as-
sociation of " noblemen, gentlemen, and
merchants," chiefly residing in London,
was granted a charter for the settlement
of South Virginia. This was known as
the " London Company." A similar char-
ter was granted to " knights, gentlemen,
and merchants," of Plymouth, Bristol, and
other places in the west of England, and
this was known as the " Plymouth Com-
pany."

The King prepared a code of laws for
the colonists, in which kindness to the
Indians, regular preaching of the Gospel,
and teaching religion to the pagans were
enjoined; also providing for the well-
ordering of a civil community. Under
this charter, and laws and instructions
from the King, presented in November,
1606, the London Company sent three
ships with emigrants from the Thames,
on Dec. 20, under the command of Captain
Newport, and they landed on the banks
of the James River in May, 1607. The
company desired more the immediate
profits from precious metals discovered
than to found a commonwealth. Indeed,
the class of men they sent over were total-
ly imfit for such a noble service. The
disappointed company demanded impossi-
bilities. In 1608 they sent word to the
colonists that, if they did not send them
commodities sufficient to pay the charges
of the voyage in which their demand was
sent ($10,000); a "lump of gold, the
jiroduct of Virginia ; assurance of having
found a passage to the Pacific Ocean, and
also one of the lost colony sent to Roan-
oke," they should be " left in Virginia as
banished men." To this absurd demand
find threat Captain Smith made a spir-
ited answer, in which he implored them
to send better emigrants if they expected
the fruits of industry.

The company now sought strength by
influential alliances, and they succeeded
in associating with them wealthy and
powerful men in the kingdom. In the

467

LONDON COMPANY— LONG

spring of 1609 the company was composed issue a new one which would concentrate
of twenty-one peers, several bishops, the power of government in a few hands,
ninety-eight knights, and a multitude of The astonished company indignantly re-
professional men, " gentlemen," and mer- fused to sanction the stigma affixed to
chants. They thus obtained great influ- their conduct by this order, or to consent
ence in Parliament, and in May, 1609, they to a change in the popular form of their
procured a new charter, under the title government. They declared themselves
of " The Treasurer and Company of Ad- prepared to defend their rights against
venturers and Planters of the City of Lon- any measures the King might decide on.
don for the First Colony in Virginia," by Incensed by their audacity, James directed
which the border of the domain was ex- a writ of quo icarrayito to be issued against
tended, by a grant of new territory, north- the company, to try the validity of the
ward to Chesapeake Bay; the offices of charter in the court of King's Bench. The
president and council in Virginia were company, hopeless of obtaining justice in
abolished, and all laws for the government that court, appealed to the House of Coni-
of the colony were to be passed by the mons for redress. They sympathized with
supreme council in England, and adminis- the company, but their session was too
tered by persons appointed by that body, near its close to allow them to enter into
The colonists were really vassals, without inquiries. The exasperated King launched
any recognized power to remove the yoke a proclamation, July 4, 1624, suppressing
from their necks. The rule of the ap- the courts of the company and committing
pointed governor was absolute, and they the temporary management of colonial af-
were compelled to share a certain portion fairs to members of the pri\y council,
of their net earnings with the proprietors. The contest resulted in the vacation of

In 1612 a third charter was obtained the charter, by order of the court of
by the London Company, by which the King's Bench, the dissolution of the Lon-
control of the King in their affairs was don Company, and Virginia becoming a
annulled, the supreme council was abol- royal province. It had been an unprofitable
ished, and the whole company, sitting as speculation for the members of tlie com-
a democratic assembly, elected the officers pany.

and ordained laws for the colonists, who Londonderry, Marquis of. See Shel-
remained without political rights. In burne.

spite of their disabilities, the Virginians Long, Chester I., la\vyer; born in
flourished under the new order of things. Perry county, Pa., Oct. 12, 1860; received
The seeds of representative government an academic education; removed to Paola,
were then sown, and in 1621 the company Kan., in 1879; and was admitted to the
gave the colonists a written constitution bar in 1885; and began practice in Medi-
that conferred the privilege of the elee- cine Lodge. He was a member of the
five franchise in a limited degree. The State Senate in 1889-93, and of Congress
King, in May, 1623, appointed a commis- in 1895-97 and 1899-1903; and a United
sion to examine the transactions of the States Senator in 1903-09.
corporation from the beginning and to re- Long, Eli, military officer; born in
port to the privy council. All their char- Woodford county, Ky., June 16, 1837; was
ters, books, and papers were seized; two educated at a military school in Frankfort,
of the principal officers were arrested, and Ky. ; and in 1856 was appointed a second
all letters from the colony were inter- lieutenant in the 1st United States Caval-
cepted and taken to the privy council, ry. He served in campaigns against the
Captain Smith's testimony was damaging Indians, and in May, 1861, was made cap-
to the company. tain. He did good service throughout the

The report was kept a secret until the Civil War, rising rapidly until he coni-
company received a notice from the King mandod a division; in March, 1865, he was
and privy council (October, 1()23) that brevotfcd major-general of volunteers; and
it was jndged that the misfortunes to in August, 1867, was retired with the rank
Virginia h:ul boon ocoasioned by Ihoir mis- of major-general. United States army, he-
management, and that the sovereign had cause of wounds received in aclion. Cen-
determined to revoke the old charter and oral Long's most brilliant exploit was the

468

LONG— LOirGFELLOW

capture by cavalry of Selma, Ala., April shire in 1775, and became colonel of a
2, 1865. Selma was defended by earth- legiment, which he commanded in the re-
works intended to resist infantry. Thirty treat from Ticond roga in July, 1777. He
pieces of artillery in position, with a gar- defeated a pursuing British force at Fort
risen of about 3,000 of General Forrest's Anne, and was serving as a volunteer at
cavalry, and 2,000 militia. The works the time of the surrender of Burgoyne.
were taken within a half-hour after the Colonel Long was in Congress from 1781
advance was sounded. Three hundred and to 1786; a State councillor from 1786 to
twenty oflicers and men out of 1,250 en- 1789; and collector of the port of Ports-
gaged were killed and wounded, and 2,700 mouth at the time of his death, April -i,
prisoners, 200 pieces of artillery, and a 1789.

vast amount of war materials were the Long, Robert Carey, architect; born
results of the capture of this place. He about 1819; after practising in Baltimore
died in New York, Jan. 5, 1903. for several years settled in New York City

Long, John Davis, lawyer; born in in 1848. He was the author of Aztec Ar-
Buckfield, Me., Oct. 27, 1838 ; graduated ckitecture; Ancient Architecture of Amer-
at Harvard College in 1857; taught school ica, etc. He died in New York City in

July, 1849.

Longfellow, Henry Wadsworth, poet;
born in Portland, Me., Feb. 27, 1807; was
a descendant of William Longfellow, of
Newbury, Mass., and on his mother's side
of John Alden, a passenger on the May-
flower; and graduated at Bowdoin Col-
lege in 1825. He studied law a short
time, when he received the appointment
of Professor of Modern Languages in his
alma mater. To better fit himself for the
duties, he spent three years and a half in
Europe, and assumed his office in 1829.
In 1835 he was chosen Professor of Belles-
Lettres in Harvard, and again he made a
pilgrimage to Europe to make himself fa-
miliar with Continental literature. For
nearly twenty years he was a professor in
Harvard College, retiring from that post
in 1854, and pursued the task of literary
till 1859; was admitted to the bar in composition in his fine old mansion at
1861; settled in Boston; and afterwards Cambridge, which Washington had used
removed to Hingham. In 1875-78 he was for his headquarters in 1775-76. He first
a member oi the State legislature; and in wrote timidly for literary periodicals, and
the last two years of this period was the first seven articles in a collection pub-
speaker of the House. He was elected lished in 1857 were written before he was
governor in 1879, 1880, and 1881; and was nineteen years of age. Among these is
a Representative in Congress in 1883-89. his exquisite Hymn of the Moravian Nuns.
At the beginning of President McKinley's He also wrote prose essays for the North
first administration Mr. Long was ap- American Review and other periodicals,
pointed Secretary of the Navy, a post An analytical list of Mr. Longfellow's
to which he was reappointed by the Presi- works may be found in Allibone's Critical
dent, March 5, 1901, and which he resigned Dictionary of English Literature, etc.
May 1, 1902. He has published The Re- Some of Mr. Longfellow's later poems
publican Party (1892), and a transla- are translations from the modern lan-
tion of Vergil's Aeneid. guages of Europe, and these are models.

Long, Pierce, legislator; born in Ports- "As a translator," says a critic, "he
mouth, N. H., in 1739; was a member of has succeeded admirably in preserving
the Provincial Congress of New Hamp- the spirit of the originals, and as a

469

JOHN DAVIS LOXR.

LONGFELLOW— LONG ISLAND

HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW.

poet lie appeals to the universal aflfec-
tions of liumanity by the thoughts and im-
ages derived from original perceptions of
nature and life." As an indication of the
popularity of Mr. Longfellow, the sales
of liis poetical compositions had amounted
in 1857 (when he was fifty years of age)
to 293,000 copies, and his prose produc-
tions to 32,550 copies. Since that time
the number has probably been increased
to 500,000. The sales in England, where
he is as popular as in America have been
very large. His translation of Dante, in 3
volumes (18G7-70) is regarded by good
judges as the best in the English language.
He died in Cambridge, ]\Iarch 24, 1882.

Longfello'w, Stephen, lawyer ; born in
Gorham, Me., June 23, 1775; father of
Henry W. Longfellow; graduated at Har-
vard, and was admitted to the bar in
1801. In 1814 he was a delegate to the
Hartford Convention, and was a member of
Congress from 1823 to 1825. In 1834 he was
president of the Maine Historical Society.
He died in Portland, Me., Aug. 2, 1849.

Long Island. Some of the inhabitants
of Lynn, Mass., finding themselves strait-
ened for land, went to Long Island in
search of a plantation. They bargained
for a tract near the west end with Lord
Stirling's agent and with the natives. The
jealous Dutch sent a force to take posses-
sion of the land, and set up the arms of
the Prince of Orange. Soon afterwards
a dozen of the English company began to
erect buildings there, and took down the
Dutch arms and placed the effigy of an
ugly Indian in its place. The Dutch, pro-
voked, sent some soldiers, who brought off
the Englishmen and imprisoned them; but
they were released after a few days, hav-
ing taken an oath of allegiance to the
stadtholder. The adventurers now moved
to the east end of the island, and, to the
number of forty families, settled the town
of Southampton. Rev. Mr. Pierson, with
several of the company at Lynn, formed a
church, and all went to Southampton,
where he became their pastor. There they
formed a civil government in 1640. The
same year a large tract of land on Long
Island was purchased of the Indians for
the Connecticut colony, and settlements
were begun there. The tract was on the
north part of the island, in the vicinity
of Oyster Bay. Connecticut colonists be-
gan to settle there, but were driven back
by Kieft, the Dutch governor, because they
appeared within sight of his residence.
The inhabitants of Connecticut immediate-
ly seized the fort just below Hartford,
and obliged the Dutch to recede within 10
miles of the Hudson Eiver. The eight
men selected by the people of New Amster-
dam as a council made some provision for
defence against the Indians in the autumn
of 1643. They equipped a large force of
soldiers, of whom fifty were Englishmen,
under John Underbill, the Massachusetts
leader, who had fought the Pequod Ind-
ians iq. v.). In the succeeding winter,
suffering dreadfully from the hostile Ind-
ians, some English families who had
moved from Stamford, Conn., to Hemp-
stead, L. I., were exposed to forays by the
Canarsie Indians, and begged for troops
to protect them. The governor and the
eight men sent 120 soldiers, who surprised
and sacked the Indian villages and killed
more than 100 warriors. Two of the Ind-
ians were taken to Manhattan and cruellv
0

LONG ISLAND

tortured to death. This was soon fol-
lowed by another expedition against the
Indians at Stamford and Greenwich.
Under hill, with a force 150 strong of
Dutch and English, marched through deep
snow in February, 1644, to attack the
principal Indian village there. The moon
shone brightly, but the savages had been
warned, and were on the ground 700 in
number. They were also protected by
rude fortifications. Steadily the Dutch
and English moved upon them, and nearly
200 Indians were slain. After a while
Underbill succeeded in setting fire to the
village. The slaughter was dreadful. Only

were poorly equipped, very little disci-
plined, distracted by sectional jealousies,
and, in the New England troops especially,
there was so much democratic freedom
that there was little subordination. On
the whole, it presented a very unpromising
force with which to opjjose the British
veterans, greater in numbers, then pre-
paring to invade Long Island and attempt
the capture of New York and Washing-
ton's army. General Howe had been rein-
forced by Hessians, the troops under Clin-
ton from Charleston, and others, making
a total force of about 24,000, encamped on
Staten Island. Admiral Howe sent some

MAP OP THE OPERATIONS ON LOXG ISLAND.

eight of the 700 Indians escaped, while armed ships up the Hudson to reconnoitre
the assailants had on^y fifteen wounded, and take soundings. They passed the bat-
When, a few daj's afterwards, the victors teries at Fort Washington and elsewhere,
arrived at Manhattan, a day of thanks- and, having narrowly escaped some fire-
giving was held. ships and accomplished their errand, they
On Aug. ], 1776, the army of Washing- returned to the fleet. Divining the pur-
ton at New York did not exceed 20,000 pose of the British, Washington sent a
men, of whom one-fifth were sick and as considerable force, under General Greene,
many were absent on detached duty. Soon to Long Island, who cast up strong in-
afterwards 7,000 militia reinforced him, trenchments back of Brooklyn ; but he
and later on a few more came. But they was soon compelled to retire, on account

471

LONG ISLAND

THE BRITISH FLEET IN THE LOWER BAT.

of sickness, and leave the command to
General Sullivan. There was a range of
thickly wooded hills, extending from the
Narrows to Jamaica, through which sev-
eral roads passed ; while another extend-
ed near the shores of the bay, from the
Narrows to Brooklyn. These passes
through the hills were imperfectly guard-
ed by Sullivan, when, on the morning of
j*ug. 22, about 15,000 British and German
troops landed on the western end of Long
Island and prepared to move forward.
Washington sent reinforcements to Sulli-
van, and General Putnam was placed in
chief command on the island, with instruc-
tions to thoroughly guard the passes in the
hills. The whole American force on the
island did not exceed 8,000 men. and 2,500
of these were sent to guard the passes.
On the 26th the British moved forward,
under the chief command of Sir Henry
Clinton and Lord Cornwallis, followed by
the Germans, under General de Heister.
The combined forces formed a thoroughly
disciplined army. It was obvious that
they intended to gain the rear of the
Americans by the Bedford and Jamaica
passes. At three o'clock on the morning of
the 27th word reached Putnam that his
pickets at the lower pass (below the pros

ent Greenwood Cemetery) had been
driven in. He immediately sent General
Lord Stirling with some Delaware
and Maryland troops to repulse the
invaders. He was followed by General
Parsons with some Connecticut troops. Be-
yond Gowanus Creek, Stirling found him-
self confronted by overwhelming numbers
luider General Grant, with some of Howe's
ships on his right flank. At the same
lime the Germans, under De Heister and
Knyphausen, were moving to force their
way at the pass farther eastward (now
in Prospect Park) ; while Howe, with the
main body of the British, under Clinton
and Cornwallis, was pressing towards the
Bedford and Jamaica passes to gain the
rear of the Americans. Putnam had neg-
lected to guard the latter pass. When,
at eight o'clock, the invaders had reached
ihose passes, not more than 4.000 men
were out of the lines at Brooklyn ; and,
instead of ordering Stirling to fall back
from almost certain destruction, he al-
lowed Sullivan to go out with a few
troops and take command at the pass be-
low (now in Prospect Park), not nearly
so important. The consequence was that,
while Sullivan was fighting the Germans,
Clinton had gained his rear and fell upon

472

LONG ISLAND

him. It was a surprise. Sullivan was
driven back upon the Germans. After a
severe hand-to-hand fight, and seeing no
chance for success or an orderly retreat,
Sullivan ordered his men to shift for
themselves. Some fought through the at-
tacking lines ; some fled to the woods ; and
many were" made prisoners ; while Sulli-
van, hidden in a field of corn, was capt-
ured. Stirling and his party were now
ihe only unbroken body of Americans in
the field, and they fought with spirit four
hours. Then, hopeless of receiving re-
inforcements, and seeing a strong body of
the British approaching his flank and rear,
he ordered a retreat. The bridge across
Gowanus Creek (on the border of which
he was fighting, near where the old mill
stood in 1850) was in flames, and his

troops were compelled to wade the water
and the oozy morass. Even that passage
was about to be cut off by the enemy,
led by Cornwallis. Quickly ordering the
Pelaware and Maryland troops to ford
the creek and morass with some German
prisoners, he, with the remainder, fought
Cornwallis desperately until all the others
had crossed excepting seven, who were
drowned. No longer able to resist the press-
ure, Stirling and his men were made prison-
ers. The loss of the Americans did not ex-
ceed l,000,of whom one-half were prisoners.
Howe did not follow up his advantage, but
allowed the American army on Long Isl-
and to retreat in safety to New York.

This retreat was unsuspected by the
British leaders on land and water until it
was too late to pursue. A Tory woman

Loiiu stikling's last stand around thb cortelyou house.
473

LONG PARLIAMENT— LONGWORTH

living near the ferry sent her negro ser-
vant to inform the British of the retreat.

brower's mill in 1850

He encountered a German sentinel, who
could not understand a word he said, and
would not let him pass. Before six o'clock
(Aug. 30, 1776) 9,000 American soldiers,
with their baggage and munitions of war,
excepting some heavy artillery, had cross-
ed the East River from Long Island to
Manhattan, or New York, Island. When
Howe perceived this he became greatly
enraged, took possession of the deserted
camp, moved his army eastward, its ad-
vance being at Flushing, and prepared to
seize the city of New York with the Ameri-
can troops in it.

Long Parliament, The. Charles I. of
England, who attempted to rule that
realm without a Parliament, was com-
pelled, in 1640, to call one, which became
a long-existing body, and one of the most
remarkable in the history of England. It
first met Nov. 3, 1640, and was dissolved
by Cromwell April 20, 1653. A large num-
ber of its members were Puritans, and
almost all of them were opposed to the
tyrannous measures of the King. Tliey
entered at once on the redress of griev-
ances, and in the course of eighteen months
assumed the entire political control and
authority of the kingdom. Among their
earlier acts was a resolution that the Eng-
lish-American colonists should enjoy all
their liberties according to their patents.
Exercising equal liberality towards Eng-
lish subjects at home caused almost a total
cessation of emigration to America. About
25,000 British emigrants had then been re-
ceived in America, and east of the Hudson
Eiver were then twelve independent com-
munities, comprising not less than fifty
towns or distinct settlements.

Longstreet, James, military officer;
born in Edgefield district, S. C, Jan. 8,
1821; graduated at West Point in 1842;
served in the war against Mexico (1846-
48), in which he was severely wound-
ed; and was distinguished for bra-
very. He held the rank of major in the
United States army when the Civil War
broke out, and, joining the Confederates,
was made a brigadier-general in their
array in October, 1861. All through the
Civil War he was regarded as one of the
ablest of the Confederate military lead-
ers, and as Lee's " right hand," attaining
the rank of lieutenant-general. After the
close of the war he became a Republican.
He was appointed minister to Turkey in
1880, and United States commissioner of

JAMES LONGSTREET.

Pacific railroads in 1897. He died in
Gainesville, Ga., Jan. 2. 1904.

Longwoods, Battle of. Captain
Holmes, of the 24th United States In-
fantry, proceeded, Feb. 27, 1814, with a
party of about 160 rangers and mounted
men against some of the British posts in
Upper Canada. At Longvvoods. on the
Thames, he had a very sharp battle, on
IMarch 4, with the British, who, after an
hour of hard fighting, ordered a retreat.
Their loss was sixty-five killed and Avound-
ed, besides Indians. The loss of the
Americans was seven men.

Longworth, Ntciholar, viniculturist;
born in Newark, N. J., Jan. 16, 1782; in
early life was a clerk in a store in South

474

LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN

Carolina, but removed to Cincinnati at
the age of twenty-one years, when that
place was not much more than a hamlet.
He studied law, which he practised there
for twenty-five years, and invested money
in lands, long since covered by the rapid-
ly growing city. He finally turned his
attention to the cultivation of grapes,
first raising foreign vines and then the
/uitive Catawba and Isabella. He pro-
duced very fine wine from the latter. At
one time he had 200 acres of vineyard
and a wine-house. He published Buchan-
an's Treatise on the Grape, toith an Ap-
pendix on Straivberry Culture. He died
in Cincinnati, Feb. 10, 18G3.

Lookout Mountain, Battle on. Gen.
W. T. Sherman arrived near Chattanooga

quarter. Hooker was ordered to attack
them on the northern face of Lookout
Mountain. His entire force consisted of
nearly 10,000 men. The main Confed-
erate force was encamped in a hollow
half-way up the mountain, and the sum-
mit was held by several brigades. Their
pickets held a continuous line aiong
J^ookout Creek, with reserves in the val-
ley. Hooker moved to the attack ra ihe
morning of Nov. 24. Geary, supported
by Cruft, marched to Wauhatchie and
crossed Lookout Creek there, while the
rest of the troops crossed in front of the
Confederates on temporary bridges. A
heavy mist enveloped mountain and plain.
Geary crossed at eight o'clock, seized
a picket-guard of forty men, and extend-

TOP OP LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN, SUNRISE, NOVEMBKR 25, 1863.

late in November, 1863. It was impor- ed his line to the foot of the mountain,
tant to get his army over the river with- Gross's brigade seized the bridge below
out being discovered. To attract the chief the railway crossing, and T. J. Wood's
attention of the Confederates in another brigade crossed half a mile above. Two

475

LOOKOUT MOUNTAIN, BATTLE ON

batteries had been planted on a liill near, rather, a cumulus cloud) that hid the

and by eleven o'clock Hooker was endeavor- combatants from view, was fierce. It was,

ing to drive the Confederates from the literally, a " battle in the clouds." At

mountain. His adversary in immediate considerably past noon the plateau was

CONFBDEHATE BATTHKY 0.\ THE TOP OF LOOKOUT JIOI'.NTAIN.

command before him was General Wal- cleared, and the Confederates were flying
thall. Hooker's guns all opened at once in confusion down the precipitous ravines
on the breastworks and rifle-pits along and rugged slopes towards the Chat-
the steep wooded acclivity. The brigades tanooga Valley. All the morning, while
just mentioned formed a junction, and, the battle was raging, so thick was the
sweeping everything before them, captured cloud on the mountain that only at in-
the rifle-pits, allowing but few men to tervals could the straining eyes of spec-
escape up the mountain. At the same tators at Chattanooga and on Orchard
time the troops scaled the rugged heights. Knob, listening to the thunders of the
cutting their way through felled trees, artillery, catch a glimpse of the lines
and driving the Confederates from the and banners. Hooker established his line
hollow to a plateau well up towards the on the easterly face of the mountain; so
crest and forcing them around towards that, by an enfilading fire, he completely
the Chattanooga Valley. At the same commanded the Confederate defences,
time Freeland's brigade was rolling them stretching across the Chattanooga Valley
up on the flank. The struggle on the to Missionary Ridge. A National battery
mountain-sides, in a dense fog (or, on Moccasin Point, 1,500 feet below the

476

LOOMIS— LOSSING

crest of Lookout Mountain, had dis-
mounted a gun in a battery on that crest.

Loomis, Francis B., diplomatist; born
in Marietta, 0., July 27, 1861; gradu-
ated at Marietta College in 1883; entered
journalism on the New York Tribune;
was State librarian of Ohio in 1886-90;
United States consul at Etienne, France,
in 1890-93; and editor-in-chief of the
Cincinnati Daily Tribune in 1893-97. In
the latter year he was appointed United
States minister to Venezuela, where he
negotiated an extradition treaty, and ar-
ranged for reciprocity and parcels-post
conventions. His persistency in demand-
ing the payment of various large sums
due to American citizens prior to pay-
ments due other foreigners, according to
a pledge by President Castro, led to
strained relations between the United
States and Venezuela in 1901. For sev-
eral months his residence at Caracas was
rendered exceedingly unpleasant by news-
paper and other attacks upon him. The
United States government sustained Mr.
Loomis in his official actions, and, on
March 30, recalled him to Washington, os-
tensibly to give the State Department a
clearer view of the unfriendly issues that
had been raised between the two govern-
ments.

Lopez, Narciso, military officer ; born
in Caracas, Venezuela, in 1799; was a
merchant in early life. He first sided
with the revolutionists in 1814, but after-
wards enlisted in the Spanish army, and
was a colonel in 1822. He went to Cuba,
and became conspicuous as a liberal in
politics. Going to Spain, he became a
senator for Seville, which office he re-
signed because delegates from Cuba were
not admitted. On his return to Cuba he
M'as in the employ of the government for
a while, but in 1849 he came to the United
States and organized a force for revolu-
tionizing Cuba and effecting its indepen-
dence. He failed in an attempted invasion,
and, landing again in Cuba with an in-
vading force, was captured and garroted
in Havana, Sept. 1, 18.51.

Lord, Eleazar, financier; born in
Franklin, Conn., Sept. 9, 1788; studied
theology for five years, but never held a
charge owing to bad eyesight; settled in
New York City in 1815, where he establish-
ed the JIanhattan Insurance Company in

1821, of which he was president for twelve
years. He was one of the founders of the
New York and Erie Railroad, and presi-
dent of the same for many years. He was
a strong advocate of the " free-banking
system," which became a law in New York
in 1838. His publications include Credit,
Currency, and Banking; A Letter on Na-
tional Currency; Six Letters on the Neces-
sity and Practicality of a National Cur-
rency; and many works of a religious nat-
ure. He died in Piermont, N. Y., June
3, 1871.

Loring, Charles Greeley, lawyer;
born in Boston, Mass., May 2, 1794;
graduated at Harvard College in 1812.
He was the author of Neutral Relations
betioeen the United States and England,
and Life of William Sturgis. He died in
Beverly, Mass., Oct. 8, 1868.

Loring, Joshua, naval officer; born in
Boston, Mass., in 1716; was appointed a
captain in the royal navy in 1757, and in
the French and Indian War was a naval
commander in the operations on Lakes
Champlain and Ontario, accompanying
Amherst to Montreal in 1760. He died in
Highgate, England, in 1781.

Loring, William Wing, military offi-
cer; born in Wilmington, N. C, Dec. 4,
1818; commanded a detachment of volun-
teers in Florida (1835-42), and after-
wards mounted riflemen in the war against
Mexico, where he lost an arm, and was
brevetted colonel. He was afterwards colo-
nel of a regiment fighting the Indians in
New Mexico. He left the army, joined the
Confederates, was made a brigadier-gen-
eral, and afterwards major-general. He
served later in the army of the Khedive
in Egypt, becoming a general of division.
He died in New York City, Dec. 30, 1886.
General Loring published A Confederate
Soldier in Egypt.

Lossing, Benson John, historian ; born
in Beekman, Dutchess co., N. Y., Feb. 12,
1813. Self-educated, a Avatch-maker, edi-
tor, and wood - engraver, he devoted his
attention to the pictorial side of history,
especially to the antiquities of his own
region, the Hudson Valley. His chief
work was the Pictorial Field-Book of the
Revolution, published in 1850-52. He
wrote also Pictorial Fiehl-BooLs of the
War of 1812 and the Civil War, an illus-
trated book on the Hudson, histories of the
7

LOST CAUSE— LOUDOUN

United States, historical biographies, and Loubat, Joseph Florimund, Due de,
the Cyclopcedia of American History. His philanthropist; born in New York City,
great service was the preservation of the Jan. 21, 1831; fell heir to a large fort-
" local color " in many noted episodes of une, much of which he has given to pub-
the early history. He died near Dover lie institutions, including $1,000,000 to Co-
Plains, N. Y., June 3, 1891. lumbia University for its library; gifts to

Lost Cause, The, a phrase employed in the Roman Catholic Church, etc. His title

the Southern States to indicate the un- was conferred upon him in 1893 by the

successful attempt to establish the Con- pope. He is the author of l<iarrative of

federate States of America in 1861-65, the Mission to Russia in 1866 by G. V.

otherwise known as the Civil War in the Fox; and Medallic History of the United

United States. Slates

Lost Colony, The. John White, whom Loudon, Fort. A defensive work on

Sir Walter Raleigh sent to Virginia with the Tennessee River, built in 1750. Also

some colonists, to be their governor, had
with him his daughter, Mrs. Eleanore
Dare, mother of Virginia. White went
back to England for supplies, and was
detained a long time. When he returned
to Roanoke Island, the colony he had left

the name of a fort built in 1752 near
Winchester, Va., intended for the protec-
tion of the town.

Loudoun, Joiix Campbell, Fourth
Earl of, military officer ; born in Scot-
land in 1705; was appointed governor of

there had disappeared. With nineteen Virginia and commander-in-chief of the
men, in two boats, he went in search
of them. The colonists had agreed with
White, when he left for England, to
write or carve on the trees or posts of
the dooTS the name of the place to which
tliey had emigrated, if they should leave,
for they were then preparing to go to a
place 50 miles into the interior. It was
also agreed, in case they should be in dis-
tress, that they would carve a cross over
the letters. As White and his friends
ascended the bank at the site of the set-
tlement, they found carved upon the trunk
of a tree, in fair Roman letters, Croatan,
biit, to their great comfort they saw no
sign of distress. The houses had been
taken down, and the place strongly pali-
saded. They determined to sail for
Croatan the next morning. A tempest
arose, the ship parted her cables, their
provisions and fresh water were scanty,
and they concluded to sail to the West
Indies, remain there through the winter,
and go to Croatan in the spring. But
they were compelled to return to England.
The colony was never heard of afterwards.

British forces in America in 1756. Leav-
ing his lieutenant, Dinwiddle, to govern

It is asserted that some of the Hatteras the province, he paid attention to military

Indians, of a subsequent generation, had affairs, in which his indolence, indecision,

light complexions, and their faces re- and general inefficiency were most con-

sembled the English type, and it is sup- spicuous, and worked disasters. Franklin

posed the colony became amalgamated with said of him : " He is like little St. George

the Hatteras tribe on the eastern coast of on the sign-boards, always on horseback,

North Carolina. but never goes forward." He was recalled

Lost . Prince, The. See Williams, in 1757, and returned to England. In

Eleazar. 1758 he was made lieutenant-general, and

478

LOTHS XVI.

ill 1770 general. He died in Scotland,
April 27, 1782.

According to his instructions, the Earl
of Loudoun demanded of the authorities
of New York City free quarters for him-
self, his officers, and 1,000 men. " Your
demand is contrary to the laws of Eng-
land and the liberties of America," said
the mayor of the city. " Free quarters
are everywhere usual. I assert it on my
honor, which is the highest evidence you
cau require," answered the haughty earl.
The mayor was firm, and Loudoun deter-
mined to make New York an example for
the rest of the continent. When the citi-
zens, by the lips of the mayor, pleaded
their rights as Englishmen, his lordship,
with a vulgar oath, said to the magistrate,
" If you don't billet my officers upon free
quarters this day, I'll order here all the
troops under my command, and billet
them myself upon the city." A subscrip-
tion for the purpose was raised, the offi-
cers were billeted on the city, and there
Loudoun won his first victory. A similar
contest, with a similar result, occurred in
Philadelphia, and there Loudoun won his
second and last victory in America.

When the Earl, on July 9,' 1757, had as-
sembled his whole arnifiment, consisting
of 10,000 soldiers, sixteen ships-of-the-
line, several frigates, and many transports,
for an attack on Louisburg {q. v.), it
was believed an immediate assault would
be made. The troops were landed, and set
at work levelling the earth and cultivat-
ing a vegetable garden ; and in these la-
bors and in the exercise of sham-fights
almost a month was spent. The army be-
came dispirited, and its officers exasper-
ated. One day, when Maj. - Gen. Lord
Charles Hay was sitting under a tree near
the sea-shore discussing army matters with
his fellow-officers, he said: "See how the
power of England is held in chains by
imbecility! With such ships and such
men as we have here, led by an energetic
and competent commander, Cape Breton
and its fortresses might have been a part
of the British Empire a month ago."
For these brave words Lord Hay was ar-
rested by Loudoun, sent to England, tried
by court-martial, and acquitted of all
blame.

Louis XVL, King of France; born in
Versailles, Aug. 23, 1754; was a grandson

of Louis XV. and of a daughter of Fred-
erick Augustus, King of Poland and Elec-
tor of Saxony. His father dying in 1765,
he became heir presumptive to the throne
of France, which he ascended on May 10,
1774, with the beautiful Marie Antoinette,
Archduchess of Austria, whom he married
in May, 1770, as his Queen. Louis was
amiable, fond of simple enjoyments, and
was beloved by his people. Through bad
advisers and the wickedness of dema-
gogues, he was placed in seeming opposi-
tion to the people when his heart was
really with them, and the madmen of
France, who ruled the realm during the
Eeign of Terror, brought both Louis and
his beautiful Queen to the scatfold. They
went through the farce of a trial after

LOLIS XVI.

arraigning the King on a charge of trea-
son, found him guilty, of course, and be-
headed him by the guillotine, with ac-
companiments of vulgar cruelty, in Paris,
Jan. 21, 1793. His death was seriously
mourned. He was weak, but not wicked.
His friends dared not make any public
demonstrations of grief, or even of at-
tachment, at the time. A small com-
memorative medal of brass was struck,
and secretly circulated. These were
cherished by the loyalists with great af-
fection. LTpon this medal — over a funeral
urn from which a crown and sceptre had
fallen — were the significant words. " Sol
regni ahiit" ("The sun of the kingdom
has departed " ) . King Louis was closely
79

LOUISBtrSG

identified with the Americans in their
struggle for independence, consenting,
through the influence of his chief minister.

LOUIS XVI. MEMORIAL MEDAL.

Vergennes, to give material aid, and make
a treaty of friendship and alliance with
them. Personally, he despised republi-
cans, and could never hear with patience
Dr. Franklin spoken of in words of praise,
while his Queen was a great admirer of
the philosopher and statesman.

Louisburg-. The fortress of Louisburg,
on the Island of Cape Breton, was built
by the French soon after the treaty of
Utrecht, in 1713. Its cost was great, its
strength enormous, and so long as the
French held it it was a source of annoy-
ance to New England and of support to
Canada. When, in 1746, France declared
war against Great Britain Governor Shir-
ley, of Massachusetts, perceived the great
importance of driving the French from it.
He proposed to the Massachusetts legis-
lature the bold project of attempting its
capture, and after some hesitation a co-
lonial expedition for the purpose was au-
thorized, Jan. 2.5, 1745, by a vote of a
majority of one. A circular letter, solicit-
ing aid, was sent to all the colonies as far
south as Pennsylvania. The latter voted
£4,000 currency, to purchase pro\nsions.
Xew Jersey furnished £2,000 towards the
expedition, but declined to furnisli any
men. The New York Assembly contributed
£3,000 currency, but Governor Clinton
sent, besides, a quantity ot provisions pur-
chased by private subscription n' ten 18-
pounders from the public magazine. Con-
necticut voted 500 men, led by Roger
Wolcott, who was appointed second in com-
mand of the expedition. Rhode Island and
New Hampshire each raised a regiment of
300 men. As was to be expected, the chief
burden of the expedition was borne by
Massachusetts. Much interest was mani-
fested everywhere. In seven weeks an

army of 3,250 men was enlisted, transports
were procured, and an ample quantity ol
hills of credit issued to pay the expense.
Massachusetts provided ten armed vessels.
The chief command of the expedition was
given to William Pepperell, of Maine.
Whitefield, who was then making his third
preaching tour throughout the colonies,
successfully advocated the expedition, and
suggested the motto of the New Hamp-
shire regimental flag — " Nil desperandum
Christo duce " ( " Nothing is to be de-
spaired of with Christ for a leader"). It
assumed the character of an anti-papist
crusade. One of the chaplains, a disciple
of Whitefleld, carried a hatchet, provided
to hew down all images in the French
churches. " Louisburg must be subdued,"
was the thought of the New-Englanders.
Commodore Warren, in the West Indies,
refused to co-operate with his fleet until
he received express orders to do so. The
expedition sailed from Boston, April 4,
1745, and at Canseau they were unexpect-
edly joined by Warren on May 9. The
combined forces (4,000 troops) landed,
April 30, at Gabarus Bay, not far from
Louisburg, and their sudden appearance
there was the first intimation the French
had of the near approach of danger. Con-
sternation prevailed in the fortress and
town. The cannon on shore, commanded
by Richard Gridley, were dragged, with
provisions, on sledges, over a morass;
trenches were dug, batteries were erected,
and a regular siege was commenced on
May 1 (N. S.). Commofiore Warren capt-
ured a French man-of-war of sixty-four
guns, with over 500 men and a large quan-
tity of stores for the garrison. Other
English vessels of war arrived, and the
fleet and army prepared to make a final
and combined assault. The French, de-
spairing of receiving any aid from France,
surrendered the fortress and town of Lou-
isburg and the island of Cape Breton to
the English on June 17, after a siege of
forty-eight days. The island of St. John
was also surrendered. The capitulation
included 650 soldiers of the garrison and
1.300 inhabitants of the town of Louis-
burg, all of whom were to be shipped to
France. By the treaty of Aix-la-Chapclle
(Aachen), in 1748, the British government
restored Louisburg and Cape Breton to the
French.

480

LOUISIANA

The capture of Louisburg was Lord Lou-
doun s first care in the campaign of 1757.
He found himself at the head of G,000 pro-
vincials on June 1. He sailed from New
York on the 20th, .and arrived at Halifax
on the 30th, where he was joined by Ad-
miral Holborne, with a powerful naval
armament and 5,000 troops from England.
The combined forces were about to sail
for Louisburg when information reached
Loudoun that 6,000 troops were in the
fortress there, and that a French fleet,
larger than that of the English, was lying
in that harbor. The latter had gained this
position while the indolent Loudoun was
moving with his accustomed slowness. The
enterprise was abandoned, and Loudoun
returned to New York (Aug. 31) with in-
telligence that had met him on the way of
defeat and disgrace to the English arms in
the north.

The zeal of the New Englanders, in
1758, in raising a force for a second at-
tack on Louisburg was intense. Massa-
chusetts voted 7,000 men, besides 600
maintained foi irontier defence. The ad-
vances made by the province during that
year were not less than $1,000,000. Con-
necticut voted 5,000 men, and New F^amp-
shire and Rhode Island furnished 1,000
more between them. The people were
alive with enthusiasm, and the New Eng-

land provinces raised 15,000 men. Bos-
cuwen arrived at Halifax early in May,
with about forty armed vessels, bearing
a land force of over 12,000 mea, under
General Amherst as chief, and General
Wolfe as his lieutenant. The armament
left Halifax May 28, and the troops land-
ed on the shores of Gabarus Bay, June 8,
without much opposition, within a short
distance of the fort. Alarmed by this un-
expected and powerful display, the French
almost immediately deserted their out-
posts, and retired within the fortress and
the town. They made a vigorous resistance
to the besiegers for almost fifty days.
When all the shipping in the harbor was
lost to the French, they surrendered the
town, the fort, the islands of Cape Breton
and St. John ( now Prince Edward ) , and
their dependencies, July 26, 1758. The
garrison became prisoners of war. The
spoils of victory were more than 5,000
prisoners and a large amount of muni-
tions of war. The garrison lost about
1,500 men, and the town was made a ruin.
So ended the attempts of the French to
settle in and near the Gulf of St. Law-
rence. That region passed into the perma-
nent possession of the English. With the
fall of Louisburg the power of France in
America began to wane, and its decline
was rapid.

LOUISIANA, STATE OF

Louisiana, State of, was first visited
by La Salle, who discovered the mouth
of the Mississippi (1691), and took pos-
session of the country in the name of
Louis, King of France. Settlements were
soon afterwards formed. In 1712 Louis
XIV. named the region Louisiana, in honor
of himself, and granted it to M. Crozat.
The territory was granted to " The West-
ern Company" in 1717. The French
remained in possession until 1762, when
they ceded it to Spain. In 1800 it was
retroceded to France, and in 1803 it was
bought from the latter by the United
States for $15,000,000, and the American
flag was first raised in New Orleans on
Dec. 20, 1803. In 1804 the territory was
divided into two governments — namely,
'* Territory of Orleans " and *' District of
Louisiana." The former entered the

L'nion as the State of Louisiana April
8, 1812, and the name of the latter was
changed, June 4. 1812, to Missouri. At
the close of 1814 Louisiana was invaded
by British troops, but they were speedily
driven away. As soon as the election of
Mr. Lincoln was known, the governor of
Louisiana took measures looking to the
secession of the State from the Union. A
convention assembled, Jan. 8, 1861, and
on the 26th passed an ordinance of seces-
sion. The public property of the national
government was seized by the State au-
thorities. In the spring of 1862 an ex-
pedition under General Butler and Ad-
miral Farragut captured all the defences
on the Mississippi below New Orleans,
and took possession of the city. The
State became the theatre of stormy events
during the Civil War. Un Dec. 4, 1862.

v.— 2h

481

LOUISIANA, STATE OF

two congressional districts, under the United States Senators. The Fifteenth

control of National troops, were permitted Amendment was ratified by the same bod}

to elect delegates to Congress, and Benja- March 1, 1869.

min F. Flanders and Michael Hahn were In 1903 the State had an assessed prop-
chosen and took their seats. Local erty valuation of $336, 118,-348 ; and, March
courts were organized under military 1, 1904, a total bonded debt of $11,108,300,
rule, and in November, 1862, a pro- a floating debt of $1,139,778, and an un-
visional court for the State was or- recognized debt of $3,953,000. The popu-
ganized by the President. In April, lation in 1890 was 1,118,587; in 1900
1863, he appointed judges of the Supreme 1,381,625.

Court. Late in 1863 an election of State In October, 1698, King William sent
officers was held in a portion of Louisiana, three ships to take possession of the Mis-
Michael Hahn was elected governor and sissippi River, and prepare for planting a
inaugurated March 4, 1864, and on the colony of French Protestants on its bor-
15th was made military governor likewise, ders. Nothing came of it. In the same
In April a convention adopted a constitu- month Iberville and others sailed for the
tion abolishing slavery and providing for same river, and planted the seeds of
the education of both races, which was French dominion there.

ratified in September, when five Congress-
men (Unionists) were chosen. The legis-

jsyVVvv^

The first settlement in Louisiana was
made at Biloxi (now in Mississippi) in
1699. In 1702 there were settlements be-
gun on Dauphin Island and at Mobile,
now in Alabama. The French govern-
ment, wishing to promote more rapid set-
tlements in that region, granted (1712)
the whole province, with a monopoly of
trade, to Anthony Crozat, a wealthy
French merchant, who expected large
profits from mines and trade with Mexico.
Crozat contracted to send ships from
France, with goods and emigrants, every
year ; and he was entitled to import a
cargo of negro slaves annually. The
French government also agreed to pay
$10,000 a year for the civil and military
establishments. Crozat established a
trading-house on the site of Montgomery,
on the Alabama River, and another at
Natchitoches, on the Red River. Fort
Rosalie was built on the site of Natchez,
lature ratified the Thirteenth Amendment about which a town soon grew up, the
to the national Constitution, but the Sen- oldest on the lower Mississippi. Crozat
ators and Representatives of Louisiana made ineffectual attempts to open a trade
were not admitted to seats in Congress, with Mexico, and the intercourse by sea
and the State was placed under military was prohibited after the war. After five
rule in 1807, Louisiana and Texas consti- years of large outlay and small returns,
tuting one military district. Early in Crozat resigned his patent (1717) ; but
1868 a convention in New Orleans formed other speculators soon filled his place,
a State constitution, which was ratified on The Mississippi Company (see Law,
April 17 and 18, and Henry C. Warmouth John) was granted the monopoly of all
(Republican) was elected governor. By trade with Louisiana for twenty-five
act of Congress, June 25, 1868, Louisiana years. They attempted to introduce 6,000
delegates were admitted to seats in that white people and half as many negroes,
body. Soon afterwards the State legis- and private individuals to whom grants
lature ratified the Fourteenth Amendment of land had been made also sent out colo-
to the national Constitution and chose nists. Law, having 12 square miles of

482

STATE SEAL OF LOUISIANA.

LOUISIANA, STATE OP

land in Arkansas, undertook to settle the
domain with 1,500 Germans. The Mis-
sissippi Company resigned Louisiana to
the crown in 1732.

On Oct. 21, 17G4, the King of France
gave orders to his director-general and
commandant for Louisiana to deliver up
to the King of Spain all the French pos-
sessions in North America not already
ceded to Great Britain. These orders were
given in consequence of an act passed at
iontainebleau on Nov. 3, 1762, by which
the French King ceded to the King of
Spain, and to his successors, " the whole
country known as Louisiana, together with
New Orleans, and the island on which the
said city is situated," and of another act
passed at the Escurial on Nov. 13, in the
same year, by which his Catholic Majesty
accepted that cession.

When Bonaparte became actual ruler of
France as First Consul he felt an ardent
desire to re-establish the colonial empire
of his country, and with that view he ob-
tained from Spain (1800) the retrocession
of Louisiana. Bonaparte had formed a
plan for taking immediate possession of
New Orleans by an armed expedition.
Livingston, the American minister in
France, advised his government of this ex-
pedition, and declared that it would not
only oppress American commerce on the
Mississippi, but that attempts would be
made to seize Natchez and to carry out the
plan of Genet and his successors in cor-
rupting the Western people and dismem-
bering the Union. Before the letter of
Livingston had been received, the Spanish
intendant at New Orleans, as if anticipat-
ing the wishes of Bonaparte, had issued a
proclamation interdicting the privilege se-
cured to the Americans by the treaty of
1705 of depositing merchandise at New
Orleans. This interruption of their com-
merce on the great river produced a great
commotion in the West. It was in this
excited state of the public mind that the
Seventh Congress assembled (Dec. 7, 1802)
for its second session, and the state of af-
fairs in the Southwest occupied their
earnest attention. President Jefferson,
alive to the interests, independence, and
power of his country, wrote an able letter
to Livingston, suggesting that France
might be willing to cede a portion of Lou-
isiana, especially the island of New Or-

leans, to the United States, and thus re-
move all cause for irritation between the
two governments.

Negotiations with this end in view were
speedily made by Mr. Livingston, assisted
by Mr. Monroe. Their instructions asked
foi- the cession of the island of New Or-
leans and the Floridas, and that the Mis-
sissippi should be divided by a line that
should put the city of New Orleans with-
in the territory of the United States, thus
securing the free navigation of that river.
To the surprise of the American minister,
it was announced by Marbois, Bonaparte's
representative, that he would treat for
the sale of the whole of Louisiana. Bo-
r.aparte had already experienced serious
difficulties in the way of securing French
colonial dominion, especially in the West
Indies. He also needed troops at home and
money to carry on the war with England,
rather than far-off territory held by a
doubtful tenure. " Irresolution and de-
liberation," said the First Consul to Mat-
bois, " are no longer in season. I renounce
Louisiana. It is not only New Orleans
that I will cede; it is the whole colony,
withoTit any reservation. T know the price
of what I abandon, and I have sufficiently
proved the importance that I attach to
this province, since my first diplomatic act
with Spain had for its object the recovery
of it. I renounce it with the greatest
regret. To attempt to retain it would
be folly. I direct you to negotiate this
affair with the envoys of the United
States." In less than a fortnight after
the beginning of negotiations in France,
a treaty was signed (April 30, 1803) by
Kobert R. Livingston and James Monroe
on the part of the United States, and
Barbe Marbois on the part of France,
by which the United States came into
possession of a vast, and to some extent
undefined, domain, coTitaining a mixed
free population of 85,000 white people and
40.000 negro slaves, for the sum of $15,-
000,000. Livingston and Marbois had
been personal acquaintances for about a
quarter of a century. " We have lived
long," said Livingston to Marbois, as he
arose after signing the treaty, " but this
is the noblest work of our whole lives.
The treaty which we have just signed has
rot been obtained by art or force: equally
advantageous to the two contracting par-

483

LOUISIANA, STATE OF

ties, it will change vast solitudes into
flourishing districts. From this day the
United States take their place among the
powers of the first rank; the English lose
all exclusive influence in the affairs of
America." With equally prophetic vision,
Bonaparte said to Marbois, a few days
after the negotiation was signed, " I would
that France should enjoy this unexpect-
ed capital [75,000,000 francs], that it may
be employed in works beneficial to her
marine." The invasion of England, and
the prostration of her maritime superior-
ity, was then Bonaparte's pet project.
" This accession of territory," he con-
tinued, exultingly, " strengthens forever
the power of the United States, and I
have just given to England a maritime
rival that will sooner or later humble her
pride." The centennial of the Loviisiana
Purchase is to be commemorated by a
fair to be held in St. Lotns {q. v.) in
100.3.

The Americans claimed that the boun-
dary between Louisiana and Mexico was
the Rio Grande, while the Spaniards lim-
ited the territory acquired from France
to a narrow strip along the western bank
of the Mississippi. Both sides had hither-
to regarded the Sa/bine as a sort of pro-
visional boundary; but the Spanish com-
mander in Texas crossed that river with
a body of irregular cavalry, in 180.5, and
occupied the settlement at Bayou Pierre,
on the Red River, a few miles above
Natchitoches, the westernmost American
military station. It was deemed necessary
to repel this aggression, and orders were
sent to General Wilkinson, at St. Louis,
then commander-in-chief of the American
army and governor of the District of
Louisiana, to reinforce, from posts in his
territory, the .500 regulars in the Orleans
Territory, and himself to take the com-
mand, to drive back the Spaniards. Wil-
kinson went to the Sabine, and made a
peaceful arrangement that stopped the
invasion. It was at this crisis that Burr's
mysterious entei-prise was undertaken.
See Burr, Aaron.

When Jackson returned to Mobile, Nov.
11, 1814, after driving the British from
Pensacola, he received messages from New
Orleans urging him to hasten to the de-
fence of that city. The government offi-
lials did not give credit to Lafitte's reve-

lations (see Lafitte, Jean), but the peo-
ple did; and they held a large meeting in
New Orleans (Sept. 16), where they were
eloquently addressed by Edward Living-
ston {q. v.), who urged the inhabitants
to make speedy preparations for repelling
invasion. They appointed a committee of
safety, composed of distinguished citizens
of New Orleans, of which Livingston was
chairman. Governor Claiborne, who also
believed Lafitte's story, sent copies of the
British papers to Jackson, then at Mobile.
Then the latter issued a vigorous counter-
proclamation, and proceeded to break up
the nest of motley enemies at Pensacola.
Finally, there were such omens of a
speedy invasion of Louisiana that appeals
to Jackson were repeated, and he left
Mobile for New Orleans on Nov. 21.
The patriotic governor had called the
legislature together as early as Oct. 5,
but there was neither union, harmony,
nor confidence. The people, alarmed, com-
plained of the legislature; that body com-
plained of the governor; and Claiborne
complained of both the legislature and
the people. Money and credit were equally
wanting, and ammunition was very scarce.
There was no effective naval force in the
adjacent waters; and only two small mi-
litia regiments and a weak battalion of
uniformed volunteers, commanded by
Major Plauche, a gallant Creole, composed
the military force for repelling invasion
or defending the city. In every aspect
the situation was most gloomy when Jack-
son arrived. His advent was hailed with
joy. "Jackson's come! Jackson's come!"
went from lip to lip. He did not rest for
a moment. He at once organized the
feeble military force in the city; took
measures for obstructing the large bayous,
whose waters formed convenient communi-
cation between the city and the Gulf of
Mexico ; and proceeded to inspect and
strengthen the fortifications in the vicin-
ity, and to erect new ones. Fort St.
Philip, below the city, was his main reli-
ance for preventing a passage of the Brit-
ish ships. The expected invaders soon ap-
peared. In fifty vessels of all sizes 7,000
land troops were borne over the Gulf of
Mexico from the island of Jamaica in the
direction of New Orleans, and sighted the
northern coast of the Gulf, a little east
of Lake Borgne, on Dec. 9. Music, danc-

484

LOUISIANA, STATE OF

ing, theatrical performances, and hilarity
of every kind had been indulged in during
the voyage, every man feeling that the
conquest of Louisiana would be an easy
task. The wives of many officers were
with them, anticipating great pleasure in
the western world. Believing the Ameri-
cans to be profoundly ignorant of the ex-
pedition, they anchored at the entrance to
Lake Borgne, and prepared small vessels
for the transportation of troops over the
shallow waters, to take New Orleans by
surprise. They did not dream of the fatal
revelations of Lafitte. Two gunboats, sent
out towards Mobile Bay to catch intelli-
gence of the coming armament, discovered
the great fleet Dec. 10, and hastened to re-
port the fact to Lieut. Thomas Ap Catesby
Jones, in command of a small flotilla at
the entrance of Lake Borgne, to prevent
the British from landing troops. Jones's
flotilla was encountered by the British
(much to their astonishment) on the 13th.
The British fleet was under the command
of Admiral Cochrane, and many of the
troops were those which had been engaged
in the invasion of Maryland. It would
not do to attempt to land troops while the
waters of the lake were patrolled by Amer-
ican gunboats, and so Cochrane sent sixty
barges, nearly all carrying a carronade in
the bow, and with six oars on each side,
and all well filled with armed volunteers
from the fleet, to capture or destroy Jones's
flotilla. The latter was composed of an
armed sloop (the flag-ship), a tender, and
five gunboats, with an aggregate of
twenty-three guns and 182 men. The
British barges contained 1,200 men. On
the morning of Dec. 14 an encounter
took place, which the little flotilla sus-
tained against overwhelming numbers for
about an hour, when it was compelled to
surrender. The British had now complete
control of Lake Borgne. The transports,
filled with troops, entered, and the latter
were conveyed in barges to Pea Island,
where General Keane organized his forces
for future operations. Learning from
some Spanish residents of New Orleans
that there was a bayou navigable for large
barses to within a short distance of the
Mississippi River, just below New Orleans,
Cochrane sent a party to explore it. They
followed this bayou (the Bienvenu) and
a canal across Viller§'s plantation, and

when they reported favorably about one-
third of the troops were taken through
these watercourses. At the head of the
bayou the active Lieutenant-Colonel Thorn-
ton, with a detachment, surrounded the
house of General Villere, the commandant
of a division of Louisiana militia, and
m.ade him prisoner; but he soon escaped,
and, hastening to New Orleans, gave warn-
ing of the invasion to General Jackson.
General Keane, a gallant Irish officer, the
commander-in-chief of the British land-
forces, was with this advance party, with
several of his officers, and felt confident
that the invasion was unknown at New
Orleans. The British formed a camp at
Villere's (Dec. 23), within sight of the
Mississippi, and prepared to move for-
ward. The invaders were now within 9
miles of New Orleans. A proclamation,
printed in the Spanish and French lan-
guages, and signed by General Keane and
Admiral Cochrane, was sent forward by a
negro to be distributed among the inhabi-
tants. It read as follows: " LouisianiansI
remain quietly in your houses ; your slaves
shall be preserved to you, and your prop-
erty shall be respected. We make war
only against Americans." While all this
work of invasion was going on, Jackson
had been, busy at New Orleans preparing to
roll it back. He had heard of the capture
of the gunboats on the 15th, and he called
upon Generals Coffee, Carroll, and Thomas
to hasten to New Orleans with the Tennes-
see and Kentucky troops. They came as
speedily as possible. Coffee came first,
and Carroll arrived on Dec. 22. A troop
of horse under Major Hinds, raised in Lou-
isiana, came at the same time. General
Villere, soon after his capture, escaped,
crossed the Mississippi, rode up its right
bank on a fleet horse to a point opposite
New Orleans, crossed over, and gave Jack-
son such full information of the position
of the invaders that he marched with quite
a large body of troops on the afternoon of
the 23d to meet the intruders. The armed
schooner Carolina, Captain Henley, moved
doAvn the Mississippi in the evening to
Avithin musket-shot distance of the centre
of the British camp at Villere's. At half-
past seven o'clock she opened a tremendous
fire upon them, killing and wounding at
least 100 men. The British extinguished
their camp-fires, and hurled rockets and

485

LOUISIANA, STATE OF

bullets upon the Carolina, with little ef-
fect. The schooner soon drove the British
from their camp in great confusion. Mean-
while Jackson had pressed forward with
his troops in the darkness in two columns,
and, falling upon the bewildered invaders,
soon achieved a victory which he dared
not follow up in the gloom, and fell back.
The astonished Britons were soon cheered
by the arrival of reinforcements, and the
advent of Gen. Edward Pakenham, one of
Wellington's veterans, who took the chief
command. After careful preparation, and
getting his soldiers well in hand, he led
them towards Xew Orleans. He was met
by Jackson with a force behind intrench-
ments about half-way between the city
and Villere's, and a severe battle ensued,-
in which the Americans were victorious.
Immediately aftei'wards the British with-
drew to their ships and departed. See
Jacksox, Andrew; New Orleans.

In the legislature of Louisiana, assem-
bled at Baton Rouge in special session,
Dec. 10, 1860, the Union sentiment was
powerful, yet not sufficiently so to arrest
mischief to the commonwealth. An effort
was made to submit the question of " Con-
vention or No Convention " to the people,
but it failed, and an election of delegates
to a convention was ordered to be held on
Jan. 8, the anniversary of Jackson's vic-
tory at New Orleans. On that occasion
the popular vote was small, but it was of
such a complexion that the Confederates
were hopeful. The convention met at
Baton Rouge, Jan. 23. The legislature
had convened theie on the 21st. The num-
ber of delegates in the convention was
130. Ex-Gov. Alexander Mouton was
chosen president, and J. Thomas Wheat,
secretary. Cominissioners from South
Carolina and Alabama were there, and
were invited to seats in the convention ;
and they made vehement speeches in favor
of secession. A committee of fifteen was
appointed to draft an ordinance of seces-
sion. It reported on the 24th by their
chairman, John Perkins, Jr., and the or-
dinance then submitted was adopted on
the 26th by a vote of 113 against 17. Its
phraseology bore the same general features
as the ordinances passed by other States.
Though a State purchased from France by
the national government, the convention
declared that Louisiana " resumed the

lights and pov/ers heretofore delegated to
the government of the United States of
America," its creator. At the conclusion
ot the balloting the president said: "In
virtue of the vote just announced, I now
declare the connection between the State
of Louisiana and the federal Union dis-
solved, and she is a free, sovereign, and
independent power." The convention,
alarmed at the planting of cannon at
Vicksburg by the Mississippians, resolved
imanimously that they recognized the
right of a " free navigation of the Missis-
sippi River and its tributaries by all
friendly States bordering thereon " ; also
" the right of egress and ingress of the
mouths of the Mississippi by all friendly
states and powers." A motion to submit
the ordinance to the people for considera-
tion was lost.

Prompted by advice from John Slidell
and Judah P. Benjamin, then sitting as
members of the United States Senate, the
governor of Louisiana (Moore) sent ex-
peditions from New Orleans to seize Forts
Jackson and St. Philip on the Mississippi,
below the city, then in charge of Major
Beauregard ; also Fort Pike, on Lake Pont-
chartrain, and the arsenal at Baton Rouge.
A part of General Palfrey's division went
down the river in a steam-vessel, and on
the evening of Jan. 10, 1861, the com-
mander of Fort St. Philip (Dart) surren-
dered it ; but the commander of Fort Jack-
son ( Sergeant Smith ) , which surrendered,
gave up the keys under protest. State
troops seized Fort Livingston, on Grand
Terre Island, Barataria Bay, at the same
time, and on the 20th the unfinished fort
on Ship Island was seized and held by
the Confederates. Troops left New Or-
leans, 300 in number, under Colonel Wal-
ton, on the evening of Dec. 0, in a steam-
vessel, and on the following evening ar-
rived at Baton Rouge to seize the arsenal,
then in command of ]\Iajor Haskin. He
Avas compelled to surrender it on the 11th.
By this act the Confederates were put
in possession of 50,000 small-arms, four
howitzers, twenty pieces of heavy ordnance,
two field-batteries, 300 barrels of gun-
powder, and a large quantity of other mu-
nitions of war. A part of this property
Governor Moore turned over to Governor
Pettus, of Mississippi. The barracks be-
low New Orleans were seized on the 11th.

486

LOUISIANA— LOVEJOY

They were used for a marine hospital.
The United States collector at New Or-
leans was required to remove the 216
patients from the barracks immediately,
as the State wanted the building for the
gathering Confederates. The collector
(Hatch) remonstrated, and they were al-
lowed to remain. The authorities of
Louisiana also seized the national mint
and the custom-house there, with all the
precious metals they contained in coin
and bullion, and by order of the State
convention this treasure, amounting to
$536,000, was placed in the State coffers.
Soon after this, a draft for $300,000 was
received by the sub-treasurer at New Or-
leans, which that fiscal officer refused to
pay, saying, " The money in my custody is
no longer the property of the United
States, but of the republic of Louisiana."
See Uis'iTED States, Louisiana, vol. ix.

TERRITORIAL GOVERNOR.

UNITED STATES SES ATORS— Continued.

Name.

William C. C. Claiborne 1804 to 1812

STATE GOVERNORS.

William C. C. Claiborne.

James Villere

Thomas B. Robertson. . .

H. S. Thibodpaiix

Henry .Johnson

Pierre Derbigny

A. Beauvnis

Jacques nuprd

Anilrd B. Roman

Edward D. White

Andre B. Roman

Alexander Mouton

Isaac Johnson

Josejih Wnlker

Panl O. Hebert

Robert C. Wickiiffe

Thomas 0. Moore

Michael Hahn

Henry F. Allen

James M. Wells

B. F. Flanders

Henry C. Warmouth

William Pitt Kellogg....

John McKnery

Francis T. Xicholls

Louis .\lfred Wiltz

Samuel 0. Mi'Enery....

Francis T. KichoUs

Murphy J. Foster

William W. Heard.
Newton C. Blanchard

1812 to 1816
1816 " 1820
1820 " 1824

1824
1824 to 1828

1828 " 1829

1829 " 1830

1830 " 1831

1831 " 1834
1834 " 1838
1838 " 1841
1841 " 1845
184.5 " 18.50
18.50 " 1854
18.54 " 1858
18.58 " 1860
1860 " 1863

1864

1864 to 1867

1867 " 1868

1868 " 1872
1872 " 1877
1872 " 1877
1877 " 1880

1880 " 1881

1881 " 1888
1888 " 1892
1892 " 1900
1900 " 1904
1904 " 1908

UNITED STATES SENATORS.

Name.

No. of Cnnfrress.

Term.

Thomas Posey

James Brown

Allan B, Magruder

Eligins Fromentin

Henrv .lohnson

12th
12th to Uth

12lh
13th to 1.5th
loth '■ 18th
16th " 18th
18th " 20th

1812
1813 to

1818 "

1819 "
1824 "

1817

1819

1824

James Brown

Dominique Boultgny

1823
1829

Josiah S. Johnston

Edward Livingston...
George A. Waggaman.
Alexander Porter . . .

Alexander Mouton

Robert C. Nicholas

Charles .M. Conrad

Alexander Barrow. . . .

Alexander Porter

Henry Johnson

Pierre Souiii

Solomon W. Downs...

Pierre Soulc

Judah P. Benjamin. . .
John Slidell

John S. Harris

William Pitt Kellogg. .

J. Rodman West

James B. Eustis

William Pitt Kellogg. .

Benjamin F. Jones

Randall L. Gibson...'..

James B. Eustis

Edward D. White

Donaldson Caffrey....
Newton C. Blanciiard.
Samuel D. McEnery...
Murphy J. Foster

No. of Congress

18th to 23d
21st " 22d

22d
23d to 24th
24th " 27th
24th " 26th

27 th
27th to 29th

28th
28th to 30th

21)th
30th to 32d
31st " 32d
33d " 36th
33d " 36th
36th " 40th

40 th
40th to 42d
42d " 4.5 th
45th " 46th

45th

46th

48th

49th

52d

53d

55th

57 th

48th

52d

51st

53d

57th

55th

Term.

1824 to

1829 "
1832

1834 to

1837 "

1836 "

1842 "
1841 "

1843 "

1844 "
1847

1847 to

1849 "

1853 "

1861 "
1868

1868 to

1871 '•

1877 "

1879 "

1883 "

1885 "

1891 "

1893 "

1894 "
1897 "
1901 "

1833
1831

1837
1842
1841
1843
1846
1844
1849

1853
1853
1861
1861
1868

1872
1877
1879
1883
1885
1892
1891
1894
1901
1897

Louisiana Purchase CentenniaL See
St. Louis.

Loups. See Moiiegan Indians.

Lovejoy, Elijah Parish, abolitionist;
born in Albion, Me., Nov. 9, 1802; grad-
uated at Waterville College in 1826;
edited a newspaper which advocated the
claims of Henry Clay for the Presidential
nomination. In 1833 he was licensed to
preach after a course of theological study
at Princeton Seminary, and, returning to
St. Louis, established The Observer, a re-
ligious periodical, in which he strongly
and persistently condemned the institution
of slavery. In 1836 he removed to Alton,
111., because of threats of personal vio-
lence in St. Louis, and there his print-
ing establishment was attacked four times
by a mob. On the la.st occasion one of
his assailants was killed by the friends
who were aiding him to defend his build-
ing. This caused a momentary lull in
the movements of the mob, and Mr. Love-
joy, under the belief that his assailants
had withdrawn, opened the door of the
building, and was immediately shot, five
bullets entering his body, causing his
death within a few minutes, Nov. 7, 1837.
The affair created widespread excitement,
and was the occasion of numerous pub-
lications and speeches by anti-slavery lead-
ers.

The Freedom of the Press. — On Dec. 8,

487

LOVEJOY, ELIJAH PARISH

1837, Wendell Phillips delivered a speech
at Faneuil Hall, Boston, on the mur-
der of Lovejoy and the freedom of the
press, of which the following is the sub-
stance:

Mr. Chairman, — We have met for the
freest discussion of these resolutions, and
the events which gave rise to them.
(Cries of "Question," "Hear him," "Go
on," "No gagging," etc.) I hope I shall
be permitted to express my surprise at
the sentiments of the last speaker, sur-
prise not only at such sentiments from
such a man, but at the applause they
have received within these walls. A com-
parison has been drawn between the
events of the Revolution and the tragedy
at Alton. We have heard it asserted
here, in Faneuil Hall, that Great Britain
had a right to tax the colonies, and we
have heard the mob at Alton, the drunk-
en murderers of Lovejoy, compared to
those patriot fathers who threw the tea
overboard! Fellow-citizens, is this Fan-
euil Hall doctrine ? ( " No, no ! " ) The
mob at Alton were met to wrest from a
citizen his just rights — met to resist the
laws. We have been told that our fathers
did the same; and the glorious man-
tle of revolutionary precedent has been
thrown over the mobs of our day. To
make out their title to such defence, the
gentleman says that the British Parlia-
ment had a right to tax these colonies.
It is manifest that, without this, his
parallel falls to the ground, for Lovejoy
had stationed himself within constitu-
tional bulwarks. He was not only de-
fending the freedom of the press, but he
was under his own roof, in arms with
the sanction of the city authority. The
men who assailed him went against and
over the laws. The mob, as the gentleman
terms it — mob, forsooth ! certainly we
sons of the tea-spillcrs are a marvellous-
ly patient generation! — the "orderly
mob " which assembled in the Old South
to destroy the tea were met to resist, not
the laws, but illegal enactions. Shame
on the American who calls the tea tax
and the stamp tax laios! Our fathers
resisted, not the king's prerogative, but
the king's usurpation. To find any other
accovmt, you must read our Revolutionary
history upside down. Our State archives

are loaded with arguments of John Adams
to prove the taxes laid by the British
Parliament unconstitutional — beyond its
power. It was not until this was made
out that the men of New England rushed
to arms. The arguments of the Council
Chamber and the House of Representa-
tives preceded and sanctioned the contest.
To draw the conduct of our ancestors into
a precedent for mobs, for a right to resist
laws we ourselves have enacted, is an in-
sult to their memory. The difference be-
tween the excitements of those days and
our own, which the gentleman, in kind-
ness to the latter, has overlooked, is
simply this: the men of that day went
for the right, as secured by the laws.
They were the people rising to sustain
the laws and constitution of the province.
The rioters of our days go for their own
wills, right or wrong. Sir, when I heard
the gentleman lay down principles which
place the murderers of Alton side by side
with Otis and Hancock, with Quincy and
Adams, I thought those pictured lips
(pointing to the portraits in the hall)
would have broken into voice to rebuke
the recreant American — the slanderer of
the dead. The gentleman said that he
should sink into insignificance if he dared
to gainsay the principles of these resolu-
tions. Sir, for the sentiments he has ut-
tered, on soil consecrated by the prayers
of Puritans and the blood of patriots, the
earth should have yawned and swallowed
him up.

(By this time the uproar in the hall
had arisen so high that the speech was
suspended for a short time. Applause and
counter-applause, cries of " Take that
back," " Make him take back ' recreant,' "
" He sha'n't go on till he takes it back,"
and counter-cries of " Phillips or nobody,"
continued until the pleadings of well-
known citizens had somewhat restored
order, when Mr. Phillips resumed.)

Fellow-citizens, I cannot take back my
words. Surely the attorney-general, so
long and so well known here, needs not
the aid of your hisses against one so young
as I am — my voice never before heard
within these walls. . . .

Men arc continually asking each other.
Had Lovejoy a right to resist? Sir, 1
protest against the question instead of
answering it. Lovejoy did not resist in

483

LOVEJOY, ELIJAH PABISH

the sense they mean. He did not throw many heart-stirring memories, were blot-
himself back on the natural right of self- ted out in the martyr's blood,
defence. He did not cry anarchy, and let It has been stated, perhaps inadvertent-
slip the dogs of civil war, careless of the ly, that Lovejoy or his comrades fired
horrors which would follow. Sir, as T first. This is denied by those who have
understand this affair, it was not an in- the best means of knowing. Guns were
dividual protecting his property; it was first fired by the mob. After being twice
not one body of armed men resisting an- fired on, those within the building con-
other, and making the streets of a peace- suited together and deliberately returned
ful city run blood with their contentions, the fire. But suppose they did fire first.
It did not bring back the scenes in some They had a right so to do; not only the
old Italian cities, where family met fam- right which every citizen has to defend
ily, and faction met faction, and mutually himself, but the further right which
trampled the laws under foot. No! the every civil officer has to resist violence,
men in that house were regularly en- Even if Lovejoy fired the first gun, it
rolled, under the sanction of the mayor, would not lessen his claim to our sympa-
There being no militia in Alton, about thy, or destroy his title to be considered
seventy men were enrolled with the ap- a martyr in defence of a free press. The
probation of the mayor. These relieved question now is. Did he act within the
each other every other night. About Constitution and the laws? The men
thirty men were in arms on the night of who fell in State Street on March 5,
the Cth, when the press was landed. The 1770, did more than Lovejoy is charged
next evening it was not thought necessary with. They were the first assailants
to summon more than half that number, upon some slight quarrel ; they pelted the
Among these was Lovejoy. It was, there- troops with every missile within reach,
fore, you perceive, sir, the police of the Did this bate one jot of the eulogy with
city resisting rioters; civil government which Hancock and Warren hallowed
breasting itself to the shock of lawless their memory, hailing them as the first
men. martyrs in the cause of American liberty?

Here is no question about the right of If, sir, I had adopted what are called

self-defence. It is, in fact, simply this: peace principles I might lament the cir-

Has the civil magistrate a right to put cumstances of this case. But all you

down a riot? . who believe as I do, in the right and duty

Some persons seem to imagine that an- of magistrates to execute the laws, join

archy existed at Alton from the com- with me and brand as base hypocrisy the

mencement of these disputes. Not at all. conduct of those who assemble year after

"No one of us," says an eye-witness and jear on July 4 to fight over the battles of

a comrade of Lovejoy, " has taken up the Revolution, and yet " damn with faint

arms during these disturbances but at the praise " or load with obloquy the memory

command of the mayor." Anarchy did of this man who shed his blood in defence

iiot settle down on that devoted city till of life, liberty, property, and the freedom

Lovejoy breathed his last. Till then the of the press !

law, represented in his person, sustained Throughout that terrible night I find

itself against its foes. When he fell civil nothing to regret but this, 'that, within

authority was trampled vmder foot. He the limits of our country, civil authority

had " planted himself on his constitu- should have been so prostrated as to

tional rights, appealed to the laws, oblige a citizen to arm in his defence, and

claimed the protection of the civil author- to arm in vain. The gentleman saj's

ity, taken refuge under the broad shield Lovejoy was presumptuous and imprudent

of the Constitution. When through that — he " died as the fool dieth." And a

he was pierced and fell, he fell but one reverend clergyman of the city tells us

sufferer in a common catastrophe." He that no citizen has a right to publish

took refuge under the banner of liberty, opinions disagreeable to the community!

am.vl its folds, and when he fell its glo- If any mob follows such publication, on

rious stars and stripes, the emblem of Mm rests its guilt. He must wait, for-

free institutions, around which cluster so sooth, till the people come up to it and

489

LOVEJOY

agree with him ! This libel on liberty
goes on to say that the want of a right to
speak as we think is an evil inseparable
from republican institutions! If this be
so, what are they worth ? Welcome the
despotism of the Sultan, where one knows
what he may publish and what he may
not, rather than the tyranny of this many-
headed monster, the mob, where we know
not what we may do or say, till some fel-
low-citizen has tried it, and paid for the
lesson with his life. This clerical absurd-
ity chooses as a check for the abuses of
the press, not the laio, but the dread of a
mob. By so doing, it deprives not only
the individual and the minority of their
rights, but the majority also, since the
expression of their opinion may some time
provoke disturbances from the minority.
A few men may make a mob as well as
many. The majority, then, have no right,
as Christian men, to utter their senti-
ments, if by any possibility it may lead
to a mob ! Shades of Hugh Peters and
John Cotton, save us from such pul-
pits! . . .

Imagine yourself present when the first
news of Bunker Hill battle reached a New
England town. The tale would have run
thus: "The patriots are routed — the
red-coats victorious — Warren lies dead
upon the field." With what scorn would
that Tory have been received who should
have charged Warren with imprudence!
who should have said that, bred a physi-
cian, he was " out of place " in that bat-
tle, and " died as the fool dieth." How
would the intimation have been received
that Warren and his associates should
have merited a better time? But if suc-
cess be, indeed, the only criterion of pru-
dence, Respice fincm — wait till the end !
Presumptuous to assert the freedom of the
press on American ground! Is the asser-
tion of such freedom before the age? So
nuich before the age as to leave one no
right to make it because it displeases the
community? Who invents this libel on
his country? It is this very thing which
entitles Lovejoy to greater praise. The
disputed right which provoked the Revo-
lution— taxation without representation —
is far beneath that for which he died.
(Here there was a general expression of
strong disapprobation.) One word, gen-
tlemen. As much as thoufjht is better

than money, so much is the cause in which
Lovejoy died nobler than a mere question
of taxes. James Otis thundered in this
hall when the king did but touch his
pocket. Imagine, if you can, his indig-
nant eloquence had England offered to put
a gag upon his lips. The question that
stirred the Revolution touched our civil
interests. This concerns us not only as
citizens, but as immortal beings. Wrapped
uji in its fate, saved or lost with it, are
not only the voice of the statesman, but
the instructions of the pulpit and the
progress of our faith ....

Mr. Chairman, from the bottom of my
heart I thank that brave little band at
Alton for resisting. We must remember
that Lovejoy had fled frem city to city —
suffered the destruction of three presses
patiently. At length he took counsel with
friends, men of character, of tried integ-
rity, of wide views, of Christian principle.
They saw around them, not a community
like our own, of fixed habits, of character
]noulded and settled, but one " in the
gristle, not yet hardened into the bone
of manhood." The people there, children
of our older States, seem to have forgot-
ten the blood-tried principles of their
fathers the moment they lost sight of our
New England hills. Something was to
he done to show them the priceless value
of the freedom of the press, to bring back
and set right their wandering and con-
fused ideas. He and his advisers looked
out on a conununity, staggering like a
drunken man, indifferent to their rights
and confused in their feelings. Deaf to
argument, haply they might be stunned
into sobriety. They saw that of which
we cannot judge, the necessifi/ of resist-
ance. Insulted law called for it. Public
opinion, fast hastening on the downward
course, must be arrested.

Does not the event show they judged
rightly? Absorbed in a thousand trifles.
how has the nation all at once come to a
stand? Men begin, as in 1776 and 1640,
to discuss principles, to weigh characters,
to find out where they are. Haply, we
may awake before we are borne over the
precipice.

Lovejoy, Owen, abolitionist; born in
Albion, Me., Jan. 6. ISll; was with his
brother. Elijah P. Lovejoy. when the lat-
ter was murdered. He openly violated the

490

LOVELL— LOWELL

Illinois State laws in holding public anti-
slavery meetings. Elected a member of
Congress in 1856, and remained a member
through re-election until his death in
Brooklyn, N. Y., March 25, 18G4.

Lovell, James, a patriot; born in Bos-
ton, Mass., Oct. 31, 1737; graduated
at Harvard College in 1756; taken pris-
oner after the battle of Bunker Hill and
confined in Halifax, N. S., till exchanged
in November, 1776. He was a member of
the Continental Congress in 1776-82. He
favored Gen. Horatio Gates for command-
er-in-chief of the American army, and was
very bitter against Washington. He died
in Windham, Me., July 14, 1814.

Low, Seth, educator; born in Brook-
lyn, N. Y., Jan. 18, 1850; graduated
with high honors at Columbia College in
1870; entered his father's mercantile
house, and in 1875 became a member of the

firm, and shortly after was elected a
member of the Chamber of Commerce.
Later he established the Brooklyn Bureau
of Charities. In 1881 and 1883 he was
elected mayor of Brooklyn. ]\Ir. Low was
chosen president of Columbia College in
1890. In 1800 President McKinley ap-
pointed him one of the United States
delegates to the Universal Peace Confer-
ence called by the Czar of Russia and
held at The Hague, Netherlands, that year.
Since his accession to the presidency of
Columbia University he has been exceed-

ingly liberal in promoting its welfare. In
1895 he offered to erect a grand univer-
sity library at his own expense. This
building by the time of its completion had
cost him about $1,200,000. In honor of his
munificence, the trustees established twelve
scholarships for Brooklyn boys and twelve
in Barnard College for Brooklyn girls. In
1807 Mr. Low .was defeated as the candi-
date of the Citizens' Union for mayor of
New York City; in 1901 was elected on
an anti-Tammany ticket; and in 1903 was
defeated on a Fusion ticket.

Lowell, Charles IIussell, military offi-
cer; born in Boston, June 2, 1835; grad-
uated at Harvard in 1854, and when
the Civil War broke out was one of the
first to offer his services. He was made
captain of cavalry in May, 1861, and
served on the staff of General McClellan
until the fall of 1862, when he organized
the 2d Massachusetts Cavalry, and was
made colonel in the spring of 1863. As a
leader of cavalry he performed much good
service in Virginia, and was made briga-
dier-general of volunteers on Sheridan's
recommendation the day before his death.
He died of wounds at Cedar Creek, near
Middletown, Va., Oct. 20, 1864.

Lowell, James Russell, poet and diplo-
matist; born in Cambridge, Mass., Feb.
22, 1S19; graduated at Harvard in 1838;
studied law, and was admitted to the bar
in 1840; but soon abandoned the profes-
sion and devoted himself to literary pur-
suits. His first collection of poems — A
Year's Life — was published in 1841, and
in 1843 he engaged with Robert Carter in
the publication of The Pioneer, a literary
and critical magazine. He published the
first series of the Birjlow Papers in
1848, the second series in 1866. He
visited Europe in 1851, and in the
winter of 1854-55 delivered a course
of twelve lectures on the British poets.
On the resignation of the professorship of
modern languages and belles - lettres in
Harvard by ]\fr. Longfellow, Mr. Lowell
was chosen his successor. To fill the
place successfully, he again went to Eu-
rope and studied for a year, returning in
August, 1856. He edited the Atlantic
Monthly from 1857 to 1862, and in 1863-
72 was one of the editors of the XortJi
American Revietr. In 1874 the University
of Cambridge, England, bestowed upon

491

LOWELL— LOWBY

JAMKS KUSSKLI. LOWELL.

him the honorary degree of LL.D. In
1S77-80 Mr. Lowell was United States
minister to Spain, and in 1880-85 minister
to Great Britain. He died in Cambridge,
Aug. 12, 1891.

Lowell, John, author; born in New-
buryport, Mass., Oct. 6, 1769; graduated
at Harvard College in 1786; became
a prolific writer, and published about
twenty-five pamphlets. He was a strong
political partisan, but would never take
office, and he wrote severely against the
supporters of the War of 1812-15. With
his extraordinary colloquial powers and
elegant and logical pen, he wielded great
influence in Massachusetts. Mr. Lowell
was a founder of the Massachusetts Gen-
eral Hospital, the Boston Athenaeum, the
Savings Bank, and the Hospital Life In-
surance Company. For many years he
was president of the Massachusetts Agri-
cultural Society. He died in Boston,
March 12, 1840.

Lowell, John, lawyer; born in New-
buryport, Mass., June 17, 1743; grad-
uated at Harvard College in 1760; ad-
mitted to the bar in 1762, and settled in
Boston in 1777. He held a seat in the
convention which drew up the constitution
of Massachusetts in 1780, and was a mem-
ber of the committee which drafted that
document. It was through his ur'^ency
that the clause " all men are born fr<.'e and
equal " was inserted. In 1783 the State
Supreme Court decided that his position
respecting slavery was legal and i.he insti-
tution was abolished in Massachusetts. He
died in Roxbury, Mass., May 6, 1802.

Lowell, John, philanthropist; born in
Boston, May 11, 1799; was educated in
Edinburgh and at Harvard College until
1815, when he was compelled to travel for
the improvement of impaired health. A
fine scholar, the inheritor of a large fort-
une, he indulged his passion for travel and
books, after being engaged a few years in
commercial life. He bequeathed $250,000
for the maintenance forever in Boston of
an annual course of free lectures on a
variety of subjects, and on this was estab-
lished the Lowell Institute, which began
its work in the winter of 1839-40. He
died in Bombay, India, March 4, 1836.

Lowell, Josephine Shaw, philanthro-
pist; born in West Roxbury, Mass., Dec.
16, 1843; was educated in Europe, Boston,
and New York; and travelled abroad from
1851 to 1855. She married Charles Rus-
sell Lowell in 1863, and has devoted her
life to charity. She was one of the com-
missioners of the New York State board
of charities in 1877-89; and was a leader
of the Women's Municipal Purity Auxil-
iary in 1894. She wrote Relief and Char-
ity ; and Arbitration and Conciliatinn.
She died in New York City. Oct. 12. 1905.

Lowndes, Rawlins, statesman; born
in the British West Indies in 1722; was
taken to Charleston, S. C, in early youth ;
became a successful lawyer, and in 1766
the crown appointed him associate judge.
An earnest patriot, . he was one of the
committee of safety at Charleston in 1775,
and in 1776 he was one of a committee
to draft a constitution for the province.
]\Ir. Lowndes opposed the national Con-
stitution, and said in a speech, " I wish
no other epitaph than this: 'Here lies
one who opposed the federal Constitution,
holding it to be fatal to the liberties of
his country.' " He died in Charleston,
S. C. Aug. 24, 1800.

Low^ry, Robert, hymnologist; born in
Philadelphia, March 12, 182^6; graduated
at Lewisburg University in 1854, and
entei-ed the Baptist ministry. He held
pastorates in West Chester, Pa., New York
City, Brooklyn, and Plainfield, N. J.; was
Professor of Literature in Lewisburg (now
Bucknell) University in 1800-75; chan-
cellor in 1876-82; president of the New
Jersey Baptist Sunday School Union in
1880-86; and a delegate to the Robert
Raikes centennial in London in 1880. He

492

LOYAL LEGION— LUDLOW

has composed many Easter and Christmas interested in the training system for boys

services and hymns, and edited Chapel for the royal navy as practised theie.

Melodies; Briffht J excels; Pure Gold; On his return he made a special report

Hymn ticrvice; Brightest and Best; Glad and recommendations upon the subject,

Refrains, and other sacred music. which was followed by the adoption of

Loyal Legion. See Military Order of a similar system for the United States

Loyal Legion.

Loyalists. See Tories.

Luce, Stephen Bleecker, naval officer;
born in Albany, N. Y., March 25, 1827;

navy. In 1884-86 he was president of the
United States Naval War College; in 188G
was appointed commandant of the North
Atlantic squadron ; and on March 25, 1889,

entered the navy as a midshipman from was retired as a rear-admiral. His pub-
New York in 1841; was first attached to lications include Seamanship and Naval
the Mediterranean squadron, and then to Sotigs.

the Brazilian. With Commodore James Ludewig, Hermann Ernst, lawyer; born
Biddle he circumnavigated the globe in in Dresden, Saxony, Oct. 14, 1809; became
the 74-gun line-of-battle ship Columbus, a lawyer and settled in New York City in
He was afterwards on the Pacific sta- 1846, where he was naturalized and engaged
tion in the Vand<ilia, and then was attach- in practice. He was the author of Lit era-
ed to the home squadron in the Vixen. In ture of American Local History ; Supple-
September, 1855, he was commissioned ment Relating to Local History of Neio
lieutenant, and when the Civil War broke York; Literature of American Aboriginal

Linguistics, etc. He died in Brooklyn,
N. Y., Dec. 12, 1856.

Ludington, Marshall Independence,
military officer; born in Smithfield, Pa.,
July 4, 1839; served in the Union volun-
teer army during the Civil War; was ap-
pointed captain and quartermaster, Oct.
20, 1862: promoted major and quarter-
master, Oct. 24; and was brevetted
brigadier-general, March, 13, 1865. He was
commissioned major and quartermaster in
the regular army, Jan. 18, 1867; promoted
lieutenant-colonel and deputy quarter-
master-general, March 15, 1883; colonel
and quartermaster, Dec. 31, 1894; and
brigadier-general, Feb. 8, 1898.

Ludlow, NicoLL, naval officer; born
in Islip, Long Island, N. Y., Sept. 11,
1842; entered the United States Naval
Academy in 1859; was promoted to en-
sign in 1863; attached to the Wachusett,
of the Brazilian squadron, in 1863-65;
and was on the iron-clad Monadnock
on her remarkable passage from New
out in 1861 he was ordered to the Wabash, York to San Francisco, in 1866. He was
in which he participated in the attack on promoted master in 1866; lieutenant,
the forts at Hatteras Inlet. In the Wa- 1867; lieutenant-commander, 1868; com-
hnsh (then the flag - ship of Commodore mander, 1881; captain, 1895; and rear-
Dupont) Lieutenant Luce engaged in the admiral on Nov. 1, 1899; and was retired
conflict at Port Royal. Subsequently he on the same day. After the close of the
was employed in the blockade service in Civil War his official duties gave him
the Pontiac. In 1863, in command of the an exceptional familiarity with the con-
Naval Academy practice-ship Macedonian, struction and equipment of the vessels for
he visited the ports of Plymouth and the new na\'y, as he performed service in
Portsmouth, England, and became deeply connection with the making and testing

493

STEPHEN BLKECKKR LUCE.

LUDLOW— LUNA Y ARELLANO

of torpedoes, and at various iron, steel,
and ordnance foundries. During the war
with Spain, he was in command of the
double-turret monitor Terror, attached to
the squadron operating in Cuban waters,
and after its close he was in command of
the battle-ship Massachusetts till his re-
tirement.

Ludlow, William, military officer;
born on Long Island, N. Y., Nov. 27, 1843 ;

WILLIAM LUDLOW.

graduated at the United States Military
Academy, and commissioned a first lieu-
tenant of engineers in 1864 ; was pro-
moted captain, March 7, 1867; major,
June 30, 1882; lieutenant-colonel, Aug. 13,
1895; and brigadier - general, Jan. 21,
IfiOO. In the war with Spain he was ap-
pointed brigadier - general of volunteers.
May 4, 1898, and promoted to major-gen-
eral on Sept. 7 following. He was honor-
ably discharged under his last volunteer
commission, and appointed a brigadier-
general of volunteers, both on April 13,
1899; and the last appointment was va-
cated on his proinotion to brigadier-gen-
eral in the regular army. At the out-
break of the war with Spain, in 1898, he
was ordered to Cuba. He greatly dis-
tinguished himself in the battle of El
Caney ( q. V. ) , and he was in command
of the 1st brigade of General Lawton's
division in the attack on Santiago by
the land forces. He was assigned to the
2d division of the 1st Army Corps, and in
December, 1898, he was appointed the first

American military and civil governor of
Havana. He died in Convent, N. J., Aug.
30, 1901.

Lumber State, a popular name for the
State of Maine, which abounds in im-
mense forests of timber suitable for build-
ings. The inhabitants are largely engaged
in cutting, rafting, and sawing the trees
for lumber. It is sometimes called the
" Pine-tree State " because of its forests of
pine-trees.

Lummis, Charles Fletcher, author;
born in Lynn, Mass., March 1, 1859; was
educated at Harvard College; walked froni
Cincinnati to Los Angeles, Cal., in 1884.
This trip of 3,507 miles was made purely
for pleasure and was accomplished in 143
days. He was editor of the Los Angeles
Daihj Times. 1885-87. He lived for a
number of years in an Indian village in
New Mexico, became familiar with the
manners and customs of the natives, and
has travelled extensively in the Southwest,
Mexico, and South America. In 1894 he
established in Los Angeles The Land of
Suii'Shine, a monthly periodical. Among
his publications are The Land of Poco
Tiempo; The Spanish Pioneers; The Man
Who Married the Eicon; The Gold Fish
of the Grand Chimu; A Neio Mexico
David, etc.

Luna y Arellano, Tristan de, ex-
plorer; born in Borobia, Aragon, in 1519;
and went to Mexico about 1550. In 1559
a powerful expedition was fitted out at
Vera Cruz, INIexico, for the conquest of
Florida, under his command. He sailed
Aug. 14 with a land force of 1,500 soldiers,
many friars, and a number of women and
children (the families of soldiers), to con-
quer and colonize Florida. He had a pros-
perous voyage to the Bay of Pensacola,
where he anchored his ships, but a week
later a storm arose which drove the ves-
sels ashore and wrecked them. He at once
sent out an exploring party in search of
the fertile lands and cities plethoric with
precious metals, of which he had dreamed.
For forty days they marched through a
barren country before they found any food.
This they found at a deserted town. Word
was sent back to De Luna of the abun-
dance of food there. He had lost most of
his stores with the ships. With 1.000
men, women, and children, he marched to
the town. The food was soon consumed,

494

LTJNDY— LUNDY'S LANE

and great suffering followed. De Luna meet the latter. In the mean time Brown,
marched back to Pensacola, whence, in two after burying the dead and caring for the

vessels that had been saved or built there,
he sent to the viceroy of Mexico for suc-
cor. Relief came, but the discontent of
the remnant of his colony caused his re-
turn to Vera Cruz in 1561. He died in
Yucatan, in 1571.

Lundy, Benjamin, philanthropist;
born in Hardwick, N. J., Jan. 4, 1789; be-
came an abolitionist about 1810. In 1815
he founded the " Union Humane Society,"
an anti - slavery organization, in St.
Clairsville, O. During difterent periods
of his life he established anti-slavery pa-
pers in several States. He is said to have
been the first to have made anti-slavery

wounded, had moved forward to Queens-
ton and menaced Fort George. He ex-
pected to see Chauncey with his squadron
on the Niagara River to co-operate with
him, but that commander was sick at
Sackett's Harbor, and his vessels were
blockaded there. Brown waited many
days for the squadron. Losing all hope
of aid from Chauncey, he fell back to the
Chippewa battle-ground. On the 24th in-
telligence reached him that Drummond,
with 1,000 men, many of them Welling-
ton's veterans, had landed at Lewiston,
opposite Queenston, with a view to seiz-
ing the American stores at Schlosser,

addresses and to have founded anti-slavery above the falls. Brown ordered Scott to

periodicals. He died in Lowell, 111., Aug.
22, 1839.

Lundy's Lane, Battle at. The con-
test near the great cataract of the Niagara
is known in history by the names of
" Bridgewater," " Niagara Falls," and
" Lundy's Lane." The latter is better
known. On his retreat from the battle-
ground at Chip-
pewa, July 5,
1814, the British
general, Riall,
fled down the bor-
ders of the Niag-
ara River to
Queenston, put
some of his
troops in Fort
George, and made
his headquarters
near the lake, 20
miles westward.
Drummond was
mortified by this
discomfiture of
his veteran
troops by what
he deemed to be
raw Americans,
and he resolved
to wipe out the
stain. He drew
most of the

troops from Burlington Bay. York, Kings-
ton, and Prescott, with a determination to
drive the invaders out of Canada. With a
force about one-third greater than that of
Brown, Drummond pushed forward to

march rapidly with a part of the army
and threaten the forts at the mouth of
the river. Towards evening on the 24th
Scott went forward with his brigade,
Towson's artillery, and a few mounted
men, and near the verge of the great cata-
ract he saw some British officers leave a
house, mount their horses, and ride rap-

SITE OF THE BRITISH BATTERY — 1860.

idly away. Believing an advance guard
of the British \vere near, Scott dashed into
the woods to disperse them, when he was
confronted by Riall with a larger force
that he had at Chippewa. The Americans

495

LUNDY'S LANE, BATTLE AT

were in great peril. To stand still would
be fatal; to retreat would be hazardous,
for it might create a panic in the main
army. So Scott resolved to fight the over-
whelming force. At sunset a desperate
battle was begun, which ended at near
midnight. Riall's force was 1,800 strong,
posted in slightly crescent form on an
eminence over which passed Lundy's
Lane, a highway stretching westward
from the Niagara Eiver. Upon that emi-
nence the British had planted a battery.
Scott perceived a blank between the Brit-
ish left and the river, and ordered Major
Jesup with his command to crawl cau-

When within short musket-range of the
battery, they could see the gunners with
their glowing linstocks, ready to act at
the word fire. Selecting two good marks-
men. Miller directed each to rest his rifle
on the fence, select a gunner, and fire at a
given signal. Very soon every gunner fell,
when Miller and his men rushed forward
and captured the battery. This gallant
exploit secured a victory; not, however,
until a terrible hand-to-hand fight in the
darkness with the protectors of the guns
had ensued. The British fell back. They
attempted to retake the battery (consist-
ing of five brass cannon) but failed, even

JAMES MILLER'S MEDAL.

tiously, in the evening twilight, through
the underbrush that covered the space and
turn that flank. Jesup obeyed, and suc-
cessfully gained the British rear and
kept back reinforcements sent by Drum-
mond. At the same time Scott was hotly
engaged with Eiall. Brown, apprised of
the situation, had pressed forward with
liis whole army and engaged in the fight.
Perceiving the key of the British posi-
tion to be the battery on the hill, he
turned to Col. James Miller, of the 27th
I'egulars, and asked, " Can you storm that
work and take it?" "I'll try," was the
prompt reply. With 300 men he moved
steadily up the hill in the darkness,
along a fence lined with thick bushes that
hid his troops from the view of the gun-
ners and their protectors who lay near.

after being reinforced by 1,500 men sent
forward by Drummond from Queenston.
Meanwhile, General Scott had been fight-
ing desperately but successfully, and had
been severely wounded by a musket-ball in
his shoulder. General Brown was also
severely wounded, and the command de-
volved upon General Ripley. The Brit-
ish were repulsed, and the Americans fell
back to Chippewa, with orders from Gen-
eral Brown to return after a brief rest,
before the dawn, and occupy the battle-
field. The always tardy and disobedient
Ripley failed to obey the order, and the
British returned and took possession of
the battery (excepting one piece) and the
field. The battle had been fought by
about 3,500 British troops and 2.600
Americans. The latter lost in killed,

496

I/UNT— LUZON

ANNE C^SAR DE LA LUZBRNB.

wounded, and missing, nearly one-third
of their whole number; the British lost
878, or twenty-six more than the Ameri-
cans. Both armies claimed a victory.
Kipley, whose disobedience caused the
Americans to lose the advantages of a
victory won at midnight, led the army
to Fort Erie, where he was soon after-
wards superseded by Gen. E. P. Gaines.
The exploit of Miller in capturing the
battery was considered one of the most
brilliant of the war. The moment that
General Brown met Miller afterwards, he
said, " You have immortalized yourself."
Congress voted him the thanks of the na-
tion and a gold medal.

Lunt, George, author; born in New-
buryport, Mass., Dec. 31, 1803; grad-
uated at Harvard College in 1824; be-
came a la^vyer in his native town in 1827. as ambassador to London, where he died,
He took an active interest in State and Sept. 14, 1791.

national politics; and was United States Luzon, the principal and most north-
district attorney during the administration erly island of the Philippine group ; be-
of President Taylor. He wrote Three Eras tween the Chinese Sea and the Pacific
of New England; The Union, a Poem; Ocean and lat. 12° 30' and 18° 40' N. and
Origin of the Late War; Old Neic Eng- long. 119° 45' and 124° 10' E.; area, 44,400
land Traits, etc. He died in Boston, May square miles; population, estimated by
17, 188.5. the United Stati'S military authorities in

Lutheran Church. The first Lutherans 1898, 3,426,000. It comprises the portion
came to New Amsterdam in 1621, but of the Philippine Islands with which
Dr. H. M. Muhlenberg is generally rec- Americans are most familiar because of
ognized as the founder of the Church in the initial navai operations in Manila Bay
America, although the first Lutheran and the subsequent movements of United
minister ministered to the Swedish Luther- States troops against the Filipino in-
ans in New Sweden in 1638. In 1890 the surgents. The surface of the island is to
Church consisted of 48 synods, 4,692 min- a large extent mountainous, showing vol-
isters, 70,948 congregations with a mem- canic formations, and there are also vast
bership of 1,099,876. In 1900 the com- tracts of swampy land which greatly em-
municants numbered 1,665,878. barrassed the American military author-

Luzerne, Anne Caesar de la, diplo- ities in their pursuit of Aguinaldo. The
matist; born in Paris in 1741. Having island is rich in economic productions, and
risen to the rank of colonel in the French there are also indications of mineral re-
army, he studied the art of diplomacy, sources of large value that are awaiting
and, in 1776, was sent as an envoy to intelligent development. These include
Barranca. He succeeded Gerard as min- gold, coal, copper, lead, iron, sulphur,
ister to the United States, in September, marble, and kaolin. In agriculture Luzon
1779, and remained here four years, and Mindoro, separated from it by San
gaining the esteem of the Americans by Bernardino Strait, yield crops of rice and
his friendship, wisdom, and prudence. In corn, an amount usually inadequate for
1783 he returned to France, bearing the home consumption. The best quality and
cordial thanks of Congress; and after the largest amount of tobacco is gro^vn on
organization of the national government Luzon, and in the southern portion of the
in 1789, President Washington caused the island hemp and cocoanut are cultivated
Secretary of State to write a letter to Lu- extensively. There is a large internal
zerne, making an official acknowledgment commerce between Manila and the dif-
of his services. In 1788 Luzerne was sent ferent islands in the group, carried on al-
V.— 2 I 497

LUZON— LYMAN

most exclusively by water. At the time
of the cession of the islands to the United
States there was but a single line of rail-
way, built by English capital, and extend-
ing from Manila north to Dagupan, about
half the distance between the extreme
northern and southern extremities of the
island. The roads in the immediate vicin-
ity of Manila are macadamized and gen-
erally in good condition; elsewhere they
are of dirt, and become almost impas-
sable in the rainy season. The different
provinces of the island are connected with
Manila by telegraph lines, and there are
cables from that city to the southern isl-
ands in the group and also to Borneo,
Singapore, and Hong - Kong. Manila has
a street railway, a telephone service and
electric lights.

Since the occupation of the island by
the United States the work of modernizing
the various public activities has progress-
ed with much success, and with a rapidity
surprising in view of the natural and
artificial obstacles. The Philippine Com-
mission appointed by President McKinley
became the legislative body of the archi-
pelago on Sept. 1, 1900, with power to
take and appropriate insular moneys; to
establish judicial and educational systems;
and to make and execute all laws necessary
to Americanize the archipelago. The early
results of this new governing body were
seen in the establishment of new school
laws ; in the organization of a competent
judiciary; in the improvement in the dif-
ferent provinces of Luzon, as well as in
the other islands of the group. In no
field has the new order of things worked
so quickly and beneficially as in the edu-
cational. The new public school law is
modelled on the methods pursued in the
United States. The general superin-
tendent of education is Dr. F. W. Atkin-
son, and a considerable number of teach-
ers are, like him, from the United States.
The native youth are very quick to learn,
and, at the close of 1900, there were thir-
ty-six public schools in Manila alone, un-
der the superintendence of Rev. George P.
Anderson. On June 29, 1900, a college of
primary and secondary education was
opened in Manila, being the first edu-
cational enterprise in the Philippines that
was not under the control of the priests,
and that depended for support on volun-

tary contributions. Over 500 pupils were
enrolled at the opening. During the
calendar year 1899 the imports of mer-
chandise at the port of Manila alone
aggregated $17,450,412, and, with gold
and silver coin, $18,701,469.

Lyman, Benjamin Smith, geologist;
born in Northampton, Mass., Dec. 11,
1835 ; graduated at Harvard College in
1855; studied in Paris in 1859-61, and
in Saxony in 1861-62; was assistant geolo-
gist of the State of Iowa in 1859; spent
several years in private geological and
mining engineering work; and was assist-
ant geologist of the State of Pennsylvania
in 1887-95. Mr. Lyman has travelled ex-
tensively in the United States, Europe,
India, and Japan; is a member of many
scientific societies; and has published
numerous papers and reports on his vari-
ous employments.

Lyman, Phineas, military officer; born
in Durham, Conn., about 1716. Educated
at Yale College, he was a tutor there from
1738 to 1741. He engaged in mercantile
pursuits, but finally became a lawyer in
Suffield. There he was a magistrate for
some years, and took a conspicuous part
in the disputes between Massachusetts
and Connecticut concerning the town of
Suffield. At the breaking out of the
French and Indian War he was command-
er-in-chief of the Connecticut forces; he
built Fort Lyman (afterwards Fort Ed-
ward), on the upper Hudson, and fought
and won the battle at the head of Lake
George in 1755. In 1758 he served un-
der General Abercrombie, and was with
Lord Howe when he was killed. He was
also at the capture of Crown Point and
Montreal, and, in 1762, led provincial
troops against Havana. In 1763 General
Lyman went to England to get prize-
money for himself and fellow-officers and
to solicit a grant of land on the Mississippi
for a company called " Military Adventur-
ers." He returned to America in 1774, at
which time a tract near Natchez was
granted to the petitioners ; and thither he
went with his eldest son, and died soon
after reaching west Florida, as the region
was then called, near the present Natchez,
Miss.. Sept. 10, 1774. The emigrants suf-
fered great hardships, and on the conquest
of the country by the Spaniards (1781-82)
they took refuge in Savannah.

498

LYMAN— LYON

Lyman, Theodore, author; born in
Boston, Mass., Feb. 20, 1792; gradu-
ated at Harvard College in 1810; member
of the Massachusetts legislature in 1820-
25; mayor of Boston in 1834-35. During
the latter year he saved William Lloyd
Garrison from the fury of a mob, endan-
gering his ovrn life. He was the author of
Account of the Hartford Convention; The
Diplomacy of the United States with For-
eign Natio7is, etc. He died in Brookline,
Mass., July 18, 1849.

Lynch, James Daniel, author; born in
Mecklenburg county, Va., Jan. 0, 1836;
graduated at the University of North
Carolina in 1859; served in the Confed-
erate army during the Civil War, and
after its close practised law in West
Point, Miss. Among his publications are
The Bench and Bar of Mississippi; The
Bench and Bar of Texas; Kemper County
Vindicated, or Reconstruction in Missis-
sippi; and the poems, The Clock of Des-
tiny; The Star of Texas; The Siege of the
Alamo; and Columbia Saluting the Illa-
tions, written for the World's Columbian
Exposition.

Lynch, Thomas, signer of the Declara-
tion of Independence; born in Prince
George parish, S. C, Aug. 5, 1749; was
of Austrian descent. His father, also
Thomas, a wealthy patriot, was a member
of the Continential Congress from 1774 till
his death, in 1776, The son was educated
in England, and returned home in 1772,
when he settled upon a plantation on the
Santee River and married. He was elected
to fill the seat of his sick father in Con-
gress near the close of 1775, when he voted
for and signed the Declaration of In-
dependence. His own ill-health compelled
him to leave Congress in the fall of 1776.
Near the close of 1779 he embarked for
St. Eustatius, with the intention of pro-
ceeding to Europe, but the vessel and all
on board were never heard of afterwards.

Lynch, William Francis, naval offi-
cer; born in Norfolk, Va., in April, 1801;
entered the navy as midshipman in 1819.
In 1847 he was sent on an expedition,
proposed by himself, to explore the course
of the River Jordan and the coasts of the
Dead Sea. He entered upon these duties
in the spring of 1848, and completed them
with great success. He ascertained the
Dead Sea to be 1,312 feet lower than the

Mediterranean Sea. He joined the Con-
federates in 1801, and was made a com-
mander in the navy, in which he served
tliroughout the Civil War. He died in
Baltimore, Md., Oct. 17, 1865.

Lynch Law, the name given to the
summary operations of a mob, or a few
private individuals, independently of the
legal s-uthorities. It is said to derive
its name from John Lynch, a farmer, who
exercised it upon the fugitive slaves and
criminals dwelling in the Dismal Swamp,
N. C, when they committed outrages upon
persons and property which the colonial
law could not promptly redress.

Lyon, !Mary, educator; born in Buck-
land, Mass., Feb. 28, 1797; acquired with
much difficulty an education that she
deemed necessary to fit her to become a
teacher; and, after teaching for nearly
twenty years, founded at South Hadley,
Mass., on a plan combining domestic labor
with an advanced curriculum, the Mount
Holyoke Female Seminary, of which she
was president till her death. The institu-
tion has since become Mount Holyoke Col-
lege and the model for a number of schools
for young women. She died in South
Hadley, Mass., March 5, 1849.

Lyon, Matthew, legislator; born in
County Wicklow, Ireland, in 1746; emi-
grated to America at the age of thirteen,
and was assigned to a Connecticut farmer
for a sum of money to pay for his passage.
Subsequently he settled in Vermont and
became lieutenant in a company of " Green
Mountain Boys," in 1775, but was cash-
iered for deserting his post. He served
in the Northern Army awhile afterwards,
and held the rank of colonel while serving
as commissary-general of militia. In 1778
he was deputy secretary to the governor
of Vermont; and after the war he built
saw-mills and grist-mills, a forge, and
a mill for manufacturing paper, where
he had founded the t9wn of Fairhaven, in
Rutland county. Lyon served in the State
legislature, and was a judge of Rutland
county in 1786. He established the Free-
man's Library (newspaper), which he con-
ducted with ability. From 1797 to 1801 he
was a member of Congress, and gave the
vote which made Jefl'erson President of
the United States. For a libel on Presi-
dent Adams, in 1708. he was confined four
months in jail and fined $1,000. In 1801

499

liYON— LYTLE

he went to Kentucky, ana represented that
State in Congress from 1803 to 1811.
Ruined pecuniarily by the building of
gunboats for the War of 1812-15, he went
to Arkansas, and was appointed terri-
torial delegate to Congress, but did not

NATHANIET, LYOV.
(From a» old daguerreotype. )

live to take his seat, dying in Spadra
BluflF, Aug. 1, 1822.

Lyon, Nathaniel, military officer; boi'n
in Ashford, Conn., July 14, 1818; killed
in battle, Aug. 10, 1861; graduated at
West Point in 1841. He served in the
war in Florida and against Mexico, where
he gained honors for gallant conduct: be-
came captain in 1851; and when the Civil
War broke out was placed in command of
the arsenal at St. Louis, where he out-
witted and outgeneralled the Confeder-
ates. Commissioned brigadier-general of
volunteers in May, ISfil, the command of
the department devolved on him, June 1.
He acted with great vigor against the

Confederates under the governor (Jack-
son) of Missouri; he attacked a large
force at Wilson's Creek, near Springfield,
on Aug. 10, 1861; and was killed in the
battle. Lyon was unmarried, and be-
queathed nearly all his property (about
$30,000) to the government to assist in
preserving the Union.

Lyons, Richard Bickerton Pemell,
Lord, diplomatist; born in Lymington,
England, April 26, 1817; the only son of
the first Lord Lyons; was educated at Ox-
ford; filled many -diplomatic appoint-
ments, including 'attache at Athens in
1839, at Dresden in 1852, and at Florence
in 1853; was envoy to Tuscany in 1858;
became British minister to the United
States in the latter year, and held the
post till 1865, when he became ambassa-
dor to Constantinople; and was ambassa-
dor to France in 1867-87. He succeeded
to the barony in 1858; became a member
of the privy council in 1865; and was
made a viscount in 1881, and an earl in
1887. He died in London, England, Dec,
5, 1887.

Lytle, William Haines, military offi-
cer; born in Cincinnati, Nov. 2, 1826;
graduated at Cincinnati College in 1843;
served in the war against Mexico, and
was Democratic candidate for lieutenant-
governor of Ohio in 1857, but was de-
feated. In command of the 10th Ohio
Regiment, he served in western Virginia
in 1861, and was wounded. He was
in command of a brigade under General
Mitchell; was wounded in the battle of
Perryville and made brigadier-general. He
served under Rosecrans, and was killed
in the battle of Chickamauga, Sept. 20
1863.

3174

L88

1905

▼.6

■^>SI^

( ;.y

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Full text of "Harper's encyclopædia of United States history from 458 A.D. to 1905 : based upon the plan of Benson John Lossing"

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